Ytl.
Edited by EDWARD ARBE&, F.S.A.,
Mw of King's College, London; Hon. Member of the Virginia Historical Society: hxaminer in English Language and Literature. Victoria University, Manchester ; Professor of knglish Language and Literature, Sir Josiah Mason's College, Birmingham.
WILLIAM ROY and JEROME BARLOW.
REDE ME AND BE NOTT W ROT HE. 1528.
A PROPER DYALOGE BETWEENE A GENTILLMAN
AND A HUSBANDMAN, ETC. 1530.
A COMPENDIOUS TREATISE, ETC. 1530.
Sir W. RALEIGH— G MARKHAM J. H. van LINSCHOTEN.
THE LAST FIGHT OF THE REVENGE AT SEA. 1591.
„'.'•
BARN.ABE GOOGE.
EGLOGS, EPYTAPHES, AND SONETTES. 1563.
BIRMINGHAM: MONTAGUE ROAD. 1871.
(All rights reserved.)
Rede me and be nott wrotke, For I faye no thinge but trothe.
WRITTEN BY
WILLIAM ROY and JEROMK BARLOWK.
English Observant Franciscan Friars. PRINTED BY JOHN SCHOTT AT STRASBURG IN 1528.
A PROPER DYALOGE BETWENE A GENTILLMAN AND A HUSBANDMAN:
Eche complaynynge to other their miferable cala mite through the ambition of the clergy e.
TOGETHER WITH A COMPENDIOUS OLDE TREATYSE :
Shewynge howe that we ought to hatte the Scripttire in Englyfflie. WRITTEN BY A LOLLARD, ABOUT 1450 A.D.
PRINTED BY HANS LUFT AT MARBURG, HESSE, IN 1530. From the Unique copy in the British Museum.
Edited by EDWARD ARBER, F.S.A.
FeUow of King's College, London; Hon. Member of the Virginia Historical Society
Examiner in English Language and Literature, Victoria University, Manchester
Professor of English Language and Literature,
Sir yosiah Mason's College, Birmingham.
BIRMINGHAM:
MONTAGUE ROAD. 20 September 1871. No. 28.
(All rights reserved.)
CONTENTS.
£ ^ ^ I INTRODUCTION, ..... 3
O Q 0 O A NOTES of WILLIAM ROY and JEROME BARLOW, . 9
^ ' OKA- SKETCH OF CARDINAL WOLSEY'S CAREER, &c., . 15
BIBLIOGRAPHY, . 18
\ I. READ ME AND BE NOT WROTH, . 19
This small treatise as a glass or mirror most clear before all men's eyes, p. 23.
1. Frontifpiece, . . , . .' 19
2. The description of the Arms, ... 20
3. Letter from N. O. [abroad] to P. G. [in England], 21
4. [Dialogue between the Author of the work and the Treatife], .... 26
In t fie preface whereof manifestly they shall perceive how great danger now-a-days it is, the truth either to describe with pen or with tongue to declare, p. 23.
5. The [Mock] Lamentation [for the deceafe of the Mafs. Suppofed to have been uttered by a Strafburg priefl], 30
In the Lamentation following, made by a belly beast, engendered among the greasy or anointedheap,otherwisecalled the Papistical sect, . . . they may surely grope and feel whereof our spiritual lords masters and {falsely so named) have proceeded and are come. p. 23.
6. A brief Dialogue between a [i.e. the above] prieft's two fervants, named WATKYN and JEFFRAY. [The Firft Part is fuppofed to have occurred before dinner], 37
7. The Second Part [of the Dialogue. After dinner], 70 In the Dialogue ensuing or brief Interlude is [the} Mass described with its abominable ministers, Popes, Cardinals, Bishops, Abbots, Monks, friars, and like other. IV herein also is declared what trees
(hey are, with their fruit : and what they shall remain, their Mass once disannulled and put down, p. 23.
INTRODUCTION, . . . . . 125
II. A PROPER DIALOGUE BETWEEN A GEN TLEMAN AND A HUSBANDMAN. Each com-
plaining to other their miserable calamity through the am bition of the Clergy, . . . . 129
1. An A. B. C. to the Spirituality, . . 129
2. [A Preface in verfe. To the Chriftian reader], . 130
3. THE DIALOGUE, . . . -133
4. [The fragment, viz. Chap, vi., to the end of] an OLD [Lollard] TREATISE made about the time of Richard II., 150
5. [THE DIALOGUE concluded], . . . 169
III. A COMPENDIOUS OLD [LOLLARD} TREA TISE [written about 1450 A.D.] ; Showing how that we ought to have the Scripture in Englt/h^ . . 1 70
1. The excufation of the Treatise, . . . 170
2. Unto the Reader, . . . .170
3. A COMPENDIOUS OLD TREATISE, &c., . 172
Rede me and be nott wrothe, For I speake no thinge but trothe.
INTRODUCTION.
v:*JHe old imperial city of Strafburg was one of the cities 1 of refuge to the early Proteftant reformers, efpeciaily
to thofe of the fchool of Zuingle. It was a Free City. Gradually the inhabitants had won from its Prince- Bifhops the fubftance of felf-government : until by the conftitu- tion of 1482, (which furvived for three centuries, until it was swept away in the florm of the French Revolution) they were confirmed in the perfect control of their own affairs. The con- ftitution of that year vetted the executive government in a Senate of thirty nobles, aflifted by two councils of The Thirteen and The Fifteen, which, however, were ufually fpoken of as one, by the name of an older council, viz. The One and Twenty.
The famous city enjoyed many privileges. In its turn, it was the feat of the German diet ; and it could coin money ; but what moft helped Proteftantifm in that diftrict was its privilege of being a facred afylum to all refugees, not excepting even criminals.
MATTHEW ZELL, the Apoftle of the Reformation in Alface, \b. at Kaiferberg, 1477 — d, 9 Jan. 1548] who had been Rector of Freiburg in Brifgau, came to Strafburg in 1518, and was then appointed preacher of the chapel of St. Lawrence in the Cathe dral, an office which he held with great acceptance for thirty years, until his death.
Zell welcomed, in the year 1523, three diftinguifhed Reformers, who took refuge in this bulwark city from the troubles and threatening ftorms around them. Thefe were (i.) His old fel low-student at Erfurt, WOLFGANG FABRICIUS KOEPFEL, latin ized CAPITO [b. at Hagenau, 1478 — d. 8 Dec. 1551] who came to affume the priory of St. Thomas, which Leo X. had, of his own accord, given to him two years previoufly. (2. ) In the same month of May, came MARTIN BUCER, or rather BUTZER [b. at Schelftadt, 1491 — d. at Cambridge, 28 Feb. 1552], who was accompanied by his wife. (3. ) And at fome other date in the fame year, came the difciple of CEcolampadius, CASPAR HEDIO [b. at Ettlingen, 1494 — d. at Strafburg, 17 Oct. 1552] who, with his matter and Capito, had begun a Reformation at Bade, even before Luther had spoken out.
Thefe four men led the way to the Reformation at Strafburg. The latter three are named by Roy at p. 40, together with two others of leffer fame; JOHANN KELNER or KELLER, latinized CELLARIUS, one of the beft preachers of the Reformation, and other fcholar, whom he calls SYMPHORIAN. The only
4 Introduction.
perfon cf that name about this time that we can trace is a French Doctor, Hiftorian, and Philofopher, named SymphorienChampier, latinized Benedict Curtius Symphorianus \b. at Saint Sympho- rien le Chateau in 1472 — d. 1533]; but he appears to have lived at Lyons, and not in any way to have been connected with the Strafburg Proteftants.
2. Three years later, fo far as we can judge about April 1526, the Englifh Francifcan monk, WILLIAM ROY, journeyed from Worms to Strafburg. He had been aflifting, with hearty, though not entirely difmterefted effort, at the fecret production of the Inflrument, which he knew to be the mofl powerful of all others for the Reformation of his own country, viz., the printed New Teftament in Englim. While thofe precious volumes were floating down the Rhine England-ward : Roy journeyed upwards, with a confcioufnefs that, whatever elfe he had or had not done, his mare, whether great or fmall, excel lent or unworthy, in that tranflation, had forfeited for him his life, if only he could be caught by the Englim hierarchy.
Poflibly as he travelled he thought of his mother in London; or, looking back on his early days, of his ftudies and univerfity life at Cambridge, of his novitiate at the convent at Greenwich, of the hour of his folemn vow, and of his eyes being opened to the enormities and fcandals of monkifh life and manners, as he, in this tract, writes them down for a perpetual difhonour. He might have thought of the royal Palace hard by; he might have recalled the rife of the Lord Legate, and thought of his doings- held up herein to everlafting infamy — up to the time when he himfelf left England : he might then have remembered the caufes of his going abroad (to us unknown, though we may certainly credit him with flrong yearnings after a purer and nobler life) ; of his first meeting with Tyndale on the continent, either previous to his arrival at Cologne or during his refidence there; then of the heavy work of writing and comparifon of texts ; then of the detection of their work but not of them by Cochloeus, whom he contemptuoufly calls herein that 'vrchyn Coclaye'; then of their flight with the printed fheets up the Rhine to Worms, and of their completion of the Quarto, and production of the Octavo edition of the Teftament there. Further, he might have thought over his quarrel with Tyndale (of which he would have his own verfion), of their parting, and of his refolve to go onward up the Rhine valley. So, protected by the indifcriminancy of and general refpect for his white garb, he fafely reached Strafburg.
3. The current Proteftant talk there, probably was a difcuflion of Luther's tract, DC Servo Arbitrio, printed at Wittenberg in the previous December, in anfwer to Erafmus' earlier work De libero Arbitrio, printed at Bade in 1523, fee /. 42; and the Theological Difputation,then going on, at Baden, in Switzerland.
Introduction. 5
At that Difputation,brought about by the twelve Swifs cantons, the Dominican John Faber, John Eck the theologian of Ingold- ftadt, and the Francifcan Thomas Murner the great Roman Catholic fatirift of the time, together with the legates of the Biftiops of Conftance, Bade, Coire, and Lucerne, defended the Mafs, Prayers for the Dead, Invocation of Saints, the retention of Images, and the exiftence of Purgatory; againfl GEcolampadius and other Proteftant divines. The refult was indecifive, inas much as no change was made : every one, whether Proteftant or Catholic, continuing in the fame belief and practice as before. Roy refers to Faber, Eck, Murner, with Emfer, at pp. 41, 42.
4. A year later, May 1527, one of his old companions of the Greenwich brotherhood, JEROME BARLOW, who had called on Tyndale at Worms, on his way up, found out Roy at Straf- burg, and they two appear to have continued together for fome months.
5. In December of that year came the news that the Bernefe — the chief Swifs canton — diffatiffied with the refult of the Baden Conference, and angry at its acts not having been communicated to them, had fixed another Difputation for the 7th of January following. With the invitations thereto, the Bernefe fent out ten Articles, to which the Difcuffion was to be limited. They endeavoured to compel the reprefentation of the neighbouring Bifhops of Conftance, Bafle, Sion, and Laufanne, under threat of forfeiture of all their lands and goods in the canton, in the event of the non-appearance of their delegates; and they iffued fafe conducts to whoever elfe would come.
On the day of affembly, 7 Jan. 1528, reprefentatives from Bafle, Schaffhaufen, Zurich, Appenzel, Strafburg, Ulm, Augfburg, Conftance, Lindau, and other cities, were prefent, but no one appeared on behalf of the Catholic bifhops. The two Bernefe paftors, Francis Colb and Berthold Haller, who had drawn up the Ten Articles, were amfted by Zwingle, CEcolampadius, Bucer, Capito, Bla'rer, and others. On the oppofite fide the principal difputant was the Auguftine Conrad Treiger, who, as loon as the judges decided not to admit any other authority than fimple Scripture, left the place. The fpeeches will be found officially summarized in Handlung oder Afta gehaltner Difputa tion zum Bernn in iichtland : printed by Chriftophel Frofchover at Zurich, in 410, with the date of 23 March 1528.
The Ten Articles were carried by a large majority, and the Difputation came to an end on 25 January 1528. Immediately after which the Mafs, Altars, Images, &c., were legally sup- preffed in the Canton and its vicinity.
6. The effect of this Difputation was very great. Conftance followed Berne; and Geneva, Conftance. In Strafburg, there continued a great fight of opinion all through the year upon the
6 Introduction.
fubject; until the Mafs was finally abolifhed in that city at 8 A.M. on 2Oth of January 1529, by a majority of 184 to I of the Magif- tracy ; 94 others voting for its provifional maintenance only until the next Diet.
. One further refult of the Difputation of Berne we believe to be Rede we and be nott ivrothe. Otherwife there feems to be no immediate motive or purpofe in putting into the mouth of a Strafburg prieft the opening Mock-Lamentation of this Inter lude bemoaning the deceafe of the Mafs. The whole point of the Invective is that the Mafs is dead but not buried. It was morally defunct but not officially aboliflied. As a matter of fact the Mass was not 'buried' at Strafburg till 20 February 1529, whereas we know that this Invective had been fent to England early in 1528; and on the ift September of that year, Herman Rynck was buying up for Wolfey every copy of it that he could lay his hands upon anywhere in the Rhine valley. We were inclined to put its compofition late in 1527, but we now think it was written not earlier than February or March 1528. The latefl allufion in the Text feems to be the fack of Rome under Bourbon in May 1527 'now of late' fee at/. 121.
'8. Though Roy and Barlow lay the fcene of the Interlude at Strafburg, see /. 39, it is clear that they do not localize the * deceafe ' to that particular town. They allude as parts of the death Jlruggle to Erafmus' De libero Arbitrio of Sept. 1523, at/. 42; to Faber's appointment as chaplain, in 1526, to the king of the Romans, afterwards the Emperor Ferdinand II. , at p. 42; and to Cochlaeus' Refponfeo in epiftolam Bugenhagij Pomerani ad Anglos, printed late in 1526, see /. 44; and to the defence of the Mafs by the univerfities of Cologne and Louvain so early as 1519. So that this part of the Invective is but a dramatized reprefentation of the Reformation-druggie in Germany, and efpecially during the two years 1526-8 that Roy was in the country.
9. Such being the locale, the queft or plot is (imply this. The Mafs is dead in Germany, where (hall it be buried ! At Rome? In France? In England? This is debated by two fervants of a Strafburg prieft, apparently, however, not hitherto very intimate with each other. Watkyn, evidently a citizen, is full of faith in the power of the gofpel ; Jeffray, a new-comer from England, who has been 'in religion a dozen years continually,' is full of the craft and fubtilties of the clergy. Thus the fharpeft contraft is kept up in the Dialogue. At lad, they fix on A'Becket's fhrine at Canterbury as the appropriate grave for the dead Mafs. Who then (hall be the buriers? The Cardinal? The Bifhops? the Secular Clergy? the four orders of mendicant Friars? or the Obfervant Friars? In the difcufiion of their refpective fitnefs for this purpofe occurs the opportunity for expofing their mifdeeds ; and it is on this framework that the attnck is made upon the hierarchy, priefthood, and monafticifm of England.
TntrodtttRori. 7
It was from this queft, as alfo the refrain of the Lamenta tion on//. 30-36, that the tract — having itfelf no specific title — came to be known as The burning of the Mafs in Rhyme.
10. We now come to the other afpecT: of the book. Oftenfibly it was written by P. G. in England, and fent to N. O., an Englifhman abroad, to print. But this was but a blind. The initials N. O. P. G. [? for Q] are apparently quite arbitrary. Tyndale in May 1528, and More in 1529, proclaimed its real authors to be Roy and Barlow; and we know from Rynck's letter that the impreffion confifted of a thoufand copies, and that it was printed by John Schott at Strafburg.
It was written for circulation in England. A fearfully dan gerous book to write or even to poffefs at that time. Intrin- fically it is one of the worthiest Satires in our language. Its fpirit is excellent. I fay no thinge but trothe is its true motto. It is more fait than bitter; and where bitter, it is more from its facts than its expreffion. The book is the embodiment of the refentment of its authors at the burning of Tyndale's New Tefta- ments at Paul's Crofs in 1526. They juftify their writing it by the expreffion of their belief, that there are three ftages of admo nition employed by the Almighty towards wicked men. Firft, He mows them His word in purity. That failing, He ftirs up fome men's fpirit to endite their faults, making utterance of their mifchief. Thefe two methods being of no avail, He deftroys them with peftilence and fword. So God had fent them the Englifh New Teflament. They had burnt it. He had now ftirred up thefe Francifcans to this general Indictment. Let them beware left a worfe thing happen unto them. Mere ribald fcoffing is thus disclaimed — ' I hope that the rede what ever he be/ will nott take this worke as a thing convicious/ or a principle of hatred and debate,-' p. 23. Yet it is written with great ftrength. Witnefs this ftroke, among others, of the lafh on the profefied fervant of the fervants of our Lord.
SKUat. C Is thisprowde Cardinal! rycher\
Then Chrijl or goode SayncJe Peter\
In whofe roume he dothe succedel 3ef. C The boJjTes of his mulis brydles
Myght bye Chrijl and His difciples As farre as I can ever rede. — p. 122.
But the writers' real fentiments are expreffed, perhaps more than in the 'Dialogue,' in the noble ' balett ' at //. 66-69, of which this is the keynote.
Alas alas.
The world is worffe then evyr it was, Neuer fo depe in miferable decaye\ But it cannot thus endure all ways.
8 Introduction.
And fo flanza follows stanza, with the plaintive refrain, more of faith than of hope —
But it cannot thus endure all waye,
a certain inftinct of a coming Reformation, as the 'balett' itfelf is a record of the utmoft need of one.
In ftrong contrafl with this is the 'brefe oration' in which the writers meafure themfelves againft the Cardinal's furioufnefs. Oh to have feen Wolfey reading that !
11. Thus far we have dealt with the hiftory and literary characteriftics of this Invective. There remain its actual afler- tions. So far as we have been able to teft them, they are, for the mod part, with but a trifling exaggeration here and there, ' no thinge but trothe.' The parties moft largely flagellated are Wolfey and the Obfervants. Juft thofe, in fact, whom Roy and Barlow, fometime members of the Greenwich monaftery, would probably be befl acquainted with. This is an incidental internal proof of their authorfliip of the tract. Note efpecially the Ob- fervant Friar carrying in his fleeve his bladder full of ginger, nutmegs, or grains, when walking his ftations, /. 82.
An examination of the affertions is beyond our prefent limits. They muft be taken as prinid facie teftimony refpecting Englifh fociety, just when monafticifm was ripening to its fall. If true, as we take them to be in the main, they fimply and alone, amply juftify the fupprefiion of the monafteries in this country, of which diflblution there is a forerunning cry in thefe lines.
Yet had we the Kynges licence I We wolde "with outen diffidence/
Their golden Jhrynes in peces brake, p. III.
12. In conclufion. We cannot suppofe that this Invective exercifed any very large immediate influence. Rynck effectually flopped that. It is furprifmg that any of the thoufand copies mould have efcaped the fweep of his net, and the fubfequent hunt by Wolsey and More. The firfl edition muft ever be regarded as a fupprefled book. So much is this fo, that it actually does not occur in the lift of fupprefled books of 1542. Yet its truths and facts found expreflion in other contemporary writings ; while pofterity is much indebted to the two Francifcans for thefe excellent photographs of Englifh clerical life of the time, of the proud infolent opprefliveness and ungodly living of the King's favourite ; and of the advent and official reception upon Englifh foil of the printed vernacular New Teftaments.
Ncwe hidder come to R EM A YNE. p. 1 18.
NOTES
respecting
WILLIAM ROY AND JEROME BARLOW,
Observant Friars of the Order of St. Francis, and belonging to the Monastery of Greenwich.
* Approximate or probable dates.
We have in the Facsimile Text of The First Printed New Testament pub lished in the spring of this year (1870), sifted and collected into one focus most of the contemporary evidence now extant respecting the translation, circulation, burning, and confiscation of our first printed English Testaments. Among the evidence therein adduced will be found quotations from the present text, which occur on //. 114-120, 46-7, of this Reprint, which are contemporary testimony to Wolsey's secret Council with the Bishops, and especially the subsequent burning before Bp. Tonstal at Paul's Cross, of copies of Tyndale's New Testament.
We need not therefore go over that ground again here, nor quote the original Latin texts which will be found in that volume. Our immediate purpose now is to give such few particulars as are known of these two friars, and we will, for that intent, take as proved facts, the results arrived at in that Facsimile Text.
Bp. Tanner \_Notit, Monast. edit. Nasm. Pref. p. xiii,] gives the following account of the Friars-minors : —
"St. Francis, who was contemporary with St. Dominic, but of another country, being born at Assise in Italy, in the province of Umbria, and duchy of Spoletum, A.D. 1182, was founder of the Franciscan, Grey, or Minor Friars. The first name they had from their founder, the second from their grey clothing, and the third they took out of pretended humility. Their rule was drawn up by St. Francis, A.D. 1209; approved by Pope Innocent III. A.D. 1210, and by the general Lateran Council A.D. 1215. Their habit was a loose garment of a grey colour, reaching down to their ankles, with a cowl of the same, and a cloak over it when they went abroad. They girded themselves with cords, and went barefooted. Davenport saith, they came into England A.D. 1219. But the general opinion is, that they came hither A.D. 1224, and had their first House at Canterbury, and their second at London.
" Some considerable relaxation having by degrees crept into this Order, it was thought requisite to reform it, and to reduce it, as near as might be, to its first rule and institution. Whereupon such as continued under the relax ation were called CONVENTUALS, and such as accepted the reformation were called OBSERVANTS or RECOLLECTS. This reformation was begun about A.D. 1400, by St. Bernard or Bernardin of Sienna, confirmed by the Council of Constance A.D. 1414, and afterwards by Eugenius IV. and other Popes. King Edward the Fourth is commonly said to have brought them [i.e. the Observants] into England, but I find no certain account of their being here till King Henry the Seventh built two or three houses for them." — Quoted in Dugdale's Monasticon Anglicanum, viii. 1502, Ed. 1830.
Lyspns gives the following account of the Monastery at Greenwich : —
"King Henry the Seventh, by his charter bearing date 1486, after reciting that his predecessor King Edward IVth had, by the Pope's license, given to certain Minorites, or Observant Friars of the Order of St. Francis, a piece of ground adjoining to his palace, on which were some ancient buildings; and that these Friars having taken possession, and having laid the first stone with great solemnity, began to build several small mansions in honour of the Virgin Mary, St. Francis, and All Saints, granted and confirmed the said premises, and founded a Convent of Friars of the Order above described, to consist of a Warden and twelve brethren at the least. It is said he afterwards rebuilt their Convent for them from their foundation. Katherine (Henry the
i o NOTES RESPECTING WILLIAM ROY
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. '. It is specially to be observed that Cochlaeus did not see the two Eng lishmen nor a sheet of their impression ; he seems also not to have known even their names.
1525. DEC. 2. Dr. LEE, the king's almoner, journeying through France into
Spain, thus writes to the king from Bordeaux : — " Please it your Highnesse moreover to understand that I am certainlie enformed as I passed in this contree that an Englishman, your subject, at the solicita tion and instance of Luther, with whome he is, hathe translated the Newe Testament in to English, and within fewe days entendethe to arrive with the same emprinted in England."— Cott. Vesp. K. iii.fol. 211. orig.
1526. "JAN. or *FEB. The New Testaments were finished at Worms.
Now comes Tyndale's own explicit testimony, and the earliest mention of Roy by name. " Whyle I abode a faythful com- panyon which now hath taken an other vyage vpon him/ to preach christ where (I suppose) he was neuer yet preached (God which put in his herte thyther to goo sende his sprite with him/ comforte him and bringe his pur pose to good effecte) one William Roye a man somewhat craftye when he cometh vnto new acquayntance and before he be thorow knowen and namely when all is spent/ came vnto me and offered his helpe. As longe as he had no money/ somwhat I could ruele him : but as sone as he had goten him money/ he became lyke hym selfe agayne. Neuerthelesse I suffered all thinges tyll yat was ended whych I coulde not doo alone wythout one both to wryte and to helpe me to ccmpare ye textes together. When that was ended I toke my leue and bode him farewel for cure two Hues/ and as men saye a daye longer." Preface to The Parable of the Wycked Mammon, finished at Marburg 8 May 1058.
It is clear from this that Roy was with Tyndale from the time he first joined until the printing was completely finished. 'The faythful companyon' does not seem to have been concerned in the translation and printing at all, but merely to have been Tyndale's friend and solace. Otherwise his leaving the translator in the emergency and with his good wishes, is inexplicable. There fore Roy was the other Englishman who fled with Tyndale up the Rhine.
So the work having at length come to an end, Tyndale set himself to prepare
1526. SPRING, for translating the Old Testament by studying Hebrew.
What became of Roy he thus us in continuation : "After we were departed he went/ and gate him new frendes which thinge to doo he passeth all that euer I yet knewe. And there when he had stored hym of money he gote him to Argentine where he pro- fesseth wonderfull faculties and maketh bost of no small thinges." — Idem.
1527. SPRING. He then thus introduces us to Jerome Barlow —
"A yere after that and now. xii. monethes before the pryntinge of this worke/ [finished 8 May 1528,] came one lerom a brother of Grenewich also/ thorow wormes to Argentine/ [Stras- burg] sayenge that he entended to be Christes disciple an other whyle and to kepe (as nye God wolde gyue him grace) the profession of his baptim/ and to gett his lyuing with his handes/ and to lyue no longer ydely and of the swete and laboure of those captyues whiche they had taught/ not to byleue in Chryst : but in cuttshowes and russet coetes. Which lerom with all diligence I warned of Royes boldnesse and exhorted hym to bewarre of hym and to walke quyetly and with all pacience and longe soflferinge acordinge as we haue Chryste and his apostles for an ensample/ which thinge he also promysed me. Neuerthelesse when he was comen to Argentine William Roye (whos tpnge is able not only to make foles sterke madde/ but also to disceyue the wisest that is at the fyrst syght and acquayntaunce) gate him to hym and set him a werke to make rymes/ whyle he hym selfe trans lated a dialoge out of laten in to Englysh/ in whose prologe he promyseth moare a greate deal than I fere me he wyll euer paye.
This passage indubitably fixes the authorship of Rede me and be nott ivrothe upon these two Franciscan friars; more particularly assigning to Barlow its expression and to Roy its matter ; not but what Roy must have been indebted to BaWow, who apparently had come straight from England, for some of his home facts, down to say April 1527.
12 NOTES RESPECTING WlLLIAM ROY
Roy's translation 'outoflnten* above referred to is apparently now lost. The title of the original Latin text, of unknown authorship, is given by Mr. Park, in Harleian Misc., ix. 3, Ed. 1812, as inter patrem Christianum et jiliunt contumacem dialogiim Ckristianu>n. It was written against the seven sacraments, as the following passage in Sir T. More's Supplycacyon oj Soulys, published in the summer of 1529, proves.
" They parceyuyngthys/ haue therfore furste assayd the furst way a)l redy/sendyng forth Tyndals translacyon of the new testament in such wyse handled as yt should haue bene the fountayn and well spryng of all theyr hole heresies. For he had corrupted and purposely changed in many placys the text/ with such wordys as he myght make yt seme to the vnlerned people/ that the scrypture affirmed theyr heresyes it selfe. Then cam sone after out in prynt the dyaloge of frere Roy and frere Hyerome/ betwene ye father and ye sonne agaynst ye sacrament of ye aulter; and the blasphemouse boke entytled the beryeng of the masse, [i.e. Rede me, &c.] Then cam forth after Tyndals wykkyd boke of Mammona [dated 8 May 1528] and after that his more wykkyd boke of obydyence [dated 2 October 1528]. jol. xix,.b." 1528. AUG. 5. Wolsey sends orders to Rynck to buy up everywhere bo^ks
printed in English, and to arrest Roy and Tyndale. SEPT. i. Rynck gets Roy's books out of the pawn of the Frankfort OCT. 4. Jews. He writes thus to Wolsey: "Most holy and most gracious father in Christ, most merciful lord — after offering my humble and willing service to your Holiness's pleasure, with grateful and sincere mind, I wish to inform your grace and fatherhood as follows.
Your grace's letters dated August 5, at your palace of Hampton Court, were given to me by John West priest of the order of St. Francis de Obser- vantia, at Cologne on Sept. 21, having been sent on from Frankfort by a swift messenger in two days, which letters ordered me to buy up everywhere books printed in English, and to arrest Roy and Hutchins. They and their accomplices have not been seen at Frankfort since Easter and the market after Lent, and it is not known whither they have gone, and whether they are alive or dead. John Schott, citizen of Strasburg, their engraver, says he does not know whither they have vanished. Their books indeed are stuffed with heresy, full of envy and slander against your grace's glory and honour, and what is worst and contrary to Christian charity, make the king's serenity, my most kind and noble lord and illustrious prince, infamous to all wor shippers of Christ. However, I, as a most humble, faithful and diligent servant, three weeks before receiving your grace's letters, heard and per ceived that those very books had been pawned to the Jews at Frankfort for a certain sum of money, and then, on my own account, I laboured and endeavour ed to get hold of them as soon as possible. The engraver [i.e. printer], John Schott, demanded beside the interest for the Jews, the pay for his labour and the expense of the paper, and said that he should sell them to whoever would give the most money. So, as your grace had sent me letters and commissions from England, I immediately spared neither my person, my money, nor my trouble, (as I was bound to do,) but made use of the privileges
previously received from his Imperial Majesty. I gained over the consuls of Frankfort and some senators and judges, by gifts and presents, so that I might scrape and heap together all those books from every place; which was
done in three or four places, so that I hope that all of those books yet printed are in my possession, except two which your grace's commissary the above named John West asked for and received from me for the greater profit and advantage of the king's grace and yours. Two books indeed, I gave him, as I found him faithful and diligent for your grace, whom he has often served and doubtless will in future serve. Unless I had discovered it, and interfered, the books would have been enclosed and hidden in paper covers, packed in ten bundles covered with linen and conveyed in time by sea, craftily and without exciting any suspicion to Scotland and England, where they would have been sold only as blank paper ; but I think that very few, or none, have been exported or sold. Besides I have . . . and procured from the consuls of Frankfort a prohibition strengthened by oaths, of their
AND JEROME BARLOW. 13
further printing from copper types, and the engraver himself is bound by his oath to send me the original written copy. In addition to this, I will endea vour in every way to arrest Roy and Hutchins and other opponents and rebels of the king's grace and yours, and to find out where they live, as John West, and my son Hermann Rynck and John Geilkyrche my servant will assure you by word of mouth, to whom your grace may give credence just as to myself, for they will keep silence concerning and conceal whatever orders your grace gives them. I send them now to the king's grace and yours, chiefly on account of the favourable issue of the business, and that I may show and do a thing pleasing to the king's grace and yours."
. . These privileges, in my opinion, contain that throughout the whole Roman Empire, especially in Germany, no rebels or traitors to the king of England shall be kept or suffered, much less heretics who excite sedition among the Christians of the whole kingdom of England. By force of this privilege, Edmund de la Pole, who called himself the duke of Suffolk, was demanded by king Philip, to be sent into England, as was fitting. Then William Roy, William Tyndale, Jerome Barlow, Alexander Barclay, and their adherents, formerly Observants of the order of St. Francis, but now apostates, George Constans also, and many other rebels of the king's grace, ought to be arrested, punished and delivered up on account of Lutheran heresy, which ought to be blotted out and rooted up, to confirm the Christian faith, of which there is much need in the kingdom of England. This opinion of mine the aforesaid privilege will show much more clearly, but I have re tained no copy of it. Your grace's excellent prudence however will be able to consider and manage these matters more prudently than I can express them in writing. When therefore such a mandate comes to me hither, I will execute it to the honour of Almighty God, your grace and the whole realm of England, as a Christian, and with all my diligence, strength and care.
In this manner therefore, for the safety and profit of the king's grace and yours, and of all the subjects of the English realm, both religious and secu lar, as far as I could with divine help, and according to your grace's com mand, I searched for heretical books, sparing neither labour nor money. I went to the market at Frankfort with a papal and imperial mandate, using especially the privileges or mandates which I obtained from the late Emperor Maximilian and now hold from the present Emperor Charles. I compelled the engraver John Schott to take an oath before the consuls, judges, and senators of Frankfort to confess how many of such books he had printed in English, German, French or other languages. Then he confessed on oath that he had only printed hitherto a thousand books of six quires [or signa tures. This is Roy's translation 'out of laten'J, and a thousand of nine quires [The first edition of this Invective consists of nine signatures. A to I.] in the English tongue, at the order of Roy and Hutchins, who had no money to pay for the books printed, much less to have them printed in other languages. Wherefore I bought almost all these, and have them at my house at Cologne, as my son will show your grace and will request your grace to inform me what you wish to be done with the book? so bought, which shall then be executed and done with all diligence as far a? possible to me and mine with God's favour, to show our duty to the king's grace and yours. So may your grace fare well for many happy years. Dated at Cologne, 4 October, 1528."
Rynck confounds Tyndale with Roy: otherwise his secret information seems exact and true.
1528. DEC. 17. In a letter of this same red-hot zealot, West, we obtain the following further valuable information : —
" Syr. The cause of my writing unto your Mastership at this time is this. Our father minister, who is Father William Robbynson, Warder of Greenwich, was yesterday or this day, at my Lord's Grace to complain upon me, and that my Lord should take away the commission from me. And all because they will not let me come to London and to seek for them that my Lord knoweth of, and to enquire -where Roy was, when he was in England with his mother, and for other sort of business according to my
14 NOTES RESPECTING WILLIAM ROY AND JEROME BARLOW.
commission, And they have great indignation at me because I have sped so well, and because there are more of them guilty in the matter of Lutherans. Wherefore I pray you to help now as my special trust is in you, and the sooner the better. If you can get the obediency send it to me to Greenwich by one of your servants, and that he deliver it to no man but to myself. For I am weary of my life among them ; and all because I see them that they be willing to maintain these rebellious heretics in their mischief, and they pray to God that they might not [? be taken]. At Greenwich, at our convent, the xvii December A° Dom. 1528. JOHN WEST." The original is Cotton. MS. I'itell. B. x. f. 171.
1529. [? 2 FEB.] Simon Fish's Supplication of the Beggers is scattered in
the streets of London. It is alluded to at>. 144.
SUMMER. Sir T. More answers it in The Supplication o/Soulys, also alluded to at/. 144.
1530. SPRING. A proper Dyalogue is printed at Marburg.
Richard Bayfield, sometime Chamberlain of the Benedictine Monastery of Bury St Edmunds, having gone abroad to Tyndale and Fryth, returns with a large supply of Protestant
MIDSUMMER, books in Latin and English, which he lands at Col chester in Midsummer 1530.
Nov. He lands a second supply at St Catharines at Allhallow tide : but George Constantine having betrayed the consignment to Sir T. More, the Lord Chancellor seizes the whole of them.
1531. EASTER. Undaunted, he lands a third supply in Norfolk, and brings
thtm to London in a mail. Nov. He is arrest.d in Mark Lane, London. Nov. 10 — 21. He undergoes several examinations. Nov. 27. He is burnt at or near Newgate.
DEC. 3 Both the works here printed, are prohibited at Paul's Cross. See List of proscribed books in Lambeth Library MSS. 306. fol. 65. col. 2. printed in Political, Religious, aud Love Poems. Ed. by Mr. Furnivall. 1866. Sir T. More, in the Preface to his Confutacyon of Tyndall's Ansivere. &"c. of 1532, in giving a long catalogue, more or less accurate, of Protestant books, has the following ribald passage respecting Roy, to whom he attributes Tyndale's Ex position of I. Corinthian, vii. c. —
" That work hath no name of the maker, but some wene yt was frere Roy/ whych when he was fallen in heresy, then founde yt vnlawfull to lyue in chastyte, and ranne out of hiys order, and hath synnes sought many a false vnlyefull way to lyue by/ wherein he made so many chaunges, that as Bayfeld a nother heretyque and late burned in smythfeld tolde vnto me/ he made a mete ende at laste, and was burned in Portu- gale."
Bayfield was very likely to know about Roy, and very unlikely to tell the Lord Chancellor anything to his detriment. That Roy should have got to Portugal is at present quite unaccountable ; and provokes the supposition that the Martyr put More on a wrong scent. The archives of that country would readily prove whether an English heretic friar was burnt in that country between 1528 — 1531.
With this notice dies out our present information respecting the Authors of this Invective : unless the slightest possible notice of Roy by Bp. Bale in his lllustriinn tnajoris &c.f. 256. Ed. 1548 be taken into account.
OUTLINE OF THE CAREER
of THOMAS WOLSEY,
Cardinal Archbishop of York, &c., And some Notes of his Children.
Taken chiefly from Thomas' Historical Notes, i. Ed. 1856 ; Le Neve's Fasti Eccles. Angli. Ed'. 1858, &c. ; and The Life of Wolsey, by his Gentleman Usher [? George Cavendish],
1470- ©ct. 9. l^enrr; UI. regtoreli t0 the throne.
1471. MAR. Thomas, the son of Thomas and Joan Wolsey, b. at Ips wich. Cavendish says, 'an honest poore man's son." A. Wood, who somewhat preposterously calls such an untamed tiger as Wolsey ' the greatest, most noble, and most disinterested clergy man of that age,' accuses the author of Rede me, &*c., whom he ignorantly calls a ' canting and severe Puritan,' of first saying that he was a butcher's son ; but the statement — in itself no degradation to an honest mind — occurs much earlier. Mr. Furnivall has printed in Ballads from MSS. i. Ed. 1870, a poem written about 1520, now Harl. MS. 2,252, fol. 156, in which occur these lines —
To see a Churl, a Butcher's cur, To reign and rule in such honour.
John Skelton, writing in 1522-3, Why come ye nat to Courte ; thus refers to it :—
How be it the primordial And his greasy genealogy,
Of his wretched original, He came of the sang royal
And his base progeny, That was cast out of a butcher's stall.
For which poem he fled for sanctuary to Westminster Abbey, where, pro tected by the Abbot Islip, he lived until his death on 29 June 1529.
1471. Sprit 14. lEtfoaro JE jr. mstcrrt to the throne. 1483. aprtl 9— 3une 25. lEntoaro jr. titular Sing. 1483- 3une. &tcrjaro £H. seijcg the Crofon. 1485. Slug. 22. feenrg UII. comes to the Crorjon.
Wolsey's Gentleman Usher states of him — ' Being but a child, was very apt
to be learned ; wherefore by the means of his parents, or of his good friends,
and masters, he was conveied to the university of Oxonford, where he
shortly prospered so in learning, as he told me by his owne mouthe, he was
1486. made Bachellor of Arts, when he past not fifteen years of
age, in so much that for the rareness of his age, he was called
most commonly, through the University, the Boy Bacheler.
1500. OCT. 10. WOLSEY is made Fellow of Magdalen college, and Master
of Magdalen school." Is instituted Parson of Lymington,
near Ilchester, in Somersetshire.
1507. AUTUMN. Performs a journey for the king from Richmond to Flan ders and back in 80 hours. 1509. FEB. 2. Is collated Dean of Lincoln.
FEB. 8. Is collated Prebend (Welton Brinkhall) of Lincoln. MAR. 25. Is installed Dean of Lincoln by proxy.
1509. aprtl 22. l^enrg J1UE. succeed to tfje throne.
1509. MAY 3. Exchanges his Prebendaryship for that of Stow Longa in
the same Cathedral. AUG. 21. Is installed as Dean in person.
Is introduced by Fox, Bp. of Winchester, to the Court. Is made the King's Almoner.
1510. Is made Rector of Torrington.
JULY. 5. Is made Prebend of Hereford. [Resigns it in Jan. 1512], 1511 FEB. 17. Is appointed Canon of Windsor. [Resigns it in 1512],
16 CAREERS OF CARDINAL WOLSEY & HIS CHILDREN.
1512. JAN. 16. Is made Prebend [Bugthorpe] of -York. [Resigns it on being made Bp. of Lincoln in 1514.]
1512. ? Is made Dean of Hereford. [Resigns it 3 Dec. 1512.]
1513. FEB. 19. Is elected Dean of York. Is admitted Dean FEB. 21.
[Resigns it 6 April 1514, having been made Bp. of Lincoln.] Becomes Prime Minister, and has the direction of the sup plies for the army invading France. Is made Bp. of Tournay on its capture. JULY 8. Is collated Precentor of St. Paul's, London,. [Resigns it in
1514, on being made a Bp.] 1513-14. He obtains the ^4bbey of S
1510. FEB. 6. Papal Bulls of Provision to the see of Lincoln. MARCH 4,
A pension is assigned to him by the king of Spain. Appointed Joint-legate with Cardinal Campeggio.
Receives the temporalities. MARCH 27, Is consecrated at Lambeth by Archbp. Wai ham. Resigns various smaller pre ferments as above.
JULY 14. Cardinal Bainbridge, Archbishop of York, is poisoned at
Rome. Wolsey is appointed his successor. AUG. 5, As
Archbp. elect, is entrusted with the custody of the temporaji-
ties. SEPT. 15. Papal bulls for his translation, which are published in York
Cathedral on DEC. 3.
1515. Fox, Bp of Winchester, retires in disgust at Wolsey. The
Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk soon follow. SEPT. 10. Wolsey is made a Cardinal by the title of Sanctte Ceecilitr
trans Tiberint.
DEC. 22. Archbp. Warham resigns the Lord Chancellorship, anc retires from Court. Wolsey succeeds him on the same day.
1517. Appointed to collect the Tenth levied by the Popes for the recovery of the duchy of Urbino.
1518. MAY 17.
JULY 29. Campeggio makes his entry into London.
JULY 30. Papal Bull to hold see of Bath and Wells in commendatn.
AUG. 28, Obtains the temporalities. OCT. Pension of 12,000 livres Tournais allowed him for the loss
of the Bishopric of that town.
1519. Campeggio is recalled.
JUNE 10. Papal commission as sole Legate. Erects a Legate's court.
Is godfather to the second son of Francis I. The Archbp. of
Canterbury complains to the king of Wolsey oppressing the
clergy. The judge of the Legate's court is convicted. Wolsey consequently
hates Warham still more. He had already been violently offended with
him, for subscribing himself Your brother of Canterbury.
1 520. M AY — J u LY. Accompanies the King at The Field of the Cloth of Geld.
1521. APR. His Legatine power is enlarged by Bull.
JULY. Mediator at the Congress of Calais. Abbey of St. Albans granted to him in contmendatn.
1522. Is disappointed of the Papacy. Adrian VI. chosen. Wolsey had two illegitimate children — a son, THOMAS WINTER, to whom he
gave many ecclesiastical offices before he was of age, which Winter resigned on
his father's fall : and also a daughter, who was a nun at Salisbury. [Brewer}
MAR. 27. In order to support the war against France without calling
a Parliament, Wolsey orders by warrant a survey or valuation
of the lands and property. This was followed by a general
loan of the Tenth on the lay subjects, and the Fourth on the clergy. This
made great noise all over the kingdom against the Cardinal.
7522. MAR. 28. WINTER is made Prebend of Lincoln. [He resigns it in 1529.]
1523. JAN. 9. Winter is made Prebend and also Archdeacon of York.
He resigns both in Dec. 1529.]
APR. 15. Convocation and Parliament assemble on the same day.
Wolsey demands and obtains from the clergy a subsidy of Half
their annual revenue, and gets it. He demands 4$. in the
pound of the Commons, and gets zs. He is much mortified at the Commons.
His Legateship prolonged for five years. MAY. Is again disappointed of the Papacy. Clement VII. elecud.
CAREERS OF CARDINAL WOLSEY & HIS CHILDREN. 17
Winter is made Chancellor of Salisbury. [He resigns Jt in 1529.] APR. 30. Wolsey receives the temporalities of the see of Durham m commendam, having resigned Bath and Wells.
1524. JAN. 9. His Legantine powers are granted to him for life.
First suppression of monasteries for his intended colleges at Ipswich and Oxford.
Wolsey is now at the summit of his greatness. He remains,for yet five years as great a man as a subject could well be.
1525. Commotions near London on account of taxes. The King is furious. Wolsey appeases him, and gives him Hampton Court Palace. Henry allows him in exchange to live in his
palace at Richmond.
1526. Further suppression of monasteries for his colleges.
MAR. 24. Winter is made Archdeacon of Richmond. [He resigns it
in 1529.] MAR. 26. Winter is made Dean of Wells. [He resigns it in 1528.]
1527. JULY — SEPT. Wolsey makes his astonishingly pompous progress
to Amiens and back, as Ambassador Extraordinary to the French King, in order to negotiate a match between the Duke of Orleans and the Princess, afterwards Queen Mary.
JULY He sends Dr. Knight, Secretary of State, to Rome touching the divorce.
1528. JAN. He orders the heralds, Clarencieux and Guienne, to de
clare war against Spain, without the King's knowledge. Henry orders this matter to be examined in Council. Wolsey makes his peace with the king.
Ihird suppression of monasteries for his colleges.
1529. APR. 6. Receives temporalities of the see of Winchester in com-
tnendam, having resigned Durham.
MAR. 31. Campeggio and he open the court to try the divorce question. AUTUMN. Whilest these things were thus in hand, the cardinall of Yorke was aduised that the king had set his affection vpon a yoong gentlewoman named Anne, the daughter of Sir Thomas Bullen, yicount Rochford, which did wait vpon the queene. This was a great griefe vnto the cardinall, as he that perceiued afore- hand, that the king would marie the said gentlewoman, if the diuorse took place. Wherfore he began with all diligence to disappoint that match, which by reason of the misliking that he had to the woman, he iudged ought to be auoided more than present death. While the matter stood in this state, and that the cause of the queene was to be heard and judged at Rome, by reason of the appeale which by hir was put in : the cardinal required the pope by letters and secret messengers, that in anie wise he should defer the Judgement of the diuorse, till he might frame the kings mind to his purpose. Howbeit he went about nothing so secretlie, but that the same came to the kings knowledge, who tooke so high displeasure with such his cloked dissimulation, that he determined to abase his degree, sith as an vnthankefull person he forgot himselfe and his dutie towards Turn that had so highlie aduanced him to all honor and dignitie. Holinshed. Hi. 908, Ed. 1586. OCT. 19. He delivers up the Great Seal to the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk. The king orders him to go to Esher. He is stripped of all his offices except his Archbishoprick. Nov. 3. Parliament meets. He is impeached.
1530. LENT. He removes to Richmond.
APRIL, He journeys to the north, and lives in his Archepiscopal
residence at Cawood.
Nov. 4. Friday. He is arrested there by the Earl of Northumber land for high treason. He was to have been enthroned with high pomp as archbp. on the following Monday. Nov. 29. Journeying towards London, he dies at Leicester Abbey on
Tuesday 29 Nov. at 8 A.M. : aet. 59.
His Gentleman Usher says, ' I assure you, in his time, he wis the haught iest man in all his proceedings alive.'
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
* Editions not seen.
ftctoe me anfc be nott forotfje.
I . — Sepa rate publication.
1. [1528. Strasburg.] fee title on opposite page. There are at present two i vol. 8vo. copies in the British Museum ; one with pressmark C. 21. a,
the other in the Grenville Collection, No. 11,167.
4- [1845. London.] A simple reprint, in black letter, of No. 1, by the Chis- i vol. 8vo. wick Press.
\\.-With other -works. 3. 1812. London. The Harleian Miscellany. Ed. by T. PARK, F.S.A.
10 vols. 410. Rede me, &°c., occupies vol. ix. 1-83. Ed. 1812. 6. 1871. SEPT. 20. London, i vol. 8vo. English Reprints; see title at/, i.
III.— Adaptations, &>c.
*2. 1546. JUNE 30, Wesel. Printed by Henry Nycholson. Ed. by L. R. i vol. 8vo. [? A further carrying out of the arbitrary letters L, N O, P Q, R. ]
2C proper IBgalogc, &c.
. *. The only known copy of the Dyaloge was discovered by Lord Arthur Harvey in the library at Ickworth, in the autumn 0/1862.
II.— With A compendious olde Treatise, &c.
1. 1530. Marburg. See title at/. 129, and Colophon at/. 184. 23 leaves. i vol. 8vo. The press-mark of the Museum copy is C. 37. a.
*2. [1530. Marburg.] It would seem that when the olde Treatise was sepa rately printed (see No. 2 below) that this Dyaloge was also reprinted. Oldys in his Harl. Pamphlets, No. 173, quotes such a copy, without date or name of place or printer, on 24 leaves.
3. 1863. London. The same, reproduced in facsimile (by hand-traced litho- i vol. 8vo. graphy), with an Introduction, by FRANCIS FRY, Esq. F.S.A.
4. 1871. SEPT. 20. London, i vol. 8vo. English Reprints: see title at/, i.
Q compendious ol&e flTrcatgge, &c.
A MS. copy of this lettre was bequeathed by Archbp. Parker to Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. It has the following title: — A determination of a doctor of divinity against them that say it is not lawful to have holy ivritte and other bookes in Englishe. J. Nasmith's Cat., &c., p. 333, Ed. 1777.
I. — As a separate publication.
2. 1530. Marburg. A compendious olde treatyse/ howe that we ought to
i vol. have ye Scripture in Englysshe/ COL. Emprented at Marl-
8 leaves. borow in the lande of Hessen/ be my Hans Luft/ in the yere of oure lorde M.CCCCC. and .XXX. It has 34 lines to a page. A perfectly distinct edition from No. 1. The press-mark of the Museum copy is C. 25. d.
3. [? 1546.] London. A compendyous Olde treatyse shewynge/ howe that we i vol. 8vo. ought to haue the Scripture in Englyshe with the Auctours.
COL. C Imprynted by me Rycharde Banckes/ dwellynge in gracious streete/ besyde the cundyte. The Museum copy is C. 37. b.
II.— With other works.
1. 1530. Marburg. At the end of A profer Dyaloge, &c. See title at /. i vol. 8vo. 170. and Col. at/. 184. It is printed 32 lines to a page, some-
9 leaves. what narrower than those in No. 2.
4. 1563. London. The Olde Treatise is included in the first edition only i vol. folio, of JOHN Fox's Actes and Monumentes, &c., //. 452-5.
5. 1844-6. London. It is consequently reprinted in the edition of that work 8 vols. 8vo. by the Rev. T. TOWNSEND, M.A., in vol. iv. 671-676.
6. 1863. Bristol, i vol. 8vo. Facsimiled by Mr. Fry, with the Dyaloge, &c.
7. 1871. SEPT. 20. London, i vol. 8vo. English Reprints . see title at/, i
me antr be nott tototfce, jFor E sage no tjjgnge but ttot&e,
toill aseentre maftgnse mg state so
pompotts Jonottte s£all neber trge*
t^ou tftsnftest least of all/ Wit}) ronfttstott t^ott s^alt f)abr a fall*
[/« /A^ original edition, the griffons, club, and CardinaTs Jia,t are fainted red. In which way drops of blood are represented as falling from ikf edges of the six axes.}
20
fcmrtpcfott of tye
Of the prowde Cardinall this is the fhelde Borne vp betvvene two angels off Sathan. The fixe blouddy axes in a bare felde Sheweth the cruelte of the red man/ whiche hathe devoured the beautifull fwan. Mortall enmy vnto the whyte Lion/ Carter of Yorcke/ the vyle butchers fonne.
The fixe bulles heddes in a felde blacke Betokeneth hys flordy furioufnes Wherfore the godly lyght to put abacke He bryngeth in hys dyvliflhe darcknes. The bandog in the middes doth expreffe The maftif Curre bred in Ypfwitch towne Gnawynge with his teth a kynges crowne.
The cloubbe fignifieth playne hys tiranny Covered over with a Cardinals hatt Wherin fhalbe fulfilled the prophecy Aryfe vp lacke and put on thy falatt/ For the tyme is come of bagge and walatt The temporall cheualry thus thro wen downe Wherby prefl take hede and beware thy croune.
21
Ins stngttlrr gootrr frnt&t nntr in ®|>rist faster* p* ®r+ «. tresgretf) grace antr pea* ee from £&otr tjje fat*
lortrr £r sus
|Y your lafle letter/ dere brother in Chrift/ I perceved/ that youre de- fyre was/ to have the lytle worke which ye fent/ wele examened/ and diligently put into prynt Which thynge (the bonde of charitie/ where with not alonly Joh. xv
you and I/ but we with the whole nombre of Chriftis chofen flocke/ rema[n]ynge amonge oure nacion of en- gliflhe men/ are knet together/ purly for the truthes fake pondered) I coulde do no leffe but fulfill and accomplyffhe. For as moche as it is a thynge fo neceffary. Where of no doute/ fhall fprynge grett frute vnto the fammiffhed/ and lyght vnto theym which of longe feafon have bene fore blynd- Ma. xxv folded. Though the rammyflhe refydue of gotes/ fo farre envred with mannis blynde reafon (which repute grett felicite to make men beleve/ goode to be the naturall caufe of evill/ darknes to precede oute of light) and lyinge to be grownded in trouth/ Mat. xxiiij. and to make of the worde of lyfe the glave of death/ contrary to all trueth) thatfcripture calleth theym faulce teachers/ and bryngers in prevely of dampnable fectes/ even denyinge the lorde that bought theym/ ij. pe. j. ij
22
and bryngc on their owne heddes fwyfte dampnacion/ for their leadynge of many into their dampnable ap. xviij waies. Of whofe boddies annd foules thus
Ma. vij once blynded and ledde out of the narowe
waye of lyfe/ into the broade waye of perdicion/ thorovve covetoufnes they make their marchandyfe. ij. Pet ij Wherby the waye of trueth (that is to faye the glorious gofpell of Chrifl) is evill fpocken of. In fo moche that they after this manner fealed with the apo. xvj. marke of the grett beaft of the erth/ whofe j. ti. mj confciences. S. paul defcrybeth to be
finged with the hott yeron of blafphemy/ only geve hede to the fpretes of erroure/ and dyvelyffhe doc- tryne of theym which fpeake faulce through hipocrify/ iiij, forbyddynge to mary/ and commaundynge to abflayne from meates and foche wother) cannot but barke there att/ forbid it/' and with all violence perfecute the reders there of. Yet. I neverthelefle ij. Pet. j witn y°u/ doinge after the apoflles erudi-
y. Pe. jy cion/ as longe as I folowe no decevable fables/ will not be negligent to put my brethren in remembraunce (thogh they partly knowe them their felves/ and are ftablyflhed in the prefent trueth) 01 thofe thynges wherby they maye the more evidently note the difceatfulnes of mortall man/ and the better come vnto the knowledge of the immortall god. Seynge the tyme at honde wherin god of his infinite LUC.J mercy/ hath ordened before to make
Rom-3 theym thorowe Chrift cure lorde parte
AC. xuj takers alfo of his glorious will and porpos.
even as in the gofpell cure faveoure before
max. in* xvj
lu. iiij. ix to aU ms nadd promefed. I therfore con- j. io. v fyderynge the worlde thus to be wrapped
23
in myfery and blindnes (and now in thefe Lu. viij.
latter dayes becom an hole or denne of Ma- viJ
falce foxy hipocrites/ and a mancion for all ravenynge wolves difgyfed in lambes fkynnes/ which hate all love/ and with oute drede of god wander but for theire praye) have iudged it a thynge mofte convenient/ to fett this fmale treatous as a glas or myroure mofl cleare before all mens eyes. In the preface where of manyfeftly they fhall perceave/ howe grett daunger nowe a dayes it is/ the trueth other to defcribe with penne/ or with tonge to declare. In the Luc. vj
lamentacion folowynge/ made by a bely beaft/ engen- dred amonge the grefy/ or anoynted heap/ Ro. xyj
wother wyfe called the papyfticall fecte (whom Chrift callethacroked/vntawarde/andcruellgene- Ma. xvj
ration of venemous vipers) they may furly xvij
groape and fele/ where of oure fpretuall Luce- *
lordes/ maflers/ and rulars (falcely fo named) have preceded/ and are come, with what prefomcion they difdayne the auncient and true noble bloud. and what preeminence and dignite they have ob- ma. xxiij tayned through their faulce and crafti bryngynge vppe of the blafphemous maffe/ which principally is their holde/ ftede/ and defence. Forthermore in the dialoge enfuynge or brefe interlude/ is mas defcrybed with his abhominable minifters. as Popes/ Cardinalls/ bifmops/ abbotes/ monkes/ fryres/ and lyke wother. wherin alfo is declared whatt trees they ma. vij.
are with their frute. annd what they (hall epis. iu. remayne their maffe once difanulled/ and putt dovvne. Which all well confydered/ I hoape that the reder what ever he be/ will nott take this worke as a thynge convicious/ or a principle of hatred and debate, nor
24
Rom. ij yett defpyfe the ryches of the godnes/and
of the pacience/ of the longe foferance of god. but will remember that his kyndnes only leadeth hym to re- L Cor. ij pentaunce. and mekely with the fprete of
quyetnes/ fyrfl iudge it/ and then confydre hym filfe. and fautleffe he mall fynde it a grett occafion/ to love/ and alfo to thancke god his father mofl mercifull/ which of his tender mercy hath nott delyvered hym vppe vnto a leawd mynde/ with thefe veffels of wrathe/ Rom.j and children of the devill/ to do thofe
loa. viij thynges which are nott comly/ ml of all
Rom. ij vnrightoufnes/ fornication/ wickednes/
covetoufnes/ malicioufnes. &c. and fofered hym nott to become lyke vnto theym/ a hater of god/ and of his godly worde. agaynfl whofe vngodlines/ and vn rightoufnes/ the wrath of the hevenly god apereth. becaufe they with holde the true rightoufnes of god/ Rom. j whiche commeth throwe the lyght of the
gofpell of Chrift/ in the vnrightoufnes of mans lawes and tradicions. Ye/ and as fayth. S. paul/ though they knowe the rightoufnes of god/ howe they which foche thynges committ are worthey of death/ yett nott only do the fame/ but alfo have pleafure in the dears of them. Wherfore they are before god with oute excufe. feinge that knowinge god/ they glorify hym nott as god. nor yett are thanckfull. but wexe full of vanities in their ymaginacions. countynge theym felves wyfe where as in dede they are foles. For with their folyffhe and blynde hert/ they tourne the glory of the immortall god/ vnto the fimilitude of the ymage of mortall man. He mall lykwyfe clearly perceve/ that we of duty colde do no leife/ but for the prefervacion and tutell of the innocent and fimple/
25
to declare the peflilent doblenes/ and decevable feduccion of the wicked, accordinge to the doctryne fhewed vnto vs every where by Chrift cure loan. vj. x. matter, which cam to fave annd not to deflroye. For one rotten apple/ lytell and lytell putrifieth mat x»j
an whole heape. a lytell fower leven the Luc. xij
whole lompe of dowe. one rancklynge j. Cor. v member/ the whole boddy. Shortly to conclude. Here in I am well perfuaded/ lett the vngodly roare and barcke never fo lowde/ that the fyre which Chrifl cam to kyndle on erth/ cannott butt LUC. xij. burne. that is to faye/ his godly worde forevermore encreace and continue. Wherfore dere y. re. Xxij brother/ yf eny mo foche fmale flickes *«*g
corne vnto youre hondes/ which ye fhall cxviiJ
iudge apte vnto the augmentacion of this fyre/ fende them vnto me (yf in englonde they maye not be pub- liffhed) and by goddis grace with all my power and poffibilitie/ I fhall fo endever my fylfe to kyndle theym/ that as many as are of the fede of ioa. viij
abraham (hall fe their light/ and therby Mat. v
gloryfy their father celeftiall/ which kepe you and youres continuity flrengthynge you with his fprete of comforte to his glory for ever Amen.
C t&bt &tttj)ot of
Go forthe lytell treatous nothynge a fraide.
To the Cardinall of Yorcke dedicate And though he threaten the be not difrnayde
To pupplyflhe his abhominable eflate For though his power he doeth elevate
Yett the feafon is nowe verily come Vt inveniatur iniquitas eius ad odium.
O my author howe mail I be fo bolde A fore the Cardinall to ftiewe my face
Seinge all the clargy with hym doth holde/ Alfo in faveour of the Kyngis grace
With furious fentence they will me chace Forbiddynge eny perfone to rede me
Wherfore my deare author it cannott be.
Thou knoweft very well whatt his lyfe is Vnto all people greatly deteflable/
He caufeth many one to do amiffe Thorow his example abhominable.
Wherfore it is nothynge reprobable To declare his mifchefe and whordom
Vt inveniatur iniquitas eius ad odium.
Though his lyfe of all people is hated
Yet in the maffe they putt moche confidence Whiche through out all the world is dilated
27
As a worke of fmguler magnificence/ Prefles alfo they have in reverence
With all wother perfones of the fpretualte Wherfore my deare author it cannot be.
O deare treatous thou may ft nott confyder Their blynde affeccion in ignorance
Wherby all the worlde both farre and near Hath bene combred with longe continuance.
Itt is goddis will his trueth to avaunce
And to putt antichrifl oute of his kyngdom
Vt inveniatur iniquitas eius ad odium
Well yett there is greate occafion of grudge Be caufe I apeare to be convicious.
Withouten fayle the clargy will me iudge To precede of a fprete prefumtuous/
For to vfe foche wordes contumelious It becommeth nott chriflen charite
Wherfore my deare author it cannot be.
O my treatous it is goddis iudgement So to recompence their madde blafphemy
Seynge they burned his holy teflament Thorowe the prowde cardinals tyranny
Agaynfl whofe harde obflynacy to crye The ftones in the ftrete cannot be dom
Vt inveniatur iniquitas eius ad odium.
28
Yf I prefume to make relacion
Of fecret matters that be vncertayne
They will count it for diffamacion
Or thinges contryved of a frowarde brayne
To defcrybe their faultes it is but vayne Except I were in fome author! te
Wherfore my deare author it cannot be.
As touching that thou nede not to be deiecte The trueth ftialbe thy confervacion
Wliyles thou prefume no faultes to detecte But wheare thou haft hadde certificacion
By their knowledge and informacion
Whiche have forfaken the whore of rome
Vt inveniatur iniquitas eius ad odium.
Alas yett in their outragious furoure They mail courfTe and banne with cruel fentence
All thofe whiche have to me eny favoure Ether to my faynge geve credence
In hell and heven they have preeminence" To do as they lyfte with free liberte
Wherfore my deare author it cannot be.
O treatous lett antichrift crye and roare
Manaflynge with fulminacions His cruelte flialbe feared no moare
29
Men knowynge his abhominacions Fye apon his forged execracions.
Seynge his tyranny is overcome Vt inveniatur iniquitas eius ad odium.
Fye on his dyvliffhe interdiccions With his keyes lockis chaynes and fetters
Fye apon all his iurifdiccions And apon thofe whiche to hym are detters
Fye apon his bulles breves and letters Wherin he is named feruus fervorum
Vt inveniatur iniquitas eius ad odium.
Fye on his golden thre folded crowne Whiche he vfeth to weare apon his head
Fye apon his maiefle and renowne
Clayminge on erthe to be in Chriftis flead
Fye on his carkes bothe quycke and dead Ex hoc nunc et ufque in feculum
Vt inveniatur iniquitas eius ad odium.
Bliffed they be which are curfed of the pope And courfed are they whom he doth blifle
A courfed are all they that have eny hope Ether in his perfonne or els in his.
For of almyghty god a courfed he is Per omnia fecula feculorum
Vt inveniatur iniquitas eius ad odium.1
1 This refrain is taken from the Vulgate, and in the Douay version (1607-10. A.D.) is rendered — That his iniquitie may be found vnto hatred. In the Authorized Version the Hebrew is translated — Until his iniquity be found to be hateful. — Ps. xxxvi. a.
C ??r arc folotor tfj tTjc lamrtttaf ton.
Alas alas for woo and bitter payne
Opprefled withe grefe and forofull care
Howe fhall we from bevy wepynge refrayne Confyderynge the cafe that we in are.
We have now loft the pryce of cure welfare Seynge that gone is the mafle
Nowe deceafed alas alas.
Wo worth the time that ever we were born To fe the chaunce of this dolorours daye
For now ar we mocked and laughed to fkorn Owre honour brought to extreme decaye
We maye well fynge alas and well awaye Seynge that gone is the maffe
Nowe deceafed alas alas.
Aproche proud patriarkis with youre pope Biffhops arfbyffhops and Cardinalls gaye
With all other prelatis which had your hope To be mayntayned by the malfe all waye
Who (hall finde cure belly and ryche araye Seynge that gone is the maffe
Nowe deceafed alas alas.
Drawe nere ye preftis in youre longe gownis With all the fryres of the beggerly ordres
Com hither monkis: with brode fhaven crounis And all foche as are flioren above the ears/
Helpe me to lament with dolourous teares Seynge that gone is the maffe
Nowe deceafed alas alas.
3'
The dolfull deftruclion of noble troye Was never to man haulfe fo lamentable
Nor yett the fubuerfion of Rome cure ioye Vnder whom we were counted honorable.
O fortune fortune : thou arte vnfauorable Seynge that gone is the maffe
Nowe deceafed alas alas.
Departed is nowe the maffe and clean gone The chefe vpholder of oure liberte
Wherby our whores and harlotis every chone Were mayntayned in ryche felicite.
Full fore we mall repent this daye to fe Seynge that gone is the maffe
Nowe deceafed alas alas.
Our baudis and brothels have loft ther finding Oure baflardes compelled to go aftraye/
Oure wynninge mill hath loft her gryndinge Which we fuppofed never to decaye.
Alas therfore what mail we do or faye Seynge that gone is the maffe
Nowe deceafed alas alas.
Oure gay velvet gownis furred with fables Which werre wont to kepe vs from colde
The paulfreys and hackeneis in oure ftables Nowe to make chevefaunce muft be folde
Adue forked mitres and croffes of golde Seynge that gone is the maffe
Nowe deceafed alas alas.
We mall nowe abate oure welthy tables With delicate deyntyes fo delicious
Oure mery ieftes and plefaunt fables Are nowe tourned to matters dolorous
We muft laye downe oure eftate fo pompous Seynge that gone is the maffe
Nowe deceafed alas alas.
32
Oure fyngres fhyninge with precyous flons Sett in golden rynges of ryche valoure
Oure effeminate fleffhe and tender bones Shalbe conflrayned to faule vnto laboure
For why decayed is all oure honoure Seynge that gone is the maffe.
Nowe deceafed alas alas.
Where as we vfed apon mules to ryde Nowe mud we nedes prycke a fote a lone
Oure wantan daliaunce and boftinge pride With wofull mifery is over gone.
Oure gliftringe golde is turned to a Hone Seynge that gone is the maffe.
Nowe deceafed alas alas.
We had oure fervantes in mofl courtly wyfe In greate multitude folowinge oure tayle
With garded lyverey after the newe gyfe Whome we frely fupported to iefl and rayle
How be it nowe cache from wother mall fayle Seynge that gone is the maffe/
Nowe deceafed/ alas alas.
Oure povre kynred we lytell vnderflode/ And of whatt vilnes oure pompe did aryfe.
We defdayned the eflates of noble blode/ Nothynge afrayde oure betters to defpyfe.
Wherfor agaynfl vs they will nowe furmyfe Seynge that gone is the maffe/
Nowe deceafed/ alas alas.
We were called lordes and doctours reverente/ Royally raignynge in the fpretualte.
In every place wheare we were prefente/ They vayled their bonetis and bowed a knc.
But it begynneth nowe wother wyfe to be. .v .-> Seynge that gone is the maffe/
Nowe deceafed/ alas alas.
33
We devowred the fuftenaunce of the poore/ Waflynge the goodes of people temporal!.
Wherwith we noryffhed many a whore/ To fatiffye cure pleafure beafliall.
And yett we were counted fpretuall. Vnder faveoure of the maffe/
Nowe deceafed/ alas alas.
Oure greate lordfpippes and dominacions/ With cure ryche iuelles and fomptous plate.
Oure places and large habitacions/ Adorned with hangyngis and beddes of flate
From oure hondes mail nowe be feperate. Seynge that gone is the mafle
Nowe deceafed/ alas alas.
A due/ oure ayde and fupportacion/ Wherby fortune fo merely did fmyle.
Farwele comforte and confolacion/
Thus foddenly chaunged with in a whyle.
Oure vayne confydence dyd vs fore begyle. Seynge that gone is the mafle/
Nowe deceafed/ alas alas.
By the mafle we were exalted fo hye/
That fcantly eny man we wolde once knowe.
We thought for to afcende vnto the fkye/ Havynge oure feate above the rayne bowe
But we are come downe agayne full lowe.
Seynge that gone is the maffe/
Nowe deceafed/ alas alas.
The mafle made vs lordis and kyngis over all/ Farre and nere every wheare havyng power.
With honorable tytles they dyd vs call/ Dredynge to offende vs at eny houre.
Then were we as freflh as the garden floure. Vnder favoure of the mafle/
Nowe deceafed/ alas alas.
34
Amonge all the people we went a fore/ By pretence of cure fayned holynes.
They reputed vs for haulfe goddes and more/ Thorowe the maffes beneficialnes.
Whiche is nowe tourned to oure hevines. Seynge that gone is the maffe/
Nowe deceafed/ alas alas.
The maffe was only oure finguler fuffrage/ To delivre the people from their fynne.
There was no preft in towne nor village/ ' But by the maffe his lyvynge did wynne.
Whofe fuperfluite fhalbe full thynne. Seynge that gone is the maffe/
Nowe deceafed/ alas alas.
O faythfull maffe/ fo conflant and true.
In heven and erth continually. We nowe thy chyldren mall morne and rue/
The chaunce of thy dekaye fo fodenly. Conflrayned we are all to wepe and crye.
Seynge that gone is the maffe/
Nowe deceafed/ alas alas.
By the maffe we had hye authorite/
In heven and erth takynge oure pleafure.
Kynges and prynces for all their dignite/ To difpleafe vs feared oute of meafure.
Alas we have nowe loft oure chefe treafure. Seynge that gone is the maffe/
Nowe deceafed/ alas alas.
The maffe made vs fo flronge and flordy/ That agaynft hell gates we did prevayle-
Delyveringe foules oute of purgatory/
And fendynge theym to heven with out fayle
Who is he then that wolde nott bewayle. Seynge that gone is the maffe/
Nowe deceafed/ alas alas.
35
Of all maner thynges the comodyte/ By the maffis healpe only did depende.
From fycknes and peflilent mortalite/ The focoure of the maffe did vs defende.
All profperite that oure lorde did fende. Was for favoure of the maffe
Nowe deceafed/ alas alas.
The maffe farre excedeth mannis reafon/ Oft tymes of foule wether makynge fayre.
It caufeth frute for to rype in feafon/ Putty nge awaye infeccions of the ay re.
Create eflates frendfhippe flably to repayre. Have confirmacion by the maffe
Nowe deceafed/ alas alas.
The maffe in due tyme procureth rayne/ Wherby floures and erbes freffhly do fprynge.
And maffe maketh it for to feace agayne/ When it fo aboundeth to their hyndrynge.
All maner matrymony and maryinge. Is folemnyfed by the maffe/
Nowe deceafed/ alas alas.
To foudears and men goynge a warre fare/ The maffe is ever a fure proteccion.
It preferveth people from wofull care/ Dryvynge awaye all affliccion.
Alas who can fhewe by defcripcion. All the proffettis of the maffe/
Nowe deceafed alas alas.
O wofull chaunce : mofl infortunate/ So fodenly makynge comutacion.
Never fence the worlde was fyrfl create/ Was there a thynge of foche reputacion.
For in every londe and nacion. All goodnes cam by the maffe/
Nowe deceafed/ alas alas.
36
Whatt avayleth nowe to have a (haven hedde/ Or to be aparelled with a longe gowne.
Oure anoynted hondes do vs lytle fledde/ Wher as the maffe is thus plucked downe
Vnto oure difhonowre all doeth rebowne. Seynge that gone is the maffe/
Nowe deceafed/ alas alas.
The gooddes of the churche are taken awaye/ Geuen to povre folkes foffrynge indigence.
The devyne fervyce vtterly doeth decaye/ With halowed oyle/ fait/ and frankynfence.
To holy water they have no reverence. Seynge that gone is the maffe/
Nowe deceafed/ alas alas.
All people becaufe the maffe is departed/ Seketh nowe/ Ceremonies to confounde.
The aultres of the lorde are fubuerted/ With ymages which cofl many a pounde.
The temples alfo are throwen to the grounde Seynge that gone is the maffe/
Nowe deceafed/ alas alas.
Wherfore nowe of my lamentacion To make an ende with oute delaye.
Fare wele O holy confecracion/ With blyffed fandlus and agnus dei.
No lenger nowe with you we can praye. Seynge that gone is the maffe/
Nowe deceafed/ alas alas.
A due/ gentle dominus vobifcum/
With comfortable/ ite miffa eft. Requiem eternam/ is nowe vndon/
By whom we had many a fed. Requiefcat in pace and goode reft.
Seynge that gone is the maffe/
Nowe deceafed/ alas alas.
37
folotoetj a fctefe JBtaloge ttoo iivrstrc srvbaitntt's n S^atftgn* antr
lEffraye/ hardeft thou oure mailer/ Thus with lamentable maner/
Mofl pitoufly complayne? C"Herdeitcatha?yeebeth[e]roode/ I praye god turne it vnto goode/ That it be nott to oure payne. But is it of a very furety/ As it is fpoken in the country/ That the holy maffe is deade. Watt. f[ Dead? yee leffraye by my hande/ And that thou myght well vnderflande/
Hadde thou eny witt in thy heade. For the foroufull conftraynte/ Of oure mailers complaynte/
Allonely for hys deceace was. Wherfor lett vs oure counfell take/ What fhyfte for vs is beft to make/
Seynge that deceaced is the maffe. Icf. f[ Mary watkyne thou fayefl very trothe/ We lhall have but a colde brothe/
I feare me Ihortely after this. But I praye the tell me nowe playne/ Was he by eny myfchaunce flayne/
Or was it for age that he deade is. S5Rat. f[ Naye/ it was not furly for age/ For he was of hilly courage/
Though he had very many yeres. Alfo he had continued Hill/ Yf preftes myght haue had their will/
With the helpe of monkes and fryres. Butt he was affauted fo fore/ That he coulde refill no more/ And was fayne to geve ouer.
38
Then cam his aduerfaries with myght/ And flewe hym oute of honde quyght/
As though he had bene a faulce rover. Iff. f[ With what wepen did they hym kyll/ Whether with polaxe or with bill?
A goode felowfhippe lightly tell. Witt. {[ Naye : with a fharpe two edged fworde/ Which as they faye was goddis worde/
Drawne oute of the holy gofpell. let ^[ And is goddis worde of foche mygnt/ That it flewe the maffe downe right/
Of fo auncient continuaunce? My thynketh it mulde not be true/ Seynge that prelles wolde hym refcue/
With worldly ryches and fubftaunce. Monkes/ channons/ all (haven crownes/ Wolde have brought their villagis and tounes/
With their whole religious rable. Which vnder antichrillis raygne/ Are of fectes variable and vayne/
Forto be reckened in numerable. Oure mafler alfo I dare faye/ With many wother preftes gaye/
Whom I knowe very well. Wolde have fpent all their goode. Yee verely their owne hert bloude/
To helpe maffe agaynfl the gofpell. eHat. C Toffhe man they did all their befl/ Not fparynge to opyn their cheft/
Gevynge out brybes liberally. Wherby they had gret confidence/ For to have done moche afliftence/
In ayde of the maffe certaynly. But it provayled theim nothynge/ For goddis worde hath foche workynge/
That none maye refifl contrary.
lef . f[ Well/ yet take it for no fcorne/
1 tell the wheare as I was borne/
They refifl the gofpell openly.
39
And the principall doars be fuche/ As nowe a dayes governe the churche/
No fmale foles I'promes the. And namly one that is the chefe/ Whiche is not fedd/ fo ofte with roft befe/
As with rawe motten fo god helpe me. Whofe mule yf it fhulde be folde/ So gayly trapped with velvet and golde/
And geven to vs for oure fchare. I durft enfure the one thynge/ As for a competent lyvynge/
This feven yere we fhulde not care. iEat. {[ Yf he be foche what is his name/ Or of what regarde is his fame?
I befeche the fhortly expreffe. let. f[ Mary/ fome men call hym Carnall/ And fome faye he is the devill and all/
Patriarcke of all wickednes. BSfot. f[ Well/ to be brefe with outen glofe/ And not to fwarve from oure purpofe/
Take goode hede what I mall faye. The tyme will come or it be longe/ . When thou malt fe their flatly thronge/
With miferable ruyne decaye. Note wele the enfample of Rome/ To what mifery it is come/
Which was their hedde principall. Goddis worde the grownde of vertue/ They went aboute for to fubdue/
Wherby they have gotten a faule. let f[ Beleve me/ thou fpeakefl reafon/ I trowe we fhall fe a feafon/
To the confufion of theym all. But nowe to oure mater agayne/ I wolde heare merveloufly fayne/
In what place the maffe deceafed. BfiHat. f[ In Strafbrugh/ that noble towne/ A Cyte of mofl famous renowne/
Wheare the gofpell is frely preached.
