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Duke University Libraries

Report of the S Conf Pam #473

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1>U\

li E P O R T

OF THE

SECEETARY OF ¥AR.

War Department, Co:.'federate States of A>fERicA, ) lUchmond, Ncvembr 3, 18G4. >

Tv the President of the Confederate States :

Sir : The operations of the War Department, since the date of my last report, embrace in their scope the events of the present campaign, which at that time had not been fullj opened, and which has not yet been brought to a close ; also, the measures instituted for the in- crease, organization, equipment and supply of the army, under the laws adopted at the last session of the first Congress. The impor- tance of the elections to occur vrithin the United States during the present year, tlie condition of their finances and a growing discon- tent among their people, because of the duration of the war, induced a belief that their executive and military authorities would prosecute the campaign with extraordinary vigor, and seek to render it decisive and final. Nor has this anticipation been disappointed. In the. winter and spring, the enemy collected a larger body of men than he had before assembled in the field, who were commanded by his favorite generals. His fleets were enlarged, and their armaments embraced all the improvements that naval architecture had discovered. His arms and equipments were of the most improved model, and whatever was required for the success of the campaign was supplied with lavish profusion. He opened the campaign by an attempt to obtain com- mand over the States bordering on the Gulf of Mexico. He invaded Florida ; set on foot an expedition to sweep through Mississippi and to effect the capture of Mobile; and he penetrated, with formidable armies, to the weetcrn limits of Louisiana, to establish his dominion over that State. The success of these enterprises was expected to give him a firm hold upon these States, and to enable him to concen- trate all his energies upon the campaigns in Virginia and Georgia. But these invasions were defeated or repelled. My last report com- urunicated the victories obtained in Florida and North Mississippi,

2

that relieved Alabama and Florida from the invader, and I have now to announce a series of brilliant triumphs obtained by our arms in Louisiana and Arkansas, commencing -with the signal victories of Mansfield and Pleasant Ilill, and extending into the interior of Mis- Bouri, where our victorious troops were at the date of our latest information. Almost the entire trans-Mississippi department enjoys security and repose, and the troops, long engaged with invaders there, may now, as in part they already are, be employed in formidable olTensive operations. But the primary object of the enemy was to effect the capture of Richmond, and the defeat and dispersion of the armies of JNorthern Virginia and Tennessee. He assembled his main srmy for this purpose in April last, on the Rappahannock, under General Grant. Another was collected on the Peninsula, under com- mand of General Butler, to co-operate on the south side of Richmond. A third was designed to penetrate to the James river, through the Valley of Virginia, and the forces in Western Virginia and Ken- tuclcy w^ere to cross the mountains and join it on its march.

It is believed that more than two hundred thousand troops were combined for the execution of this plan in April last, and that from fifty to one hundred thousand men have since been added as rein- forcements. The army of General Grant was mst at the Wilderness, on the 5th of May last, and defeated ; it was encountered with the same result at Spottsylvania Court-House, on the Po, the North Anna, and at Cold Harbor, after which it abandoned its march on Richmond and crossed the James river to form a junction with General Butler near Petersburg. This army of General Butler had landed on the south side of the James river, at Bermuda Hundreds, early in May, to co-operate with the army of General Grant, which was expected to arrive before Riqhmond in a short time. On the 1 6th day of May this army met with a defeat at Drewry's Bluff, and was confined to its entrenchments from that time until it was joined by the array of General Grant.

The aimy of General Sigel, designated for the invasion of the Valley of Virginia, was defeated at New Market, in May last, and the troops from Western Virginia driven from the valley of the upper Roanoke about the same time. At a later period, these armies were united under General Hunter, and after a successful march np the Valley of Virginia, were encountered by General Early at Lynch- burg and driven to the Ohio river. General Early, finding "\Yashing- ton City and Baltimore exposed, passed through the Valley, defeating all opposing forces, crossed into Maryland, and penetrated to the suburbs of Washington City and Baltimore. The cavalry raids of k^heridan and Y/ilson were defeated, and the attempts to permanently obstruct our communications have failed. The campaign, projected by General Grant with such mighty preparation, has been frustrated, and if he depended alone upon the means that were provided and were deemed to be superabundant, his failure would be absolute. But a proclamation has been made for the draft of five hundred thousand men by the President of the United States, to recruit his defeated and dispirited army and we cannot yet claim security or quiet.

In the great central State of Georgia, the campaign opened about the surne time, but operations have been, so far, less favorable to our arms. Preparation had been there made, early to meet, with adequate forces, exceeding the relative disproportion ■which has usually existed with all our armies, and repel the enemy on the threshhold of the State, but prudence or strategy led the General entrusted with the conduct of the campaign to prefer a retreating and defensive line of action. In consequence, our forces, though not without, on several occasions, severely checking and punishing their adversaries, whenover venturing direct assault, were gradually manoeuvred or pressed back towards Atlanta, the leading objective point of the campaign. When that important central point of union to various converging lines of communication had been nearly reached, and ap- peared about to be abandoned, a change was made in the commander, and a strenuous effort was made to hold and defend, by force of arms, this place, which had become more important in a political and moral than in a military view, from the significance the public of both sides had attached to its possession. It was bravely held for several weeks, and some successes, achieved with skill and valor, for a time seemed to assure t© us its retention, when a hazardous movement of the enera}^ which, with as much success to our arms as there was prompti- tude in seizing the occasion by our commander, must have caused his ruin, resulting in victory, compelled our evacuation of the city and its occupancy by the enemy. This was felt as a serious reverse, and caused some depression of feeling throughout the Confederacy, while it was hailed v»ith unbounded acclamation and revived hopes by the enemy. For the time, the loss of prestige and the political effects were unquestionably adverse to us, but results may show that its consequences were, on both sides, strangely misunderstood and ex- aggerated. It has liberated our army for offensive operations, while it has chained down our enemies to the tenure of a far inland position of no real strategical value since the breaking up of its railroad con- nections, in the mid.it of a hostile population, and to be sustained only by fupplies drawn hundreds of miles by a single line of road. The opportunities presented by such a situation have been seized anxl used by our bold and enterprising leader with promptitude and energy. Tho communications cf the enemy have been cut in many places. Our army is in his rear, and he, instead of resting securely behind the strong entrenchments of his recent capture, is forced to come forth to encounter his skillful adversary on ground of his choice and where defeat is ruin to the enemy, only reverse to us.

Meantime the necessity f jr concentration by the enemy of his scattered forces for the invasion of Georgia, compelled the relaxation of the bonds which have restrained the patriotic desires of the loyal in Kentucky and Tennessee. In consequence, in different portions of both States, with the encourajzement of some little aid from an officer or company of our army, the people are organizing and arming in force, to repel their oppressors and hold their own country. In fact, at this time, we have possession of larger portions of both States than at any period since they were overrun by the enemy, and, by the

indignities and wrongs of their domination, tliey have roused all lojal people to stern defiance and the resolve never to submit. Should dis- aster overtake the army invading Georgia, the uprising of the people behind him would probably be general, and the re-establishment of the permanent ascendancy of the Confederacy over those important and abundant States be fully secured.

Shortly after the fall of Atlanta, a series of disasters befel our troops in the Valley of Virginia, and contributed to the discourage- ment then existing. But when we consider the events of the entire campaign — the brilliant achievements of our armies in Florida, Mis- sissippi, Louisiana, Arkansas and >:issouri — the long, arduous and successful resistance made by the army of Northern Virginia, in which every virtue of an army and the genius of consummate general- ship have been displayed — the glorious defence of Petersburg ami llichmond, the numerous successes that have crowned our arms in Maryland, Virginia, Georgia, South Carolina and Mississippi, the adventurous, bold and effective efforts of our cavalry under Hampton, Forrest, Lee and others, v*e have cause for congratulation and re- joicing. We have resisted the mightiest of the efforts of our enemies ; we have encountered and defeated his largest and best appointed armies ; we have thwarted his best laid plans; we have shown our- selves to be worthy of that separate and equal place among the nations of the earth, which is our birthright, and which has been unjustly withheld from us.