4o
let. f[ And what doft thou their names call/ Which were counted in efpeciall/
The aduerfaries of the maffe ? Wat. f[ Truly there where clarkes many one/ And gretly learned every chone/
Whofe names my memory do pafle. Howe be it/ Hedius/ Butzer. and Capito/ Celarius/ Symphorian/ and wother mo/
In dede were reputed the chefe. Whofe lyuynge is fo inculpable/ *
That their enemies with oute fable/
In theym coulde fynde no reprefe. Set. f[ What did then the temporalte/ Wolde they all there vnto agre/
With outen eny diffencion ? Matt. f[ As for the commens vniuerfally/ And a greate parte of the fenatory/
Were of the fame intencion. Though a feawe were on the wother fyde/ But they were lyghtly fatiffyed/
When they could nott goddis worde denaye let. {[ I perceaue then manifeftly/
The biffhoppe with his whole clargy/
Were abfent and a waye. Mat. f[ They were not abfent I the enfure/ For with the maffe they dyd endure/
Why Is to fpeake they had eny breth. In fomoche that for all this/ The biflhoppe ceafeth not with his/
To revenge the maffes death. He fpareth nott to courfe and banne/ Doynge all that ever he canne/ To revoke maffe vnto lyfe agayne. He fpendeth many a gulden/ To hange/ morther/ and bren/
The maffes aduerfaries certayne. Jef . f[ And getteth he any goode therby ? Mat. |[ But littell yet I the certefy/
And I trowe leffe he fhall have.
4*
Nowe for all his hye magnificence/ They counte hym fayynge reuerence/
Not moche better than a knave. let fl Peace whorfone/ beware of that/ 1 tell the his fkynne is confecrat/
Anoynted with holy oyntmente. BSUat. C[ Yee/ fo many a knaves Ikinne/ Is grefyd with out and with in/
And yett they are not excellente let. f[ Cockes bonnes/ this is rancke herefy/ Yf it were knowne : by and by/
Thou muldeft a faggote beare. To fpeake fo of foche a prelate/ Whiles they are all of the fame rate/
For the more parte every wheare. But to the purpofe that we beganne/ What did monkes and fryeres thanne/
When maffe went thus to wracke ? ([ So vttered was their abufione/ That with great confufione/
They were fayne to flande abacke. f[ Och: I knowe a fryer in a place/ Whom they call father Matthias/
Yf he had bene at this brayde. He wolde have made foche a noyfe/ With his horrible fhrill voyce/
Able to have made theym afrayde. f[ Toffhe/ there were fryres two or thre/ In fayth as grett panched as he/
With bellies more then a barell. Which for all their learned flrengthe/ Were fo confounded there at lengthe/
That they gave over their quarell. f[ What made Ihon Faber and Emfer/ With their ayders Eckyus and Morner/
Did they vnto maffe no focoure ? C Yes truly/ with wordes of greate bode/ They fpared not to fende their ofle/
Threatnynge with fearfull terroure.
42
Howe be it they had foche impediment/ That they coulde nott be there prefent/
As thou (halt the cafe vnderflonde. Emfer fomtyme a reguler chanon/ To defende the maffis cannon/
Longe before had taken in honde. Which craftely to vpholde with lyes/ So grevoufly troubled his eyes/
And alfo encombred his brayne. That there was no remedy/ But he was fayne certenly/
At home/ a fole to remayne. Flatterynge Faber/ full of difdayne/ Was newe admitted to be chaplayne/
Vnto duke Ferdinand by othe. Wherfore he had ynough of bufynes/ To diffwade the dukes noblenes/
From favourynge the godly trothe. As for Morner/ the blynde lawear/ And Eckius/ the frowarde fophiflrar/
They have afore caftynge wifdome. That in foche honorable audience/ Wheare as wyfe clarckes are in prefence/
They will nott very gladly come. Icf. |[ Medled nott Erafmus/ in this matter Which fo craftely can flatter/
With cloked diffimulacion ? f[ He was bufy to make will free/ A thynge nott poffible to be/
After wyfe clarckis eflimacion. Wherfore he intermitted lytle/ As concernynge the maflis tytle/
With eny maner affercion. He feareth greatly fome men faye/ Yf maffe fhulde vtterly decaye/
Leaft he fhulde lofe his penfion. Notwithflondynge he hath in his hedde/ Soche an opinion of the god of bredde/
That he wolde lever dye a marter.
43
Then ever he wolde be of this confent/ That chrift is not theare corporally prefent/
In bredde wyne and water. Alfo he has geven foche a laudacion/ Vnto the ydols of abhominacion/
In his glofynge piftles before tyme. That yf he fhulde wother wyfe reclame/ Men wolde impute vnto his blame
Of vnftable inconftancy the cryme.
let f[ Howe did they then with lovayne/
And with the vniuerfitie of Colayne/
Made they right noght for maffis parte? Hat. 4[ Yes furly with terrible vociferacion/ They made wonderfull exclamacion/
The worde of god to fubverte. They fent thether Thomas and Scote/ With wother queftioniftes god wote.
Full of crakynge wordes inopinable. But when it cam to the effecte/ They were fo abaffhed and deiecte/
That once to hiffe they were nott able. let f[ It was a thynge playnly acorfl/ That maffe went thus by the worfl/
Havynge fo many on his wynge. Mat. f[ Goddis worde is fo efficacious/ And of ftrengthe fo mervelous/
That agaynfl it is no refiflynge. let 4E Nevertheleffe amonge this araye/ Was nott theare one called Coclaye/
IA littell pratye foolyflhe poade? But all though his flature be fmall. Yett men faye he lacketh no gall/ More venemous then any toade. \siwuidte Waif!] No/forhehaddeanotheroccupacyony teat. f[ Wrytinge to the englyffhe nacyon/
Inuencyones of flatterye. let H To Englonde ? in goode tyme/ I trowe the vrchyn will clyme/ To fome promocion haftely.
44
f[ Or els truly it (hall coil hym a fall/ For he is in fauoure with theym all/
Which haue the gofpell in hate. Continually he doth wryte/ Euer laborynge daye and nyght/
To vpholde antichriftes eflate. Of papiftes he is the defender/ And of Luther the condemner/
The gofpell vtterly defpyfynge. To forge lyes he has no (name/ So that they fomewhat frame/
With the proceffe of his writynge. He wrote of late to Herman Ryncke; Waftynge in vayne paper and yncke/
Pomeranes epyflle to corrupte. Which by chriften men requyred/ Accordynge as he was defyred/
Dyd his parte theym to inflructe. No thynge ther in was reprobable/ But all to gedder true and veritable/
With out herefy or eny faulte. Howe be it this wretch vnmamfaft/ Thorowe malicie was not a gaft/
The trueth with lyes to affaulte. Eef . f[ Yf he be as thou faytt he is/ 1 warant he (hall not mis/
Of a benefice and that (hortly. For I enfure the cure Cardinal!/ With wother biffhops in generall/
Love foche a felowe entierly But lett this nowe pane and go to/ What is bett for oure profnt to do/
Seynge maffe hath made his ende ? f[ Surely as farre as I can gefle/ We are lyke to be mafterleffe/
Yerre it be longe fo god me mende. For as fone as the maffe is buried/ Oure matter (halbe beggered/
Of all his ryche poffeffion
45
let f[ Then mate I put the out of doute/ It is goode that we loke aboute/
Leaft we folfe a newe leffon. Howe be it/ howe longe will it be/ Or ever that we (hall fe/
Of this dedde maffe the buriall?
[] As touchynge that in very dede/ f[ They are nott yett fully agrede/
But I fuppofe (hortly they (hall/ Some wolde have hym caried to Rome/ For be caufe of all chriflendome/
It is the principall Ce. And fome wolde have hym to France/ Becaufe of the noble mayntenaunce/
That he had of Parys vniverfite. Some alfo perfwade in goode erneft/ That in Englonde it were bed/
His dedde coors rychly to begraue 41 Nowe after my folyffhe coniecture/ They coulde nott for his fepulture/
Devyfe/ a better place to have. Alfo theare is Sayncte Thomas fchryne/ Of precious (lones and golde fyne/
Wherin the maffe they maye laye. Wherof the ryches incomprehenfible/ As it is fpoken by perfones credible/
Myght an Emperours raunfome paye. Morover theare is the Cardinall/ Of whofe pompe to make rehearceall/
It paffeth my capacite. With (lately biffoppes a greate forte/ Which kepe a mervelous porte/
Concernynge worldely royalte. Prefles alfo that are feculer/ With monkes and chanons regular.
Abownde fo in poffeffion. That both in welfare and wede/ With oute doute they farre excede/
The nobles of the region.
46
f[ Yf it be thus as thou doft declare/ It is befl that maffe be buried theare/
With due honorable reverence, let fl[ Ye but they have a frowarde witt/ And par cafe they \vill not admitt/
But vtterly make refiftence ? SSEat. f[ Holde thy peace and be content/ The gofpell by a commaundment/
To do it will flrayghtly theym compell. let f[ They fett nott by the gofpell a flye/ Diddefl thou not heare whatt villany/
Th[e]y did vnto the gofpell? Mat. f[ Why/ did they agaynft hym confpyre ? lef. ^T By my trothe they fett hym a fyre/
Openly in London cite. Wat f[ Who caufed it fo to be done ? let C In fothe the Biffhoppe of London/
With the Cardinallis authorite. Which at Paulis croffe erneflly/ Denounced it to be herefy/
That the gofpell muld come to lyght. Callynge theym heretikes excecrable/ Whiche caufed the gofpell venerable/
To come vnto laye mens fyght. He declared there in his furioufnes/ That he fownde erroures more and les/
Above thre thoufande in the tranflacion. Howe be it when all cam to pas/ I dare faye vnable he was/
Of one erroure to make probacion. Alas he fayde/ mailers and frendes/ Confyder well nowe in youre myndes/
Thefe heretikis diligently. They faye that commen women/ Shall affone come vnto heven/ As thofe that lyve perfectly. SSJat. f[ And was that their very fayinge ? let f[ After this wyfe with oute faynynge/ In a certayne prologe they wryte.
47
That a whoare or an open fynner/ By meanes of Chrifl oure redemer/
Whom god to repent doth incyte. Shall foner come to faluacion/ By meritis of Chriflis paffion/
Then an outwarde holy lyver.
££Ut. C They did there none wother thinge fhewe/ Then is rehearced in mathewe/
In the one and twenty chapter. £ef. f[ For all that/ he fayde in his fermone/ Rather then the gofpell fhulde be comone/
Bryngynge people into erroure He wolde gladly foffre marterdome/ To vpholde the devyls fredome/
Of , whom he is a confeffoure. SHatt. C Why/ makefl thou hym a faynt ? £ef. C Kuen foche a one as paynters do paynt/
On walls and hordes artificially. Which with myters/ croffes/ and copes/ Apere lyke gaye biffhops and popes/
In flrawnge faffion outwardly. But they are ydols in efifecte/ Mamettis of antichriflis fecte/
To blynd folke deceatfully.
SHat. 41 I perceave well nowe that/ honores/
As it is fpoken/ mutant mores/
With foche men mofl commenly. But thynkefl thou in thy mynde/ That he coulde in his herte fynde/
In foche a cafe death to fouffer/ Eef . {[ Naye/ yt it was a worde of office/ I warante he is nott fo foliffhe/
To putt his boddy fo in daunger. Nevertheleffe with tonge and porfle/ All though he fhulde fare the worffe/
Gladly he will do his dever. To plucke the worde of god downe And to exalte the thre folde crowne
Of antichrifl his bever.
48
Alfo there is a charge vnder payne/ That no man eny thynge retayne/
Of the gofpell newly tranflate. For yf they prefume the contrary/ They lofe their goodes with oute mercy/
And their boddies to be incarcerate. Morover that no clarcke be fo bolde/ Prevy or pearte/ with hym to holde/
Preachynge ought in his favoure. But contrary their braynes to fett/ . Bothe in fcoles and in the pulpett/
Hym and all his to difhohoure. Wherfore it boteth the gofpell nothynge As concernynge the maffis buryinge/
To fende eny precepte thether. For they had lever by this daye/ Go vnto the devill flrayght waye/
Then to obeye hym in eny maner/ f[ This pafleth of all that ever I hearde/ I wonder they were nott a fearde/
Of fo notable blafphemy. Nott with flondynge their interrupcion/ Shall tourne to their deftruccion/
At longe runnynge fynally. For though they caufed to be brent/ The outwarde maddowe or garment/
Of goddis worde fo hye of pryce. Yett the grownde of his maiefty/ % Printed in chriflen hertes fecretly/
They are nott able to preiudyce. Therfore whyther they will or nill/ Yf it be the holy gofpels will/
Maffe in Englonde to bury. Let theym crake vntill they burfl/ Doyng their beft and their wuril/
Itt avayleth not a chery. They are worldly and carnall/ And the gofpell is fpretuall/
Affifted with angels prefence.
49
:Ee£. 4T Yf it come vnto that reckenynge/
They will mo angels with theym brynge/
Then malbe in the.gofpels affiftence. at. f[ Have they of angels eny garnyfon/ Ecf. 0J Ye god knoweth many a legion/
Att all tymes theym to focoure. at. f[ Howe do they thefe angels gett ? 3ret f[ By my fayth of povre mens fwett/ Which for theym fore do laboure. SEat. {[ Aha/ I wott well what thou meane/ Soche angels are nott worthe a beane/
Yf it come to the poynt once. But nowe wolde I heare the expreffe/ The maner of their holyneffe/
Brefly declared att once. Eef. C Mary that is done forthe with all/ For they have no holynes attall/
As farre as I fawe yett ever. Howe be it fhortly to difcouffe/ Their proude eftate fo glorious/ I mail here my felfe endever. Fyrft as I fayde there is a Cardinall/ Which is the Ruler principall/
Through the realme in every parte. SSJat. f[ Have they not in Englonde a Kynge ? Kef. f[ Alas manne/ fpeake not of that thynge/
For it goeth to my verye harte. And I mail fhewe the a caufe whye/ There is no Prynce vnder the fkye/
That to compare with hym is able. A goodly perfone he is of flature/ Endued with all gyftes of nature/
And of genttylnes incomparable. In fondrye fciences he is fene/ Havynge a ladye to his Qwene/
Example of womanlye behaveoure. Notwithftandynge for all this/ By the Cardinall ruled he is/ To the diflayninge of his honoure.
5°
C Doeth he folowe the Cardinales intente? let f[ Yee/ and that the commones repente/
With many a wepynge teare. Wat. f[ The Cardinall vexeth theym than? £ef. 41 Alas fens Englande fyrfl began/
Was never foche a tyrante theare. By his pryde and faulce treachery/ Whoardom and baudy leachery/
He hath bene fo intollerable. That povre commens with their wyves/ In maner are weary of their lyves/
To fe the londe fo miferable. Through all the londe he caufed penury/ And afterwarde toke awaye their money/
Procedynge moft tyrannouily. The povre people nedy and bare/ His cruell herte wolde nott fpare/
Leavynge theym in greate mifery. Infomoche that for lacke of fode/ Creatures bought with Chriflis blode
Were fayne to dye in petous cas Alfo a ryght noble Prince of fame/ Henry* the ducke of buckyngame/
He caufed to deye alas alas. The goodes that he thus gaddered/ Wretchedly he hath fcattered/
In caufes nothynge expedient. To make wyndowes/ walles/ and dores/ And to mayntayne baudes and whores/
A grett parte therof is fpent. Wat f[ Let all this pas I praye the hertely/ And fhewe me fomwhat ferioufly/
Of this fpretuall magnificence, let C Fyra he hath a tytle of. S. Cecile/ And is a Legate of latere/
A dignitie of hye premynence. He hath biffhopryckes two or thre/ With the popes full authentic/
In cafes of difpenfacion.
* Should be EDWARD STAFFORD, 3rd Duke of BUCKINGHAM, beheaded
5'
OTat. f[ He maye then with the maffe difpence/ Yf he be faulen in the fentence/
Of the grett excommunication ? £ef, {[ That he maye in all maner cafes/
Howe be it he geueth nothynge grates
But felleth all for reddy money. Excepte courfes and bleffynges With fyght of his golden rynges All this he geveth frely. OTat. f[ Hath he fo large faculte/ Of the popis benygnite/
As it is fpoken abroade ? lef. 4[ He flondeth in the popes roume/ Havynge of his bulles a grett fome/
I trowe an whoale carte loade. Wherwith mens porfes to defcharge/ He extendeth his power more large/
Then the power of almighty god. For whether it be goode or ill/ His pervers mynde he will fulfill/
Supplantynge the trueth by falfhod. To gett hym a fynguler name/ The londe he bryngeth out of frame/
Agaynfl all goddis forbod. He tourneth all thynge topfy tervy/ Not fparyng for eny fymony/
To fell fpretuall gyftes. In grauntes of confanguinite To mary with in neare degre/
He getteth awaye mens thryftes. Of feculer folke he can make reguler/ And agayne of reguler feculer/
Makynge as he lyil blacke of whyte. Open whordom and advoutry/ He aloweth to be matrimony/
Though it be never fo vnryght Laufull wedlocke to divorce/ He geveth very lytle force/
Knowynge no caufe wherfore.
52
He playeth the devill and his dame/ All people reportinge the fame/
Courfle the time that ever he was bore. ^[ It cannot fyncke in my mynde/ That the Cardinall is fo blynde/
To make eny foche diuorcement. let H Though it be nott in thy belefe/ I tell the to putt it in prefe/
He doth all that he can invent. TOat. f[ Bitwixte whom dofl thou wene ? Jet Bitwixte the Kynge and the Quen'e/
Which have bene longe of one affent. TOat. f[ Some caufe then he hath efpyed/ Which afonder theym to devyde/
Is neceffary and vrgent.
let ^[ Nothynge but the butcher doth fayne/ That the goode lady is barayne/
Lyke to be pall chylde bearynge. SBEat. {[ Had the kynge never chylde by her ? JEet f[ No man fawe ever goodlyer/
Then thofe which me forth did brynge. Mat. C Is there eny of theym a lyve ? let 0[ Ye a Princes/ whom to defcryve/
It were herde fo an oratoure. She is but a chylde of age/ And yett is me bothe wyfe and fage/
Of very beautifull faveoure. Perfectly me doth reprefent/ The finguler graces excellent/ Bothe of father and mother. Howe be it all this not regardynge/ The carter of yorcke is meddelynge/
Forto divorce theym a fonder. TOat f[ Are nott the nobles here with offended? let f[ Yes/ but it can not be amended/
As longe as he is the ruler. C I thynke the Quene is not faulty/ But hathe done ynough of her party/ Yf it had pleafed goddis benificence.
53
Eef. C None is faulty but the butcher/ Whom almyghty god, doth fuffer/
To fcourge the peoples offence. Vnto god he is fo odious/ That nothynge can be profperous/
Where as he hath governaunce. Sens that he cam fyrft forwarde/ All thynges have gone oackwarde/
With moche myfchefe and mifchaunce. No yerly purpofe he doeth intende/ That euer commeth to a goode ende/
But damage and tribulacion. OTat C In thefe parties it is verify ed/ That he hath a college edified/
Of mervelous foundacion. Eef. f[ Of preuy houfes of baudry/ He hath made a flues openly/
Endued with large exibicion. KUEat. {[ Lycknefl thou to whoarmongers/ A colage of clarckes and fcolears/
Enfuynge learned erudicion. Eet f[_ Thou mayfl perceave/ by reafon/ That vertue fhalbe very geafon/
Amonge a forte of ydle lofels. Which have ryches infinite/ In welth and worldly delyte/
Geven to pleafure and nothynge eles. OTat C They rede there both greke and ebrue/ Eef. fl I will not faye but it is true/
That there be men of great fcience. Howe be it where pryde is the begynnynge. The devill is commenly the endynge/
As we fe by experience. And if thou confyder well/ Even as the towre of Babell/
Began of a prefompcion. So this colledge I dare vndertake/ Which the Cardinall doth make/
Shall confunde the region.
54
What is it to fe dogges and cattes/ Gargell heddes and Cardinall hattes/ Paynted on walles with moche coft Which ought of dute to be fpent/ Apon povre people indigent/
For lacke of fode vtterly loft. {[ Hath he for foche folke no providence ? Eef. f[ No/ favynge only to rid them hence/
A proper waye he ymageneth. 5Uat. f[ After what maner porviaunce ? 3ref. f[ Truely leaft they fhulde be combraunce/
A warfare he them fendeth. Mat. C Many of theym then are flayne ? lef. f[ They never come home haulfe agayne/
I maye tell the in goode plyght. For fome be taken prefoners/ And fome are dedde of the fevers/
Many of theym lofynge their fyght Of twenty thoufande fyghtynge men/ Scant returneth home agayne ten/
In good flate and perfect lykynge. For the more parte made beggers/ .'£ And fo become robbers and flelers/
Wherby they have a fhroade endynge. at. f[ He fareth nott the better for warre/ let f[ Yes mary/ it doth hym prefarre/
To more gaynes than I can rehearce/ For fyrfl or the warre do begynne/ They laboure his favoure to wynne/ Gevynge gyftes many and dyvers. And yf it cannot be fo pacifyed/ They brybe hym on the wother fyde/
At the leaft for to be favoured. And fynally warre for to ceace/ With rewardes they muft hym greace/ Or els peace cannot be performed. SJat. f[ Dothe he practyfe foche conveyaunce ? Iff. {[ Ye/ and for that caufe in Fraunce/ This warre tyme he was beloved.
55
G!Eat. f[ Thou makefl hym then a trayter? let f[ I recken hym a falce fayterer/ Yf the very tmeth were proved. at. H Well lett this pas/ howe dothe he/ In gevynge grauntes of liberte/
And cafes that be difpenfable ? 3Ief. {[ He foloweth the common practyfe/ Of marchantes in their marchandyfe/
To gett worldly goodes movable. Savynge they take grett laboures/ And he doth all by his factoures/
Reftynge in quyet felicite. He hath falce farifes and fcrybes/ Gapynge for nothynge but for brybes/
Full of fraudes and perverfite. U They are named yett wother wyfe/ f[ Trothe/ but they folowe their gyfe/
In wicked operacions. {52Eat. {[ I put a cafe nowe they be leawde/ As I thyncke they are all be flirewde/
In their adminiflracions. Shall they to hell for the Cardinall/ Or els thynkeft thou that he mall/
Go thether in his owne perfone ? Eef. C Though he have here foche prerogative/ In all poyntes that be difpenfative/
To performe it by commyffion. Yett in this poynt fekerly/ He muft performe it perfonally/
Withoute eny exempcion. C Yf he be as thou haft here fayde/ I wene the devils will be afrayde/
To have hym as a companion. For what with his execrations/ And with his terrible fulminacions/
He wolde handle theym fo. That for very drede and feare/ All the devils that be theare/
Wilbe glad to let hym go.
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£ef. f[ As for that thou mayft be afiured/ The devils with courffes are invred/
As authours there of with out fayle. C w^at yf he will the devils bliffe ? f[ They regarde it no more be gifle/
Then waggynge of his mules tayle. f[ Doth he vfe then on mules to ryde ? JEef. C Ye and that with fo mamfull pryde/
That to tell it is not poffible. More lyke a god celeiliall/ Then eny creature mortall/
With worldly pompe incredible. Before hym rydeth two prefles flronge/ And they beare two crofles right longe/
Gapynge in every mans face. After theym folowe two laye men fecular/ And cache of theym holdynge a pillar/
In their hondes/ fleade of a mace. Then foloweth my lorde on his mule/ Trapped with golde vnder her cule/
In every poynt mofl curioufly. On cache fyde a pollaxe is borne/ Which in none wother vfe are worne.
Pretendynge fome hid miflery. Then hath he fervauntis fyve or fix fcore/ Some behynde and fome before/
A marvelous great company. Of which/ are lordes and gentlemen/ With many gromes and yemen/
And alfo knaves amonge. Thus dayly he procedeth forthe/ And men mufl take it at worthe/
Whether he do right or wronge. A grett carle he is and a fatt/ Wearynge on his hed a red hatt/
Procured with angels fubfidy. And as they fay in tyme of rayne/ Fewer of his gentelmen are fayne/
To holde over it a cannopy.
57
Befyde this to tell the more newes/ He hath a payre of coflly fhewes/
Which fildom touche eny grownde. They are fo goodly and curious/ All of golde and Hones precious/
Coftynge many a thoufande pownde. Mat. f[ And who did for thes fhewes paye ? Eef. {[ Truly many a ryche abbaye/ To be eafied of his vifitacion. Ulat f[ Doth he in his owne perfone vifit? Eef. f[ No/ another for hym doth it/
That can fkyll of the occupacion. A felowe nether wyfe nor fadde/ But he was never yett full madde/
Though he be frantyke and more. Doctor Alyn he is named/ One that to lye is not affhamcd/ Yf he fpye avauntage therfore. uiHat. {[ Are foche with hym in eny pryce ? let {[ Ye/ for they do all his advyce/ Whether it be wronge or right. SBEat. {[ Hath the Cardinall eny gay manfion ? Eef. 41 Grett palaces with out comparefon/
Mod glorious of outwarde fight. And with in decked poynt device/ More lyke vnto a paradice/
Then an erthely habitacion.
52Eat. f[ He commeth then of fome noble flocke ? let. fl[ His father coulde fnatche a bullock/
A butcher by his occupacion. Utat. f[ Howe cam he vnto his glory ? jet C Playnly by the devils policy/
As it is every wheare fayde. KEat. f[ Are the flates here with all content. Hef. f[ Yf they fpeake aught they are fhent/ Wherfore I tell the they are a frayde. HHat. |[ Whatt abflinence vfeth he to take ? let C In Lent all fyflhe he doth forfake/ Fedde with partriges and plovers.
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TOat. f[ He leadeth then a Lutherans lyfe ? Eet f[ O naye/ for he hath no wyfe/
But whoares that be his lovers. 3Hat. f[ Yf he vfe whoares to occupy/ It is grett marvell certaynly/
That he efcapeth the frenche pockes. let f[ He had the pockes with out fayle/ Wherfore people on hym did rayle/ With many obprobrious mockes. OTat. f[ He was then abhorred of his prince? 3Iet f[ By my troth man/ not an ynche/
Still in favoure continually. Wat. f[ By the devill then he worketh ? (FUet f[ Truly fo every man iudgeth.
But alas what remedy ?
Mat. f[ Hath he children by his whoares alfo ? let f[ Ye and that full prowdly they go/
Namly one whom I do knowe. Which hath of the churches goodes clerly/ More then two thoufand pownde yerly/
And yett is not content I trowe. His name is matter Winter/ For whom my lorde his father/
Hathe gotten of the frenche kynges grace. That when the biffhop of Rone/ Out of this lyfe is dedde and gone/
He mall fuccede hym in his place. SHat. fj And is his father as redy/
To promoute the noble progeny/
As he is towardes his baflardes ? let f[ He fauoureth lytell noble lynage/ Takynge a waye their heritage/
Rather then to fett theym forwardes. He breaketh mens teftamentes/ And contrary to their intentes/
At his owne mynde and pleafure. He wilbe nedes their exfecutours/ Sayinge with the devill all his cures/ Rychely to encreace his treafoure.
59
Many a goode ladys ioynter/ He engrofeth vp into his cofer/
Of the which fome here to name. I recken the Countes of Darby/ With the Countes of Salfbury/
Alfo the Duches of Buckyngame. Ulat. f[ Is the devil foche an whorfone ? 3M. fl Och/ there is nether duke ne barone/
Be they never of fo grett power. But they are conflrayned to croutche/ Before this butcherly floutche/
As it were vnto an Emproure. JUat. {[ Nowe furly then after my mynde/ They cannot foche another fynde/
The dedde maffis office to folempnife. ]Icf. {[ Yf it be his pleafure he maye/ Howe be it he vfeth lytell to praye/
For it is late or he do aryfe. Alfo as farre as I canne mufe/ To do this office he will refufe/
Dredynge his pompe therby to lofe. KEat. C As for that/ it (hall nothynge Ikyll/ Playnly yf it be the gofpels will/
Do it he mufl and cannot chofe. let f[ Yet it wilbe a parelous bufmes/ For biflhops and prefles doutles/
To ayde hym will nott be flacke. Though they loue hym as the devill/ Yett to do the gofpell fome evill/
No diligence in theym fhall lacke. &Hat. f[ Have the biflhops fo grett ryches/ let. f£ It is not poffible to expres/
The treafure of the fpretualte. fflffitat. H What/ are the biffhops divines ? Eef. f[ Ye they can wele Ikyll of wynes/
Better then of devinite. Lawears they are of experience/ And in cafes agaynft confcience/ They are parfet by practyfe.
6o
To forge excommunicacions/ For tythes and decimacions/
Is their continuall exercyfe. As for preachynge they take no care/ They wolde fe a courfe at an hare/
Rather then to make a fermon. To folowe the chace of wylde dere/ Paflynge the tyme with ioly chere/
Amonge theym all is common. To playe at the cardes and dyce/ ' Some of theym are nothynge nyce/
Both at hafard and momchaunce. They dryncke in gaye golden holies/ The bloudde of povre fimple foules/
Periffhynge for lacke of fuflenaunce. Their hongery cures they never teache/ Nor will foffre none wother to preache/
But foche as can lye and flatter. Biddynge the beades after this rate/ Ye mall praye for the goode eftate/
Of my lorde my mailer. And fo redynge a ragge mans ro*2le/ He exhorteth to praye for the foule/
Of this perfone and of that. Which gave boke/ bell/ or challes/ To the fortheraunce of goddis ferves/
Babblynge he wotteth neare what Soche preachers be commended/ And the wother are reprehended/ Which preache the gofpell purly. So they fitt apon couffhens fofte/ Their royalte exalted alofte/
They regarde nott goddis worde furly. They are fo geven to avaryce/ That they ponder no preiudyce/
Happenynge to the comen wealL They noryffhe fervauntes in ydelnes/ Which when they are maflerles/
Are conflrayned to begge or fteale.
6i
To tell all the abhominacion/ Of their wretched conuerfacion/
It were bothe longe and tedious. [Hat. C If the biflhops do fo abownde/ Howe are feculer prefles fownde/
With perfons which be religious ? Jttf. f[ Thynkefl that with theym it is fcant/ Naye naye man/ I the warant/
They fele no indigent rearage. For they have goodes innumerable/ And fare moche better at their table/
Then lordes of worthy parage. Fortune with prefles runneth on wheles/ So that fome have after their heles/
A fcoare of yemen taule and ftoute. Whom forto mayntayne ydely/ They have benefyces very many/
In the country there aboute. Wherby they are fo proude and vayne/ That the noble men they difdayne/
With fcornfull indignacion. Though peraventure their fathers/ Were other fowters or cobblers/
Of no maner reputacion/ As for religious folke to be brefe/ In all Englonde they have the chefe/
And mofl pleafaunt commoditees. The goodly foyles/ the goodly londes/ Wrongfully they holde in their hondes/
Endued with many knyghtes fees. By coloure of their faulce prayres/ Defrauded are the ryght heyres/
From their true inheritaunce. They are the caufe of myfery/ Of whordom/ theft/ and beggery/
To the commen welles hynderaunce. No frutfull worke they vfe/ All honeft laboure they refufe/
Geven wholy to fluggeffhnes.
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They are nether goflly nor divine/ But lyke to brut beaftes and fwyne/
Waltrynge in fynfull wretchednes. I fpeake this of the poffefiioners/ All though the mendicant orders/
Are nothynge leffe abhominable. Whofe lyvynge is with oute laude/ Noriffhed in rapyne and fraude/
Grounded on lefyngis deteftable. They are the devils meffengers/ And of antichrifl the members/
Example of all perveiiite. They are ydols of flattery/ And apoflels of hypocryfy/
Repleniflhed with enormite. Lo/ here I have thus reported/ Howe their lyfe is partly ordred/
And vnder what condicion.
f[ That thou hafl I make god a vowe/
Infomoche that I marvayle howe/
Thou knowefl their difpoficion. But I praye the/ dofl thou iudge/ That they will murmer and grudge/
At the dedde maflis buryinge ? Eef. {[ Ye fyr I wis man I am lure/ They will laboure with bufy cure/
His fepulture forbiddynge. For why their fuperfluite/ By the maflis liberalite/
Only hath fupportacion.
TOat. f[ What fuppofefl thou of men temporall ? let {[ I thynke they wolde holde here with all/
Yf they had due informacion. Nevertheleffe at the begynnynge/ dede maffe amonge theym to brynge/
There wilbe fome difficulte. Be caufe of longe continuance. They have had trull and affiaunce/
Thorowe the maile faved to be.
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For thefe prefles and fryres perfwade/ That by the maffe they mall evade/
Eternall payne and punnyffhment. Whofe fuffrage doeth theym grette fledde/ Proffitable bothe to quicke and dedde/
After their mynde and Judgement. f[ Ye to prefles and fryers miferable/ Doutles the maffe is proffitable/
And is the mill of their welfare. But the people without faynynge/ It is playne a fraudfull deceavynge/
To make their porffe empty and bare.
let C Nowe truly I trowe as thou dofl faye/
Even there goeth the hare quyte awaye/
And all their babellynge is but lyes. All though there be wother obflacles/ Be caufe of the grett myracles/
Dayly practyfed before oure eyes. [Mat. f[ Thou never faweft myracle wrought ? let C V no be nvm tnat. me bought/
But as the prefles make rehearceall. [Slat. {[ Canfl thou rehears me nowe one ? Eet f[ No I cannot/ but oure fyr lohn/
Can/ in his Enghliffhe feflivall. USat. C Geve tnev to foche fables credence ? Jlet 41 They have them in more reverence/
Then the gofpell a thoufand folde. Alfo ther is nether whoare nor thefe/ Nor eny of fo wicked mifchefe/
But by the mafle is made bolde. For yf they heare once a preflis mafle/ They truft furly that daye to paffe/
Without all parell or daungeoure. Crafty forcerers and falce dyce players/ Pickeporfes and prevy conveyers/
By the mafle hope to have focoure. Marchantes paflynge viages on farre/ And foudiars goynge forthe to warre/
By the maffe are ofte preferved.
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Maffe bryngeth fynners to grace/ And fendes awaye it doeth chace/
Above all thynges preferred. Maffe folemnifeth marriage/ And kepeth people from domage/
Caufynge alfo wedder to be fayer. Maffe maketh tame thynges of wylde/ And helpeth wemen to be with chylde.
Thorowe affiftence of the fayer. Maffe avayleth agaynfl fycknes/ A proved remedy for all diflres/
And for thynges that be gone. Thus to conclude with brevite/ Of the whole churches felicite/
The maffe is mayntener alone. TOat. C The nobles that be wyfe and fage/ I fuppofe with foche blynde dotage/
They cannot fo lolifihly begyle. £e£. C Troth it is/ fome of theym begynne/ To have lytell confidence there in/
And leffe woll with in a whyle. Which of the biffhops is perceaved/ Wherfore they have nowe reflrayned/
Vnder the payne of courffynge. That no laye man do rede or loke/ In eny frutfull engliffhe boke/
Wholy fcripture concernynge. Their frantyke foly is fo pevifihe/ That they contempne in Engliffhe/
To have the newe Teflament. But as for tales of Robyn hode/ With wother ieftes nether honed nor goode/
They have none impediment. Their madde vnfavery teachynges/ And theyr fantaflicall preachynges/
Amonge fimple folke to promote. For no cofl they fpare nor flynte/ Openly to put theym in prynte/
Treadynge fcripture vnder their fote.
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Alfo their decrees and decretallis/ With folyffhe dreames papiflicallis/
They compell people to rede. Howe be it the confutacion/ Of their abhorninacion/
They will not foffre to precede. Wat. {[ Kepe thou filence and be whyfl/ Though with grett crakes they refill/
For a lytell feafon prefent. Yett I warant within fhortt fpace/ Maffe will have there his beryinge place.'
Acordynge as it is convenient. 4T So moche the worfe for oure thryfte/ For then there is none wother fhyfte/
A newe mailer we mufl vs gett. C All though maffe be dedde and rotten/ A matter maye lyghtly be gotten/
Yf we oure mynde to lab oure fett. f[ Ye/ but preftes fervice is gaye/ For we maye with theim all waye/
In ydelnes have grett refpyt. {[ That for a chriften man is nott bed/ Borne vnto laboure and not vnto reft/
As the foule is vnto flyght. But nowe all this matter to fpare/ Lett vs oure mafters dyner prepare/
For it is hye tyme verely. f[ A felyfhip lett vs go a pace/ For he will befhrowe oure face/
Yf he fynde not all thynge redy. at. f[ Hawe/ I praye the yett abyde/ Sett thy bufynes a whyle a fyde/
And lett vs have fyrft a fonge.
Kef. f[ What woldeft thou that I fhulde fynge ?
at. f[ Surly fome propper conveyed thynge
Not over tedious nor longe. let f[ I trowe thou arte a fyngynge man ? TOat.] The devil of the whit that I can/
But I love fpecially foche geare.
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lef . C Will thou have it men- or fadde ? ®Eat. f[ I foarce not be it goode or badde/
So that I maye fome what heare/ let C If thou will thy mynde fatiffy/ Gett the into fome monailery/
And be a monge theym in the queare. GJEat. {[ Do they vfe foche ioly fyngynge ? Jet 4[ It is the crafte of then* lyvynge/ Wherby they make lufly cheare. ®3at. f[ But I vnderflonde nott whatt they faye/ let f[ By my fothe no more do they/
I maye fhewe the in counfell. SSEat. f[ Shall I axe the nowe a queftion ? Jet f[ Ye hardely a goddis benefon/
And I will not fpare the to telL SBat. {[ Ware thou never in religion ? Jet f[ Yes fo god helpe me and halydom/
A dofen yeres continually.
S3at {[Then thou knowefl moche vnhappines ? Jet {[ A grett deale more then goodnes/ I promes the faythfully. Well lett vs differ this till foune/ en oure mailers diner is done/ We will a gayne come hydder. Jet ^[ I am content even fo to do/ a*t. |[ Fyrft fynge a balett/ go to/ And then will we to diner. Jet ^[ Alas I am marveloufly drye/ Uat f[ Thou (halt dryncke man by and by/
What nedeth the fo to lynger ? , Jet Have at it in the befl manner.
f[ Wh
n the ioyfull moneth of ioly lune/ Walkynge all alone my care to folas. I herde a voyce with a dolorous tune/ Full pitioufly cryinge/ alas alas. The worlde is worffe then evyr it was. Never fo depe in miferable decaye/ But it cannot thus endure all waye.
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Fyrfl to begynne at the fpretualte/ Whofe lyvynge fhulde be example of grace. Indued with parfett workes of charite/ Sekynge goddis honoure in euery cace. The worlde with his vanites they enbrace. Renyinge god all though they faye naye/ But it cannot thus endure all waye.
Of this worlde they have the chefe dominion With ftately preeminence temporal!. They preafume to be hadde in opinion/ Of the people/ as lordes emperiall. Worflhipfull feniours we mud theym call/ Requyrynge that we fhulde to theym obeye/ But it cannot thus endure all waye.
The ryches and gooddes of the commen weall/ Hath fett theym in their honoure full hye. They are occafion that theves do fteall/ And caufe of all mifchefe and mifery. The wor[l]dly treafure they confume ydely. Nothynge regardynge but parlance and playe But it cannot thus endure all waye.
The laboure of the povre people they devower And of nobles they wafle the patrimony. They teache and exhorte men god to honoure With their temporall fubflannce and mony. They clayme tythes to fupporte their foly. Inventynge many a faulce offerynge daye/ But it cannot thus endure all waye.
They ought of duty to preache the gofpell/ The wordes of life/ fo dulcet and fwete. Howe be it there agaynft chefly they rebell/ Chriflis doctryne troaden vnder their fete. They beare vs in honde that it is nott mete. The gofpell to be knowen of people laye/ But it cannot thus endure all waye.
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They ftmlde be meke/ and they ar full of pryde Voyde of true pacience replete with yre. Envy they holde/ charite fett a fyde/ Retaynynge for chaftite carnall defyre. Slouthe and glotteny in their hole empyre. Hath made temperance and labour to ftraye But it cannot thus endure all waye.
Emprours and kyngis they trappe in their lure/ Deceavynge theym bey faulce adulacion. So that of promocions they be fure/ Full lytell they ponder their damnacion. They geve theym no true informacion/ And that evidently parceave they maye/ But it cannot thus endure all waye.
The workes of mercy apon them are fpent. Poure people defraudynge with iniury. They dryncke the bloud of foules innocent/ Simple folke begylynge outrageoufly. Their foule fylthy carkes to magnyfy. They wrappe in robes and coftly araye/ But it cannot thus endure all waye.
Goddis commaundmentis they tranfgrefle openly To his godly love no refpecte havynge. They take his name in vayne with blaffemy/ Holy dayes after their own mynde faynynge To honour their parentis they are difdaynynge More couetous then kytes waytynge apraye. But it cannot thus endure all waye.
Letcherous lufte leawdly they enbrace/ Forbiddynge wedloke agaynfl goddis will. Their fubiectis they oppreffe in wretched ca.ce/ Prone vnto morther chriflen men to fpill. Sacrilege and fimony is their corne mill. Vfynge falce witnes the trueth to delaye/ But it cannot thus endure all waye.
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The facrementis of chriflis ordinaunce. Inflitute cure feble fayth to fuflayne. They haue perverted vnto cure hyndraunce. Enforcynge vs to truft in tryfles vayne. Wother newe facrementis falcely they fayne. Obfcuringe godis worde as moch as they may But it cannot thus endure all waye.
Chriflis fredom they have trought in bondage Of hevenly rightes makynge marchandyfe. In goflly workes they covett avauntage/ To fede their infaciate covetyfe. Of the damnable maffe they make a facryfyfe Compellynge men dearly for it to paye/ But it cannot thus endure all waye.
Of hell and heven they make chevefance/ Faynynge as they lyft a purgatory. Hypocrify is leader of their daunce/ With wronge extorcion and vfery. Of Chriflis worde they make herefy/ Redy and prompte chriflen men to betraye/ But it cannot thus endure all waye.
Wherfore brefly to fynnyffhe my balade/
O hevenly father/ apon the I call.
Have pyte on man/ whom thou hafl made/
To ferve the in fredom fpretuall.
Rid vs from antichriflis bondes fo thrall.
Wherwith we are fafl bound nyght and daye
That thy name be not blafphemed all waye.
Lo nowe I have done my befl/ To fatiffy the requefl/
Accordynge as thou defyredfl. TOat. {[ I will holde the then no lenger/ But loke that thou remember/
To fulfill that thou promyfedfl.
folotoetj t&e Sbwtntre
Lorde god what -goode dayes/ Thes monkes have in abbeyes/
And do nether fwett nor fwyncke, Thei live in welthynes and eafe/ Havynge what foever they pleafe/
With delicate meate and dryncke. Wher with they farce their bellies fo full/ That to all goodnes they are dull/
Makynge mery with gill and loan. They fitt flepynge in a corner/ Or momblynge their pater nofter/
Their mynde nothynge ther apon. Be they never fo flronge or ftarcke/ They will exercyfe no maner warcke/
Nor laboure boddily. f[ Arte thou here leffray mate ? let f[ Ye/ why commefl thou fo late ?
I am fayne for the to tary. TOat f[ I was troubled with the eflates/ I belhrowe all their foliflhe pates/ For commynge here this daye. let fl[ So mot I the I thought the fame/ Howe be it the ftuarde was to blame/
That he did no better porvaye. TOat. f[ By thy fayth/ had thou better fare/ In the cloyfter where as thou ware/ Vnder the rule of the manaftery ? let C Fare cotha ? they eate theyr belies full/ Every man as moche as he wull/
And none fayth blacke is his eye ? f[ What do they for it/ eny thynge ? f[ Truly nothynge but rede and fynge/ Paffynge the tyme with fporte and playe.
SSI at. fl That is a lyfe in dede for the nones/ Thou ware a fole by thyfe ten bones/
Whan thou camefl fro theym awaye ? let CT O I thy nek e my filfe moche fortunate/ That fro their lyfe I am feperate/
Seynge it is fo abhominable. Wat. C What abhominacion is there in ? let {[ Alas mate all to geder is fynne/ And wretchednes moft miserable. Wat. C What a man of religion/ Is reputed a dedde perfon/ To worldly converfacion ? let 41 It *s or a trueth they are dedde/ For they are in no vfe nor fledde/
To chriften mens confolacion. And as a dedde flynkynge carkace/ Vnproffitably cloyeth a fpace/
Yf it be kepte above grown de. So in their lyfe fuperflicious/ Of wicked crymes enormious/
No maner proffitablenes is fownde/ Wat. f[ Yett their order is very flrayte ? Jet f[ Ye but they vfe foche a confayte/
That they make it eafy ynowe. More eafy by the twenty parte/ Then to laboure in fome arte/
Or to go with the carte or plowe. TOat C They have man the worlde forfaken/ And a fpretuall lyfe taken/
Confiflynge in goflly bufynes. let f[ What call ye the worlde I praye ? Wat. f[ Welthy ryches and pleafurs gaye/
And occafions of fynfulnes. let f[ Then are they in the worlde ftill/ For they have all that they will/
With ryches and poffeffions. And as touchynge the realme of vice/ Pryde/ wrath/ envy/ and avarice/ With wother fynfull tranfgreffions.
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In this worlde that we do name. There is none fo farre out of frame/
And lyve in foche outragioufnes. f[ Yett leffrye thou erreft fo god me fave/ For the fryers no poffeffions have/
But lyve only by pure almes. f[ Fryers ? nowe they are word of all/ Ruffian wretches and rafcall/
Lodefmen of all knaviffhnes. Though they be no poffeffioners/ Yett are they intollerabill beggers/
Lyvynge on rapyn and difceyte. Worfhipfull matrons to begyle/ Honorable virgins to defyle/
Continually they do wayte. Of honefly they have no regarde : To difpleafe god they are not afearde/
For the valoure of a pynne/ Ofwhordom they are the very baudes/ Fraudulent inventers of fraudes/
Provocacion vnto fynne. They are flaunder of vertoufnes/ Occafion vnto vicioufnes/
Chickens of the devils broode. To the trueth they are adverfaries/ Diligent imageners of lyes/
Depravers of thofe that be goode. They are antichriflis godfones/ Promowters of his pardones/
And proctours of fimony. They are brokers heven to fell/ Fre coppy holders of hell/
And fe fermers of purgatory. Of fathan they are the foudiers/ And antichriflis owne mariners/
His fhippe forwardes to convey. And to conclude ferioufly/ They are the hell howndes veryly/
Enmies agaynft goddis worde allwaye.
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08Eat. f[ Nowe thou arte gretly overfene/ For in places there as I have bene/
They do goode I the certify. For yf it wer not for the fryers/ There wolde not be in feven yeres/
A fermon in the povre con try. And as for their lyvynge truly/ They begge peoples almes purly/
Takynge loche thynges as they ge\ e. They have no waft fuperfluite/ But even their bare neceffite/
Scanty ynough wherby to leve. let. f[ I mean not that they are all bad/ For I wolde the devyll theym had/
Then with a fayre deliverance. But of the gretter parte I thought/ "Which I faye are worffe then nought/
Replete with mifchevous vengeance. Their preachynge is not fcripture/ But fables of their coniecture/
And mens ymaginacions. They brynge in olde wyves tales/ Both of Englonde/ Fraunce/ and Wales/
Which they call holy narracions. And to theym fcripture they apply/ Pervertynge it moil fhamfully/
After their owne opinions. Wherwith the people beynge fedde/ In to manyfolde errours are ledde/
And wretched fuperfticions. Of Chrift oure mercifull faveoure/ They make a iudge full of terroure/
Only threatninge oure damnacion. Whofe faveoure as they falily fayne/ We cannot be able to obteyne/
With oute fayntes mediacion. They faye that holy mens fuffrages/ Pardons mafles/ and pilgremages/
For fynnes make fatiffaccion
74
They bid vs in cure workes to truft/ Wherby they faye that we mufl/
Deferve cure faluacion. Fayth litell or nothynge they repute/ Wherof we beynge deftitute/
Are brought into defperacion. And as for their ]yfe doutles/ It is the well of ongracioufnes/ •$
Of iniquite the myroure. The almes that povre folke fhulde have/ Wretchedly awaye they do crave/
To lyve ydely withoute laboure. DhTaytes continually they do mufe/ And crafty fallhod dayly they vfe/
With fimple folke gretly diffemblynge. They feare lytell whom they offende/ Acuflumed to rappe and rende ?
All that commeth in their fingrynge. Their miferable difpoficion/ Caufeth flryfe and fedicion/
In all places where as they dwell There is none vnhappines done/ In eny chriilen regione/
But a fryer is of the counfell. Though they faye that their order/ Is to have no thynge in proper/
But to vfe all thynges in commone. Yett ther is no commenalte/ Which hath fo gret parcialite/
As their miferable religione. For where as the heddes principal!/ Whom matter doctors they call/
Lyve in welthy aboundance. The wother are povre and nedy/ Leadynge their lyves in penury/
Scant havynge their fuflenance. Of their brothers vexacion/ They have no compaffion/
Defpyfynge thofe that be in ficknes.
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Agaynfl all order of charite/ They defdayne forto have pete/
Apon theym that are in deftres. To fhewe all their vnhappines/ So abhominable and fhamles/
It wer ouer tedious and longe. 8IUt. f[ Thou haft fayde ynough all redy/
They cannot be moche more wors lyghtly/
Yf the divell be not theym amonge. let f[ As for that thou nedeft not feare/ The devill with theym is familiare/
All waye bothe at bed and at borde. gUat. <[ The obfervauntes are not fo difpofed ? let H Wilt thou have their lyfe difclofed/
Brefly rehearfed at a worde ? SSEat. f[ Nowe mate I praye the hartely/ let f[ So god helpe me of all hypocryfy/
They are the very foundacion. 2$lat. f[ Peace man/ what fpeakefl thou ? I perceave well thou errefl nowe/
With wordes of diffamacion. let f[ Why thynkeft thou that I do erre ? IHat. f[ Becaufe the worlde doth theym preferre/
For their wholy converfacion.
3ret ^[ Ye fo were the fcrybes and pharifays/
Through their falce hypocrify ways/
Amonge the lues in reputacion. Nevertheleffe in inwarde maners/ They were worfe then open fynners/ Whom oure lorde alfo did courffe. SSlat. f[ Makeft of theym foche comparefon ? let f[ Ye favynge after my opinion/
The obfervantis are farre worfe. iEat. C It is not poffible to be fo/
For they fhewe ther as they go/ Of fimplenes gret aperaunce. let f[ Ye fo dothe the foxe wother whyle/ All though he canne many a wyle/ Pretende a fimple countenaunce
7°
f[ Thou doefl wrongfully furmyfe. £et f[ Naye I tell the it is their gyfe/
To have two faces in a hoode. iSat. |[ What dofl thou meane therby ? Eef, f[ That they are diffemblers vniuerfally/
And feawe or none of theym be goode. Hat. f[ They vfe no whordom/ nor robbery/ Nor take mens goodes wrongfully/ '
As far as I can heare or fe ? 3Eef. H Open advoutrers they are none/
Yet are they not virgens every chone/
All though they profefle chaflite. They have pollucions deteflable/ And in warde brennyngis intolerable/
Of the fleffhly concupifcence. Ye and wother whyles advoutry/ "With wother meanes of letchery/
Cloaked vnder a fayned pretence. Wich to overcome certaynly/ They vfe not the right remedy/
Of oure lordis inftitucion. Gevynge hede to fpretes of errours/ And doctryne of divylyffhe doctours/
Which do make prohibicion. And as touchynge theft to be playne/ They are the gretefl theves that raygne/
In all the worlde nowe a dayes For all wother theves commenly/ Of theym which have aboundantly/
And of ryche folke take their prayes. But the obfervauntis no people do fpare Makynge their quefl every wheare/
With moft importunate cravynge. To begge of the pover and nedy/ They are as dogges mofl gredy/
And wolves inceflantly ragynge. Mat. f[ Yet they never handell money ? Eet f[ No for that is a fubtili policy/
To vpholde their madde difgyfynge.
77
For when antichrift'fathans foune/ To ftablyflhe his realme had begoune/
Temporall honoure defpyfynge. To have all in his dominion/ He made made many a religion/
With outwarde holynes aperynge. Which into fectes innumerable/ Wer divided with oute fable/
The world e in care forto brynge. By their coloured devocion/ To the people they gave a mocion/
Their favoure craftly purchafynge. And fo by their contrivynge call/ The[y] gott clene a waye at the lafl/
Their chefe poffeffions temporally. Wherby laye people oprefled fore/ Scant coulde they geve eny more/
Concernynge londes and patrimony. Then cam the fower orders of fryers/ Which are the fubflanciall pillers/
Of antichriflis mayntenaunce. So holy theym felves they did make/ That all poffeffions they did forfake/
Wilfull poverty to inhance. To live by almes they did pretende/ And receaved all that god did fende/
Sheawynge tokens of perfection. Wherfore the people did theym honoure/ With gretter love and faveoure/
Then thofe that had poffeffion. Except livelod and londes only/ They receaved all that cam frely/
Whether it wer mony or ware. Howe be it they did multiply/ In all provinces fo innumerably/
Through the worlde in every quartear. That the people wexed wery/ Seynge they coulde not kepe a peny/
But the fryers wolde begge it awaye.
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At the laft cam the obfervauntis/ Of antichrifl the trufty fervauntis/
To brynge the worlde in more dekaye. And leafl they Ihulde feme chargeable/ They fownde a newe waye deceavable/
To begylde bothe yonge and olde. They were of foche fuperflicione/ That in proper or in commone/
They wolde nothynge kepe nor holde. Of their nedes havynge the vfe/ To handle money they dyd refufe/
Faynynge auflerite of pennaunce. Wherby with defyrous affecte/ The people had a grett refpecte/
Vnto their paynted obfervaunce. In fomoche that though their londes/ Was geven clene oute of their hondes/
By meanes of the polfeffioners. And alfo mofl greveoufly opprell/ With the dayly cravynge and quefl/
Of the vnfaciate fryer beggers. Yett the obfervauntis femed fo parfyt/ That to healpe theym they iudged yt/
With oute charge a thynge charitable. Wherfore all the wother fectes/ In maner reputed abiectes/
The obfervauntis were honorable. Apon whom the workes of mercy/ Were bellowed continually/
With fuperfluous abundaunce. And fo vnder a leawde coloure/ In ydelnes they did devoure/
The povre peoplis fuftenaunce. They have increafed fo their nomber/ That all the worlde they do encomber/
With intolerable oppreffion. They are more noyous agret deale/ In hyndraunce of the commen wealle/
Above eny wother faccion.
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For where as the people afore/ Wer halfe beggered and more/
By the wother orders afore fayde. They robbed the worlde vterly/ Caufynge it with extreme beggery/
In grett ruyne to be dekayde. 35Eat. C Thou fpeakeft agaynfl confcienee/ For we perceaue by experience/ What a godly lyfe they leade. They flye diligently all exceffe/ Livynge in poverte and fcafnes/
With fmale dryncke and browne breade. let C Thynkeft thou they live in penury ? !$Iat. f[ Or els they are hipocrites verily/
Of mamf ull diffimulacion. let f[ Saye that hardly once agayne/ For they leade a lyfe to be playne/
Full of worldly delectacion/ Fyrft they have befe and mutten/ Of the chefe that maye be gotten/
With bred and dryncke of the bell. And that morover fo largely/ That to farce and fluffe their belly/
They take more then they can deiefL They have fauces with every diflhe/ Whither that it be fleffhe or fyffhe/
Or els they wilnot be content. To eate bred that is browne or flale/ Ether to dryncke thynne byere or ale/
They count it not convenient. And many tymes they have daynties/ Sent from dyvers lordes and ladyes/ Their wholy fuffrages to procure. Wat. f[ Yet they nether bake nor brewe. let f[ No for all laboure they exchewe/
I the faythfully enfure.
SSEat. f£ Howe have they their meate roil or bake ? £ef > f[ Wother men for theym the payne take/ Whom fpretuall fathers they call.
8o
88Rat. f[ And have they no fpretuall mothers ? Ect C Yes with many fillers and brothers/
And alfo doughters fpretuall. SSEUt. C Howe come they to kynred fo nye/ let f[ Becaufe they canne flatter and lye/ Makynge beleve the cowe is wode. SSlat f[ They cannot lye though they wolde/ For they will nether filver nor golde/
Nor covet eny mans goode. let f[ Trowed thou they covyt nothynge/ Where as they come a beggyng/ To the houfle of a povre man ? Which hath both wyfe and children/ And is not able to fynde them/
Doynge the befl that ever he can. Yet he muft vnto the fryers geve/ All though he mulde his houmolde greve/
Havynge nought theym felves to eate. 8SEat f[ O they have then the gretter mede. let f[ Ye god geve theym evill to fpede/
That do pover creatures fo entreate. For they mulde their livynge gett/ With boddely laboure and fwett/
Wherby they myght healpe wother. Wat. f[ So they do healpe them fpretually. let C Soche fpretualnes I defye/
When pover people dye for honger. Wat. C Men faye they are goode to the pover/ And geve every daye at their doer/
Grett almes and refreffhynge. let f[ They geve almes/ but howe ? When they have eaten ynowe/
Their gredy paunches repleniflhynge. Then gadder they vp their levettis/ Not the bell morfels but gobbettis/ Which vnto pover people they deale.
Wat C Then are ^y tyke witn oute doute/ Vnto certiiyne theves devoute/ Which though they vfe to ileale.
8i
Yet they are liberall and fre/ Yf eny pover creature they fe/
To geve hym parte of their flolen geare. let f[ Nowe truly their difpoficion/ Is not vnlyke of condicion/
Savynge in this poynte they differ. That where as theves liberally/ Geve their goodes gotten wrongfully/
To the pover with true affection. They geve no thynge in very trothe/ But fcrappes which they wolde be lothe/
To vfe agayne in their refeccion. 2Eat f[ Pover folke yet commende theym gr-etly. Eet f[ But yf they knewe as moche as I/
They wolde rather on theym complayne. at. f[ Howe do they pover people offende ? let fl[ By caufe in yd ernes they fpende/
Which vnto theym fhulde pertayne. at f]They are not ydell I dare faye/ Whylis they rede/ fynge/ and praye Continually every houre.
let ^[ I call it ydelnes vnproffetable/ Which in no cafe is confortable/
To the neceffite of oure neighbours TOat. C .Wel1 yett tne apoftle doth wryte/ A iufl mans prayer doth proffyte/
And is very efficacious. 3Iet fl[ Are they iufl in thy reputacion ? flJEat. C After their owne affirmacion/
Truly they are iufl and rightous. let f[ Then it is an evident token/
That they are of whom it is fpoken/ Vae vobis qui iuflificatis vos ipfos. Wat. f[ What dofl thou by thefe wordes note f let f[ That vnder neath a fryers cote/
Moche hipocrify they glofe. SHat. ^ Reputefl thou it hypocrify/ That they vfe to go fo holyly/ In cutt fhues with out eny hofe ? F
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let {[Be it hipocrify or no/
To mangill their good fhues fo/ Me thynketh it but foliffhnes. Wat. |[ They cutt but the vpper ledder/ let f[ No for it is moche eafier/
Then to cut the foles doutles. . Wat. f[ They do it for pennaunce fake/ let f[ For all that gret fhifte they make/ To avoyde all corporall fofferaunce. Wta. {[ They fhewe fignes of penaunce outwardly. let f[ Ye but they fynde foche a remedy/
That they fele lytell grevaunce. For in coventis whereas they are/ Thycke mantels of fryfe they weare/
With fockes to kepe their fete warme Then have they fyre at their pleafure/ And to fit therby at their leayfure/
No man fayinge theym eny harme. And when they walke their flacions/ They feke gentilmens habitacions/
Where as they fare delicioufly. For be there never fo grett preafe/ They are fet vp at the by deafe/ Taken lyke lordes honorably. They have alfo to waffhe their fete/ Water made hott with erbes fwete/
And a goode fyer in their chamber. Then have they bred/ ale/ and wyne/ With a ryche bed of downe fyne/
Decked after the beft maner. And paraventure the goode father/ Hath in his fleve a bladder/
Full of gynger/ nutmegges or graynes. Which to make the drincke myghtye/ He putteth therin a quantite/
To comforte and warme his veynes. Wat. C They fynd not this wherfoever they come ? let f[ Syr I wis it is their cuftome/
In gentilmens places commenly.
5JEat. f[ Yet when they go on farre iorneys/ They cannot efpye oute all ways/
Gentilmens houfes fo redely. let . {[ Mary before their departynge/
They have by mouthe or wrytynge/
The names of places where they dwell. 52Eat. fl[ Some tyme they fayle yet I iudge ? let. f[ Then do they mormor and grudge/
Lyke yonge devils of hell.
32Eat. f[ They want foche thynges in their cloyfler ? Hcf. fl[ Concernynge the fare of their froyter/
I did tell the a fore partly. But then they have gefl chambers/ Which are ordened for ftrangers/ And for fathers to make mery. There have they ale/ wyne/ and byre/ And in winter tyme a goode fyre/
With gaye conceytes made wother. 3S9at. f[ What is their communicacion ? let fl[ By my fothe murmuracion/
One backbytynge another. [Hat fl They have nothynge to murmur fore. 3Eef. ^[ I tell the they murmur more/
Then eny perfons that I knowe. Full of envious fufpicion/ Overwhelmed with ambicion/
Though their vocacion be lowe. With all diligence they laboure/ To obtayne noble mens favoure/
And to be ladys confeffours. In foche matters dayly they bofte/ Who with grett eflates maye do mofle/
Reckenynge theym felve wyfe feniours. SSEat. f[ Do they defyre to be converfant/ In courtes of vertue fo fcant/
Intangled with all vngracioufnes ? Eef. f[ They are content to be partners/ With all vngracious lyvers/
Yf fo be they geve theym almes.
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f[ I put cafe they geve nothynge ? Eet f[ Then whether he be lorde or kynge/
They will his maners deprave. Howe be it though they be advoutrers/ Extortioners/ or whormongers/
Yf to be their frendes they witfave. Then with grett commendacion/ In their flatterynge predicacion/ -
They will their actes magnify. Wherfore whoares/ theves/ and bawdes/ And all foche as live by frawdes/
To their order have fantefy. Hat f[ Howe do they which are true preachers ? Icf. f[ They are charged in their chapters/
Vnder their prelatis ftrayte precepte. That agaynft their goode fownders/ Benefacters/ and frendly doers/
No enormites they detecte. SHat. C Yf tne7 fett men thus to fcole/ I trowe they make many a fole/
Of ladys and gentill wemen. £ef. fl[ Shall I fhewe the howe they do ? Hat. ([ Nowe for cure lordis fake go to/
To tell the cafl of this wholy men. let C Fyrft it is tneir cuflome ever/ To go/ two and two to gether/
Excepte a grett impediment. And fo to my ladys chamber/ Formofl pricketh in the elder/
Which of theym is mofl auncient As fone as my lady he dothe fe/ With a countenaunce of gravite/
He faluteth her noblenes. My lady then of his commynge/ Affectoufly reioyfynge/
Wei cometh hym with gladnes. The father then with his glofynge flyle/ After that he hath preached a whyle/
With babblynge adulacion.
85
My lady with many a goode morowe/ Begynneth her tale to folowe/
Speakynge after this faffion. O father ye do grett penaunce/ To wynne eternall inheritatmce/
Throw prayer/ faft/ and watchynge. Ye vfe forto iweare no othes/ Lyinge evermore in youre clothes/
Nether metes nor murtes wearynge. Ambicion ye fett a fyde/ Flyinge worldly pompe and pryde/
Whiche with vs is dayly in vre. Happy are ye and fortunate/ To live info parfet a Hate/
Where to be faved ye are fure. Yf it were not for youre wholines/ This worlde full of vicioufnes/
Had bene deflroyed longe or this. Howe be it/ ye do pacify/ The rigoure of god almighty/
Towardis vs that live a mis. The father then with wordes of comforte/ Begynneth my lady to exhorte/
Saynge thus/ o goode madame. Youre ladylhippe nedeth not to care/ For we praye dayly for youre welfare/
Or els we were gretly to blame. Wholy. S. Fraunces do you mede/ Many a pover fryer ye do fede/
Of youre bounteous charite. Wherfore ye were made fifter/ In the lad generall chapter/
Of oure whole confraternite. By meanes wherof ye are partetaker/ Of oure watchynge/ faft/ and prayer/
Remembrynge you in oure memento. There is no daye that commeth to paffe/ But ye have parte of many a maffe/
Prefervynge you from carfull wo.
86
Wholy. S. Fraunces alfo hym felve/ Which is above the apoflles twelve/
Nexte vnto Chrifl in authorite. Shalbe your perpetuall defence/ Agaynil fycknes and pellilence/
Souckerynge you in aduerfite. And for a fure aprobacion/ He bryngeth forth a narracion/
De libro conformitatum. Howe. S. Frances their advoury/ Once in the yere entreth purgatory/
When that his fefl daye doth come. And from thens he taketh oute/ Thofe which to hym were devoute/
Or to his order charitable. Thus my lady not very wyfe/ Is brought in to foles paradyfe/
Thorowe their wordes difceavable. f[ Hath Chrift amonge theym no place? £et f[ Chrift catha? in no maner cace/
He is rather to their damage. Be caufe thorowe his paffion/ For vs he made fatiffaccion/
Withoute eny mans fuffrage. Whofe doctryne yf they did obferve/ Playnly for honger they fhulde flerve/
Excepte they wolde to laboure fall. SSJat. f[ Howe conclude they then at the endt ? let H My lady muft to their covent fende/
Her blyflynge with a trentall. OTat. f[ What is the trentall/ in paper ? let f[ Or els in goode golde or filver/
To make theym a recreacion. TOat f[ They will not for all Englonde/
Handill money with their bare honde/
As I have had informacion. let f[ Yett in golden cuppes to dryncke/ And to touche wemen I thyncke/
No grett parell they do adverte.
87
And though fome of theym never dare/ Touche eny coyne with hondes bare/
Yett they touche it with their hertt. They have alfo withouten lefynge/ Money in wother mens kepynge/
Redy at their commaundment. Which by the wryttynge of a bill/ In whatt foever vfes they will/
Dayly is beflowed and fpent. In eny covent where they be/ Very feawe of theym thou fhalt fe/
But have a frende temporally. To whom for every tryfill vayne/ That commeth once into their brayne/
Yf by wrytynge they fignify. Though it cod a noble or twayne/ By and by they mall it attayne/
Not foarfynge what is layde oute. Which truly yf they fhulde purchace/ With laboure and fwett of their face/
They wolde wotherwyfe loke aboute. "Hat. f[ Yf it be as thou dofl expreffe/
Playnly their rule they do tranfgreffe/
Retaynynge in commen or in proper. JEef. C They have the popis declaracion/ Makynge therof a mitigacion/
In mod favorable maner. Vnder whofe divlyffhe proteccion/ They have put theym in fubieccion
As children of iniquite. Wherfore he taketh to his perfon/ The name of their dominion/
To vfe it gevynge liberte. They have fcant as moche as a louffe/ Nether clothes/ churche/ nor houffe/
But the pope there of is awner. ilat. H Why afcrybe they it to the pope ? let f[ By caufe with foche craft they hope/
To begylde people feculer.
88
For where as they live welthyly/ And have all thyngis abundantly/
Acordynge to their apetyte. Yet vnder foche falce pretence/ They fayne to foffre indigence/
Contempnynge all worldly delyte. The pope alfo for this intent/ Becaufe to his errours they confent/
Alowynge his abhominacions. Graunteth to their avauntages/ Many bulles and previleges/
With wretched confirmacions. Whofe favoure to recompence/ Agaynfl all goode confcience/
They preache as moche as they maye. That the people with reverence/ Continue flill in obedience/
Of the popis rule nyght and daye. Though his workes be contrary/ They faye that he is goddis vicary/
And of Chrifl the leftenaunte. Makynge of a fende/ an angell/ Chrifl/ of antichrifl rebell/
A faynt/ of the divels fervaunte. {[ I fuppofed with out diffemblynge/ That they vfed in their preachynge/
All ways to fheawe the verite. Seynge amonge the dates royall/ They were reputed fubftanciall/
With oute eny parcialite. They vfed to go in pover wede/ Exhortynge both in worde and dede/
Vnto the ioye celefliall. As though they had no erthely love/ But only to the lyfe above/
Defpyfynge the ioyes of this lyfe mortalL Eef. H The wholynes that they did fheawe/ Principally did over throwe/
The fayth of all chriftenuome.
»9
For they were confederate/ With antichrift fo inveterate/
Called the Pope of Rome. Whofe lawes to fett in renowne/ Chriftis doctryne they plucked downe/
Pervertynge all wholy fcripture. And yet fo perfett they did apere/ That grett mens confeffions to here/
In every place they had the cure. They pretended foche parfetnes/ That fimple people more and les/
Vnto their wordes gave credence. Whatfoever fables they did tell/ They were taken as the gofpell/
Approved with commen fentence. Wherfore by their feduccion/ They have bene the deftruccion/
Of all true chriften liberte. They make cruelnes of mercy/ Perfeccion of hipocrify/
And of fredome captivite. Of counterfeyted fim[u]lacion/ They ymagen mortificacion/
Turnynge fayth to infidelite. Ydelnes they name contemplacion/ Faynynge zele of murmuracion/
Enmies to charitable amite. SlEat. {[ I marvayle moche and wonder/ That they fhulde have eny anger/
Or eny envious debate. Seynge from worldly royalte/ And promocions of dignite/
They are willingly private. lef. f[ Though they have no worldly honours/ Yet nether kynges ne emperours/
Nor wother flates of the temperalte/ Have foche flryfe in their proviiion/ As obfervauntes in their religion/
With dedly hatred and enmyte.
To be made confeflbrs/ and preachers/ Wardens/ difcretes/ and miniflers/
And wother office? of prelacy. With grevous malice and rancour/ One agaynfl a nother dothe murmour/
Full of craft and inconflancy. They have nether drede nor mame/ Their faultles brethren to defame/"
Havynge none occafion why. Yonge men agaynfl their fuperiours/ And prelates agaynfl their inferiours/
One at another hath envy. In chapters and vifitacions/ They vfe wronge accufations/
With many ilanderous iniuryes They execute fharpe correccions/ To ponyffhe the tranfgreflions/
Of their fantaflycke ceremonyes. God and his lawes they omitt/ Aplyinge their malicious witt/
To kepe mans invencions. They are patrons of ydolatry/ Promouters vnto herify/
And bryngers vp of diflencions. f[ Nowe by the fayth of my body/ The obfervauntis are not fo holy/
As they do outwardly feme, let {[ Yf thou knewe manyfeftly/ What a lyfe they occupy/
Thou woldefl marvayle I deme. Slat. {[ I have hearde ynough and to moche/ Yf theyr converfacion be foche/
It is pite that they are fouffered. But no we touchynge the maners/ Of thefe religious poffeffioners/
I wolde heare fomewhat more vttered. let f[ I tolde the in the begynnynge/ Howe their wicked lyvynge/
Is gretly abhominable.
9'
Marcke their lyfe intentifely/ And thou fhale not therin efpy/
Eny thynge that is commendable. Wat. C What fayfl thou then of their vowes ? Wherby theym felves they fpowfe/
To god/ by a certayne promes. Eef. C Surl7 in it Chria they forfake/
And them felves wholy they betake/
To live in the devils ferves. Wat. f[ Why/ they profeffe chaflite/ Obedience/ and wilfull poverte/
Which allmyghty god doth approbate. Eef . C Ye for a11 that J promes the/ They kepe none of all the thre/
With mundane affections intricate. Wat. {[ All worldlynes they do renownce/ Ect f[ Though with wordes they fo pronownce/
Their hertes do not confent/ Wat. C The7 obferve t[r]uly obedience/ let. {[ Ye but favynge reverence/
Nothynge after Chriflis intent. For after goddis commandementis/ They fhulde obey their parentis/
Honorynge theym as is their duty. Not with ftandynge they are fo mad/ Their fathers and mothers are glad/
To honoure theym reverently. And where as holy fcripture wolde/ That vnto all powers we Ihulde/ Obey as to goddis ordenaunce. They are vnder no power- at all/ Nether fpretuall nor temporall/
To the commen weallis forth eraunce. Wat. f[ They obey vnto their prelate/ At all feafons yerly and late/
His precept accompliffhynge. let. C[ I will n°t denye they do obey/ Vnto the ruler of their abbey. A carle of their owne chofynge.
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Yet is it in fuperflicioufnes/ With outen eny profitablenes/
Of their neghbours comforte. They ferve theym felves and no mo/ Carynge litell howe the worlde go/
So that they have pleafure and fporte. And contrary the feculers/ Are vnder temporall rulers/
With their children and wyves. At all feafons preft and redy/ To put theym felves in ieopardy/
Aventurynge bothe goodes and lyves. To ferve the kynge in warre and peace/ They putt theym felves alwaye in preace/
The defence of the realme affiflynge. Where as the religious fectes/ Vnto no lawes are fubiectes/
Obeyinge nether god nor kynge. Yf the kynge will their fervice vfe/ Forthwith they laye for an excufe/
That they muft do goddis bufmes. And yf in it they be found negligent/ They faye the kynge is impediment/
Becaufe they muft do hym ferves. And yf the kynge mail theym compell/ Then obftymatly they do rebel!/
Fleinge to the popis mayntenaunce. Of whom they obtayne exempcions/ From all the iurifdiccions/
Of temporall governaunce. Silat. f[ Of the pope with out grett expens/ They can obtayne no foche defens.
As men faye which do it knowe. let H Yet are they fo farre out of tune/
That they do their goodes fo confume/
Rather then in goode vfes to beftowe. SSlat. f[ I perceave by this with out fayle/ Their obedience doth not provayle/
But what fayft thou to their poverte?
93
f; What nede I therof to fpeake/ Confideringe they do it break e/
Endued with ryche felicite. f[ Do they foche lyvelod poffefle? f[ They have in maner the ryches/
Of every londe and nacion. Namly in Englonde region/ They excede in poffeffion/
And lordly dominacion. The blacke order hath more alone/ Then all the nobles every chone/
As touch ynge their patrimony. Thou wold eft furly marvell/ To fe their fare and aparell/
In all poyntes fuperflu[o]ufly. There be monkes of foche ftatlynes. That fcant will foffer at their meffe/
A lorde of bludde with theym to fitt. Whofe prowde fervice to beholde/ In plate of filver and golde/
It paffeth a mans witt. Knyghtes and fquyers honorable/ Are fayne to ferve at their table/
As vnto Dukes excellent. Divers of theym have the degre/ Of worthy Erles in dignite/
And are lordes of the parlement. f[ They defcende of famous progeny ? |[ Ye beggers fonnes moft commenly/
Their fathers fcant worth a groate. Commynge fyrft to the abby gate/ A beggynge with a fcalled pate/
Havynge nether goode fhurt nor coate. Which as fone as he is ones clad/ For a gentilman he is had/
Though he be but a ftarcke knawe. f[ Soche poverte is plente/ For by it avoydynge fcacite/
All welthynes they have.
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Eet f[ It is truly their fiffhynge nett, Pover mens goodes awaye to gett/
To fati[f]fy their gluttenny. It is the goulfe of devoracion/ And fountayne of defolacion.
To all people generally. Wherof in wholy fcripture/ Is written a notable figure/
Shewed in the boke of Daniell. Howe the preiles of Babilone/ With falfhod acordynge in one/
Had an ydole called Bell. Outwardly made all of bras/ And inwardly of erth it was/
Havynge a refceyte fo devifed. That the ydole femed to devowere An. C. fhepe with wyne and flower/
Dayly vnto it facryfifed. Which the prefles with their whores/ Thorowe crafty contrived dores/
Entreinge in the nyght fecretly. And there makynge recreacion/ They confumed the oblacion/
Oppreffynge the people grevoufly. Which femed fo flraunge a thynge/ That bothe the people and the kynge/
Reputed it a grett miracle. Vntill Daniel at the lafl/ Perceavynge their difceavable call/
Agaynft it made an obftacle. He vttered to their confufion/ The execrable illufion/
Wherwith the folke they fore noyed. Caufynge by his policy/ That this ydole vtterly/
Was broken and deflroyed. Slat. f[ Wherto doft thou this compare ? let C Of religious perfons to declare/
The intollerable enormite.
95
For as the preftes with their ydoll/ The pover people did pill and poll/
By their diflaytfull futtelte. So the children of perdicion/ Named men of religion/
With their wilfull poverte. The wyde worlde forto begger. Daye and nyght they indever/
Blyndynge the peoples fimplicite. fl[ I marvayle men make no reftraynt/ Their diffaytfulnes to attaynt/
Whyls it is open and aperte. let C Daniel is not yett come/
Which (hall obtayne the roume/
Their fraudfull wayes to fubuerte. 3Eat f[ When malbe then his comynge? Kef. f[_ I enfure the or longe runnynge/
For he begynneth to drawe nere. Eat. C Well then/ this matter to remitt/ I wolde very fayne a lytell fitt/
Of their chaflite to heare. let. C To tel1 the of their chaftite/ It lyeth not in my capacite/
The mamfullnes therof to compryfe. 8ftat. 4T Men faye they live bilffedly/ With out acte of matrimony/
Enfuynge verteous exercyfe. let ^[ Their cloyfters are the devils m[e]wes Farre worfe then eny ft[e]wes/
Or commen places of whordom. They are the dens of bau dines/ And fornaces of all letcheroufnes/
Lyke vnto Gomer and Sodom. Yonge laddes and babes innocent/ They brynge in by their intyfment/
To their leawde congregacion. Whom they receave to profeflion/ Before that they have difcrecion/
T$ their eternall damnacion.
96
For when they fele by experience/ The brynnynge of the concupifcence/
Pryckynge their hertes with love. Confyderynge alfo their bondage/ Howe they can vfe no manage/
As a chriften man doth behove. Then to quenche their apetytes/ They are fayne to be fodomytes/
Abufynge theym felves vnnaturally. And fo from hope of falvacion/ They fall into defperacion/
Ordrynge their lyves moft mamfully. {[ I will not fay the contrary/ But amonge a grett company/
One or two foche thou mayft fynde. let. ^[ Make the company grett or fma.ll/ A monge a thoufand fynde thou fhall/
Scant one chaft of boddy and mynde Wat. f[ They faye yett with bolde audacite/ That it refleth in mans faculte/
Yf he will/ to live chaftly. Eet C Tnen make tnev Chrift a Iyer/ Callynge it a gyfte fmguler/
Not geven to every boddy. Paul alfo in his epiftle/ Vnto Timothe his difciple/
Writynge by fprete of prophecy. Nameth it a dyvliffhe doctryne. Which agaynft fcripture divine/
Forbiddeth folke to mary. Morover the florys not faynynge/ The lives of olde fathers conteynynge/
Geve reccorde to the fame. Which endued with godly fcience/ Exercyfynge continuall abftinence. The lufles of the fleflhe to tame. Yet feawe or none had the grace/ With all their laboure to purchace/ The fmguler gyfte of chaflite.
97
Howe fhuld they then live chafte/ That of gofllynes have no tafte/
Geven holy to carnalite. Which as wolves and bely beafi.es/ Eatynge and drynkynge in their feafi.es/ x
The bloudde of the pover commenalte, They hate foche as are ftudious/ Abhorrynge thofe that are verteous/
As a toa.de/ or poyfonde ferpente. With oute knowledge as affes brute/ Of all goode manners deftitute/
Braynles and infipient. [Mat. f[ I fe then he werre a very chylde/ Which wolde eny mo abbeys bylde/
Yf the goodes fhuld be fo yll fpent. let C I* werre fare better I fuppofe/
To plucke downe a grett forte of thofe/
Which are all redy of coilly bildynge/ Utat. f[ Oure lorde forbid/ that werre pete/ For they kepe hofpitalite/
Waye farynge people harborynge. Hufbande men and labourers/ With all commen artificers/
They caufe to have grett ernynge. Their townes and villages/ With out exaccions or pillages/
Vnder theym have moche wynnynge. They kepe alfo many fervauntes/ Retaynynge fermers and tennauntes/
Which by theym have their lyvynge. let f[ Hofpitall abbeyes thou fyndefi. but feawe/ All though fome of theym for a fheawe/
To blyndfelde the peoples fyght. Paraventure will not denaye/ Yf a gentle man come that waye/
To geve hym lodgynge for a nyght. But yf pover men thyther reforte/ They (hall have full lytell comforte/
Nether meate/ dryncke/ ne lodgynge.
Savynge wother whyles perhapis/ They gett a feawe broken fcrapis
Of thefe cormorantis levynge. f[ Well yett their fare confyderynge/ It is I wis no fmale thynge/ That they leave dayly at their borde. JEct f[ Ye but thorowe falce lorchers/ And vnthryfty abbey lobbers/
To povre folcke lytell they a forde. For the beft meate awaye they carve/ "Which for their harlottis mull ferve/
With wother frendes of their kynne. Then proll the fervynge officers/ With the yemen that be wayters/
So that their levettis are but thynne- And where as thou makefl relacion/ That men of fondry occupacion/
By theym are fett vnto laboure. It is aboute foche folyffhnes/ Concernynge no proffytablenes/
Vnto their neghbours fuccoure. In byldynge of chambers curious/ Churches/ and houfes/ fuperfluous/
To no purpofe expedient. So that they maye fatiffy/ Their inordinate fantafy/
They care for no detryment. Set dyce and carde players a fyde/ And thorowe out the worlde fo wyde/
They wafle their goode moll in vayne. Their pryde maketh many a begger/ Feawe or none farynge the better/
Except an ydell lavel or twayne. Their townes fomtyme of renowne/ Leawdly they caufe to faule downe/
The honoure of the londe to marre/ They fue their fubiettis at the lawe/ Whom they make nott worth a flrawe/
Raynynge theym giltles at the barre.
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And that I me nowe reporte/ To their lordlhips a grett forte/
With whom they had controverfys. Namly/ Saynt Edmondis bery/ With dyvers wother a grett many/
Vnder the holde of monafterys. Furthermore theare as I did wone/ All hufbande men they have vndone/
Deflroyinge the londe miferably. f[ To prove that it wer very harde fl[ Take hede howe farmers go backwarde/
And thou malt fe it with thyne ey. For the londes welth pryncipally/ Stondeth in exercyfe of hufbandry/
By encreace of catell and tillynge. Which as longe as it doth profper/ The realme goeth backwarde never/
In ftabill felicite perfeverynge. The abbeys then full of covetyfe/ Whom poffeffions coulde not fuffyfe/
Ever more and more encroachynge. After they had fpoyled gentill men/ They vndermyned hufbande men/
In this manner theym robbynge. Wheare a farme for xx. li. was fett/ Vnder. xxx. they wolde not it lett/
Rayfynge it vp on fo hye a fome. That many a goode hufholder/ Conftrayned to geve his farme over/
To extreme beggary did come. 32Ea;t. ^[ I have hearde faye of myne elders/ That in Englonde many fermers/
Kept gaye houfholdes in tymes paffed. let CYe tnat tnev did with liberalite/ Sheawynge to povre people charite/
But nowe all together is daffhed. Of ryche farme places and halles/ Thou feift nothynge but bare walles/
The rofes fallen to the grownde/
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To tourne fayre houfes into pafturc/ They do their diligent cure/
The commen well to confownde. f[ Howe have the abbeys their payment ? let C A newe waye they do invent/
Lettynge a dofen farmes vnder one. Which one or two ryche francklyngis/ Occupyinge a dofen mens lyvyngis/
Take all in their owne hondes a lone. SfiRat. f[ The wother in paiynge their rent/ Be lycklyhod were negligent/
And wolde not do their duty. let They payde their duty and more/
But their farmes are heythed fo fore/
That they are brought vnto beggery. Wat. C[ Have the francklyngis therby no gayne? let f[ Yes/ but fyrfl they have moche payne/
Yer they can gett it fubftancially. Payinge more for the entrynge in/ Then they fhalbe able to wynne/ A goode whyle after certaynly. For to gett the abbottis confent/ Vnder the feale of the covent/
It is a thynge very coflly. .
Where of the charges to recover/ Left they fhulde theym felves enpover/
And be brought into decaye. Pover cilly fhepperdis they gett/ Whome into their farmes they fett/
Lyvynge on mylke/ whyg/ and whey/ OTat. f[ Mercyfull lorde/ who hearde ever tell/ Religious folke to be fo cruell/ Supplantynge the temporalte. let C Thou knowefl nott watkyn felowe/ Howe they have brought to forowe/
In lykwyfe the fpretualte. 8Hat. f[ By what manner cavillacion ? 3tet C Surly through improperacion. Of inumerable benefices.
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Mat. f[ Do they benefices improperate ? £et C^e and that many a curate.
Dayly courffe their cruell bellies. Mat. f[ They eate nether churche ne fleple. £et No but they robbe the pover people/
Devowrynge their fubflaunce. Mat. C Yf they do fpretually fowe/
They maye well temporally mowe/
After the apoflles ordenaunce. let H Tofhe they have it better cheape/ For they temporall goodes reape/
And fowe nothynge fpretually. . Their pariffhons they fheare and clippe/ But they never open their lippe/
To geve theym eny fode godly. (Mat {[ Happely they do it in prevete. let {[ So god healpe me it maye well be/
Vnder fome fecret claufure. For it is furly fo invifible/ That I trowe it is not poffible/ To be fene of eny creature. Mat. C What requyre they of benefices ? let f[ No thynge but to have the fleces/
And avauntages carnally. Mat. f[ I perceave not well thy meanynge. let {[ They are redyer to take vp tythynge/
Then to preache to theym frutfully. Mat. f[ Is there eny grett differynge/
Bitwene theft and tythe gaderynge/
After the practyfe that we fe ? let f[ Very litell/ all thynges reckened/ iSavynge that theves are corrected/ And tythe gaderers go fcott fre. Mat. f[ Have they no circumfpeccion/ With diligent affeccion/
For their pareffhes to provyde ? let f[ They fett in folyflhe dotardes/ More mete forto be bearwardes/ Then chriflen mens foules to gyde.
IO2
And even as they do by farmage/ Brynge the londe into a rearage/
Contempnynge the Hate temporall. In lyke maner by their rapyne/ They have brought into ruyne/
The order ecclefiafticall. f[ It apereth they are pall grace. Kef. f[ They are the divels fornace/
Oven infernall vnfaciable. at. f[ If thefe monkes are fo noyous/ Bothe fraudulent and covetous/
To what vfes are they proffitable? Itt C No we by the death that I (hall deye/ Of all people vnder neth the fkye/
The worlde maye theym befl fpare. Nether to the godly deite/ Nor yett to mans vtilite/
In eny cace proffitable they are. And not only vnneceflary/ But moreover clene contrary/
Defraudynge that to theym is due. For though their lyfe fo vicious/ To goddis lawes is iniurious/
Confowndynge the waye of vertue. Yet are they more prefompteous/ Sayinge their workes meritorious/
Healpe fynners to be goddis heyres. Wherby Chriftis bloud they defpyfe/ As though it coulde not fuffyfe/
With out their damnable prayres. And wheare as they Ihulde be preft/ At all feafons doynge their befl/
The comrnen well to mayntayne. Their bellies are fo full of greace/ That nether in warre nor peace/
They cane do eny healpe certayne. 5Tet their fyndyngis they expende/ Which fhulde the londe defende/
Devowrynge many a knyghtes fe.
io3
They are nether goftly/ ner worldly/ Rather divlyffhe then godly/
With out eny goode properte. fflat. C Yf the>r be foche ydell raveners/ They are lyke to the grett courfers/.
Which noble men in ftables kepe For they are cherefed all waye/ With freffhe litter and goode haye.
Doynge right noght but eate and flepe. 3ref. fl[ There is in theym grett diverfite/ For yf it come to extremite/
They fave their matters from yvill. Where as thefe miferable brybers/ Brynge their fownders and healpers/
The flrayght waye to the devill. flJUat. f[ Are they lyke to wolves ravenous ? Eef. {[ A grett deale more outragious/
Farre excedynge their rapacitie. For though they be cruell of kynde/ Yett they leave their (kynnes be hynde/
As a mendes for their cruelte But this mifchevous mounckry/ Though they robbe every country/
Whyls they be here a lyve. Yet can they not be fo pleafed/ But after that they be deceaced/
Leaft eny by theym fhuld thryve. They cary into their fepulture/ Their dayly clothynge and vefture/
Buried in their churlyffhe habyte.
Mat. C Have tnev on their botes alfo ? IEe£. f[ Ye by my trothe even redy to go/
To the devill withouten refpyte. 5SIEat. f[ There is fome miftery pondered/ That they vfe fo to be buried/
In their habyte and clothynge. Hef. f[ No dout it is a miftery/ By coniectours manifeftly/ Their wretched lyfe betokenynge.
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For as in this lyfe they denayde/ Their chriften neghbours to ayde/
Lyvynge here vncheritably. So by their death and latter ende/ In their buriall they pretende/
Not to be of Chriftis company. {[ To whom then do they pertayne ? Eef. To the devill their foverayne/
Which hath theym all in his bonde. Mat. C Beware thou be not to bolde/
For thy lyfe were bought and folde/
Yf thou fpake this in Englonde. let f[ They maye well bothe ban and cours/ But they cannot do moche WOTS/
Then they did to Hun the marchaunt. SSJat. f[ Did they eny grevaunce to hym ? Jef. f[ Out of this lyfe they did hym trymme/
Becaufe he was goddis fervaunte. Wat. C He did fc>me faulte gretly notory/ lef. f[ No thynge but for a mortuary/
The preftes agaynfl hym did aryfe. No maner faulte in hym was fownde/ Yet was he hanged/ brent/ and drownde.
His goodes takyn vp for a pryfe. As an herityke they hym toke/ Becaufe he had many a boke/
In englyffhe/ of holy fcripture. Alfo he worfhipped no ymages/ And wolde not go on pilgremages/
Vfynge none others to periure. Mat f[ Are the prelatis fo mad frantycke/ To iudge foche a man an heritycke/
Shewynge tokens of fydelite ? let f[ They regarde their worldly proffctt/ Wynnynge therby many a forfeit/
Whiche moveth theym to crudelite. Mens goodes wrongfully to ceafe/ They make heritykis whom they pleafe/ By faulce relacion of Someners.
i oS
f[ Have they none wother intelleccion ? f[ Yes alfo by their confeffion '
Which they tell in prefles eares. {[ Dare they confeffions to bewraye ? {[ Confeffions catha ? ye by my faye/
They kepe no fecretnes att all. Though noble men have doctours/ To be their private confeffours/
Yet they have one that is generall. 5£at. f[ Befyde thofe which are perticuler ? £ef. f[ Ye/ and that hath brought fome to care/
Of whom I coulde make rehearcealL [Bat. f[ His name wolde I very fayne here. Icf. C Jt is the englifihe Lucifer/
Wotherwyfe called the Cardinall. In all the londe there is no wyght/ Nether lorde baron/ nor knyght/ To whom he hath eny hatred. But ether by fower fpeche or fwete/ Of their confeffours he will wete/
Howe they have theym felves behaved. What they faye/ it is accepted/ In no poynte to be obiected/
Though they be as falce as ludas. 35at. f[ What authorite do they allege? £ef. {[ It is their churches previlege/
Falcely to fayne that never was. HHat. f[ Soche confeffours are vniuft. Set f[ Yett nedes do it they mud/
Yf they will to honoure afcende. f[ Promocions are of the Kyngis gyft ? f[ For all that he maketh foche fhyft/ That in his pleafure they depende. Though they have the kyngis patent/ Except they have alfo his affent/ It tourneth to none avauntaae. His power he doth fo extende/ That the kyngis letters to rende/ He will not forbeare in his rage.
io6
f[ This is a grett prefumpcion/ For a villayne bochers fonne/
His authorite fo to avaunce. But it is more to be marveyled/ That noble men wilbe confeffed/
To thefe kaytives of mifcreaunce. let C O/ the grett whore of Babilon/ With her deadly cuppe of poyfort/
Hath brought theym to dronkenmip. That paynted bordes and ded flockis/ Carved ydoles in ftones and blockis/
Above allmyghty god they wormip. Mat C Hath Englond foche flacions/ Of devoute peregrinacions/
As are in Fraunce and Italy? let C Seke oute londes every chone/
And thou (halt fynde none fo prone/
As Englonde/ to this ydolatry. Of wholy Roodes/ there is foche a fight/ That bitwene this and mydnyght/
I coulde not make explicacion. Then have they ladies as many/ Some of grace and fome of mercy/
With divers of lamentacion. Morover paynted flockis and flones/ With fhrynes/ full of rotten bones/
To the whiche they make oblacion. i&l. C What are they after thy fuppofynge ? let f[ Stronge theves with outen glofynge/
And authours of prevaricacion. at. g[ Take hede thou do not blafpheme. let <J[ After their workes I theym efteme/
Both to man and god oure creatoure. Where as is no god but one. We ought to wormip hym alone/
And no falce goddes to adoure. Whyche of his honoure is defrauded/ By thefe ydoles faulcely lauded/
With facrifice and adoracion.
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Man in lyke maner they robbe/ Caufynge povre folke to fygh and fobbe/
Takynge awaye their fuflentacion. S2Eat. f[ The goodes that to theym are offered/ Are they not to pover people proffered/
Their neceffites to relefe ? lef. {[ It is walled in ryetous revell/ Amonge many an ydell lavell/
To noryffhe morther and mifchefe. £oEat. f[ I heare faye that befydes London/ There is oure lady of Wilfdon/
Which doth grett myracles dayly. let f[ As for whordom/ and letcheroufnes/ She is the chefe lady maflres/
Commen paramoure of baudry. Many men as it is knowen/ Repe mo chyldren then their owne/
By her myracles promocion. Wyves to deceave their hufbandes/ Make to her many errandes/
Vnder coloure of devocion. f[ Doft thou oure lady fo backbyte ? f[ No but I have the flocks in defpyte/
Wherby they difhonoure her. In fcripture it is written/ And of oure lorde forbidden/
To be a falce ydolatrer. f[ Whyls thou dofl fo farre procede/ Howe is it then in thy crede/
Of Saynt Thomas of Cantourbury ? f[ I beleve/ and alfo I trufl/ Yf that he were in this lyfe iufl/
And of ou re lordes vocacion. That his foul i hath fruicion/ Perpetually vith out intermiffion/
Of eternall confolacion. {[ Ye but I meane of his body/ Shryned in tl e monaflery/
With golde and ftones precious.
loS
Alfo the grett myracles wrought/ And howe of people he is fought/
With offerynges and gyftes fomptious. Eef. f[ As for that yf we geve credence/ To oure faveoure Chriftis fentence/
The Euangelifles bearynge recorde. Many (hall do thynges (Iraunge/ . Wherby they will boldly chalange/
To worcke in the name of oure lorde. And yet Chrifl in theym hath no parte/ But worcke theym by the devils arte/
Vfurpynge an angels lykenes. Which doth hym filfe fo tranfpofe/ Fraudulently to begyle thofe/
That contempne goddis rightoufnes. f[ Nevertheleffe as clarckes defyre/ Workynge of myracles is a figne/
That vnto god they are acceptable. 4E Shall we to men credence geve/ Or ought we the gofpell to beleve/
Whofe verite is impermutable ? I dare faye/ and abyde therby/ That Saynct Thomas of Caunterbury/
With wother Saynctis canonyfed. Yf their paynted efficacite/ Is but as it femeth to be.
Of god they are defpyfed. For though they heale lame and blynde/ With men (as they faye) out of mynde/
Healpynge difeafes corporall. Yet deflroye they out of hande/ For every one of theym a thowfande/
Concernynge their foules fpretualL And where as Chrifl doth requyre/ That of god we fhulde defyre/
All oure neceffite and nede. To theym we make peticion/ Agaynft goddis prohibicion/
To wicked doctours gevvnee hede.
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Mat. C Wel1 7et ! enfure the leffraye/ The gofpell for theym they laye/
Growndynge on it their argument, lef. {[ Naye watkyn that is a ftarcke lye. SUat. C Howe (hall we then the troth trye/
By fome probacion evident ? lef. 41 Mary take goddis wholy wrytynge/ Nether addynge nor diminyffhynge/ But even playnly after the letter. Wat. H They faye fcripture is fo diffufe/ That laye people on it to mufe/
Shulde be never the better. It is no medlynge for foles/ But for foche as have bene at fcoles/
As doctours that be graduate. let C Weneft thou that Peter the fiffher/ Vnderflode not fcripture clearlyer/
Then the pharifaies obflinate ? Who did fo wilfully refill/ Agaynft the receavynge of Chrifl/
As they which were learned ? Wat. f[ No wonder/ for they knewe hym not. lef. f[ No more do oure doctours god wot/
In eny poynte to be difcerned. 5Hat. fl[ Of Chrifl yett they make mencion. lef. C Ye for be caufe their penfion/
With benefices maye be endued. But in their lyfe and behaveoure/ They defpyfe Chrifl oure faveoure/
Labourynge his worde to exclude. 5Hat. f[ Canfl thou prove this in dede ? Kef. C Whofoever will the gofpell rede/
To prove it mail nede no tefles.
SJEat. f[ Peraventure they wolde have it hid/
Wherfore to rede it they forbid/
Left men fhulde knowe their wickednes. let H Had thou ftudied an whoale yere/ Thou couldeft not have gone no nere/ To hit their crafty futtelnes.
no
For yf the gofpell were {offered/ Of laye people frely to be red/
In their owne moders langage. They fhulde fe at their fyngers endes/ The abhominacions of thefe fendes/
With the abufion of pilgremage. Alfo to perceave every whitt/ What it is Sayntis forto vifitt/
With nobles/ brouches/ and rynges. {[ Dofl thou this cuftume reprehende ? Hef. f[ I thyncke no goode man will commende/
Soche fuperfticious offerynges. Wherof thre poyntis I will move/ By the whyche I mall playnly prove/
That it is a thynge vngodly. Fyrft a povre man of farre dwellynge/ For his wyfe and chyldren labourynge/
To kepe and fynde theym honeftly. Peraventure for fome fickenes/ Or for a vowe of foliffhnes/
To accomplyfihe Satans inflitute. Taketh on hym a farre viage/ To fome Saynctes Ihryne or ymage/
Leavynge his houfholde deflitute. Which often tymes do mis cary. The meane while that he doth tary/
Beflowynge his laboure in vayne. And fo goddis commaundment neglecte/ For fmale tryfles of none effecte/
They put theym felves vnto payne. Secondaryly/ what peviflhnes/ Is it to honoure with ryches/
Of deade faynctis the bodies ? Seynge that whyls they here lyved/ From ryches they were deprived/
As we rede in their ftoryes/ Thirdly/ it is no Chriften touche/ To fe many a golden ouche/
With rynges &nd ftones precioufly.
Ill
To make deade faynctes forto fhyne/ Where pover folke for honger pyne/
Dyinge with out healpe petioufly. And yf with all poffibilite/ Oure chriflen neghbours poverte/
Duly to ayde we are bownde. Why do Saynctes it then tranfgrefle/ In whom charitable perfetnes/
In efpeciall fhulde redownde ? Saynct lohn to Chriil fo amiable/ Sayth/ excepte we be charitable/
Lovynge cache wother fraternally. It boteth not Chrift to profeffe/ For why/ we wander in darcknes/
With out light erronioufly. For howe can he have charite/ That feith his neghbours neceffite/
And refufeth hym to focoure ? lEHat. d I marvayle not by hym that me made/ Yf they be with golde and ftones fo lade/
Though they cannot their neghbours fe. But nowe to fpeake erneflly/ Have their foules celeftially/
In foche offerynges eny delyte ? let f[ It is to theym grett defpleafure/ Abhorrynge it out of meafure/
As a thynge done in their defpyte. OTat. f[ What were beft then to be done ? Hcf. C[ To breake theyrn in peces a none/
A monge povre folke to be deflributed. OTat. f[ Haw/ to do that dede who durfl/ Seynge that he fhulde be a courft/
And as an herityke reputed. let. {[ Let theym with furioufnes fwell/
Courfynge with boke/ bell/ and candell/
Whyls they have breath for to fpeake. Yet had we the Kynges licence/ We wolde with outen diffydence/
Their golden fhrynes in peces breake.
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f[ What mulde we do with their ryches? let f[ Geve it to pover men in almes/ To whom of dute it doth longe. S8Iat. {[ The Saynctes then wolde be angry/ Yf that we fhulde be fo hardy/
Vnlaufully to do theym wronge. For fome men have it aflayde/ Whom faynctes have fhreawedly arayde/
In revengynge their iniury. So that by an whole nyghtes fpa.ce/ They were fayne to kepe one place/ The dores flondynge open apertly. lef. C[ And what was their fynall chaunce/ Mat. f[ By my fothe/ in an hangynge daunce/
Their neckis in a corde to preve. Icf . f[ Vfe the Saynctes eny men to kyll ? Mat C No but tne7 make theym flonde ftill/ Vntill they be taken of the Schereve. Then are th[e]y lyke and femblable/ Vnto cure bifmops venerable/
Which faye/ we will not morther. But they put men in foche favegarde/ That with in a whyle afterwarde/ They be fure to go no forther. £ef. f[ Are not foche faynctis reprehenfible ? Mat. f[ Ye for they fhulde be invincible/
Of charitable dilecciori. For if they will eny man noye/ Ether eny body to deflroye/
They are not of Chriflis eleccion. Whiche after Lukis evangelion/ Sayde to th[e]apoftels lames and lohn/
Nefcitis cuius fpiritus eflis. ITie fonne of man hidder cam/ Not forto deflroye eny man/
But to fave that periffhed is. Wherfore let theym do wonders/ By the divels their founders/ To leade men in blynde cecite.
"3
Yett never thelefle thou and I/ Wolde put oure felves in ieopardy/
Agaynfl all their malignite. To take awaye their ouches/ Golden ryngis and brouches/
Gevynge it vnto the poore. m&t f[ Thou excepfl. S. Chutbert of Duram/ With oure lady of Walfyngam/
Alfo oure lady of the Moore, let f[ God beynge oure direccion/ We wolde make none excepcion/
Agaynfl the devils enchauntmentis. To do their befl/ let theym not fpare/ For we wolde make theym full bare/
Of their precious ornamentis. SlUt. C Oure honefle then deftayned/ Surely we fhulde be proclaymed/
For outragious heretykis. let C Why more we then the Cardinall ? [Mat. C He attempteth nothynge at all/
Soche maters in his biffhopryckis. let f[ I am fure thou haft hearde fpoken/ What monafteries he hath broken/
With out their fownders confentis. He fubverteth churches/ and chappells/ Takynge a waye bokis and bells
With chalefces/ and veftmentis. He plucketh downe the coftly leades That it maye rayne on faynctis heades/
Not fparynge god nor oure ladye. Where as they red fervyce divyne/ There is grountynge of pigges and fwyne/
With lowynge of oxen and kye. The aultres of their celebracions/ Are made pearche? for henns and capons/
De foylynge theym with their durt. And though it be never fo prophane/ He is counted a goode chrifliane/
No man doynge hym eny hurtt.
f[ A confcience yf it be fothe/ That the Cardinal! fo dothe/
I wonder that he is not apeached. Eet f[ O/ churche men are wyly foxes/ More crafty then iuggelers boxes/
To play ligier du mayne teached. Yt is not for nought they fayne/ That the two fvveardes to theym pertayne/
Both fpretuall/ and temporal!. Wherwith they playe on both hondes/ Mofl tyrannoufly in their bondes/
Holdynge the worlde vniverfall. Agaynfl god they are fo flobbourne/ That fcripture they tofle and tourne/ '
After their owne ymaginacion. Yf they faye the mone is belewe/ We muft beleve that it is true/
Admittynge their interpretacion. 2Hat. {[ Art thou not a frayde to prefume/ Agaynfl the Cardinalls fume/
Seynge they wilbe all on his fyde ? £ef. fT No I do rather gretly reioyce/ That of a lytell wormes voyce/
Goddis iudgement maye be veryfyed. Agaynfl foche a wicked brothel!/ Which fayth/ vnder his girthell/
He holdeth Kynges and Princes. To whom for a falutacion/ I will rehearce a brefe oracion/
dedicate vnto his flatlynes. Wat. f[ Nowe gentell mate I the praye. let f[ Have at it then with out delaye/
Contempnynge his malicioufnes.
O miferable monfler/ mofl malicious/ Father of perverfite/ patrone of hell. O terrible Tyrant/ to god and man odious/ Advocate of antichrift/ to Chrift rebell.
"5
To the I fpeake/ o caytife Cardinall fo cruell. Caufles chargynge by thy courfed commandment To brenne goddis worde the wholy teftament.
Goddis worde/ grownd of all vertue and grace The fructeous fode/ of oure faythfull trufl. Thou hafl condempned'in moil carfull cace/ Throwe furious foly/ falce and vniufl. O fearce Pharao/ folower of fleflhly luft. What moved thy mynde by malyce to confent/ To brenne goddis worde/ the wholy teflament.
The tenoure of thy tyranny pafleth my brayne In every poynt evidently to endyght. Nero nor herod/ wer never fo noyus certayne All though of goddis lawis they had lytel lyght Shame it is to fpeake howe agaynft ryght. Thy hatfull hert hath caufed to be brent/ Goddis true worde/ the wholy teflament.
O perverfe prefte patriarke of pryde/ Mortherer with out mercy moll execrable. O beaflly brothell/ of baudry the bryde/ Darlynge of the devill/ gretly deteftable. Alas/ what wretch wolde be fo vengeable ? At eny time to attempte foche impediment/ To brenne goddis worde the wholy teflament.
God of his goodenes/ grudged not to dye/ Man to delyver from deadly dampnacion. Whofe will is that we ftiulde knowe perfetly What he here hath done for oure faluacion. O cruell kayface/ full of crafty confpiracion. Howe duril thou geve then falce iudgement To brenne goddis worde/ the wholy teflament
Thy leawednes of lyvynge is loth to heare/ Chriflis gofpell to come vnto cleare light. Howe be it furly it is fo fpred farre and neare
n6
That forto let it thou hafle lytell myght. God hath opened cure dercke dimed fyght. Truly to perceave thy tyrannous intent/ To brenne goddis worde the wholy teftament
Agaynft thyne ambicion all people do crye/ Pompoufly fpendinge the fuilenaunce of the pore Thy haulte honoure hyly to magnify/ Maketh/ theves/ tray tours/ and many a whore Wo worth the wretche of wickednes the dore Forger of oure dayly damage and detriment To brenne goddis worde the wholy teftament.
O paynted pafloure/ of Satan the Prophet/ Ragynge courre/ wrapped in a wolues fkynne O butcherly biflhop/ to be a ruler vnmete/ Maker of mifery/ occafion of fynne. God graunt the grace nowe to begynne. Of thy dampnable dedes to be penitent/ Brennynge goddis worde/ the wholy teflament
TOat. C No more for oure lordis paffion/ Thou raylefl nowe of a faflion/
With rebukis mofl defpytous/ No man mail thefe wordes advert/ But will iudge theym of an hert/
To precede/ mofl contumelious. let f[ Though popiffhe curres here at do barcke Yet thou mayft therin well marcke/
The will of god accompleffhed. The Cardinall thus to rewarde/ Which with oute eny godly regarde/
Defdayneth the trothe to be pupplifmed. Therfore as he did the trueth condempne/ So god wil hym and all his contempne/
With the fwearde of punnyfmment. f[ They had fyrft fome provocacion ? f[ None wother then the tranflacion/
Of the englyffhe newe teftament.
Wherin the authours with mecknes/ Vtterly avoydynge convicioufnes/
Demeaned theym fo difcretly. That with all their invencion/ They coulde fynde no reprehencion/
Refiftynge goddis worde wilfully. 52Eat. f[ Howe had the 'gofpell fyrfl entraunce/ Into Englonde fo farre of diftaunce/
Where to rede hym/ no man maye ? Eef. f[ Goode chriflen men with pure affecte/ Of god fmgulerly therto electe/
With coil did hym thether conveye. Which/ even as Chrift was betrayed/ So with hym the clargy played/
Thorowe trayterous prodicion. 3J!Eat. f[ Who played the parte of ludas ? Jlct CTne wholy biffhop of Saynct Affe/
A pofte of Satans iurifdiccion. Whom they call Doctour ftandifihe/ Wone that is nether fleflhe nor fiflhe/
At all tymes a commen Iyer. He is a bablynge Queflionift/ And a mervelous grett fophifl/
Som tyme a lowfy graye fryer. Of flommake he is fearce and bolde/ In braulynge wordes a very fcolde/
Menglynge vennem with fugre. He defpyfeth the trueth of god/ Takynge parte rather with falcehod/
Forto obtayne worldly lucre. In carde playinge he is a goode greke/ And can Ikyll of poll and glyeke/
Alfo a payre of dyce to trolle. For whordom and fornicacions/ He maketh many vifitacions/
His Dioces to pill and polle. Though he be a ftowte divyne/ Yett a prefl to kepe a concubyne/
He there admitteth wittyngly.
n8
So they paye their yearly tributis/ Vnto his dyvliffhe fubflitutis/
Officiall/ or commiffary. To rehearce all his lyvynge/ God geve it yvell chevynge/
Or els fome amendment fhortly. TOat. {[ Howe did he the gofpell betraye ? Jtet f[ As fone as ever he hearde faye/
That the gofpell cam to Englonde. Immediatly he did hym trappe/ And to the man in the red cappe/
He brought hym with flronge honde/ Before whofe prowde confiflory/ «. Bryngynge in falce teflimony/
The gofpell he did theare accufe. OTat C He did mo perfones reprefent/
Then ludas the traytour malivolent/
Whiche betrayed Chrift to the lues. JEef. Thou mayft fe of theym in one manne/ Herod/ Pilat/ Cayphas/ and Anne/
With their propertis feverall. And in another manifeflly/ ludas full of confpiracy/
With the fectes pharifaicall. They are a grett deale more mutable/ Then Proteus of forme fo variable/
Which coulde hym filfe fo difgyfe. They canne reprefent apes/ and beares/ Lyons/ and affes with longe eares/
Even as they lift to divyfe. But nowe of ftandifihe accufacion/ Brefly to make declaracion/
Thus to the Cardinall he fpake. Pleafeth youre honourable grace/ Here is chaunfed a pitious ca.ce/
And to the churche a grett lacke. The gofpell in oure Englifftie tonge/ Of laye men to be red and fonge/
Is nowe hidder come to remayne.
Which many heretykis (hall make/ Except youre grace fome waye take/
By youre authorite hym to reftrayne. For truly it is no handlynge/ Forlaye peoples vnderftondynge/
With the gofpell to be bufy. Which many wone interprifynge/ Into herefy it did brynge/
Difdaynynge the churche vnreverently. f[ Toflhe/ thefe fayngis are fophiflicall/ I wolde heare the fence miflicall/
Of thefe wordes right interpreted. 3Eef. In fayth with out fimulacion/ This is the right fignificacion/
Of his meanynge to be expreffed. O Cardinall fo glorious/ Thou arte Capitayne over vs/
Antichriftis chefe member. Of all oure detellacions/ And fmfull prevaricacions/
Thou alone/ arte the defender. Wherfore healpe nowe or els never/ For we are vndone for ever/
Yf the gofpell abroade be fpred. For then with in a whyle after/ Every plowe manne and carter/
Shall fe what a lyfe we have led. Howe we have this five hondred yeres/ Roffled theym amonge the bryres/
Of defperate infidelite. And howe we have the worlde brought/ Vnto beggery worfle then nought/
Through oure chargeable vanite. Which knowen/ we fhalbe abhorred/ Reddi to be knocked in the forhed/
Oure welth taken awaye clene. Therfore Tyrant playe nowe thy parte/ Seynge with the devill thoit atre/
Gretter then eny manne hath bene.
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Put the gofpel a waye quyght/
That he come not to laye mens fight/
Forto knovve goddis commaundementis. And then we that are the remmenaunt/ Shall diligently be attendaunt/
To blynde theym with oure commentis. Yf they have once inhibicion/ In no maner of condicion/
To rede goddis worde and his lawes. For vs doctours of theology/ It fhalbe but a fmale maflery/
To make theym foles and dawes. Loke what thou doft by tyranny/ , We will alowe it by fophiftry/
Agaynfl thefe worldly villaynes. f[ No we truly this is the meanynge/ Howe foever be the fpeakynge/
Of thefe fpretuall lordaynes. f[ But what fayde the Cardinall here at ? let. f[ He fpake the wordes of Pilat/
Sayinge/ I fynde no fault therin. Howe be it/ the biffhops affembled/ Amonge theym he examened/
What was befl to determyn ? Then anfwered biffhop Cayphas/ HOC esc That agrett parte better it was/ Epolon"
The gofpell to be condempned. Left their vices manyfolde/ Shulde be knowen of yonge and olde/
Their eftate to be contempned. The Cardinall then incontinent/ Agaynfl the gofpell gave iudgement/
Sayinge/ to brenne he deferved. Wherto all the biffhoppis cryed/ Anfwerynge/ it cannot be denyed/
He is worthy fo to be ferved. f[ Yf they playe thus their vages/ They (hall not efcape the plages/
Which to theym of Rome happened
121
At whofe fcourge fo marvelous/ They wolde yf they were gracious/
Gladly to be admoniffhed. To whom goddis worde in purite/ Was fyrft mewed in humilite/
Accordynge to the veritable fence. Howe be it they wol'de not it receave/ But frawardly with fwearde and gleave/
They expulfed it from thence. Vnto tyranny they did leane/ Wherfore god vfynge another meane/
To brynge theym vnto repentaunce. He ftered vp fome mens fpryte/ Which their fautes did endyte/
Of their mifchefe makynge vttraunce. Yet wolde not they amende/ But moare wilfully did deffende.
Their evill lyfe agaynfl goddis worde. Therfore as miflyvers obflinate/ They were deflroyed nowe of late/
With peflilence and dent of fworde. let C Thou hail rehearced thre poyntis/ Which will make all prefles ioyntis/
For feare to trymble and make. Seynge that the fyrft is paft/ And the feconde commeth in faft/
Their hypocrifi to awake. And yf they will not be refrayned/ The fworde of vengeaunce vnfayned/
On their frawardnes will light. ffiSSat. C Well/ let vs by no perfuafion/ Geve no foche occafion/
Caufynge chriften men to fyght. let f[ No man will have that fufpicion/ But take it for an admonicion/
Their vnhappy lyfe to repent. For we (hewe as they (hall fynde/ Yf god infpyre not their mynde/
To laboure for amendment.
122
Which by fcripture to verify/ Let theym rede the prophet leremy/ In the chapter/ fower and twente. Howe be it I will me hens hye/ Wheare as the Cardinals furye/
With his treafure mall not gett me. f[ Is this prowde Cardinal rycher/ Then Chrift or goode faynct Peter/ In whofe roume he doth fuccede ? Eef. H The boffes of hys mulis brydles/ Myght bye Chrift and his difciples/
As farre as I coulde ever rede. Mat. C Whether canft thou then flye awaye ? Jtet f[ To Conftantinoble in Turkeye/ ' Amonge hethen my lyfe to leade. OTat. C Yf thou wilt then live chriftenly/ Thou muft vfe thy filfe prevely/
Or els furely thou arte but deade. £ef . f[ I mall have theare as grett liberte/ As in wother placis of chriftente/ The trueth of Chrift to profefle. For he that will the trueth declare/ I dare faye moche better he weare/ To be with theym in hethennefle. (£Hat. {[ Though thou go never fo farre hence/ Yet with moft terrible fentence/
To courffe the they will not myfTe. Icf. f[ I ponder very lytell their courfes/ For to god I faye with humblenes/
They mall courfe/ and thou malt blyfle. SHat. f[ In their courfes/ is their no parell ? £ef. ^[ No for they do it in the quarell/ Of their god which is their belly. Mat. f[ What mifchevous god is that ? Kef. f[ Wone that hath eaten vp the fa.it/
Of englondis wealth fo mery. Mat. f[ I will gett me then into Wales/ To dwell amonge hilles and dales/ With folke that be fimple and rude.
I23
lef. f[ Come not there I counfell the. For the prefi.es/ their fimplicite/
Thorowe craftynes do fo delude. That whofoever is fo hardy/
.To fpeake agaynft prefl.es knavery/
For an herityke they hym take. Of whofe miferable calamite/ Vnder the fpretuall captiuite/
I will here after a proceffe make. ilKat. f[ Then will I go into the realme/ Of the plenteous londe of beame/
In the Cite of Prage to dwell. let {[ Of two thyngis I will the warne/ Whiche thou mufl parfetly learne/
Yf thou wilt folowe my counfell. Fyrfl beware in efpeciall/ Of the outwarde man exteriall/
Though he fhewe a fayre aperaunce. Many mail come in a lambis fkynne/ Which are raviffhynge wolues with in/
Ennemys to Chriftis ordinaunce. The feconde is/ yf eny reply/ Bryngynge in reafons obflinatly/
Agaynfl that which femeth to be trewe. Take no graduate for an authoure/ But remitt goode matter doctoure/
To the olde teftament or newe. And yf he will beare the in honde/ That thou canfl not it vnderflonde/
Be caufe of the difficulte. Axe hym howe thou arte able/ To vnderflonde a fayned fable.
Of more crafty fubtilite? SSHat. 4[ I fe thou knowefl their fecretnes/ Icf. f[ Ye I coulde in their very lycknes/
Declare theym yf I had refpyte. [Mat. C Wel1 I will departe/ adue/ 3Ecf. C Nowe I befeche cure lorde lefu/
To be thy gyde daye and nyght.
<£ Jjrtst goodie BOtttte/bottteofamaj>0^ttpootT/ jFor to 0abemanfc2>n0yfromf)rbftttrf0C£n&e&,
&lemente* tfye sonne of an tojioore/ trestroge maw/ from f)eil jjatf)
JEtt to^om ig efcftontlg
perfect meftnes of otttsabeottt* tstranng of tye murtjeret:
A Proper Dyaloge, &c. A compendious olde Jreatyfe, &c.
INTRODUCTION.
i)T occurred to Lord Arthur Hervey — then Archdeacon of Sudbury, now the Bifhop of Bath and Wells — while he was preparing a lecture, in the autumn of 1 86 1, on the ' Diffolution of the Monafteries,' to be delivered in the enfuing October at Bury St. Edmunds, to look among the old books in his library at Ickworth, for anything that might bear upon the fubject of his lecture. In fo doing, he ftumbled upon a fmall volume of tracts, in old binding, with the top of the back torn off; which proved to contain in all nine tracts; three without titlepages, and the lafl one torn off in the middle.
2. On the firft page are the names of THO. HERVEY : THO. and ISABELLA HERVEY: and WILL. HERVEY. The Marquis of Briflol informed the great Englifh-Bible fcholar of our day, Mr. Francis Fry, F.S.A., of Gotham Tower, Briflol — through whofe facfimile of this text we came to know of this Dyaloge, &c. — that, " This Thomas was the Father of John Hervey, Firft Earl of Briflol, and his wife was Ifabclla, daughter of Sir Humphrey May ; his Father was Sir William Hervey of Ickworth, born 1585, died 1660. His Brother William was born in 1618, and died at Cambridge in 1642. Several of the Books now in the Library at Ickworth unqueftionably belonged to Sir William. In a copy of Camden's Britannia, edit. 1610, is the fignature of William Hervye or Hervy, apparently by the fame hand as that in this volume, with the year 1634, entered as that in which the purchafe was made for 40^., and when William the fon, would have been only fixteen years of age." It feems therefore indu bitable that thefe tracts had been in the poffeffion of the family, lor more than two centuries.
3. The value of the find may be illuftrated in two ways. Lord A. Hervey having, with a public fpirit deferving of all
praife, thought it right to offer the collection, in July 1865, to the Truflees of the Britifh Mufeum; they gladly paid him^iso for the fame : fo it is preferved in that vaft Treafure-Houfe of books, acceffible to all who can value it. There is alfo no doubt, now that the fmgularity of its contents is better known, but that a like collection would realize two or three times the above fum, mould one ever be brought to the hammer.
Again. If Lord Harvey had been alive between the years 1530 and 1546, and had fuch a collection been found in his pof feffion, any day during that time ; he would have been inflantly
126 Introduction.
hailed to prifon : to have pafled nights of wearinefs, fattened in the flocks, his feet higher than his head : and to have undergone wearier days of badgering, cajoling, browbeating, and accufa- tion before the Bifhop or CommifTary of his diocefe. He would have been degraded, as was another priefl, the Benedictine monk of Bury St. Edmunds, Richard Bayfield ; for the selffame offence of pofleffing, reading, &c., thefe identical tracts, and others like them. He hardly might have efcaped fome fuch extra-judicial lynch juftice as Stokefley, the Bifhop of London, offered to that fame Bayfield on the day of his degradation and death, the 27th November 1531, when the brutal bifhop, — as if the furrender of life itfelf were not a ftifficient expiation for having, reading, and circulating thefe identical and other like tracts, — fmote Bayfield, who was kneeling on the top altar ftep, in the high choir of old St. Pauls, with his crofier-ftaff on the bread, and knocked him down the altar fteps, fo that he brake his head and fwooned. Finally, his Lordflup might, like that martyr, have been led to the ftake, at or near Newgate, and there meekly offering his life, would have pafled in a chariot of fire out of this world of trouble up to the blifs of heaven. Such fuffering in this life, and glory in that to come, would his Lord- fliip's adhefion to the doctrine of thefe tracts have enfured to him; had he lived when they were firfl fecretly printed and circulated.
4. For the collection comprifes fome of the ranked Lollard and Proteftant tracts of the time. We are able to identify every one of them, and three of them are apparently unique copies. Noticing them as they ftand in the book, they are as follows :
(1.) Title-page torn off. [Sir FRANCIS BYGOD'S A Treatise coucemynge impropriations of benefices, printed by T. Godfrey, without date, but about 1534- We have largely quoted from this work in our Reprint of Thomas Lever's Sermons.}
(2.) Title-page torn off. [SiMON FISH'S translation ' out of the Dutch,' of The Summe of Scripture, referred to by John Fox in Actes and Monu- mentes, f. 987, Ed. 1576.] This work has hitherto been quite lost. It was in the preparation of this Reprint that we identified the text with the title. The work consists of a considerable body of doctrine, and was there fore specially and repeatedly forbidden by the ecclesiastical authorities. No colophon. Possibly printed abroad. Is in a small Roman letter, and one of the earliest of this class of books in that fount of type.
(3.) Title-page torn off. [A Treatise declaryng and shewing that Pyctures and other Yma%es which were wont to be worshiped, are in no ivyse to be suffered, <Vc.J Printed by William Marshall in i6mo, at London.
No date.
(4.) The praier and complaynte of the ploweman vnto Christe: written not longe after the yere of oure Lord 1300. To the Christian reader
is dated ' The last daye of February, Anno 1531.'
The following passage in this address is of importance: — " Even as the old phareses with the bischops and prestes presoned and persecuted Christe and his Apostles/ that al the rightuous bloode maye fall on their heedes that hath ben shed from the bloode of Steuen the first martyr to the
Introduction* 127
blode of that innocent man of God Thomas hitton whom willyam werhani byschop of Canturbury and lohn fyscher byschop of Rochestur mortheied at
maydeston in kente the last yere for the same trouth "
(5.) A proper dyaloge, &>c. see/. 129. No other copy now known. Mr.
F. Fry published a facsimile edition of it in 1863. (6.) The Testament of master WYLLIAM TRACI by WILLIAM TINDALL and IHON FRITH. Wherin thou shalt perceyue with
Testament of master WYLLIAM TKACIE esquierl expounded both
iv fiat charitie ye chaunceler of worcetter [Worcester] Burned whan he toke vp the deed carkas and made asshes of hit after hit was buried, M.D.xxxv.
(7.) -4 n comfortable exhortation : ofoure mooste holy Christen faithl and her frutcs. Written (vnto the Christen bretherne in Scotlande] after the poore [? pure] worde of God. At Parishe M.d.xxxv. [By J. JOHNSONE.] The COL. " C At Parishe by me Peter Congeth. A.M.D.xxxv. xx Januarij."
(8.) The prophete lonas, with an introduccion before teachinge to vnder- stonde him and the right vse also of all the scripture, dfc. By WILLIAM TYNDALE. The introduction is preserved in Fox's edition of Tyndale's works, of 1573 : but even he had not met with Tyndale's text of Jonah. Like Nos. (2) and (5) this is a complete recovery of a perfectly lost book. Mr. F. Fry issued a facsimile edition of it in 1863.
(9.) C The letters which JOHN ASH WELL, Priour of Newnham Abbey beside Bedforde, sente secretely to the Bishope of Lyncolne, in the yeare of our lord M.D.xxvij. Where in tJie sayde priour accuseth GEORGE IOYE that tyme beinge felawe of Peter college in Cambridge, of fower opinions : with the answer of the sayed-George vn to the same opinions. Imperfect. [CoL. in other existing copies is, At Strasburge. 10 Daye of June, (year not stated.)]
5. The fucceeding Texts may be regarded as Lollard Treatifes in a Proteftant fetting. One of the hardefl affertions that the early Reformers had to face was the accufation that the Reforma tion was a 'new-fangled herefy.' Cochlseus and others vaunted that antiquity was on their fide ; until time and refearch put their boafting out of court. It came at length to be underftood how much light of knowledge and wifdom had gone out in the dark ages ; which however it was not impoffible to rekindle for the future ufe and benefit of man. In this way our firft Englifh Reformers brought forth thefe Lollard treatifes ; and were well fatiffied if they could prove an antiquity of a century for any of their Complaints.
6. Tyndale was at Marburg in 1530, printing The Praftyfe of Prelates. He was doubtlefs the centre of a fmall knot of Englifh fellow-labourers, one of whom put forth, on his own account, this Dyaloge, &c. It might have been friar Jerome Barlow. There is much fimilarity in the ftyle of the verfe with that of Rede me and be nott iurothe\ but this Complaint has not the grafp, virility, and ftrength of that Invective. If Bayfield's account of Roy to Sir T. More, in November 1531, be correct, Roy was probably not in Germany at this time : for the Dyalogt was certainly -written after the meeting of parliament, 3 Nov. 1529, to the fitting of which there is allufion at/. 144, and con sequently after the fall of Wolfey had become known at Mar burg, as he is not once alluded to in it.
7- The Proteftant fetting fupplied by the Englifhman at Mar-
128 Introduction.
burg confifts of all the verfe, ' Unto the reader' at/. 170, and nearly all the fide notes.
The A. B.C. to the spritualte mud be diftinguifhed from The A. B.C. agenjle the Clergye prohibited at Paul's Crofs on Advent Sunday, 3d Dec. 1531. For in the examination of Bayfield in the previous month of November he acknowledged to have im ported, among other books from the Continent, the two follow ing diftinctly quoted works,
A. B. C, of Thorpes, [See Fox's Actes &>c. p. 401. Ed. 1563, A Dialogue betwixt the Gentleman and the Ploughman, Thorpe is the famous Lollard William of Thorpe, the date of whofe Examination is 4 Aug. 1407, and of whofe Tejlament is Sept. 1460. He could not have told the Clergy that they were 1 lyke to haue a fall' ; but in the time of the Reformation that would be true.
8- The two Lollard texts may have been fent out as ' fmale flickes' from England, in anfwer to Roy's Invitation at/. 25. The dates affigned to them mould be taken with caution. There is nothing in the fragment of the firft to teft the date ; but the latter treatife is clearly not much earlier than 1450, A.D., fee/. 178.
The drift of the Dyaloge is properly defcribed in the title. The hiftory of the perfecution of the Lollards by the clergy in the reigns of Henry IV. and V., in return for the fupport they gave to the houfe of Lancafter referred to in it, is hiftorically true. The Clergy encouraging Henry V. to foreign war, in order to prevent reformation at home, is reprefented by Shakefpeare in his Henry V. While their vaft poffeflions in land alone in Eng land, was computed, in the time of Rapin, to equal in value, at twenty years' purchase, the enormous sum of £ 30, 503, 400.
In the glorious funlight of truth which we now enjoy we can hardly realize the gloom and defpairing darknefs in the midft of which men underwent hazard of all things that they might have the law of their belief allowed in their native fpeech. If we knew more of the Lollard literature, we mould think more of them, and their magnificent fight, 'faithful unto death.' The priefts prefumptuoufly claimed to keep the lips of know ledge. They did poffefs almoft all branches of fcience and fecular knowledge at that time, fo that every fuch 'lettre' as thefe. was a revolt of man's beft nature from all that would tend to keep it in a perpetual darknefs, ignorance, and error. In confidering Lollardifm, it must never be forgotten that, for the moft part, it was a ftruggle at the greateft difadvantage, of a true defire after holinefs fed and ftrengthened by God's Word, againft the learning and culture of the time. Our bleffed Lord himfelf rejoiced that in a like cafe, it pleafed the Father to hide His truth from the wife and prudent, and to reveal it unto babes.
ge/bettoeneacFentillmananDaljufbanDman
ecfce complapngnge to otljer tljeir mife^
table calamite/tfcrougf) tfte am-
fiicionoftfteclergge*
c 3n 3. 13, C. to tfje fpiritualte,
c atoafee ge goftelp perfone;^/ atoafee/ atDafe^ TBotfje prefte/pope/ faifftoppe d CarDtnall ConfiDre toifeip tofiat toapes tfiat ge tafee DaungerouOg faepnge igfee to fjaue a fall Ctierg toftere/tfje mifcfiefe of gou all jTerre anD nere/ ftreafeetl) oute tierp faft 0otitietoi0f neDes be retiengeD at tfie laft* c ^otoe ionge Ijaue pe tf)e toorlDe captgueD 3[n fore ftonDage of mennes tratiiciones? Egnge0 anD <2Emperoure0/ ge fiaue DeprpueD LetoeDlg tifurpgnge/ tfieir cfiefe poffefltones* 9@ucl)e miferg ge make/ in all regiones, jQotoegoure frauDes/almofte at tfte latter caft flDf gotiDe fore to be retiengeD at tt)e lafl, *i poore people to oppreffe/ ge fjaue no fljame dtoafegngeforfeare ofgourDoufaftle tpranng, Eigfttfull iufttce pe fiaue put out of frame S>efcgnge t&e luft of goure goDDe tfie fcellg* Cfterfore 3[ tiare gou bolfcelg certifge* Slerg litle tftougfi ge fie tfjerof a gaft j©et goD toill fie retoengeO at tfie laft.
130
OChriften reder/ from rafhnes refraine Of haflye iudgement/ and lyght fentence. though fum recken it frowardnes of brayne Thus to detecte ye clergyes inconuenience. Vnto chrifles wordes geue/ thou aduertence Which faieth nothinge to be done fo fecretly But it fliall be knowen manifeftly.
Where as men difcerne no grefe of darcknes Full litle is defyred the confortable lyght The daye is reftrayned to fhewe his clerenes Tyll the clowdes be expelled of the night As longe as we perceyue not wronge from right Nether holynes from falfe hypocrifye The truthe can not be knowen manifeftly.
f[Curfed they are/ as Efaye doth expreffe Which prefume the euyll for good to commende Sayenge that fwete is foure/ and light darcknes As nowe in the clergye/ we may perpende. Whos difguyfed madnes in the later ende As feynt Paule to Timothe did prophefye Shall be knowen to all men manifeftly.
f[ Example of twayne he dothe there recyte Whos names were called lannes and lambres Which by enchauntment/ through deuels might Strongely refilled the prophete Moyfes Doynge lyke merueyles and wonderfulnes So that none could the very trouth efpye Tyll their lugglynge was knowen manifeflly
Chrifte/ like wife/ with his predicacion The pharifeyes fhewynge outwarde holynes Was a counted of fmall reputacion Vyce cloked vnder fhyne of vertuoufnes. Vntill at the lafl their furioufnes Accufyng the woman taken in aduoutery They fawe their fautes detecte manifeflly.
Their vyces opened/ they could not abyde
Shame drevynge them to confufyon
Which afore feafon through pope holy pryde
They bolflred out vnder abufyon
It is the practyfe of their collufyon.
Zele of rightuoumes to fayne outwardly
Tyll their fautes be detecte manifeflty/
Which in oure clergye is evidently fene Fayned godlynes falfly pretendynge Wherby mofle parte of people do wene That they feke goddes honour in all thinge How be it/ men fhuld fe that their fekynge Is to confounde chrifles gofpell vtterly Were their fautes detecte manifeflly.
132
What greater defpyte can they ymagine/ Agaynft god his hye honour to deface Than to vfurpe on them his power diuine Abhominably fittinge in holy place ? Which hath continued longe tyme and fpace And fhall with outragious blafphemy Till their fautes be detecte manifeflly.
Scripture vnto them was firft proferyd Mekely without any prouocacion. Which to receyue when it was offeryd They refufed with indignacion. Wherfore touchinge their reformacion. Litle trufl is to be had certaynly Tyll their fautes be detecte manifeflly.
CThus to conclude/ o chriflen reder Vnto pacience/ I the exhorte. Aduertefynge/ howe and in what maner Chrifte rebuked this pharifaycall forte. Whom as Mathew in the. xxiij. doth reporte. With fearefull fentence he curfed erneilly Their wicked fautes detectynge manifeflly.
cst oprttum qttotr non vcudrtuv,
133
folatoetf) tyt Bt'aloge/ tyt ttllman beginning? first Jus
With foroufull harte/ maye I complayne Concerninge the chaunce/ of my mifery Although parauenture it is but vayne Trueth oporeffyd/ with open tyranny. My enheritaunce and patrimony. Agaynft right/ from me they kepe awaye Which faye/ for my frendes foules they praye.
C Myne aunceteres of worthy progeny With rentes and lyuelood largely endued Mayntayned their eftates honorably Aydynge the poore/ indigence to exclude. Tyll at the laft/ the clergy to them fued. Pretendinge godlynes/ vnder a fals waye Sayenge they wold for their foules praye.
i[ Stoutely they alleged before their fyght Howe after this lyfe is a purgatory. Wherin their foules both daye and night Shuld be tormented with out memory Excepte of their fubflaunce tranfitory. Vnto their feactes/ they wold fome what paye Sayenge that they wold for their foules praye.
They bare them in hande that they had myght Synners to bynde and loofe at their owne plefure Takynge vpon them to leade thyem a right Vnto ioye/ that euer fhuld endure. Of popes pardones they boofled the treafure. Chalengynge of heuene and hell the kaye Sayenge/ that they wold for their foules praye.
To trufl wife or childern/ they did diffwade Eyther any frendes or perfones temporall. Affermynge/ that oure loue ftiukl a way vade
134
Without any memory of them at all Onely to hope in their feactes fpirituall. They entyced/ with perfuafiones gaye Sayenge that they wold for their foules praye.
Thus with wylines and argumentes vayne Myne aunceters brought in to perplexite Partely thorough feare of eternall payne And partely for defyre of felicite. They confented makynge no difficulte To graunte their requeftes without delaye Sayenge that they wold for their foules praye
Their chefe lordmippes and londes principall With commodytes of their poffeflyon Vnto the clergye they gaue forthe with all Dymeretinge their right fucceflyon. Which to receiue without excepcion The couetous clergy made no denay Sayenge that they wold for their foules pray
By the meanes wherof/ I and fuche other Suffrynge the extremyte of indigence Are occafioned to theft or mourder Fallynge in to moche inconuenience. Becaufe the clergye agaynfl confcience Deuoureth oure poffeffiones nighte and daye Sayeng yat for oure frendes foules they praye.
I haue wife and childern vpon my hande Wantinge fubflaunce/ their lifes to fuflayne Wherfore to the clergy that haue my lande Sometyme I come and pituoufly complayne Whos ftatelines/ to helpe me hauyng difdayne With oute any comforte to me they faye That for my frendes foules they dayly praye,
Shuld I and my houfliold for houngre dye They wold not an halfe peny with vs parte So that they lyue in welthe aboundantly
135
Full litle they regarde oure woofull fmerte. To wafte oure goodes they nothinge aduerte In vicious lufles and pompous araye Sayenge yat for our frendes foules they praye.
They take vpon them apoflles auctorite But they folowe nothinge their profeffion Often tymes they preache of chrifles pouerte Howe be it towarde it they haue no affection. Yf fo be they pleate ones in poffeffion Harde it is to get ought fro them awaye Sayenge/ that for our frendes foules they praye.
Thus mufl we beare their oppreffion
Whiles to complayne there is no remedye
The worlde they haue brought in fubiection
Vnder their ambitious tyranny.
No refpecte they haue to the myfery
Of vs poore gentillmen that be laye
Sayenge that for our frendes foules they praye.
Alas/ is it not a myferable cafe ? To fe ydle perfones voyde of pyte Occupyenge the landes before oure face Which fliuld pertayne vnto us of duete. They haue richeffe/ and we calamyte Their honour encreaced/ oures muft dekaye Sayenge that for our frendes foules they praye.
C
Syr/ god geue you good morowe I perceiue the caufe of youre forowe
And moft lamentable calamyte. Is for the oppreffion intollerable Of thes monftres fo vncharitable
Whom men call the fpiritualte. Trouthe it is/ ye poore gentillmen are By their craftynes made nedy and bare
Your landes with holdinge by violence
How be it we hufbandmen euery where Are nowe in worffe condicion ferre As it may be marked by experience.
C
In worfe caas? nay/ that can not be fo For loke ouer the hoole worlde to and fro
Namely here in oure ovvne region. And thou malt fynde that in their handes Remayneth the ehefe lordefhippes and landes
Of poore gentillmens poffeffion. They haue oure aunceters lyuelood and rentes Their principall fearmes and teneamentes
With temporall fredomes and libertees. They haue gotten vnto their kingdomes Many noble baronries and erldomes
With efquyres landes and knightes fees.
Notwithftondinge yet they faye precyfely That your Aunceters gaue to theym freely Soche worldly dominion and lyuelood.
C <S nt ttU mam
Freely quod a ? nay/ that is but fayned For they ware certeynly therto conftreyned By their couetous difceite and falfhod
1
Howe dyd they youre aunceteres compell?
C Orntt'Umatu
Mary in threatnynge the paynes of hell And fharpe punimment of purgatorye. Wher to brenne/ they made them beleue Excepte they wolde vnto them geue Parte of their fubftaunce and patrimony.
T37 C mtt&bonfr rman*
But howe wold they delyuer them fro thence?
As they faide by their prayers afliftence Which with booflynge wordes they dyd a lowe
Prayer? god geue her amamefull reprefe For it is the moofl briberynge thefe.
That euer was/ I make god a vowe. For by her the clergy without dowte Robbeth the hole countre rounde aboute
Bothe comones and eftates none excepte. I wote they haue prayed fo longe all redy That they haue brought the lande to beggery
And all thryftynes clene awaye fwepte. What foeuer we get with fweate and labour That prolle they awaye with their prayour
Sayenge they praye for oure foules allwaye But is their prayer not more avaylynge To the deade foules/ than to the lyuynge
So is it not worthe a rotten aye.
To the foules departed it is not profitable For whye/ thos that are in cafe darnpnable
No affiftence of prayour can attayne. And as for purgatory ther is none Allthough there be clerkes many one
Which to feke it take moche payne.
Than I wold their prayenge were at an ende For yf they pray longe thus fo god me mende They (hall make ye lande worffe than nought But no we I will rehearce ferioufly
138
Howe we hufbande men full pituoufly
Vnto miferable wrechednes are brought Fyrfl whan englonde was in his floures Ordred by the temporall gouernoures
Knowenge no fpirituall iurifdiccion. Than was ther in eche ftate and degre Haboundance and plentuous profperite
Peaceable welthe without affliction. Noblenes of blood/ was had in price Vertuoufnes avaunced/ hated was -vyce
Princes obeyd/ with due reuerence. Artificers and men of occupacion Quietly wanne their fuflentacion
Without any grefe of nedy indigence. We hufband men lyke wife profperoufly Occupyenge the feates of hufbandry Hyerd fearmes of pryce competent. Wherby cure lyuinge honeflly we wanne And had ynough to paye euery manne
Helpinge other that were indigent. Tyll at the laft the rauenous clergye Through their craftynes and hypocrifye
Gate to theym worldly dominacion. Than were we ouercharged very fore Oure fearmes fet vp dayly more and more
With fhamefull pryce in foche a faffhyon. That we paye more nowe by halfe the fume Than a foretymes we dyd of cuftome
Holdinge ought of their poffeffion. Befyde this/ other contentes of brybery As payenge of tythes/ open and preuy
And for herynge of confeflion. Alfo prefles dueties and clerkes wages Byenge of perdones and freres quarterages
With chirches and aultares reparacion. All cure charges can not be nombred Wherwith we are greatly acombred
Ouer whelmyd with defolacion.
'39
We tourmoyle oure felfes nyght and daye And are fayne to dryncke whygge and whaye For to maynteyne the clargyes facciones
C ©fentf Umatt*
This were a great Ihame to be knowen Seynge halfe the realme is their owne
That they charge you with foche exaccions. Me thyncketh fo to do is no fmall cryme For they kepte as good houfes a foretyme
Whiles theyr fearme hyers was ferre lefle.
C Pfttsfcanlrmatu
Ye/ more plentuous houfes a great deale How be yt in hyndrynge the comoneweale
They vfe alfo this practyfe doutles. Where as poore hufband men afore feafon Accordinge vnto equite and reafon
Houfe or lande to fearme dyd defyre. Without any difficulte they might it get And yet no hygher price was ther vp fet
Than good confcience did require. But nowe their ambicious futtlete Maketh one fearme of two or thre
Ye fome tyme they bringe. vi. to one. Which to gentillmen they let in farmage Or elles to ryche marchauntes for avauntage
To the vndoynge of hufbandeman ech one. Wherby the comones fufferinge damage The hole lande is brought in to rerage
As by experience ye may well fee. Thus is the wealth of village and towne With the fame of honorable renowne
Fallen in to myferable pouerte. Plentuous houfholdes hereby ar dekayde Relefe of poore people is awaye flrayde
Allmes exyled with hofpitalyte.
140
By foche meanes/ all thinge waxeth dere Complaynte of fubiectes cryenge ferre and nere Oppreffed with greuous calamyte.
Truely thou fheweft the very abufe Neuertheleffe concernynge oure excufe
Why we gentillmen fearmes occupye. The principall occafion is onely this That oure patrimony geuen awaye'is
Vnto thes wolffes of the clergye. By whos oppreffion we are fo beggeryd That neceffite hath vs compellyd
With fearmes foche Ihyft to make. For as ye hufbandmen can well vnderflande Touchinge expences and charges of the lande
They difdayne any parte with vs to take.
Ye by feynte Marye/ I you warrante In foche cafes/ their ayde is very fcant
Makinge curtefye to do any goode. Let the realme go what way it wull They hauynge eafe/ and their belyes full
Regarde litle the comone weale by the rode Yf princes demaunde their fuccour or ayde This anfwere of them is comonely faide
We are pore bedemen of youre grace. We praye for your difceaced auncetryes For whom we fynge maffes and dirigees
To fuccour their foules in nedefull cafe.
H ©f entillmatu
Oh/ they afoorde prayers good cheape Sayenge rather many maffes by heape
Than to geue a poore man his dyner. Wherfore as thou faydeft/ fo god helpe me
141
I fe of their prayenge no comodyte
Nether avauntage in any maner. For whye with in thes. iiij. hundred yere Thorough oute chriflendome was not a freer
Of thes/ whom we mendicantes call. And fyth that tyme dyuers facciones Of collegianes/ monkes and chanones
Haue fpred this region ouer all. Alfo of preftes/ were not the tenthe parte Which as they faye/ haue none other arte
But for vs worldly people to praye. And yet the vvorlde is nowe farre worfle As euery man felyth in his poorfle
Than it was at that tyme I dare faye. Wherfore the trueth openly to betryde I wolde they fhuld laye their prayenge a fyde
And geue theym felfes to labour bodely.
It were harde to bringe theym therto Vtterly refufynge any labour to do Becaufe they are people goftely.
Were not the apoftles goflely alfo?
Yes fyr/ but it is fo longe ago
That their lyuynge is oute of memorye,
We fynde it well in the newe teftament.
The clargye faye/ it is not conuenyent For layemen thenvith to be bufye.
C
Woteft thou wherfore they do that
In fayth fyr I coniecture fome what
And I fuppofe I do not moche erre. Might men the fcripture in Englifhe rede We fecular people fhuld than fe in dede
What Chrift and the apoflles lyues were. Which I dout nothinge are contrarye Vnto the lyuynge of oure clargye
Geuyn to pompous ydlenes euery where. Whos abhominacion ones knowen Their pryde Ihuld be fone ouer throwen
And fewe wold their flatelynes for beare.
f[
Thou hytteft the nayle vpon the heed For that is the thinge that they dreed
Lead fcripture fhuld come vnto light. God commaundyd man in the begynnynge With fweat of vyfage to wynne his lyuynge
As Mofes in his fyrfl boke dothe wryte. And as Marcke fayeth in the. vi. chapter Chrifle here vpon erthe was a carpenter
Not dyfdayninge an occupacion. Alfo the difciples vniuerfally With their handes laboured bufyly
Exchewynge ydle conuerfacion.
Oure clargye lyue nothynge after their rate
No/ they feke ydelly to auaunce their eflate And to be had in reputacyon.
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ntr
Are they worldly or goflely to faye the trothe i'
So god helpe me I trowe none of bothe
As it apperyth by their faffhion. For in matters of worldly bufynes The clergye haue moche more entreffe
Than temporall men I enfure the. The landes of lordes and dukes to pofleffe Thei abaffhe not a whit the feculernes
Chalengynge tytles of worldly honour But is the realme in any neceffyte Where as they fhuld condefcend of duete To flande by their prince with fuccour Than to be of the world they denye Sayenge that their helpe is Spiritually
From the worlde makinge a feparacion.
Whiles they vfe foche craftynes to contryue The temporalte ought theym to depryue
Of their worldly dominacyon. And euen as they faye that they are goflely So without any affiflence worldly
To lyue goflely they Ihuld haue no let.
That were an expedyent medicyne Accordinge vnto faynt Paules doctryne
Qui non laborat/ non manducet. Nowithflonding their power is fo flronge That whether they do ryght or wronge
They haue their owne will without fayle. Their enormytees fo ferre out breaketh That all the worlde agaynfl theym fpeaketh
But alas man what dothe it avayle ?
144
The remedy that I can ymagyne Were beft that we together determyne
To get vs to london incontynent. Where as it is here for a furete tolde The kinge with his nobles dothe holde
A generall coimfell or parlament.
What woldeft thou that we fhuld £ there ?
The conflraynte of oure myferye to declare Vnder a meke forme of lamentation.
So fliuld we be fure of foche anfweres As were made vnto the poore beggers
For their pituous fupplicacyon. Againfl whom ye clergyes refons nought worthe The foules of purgatory they brought forthe
The beggers complaynte to difcomfyte. Wherfore againfl oure petition I the tell They wold bringe out all the deuells in hell
For to do vs fome mamefull defpyte.
C
And was ther none other waye at all But the foules of purgatory to call In ayde and affiflence of the clergye.
C
It was the fuerefl waye by feynt Ihone For had they to playne fcripture gone
I woufle they hadde be taken tardye. The beggers complaynte was fo grounded That the clargye hadde be confounded
Had they not to purgatory hafted.
MS
C f^nsbontrman*
Where fayd they purgatorye Ihuld be ?
By fcripture they (hewed no certente
Albeit with ftowte wordes they it faced. Eiien like vnto the man/ which went A certeyne flraunge ylonde to inuent
But whan he fawe/ he could it not fynde. Leafl his wit and travaile fhuld feme in vayne Reporte of other men he beganne to fayne
The fymplicite of rude people to blynde. But touchinge oure communicacion Ther is a nother confideracion
Which fomewhat more troubleth my mynde. Thou knowefl that in the parlament The chefe of ye clergye are refident
In a maruelous great multitude. Whos fearce difpleafure is fo terrible That I iudge it were not poffible
Any caufe againfl them to conclude. As for this ones we fhall not be herde And great men I tell the[y] are a ferde
With them to haue any doynge. Whofoeuer will agaynfl them contende Shall be fure of a mifchefe in the ende
Is he gentellman lorde or kynge. And that vnto kynge lohn I me reporte With other princes and lordes a great forte
Whom the cronycles exprefle by name. Whiles they were a lyue they did them trouble And after their deathe with cruelnes double
They ceafed not their honour to diffame. Dyd not they fo longe ftriue and wraflle Againft the good knight fyr Ihon oldecaftle
Other wife called lorde of Cobham. That from hyghe herefye vnto treafone
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They brought him to fynall deftruction
With other many a noble man. Moreouer at feynt Edmundes bury fome faye That the famous prince duke Humfray
By them of his. lyfe was abreuiate. Sythe that tyme I could recken mo Whom they caufed to be difpatched fo
Parauenture fome of no lowe eftate.
Their tyranny is great without fayle Neuerthelefle yf we wold them affayle
With argumentes of the holy gofpell. They fhuld not be ones able to refifle For the wordes of our fauiour chrifle
Shuld iloppe them were they neuer fo fell. Who in the. xxiij. chapter of feynt Luke To their great confufyon and rebuke
Forbydeth fecular ambicion. Wherin he himfelfe example gaue Contempnynge worldly honour to haue
Of this world claymynge no kingdome. Alfo when his difciples forthe he fent He commaunded them to be content
With foode and apparayle neceflary. Wherto faint Paules doctrine accordinge Saieth : hauynge meate drinke and clothinge
We muld no thinge couet fuperfluoufly.
C CJentilimam
Yf the holy gofpell allege we fhuld
As flronge heretikes take vs they would
Vnto their churche difobedient. For why they haue commaunded ftraytely That none vnder great payne be fo hardye
To haue in englifhe the teftament. Which as thou knowefl at London
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The bifmop makinge ther a fermon With fhamefull blafphemy was brent.
Alas that cruelte goeth to my hert Wherfor I feare me we (hall all fmert At lengthe with bitter puniflhment.
Vndouted it is greatly to be fearyd Leafl the hole region Ihalbe plagyd
For their outragious blafphemy. In kynge Henryes dayes of that name ye fyft The clergye their pride aboue to lyft
Perfecuted chriften brothers haynoufly. The gofpell of Chrifl a fyde to call Which at that tyme profpered fafl.
With all their puyfaimce they dyd confpyre. Euery where they threwe theym in prefones In fharpe gayles/ and horrible doungeones
Caufynge many to be brent in fyre. Their furious malice neuer flentyd Tyll they had the light oute quenchyd
Of the gofpell and holy fcripture. Wherof all bokes that they could get They caufed on a fayre fyre to be fet
To expell goddes worde doynge their cure. But confyder what ther of did chaunce Mofle terrible plages' of fearfull vengeaunce
And endles forowe to oure nacion. For within Ihorte feafon after they loft Which many a mans lyfe did coll
In fraunce their dominacoin. Amonge them felfes mofte hatefull mourdre Many ftronge batayles/ one after a nother
With great effufyon of engliflhe bloode. Frende againft frende/ brother againft brothei.
i48
Euery man at variaunce with other
The realme longe feafon in myfchefe floode
This is nowe a dayes clene oute of mynde
I praye god/ hereafter we do not fynde
The fame vengeaunce for like offence For as it is in the byble playnely red God left neuer lande yet vnpunifhed
Which agaynfl his worde made refiflence.
Well fyr/ yf fcripture ye forthe bringe I befeche you/ what is their anfweringe Are they fo bolde goddes worde to denye ?
Naye but after their ymaginacion They make there of an interpretacion
Vnto the texte clene contrary They allege the popes auctorite Cuflomes of auncyent antiquite
With diuers counfeiles approbation. Alfo the holynes of religious fathers With the bloode fheadinge of marters
For their chirches prelervacion. Befyde that con ty nuance of yeres Myracles of bifhoppes/ monkes and freres
Whom for fpeciall patrones they holde. And fynally to make a conclufion In fortefyenge their abufion
Other practyfes they vfe manyfolde. They reforte to lordes and greate eflates With whom they are dayly checke mates
Ye to faye the trouthe their foueraynes.
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Where amonge other communicacion They admonifhe them with proteflacion
To beware of thes heretikes Lutheranes. Whom they faye is a fecte newe fangled With execrable herefyes entangled
Sekinge the chirches perdicion. Which cure fore fathers as wife as we Were contente with humble fimplicite
To honour/ obeynge their tuycion. Alfo none prefumed till nowe a late Againft the clergye to beare any hate
Or grudged at their poffeflion.
C
By feynt mary fyr/ that is a flarcke lye I can fhewe you a worcke by and by
Againfl that poynte makinge obiection. Which of warantyfe I dare be bolde That it is aboue an hundred yere old
As the englifhe felfe dothe teflifye. Wherin the auctour with argumentes Speaketh againft the lordfhippes and rentes
Of the clergye poffeffed wrongfully.
Is it fo olde as thou doefl here exprefle Reprouynge their pompous lordlynes So is it than no newe found herefy.
C
No/ but alas/ halfe the boke we want
Hauynge no more left than a remenant
From the begynnynge of the. vi. chapter verely.
As for that it maketh no matter Begynne hardely at the fixte chapter
Redynge forthe to the ende ferioufly. For though old writinges a pere to be rude Yet notwithflandinge they do include
The pithe of a matter mofl fructuoufly.