The superintendence of the measures for the increase, organization, equipment, supply and movement of the army is devolved upon this Department. The acts of Congress of April and September, 18G2, "to make further provision for the public defence," and the act of Congress in February last, "to organize forces to serve during the. war," contain the authority of the Department, and designate the means for maintaining the efficiency of the army as to men. The war upon the part of the Confederacy being defensive, the proportions it was to assume depended upon the character and extent of the means employed by the enemy for its prosecution. His scheme for the pros- ecution of the war was to overcome all opposition by the magnitude of his armies, and the superiority of their supply and equipment. Referring to the census tables, he estimated the arms-bearing popula- tion of the Confederate States, accessible to their control in any form, to be less than one million of men. lie determined to place forthwith in the military and naval service some seven hundred thousand, and thus to compel the Confederacy to put in requisition its entire strength ; and since 1861 he has strained every nerve to maintain his armies.at the same standard as to numbers. lie has recruiting agencies throughout the continent of Europe, and he has enlisted from the negroes of this continent, it is said, some two hundred thousand sol- diers. It is evident, therefore, that to carry on the contest, the Con- federacy was compelled to put its entire resources in requisition. The acts of Congress of 1862, before mentioned, contain the princi- ple, that in a struggle involving the being of a nation, every citizen may be assigned to that position, and to perform that duty, in which

he can render beat service. The exemption acts of 1862 and 1863, which followed the acts of conscripticn, do not contradict this princi- ple. They were designed to effect such an organization of the indus- try nf the States as to enable us to defend ourselves with our own resources. Cut off from the commerce of the world, and destitute as we were, at the beginning of the war, of magazines and arsenals from which to draw supplies, it became apparent that our safety depended upon the activity and success'with which our internal resources could be developed for use. There v.a3 an imperious necessity for a protec- tion to manufacturing, mechanical and mining enterprises, and for the devotion of agricultural industry to the production of subsistence for the army and people. The exemption acts of 1862 and 1353 were liberal in the promotion of this policy, and the Confederacy has derived from them the most beneficial results. Notwithstanding the embarrassment and obstruction that follow upon the use of a depre- ciated currency, and that much of the territory of the Confederacy has undergone the devastation of war, an adequate supply of provis- ions has been obtained for the army. The mobility of our armies has been maintained by the aid extended to railroads; the manufacturing establishments have supplied a large portion of the clothing for sol- diers, and the mechanical, mining and manufacturing industry em- ployed upon the production of arms and munitions of war, have enabled us to conduct our campaigns with security and confidence. We have been enabled to compete with a nation of artizans and me- chanics, whose invention and skill have been stimulated by the munifi- cent bounty of their Government. Nor were these results achieved by any sacrifice, nor even detriment to the claims of the armies in the field. The muster and pay rolls of the armies show, that through the campaigns of 1862 and 1863, if any undue diminution is discernablc, it was due to desertion and absenteeism, more than to any deficiency in the recruiting system that had been adopted. But it cannot be disguised that the duration of this war for more than three years, and the unparalleled largeness of its proportions, and the sanguinary nature of the warfare, have become manifest in the official returns of our armies and of the recruiting service. The acts of Congress during the last winter contain admissions of the fact. They provide in no indistinct terras for the contingency that was anticipated shortly to occur, when the capacity of our people to contribute further recruits to the army would be more heavily taxed than at any former period. The regulation that discharged a principal who had furnished a sub- stitute was abrogated, and the principal was required to return to the army. The bureau service was curtailed in its efficiency by the with- drawal of men able to perform duty in the field, and their places to be supplied by the disabled, feeble and invalid. A large portion of the exemptions were repealed, and details were limited to cases of: public necessity or State expediency, or confined to experts and pei*- sons of skill and craft. Tho Department was unable to execute the law as soon as it was promulgated without deranging all branches of the service, and seriously crippling the operations of the armies in the field. The dependence of those armies upon the Departments of sup-

ply, for efficiency and vigor, is too intimate to allow of any abrupt or incautious disturbance of tbeir operations. Ti^ie reduction in their service to the standard required by the act of Congress was, however, progressing regularly in such mode as to assure against any shock or arrest to essential operations. But the urgency of the field service, the thinning of our own raiiks under the casualties and sufferings of the campaign, and, above all, the call of the enemy for five hundred thousand recruits, and the extraordinary efforts they were making to assemble overpowering hosts on every arena, but especially before and for the capture of our capital, demanded that all available means should be promptly employed to increase the numbers and efficiency of our army. It became necessary not only to expedite the removal to the army of those -whom the act referred to had proposed to withdraAV from their employment in the administrative branches of the service, but also to extend the call to all others liable to conscription for active service. The late legislation of Congress, while subjecting classes before exempt to service, had given a large discretion of detail, and had maniftsted a desire for the liberal allowance of such, with a view to maintain the agriculture, manufactures and industrial operations of the country. This discretion had been used as far as seemed, at the time, compatible w-ilh the demands of the active service, and Lad withheld for these important ends considerable numbers, not exempts, from our armies. It has been, in view of the forces being mustered against us, deemed necessary to revoke all such details, and to enforce rigidly the laws of conscription limiting to men capable only of light duty, and to reserves, employment in the departments of the public service, and tbus to liberate for the field all liable to such duty, except skilled artisans, experts, and men of science, and a few others actually indispensable for the maintenance and supply of the armies. By sub- jecting all others rigidly and promptly to the obligation of active ser- vice which the law in)|:oses, it is believed verj considerable reinforce- ments of the most efficient material are being afforded to our armies. In addition, the law allowing the acquisition, even by impressment, if necessary, of twenty thousand able-bodied male slaves, for employ- ment with the armies as teamsters, cocks and the like, is being enforced, and the substitution of such will allow the recall to the ranks of many valuable men who have heretofore been detailed for such inci- dental service.

The reserves, too, consisting of those between 17 and 18 and those between 45 and 50 years of age, have been organized under a com- mander for each State, and where the State is invaded, have been called into active service. They have been found an efficient force to supply guards to cities and public v.orks, and for the large number of prisoners in our hands, and also as defenders of bridges, roads and important points, and have thus liberated for the field many soldiers who must otherwise have been withdrawn from the active armies. On several occasions, too, portions of them have been thrown with the armies in the field as active auxiliaiies. So far, wherever tried, they haie exhibited the characteristic valor and aptitude of our people for

military Lfe, and have couiparcil well vfitli their veteran comrades in constaiicj and conduct.

These various meisures, sanctioned by existing legislation, must materially incroase and reinvigorate our depleted armies, but it is not to be disguisc<I that they must still leave those armies relatively weak to encounter the hosts being summoned by the enemy for our subjugation. Signs of exhaustion and despair ot' success were, until some late unhappy reverses to cur arms, plainly manifested by our malignant foes, and this is probably the last grand effort their means or resolution will allow for their war of aggression and conquest. It should be met and overcome by the early and full command of all our men and means, and for this, additional legislation is required. It 13 my deliberate conviction, more than cnce expressed in former reports, that the policy of exemp'ions to tho.'e capable of military service is unwise, and that all men between the ages of 18 and 45, capable of bearing arms, should, without distinction of occupation or profession, be subjected to service, and called to the field. The few indispensa- ble exceptions for the needs of society and the supply of the army might be readily and mare conveniently provided by details. Ex- emptioafii by classes necessirily coyer many not actually demanded by society lor the needs that, on the average, miy have given plausi- bility to the exoeprion'^, and such exception?', besides inducing invidi- ous feelings and dissatioftction. compel a discrimination in the call for sutvice, which both doliys and m.Msurably defeats its full accom- plishment. It i? therefore urgently recommendod that all exemp- tions, except of officers actually essential to the conduct of the Con- faderato and Scute Governments, be abolished, and all of the military age, physically capable, .vithout distinction or discrimination, be at once devoted to the sacred duty of defending their country in the field. They would probably constitute as large a draft for continu- ous service in the field as the interests of society would allow, but it 14 not doubted that, Avith the aid of our slaves, those beyond and be- low the ages prescribed for active service, with the large number cf those fit only for light duty, and the partially disabled by service, would suffice adequately to maintain necessary production and sup- ply, both for the armies and the people.

With -a view to the increase of our armies in the field, the policy has been suggested, and has attracted some public attention, of en- listing our negro slaves as soldiers. No compunction could be felt in so using them, for deeply as the whites of the South are interested ia repelling the invasion, and forever liber.ating themselves from the association or thraldom of our enemies, the negroes of the South are even more vitally concerned. With the whites it is a question of nationality, of honor and property. With the negroes, in its dread issues in no distant future, it is a question of their existence as a race. The friendship of a people so selfish, cruel and remorseless a9 our foes, would be to the unhappy negro more fatal than to us their enmity. In contact with them, under their pretended freedom tn^fore the law, Avhich in operation on an inferior race is but a license to greed and oppression, exposed to all the vices, without the providence

of the civilized man, they must soon, in the lanrruaire of a leader among their professed friends, " be trampled out as a sickly exotic," or ■wither a^-ay smid the blighting influences of debauchery, pauper- ism, crime and disease. They have, besides, the homes they value, the families they love, and the masters they respect and depend on to defend and protect against the savagery and devastation of th<} en?my. No fear is entertained of their fidelty, for the feeiings, as the interests of the great mass of the nrgroes, have been conclusively manifested to be ^Yith their protectors and masters. Neither is it doubted that, under the leadership of those whites to vrhom they have been habit- uated and in whom they have confidence, they would exhibit more steadfastness and courage than they will ever attain as soldiers of the enemy. If any added incentive were required, from the supposed love of freedom natural to man, it might be readily afforded by the assurance of emancipation to all who conducted themselves with fidelity and courage during the war. For any such action, it would of course require the concurring legislation of each State, from the slave population of which the negro soldiers had been drawn, because to the States belong exclusively the determination of the relations "which their colored population, or any part of them, shall hold. It is not doubted, however, should it be deemed expedient so to employ and reward slaves enlisted as soldiers, that the necessary legislation would be accorded, for there is no sacrifice of property or minor interests, which would not be made by either our States or people, to assure final separation from our hateful foes, and the achievement of our lib- erty and independence. \Vhile it is encouraging to know this re- source for further and future efforts is at our command, my ow^n ju'^J?'- ment does not yet either perceive the necessity or approve the policy of employing slaves in the higher duties of soldiers. They are con- fessedly inferior in all respects to our white citizens, ia the qualifi- cations of the soldier, and i have thought we have within the military age as large a proportion of our whole population as will be required or can be advantageously em.ployed in active military operations. IF, then, the negro be employed in the war, the inferior is preferred to the superior agent for the work. In such a w^ar as this, waged against foes bent with malignant persistance on our destruction, and for. ail that man holds priceless, the most vital xoork is that of the soldier, and for it wisdom and duty require the most fitting wjorkmen. The supe- rior instrumentalities should be preferred. It will not do, in ray opinion, to risk our liberties and safety on the negro, while the white man may be called to the sacred duty of defence. For the present, it seems best to leave the subordinate labors of society to the negro, and to impose its highest, as now existing, on the superior class.

The reserves might remain, as now constituted, for service through- out each State ; but, in addition, it would seem expedient that all other white males capable of bearing arms, in even local service, should.be organized and armed, ready to maintain the police of the country, and to resist, within the limits of their counties, or some restricted district contiguous thereto, the actual raids or invasions of the enemy. No serious interruptions would thus be caused to their industrial avoca-

tions, or their relations to society, and yet a greater degree of fecu- ritv and coufidence, and a universal sentiment of patriotic self-devo- tion would be secured. In the war waged by nialir^nant foes, who aim not merely against our national existence, but at the institutions of our social system, at the property and means of subsistence of all. ar.d contemplate nothing less than desolation to the country and expulsion or extinction of itsii.habitants, all, of whatever age, have both in- terest and duty compelling them to stand to arms in defence, acoording the measure of tht.'ir ability. The country should be as one great camp, and the whole people arranged in tie most efficient military organizations compatible with the maintenance of the necessary works and production of society, for unflinching resistance to the utmost extremity. The subjugation of a brave people, so organized and re- solved, is an utter impossibility.

Some measures of legislation are believed to be expedient to jnnin- tain the number and increase the efficiency of the cavalry in the field. The policy of requiring the men to furnish their own horses was at all times doubtful, as while affording apparently an inducement to ^'reater care of the animal, it interferes with discipline and impaiis efficiency. It also cause?, almost of necessity, the dismounting for loig periods of those who, having lost horses, arc unable to furnish ihem speedily or at all, and the absence, often on protracted furloughs, of the men who have sustained such losses, to procure other horses. Under the weariness of protracted service, and the eager longing for return home, which at times possesses even the best sobliers, this chance cf a furlough is said to more than counteract the interest of ownership in the horse, and to constitute a pTemium on neglect, or the allowance of casualties to disable their animals. A worse conse- quence, perhaps, is the tendency and temptation of the. system to induce plundering and irregular modes of supplying themselves by the men. Those mounted are aware of the constant liability to the loss of their animals, and of the difficulty and expense of replacing them, and are under constant inducement to obtain reserve horses, or the means of purchasing them. Those dismounted are even more strongly stimulated, by the inconveniences of their position and the danger of being transferred to less acceptable branches of the service, to provide themselves, even by illegitimate means. These induce- ments are all enhanced by the limited class of casualties for which the value of the horse lost is repaid under preseni; law, and the delays and embarrassments encountered in affording proof and obtaining pay- ment. Horses are paid for, too, only at the valuations assessed at the time they are taken into service, and with the fluctuations in the value of our currency and the enhancement of prices resulting from the increasing scarcity of the proper horses, the value repaid is gene- rally grossly inadequate. If the present system is to continue, it is indispensable that there should be wider range to the casualties in which the value is repaid, more liberality in the assessment of value and greater facilities for prompt payment.

'Ihe class of men who constitute our cavalry, while among the most spirited and active of our citizens, are yet generally, from previous

10

intlependent habits of lifo, most difiicult to discipline and subject to subordination. Entering immediately on service, they have enjoyed feAv opportuities of previous drill or training, and from the detached and oft-en irregular service ia which they are frequently employed, they are much rerooved from the restraints and responsibilities of large commands. They are but too apt, therefore, ■while individually gallant at;d enterprising, to be wanting in organization, in discipline. and in the efficiency and reliability which should belong to trained troops. Our cavalry have pei formed many achievements of valor and utilityjbut they have also, on occasions of great importance shown v/ant of vigilance or constancy, nnd caused disaster. These defects are believed to spring, not from deficiencies in the men, but in the system of selection and of training. It ib believed it would be wiser that the cavalry should gradually be constituted of men picked from the trained and veteran soldiers for their peculiar qualifications, anil that these should be mounted and equipped at the public expense. It might be made a penalty for the loss of their horses, through neglect or any other than the inevitnblc casualties of war, that the m n should be returned to infantry service. This would probably be found more efficient than, under the present system, private o'lvnership has proved. to obviate neglect and secure due attention to the animals, while it would remove all inducement, from self-interes<-, to undue cautioja or escape under the legitimate hazards of war. There would b^ the cer- tainty, too, that the men v.-ere trained and disciplined and habituateti to fight as infantry, which in msny instance-^., our cavalry, from th«3 nature of the country or the like tactics of the enemy, are compelled to do. I*; is not doubted that in this way the superiority of our cav- alry over that of the enemy could be permanently establhshed.

It has been more than once heretofore urged by the department, that to maintain the number and efficiency of our army organizations it was essential there should be some power of reducing and consoli- dating them. The d* pleticn of many of the organizations, during the late wasting and bloody campaign, has made this more than ever manifest. It is im.posj-ible adequately to recruit many of the reduced regiments and companies, especially those from the distant and trans- Missisaippi States, and not a few are so thinned in their ranks as to cause despondency and inefficiency. There is necessarily, too, au undue. proportion of officers to men, which adds to the expense while weakening the force of the army. The evil is often so glaring that a remedy is obliged, in some way to be applied. This is done at the expense of subsequent embarrassments and confusion of legal nghts, by the temporary union by the authority of the general in the field, of fragmentary companies or regiments, or more legally, though indirectly, under the sanction of the department, by the disbandment of some depleted organizations and the assignment, as by conscrip- tion, of the men to some other. In such case, however, there is no chance of selecting the best officers of both organizations, but there is the injustice of depriving all the officers, however meritorious, of the one disbanded, of their commissions. It would evidently be much more just and beneficial to the service, that the power should exist to

11

consolidate tlie two, and retain the best officers of each. It is recom- njcnded the pov\'er be granted.

It has been mentioned, ihat for the organization and control of tie reserves, a commander has been assigned in each State. Thoy con- stitute a peculiar and auxiliary force, which yet cannot, it is thought, be justly deemed an independent army. Ilence an embarassment results, which deraards the correction of legislation. They are not entitled to order and revise the proceedings of courts martial, nor, if a military court, as is authorized by law for each State, should be appointed, could they have it attjiched to their commands, or review its decisions. As the reserves are necessarily rather deficient in order and training, the restraint and influence of such tribunals are specially necessary for thiir control and subordination. It is proba- bly not necessary to give any military court, or revision of the deci- sion of any established for the States respectively, as the power to appoint and revise the proceedings of courts martial would suffice. Courts might then be constituted, to sit permanently, of di;atled or invalided officers. // The condition of our gallant soldiers in the hands of the enemy continues to engage the sulicitude and interest of the Department. The number of the captives on each side has been greatly swelled by the vicissitudes of the present fearful campaign, though the dispro- portion heretofore existing against us has been, by our superior suc- ctsses, greatly reduced, if not entirely overcome. It has been the ccuhtant dctire and effort of the Department to effect e.^chLinges on any principle of equity, and the opportunity has never been lost to make this known to the enemy, and to obtain his concurrence. Tae obligations of the cartel and the faith pledged to its observance have been repeatedly invoked; but in vain. To such demands intimations were conveyed that the enemy would only agree to an exchange of man for man. So long as the enemy held, as they claimed, a supe- riority in the number of captives, it was seen that this mode of ex- change would leav$ the surplus of our captive soldiers in their hands, withuut, for the time, any adequate check on the inhumanity and cruelty they have been ever prone to exhibit towards such captives. Still, as the preponderance of numbers steadily diminished, confi- dence increased that the prospect of speedy captures would soon ena- ble us to check or avenge their malignity. Tliis consideration, in aid of the powerful i^icentives, even more of humanity and gratitude than of interest, that urged any practicable effort for the relief and release of our imprisoned soldiers, induced us to overlook alike our just rights under the cartel and apprehensions of the probable ill treiituient of the surplus that might remain in the power of our vin- dictive foes, and to propose exchange on the very terms intimated as acceptable, of man for man. The offer only afforded another illus- tration of the hypocrisy, faithlessness and inhumanity of the enemy, for it was soon made apparent that their professed willingness was but a pretext and a blind, and while they expected the plan would not be acquiesced in, to conceal their own deterjaination to make no general exchange. They have here and there consented to partial exchanges,