To rede it I (hall be diligent Though the ftyle be nothinge eloquent With ornate fpeache fet out curioufly.
an oltre tvezt&ze ma tre afcottte tfye tgme af fcgnge Dartre
| Here as the clergy perceyueth that lordlynes and worldly dominion can not be borne out bi fcripture/ then flie they to argumentes of mennes perfuafyon fayenge after thys maner Seynt Huge and feynt Swithune were thus lordes/ and in this they enfued Chriftes lyuyng and his doc trine/ therfore we may be laufully thus lordes. But I wote well that Gabriel mail blowe his home or they haue proued the minor. That is/ that thes fayntes or patrones in this fued the doctrine or the lyfe of lefu Chrifle. And of this thou mayfl fe that foch argu mentes that ar not clothed with Chrifles lyuynge or his teachinge/ be right nought worthe all thdugh the clerkes blynde with them moch folke in ye world. But here haue I no leyfer to tell though I coulde/ what chefefaunce and codes the churche maketh and what werres they hold to contynue this fymony and herefy fo vnavifely brought in to ye chirche. And yet they feke all the wayes therto that they can. Ye in fo moch that they go openly armyd in to the felde to kyll chriften men/ for to get and holde foche lord-
fiiippe. And notwithftondynge feynt Peter was fo pore that he had nether golde nor fyluer Act. iij.
as he faieth in the Actes of the apoftles. And his other worldly good he left/ whan he beganne to fue Chrifle. And as towchynge the tytle of worldly lawe that he had to foch worldly goodes/ he made neuer cleyme ne neuer refceyued after any worldly lord- fhippe. And yet they call all their hole kingdom feynt Peters grounde or lordfhippe. And therefor feynt Bernarde writeth to Eugenie ye pope Lib™, ij
fayenge. Yf thou wilt be a lorde/ feke by a nother waye to attayne it/ but not by thys apoflles ryght For he may not geue the that he had not/ that he had he gaue/ the whiche was bufynes vpon chirches. Whether he gaue lordfhippe or no/ here what he faieth. Be ye not lordes in the clergy/ but be ye made i. PetrL
forme and example off Chriftes flocke. And lead ye trowe thys be not fayde of trothe take kepe what Chrifle faieth in ye gofpell. The kinges of hethen haue lordfhippe vpon theym/ forfothe ye not fo. Se howe playnly lordfhippe is forboden to all apoftles/ for yf thou be a lorde howe dareft thou take vpon the apofllefhyp/ or yf thou be a byffhoppe/ howe dareft thou take vpon the lordfhip ? Pleynly thou art for boden bothe. And yf thou wylt haue bothe to gether thou malt lefe bothe/ and be of the nomber/ of whych god pleineth by the prophete Ofee fayenge. They reygnyd but not by me fayeth god. And yf we holde that/ that is forboden/ here we that is boden ot Chryfte. He that is greateft of you fe yat he be made as younger in fymplen.es/ and he that is a fore goere loke he be as a feruant. Thys is ye forme of apoftles lyfe/ lordmyppes forboden and feruys is boden thys fayeth faynt Bernerde there. And therfor no man may put a nother grounde befydes yat that is put whych is Chrifte lefu.
But yet I wote well that clarkes and relygyous folcke that loue vnkyndly theie lordlynes wyll glofe here and
faye/ yat they occupye not foche lordfhyppes in proper as fecular lordes doo/ but in comone/ lyke as the apoflles and perfyte people dyde in the beginnynge of Chriftes chirche as wryteth Saynct Luke in the fourthe chaptre of the Actes of the apoflles/ the whyche had all thynges in comone/ lyke as foche clarkes and re- ligyous faye they haue nowe. In tokeninge wherof no man fayde of any thinge at that tyme/ thys ys myne/ fo oure clarkes and namely relygyous people whan they wyll fpeake in termes of their religyon. A pryuate perfon wyll not faye this or thys is myne/ but in parfone of all his bretheren he wyll 'faye/ this is oures. And ouer thys they faye more futtelly that they occupye not this by tytle of fecular lordfhyppe/ but by tytle of perpetuall allmes. But what euer thys people faye here/ we mote take hede to the rule of prefe that fayleth not. The whiche rule Chrifle teacheth vs in the gofpell in dyuers places/ where he fayeth/ beleue ye the workes. For why by their workes ye (hall know theim. And thys rule is wonder nedefull to a man that hath a do with any man of the Pharyfeys condycyones. For as Chrifle fayeth Math, xxiij. They faye but they do not. And fo as Chrifles workes bere witneffe of hym as he hym felfe fayeth/ and Iheweth what he was and howe he lyued/ fo the dedes and maner of lyuinge/ or the thynge in it felfe bearyth wytneffe wythout fayle howe it flondyth amonge theym in thys poynte. And yf we take hede thus by thys rule we mall fe at oure eye howe the clargye fayeth other wyfe than it is in dede. For in fome place in pryuate parfone/ and in fome place in comone or parfone aggregate/ whiche is all one as faynct Auflyne fayeth vppon the pfalter/ ye clargy occupye th the fecular lordfhyppe fecularly/ and ye fo in propere. For in the fame maner wyfe as ye Barone/ or the knyghte occupyeth and gouuernyth hys baronrye or hys knyghtes fe/ fo after the amortefyenge occupyeth ye clarcke/ ye Monke/ or Chanon/ the
153
College or Conuente/ the fame lordfhippe and gouem- eth it by ye fame lawes in iudgement and punifhinge as perfonnynge and hangynge. with foche otherworldly turmentyng the which fome tyme belongyd to the fecular arme of the chirche. Ye oft tymes we may fe howe they bufye theym felfes to be kinges in their owne/ and reioyce them full moche in that ciuilyte or fecularite yf they may get it. And this is an euidence that they wold gladly be kynges of all the realme or the world. For where their londes and fecular mennes fraunchyfe ar to gether they flriue who mall haue the galowes/ or other maner tourmentes for felaunes. They kepe alfo vnder bondage their tenauntes and their yffue with their londes. And this is the mofte ciuilite or fecular lordfhyppinge that any kynge or lorde hath on his tenauntes And therfore we maye fe howe they cleyme in their goodes a maner of proper poffeffyon contrarye to the comonnynge of the comone goodes in tyme of the perfyte men in the begynnynge of Chriftes chirche. And fo what fo euer the clergy fayeth the dede Iheweth well that they haue not their goodes in comone lyke as Chrifle with his apoftles and perfyte men had in the begynnynge of chriftes chirche. For in holdynge or hauynge of their goodes/ is pro- perte of poffeffyon and fecular lordfhippinge. The which ftondith not with ye plente of chriftes perfeccyon in preftes as it fueth of this proceffe and of that/ that is declared before. And as for that o ther glofe that clerkes haue here/ where they faye that they holde thes lordmyppes by tytle of perpetuall almes. Aimes
But here ye mail vnderftande that mercy or almes is a will of releuinge of fome wretche oute of his myfefe as Lyncolnienfis fayeth in the begynnynge of his dictis. So that yf a man fhuld effec- DJcto.ij
tually do almelfe he muft loke to whom he fliulde do almelfe to/ were in myfeafe and had nede to be releuyd. tn tokeninge wherof/ chrift onely affigneth almeffe to thos/ in whom he marketh myfeafe. And fo here oi
'54
this it will fue/ that yf a man \vill releue one wretche and make a nother or mo/ he dothe none almeffe/ but rather maketh myfeafe. And moche more he dothe none almeffe yf be make riche thos perfones that haue no nede. For as moche as they be fufficient to theym felfes/ this hath no coloure of almeffe. For this may be better called a woodnes or a waftynge of goddes goodes. And ouer this yf a man take thos goodes/ the which god in the befl wyfe enen and with oute erroures hath affygned to the flate of fecular lordes/ and geue thos goodes to another people that hath no nede of theym/ ye to yat which people foche goodes are forfendid. This fhuld be called no almeffe/ but peruertinge of goddes ordinaunce/ and the deflruc- tion of the flate of fecular lordes ye which god hath ap- proued in his chirche. For as faynt Paule fayeth. ij. Cori. viij. Almeffe dede fhuld be ruled fo ye it were releuinge to thos yat receiue it. And moch rather it fhuld not be vndoynge of thos that do it. And ther- fore Chrift teach ith in the gofpell to do almes of tho Quodsuperest thinges that be nedelcs or fuperfluite.
nam.elLmu°ci" And in this dede a man muld haUC re'
xHij. garde to the nede of him that he dothe
almes to and to the charge of his owne houfe. What almes was it then I praye you/ to vndo the flate of the Emperoure/ and to make the clarkes riche with his lordfhippes/ namely fyth Chrifl confirmyd to ye Emperour his flate/ with tho thinges that longe therto/ notwithflonding at that tyme the emperoure was hethen. And he hath forfendyd exprefly hys clergy in W7orde and in example foche lordfhyppe. And as thys was no allmes/ fo we mote faye of other kynges/ dukes and erles/ barones and knyghtes that are vndone hereby/ and the clerkes made ryche and worldly lordes with theyr goodes. And though it had be fo yat the clergy myght haue occupyed thus worldly lordmyppe/ and alfo though it hadde be no deflruccion nor ap- peyrynge of any other flate/ yet it hadde be no allmes
155
for to geue to theym foche goodes/ wherfor it may be ryghtfully fayde. No man may put a nother grounde befydes that is put/ which is Chrifle lefu.
Here we may fe by the grounde of ye gofpel and by the ordynaunce of chrifle/ that the clergye was fufficiently purueyd for lyuelood. For god is fo per- fyte in all his werckynge/ yat he may ordeyne no flate in hys chirche but yf he ordeyne fufficient lyuelood to the fame flate. And this is open in goddes lawe who fo takyth hede/ and that vnder euery lawe of god/ as vnder ye lawe of innocencye and of kynde/ vnder ye lawe geuen by Moyfes and alfo vnder ye lawe geuen by chrifle. In ye tyme of the flate of innocencye we knowe well by beleue yat god hadde fo ordeyned for man kynde that it fhuld haue hadde lyuelood ynough withoute any tedious laboure And of ye lawe of kynde/ chrifl fpeakyth in ye gofpell fayenge thus Matt, vij All thynges yat ye wyll yat other men do to you/ do ye to theym. And yf thys lawe hadde be kepte ther fhuld no man haue bene myfcheuoufly nedy. And in the tyme of ye lawe geuen by Moyfes/ god made a full and a fufficient ordynuance for all hys people howe and wher by they fhuld lyue. For he dealyd ye londe amonge the laye people and he affygned ye fyrfl frutes and tythes to ye prefles and deakenes. And all though yat he wold yat ther fliuld be all waye poore men in ye lande of yfraell/ yet he made an ordin- Deute. xv. aunce agaynfl myfcheuous nede. And comandyd all the people that ther fhuld be in no wyfe a nedye man and a begger amonge them as it is wrytten. And fo in thys lawe he ordeyned fufficiently ynough for hys people. And in ye tyme of the newe lawe chrifle affigned ye feculer lordfhyppes to temporall lordes as it is taught before/ And alowed ye comonte her lyuelood gotten by true marchaundyfe and hufboundrye and other craftys. And in [no] worde and enfaumple he taught hys prefles to be proctoures for nedye people and poore at ye ryche men/ and fpecifyed thes
poore/ and taught howe they that were myghty/ fhuld make a purueaunce for foche poore folke yat they were not conftrayned by nede for to begge/ as great clerkes marcke vpon thes wordes of ye gofpell where chryfle Luce, xiiij. fayeth thus. Whan thou makefl thy feaft/ yat is of allmes/ call poore people/ feble/ lame and blynde He fayeth not lett foche poore men call vpon ye/ but call thou vpon theym meanynge in yat/ that thou muldeft make a purueaunce for foche people/ yat they be not myfcheuoufly fautye. And for ye clergy he ordeined fufficiently/ teching theym in worde and enfample howe they fhuld holde theym appayde with lyue- lood and hylynge myniflred to theym/ for theyr true laboure in the gofpell as it is written before. Of thys than thou mayfl fe howe god in all hys lawes hath fufficiently ordeyned for all ye dates that be founded and approuyd And howe it is agaynfl ye goodnes and wyfdom of god/ to ordeyne any flate/ but yf he ordeyned fufficient lyueiood therto. Syth than thys ordenaunce of god was fufficient as well for the clergye as for other men it femeth a foule prefumpcion to brynge in a newe and a contrarye ordinaunce of lyue iood for clerckes vpon the ordinaunce yat Crifle hath made for theym before. Of ye whiche ordynaunce/ the clergye full many yeres after the begynnynge of Chryftes chyrche/ whan it was bed gouuernyd/ held theym well a payde. For thys meaneth that Chriftes ordynaunce was inefficient/ and worthy to be vndone And yf we take good hede/ they hadde no more nede to pleyne theym of thys ordynaunce/ than hadde the other two flates of hys chyrche/ which vnto this daye holde theym a payde with thys ordynaunce of chryfl/ were it fully kepte. And more fekirnes and enfuraunce maye no man make of any thinge than chryfl hath of hys lyueiood to the clergye For chryfl not onely affermyth to ye people ye he wyll not fayle theym in lyueiood and hylinge/ but alfo prouyth thys by argu- mentes yat may not be affoyled/ So yat they be true
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feruauntes to him. For Chryfle meanyth thus in his arguynge there. Syth god fayleth not bryddes and lyles and graffe that groweth in ye felde/ nether he- then men. Howe moche rather mail he not fayle hys true feruauntes ? And fo this purneaunce of perpetuall almes yat oure clerkes fpeake of/ meanyth faute of be- leue and defpeyre of the gracious gouernaunce of god. Syth than as it is fayde before/ it is no allmes to releue one wretche and to make another or moo/ and to make theim ryche wyth temporall lordfhippe/the whiche bene forfendyd to foche people and namely yf foche almes geuynge be deflroyenge or appeyringe of any Hate approuyd by God in his chirche/ it will fue that the endowynge of ye clargye with worldly lordfhippe/ ought not to be called allmefle/ but rather all a myfle/ or waflynge of goddes goodes or deflroyenge of his ordinaunce/ for as moche as the clergye was fufficiently ordeyned by Chrifle. For why/ this almes that clerckes fpeake of here/ made many wretches and it was geuen to theym that had no nede. And thus it is empeyringe not only of one eftate of ye chyrche/ but of all thre of the which I fpake in ye begynynge. And fo this almes geuynge hath made all oure realme nedy/ ye and as I fuppofe full nygh all chriflendom full poore and nedy and mifcheuous ouer that it mulde haue bene yf the clargye had held theym apayde with chrifles ordinaunce. But nowe thourough this per petuall all a myffe/ that the clarkes call almes/ chrifles ordinaunce ys vndon in fome landes holly and in Englonde for ye more party and it is lykely to be all vndone in proceffe of tyme. For by a mortefyenge of lordfhippes/ ye lordes be vndone in great party. And many noble men becaufe they lacke their owne parte through folifhe gifte of their aunceters be full nedy. Forthermore it may be vnderflonde of this proceffe/ yat withdrawyng of this lordfhippes from ye clergy and refloringe againe of them to the ftates yat god hathe affigned them to/ fhuld not be called robbery of holy
chirche as cure clerkes faye/ but rather rightwife reftitucion of good wrongfully and theefly withold. And ther fore ther maye none othe or vowe binde any man to maytayne this theft and deftruccion of goddes ordinannce/ and this great harmynge of Chriftes chirche. As ye vowe of lepte fhuld not haue bounde him to kill and facrifice his owne doughter. Ne the othe of Herode fhuld not haue bounde him to kill innocent lohn. But as lepte fhuld a broken his othe or vowe and haue offered a nother thinge that had bene pleafynge to god and accordinge with his lawe : As faynt Auilyne fayeth vpon the fame florye. So Herode fhuld haue broken his othe and a faued inno cent blood and fore a repented him for his vnavyfed fwerynge. And fo fhuld lordes nowe a dayes breake theyr othes that they haue unavyfely and without counfeyle of holy fcripture fworne to mayn- teine this theefte/ ye herefy and fymony as it is proued before/ the which cure clerkes call perpetuall almes And not fue theire folifhe dedes and othes yat they haue made to maynteyne this mifcheuous peruert- tinge of chhrifles ordinaunce. For as the flate of the clergye hath no power or leaue/ to make the people or lordes to fynne deadly or to deflroye gods ordi- Lokeweiiapon naimce in his chirche. So they haue no this reason. leaue or power of god to counceile or to conflrayne in any cafe the lordes or ye people to fwere for to maynteyne this endowenge of ye clerkes and religious folke/ which is full great thefte herefy and fymony/ and wounder harmefull to chrifles chirche as it is fhewed in this proceffe and in other writen before. But the lordes fpecially fhuld fe here/ what were pleafynge not to thefe clerkes/but to god/ and that fhuld they do. For her to they be bounde by vertue of their office vppe peyne of dampnacion. And there may no no man difpencewith them of yat bound flondinge her ftate. For no man fhuld put a nother grounde befydes that/ yat is put which is chrifl lefu.
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And therfore men deme it a great fynne to geue londe entayled by mennes lawe from ye parfone or kynred that it is entayled to/ ye although it be fo that the parfone or kynred that foche lande is geuen to be nedye and haue leaue by goddes lawe to occupy e foche maner londe or lordfhippe. And this is demyd full great fynne among the people not onely to the geuer but alfo to the taker. For both they do dampnable wronge to him that it is entayled to/ as the people demyth ye although it be geuen for good and true feruyce that the receyuer hath done to the geuer before/ er elles by waye of almes of releuynge of the per[i]one or kinred that it is geuen to. How moche rather than I praye you without comparifon is it a greater fynne/ as well to the reaceyuers as to the geuers/ to take the lordefhippes/ the whiche god that hath full lordfhippe vpon all the world hathe geuen by perpetuall lawe or right to the Hate of fecular lordes/ or geue this from the Hate to the whiche god entayled this lordfhippe to a nother flraunge people off a nother lyne/ the which hadde neuer neade/ ne leaue of god to occupye it. And yf priefles cleyme tythes becaufe god graunted them to ye kynred of leuy/ yet ther argument is voide. For chrifle came of the lynage of luda/ to whiche lyne was no tythes graunted and fo as men fuppofe this entayle was not confermyd by chrifle and his apoflles to the priefles in the newe lawe.
For Gregory the tenthe ordeyned firfl Poiicro
tythes to be payed to curates only. And Lib. vij.
yet they cleyme fo ferforthe tythes that no man maye lawefully withholde theym or miniflre them faue they. Ne they maye be turned or geuen to any other flate or kynred faue onely to theym. Ail- though men wolde do that vnder coloure or by tytle off perpetuall allmes. For this fhulde be demyd of the clergye a dampnable fynne and deflroyenge of holy chirche and facrilege. How moche rather is it then an hydeous and dampnable fynne/ to
i6o
geue or to take awaye the fecular lordfliippes fror the ftate of fecular lordes/ the whiche god had geuei and entayled to them by the fame lawe and right/ b] the whiche he hadde geuen the tithes to the prieftes in the olde lawe. And this entayle was neuer inter rupt nor broken vnto chrifles tyme and his holy apoflles. And than they confermed this entayle by lawe fo ftronge to the feculer parte yat no man (faue Antich rifle and his difciples) may openly im- pungne this entayle as it is mewed before. And fo as no man fhulde prefume to withdrawe withholde or turne the tithes from the ftate of prefthod/ as they faye/ fo moche rather fhuld no man prefume by geuynge or takinge to aliene ye temperall lordfhippes from the ftate of feculer lordes. And thus clerkes haue not fo moche coloure to faye yat the lordes and the laye people robbe them for as moch as they take their temperalities in to ye handes of ye clergy hath neuer the leffe malice in it felfe. For as moc^e as it is done by fimulacion of holynes/ ye whiche is double Gene. Hj wickedncs. For thus Lucifer robbed Adam
both of goodes of fortune/ of kinde and yet dothe the chirche of thes thre maner goodes. For right as lucifer dyd this harme to Adam and Eue vnder coloure of loue and frendfhippe and helpinge of them : fo do nowe his angells/ thofe ypocrites that tranfigure them felfes into angells of light/ and deceyue ye people by falfe behefte of heuenly helpe yat they will procure to theym for their goodes as they faye/ and yf a biffhope and his college or an abbate and his conuent maye not aliene fro them any of ye temporaries yat thei haue/ nor geue to their founder any of thos poffeffions that he hath geuen them/ what nede that euer he haue/ bounde onely by a pofityfe lawe or a tradicion that they them felfe haue made. And yf any foche lord ftiippes be withdrawen/ aliened/ or taken fro them by rechelefnes of their predeceffoures/ they ought on all wife/ ye to the deathe laboure to get ye pofleffiones in
to their hondes agayne as they faye. Howe moche more than muld not a fecular lorde or a laye aliene fro him and his yffue or fro the ftate of fecular lordes/ ye fecular lordfhippes the whiche god hath lymyted to that ftate/ fyth he is bounde by the lawe of kynde to ordeyne for his children. And ouer this he is bounde by godes lawe to fufleyne the ftate of fecular lordes/ the whiche is auctoryfed in the chirche and his apoftles. Of this proceffe than yf a man take hede he (hall perceyue the falfenes of this glofe/ whan oure clerckes and religious folke faye that they hold thefe lordfhippes onely by title of perpetuall allmes. For certis fyth thefe tythes and offerynges the which as I fuppofe counteruayle the fecular lordes rentes of the realme or elles paffe as it is full lykely/ for though they beleffe in one chirche they paffe in a nother and be fufficient for all the prieftes in chriftendome yf they were euen dealed. Than it were no nede to amorteyfe fecular lordfhippes to the ftate of the clergy e. The which amortefyenge is vndoynge of lordes/ apoftafye of the clergye. And yf this amortefyenge were not nedefull/ then were it no allmes as it is declared. And ouer the tythes and offerynges that be no we off certeynte/ the clerckes haue many great and fmall perquyfytis/ the whiche fmacke of fymonye and extor- cion. As the fyrft frutes of vacante benefyces/ prouynge of teftamentes and money for halowenge of chapelles/ chirches/ chauncelles/ and other orna- mentes of the chirche/ and for facryng of ordres/ and full many mo that for multitude may not well be numbred. For well nigh all theire bleffynges be fet to fale and to prijs/in to chryftenynge and confirmacion. Wherfore I may nowe faye as 1 fayde at the begynn- inge. No man may put a nother ground e befydes that/ that is put/ the whiche is Chrifte lefu. The which grounde of lyuynge chrifte grauntes to kepe that we maye efcape the euerlaftinge peynes of hell AMEN.
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Loo/ nowe by this treatyfe may ye well fe That aforetymes againft the fpiritualte
Men dyd invey/ fhewinge their vyces. Alfo here after this auctour dothe tell What great leoparde it is and perell
For priefles to be in fecular offices. Ye/ and to lordes which againfl right Suffre them therein or therto excyte
Prouynge it by their owne doctours and lawes
I befeche the rede forthe the proceffe That the people may fe their vnhappenefle Which make all the world foles and dawes.
|[ Seynt Cipriane fayeth yat by the counceile of hist. xxi. [ij.] biffhops ther is made a ftatute/ that all Uj.ca. Cipriane yat bene charged with priefthode and or- deyned in ye feruys of clerkes/ fhuld not feme but to the aulter and to miniflre ye facramentes/ to preach e gcds worde/ and to take hede to prayers and oryfones. It is for fothe writen. No man bering his knighthode to god : entryketh him with fecular nedes. The which oure biffhops and oure predeceffours beholdinge religioufly and purueynge holfomly/ deme that whofo- euer taketh miniflres of ye chirche/ from fpirituall office to fecular/ that ther be none offrynge done for him/ ne any facrifice holowed for his fepulture. For they deferue not to be named before ye aulter of god in ye prayer off prieftes/ the whiche will clepe awaye priefles and miniflres of ye chirche from ye aulter. Thus fayeth feynt Cipriane. Here men maye fe how perelous it is to ye kyng and fecular lordes to with- holde any priefle of chrifl in fecular bufynes. This is proued thus. For euery fecular lorde by the lawe of
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the gofpell is gods bayly. But yf any bayly hyred a worckman with his lordes good and put him to his owne feruys/ he muft be vntrewe to his owne lorde. Right fo is any fecular lorde to cure lorde Chrifl lefu/ but yf he amende hym/ that taketh a priefle and putteth him in his fecular office breakinge the heeft of his lorde god that commaundeth/ thou (halt coueyet none other mannes fervaunte. And he withdraweth hym fro the feruys of god and fro the kepinge of chriflen mennes foules/ ye which he hath taken charge of/ for which foules oure lorde lefu Chrifte toke flelcke and bloude and fuffered harde dethe/ and fhedde his owne harte bloode. This parelous doynge of fecular lordes is bothe againfl goddes lawe and mannes. It is ageinfl gods lawe for as feynt Paule ij.Thi.ij. faieth. No man yat is a perfyte knight of god/ as euery priefl fhuld be by his ordre/ entromedleth him with worldly deades and bufynes. And for this ende that he may fo pleafe ye lorde to whofe ff ruyce he hathe put him felfe/ and that is good. For foche worldly bufynes in clerkes is againfl their ordre. And therfore ye apoflles faid as it is writen in Acto. vi
ye dedes of ye apoflles/ it is not euen/ vs to leue ye worde of god and miniflre to boordes of poore folke. And yf it was vnequite as the apoflles faide in their comone decree/ them for to leaue ye preachinge of goddes worde/ and miniflre to the boordes of poore folke : Howe moche more vnequite and wronge to god and man it is/ preafles to leaue contemplacion/ fludye/ prayer and preachinge of goddes wor[d]and miniflrynge to poore folke for the fervyce of a fecular lorde ? It is alfo agaynfl the Popes lawe/ for he Linn ^ de re fpeaketh to a biffhoppe and byddeth hym in fine that he warne preafles and clerckes/ that they be not occupyed in fecular offices ne procurators of fecular lordes deades and her goodes. And yf prefles and clerckes be fo bolde to occupye theym in foche bufynes and if they fall after by loffe of lordes goodes/ then fayeth the lawe it is not worthy
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yat they be holpen and focoured of holy chirche/ fythe through theim holy chirche is fclaundred. And faynct Gregorye wrote to the defenfoure of Rome in this maner. It is tolde to vs that oure mode reuerente brother Bafyle ye byffhoppe is occupyed in fecular caufes and kepith vnproffitable moote halles. Which thinge makyth him foule and deftroyeth ye reuerence of prefthood/ therfore anone as thou haft receiued this mandement/ compell him with fharppe execucion to turne agayne. So yat it be not lefull to ye by no ex- cufacion to tarye fyue dayes/ left in any maner thou fuffre hym any longer to tarye there in/ thou be culpable with hym agaynft vs. And fo byffhoppes and other preftes be bounde to teache and reforme lordes/ to withdrawe theym fro this fynne and Iharpely to reproue preftes and curates vnder them yat they occupye no fecular office. This is proued thus by ye Ezechie. xxxiij. holy prophet Ezechiell fayenge. Yf ye wayte or ye watcheman fe enemies come/ and yf ye people be not warned and kepe not them felues but enemies come and fle ye people/ then fayeth god 'that ye people is taken in their wickednes. And of ye wayte yat fhulde haue blowen his home god will axe accountes and reckeninge of the bloode and of the deathe of ye people. But nowe to goftely vnderftand- inge/ euery biffhoppe mulde be a wayte or a watche man/ to tell and warne before to all ye people by his good luyinge and teaching e ye perell of fynne/ and this is ye reafon why biffhoppes and other prelates and preftes ftmld not be occupyed with worldly deades and caufes. For foche occupacions and charges make preftes flepinge and flomobringe in fynne. And ther fore it is great perell to make ouer them goftly waytes and watchemen/ as biffhoppes/ parfones/ vicaries/ yat ben (lepers in luftes of ye fleffhe and in flomebernes and blinded with pouder of couetyfe of worldly deades yat they nether can ne maye kepe them felfes ne no nother man. For of this perell and foche other/ a
prelate that hath witte and cunninge fliuld ftiarpely reproue and warne all maner men to the Ihedinge of his oune bloode as chrift did And yf he fo leaue and blame not them he affentyth to their trefpafes and fynneth deadly. For as fayeth Malach. Preftes lippes kepe cunninge and the people mail Mala, ij
afke the lawe of god of his mouth/ for he is the Angell of god/ yf he kepe well the ordre and degre of prefl- hood. And therfor it is not lefull to any man to drawe to feculer offices and bufynes ye meflangeres of chrifle/ that hath fo vtterly forfendyd theym both in worde and dede fecular offices in preflhood. &c.
Syr ho we lyke ye nowe this olde treatyfe Yf fo be noble men wold it aduertyfe
Puttynge a parte pryuate affeccion. Shuld they not perceyue here euydently That the clergye dothe theym great iniury
Retaynynge thus temporall poffeffyon ?
Nowe I promyfe the after my iudgement I haue not hard of foche an olde fragment
Better groundyd on reafon with fcripture. Yf foche auncyent thynges myght come to lyght That noble men hadde ones of theym a fyght
The world yet wolde chaunge perauenture For here agaynft the clergye can not bercke Sayenge as they do/ thys is a newe wercke
Of heretykes contryued lately. And by thys treatyfe it apperyth playne That before oure dayes men did compleyne
Agaynfl clerkes ambvcyon fo flately.
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C f^ttsfcatrtrmatu
Concernynge thys treatyfe and lyke matters I haue hard faye of my forefathers
Howe in kynge henry the. v. raygne. What tyme as ye dyd fpecyfye The clergye perfecutyd the gofpell fercely
Caufynge moche chryflen people to be flayne The kynge at the laft hauynge informacyon Thourough feryous confyderacyon
Of foche proper matters as thys is, Beganne to note the clergyes tyranny And what temporaltees/ they dyd occupye
Their fpirituall date ferre a myffe. Wherfore he determyned certeynly To depryue theym temporally
Of all theyr worldly gouuernaunce. Whos pretence/ as fone as they perceyued Amonge theym felfes they Imagyned
To get the kynge ouer in to fraunce. That whyles he conqueryd ther his ryght In england do what they lyfl they myght
Theyr fro ward tyranny to fulfyll. Which counfeil/ thus brought to paffe The kynge euer after fo bufyed waffe
That he could not performe hys fayde wyll.
C
So moote I the/ it was happye for the kynge That by foche a colour they could hym brynge
From medlynge with that cafe any more. For hadde he it ones erneflly begonne. They had put hym to a confufyon
Euene as they dyd other kynges before.
What fuppofe ye they wold haue done?
i67
Mary/ fyrft with a fayre interdyccion
To courffe the lande as blacke as pytche. Than to inhybyt fayenge and fyngynge Of mattyns/ mafle/ and belles ryngynge
With chriflen buryall of poore and ryche. Befyde that precheres euery where Shuld haue brought men in foche fere
By theyr threatnynge exclamacyon. That their malycyous partye to take Subgettes fhuld theyr prynce forfake
Contrarye to goddes ordynacyon. Euene as they dyd in hygh Germany To the Emperour lewes of Bauerye
Whom Pope Ihone fought to confounde And fo dyd the clergy as I vnderftande Vnto kynge Ihon here in Englande
To kynge Steuen/ and henry the fecounde.
C p? ttsft an&tttatu
They faye kynge Ihone was poyfoned Becaufe an halfe peny lofe of breed He fayde/ he wold make worthe. xij. pence.
Tuftie that is a cad of theyr comon gyfe Soche infamy of prynces to deuyfe
To cloke theyr oune tyrannous vyolence. For hadde not kynge Ihon gone aboute From their temporaltees to put theym owt
He hadde bene longe after a lyues man. But murder they neuer fo mamefully They can geue it a cloke full craftely
Sayenge/ nobis non licet occidere quenquam. Whan they brennyd the newe teflament They pretendyd a zele very feruent
To maynteyne onely goddes honour.
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Which they fayde with proteftacyon Was obfcured by tranflacyon
In englyffhe/ caufynge moche errour. But the trueth playnly to be fayde Thys was the caufe why they were a frayde
Lead laye men fhuld knowe theyr iniquiie. Which through goddes worde is fo vttred That it were not poffyble to be fuffred
Yf to rede fcripture men had lyberte. Alfo after the fame maner a faffliyon Subtelly to colour theyr abhomynacyon
They deflroyed cronicles not longe a gone. Which for certeyne poyntes vnreuerently Soundynge agaynft the kynges auncetrye
As they faye/ were brent euerychone. But for all that/ they fhulde haue been fpared From burnynge : had they not fo declared
The clergyes abhomynable excelfe.
C
I fuppofe then/ that they vfe the fame wayes In burnynge of heretykes nowe a dayes Whom they purfue with great furyoumes.
No fayle/ they perfwade temporall menne Thes heretykes (as they faye) to brenne
Leafl other good chriflians they fhuld infecte But ye caufe why they wolde haue theim rydde Is onely that theyr vnhappynes nowe hydde
They dreede leafl they fhuld openly detecte
C JLjusban&matu
By my trouth it is nothinge vnlickly.
For let one lyue neuer fo wyckedly
In abhominable fcandalifacion.
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As longe as he will their church obaye Not refufynge his tithes duely to paye
They mall make of him no accufacion. Howbeyt let him ones begynne to pynche Or withdrawe their tithinge an ynche
For an heretike they will him afcite. Wherfore I wonder moche of the temporalte That in performynge the clargyes cruelte
To burne foche parfones they haue delyte.
C (KentfUman*
It is no merueil yf thou rnarcke well The clargye fayenge yat it is goddes quarrell Their mifcheuous murdre to execute.
C
So they are not a knowen by their wyll That it is their caufe chriflen men to kyll But the faute vnto other thev impute.
Touchinge that/ another tyme at leyfer I mail fhewe the more of their maner But nowe I can not tary verely.
C
Well fyr/ yf ye may no longer abyde Oure lorde be your continuall gyde
Grauntinge ye trouth to be knowen openly.
7o
ottre treatise/ sjetosnge/ £oto* tftat to i>aue tj$ scripture in
of g
Though I am olde/ clothed in barbarous wede
Nothynge garnyflhed with gaye eloquency
Yet I tell the trouth/ yf ye lyft to take hede
Agaynft theyr frowarde/ furious frenefy
Which recken it for a great herefy
And vnto laye people greuous outrage
To haue goddes worde in their natyfe langage
Enemyes I mall haue/ many a moren crowne With forked cappes and gaye croofys of golde Which to maynteyne ther ambicious renowne Are glad laye people in ignorance to holde Yet to fhewe the verite/ one maye be bolde All though it be a prouerbe daylye fpoken Who that tellyth trouth/ his head flialbe broken.
GRace and peace: not that ye worlde geuyth/ but from god the father and cure fauioure lefu Chrift with increace of the holy fpryt be with the and all that thurfle ye truthe. Amen. fl[Con-
fyderynge ye malycioufnes of oure prelatz and theyr adherentes whiche fo furioufly barke a geynft ye worde of God/ and fpecially the new teflament tranflatyd and fet forthe by Matter William Tyndale/ which they falfely pretende to be fore corrupte. That ye may knowe yat yt is only the inwarde malyce whiche they haue euer had ageynft the worde of God. I haue here put in prynte a tretyfe wrytten aboute ye yere of oure lorde a thoufande foure hundryd. By which thou flialte playnly perceyue/ yat they wolde yet neuer from the begynnynge admytte any tranflacion to ye laye people/ fo yat it is not ye corrupte tranflacion yat they withftonde. For yf that were true the ydle bellyes wold haue had leyfer Inough to put forth a nother well tranflatyd. But yt is theyr owne myfcheuous lyuynge yat mouith them accordyng as Chrifte fayd. Ihonn. iij. Euery man that workyth euyll hatyth ye lyght/ ner comyth to ye lyght left hys workes Ihulde be reproued. &c. Thus mayfl thou fe that bycaufe their workes are nought and not bycaufe yt is euill tranflatyd/ they fo furioufly refyfle the worde of god whiche is the trew lyght. For yet was ther neuer none tranflatyd but other with falftied or tyranny they put yt downe. Wherfore I exhorte the reder not to confydre and note ye wordes but the matter. And praye to god to fende ye rulers hartes to vnderflonde ye trewth and further ye fame and the god of all comfortebewith the AMEN
41 Thys treatyfe more than an. C. yere olde Declareth howe owre prelatis do ferre a myffe Which of frowarde prefumpcion are fo bolde To forbede the worde of god in englifhe For as the prophete faieth blefied he is That exercyfeth him felfe diligently P»aL i
In fcripture night and daye continually.
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>r to make vpon antichrifl I take figure of king Antioche of whome gods lawe fpeaketh in ye boke of Machabeijs/ for righte as kinge An tioche came in the ende \vellnygh of ye olde lawe/ and brent the bokes of gods lawe/ and compelled ye people to do maumentry. So now Antichrifl ye kinge off clergy that lyuen worfe then hethen prefles/ brenneth nowe nygh the[e]ndeof ye new lawe thfejeuangely of Chrifle that is nyghe ye ende of ye world/ to deceyue wellnygh all the worlde/ and to proue ye feruauntes of god. For nowe god mall knowe who will flande by his lawe/ for Sathanas as prophetes faye is nowe vnbounde and hathe ben. CCCC. yeres and more for to inhabit oure clergye/ as he did the clergye of the olde lawe/ but now with Ye may se it is moche more malyce. For as they damp- no noueiteisyat ned Chrifl fo now oure biffhopes dampne blrne ye°gose-s and bren goddes lawe/ for bycaufe it is P*11-1 drawen into our mother tounge. But it
ought to be (and we faued fhuld be) as we mail proue by open euidence thorowe goddes helpe. Firfl we take witneffe of Boetius de difciplina fcolarium/2 that faythe that childerne ftmlde be taught in the bokes of Seneke. And Bede expoundeth this fayenge/ and faythe that childerne in vertues fhulde be taught. For the bokes of Seneke ben moralles and for they be1 not taught thus in there youthe they contynue flill euyll maneryd and be vnable to conceyue the fubtyle fcience of trouthe fayng/ ye wife man is as a clean e Reade robyn- myrror new pulliflicd Wifdome fhall not hode/saye enter into a wicked foule. And moche :ers- is herof the fentence of Bede. And Al-
» The marginal notes are evidently inserted by the Editor of 1530, and do not belong to the original text.
8 It must be recollected that the whole of these references are to manu script copies.
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gafell in his logyke faieth/ the foule of man is a cleane myrror newe puliflied in which is feyn lightly the ymage of vertue. And for the people haue not cun- nynge in youthe they haue darke foules and blinde with ignorance/ fo that they profyt not in vertue but in falfnes and malice and other vices/ and moche is therof ye matter. Sythen hethen philofophers wolden the people to profyt in naturall fcience/ howe moche more fhuld chriften clerckes will ye people to profyt in fcience of venues/ for fo wold god. For when the lawe was geuen to Mofes in ye Mount of Sinai/ god gaue it to his people in ther mother tonge of Ebrue/ that all the people fhuld vnderflande it/ and com- maunded Mofes to reade it to them vntyll they vnder- flode it/ and fo he did/ as it is playne Deute. xxxi. And Efdras alfo redde it in theire mother tonge/ fro morowe vntyll none as it is playne in the firft boke of Efdras Ca. viij. And he redde it apertly in the ftreate and the eares of ye people were intently geuen therto/ in fo moche yat the people fell into greate weping for ye mifkeping of ye lawe. Alfo gods lawe faith Deutero. xxij. that fathers fhuld make the lawe knowen to their fonnes/ and the fonnes yat fhulde be borne of them fhuld ryfe and teache thefe thinges to ther fonnes. And ye holy apoftle feynt Peter in ye fourth chapter of his nrft boke fpeaketh after this maner/ fayenge. Whofoeuer fpeake/ fpeake he as ye worde of god : and euery man as he hath taken grace of knowinge/ fo miniftre he forth to other men It is wrytten playnly in the boke of noumbres Chapter, xi. When the prophet Mofes hadde chofen feuenty eldermen/ and the fprite of god refled on them and they prophefyed. Two men befydes them/ Eldad and Medad/ prophe fyed in ye tentes/ and lofue the miniftre of Mofes faid to Mofes/ forbyd thou them. And Mofes mosesletted fayde/ what envieft thou for me? Who no man to pro- mail let yat all the people prophefye/ yf phesye' god gyue them his fpirite? Alfo it is redde in ye
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gofpell yat faynct lohn euangelifl faid vnto Chrifl/ Luce. ix. lorde we fhall forbid one that cafleth out fpirites in thy name/ which foloweth not vs. And Chrifl faid do not forbid for who fo is not againfl vs is with vs. And vnto the fame agreyth well the prophefy of lohell whiche feynct Petre preachinge to the lewes flrongly alleged as Luke recyteth in the feconde chapter of the actes of the apoftles fayenge after this maner. That god nowe in the lafle dayes • fhall fhede out his fpirite vpon euery flefch.
onUiytm<2terye ^or Soc* fayetn vour formes and doughters doctor can* fhuld prophefy/ and your yong men fhall yedsecripaturl. fe vifyons. And vpon whit fonday god
gaue knowlege of his lawe to diuerfe na- cions without any excepcions in ther mother tonge/ by the vnderflanding of one tounge. And of this it is notabyll fithen the laye people in the olde lawe had their lawe in ther mother tounge/ but the lay englifhe people in the newe lawe haue it as all other nacions haue/ fyns Chrifl bought vs as he did other and hath geuen to vs the fame grace as to other. For faynt Peter. Actu. xi. was reproued for he had baptyfed Cornelij and his felows that were hethen men. And Peter anfwered and fayde Yf god haue gevyn the fame grace to them that he hath to vs/ who am I that may forbyd god ? As who faythe it lyeth not in the power of men. Than who art thou yat forbiddefl ye people to haue gods lawe in ther mother tounge ? we faye yat thou art Antichrifl himfelf. For Paule faieth. i. Corin. x. I will euery man to fpeake with tounges/ more for- fothe to prophefy/ alfo he faith howe fhall he faye Amen vpon thy bleffynge that woteth not what thou
fay ft. Vpon this faith doctor Lyre.1 Yf
Here youre . J * , n , J ,
owne master the people vnderflonde ye prayer of ye
JSiS/llg priefl it fhall the better be ledde vnto god/
and the more deuoutly anfwere Amen.
1 Nicholas de Lyra, a voluminous writer. He was a converted Jew who became a Minorite at Verneuil in 1291, and died at Paris in 23, Oct. 1340,
Alfo Paul faith in the fame chapter. I will rather fyue wordes to be fpoken to the vnderflanding of men/ then ten thoufand yat they vnderftand not. And. Ixx. doctours with other mo before the incarnacion of chrifle tranflated ye bible out of Ebrue into Greke. And after ye afcenfion many tranflated all ye bible in diuerfe langages/ as into fpanyfh tonge/ frenfhe tunge/ almanye/ and Italy/ and by many yeres haue had it. It was hard of a worthy man of Almayne that ye fame tyme was a flemmyng whofe name was lames Merland which tranflated all the bible into flemyfli. For whiche dede he was fomonned before the Pope of great malyce. And the boke was taken to examinacion. And truely he approued it. And then it was delyuerd to him agayn vnto confufion of all his enemyes. Worfhupfull Bede in his firfl booke called de geftis Anglorum. chapter, iij. telleth that faynt Ofwolde the Kyng of Northumberlande afked of the fkottes an holy bifhoppe Aidan to preache to his peo ple/ and the kyng him felfe interpreted it in englifhe to the people. Sythen this blefled deade of this Kynge is alowed of all holy churche/ whye not nowe ought it as well to be alowed/ a man to reade ye gof- pell in Englifhe to the people/ fythen that feynt Paule faith yf cure gofpell be hidde/ it is hidde A fearefuu in them that fhall be dampned. And he sayenge. faith alfo he that knoweth not fhall not be knowen of god And therfore venerabilis Bede ledde by the fpirite of god tranflated a greate parte of the bible into Engliflie/ whofe originalles ben in many Abbeyes in England. And Ciflercienfis. libro v. chaptre. xxiiij. faythe that the Euangely off Ihon was drawen into Englifhe by the forfayde Bede whiche Euangelye off lohn and other Gofpels ben yet in many places of fo olde englifhe that fcant can anye englifhe man reade them. For this Bede reygned in the yere off cure lorde god. vij. hundred and. xxxij. Alfo Ciflercien.
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libro. vi. chaptre. i. faythe that kyng Al[f]red ordyned open fcoles of diuerfe artes in Oxforde and he turned the befl lawes into his mother tounge and the Pfalter alfo/ he reygned in the yere of oure lorde god. viij. hundred. Ixxiij. And faynt thomas fayth fuper librum politicorum expounding this worde/ barbarus/ that barbarus is he that vnderflondyth not yat he readeth in his mother tonge. Wherfore the apoflle faith If I knowe not the vertue of the voice to whome I fpeake I fhalbe to him barbarus/ that is to faye/ he vnder- ftandeth not what I faye/ nor I what he faith. And fo all tho preftes that vnderftonde not what they readyn by ther mother tonge be called barbarus/ and therfore Bede did drawe into englifhe liberall artes lefte en- glifhe men fhuld be come barbarus/ hsec Thomas. Alfo Lincoln1 fayeth in a fermon that begynnith/ Scrip- turn eft de leuitis. Yf any priefte faye he can not Resygne in no preache/ one rcmedye is/ refigne he vppe luJSJd Je£* his benefyce. Another remedy yf he syon. will not thus/ recorde he in the weke the
naked texte of the fondaye gofpell that he haue the groffe ftorye and tell it to the people/ that is yf he vnderftonde latyn/ and do he this euery weke in the yere he mall profyt moch. For thus preched oure lorde fayenge Ihonn. vi. The wordes that I fpeake to you be fpirit and lyfe. Yf he do not vnderftonde latyn go he to one of his neighboures yat vnderftondeth/ which will charitably expoune it to him/ and thus edifye he his flocke. Vpon this argueth a great clerke and faithe/ yf it be laufull to preache ye naked texte to ye people/ it is alfo lefull to write and read it to The same trea- them. Alfo fir2 William Thorifby arche- tise is in ye bilhop of Yorke3 did do draw a treatyfe in
1 The famous ROBERT GROSSE-TETE, who was Bp of Lincoln, bet. u June 1235 — 9 Oct. 1253.
2 The usual prefix at the time to a priest's name.
8 Rather JOHN DE THORESBY, who was Archbishop of York bet. Sept. i348-Nov. 1356.
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englifhe by a worfhipfull clercke/ whofe chirch over name was Gatryke/ in the whiche were Stone^T conteyned the articles of beleue/ the feuen this houre. dedly fynnes/ the feuen workes of mercy/ the. x. com- maundmentes.1 And fent them in fmall pagines to the commyn people to learne it and to knowe it/ of which yet many a copye be in england. Alfo Richard2 the heremyte of Hampole drewe into englifhe the Pfalter with a glofe and the leffons of dirige and many other treatices/ by the whiche many englefhemen haue ben greatly edifyed. And they ben curfed of god yat wolden let ye people to be lewder then they ben. But many men nowe be lyke vnto ye frendes of Hiob/ yat whiles they enforced to defende god they offended in him greuoufly. And though fuche as be flayne do myracles/ neuertheles they ben (lynkynge marters. This faieth Richard ye heremyt expouning this verfe/ Ne auferas de ore meo verbum veritatis vfquequaque. And Chrifl faieth J^lfilledtake yat men fhuld deame them felf to do great plefaunt feruice to god in killing of his people. Ar- bitretur fe obfequium preftare deo. &rc. Alfo a man oflondon whofe name was Wyrynge had a bible in englifh of northen fpeache whiche was feyne of many men and it femyd to be. C C. yeres old. Alfo it is knowen to many men in ye tyme of king Richerd ye. ii. yat into a parlement was put a bible by th[e]affent of. ij. archbiffhops and of the clergy to adnulle the bible that tyme tranflated into Englifhe with other Englifhe bookes of th[e]expoficion off the gofpells whiche when it was harde and feyn of lordes and of the comones. The duke of Lancafler Ihon anfwered thereto ryght fharpely fayenge this fentence/ we will
1 This must be the Speculum Christiani, which exists in MS., and was also printed by Machlinia. If so, this paragraph fixes the authorship ; respecting which see Mr. Halliwell in Archeeologia. xxxiv.
2 RICHARD RoLLEde Hampole [b. at Thornton in Yorkshire, d. 1349.] His Pricke of Conscience was published by the Philological Society in 1863, and some of his Prose Treatises by the Early English Text Society in 1866.
M
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not be refufe of all other nacions. For fythen they haue goddes lawe whiche is the lavve of oure belefe in there owne langage/ we will haue cures in Englifhe whofoeuer fay naye. And this he affermyd with a great othe Alfo Thomas Arundell Arche- iiye bifhoppc ofif Canterbury fayde in a fermon bishoppes. at weft.meft.er/ at the buryenge of Quiene Anne/1 that it was more ioye of here than of any wo man that euer he knewe. For (he an alien borne hadde in englifhe all the. iiij. gofpels with the doctours vpon them And he faid that me had fent them to him to exam en/ and he faide that they were good and trewe. And he blamyd in that fermon marpely the negligence of the prelates and other men. In fo moche that he faide that he wold leaue vp the office of Chaunceler and forfake worldly bufynes/ and gyue him to fulfyll his pailorall offyce/ for that he had feyn/ and redde in tho bokes. And after this Neuer trust promyfe he became ye mofte oruell
bishop as longe * J . -11 • n T/I
as he kepeth enemye that mighte be agamfte englifhe bokes. And therfore as many men fayne God fmote him with a cruell dethe2 as he
didde alfo Richard flemyng biffhoppe of Lincolne.8
1 ANNR OF BOHEMIA, the first wife of Richard II. She was buried on Monday, 3 August 1394, at Westminster. Arundel was at this time Arch bishop of York.
2 THOMAS FITZ ALLAN of ARUNDEL, also called THOMAS ARUNDEL, was consecrated Bp of Ely, 9 Apr. 1374, was five times Lord Chancellor of Eng land, was translated to York on 3 Apr. 1388. and thence to Canterbury on 25 Sept. 1596. He died 19 Feb. 1414. " His end (being as some report it) was very miserable ; his tongue swelled so big in his mouth, as he was able neither to eat, drink nor speak in many daies before his death, and died at last of hunger." — F. Godwin, Bp. of Landaff, A Catalogue of the Bishops of England, S*c. p. 155. Ed. 1615.
3 The see of Lincoln was filled in succession by two men who at one time had been disciples and coadjutors of Wyckliffe. PHILIP DE REPINGDON. who was Bishop between 24 Mar. 1405— 10 Oct. 1419: and RICHARD FLEMING, who was consecrated Bp. by the Pope's own hand on 28 Apr. 1520, and died at Sleaford on 25 Jan 1531, respecting whom Bp. Godwin says: — " For two things he is famous : one. that he caused the bones of Wickcliffe to be taken vp and burnt in the yeare 1425, being required by the Council of Sienna so to do, and the other, that he founded Lincoln College in Oxford 1430." — Idem. p. 300.
Bp. Fleming's death seems the latest personal allusion in the text. It is alluded to in so distant a manner as to afford a presumption that the treatise was not written for a number of years alter
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And yet oure bifhops ben fo indurate and fo ferre ftrayed from god that they haue no grace one to be ware of a nother/ but pfoudely againfl all rea- fons and euidence of gods lawes/ and doctours fentences/ they brenne gods worde the whiche hathe brought thys realme to vndoynge wherisye for euer but if godes grace be the more/ aundentbiode for thys cruell deade is caufe of peftilence/ engS in hungers/ warres/ and that alfo this realme these dayes- malbe conqueryd in fhort tyme/ as faynct Edward ye kyng and confeffor prophefyethe in his booke yat be- ginnith thus/ Sanctus Edwardus rex vidit fpiritualibus oculis. And therfore it were good to the Kyng and to other lordes to make fome remedy agaynft this conflitucion of Antichrifl that faythe it is vnlawfull to vs englyfhemen to haue in englyfhe goddes lawe/1 and therfore he brennythe and
fleythe them yat maynteyne this good dimini qui iudi- deade/ and that is for default that the kyng and lordes knowen not ne wyll not knowe ther owne office in maintenance of god and his lawe. For as fainct Auflen faithe the Kyng with his knyghtes re- prefentyn the godhede of Chrifle/ and preftes the manhode of Chrifle/ Rex eft vicarius diuinitatis/ et facerdos eft vicarius Chrifti humanitatis/ haec Auguf- tinus in de queftionibus veteris et nouse legis. ca. xci. And if the kyng defyer to knowe perfytly his offyce/ he maye fynde men to fhewe to hym bookes that truely and perfytly mail enforme hym to doo his office
1 The Constitution of Archbishop Arundel is to the following effect : — "Therefore we enact and ordain that no one shall henceforth translate of his own authority any text of Holy Scripture into the English or other tongue by way of book, pamphlet, or tract : neither shall any such book, pamphlet, or tract be read, whether composed in recent times by the said John Wycliffe, or since, or which may hereafter be composed, in part or entire, openly or in secret, under pain of the greater Excommunication. Unless the same translation be approved by the Diocesean of the place, or if need be, by the Provincial Council. Whosoever shall act contrary to this shall be punished as guilty of Heresy and error." — Lyndewode's Pr&i'in~ dale, &>c. V. c. 4. De Magistris, p. 286. Ed. 1679.
i8o
to the plefatmce of god. But this can not he lerne of Byftioppys for they en forme hym after Antichriftes lawe and ordenaunce for his lawes nowe reignen. Yet agaynfl them that fayn ye gofpell in englyfhe wold make men to erre/ wote they well yat we fynde in latyn langage more heretykes then of all other langages for the decre. faythe. xxiiij. xciij. Quidam autem here- tici/ that there be founden fyxty laten heretykes. And if men fliuld hate any langage for herefy then mufl they hate laten. But god forbede that any langage fhuld be hated for herefy fythen manye here tykes were of ye difciples of ye apoflles. For fainct Ihonn faithe they haue gonn owt of vs but they were HOW Anti- not °f VSi And Paule faithe it behouyth christ is cause herefy s to be/ and antichrifl makythe many
ofalheresyes. mQ heretykes then there fauft be for he
ftoppythe fo the knowyng of gods lawe/ and punyfheth fo them that he knoweth yat haue it/ yat they dare not comen therof openly to haue trewe informacion/ and thys makyth layemen yat befyren and louen to knowe gods lawe to goo to gyther in pryuyte and conceyuen by theyr owne wyttes many tymes herefys ye which herefies in fliort tyme fhuld be deftroyed/ yf men myght haue free comenyng openly/ and but if this maye be had moche of ye people (hall dye in herefy/ for it lyethe neuer in Anti chriftes power to deflroye all englyflie bookes for as fafl as he brennethe/ other men fhale drawe/ and thus ye caufe of herefy and of ye people that dyeth in herefy is ye frowardnes of byfhoppes that wyll not fuffer men to haue opyn comoning and fre in the lawe of god and therfore they be cowntable of as many is not this fowlys as dyen in thys default/ and are tuminge ye traytors to god in floppynge of his lawe
rotysofye ' . & , rF' -°. .
tres vpward ye whiche was made in faluacion of ye people. And nowe they turne his lawe by ther cruell conflitucyons into dampnacion of ye people
as it ftialbe prouyd apon them at the dayte of dome for gods lawe faithe/ Stabunt iufti in magna conjlantia aduerfus eos qui fe anguftiauerunt, 6° qui abftulerunl labores eorum. &<:. For that the Reade s?pien
other men laboren they brennen/ and yf vi. and vij. owre clergy wold fludy well this leffon of fapience to ye ende/ they fhuld mowe rede therin theyr oune dampnacion/ but yf they amend this defaulte with other defaultes. Saithe not the holy man Ardemakan in the booke of queflions that ye wurfhupfull facrament of ye alter maye be made in eche comen langage. For he faithe fo diden ye apoflies. But we couet not thys/ but yat Antechrift geue vs leaue to haue the lawe of ower beleue in englifhe. Alfo they yat haue comonyd moche with ye lewes/ faye yat they haue in euery la.nde yat they be borne in/ ye byble in ther mother tounge/ yat is Ebrewe And they be more practyfe therin than annye men/ ye afwell ye lewde men as ye prefles. But it is redde in her fynagoges amongefl ye people of ther prefles to fulfyll ther prefles office and to ye edificacion of ye poraile/ that for worldly bufynes and flewthe maye not fludye it. Alfo the. iiij. euangelifles wrote ye gofpell in diuerfe langages/ as Mathewe in lurye/ Marke in Italy/ Luke in Achaie/ and Ihonn in Afie. And all thefe wrotte in ye langages of the fame contreys/ alfo Tobye faithe Chap. xiij. that god dif- perged/ fprede/ or fcaterid ye lewes abrode among the hethen people yat they tellynge vnto theym ye merueylles of godde : they fhuld knowe that there were nonne other god/ but god of Ifraell. And god ordyned his people to beleue his lawe wrytten among them in ther mother tounge/ vt patet Ge. x. vij. and Exo. xiij. In fo moche the boke of ludithe is wrytten in Calde fpeche/ vt patet per Hieronimum in prologo eiufdem. Alfo the bookes of Daniel/ and of Efdre ben written in Calde/ vt patet per Hieroni. in prologis eorundem/ alfo the booke of lohel in Arabyke and Syre fpeche/ vt patet per Hieroni. in prologo eiufdem.
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Alfo Ezechiell the prophet prophefyed in Babylon/ and leftc his prophefye vnder the mother tounge of Babylon/ vt pater per Hieronimum in prologo eiufdem Alfo the propheyfe of Ifaie is tranflated in to the tounge of Ethiope/ as Hie. concludyth in primo prologo Gene. Then fythen the darke prophefyes were tranf lated amonges the hethen people yat they myght haue knowlege of god and of the incarnacion of Chrift/ moche more it ought to be tranflatyd to englyfhe people that haue receiuyd the fay the and bounden them felfe to kepe it vpon payne of dampnacion/ Mathei. fythen Chrift commaunded his apoftles to
Kxviij. preache his gofpell vnto all the worlde
and exceptyd no people nor langage. Alfo Origen tranflated the byble owt of Ebrewe into Greke with helpe of other in the yere of owre lorde god CCxxx- iiij. Alfo Aquila tranflated in the tyme of Adrian the emperoure in the yere of oure lorde. C.xxiiij. alfo Theodofion tranflatid it in ye tyme of th[e]emperowre Comede. liiij. yere after Aquila/ alfo Simacus tranf lated it in the tyme of th[e]emperowre Serene, xxx. yere after Theodofion. viij. yere after Simacus it was tranf lated the auctor vnknowen yn the tyme of Alexander the emperowre/ And lerome tranflated it into latyn/ vt in cronicis Ciftercien. li. ij. ca. xxxij. And after that lerom had tranflated it into laten/ he tranflated to women moche of the bible. And to the maydens Euftochia and Paula/ he tranflated the bookes of lofue of ludicum and Ruth and Hefter/ and Ecclefiaftes/ leremy/ Ifaie and Daniell/ and the. xij. prophetes/ and ye. vij. canonyke epyftylles/ vt patet in prologo eorundem. And fo all men maye fe here by lerom/ yat it was neuer his entent to bynde ye lawe of god vnder his tranflacion of laten but by his owne dede geuythe leaue to tranflate it into euery fpeche/ for lerom wrytythe in his. Ixxviij. epyftle to this man Acleta/ that he (huld enforme his daughter in the bookes of the olde lawe and the newe/ Alfo in his.
'83
Ixxv. epiflle he wrytythe to ye virgin Demetriadis/ that me fhuld for to encreafe her felfe in vertue rede nowe vpon one booke/ and no we vpon another. And he fpecifiethe vnto her that fhe alfo rede the gofpell/ and the epiftylles of the apoftles And thus But my lordes Th[e]englylhe men defyre to haue the lawe say y£? i °r of god in englyfhe/ fythen it is called the J^JSa lawe vndefyled conuertyng fowlys in to peruerteth clennes/ lex domini immaculata conuertens animas/ but Antechrift faithe that it is corrupte with ye litterall lettre yat fleyth fowlys takyng his auctorite of Paule/ that faithe/ litera occidit fpiritus autem viuificat. That is the lettre of the ceremonies of ye olde lawe fleyth the lewes/ and them that nowe vfen them/ but the fpirite of the newe lawe quykenethe trewe Chriflen men/ fythen Chrift faythe my wordes ben fpritte and lyfTe. Alfo we take enfample of holy virgyns to loue to reade the gofpell as they diden/ as Katheryn/ Cecyle/ Lucye/ Agnes/ Margaret/ whiche alegyd the holy gofpell to the infidels/ that flewe them for the keping thero£ Of thefe forefaid auctorites it is prouyd lau- full/ that both men and women laufully may reade and wryte gods lawe in their mother tonge/ and they that forfenden this they fhewe them felfes heyers and fonnes of the firft tormentors/ and werfe/ for they mewen them felfes the veraye difciples of Antichrift/ whiche hathe and mall paffe all the malyce of tyrauntes that haue ben before in floppyng and peruertynge of gods lawe whiche deadeengendrythe greate vengeaunce to fall in this realme/ but yf it be amendid For Paule faithe Roma. i. The wrathe of god is Ihewyd from heuyn vpon cruelnes and vnryghtfulnes of thefe men that with holden the trowthe of god in vnryghtwyfnes/ Reuelatur enim ira dei fuper omnem impietatem et iniufliciam hominum eorum qui veritatem dei in iniufli- tio detinent. Now god of hys mercy geue vnto ower kyng/ and to ower lordes grace of trewe vnder- ftandyng to amende this default principally and all
184
other/ then (hall we mowe eafely to be amendid. For vntyll it be amendid there ihall neuer be reft and peace in thys realme.1 Who that fyndythe or redythe this lettre put it furthe in examinacyon and fuffer it not to be hydde or deftroyed/ but multyplyed for no man knoweth what proffyt maye come therof. For he that compiled it / purpofyth with goddes helpe to mayntayne it vnto the death e/ yf neade be. , And therfore all chriften men and women/ praye that ye vorde of god maye be vnbounde/ and de- liuered from the po wer of An- tichrift/ and renne amonge his people. Amen,
lEmprentefc at f&atfboroto in t£e lan= &e of J^ssen/ fcg me f^ans Uttft/ in tye Qtw of otore lorfce* f&+
I From this, it would seem that this Treatise was written in the turmoil and troubles of the Wars of the Roses.
! • " ':
T«rnbull&* Spears, Printers, Edinburgh
The last Fight of the Revenge at sea ;
UNDER THE COMMAND OF
VICE-ADMIRAL SIR RICHARD GRENVILLE,
ON THE IO-IITH OF SEPTEMBER, 1591. DESCRIBED BY
SIR WALTER RALEIGH,
November, 1591.
GERVASE MARKHAM,
1595-
IAN HUYGEN VAN LINSCHOTEN,
In Dutch, 1596; English, 1598; and Latin, 1599.
Than this [action at sea], what have we more ! What can be greater ! — JOHN EVELYN, F.R.S. Navigation and Commerce^ their Original and Progress, p. 74, Ed. 1674.
itcd by EDWARD ARBER, F.S.A..
Ftllcrw of King's College, London; Hon. Member of the Virginia Historical Society ,
Examiner in English Language and Literature, Victoria University, Manchester ;
Professor of English Language and Literature,
Sir Josiah Mason's College, Birmingham.
H IRM IN (i HAM MONTAGUE ROAD. 15 November, 1871.
No. 29. {All rights reserved. )
CONTENTS.
INTRODUCTION, . ' . ' . . 3
NOTES of Vice Admiral SIR RICHARD GRENVILLE, 10 BIBLIOGRAPHY, . . . .. 12
i. @>ir (KJaiter
A Report of the Truth of the Fight about the Isle of Azores, this last Summer-, betwixt the REVENGE, one of Her Majesty's Ships \ and an A rmada of the King of Spain, 1 3
ii (Fertoase flfjarfcfmm.
The most honourable Tragedy of Sir RICHARD GRENVILLE, Kt. ,' . ; .?;« 33
in. 3fan ftwpgen toan Litwcfjoten.
[ The Fight and Cyclone at the Azores^ 89
INTRODUCTION.
In the whole Spanish war, but one Queen's ship, the Revenge, and (if I recollect right] but one private man-of-war, Sir Richard Hawkins Dainty [after a three days' fight, 20-22 June 1594, sustained by 75 Englishmen against 130x3 Spaniards] had e-ver struck their colours to the enemy. Rev. Canon Kingsley, Westward Ho I ii. 320, Ed. 1855.
jlErhaps in all naval hiflory there never was a more gal- lant fight than that of the Revenge off the Weftern Isles. Its fame is increafmg with our greater general knowledge of thofe times. Mr. Kingfley has adduced it in his apotheofis of Elizabeth's fea kings in Weftward Ho! \ and Mr. Froude crowned his article in the Weftmin tfer Rtvifiv for July 1852, on England's Forgotten Worthies, (fmce included by him in his Short Studies on Great Subjects} with a flcetch of this heroic ftruggle; while we have here collected as many contem porary notices as poffible of this celebrated adtion at fea.
We will very briefly touch on its date, occafion, and neceffity; leaving its details and refults to our reprinted narratives.
2. Sir W. Raleigh dates the commencement of the Fight at 3 P.M. of the laft of Auguft, i.e. Old Style, or 10 September, New Style. Linfchoten, writing in 1596, five years after the event, puts the arrival of the Armada on 13 September; but Sir Walter, writing in the following November of 1591, and with a frefh knowledge derived from the depofitions of the furvivors, is much more likely to be correct in this refpect.
3, The Weftern Iflands being the junction of the Portuguefe fleets from the Eaft Indies, and the Spanifh fleets from the Weft Indies, had been, for years, a favourite cruizing ground for Englifh men-of-war and privateers. The wealth of both the Indies was now the heritage of Philip II. Although — by the blafts of the Almighty more than by the power of man — the great Fleet
4 Introduction.
of 1588, which was the Spanifh inauguration of open war, had been mattered and broken : ftill money and money's worth might rebuild frefh Armadas for Spain, while the King held human life cheap indeed. There could therefore be no halting. England muft fight on and ftrike hard if me would preferve the advantage me had then gained. In capturing or finking the Indian fup- plies of gold, filver, and fpices, me flopped the fources of Philip's power to hurt herfelf. So our glorious forefathers fank, de- ftroyed, or brought home every Spanifli Ihip they could approach: while Spain ftrove her utmoft to protect her argofies, and to bring them fafely into port.
What chances occurred in this contefl.. Five or fix Portu- guefe carracks ufually returned each year from Goa, laden, almoft to finking point, with the coftly treafures of the Eaft. Drake miffed, by one day only, outfide Lif bon bar, five of fuch prizes on 24 Aug. 1589. Linfchoten alfo faw the entire quay of Angra, the chief village of Terceira, covered from November 1589 to March 1590, with chefts of filver to the value of five millions of ducats, equal to one million pounds fterling, or in cor- refponding prefent value to four or five millions; all landed there at one time, together with a vaft unregiftered quantity of gold, pearls, and other precious ftones, from two mips only, coming from the Weft Indies. What muft the annual fleets have carried ? A fpecial fleet was fent from Spain for this treafure. In its return to San Lucar it was blown by the wind northwards towards Lifbon. Neverthelefs the Admiral, Alvaro Flores de Quiniones would have forced his way back to San Lucar, according to his orders; but the wind and the sailors' importunities were too ftrong for him. The fleet went to Lifbon, and was, with the treafure, faved. For off Cape Vincent lay 20 Englifh mips wait ing for them, a force that would infallibly have captured or funk every one of them. A correfponding ill fortune too, befell many a Spanifh (hip, now lying at the bottom of the Atlantic.
Thefe dangers and loffes alarmed Philip II. and his council.
Whereupon [in September 1590] the king aduised the fleet, lying in Hauana, in the Spanish Indies ready to come for Spain that they should stay there all that yeare, till the next yeare, because of the great danger they might fal into by the Englishmen, which was no small charge, and hinder- ance to the Fleet, for that the ships that lie there doe consume themselues, and in a manner eat vp one an other, by reason of the great number of people, together with the scarsetie of al things, so that many ships chose rather, one by one to adventure themselues alone, to get home, then to stay there : all which fell into the English mens hands, whereof diuers of the men were brought into Tercera, for that a whole day we could see nothing els, but spoyled men set on shore, some out of one ship, some out of an other, that pittie it was to see, al of them cursing the Englishmen, and their owne fortunes, with those that had bin the causes to prouoke the Englishmen to fight, and complayning of the small remedie and order taken therein by the king of 6"/rt/«« Officers. Linschoten. p. 191. Ed. 1596.
4. Sir W. Monson, who had done good fervice in the Azores
Introduction. 5
in 1589, was with his old commander the Earl of Cumberland off the coaft of Spain in 1591. His account of this fea-fight is the moft difparaging of all to Sir R. Grenville. It was firft printed in Megalopfychy, 1682, fol., which is a hard and often unfair account of the naval war with Spain, 1587-1603. A.D. A tran- fcript differing verbally from this text is now Cott. MS. Titus. B. viii., and was reprinted in Archaologia. xxxiv. 296-349. We give the account entire from the 1682 text: —
Her Maiesty understanding of the Indian Fleets Wintering in the Havana, and that Necessity would compell them home this Year 1591, she sent a Fleet to the Islands under the Command of the Lord Thomas Howard.
The King of Spain perceiving her Drift, and being sensible how much the safety of that Fleete concerned him, caused them to set out thence so late in the Year, that it endangered the Shipwrack of them all ; chosing rather to hazard the perishing of Ships, Men and Goods, then their falling into our hands.
He had two Designs in bringing home this Fleete so late: One was, he thought the Lord Thomas would have consumed his Victuals, and have been forced Home : The other, that he might in the mean time furnish the great Fleet he was preparing, little inferior to that of 1588. In the first he found himself deceived : For my Lord was supplied both with Ships and Victuals out of England; and in the second, he was as much prevented : For my Lord of Cumberland, who then lay upon the Coast of Spain, had Intelli gence of the Spaniards putting out to Sea, and advertised the Lord Thomas thereof, the very Night before they arrived at f lores, where my Lord lay.
The day after this Intelligence, the Spanish Fleet was discovered by my Lord Thomas, whom he knew by their Number and Greatness, to be the Ships of which he had warning ; and by that means escaped the Danger that Sir Richard Greenvile, his Vice-admiral rashly ran into. Upon View of the Spaniards, which were 55 Sail, the Lord Thomas warily, and like a discreet General, weighed Anchor, and made Signs to the rest of his Fleet to do the like, with a purpose to get the Wind of them ; but Sir Richard Grenvile, being a stubborn man, and imagining this Fleet to come from the Indies, and not to be the Armado of which they were informed, would by no means be persuaded by his Master, or Company, to cut his main Sail, to follow the Admiral ; nay, so head-strong and rash he was, that he offered violence to those that councelled him thereto.
But the Old Saying, that a wilful man is the Cause of his own Woe, could not be more truly verified than in him. For when the Armado ap proached him, and he beheld the Greatness of the Ships, he begun to see and repent him of his Folly, and when it was too late, would have freed himself of them, but in vain : For he was left a Prey to the Enemy, every Ship
the Spaniards triumph as much
as n tney naa ootaineaa signal victory, it Deing the first Ship that ever they took of Her Majesties, and commended to them by some English Fugitives to be the very best she had ; but their Joy continued not long. For they en joyed her but five days before she was cast away with many Spaniards ir her, upon the Islands of Tercera.
Commonly one Misfortune is accompanied with another: For the Indian Fleet, for which my Lord had waited the whole Summer, the day after this mishap, fell into the Company of the Spanish Armado: who, if they had staid but one day longer, or the Indian Fleet had come home but one day sooner, we had possest both them and many millions of Treasure which the Sea afterwards devoured : For from the tyme they met with the Armado, and before they could recover home, nigh an hundred of them suffered Shipwrack, besides the Ascention of Sevil, and the double Fly- boat, that were sunk by the side of the Revenge.
striving to be the first [that] should board him. This wilful Rashness of Sir Richard made
6 Introduction.
All which was occasioned by their Wintering in the Indies and the late Dis ambogueing from thence: For the Worm which that Country, is subject to, weakens and consumes their Ships.
Notwithstanding their cross and perverse Fortune which happened by means of Sir Richard Green-vile, the Lord Thomas would not be dismayed or discouraged; but kept the Sea so long as he had Victuals; and by such Ships as himself and the rest of the Fleet took, defrayed the better part of the Charge of the whole Action, p. 20. pp. 24-5.
In flat contradiction with this is a confidential letter written in London on 31 October 1591, by Thomas Phelippes the deci pherer, who some years before had been employed by Sir F. Walfmgham in the difcovery of the Babington confpiracy. Writing to his friend Thomas Barnes, he fays —
Can write no good news from hence; the loss of the Revenge, with Sir R. Grenfield is stale; they disguised it here with the sinking of so many of the King of Spain's ships and men ; and besides she has since sunk in the sea, with many Spaniards that were in her ; they condemn the Lord Thomas for a coward, and some say he is for the King of Spain. Supposes he has heard of the quarrel and offer of combat between the Lord Admiral and Sir Walter Raleigh. Seven prizes, part of the West India fleet, have been brought in by the merchants that went to second Lord Thomas. They report that the rest, with the King's ships of war, are drowned by a tempest, and only 26 arrived in Spain. Cal. S. P., -£#*.
Nelfon at Copenhagen, when Sir Hyde Parker put up the fignal of recal, put his telefcope to his fightlefs eye. Being fuc- ceiTful, the matter was pafled over. Grenville in like cafe perifhing, is blamed by Monfon for not obeying the fignal of his fuperior officer. Sir W. Raleigh's Report was written to foothe and extenuate everybody ; but the common proportion arifes, If the Revenge did fo much hurt, what would the whole Englifli fquadron, crippled though it was, have done? if, feeing the Revenge once committed, however wrongly and contrary to orders, they had all borne down and made an united attack on the Spanifh fleet? Even if driven off, they would have probably funk or difabled all the Spanifh fhips. There was the chance of the Spaniards flying as in 1588. While victory would have given them, on the very next day, the Indian fleet, with its untold prize money, for which they had been fo long waiting. Had the fiery Grenville been Admiral and Lord Thomas, Vice- admiral; fuch a courfe as this would undoubtedly have been taken.
5. Sir Richard Hawkins, in his Obfervations, &>c., pofthumoufly publifhed in 1622, mows that Grenville as Vice-admiral was neceflarily the laft to leave the ifland.
In the Fleete of her Maiestie, vnder the charge of my Father Sir John Hawkins, Anno 1590. vpon the coast of Spaine, the Vice-admirall being a head one morning, where his place was to be a Sterne, lost vs the taking of eight men of Warre, loaden with Munition, Victuals, and Provisions, for the supplie of the Souldiers in Brittaine: and although they were seaven or eight Leagues from the Shore, when our Vice-admirall began to fight with them, yet For that the rest of our Fleete were «»me foure, some fiue Leagues, and
Introduction. 7
some more distant from them, when we beganne to giue chase : the Spaniard* recovered into the Harbour of Monge, before our Admirall could come vp to giue direction, yet well beaten, with losse of aboue two hundreth men, as they themselues confessed to me after.'
In this poynt, at the He of Flares, Sir Richard Greenfield got eternall honour and reputation of great valour, and of an expenmented Souldier, chusing rather to sacrifice his life, and to passe all danger whatsoeuer, then to fayle in his Obligation, by gathering together those which had remained a shore in that place, though with the hazard of his ship and companie; And rather we ought to imbrace an honourable death then to Hue with infamie and dishonour, by fayling in dutie ; and T account that he, and his Country got much honor in that occasion : for one ship, and of the second sort of her Maiesties, sustained the force of all the Fleete of Spaine, and gaue them to vnderstand, that they be impregnible, for having bought deerely the boording of her, divers and sundry times, and with many ioyntly, and with a conti- nuall fight of 14. or \6. houres, at length leaving her without any Mast stand ing, and like a Logge in the Seas, shee made notwithstanding, a most hon ourable composition of life and libertie, for aboue two hundreth and sixti* men,1 as by the Pay-booke appeareth : which her Maiestie of her free grace commanded in recompence of their service, to be given to every one his six moneths wages. All which may worthily be written in our Chronicles in letters of Gold, in memory for all Posterities, some to beware, and others by that example in the like occasions, to imitate the true valour of our Nation in these Ages.
In point of Providence, which Captaine Vavisor in the foresight gaue also good proofe of his valour, in casting about vpon the whole Fleete, notwith standing the greatnesse and multitude of the Spanish Armado, to yeeld that succour which he was able ; Although some doe say, and I consent with them, that the best valour is to obey, and to follow the head, seeme that good or bad which is commanded.^/. 9-11.
It is manifefl, from all accounts, that the Revenge could* have got away as foon as fhe was clear of Flores. Then comes the turning-point as to the neceflity for the fight at all. It was a difference of judgment, probably arifmg out of a difference of character. Moufan feems to be quite in error in making Gren- villc to miftake the Armada for the Indian fleet. Grenville dared to outdare everything, and to force his fingle fhip through the Spanifh hoft. The worft that can be faid of the fight is that it was the Balaclava charge of that Spanifh War. Yet even here, its exceffive lofs to the Spaniards in (hips and men would not juftify the phrafe, C'eft magnifique, tnais ce ri eft pas la guerre. For it was war, and in frightful earned : as the dreadful fhrieks of the finking Spanifh crews drowning out of fight pafled all remedy, rang above the cannons' roar amid the horrors of that September night.
6. The advifability of the conflict apart ; words cannot suffi ciently blazon forth the honour and glory of this great Sea- Fight. One hundred fighting Englifhmen at bay with fifteen thoufand Spaniards, Portuguefe, and Dutch. It is our naval Thermopylse. Lord Bacon, with his own beautiful ftyle and imagery, thus magnifies it : —
1 This evidently comprise! the entire crew, sick and -well. The action seems to have been fought by about a hundred Englishmen. The rest lay sick on the ballast.
8 Introduction.
In the yeare 1591. was that Memorable Fight, of an English Skip called the Reuenge, vnder the Command of Sir Ricfiard Greenuill; Memorable (I say) euen beyond credit, and to the Height of some Heroicall Fable. And though it were a Defeat, yet it exceeded a Victory : Being like the Act of Sampson, that killed more Men at his Death, than he had done in the time of all his Life. This Skip, for the space of 15. hours, sate like a Stagge amongst Hounds, at the bay, and was seiged, and fought with, in turne, by 15. great Ships of Spaine ; Part of a Nauy of 55. Ships in all; The rest like Abettors looking on a farre off. And amongst the 15. Ships that fought, the great Sant PhUippo was one; A Ship of 1500. tonne ; Prince of the twelue Sea Apostles ; Which was right glad, when she was shifted off from the Reuenge. This braue ship the Reuenge, being manned only with 200. (Souldiers and Mariners,) whereof 80. lay sicke, yet neuerthelesse after a Fight maintained (as was said) of 15 hours and two Ships of the Enemy sunke by her side ; Besides many more torne and battred, and great slaughter of Men; neuer came to be entred, but was taken by Composition; The Enemies themselues hauing in admiration the Vertue of the Commander, and the whole Tragedy of that Ship. Considerations towhing a Warre tvifh Spaine. [Written in 1624] included in Certaine Miscellany Works, Ed. by Dr. Rawley, /. 52-3. Ed. 1629.
7. The Revenge was apparently built about 1579; probably at Chatham, by Sir J. Hawkins. She was a notorioufly unlucky fhip. Sir R. Hawkins gives the following account of her mifhaps : —
As was plainely scene in the Revenge, which was ever the vnfortunatest Ship, the late Queenes Maiestie had during her Raigne ; for comming out of Ireland, with Sir lohn Parrot, shee was like to be cast away vpon the Kentish Coast. After in the Voyage of Sir lokn Hawkins my Father, Anno 1586, s*hee strucke aground comming into Plimouth, before her going to Sea: Vpon the coast of Spaine, shee left her Fleete, readie to sinke with a great Leake: At her returne into the Harbour of Plimouth, shee beate vpon Winter Stone', and after in the same Voyage, going out of Portsmouth Haven, shee ranne twice a-ground; and in the latter of them, lay twentie two houres beating vpon the shore, and at length with eight foote of water in hold, she was forced off, and presently ranne vpon the Oose: and was cause, that shee remained there (with other three Ships of her Maiesties) six moneths, till the Spring of the yeare ; When comming about to be docked, entring the river of Thames, her old Leake breaking vpon her, had like to haue drowned all those which were in her. In Anno 1591. with astorme of wind and weather, riding at her Moorings in the river of Rochester, nothing but her bare Masts over head, shee was turned topse-turvie, her Kele vpper- most : And the cost and losse shee wrought, I haue good cause to remember ; in her last Voyage, in which shee was lost, when shee gaue England and Spaine iust cause to remember her. For the Spaniards themselues confesse, that three of their Ships sunke by her side, and was the death of aboue 1500. of their men, with the losse of a great part of their fleete, by a storme which Suddainly tooke them the next day. What English died in her, many lining, are witnesses: Amongst which was Sir Richard Grenfeild, a noble and valiant Gentleman, Vice-admirall in her of her Maiesties Fleete. So that well considered, shee was even a Ship loaden, and full fraught with ill suc- cesse. Observations, S*c.,fol. 2-3. Ed. 1622.
Yet the Rtvenge was the crack fhip of its clafs in the Britifli Navy ; in which ftie was what we mould now call a Second Rate. She was of 500 tons burden, with a crew of 250 men, and pro bably carrying from 30 to 40 guns of different fizes. Drake, whole flcill in feamanfhip was unfurpaffed, chofe her to fight his
Introduction.
fight as Vice-admiral againft the Armada of 1588, and it is a fingular teftimony to her excellent qualities, that defpite all her ill luck, her model mould have been selected, after the experi ence gained in that great conflict, by the fiiil feaman of the time as the bed type for future mips.
1588. Nov. [20.] Device by Lord Admiral Howard. Sir F. Drake, Sir W. Wynter, Sir John Hawkyns, Captain Wm. Borough, and others for the con struction of four new ships to be built on the model of the Revenge, but ex- ^leeding her in burthen. The dimensions to be 100 feet by the keel, 35 feet in breadth, and 15 feet depth in the hold. Cal. S. P. Eliz.
8. Cornifh men and Devonfhire men may ever be proud of Sir Richard Grenville. Among all the Knights of the Sea that at tended Queen Elizabeth, and who outvied the fabled deeds of the Knights of the Round Table, he held a high place. A long and active life devoted to his Queen and country was clofed by the moft glorious of deaths. The dying words of Wolfe on the heights of Abraham, of Moore on the hill above Corunna, of Nelfon at Trafalgar, do not furpafs thofe of this fine old Englifh gentleman, who fpoke his own epitaph when he faid —
Here die /, Richard Grenville, -with a joyful and quiet mind:
for that I have ended my life as a true foldier ought to do, that hath fought for his countrey, Queen, religion, and honour. Whereby my foul mojl joyfully departeth out of this body, and
Jttall always leave behind it an everlaftivg fame of a valiant and true foldier; that hath done his dutie as he was bound to do. /. $4. ..
NOTES RESPECTING Sir RICHARD GRENVILLE, Knt.
of Stow, co. Cornwall, and Bideford, co. Devon.
A short Latin account of Vice-Admiral Sir R. Grenville occurs, with, his portrait at p. 81 of H. Holland's Horoologia, London, 1620, fol. but there does not appear to be any contemporary Life of him. The following brief notes are, unless otherwise stated, taken from Calenders of State Papers. Elizabeth (Domestic), and Colonial.
The Grenville family were among the very foremost of the Cornish gentry. Lysons gives the following account of them.
" The manor of Kilkhampton [in the extreme north of Cornwall] is sup posed to have belonged to the Grenville family, from nearly the time of the Conquest ; Dugdale says, that they were seated here in the reign of William Rufus. Richard de Grenville, who came over with William the Conqueror, is said, in the pedigrees of the family, to have been a younger brother of Robert Fitzhaman, Earl of Carbill, Lord of Thurigny and Granville, in France and Normandy ; and to have been lineally descended from Rollo, Duke of Normandy. It is on record, that Richard de Grenville held certain knight's fees at Bideford in Devonshire, in the reign of Henry II. We have not found any record of the Grenvilles' possessions at Kilkhampton, of an earlier date than the quo uuarranto roll before-mentioned [1301 A.D.], but it appears that it had at that time been long in the family : they continued to reside at Stowe, in this parish, for many generations, and frequently served the office of sheriff for the county. William Grenville or Grenfield, (as the name was at that early period generally written), son of Sir Theobald, became Archbishop of York, and distinguished himself as an, able statesman ; he died in 1315. Sir Richard Grenville, son of Roger (who was himself a captain in the navy, and lost his life, as Carew tells us, in the unfortunate Mary Rose,} was a celebrated military and naval commander in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. He first distinguished himself [act. 16] in the wars [in Hungary] under the Emperor Maximilian against the Turks, for which his name is recorded by several foreign writers." Magna Britannia,, iii. Corn' •wall, p. 163, Ed. 1814.
Richard Carew of Anthony, notices Stow, at f. 118, in his Survey of Cornwall, finished on 23 April 1602.
1571. R. Grenville of Stow represents Cornwall in Parliament.
1577 or 1578. Having been High Sheriff for Cornwall he is knighted.
See also S. Morgan's Sphere of (Gentry iii. 90, Ed. 1661,
under Richard Gri[n]field. 1531. OCT. 25. Is, with other commissioners, at Radstow, examining John
Piers, the pirate.
1582. MAY 5. Is, with other commissioners, at Penryn, enquiring as
touching the taking away of the Spanish ship out of Falmouth, by Sir J. Killigrew's servants.
1583. DEC. 27. Writes from Redford as to the custody of the Castle and
Island ofTintagel.
1584. MAY. One of the commissioners for Dover Haven. He proposes
the erection of a mole at Folkestone.
JULY 13. Captains Amadas and Barlowe, sent out with two ships by Sir W. Raleigh, take possession of Virginia.
AUG. 6. Sir R. Grenville writes from Penheale that he has been so busily engaged with the musters that he could not make col lections for the relief of Namptwich [destroyed by fire].
OCT. 17. Sends from ' my poor house of Stow* a further sum of .£20 for the relief of Namptwich.
OCT. Signs the national Association for the defence of the Queen.
1585. MAY 19. Sir W. Raleigh's first colony, headed by Ralph Lane, for
Virginia, sets out from Plymouth in 7 ships, under Sir R. Grenville. Hakluyt. Eng. Voyages, &*c. p. 733, Ed. 1589. AUG. is. Ralph Lane to Sec. W'alsingham [from Port Ferdinando, Virginia]. The General [Sir Ric. Grenville's] return to Eng land cuts him off from reporting upon the peculiarities of the
NOTES RESPECTING SIR RICHARD GRENVILLE. 1 1
country. Although they arrived there late in the year, wholly through the
fault of him who intends to accuse others
SEPT. 8. Lane to Secretary Wahingham [from the New Fort in Virginia], Has thought good to advertise him concerning Sir R. Greenefeelde's [Grenville] complaints against sundry gen tlemen of this service, and particularly against Mr. Candyshe [Thos. Caven dish afterwards the circumnavigator] their high marshal, Edw. Gorge, Francis Brooke, their treasurer, and Capt. Clerk. Certifies to their faithfulness and industry, and to the tyrannical conduct of Grenville from first to last, through whose great default the action had been made most painful and perilous. Refers him to an ample discourse of the whole voyage in the hands of the bearer, their treasurer, directed to Sir W. Raleigh, wherein Grenville's intolerable pride, insatiable ambition, and proceedings towards them all, and to Lane in particular, are set forth. Has had so much experi ence of Grenville as to desire to be freed from the place where he is to carry any authority in chief.
AUG. 31. Sir R. Grenville returning home takes ' a Spanish ship of 300 tunne richly loaden, boording her with a boate made with boards of chests, which fell a sunder, and sunke at the shippes side assoone as euer he and his men were out of it.' Hakluyt, idem, p. 736. OCT. 29. Sir Rich. Grenville to Sec. Walsingham [from Plymouth], Acquaints him with the success of his voyage. Has performed the action directed, and discovered, taken possession of, and peopled a new country [Virginia], and stored it with cattle, fruits, and plants. The commodities that are found there are such as he was advertised of by his cousin Sir WalterRaleigh. In his way home captured, after some fight ing, a Spanish ship, returning from St. Domingo, laden with ginger and sugar,
1586. APR. 27. The Justices of Cornwall report to the Council ' Sir R,
Greynvile being about to depart to sea, has left his charge of 300 men to Geo. Greynvill.'
JUNE 19. Sir F. Drake and a large fleet bring home the first Virgi nian colony, arriving at Plymouth on 27 JULY. JUNE Immediately after their departure, a ship of 100 tons arrives
with supplies, but finding the colony gone, returns home. JULY. About 14 or 15 days after the departure of this ship, Sir R. Grenville, with 3 ships, arrives in Virginia. He also returns. " Not long after he fell in with the Isles of Azores, on some of which islands he landed, and spoyled the towns of such thinges as were worth cariage, where also he tooke diuers Spanyardes, with these and man^ other exploytes done by him in this voyage, as well outwarde as homeward, he returned into England. — Hakluyt, Idem, p. 748.
1587. MAR. Is appointed by the Queen to survey the maritime defences
and review the trained bands in Devonshire and Cornwall.
1588. APR. 3. In a statistical return of the musters of England at this
date, Harl. MS. 4228, f. 70, out of 1,500 trained men in Cornwall, Sir Richard comes first with 303 men, armed with 129 shott, 69 corsletts, 179 bcnves, and o [nought] billes.
APR. While preparing another fleet at Bideford for Virginia, for
Sir W. Raleigh, Grenville is stayed by the Queen. JuLY-AuG. In the Armada fight ; he guards Cornwall and Devon. SEPT. 14. The Queen tells him to stay all shipping upon the north coast of Devon and Cornwall, as some of the Spanish ships had been driven to sundry ports on the west coast of Ireland. 1591. AUG. 31. [SEPT. 10.] The fight in the Revenge begins.
SEPT. 3 or 4 [13 or 14.] Sir R. Grenville dies on board the Spanish
Admiral's ship, and his body is buried in the sea. He leaves
four sons and five daughters. He was the grandfather of the
* English Bayard,' Sir Bevill Grenville \b. 23 March 1595— killed at the battle
of Lansdowne, near Bath, on 5 Jnly 1643].
DEC. 9. A commission issued to Sir R. Beville and five others to inquire after the death of Sir R. Grenville, co. Cornwall.
12 NOTES RESPECTING SlR RlCHARD GRENVILLE.
The family were patrons of Bideford church; the only monument in which was that of Sir T. Grenville, Kt, d. 18 Mar. 1513.
The decease of our hero's widow is thus entered in the parish register : —
1623. Nov. 5. "The Ladie Mary Grenvile, daughter unto the Right
honourable Sir John St. Leger, Knight, deceased, and wife
to that famous Warriour Sir Richard Grenvile, Knight, also
deceased, beinge in his life time the Spaniard's terror: She was buried in the
Grenvile's Isle in the church of Bediford the fifthe daie of November, A.D.
1623." Polwhele. History of Devon, p. 425. Ed. 1797.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
& Deport of tfje Erutfj of tfje
I.— As a separate publication.
1. 1591. London, i vol. 410 : see title on opposite page.
\\.-With other works.
2. 1599-1600. London. Richard Hakluyt's English. Voyages, Navigationst 3 vols. fol. &*c., where it is, at vol. it. 169, reprinted with this addition to
the title. ' Penned by the honourable Sir Walter Ralegh, knight.'
3. 1810-12. London. In this Reprint of Hakluyt's Voyages, under the edi- 5 vols. 410. torship of R. H. EVANS, the tract will be found at ii. 662-71.
Ed. 1810.
. '. The authorship is fixed by Hakluyt's heading at No. 2. Curiously enough the tract is not included in either of the two editions of Raleigh's Works that have as yet appeared: viz. that of Dr. Birch in 1751, excluding, and the Oxford edition of 1829 including, the History of tht World.
4. 1871. Nov. 15. London, i voL 8vo. English Reprints: see title at/, i.
Efje STrageote of Sir &icfjar& (KrtnuUe, Itnt
I. As a separate publication.
1. 1591. London, x vol. 4to: see title at/>. 35.
II. With other works.
2. 1871. Nov. 15. London, i voL 8vo. English Reprints: see title at /. i.
ban Einscfjoten's
1. 1596-5-6. Amsterdam. Itinerario. Voyage ofte Schipvaert/ van Jan vol. fol. Huyghen van Lischoten naer Oost ofte Portagaels Indien &*c . Tne extract here printed occurs at//. 156-7 of this edition.
Q. 1598. London. John Huighen van Linschoten his Discours of Voyages Tol. fol. into ye Easte and West Indies Deuided into Foure Bookes.
.*. There were several later continental editions in Latin, French, &c.
A REPORT
OF THE TRVTH OF
the fight about the lies of
Azores, this laft
Sommer.
BETWIXT THE Reuenge, one of her Maiejlies
Shippes,
And an Armada of the King
of Spaine.
LONDON
Printed for william Ponfonbie.
A report of the truth of the fight about
tJie Ifles of Azores, this lajl fummer, betwixt
the Revenge, one of her Maiejlies Shippes,
and an Armada of the king
of Spaine.
[Ecaufe the rumours are diuerfly fpred, as well in Englande as in the lowe countries and els where, of this late encounter between her maieilies fhips and the Armada of Spain \ and that the Spaniardes according to their vfuall maner, fill the world with their vaine glorious vaunts, making great apparance of victories : when on the contrary, themfelues are moft commonly and mame- fully beaten and difhonoured ; therby hoping to pof- fefle the ignorant multitude by anticipating and forerunning falfe reports : It is agreeable with all good reafon, for manifeftation of the truth to ouercome falfhood and vntruth ; that the beginning, continuance and fucceffe of this late honourable encounter of Syr Richard Grinuile, and other her maieflies Captaines, with the Armada of Spaine ; mould be truly fet downe and publifhed without parcialltie or falfe imaginations. And it is no maruell that the Spaniard mould feeke by falfe and ilandrous Pamphlets, aduifoes and Letters, to couer their owne loffe, and to derogate from others their due honours efpecially in this fight beeing per formed farre of; feeing they were not amamed in the yeare 1588. when they purpofed the inuafion of this land, to publilh in fundrie languages in print, great victories in wordes, which they pleaded to haue ob- teined againfl this Realme, and fpredde the fame in a mod falie fort ouer all partes of France, Italie, and elfewhere. When fhortly after it was happily mani-
1 6 The loft fight of the
failed in verie deed to all Nations, how their Nauy which they termed inuincible, confiding of 240. faile of Ihips, not onely of their own kingdom, but flrength- ened with the greatefl Argofies, Portugal Caracles, Florentines and huge Hulkes of other countries: were by thirtie of her Maieflies owne fhippes of warre, and a few of our owne Marchants, by the wife, valiant, and mofl aduantagious conduction of the L. Charles Howard, high Admirall of England, beaten and muffeled togither, euen from the Lizard in Corn wall: firft to Portland, where they fhamefully left Don Pedro de Valdes, with his mightie mippe: from Portland to Cales, where they lofl Hugo de Moncado, with the Gallias of which he was Captain, and from Cales, driuen with fquibs from their anchors : were chafed out of the fight of England, round about Scotland and Ireland. Where for the fympathie of their barbarous religion, hoping to finde fuccour and afliflahce : a great part of them were crufht againfl the rocks, and thofe other that landed, being verie manie in number, were notwithflanding broken, flaine, and taken, and fo fent from village to village coupled in halters to be fhipped into Engla[n]d. Where her Maieflie of her Princely and inuincible difpofition, difdaining to put them to death, and fcorning either to retaine or entertaine them : [they] were all fent backe againe to theire countries, to witneffe and recount the worthy achieuements of their inuincible and dreadfull Navy. Of which the number of fouldiers, the feare- full burthen of their mippes, the commanders names of eueriefquadron, with all other their magafines of proui- fion, Were put in print, as an Army and Nauy vnrefifl- ible, and difdaining preuention. With all which fo great and terrible an orientation, they did not in all their failing rounde about England, fo much as fmke or take one fhip, Barke, Pinnes, or Cockbote of ours : or euer burnt fo much as one fheepcote of this land. When as on the contrarie, Syr Francis Drake, with
Reuenge at fea. 1 7
only 800. fouldiers not long before, landed in their Indies, and forced Santiago, Santo Domingo, Cartagena, and the Fortes of Florida.
And after that, Syr lohn Norris marched from Peniche in Portugall, with a handfull of fouldiers, to the gates of Lisbone, being aboue 40. Englifh miles. Where the Earle of Effex himfelfe and other valiant Gentlemen, braued the Cittie of Lisbone, encamped at the verie gates ; from whence after many daies abode, finding neither promifed partie, nor prouifion to batter : made retrait by land, in defpight of all their Garrifons, both of Horfe and foote. In this fort I haue a little digreffed from rny firft purpofe, only by the neceffarie comparifon of theirs and our actions : the one couetous of honour without vaunt or oflenta- tion; the other fo greedy to purchafe the opinion of their own affaires, and by falfe rumors to refill the blafts of their owne difhonors, as they wil not only not blufh to fpread all maner of vntruthes: but euen for the leail aduantage, be it but for the taking of one poore aduenturer of the Englifh, will celebrate the vidlorie with bonefiers in euerie town, alwaies fpend- ing more in faggots, then the purchafe was worth they obtained. When as we neuer yet thought it worth the confumption of two billets, when we haue taken eight or ten of their Indian fhippes at one time, and twentie of the Brafill fleet. Such is the difference be- tweene true valure, and oftentation: and betweene honourable actions, and friuolous vaineglorious uaunts. But now to returne to my firfl purpofe. ' The L. Thomas Howard, with fixe of her Maieflies mips, fixe victualers of London, the barke Ralegh, and two or three Pinnaffes riding at anchor nere vnto Flores, one of the Weflerlie Hands of the Azores, the lafl of Augufl in the after noone, had intelligence by one Captaine Midleton, of the approch of the Spanifh Armada. Which Midleton being in a verie good Sailer, had kept them companie three daies before, of B
1 8 The lajl fight of the
good purpofe, both to difcouer their forces the more, as alfo to giue aduice to my L. Thomas of their approch. / He had no fooner deliuered the nevves but the Fleet was in fight : manie of our fhippes companies were on more in the Hand ; fome prouiding balaft for their mips ; others filling of water and refreming them- felues from the land with fuch thinges as they coulde either for money, or by force recouer. By reafon whereof our mips being all peflered and romaging euerie thing out of order, verie light for want of balaft. And that which was moft to our difaduantage, the one halfe part of the men of euerie mippe ficke, and vtterly vnferuiceable. For in the Reuenge there were nintie difeafed : in the Bonauenture, not fo many in health as could handle her maine faile. For had not twentie men beene taken out of a Barke of Sir George Caryes, his being commanded to be funke, and thofe appointed to her, me had hardly euer re- couered England. The reft for the moft part, were in little better ftate. The names of her Maiefties fhippes were thefe as followeth: the Defiaunce, which was Admirall, the Reuenge Viceadmirall, the Bonauenture commanded by Captaine Croffe, the Lion by George Fenner, the Forefight by M. Thomas Vauifour, and the Crane by Duffeild. The Forefight and the Crane being but fmall mips; onely the other were of the middle fize ; the reft, befid[e]s the Barke Ralegh, com manded by Captaine Thin, were vidlualers, and of fmall force or none. ' The Spanifh fleete hauing fhrouded their approch by reafon of the Hand ; were now fo foone at hand, as our mips had fcarce time to waye their anchors, but fome of them were driuen to let flippe their Cables, and fet fayle. Sir Richard Grin- uile was the laft waied, to recouer the men that were vpon the Hand, which otherwife had beene loft. The L. Thomas with the reft verie hardly recouered the winde, which Sir Richard Grinuile not being able to do, was perfwaded by the maifter and others to cut his
Reuenge at fea. 19
maine faile, and cafl about, and to trufl to the failing of his fhippe: for the fquadron of Siuil were on his wether bow. But Sir Richard vtterly refufed to turne from the enimie, alledging that he would rather chofe to dye, then to difhonour him felfe, his countrie, and her Maieflies fhippe, perfwading his companie that he would paffe through the two Squadrons, in defpight of them: and enforce thofe of Siuill to giue him way. Which he performed vpon diuerfe of the formofl, who as the Marriners terme it, fprang their luffe, and fell vnder the lee of the Reuenge. t But the other courfe had beene the better, and might right well haue beene anfwered in fo great an impofsibilitie of preuailing. Notwithftanding out of the greatneffe of his minde, he could not bee perfwaded. "j[n the meane while as hee attended thofe which were neareft him, the great San Philip being in the winde of him, and comming to wards him, becalmed his failes in fuch fort, as the Ihippe could neither way nor feele the helme : fo huge and high carged was the Spanim ftiip, being of a thoufand and fiue hundreth tuns.f Who afterlaid the Reuenge aboord. When he was thus bereft of his failes, the mips that wer vnder his lee luffing vp, alfo laid him aborde: of which the next was the Admirall of the Bifcaines, a verie mightie and puyfant fhippe commanded by Brittan Dona. The faid Philip car ried three tire of ordinance on a fide, and eleuen peeces in euerie tire. She mot eight forth right out of her chafe, befides thofe of her Sterne portes. / After the Reuenge was intangled with this Philip, foure other boorded her ; two on her larboord, and two on her ftarboord. The fight thus beginning at three of the clocke in the after noone, continued verie terrible all that euening. But the great San Philip hauing receyued the lower tire of the Reuenge, dif- charged with croffebarfhot, fhifted hir felfe with all diligence from her fides, vtterly mifliking hir firfl entertainment. Some fay that the fhippe foundred,
20 The lajl fight of the
but wee cannot report it for truth, vnleffe we were affurecL' The Spanifli mips were filled with companies of fouldiers, in fome two hundred befides the Marri- ners ; in fome fine, in others eight hundreth. In ours there were none at all, befide the Marriners, but the feruants of the commanders and fome fewe voluntarie Gentlemen only. After many enterchanged voleies of great ordinance and fmall (hot, the Spaniards deli berated to enter the Reuenge, and made diuers attempts, hoping to force her by the multitudes of their armed fouldiers and Musketiers, but were Hill repulfed againe and againe, aud at all times beaten backe, into their owne fhippes, or into the feas. ' In the beginning of the fight, the George Noble of London, hauing receiued fome (hot thorow her by the Armados, fell vnder the Lee of the Reuenge, and asked Syr Richard what he would command him, being but one of the victulers and of fmall force : Syr Richard bid him faue himfelfe, and leaue him to his fortune. ' After the fight had thus without intermiffion, continued while the day lafted and fome houres of the night, many of our men were flaine and hurt, and one of the great Gallions of the Armada, and the Admirall of the Hulkes both funke, and in many other of the Spanifti mips great ilaughter was made. Some write that fir Richard was verie dangeroufly hurt aim oft in the beginning of the fight, and laie fpeechleffe for a time ere he recouered. But two of the Reuenges owne companie, brought home in a fhip of Lime from the Ilandes, examined by fome of the Lordes, and others : affirmed that he was neuer fo wounded as that hee forfooke the vpper decke, til an houre before midnight ; and then being (hot into the bodie with a M'ufket as hee was a dreffing, was againe mot into the head, and withall his Chirugion wounded to death. This agreeth alfo with an examination taken by Syr Frances Godolphin, oi 4. other Marri ners of the fame Ihippe being returned, which exam ination, the faid Syr Frances fent vnto maifler William Killigrue, of her Maieflies priuie Chamber.
Reuenge at fea. 2 1
But to return to the fight, the Spanim mips which attempted to board the Reuenge, as they were wounded and beaten of, fo alwaies others came in their places, flie hauing neuer lefle then two mightie Gallions by icr fides, and aboard her. So that ere the morning Tom three of the clocke the day before, there had fifteene feuerall Armados affailed her; and all fo ill approued their entertainment, as they were by the ^reake of day, far more willing to harken to a com- Dofition, then haftily to make any more affaults or entries. But as the day encreafed, fo our men de- creafed : and as the light grew more and more, by fo much more grew our difcomforts. -' For none appeared in fight but enemies, fauing one fmall (hip called the Pilgrim, commanded by Jacob Whiddon, who houered all night to fee the fucceffe : but in the mornyng bear ing with the Reuenge, was hunted like a hare amongfl many rauenous houndes, but efcaped. 7 All the powder of the Reuenge to the lafl barrell was now fpent, all her pikes broken, fortie of her beft men flaine, and the mofl part of the reft hurt/ In the beginning of the fight me had but one hundreth free from ficknes, and fourefcore and ten ficke, laid in hold vpon the Ballaft. A fmall troupe to man fuch a (hip, and a weake Garrifon to refift fo mighty an Army. By thofe hundred all was fuftained, the voleis, bourdings, and entrings of fifteene ftrippes of warre, befides thofe which beat her at large. On the con- trarie, the Spanifh were alwaies fupplied with fouldiers brought from euerie fquadron : all maner of Armes and pouder at will. f Vnto ours there remained no comfort at all, no hope, no fupply either of mips, men, or weapons ; the maftes all beaten ouer board, all her tackle cut a funder, her vpper worke altogither rafed, and in effect euened mee was with the water, but the verie foundation or bottom of a ftiip, nothing being left ouer head either for flight or defence. Syr Richard finding himfelfe in this diflreffe, and vnable
2 2 The loft fight of the
anie longer to make refiflance, hauing endured in this fifteene houres fight, the affault of fifteene feuerall Armadoes/all by tornnes aboorde him, and by eflima- tion eight hundred (hot of great artillerie. befides manie affaults and entries. And that himfelfe and the fhippe mufl needes be poffeffed by the enemie, who were now all cafl in a ring round about him ; The Reuenge not able to moue one way or other, but as Ihe was moued with the waues and billow of the fea : /commanded the maifler Gunner, whom he knew to be a mofl refolute man, to fplit and fmke the fhippe ; that thereby nothing might remaine of glorie or viclorie to the Spaniards : feeing in fo manie houres fight, and with fo great a Nauie they were not able to take her, hauing had fifteene houres time, fifteene thoufand men, and fiftie and three faile of men of warre to performe it withall. And perfwaded the companie, or as manie as he could induce, to yeelde themfelues vnto God, and to the mercie of none els; but as they had like valiant refolute men, repulfed fo manie enimies, they fhould not now morten the honour of their nation, by prolonging their owne Hues for a few houres, or a few daies. The maifler Gunner readilie condefcended and diuers others ; but the Cap- taine and the Maifler were of an other opinion, and befought Sir Richard to haue care of them : alleaging that the Spaniard would be as readie to entertaine a compofition, as they were willing to offer the fame : and that there being diuerfe fufficient and valiant men yet liuing, and whofe woundes were not mortall, they might doe their countrie and prince acceptable feruice hereafter. * And (that where Sir Richard had alleaged that the Spaniards mould neuer glorie to haue taken one Ihippe of her Maiefties, feeing that they had fo long and fo notably defended them felues) they an- fwered, that the fhippe had fixe foote water in hold, three mot vnder water which were fo weakly flopped, as with the firfl working of the fea, me mufl needes
Reuenge at fea. 23
fmke, and was befides fo crufht and brufed, as me could neuer be remoued out of the place.
And as the matter was thus in difpute, and Sir Richard refuting to hearken to any of thofe reafons : the maifler of the Reuenge (while the Captaine wan vnto him the greater party) was conuoyde aborde the Generall Don Alfonfo Baffan. Who finding none ouer haflie to enter the Reuenge againe, doubting leaft S. Richard would haue blowne them vp and himfelfe, and perceiuiug by the report of the maifler of the Reuenge his daungerous difpofition : yeelded that all all their Hues mould be faued, the companie fent for England, and the better forte to pay fuch reafonable ranfome as their eflate would beare, and in the meane feafon to be free from Gaily or imprifonment/ To this he fo much the rather condefcended as well as I haue faide, for feare of further lofle and mifchiefe to them felues, as alfo for the defire hee had to recotier Sir Richard Grinuile', whom for his notable valure he feemed greatly to honour and admire.
When this anfwere was returned, and that fafetie of life was promifed, the common fort being now at the end of their perill, the mod drew backe from Sir Richard and the maifler Gunner, being no hard mat ter to difwade men from death to life. The maifler Gunner finding him felfe and Sir Richard thus pre- uented and maiflered by the greater number, would haue flaine himfelfe with a fword, had he not beene by force withheld and locked into his Cabben. Then the Generall fent manie boates abord the Reuenge, and diuerfe of our men fearing Sir Richards difpofition, flole away aboord the Generall and other fhippes. Sir Richard thus ouermatched, was fent vnto by Alonfo Bajfan to remoue out of the Reuenge, the fhippe being maruellous vnfauerie, filled with bloud and bodies of deade, and wounded men like a flaughter hpufe. Sir Richard anfwered that he might do with his bodie what he lift, for he efteemed it not, and as
24 The loft fight of the
he was carried out of the fhippe he fwounded, and reuiuing again e defired the companie to pray for him. The Generall vfed Sir Richard with all humanitie, and left nothing vnattempted that tended to his recouerie, highly commending his valour and worthines, and greatly bewailed the daunger wherein he was, beeing vnto them a rare fpeclacle, and a refolution fildome approued, to fee one ftiip turne toward fo many enemies, to endure the charge and boording of fo many huge Armados, and to refift and repell the affaults and entries of fo many fouldiers. • All which and more, is confirmed by a Spanifh Captaine of the fame Armada, and a prefent actor in the fight, who being feuered from the reft in a ftorm, was by the Lyon of London a fmall fhip taken, and is now prifoner in London.
The generall commander of the Armada, was Don Alphonfo Baffan, brother to the Marquefle of Santa Cruce. The Admirall of the Bifcaine fquadron. was Britan Dona. Of the fquadron of Siuil, Marques of Arumburch. The Hulkes and Flybotes were com- maunded by Luis Cutino. There were flaine and drowned in this fight, well neere two thoufand of the enemies, and two efpeciall commanders Don Luis de fant John, and Don George de Prunaria de Mallaga^ as the Spanifh Captain confefleth, befides diuers others of fpeciall account, wherof as yet report is not made.
The Admirall of the Hulkes and the Afcention of Siuill, were both funcke by the fide of the Reuenge\ one other recouered the rode of Saint Michels, and funcke alfo there ; a fourth ranne her felfe with the more to faue her men. Syr Richard died as it is faid, the fecond or third day aboard the Generall, and was by them greatly bewailed. ' What became of his bodie, whether it were buried in the fea or on the lande wee know not : the comfort that remaineth to his friendes is, that he hath ended his life honourably in refpecl of the reputation wonne to his nation and country, and
Reuenge at fea. 25
of the fame to his pofteritie, and that being dead, he hath not outliued his owne honour.
For the reft of her Maiefties fhips that entred not fo far into the fight as the Reuenge^ the reafons and caufes were thefe. There were of them but fix in all, wherof two but final (hips ; the Reuenge ingaged paft recouerie: The Hand of Flores was on the one fide, 53. faile of the Spanifh, diuided into fquadrons on the other, all as full filled with foldiers as they could con- taine. Almoft the one halfe of our menficke and not able to ferue: the fhips growne foule, vnroomaged, and fcarcely able to beare anie faile for want of ballaft, hauing beene fixe moneths at the fea before. If al the reft had entred, all had been loft. For the verie hugenes of the Spanifh fleet, if no other violence had been offred, would haue crufht them between them into fhiuers. Of which the difhonour and loffe to the Queene had been far greater then the fpoile or harme that the enemy could any way haue receiued. Notwithftanding it is verie true, that the Lord Thomas would haue entred betweene the fquadrons, but the reft wold not condefcend ; and the maifter of his owne fhip offred to leape into the fea, rather then to conduct that her Maiefties fhip and the reft to be a praie to the enemy, where there was no hope nor poffibilitie either of defence or vidlorie. Which alfo in my opinion had il forted or anfwered the difcretion and truft of a Generall, to commit himfelfe and his charge to an affured deftruction, without hope or any likeli hood of preuailing : therby to diminifh the ftrength of her Maiefties Nauy, and to enrich the pride and glorie of the enemie. The Forefight of the Queenes commanded by M. Th. Vauifor, performed a verie great fight, and ftayd two houres as neere the Reuenge as the wether wold permit him, not forfaking the fight, till hee was like to be encompaffed by the fquadrons, and with great difficultie cleared himfelfe. The reft gaue diuers voleies of mot, and entred as far as the
26 The lajl fight of the
place permitted and their own neceflities, to keep the weather gage of the enemy, vntill they were parted by night. A fewe dales after the fight was ended, and the Englifh prifoners difperfed into the Spanilh and Indy fhips, there arofe fo great a ftorme from the Weft and Northweft, that all the fleet was difperfed, as well the Indian fleet which were then come vnto them as the reft of the Armada that attended their arriuall, of which 14. faile togither with the Reuenge, and in her 200. Spaniards, were caft away vpon the Ifle of S. Michaels. So it pleafed them to honor the buriall of that renowned fhip the Reuenge. not fuffring her to perifh alone, for the great honour me achieued in her life time. On the reft of the Ilandes there were caft away in this ftorme, 15. or 16. more of the (hips of war ; and of a hundred and odde faile of the Indie fleet, expected this yeere in Spaine, what in this tempeft, and what before in the bay of Mexico, and about the Bermudas there were 70. and odde con- fumed and loft, with thofe taken by our mips of Lon don, befides one verie rych Indian fhippe, which fet her felfe on fire, beeing boorded by the Pilgrim, and fiue other taken by Maifter Wats his mips of London, between the Hauaua and Cape S. Antonio. The 4. of this month of Nouember, we receiued letters from the Tercera, affirming yat there are 3000. bodies of men remaining in that Iland, faued out of the perimed mips : and that by the Spaniards own confeffion, there are 10000. caft away in this ftorm, befides thofe that are perifhed betweene the Hands and the maine. Thus it hath pleafed God to fight for vs, and to defend the iuftice of our caufe, againft the ambicious and bloudy pretenfes of the Spaniard, who feeking to deuour all nations, are themfelues deuoured. A manifeft teftimonie how iniuft and and difpleafing, their attempts are in the fight of God, who hath pleafed to witnes by the fucceffe of their affaires, his miflike of their bloudy and iniurious defignes, pur-
Reuenge at fea. 27
pofed and praclifed againft all Chriflian Princes, ouer whom they feeke vnlawfuU and vngodly rule and Empery.
One day or two before this wrack hapned to the fpanifh fleet, when as fome of our prifoners defired to be fet on more vpon the Hands, hoping to be from thenfe tranfported into England, which libertie was formerly by the Generall promifed : One Morice Fitz lohn, fonne of old lohn of Defmond a notable traitor, coufen german to the late Earle of Defmond, was fent to the Englifh from fliip to fhip, to perfuade them to ferue the King of Spaine. The arguments he vfed to induce them, were thefe. The increafe of pay which he promifed to bee trebled : aduancement to the better fort : and the exercife of the true Catholicke religion, and fafetie of their foules to all. For the firft, euen the beggerly and vnnaturall behauiour of thofe Englifh and Irifli rebels, that ferued the King in that prefent action, was fufficient to anfwere that firft argument of rich paie. For fo poore and beggerly they were, as for want of apparel they flripped their poore country men prifoners out of their ragged gar ments, worne to nothing by fix months feruice, and fpared not to defpoile them euen of their bloudie mirts, from their wounded bodies, and the very fhooes from their feete ; A notable teflimonie of their rich entertainment and great wages. The fecond reafon was hope of aduancement if they ferued well, and would continue faithfull to the King. But what man can be fo blockifhly ignorant euer to expect place or honour from a forraine king, hauing no argument or perfwafion then his owne difloyaltie ; to bee vnnaturall to his owne countrie that bredde him ; to his parents that begat him, and rebellious to his true prince, to whofe obedience he is bound by othe, by nature, by religion. No, they are onely affured to be imployed in all defperate enterprifes, to be held in fcorne and difdaine euer among thofe whom they ferue. And
2 8 The lajl fight of the
that euer traitor was either trufled or aduanced I could neuer yet reade, neither can I at this time remember any example. And no man could haue leffe becom- med the place of an Orator for fuch a purpofe, then this Morice of Defmond. For the Earle his cofen being one of the greatefl fubiecls in that kingdom of Ireland, hauing almoft whole contries in his poffeffion ; fo many goodly manners, Caflles, and Lordfhips ; the Count Palatine of Kerry, fiue hundred gentlemen of of his owne name and familie to follow him, befides others. All which he pofiefied in peace for three or foure hundred yeares: was in leffe then three yeares after his adhering to the Spaniards and rebellion, beaten from all his holdes, not fo many as ten gentlemen of his name left liuing, him felfe taken and beheaded by a fouldiour of his owne nation, and his land giuen by a Parlament to her Maieftie, and pof- felfed by the Englifti. His other Cofen Sir lohn of Defmond taken by M. lohn Zouch, and his body hanged ouer the gates of his natiue citie to bee de- aoured by Rauens : the third brother of Sir lames hanged, drawne, and quartered in the fame place. If he had withall vaunted of this fuccefle of his owne houfe, no doubt the argument woulde haue moued much, and wrought great effecT: ; which becaufe he for that prefent forgot, I thought it good to remember in his behalfe. For matter of religion it would require a particuler volume, if I mould fet downe how irreli- gioufly ;they couer their greedy and ambicious pre- tences,.with that vayle of pietie. But fure I am, that there is no kingdom or common wealth in all Europe, but if they bee reformed, they then inuade it for religion fake : if it be, as they terme Catholike, they pretende title; as if the Kinges of Caftile were the naturall heires of all the worlde : and fo betweene both, no kingdom is vnfought. where they dare not with their owne forces to inuade, they bafely entertaine the traitors- and vacabondes of all nations; feeking by thofe and by their runnagate lefuits to win partes,
Reuenge at fea. 29
and haue by that meane ruined many Noble houfes and others in this land, and haue extinguifhed both their Hues and families. What good, honour, or for tune euer man yet by them achiued, is yet vnheard of, or vnvvritten. And if our Englifh Papifles do but looke into Portugal!, againfl whom they haue no pre tence of religion, how the Nobilitie are put to death, imprifoned, their rich men made a pray, and all fortes of people captiued ; they mail find that the obedience euen of the Turke is eafie and a libertie, in refpecl of the flauerie and tyrannic of Spaine. What they haue done in Sicill, in Naples, Millayne, and in the low countries ; who hath there beene fpared for religion at all ? And it commeth to my remembrance of a cer- taine Burger of Antwerp^ whofe houfe being entred by a companie of Spanifh fouldiers, when they firfl facked the Citie, hee befought them to fpare him and his goodes, being a good Catholike, and one of their own partie and faction. The Spaniardes anfwered, that they knew him to be of a good confcience for him felfe, but his money, plate, iewels, and goodes were all hereticall, and therfore good prize. So they abufed and tormented the foolifh Flemming, who hoped that an Agnus Dei had beene a fufficient Tar get againfl all force of that holie and charitable nation. Neither haue they at any time as they protefl inuaded the kingdomes of the Indies and Peru, and els where, but onely led thereunto, rather, to reduce the people to Chriflianitie, then for either golde or emperie. When as in one onely Hand called Hifpaniola, they haue wafted thirtie hundred thoufand of the naturall people, befides manie millions els in other places of the Indies : a poore and harmeleffe people created of God, and might haue beene won to his knowledge, as many of them were, and almoft as manie as euer were perfwaded thereunto. The Storie whereof is at large written by a Bifhop of their owne nation called Bartholome de las Cafas, and tranflated into Englifh and manie other languages, intituled The Spanifli
30 The loft fight of the Reuenge at fea.
cruelties. Who would therefore repofe trull in fuch a nation of rauinous ftraungers, and efpecially in thofe Spaniardes which more greedily thirfl after Englifh bloud, then after the Hues of anie other people of Europe; for the manie ouerthrowes and difhonours they haue receiued at our handes, whofe weakneffe we haue difcouered to the world, and whofe forces at home, abroad, in Europe, in India, by fea and land ; we haue euen with handfulles of men and fhippes, ouer- throwne and difhonoured. Let not therefore anie Englilh man of what religion foeuer, haue other other opinion of the Spaniards, but that thofe whom hee feeketh to winne of our nation, hee efleemeth bafe and traiterous, vnworthie perfons, or vnconftant fooles : and that he vfeth his pretence of religion, for no other purpofe, but to bewitch vs from the obed ience of our naturall prince ; thereby hoping in time to bring vs to flauerie and fubiedlion, and then none (hall be vnto them fo odious, and difdained as the traitours themfelues, who haue folde their countrie to a ilraunger, and forfaken their faith and obedience contrarie to nature or religion ; and contrarie to that humane and generall honour, not onely of Chriflians, but of heathen and irreligious nations, who haue al- waies fuflained what labour foeuer, and embraced euen death it felfe, for their countrie, prince or com mon-wealth. To conclude, it hath euer to this day pleafed God, to profper and defend her Maieftie, to breake the purpofes of malicious enimies, of forefworne traitours, and of iniufl praclifes and inuafions. She hath euer beene honoured of the worthiefl Kinges, ferued by faithfull fubiects, and mail by the fauour of God, refift, repell, and confound all whatfoeuer at tempts againfl her facred Perfon or kingdome. In the meane time, let the Spaniard and traitour vaunt of their fucceffe ; and we her true and obedient vaffalles guided by the mining light of her vertues, mall al- waies loue her, ferue her, and obey her to the end of our liues.
FI VIS.
A particuler note of the Indian fleet, ex pected to haue come into Spaine this prefent yere of 1591. with the number of JJiips that periflied at the fame: according to the examination of certaine Spanyards, lately taken and brought into England by theJJiippes of London.
[He fleet of Nona Hifpania, at their gathering togither and fetting foorth, were 52. failes. The Ad miral was of 600. tuns, and the Vice Admirall of the fame burthen. • Foure or fiue of the mips were of 900. and 1000. tunnes a peece, fome 500. and 400. and the leaft of 200. tunnes. Of this fleet 19. were caft away, and in them 2600. men by eflimation, which was done along the coaft of Noua Hifpania, fo that of the fame fleet, there came to the Havana, but three and thirtie failes.
The fleete of Terra Firma, were at their firft departure from Spain, 50. failes, which were bound for Nombre de Dios, where they did difcharge their lading, and thence returned to Cartagena, for their healths fake, vntill the time the treafure was readie they mould take in, at the Nombre de Dios. But before this fleet departed, fome were gone by one or two at a time, fo that only 23. failes of this fleete arriued in the Hauana.
/ 33. failes of Noua Hifpania.
At the Hana- I 23. failes of Terra Firma.
na there met \ 12. failes of San Domingo.
{ 9. failes oi Hunduras.
32
In the whole 77. (hips, which ioyned and fet failes togither, at the Hauana^ the 17. of July, according to our account, and kept togither vntill they came into the height of 35. degrees, which was about the tenth of Auguft, where they found the winde at Southweft, chaunged fodenly to the North, fo that the fea com- ming out of the Southwefl, and the winde very violent at North, they were put all into great ex tremity, and then firft loft the Generall of their fleet, with 500. men in her; and within three or foure daies after an other florme rifmg, there were fiue or fix other of the biggeft mips caft away with all their men, togither with their vice Admirall.
And in the height of 48. degrees about the end of Auguft, grew an other great ftorme, in which all the fleet fauing 48. failes were caft away: which 48. failes kept togither, vntill they came in fight of the Hands of Corno and Flores, about the 5. or 6. of September, at which time a great ftorme feperated them ; of which number 15. or 16. were after feene by thefe Spanyards to ride at anchor vnder the Terser a ; and twelue or foureteene more tobeare with the Hand of S. Michaels ; what became of them after that thefe Spaniards were taken, cannot yet be certified; their opinion is, that verie few of the fleet are efcaped, but are either drowned or taken. And it is otherwaies of late certified, that of this whole fleet that mould haue come into Spaine this yeare, being 123. faile, there are as yet arriued but 25. This note was taken out
of the examination of certaine Spaniards, that were
brought into England by fix of the mips
of London, which tooke feuen of
the aboue named Indian
fleet, neere the Hands
of Azores.
FINIS. LONDON
Printed for William Ponfonbie.
The last Fight of the Revenge at sea.
<8«r»a0e Jttarktyam.
The most honourable Tragedy of Sir RICHARD GRENVILLE, Kt.
1595-
[The enfuing poem was undoubtedly baled on the preceding tract. Whatever may be its merits, it does certainly help us to realize the long duration of the Fight.
A fuccinct account of Gervafe Markham is given by the Rev. D. F. Markham in his privately printed Hiftory of the Markham Family, London, 1854, from which we quote the following from the chapter devoted to the Markhams of Gotham in Notting- hamfhire.
" GERVASE MARKHAM, the third fon of Robert, born about the year 1566, was, like his brother Francis, both a foldier and a fcholar. In the former capacity, after having been engaged in the wars on the European battle-ground of the Low Countries, he followed Effex into Ireland, and ferved under his command with credit, in company with his brothers Francis and Godfrey.
He is better known however in the literature of his day, and, though he never arrived at a very high pitch of fame, he was not only a voluminous, but a very popular writer. " p. 34-
" Gervase's education was of the higheft order, for he was not only efteemed a good claffical fcholar, but was perfect mafter of the French, Italian, and Spanifh languages. He was never at a lofs for a fubject for his pen, and none appears to have been ever rejected by him. Hufbandry, houfewifery, farriery, horfe- manfhip, military tactics, hunting, hawking, fowling, fifhing, archery, heraldry, poetry, romances, and the drama, all fhared his attention, and exercifed his genius and induftry." p. 38.
" . . . The next moft voluminous fubject [to horfeman- fhip] that engaged our author's attention was hufbandry, on which he publifhed not lefs than feven or eight feparate works, which, with his books on horfes, were in the higheft repute till the beginning of the prefent century, and pafifed through an in credible number of editions. It would be tedious here to enter into their various merits : it will be fufficient to mention their names: The Englijh Hufbandman, 1613; The Country Farm, 1616; Cheap and Good Hufbandry, 13 editions; A Farewell to Hufbandry, 10 editions ; The Way to get Wealth, 14 editions ; The whole Art of Hufbandry ; The Enrichment of the Weald oj Kent, 5 editions ; and The Englijh Houfewife" p. 37.
The prefent work was thus regiflered for publication:
9 September 1595.
JAMES ROBARTES entred for his copie under the Wardens handes a booke intituled The moste hcnourable Tragidie of Sir Richard Grinvyle Knightg ..... vj>d-]
THE
! Moft Honorable Tra- gedie of Sir Richard |
Grinuile, Knight.
Bramo affai, poco fpero,
milla
At London,
Printed by I. Roberts,
for Richard Smith.
;
The Epiftle.
To the Right Honorable
his fmguler good Lord, Charles,
Lord Montioy.
|HE zeale (mod excellent Lord) which in my foule hath euer beene de- uoted to your feruice, intangl'd with your honorable fauors to mine vnable deferuings, hath giuen fier to my hart, and wings to my youngling Mufe, to raife her leaden humor aboue the ordinarie pitch of her dull Anthems, and fmg of a fubiect, the height of whofe action, might, if I had might, make my verfe mofl mightie, graunt then (re nowned Lord) that thine eyes may lighten on my layes, and thy graces keepe from fcandall my poore wydowed Orphan: pyttie renowned Grinuile, in his death-renowning hower, and excufe his rough Poet, whofe fences are vnfhapt, for more fofter melodic, Co mall hee Hue happie, and I vnfaultie ; both fatisfied.
Your Lordlhips eternally, leruis Markharn.
37
TO THE RIGHT HO-
norable, Robert, Earle of Suffex.
GReat Lord, to whom infinitiues of fame Flock like night ftarres about the filuer Moone, That giii eft new fier to learnings late quencht flame, Sauing the Mufe by flonie times vndoone,
Let me finde fauour in thine honord fight, Daring my rimes vnto thy facred hand : And whilft their accents talke of valures might, Yeeld them fome fplendour from thy valures brand,
Thou in their lines, they in thine eyes mall fee, Nothing but honors vncontrouled minde, Thou lending, they exacting ftill from thee, Subftance, that might to mightines doth blinde,
And for his fake whofe praife my Mufe hath fought
Fauour my worke, the image of thy thought.
I. M.
: To the right Honorable, Henrie Wriothefly, Earleof South-hampton,
and Baron of Titchfielde.
THou glorious Laurell of the Mufes hill, Whofe eyes doth crowne the moil vi<5lorius pen, Bright Lampe of Vertue, in whofe facred skill, Liues all the bliffe of eares-inchaunting men,
From grauer fubiecls of thy graue affayes, Bend thy coragious thoughts vnto thefe lines, The graue from whence mine humble Mufe doth raife, True honors fpirit in her rough defeignes ;
And when the flubborne flroke of my harm fong, Shall feafonleffe glide through almightie eares, Vouchfafe to fvveet it with thy bleffed tong, Whofe wel tun'd found ftills mufick in the fphears,
So mail my tragick layes be blcft by thee,
And from thy lips fuck theyr eternitie.
i. M.
39
To the honorable Knight, Sir Edward
WHen Alexander read Achilles prayfe, With honours enuie, and a loftie hart, He fhed flout teares, in ruth of flonie dayes Which to his a6ls no Muficke could impart,
So all my all, effence of what I am, Though our Achilles praife play in thine eye, Feare not records for thine inrouled name, Which mail out-liue immortall Poefie,
A thoufand Sirens in the worlds lad age, Shall fmg of thee, thy valure, and thy skill, And to their lines, lay Angells eares in gage, With foueraign charmes fent from a foueraigne quill ;
Meane while, vouchfafe to grace my worke and me,
Gracing the foule beloued of heauen and thee.
I. M.
4° The Arg^lment.
The argument of the whole Tragedie.
SIR Richard Grinuile, lying at anchor neere vnto Flores, one of the wefterlie Hands of the Azores, the lafl of Auguft in the after noone, had inteligence by one Captayne Midelton of the aproch of the Spanifh Armada, beeing in number fiftie three faile of great mips, and fifteene thoufand men to man them. Sir Richard, flaying to recouer his men which were vpon the Hand, and difdayning to flie from his Countries enemy, not beeing able to recouer the winde, was inflantlie inuironed with that hudge Nauie, betweene whom began a dreadfull fight, continuing the fpace of fifteene howers, in which conflict, Sir Richard funck the great San Phillip of Spaine, the Af edition of Siuel, the Admirall of the Hulks, and two other great Armados~y about midnight Sir Richard receiued a wound through the bodie, and as he was in dresfmg, was (hot againe into the head, and his Surgion flaine. Sir Richard mayntained the fight, till he had not one corne of powder left, nor one whole pike, nor fortie lyuing men ; which feeing, hee would haue funke his owne ftiip, but that was gaine-flood by the Maifler thereof, who contrarie to his will came to compofition with the Spanyards, and fo. faued thofe which were left aliue. Sir Richard dyed aboard the Admyrall of Spayne, about the fourth day after the battaile, and was mightlie bewaild of all men.
The moft Honourable Tragedie of Sir Richard Grin- uile, Knight.
To the fayreft.
Heauenlie fier is crope into mybraine, A heate diuine and all celeftiall, A burning furie fpreads throgh euery
vaine,
A turret-climbing thought maieflicall, All thefe infufe a fpirit-^giuing raine, Vnto my humble wits great feftiuall.
Whofe reede vnpleafmg hermonie hath found, Thus to transforme her into warlike found.
Of wonders, miracles, and famous chiualrie,
Of Honours Image, and of Vertues iarres,
(Things pafl beliefe, yet pure in certaintie)
Of Death dead-flaine by Death, of glorious fcarres,
Of mortall, made immortall Dietie,
And all containd in Yalures ftaineleffe warres,
My homelie Mufe ilretching her oaten firing, Vnlearn't to thunder, mildlie meanes to fmg.
42 The tragedy of
Reft thee dread boy, the nights eternall Lord,
Faire feathered Cupid thy Liccznas ioy,
Of thy tryumphant Chariot richlie fiord,
With bleeding hearts that breathing fighes deftroy,
Nor thee, nor of thy kingdorae I record,
Nor louers teares, nor loue, nor loues annoy.
Nor ought that in the vaft world may be found.
Where tears in fighes,and fighes in tears are drownd.
Fit fubiecls thofe for Poets golden quills, Such as haue trod the true Pierian race, Whofe facred braines thofe numbers tun'd diftills, Which giues conceit the child of heauen her grace. But now this flame that all my bodie fills, Is England* weeping ioy, and Spaynes difgrace. Fearefull alarums, and the wet worlds facke, Swells in my fong, the Dirge for glories wracke.
To thee faire Nymph, my loue, my life, my gaze, My foules firft mouer, effence of my bliffe, Thought-chaft DiElinna, Natures onlie maze, Heauen of all what euer heauenlie is, More white then Atlas browe, or Pelops blaze, Compleat perfection which all creatures mifle.
More louelie then was bright Astioche,
Or lunos hand-mayd facred Diope.
To thee which neuer lifts thine eyes to heauen, But harts of Kings are mowred in the fame, Fairer then Sunne, Moone, Starres, or Planets feauen, True brand of Vertue, Honours liuing flame, O thou whom hate adors, whofe praife is euen Matcht with the glories of the greateft name, Thou like thy felfe, or better much by ods, Nere made without a Parliament of Gods.
Sir Richard Grinuile. 43
To thee this labour of my Sunne-burnt braine, 111 limn'd memorials of diuineft rage, I offer as oblations to detaine, Thy life-infpiring fight, (my peaces gage) From thofe celeftiall mirrors which remaine, Obiecls made happie in thy lookes furfrage, Of Grinuile, armes and honors foueraigne, My fower Mufe fhapes this Ne6lar feeking flraine.
Euen of that man and his almightie minde, Boundleffe like heauen in magnanimitie, Conuerting all things of what euer kinde, Within his bodie held focietie, To glad-fome ftarres in cleerefl skyes aflign'd, Wanting but onely true eternitie.
Of him I fing (Faireft} but reade I pray.
Thine eyes makes happy, all yat thine eyes furuay.
And with her thou great Soueraigne of the earth, Onelie immatchleffe Monarcheffe of harts, From whofe faire eyes iffued the Mufes birth, Murderd by Iron-age, and barb'rous darts, Yeeld from thy beams plentie to my wits dearth, That I may fing valures almightie parts,
And Chronicle thofe tropheys to thy throne, Which from this He, and his great fpyrit mono.
And thou deare Souie, the portraiture of Fame, For whom lone made a newe fourth Hirarchie, Of whofe loft drops millions of vertues came, Extold in heauen beyond the third degree, Now giue thy felfe a light in this felfe flame, That thou maift liue beyond pofteritie ;
And whilft I of th' vnconquered conquefl write, Sit on my hand and teach me to indite.
The tragedy of
The Tragedy of Sir Richard Grinuile.
I Hat time of yeare when the inamored Sunne [fiers,
Clad in the richeft roabes of liuing Courted ye Virgin figne, great
Naturs Nunne, Which barrains earth of al what
earth defires Eiien in the month that from Augustus wonne, His facred name which vnto heauen afpires, And on the laft of his ten trebled days, When wearie labour new refrelh affayes.
Then when the earth out-brau'd ye beautious Morne, Boafting his cornie Mantle ftird with aire, Which like a golden Ocean did adorne, His cold drie carcaffe, featurelefie, vnfaire, Holding the naked fh carers fcithe in fcorne, Or ought that might his borrowed pride empaire, The foule of vertue feeing earth fo ritch, With his deare prefence gilds the fea as mitch.
The fea, which then was heauie, fad, and flill, Dull, vnapplyed to fportiue wantonnefle, As if her firll-borne Venus had beene ill, Or Neptune feene the Sonne his loue poffefle, Or greater cares, that greateft comforts kill, Had crowned with griefe, the worlds wet wilderneffe, Such was the (lill-foote Thetis filent paine, Whofe flowing teares, ebbing fell backe againe.
Sir Richard Grenuile. 45
Thetis, the mother of the pleafant fprings, Grandam of all the Riuers in the world, To whom earths veins their moiftning tribut brings, Now with a mad difturbed paffion hurld, About her caue (the worlds great treafure) flings : And with wreath'd armes, and long wet hairs vncurld, Within her felfe laments a lofle, vnlofl, And mones her wrongs, before her ioyes be croft.
Thus whilft diuining forrowe ceaz'd her hart,
Grinuile (6 melt my fpyrit in that name,)
As fmgs the Swan her funerall depart,
And waues her wings, the enfignes of her fame,
So he, with vertue fweetning bitter fmart,
Which from the feas long toyling feruice came :
For why, fixe Moones, and fo oft times the Sunne.
Was pafl, and had one halfe the fignes ore-runne,
Ere he the earth, our common Mother faw ; Now earlie greets black Flores banefull He, (Flares, from whence afflictions felfe doth draw The true memorialls of a weeping flile ;) And with Caisters Querrifters which ftraw Defcant, that might Death of his darts beguile, He tunes faluting notes, fweeter then long, All which are made his laft Hues funerall fong.
Skillefle in deaths great Parliament he cals His fellowe mat's, and minions to his fame, Shewes them long lookt for land, and how it brauls, Repulfmg backe the billowes as they came, Much he tiiumphes, and paffed griefe for-flals With prefent ioy (forrow lights pleafures flame :) And whilft his hopes of Happy-fortune fmgs, Misfortune by, controls them with her wings.
46 The tragedy of
Defird reliefe, and euer welcome reft, The elements that forme the wearie man, Began to hold a counfaile in his brefl, Painting his wants by ficknes pale and wan ; With other griefes, that others force oppreft, Aduifing flay, (as what is but they can,)
VVhilft he that fate to come, and paft, nere feard Concludes to ftay till ftrength decayd repaird.
Then cafts he Anchor hulling on the maine, And all his fhyps poore Cittizens recounts, And hundred iuft were free from ficknes paine, Fourefcore and ten death their redrefle accounts, So that of all both ficke and found vnflaine, Vnto two hundred wanting ten amounts. A flender armie for fo great a guide, But vertue is vnknowne till it be tride.
Thofe whom their harts enabled to attempt, He puts a fhoare to make fupplie for neede ; Thofe whom long ficknes taught of death contempt, He vifits, and from loues great Booke doth reede The balme which mortall poyfen doth exempt ; Thofe whom new breathing health like fucklings feed, Hie to the fands, and fporting on the fame, Finde libertie, the Hues beft liuing flame.
Looke how a troupe of Winter-prifoned Dames, Pent in th' inclofure of the walled townes, VVelcoms the Spring, Viher to Somers flames, Making their paftimes in the flowrie downes, Whofe beautious Arras wrought in natures frames, Through eyes admire, the hart with wonder crownes, So the wood-walled Cittizens at fea, Welcome both Spring and Sommer in a day.
Sir Richard Grinuile. 47
The warring byllowes, feas artillerie. With long held fiege, had bruz'd their beaten keele, Which to repaire the moft, moft bufied be, Lab'ring to cure, what want in labours feele ; All pleafd with toyle, clothing extremitie In Hopes beft robes, that hang on Fortunes wheele But men, are men, in ignorance of Fate, To alter chaunce, exceedeth humaine ftate.
For when the Sun, towred in heauens head, Downe from the filuer mountaine of the skye, Bent his bright Chariot on the glaffie bed, Faire chriflall, guilded with his glorious eye, Fearing fome vfurpation in his flead, Or leaft his Loue mould too-long daliance fpy Tweene him and Virgo, whofe attracliue face, Had newly made him leaue the Lyons chafe.
In that fame myd-daies hower came fayling in, A thought-fwiit-flying Pynnafe, taught by winde, T' outftrip in flight Times euer-flying wing ; And being come where Vertue was infhrinde, Firft vaild his plumes, and wheeling in a ring, With Goat-like dauncing, flays where Grinuile fhynd, The whyle his great Commaunder calls the name, Which is ador'd of all that fpeakes the fame.
The great commaunder of this little Barke, Which like an Eglet armes the Eagles fide, Was Midleton, the ayme of Honors marke, That more had prou'd then danger durfl haue tride, Now feeing all good fortunes fun-mine darke, Thrife calls Sir Richard, who as oft replyde,
Bidding him fpeake, and ring his newes aloude, 111, not apald, nor good could make him proude
48 The tragedy of
O then (quoth Midldon) thou foule of all
What euer boafts in magnanimitie,
Thou, whom pure Vertue her befl part doth call,
Better then valure, llronger then dietie,
Whom men adore, and all the gods exhall
Into the bookes of endlefle memorie,
I bring thee tidings of a deadly fray, Begun in Heauen, to end vpon the Sea.
The glorious Senate of the Skyes was fet, And all the gods were royaliz'd in flate, When Happy-fortune and Ill-fortune met, Striuing who firft mould enter Heauens gate, The one made mad the others fame to let, Neither but ftirr'd with rage to wonder at, Confufedly, as water-floods doe pafle Their com mon bounds, fuch their rude entrance was.
The gods difturb'd, admire their ftrange aproch, Cenfuring their angers by their gloing eyes, Ill-fortune was attended by Reproch, Good-fortune, Fame, and Vertue flellefies ; One fweares the other doth her right incroch, Which is the elder houfe, none can deuife : The gods deuide, yet in the end agree The Fates mall iudge each others pedigree.
Good-fortune, drawes from heauen her hye defcent, Making hie loue the roote of her large tree ; Shee fhowes from him, how many god-heads went, Archangells, Angells, heauens pofleritie : From thence, me fhowes the glorious thrid me lent. To Monarks, Emperours, and Kyngs in fee, Annexing as Colatteralls to her line, Honour, Vertue, Valure, and Endles-time.
Sir Richard Grinuile. 49
Naithleffe, Ill-fortune will be elder borne,
Shee faith, me fprings from -Saturne, loues wronged Sier,
And heauen, and earth, and hell her coate haue borne,
Frefh bleeding harts within a field of fier ;
All that the world admires, fhe makes her fcorne,
Who fartheft feemes, is to Ill-fortune nier,
And that iuft proofe mayhergreatpraife commend, All that Bejl-chaunce begins, Ill-chaunce doth ende.
Thus they difpute, guilding their tongues report With inflances, and argumentall fawes, Ill-fortune, bids let all the worlde refort, And mow within their Chronicles and lawes, The man whofe Hues-line neuer did confort, With fharpe afHiclion, deaths firfl grounded caufe,
Then will fhe yeeld, elfe, is fhee viclor flill.
Worlds good is rare, perpetuall is their ill.
Euen as the racket takes the balls rebound, So doth Good-fortune catch Ill-fortunes proofe, Saying, me wil her in her felfe confound, Making her darts, Agents for her behoofe ; Bow but thine eies (quoth (he) whence ha'ts abound, And I will fhow thee vnder heauens roofe [tunes. Th' vnconquered man whom no mifchaunce impor- Crown of my kingdom, deaths man to miffortunes.
At this, the cafments of the skye broke ope, Difcouering all what's girdled in her frame, Whilft Happy-fortune through her eyes large fcope Like a Cofmographer comments on the fame ; Three parts with praife fhe pall and future hope, Then to the fourth, the Wefterne world fhe came, And there, with her eyes feflrawe paints a florie, Stranger then ftrange, more glorified then glorie.
50 The tragedy of
See (fayd Faire-fortune, to her foule fhapt Foe\ How on the fcourge that beates againfl the He Of Flores, whence they curfl oblations growe, A winde-taught capring fhip which ayre beguiles, (Making poore Cephalus for-lorne with woe, Curfe arte, which made arte framed faile fuch fmiles) Richlie imbrodred with the lems of warre, In thy difpight commaunds a luckey flarre.
In that faire veflel Hues my garlands flower,
Grinuile, my harts immortall arterie ;
Of him thy deitie had neuer power,
Nor hath hee had of griefe one fimpathie ;
Succeffe attends him, all good hap doth mower
A golden raine of perpetuitie
Into his boffome, where mine Empire Hands, Murdring the Agents of thy blacke commands.
Say, and fay true, (for what but thou wilt fay,) That euer Grinuils fortunes came before thee ; Or euer proflrate at thine Altars lay, Or with one wreath of Ciprefle did adore thee ? Proue one blacke florme in all his Sommers day, Whofe threatning clouds compeld him to implore thee. Then wil I ilaine mymilkwhite vaile with weeping, And as thine handmaide dye in forrowes keeping.
As wounds the lightning, yet perferues the skinne, So did thefe words split Luckleffe-fortunes hart, Her fmiling Superficies, lockt within A deepe exulcerated feftring fmart ; Heere fhee perceiu'd her firfl difgrace begin, And wordleffe from the heauens takes her depart. Yet as me flewe, her wings in flying cri'd On Grinuile (hall my fame and power be tride.
Sir Richard Grinuile. 51
At her departure all the heauens were glad,
Triumphing in Ill-forttmes banifhment,
Apollo fet new Anthems as loue bad,
Which fpheare tunes made more then mofl excellent;
No light in heauen but with new fier was clad,
Making next lone, Good-fortune prefident,
Enrowling in the Bookes of deflenie,
This memorable famous vic~lorie.
Onely the Fats fu'd for her backe repeale, (For they Ill-fortune lou'd exceeding well) Many her deedes and Tropheis they reueale, And all her Hues blacke legend, weeping tell ; Yet all they fpeake, cannot in heauen preuaile, Which feene, in fpight they follow her to hell, And there inhoufed with their mother Night, All foure deuife, how heauen and earth to fpight.
Hence fprang the loues of loue, the Sonnes exile, The fhame of Mars and Venus in a net ; lunos forfaken bed ; Saturns compile Of frantike difcontentment, which befet All heauen with armes ; Diana hence had while To court her fleeping boy; whilft Thetis let Phoebus imbrace her in her Neptunes Head, Who made complaints, breach of his bridall bed.
Yet not content with thefe difparagments, Much greater mifchiefes iffues from their minds, Grinuile, thy mountaine honour it augments Within their breafls, a Meteor like the winds, Which thrall'd in earth, a reeling iffue rents With violent motion ; and their wills combinds
To belch their hat's, vow'd murdrers of thy fame, Which to effect, thus they begin the fame.
52 The tragedy of
Faft to Iberia flies vntoward chaunce, Iberia, which we vulgar Chriften Spaine, Vpon whofe Sunne-burnt continent doth daunce Weflerne Ducallidon, the greateft maine, Thither fhee packs, Error doth their aduance Her coale-blacke flanderd in the hands of paine ; And as efcapt from rauifhment or bale, With falfe teares, thus fhee tunes a falfer tale.
Great Empire (faid Ihee) blefled in thy birth, Beautious created for-head of this round, That with thy fmiles firfl lent to heauen mirth, And bout thy temples all perfections woond, Lodgd in th'immagin'd corners of the earth ; Thou whom our centers MonarchefTe art crownd, Attend my fuite, baptifd in mournefull teares, Who but ere while triumphed on the fpheares
Nor for my felfe more then thine owne decay Which blindfold pleafure clouds as they arife, Be gracious, and retort the domefull daye, Which thee and me to mame would facrifice. Loe, on the great weft-walling boifterous fea, Which doth imbrace thy gold-enclofmg eyes. Of many failes one man, of one poore He, That will my fame, and all thy faire defile.
His numberleffe great infinits of fame, Haue fhut againft me heauens great chriflall dore, The clouds, which once my feets duft had to name, Hang ore my forhead, threatning euermore Death to my praife, life to my infant mame, Whilft I with fighes mediate a new reftore.
And in my felfe behold my pleafures pad, Swimming amongft the ioyes I cannot taft.
Sir Richard Grinuile. 53
Th' ambrofian Nectar-filled banqueting, No more (hall I communicate, or fee, Triumphes in heauen, loues masks, and reuelling, Are cleene exempt, both from my ioyes and me. The reafon, for my loue to thee I bring, Trimming the locks with lems of dietie, Making the gods a dread a fatall day, Worfe then the Giants warre or Centaurs fray.
Poore goddeffe, rob'd of all eternall power, VVhofe broken Statues, and down razed Fan's, ^ Neuer warm'd altars, euer forgotten hower Where any memorie of praife is tane, Witnes my fall from great Olympus tower ; Proflrate, implore blame for receiued bane, And dyre reuenge gainft heauens impietie, Which els in fhame will make thee follow mee.
Behold thefe robes, maps of my fortunes world, Torne, and diflaind with eye-fcornd beggerie ; Thefe rags deuide the Zones, wherein is hurld My Hues diflemprate, hote cold miferie ; Thefe teares are points, the fcale thefe hairs vncurld, My hands the compaffe, woe the emperie: And thefe my plaints, true and auriculer, Are to my Globe the perpendiculer.
Looke how I am, fuch art thou like to be If armes preuent not heauens intendiment, Grinuile, which now furfeits with dignitie, Burd'ning the Sea with my difparagement ; Chiding the wanton winds if greedelie They kiffe his failes ; or els too flowlie vent,
Like loue, which bad the day be and it was, So bids he Conqueft warre ; me brings to paffe.
54 The tragedy of
The fole incouragement he giues his power, Is Prophet-like prefaging of thy death, Courage he cries, euen in the dying hower, And with his words, recalls departing breath ; O (fayes he to his Mat's) you are my glories tower, Impregnable, wall'd with vnuanquifht faith, You are the hands and agents of my truft, I but the hart reuoluing what we mufl.
Liue Saints, til we haue ript the wombe of Spayne, And wounded Error in the armes of hell, Cruming the triple Myter in difdaine, Which on ye feauenfold mounted Witch doth dwel, Angells rewards for fuch diffignes remaine, And on heauens face men mall your flories tell ; At this they fhoute ; as eager of the pray, as Ants in winter of a funne-fhine day.
Thus like triumphant Cafar drawne in Rome, By winged Valure, and vnconquered Chaunce, He plowes the Sea (6 were it made his tombe) Whilft Happy-fortune pypes vnto his daunce. Yet may thy power alternat heauens doome, So pleafeth thee thy forward will t'aduance, And cheare ye finews of thy mighty arme, Whofe out-flrecht force mail quell his proud alarm e,
Then giue newe fuell to his honours fier, Leaft flight regard wealth-winning Error flay, And fo old Saturns happie world retyer, Making Trueths dungion brighter then the day ; Was neuer woe could wound thy kingdom nyer, Or of thy borrowed beautie make difplay,
Becaufe this vow in heauens booke doth remaine, That Errors death fhall confumate thy raigne.
Sir Richard Grimrile. 55
Now, for my god-heads remnant Hues in thee, Whofe loft fucceffe breeds mine eternall end, Take for thine ayde, affli<5ling Miferie, Woe, mine attendant, and Difpayre my freend, All three my greatefl great Triumuerie, Blood-bath'd Carnifici, which will protend A murdring defolation to that will, Which me in thee, and thee in mee would kill.
Here, with her fixed Comet-blazing eyes,
The damned Augurs of vntimely death,
Shee ends her tale, whilfl from her harts caue flyes
A florme of winds, no gentle fighing breath,
All which, like euill fpirits in difguife,
Enter Iberias eares, and to her fayth,
That all the fubflance of this damned florie, Was zealous true, coyned for her Spanifh glorie.
Sworne to beleeue, for ill, in ill affies, Spayne then enamour'd with the Romane trull, Calls all her forces, more then Atomies, And tells Ill-fortunes florie to the full ; Many Parenthifes fhee doth deuife, And frofl-relenting words doth choycely cull,
Bewitching thofe whom oft mee had deceiued, With fuch like Hemlock as her felfe receiued.
The firft and greatefl one, commaunding all The foule of mifchiefes old created mother, Was Don Alphonfo Bo/fan, proud in brail, The Marques Sanfta Cruces onely brother: Him mee coniures by typ's emperiall, And all that fallhoods feeming trueth could couer, To vndertake this hie (me termed it) act, Which craues a curfe of all that reads the fact.
56 Tiie tragedy of
Her felfe (fhee faid) and all the flowers of Spaync, Should vnder his, as heauens Enfigne warre: Thus from her harts foule dunghill flyes amaine Grofle vapours, metamorphofd to a flarre ; Her words in fumes like prodogies retaine His hart, by her tongues witchcraft bound fo farre, As what fhee will, that will hee vnder-take, Be it to warre with heauen for her fake.
The feeming Neclar of her poyfoning fpeech, So well fhee faw furprife his licoras fence, That for to reare her ill beyonds ills reach, With felfe-like tropes, decks felf-like eloquence, Making in Britain Dona fuch a breach, That her arm'd wits, conqu'ring his beil wits fence ; He vowes with Bajfan to defende the broile, Which men of praife, and earth of fame fhal fpoile.
To him fhee giues the Bifcaynnoys for guard, Mechanicall Artificers for death, And thofe which of affliction neuer hard, Shee tempers with the hammer of her breath : To euery act fhee giues huge lyp-reward, Lauifh of oathes, as falfhood of her faith ;
And for the ground of her pretended right, T'is hate, which enuies vertue in a Knight
Thefe two to her fail bound in vaffailage, Vnto the Marques Arumburch fhee flyes, Him fhee prouokes, him fhee finds apt to rage, Imprifoning Pitties teares in flintie eyes ; To him the power of Siuill for a gage Shee doth bequeath ; bidding his prowefle ryfe,
And clenfe his Countries face from widowes tears, To which he pofls, like lightning from the fphears.
Sir Richard Grinuile. 57
Laflly, to make vp mifchiefes perfect fquare, To Luis Cutino fhee takes .her flight, Him ihee commaunds, he to her homage fvvare To guide a Nauie to this damned fight, Of Hulks and Fly-boats, fuch as durft to dare. Shee giues him foueraigne rule, and publique right, And then vniting all foure powers in one, Sends them to fea, to calme Misfortunes mone.
And now behold (diuine for valiahcie) Like flying Caftells fayle they to this flrand, Fiftie three faile, flrong in artillarie, Bell men of warre knowne in the Spanifli land ; Fifteene Armados, Kings of foueraigntie, Which led the leffer with a mightie hand .- And thefe in foure battalions hither flie, With whom three dayes I faild in companie.
Then gentle Grinuile, Thetis parramoure, Dearer then Venus, Daughter of the flood, Set failes to wind, let not neglect deuoure Thy gracious fortunes and thine Angell goode, Cut through the maine, compell thy keele to fcoure, No man his ill too timelie hath with-ftoode
kn&vfazK.BeJl-chaunce fhal haue repaird thy fortune, Time for this flight may iufl reuenge importune.