12

generally effected between commanders in the field ; but the Govern- ment appears to have deliberately adopted the remorseless and inhu- man policy of enforcing the captivity, with all its attendant suiler- ings, of the prisoners on both sides during the war. They pay thus impliedly to our gallant soldiers the tribute of admitted superiority, while they exhibit to the unhappy victims from their army their own ingratitude, perfidy and cruelty. One of their favorite commanders has not even hesitated to avow, with utter disregard cf the claims of their captive soldiers on their consideration and protection, that as the terms of service of many had expired, they were not to be regarded as subjects of equal exchange. It likewise appears, that as they gloat over the idea of being able, by their blockade and devastation, to starve to submission a people whom they cannot subdue by artns, they cal- culate, in utter indifference to the sufferings that may be entailed on their own captive soldiers, on the supplies which must bo furnished them, as an effective drain on our limited resources. Could we, in- deed, be so straitened as they delude themselves into believing, how fearful must they expect to be the privations and sufferings of their soldiers in oar hands, since they could not expect us to starve our gallant soldiers or people to nourish the malignant invaders, who had sought to inflict on us the worst ills of war and famine. These cap- tives would of course be the first unhappy victims of the famine, ■which the barbarous warfare of their Government may cause. While no such suffering has yet been entailed on them, but on the contrary, they have, through the humanity of our Government, been provided as our own soldiers, yet such privations as they have had to share with them have been exaggerated by the enemy, in part from their delusive conceptions of our straitened condition, but more from the diligent invention of false tales, and have been made the pretext of wantun privations to our faithful soldiers in their hands. , They com- pel sufferings to their own soldiers by their malignant outrages against civilized warfare, and then find in such, excuse for visiting cruelty and starvation on our soldiers, to whom it is not pretended they could not easily afford all the comforts and subsistence due to captives in war. The ineffable baseness of such a course exceeds even its inhumanity, and fur either it would be difficult to find a parallel in the history of civilized, much less Christian nations.

It is gratifying to be able to state, that since the foregoing was written, a prospect has been afforded of ameliorating the condition of our captive sohHers. When all overtures to the Government of our enemies seemed vain, General Lee was instructed to make directly to General Grant a proposition that, without releasing either Government from the obligation of affording due provision to its captives, each , should have the right of furnishing to its own prisoners, in the posses- sion of the other, under the direction of officers among them to be paroled for the purpose, such additional supplies of necessary articles as it might deem expedient to send. This was accepted, doubtless through the influence of the commanding General of the Federal armies, who, however, profuse of the lives of his men in battle, could but have sympathy and interest for the imprisoned soldier. It is in-

13 .

dicative of the remorseless policy of the hostile Government, that such concessions to the claims of humanity should have been made sooner by the stern soldier in the field than by their statesmen in the cabinet. As the liberty is afforded by the agreement, with commendable liber- ality, that supplies may be purchased in northern cities, or sent to our soldiers in captivity directly from foreign ports, there can be but little de]a3' or difficulty in affording to them all reasonable supplies for the alleviation of their unhappy state. This arrangement will be as gratifying to our Government and people, as it is conformable to humanity and wise policy. "V*

The report of our Agent of Exchange is submitted in connection with this subject. It will display the past course and present state of negotiations for exchstnge.

Uhe operations of the several administrative bureaus of the depart- ment have been conducted with zeal, ability and success, reflecting great credit on their several heads. They have had grievous difficul- ties and embarrassments to encounter from a depreciating currency, deficiencies of labor and materials, and straitened means of transport- ation and distribution. In addition, they have been constrained, by the stringent legislation of Congress, to relinquish their most active and experienced agents and employees, and substitute them from the more infirm and aged classes. It was not practicable to do this immediately, without a ruinous arrest of all the essential operations of production and supply for the army ; but the obligation has been steadily observed and as the exigencies of the campaign made recruit- ment uf our armies necessary, its execution has been hastened and enforced to the furthest point compatible with the preservation and continuance of indispensable works. Interferences of this kind are inevitably so prejudicial and disturbing, that it is hoped a well de- vised and permanent system of providing and retaining in continuous employment a sufficient number of artizans, experts and laborers for all essential operations, may be devised and established. Great mis- apprehension, it is believed, has prevailed in the public mind, both as to the number and class of persons who have constituted the agents and emplojees of the several bureaus, and much unmerited odium and invidiousness have been excited by the erroneous supposition that these bureaus have alTordcd a refuge and a shield from the legitimate claims of military service. The aim has been steadily enjoined, and i, is not doubted in the main has bean strictly obsarved, of engaging and retaining as few as possible of military age, and with rare excep- tions, it is confidently believed, the men now employed are rendering mere ellicient service to the cause than they could do even in the field. It should be thoroughly understood, that only in the last necessity, v.ill they again be summoned or disturbed. The best vindication to these bureaus is afforded by the results attained under all the impedi- ments and embarrassments they have had to encounter. All essential supplies have been afToriied, and neither manufacture nor production has so f\ir materially diminished, notwithstanding the invasions and barbarous ravages of tho enemy in many most important fields of ope- ration. The army has been subsisted, clothed and provided ia

14

adequate measure, and there has never been deficiency of transporta- tion, munitions or supplies for all important operations.

Owing to the absence of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs on a \nsit in discharge of his duties to the trans-Mississippi Department, bis usual report can not be submitted. Letters received from him by the department, give in the Tnain, satisfactory representations of the feelings and condition of the Indian niitions. From other sonrees, too, intelligence has been received of gallant services vrhich have boon renderoti by their warriors, duritig the present campiign, and there is every reason to believe that at no time has prevailed' among the nations a stronger feeling of amity and connection with the Confederate States.

Attention is invited to the accompanying estimates for the six months commencing January 1st, and ending June 3'), 1865, which although large, in the existing state of the currency, are not believed to exceed the demands of the service.

After the full exposition m.ade in my last report of the embarrass- ments and obstructions experienced from the disordered condition of our currency, the impracticability of purchases without impressment, and the deficient means of transportation and distribution, it is not deemed necessary to repeat them. Attention, however, is specially invoked to them, as they continue with increased and increasing stringency, and remedial legislation, in some important particulars, is very desirable. The impressment acts require revision and amend- ment. There are not sufficient provisions against the removal of property after notice of impressment, nor against its concealment before or after, nor is the course prescribed in case of the refusal of the owner to appoint appraisers as contemplated by law. The law is, in biief, without adequate sanctions to ensure resj-ect and enforce- ment. Special provisions should be made for the impressment of iron from railroads. In order to maintain the more important roads, and sometimes to construct others demanded by imperious military con- sideiations, it is absolutely necessary to withdraw from local or branch roads, their rails and equipments. Although such necessity may be manifest and acknowledged by all, it is rare the proprietors of the special road, whose property is thus sought to be appropriated,' are prepared to acquiesce in its 'selection for the sacrifice. Each local corporation finds abundant reasons for further delay or special ex- emption in its own case, and on them base justification of refusal to sell, and the interposition of all possible legal obstructions to seizure by impressment. The machinery of the act is ill adapted to the set- tlement of the questions that arise on such impressment, and pretextst are readily found by the corporation for obtaining rnjuuctions and suspending all action on the proverbially tedious proceedings of a suit in chancery. Local influences combine, too, to thwart and delay action, and more than once the gravest consequences to the Confede- . racy have been risked by inability, at the juncture, to cvercorne such impediments and command the required rails. The impressment of slaves, too, should be regulated so as to secure uniformity in collec- tion, and to relieve the authorities from dependence on the State

15

agencies. These agencies dc not generally operate with promptitude and efSciency, aivi sometimes prove fruatrative or abortive.