Here Midelton did end the paffing peale Which gaue the warning to a difmall end, And as his words laft knell began to faile, The damned Nauie did a glimmering fend, By which Sir Richard might their power reueale. Which feeming conquerlelfe, did conquefls lend : At whofe appearance Midelton did cry, See where they come, for fame and pitty flie.
58 The tragedy of
This certaine ftory, of too certaine ill, Did not extinguifh, but gaue honor fier, Th' amazing prodigie, (bane of my quill,) Bred not aflonimment, but a (Irong defier, By which this heauen-ad opted Knights ftrong will, Then hied height of Fame, flew much more hier : And from the boundleffe greatnes of his minde, Sends back this anfwer through his lyps refin'd.
Thanks hardie Midleton for thy dilate, Perfwafme prefage to auoyde my death, But if thou wed my fortunes with my ftate, This fauing health mall fuffocate my breath, To flye from them that holds my God in hate, My Miftres, Countrey, me, and my fworne fayth, Were to pull of the load from Typhons back, And crufh my felfe, with fhame and feruile wrack.
Nor if my hart degenerate mould yeeld, To entertaine an amorus thought of life, And fo tranfport mine honour to the field, Where feeming valure dies by cowards knife, Yet zeale and confcience (hall new forces build, And others foules, with my foule holdeth flrife ;
For halfe my men, and all that draw found breath, Are gone on more, for foode to conquer death.
If I forfake them, certaine is their end, If I obtaine them, doubtfull is our fall, Vpon my flight, fhame and their facks depend, Vpon my flay, hope of good hap doth call, Equall to me, the meanefl I commend ; Nor will I loofe, but by the loffe of all :
They are the fmewes of my life and fame, Difmembred bodies perifh cripple-lame.
Sir Richard Grinuile. 59
This fayd, he fends a cock-boate to the more. To fummon backe his men'vnto their fhip, Who com'd a board, began with fome vprore To way their Anchors, and with care to dip Their hie reuolues in doubt, and euermore> To paint deaths vifage with a trembling lip,
Till he that was all feareleffe, and feare flew, With Neclard words from them all dangers drew.
When Midelton faw Grinuills hie reuolue, Pad hope, pad thought, pail reach of all afpire, Once more to moue him flie he doth refolue, And to that purpofe tips his tongue with fier ; Tier of fweete words, that eafelie might diflolue And moiflen flint, though fleeld in ftiffe attire, Had not defier of wonder, praife, and fame, Extinkt the fparks, and ftill keepe dead the flame.
Greater, and better then inarked he, Which in the worlds huge deluge did furuiue, O let thy wings of magnanimitie, Not vainlie flatter, Honour to acchiue, Gainfl all conceit impoffibilitie, By which thou murderfl Vertue, keepe aliue, Nor in thy feeking of diuinitie, Kill not heauens fame by bafe mortallitie.
O Grinuile thou hall red Philofophy, Nature and Arte hath made thee excellent, And what thou read'fl, hath grafted this in thee, That to attempt hie dangers euident Without conflraint or neede, is infamie, And honor turnes to ramnes in th'euent ;
And who fo darrs, not caring how he darrs, Sells vertues name, to purchafe fooliih flarrs.
60 The tragedy of
Deere Knight, thou art not forft to hazard fame, Heauens haue lent thee meanes to fcape thine ill, If thou abide, as true as is thy name, So truly (hall thy fault, thy death fulfill : And as to loue the life for vertues flame, Is the iuft act of a true noble will,
So to contemne it, and her helps exclude, Is bafenes, rafhnes, and no Fortitude.
He that compard mans bodie to an hoafl,
Sayd that ye hands were fcouts, difcouering harmes,
The feete, were horfemen, thundring on the coafl,
The brefl, and flomacke, footmen, huge in fwarmes.
But for the head, in foueraigntie did boaft,
It Captayne was, director of alarms,
Whofe rafhnes, if it hazarded an ill, Not hee alone but all the hoafl did fpill.
Ram IfadaSj the Lacedemon Lord, That naked fought againft the Theban power, Although they crown'd his valure by accord, Yet was hee find for rafhnes in that hower : And thofe which mofl his careleffe praife afFoard, Did mofl condemne what follie did deuoure ; For in attempting, proweffe is not ment, But wifelie doing what we doe attempt.
Then fith t'is valure to abandon fight, And bafe to darre, where no hope is to winne, (Renowned man, of all renowne the light) Hoyfl vp thy failes, delay attrackts thy fmne, Flie from ill-boding flarres with all thy might, Vnto thy hart let praife and pitttie in.
This fayd, and more defirous much to crie, Sir Richard flayd him, with this rich replie.
Sir Richard Grinuile. 6 1
Captayne, I praife thy warlike eloquence, And fober Axioms of Philofophie, But now's no time for fchoole points difference, When Deaths blacke Enfigne threatens miferie ; Yet for thy words found of fuch confequence, Making flight praife, and fight pale obloquie,
Once ere I die, He clenfe my wits from ruft, And proue my flying bafe, my flay mofl iuft.
Whence mall I flie ? from refuge of my fame, From whom ? euen from my Countries mortall foe, Whither? but to the dungeon of my fhame, Why mall I flie ? for feare of happie woe, What end of flight ? to faue vild life by blame, Who ift that flies? Grinuilet Captayne no,
T'is England flies, faire He of happines,
And true diuine Elizas holynes.
Shall then my lifes regard taynt that choyce faire? Firft will I perrifh in this liquid round, Neuer mall Sunne-burnt Spanyards tongue endeare Iberian eares with what mall me confound, The life I haue, I for my Miflris beare, Curil were that life, mould it her fcepter wound, And trebble curfed be that damned thought, Which in my minde hath any fayntnes wrought.
Now, for Philofophie defends thy theame, Euen felfe Philofophie mall arme my flile, Rich buskin'd Seneca, that did declaime, And firfl in Rome our tragicke pompe compile, Saith, Fortitude is. that which in extreme And certaine hazard all bafe feares exile :
It guides, faith he, the noble mind from farre, Through froft, and fier, to conquer honors warre.
62 The tragedy of
Honie-tongd Tullie, Mermaid of our eares, Affirmes no force, can force true Fortitude, It with our bodies, no communion beares, The foule and fpyrit, fole doth it include ; It is that part of honeflie which reares The hart to heauen, and euer doth obtrude
Faint feare, and doubt, ftill taking his delight In pen-ills, which exceed all perrills might.
Patience, Perfeuerance, Greatnes, and StrongTrust, Thefe pages are to Fortitude their King, Patience that fuffers, and efleemeth iuft What euer woe, for vertue fortunes bring ; Perfeuerance, holds conflant what we muft, Greatnes, that flill effects the greateft thing,
And armed Trust, which neuer can difpaire, But hopes good hap ; how euer fatall deare.
The Roman Sergius, hauing loft his hand, Slew with one hand foure in a fingle fight, A thing all reafon euer did with-ftand, But that bright Fortitude fpred forth her light. Pompey, by ftorme held from tttltalyan land, And all his failours quaking in his fight,
Firft hoifted faile, and cry'd amidft the ftrife, There's neede I goe, no neede to faue my life
Agis that guilt the Lacedemon ftreete, Intending one day battaile with his foes, By counfaile was repeld, as thing vnmeete, The enemie beeing ten to one in fhoes ; But he reply'd, Tis needfull that his.feete Which many leads, mould leade to many bloes : And one being good, an Armie is for ten Foes to religion, and known naughty men.
Sir Richard Grinuile. 63
To him that told Dienecus, his foes Couer'd the Sun with darts 'and armed fpeares, Hee made reply, Thy newes is ioy in woes, Wee'le in the fhadow fight, and conquer feares. And from the Polands words my humor floes, I care for naught but falling of the Spheares.
Thunder afrights the Infants in the fchooles, And threatnings are the conquerers of fooles.
As thefe, my cafe is not fo defperate, And yet, then thefe, my darre (hall be no leffe : If this in them, for fame was wondred at, Then this in mee, mail my defiers expreffe ; Neuer (hall Greece, nor Rome, nor Heathen ftate, with mining honor, Albions mine depreffe, [bounds, Though their great circuits yeelds their acts large Yet mail they neuer darr for deeper wounds.
And thus refolu'd, deere Midelton depart, Seeke for thy fafetie in fome better foyle, Thy flay will be no fuccour in my fmart, Thy loffe will make them boail of better fpoyle. And be affur'd before my lail breath part, He make the Sunne, for pittie backe recoyle, And clothe the fea within a fcarlet pale, ludge of their death which fhall my life exhale.
This fhip which now intombs my iealious foule,
Honefllie enuious of afpiring laude,
Is cald Reuenge, the fcourge which doth controule,
The recreants that Errors right applaud,
Shall like her felfe, by name and fame enroule
My fpyrits acts, by no Misfortune aw'd,
Within eternall Bookes of happie deeds, Vpon whofe notes, immortali Yertue reeds.
64 The tragedy of
Say if I perrifli, t'was mine honours will, My Countries loue, religion, and my Queene, And if that enuie glorie in mine ill, Say that I dyed, conqu'ring, vnconquered feene. Say fiftie three flrong fhyps could not fulfill, Gainft one poore mayden veffell their foule teene, But that in fpight of death, or miferie, She fought, and foyld, and fcapt captiuitie.
Replie not Midelton, mine eares are clofd, Hie in heauens for-head are my vowes ingrau'd, I fee the banefull Nauie now difclofd, Begon betime, Fate hath thy fortune fau'd ; To me good flarres were neuer yet oppofd, Glorie hath crownd me when I glorie crau'd, Farwel, and fay how euer be my chaunce, My death at honours wedding learnt to daunce.
This fayd, away failes Midelton with fpeede, Sad, heauie, dull, and moft difconfolate, Shedding flout manlie teares at valures deed, Greeuing the ruine of fo great eflate ; But Grinuile, whofe hope euer did exceede, Making all death in daungers fortunate,
Gan to prouide to quell this great vprore, Then which the like was neuer heard before.
His fights fet vp ; and all things fit prepard, Low on the ballafl did he couch his fick, Being fourfcoore ten, in Deaths pale mantle fnar'd, whofe want to war did moft their ftrong harts prick. The hundred, whofe more founder breaths declard, Their foules to enter Deaths gates mould not flick, Hee with diuine words of immortall glorie, Makes them the wondred adlors of this florie.
Sir Richard Grinuile. 65
Nothing be left vnfaid that tongue could fay, To breede contempt of death, or hate or thrall, Honors reward, fame for a famous day, Wonder of ears, that men halfe gods mall call : And contrarie, a hopeleffe certaine way, Into a Tyrants damned fills to fall,
Where all defame, bafe thoughts, and infamie, Shall crowne with fliame their heads eternally.
In this great thunder of his valiant fpeech, From whence the eares-eyes honors lightning felt, The Spani/h Nauie came within the reach Of Cannon mot, which equallie was delt On eyther fide, each other to impeach ; Whofe volleys made the pittying skyes to melt,
Yet with their noyfe, in Grinuills heart did frame, Greater defier, to conquer greater fame.
And now the funne was pafl his middle way, Leaning more louely to his Lemans bed, And the noones third hower had attacht the day, When fiftie three gainft one were bafely led ; All harts were fierd ; and now the deadlie fray, Began tumultuouflie to ouer-fpread
The fea with fier, the Element with fmoake Which gods, and monfters from their fleepe awoake,
In foure great battailes marcht the Spani/h hoaft, The firft of Siuill, led in two great fquares, Both which with courage, more then can be moil, Sir Richard forft to giue him way with cares ; And as the Sea-men terme it in our coaft, They fprang their luffe, and vnder lee declares, Their manie forces feebled by this one, Whofe thoughts, faue him, are rightly due to none.
£
66 The tragedy of
And now he Hands amidfl the thickefl throngs, Walld round with wooden Caflels on the waue, Fiftie three Tygers greedie in their wrongs, Befiedge the princlie Lion in his caue : Nothing fees Grinuile which to hope belongs, All things are fled that any hap could faue ; Bright day is darkned by incurtaind light, And nothing vifits them but Canons night.
Then vp to heauen he lifts his loftie hart,
And cryes, old Salon, I am happy made.
All earthie thoughts cleane from his fpirits part,
Vertue and Valure all his fences lade,
His foes too fewe, too flrong he holds his part,
Now doth he wifh for millions to inuade,
For beeing conquerer, he would conquer all, Or conquerd, with immortall honour fall.
Neuer fell hayle thicker then bullets flew, Neuer fhow'rd drops fafler then fhowring blowes, Liu'd all the Woorthies, all yet neuer knew So great refolue in fo great certaine woes ; Had Fame told Ccefar what of this was true, His Senate-murdred fpirite would haue rofe,
And with faire honors enuie wondred then,
Curfing mortalitie in mighty men.
Whilfl thus affliction turmoyld in this brail,
And Grinuile flill imployd his A6lor death,
The great San-phillip, which all Spayne did call
Th' vnuanquimt fhip, Iberias foule and faith,
Whofe mountain e hugenes more was tearmed then tall,
Being twice a thoufand tuns as rumor faith,
Came ruming in, becalming Grinuiles failes, Whofe courage grew, the more his fortunes failes.
Sir Richard Grinuile. 67
Hotlie on eyther fide was lightning fent, And Reeled thunder bolts dinge men to hell, Vnweldie Phillip, backt with millions lent, Worfe cracks of thunder then on Phaeton fell, That with the dayes fier fiered the Element ; And why ? becaufe within her ribs did dwell, More ftore of mot and great artillarie, Then might haue feru'd the worlds great viclorie.
Three tire of Cannon lodg'd on eyther fide,
And in each tire, eleuen ilronglie lay,
Eyght in her chafe, that mot forth right did bide,
And in her flerne, twice eight that howerlie play ;
Shee leffe great mot, in infinets did hide,
All which were Agents for a difmall day.
But poore Reuenge, leffe rich, and not fo great, Aunfwered her cuffe for cuife,and threat for threat.
Anon they graple eyther to the other, As doth the ban-dogge with the Martins skinne, And then the wombe of Phillip did vncouer, Eight hundred Souldiers, which the fight beginne : Thefe board Sir Richard, and with thronging fmother The day, the ayre, the time, and neuer linne,
But by their entrance did inilrucl eight more, To doe the like, on each fide foure, and foure.
Thus in one moment was our Knight affaild, With one huge Argofie, and eight great mips, But all in vaine, their powers naught prevaild, For the Reuenge, her Canon loud-dogs flips, Whofe bruzing teeth, fo much the Phillip quaild. That foundring in the greedie maine, he dips His damned bodie in his watrie tombe, Wrapt with difhonour in the Oceans wombe.
68 The tragedy of
The other eight, fighting, were likewife foild, And driuen perforce vnto a vild retraite, None duril abide, but all with fhame recoild, V Vhilft Valures felfe, fet Grinuile in her feate ; Onely Don Luis Saint lohn, feeing fpoild, His Countries honour by this ftrange defaite, Single encountred Grinuile in the fight, Who quicklie fent his foule to endleffe night.
George de Prunaria, a Spanifh Knight, Euer held valiant in difpight of fate, Seconded Luis, and with mortall might, Writ on Sir Richards target fouldiers hate, Till Grinuile, wakned with his loud rung fight, Difpatcht his foules courfe vnto Plutos gate ;
And after thefe two, fent in poll all thofe .• Which came within his mercie or his blowes.
By this, the funne had fpred his golden locks, Vpon the pale green carpet of the fea, And opned wide the fcarlet dore which locks, The eafefull euening from the labouring day; Now Night began to leape from iron Rocks, And whip her ruftie wagon through the way,
Whilfl all the &panijh hoft ftoode maz'd in fight.
None darring to affayle a fecond fight.
When Don Alfonfo, Generall of the warre, Saw all his Nauie with one fliip controld, He toare his hayre, and loudlie cryd from farre, For honour Spanyards, and for fhame be bold ; Awaken Vertue, fay her flumbers marre Iberias auncient valure, and infold
Her wondred puiffance, and her glorious deeds, In cowards habit, and ignoble weeds.
Sir Richard Grinuile. 69
Fie, that the fpyrit of a fingle man,
Should contradict innumerable wills,
Fie, that infinitiues of forces can,
Nor may effect what one conceit fulfills ;
Woe to the wombe, ceafeleffe the teats I ban,
That cherrifht life, which all our Hues ioyes kills ;
Woe to our felues, our fortunes, and our minds, Agaft and fcarrd, with whiflling of the winds.
See how he triumphes in difpight of death, Promethean like, laden with liuing fier, And in his glorie fpits difdainfull breath, Loathing the bafenes of our backe retire ; Euen now me thinke in our difgrace he faith, Foes to your fames, why make you Fate a Iyer,
When heauen and me haue giuen into your hand, What all the world can neuer back demand?
Say that the God of Warre; Father of Chiualrie, The Worthies, Heroes, all fam'd Conquerours, Centaurs, Gyants, victorious Viftorie, Were all this Grinuils hart-fworne paramours, Yet mould we fightleffe let our fliyps force flie ; Well might we crulh his keele with rocklike powers, And him with them ore-whelme into the maine, Courage then harts, fetch honour backe againe.
Heere fhame, the fretting canker of the mind, That fiers the face with fuell from the hart, Fearing his weapons weakenes, eft affignd To defperate hardines his confounding dart, And now the Spanyards made through words ftone blind, Defperate by mame. afhamd difpaire mould part, like damned fcritchowles, chimes to dead mens hours, Make vowes to fight, till fight all Hues deuours.
;o The tragedy of
And now the tragicke fceane of death begins, A6ls of the night, deeds of the ouglie darke, When Furies brands gaue light to furious fins, And gafllie filence gaping wounds did marke ; Sing fadlie then my Mufe (teares pittie wins) Yet mount thy wings beyond the mornings Larke, And wanting thunder, with thy lightnings might, Split eares that heares the dole of this fad night.
The fier of Spaynes pride, quencht by Grinuils fword, Alfonfo reinkindles with his tong, And fets a bateleffe edge, ground by his word Vpon their blunt harts feebled by the flrong, Loe animated now, they all accord, To die, or ende deaths conflict held fo long ; And thus refolud, too greedelie afiay His death, like hounds that hold the Hart at bay.
Blacker then night, more terrible then hell, Louder then thunder, fharper then Phoebus fteele, Vnder whofe wounds the ouglie Python fell, Were bullets mantles, clowding the haplefle keele, The flaughtered cryes, the words the cannons tell, And thofe which make euen rocky Mountains reele, And thicker then in funne are Atomies, Flew bullets, fier, and flaughtered dead mens cries.
At this remorfles Dirgie for the dead.
The filuer Moone, dread Soueraigne of the deepe,
That with the floods fills vp her horned head
And by her waine the wayning ebbs doth keepe :
Taught by the Fat's how deflenie was led,
Bidds all the flarres pull in their beames and weepe :
For twas vnfit, chad hallowed eyes fhould fee
Honour confounded by impietie.
Sir Richard Grinuile. 7 1
Then to the night fhe giues all foueraigne power, Th'eternall mourner for the dayes diuorce, Who drowned in her owne harts killing fhower, Viewes others torments with a fad remorfe. This flintie Princeffe, ayme cryes to the hower, On which to looke, kinde eies no force could force. And yet the fight, her dull hart fo offended, That from her fight a foggie dewe defcended.
Now on our Knight, raines yron, fword, and fiers, Iron wrapt in fmoke, fword bath'd in fmoking blood, Fiers, furies king, in blood and fmoke afpiers The confumation of all liuing good ; Yet Grinuile, with like Agents like expires His foe-mens dat's, and euermore withflood. Th'affaults of death, and ruins of the warre, Hoping the fplendour of fome luckie ftarre.
On eyther fide him, flill two Gallions lay, Which with continuall boardings nurfl the fight, Two great Armados, howrelie plow'd their way, And by affaulte, made knowne repelleffe might. Thofe which could not come neere vnto the fray, Aloofe difcharg'd their volleys gainft our Knight.
And when yat one fhrunk back, beat with difgrace, An other inflantly fupply'd the place.
So that their refling, reftleffe him containd, And theyr fupplies, deny'd him to fupply : The Hydra of their mightines ordaind ' New fpoile for death, when old did wounded lie : But hee, Herculian-V\ko. one flate retaind, One to triumph, or one for all to die.
Heauen had onelie lent him but one hart,
That hart one thought, that thought no feare of fmart.
7 2 The tragedy of
And now the night grew neere her middle line, Youthfully luftie in her ftrongeft age, When one of Spaynes great Gallions did repine, That one fhould many vnto death ingage, And therefore with her force, halfe held diuine, At once euaporates her mortall rage,
Till powerfull Grinuile, yeelding power a toombe Splyt her, and funck her in the fait waues tombe
When Cutino, the Hulks great Admirall, Saw that huge Veflell drencht within the furge, Enuie and ftiame tyered vpon his gall, And for reuenge a thoufand meanes doth vrge : But Grimiile, perfect in definitions fall, His mifchiefes with like miferies doth fcourge, And renting with a mot his wooden tower, Made Neptunes liquid armes his all deuouer.
Thefe two ore-whelm'd, Siuills Afcention came, A famous fhip, well man'd, and flrongly drefl, Vinditta from her Cannons mouthes doth flame, And more then any, our dread Knight opreft : Much hurt fhee did, many fhee wounded lame, And Valurs felfe, her valiant acts confeft.
Yet in the end, (for warre of none takes keepe) Grimiile funck her within the watry deepe.
An other great Armada, brufd and beat, Sunck neere S. Michaels road, with thought to fcape, And one that by her men more choicely fet, Beeing craz'd, and widow'd of her comly fhape, Ran gain ft the more, to pay Ill-chaunce her debt, Who defolate for defolations gape :
Yet thefe confounded, were not mifl at all.
For new fupplies made new the aged brail.
Sir Richard Grinuile. 73
This while on Grinuile ceazed no amaze, No wonder, dread, nor bafe aftonifhment, But true refolue, and valurs facred blaze, The crowne of heauen, and flarrie ornamenc Deckt his diuine part, and from thence did raze Affects of earth, or earths intendiment.
And in this broyle, as cheerefull was his fight, As loues, imbracing Danae by night.
Looke howe a wanton Bridegroome in the morne, Bufilie labours to make glad the day, And at the noone, with wings of courage borne, Recourts his bride with dauncing and with play, Vntill the night which holds meane bliffe in fcorne, By action kills imaginations fway,
And then, euen then, gluts and confounds his thought, With all the fweets, conceit or Nature wrought,
Euen fo our Knight the bridegroome vnto Fame,
Toild in his battailes morning with vnreft,
At noone triumph'd, and daunft, and made his game,
That vertue by no death could be deprefl ;
But when the night of his loues longings came,
P^uen then his intelectuall foule confer!
All other ioyes imaginarie were
Honour vnconquerd, heauen and earth held deare.
Thebellowing fhotte which wakened dead mens fwounds,
As Dorian mufick, fweetned his cares,
Ryuers of blood, ifiuing from fountaine wounds,
Hee pytties, but augments not with his teares,
The flaming fier which mercileffe abounds,
Hee not fo much as masking torches feares,
The dolefull Eccho of the foules halfe dying, Quicken his courage in their banefull crying.
74 The tragedy of
When foule Misfortune houering on a Rock, (The flonie girdle of the Florean He,) Had feene this conflict, and the fearefull fhock, Which all the Spanyjh mifcheifes did compile, And faw how conqueft licklie was to mock The hope of Spayne, and faufter her exile,
Immortall fhe, came downe her felfe to fight, And doe what elfe no mortall creature might.
And as (he flew the midnights waking flarre,
Sad Casfiopea, with a heauie cheare
Pufht forth her forehead, to make known from farre,
What time the diyrie dole of earth drew neare,
But when (hee faw Misfortune arm'd in warre,
With teares (he blinds her eyes, and clouds ye ayre,
And asks the gods, why Fortune fights with man ?
They fay, to doe, what elfe no creature can.
O why mould fuch immortall enuie dwell, In the inclofures of eternall mould ? Let Gods with Gods, and men with men rebell, Vnequall warres t'vnequall (hame is fould ; But for this damned deede came (hee from hell, And loue is fworne, to doe what deft'nie would, Weepe then my pen, the tell-tale of our woe, And curfe the fount from whence our forrows flow.
Now, now, Misfortune fronts our Knight in armes, And cafts her venome through the Spanyjh hoaft, Shee falues the dead, and all the lyuing warmes With vitall enuie, brought from Plutos coafl ; Yet all in vaine, all works not Grinuils harmes ; Which feene, (hee fmiles, and yet with rage imbofl Saith to her felfe, fmce men are all too weake, Behold a goddeffe (hall thy lifes twine break e.
Sir Richard Grinuile. 75
With that fhee taks a Musket in her hand, Raft from a dying Souldiour newlie flaine, And ayming where th' vnconquered Knight did (land, Difchargd it through his bodie, and in twaine Deuids the euer holie nuptiall band, Which twixt his foule, and worlds part fliold remaine, Had not his hart, llronger then Fortunes will, Held life perforce to fcorne Misfortunes ill.
The bubling wound from whence his blood diftild, Mourn'd to let fall the hallowed drops to ground, And like a iealious loue by riuall illd, Sucks in the facred moifture through the wound; But he, which felt deaths fatall doome fulfilld, Grew fiercer valiant, and did all confound,
Was not a Spanyard durft abord him reft, After he felt his deaths wound in his breft.
Hundreds on hundreds, dead on the maymed fall, Maymed on founde, found in them felues lye flaine, Bled was the firft that to his fhip could crall, For wounded, he wounds multituds againe ; No facrifice, but facrifice of all, Could flay his fwords oblations vnto paine, Nor in Phillippie, fell for Ccefars death, Soules thicker then for Grinuils wafling breath.
The Nemian Lyon, Aramanthian Bore,
The Hircamian Tyger, nor the Cholcean Bulls,
Neuer extended rage with fuch vprore,
Nor in their brefls mad monftrous furie lulls ;
Now might they learne, that euer learnt before,
Wrath at our Knight, which all wrath difanulls,
For ilauifh death, his hands commaunded more, Then Lyon, Tyger, Bull, or angrie Bore.
76 The tragedy of
Had Pompey in Pharjalia held his thought, Ccefar had neuer wept vpon his head, Had Anthonie at Actiome like him fought, Augustus teares had neuer drownd him dead, Had braue Renaldo, Grinuiles puiffance bought, Angelica from France had neuer fled,
Nor madded Rowland with inconftancie, But lather flayne him wanting vidlorie,
Before a florme flewe neuer Doues fo fall, As Sfanyards from the furie of his fill, The ftout Reuenge, about whofe forlorne waft, Whilome fo many in their moods perfift, Now all alone, none but the fcourge imbrafl, Her foes from handie combats cleane defift ; Yet Hill incirkling her within their powers, From farre fent Ihot, as thick as winters mowers.
Anger, and Enuie, enemies to Life,
Strong fmouldring Heate and noifom ftink of Smoke,
With ouer-labouring Toyle, Deaths ouglie wife,
Thefe all accord with Grinuiles wounded ftroke,
To end his Hues date by their ciuell ftrife,
And him vnto a blefled Hate inyoke,
But he repeld them whilil repell he might,
Till fainting power, was tane from power to fight.
Then downe he fat, and beat his manlie breft, Not mourning death, but want of meanes to die ; Thofe which furuiu'd coragiouflie he bleft, Making them gods for god-like viclorie ; Not full twice twentie foules aliue did reft, Of which the moft were mangled cruellie, [Ihow,
Yet ftill, whilft words could fpeake, or fignes could From death he maks eternall life to grow.
Sir Richard Grinuile. 77
The Maifler-gunner, which beheld his eyes.
Dart fier gainft death trumphant in his face,
Came to fuflaine him, and with courage cryes,
How fares my Knight ? worlds glory, martiall grace ?
Thine honour, former honours ouer-flyes,
And vnto Heauen and Vertue bids the bace ;
Cheere then thyfoule,& if deaths woundingpain it, Abr'ams faire bofome lyes to entertaine it.
Maifler, he fayes, euen heers the opned dore, Through which my fpirit bridgroome like mufl ride, (And then he bar'd his wounded brefl all gore) To court the bleffed virgine Lambe his bride, Whofe innocence the worlds afflictions bore, Streaming diuine blood from his fliced fide,
And to that heauen my foule with courage flyes, Becaufe vnconquerd, conquering it dyes.
But yet, replyed the Maifler once againe, Great vertue of our vertues. ftriue with Fate, Yeeld not a minute vnto death, retaine Life like thy glorie, made to wonder at, This wounds recouerie well may entertaine A double triumph to thy conquering (late,
And make thee liue immortall Angell bleft, Fleafeth thee fuffer it be fearcht and dreft.
Defcend then gentle Grinuile downe below,
Into my Cabin for a breathing fpace,
In thee there let thy Surgion ftanch our woe,
Giuing recuer to thee, our wounded cafe,
Our breaths, from thy breaths fountaine gently flow,
If it be dried, our currents loofe their grace :
Then both for vs, and thee, and for the bell, Defcend, to haue thy wound bound vp and drefL
78 The tragedy of
Maifler, reply'd the Knight, fmce laft the funne Lookt from the hieft period of the sky, Giuing a fignall of the dayes mid noone, Vnto this hower of midnight, valiantly, From of this vpper deck I haue not runne, But fought, and freed, and welcomd viclorie,
Then now to giue new couert to mine head, Were to reuiue our foes halfe conquered
Thus with contrarie arguments they warre, Diuers in their opinions and their fpeech, One feeking means, th' other a will to darre, Yet both one end, and one defire reach : Both to keepe honour liuing, plyant are, Hee by his fame, and he by skilfull leach,
At length, the Maifler winnes, and hath procurd The Knight difcend, to haue his woundings curd.
Downe when he was, and had difplay'd the port Through which his life was martching vp to heauen, Albe the mortall taint all cuers retort, Yet was his Surgion not of hope bereuen, But giues him valiant fpeech of lifes refort, Sayes, longer dayes his longer fame (hall euen,
And for the meanes of his recouerie,
He finds both arte and poffibilitie.
Misfortune hearing this prefage of life,
(For what but chimes within immortall eares)
Within her felfe kindles a home-bred flrife,
And for thofe words ye Surgions doomes day fwears
With that, her charg'd peece (Atropos keene knife,)
Againe me takes, and leueld with difpairs,
Sent a fhrill bullet through the Surgions head, which thence, through Grinuils temples like was led.
Sir Richard Grinuile. 79
Downe fel the Surgion, hope and helpe was reft, His death gaue manumitiori to his foule, Misfortune fmyld, and euen then fhee left The mournfull Ocean, mourner for this dole ; Away fhee flyes, for all was now bereft, Both hope and helpe, for life to win deaths gole ; Yet Grinuile vnamaz'd, with conflant faith, Laughing difpifd the fecond flroke of death.
What foole (faith he) ads to the Sea a drop, Lends Etna fparks, or angry flormes his wind ? Who burnes the roote when lightning fiers the top ? Who vnto hell, can worfe then hell combind? Pale hungry Death, thy greedy longings flop, Hope of long life is banefull to my mind : Yet hate not life, but lothe captiuitie, Where refts no trull to purchafe vic"lorie.
Then vp he came with feeble pace againe, ing,
Strength from his blood, blood from his wounds defcend- Saies, here I liu'd, and here wil I fullaine, The worfl of Deaths worfl, by my fame defending, And then he fell to warre with might and maine, Valure on death mod valiantly depending, And thus continued aye coragioufly, Vntill the day chafl fhadowes from the sky.
But when the mornings dewie locks drunke vp
A miflie moyfture from the Oceans face,
Then might he fee the fource of forrowes cup,
Plainly prefigur'd in that hatefull place :
And all the miferies that mortals fup
From their great Grandfire Adams band, difgrace j For all that did incircle him, was his foe, And that incircled, modell of true woe.
8o The tragedy of
His marls were broken, and his tackle torne, His vpper worke hew'd downe into the Sea, Naught of his fliip aboue the fourge was borne, But euen leueld with the Ocean lay, Onely the fhips foundation (yet that worne) Remaind a trophey in that mighty fray ;
Nothing at all aboue the head remained, Either for couert, or that force maintained.
Powder for (hot, was fpent and wafted cleane, Scarce feene a corne to charge a peece withall, All her pykes broken, halfe of his befl men flaine, The reft fore wounded, on Deaths Agents call, On th'other fide, her foe in ranks remaine, Difplaying multitudes, and ftore of all
What euer might auaile for viclorie, Had they not wanted harts true valiancie.
When Grinuile faw his defperate drierie cafe, Meerely difpoyled of all fuccef-full thought, Hee calls before him all within the place, The Maifter, Maifter-gunner, and them taught Rules of true hardiment to purchafe grace; Showes them the end their trauailes toile had bought, How fweet it is, fwift Fame to ouer-goe, How vile to diue in captiue ouerthrow.
Gallants (he faith) fmce three a clock laft noone, Vntill this morning, fifteene howers by courfe, We haue maintaind ftoute warre, and ftill vndoone Our foes affaults, and driue them to the worfe, Fifteene Armados boardings haue not wonne Content or eafe, but beene repeld by force,
Eight hundred Cannon mot againft our fide, Haue not our harts in coward colours died.
Sir Richard Grinuile. 8 1
Not fifteene thoufand men araungd in fight, And fifteene howers lent them to atchiue, With fifty three great mips of boundleffe might, Haiie had or meanes or proweffe to contriue The fall of one, which mayden vertue dight, Kept in defpight of Spanijh force aline.
Then lift to mee you imps of memorie,
Borne to afmme to immortalitie.
Sith loofing, we vnloft keepe ftrong our praife, And make our glories, gaynours by our ends, Let not the hope of howers (for tedious dayes Vnto our Hues no longer circuite lends) Confound our wondred actions and affayes, Whereon the fweete of mortall eares depends, But as we Hue by wills victorious, So let vs die viclours of them and vs.
Wee that haue mercilefie cut Mercies wings, And muffeld pittie in deaths miftie vale, Let vs implore no mercie ; pittyings, But from our God, deere fauour to exhale Oure foules to heauen, where all the Angells rings Renowne of vs, and our deepe tragick tale ; Let vs that cannot Hue, yet Hue to dye, Vnthrald by men, fit tropheys for the skye.
And thus refolu'd fince other meane is reft, Sweet Maifter-gunner, fplit our keele in twaine, We cannot Hue, whom hope of life hath left, Dying, our deaths more glorious Hues retaine, Let not our fhip, of fhame and foile bereft, Vnto our foe-men for a prize remaine ;
Sinke her, and finking with the Greeke wee'le cry, Bed not to be, or beeing loone to dye. F
82 The tragedy of
Scarie had his words tane wings from his deare tong, But the flout Maifler-gunner, euer ritch In heauenlie valure and repulfmg wrong, Proud that his hands by ac~lion might inritch His name and nation with a worthie fong, Tow'rd his hart higher then Eagles pitch, And inflantlie indeuours to effect Grinuils defier, by ending Deaths defedl.
But th' other Maifler, and the other Mat's, Difented from the honour of their minds, And humbly praid the Knight to rue their flat's, Whom miferie to no fuch mifcheife binds ; To him th' aleadge great reafons, and dilat's Their foes amazements, whom their valures blinds, And maks more eager t'entertaine a truce, Then they to offer words for warres excufe.
They mow him diuers gallant men of might, VVhofe wounds not mortall, hope gaue of recuer, For their faks fue they to diuorce this night Of defperate chaunce, calld vnto Deaths black lure, Their lengthned Hues, their countries care might right. And to their Prince they might good hopes affure. Then quod the Captaine, (deere Knight) do not fpill. The liues whom gods and Fat's feeke not to kill.
And where thou fayfl the Spanyatds mall not braue, T haue tane one fhip due to our virgin Queen e, O know, that they, nor all the world can faue, This wounded Barke, whofe like no age hath feene, Sixefoote fhee leaks in hold, three fhot beneath thewaue, All whofe repaire fo infufficient beene,
That when the Sea mall angrie worke begin, Shee cannot chufe but fmke and dye therein.
Sir Richard Grinuile. 83
Befides, the wounds and brufmgs which me beares, Are fuch, fo manie, fo incurable, As to remoue her from this place of feares, No force, no wit, no meane, nor man is able ; Then fmce that peace proflrate to vs repaires, Vnleffe our felues, our felues make miferable, Herculeen Knight, for pittie, pittie lend, No fame confifls in wilfull defperat end.
Thefe words with emphafis and action fpent, Mou'd not Sir Richard, but inrag'd him more, To bow or yeeld, his heart would neare relent, Hee flill impungs all thought of lifes reflore ; The Maifler-gunner euer doth confent To act his wifh, fwearing in beds of gore
Death is moft louelie, fweete and amiable, But captiu'd life for fouienes admirable.
The Captayne, feeing words could take no place, Turnes backe from them vnto the liuing few, Expounds what pittie is, what victors grace ; Bids them them felues, them felues in kindnes rew, Peace if they pleafe, will kindlie them imbrace, And they may Hue, from whom warres glory grew ; But if they will to defperate end confent, Their guilty foules too late mail mourne repent.
The fillie men, who fought but liuing ioyes, Cryes to the Captaine for an honord truce, Life they defire, yet no life that deftroyes Their wonne renownes, but fuch as might excufe Their woes, their wounds, and al what els anoyes Beau tie of laude, for other they refufe ;
All which the Captaine fvvears they lhal obtaine, Becaufe their foes, in doubtfull Hates remaine.
84 The tragedy of
O when Sir Richard faw them flart afide, More chaynd to life then to a glorius graue, And thofe whom hee fo oft in dangers tryde, Now trembling feeke their hatefull Hues to faue. Sorrow and rage, mame, and his honors pride, Choking his foule, madly compeld him raue, Vntill his rage with vigor did confound His heauie hart, and left him in a fwound.
The Maifler-gunner, likewife feeing Fate Bridle his fortune, and his will to die, With his fharpe fword fought to fet ope the gate, By which his foule might from his body flie, Had not his freends perforce preferu'd his (late, And lockt him in his Cabbin, fafe to lie,
Whilfl others fwarm'd where haplelTe Grinuile lay, By cryes recalling life, late runne away.
In this too reflleffe turmoile of vnreft,
The poore Reuenges Maifter dole awaye,
And to the Spanijh Admirall adrefl
The dolefull tidings of this mournfull day,
(The Spanijh Admirall who then oprefl,
Houering with doubt, not daring t'end the fray,)
And pleads for truce, with fouldiour-like fubmifiion, Anexing to his words a ftraight condition.
Alfonfo, willing to giue end to armes, For well he knew Grinuile would neuer yeild, Albe his power ftoode like vnnumbred fwarmes, Yet daring not on flricler tearmes to build, Hee offers all what may alay their harmes Safetie of Hues, nor any thrall to weild,
Free from the Gallic, prifonment, or paine, And fafe returne vnto their foyle againe.
Sir Richard Grinuile. 85
To this he yeelds, as well for his own fake, Whom defperate hazard might indamage fore, As for defier the famous Knight to take, Whom in his hart he feemed to deplore, And for his valure halfe a God did make, Extolling him all other men before,
Admiring with an honourable hart,
His valure, wifdome, and his Souldiours Art.
With peacefull newes the Maifler backe returns, And rings it in the liuing remnants eares, They all reioyce, but Grinuile deadly mourns, He frets, he fighs, he forrowes and defpaires, Hee cryes, this truce, their fame and bliffe adiourns, Hee rents his locks, and all his garments teares,
He vowes his hands mail rent the fhip in twaine Rather then he will Spanijh yoke fuflaine.
The few referu'd, that life efleem'd too well, Knowing his words were warrants for his deede, Vnkindly left him in that monflrous hell, And fled vnto Alfonfo with greate fpeede. To him their Chieftaines mightines they tell, And how much valure on his foule doth feede, That if preuention, not his actions dim, Twill be too late to faue the (hyp or him.
Bajfan made proude, vnconquering t'ouer-come, Swore the braue Knight nor fhip he would not lofe, Should all the world in a petition come : And therefore of his gallants, fortie chofe To board Sir Richard, charging them be dombe From threatning words, from anger, and from bloes, But with all kindnes, honor, and admire To bring him thence, to further Fames defire.
86 The tragedy of
Sooner they boarded not the crazed Barke, But they beheld where fpeechleffe Grinuile lay, All fmeard in blood, and clouded in the darke Contagious curtaine of Deaths tragick day; They wept for pittie, and yet filent marke Whether his lungs fent liuing breath away,
Which when they fawe in ayrie blafls to flie, They ftriu'd who firfl fhould ftanch his mifery.
Anon came life, and lift his eye-lids vp, Whilft they with teares denounce their Generals wil, Whofe honord minde fought to retort the cup Of Deaths fad poyfon, well inflruckt to kill : Tells him what fame and grace his eyes might fup From Baffans kindnes, and his Surgions skill,
Both how he lou'd him, and admir'd his fame, To which he fought to lend a liuing flame.
Aye mee (quoth Grinuile) fimple men, I know
My bodie to your Generall is a pray,
Take it, and as you pleafe my lyms beftow,
For I refpedl it not, tis earth and clay :
But for my minde that mightier much doth grow,
To heauen it mail, defpight of Spani/h fway.
This faid, ore-come with anguifh and with paine, He fwounded, and did neuer fpeake againe.
They tooke him vp, and to theyr Generall brought His mangled carkaffe, but vnmaimed minde, Three dayes hee breath'd, yet neuer fpake he ought, Albe his foes were humble, fad, and kinde ; The fourth, came down e the Lambe that all foules bought, And his pure part, from worfer parts refind, Bearing his fpirite vp to the loftie skyes, Leauing his body, wonder to wonders eyes.
Sir Richard Grinuile. 87
When Bajfan faw the Angell-fpirite fled, Which lent a mortall frarhe immortall thought, With pittie, griefe, and admiration led, He mournfully complaind what Fat's had wrought, Woe me (he cryes) but now aliue, now dead, But now inuincible, now captiue brought :
In this, vniufl are Fat's, and Death declared, That mighty ones, no more then mean are fpared.
You powers of heauen, rayne honour on his hearfe, And tune the Cherubins to ling his fame, Let Infants in the lad age him rehearfe, And let no more, honour be Honor's name : Let him that will obtaine immortall vearfe, Conquer the ftile of Grinuile to the fame.
For till that fire mail all the world confume, Shall neuer name, with Grinuils name prefume.
Reft then deere foule, in thine all-refling peace, And take my teares for tropheys to thy tombe, Let thy loft blood, thy vnloft fame increafe, Make kingly eares thy praifes fecond wombe ; That when all tongues to all reports furceafe, Vet mall thy deeds, out-liue the day of doome. For euen Angels, in the heauen s mail fing, Grimtile vnconquerd died, ftill conquering.
O viinam.
FINIS.
88
| Hat became of the Reuenge aSter Sir Richards death, diuers report di- uerfly, but the moft probable and lufficient proofe fayth, that within fewe dayes after the Knights death, there arofe a great ftorme from the Weft and North-weft, that all the Fleet was difperced, afwell the 2nd tan Fleet, which were then come vnto them, as all the reft of the Armada, which attended their ariuall ; of vvhi ch fourteene fayle, together with the Reuenge., and in her two hundred Spanyards, were caft away vppon the He of S. Michaels ; fo it pleafed them to honour the buri all of that renowned Ship the Reuenge, not fuffering her to perrilh alone, for the great honour fhee at chiued in her life time.
The last Fight of the REVENGE at sea.
[THE FIGHT AND CYCLONE AT THE AZORES.]
BY
pjttssen ban
Linschoten, a native of Enckhuysen, a town in the north of Holland standing on the shore of Zuyder Zee, being ' much addicted to see ana trauaile into strange Countries:' left the Texel on 6 DECEMBER 1576 in a ship (one of a fleet of 80) for San LUCAR DE BARAMEDA, where he arrived on 25 DECEMBER; and at SEVILLE on i JANUARY 1577, where he found one of his brothers : the other had followed the court to Madrid.
Henry II., the King of Portugal, dying, left by will the crown of Portu gal to his nephew, Philip II. of Spain. One of Linschoten's brothers journeying towards Portugal dies at Salamanca. Having learnt Spanish,
ian went, in the service of a Dutch gentleman, into Portugal, and meeting is other brother at Badajos, they came to LISBON on 26 SEPTEMBER 1580. There, quitting his then service, he placed himself with a merchant, with whom he stayed for some two years.
At length he obtained a place in the suite of 40 persons of the friar Don Vincente de Fonseca, who had just accepted the Archbishopric of all the Indies from the king, for a term of four or five years. Linschoten's brother was also Pilot of the San Salvador, in which ship the Archbishop and his suite sailed. The fleet left Lisbon on Good Friday, 8 APRIL 1583, and separating off Madera on 15 APRIL, Linschoten's ship sighted the Indian coast on 20 SEPTEMBER following: the Archbishop making a triumphal entry into GOA on the 3oth of that month. In this city, Linschoten principally resided during his stay in the East.
The Archbishop and the Viceroy having quarrelled, the former left India in JANUARY 1587 tg make his complaints to the King, having dismissed all his servants, his Steward excepted, and Linschoten whom he made general Clerk, throughout all India, of the La santa Crusada, a fund to collect money to redeem European captives in Barbary.
On 16 SEPTEMBER 1588 Linschoten learnt that the Archbishop had died on 4 AUGUST 1587, between the Azores and Portugal. Determininer to return home: he obtained the situation of Factor of the Pepper on board the Santa Crux, which left for Goa on 23 NOVEMBER 1588, and sighted Flores on the 22 JULY 1589; whence they were chased by 3 English ships to Terceira, where they were astounded to hear the following news: —
"That the men of the Island were all in armes, as hauing receiued aduise from Portingall, that Sir Francis Drake was in a readnes, and would come vnto those Islands. They likewise brought vs newes of the ouerthrow of the Spanish fleet before England, and that the English men had been before the gates of Lisbone: whereupon the King gaue vs commandement that we should put into the Island of Tercera, and there lie vnder the safetie of the Castle vntill we receiued further aduise what wee should doe or whether we should saile : for that they thought it too dangerous for vs to goe to Lisbone. Those newes put our fleet in great feare, and made vs looke upon each other not knowing what to say." A 179. Ed. 1598.
Linschoten, continuing his diary while on shore at Terceira, gives us the account here reprinted of the Fight off Flores, 70 miles distant: —
At length, in DECEMBER 1591, he was able to leave the Western Isles in a Flushinger, and safely arrived at Lisbon on 2 JANUARY 1592. On 22 JULY following, he left Sentuval in a fleet of Dutch ships, and finally reached his home at Enckhuysen on 3 SEPTEMBER 1592: ' where I founde my mother, brother and sister all living, and in good health, it being 12 years, 9J4 months after my departure from thence."
9o
[THE FIGHT AND CYCLONE AT THE AZORES.]
|He 25. of Auguft [1591], ye kings Armada comming out of Farol ariued in Tercera, being in all 30. (hips : Bifkaies, Portingals and Span iards, and 10. Dutch flieboats, yat were arefled in Lisbone to feme ye king, befides other fmal fhips Pataxos, yat came to feme as mef- fengers from place to place, and to difcouer the feas. This nauie came to flay for, and conuoy the fhips that mold come from the Spanifh Indies, and the flie-boates were apointed in their returne home, to take in the goods yat were faued in ye loft (hip yat came from Malacca, and to conuoy it to Lisbon.
The 13. of September the faide Armado ariued at the Ifland of Coruo, where the Englifhmen with about fixteene fhippes as then lay, flaying for the Spanifh Fleete : whereof fome or the moft parte were come, and there the Englifh were in good hope to haue taken them. But when they perceyued the kings Army to be ftrong, the Admirall being the Lorde Thomas Howard, commaunded his Fleete not to fall vpon them, nor any of them once to feperate their fhippes from him, vnleffe he gaue commiffion fo to doe / not- withftanding the Vice Admirall Sir Rychard Greenfield, being in the fhip called the Reuenge went into the Spanifh fleete, and mot among them, doing them great hurte, and thinking the reft of the company would haue followed : which they did not, but left him there, and fayled away : the caufe why could not be knowne : which the Spaniardes perceiuing, with feuen or eight fhippes they borded her, but fhe withftood them all,
LINSCHOTEN'S ACCOUNT. 91
fighting with them at the leaft 12. houres together, and funke two of them, orie being a newe double Flie boat of 1200. tunnes, and Admirall of the Flie boates, the other a Bifcaine : But in the ende by reafon 01 the number that came vppon her (he was taken, but to their great loffe: for they had loft in fighting, and by drowning aboue 400. men, and of the Englifh were flaine about a hundred, Sir Ry chard Greenfield himfelfe being wounded in his braine, whereof afterwardes hee dyed.
He was borne into the (hip called the Saint Paule, wherein was the Admirall of the fleet Don Alonfo de Barfan : there his woundes were drefl by the Spanifh Surgeons, but Don Alonfo himfelfe would neither fee him, nor fpeake with him : all the reft of the Captaines and Gentlemen went to vifite hym, and to comfort him in his hard fortune, wondring at his courage, and flout hart, for that he (hewed not any figne of faintnes nor changing of colour. But feeling the hower of death to approch, hee fpake thefe wordes in Spanifh, and faid : Here die I Richard Greenfield, with a ioyfull and quiet mind, for that I haue ended my life as a true foldier ought to do, yat hath fought for his coun- trey, Queene, religion, and honor, whereby my foule moft ioyfull departeth out of this bodie, and (hall alwaies leaue behinde it an euerlafting fame of a valiant and true foldier, that hath done his dutie, as he was bound to doe. When he had finifhed thefe or fuch other like words, hee gaue vp the Ghoft, with great and flout courage, and no man could perceiue any true figne of heauineffe in him.
This Sir Richard Greenfield was a great and a rich Gentleman in E 'ngland, and had great yearely reuenewes of his owne inheritance : but he was a man very vnquiet in his minde, and greatly affected to wane.* in fo much as of his owne priuate motion hee offered his feruice to the Queene, he had performed many valiant actes, and was greatlie feared in thefe Iflands, and knowne of euery man, but of nature very feuere.
92 LINSCHOTEN'S ACCOUNT.
fo that his owne people hated him for his flercenes, and fpake verie hardly of him : for when they firft entred into the Fleete or Armado, they had their great fayle in a readinefle, and might poffiblie enough haue fayled away : for it was one of the bed mips for fayle in England, and the Matter perceiuing that the other fhippes had left them, and followed not after, com manded the great fayle to be cut, that they might make away : but Sir Richard Greenefield threatned both him, and all the reft that were in the ftiip, that if any man laid hand vppon it, he would caufe him to be hanged, and fo by that occafion they were compelled to fight, and in the end were taken.
He was of fo hard a complection, that as he con tinued among the Spanifh Captaines while they were at dinner or fupper with him, he would caroufe three or foure glaffes of wine, and in a brauerie take the glafles betweene his teeth and cram them in peeces and fwallow them downe, fo that often times the blood ran out of his mouth without any harme at all vnto him, and this was told me by diuers credible perfons that many times floode and behelde him.
The Englifh men that were left in the Ihip, as the captaine of the fouldiers, the Mafter and others were difperfed into diuers of the Spanifh mips that had taken them, where there had almoft a new fight arifen betweene the Bifcaines and the Portingales: while ech of them would haue the honour to haue firft borded her, fo that there grew a great noife and quar- rell among them, one taking the chiefe ancient, and the other the flagge, and the Captaine and euerie one held his owne.
The mips that had borded her were altogether out of order, and broken, and many of their men hurt, whereby they were compelled to come into the Ifland of Tercera, there to repaire themfelues: where being ariued, I and my chamber fellow, to heare fome newes went abord on[e] one of the mips being a great
LINSCHOTEN'S ACCOUNT. 93
Bifcaine, and one of the twelue Apoftles, whofe Cap- taine was called Bertandono, that had bin Generall of the Bifcaynes in the fleete that went for England [i.e. in 1588]. Hee feeing vs called vs vp into the gallerie, where with great curtefie hee receiued vs, beeing as then fet at dinner with the Englifh Captain that fate by him, and had on a fute of blacke veluet, but he could not tell vs any thing, for that he could fpeake no other language, but Englifh and Latine, which Bertandano alfo could a little fpeake.
The Englifh Captaine got licence of the gouernour that hee might come on land with his weapon by his fide, and was in our lodging with the Englimman that was kept prifoner in the Hand, being of that (hip wherof the faylers got away, as I faid before. The Gouernour of Tercera bad him to dinner, and (hewed him great curtefie. The Matter likewife with licence of Bartandano came on land, and was in our lodging, and had at the lead ten or twelue woundes, as well in his head, as on his body, whereof after that being at fea, betweene Lislone and the Hands he died. The Captaine wrote a letter, wherein he declared all the manner of the fight, and left it with the Englifh Mar- chant that lay in our lodging, to fend it to the Lord Admiral of England. This Englifh Captaine comming vnto Lisbone, was there well receiued, and not any hurt done vnto him, but with good conuoy fent to Sentuual, and from thence fayled vnto England, with all the reft of the Englimmen that were taken prifoners.
The Spanifh armie [i.e. Armado] ftaied at the Hand of Corno till the lad of September, to affemble the reft of the fleet together ; which in the end were to the number of 140. faile of (hips, partly comming from India, and partly of the Army [i.e. Armado], and being altogether ready vnto faile in Tercera in good company, there fodainely rofe fo hard and cruell a (lorme, that thofe of the Ifland did arfirme, that in mans memorie there was neuer any fuch feen or heard
94 LINSCHOTEN'S ACCOUNT.
of before : for it feemed the fea would haue fwallowed vp the Illands, the water mounting higher than the Cliffes, which are fo high that it amafeth a man to beholde them: but the fea reached aboue them, and liuing fifties were throwne vppon the land. This florme continued not only a day or two with one wind but feauen or eight dayes continually, the wind turning round about, in all places of the compaffe, at the leafl twice or thrice during that time, and all alike, with a continuall florme and tempeft mod terrible to behold, euen to vs that were on more, much more then to fuch as were at fea : fo that only on the coafles and Cliffes of the Hand of Tercera, there were aboue twelue mips cafl away, and not only vppon the one fide, but round about it in euery corner, wherby nothing els was heard but complayning, crying, lamenting, and telling here is a fhippe broken in peeces againfl the Cliffes, and there another, and all the men drowned: fo that for the fpace of 20. dayes after the florme, they did nothing els but fifh for dead men, that continually came driuing on the more.
Among the refl was the Englifh fhip called the Reuenge, that was cafl away vpon a Cliffe nere to the Hand of Tercera, where it brake in a hundred peeces and funke to the ground, hauing in her 70. men gallegos, Bifcaines, and others, with fome of the cap- tiue Englifhmen, whereof but one was faued that got vp vpon the Cliffes aliue, and had his body and head all wounded, and hee being on fhore brought vs the newes, deTiring to be fhriuen, and thervpon prefently died. The Reuenge had in her diuers faire braffe peeces, that were all funke in the fea, which they of the Ifland were in good hope to waigh vp againe.
On the other Iflandes the loffe was no leffe then in Tercera : for on the Ifland of Saint George there were two ihips call away : on the Ifland of Pico two fhippes : on the Illand Gratiofa three fhips, and befides thofe
LINSCHO TEN'S ACCOUNT. 95
there came euerie where round about diners peeces oi broken fhips, and other tilings fleeting towards the Iflands, wherewith the fea was all couered moft pitti- full to behold. On the Ifland of S. Michael/, there were foure fhips caft away, and betweene Tercera and »S. Michaels, three more were funke, which were feene and heard to crie out, wherof not one man was faued. The reft put into fea without Mafls, all torne and rent: fo that of the whole Fleete and Armado, being 140. mips in al, there were but 32. or 33. ariued in Spaine and Portingall, yea and thofe few with fo great miferie, paine and labor, that not two of them ariued there together, but this day one, and tomorrow an other, next day the third, and fo one after the other to ye number aforefaid. All the reft were caft away vpon the Iflands, and ouerwhelmed in the fea: whereby may bee confidered what great loffe and hinderance they receaued at that time : for by many mens iudge- mentes it was efteemed to be much more then was left by their armie [i.e. Armado] that came for Eng land, and it may well bee thought, and prefumed, that it was no other than a iuft plague purpofely fent by God vpon the Spaniards, and that it might truely bee faid, the taking of the Reuenge was iuftlie reuenged vppon them, and not by the might or force of man, but by the power of God, as fome of them openly faid in the Ifle of Tercera, that they beleeued verily God would confume them, and that hee tooke part with Lutheranes and Heretickes : faying further yat fo foone as they had throwne the dead bodie of the Vicead- mirall Sir Richard Greenfield ouer borde, they verily thought that as he had a deuilifh faith and religion, and therefore ye deuils loued him, fo hee prefently funke into the bottome of the fea, and downe into Hell, where he rayfed vp all the deuilles to the reuenge of his death: and that they brought fo great ftormes and tormentes vpon the Spaniardes, becaufe they onely maintained the Catholike and Romim religion : fuch
96 LINSCHO TEN'S ACCOUNT.
and the like blafphemies againfl God, they ceafed not openly to vtter, without that any man reproued them therein, nor for their falfe opinions, but the mod part of them rather faid and affirmed, that of truth it mufl needes be fo.
As one of thofe Indian Fleetes put out of Nona Spaigna, there were 35. of them by ftorme and tem- peft cafi away and drowned in the fea, being 50. in all, fo that but 15. efcaped. Of the fleete that came from Santo Domingo, there were 14. cafi away, comming out of the channell of Hauana, whereof the Admirall and Viceadmirall were two of them : and from Terra Firma in India, there came two fhippes laden with gold and filuer, that were taken by the Englishmen- and before the Spanim Armie [Armado] came to Coruo, the Englifhmen at times had taken at the lead 20. ihippes, that came from S. Domingo, India, Bra- filia, &c. and al fent into England. Whereby it plainly appeareth, that in ye end God wil affuredly plague the Spaniards, hauing already blinded them, fo that they haue not the fence to perceiue it, but flill to remain in their obflinate opinions: but it is loft labour to ftriue againfl God, and to trull in man, as being foundations erected vppon the fands, which with the wind are blowen down, and ouerthrowen, as weedayly fee before our eyes, and now not long fince in many places haue euidently obferued: and therefore let euery man but looke into his owne actions, and take our Low countries for an example, wherein we can but blame our owne finnes and wickedneffe, which doth fo blind vs, that wee wholly forget and reiect the benefites of God, continuing the feruauntes and yoke- aflues of Sathan. God of his mercie open our eyes and hearts, that wee may know our onely health and fauiour lefus Chrift, who onelye can helpe, gouerne, and preferue vs, and give us a happie ende in all our affaires. Sol. 192-4.
B A R N A B E GoO G K
1563-
THREE COPIES ONLY AT PRESENT KNOWN. FROM THE COPY IN THE POSSESSION OF HENRY HUTH, ESQRE.
Edited by EDWARD A R B E R, K.S.A.,
Felloiv of King's College, London ; Hon. Member of the Virginia Historical Society ,
Examiner in English Language and Literature, Victoria University, Manchester;
Professor of English Language and Literature,
Sir Josiah Mason ' s College Birmingham.
H 1 R M 1 N G H A M : MONTAGUE ROAD,
i December 1871. No. 30.
(All rights reserved)
CONTENTS.
CONTENTS, . . . .
FIRST LINES, . . .
Notes of the Life and Writings of BARNABE GOOGE, .
INTRODUCTION, . . >y*
BIBLIOGRAPHY, . . . . • .
lEclogttes, lEpitapfrs, antr Sonnets,
i. [A dedicatory Poem by] ALEXANDER NEVILLE,
ii. Googe's profe dedication to WILLIAM LOVELACE, Efq.,
Reader of Gray's Inn, . ... 24
iii. L. BLUNDESTON'S [profe Addrefs] to the Reader, dated
27 May 1562, . . . .26
iv. The [poetical] Preface of L. BLUNDESTON, . 28
Egloga prima. Speakers, Egloga fecunda. Egloga tertia. Egloga quarta, Egloga quinta. Egloga fexta. Egloga feptima. Egloga octaua.
DAPHNES and AMINTAS. DAM ETAS.
MENALCAS and CORIDON. MELIBEUS and PALEMON. MOPSUS and EGON. FELIX and FAUSTUS.
2
4 5
15 18
19
21
i. Of Lord SHEFFIELD'S death.
i. Of Mafter SHELLEY, flain at Muffelburgh.
3. Of Mafter THOMAS PHAER.
4. Of NICHOLAS GRIMAOLD. .
1. To Mafter ALEXANDER NOWELL.
2. To Dodor BALLE. .
3. To Mafter EDWARD COBHAM.
SlLVANUS. SlRENUS. & SEl.GOVIA. 56
CORIDON and CORNIX. . 62
69 70 72 73
75 76 77
CONTENTS. 3
4. Of EDWARDS of the Chapel. ... 79
5. To L. BLUNDESTON. . . . .80
6. The Anfwer of L. BLUNDESTON to the fame. . 81
7. To ALEXANDER NEVILLE. 81
8. ALEXANDER NEVILLE'S anfwer to the fame. . 82
9. To Matter HENRY COB HAM. Of the mojl bleffedjlate of
life. ..... 84
10. To ALEXANDER NEVILLE. Of the bleffedjlate of him that feels not the force of Cupid's flames. . . 86
11. ALEXANDER NEVILLE'S anfwer to the fame. . 86
12. To Miftrefs A. . . . . .87
13. To GEORGE HOLMEDEN. Of a running head. . 89
14. To the tranflation of Pallingenius' [Zodiac of Life]. 90
15. The Heart abfent. . . . . .91
16. To ALEXANDER NEVILLE. . v . 92
17. The anfwer of A. NEVILLE to the fame. . . 92
18. To Miftrefs D. [i.e. Mary Darrell]. . . 92
19. Out of an old Poet. . . .. * . 93
20. [The Fly and the Candle]. . . * 93
21. [Untitled Sonnet]. . ... . 94
22. [Untitled Sonnet]. . . ', .. » .• . 95 23 . Out of fight, out of mind. . . . • * 96
24. [Apofy]. . . . . . .96
25. [Another pofy]. . . . .97
26. Of the unfortunate choice of his Valentine. . . 97
27. The ttncertainty of life. .... 98
28. A Refufal ....... 99
29. Of Miftrefs D. S. [? DARRELL of Scotneyj. . , 99
30. Of Money. . . - « •. • i% . ; . v loo
31. Going towards Spain. ; . . . loo
32. At Bonivall in^.France. . '.*'''• . 101
33. Coming homewards out of Spain. . ,^ * 102
34. To L. BLUNDESTON. Oj Ingratitude. . . 102 S5. The anfwer of L. BLUNDESTON to the fame. . 104 36. To the tune of Appelles. , '\ ",. . 105
107
COLOPHON and Faultes efcaped, &c. i . 128
4 FIRST LINES OF THE POEMS CONTAINED IN THIS WORK.
By Barnabc (Soogc. ECLOGUES,
1. Syth Phebus now begins to flame, O frende A mint as deare. . 31
2. My beasts, go fede vpon ye plaine, and let your herdtnan lye. , 36
3. A pleasaunt wether Coridon, andfytte to kepe tliefyelde. . 38
4. O God, that guyds ye golden Globe, inker shinyng shapes do divel. 43
5. Som doleful thing there is at hand thy countenaunce doth declare. 47
6. O Faustus, luhom aboue the rest, of Shephardes Jiere that kepe. . 51
7. Sirenus shephard good and thou, that hast y II lucke in loue. . 56
8. Now ragethe Titan fyerce aboue ; his Beames on earth do beate. 62
EPITAPHS.
9. When brutysh broyle, and rage of war in Clownysh hat ts began. 69 to. Wan Mars had moued mortall hate and forced fumysh heate. . 70
11. The hawtye verse, yat Maro -wrote made Rome to wonder muche. 72
12. Beholde this Jletyng world how al things fade. , . -73
SONNETS, &*c.
13. Accuse not God, yffanciefond, do moue thyfoolysh brayne. . 97
14. As oft as I rememore with my self. . . . .86
15. Devyne Camenes that with your sacred food. . . 79
16. Farewell thou fertyll soyle, that Brutus fyrst out founde. . 100
17. Fve,fye, I lothe to speake wylt thou my lust. . . 93
18. Gyue Money me, take Frendshyp who so lyst. .' . JQO
19. Good aged Bale, that with thy hoary heates. . - . . 76
20. If thou canst banish Idleness^ Cupidoes boive is broke. . . 92
21. Not from the high Citherion Hyll, nor from t/iat Ladies throne. 92
22. No vayner thyng ther can be found amyd this vale of stryfe. . 98
23. O fond Affection, wounder of my Hart. . . . 101
24. Olde Socrates, whose wysdome dyd excell. . , -77
25. Ons miisynge as I sat, and candle burnynge bye. . . 93
26. O ragyng Seas, and myghty Neptunes rayne. . . 102
27. Synce I so long haue lyved in pain, and burnt for loue of the. . 87
28. Some men be countyd wyse, that well can talke, . . 80
29. Swete Muse tell me, wher is my hart becom. . . .91
30. Syth Fortune fauoures not and al thyngs backward go. . 99
31. Thy fyledwordes yat from thy mouth did flow. . . 99
32. The greatest vyce that happens vnto men. . . .89
33. The happyest lyfe that here we haue. . . .84
34. The labour swete, that I sustaynde in the. 90
35. The lytell Byrde, the tender Marlyon. . . . 102
36. The lytell Fysh, that in the streme doth fleet. . . 81
37. The Muses ioye, and well they may to te. . . . 75
38. The oftner sene, the more I lust. . . . .96
39. The paynes that all the Furyesfell can cast from Lyinbo lake. . 97
40. The rushyng' Ryuers that do run. .... 105
41. Two Lynes shall tell the Gryefe that I by Lone sustayne. . 97
42. Vnhappye tonge, why dydste thou not consent. . -95
43. When I do heare thy name, alas my hart doth ryse. . . 94
CUP I DO CONQUERED.
44. The sweetest time of al the yeare it was when as the Sonttf. . 107
&. iSUmtJcston.
45. Affections seekes hygh honours frayle estate. . ^ . 81
46. The sences dull of my appalled Muse. . . .28
47. This mirrour left of this thy Byrde I fynde. . V . 104
48. It is not cursed Cupids Dart; nor Venus cancred spyght. . 82
49. The lack of labour -mayms the mind. . . .92
50. The Mount aines hie, the blustryng winds', thefliids,ye Rocks
•withstand. ..... 21
51. The plunged mind in fluds of griefs, tJie Sences drowned quyght. 86
NOTES of the LIFE and WRITINGS
of BARNABE GOOGE.
His furname is alfo varioufly fpelt Cache, Gogke, Gouche, &c.
There was printed at Venice an undated Latin satirical poem in twelve books named after the signs of the Zodiac. Zodiacus [? 1535 — 1539] Vitapidcherrimmo opus atque utilissimum, Marcelli Pal- ingenii stellati Poetce ad illustrissimutn Ferrarite Ducem Hercutes secundemfeliciter incipit. The dedication to Hercules II. d'Este, who was Duke of Ferrara between i Nov. 1534 — 3 Oct. 1559, fixes the date of the impression, to which Thomas Scauranus prefaced a few verses. Mar- cellus Palingenius is believed to be an anagram for Pietro Angelo Manzolli, an Italian, respecting whose life very little is known. We have printed Googe's own account of him at p. 13. Despite its being put on the Index by the Council of Trent ; more than twenty editions of this celebrated Invective have been published in Latin and other languages : including two Latin edi tions at Basle in 1552 and 1557, which Googe may have used in his transla tion and another at London in 1579.
1553- FEB. 20. Thomas Kirchmeyer or Naogeorgus \b. 1511 — d. 29 Dec 1563] was the author of another anti-Papist invective in verse, entitled RegniPapistici, the preface of which is dated 20 Feb. , JUNE, and the imprint June 1553.
1558. $ofa. 17. ISUjabctb gucceeHg to tfje tfjrone.
1559- SEPT. A second edition of Regni Papistici is published at Basle. Nov. 24. The date of Gasper Heywood's poetical preface to his trans lation of Seneca's Thyestes, the printing of which was finished on 25 March 1560. In this preface, he supposes himself to meet Seneca, while in a dream, whom he thus addresses. [The allusions are important as showing the rage for translating then prevailing; and also as virtually announcing Googe's translation, no portion of which had as yet ap peared.]
A labout long (quoth /) it is that riper age doothe craue And who shall trauaile in thy bookes, more iudgement ought to haue Then /; "whose greener yeares thereby no thanks may hope to wynne. Thou seest dame Nature yet hath sette no heares vppon my chynne Craue this therefore oj grauer age, and men of greater skill Full many be that better can, and some perhapps that 'will. But yf thy will be rather bent a yong mans witt to proue, A nd thinks t that eldet lerned men perhaps it shall behoue, In iiuoorks ofivaight to spende theyr tyme, goe "where Mineruaes men, A nd finest witts doe swarme : whome she hath taught to passe -with pen, In, Lyncolnes Inne and Temples twayne, Grayes Inne and other mo, Thou shalt themfynde ivhose paynfull pen thy -verse shall flourishe so, That Melpomen thou ivouldst "well weene had tatight them for to wright, And all their woorks with stately style, and goodly grace t'endite, There shalt thou see the self e same Northe, whose -woorkehis witte displayes. And Dyall dothe of Princes paynte, and preache abroad his prayse. There Sackuyldes Sonetts sweetely sauste, andfeatlyfyned bee, There Norton's ditties do delight, there Yeluertons dooflee Welt pewrde with pen: suche yong men three, as weene thou mightest agaynet To be begotte as Pallas was, ofmightie loue his brayne. Then heare thou shalt. a great reporte of Baldwyns worthie natne Whose Myrrour doth of Magistrates, proclayme etemall fame. And there the gentle Blunduilie is by name ana eke by kynae,
6 NOTES OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF B. GOOGE.
Ofivkome we leame by Plutarches lore, whatfrute by Foes tofynde, There Bauande bydes, that turnde his toyie a Common welthe to frame, And greater grace in Englyshe geues, to woorthy authors name, fhere Googe a gratefull gaynes kathgotte, repjrte that runneth ryfe Who crooked Compasse dot he describe, and Zodiake of lyfe. And yet great nombre more, whose names yf I shoulde now resight, A ten tymes greater woorke then thine, I should be forste to wright.
BARNABY GOOGE, son of Robert Googe, esq. recorder of Lincoln, by Margaret his wife, daughter of Sir John Mantell, was born in or about 1540, at Alvingham, Lincolnshire. He was some time a member of Christ's College in this university, but does not appear to have graduated here. He was also of New College, Oxford. Upon leaving college, he travelled through
France to Spain By his wife he had issue Matthew ; Thomas ;
Robert, Fellow of All Souls' College, Oxford ; Barnaby, master of Magdalen College, Cambridge; Francis; William; Anne; Mary. Cooper. Athen. Cantab, ii. 39. Ed. 1858.
1559. The first of the translations of Seneca ; Troas, by T. Hey- wood, published.
1560. APR. or MAY. There is the following entry in the Stationer's Registers
" Recevyd of Raufe newbery, for his lycense for printing of a boke called pallengenius, and he geveth to the howse . . iiijd '* J. P. Collier. Extracts, &>c. i. 26. Ed. 1848.
This was The First thre Bokes of the most Christian poet Marcellus Palingenius called THE ZODIAKE OF LIFE Newly translated out of Latin into Englysh. This edition, which we have been unable to see, Mr. Collier states, in Bibliographical Catalogue, "This is one of the rarest poetical works in our language : we never had an opportunity of seeing more than the exemplar before us, and our belief is that only one other copy is in existence." ii. 88. Ed. 1865. Mr. Collier also states that it is dedicated to his grand mother lady Hales, and also to William Cromer, Thomas Hpnywood and Ralph Heimund Esquires. Herbert states that he styles this piece, ' the first frutes of his study. 'p. 767. It likewise contains the following initial poems [which we here print from the next edition of 1561] :
She -preface.
T 1 "Then as syr Phebe with backward course, the horned gate had caught, V V And had the place from whence he turnes his lofty face out sought : Amid the entraunce of the grades ofCapricorne he stode, A nd distant far from him away was Marce with fiery -mode, He lackd th[e] aspect of mighty loue and Venus pleasannt lake With beanies he could not broile from hie for heat his Globe forsake. Old Saturne then aloft did lie, with lusty riueledface : A nd with a backward course he rannefrom out the twinnes apacet A nd towardes the Bull he gan to driue intending there to rest, His croked crabbed cankerd limmes in louely Venus nest. Withfrosenface about he loked and vile deformed hewe, And downe the boysterous Boreas sent in enery coste that blewe, Who spoylde the pleasant trees of leaf e, by reft the ground ofgrene, That life in springing springs or plants might no where now be sene : The liuely sappe forsake the bowgh and depe the rote it held And spoyling frutes theflakey snowes on tender bowes they dweld. When down amongest my bokes I sate and close I crouched for cold, Fayre Ladyes nyne with stately steps alofe I might behold, In mantels gyrt of comely grace, and bokes in hand they bare, With Laurell leafe theyr heades were crownd, a sight to me but rare. I saw them come and vp I rose, as dewty moued to meete These learned Nimphes, and down I fall before theyr comely feete. With rosey lippes and shining face and Melpomen her name. This lady fyrst began to speake, and thus her tvordes to frame. Stand vp yong man, quoth she, dispatch, and take thy pen in hand% Wryte thou the ciuil warres and broyle in auncient Latines iand.
NOTES OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF B. GOOGE.
Reduce to English sence she said, the lofty Lucanes verse The cruel chaunce and dolfitH end of Cesars state rehearse, Maddam (quoth Vrany) with that,, in this you do me wrong To moue my man to serue your turne that hath prof esd of long, And vowed his yeares with me to serue in secreat motions hiet To beat his brain in searching forth the rowlinges of the sky. Nay rather take in hand quod she, (and on me ful she lokes) With English rime to bring to light Arattts worthy bokes. Describe the whirling spheares aboue and mouinges euery one, How forced about from. East to West front West to East they gone, A ratus verse wil shew the plain how Circles al they run HOT.U glides ye course thorow croked line of Phebe tJie shining sun. Wheras the fixed Poles do stay, and where the snake doth crepe, In heauens hie among the North where beares theyr course do kepe By this (quoth she) thou shalt receiue immortal fame at last, Much more then if thou shouldst declare those bloudy bankets past. These wordes declard wyth pleasaunt voyce, this Lady held her peace, And forth before them all I saw the loueliest Lady prease : Of stature tal, and Venus face, she semde me thought to haue And Calliope she called was with verse that wrytes so graue, Sisters quod she and Ladies all of lotie his mighty line, To whom no art doth lie vnknowne that heare we may define .* Chefe patrons of the Poets pore, and aiders of their verse, Without whose help their simple heds would nothyng -well rehearse, I am become a suter here to you my Ladies all, For him that heare before you standes as vnto learning thrall, A Poet late I had whose pen, did tread the crabbed wayes, Ofvertuous life, declaring how that men shoulde spend theyr dates. In Romish lande he liued longe, and Palingen his name It was. Whereby he got him selfe an euerlasting fame Of them that learned be. But of the meane and ruder sorte He Hues vnknowne aud lackes therby his iuste and right reporte, Wherfore my sute is to yott all graunte me this wyght a while, That stanJeth heare that he may turne my Poetes stately style, To Vulgar speche in natiue tounge: that all may vnderstande. To this they all agreed and sayed, take thou that worcke in hande, A mased then I answered thus good ladies al (quoth I) Whose Clientes fame, for euerfiies and name can neuer dye Returne your sentence late pronounced call back your wordes agaynt. And let not me take that in hande that I can not attayne. In Englande here a hundred headdes more able nowe therebe, Thys same to doe : then chose the beste and let the worste go free. Best you doe so then that my verse receaue immortall shame, When I shall paye the price ofpaynes with hasarde of my name. With this they all began tofrmune and wholy with on\e\ voice. Take thou this same in hande thei crie, thou hast none other choyse, A ndfast away from me thei fling, as halfe in angry moode Thei lefte me thus in wofull case : whereas a while I stoode, And mused what I best might do, at last my pen I tooke Commaunded thus to English heare, this famous Poets booke. Now since that I haue thus begunne, you (learned) I requyre : With your dispraise or great dysdaine quenche not this kyndledfyre .* But gene me rather cause to ende, this worke so late begonne, So shall I thinke and well bestowde my paynes when all is done. C 811)* boofee to tije rentier.
WHo sekes to shun ye shattring sails of mighty Momus mast, Must not attempt ye sugred seas, where muses ancourcast. For Momus there doth ryde atfiote, with scomefull tonges yfraght J With cancred cracks ofwrathfull words he keeps the passage stray ght. That none without disdaine may passe where muses nauie lies, But straight on them with irrful mode the scornful God hefiies.