Appointments have been made under the net of Congress, approved June 14, 186-*, " providing for the establishment and payment of claims for a certain description of property taken or informally im- pressed for the use of the army." In many instances, the ajjents selected have refused to accept, and it has boon impracticable to secure others competent, in consequence of the -wholly inadequate compensation offered, which will pay a fraction only of the expenses to be actually inourred. It is not probable the law can be executed by the period prescribed, the 1st of January next, and it should be continued, with a more equitable remuneration to the agents.

During the last year a few persons have gone to the United States without permission from the Confederate authorities. Some of these have no design hostile to the Confederacy, but others leave as in- formers and as enemies. In some cases the act is treasonable, in others more venial. A law is necessary to punish the cases which do not amount to treason under existing laws.

An appropriation was made in February last for the payment for loss of slaves who have been impressed by the Confederate authori- ties or under State laws for the use of the Confederate Government, and while engaged in laboring on the public defences have escaped to the enemy or died or contracted diseases "which have after their dis- charge resulted fatally. The act of Congress did not provide for the mode of ascertaining these losses and for the withdrawal of the money from the Treasury. Besides the slaves impressed, there is a class of slaves who were received by contract and others under the act of Congress of the 17th February last, by the consent of the owner, upon the condition that the Confederate Government should indem- nify for loss in cases similar to those mentioned in the appropriation bill above quoted. I recommend that an net be passed for the a-ijast- ment of all these claims, and that the mode of adjustment be pre- scribed.

In view of the more numerous uses to which negroes are being put, in connection with our armies, as well as of the proposition already considered of employing them ris troops, it seems not inappropriate to exan.ine the legislation and policy of our enemies in reference to the recruitment of their armies from the same race, and especially from our negro slaves. In July, 18G2, the Congress of the United St.ites passed their act, ^* to suppress insurrection, to punish treason and re- bellion, to seize and confiscate the property of rebels, and for other purposes." The traitors under this act are all those concerned in the war between the United States and the Confederate States.. The per- sons attainted, and whose property was confiscated, are those who htld any office of honor or trust, or agency under the Confederate Gov- ernment, or any of the States, or in any municipality, or who may be in anywise engaged or concerned in the armed rebellion to the authority of the United States. The liberation of their slaves was to be a consequence of their conviction, and the slaves of all such persons, Yrho might escape or desert, or might be captured, or who

16

might fall -witlun the places occupied by tlie arms of the Uniled States, -wevG, by the act of Congress, liberated. The President wns authorized '* to employ as many persons of African descent as he might deem necessary and proper for the suppression of the rebel- lion, and to organize and use them as he judged best for the public welfare." This act of Congress ■was followed by the proclamatioua of the President of the United States of the 22d September, 1862, and of the 1st of January, IS63, in the last of which he ordered and declared that *' all persons held as slaves in designated States and parts of States are, and henceforward should be, free," and " that the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authorities, will recognize and maintain their freedom." The enlistment of a large number of slaves within the Confederate States into the military service of the United States, followed upon these acts. It was justly regarded by the Confederate Government as a departure from the usages of nations, and an abandonment of the rules of civilized warfare. In the better times of the United States, their Executive Government had stigmatized conduct similar, but far more venial, " as a warfare disclaiming all moral influence, and inflict- ing an outrage upon social order, and giving a shock to the very elements of humanity." "All belligerent nations," it declared, ''can form alliances with the savage, the Africap and the bloodhound; but what civilized nation has selected these auxiliaries in its hostilities ?" If there were any legal proposition that had the unanimous con- sent of that people, it was that the Federal Government had no power to abolish slavery in any of the States. The proclamation of their President does not proceed from any authority deiived from the Con- stitution, but upon the assumed power to extend martial law over the territory of the United States and the Confederate States. And the usurpation even extends beyond this, for martial law has reference to military operations and military relations. Its authority is temporary and abnormal, and deals with the events of a season ; but this is an impe- rial edict, determining arbitrarily upon civil, social and domestic in- stitutions and relations for all time. For a term subsequent to the independence of the United State?, negro slavery was recognized among all the United States as a valid relation, and its commercial population participated in the profits of the African slave trade, under ibe laws of the Union, within the present century. The ratio upon which representation in one branch of their Congress, and direct taxes are apportioned, is adjusted upon a recognition of the existence of a race of bondsmen within the limits of the Union. Their highest judicial tribunal has determined that slavery and the slave trade are not contrary to the law of nations, and that the vol- untary removal of slaves by a master to a State where slavery does not exist, does not prevent the renewal of the relation between mas- ter and slave upon their return to the State of their origin or dom- icil. The diplomatic correspondence and the solemn treaties of the United States show reclamations for escaping slaves, abducted in time of war and of peace, and the recognition of those claims by a foreign power, and the payment of indemnity for the use of the mas-

IT

ters, to the Federal Government. At this time the Constitution of the United States contains a ptipulation for the return of slaves escaping to one State, from their owner in another State, upon his claim. The principle that a slave withdrawn from his master in war or peace, by desertion, capture or other act not sanctioned by the law of the State, or the will of the master, does not change his condition within the State to which he belongs, or prevent the right of the master from attaching upon his re-capture, is not an exceptional or limited one. The municipal laws of one State have no more authority nor recognition within the limits of another than it is compatible with the laws or policy of that St«te to allow. And it would be contrary to the universal usage and practice of nations for one nation to per- mit another, and that other an enemy, to abrogate, impair or modify relations between classes or individuals of her population, in time of war, by any change in their resistance, forced or voluntary. The principle o^ the jus post liminiuni in regard to persons, such as slaves, serfs, villeins, deserters, or other person to whom it is in any wise applicable, has been uniformly applied on the continent of Europe, and as to slaves, was tbe law of Athens and of Rome, anl from their jurisprudence has passed into the laws of European nations.

The enlistment of slaves as a part of the army of the United States had but a single object. The act of Congress and proclamations which authorized it, were formed to destroy political government and civil society in the Confederate States. By declaring all officers and agents of Confederate, State and municipal government to be outlaws, inca- pable of holding or transferring property, and subject to ignominious banishment, and declaring slaves to be emancipated and suitable for service in their armies, they sought an entire overthrow of their so- cial order, and determined this should be a war of massacres and con- fusions, and not the highest trial of right between the peoples. It had become a principle among Christian sovereigns that, however they might prosecute their quarrels and debates by arms and acts of hos- tility, and though they might seek the ruin and overthrow of the forces of the State, yet they would so direct their passions as to pre- serve the life and good name of each other. But from the beginning our enemy has prosecuted the war with murderous design to take the life and to destroy the fame of the peoples of the Conf^^derate States. The crimes which determined the colonies to separate from Great Britain, and to denounce her King as a tyrant unworthy to rule a free people, are those which have been committed against us, under circumstances of ten-fold ^trocitj', in the existing war, by our enemy. "He has plundered our seas, ravnged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. lie is at this time transport- ing large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the work of death and desolation and tyranny already begun, with circumstances of cruelty and perfi<ly scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages. He has excited domestic insurrections among us." Private property is wantonly destroyed ; female honor outraged ; whole districts of unarmed and unresisting population are ravaged and laid waste, old men, helpless women, weak and feeble children, the infirm and super- 2

18

anuated slave population, have been exposed to starvation and misery by the systematic, cruel and persevering eflfort to destroy the food and raiment of an entire poeple. A war conducted on such prin- ciples, with such objects and by such alliances, involved necessarily the abandonment of all laws, usages, conventions, mitigating influ- CDces or humanizing considerations and restraints. The enemy who adopts such a system proclaims in advance his desire, as well as his design, that the war shall become one for mutual extermination. In a contest with such an enemy, the Confederacy may exercise a very liberal discretion in the employment of any agencies or instrumen- talities that are within their reach for the public defence. Should, therefore, either policy or necessity dictate it, the enlistment of slaves or any other population as auxiliaries would be entirely justified by the atrocities that we have suffered. It would be impossible to find any ally so unrestrained as the enemy against whom he would be employed.

Respectfully submitted.

JAMES A. SEDDON,

Secretary of War.

m

REPORT OF THE mm OF EXCHMGE.

Richmond, Va., November 1, 1864.

lion. James A. Seddon,

Secretary of War :

On the 2d of May last, I had the honor to submit to you a detailed report, not only of the operations of the Bureau of Exchange up to that date, but also a full statement of the principles that had gov- erned its action. Since that date, there have been several deliveries of prisoners on both sides, embracing chiefly, but by no means ex- clusively, sick and disabled men. I have assurances that further and larger deliveries of this class of prisoners will be made during the fall and winter.