8 NOTES OF THE LIFE AND WE.ITINGS OF B. GOOGE.
Since none may scape, I am not he, that can my self assure ' Through surging seas ofdepe disdaine my passage to procure. But am content for to receiue reproche at Momus hand ' Syth none there is, that may the nose ofRhynocere withstand. The learned wyttes I heare requyre with rigour not to iudge The common sort I noughte esteme vnskilful though they grudge. Nor few of them can hold theyr peace butfinde them selues a doet In vewing workes as he that sought, to mende Appelles shoe. Both sorteslwish if that they would contented to remaine, And beare the weaknes of my wit and not therat disdaine.
1561. In this year there appeared the second edition of Googe's translation of the Zodiacus Vita, containing the first six books, see/. 90. and also the following poem, which Mr. Col lier states is not in the first edition.
T F Chaucer nowe shoulde Hue, whose eloquence deuine,
J. Hath paste ye poets al that came ofauncieut Brutus lyne,
If Homere here might dwell, whose praise the Grekes resounde
If Vergile might his yeares renewe, ifOuide myght befounde:
A II these myght well be sure theyr matches here tofynde.
So much dothe England florishe now with men of Muses kynde.
Synce these might find their mates, what shame shall this my ryme
Receaue, tJtat thus I publishe here in such a perlous tyme?
A Poet ones there lyued, and Cherill was hys name :
Who thought of A lexanders actes to make immortal fame.
Bredde vp in Pegase house, ofPoetes aunciente bloude:
A thousande verses y II he made, and none but seuen good.
Sythe Homer, Virgile, and the rest maye here theyr matches see \
Lett Cherill not thereat disdayne, he shall be matched with me.
For eche good verse he dydreceyue a peece of golde (I trowe)
For eche yll 'verse the kynge did bydde his eare shoulde fele a blowe.
Though I presume with him as mate coequall to remaine ."
Yet seake I not herein to be copartener ofhisgayne. »
FINIS.
The above three poems are omitted in all subsequent editions. The Epitaph on Phaer was probably written before Googe went abroad. 1561-2. * WINTER. It is apparent from the allusions on p. 29, that Googe went towards Spain about this time, leaving these Eglogs, &*c. — in the hands of his friend Blundeston.
1562. PENTECOST [MAY 17 &c.] Blundeston writes his poetical preface.
See//. 28-30. MAY 27. He writes his prose preface at //. 26, 27, and leaves all
with the printer. 1562-3? WINTER. Googe reaches home from Spain, while Blundeston is away
from London. /. 25 ; on whose return, he is astonished to
learn that his poems are in the printer's hands, and the paper provided for the impression. Yielding at length to his friend's persuasion he suffers them to appear : finishing Cupido's conquered as he states at /.
1563. MAR. 15. 25. The printing is therefore finished on 15 March 1563,
as stated on the Title at/. 19, and Colophon at/. 128. APR. 28. Alexander Neville's translation of Seneca's (Edipus, is
finished by T. Colwell, who also printed these Eglogs, &*e. We now come to the story of Googe's love, troublous courtship and mar riage. There are traces at pp. 87, 90 of an earlier and unrequited at tachment to Mistress A., previous to his voyage to Spain, but it is his winning of Mary Darrell with which we have now to do. Some preliminary facts must be first touched upon.
What had occurred prior, we are unable to say. Only one short poem to Maystresse Dfarrell] occurs in this collection (i.e. before March 1563): and that is marked by the most delicate respectfulness: but the strange struggle of the two Kentish families with Cecil and Archbishop Parker came about
NOTES OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF B. GOOGE. 9
in this way. John Lennard, Esq. [b. 1509— </. 12. Mar. 1590. act. 81] of Chevening, (N.E. of Tunbridge Wells), was a rich prosperous man of 54 years of age, Prothonotary of the Common Pleas, and possessed of many lands and manors in four other counties besides Kent. [Hasted's Kent. i. 359-360. Ed. 1778.] The elder of his two sons, Sampson Lennard [b. 1545 — d. 20 Sept. 1615] aged 18, was head over ears in love with Mary Darrell. Now theDarrell family, originally from Yorkshire, lived at Scotney, a manor house in Lamber- hurst parish, which is the southernmost parish of that county and adjoins Sussex. They were of lesser note and wealth than the Lennards. Thomas Darrell had married twice. By his first wife, he had a daughter : by his
second, Mary Roydon, daughter of Roydon Esqre of East Peckham, he
had one son, Henry : and four daughters, Mary, Googe's sweetheart ; Eleanor Frances ; and Margaret. [Hasted's Kent. ii. 380. Ed. 1782]
Googe had been a long time a visitor at Scotney, certainly before the publication of this work, as the poem above referred to witnesses : but he does not seem to have betrothed himself till the summer of this year. The curious correspondence on this subject opeiis first with the two following letters from Sir William Cecil, the drafts of which corrected by him, are in the State Paper Office.
1563- OCT. i. Mem. of my Master's letters to Mr Lennard for Bar. Googe. Mr Lennard I haue ben certifyed by Googe who being my ser vant is also my kinsman that whereas there hath of late passed an agreement between him and the daughter of Mr Thomas Darrell in Kent as concerning marriage having her friends consent herein as I understand by her fathers letters written vnto him which I have read and being thoroughly at a poynt for all things between them He hath of late by your means been hindered K> his great grief as also against all due order of well using whereby he hath declared vnto me that minding to do vnto him so great an iniury your opinion is that he is vtterly destitute of friends and that I make no other account of him but as of one of my men. Whereas I esteeme him as my near kinsman and so he shalbe sure to find me in any reasonable case Wherefore I pray you herrin to vse him no otherwise than one whom I well esteem. I haue seen the letters that haue passed between her father and him as also her own letters whereby the matter is made clear vnto me that she hath fully assured herself vnto him."
Knowing what we do of Sir William Cecil's soundness of judgment : the circumstances must have been very strong in favour of Googe before he could have thus written : and as also in the following letter to Mr Darrell.
" After my very hearty commendations. Where as I understand that Googe my servant hath been a sutor to your daughter moved chiefly as I take it by the virtuous report of her and the friendly entertainment that he found at your hands, as both by his information and certain your letters written to him I understand since he hath so far provided that there hath assurance passed between them evidently to be proved by his allegation and her own letters. These shall be to require you not to go about to break the bond so perfectly knit between them, whereof you have been so long a favorer. Considering that you knew as well his estate for living at the first as at any time since and allthough his living be not great ye shall not need to fear that he lacketh friends and wellwishers. Being both my kinsman and my servant. Thus I require you to show him such friendship as you have done before as you would require any frendship at my hands. I haue thought to haue written to my Lord of Canterbury to have made an end of the matter but I trust my letters to you in this case shall be sufficient."
Mr Lennard's own reply to the Secretary of State's request, is now Lansdoivne MS. 7. p. 79-83.
1563- Nov. 10. My duety done vnto your honor. Your lettre directed to
me touching master Googe was delyvered a moneth after the
date thereof to a boye of my howse by a ploughe boy. The
cause not yours but master Googes. I hasted the lesse to sende the answer
for lacke of his messenger: The matter not worth my sending saving to
io NOTES OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF B. GOOGE.
satisfie you The effect of your lettre is that master Googe hath enformed
£>u that he is hindred by my meanes concerning his mariage with master arrell his daughter and that my opinion is that he is destitute of frendes and that you accompte not of him but as of one of your men. Ye write further that the matter is made plaine to you by the maides lettres and her fathers which you haue sene and redde that she hath assured her selfe to master Googe : and in asmuche as it hath pleased you so to put the one side, it occasioneth me to offer to you th[e]other to that ende which els 1 woulde not for the tedyousnes thereof, which may not be shortened.
I praie you double not that I haue good will to pleasure any man of yours muche more your honest kyndesman. There is cause why I shoulde, you being my good Master. ^ But for this marrage I myght and must haue done with honesty as I did, with reuerence I speake it, though it had touched your sonne or the best subiecte in this Realme.
I knowe not master Googe who as he hath sclaundered me to you for your accompting of him being hidden to me, so vntruely and scornefully he as one that seemeth to haue a whoote hedde and a sicke braine wrote to me this somer past that by the extreme highte of my promysed mountaines master Darrell had altered his mynde from him and for riches sake ment to matche his daughter with my sonne and that frendes of the best which shoulde be able to beare strooke with the best of his aduersaries shoulde do and write in the cause. He hath allso mysused me in an other lettre the copy is here inclosed. They that knowe him and my sonne thyncke aswell or better of my sonne as of him to all respectes. And there were not cause why I would wyshe my son buryed. Mountaynes be lyke I promysed none, for master Darrell will confesse that he and his wyfe before master Googes sute, were earnest suters to me and that their daughter was as forward e in desire ar woman hedde would geue leue to matche with my sonne : and that I nevei commended but still disabled my sonne to them all thre and they all thre a! fast habiled and commended my sonne.
Master Darrell telleth me that vppon your lettre sent to him for master Googe he wrote to you that his promyse his wifes and daughters were past them to me for my sonne before master Googes sute and that the talke which he had with master Googe thereof happened by his mystaking of a lettre of myne. He wrote truely to you therein which clereth me.
I had divers talkes with the maide for my sonne in his absence and yet no mo then she was glad of and then delyvered me by her parents. And hereto I call god to witnesse that not withstandyng my obieccions (as of purpose to trye her I moued many to longe to be recyted here that myght haue stayed her from matching with my sonne) so farre was she from a nay that she neuer offred any delay to be my sonnes wif but was most desirous of it in worde and gesture : so that at our last talke, hearynge her mylde and loving answers will full consent to haue my sonne who I know loved her entierly and therefore I hauing good lyking in me that he shoulde be her husband, nature wrought in me for her to lay my ryght hande on her brest and to speake thus in effecte then I see that ivith gods helpe the frute that shall come of this body shall possesse all that I have, and thereupon I -will kyss you. And so in dedel kyssedher. I gaueher after this, silkefor agowne(she neuer wore none so good), and she in token of her good will gave my sonne a handkercher and in affirmance of this her father wrote a letter to me by her consent he saith and that he redde the lettre to her, the copy is here inclosed that declareth her full consent to be my sonnes wife.
Master Darrell dwelleth from me nere xx myles a way that I never vsed but for this purpose and then in somer and at my comyng thither at Bar- tholomewetide last I tulde the parents and maide that I herd say she shoulde haue a husband whereat I merveiled considering the talke that had past betweene vs. They all thre answered me and others for me very often that it was not so and that master Googe was but a suter To prove that to be true the parents sent me afterward a copy herinclosed of the maides lettre sent to master Googe of late wherein she termeth him to be but a «utcr and prayeth him to leue his sute and the parents still say that he hatb
NOTES OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF B. GOOGE. n
no holde of her except that by secrete intysement ageinst their wills he hath caught some worde of her, a thynge odyous to god and not to be favoured by man.
Now if the talke that she had with me had beene to my sonne it had ben a full contracte but my sonne being absent it is not soo. Yet is it suche matter as therevpon he myght the rather be a suter as master Googe is for it is no rare thynge for one woman to haue dyvers suters at ones.
Thus haue I made you a true discourse of all my doings, which I trust you in whose iudgement I durst put all my lande, lyving, and lyfe can not iudge to be ageine any due order of well vsing t^ioughe by master Googes false informaccion ye write in your lettre to me to be ageinst all due order o( well vsing.
I shouldebe no geyner by this my sonnes matching but should haue forgone a M marks with matching in as good a stocke in the countrey where I dwell, and sithens suche encumbrance is wrought as I perceyue there ys on the maides part who as I here wavereth in this case I and my sonne may with honestie geue vp our sute therein for I were to madde to matche my eldest sonne where any entangling is and no stedfastnes at all I pray you thyncke not that I woulde so do as surely I wolde not for any treasure in this worlde And so I knytte vpp that thoughe she woulde my sonne saieth he will not haue her and I say that he shall not haue her.
Master Googe by fyrst talke with me vppon good cause showed might haue staied my sonnes sute soner then by sawsy lettres some sent by ruffians. Yf I sought to marry a beggers daughter I wolde therein offer her father no despite. Master Darrell sayeth that master Googe vseth him so evell seking aide at his ennemyes hande in the countrey about him and hath faced him that he wolde tell the Quene of him and that a seriaunt at armes shoulde fetche his daughter from him and that you shoulde fetche her within a month with a number of other straunge dealings which haue troubled the gentle man muche.
And so I leave to trouble you Wishinge you increase of honor At Cheve- ning the xth of November 1563.
Your seruaunt assuredly to command I. lennard.
ENDORSED. — To the right honourable and his very good Master Sir Wti- liam Cecil knyght chefe Secretary to the Queues maiestie.
The three enclosures of Mr. Lennard's letter are as follows : — ENCLOSURE A. The effect of one of master darells letters sent to master Lennard, which as master Darrell yet sayethe he wrate by his daugh ters consent. Anddydread yt toherandso sent yt to master lennard
After my ryght harty commendations etc. presumynge of youre good wyll and goodnes towardes my daughter mary : althoughe that before yat I moued ye mariage, betwene youre sonne and her I knewe ryght well yat it was my daughters goodwyll and desire to haue it to come to passe : and so moued it by her consent and desire. Yet accordinge to youre godly admoni tion in youre letter, I haue agayne fully trauayled with her therein: and fynde her moste wyllyng and desirouse to matche with youre sonne, so yat she is truly master Sampsonnes : who shalbe sure to haue of her a louynge and obedient wife, and you and mastres Lennarde an obedient daughter. And although nature myghte moue my tonge and penne, to say and write muche in fauour of my daughter, yet as god shall iudge me in this case, if I knewe any spotte in her I would expresse it to you : she is truly gods ser uaunt, and I trust yat he wyll so preserue her. &c. &c.
Your louynge frend T. Darrell.
ENDORSED.— A Copye of ye effect of one of master Darrelles letters, sent to master Lennard.
ENCLOSURE B.— A Copye ofMarye Darelles letter sent to master Goge.
After my harty commendations gentle master Googe where you haue binne and yet do continue a Sutor to me in ye waye of maryage whereunto nether pre- sentl'ye I haue nor I am well assured neuer shall haue, ye good wyll or consent of father nor mother to whome I am both by ye lawe of god and nature bound
12 NOTES OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF B. GOOGE.
to geue honoure and obedyence, and in no wise wyllyngly to greue 01 offend them. And do well consider yat my chefe obedience and dutye to- wardes them, is to be bestowed in maryage by there consentes, and to there good contentation Assurynge my selfe in meditation and thinkynge hereof Hereof yat beynge there obedient chylde and to them most bounden in disobayenge them therein, I shall not only be depriued from yat blessinge, which god hath promised to suche as truly honor there parentes, but allso thalbe assured to fynde and haue ye like disobedience of my chyldren : yf euer god shall geue me any : which by godes grace I wyll eschue. Where fore I hartely beseche you ientle master Googe, if euer any true loue or goodwyll you haue borne towarde me, cease and leave of from all further sute or meanes to me in this matter, lettynge you to wete yat knowynge my parentes myndes to ye contrarye hereof, I wyll in no wyse match with you in any case. And thus wisshmge to you, in other place to matche accord- ynge to your own hartes desire, and to youre farre greter aduauncemente, I bid you farewell. From my fathers house at Scotney this thursday the. xxth of octobre. Marye Darell.
ENDORSED. — A Cf>tvr oj marye Darrells but sent to master Goge, verye latelye.
ENCLOSURE C.
Ryght worshipfull and my louynge frindes I haue receaued youre letters wherein you write yat you perfectly understand ye hole state of ye case yat hath passed betwene master lennard and youre cosinne mary before my acquayntaunce with her, even so have I binne certyfied of a pretye laffynge toye as touchynge a precontracte declarynge at full ye sharp inuencyon of master lennardes graue hedd, whereat if old Democritus were now alyue, I would thynke yat he should haue iuster cause to laffe then at his contrymens folly. Ye seame to wyll a meatynge to be had betwene vs, whereunto I with all my hart consent, althoughe a number consyderyng my case would not doe, consyderynge the martiall furniture yat hath benne prepared ageynst me, and ye Italyon muentyons yat haue binne menaced towardes me, which when ye counsell shal vnderstande, I trust they will not altogether commend. For all this, takyng you to be my verye fryndes, I reioyse to meate you. neyther if my aduersaryes should be in commission, would I feare to seft them. Of one thyng I must craue pardonne, for not beynge able to meate you on sundaye because I haue sent my manne to ye courte, who wyll retorne on munday as I trust, but whether he do or not, I wyll with godes leaue wayte vppon you at yat daye in hast from Dongeon [or Dane gone, a manor house close to Canterbury, at this time the residence of his grand mother Margaret, now a widow of her third husband, Sir James Hales, who died in 1558], the xvith of octobre. Youre louynge frynd Barnabe Goge.
ENDORSED.— A copye of a scornefull letter written by master Goge, to master George Darrell and master Edward Darrell.
From all this it is clear that the Darrell parents were basely striving their very utmost to make their daughter Mary give up her true love and to match for money. Here was the girl in grief and dismay withstanding the alter nate solicitations and threats of her own parents and the attempted hold on her of John Lennard. The matter did not, however, stop with his corres pondence. It went before Archbishop Parker, who refers to it in the fol lowing letter to Cecil, dated ' thys Saturdaye at night beyng the xxth of Nouembre.'
1563. Nov. 19. "Yt may please your honor to vnderstand that I haue grete cause most humblye to gyue the Queenes Maiesty thankes, for the fauor showed toward my request for the preferment of my chaplen and so likewise I hartely thanke your in- stancye therein as by your letters I vnderstand. Wherein ye wryght for your cosyn and seruaunt Barnaby Goge to haue his matter heard accord ing to Lawe and equytie/ which matter as yesterdaye I haue examined a[d]visedly, having not only the yong Gentlewoman before me to vnderstond of her self the state ol I he cause, who remayneth fyrme and stable to
NOTES OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF B. GOOGE. 13
stond to that contract which she hath made, as also her father and mother whom I find, the most ernest parents against the bargain as I ever sawe.
In fyne I haue sequestered her out of both their handes into the custodye of one Mr. Tufton a right honest gentleman, vntyl, the precontract, which is by hir parents alleged for one Leonards son, a protonotary be induced But this maye giue occasion to bryng it in to the Arches to spend moneye how be yt I meane to dull that expectation and to go plane et summarie to worke, to spare expences, which Mr Leonard and the wilful parents wuld fayne incur to wery the yong Gentleman, paraventure not superfluously monyed so to sayle the seas with them." Lands. MS. 6. p. 190.
It is thoroughly satisfactory to find that the parental combination broke down, and that at last, in 1564 or 1565, though at what date we cannot say, two such constant lovers became man and wife.
1565. APR. 28. Googe's final and complete translation of Manzolli's poem ap peared. From the Epistle Dedicatorie to Sir W. Cecil, we extract the following : —
" The fauorable accepting of my simple trauayles lately dedicated vnro your honor, hath so much boldened and thorowelye encouraged me, that ma\vgre the despite of most reprochfull tongs, I haue not feared to finish the course of my long pretended race: with no lesse profile as I trust, vnto a number, than paynefull trauayle vnto my selfe. Wherein if I had knowen at the firste, as much as since I haue perfectly vnderstode, neyther had I as then taken vpon me so great an enterprise, nor since so rudely finished, the translation of so eloquent a Poet. For when 1 fyrste began to employ some part of my leysure aboute it, making dilligente inquirie, I could learne of no man that euer had attempted to english the same. So that perceyuing my labour to be no hindraunce to any other mans prayse, and lamenting to see so Christian a writer to lie hyd and vnknowen to the ignoraunt sorte, I thought I should not do amisse, if al that in me lay I bestowed, in the albeit simple and slender, yet faythfull and true translation, of so vertuous a worke. But since I haue certaynely vnderstoode, that when I firste began to fall in hand wythall, three bookes thereof were both eloquentely and excellently englished, by Master Smith, clark vnto the most honorable of the Queenes Maiesties counselL Whose doings, as in other matters I haue wyth admira tion behelde, so in thys I am well assured I should with an amased minde haue scene : I would that eyther I had latelier begonne it, or else that he had fallen in hand sooner with it, whereby my grosse and homely style might haue bene no hindrance to the fruites of so pure a penne. But since it was my fortune, so blindely to venture vpon it, I truste my trauayle shall neuer the more be enuied. I could not (when I had long debated ye matter with myselfe) finde out a Poet more meete for the teaching of a Christian life (an estate in these oure dayes most miserably decayed; than this no lesse learned than famous Italion : Marcellus Pallingenius, a man of such excellent learn ing and Godly life, that neither ye vnquietnesse of his time (Italic in those dayes raging wyth most cruell and bloudy warres) ne yet the furious ty ranny of the Antichristian Prelate (vnder whose ambicious and Tirannicall gouernaunce he continually liued) coulde once amase the Muse, or hinder the zealous and vertuous spirit of so Christian a Souldiour. I haue many times much mused wyth my selfe, howe (liuing in so daungerous a place) he durst take vpon him so boldely to controll the corrupte and vnchristian Hues of the whole Colledge of contemptuous Cardinals, the vngracious ouerseeings of bloudthyrsty Bishops, the Panchplying practises of pelting Priours, the manifold madnesse of mischeuous Monkes, wyth the filthy faternitie of flat tering Friers. Which surely he durst neuer haue done, but onely that he was heartened wyth a happy and heauenly spirite. Which notable auda- citie of his was wonderfully reuenged by the malicious hands of such as felt themselues fretted with his spiritual corsey. For when they had no power to execute their tyrannic vpon his innocent body in time of his life, their mischieuous malice was no whit ashamed to consume with fyre the blamelesse bcnes of so vertuous a man : yea and that a great while after his death. Be sides the reprouing of the leud Hues of the Clergie, he boldly inueyed agaynst
14 NOTES OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF B. GOOGE.
the gracelesse gouernance of proud pompous Princes, ye licencious liulng of the riottous nobilitie, couetous catchings of greedy Lawyers, the vn- godly gaynes of foolish Physitians, and the corrupted consciences of deceyt- ful Artificers : affirming playnly, that if they did not better beautify their Christian names with a more Christian life, of so many thousands as haue in vaine receiued that most holy sacrament of sacred Baptisme, there should scarce three aspire vnto the enheritance of Heauenly ioyes. What doth your honor suppose this man would haue written? Vnto how great a volume doe you thinke his works would haue amounted, if so that GOD had ap- poynted him to florish at this present time in England, wheras pitifully raigneth such monstrous and horrible pride, such cancred and spiteful malice, such false and fayned friendships, such lack of loue air.1 charity, such pro fessing of God in words, and denying him in works, as doubtlesse is not to be found among the faythlesse Turks, miscreant Sarazens, or superstitious lewes? . . .
I would therfore wish that we should not to much presume of the securitie obtayned by a Christian name, but that we should wyth our endeuour apply* our selues to shew such fruits as duetie requireth in the followers ofChriste. Whereby we shoulde not'onely preuayle agaynst our enemies, and stoppe the mouths of our slaunderous aduersaries, but also enjoy a blessed and happy tranquility in this worlde, and be assured to ob- tayne the promised pleasures in the worlde to come. For the teachinge whereof, I know no man that hath so much trauayled and perfectly profyted, as hath this Poet, which here present vnto your honor.
1570. Googe's translation of Kirchmeyer's poem appears dedi-
1574-1575. cated to Queen Elizabeth, under the title of The Popish
Kingdome or reigne of Antichrist, 1572* OCT. 18. Dame Hales, Googe's maternal mother dies.
There are no less than twenty autograph letters of Googe between these years in the State Paper Office calendered under S. P. Domestic. Ireland. Googe — who held the patent of Provost Marshal to the Court of Connaught —was sent over by Lord Burleigh to watch Irish affairs. Most of these letters will be found in the life of Googe contributed by Mr Pinkerton to Notes and Queries, 3rd S. iii.
1576. He published a revised text of his translation of the Zodiacus mice.
1577. He published a translation from the Latin of the Four Pokes of Husbandrie of Conrad Heresbachius. The preface is dated Kingston [upon Hull ?] January 1577.
1578. A second edition of this book appeared.
1579. He supplied a prose address to B. Rich's Allarme to England.
1579. He published a translation from the Spanish of The Proverbs
of Inez Lopez de Mendoza, Marquis of Santillana.
1586. A third edition of his revision of Heresbachius appears.
1588. A second edition of his revised text of his translation of
Palingenius appeared.
T. Warton, Hist, of E. P. states on authority of the Coxeter MSS. that Googe also translated Aristotle's Categories.
I am indebted to Mr. C. Bridger, Hon. Member of the Soc. of Ant. of Newcastle, for the following information respecting Googe's death. 1594. FEB. Barnabee Goche of Alvingham, co. Lincoln. Esq. Inq. post. mort. taken at Lowth 6 Oct. 36. Eliz : died circa 7 Feb. 36. Eliz : Matthew Goche his son and heir then 28 years old. FEB. 16. Barnabas Goche of Alvingham, co. Lincoln, Administration granted to Mary Goche his relict. Perog. Ct. of Cant.
INTRODUCTION.
|He continuity of the Art of Poefy in this coun try has been unbroken from the time of Chaucer to our own day. Not that great or even confiderable Poets have overlapped one another in a continuous fucceffion : but there have never wanted thofe who, according to the gift that was in them, have perpetually reprefented by their Song, beauty of expreffion, refinement of ideas, ethereality of fancy, vigour of fatire, or the paffion and merriment of human life. During no portion of this time has England been wholly deflitute of true Poetry, or barren of real * makers.'
2. In comparison with the literary fplendour and glory that crowned the lad days of Elizabeth, the early years of her reign might feem poor and ftunted in mind. But it is only with fuch a comparifon ; one which alfo dwarfs not only earlier but later ages. Actually, the firft two decades of this reign are a general advance in this branch of literature on the two previous reigns, and more efpecially exhibit a fharp rebound from the oppreffivenefs of the government of Philip and Mary.
Therefore, juft as we delight to fearch out the foun tain head, and to trace the early flreamlets of a mighty river which, in its full flrength, may carry on its bofom world of wealth for the ufe and pleafure of man ; fo it behoves us clofely to fcan thefe firft buddings of a free literature in the genial fpring-tide ot the new Queen's reign ; now that the furious florms of religious and intellectual oppreffion had paffed away : and fo to trace out the works of that race of writers who were the heralds, the forerunners, the teachers of Spenfer,
1 6 Introduction.
Shakefpeare, and Johnfon, and their glorious phalanx of contemporary poets.
We have faid 'general' advance, becaufe Tottel's Mifcellany of 1557 is, in its varied excellence, the fubftantive beginning of modern Englifh verfe. Yet that collection reprefents the poetical gleanings of three entire reigns, and is exceptional from the general literature* of the time in which it was printed. But with the new Queen poefy came into fafhion, and almofl all the young gentlemen of the Inns of Court tried their prentice hands at it.
3. As in fpring-tide we gather flowers rather than fruits, fo in this earlier literature we mufl look for im- perfedl Aflays rather than finifhed Maflerpieces. Moft modern literatures have commenced with tranilations, imitations, and the like. At this time there was quite a rage for tranflating. The riches of old claffical thought and flyle ; the charms of Italian and Spanifh fiction; hiflory, morals, tragedies, romances both in profe and verfe ; with tranflated poems, conflituted the (laple of Englifti polite literature at this time. With this there was the conftant accretion of The Mirrour
for Magiftrates, and alfo, though not to any large ex tent, original lighter verfe, as in the prefent work and alfo George Turberville's Epitaphes, Epigrams, Songs, and Sonets, of which there are believed to have been three editions by 1570; of the earlieil of which no copy is at prefent known.
4. Affociating with many of thefe tranflators, him- felf diflinguished for his Englifti verfion ot Manzolli's Zodiacus Vita, Barnabe Googe, a young gentleman of 20 to 23 years of age, frem from college, wrote for his private delectation mofl of the contents of this Reprint. How his friend Blundefton lent what he had written to the * poor printer,' with two prefaces ot his own, about
Introduction. 1 7
Whitfuntide 1562, and how Googe in 1563 came at length to acquiefce in their completion and publica tion, is fufficiently told by themfelves in the prefaces, and need not be here repeated.
5. It is noteworthy that there was a general habit about this time of cutting the long twelve or fourteen fyllable line into two, fo that the rhyme only occurs on the fecond and fourth lines. This is noticeable in the early tranflations of Seneca between 1500-1560, by Jafper Heywood, Alexander Neville (a contributor alfo to this volume), John Studley, Thomas Nuce, and Thomas Newton, as alfo in the poetical works of George Turberville and others. The fole reafon foi this would feem to have been to print on a fmall page of paper ; for in some of thefe works poems do occafion- ally occur in fmaller type with fuch lines at full length.
6. In the flory of Englifh literature this most rare volume occupies an important place from its epitaphs of Phaer and Grimaold, both of them tranflators ; and its Sonnets to Dean Nowell, Bifhop Bale, and Richard Edwards ' of the Chappel.' Some of thefe have been printed by Mr. Collier in his Bibliographical Catalogue; but the work, as a whole, has never been printed fince i5th March 1563. Cordial thanks are due and tendered to Mr. Huth for the loan of his copy for this edition.
7. This fmall Collection is alfo interefling as being to a large extent native verfe, though on the Italian model. It was undoubtedly in much fuperinduced by Tottel's Mifcellany, to which it is in nature and quality the next in time ; being itfelf fucceeded by Turberville's Epitaphes, Epigrams, •, 6-£, and that by a fucceflion of fimilar works, until the appearance of Francis Davifon's Poetical Rhapjody of 1602.
1 8 Bibliography.
8. One very noticeable feature of Googe's compofi- tions in this volume is his earned Proteflantifm. He had known fome good Shepheards Daphnes or Alexis, that had flamed in the fire of the Maryan perfecution. Almofl all his publications are flrongly anti-Rom an ift. Taught by the Reformers of Ed ward VI.'s time, horrified at the cruelties of Mary's reign ; Googe reprefents both the intellectual and moral hatred of the young educated Englimmen of that time of the entire Papal fyftem.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Issues in the Quthot's lifetime. I. — As afeparate publication.
1. 1563. London. I vol. 8vo. 88 leaves.
There appear to have been printed two title- pages to this work.
Of the three copies known, two are thofe in the collection of Mr. Huth, and in the Capel collection at Trinity College, Cam bridge, have the title as on the oppofite page ; while Mr. W. C. Hazlitt defcribes, in his Handbook of Pop. Lit., Ed. 1867, the title of Mr. Heber's copy, now in the collection of Mr. S. Chriftie-Miller, at Britwell, thus : Eglogs, Epytaphes, and Sonettes by Barnabe Googe. COL. Imprynted at London in S. Brydes-Churchyarde, by Thomas Colwell, for Raufe Newbery ; and are to be fold at his fhop in Fleteftreet, a little above the conduit 1563. 15 die Menfis March. It is alfo to be noted that the firft two alfo vary between themfelves at the beginning of Egloga feptima : fee p. 56.
Issues since the Author's Ueatfj. I. As afeparate publication. •
2. 1871. DEC. I. Englijh Reprints : fee title on/. I.
Epytaphes, anft Sonettes. JBetolg tontten fig
Barnabe Googe: 1563-
Emprgntetr at riontron,
Cfiomas Coltoell, for Kaffe
iSetofierp, Otoeigng in
jTleetftrete a Utle a=
fiouetfieConOuit
int&elatefljop
Xarteiet
21
C Alexander Neuyll.
He Mountaines hie the bluftryng winds
The fluds : ye Rocks withfland The Cities flrong, the Cannons Ihot,
and threatning Cheiftains hand. . The Caflels houge by longe befeyge,
and dredfull battrye brooke, [thumps Bothe fyre, and flames, and thundrynge
and euery deadly flroke, With feruent broylyng furious rage,
doth beate, and dryue to groun The long defenced wals by force, and throughly them confound. Ryght fo thy Mufe (O worthy Googe.)
thy pleafaunt framed ftyle Difcouerd lyes to momifh Mouthes
Reprochfull tongs and vyle Diffaming minds. Regard them not
preas thou for hygher prayfe. Submit thy felfe to perfons graue, whofe Judgement ryght alwayes By Reafon rulde doth ryghtly iudge, whom Fancies none can charme, Which in the mofl Inconflant brains,
are chyefly wont to fwarme. Whom no defyre of fylthy gayne,
whom lucre none can moue From truth to flray. Such men efleam,
Such fuch embrace and loue. On fuch men flay thy tender years,
fuch Patrons feeke to chufe. Which taught by Tyme, and practifde Proofe
vprighteft Judgement vfe. But as for thofe Crabfrfowted beftes
thofe ragyng feends of Hell. Whofe vile, malicious, hatefull mindes, with boylyng Rancour fwelL
22
Which pufe with Pryde, enflamd with fpight,
and drownd in deape difdain : Lyke Momus monflrous broode outright
euen of a ielows Brayn With curious, canckard, carping mouthes,
mofl famous dedes diffame, Defacing thofe whofe labours great,
Deferue immortall name. Such crabfaced, cankerd, carlifh chuffs
within whofe hateful 1 breftes, Suche Malice bydes, fuche Rancour broyles,
fuch endles Enuy refls Efleame thou not. No prejudice
to thee : nor yet opreft, Thy famous wrytynges are by them.
Thou lyueft and euer malt. Not all the flaundryng tonges aliue,
may purchafe blame or fault Vnto to thy name (O worthy Googe.)
No tyme, no fyrye flame Not all the furies frettyng Force,
Thy doynges may dyffame. Let them in broyle of burning fpight,
continuall Toyle fuflayne Let them fele fcourging Flags of mind
Let euer duryng payne, Spred through their poifoned vaines,
with payfe of dedly waight : Let Care Oppreffe theyr vyle infected Harts,
with ftynging Malyce fraight. Let them deflroy them felvs in Time.
In Rancour let them boyle. Let mortall hate, let pynching gryefe,
let flamyng torments broyle, Within theyr greuous vexed brefls,
for euermore to dwell Let them fele Enuies curfed force,
(confumyng Feend of Hell.)
23
Defye them all.
and fquynteyd Monfters ryght They are. In fyne leue Sow to fwilt
and Chuff to canckerd Spyght. But thou procede in vertuous detJes,
and as thou hafle begon, Go forward ftyll to aduaunce thy fame
Lyfes Race halfe ryghtly ron Farre eafyer tis for to obtain,
the Type of true Renown e. Like Labours haue been recompenfl
with an immortall Crowne. By this doth famous Chaucer lyue,
by this a thoufande moore Of later yeares. By this alone
the olde renowmed Stoore Of Auncient Poets lyue. By this
theyr Praife, aloft doth mownt. Vnto the Skyes: and equall is
with Stars aboue. Accownt Thy felfe then worthy of the lyke,
yf that thou dofle proceade By famous deds thy Fame to enhaunce
and name abroade to fpreade. With Courage flout than through the thikft
thou needfl not for to feare. Nor he that fayth, but he that doth,
ought Gloryes Garlande weare. • Thus malt you flyll augment thy name,
and wyn the hyghe Renowne, And prefent Prayfe, in prefent Lyfe,
and after Death a Crowne Of Honour, that for euer lafts.
immortall Fame in fyne. To whofe reward, thy faithfull Frend
doth wholly the refygne.
{[ Finis.
.'On the next page in the original Edition, are the arms of Barnabe Googe.]
To the ryght wor/hip*
full M. William Louelace
Efquier, Reader of Grayes
Inne: ( Barnabe Googe )
wyffheth health.
Owe lothe I haue ben, beyng of long tyme earnefllye requyred, to fuffer thefe tryfles of mine to come to light : It is not vnknowen to a greate nombre of my famyliar acquaintaunce. Who both dayly and hourely moued me therunto, and ly tell of long tyme preuayled therin. For 1 both confydered and wayed with my felfe, thegrofenesof my Style: whichethus com- mytted to the gafynge fhewe of euery eye fhuld forth with difclofe ye manifefl foly of the Writer, and alfo I feared and miftrufled the difdaynfull myndes of a nombre both fcornefull and carpynge Correctours, whofe Heades are euer bufyed in tauntyng ludgementes. Leafl they fhuld otherwyfe interprete my doyngs than in deade I meant them. Thefe two fo great mifchiefes vtterly dif waded me from the folowynge of my frendes perfwafions, and wylled me rather to condem them to continuall darke- nes, wherby no Inconuenience could happen : than to endaunger my felfe in gyuynge them to lyght, to the difdaynfull doome of any offended mynde. Notwith- flandynge all the dylygence that I could vfe in the Suppreffion therof coulde not fuffife for I my felfe beyng at that tyme oute of the Realme, lytell fear- ynge any fuche thynge to happen. A very Frende of myne, bearynge as it femed better wyll to my doynges than refpectyng the hazarde of my name, commytted them all togyther vnpolyfhed to the
25
handes of the Prynter. In whofe handes durynge his abfence from the Cytie^ tyll his returne of late they remayned. At whiche tyme, he declared the matter wholly vnto me : Ihewynge me, that beynge fo farre pall, and Paper prouyded for the Impreffion therof : It coulde not withoute great hynderaunce of the poore Printer be nowe reuoked. His fodayne tale made me at ye fyrft, vtterly amazed, and doubting a great while, what was befl to be done : at the lengthe agreyng both with Neceffytie and his Counfell, I faydo with Martiall. iamfed poteras tutior effe domi. And calling to mynde to whom I myght chieflye commyt the fruytes of my fmiling mufe: fodaynly was call before my eyes the perfect vewe of your frendly mynd (gentle Maifler Louelace) Vnto whom for the nombred heapes of fundrye Frendmyps, accountynge my felfe as bounde, I haue thought bell to gyue them, (not doubtyng) but that they fhalbe as well taken, as I do prefently meane them.
Defyrynge you herein, as all fuche as mall reade them efpeciallye to beare with the vnpleafaunt forme of my to haflely fynyfhed Dreame, the greater part wherof with lytle adnyfe I lately ended, becaufe the beginnyng of it, as a fenfeles head feparated from the body was gyuen with the reft to be prynted. And thus defyrynge but for recompence the frendly re- ceyuyng of my flender Gyfte, I ende : wyfhynge vnto you good Mayfler Louelace in this life the happye enioyeng of profperous yeares: and hereafter the bleffed eftate of neuer ceafynge loye.
4[ yours afluredly
Birnabe Googe.
Hereafter follows on the next page the original Edition, a rough woodcut of Daphnes and A mitt fas.]
C L. Blundefton to the Reader.
O creepe into thy fauoure (good Reader) with a longe paynted Preamble in prayfe of this Auctor, I account it as vain. The Sonne Beames gyues light fufficient. To moue thy Affection with forepro- myfed pleafure in reading the volume, I think it as Booteles. Gold is of felf force and vertue to draw the defire. But with flowers of Rethoriquefyrfl to delyght the, or with Pythy Reafons to wynne thy good wyll and frendlye Reporte for this my attempte : yf fuche tropes and fignes were flowing in me to perfwade wel thy fauour or fo muche Difcrefcion wantynge in the to necglecte my good meanyng, I would eyther enforce my felf to vfe a better kynde of perfwafion or els withdrawe my good wyll from the Sentence of fo carpynge and flender a Judgement : but as I haue felte no fluddes of the one, fo likewyfe I fee no Ebbes of the other, that if I weare no more barraygne of the fyrfte, then fearefull of the lafte : I woulde be then no more fparynge to horde vp my Treafure from the: then I truft to fynd the vnthankfull now in takyng this Prefent from me, which not onely to (hewe my good wyll, (as my Preface difcourfeth more largely) by preferuynge the worthy Fame, and Memorye of my deare frende M. Googe in his ab- fence I haue prefumed more bouldely to hazard ye pryntyng heareof, though this maye fuffyce to excufe well my enterpryfe, but alfo to ftyrre vp thy Pleafure
27
and further thy proffit by readyng thefe his workes, whiche here I haue Puplyfhed [? Publyihed] : openly vnto thee. And fo (beyng vnftored my felffe) I feake to fateffie thy learned or willyng defyre with other mens trauaeiles. But wheare the power fayleth the will may fuffice, the gyuer, not the gyft is to be regarded : preferre Colonus Radyfhe roote before the Courtiers barbed horfe.
Accept my goodwyll and way not the valew, fo malt thou bynd me if power (as it is vnlikely, maye aunfwere hearafter my meanynge, to gratefie thee with the whole fruits of myne owne indeuour and fo malt thou encourage others to make the partaker of the like or farre greater Jewels who yet doubtyng thy vnthankefull receyte nigardly keape them to their own vfe and priuat commoditie, whear as beynge affured of the contrarye by thy frendly report of othel mens trauayles, they coulde parhappes be eafely entreated more frely to lend them abroad to thy greater auayle and furtheraunce. Thus therfore to thy good or euill taking I put foorth this paterne for others to follow in weightyer matters or els to beware by other mens harms, in keaping their names vnre- proued by fylence.
f[ From my Chambre,
the. xxvii. of Maye.
1562.
28
C The Preface of "L. Blundefton.
HE Sences dull of my appalled mufe Foreweryed with the trauayle of my brayne In fcannyng of the argued Bookes diffufe, And darke for me the glimeryng fyght
to gayne,
Debated long what exerfyce to vfe, To fyle the edgeles partes of Wit agayne To clenfe the Heade from fleapy humours
flyme. To roufe the Hart from drowfye Dreames
in time.
The mind defyres to brek from thoughtful denne And time requyres the painted felds to vewe. The Eye procures to pleafe the Fancie then With fieldim fights of diuers colours newe. The fmelling likes the fauour fwete of them. The Eare agrees the pleafaunt laye anewe Of Byrds to here. Thus thefe do all contryue, With this difporte the Spirits to reuyue.
But Fancie then, by ferche of felfe deuyfe, Renouncyng thus to fpende the pleafaunt Maye So vainly out with fport of fruteles Pryce Found out at length, this practyfe for my playe, To penne in Verfe, the toyes of her deuife, To pas this tyme of Pentecofle awaye Whofe ydle dayes, me wyld me thus to fpende. And publim forth her doings in the ende.
Quod Reafon no, (and brake her tale begon, Wilt thou prefume, lyke Bayarde blynd to preffe, Into the throng of all the lookers on Whofe vewyng eyes, will wey thy wifdom lefle.
29
To fe the threde of all thy workes yll fpon Drawen out at length, vrito the comon geffe, Then if thou muldfl keepe to thy felfe thy clewe Where none thy works befydes thy felf may vew
With this rofe vp, from oute her Seate behynde, Dame Memorye, and Reafon thus befought. Since Lady chiefe of vs thou art affygnde To rule and temper all my fecrete thought And to reflrane affections Fancie blynde, Let me entreate if I may perce the ought, For to prefent a Solace very fytte Our Sences dull with chaunged Mufe to whet,
Lo here the Eye a Paper buntche doth fe Offyled worke of Googes flowing Heade, Lefte here behynde, when hence he pafl from me In all the flormes that Winter blaftes befpreade Through fwellyng Seas and lofty e mountains hye Of Pyrenei the pathes vnknowen to treade. Whofe great good wyll I kepe, and in his place His Yerfes craue to reprefent his face.
Ynfolde the truffe th erf ore and yf the Mufe Be fotted fo with this graue Study pafl In fo fhort fpace, or if we feke to chufe To prynt our actes in fafetie at the lafl Ceafe of a whyle this Labor and perufe Thefe Papers left of fuche delyghting tafle And put in prynt thefe workes of worthy Skyll So mall we fhowe the fruytes of our good wyll.
This Fancie lykte, imagynyng aryght
Of her owne loye in hearyng of his Verfe
And pleafaunt Style, moft pythyly endyght
whofe Fame forth blowen, his deds could wel reherie
But for to paynt my name in open fight
with others Stuffe, this wold me fayne reuerfe,
And thinkes I Ihould in others Plumes fo mow
My felfe, to be a feconde Efops Crowe.
3°
But after when the Eye had vewed eche Lyne. That Googe had pend and left behynde with me, when Memorye could all the effect refygne, To Reafons Skyll, to weye them as they lye. with long reherfe of tryed Fayth by tyme Then Fancie foone her Pryde, began to plye And all receyued muche pleafure to the Mynde More profytte farre then Fancye had aflygnde.
And Fancie thus her felfe with blufhyng face, Condemned by Dame Reafons dome deuyne To fe th[e]alluryng Style the cumly grace, The fappye Sence of this his paffyng Ryme, So farre furmountynge her Inuention bafe, And hearyng of his frendlynes in fyne whiche Memorye her Storehoufe held full faile Allowed well theyr Judgements at the lafte.
Since euerye Sence did wonted flrength renue, The Blud congeld, recourfed to his place The wyts benomd brought to their proper quue The Hart opprefl with old delighting grace, Vnburdend nowe and puft with pleafure newe By takyng of this Booke the vewyng gafe. They all at ons Good wyll nowe calde vpon, To wreft her felfe to quyght thefe works anon.
Thus pufhte I forth ftrayghte to the Printers hande Thefe Eglogs, Sonets, Epytaphes of men Vnto the Readers Eyes for to be Ikande, with Prayfes fuche as is due vnto them who abfent nowe theyr Mailer may commende, And feade his Fame what foeuer fayleth him, Gyue Googe therfore his owne deferued Fame, Giue Blundefton leaue to wyfli wel to his name :
€T Finis.
Egloga prima.
Yth Phebus now begins to flame,
O frende Amintas deare: And placed hath his gorgeous globe
in midfle of all the Spheare And from ye place doth cafl his Be^mes,
where (they that flarres defyne; Lyes poynt (doo faye) that termed is,
ryght Equinoctial lyne. wheras the Ram doth caufe to fpring,
eche herbe and floure in fyelde And forceth ground (yat fpoyld of grene
Did lye,) newe grene to yelde. Let fhepherds vs yelde alfo tales,
as befl becommes the tyme : Such tales as Winter llormes haue ftayde
in countrey Poets Ryme. Begyn to fynge Amintas thou,
for why? thy wyt is beft: And many a faged fawe lies hyd
within thine aged breft. Ofte haue I heard, of Shephards old,
thy fame reported true, No Herdman Hues: but knowes the praife,
to olde Amintas due: Begyn therfore, and I gyue eare,
for talke doth me delyght, Go Boye : go dryue the Beaftes to fede whyle he his mynde refyght.
37 Egloga,
Thy prayfes Daphnes are to great,
and more for me than meete : N or euer I, fuche faged fawes,
could fynge in Veries fwcete. And now, to talke of fpring time tales
my heares to hoare, do growe, Suche tales as thefe, I tolde in tyme,
when youthmll yeares dyd flowe. But fynce, I can not the denye,
thy Fathers loue doth bynde : In fymple Songe I wyll adreffe
my felfe, to fliowe my minde. Longe haft thou Daphnes me requyred
the ftate of Loue to tell, For in my youth, I knewe the force,
and paffions all, full well. Nowe Loue therfore I wyll define,
and what it is declare, which way poore fouls it doth entrap
and howe it them doth fnare. My Boie, remoue my beafts from hens
and dryue them farther downe, Vpon the Hylles, let them go feade,
that ioyne to yender towne,
0 Cupyde kynge of fyerye Loue, ayde thou my fyngynge Verfe,
And teache me heare the caufe and cafe,
Of Louers to reherfe, Direct my tong, in trothe to treade,
with Furye fyll my brayne, That I may able be to tell,
the caufe of Louers payne. Opinions diuers coulde I mowe,
but chiefeft of them all,
1 wyll declare : and for the reft, with filence leaue I mail.
A lenient Humour, (fome do iudge) within the Head doth lye,
prima. 33
Which yfluyng forth with poyfoned beames
doth ron from eye to eye : And taking place abrode in heads,
a whyle doth fyrmely reft : Till Phrenfie framde in P'ancie fond,
difcends from hed, to breft. And poifon ftrong, from eies outdrawn
doth perce the wretched harte, And all infectes the blond aboute,
and boyles in euery parte : Thus : when the beames, infected hath,
the wofull Louers blud : Then Sences al, do ftrayght decaye,
opprefl with Furyes flud. Then Lybertie withdrawes her felf,
and Bondage beares the fwaye, Affection blynd then leades the hart,
and Wyt, is wownde awaye. O Daphnes then, the paines appeare,
and tormentes all of hell. Then fekes, the felye wounded foule,
the flames for to expell. But all to late, alas he ftiyues,
for Fancie beares the ftroke And he, muft toyle (no helpe there is)
in flauyflhe feruyle yoke. His blud corrupted all within,
doth boyle in euery vayne, Than fekes he howe to fewe for falue
that maye redrefie his payne. And when the face, he doth beholde
by whiche he fhulcie haue ayde, And fees no helpe, then lookes he long,
and trembleth all afrayde. And mufeth at the framed fhape,
that hath his lyfe in handes : Nowe faft he flies, aboute the flames,
nowe ftyll amafed ftandes : c
34
Yet Hope relieues, his hurtful Heate
and Wyll doth Payne make lyght, And al the griefes, that then he feeles
doth Prefence ftyll requyght. But when the Lyght abfented is,
and Beames in hart remayne, Then flames the Fyre frefh agayne,
and newe begyns his Payne. Then longe he lookes, his loffe to fe,
then fobbes, and fyghes abounde, Then mourneth he, to mys the marke
that erft to foone he found e. Then madefull places oute he lookes,
and all alone he lyues, Exylynge loye, and myrth from him,
hymfelfe to waylynge gyues, And ftyll his minde theron doth mufe
and ftyll, therof he prates, O Daphnes here I fwere to the,
no griefe to Louers Hate. Yf he but ones beholde the place,
where he was wont to mete, The pleafaunt forme yat hym enflamd,
and ioyfull Countnaunce fwete. The place (a wonderous thing I tell)
his gryefe augmenteth newe, Yet ftyll he fekes the place to fe,
that mofte he fliulde efchewe. Yf but the name rehearfed be
(a thynge more flraunge to heare) Then Colour commes and goes in haft
then quaketh he for feare, The verye name, hath fuch a force,
that it can dafe the mynde, And make the man amafde to flande,
what force hath Loue to bynde ? Affection none to this is lyke,
it doth furmownt them all,
prima. 35
Of greiffes, the greateft greif no doubt
is to be Venus thrall, And therfore, Daphnes nowe beware,
for thou art yonge, and fre, Take heade of vewynge faces longe,
for loffe of Lybertye, I mall not nede (I thyrike) to byd
the, to deteft the Cryme, Of wycked loue, that loue did vfe.
In Ganimedes tyme, For rather wolde I (thoo it be muche)
that thou fhuldeft feake the fyre, Of lawfull Loue, that I haue tolde,
than burne wyth fuche defyre, And thus an end, I weryed am,
my wynde is olde, and faynt, Suche matters I, do leaue to fuche,
as finer farre can paint, Fetche in the Gote . that goes aftraye,
and dryue hym to the folde, My yeares be great I wyl be gone,
for fpryngtyme nyghts be colde. Great thankes to the, for this thy tale,
Amintas here I gyue : But neuer can I make amendes
to the whilfte I do lyue. Yet for thy paynes (no recompence)
a fmall rewarde haue here. A whittle framed longe ago,
wherwith my father deare His ioyfull beafls, was wont to kepe.
No Pype for tune fo fwete Might fhepharde euer yet pofles
(a thynge for the full mete.)
Finis Eglogce prima.
Egloga fecunda.
Y beafls, go fede vpon ye plaine,
and let your herdman lye, Thou feefl her mind, and fearft you nowe,
Dametas for to dye ? Why flay eft you thus? why doft you flay
thy lyfe to longe doth lafte : Accounte this flud, thy fatall graue,
fyth time of hope is pafte. What meanft thou thus to linger on ?
thy life wolde fayne departe, Alas : the wounde doth fefter flyll,
of curfed Cupids darte. No falue but this, can helpe thy fore,
no thynge can moue her minde She hath decreed, that thou malt dye,
no helpe there is to finde. Nowe fyth there is, no other helpe,
nor ought but this to trye, Thou feefl her mind : why fearfle thou than?
Dametas for to dye. Long haft thou ferued, and ferued true,
but all alas, in vayne, For me thy feruyce, nought eftemes,
but deales the griefe for gayne. For thy good wyll, (a gaye rewarde)
Difdayne, for Loue fhe gyues, Thou loueft her while thy life doth laft,
fhe hates the, w[h]ile fhe Hues. Thou flamfte, when as you feefl her face
with Heate of hye defyre, She flames agayne, but how? (alas)
with depe difdaynfull Ire.
The greateft pleafure is to the,
to fe her voyde of Payne,
Egloga fecunda. 37
The greateft gryefe to her agayne,
to fe thy Health remayne. Thou couetfle euer her to fynde,
me fekes from the to flye, Thou feed her mynd, why fearfl thou than ?
Dametas for to dye ? Dofle thou accounte it befl to kepe,
thy lyfe in forrowes ftyll ? Or thynkfle thou befl it now to lyue,
Contrarye to her wyll ? Thynkfle thou thy lyfe for to retaine ?
when fhe is not content, Canfle thou addicte : thy felfe to lyue ?
and fhe to murder bent. Dofle thou entende agayne, to fewe
for mercye at her handes ? As foone thou mayfl go plow ye rocks,
and reape vpon the Sandes. Draw nere O mighty Herd of beafls
fyth no man els is bye, Your Herdman longe that hathe you kept,
Dametas now mufl dye. Refolue your Brutiffhe eies to teares
and all togyther crye, Bewayle the wofull ende of Loue,
.Dametas nowe mufl dye. My pleafaunt Songs, nowe fhall you here
no more on Mountaines hye, 1 leaue you all, i mufl be gone.
Dametas nowe rnufl dye : To Titirus I you refyne,
in Paflure good to lye, For Titirus fhall kepe you thoughe,
Dametas nowe mufl dye. O curfed Caufe, that hath me flayne*
My trothe alas to trye, O Shephardes all, be Wytneffes,
Dametas here doth dye.
Finis Egloga fecunda.
Rgloga tertia.
J&enalea*.
Pleafaunt wether Coridon,
and fytte to kepe the fyelde, Thismoonehath brought, hearfl you the birds
what ioyfull tunes they yeld? Loe: how the luftie lambes do courfe, whom fpring time heate doth pricke Beholde againe, the aged Yewes,
with bouncinge leapes do kicke, Amon[g]fl them all, what ayles thy ramme,
to halte fo muche behynde, Some fore mifchaunce, hath him befaln
or els fome griefe of minde, For wonte he was, of flomacke floute
and courage hye to be, And looked proude, amongfl ye flocke,
and none fo flout as he. (ffot. A great mifhap, and griefe of mynde,
is him befalne of late, Which caufeth him, againfl his wyll,
to lofe his olde eftate. A luftie flocke hath Titirus,
that him Dametas gaue, Dametas he, that Martir died,
whofe foule the heaue[n]s haue, And in this flocke, full many Yewes
of pleafaunte forme do goe, with them a mighty Ramme doth ronne,
that workes all Woers woe. My Ramme, when he the pleafaunt dames. had vewed rounde aboute,
Egloga tertia. 39
Chofe grounde of battayle, with his foe
and thought to fyght it oute. But all to weake, (alas) he was,
althoughe his harte was good, For when his enemye him efpied,
he ranne with cruell moode. And with his croked weapon fmote,
hym fore vpon the fyde, A bio we offeree, that flayde not there
but to the legges dyd glyde. And almofte laamd the woer quyte.
(fuche happes in loue there be :) This is the caufe, of all his griefe
and waylynge that you fe. |Hett. Well Coridon let hym go halte,
and let vs both go lye, In yonder buflhe of luniper,
the Beafts mail fede hereby. A pleafaunt place here is to talke:
good Coridon begyn, And let vs knowe the Townes eftate,
that thou remayneft in. (ftor. The Townes eftate? Menakas oh
thou makfte my harte to grone, For Vice hath euery place poffefte,
and Vertue thence is flowne. Pryde beares her felfe, as Goddeffe chiefe
and boaftes aboue ye Skye, And Lowlynes an abiecte lyes,
with Gentlenes her bye, Wyt is not ioynde with Symplenes,
as me was wont to be, But fekes the ayde of Arrogance,
and craftye Polycie. Nobylitie begyns to fade,
and Carters vp do fprynge, Then whiche, no greater plague can hap,
nor more pernicious thynge.
4° Egloga,
Menalcas I haue knowen my felfe,
within this thyrtye yeare, Of Lordes and Auncient Gentelmen
a hundreth dwellynge theare, Of whom we Shephardes had reliefe
fuche Gentlenes of mynde, Was placed in theyr noble Hartes,
as none is nowe to fynde. But Hawtynes and proude Difdayne
hath nowe the chiefe Eftate, For fyr lohn Straw, and fyr lohn Cur,
wyll not degenerate. And yet, they dare account them felues
to be of Noble bludde. But Fifme bred vp, in durtye Poolts,
wyll euer flynke of mudde. I promyfe the Menalcas here,
I wolde not them enuye. Yf any fpot of Gentlenes
in them I myght efpye. For yf theyr Natures gentell be,
thoughe byrth be neuer fo bafe, Of Gentelmen (for mete it is)
they ought haue name and place: But when by byrth, they bafe are bred,
and churliffhe harte retaine, Though place of gentlemen thei haue
yet churles they do remayne. A prouerbe olde, hath ofte ben harde
and now full true is tryed: An Ape, wyll euer be an Ape,
thoughe purple garments hyde. For feldom, wyll the maflye courfe,
the Hare or els the Deare : But ftyll, accordynge to his kynde.
wyll holde, the hogge by th[e]eare. Vnfitte are dunghill knights to ferue
the towne, with Speare in fielde:
tertia. 4*
Nor flrange it femes, (a sudain Chop)
to leape from whyp, to fhielde. The chiefeft man, in all our towne,
that beares the greatefl fwaye, Is Coridon no kynne to me,
a Neteherd th[e] other daye. This Coridon come from the Carte,
In honour chiefe doth fytte, And gouernes vs: becaufe he hath
a Crabbed, Clownim wytte. Nowe fe the Churlyfh Crueltye,
that in hys harte remayns. The felye Sheape yat Shephards good,
haue foflerd vp wyth Paynes, And browght awaye, from Stynkyng dales
on pleafant Hylles to feade : O Cruell Clownim Coridon
Ocurfed Carlifh Seade: The fimple Shepe, conftrayned he,
theyr Pafture fwete to leaue, And to theyr old corrupted Graffe,
enforceth them to cleaue. Such Shepe, as would not them obaye
but in theyr Failure byde, with (cruell flames,) they did confume
and vex on euery fyde. And with the fhepe, ye Shephardes good,
(O hate full Hounds of Hell,) They did torment, and dryue them out,
in Places farre to dwell. There dyed Daphnes for his Shepe,
the chiefefl of them all. And fayre Alexis flamde in Fyre,
who neuer peryffhe mall. O Shephards wayle, for Daphnes deth,
Alexis hap lament, And curs the force of cruell hartes,
that them to death haue fent.
42 Egloga tertia.
I, fynce I fawe fuche fynfull fyghts,
dyd neuer lyke the Towne, But thought it bell to take my fheepe,
and dwell vpon the downe. Wheras I lyue, a pleafaunt lyfe,
and free from cruell handes, I wolde not leaue, the pleafaunt fyelde
for all the Townyfh Landes. For fyth that Pryde, is placed thus,
and Vice fet vp fo hye: And Crueltie doth rage fo fore,
and men lyue all awrye: Thynkfle you? yat God, will long forbere,
his fcourge, and plague to fende? To fuche as hym do ftyll defpyfe,
and neuer feke to mende? Let them be fure he wyll reuenge,
when they thynke leafte vpon. But looke a ftormy fliowre doth ryfe,
whiche wyll fall heare anone, Menalcas bell we nowe departe,
my Cottage vs mall keepe, For there is rowme for the, and me,
and eke for all our Iheepe : Som Cheflnuts haue I there in ftore
with Cheefe and pleafaunt whaye, God fends me Vittayles for my nede,
and I fynge Care awaye.
^[ Finis Egloga terii<r.
Rgloga quarta.
p.ilcmon.
God, that guyds ye golden Globe,
wher fhinyng fhapes do dwel O thou yat throweft the thunder thumps
from Heauens hye, to Hell, what wonders workes thy worthynes what meruayles dofle thou frame? What fecrete fyghts be Subiect fene
vnto thy holy name? A fymple Shepharde flayne of late,
by foolyfhe force of Loue, That had not Grace fuch fancies fond
and Flames for to remoue, Appeared late, before myne eies,
(Alas I feare to fpeake,) Not as he here was wont to lyue,
whyle Gryefe hym none did breake. But all in Blacke, he clothed came
an vgly fyght to fe : As they that for theyr due Defartes,
with Paynes tormented be, My fhepe for feare amafed ran, and fled from Hyll to Dale, And I alone remayned there,
with countenaunce wan and pale. O Lorde (quoth I) what meanes this thyng
is this Alexis fpryght ? Or is it Daphnes foule that fliowes ?
to me this dredfull fyght, Or comes fome Feend of Hell abrode ?
with feare men to torment? Me*era this? or Tifiphonl Or is Alecto fent ?
44 Egloga
what foeuer thou art, yat thou dofl com?
Ghoofl, Hagge, or Fende of Hell : I the commaunde by hym that lyues,
thy name and cafe to tell. With this, a stynkyng fmoke I fawe,
from out his mouth to flye, And with that fame, his voyce did found,
None of them all am I. But ons thy frende (O Melibei)
Dametas was my name, Dametas I, that flewe my felfe,
by force of foolyffhe flame. Dametas I, that dotynge dyed,
In fyre of vnkynde Lone : Dametas I, whom Deiopey
dyd caufe fuche ende to prone, The fame Dametas here 1 com,
by lycens vnto the: For to declare the wofull flate,
that happens now to me. (O Melibet] take hede of Loue,
of me Example take, That flewe my felfe, and Hue in Hell.
for Deiopeias fake. I thought that Deth fhuld me releafe
from paynes and dolefull woe, But nowe (alas) the trothe is tryed,
I fynde it nothynge foe, For looke what Payne and gryefe I felt
when I lyued heare afore : With thofe I nowe tormented am,
and with ten thoufand more. I meane not that I burne in loue,
fuche foolyfli toyes begon, But Gryefes in nombre haue I lyke
and manye more vpon. O curfed Loue, (what fhulde I faye,) that brought me fyrfte to Payne,
quartet. 45
Well, myght I ones defpyfe thy lore,
but novve (alas) in vayne. With fond Affection, I dyd flame,
whiche nowe I mofte repent, But all to late (alas) I wayle,
fyth hope of Grace is fpent. The fickle fadynge forme, and face,
that ones fo muche I fowght, Hath made me lofe the Skyes aboue,
and me to Hell hath browght. Why had I Reafon delt to me ?
and cculde not Reafon vie. Why gaue I Brydle to my wyll ?
when I myght well refufe. A wycked Wyll, in dede it was,
that blynded fo my fyght, That made me on fuch fadyng Dufte,
to fet my whole Delyght, A fonde Affection lead me then,
When I for God dyd place. A Creature, caufe of all my Care,
a fleffhye fletynge face, A woman Waue of Wretch ednes,
a Paterne pylde of Pryde, A Mate of Myfchiefe and Diftrefle,
for whom (a Foole) I dyed. Thus whyle he fpake, I fawe me thought
of Hell an vglye Fende, With lothfome Clawes, hym for lo clofe
and forced him there to ende. And with this fame, (O Melibey^
farewell, farewell, (quoth he) Efchewe the Blafe of feruent flames,
Example take of me. My Harte with this began to rent,
and all amafde I floode. O lord (quoth I) what flames be thefe
what Rage, what Furyes woode?
46 Egloga quarta.
Doth Loue procure, to wretched men
what Bondage doth it brynge ? Paine here : and Payne in life to come.
(O dolefull, dredefull thynge.) I quake to heare, this Storye tolde,
and Melibei I fainte, For fure I thought Dametas had,
been placed lyke a Saynte. I thought that cruel Charons Boate,
had myfle of hym her frayght. And through his deth, he mounted had . to flarres and Heauens flrayght. Howe valiantly dyd he defpyfe,
his lyfe in Bondage ledde? And fekyng Deth with courage hyc,
from Loue and Ladye fledde. And is he thus rewarded nowe?
The ground be curfed than, That fofterde vp, fo fayre a face
that lofle fo good a Man.
Finis Eglogz
Rgloga quinta.
JEopgtx*.
Om doleful thing there is at hand thy countenaunce doth declare, Thy face good Egon voide of blud
thine eies amafed flare : I fe thy teares, howe they do flill,
difclofe thy fecrete mynde, Hath Fortune frowned late on the?
Hath Cupide ben vnkinde. A pyteous thinge to be bewalyde
a defperate Acte of Loue, (O Deftenies) fuche cruell broyles How haue you power to moue ? Here lyued a Ladye fay re of late,
that Claudia men dyd call: Of goodly forme, yea fuche a one,
as farre furmounted all. The {lately Dames, yat in this Courte,
to ftiowe them felues do lye, There was not one in all the Crewe :
that could come Claudia nye. A worthy Knyght dyd loue her longe,
and for her fake did feale. The panges of Loue, that happen flyl
by frownyng Fortunes wheale, He had a Page, Valerius named, whom fo muche he dyd trufle, That all the fecrets of his Hart,
to hym declare he mufle. And made hym all the onely meanes,
to fue for his redrefle, And to entreate for grace to her, that caufed his diflreffe.
48 Egloga
She whan as fyrft me faw his page
was ftrayght with hym in Loue, That nothynge could Valerius face,
from Claudias mynde remoue. By hym was Fauftus often harde,
by hym his futes toke place, By hym he often dyd afpyre,
to fe his Ladyes face. This paired well, tyll at the length,
Valerius fore dyd fewe, With many teares befechynge her,
his Mayfters gryefe to rewe. And tolde her that yf (he wolde not
releafe, his Mayfters payne, He neuer wolde attempte her more,
nor fe her ones agayne. She then with mafed countnaunce there
and teares yat gufhing fell, Aftonyed anfwerde thus, loe nowe,
alas I fe to well. Howe longe I haue deceyued ben,
by the Valerius heare, I neuer yet beleued before,
nor tyll this tyme dyd feare, That thou dydfle for thy Mayfler fue
but onely for my fake. And for my fyght, I euer thought,
thou dydfte thy trauayle take. But nowe I fe the contrarye,
thou nothynge carfle lor me, Synce fyrft thou knewfte, the fyerye flames
that I haue felte by the.
0 Lorde ho we yll, thou dofte requyte that I for the haue done,
1 curfe the time, that irendfliyp fyrft,
to (howe, I haue begon. O lorde I the beleche let me, in tyme reuenged be :
quinta. 49
And let hym knowe that he hate fynd,
in this mifufynge me, I can not thynke, but Fortune once,
fliall the rewarde for all, And vengeaunce due for thy deferts,
in tyme fhall on the fall. And tell thy maifter Fauftus nowe,
yf he wolde haue me lyue : That neuer more he fewe to me,
' this aunfwere lafte I gyue : And thou o Traytour vyle,
and enmye to my lyfe, Abfent thy felfe from out my fyght,
procure not greater ftryfe, Synce yat thefe teares, had neuer force
to moue thy floneye harte, Let neuer thefe my weryed eyes, .
fe the no more. Departe. This fayde, in hafte me hieth in,
and there doth vengeaunce call, And ftrake her felf, with cruel knyfe,
and bluddye downe doth fall. This dolfull chaunce, whan Fauftus heard
lamentynge lowde he cryes, And teares his heare and doth accufe,
the vniufl and cruell Skies. And in this ragynge moode awaye,
he ftealeth oute alone, And gone he is : no man knowes where
eche man doth for hym mone. Valerius whan he doth perceyue,
his Mayfler to be gone : He weepes and wailes, in piteous plight
and forth he ronnes anone. No Man knowes where, he is becom,
fome faye the wooddes he tooke,
5° Egloga quinta
Jntendynge there to ende his lyfc, on no Man more to looke :
The Courte lamentes, the Princeffe eke her felfe doth weepe for woe,
Loe, Fauftus fled, and Claudia deade. Valerius vanyflhed too.
Finis EgZoga quinta.
Rgloga fexta.
JTeli*.
Fauftus, whom aboue the reft,
of Shephardes here that kepe, Vpon thefe holts, ye nombre great
of waightye fleefed fhepe : leuer haue eflemde : and counted eke,
the chiefefl Frende of all, What great mifhap, what fcourge of
minde
or griefe hath the befall ? That hath the brought in fuch a plight farre from thy wonted guyfe ? What meanes this countenaunce all befprent
with teres ? thefe wretched eies This mournynge looke, this Veflure fad
this wrethe of Wyllow tree, (Vnhappy man) why dofte thou wepe
what chaunce hath altered the ? Tell tell, me foone, I am thy frende,
Difclofe to me thy gryefe, Be not afrayde, for frendes do ferue,
to gyue theyr Frendes relyefe. The wofull caufe of all my hurte,
good Felix longe agoe, Thou knewfl full well : I nede not now
by wordes to double woe, Synce that (alas) all hope is pall
fynce gryefe, and I am one, And fynce the Ladye of my lyfe,
(my faute) I haue forgone, What woldfl you haue me do (oh frend?) to loye ? in fuch dyftres ? •_*;; J
5 2 Egloga
Naye pleafures quyte I banifh here,
and yelde to Heuynes, Let gryefes torment me euermore,
let neuer Cares awaye. Let neuer Fortune turne her wheale
to gyue me blyffull daye. Loue hath me fcourged: I am content
lament not thou my ftate, Let fpyght on me take vengeaunce nowe
let me be torne with hate. Let her enioye, her happy e lyfe,
a Flowre of golden hewe, A Mary* That clofeth when the Son doth fet,
an(j fpreads with Phebus newe. Syth from my Garlande now is falne,
this famoufe Flowre fwete : Let Wyllows wynde aboute my hed,
(a Wrethe for Wretches mete) Fye Faujlus, let not Fancie fonde,
in the beare fuche a fwaye, Expell Affections from thy mynde,
and dryue them quyght awaye. Embrace thine Auncient Lybertie,
let Bondage vyle be fled : Let Reafon rule, thy crafed Brayne,
place Wyt, in Folies fteade. Synce me is gone, what remedye ?
why fhuldefl thou fo lament ? Wilt thou deflroy thy fell' with tears
and me to pleafures bent ? Gyue eare to me, and I wyll fhowe
the remedies for Loue That I haue learned longe agoe :
and in my youth dyd proue. Such remedies as foone mail quenche
the flames of Cupids Fyre, Suche remedies as fhall delaye,
the Rage of fonde Defyre.
fexta. 53
For Fauftus yf thou folow flyli,
the blynded God to pleafe, And wylt not feke, by Reafons Rule,
to purchafe thyne owne eafe, Long canft thou not thy frends enioy
but byd them all farewell. And leaue thy lyfe, and giue thy foule
to depeft fluds of Hell. Leaue of therfore, betymes and let
Affection beare no fwaye, And now at fyrft the Fyre quench
before it further flraye, Eche thyng is eafely made to obaye,
whyle it is yong and grene, The tender twyg, that now doth bend
at length refufeth cleane. The feruent Fyre, that flamyng fyrft,
may lytell water drenche, When as it hath obtayned tyme,
whole Ryuers can not quenche: Forfake the Town, (my Fauftus deare)
and dwell, vpon this pkyne, And tyme (hall heale, thy feflryng wound
and Abfence banyfh Payne. Aboue all thynges fly Idlenes,
For this doth dowble ftrength, To Louers flams, and makes them rage,
tyl all be loft at length, Here in thes felds, are pleafaunt things
to occupye thy brayn, • Be hold : how fpryng reuyues agayn^
that winter late had flayne, Behold: the plefaunt Hylles adournd,
with dyuers colours fayre, Geue eare to Scillas lufty fonges,
reioyfynge in the ayr, What pleafure canft thou more defyre,
then here is for to fe:
54 Egloga
Thy lufty yewes, with many a lam,
Lo: whear they wayt on the, Thynke not vpon that curfed face,
that makes the thus her ilaue But well regard the pleafaunt lyfe,
that here thou feefl me haue, Whan I long tyme a go, did feale,
the flames of Cupids fyre, Thefe meanes Lo thou I practifed,
to cure my fond defyre. I fyrft wayed with my felfe,
Plow fond a thyng it feamd, To let my heart lye there in chaynes,
where I was nought efteamd. And how with flames I burnt for her,
that paffed nought for me, And how, thefe eyes encreaft my harmes
that fyrft her face did fe, With penfyfe heart full fraight with thoughts.
I fled from thence away, And though that Loue bad tourne my fleppes.
yet wold I neuer ftay, But from that foule infectyue ayer,
wher firft I tooke my fore, I hyed in haft, and fhund the place,
to fe for euer more. Eache letter that I had receyued
from her, I caft away, And tokens all, I threw them down,
to my no fmall dyfmay. Then bufyed I my felfe in thyngs
that myght me mofte delyght, And fought the chiefft means I could,
to helpe my weryed fpryght. Somtyme I wold behold the fyelds,
and Hylles that thou dofte fe, Somtime I wold betraye the Byrds,
that lyght on lymed tree, Efpecially in Shepftare tyme,
when thicke in flockes they flye,
fexta. 55
One wold I take, and to her Leg,
a lymed Lyne wold tye, And where ye flock flew thickeft, there
I wold her cad awaye, She ftrayght vnto the reft wold hye,
amongft her Mates to playe. And preafyng in the mydfte of them,
with Lyne and Lyme, and all, With cleuyng wyngs, entangled faft.
they downe togyther fall. Somtyme I wold the lytel Fyfh :
with bayted Hooke beguyle : Somtyme the craftye Foxe I wold,
deceyue for all his wyle : Somtyme the Wolfe, I wold purfue,
fomtyme the fomyng Boore : And whan with labour all the daye,
my weryed Lyrns were foore. Than refl and flepe I flraightway fought
no Dreames dyd me afraye : Tormented nought with care, I pafl
the lyngryng nyght awaye. And thus I cleane forgot : in tyme,
the dotyng Dayes I fawe, And freed my lelf, to my great loye,
from Yoke of Louers Lawe. More of this fame, I wyll the tell,
the next tyme here we mete, And flronger Medycines wyll I gyue,
to purge that Yenym fwete. Beholde the Daye is flypt awaye,
and Starres do fall appeare, Loe where Califto Yirgin ones,
doth fhyne in Skies fo cleare. Loe where olde Cepheus walks about,
with twynyng Serpent bye, We wyll no lenger heare abyde,
But hence wyll homwarde hye.
Finis Egtoga fexttz.
Egloga septima.
Jrenus fhephard good and thou,
that haft yll lucke in loue, The caufe of al my hurt by whom my futes could neuer proue. God neuer let that I fhuld feeke,
to be reuenged of the, For whan I might haue ben with eafe, yet wold not fuffer me The Loue that I, Diana bare, on the to fhowe my Spyte : On the in whom my Ladye fayre,
had once her whole delyght, If thy myfhaps do not me greue,
My mifchieefs neuer ende. Thynke notfirenus that bycaufe,
Diana was thy frend, I beare the worfer wyl affure thy felf
fo bafe my loue neuer femde That onely I fhuld fauour her.
but all that me eftemde. Thou eyther art siluanus borne,
Example for to gyue, To vs that know not how,
whan Fortune frownes to lyue, Or els hath Nature placed in the fo ftrong and ftoute a mynde. Suffyfynge not, thyne yls alone to beare, but meanes to fynde,
In Mr. Huth's copy — though the signatures are regular — the hrst /w0page» of the final original impression down to, she kyld a. faythfull frende, on the next page are omitted : being represented by a blank/rt£*. They have been .supplied by the kindness of W. A. Wright, Esq., M.A., from the copy in the library of Trinity College, Cambridge
Egloga feptima. 5 7
That may the Griefes of others help,
I fe thou art fo bent, That Fortune can the not amafe,
For all her myfciefes ment, I promys t\\Qfihmnus heare,
tyme playne in the doth fhow, How dayly fhe difcouers things,
that erft dyd men not know. I can not beare the Gryefes I feale,
my force is all to faynt, I neuer could as thou canft ftynt,
the teares of my complaynt. Diana hath procured the paynes,
that I mall neuer ende, When fyrfl me falfl her troth to me,
fhe kyld a faythfull frende. jSUuan. I meruayle how fhe could fo foone,
put the out of her mind, I well remembre fynce thou wentfte
alone I dyd her fynd. In place that forow femde to fhape,
where no man flood her nye, But onely (I vnhappy wretche,)
that herd her wofull crye, And this with teares alowde me fayd,
O wretche in yll tyme borne. What chaunce haft thou? that thus thou haft
Sirenus fwete forlorne. Gyue ouer pleafures now,
Let neuer loye the pleafe, Seke all the cruell meanes thou canft
that may thy hart dyfeafe. Whan thou dofte hym forget I wyfh,
all mifchifes on the lyght, And after death, the Fendes of Hell,
torment thy lyuyng fpryght. jinren. What man wold here beleue ?
that me that thus could fpeake,
Egloga
In fo fhorte tyme as I haue bene
awaye, wolde promys breake. O iledfaftnes and Conflancy,
how feldome are you founder In women s harts to haue your feats,
Or long abydyng ground ? Who looke how much more earned they,
at fyrft theyr hearts do fet, So much more fooner euer more,
where late they loued, forget : Full well could euer I beleue,
all women gylty of this : Saue her alone, in whom I iudge,
neuer nature wrought amis : But fins her maryage how me fpeeds
Siluan I pray the tell? Some fay (he lykes it very ill,
and I beleue it well : For Delius he that hath her now,
although he welthy be, Is but a lout and hath in hym,
no hanfome qualytie : For as for all, fuche thynges wherin,
we Shepeheardes haue delyght, As in Quaiting, Leaping, Singing or
to found a Bagpype ryght : In all thefe thinges he is but an AfTc,
and nothyng do he can, They faye tys quallities but turn,
Its ryches makes a man : What woman is that yat commeth here,
Siluan canfl thou tell? Its one hath fped as well in Loue,
as we, I knowe her well : She is one of fayre Dianas frendes,
who keeps her beads below, Not far from hence bi her thou maid
Dianas State wel know.
feptima. 59
She loued hear a Shephearde cald,
Alanius longe a go : Who fauers one yfmenia now,
the caufe of al her wo : No place fo fyt for the as this,
Lo heare Siluanus flands, Who hath receaued lyke luck to thine
at cruel Fortunes hands, This company befemes the well,
Fayr Sheph cards both good deane, To the Seluagia eke of Hope,
Whom Loue hath fpoyled clean e : A thoufande better dayes I wyfh,
than thou haft had before, At length may better Fortune fall,
For worfe can not be more. To trufte the fayned words of men,
Loe, thus poore women fpeeds. And men do fmarte not through your words
but your vnconftant deeds. For you when earneftlyeft you loue,
no thyng can chaunce fo lyght. But yf a toye com in your Brayne,
your mynde is altered quyght. If we but ones, abfent our felues,
the fhorteft tyme we maye, So muche vnconftant is your minde
Loue foreth ftrayght awaye, Example take Sirenus here
whom once Diana lovd, As all we know, and looke how foone
her mynd is now removd : No, no, there is not one of you,
that conftant can remayne : You iudge but of malicious hart,
and of a laloufe brayne. All thyngs you do your felues efteme,
and men muft beare no blame.