At the time of my last report, we insisted upon the release of all prisoners, the excess to be on parole. The enemy refused to comply with this plain requirement of the Cartel, and demanded, when a de- livery of prisoners was made, an equal number in return. Seeing a persistent purpose on the part of the Federal Government to violate its agreement, our authorities, moved by the sufferings of the brave men who are so unjustly held in northern prisons, determined to abate their just demands, and accordingly, on the 10th of August last, I offered to exchange the prisoners respectively held by the two bel- ligerents, officer for officer and man for man. I only stipulated that the officers and men who had been longest in captivity should be the first delivered, where it was practicable. Although this offer was substantially what had often been proposed by the Federal authorities,, and would have left in their hands whatever excess of prisoners they might have had, yet it was not accepted.

Some time in September following, I received a reply from a quar- ter to which I had not directed my communication, inquiring whether the Confederate authorities intended to treat recaptured slaves as prisoners of war, and suggesting that a favorable answer would re- move ** a principal difficulty in effecting exchanges." My own firm conviction is that even if we were to agree to the unjust demands of the enemy in this respect, we would not secure a general exchange. While the reason for their refusal is more truly stated in the letter of General Sherman to General Hood, yet I think it very doubtful whether they would agree to a general exchange, even if we consented to treat recaptured slaves as prisoners of war and delivered those whoso term of service had not expired. I am satisfied their course is the result of a conviction forced upon them by the events of the war, that a Confederate soldier is more valuable than a Federal. The miseries

20 ^

of tens of tbousands of their own people are as nothing when weighed against a calculation. We can only hope that the pressure brought to bear upon the Federal authorities by the friends and relatives of the prisoners held by us may force a change of policy.

I cannot state with any certainty the relative proportion of pris- oners respectively held by the two Governments. The Federal au- thorities have as yet failed to furnish me with any reliable lists, although often promising to do so. They hold an excess of officers, and I think I can safely assert we have an excess of rank and file.

Lately, 1 have consummated an arrangement for the release and exchange of all naval prisoners, A partial delivery has already been made, and another is daily expected, which will fully carry out the agreement. Some deliveries and exchanges have also taken place in the trans-Mississippi country, through the agents of this office. They will probably again occur, whenever the enemy has any prisoners in that region to give as equivalents. An error respecting special exchanges seems to prevail both amongst our people and captive sol- diers. The Federal authorities, with a malignity congenial to them, in the hope of causing irritation on the part of our prisoners towards their Government, have basely and falsely represented to them, that special exchanges are being constantly proposed by us. A long time ago I communicated to you the many grave objections to any 3uch system. My views met your entire approval, and I have accordingly constantly refrained from making special exchanges, though frequently urged to do so. The officers and soldiers delivered to us were in all cases selected by the enemy, and those of theirs who were sent in return were designated by us. This was not a system of special exchange in any sense of the term. If the officers and soldiers sent to us had been specially asked for, or if their return had been caused by any special action of the Confederate authorities in their individual cases, there would have been ground for the belief that special exchanges were being made. The efforts of the Government have been directed to the release of all our prisoners, without any discrimination in favor of particular per- sons. To have pursued any other plan would not only have showed partiality and favoritism, where all have tried to do their duty faithfully, but would have given to the enemy the opportunity of making selections from their own prisoners in our hands to such an extent as would have precluded all hope of a general exchange. With very rare exceptions, I have never known what officers or men were on the flag of truce boat, until I visited it. Under your instructions, all of our prisoners have been considered as occupying the same posi- tion, and each one on his return has been received with as much wel- come as any other, I repeat, therefore, that no special efforts have been used to secure the release or exchange of particular per- sons, and every line of policy which would put any one of our pris- oners in a more favorable position than that occupied by the others, has been carefully avoided. The published correspondence of this office shows the entire readiness of our Government to return an equivalent for any Confederate officer and soldier sent within our

21

lines. Who that equivalent shall be, we have reserved the right to determine, and when the selection is made and the party delivered to the Federal authorities, it is simply the return of an equivalent, and not a special exchange. To refuse to return the equivalent would be to doom the oflScer or soldier to hopeless captivity, after liberty had dawned upon him.

I am happy to be able to announce that an agreement has recently been made with the Federal authorities, by which each Government may send contributions of food and clothing to the prisoners held by the adverse party. We are at liberty to make our purchases either in Europe or a Northern city. When the details have been fully arranged I will communicate them to you.

The enemy still continues the arrest of non-combatants. I have been notified by the Federal authorities that " all white persons between the ages of seventeen and fifty, residents of the Confederate States, captured by United States forces, will be held and deemed to be soldiers of the Confederate army, and will be treated as prisoners of war and held for exchange." In view of their practice and this declaration, the course to be pursued by us towards non-combatants who are residents of the United States, or who, being citizens of the Confederate States, are hostile to our cause, becomes a subject of the gravest importance. After much reflection, I am fully convinced that the only effectual method of preventing the outrages which are being daily perpetrated upon our loyal non-combatant citizens, is to cause the arrest of every citizen of the United States who may be within our reach, and of such citizens of any one of the Confederate States as are known to be inimical. We have tried every other plan without much avail. At present, we have so small a number in confinement that an exchange of man for man would release but very few of the many held in Northern prisons. If the plan suggested worked no other result, it would furnish us, in the event of an exchange, with more material. I know there are very many grave objections to this course, but yet I think it may almost be safely stated that the horrors under which our non-combatant population are now suffering can hardly be increased. When we have resorted to such arrests as are made by the enemy, there is some chance that the whole system will break down by the sheer weight of its gigantic misery. Respectfully, your obedient servant,

ROBERT OULD, Agent of Exchange.

ESTIMATES.

War Department, C. S. A., ) Richmond, October 8th, 18G4. S

' I estimate that there will be required for the incidental and con- tingent expenses of the army, during the six months commencing January Ist, 1865, and ending June 3Uth, 1865, the sum of two hundred and fifty thousand dollars.

JAMES A. SEDDON,

Secretary of War.,

ESTIMATE for the War Department and its Bureaus for the half year ending June 3(3, 1865.

There are at present employed two hundred and sixty clerkg, but m consequence of the rapid increase of the business of the Government, I would suggest that an appropriation be asked for the payment of at least three hundred. These, with the Secretary of War, Assistant Secretary, Chief of Bureau, Disbursing Clerk, and hve messengers, will require, at the present rates paid, under the head of

Compensation of Secretary of War, Assistant Secretary, Chief of Bureaus, clerks, messengers, kc, $615,750

Under the present high charges, I must suggest that the contin- gent fund be increased, viz. :

For incidental and contingent expenses of the War Depart- ment, $175,000 Respectfully submitted,

ALFRED CHAPMAN, • Disbursing Clerk War Departmcat. To the Hon. James A. Seddon,

Secretary of War, Approved :

James A. Seddox,

Secretary of War. -'^' ;>#«V«f>jilf^« .-

24

ESTIMATE FOR FUNDS.

Time estimated for	For what purpose
Six months commenoinc; the Stntioiiery, (r.f hU kinds,) Ist, day of Jauuary, 18G5, and Tostage, ending 30th day of June, 1805.:Telec;raphing, For the fiscal year. (Cttrjienter's work, For the use of the Adjutant Furniture, and Inspector General's De- Watclimau's salary, j.artmtnt, C. S. A. Hire of por*.ers.		$15,000 00 7,000 00 8,000 00 6,500 00 3,500 00 2,U00 00 5,000 00
	Incidetal and miscellaneoua	expenses	5,000 00
			$52,000 00

I certify, on honor, that the above estimate is correct and just, and that the funds are required to meet the contingent expenses of this oihce, for the fiscal vear ending June 30, 1865.

wS. COOPEE, Aifjuiant and Intpector General. A. AND 1. G. Office, Sept. 29, 1864. Approved :

James A. Seddos, Secretary of War.

[A.]

ESTIMATE of the awcvvt required hy the Qxiarter w aster'' s Drpartment for disbursement for the pvblic service of that Department for six months, commencing January 1st and ending June ZOth, 1865, viz :

Regular Supplies.

l8t. In the regular supplies of the Quartermaster's Department, consisting of fuel for the officers, enlisted men, guard, hospital stores houses and officers, of forage in kind for the horses, mules and oxen of the Quartermaster's Department at the several posts and stations and with the armies in the field, and for the authorized number of offi- cers horses, horses for the several corps of artillery, including bed- ding for the animals, of straw for soldiers bedding and of stationery, including blank books for the Quartermaster's Department, certificates for discharged soldiers, blank forms for the Pay and Quartermaster's Departments, and for printing of division and department orders and reports :

Forage, $44,649,720 00

Fuel, 7,272,115 00

Straw, 2,742,292 00

Stationery, 1,725,900 00

$56,390,027 00

Carried forward,

$56,390,027 00

J

Brought forward, .mm^ $56,390,027 00

Incidental Expenses.

For the incidental expenses of the Quartermaster's Department, consisting of postage on letters and packages received and sent by officers of the army on public service, expenses of courts martial and courts of inquiry, including the additional com- pensation of judges advocate, recorders, members and witnesses, while on that service, under the act March 16, 1862, extra pay to soldiers em- ployed under the direction of the Quartermaster's Department in the erection of barracks, quarters, storehouses and hospitals, in the construction of roads and other constant Ltbor for periods of not less than ten days, under the acts of August 4, 1854, and May 1, 1863, including those employed at division and department headquarters, expenses of expresses to and from the frontier posts and stations and armies in the field, of escorts to pay- masters and other disbursing officers, and to trains ■where military escorts cannot be furnished, ex- penses of the interment of officers killed in battle or who may die when on duty in the field, or at the posts on the frontiers, or at other posts and places when ordered by the Secretary of War, and of non-commissioned officers and soldiers, author- ized office furniture, hire of laborers in the Quar- termaster's Department, including the hire of in- terpreters and guides for the army, compensation to clerks of officers of the Quartermaster's De- partment, compensation of wagon and forage mas- ters, for the apprehension of deserters and ex- penses incident to their pursuit. The purchase of travelling forges, blacksmiths and shoeing tools, horse and mule stores, and nails, iron and steel for shoeing, hire of veterinary surgeons, medicines for horses and mules, picket ropes and for shoeing the horses of the corps named, 8,213,160 00

Transportation of Officers Baggage.

For mileage or the allowance made to officers of the army for the transportation of themselves and their baggage when travelling on duty without troops, escorts or supplies, 500,000 Ot)

Carried forward, $65,103,187 00

26

Brought forward, $65,103,187 00

Transportation Troops and Supplies.

For transportation of the army, including the bag- gage of the troops, when moving either by land or water, of clothing, camp and garrison equip- age, from the several depots to the troops in the field, of horse equipments and subsistence from the places of purchase and from the places of de- livery under contracts to such places as the cir- cumstances of the servicemay require them to be sent, of ordnance stores and small arms from the foundries and armories to the arsenals, fortifica- tions, frontier posts and army depots, freights, wharfage, tolls and ferriages. The purchase and hire of horses, mules and oxen, and the purchase and repair of wagons, carts and drays, and of ships and other sea-going vessels and boats re- quired for the transportation of supplies and for garrison purposes, for drayage and cartage at the several posts, hire of teamsters, transportation of funds for the pay and other disbursing depart- ments, the expense of sailing public transports on the various rivers and for procuring water at such posts as, from their situation, require it to be brought from a distance, and for clearing roads, harbors and rivers to the extent which may be required for the actual operations of the troops, 62,067,433 33

Barracks and Quarters.

For hire or commutation of quarters for officers on military duty; hire of quarters for the troops, of store-houses for the safe-keeping of military goods ; of grounds for summer cantonments and for temporary frontier stations, rents and repairs of wharves for hutting troops ; and for repairing, altering and enlarging buildings at the estab- lished posts, and for the purchase of materials therefor, 8,768,000 00

Clothing, Camp and Garrison Equipage.

For the purchase of the necessary materials for clothing, camp and garrison equipage, and for pay for labor, &c., necessary to the fabrication of the same, 42,622,974 00

Carried forward, $178,561,644 33

Brouglit forward, $178,561,644 S3

Property Impressed.

To pay for property impressed into the service of the Confederate States, under appraisement, and said property having either been lost or applied to the public service, 1,000,000 00

Horses Killed.

To pay for horses of volunteers, killed in battle, under act No. 48, sec. 7, and for which provision is to be made, 2,000,000 00

Prisoners of War.

Hire of prisons for the safe-keeping of prisoners of

war, offices, &c., &c., act of 21st May, 1861, 500,000 00

Tax in Kind.

For the hire of clerks, agents, teamsters, laborers and employees, rent of offices and store-houses, purchase of material, labor for building, store- houses, incidental expenses required in collect- ing and receiving the tax in kind, 4,125,300 00

Total, $186,186,944 33

Form of Appropriation. For service of the Quartermaster's Department, $186,186,9'I4 33

A. R. LAWTON,

MMUkU ■ Quartermaster General.

Quartermaster General's Office, ) Richmond, Oct. 8, 1864. 5 Approved :

J. A. Seddon, ^tW^jMMF''.

Secretary of War.

[B.]

ESTIMATE of the amount required to pay the Army of the Confede- rate States for six months, from the \sc January to the BOth June, 1865.

One Corps of Artillery.

1 colonel, $210 per month, $210

2 lieutenant colonels, $185 per

month, 370

12 majors, $162 per month, 1,944

40 captains, $140 per month, 5,600 80 first lieutenants, $100 per

month, 8,000 40 second lieutenants, $90 per

month, 3,600 4 assistant quartermasters, $140

per month, 560 4 assistant commissaries, $140

per month, 560

4 surgeons, $162 per month, 648 8 assistant surgeons, $110 per

month, 880 40 first sergeants, $27 per

month, 1,080

160 sergeants, $24 per month, 3,840

160 corporals, $20 per month, 3,200

80 buglers, $20 per month, 1,600

40 farriers, $20 per month, 800

40 blacksmiths, $20 per month, 800

3440 privates, $19 per month, 65,360

4 quartermaster sergeants, $28

per month, 112 4 sergeant majors, $28 per

month, 112

4 chief buglers, $28 per month, 1 1 3

4 adjutants, $110 per month, 440

Pay for one month, $99,828

One corps for six months, $598,968

Six corps for six months, $3,593,808

One Reglment of Cavalry.

1 colonel, $210 per month, $210

Amount carried forward, $210 $3,593,808

2i«

Amount brought forward, $210 $3,593,808 1 lieutenant colonel, $185 per

month, 185

1 major, $162 per mopth, 162

10 captains, $140 per month, 1,400 10 first lieutenants, $100 per

month, 1,000 20 second lieutenants, $90 per

month, 1,800

1 surgeon, $162 per month, 163

2 assistant surgeons, $110 per

month, 220 10 first sergeants, $37 per

month, 270

40 sergeants, $24 per month, 960

40 corporals, $20 per month, 800

20 buglers, $20 per month, 400

10 farriers, $20 per month, 200

10 blacksmiths, $20 per month, 200

GOO privates, $19 per month, 11,400 1 quartermaster sergeant, $28

per month, 28 1 sergeant major, $23 per

month, 28

1 chief bugler, $28 per month, 28

1 adjutant, $1 10 per month, 110 1 assistant quartermaster, $140

per month, 140 1 assistant commissary, $140

per month, 140 40 cents per day for use and risk

of horse one month, 8,796

Pay for one regiment one month, $28,639

Pay for one regiment six months, $171,834

Paj for 104 regiments six months, $17,870,736

One Regiment of Infantrv,

1 colonel, $195 per month, $195

1 lieutenant colonel, $170 per

month, 170

1 major, $150 per month, 150

10 captains, $130 per month, 1,300

10 first lieutenants, $90 per

month, 900

20 second lieutenants, $80 per

month, 1,600

Amount carried forward, $4,315 $21^464,544

so

Amount brought forward, $4,315

1 surgeon, $162 per month, 162

2 assistant surgeons, $110 per

per month, 220 1 assistant quartermaster, $140

per month, 140 1 assistant commissary, $140

per month, 140

1 adjutant, $100 per month, 100 1 sergeant major, $28 per

month, 28 1 quartermaster sergeant, $28

per month, 28 1 principal musician, $28 per

month, 28

10 first sergsants, $24 per month, 960

40 sergeants, $24 per month, 960

40 corporals, $20 per month, 800

20 musicians, $19 per month, 380

600 privates, $18 per month, 10,800

1 ensign, $90 per month, 90

$18,461

$21,464,544

Pay for one month, Pay for six months, Pay for six months, 547 regiments.

$110,766

60,589,002

Field and Staff.

200 generals, $500 per month, $100,000 400 aids-de-camp, $ 1 3 5 per

month, 54,000 163 brigade quartermasters, $162

per month, 26,406 159 brigade commissaries, $162

per month, 25,758

500 chaplains, $80 per month, 40,000

73 cadets, $90 per month, 6,570

Pay for one month. Pay for six months.

$252,734

1,516,404

Signal Corps.

1 major, $150 per month, $150

10 captains, $130 per month, 1,300 10 first lieutenants, $90 per

month, 900

Amount carried forward,

$2,350

$83,569,950

Amount brought forward, $2,350 $83,569,950

10 second lieutenants, $80 per

month, 800

30 sergeants, $24 per month, 720

Pay for one month, $3,870

Pay for six months, 23,220

Reserves.

Same as one regiment of infantry.