6o
Egloga
Of your diflemblyng noughty deeds,
we women beare the mame. jsnrett Fayre Damefell yf you can perceyue
Siluanus true doth faye There is not one amongft you all,
but doth from reafon ftraye. "What is the caufe that women thus ?
in theyr vnconftancye, Do caft a man from hyeft hap,
to deepefl myferye ? Its nothyng els, I you affure,
but that you know not well, What thing is loue, and what you haue,
in hand you can not tell. Your fymple vvyts are all to weake,
Vnfayned loue to know, And therof doth forgetfulnes,
in you fo fhortly grow. Sirenus iudge not fo of vs,
our wyts be not fo bafe, But that we know as well as you,
whats what in euery cafe. And women eke, there are ynow
that could yf they were brought Teache men to lyue, and more to loue,
yf loue myght well be tought, And for all this, yet do I thynke,
No thyng can worfer be. Than womens ftate, it is the worft,
I thynke of eche degree. For yf they mow but gentle words
you thynke for loue they dye. And yf they fpeake not when you lift,
than flrayght you fay, they are hye. And that they ar, difdainfull Dames,
and if they chaunce to talke. Than cownt you them for chatring Pies
whofe tongs mufl alwayes walke.
feptima. 6l
And yf perhaps they do forbeare,
and Sylence chaunce to keepe, Than tufh, me is not for company,
fhe is but a fymple fheepe. And yf they beare good wyll to one,
then ftrayght they are fudged nought. And yf yll name to fhun they leaue,
Vnconftant they are thought. Who no we can pleafe thefe laloufe heads,
the faute is all in you, For women neuer wold chaunge their minds
yf men wold flyll be true. To this, I well could anfwere you,
but tyme doth byd me flaye, And women muft the lail worde haue
no man may fay them naye. Paffe ouer this, and let vs here,
what lucke you haue had in loue, And fhowe yf euer loue of man,
your con flaunt hart could moue. No fytter place can be than this,
here maye you fafely reft, Thus fytting here, declare at large,
the lecretes of your brefl. Naye : lenger here we maye not byde,
but home we mvfl awaye, Loe how the Son denies his Beames
depriuyng vs of daye.
finis Egloyt fcptim*.
Rgloga octa^la.
(Eorni*.
Ow ragethe Titan fyerce aboue
his Beames on earth do beate. Whofe hote reflection maks vs feale
an oner feruent heate : Wyth fyery Dog, he forward flames
hote Agues vp he dryues : And fends them downe, with boylyng blud
to fhorten Myfers lyues. Loe, how the beafts, lyes vnder trees
how all thyng feekes the made, O bleffed God, that fome defence,
for euery hurte haft made, Beholde this pleafaunte Brodeleaued Beech
and fpringing fountain cleare, Heare made ynough, here water cold
com Comix reft we here, And let vs fongs begyn to fyng,
our purs and harts be lyght. We fere not we, the tomblyng world
we breake no Heaps by nyght. Both place and tyme my Coridon
exhorteth me to fynge, Not of the wretched Louers lyues,
but of the immortall kynge. Who gyues vs pafture for our beafts
and bleffeth our encreafe : By whom, while other cark and toyle
we lyue at home with eafe. Who keepes vs down, from climyng hye wher honour breeds debate,
Egloga octaua. 63
And here hath graunted vs to lyue
in fymple Shephards flate, A lyfe that fure doth fare exceade,
eche other kynd of lyfe : O happy flate, that doth content,
How farre be we from flryfe ? Of hym therfore, me lyft to fynge,
and of no wanton toyes, For hym to loue, and hym to prayfe,
furmounts all other loyes. O Shephards leaue Cupidoes Camp,
the ende wherof is vyle, Remoue Dame Venus from your eies
and harken here a whyle. A God there is, that guyds the Globe,
and framde the fyckle Spheare, And placed hath, the Starres aboue,
that we do gafe on here, By whom we lyue, (vnthankful beafts)
by whom we haue our health, Ey whom we gayne our happy ftates
by whom we get our wealth. A God : that fends vs that we nede,
a God : that vs defends. A God : from whom the Angels hye,
on mortall men attends. A God : of fuche a Clemencie,
that who fo hym doth loue Shall here be fure to reft a whyle,
and alwayes reft aboue. But we, for hym do lytell care,
His Heafts we nought efteme, But hunt for thyngs that he doth hate
moft pleafaunt thofe do feme, (Vnthankfull myfers) what do we ?
what meane we thus to ftraye ? From fuche a God, fo mercyfull,
to walke a worier waye ?
64
Dauid. t? Daniel^
Most*.
Elias.
Jupiter.
Egloga
Maye nought his benefyts procure ?
maye nought his mercyes moue ? Maye nothynge bynde, but nedes we mufl ?
gyue hate to hym for loue ? O happy (ten tymes) is the man,
(a Byrde full rare to fynde) That loueth God with all his hart,
and kepes his lawes in mynde. He fhalbe bleft in all his works,
and fafe in euery tyrae, He ftiall fwete quietnes enioye,
whyle other fmarte for Cryme. The threatnyng chaunces of the world
mall neuer hym annoye. "When Fortune frowns on foolifh men
he fhalbe fure to ioye. For why ? the Aungels of the Lorde,
mail hym defende alwayes, And fet hym free, at euery harmes,
and hurts at all affayes. Euen he that kept the Prophet fafe,
from mouthes of Lyons wylde, And he that once preferued in Flags,
the fely fuckyng Chylde, The God that fed, by Rauens Byll,
the Teacher of his worde, Shall hym (no doubt) in fafetie keepe,
from Famyn, Fyre, aud Sworde. Not he, whom Poets old hauc faynd,
to lyue in Heauen hye, Embracyng Boyes : (O fylthy thyng)
in beaflly Lecherye. Nor Juno me : (that wrinkled lade,)
that Quene of Skyes is calde, Nor foleyn Saturn Churlyfh Chuffe,
with Scalpe of Cancre bald. Nor fumyng Foole, with fyery face,
that moues the fyghters mynd.
octaua.
Venta Cupid.
Homerus.
Nor Venus fhe : (that wanton wench)
that guyds the Shoter blynd. Can the defende : as God wyll do,
for they were fynfull fooles, Whom fyrft ye blynd hye witted Greke
brought in to wyfe mens Scooles. No none of thefe, but God alone,
ought worfhyp for to haue, For they for all theyr Honour ones,
reft yet in flynkyng Graue. Heare haft thou heard, the happy ftate
of them that lyue in feare, Of God : and loue hym beft : now lyft,
his foes reward to heare, And fyrft know thou that euery man,
that from this God doe goe, And folows luft, hym he acountes,
to be his deadly foe, This myghty Kyng of whom we talk,
as he is mercyfull, And fuffers long, reuengyng flow,
So when we be thus dull. That we wyl not perceaue in tyme,
the goodnes of his grace, His fauour ftraight, he doth withdraw
and tournes a way his face. And to him felfe then doth he fay,
How long ihall I permit Thefe ftubburne beaftes, for to rebell ?
and fhall I loue them yet, That hate me thus ? or haue I nede
theyr louynge mynds to craue ? I afke no more but onely loue,
and that I can not haue. Well, wel I wil not care for them,
that thus do me dyfpyfe, Let them go lyue, euen as they lyft,
I turne awaye myne eyes.
66 Egloga
When God hath thus fayd to him felf
Then doth the braynleffe foole, Cad Brydle of, and out he runnes,
neglectynge vertues Scoole, Then doth the Deuyl geue him lyne,
and let him rune at large, And Pleafure makes his Mariner,
to row in vyces Barge, Then vp the Sayles of wilfulnes.
he hoyfes hie in haft, And fond Affection blowes hym forth,
a wynd that Pluto plaft, Then cuttes he fwyft, the feas of fin,
and through the Chanell deape, With loyful mynd, he fleets a pace,
whom Pleafure bryngs a fleape, Then who fo happy thinks hym felfe?
who dreames of ioy but he ? Turn, turn, fayeth he : to thynk of God,
In age fuffifeth me. Now wil I paffe my pleafaunt youth,
Such toyes becomes this age, And God mall followe me fayth he,
I wyll not be his page, I wyll be prowd, and looke a loft,
I wyll my bodye decke, With coftly clothes, a boue my ftate
who then dare gyue me checke? . Garments fom time, fo gard a knaue,
that he dare mate a Knyght, Yet haue I fene a Nee in hemp,
For Checking often lyght. i*. The Peacocks plume fhal not me pas
that nature finely framde For coulord fylkes fhal fet me fourth,
that nature fhalbe fhamde, My Sworde fhal get me valiant fame,
I wyll be Mars out ryght,
octaua. 67
And Mars you know, mufl Venus haue,
to recreate his fpryght. I wyll oppreffe the fymple knaue,
mall Slaues be fawfy now? Nay : I wyll teache the nedy Dogges,
with Cappe to crowche, and bow. Thus fareth he, and thus he lyues,
No whyt eflymyng God, In health, in ioy, and luftynes,
free from the fmartyng Rod, But in the midft of all his myrth,
whyle he fufpecteth leaft, His happy chaunce, begyns to chaunge
and eke his fleetynge feafl, For death (that old deuouryng Wolf)
whom goodmen nothyng feare, Corns faylyng faft, in Galley blacke,
and whan he fpyes hym neare, Doth boorde hym flrayght, and grapels faft
And than begyns the fyght, In ryot leapes, as Captayne chiefe,
and from the Maynmaft ryght, He downward corns, and furfet than
affayleth by and by, Then vyle defeafes forward fhoues,
with paynes and gryefe therby, Lyfe Hands aloft, and fyghteth hard,
but pleafure all agafte. Doth leaue his ore, and out he flyes,
then death approcheth fafl. And giues the charge fo fore, yat needs
mufl lyfe begyn to flye, Then farewell all. The wretched man
with Caryen Corfe doth lye, Whom Deth hymfelf flyngs ouer bord,
amyd the Seas of fyn, The place wher late, he fwetly fwam,
now lyes he drowned in.
68 Egloga octaua
Contynuall torment hym awaytes,
(a Monfter vyle to tell) That was begot of Due Defert,
and raygneth now in Hell, With gredy mouth he alwayes feeds
vpon the Syndrownd foule, Whofe gredy Pawes, do neuer ceas,
in fynfull fluds to prowle. Loe. This the ende, of euery fuche
as here lyues luftylye Neglectyng God thou feeft, in vyce.
do lyue. in fyn do dye. What fhuld I fpeke of al theyr harms
that happens them in lyfe ? Theyr Confcience prickt, theyr barren blud
theyr toyle, their grief, theyr ilryfe, With mifchiefes heaped many a one,
which they do neuer trye. That Loue and Feare the myghty God,
that rules and raynes on hye, To long it weare, to make difcourfe,
and Phebus downe defcends, And in the Clowdes his beams doth hyde
which tempeft fure portends, Looke how the beaftes begin to fling,
and cafl theys heades on hye, The Hearonfhew mountes aboue the clouds
ye Crowes ech wher do cry All this fhowes rayn, tyme byds vs go
com Coridon awaye, Take vp thy Staffe, fetch in thy beafts
let vs go whyle we maye. Coribon. Comix agreed, go thou before,
yon curfed Bull of myne I mufl go dryue : he neuer bydes,
among my Fathers Kyne.
Finis Eglogce octaua.
EPYTAPHES.
f[ An Epytaphe of the Lorde Sheffeldes death.
Hen Brutyfti broyle, and rage of war
in Clownyfh harts began When Tigres floute, in Tanners bonde
vnmufled all they ran, The Noble Sheffeyld Lord by byrth
and of a courage good, By clubbifh hands, of crabbed Clowns
there fpent his Noble blud. His noble byrth auayled not,
his honor all was vayne, Amyd the preafe, of Maflye Curres,
the valyant Lorde was flayne. And after fuche a forte (O ruth,) that who can teares fuppreffe. To thynke yat Dunghyll Dogs fhuld dawut
the Floure of worthynes. Whyle as the rauenyng Wolues he prayed
his gylteles lyfe to faue. A bluddy Butcher byg and blunt,
a vyle vnweldy knaue With beaflly blow of boyfterous byll
at hym (6 Lorde) let dryue, And clefte his head, and fayd therwith
fhalt thou be lefte alyue ? O Lorde that I had prefent ben,
and Hectors force withall, Before that from his Carlyfh hands,
the cruell Byll dyd fall. Then ftiulde that peafaunt vyle haue felt
the clap vpon his Crowne, Then fhuld haue dazed his dogged hart from dryuyng Lordes adowne.
7° Epytaphes.
Then Ihuld my hands haue faued th y lyfe
good Lord whom deare I loued Then muld my hart in doutfull cafe,
full well to the ben proued, But all in vayne thy death I wayle,
thy Corps in earth doth lye. Thy kyng and Countrey for to ferue
thou dydfle not feare to dye. Farewel good Lord, thy deth bewayle
all fuche as well the knewe, And euerye man laments thy cafe :
and Googe thy death doth revve.
C An Epytaphe of M. Shelley Jlayne at Miiffelbroughe.
fYan Mars had moued mortall hate and forced fumym heate And hye Bellona had decreed, to fyt with Sworde in Seate, The Scottes vntrue with fyghtynge hande,
theyr promys to denye, Affembled fall, and England thought,
the trothe with them to trye. Chofe Mufdebroughe theyr fyghtynge place
amyd thofe barrayne fyelds Theyr breche of fayth, there not to try
with trothe, but trotheles Shyeldes In battayle braue, and Armye flrong
Encamped fure they laye, Ten Scottes to one (a dredeful thyng
a dolfull fyghtyng daye.) That Englyfti men were all agafte,
with quakyng ftaues in hande. To fe theyr enemyes lye fo neare,
and death with them to ftande.
Epytaphes. 7 *
No other remedye there was,
but fyght it out or flye. And who fhuld fyrft the Onfet gyue,
was fure therin to dye. Thus al difmayde, and wrapt in feare
with doutfull mynde they ftande, If beft it be, with flyght of foote,
to ftryue or fyght of hande. Tyll at the length, a Captayn ftoute.
with hawtye mynde gan fpeake.
0 Cowards all, and maydly men of Courage faynt and weake,
Vnworthye com of Brutus race,
to this your manhode gon, And is there none you Daflardes all,
that dare them fet vpon. Then Shelly all inflamed with heate
with heate of valyaunt mynde, No Cowardes we, nor maydly men,
ne yet of Daftards kynde,
1 wold you wyfle dyd euer com, but dare be bolde to trye,
Our manhode heare, thoughe nought appeare
but deth to all mens eye And with thefe wordes (O noble hart)
no longer there he ftayde, But forth before them all he fprang
as one no whyt difmayed With charged flaffe on fomyng horfe
his Spurres with heeles he flrykes, And forewarde ronnes with fwiftye race,
among the mortall Pykes And in this race with famous ende,
to do his Countrey good, Gaue Onfet fyrft vpon his Foes,
and loft his vitall blud.
C Finis.
7* Epytaphes.
C An Epytaphe of Maifter Thomas Phayre.
fHe hawtye verfe, yat Maro wrote made Rome to wonder muche
And meruayle none for why the Style
and waightynes was fuche, That all men iudged Parnaffus Mownt
had clefte her felfe in twayne. And brought forth one, that feemd to drop
from out Mineruaes brayne. But wonder more, maye Bryttayne great
wrier Phayre dyd floryfh late, And barreyne tong with fwete accord
reduced to fuche eftate : That Virgils verfe hath greater grace
in forrayne foote obtaynde, Than in his own, who whilfl he lyued
eche other Poets flaynde. The Noble H. Hawarde once,
that raught eternall fame, With mighty Style, did bryng a pece
Of Virgils worke in frame, And Grimaold gaue the lyke attempt,
and Douglas wan the Ball, whofe famoufe wyt in Scottym ryme
had made an ende of all. But all thefe fame did Phayre excell,
I dare prefume to wryte, As muche as doth Appolloes Beames.
the dymmeft Starre in lyght. The enuyous fates (O pytie great,
had great difdayne to fe, That vs amongfl there fhuld renaayn
fo fyne a wyt as he,
Epytaphes. 73
And in the mydfl 01 all his toyle,
dyd force hym hence to wende, And leaue a Worke vnperfyt fo,
that neuer man (hall ende.
*C An Epytaphe of the Death #/ Nicolas Grimaold.
fEholde this fle* tyng world how al things fade Howe euery thyng doth paffe and weare awaye, Eche flate of lyfe, by comon courfe and trade, Abydes no tyme, but hath a paffyng daye. For looke as lyfe, that pleafaunt Dame hath brought, The pleafaunt yeares, and dayes of luftynes, So Death our Foe, confumeth all to nought, Enuyeng thefe, with Darte doth vs oppreffe, And that whiche is, the greatefl gryfe of all, The gredye Grype, doth no eftate refpect, But wher he comes, he makes them down to fall, Ne flayes he at, the hie fharpe wytted feet. For if that wytt, or worthy Eloquens, Or learnyng deape, coulde moue hym to forbeare,
74 Epytaphes.
O Grimaold then,
thou hadfle not yet gon hence
But heare hadeft fene,
full many an aged yeare.
Ne had the Mus
fes lode fo fyne a Floure,
Nor had Miner*
ua wept to leaue the fo,
If wyfdome myght
haue fled the fatall howre,
Thou hadfte not yet
ben fuffred for to go,
A thoufande doltyfti
Geefe we myght haue fparde,
A thoufande wytles
heads, death might haue found
And taken them,
for whom no man had carde,
And layde them lowe,
in deepe obliuious grounde,
But Fortune fa*
ours Fooles as old men faye
And lets them lyue,
and take the wyfe awaye.
C Finis-
SoNETTES. C To Mavfter Alexander Nowell.
He Mufes ioye,
and well they may to fe,
So well theyr la*
iboure com to good fuccefle,
That they fuflay-
ned long agoe in the,
Minerua fmyles,
Phebus can do no leffe,
But ouer ail,
they chyefly do reioyfe,
That leauyng thyngs,
which are but fond and vayne,
Thou dyddell chufe,
(O good and happy choyfe)
In facred Scoles,
thy luckye yeares to trayne,
By whiche thou hafl
obtaynde (O happy thyng)
To learne to lyue,
whyle other wander wyde,
And by thy lyfe,
to pleafe the immortall kyngy.
Then whiche fo good,
nothyng can be applyed,
Lawe gyues the gayne,
and Phyfycke fyls the Purfe,
Promotions hye,
gyues Artes to many one,
But this is it,
by whiche we fcape the Curie,
76 Sonet tes
And haue the blys
of God, when we be gone.
Is this but one*
ly Scriptures for to reade?
No, no. Not talke,
but lyfe gyues this in deade.
€. To Doctor Bale.
food aged Bale: that with thy hoary heares Dofle yet perfyfle, to turne the paynefull Booke, O happye man,
that haft obtaynde fuche yeaies. And leavft not yet, on Papers pale to looke, Gyue ouer now to beate thy weryed brayne, And reft thy Pen that long hath laboured fooro For aged men vnfyt fure is fuche paine, And the befeems to laboure now no more, But thou I thynke Don Platoes part will playe With Booke in hand, to haue thy dyeng dave.
C Finis*
Somites. 77
To M. Edwarde Cobham.
|yLde Socrates i
P^whofe wyfdome dyd excell,
And pafl the reache, of wyfefl in his tyme, Surmounted all, that on the earth dyd dwell, 'That Craggye Hyls, of vertue hye dyd clyme, That Socrates, my Cobham dyde allowe, Eche man in youth, hym felfe in Glaffe to vew, And wyld them oft, to vfe the fame, but how ? Not to delyght, in forme of fadyng hew. Nor to be proude therof, as many be, But for to flryue, by beautie of the mynde, For to adourne, the beautie he doth fe. If warlyke forme, Dame Nature hym aflygnde, By vertuous lyfe, than countenaunce for to get, That mail deface, the fayreft of them all, Suche Beautie as no age nor yeares wyll fret : That flyes with fame. whan fyckle forme doth fayle, Thus muche I faye, that here to the prefent,
;3 Sonettes.
My wordes a Glafle
for the to looke vpon.
To the whom God,
in tender yeares hath lent.
A tovvardenes,
that maye be mufed vpon,
Suche towardenes,
as in more grauer yeares,
Doth fure a hope,
of greater thyngs pretende.
Thy noble mynde,
that to thy frendes appeare,
Doth ftiowe the blud,
wherof thou dofle defcende,
The gentlenes,
thou vfefl vnto all fuche,
As fmallye haue
deferued good wyll of the,
Doth (ho we the grace>
thou haft that fure is muche,
As euer yet,
in any I dyd fe,
That wyt as rype,
as Nature well can gyue,
Declares a grea*
ter hope than all the reft,
That lhall remayne,
to the whilft thou dofte lyue,
In defperate yls,
a Medycyne euer preft.
Thy good behauyour,
of thy felfe in place
Wherfoeuer that
thou chaunceft for to iyght,
So much both beautie,
mynde and wyt doth grace
As well can be
requyred of any wyght.
Sonettes* 7 9
What refleth now ?
but onely God to prayfe,
Of whom thou haft
receaued thefe Gyftes of thyne,
So malt thou long,
lyue heare with happye dayes,
And after Death,
the ftarrye Skyes fhall clynic,
Let noughtye men,
faye what they lyft to the,
Trade thou thy felfe,
in feruyng hym aboue,
No fweter fers
uyce can deuyfed be,
Whom yf thou fearft,
and faythfully dofte loue,
Be fure no thyng,
on earth (hall the annoye,
Be fure he wyll,
the from eche harme defende,
Be fure thou fhalt,
long tyme thy lyfe enioye,
And after ma.*
ny yeares to haue a bleffed ende.
C Finis.
C #/ Edwardes of the Chappell.
Euyne Camenes
'that with your facred food,
1 Haue fed and fo* fterde vp from tender yeares, A happye man, that in your fauour floode Edwards in Courte that can not fynde his feares
8o Sonettes.
Your names b£ bled,
that in this prefent age
So fyne a head,
by Arte haue framed ou*
Whom fome hereaf?
ter helpt by Poets rage,
Perchaunce maye matche,
but none mail paffe (no doubt)
O Plautus yf
thou wert alyue agayne,
That Comedies
fo fynely dydfte endyte.
Or Terence thou
that with thy plefaunt brayne,
The hearers mynde
on ftage dydfl much delyght.
What wold you fay
fyrs if you mould beholde,
As I haue done
the doyngs of this man?
No word at all
to fweare I durft be bolde,
But burne with teares,
that which with myrth began,
I meane your bookes,
by which you gate your name,
To be forgot,
you wolde commit to flame.
Alas I wolde
Edwards more tell thy prayfe,
But at thy name
my mufe amafed flayes.
To L. Blundefton.
Ome men be coun*
wyfe that well can talke : And fome becaufe
Sonettes.
they can eche man begyle.
Some forbecaufe
they know well chefe from chalke,
And can be fure,
weepe who fo lyft to fmyle.
But (Blundflon) hym
I call the wyfefl wyght,
Whom God gyues grace
to rule affections ryght.
The Aunfwere of L. Blundefton to the fame.
Ffections feekes
hygh honours frayle eflate,
Affections doth the golden meane reproue. Affections tourns the frendly hart to hate, Affections breedes without difcretion Loue, Both wyfe and
happye (Googe) he maye be hyght, Whom God gyues grace, to rule affections ryght.
C To Alexander Neuell.
fHe lytell Fyfh, that in the flreme doth fleet With brode forth flret- ched Fyns for his difporte When as he fpyes, the Fyffhes bayte fo fwete, In hafle he hyes, fearynge to com to fhorte, F
82 Sonettes.
But all to foone
(alas) his gredy mynde,
By rafh attempt,
doth bryng hym to his bane,
for where he thought
a great relyefe to fynde,
By hydden hooke,
the fymple fole is tane.
So fareth man,
that wanders here a»d theare,
Thynkyng no hurt
to happen hym therbye,
He ronnes amayne,
to gafe on Beauties cheare,
Takes all for golde
that glyfters in the eye,
And neuer leaues
to feade by lookyng long,
On Beauties Bayte,
where Bondage lyes enwrapt,
Bondage that makes
hym to fynge an other fong,
And makes hym curfe
the bayte that hym entrapte.
Neuell to the,
that loueft their wanton lookes,
Feade on the bayte,
but yet beware the Hookes.
Alexander Neuells Anfwere to the fame.
§T is not curfed Cupids Dart : Nor Venus cancred Spyght, It is not vengeaunce of the Gods
That wretched harts doth fmyght, With reflleffe rage of carefull Loue. No, No, thy Force alone
Sonet tes. 83
Affection fond, doth flyr thefe flames.
Thou caufefl vs to mone And waile, and curs our wretched flats.
Our thryfe vnhappy plights, Our fighes, and powdred fobs with tears,
Our greuous gronyng Sprights, Thy hateful Malice doth procure :
O Fancye flamyng Feend Of Hel. For thou in outwarde lhape,
And colour of a frende Dofl by thy Snares and flymed Hooks
entrap the wounded Harts : From whence thefe Hellike torments fpryng,
and euer greauyng Smarts. Whence Gripe of minde, with chaunged chere
Whence face befmeard with teares. Whence thoufand mifchiefs more, wherwith
fuche Myfers Hues outweares. Our gafyng eyes on Bewties bayt
do worke our endles bane. Our eyes I fay doo worke our woo,
Our eyes procure our paine. Thefe are the Traps to vexed mynds
Here Gyns and Snares do lye. Here fyre and flames by Fancie framde,
In breft doo broyle and frye. O Googe the Bayte fone fpyed is.
Soone vewd their wanton lookes. Wheron to feede, and yet to mun,
The priuy lurkyng hookes, Their pain, Their toile, Their labour is
There There lyes endles ftrife. O happy than that Man account,
Whofe well directed Lyfe Can fly thofe yls, which fancy ftirs,
And lyue from Bondage free. A Phcznix rvght on yearth (no doubte) A Byrde full rare to fee.
84 Sonettes.
C To M. Henrye Cobham, of the mojl bleffed ftate of Lyfe.
fHe happyefl lyfe that here we haue, My Cobham yf I fliall defyne, The goodly eft ftate, twyxte byrth and graue, Moft gracious dayes and fweteft tyme, The fayreft face, of fadynge Lyfe, Race ryghtlyeft ronne in ruthfull wayes, The fafeft meanes to (hun all ftryfe : The fureft Staffe, in fyckle Dayes : I take not I as fome do take, To gape and gawne, for Honours hye, But Court and Cayfer to forfake, And lyue at home, full quyetlye, Remembreft thou? what he once fayde, Who bad, Courte not in any cafe, For Vertue is, in Courtes decayed, And Vyce with States, hath chyefeft place,
Sonett.es. 8s
Not Courte but Countreye
I do iudge,
Is it wheare lyes,
the happyeft lyfe,
In Countreye growes,
no gratynge grudge,
In Countreye ilandes
not fturdye ftryfe,
In Countreye,
Bacchus hath no place,
In Countreye
Venus hath defecte,
In Countreye
Thrafo hath no grace,
In Countreye
fewe of Gnatoes Secte.
But thefe lame foure
and many more,
In Courte,
thou malt be fure to fynde,
For they haue vowed,
not thence to goe,
Bycaufe in Courte,
dwels ydle mynde.
In Countreye
mayfte thou fafelye reft,
And flye all thefe,
yf that thou lyfle,
The Countrey therfore,
iudge I befl,
Where godly lyfe,
doth vyce refylle,
Where vertuous
exercyfe with ioye,
Doth fpende the yearca
that are to run,
Where Vyces fewe,
maye the annoye,
This lyfe is beft
whan all is done.
86 Sonettes.
C To Alexander Neuell of the
bleffed State of him that
feeles not the force of
Cupids flames.
S ofte as I
remembre with my felf,
'The Fancies fonde, that flame by foolyfh Loue, And marke the Furyes fell, the blynded elfe And Venus me that raynes fo fore aboue, As ofte as I do fe the wofull Hate, Of Louers all, and eake their myferye, The ones defy- ryng mynde the others hate, Trothe with the one, with the other Trecherye, So ofte fay I, that blefled in the wyght, Yea JVfe*#bleft, and double bleft agayne, That can by rea* fon rule hys mynde a ryght, And take fuche foo- lyfli fadynge toyes for vayne.
€E Alexander Neuells Awnfwere to the fame.
fHe plunged mind in fluds of griefs The Sences drowned quyght, The Hart opprefl. The flefh confumed The chaunged ftate outright.
Sonet tes 87
The Body dryed by broylyng blafe,
Of preuy fchorchyng Flame. The doulfull Face. The countnaunce fad
The drowping Courage tame. The Scaldyng fyghes. The greeuous groones
The burning rage of fyre The ernefl fute. The fruitles Toyle.
The deepe and hot Defyre, The Braynes quight brufd and cruiht with Cares.
The euer duryng foore. The very paynes of Hell it felf,
with thoufande mifchyefes moore, Which wounded Harts enflamed with Loue
with Gryefe do ouerflow, And works theyr endles plage and fpight
Tyll Death from thence do growe. All thefe conclude him bleft (my Googe)
And trible bled agayne, That taught bi tract of Time can take
Such fadyng Toyes for vayne.
C To Mayftre/e A.
fYnce I fo long haue lyved in pain and burnt for loue of the, (O cruel hart) dofte thou no more
efteame the Loue of me, Regardfl thou not, the health of hym ?
that the, aboue the reft Of Creatures all, and next to God
hath deareil in his brefl. Is pytie placed from the fo farre
is gentlenes exylde ? Haft thou ben foftred in the Caues,
of Wolues or Lyons wylde ? Haft thou ben fo ? why then no force,
the leffe I meruayle I, Such as the Damme, fuche is the yong
experyence trewe doth trye.
88 Soneltes.
Syth thou art of fo fyerce a mynde,
why dyd not God then place In the, with fuche a Tygers Harte,
a fowle yll fauerde face ? Sure for no other ende but that,
he lykes no Louers trade, And the therfore a ragynge Fende,
an Angels face hath made. Suche one as thou, was Gorgon ones
as auncient Poets tell, Who with her Beautie mazed men,
and nowe doth raygne in Hell, But mercye yet, of the I craue,
yf ought in the remayne, And let me not fo long the force,
of flamyng fyre fuilayne, Let pytie ioynde with beautie be,
fo (hall I not dyfdayne, My blud, my hart, my lyfe to fpende
with toyle, with flryfe, and payne, To do the good, my breath to loofe,
yf nede mail fo requyre, But for my feruyce and my paynes,
thou gyueft me hate for hyre. Well now take this for ende of all
I loue and thou dofte hate, Thou lyueft in pleafures happely.
and I in wretched Hate. Paynes can not laft for euermore,
but tyme and ende wyll trye, And tyme mail tell me in my age,
How youth led me awrye. Thy face that me tormented, fo,
in tyme mall fure decaye, And all that I do lyke or loue,
mail vanyfh quyte awaye, Thy face in tyme mail wrynckled be,
at whiche I mall be glad,
Sonettes. 89
To fee thy forme transformed thus,
that made me once fo fad, Than mall I blame my foly moch
and thanke the mightyeft kyng That hath me faued tyll fuch a daye,
to fe fo fonde a thyng. And tyll that tyme I wyll keepe clofe
my flames and let them blafe, All fecretly within my breft,
no man on me mall gafe. I wyll not trefpafle fynmlly,
for God mall geue me grace To fe Jie tyme wherin I mall
neglecte thy folyfh face, And tyll that tyme adieu to thee,
God keepe thee far from me, And fende thee in that place to dwell,
that I mall neuer fee.
C To George Holmeden of a ronnynge Heade.
fHe greateft vyce that happens vnto men, And yet a vyce, that many comon haue, As auncient Wryters waye with fobre Pen, Who gaue theyr doome, by force of wyfdom graue, The foreft mayme, the greatefl euyll fure, The vyleft plague that Students can fuftayne, And that whiche mode doth ygnoraunce procure. My Holmeden is to haue a ronnynge Brayne,
9° Sonettes.
For who is he
that leades more reftles lyfe,
Or who can euer
lyue more yll beflead ?
In fyne who lyues,
in greater Care and flryfe,
Then he that hath,
fuche an vnftedfafl hedde :
But what is this ?
me thynkes I heare the fay,
Phyfition take,
thine owne difeafe away.
IE To the Tr (inflation of Pallingen
fHe labour fwete, that I fuftaynde in the, (O Pallingen)
when I tooke Pen in hande, Doth greue me now, as ofte as I the fe, But halfe hewd out before myne eyes to flande, For I mufl needes (no helpe) a whyle go toyle, In Studyes, that no kynde of mufe delyght And put my Plow, in groffe vntylled foyle, And labour thus, with ouer weryed Spryght, But yf that God, do graunt me greater yeares. And take me not from hence, before my tyme, The Mufes nyne, the pleafaunt fynging feares
Sonettes. 9 l
Shall fo enflame
my mynde with luft to ryme,
That Palingen
I wyll not leaue the fo,
But fynyfh the
accordyng to my mynd.
And yf it be
my chaunce away to go,
Let fome the ende,
that heare remayne behynde.
The Harte abfent.
%f Wete mufe tell me,
A^wher is my hart becom,
<£pFor well I feele,
k is from hence a way,
My Sences all,
doth forrow fo benumme :
That abfent thus,
I can not lyue a Day.
I know for troth,
there is a fpecyall Place,
Wher as it mod,
defyreth for to bee :
For Oft it leaues,
me thus in Dolfull cafe,
And hether commes,
at length a gayne to me ?
Woldeft thou fo fayne,
be tolde where is thy Harte
Sir Foole in place,
wher as it fhuld not be:
Tyed vp fo fail,
that it can neuer flarte?
Tyll Wyfdom get,
agayne thy Lybertye:
In place wher thou,
92 Sonettes.
as fafe maift dwel fwet daw?
As may the harte,
ly by the Lyons paw:
And wher for thee,
as much be fure they pafle:
As dyd the matter
ons for Ejops Afle.
€E To Alexander Neuell.
fF thou canfl banifh Idle nes, Cupidoes Bo we is broke, And well thou mayfl dyfpyfe his bronds
cleane void of flame and fmoke What moued the Kynge Agiftus ons,
to Loue with vyle excefle : The caufe at hand doth ftreight apeare he lyued in Idlenes.
Finis.
The Aunfwere of A. Neuell to the fame.
5
He lack of labour mayms ye mind,
And wyt and Reafon quyght exiles.
•And Reafon fled. Flames Fancy blind. And Fancy (he forthwith beguyles The Senfles wight : that fwiftly fails Through deeped fluds of vyle exces. Thus vice abounds. Thus vertu quails By meanes of drowfy Idlenes.
C To Mayjlreffe D.
/^S^5
T)Ot from the hye Cytherion Hyll
nor from that Ladies throne From whens flies forth ye winged bov
Sonettes. 93
yat makes forae fore to grone. But nearer hence this token corns,
from out the Dongeon deepe, Where neuer Plutto yet dyd raygne
nor Proferpyne dyd fleepe. Wheras thy faithful Seruaunt Hues.
whom duetie moues aryght, To wayle that he fo long doth lacke,
his owne deare Mayflres fyght.
C Out of an olde Poet.
YeFye, I lothe
to fpeake wylt thou my lufl,
>Compell me nowe, to doo fo foule an acte. Nay rather God with Flame confume to dull. My carryon vyle, then I perfourme this facte Let rather thoughtes, that long, haue weryed me : Or fycknes fuche as Fan eye fonde hath brought, O gapyng Hell, dryne me now downe to the, Let boylyng fyghes, confume me all to nought
Ns mufynge as I fat,
and Candle burnynge bye, 'When all were hufht I myght difcern
a fymple felye Flye. {[ That flewe before myne eyes,
with free reioyfynge Hart, And here and there, with wings did play as voyde of payne and fmart,
94 Sonet tes
{[ Somtyme by me fhe fat,
when fhe had playde her fyll, And euer when fhe refled had
aboute fhe flyttered ftyll. f[ When I perceyued her well,
reioyfyng in her place, O happye Flye quoth I, and eake,
0 worrae in happy cafe. f[ Whiche two of vs is befl ?
1 that haue reafon ? no :
But thou that reafon art without
and therwith voyde of woe. f[ I lyue and fo dofte thou,
but I lyue all in payne, And Subiect am to her alas,
that makes my Gryefe her gayne.
[The following lines are added to this Poem, in the Faultes escaped, at the end of the original Edition.]
flT Thou lyuefl, but feelft no gryefe,
no Loue doth the torment, A happye thynge for me it were,
If God were fo content. That thou with Pen, wert placed here
and I fat in thy place, Then I fhuld loye as thou doft nowe
and thau muldft wayle thy cafe.
if -* v"**1— ^
i\T\t/7'Hen I do heare thy name, 0/yy/ alas my hart doth ryfe : <*->-• And feekes fourthwith to fe the falue
that moft contentes myne eys. But when I fe thy Face,
that hath procured my payne,
Sonettes. 95
Then boyles my blud in euery part.
and beates in euery vayne ? Thy voice when I do heare,
then collour comes and goes, Some tyme as pale as Earth I looke,
fome tyme as red as Rofe. If thy fweete Face do fmyle,
then who fo well as I ? If thou but call a fcornefull looke,
then out alas I dye. But flyll I lyue in payne,
my fortune wylleth fo, That I fhuld burne and thou yet know,
no whytt of all my wo.
&
Nhappye tonge
why dydfte thou not confent
When fyrfl myne eyes
dyd vewe that Princely face,
To mow good wyll,
that hart opprefl than ment.
And whylfl tyme was,
to fewe for prefent grace.
O fayntyng Hart,
why dydft thou then conceale?
Thyne inwarde Fyers,
that flamde in euery vayne,
Whan pytie and
gentlenes, were bent to heale.
Why dydft thou not,
declare thy ragyng payne ?
When well thou mightft
haue moued her gentle mynde.
Why dydfte thou than,
kepe backe thy wofull playn ?
96 Sonettes.
Thou knewfte full well, redres is hard tc fynde, Whan in thy owne affayres, thy corage faynts. But fynce me is
gon, bewaile thy grief no moore Synce thou thy felfe, wart Caufer of the Score.
€[ Oculi augent dolorem. Out of fyght, out of mynd.
fHe oftener fene, the more I luft, The more I luft, the more I fmart The more I fmart, the more I truft, The more I truft, the heauyer hart, The heuy hart, breedes myne vnreft, Thy abfence therfore, lyke I beft.
The rarer fene, the lefle in mynde, The lefle in mynde, the lefler payne, The lefler payne, lefle gryefe I fynd, The lefler gryefe, the greater gayne, The greater gayne, the meryer 1, Therfore I wyfti thy fyght to flye.
The further of, the more I ioye. The more I ioye, the happyer lyfe, The happyer lyfe, lefle hurts annoye The lefler hurts, pleafure moft ryfe, Suche pleafures ryfe, mail I obtayne When Diftaunce doth depart vs twaine.
f[ Finis.
Sonettes. 97
Ccufe not God, yf fancie fond, do moue thy foolyfh brayne,
To wayle for loue, for thou thy felfe, art caufe of all thy payne.
C Finis.
Lynes fhall tell the Gryefe that I by Loue fuflayne. burne, I flame, I faynt, I fryfe, of Hell I feele the payne.
€[ Of the vnfortunate choyfe of his Valentyne.
fHe Paynes that all the Furyes fell can caft from Lymbo lake, Eche Torment of thofe Hellifh brains
wher crawleth mani a fnake, Eche mifchiefe that therin doth lye
eche fmart that may be founde, Flye from thofe feendifh clawes a whyle
with flames breake vp the grounde, Lyght here vpon this curfed hand, make here your dwellyng place, And plague the part, yat durfl prefume
his May Her to difgrace. Which thrufl amonge a nombre of:
fo many princely names, And wher thy Maiftres had her place
amongfl the chiefefl Dames, Durfte thus prefume to leue her there
and drawe a flraunger wyght, And by thyne owne vnhappy draught torment my pauled Spryght. o
98 Sonettes.
C The vncertayntie of Lyje
rO vayner thing ther can be found
amyd this vale of ftryfe, 'As Auncient men reporte haue made
then trufle vncertayne lyfe. This tr[e]we we dayly fynde,
by proofes of many yeares, And many tymes the trothe is tryed,
by loffe of frendly fears, Hope who fo lyft in lyfe
hath but vncertayne flay. As tayle of Ele that harder held,
doth fooner flyde away. When lead we thynk therof,
moft neare approcheth it. And fodaynly pofles the place,
wher lyfe before did fytt : How many haue byn feen,
in Helth to go to reft, And yet eare mornyng tyde haue ben,
with Cruell Death oppreft, How many in their meales,
Haue Joyfully ben fett, That fodaynly in all their Feafte,
hath yealded Earth theyr dett Syth thus the lyfe is nought,
that in this world we truft, And that for all the pompe and Pryde,
the Bodie tournes to dufl : Hope for the lyfe a boue,
whiche far furmounteth all. With vertuous mind await the time When God, for vs doth call
Sonettes.
C A Refufall.
§Yth Fortune fauoures not and al thynges backward go, And fyth your mynd, hath fo decreed,
to make an end of woe. Syth now is no redrefle,
but hence I muft a way, Farwele I waft no vayner wordes, I Hope for better day.
C Of Mai/Ires D S
fHy fyled wordes, yat from thy mouth did flow Thy modeft looke •with gefture of Diane. Thy curteous mynde, and althynges framed fo. As anfwered well, vnto thy vertuous fame, The gentlenes that at thy handes I founde In ftraungers hou[f]e, all vnaquaynted I, Good S. hath my Hart to the fo bounde, That from the can it not be forced to flye, In pledge wherof, my feruyce here I gyue Yf thou fo wylte to feme the whylft I lyue.
ioo Sonet tes.
C Of Money
fYue Money me, take Frendfhyp who fo lyft, For Frends are gon come once Aduerfytie, "When Money yet remayneth fafe in Cheft, That qaickely can the bryng from myferye, Fayre face fhowe frendes, whan ryches do haboimde, Come tyme of proofe, farewell they mufl awaye, Beleue me well, they are not to be founde. If God but fende the once a lowrynge daye. Golde neuer Harts afyde, but in dyflres, Fyndes wayes enoughe, to eafe thyne heuynes.
C Goyng towardes Spayne
\ Arewell thou fertyll foyle,
that Brutus fyrft out founde, iWhen he poore foule, was driuen clean
from out his Countrey ground. That Northward layft. thy lufty fides
amyd the ragyng Seas. Whofe welthy Land doth fofler vpp,
thy people all in eafe, While others fcrape and carke abroad, theyr fymple foode to gett
Sonet tes. l01
And felye Soules toke all for good,
that commeth to the Net Which they with painfull paynes do py[n]dv
in barrain burning Realmes : While we haue all with out reflreint
a mong thy welthy flreames, O bleft of God thou Pleafaunt He,
where welth her felf doth dwell; Wherin my tender yeares I pafl
I byd thee now farewell. For Fancy dryues me forth abrode,
and byds me take delyght, In leuyng thee and raungyng far,
to fee fome (Iraunger fyght And fayth I was not framed heare
to lyue at home with eas: But paffynge forth for knowledge fake
to cut the fornyng feas.
C At Bonyuall in Fraunc*.
iFond affectyon
. wounder of my Hart,
'When wylt thou Ceafe. to breed my reflles payne, When comes the end, of this my Cruell fmart : When (hall my force, beate backe thy force agayne. When mall I faye, this reflles rage of myne : By Reafon ruld, is banyfht quyght a way, And I efcaped, thefe cruell bondes of thyne ; O flamynge feend, that feakeft my decaye.
102 Sonettes.
Safe thynkyng I, Charibdis Rage to flye, On Scylla Rocke, in Bonyuall I dye.
C Commynge home warde out of Spayne.
?Ragyng Seas,
,and myghty Neptunes rayne,
In monflrous Hylles, that throweft thy felfe fo hye, That wyth thy fludes, doefl beate the fhores of Spayne : And breake the Clyues, that dare thy force enuie. Ceafe now thy rage, and laye thyne Ire a fyde, And thou that haft, the gouernaunce of all, O myghty God, grant Wether Wynd and Tyde, Tyll on my Coun- treye Coafl, our Anker fall.
€E7(7 L. Blundefton of Ingratitude.
fHe lytell Byrde, the tender Marlyon, That vfeth ofte vpon the Larke to praye, With great reproche, doth flayne the mynde of man If all be true, that Wryters of her faye. For (he a Creature, maymde of Reafons parte, And framde to lyue accordynge to her kynde,
Sonettes.
Doth feme to fofler
Reafon in her Hart
And to afpyre
vnto Deuyner mynde.
when Hungers rage
fhe hath exyled quyte,
And fupped well
as falleth for her flate.
The felye Larke,
doth take by force of flyght,
And hyes to tree,
where as fhe lodged late,
And on the trem-
blyng Byrde all nyght fhe flondes.
To keepe her feete,
from force of nyppynge colde,
The amazed Wretche,
within her ennemyes handes,
And clofed fail,
within the clafpyng holde.
Awayteth Dea.h,
with drowfye drowpyng Hart,
And all the nyght
with feare drawes on her lylc,
The gentle Byrde,
whan darkenes doth departe
Doth not depryue,
the felye foule of lyfe,
Nor fylles with her
her hungred egre brefl
But wayeng well,
the feruyce fhe hath done.
To fpyll the Blud,
her Nature doth detefl,
And from fo great
a Cryme, her felfe doth mun.
She lets her go
and more with fledfafl eyes.
Beholds whiche way
I04 Sonettes.
me takes with mazed flight,
And in thofe partes
that Daye (he neuer flyes
Leafl on that Byrde
agayne (he chaunce to lyght.
Loe, Blundfton heare
how kyndenes doth habounde.
In felye Soules
where Reafon is exylde,
This Byrde alone
fuffyfeth to confounde,
The Brutyfh myndes
of men that are defyled,
With that great Vice,
that vyle and haynous Cry me
Ingratitude
( which e fome vnkyndenes call.)
That Poyfon flrong
that fpryngeth flyll with tyme,
Tyll at the length,
it hath infected all.
€L The Aunfwere of L. Blundefton to the fame.
fHis Mirrour left of this thy Byrde I fynde, Hath not fuche force, to enter in the Hert, To roote away Vnthankefulnes of minde. As others haue, the Vertues to peruert,
(fo prone we are to Vice :) The Tenche by kynd hath Salue for euery Score, And heales the may- med Pike in his dvftreffe,
Sonettes. *<>5
The Churlyfli Pike
for gentlenes therfore,
In his rewarde,
doth cruellye exprelle.
His murdring mynde,
his fylthy fpotted fayth,
When hungre prickes
to fyll his gredye lawes,
He grypes his poore
Chyrurgion vnto death.
Who late to hym
of lyfe was onely caufe.
Thy Merlians haue
fewe Ayryes in our ground
But Pikes haue Spawnes
good ftoore in euery Pound.
€ To the Tune of Appellee
fHe rufhyng Ryuers that do run The valeys fweet adourned new That leans their fides againfl ye Sun with Flours frefh of fundry hew, Both Afhe and Elme, and Oke fo hye, Do all lament my wofull crye.
while winter blak, with hydious flormes Doth fpoil ye ground of Sommers grene, while fpringtime fweet ye leaf returns That late on tree could not be fene, while fomer burns while harueft rains Stil flyl do rage my reflles paynes.
No ende I find in all my fmart, But endles torment I fuflayne Synce fyrft alas, my wofull Hart By fight of the was forft to playne, Synce that I loft my Lybertie, Synce that thou madfte a Slaue of me
jo6 Sonettes.
My Hart that once abroade was free Thy Beautie hath in durance brought Ons reafon rulde and guyded me, And how is wyt confumde with thought Ons I reioyfed aboue the Skye, And now for the I alas I dye.
Ons I reioyfed in Companye, And now my chief and whole delyght Is from my frendes awaye to flye And keepe alone my weryed fpryght Thy face deuyne and my defyre, From flefh hath me transformed to fyre.
O Nature thou that fyrfl dyd frame, My Ladyes heare of purefl Golde Her face of Cryftall to the fame. Her lippes of precious Rubyes moldo Her necke of Alablafler whyte Surmountyng far eche other Wight
Why dydfl thou not that tyme deuife Why dyd (I thou not forefe before ? The mifchyefe that therof doth ryfe, And grief on grief doth heap with ftor To make her Hart of Wax alone, And not of Flynt and Marble Stone.
O Lady fhowe thy fauour yet,
Let not thy Seruaunt dye for the
Where Rygour rulde, let Mercy fyt
Let Pytie Conquere Crueltie
Let not Difdain, a Feend of Hell,
Poffes the place, wher Grace mould dwell
C CUPIDO CONQUERED.
He fweeteft time of al the yeare
it was when as the Sonne, Had newly entred Gemini,
and warmynge heate begun : Whan euery tre was clothed greene,
and flowers fayre dyd fhow, And when the whyt and blowmyngfc
on Hawthorns thicke did grow, Whan fore I longd to feeke a broade,
to fe fome Pleafaunt fyght, A mid my woes and heauye happes,
that myght my Mynde delyght, Care wold not let me byde within
but forft me foorth to go : And bad me feeke fume prefent helpe,
for to relyue my wo. Than forward went I foorth in hafte,
to vew the garnyfht trees? What tyme the Son was mounted vp,
twixt nyne and ten degrees. From Flowers flew fweete ayers abroad,
delighting much my brayn, With fyght and fmels gan forow fade,
and loy returne agayne. So that in mynde I much reioyce,
to feele my felf fo lyght : For gorgyous fyghtes and odours fweet
had new reuyued my fpryght. Befyde the pleafaunt Harmonye, that fyngyng Byrdes did make: Bad me pul vpp my Hart agayne,
and forrow fone forfake. For though (quoth Reafon.) me be gon on whom thy Lyfe dependes,
l°8 Cupido
Yet fond it is to carke and care
where there is none amendes. Thus foorth I went, and in the groouea
I raunged heare and theare, Wheras I hard fuche pleafaunt tunes
as Heauen had ben neare. I thynke that if Amphion hadde,
ben prefent ther to playe, Or if Sir Orpheus myght haue held,
his Harp, that prefent day. Or if Apollo with his Lute,
had (Iryuen to excell, None of them all, by Mufycke fliolde,
haue borne away the Bell. I rather iudge the thracian wold,
his Harpe wherwith he played, Haue caft a way as one whom Ire,
had vtterly difmayed. Such pafiyng tunes of lundry Byrds,
I neuer herd before, The further I went in the Woods.
the noyfe refounded more. O happy Byrdes quoth I what lyfe,
is this that you do leade, How far from Care and mylery,
how far from Feare and dread: With what reioyfynge melodic,
pafle you this fadyng Lyfe, While Man vnhappieft creatur Hues
In wretched toyle and flryfe. Styll foorth I went and wonderd at,
this plefaunt Harmony. And gafed at thefe lytle Fooles,
that made fuche Melody : Tyll at the length I gan to fpye,
a (lately Lawrell tree, So plaft and fett in fuch a guyie,
That as it feamed to me,
conquered. I09
Dame Nature ftroue to (hew her felf
in plantyng fuch a thyng, For Euen out befyde the rocke,
a fountayne cleane did fpryng, Where in the water I beheld,
refembled wonderous trew, The Whyte and Greene of al the trees,
adourned late of new. And how in order eake they flood,
a goodly fyght to fe, And there I might difcerne the Byrds
that fonge in euery tree. To moue the Byll and make the wings
in vteryng Muficke fweete And heare and thear, to flye to feade,
and eftefones theare to meete. Great pleafure had I there to byde,
and Hare vpon the Spryng, For why me thought it dyd furmount,
cache other kynde of thyng. Now was the Son got vp aloft,
and raught the mydle Lyne, And in the Well, the Golden Gloobe,
with flamyng Beames dyd fhyne, Wherof the Bryghtnes was fo great
that I might not endure, Lenger to looke within the Spryng,
whofe waters were fo pure. Vnwyllyng went I thence away,
and vnderneth the tree, I laid me down whofe braunches brode
dyd keepe the Son from me. Thynkyng to reft me there a whyle,
tyll fallyng fome degrees Syr Phebus Ihuld haue hyd hym felf,
behynde the Ihadowyng trees, And then for to haue vewd the Spring,
and marked euery place,
IO
Cupido
And feene yf there I could haue fpied
the weepy ng Biblis face. For fure I thynke, it was the place,
wherein Narciffus dyed, Or els the Well, to which was turnd
poore Biblis whyle fhe cryed. But whether it was werynes,
with labour that I tooke, Or Fume yat from the Spryng dyd ryfe,
wherin I late dyd looke. Or yf it were the fweete accorde
that fyngyng Byrdes dyd keepe, Or what it was, I knowe no wfrit
but I fell fafl a ileepe. I thynke the woddy Nimphes agreed
that I fliuld haue this chaunce, And that it was theyr pleafure fo,
to fhowe me thyngs in traunce. Whittle I lay thus in flumbre deepe,
I myght perceyue to ftande, A Perfon clothed all in whyte,
that held a Rod in hande. Whiche was me thought of Maffey Golde,
I knew it very weale, For that was it, made Argos fleepe,
whyle he dyd lo fleale. When I perceaued by his attyre,
that it was Mercuri. My Hart at fyrfl began to faynt,
yet at the length quoth I Thou Goddeffe Son, why ftandfle you there
what bufmes now with thee, What meanefl you in thy flying weed,
For to appeare to me, And therwithall my thought I flaied,
and could no farther fpeake, For Feare did force my fpeech to fayle
and Courage waxed weake.
conqiierecC.
Which whan the fone of Maia fawe,
he tooke me by the hand, Looke vp quoth he be not affrayed:
but boldly by me fland. The Mufes all of Helicon,
haue fent me now to thee : Whom thou doefl ferue and whofe you fekfl
For euer more to be. And thankes to the by me they fende,
Bycaufe thou tookefl payne, In theyi Affaires (a thankeles thyng)
to occupie thy Brayne. Defy ring thee not for to flaye,
foi Momus ill report, But endyng that thou haft begun,
to fpyte the Canckred forte. And thynk not thou, that thou art he,
that canft efcape Difdayne, The day mall come when thankfull men,
fhall well accept thy Paine, But rather lay before thyne eyes,
the hie attemptes of thofe, Whofe flatly flyle with painfull proofe,
theyr worthy wytes difclofe, Marke him that thundred out ye deeds
Of olde Anchifes fun, Whofe Englifh verfe gyues Maroes grace,
In all that he hath done, Whofe death the Mufes forrow much,
that lacke of aged dayes, Amongefl the common Brytons old,
mould hynder Virgils prayfe. Mark him yat hath wel framde a Glaffe
for flates to looke vpon, Whofe labour (hews the ends oi them
that lyued long a gone. Marke hym that fhowes ye Tragedies
thyne owne famylyar Frende,
112
Cupido
By whom ye Spaniards hawty Style
in Englyfh Verfe is pende. Marke thefe fame three, and other moe,
whofe doyngs well are knowne, Whofe fayre attempts in euery place
The flying fame hath blowne, Haft thou not harde, thyfelf in place
full ofte and many a tyme, Lo here the Auctor lofeth grace,
Loe here a doltyfh Ryme, Now fyth that they haue this reward
who paffe the euen as farre, As in the nyght Diana doth,
Excell the dimmeft Starre. Take thou no fcorne at euyll tongs,
what neadft thou to difdayne ? Syth they whom none can well amend
haue lyke fruyte of theyr payne. Moreouer yet the Ladyes nyne,
haue all commaunded me, Bycaufe they know, the blynded God
hath fome thyng pearced the. To leade the foorth, a thyng to fee,
yf all thyngs happen ryght, Whiche mall gyue the occafion good,
with ioyfull mynde to wryght. To this, I wold haue anfwered fayne
and theare began to fpeake, But as my words were commyng forth
my purpofe he dyd breake. Come on (quoth he) none Aunfwere now
we maye no lenger ftaye. But frame thy felfe, to flye abroade,
for hence we muft awaye. And here withall, on both my fydes,
two wyngs me thought dyd growe, Of mighty breadth, away went he,
and after hym I flowe.
conquered. "3
And euer as we mounted vp,
I lookte vpon my wyngs, And prowde I was, me thought to fee
fuche vnacquaynted thyngs. Tyll foorth we flewe, my Guyde and I,
with mowntyng flyght apace, Beholdyng Ryuers, woods, and Hylles
and many a goodly place. Till at the length methought I might
a Gorgyous Caflell fpye, Thear downe began my guyd to fall,
and downward eake fell I, Lo heare the place where you muft light
Gan Mercury to faye, Farwell and note what thou dooft fe,
for I mufl hence away. And with this fame a way flewe he,
and lefte me there alone, Wher as with Feare a mafde I flood,
and thus began to mone. Alas where am I now become,
what Curfed Chaunce hath blown, Me from the place where I was bred,
to Countreis heare vnknown, What ment that fell vnhappy Feend,
that Maia brought to lyght, To bring me from my Hartes defyre,
to fee thys dolefull fyght. Vnhappy Wretche, I wolde I hadde,
his Perfon heare in hand, Then fhuld I wreak mine Ire of him.
that brought me to this Land. But all to late alas I wyfh,
for words auayle not nowe, Tis befl to learne. what place it is,
and yet I knowe not howe. Alas that here were Ptholome,
with CompaiTe Globe in hande, H
i'4 Cupido
Whofe Arte fhuld fhowe me true the place,
and Clymate where I flande, Well yet what foeuer chaunce theron
what foeuer Realme it be, Yon Caflell wyll I vyfyte fure,
hap what hap wyll to me. Thus much me thought alone I fpoke
and then I forewarde went, And curfed eke an hundred folde,
them that me thyther lent. Thus to the Caflell, flrayght I came,
whiche when I vewde aboute, And fawe the workmanfhyp therof
full gorgeouflye fet oute. I entred in, with fearefull Harte,
muche doutyng howe to fpeede, But euer hope of happye chaunce,
my heauye Hart dyd feede. Wyde was the Courte and large within
the walles were rayfed hye, And all engraued with Storyes fayre
of cofllye Imagrye. There myght I fe, with wondrous Arte,
the Picture porturde playne, Of olde Orion Hunter good,
whom Scorpions vyle had flayne. And by hym ftoode his Borfpeare and
his other Inftruments, His Net, his Darte, his Courfar, and
his Hunters reflyng Tents. And vnder hym was wrytten fayre.
in Letters all of Golde, Here lies he flain, with Scorpions fling,
vnhappy wretche that wolde, Haue forced the Ladye of this forte
with flayne of Royaltie. To haue confented to his wyll, in fylthye Lecherye.
conquered. \ \ 5
Wherfore beware that enters here,
what foeuer man thou art ? Accounte thy felfe but loft, yf that
thou bearfte a lecherous Hart. When I had vewd thefe wrytten lines
and markde the Storye well, I ioyed muche, for why I knew,
Diana there dyd dwell. Diana (he that Goddeffe is,
of Virgyns facred mynde, By whom Orion Hunter wylde,
his Fatall ende dyd fynde. Next vnto hym, I myght beholde,
Actcon wofull wyght, In what a manner, all to torne.
his cruell Dogs hym dyght. There might be feene, theyr gredye mouths
with Maifters blud embrued, And all his owne vnhappye men,
that fafl theyr Lorde purfued. And many Storyes more there war
engraued : to long to tell What fearefull haps to many men,
for luft vncleane befell. Thus as I ftoode with mufyng mind
beholdyng all thyngs theare, In rufheth at the Gate behynde
a Pofl with heauy cheare. Into the Hall with hafle he hyes
and after folowed I, To here what kynde of Newes he brought
or what he ment therby. He paffyng through the Hall in hafle,
at entraunce neuer flayed, But blowyng fafl for want of breath,
as one almofle difmayed. Approcht in Prefence to the fyght
of chafle Dianaes face,
n6 Cupido
That all encompafte rounde aboute
with Virgyns in that place, In loftye Chayre of hye eftate
dyd fyt, all clothde in whyte, Of Syluer hewe, that fhynyng gaue,
me thought, a gorgeous fyght. There dyd I fe, fayre Dido Queen e
and fayre Hifiphile, And next to them Lucretia fat,
and chafle Penelope. But thefe fame foure, no Bowes dyd beare
for Virgyns facred ftate, They had forfaken long ago,
and ioynde with faythfull Mate. On the other fyde, fat all the forte
of fayre Dianaes trayne, Whofe trade with toyle amongft the woods
was euer bent to payne. Whofe facred minds, were ner defyld
with any wanton lull, Whiche neuer could the fyckle flate,
of Louers fancye trufle. The chyefe of them was Ifmenis,
Whom befl Diana loued, And next in place fat Hyale,
whom neuer Fancye moued, Next vnto them fat Nipha fayre,
a Gemme of Chaftyte, And next to her fat Phyale,
not bafefl in degree, Behynde them all, of paflyng forme,
fayre Rhanis held her place, And nye to her I myght difcerne
Dame Plecas Ihynyng face, Thefe Pryncely Nymphes accompany ed
Diana in her Baynes, Whyle as in fhape of Stagge poore wretche
Acteon had his paynes,
conquered. 117
Aboue them all I myght beholde,
as placed before the reft, Hipolitus whom Phedraes fpyte ?
mod Cruelly had dreft. Hipolitus the vnfpotted Pearle :
of pure Virginitie, Whofe noble Hart culd not agre,
to (lepdames vyllany. Next vnto hym fat Continence,
and next was Labour placed ? Of bodie bygge and ftrong he was,
and fomwhat Crabtre faced. Next hym was placed Abftinence,
a leane vnwyldy wyght, Whofe Diet thyn had banimt cleane,
all fond and vayne delyght. A Thoufand more me thought ther war
whofe names I dyd not know, And yf I did to longe it were,
in Verfes them to (how. Down of his knees the meffenger
before them al doth fall, And vnto chaft Diana thear,
for fuccour thus doth call. O Goddeffe chiefe of Chaftitie^
and Sacred Virgins mynd: Let Pitie from your noble Hart :
redreffe for Mifers fynd. Let not our weryed Hartes fuftaine,
fuche wrongfull Tyranye ? Quench quickly now the fyrie flames
of open Iniurye. This fayd for Feare he ftaied awhyle,
and than began agayne, A mighty Prynce (quoth he) is com,
with great vnruly trayne. All armed well at euery poynt
(a dredefull fyght to fe :)
1 1 8 Cupido
And euery man in feates of armes,
ryght fkylfull all they be. The Captaine chyfe in Charyot ryde
with pompe and flately Pryde : With Bow in hand of glittering gold,
and Quyuer by his fyde. Wher many a maft full (harp doth ly:
and many a mortall Darte, That hath with poyfoned force deflroid,
Full many a yealdyng Harte. He entred hath within your Realme,
and taken many a Forte, Hath fakte them all, and fpoylde them quyte
and flayne a wondrous forte. In ftraungeft guyfe, for where he moots
the wounde doth fefler ftyll And all the Surgians that we haue
can not remoue the yll, In lytell tyme the gryefe fo fore,
doth growe in euery parte, Deftraynyng through the venomed vaines
doth fo torment the Hart. That fome to ryd them felues therof
in fluds full deepe they leape, Vnd drown them felues fom downward falles
from Houfes hye by heape, •Some Anker caft on crofied Beames
to ryd them felues from flryfe, And hang them felues mil thycke on trees
to ende a wretched lyfe. And they whofe fearefull mynds dare not
thus make an ende of wo, With greuous flames, confumynge long
theyr lyfe at length forgo. Loe here the Somme of all I haue,
this Tygre vs anoyes, And cruellye hath fpoyled vs,
of all our wonted ioyc.>.
conquered. 119
Whom yf your Grace do not repuls.
and fynde fome prefent ftaye, Vndoubtedly he wyll wyn this Realme,
and take vs all awaye. At this, the Ladyes all amazde
for feare dyd looke full pale, And all beheld with mazed eyes,
the Wretche that tolde the tale. Tyll at the length Hipolitus
of Hart and courage hye, Nothyng abalhde, with fodain newes
began thus to replye. Cafle fere away, faire Dames (quoth he)
difmaye your felues no more, I know by whom this mifchief fpryngs
and know a helpe therfore. It is not fuche a dredefull Wyght,
as he doth here reporte, That entred is within thefe partes,
and plagues the fymple forte. Nor is his force fo great to feare,
I know it I full well : It is the fcornfull blynded Boy,
that neare 10 vs doth dwell. Whom Mars long tyme a go begott,
of that Lafciuious dame : That Linckt in Chaines for Lechery,
receaued an open ftiame. A difobedient blynded Foole,
that durfl prefume to turne : His dartes agaynft his mother ons,
and caufd her fore to burne. An auncient foo : to all this Court,
Of long tyme he hath ben : And hath attempted euermore,
by this : Renowne to wyn. His cruell Hart, of Pitie voyed,
doth fpare no kynd of age :
I2O
Cupido
But tender youth and dotyng age,
he ftrykes in furyous rage. And laughes to fcorne the fely foules
that he hath wounded fo, No Fine appoynted of theyr ils,
no end of al theyr wo. But fyns he hath prefumed thus,
to entre heare in Place, And heare to threten Conquefts thus,
agaynfl Dianaes Grace, Let him be fure his loftie Mynde,
this deade (hall foone repent, If that your grace do here agre.
with Fre and full concent. To make me Cheftain of this Charge
and whom I lyfl to chofe, If Prifoner heare I bryng hym not,
Let me myne Honour lofe. And there he ceafde with ioyfull looks
the Ladyes fmyled all, And thorough his wordes they hoaped foone
to fe Cupidoes fall. With heauenly voice Diana thear,
as chyefe aboue the reft : This wife her words began to frame,
From out her facred breft. My good Hipolitus quoth me,
whofe true and faythfull mynd : In doubtfull daunger often I,
do alwayes redy fynd. For to reuenge the cankred rage,
of all my fpytfull foes, Thou he from whofe vnfpotted hart,
the fluddes of vertue flowes. whofe feruife long hath ben aproued,
within this court of myne, Reftrayne this boyes vnruly rage,
by valyant means of thyne,
conquered.
I geue the.leaue and thee appoint,
my cheyf Lieutenant here, Chufe whom you wilt take whom you lyfl,
thou nedefl no whit to feare. With this he rofe from out his place,
and lokynge round a bout : Chofe Abftinence and Continence,
with Labour Captayne flout. And with thefe thre he tooke his leaue
of all the Ladyes there, Who doubtyng of his fafe returne,
let fall full many a teare. He lefte them theare in heauynes,
and made no more delaye, But outward went and toward ye Campe,
he tooke the nearefl way. With this the Queenes commyffion ftraight
was fent abroad in hafte, To rayfe vp fouldiars round about,
and with theyr Captayne plafle. To bring them foorth and marching on,
Hipolitus to meet, Than founded Trumpetes al a broad,
and Drumes in euery flreat. And fouldiears good lyke fwarmes of Been*
theyr Captains preafe about All armed braue in Corfletes white,
they march with courage ftout. And forwarde fhoue, till at the length
where as theyr marfhall lyes, They fynd the place the ioifull founds,
Do mount aboue the fkyes. Hipolitus receaued them all,
with woordes of plefaunt cheare, And placith them in good aray,
bycaufe the camp was neare. Three Battails big of them he frams,
and of the Rereward [? Vanguard] ftrong,
T2I
122
Cupido
Hath Labour charge who fteppeth foorth,
before the flatlye thronge : And Captayn of the reare ward next,
was placed abflinens, And loind to him for Policie,
was Captayne Continence : The Battayle mayne Hipolitus,
him felfe did chufe to guyd. And in the formed front therof,
on Courfer fayre doth ryde : The Trumpets found march on apace,
and Dromes the fame do flryke. Then forward moues ye Army great,
In order Martiall lyke. I cam behynde (me thought) and beft,
it feamed then to me : To vew the dynt of dreedfull fword,
and feyghter none to be. Thie Spies were fent abroad to vew,
the place where Cupide lay : A longefl a Ryuer fayre and broad,
they fpye a pleafaunt way, Which waye they tooke and paffynge foorth,
at length apeares a plaine : Both large and vaft wher lyes ye rowt,
of Cruell Cupides trayne. Thus told the fpyes we onward hye,
and flrayght in fyght we haue, The ferfull (how of all our Foes,
and dredfull army braue, The firfl yat marched from Cupides Camp
was drowfy Idlenes. The chyefefl frend that loue had then,
the next was vyle Exces. A Lubbour great, mimapen mod,
of all that thear I faw. As much I thynk in quantitie,
as horfes fyxe can dra\v.
conquered. 1 23
A myghty face both broad and flat,
and all with Rubies fet : Muche nofed lyke a Turky Cocke,
with teth as blacke as Get. A Belye byg, full truft with guts,
and Peftels two, lyke Pofles, A knaue full fquare in euery poynt,
A Prynce of dronken Oofles. Vpon a Camell couched hye,
for Horfe coulde none hym beare, A mighty Staffe in hande he had,
his Foes a farre to feare. Behynde them all, the blynded God,
doth com in Charyot fayre, With ragyng flames flong rounde about
he peftres all the ayre. And after hym, for tryumphe leades
a thoufande wounded Harts, That gum abrode hot flreams of blud
new perfed with his Dartes, The army redy for to meete
and all at poynt to fyght, Hipolitus with lufly cheare
and with a noble Spryght. His Souldiers to encourage. Thus
his wordes begyns to place. My valyaunt frends and Subiects all
of Chafl Dianaes Grace, whofe noble Harts were neuer flaind
with fpot of Daftards mynd, Behold our enemyes here at hande,
behold yon coward blynd. Of lytle force, comparde with you,
howe in a fond araye, They ftragle out no ordre dewe,
obferued in theyr waye. Behold what goodly Guyds they haue
to gouerne them withal!,
1 24 Cupido
That neuer knew what fighting ment
but lyue to Venus thrall. Marke hym that guyds the rerewarde there
that vyle deformed Churle, Whofe foggy Mates, with paunches fyde
do thycke aboute him whurle. And he that formofl hether corns
loe what a handfome Squyre, Sure full vnapt to kepe the felde,
more fyt to fyt by the fyre. In fyne lo Victorye at hande
with hye tryumphant Crowne, Bent for to fpoyle our Foes of Fame,
and cafl theyr Glorye downe. Fyght therfore now courageouflye,
and ryd your frendes of feare, Declare your Manhod valyauntly,
and let your Harts appeare. With this the founde begyns to mount
and noyfe hye to ryfe, And warlyke tunes begyn to dam,
them felues agaynft the Skyes. The Canons Crack e, begins to roore
and Darts full thycke they flye And couerd thycke, the armyes both,
and framde a Counter Skye. And now the Battayls both be ioynde
with flroke of Hande to trye. The quarrell iufl and for to fynde,
where Victorye doth lye, The Souldyers all of Idlenes
where Labour corns, do fall, And wounded fore, by force of hym,
all bathde in blud, they fprall. Hym felfe alone with Idlenes
nowe hande to hande doth fyght And after many a mortall wounde,
deftroyes the felye wyght.
conqiiered
Then ioynes with him Syr Abftinence
with ayde and fuccours newe, And both vpon the grefye Hoafte,
of Glottonye they flewe. The Captayn doth aduaunce hymfelf
with Abflinence to meete, The vnweldy Creature fmitten there
is tombled vnder feete. Then Panels flyes Incontinence
and all Cupidoes frendes, Beholdynge Fortune thus to frowne,
by flyght them felfe defendes. Cupido whan he fees hymfelfe,
thus fpoylde of all his ayde, The chyef Supporters of his Courte,
fo fodaynly decayde. Bad turne his Charyottes than with hafle
and fad away he flyes, Amongfl the chafte Hipolitus
on fwyftye Courfer hyes, Than all with love they after run,
downe thycke the enemyes fall, The blinded boy, for fuccour flraight
to Venus hye doth call, But all his cryes auayleth not,
his Foes hym fail purfewe, The dryuer of his Chary ot foone,
Hipolitus there flewe. And down from Horfe, the wretche doth fall
The horfes fpoyld of guyde, A Souldier floute of Reafons bande,
is wylled there to ryde. Who tur[n]yng Raynes another waye
rellrayns hym of his flyght, His Honours loft and taken thus,
Cupide in dolfull plyght. Thefe wordes with tremblyng voyce began
fyth Fortune thus quoth he,
i 26 Cupido
Hath giuen her doome from doubtfull bred
and turnd her Grace from me. Syth that the moft miffortune nowe,
that euer I could fynd, Hath chaunced to me and Myfer I,
by Deflenyes affygnde. Am Captyue heare, confydre yet,
what Fortune myght haue wrought And made a Conquerer of me,
and you in Bondage brought. Confydre yet the wofull plyght,
wherin you had remaynd, If that the Gods my happy flate,
had not fo fore difdaynd, . And by your Gryef, than mefure mine
fhowe mercye in this cafe, That Conquerour commended is,
who gyues to pytie place. The cruell mynd difprayfed is,
In euery kynd of flate, No man fo hauty lyues on earth,
but ons may fynd his mate. Thefe wordes Hipolitus I fpeake,
to bread no farther flryfe, I fpeake not this of malyce heare,
my fute is for my lyfe, Syth Fortune thus hath fauord you,
graunt this my fmall requefl, And let me lyue yf mercy dwell,
within your Noble brefl, By this tyme Morpheus had difperfl
the drowfy Clowd of fleape, And from my braynes the quyet traunce,
began full fafl to Creape. And dounward fell. I waked therwith
and lokyng round a bout, Long tyme I mufed where I was,
my mynd was flyl in doubt
conquered. I27
Till at the length I vewde the tree,
and place where as I fat, And well beheld the pleafaunt Spryng
* that late I wondred at. I fawe befyde the Golden Globe,
of Phebus fhynyng bryght, That Weftwarde halfe, dyd hyde his face
approchyng fafl the nyght. Eche Byrde began to fhrowd hymfelf
in tree to take his reft And ceafte the pleafaunt tunes yat late
proceaded from theyr Breafte. I homewarde went, and left them all,
and reftles all that nyght, I mufynge laye, tormented' thus,
with fond lamentyng fpryght. When Phebus rofe to paffe the tyme,
and paffe my gryefe awaye I toke my Pen and pend the Dreame
that made my Mufes ftaye.
C F I N I S.
[* This line is repeated. Appearing at the bottom of one page, and also at the top of the next.]
128
•[ Jmprgtttetr at Hotrtron in £* aspires <£f)ut'rf)garlJe,
ftp Thomas Colwell, Raufe Nevvbery.
are to fie foIO at fits (ftop in jTleeteftrete, a Iptie afioue tfte ConOuit
1563-
15. Die Menfis March.
C Faultes efcaped in the Pryntynge.
[The whole of these corrections have been embodied in the Text]
Turnbitll &• Spears, Printers, Edinburgh.
PR 2337 R98R4 1871
Roy, William
Rede me and be nott wrothe
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