Pay for one month, 18,461

Pay for six months, 110,766

Pay for six months, 35 regiments, 3,876,810

Pat of officers ix Richmond.

Tax

IX KIND.

^^^^P

Pay of officers on duty in the office of the Adjutant and Inspector General's department, Quartermas- ter General's, Medical, Engineer, Ordnance and Subsistence Departments in Richmond,] 210,000

Pay of officers, etc., in receiving and collecting the

tax in kind, 1,226,418

Total, $88,906,398

Form of Appropriation.

Pay of officers and privates of the army, volunteers, militia, etc.,

$88,906,398

A. R. LAWTON,

Quartermaster General, <K'arterma9ter General's Office, ) Richmond, Va., October 10, 1864. \

33

Confederate States of America, )

Subsistence Department, \

Richmond, Va., Oct. 4, 1S64. >

ESTIMATE OF FUNDS required for the purchase of Subsistence Stores and Commissary Property for six months, ending June 30, 1865 :

For rations for 400,000 men for 181 days, at

$3.02375 per ration, For six rations tobacco each for 400,000 men, at

two dollars.

$146,519,500 00 4,800,000 00

There will be furnished from the tax in kind, sub- sistence worth, say,

Balance estimated to credit of the appropriation on January 1st, 1865,

$151,319,500 00

31,319,500 00

$120,000,000 00

70,000,000 00

$50,000,000 00

Amount actually required to be appi;ppriated by Congress, fifty million dollars.

The balance ($70,000,000) is caused by the fact that this bureau has been unable to obtain for the army the full ration estimated for. Respectfully submitted,

L. B. NORTHROP, Commissary General of Subsistence. Approved :

James A. Seddon, Secretary of War.

ESTIMATED cost of one hundred rations.

Kations.	Articles.	Quantity.
60	Meal,	75	jjounds.
40	Flour,	45	"
100	Bah,	2	quarts,
50	Beans,	4	"
50	Kicc,	5	pounds,
l(tO	Coffee,	6	«'
100	Suijiir,	12	"
100	Viaeciar,	4	quarts.
100	Candles,	L',	pounds,
100	Soap,	4	"
60	Bncon,	20	((
25	Beef,	25	"
15	Sorghum,	45	gills,

Price.

S5 per bu>hcl,

50 cents per pound,

^o per bushel,

6 " " 30 cents per pound

S5

2 50 per gallon,

3 per pound, 1 "

3 " " 75 cents per pound, $10 per gallon.

Amount.

$ 7 50 22 60 31J 75

1 50 30 00 30 (lO

2 50 4 50 4 00

60 00 IS 75 14 06]

$202 37i

S3

Confederate States ok America, ) Surgcofi GeneraVs Office, Richmond, V». \

ESTIMATE for funil,^ required for the Mediotl Department Covfedernte Sl'dcs Ann//, for fhv period of six months, coinmendng Janxinry 1, 1865, and ending June, 3(1, 1865 :

For purchase of medical and hospital supplies : Medicines, $8,()()(),0()0

Instruments, 2()1),<HM)

Books for hospital and regimental records, 100,01)0 Hospital stores, 2,000,000

Beddin<^, 2,000,000

Furniture, dressings, &c., 2,000,000 $14,300,000

For purchase of hoi^pital clothing required by act of Congress, approved September 27, 1^62, entitled ** An act to better provide for the sick and wounded in the army, in hospitals,'" 500,000

For purchase of 312,000 gallons alcoholic stimulants^, required for Medical Dopiirtinent. for medical and hos- pital purpudes, for an army of 500, (Mill men, 4.000,000 For establishment and support of military hospitals, 100,000 For pay of private physicians employeil by contract, 250,000 For pay of nurses an<i ooks not enlisted or volunteer, 350,000 For pay of hospital stewards, 100,000 For pay of matron?, up^ist.uU matrons and ward-ma- trons, $350,000 For pay of ward-mnsters, 200,000 For pay of hospital laundresses, 150,000

Total, $20,300,000

S. P. MOORE, Surgeon General C. S. Army. Approved :

J, A. Seddon,

Secretary of War.

/ESTIMATE of funds required by the. Ordnance Department, C. S. A.y f/oin \f:t January, I8G5, to 30M June, 1865 :

For ordnance service in all its branches, $30,000,000, namely:

For service at sirsonal:'. armories and depots, $15,000,000

For purchase of ordnance and ordnance stores abroad, 5,000,000

Carried forward. $20,000,000

34

Brought forward, $20,tHK),(HiO

For purchase of ordnance and ordnance stores in the

Confederacy, 5,iil>0,()i>n

For service of the trans-Mississippi Department, 5,(I0U,IMHI

J. GORGAS, Oolond, Chief of Ordnance. Approved :

James A. Seddon,

Secreimy of War.

Richmond, Odol/er 10, 1864.

Hon. James A. Sedoon,

Secretary of War :

Sir: I have the honor to request that application maybe made to Congress for an appropriation of fifteen millions of dollars, to be ex- pended " for the purpose of making purchases of cotton, naval stores and other produce, under the direction of the President, to meet the engagements of the Government, and to purchase necessary army, navy and other supplies."

Verv respectfully, your obedient servant.

THOS. L. BAYNE, Lieutenant Colonel, in charge of Cotton and Foreign Supplies. Approved :

James A. Seddon,

Secretary of War.

Confederate States of America, \

War Department, '.

Engineer Bureau, Richmond, Va., Oct. 27, 1864. )

Hon. James A. Sepdon,

Secretary of War :

Sir : I respectfully request that the following mf.y be inserted after the word "laws," in the estimate for loss of slaves, submitted by this office: *' Or voluntarily sent to the Confederate authorities, and ac- cepted by them, without other special contract," which estimate will then read as follows :

Estimate for loss of slaves which have been impressed by Confederate authorities, or under State laws, or voluntarily sent to the Confed- erate authorities, and accepted by them, without other special con- tract, for the use of the Confederate Government, and while en- \ gaged in laboring on the public defences, or other public works.

35

have escaped to the enemy, or died, or contracted diseases, which have, after their discharge, resulted fatally, one million five hun- dred thousand dollars, $I,500,UU0 Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

J. F. GILMER, Major General and Chief of Bureau. Approved :

James A. Seddon,

Secretary/ of War.

Engineer Bureau, September 30, 1864,

Estimate for engineer service in all its branches, including the col- laction and distribution of railroad iron for the six months, com- mencing January 1st and ending June 30th, 1865, $10,000,000

(Ten million dollars.)

J. F. GILMER, Major General and Chief Engineer Bureau, Approved :

James A. Seddon,

Secretary of War.

Engineer Bureau, September 30, 1864.

Estimate for loss of slaves which have been impressed by Confederate authoiities, or uncer State laws, for the use of the Confederate Government, and while engaged in laboring on the public defences have escaped t.i the enemy, or died, or contracted diseases which have, after their discharge, resulted fatally, !$1,500,<UU)

(One million five hundred thousand dollars.)

J. F. GILMER, • Mijor (icnernl (Old Chief Engineer Bureau.

Approved :

James A. Seddon,

Secretary of War.

36

ESTIMATE of funds required for Nitre and Mining service for six months, comintndng Januury \st and endiv^ Jnve 3<'M, 1865.

Nitre, S2.6(Mi,0Ul>

Iron, cast and rolled, 6,r)!)0,(MIO

Lead, 1.7(iO,iM)U

Copper, . 1,3()(»,<MI()

Other metals, 500, DUO

Total required, " $12,500,000

Respectfully submittod,

J. M. St. JOHN, Colonel and Chief Bureau. Approved :

J.^MES A. Seudon,

Secretary of War.

APPROXIMATE ESTIMATE of the expenses of conscrivtirn, and of the arrest and return of deserters and absentees, and all the serxnces as- signed to the Bureau of Conscription, indudistg pay of officers, i^vp- porting forces, viileage, postage, Hctionery, telegrams, office rents, fuel, and extuiordinary and contingent e.vp?.nses, in the States of Virginia^ North Carolina, South Carolina, Gaorgv;, Alabama, Mississippi, Ten- nessee, Kentucky, Florida and East Louisiana. For six months, com- mencing January \st, 1864, and ending June 30//i, 1864.

States. Total of Expenses.

Virginia, $257,828

North Carolina, 325,365

South Carolina, 197,828

Georgia. 408,440

Alabama, 408,440

Mississippi, 408,440

Tennes/ee, 100,000

Kentucky, 100,OUO

Florida, 100,000

East Louisiana, 75,000

Bureau of Conscription at Richmond, Va., 44,772

Grand total, $2,426,114

JOHN L. PRESTON, Brigadier General and Superintendents Approved : •

James A. Seddon,

Secretary of War.

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