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H t ‘ te - } iw: ' HUY lest Fe ' rf ‘ i { : r “ J { ) j 11 pals (a4 } » Dee a ‘ ‘ , i : i : i Ii yay & i i i ' ‘ ) i Mi ~ 7 : tet : nt i is y ' P 5 , , : eT van i Tha Piss ‘ 1 ie sey ey , Py ay i bad , ie i ‘ ; } f , ; re A ¢ NOMS as) et \ PLU 4 ‘ ; ‘ i} ’ i } “ TRANSACTIONS OF .- THE: ‘ CARDIFF NATURALISTS’ SOCIETY. ViOE. eer IQIO. Cardiff Naturalists’ Society REPORT AND TRANSACTIONS io) Oana BA baat IQIg - 1/922 The Price of the Transactions is Ten Shillings and Sixpence SARE we \ Vv A GaN YY % v \o" PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY BY WitiiaM Lewis (PRINTERS) LTpD., CARDIFF 1922 a wy 6.4 ] ae | (a 7a ¢ ' ye m 4 CONTENTS VOL.LU:. “1919 Meteorological Observations in the Society’s District. E. WALFORD, M.D., F.R.Met.Soc. — - — The Triassic Rocks of South Glamorgan. F. F. Miskin, A.I.C., F.G.S. _ _ — - The Leek—-The National Emblem of Wales. ELEANOR VACHELL, F.L.S. -- ~ —- = Ornithological Notes. GEOFFREY C.S. INGRAM and H. MORREY SALMON - Entomological Notes. H.M. Hattett, F.E.S. — - Biological and Geological Section. Report and Statement of Accounts for the Thirty-second Session, 1918-19 TS eS ak an ne Photographic Section. Report and Statement of Accounts for the Eighth Session, Ig18-Ig — ~ Report of the Council of the Society, Ig18-Ig) ss - — Statement of Accounts for the Year ending September, 30th, IgIg — _ - - - - - List of Past Presidents of the Society — _ = = Officers and Council of the Society, Ig1g-20 — - - PAGE. —7 260 50 a3 U1 Qn 68 69 METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS IN THE SOCIETY’S DISTRICT, rorzo. By E. WALFORD, M.D., F.R.MEtT.Soc. The average monthly rainfall over the whole of the Society’s district (comprised within the semi-circular area, having the Beacons as its northernmost point, its base the coastline from Neath to Chepstow, and with a mean height of 638 feet above the sea level) was as follows :— January .. ae ot se 7-11 inches. February ia wa aa 2 as March) =: ae ae te PO 3 50) | Mae ae ae a a's 2A 5; May fe bole ae a MDS iis, June Fe ny Ae mn 2°08; July ies 3 = wh BORA, ‘August .. fe ny a 2°8Gn 5; September ub nat a Bplay October .. “i Ne ee 2OGt November He sf iy SOO 5 December "3 a SEO 72a A Total in 1918 .. - Bie aOR! oi 3 Es QE wee Ss PA APOE, - EOLA! 413 * ees O2er2.2.) “) TOL, a gi uO ee * LOUAr a IO LT ss : LOLS ie Sy Loa is Ue eee i? EOLA). se Jah (0Gs200" 5. , TOES. oft Bee Ol Oo. TOL. - ei: ay SORA a a 1909 .. ne Sd PGOIOSE 55 5 1908 .. 1 pen FA OO! a: 5 TOOTH...’ ye RU tee te 0 KOOOy ss he sft AOZBO ps rs 1905 .. By Eide ESOS 5. Me 1904 .. Be op aePSOrOR of TOO a. a: pe BORO. 15, es LOO2i" >. Ne Serer nr (eae 2 _ Meteorological Observations, 1919 FEFT ABOVE = e INCHES oe. sea sai C. H. 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We Us i] . e: GRE Z . 4° Rea ¢ . co See b- 9 HUY ee Zz. E in 9: 6 H HeESRESCUECE S| m a PERCE ee ee aaa € 7 Oo EOI TOODCSOCSTOMTeTaeeTeoeaataT ean [9307 AoN [Loo[eas; ‘ony [Ainriannr] Avi dv) a [ead ‘GIGI YUVAA AHL 4AO G3J0N3 WAIM HOVE ONINNA AAG UVO'NYIANAd ‘NOILVLS TV9IDN01ONOALAW JHL LY G3GNOdIY JUNLWYAdWL NW3IW ONY JUNSSId ON LIWOUNVE NVAW “TIWANIVY SNIMOHS TLRIASSIC ARERIOD., e, wr o Q 2 OO WL : Yj ‘s Li EPOCH LiL WILTLLL1 & KEUPER KEUPER AREA. BRITISH lly TS. 0 CO 7 Vel ao Oe, NQ-= o y W “ 0) ae ahi See Md c 9 Qa 25 9 Q =o Y oO 17 ree iat”: KOCKS, OF SOUTH GLAMORGAN. by Bob MIskKIN, (AcLC., F.G.S. This paper is introductory to a further study of the local Triassic rocks. Though the exposures of these rocks in Glamorganshire are second to none in the British Isles, yet their wealthy geological features are only partially recorded, possibly owing to the almost complete absence of fossils. Between Penarth Head and Little Island, Barry, magnificent sections of the various divisions of the Triassic rocks can easily be examined. The height of thecliffs rise and fall as one proceeds along the coast, and the various rock-groups are brought within reach of the geologist by the anticlinal and synclinal structures, together with the notable faulting. The variety of rock types with their colourings combined with the very varied erosion helps to make a pretty coast line. Along one portion we have massive red rock banded with white alabaster and green marl beds, along another tea-green marls in numerous bands, each only a few inches thick, still further on, grey conglomerate with large round pebbles. Some parts of the coast have a floor of red marl, comparatively flat ; other parts are almost impassable, due to tough fallen blocks of limestone, some weighing as much as forty tons. In addition, the coast line is carved into small bays, due to the wearing away of soft rock by the sea; into headlands, due to reefs of hard rock running out seawards from the foot of the cliff; and islands, due to weather-resisting rocks. By his researches in the Forest of Dean, Principal T. Franklin Sibly has shewn us that there was some earth movement during the Carboniferous Period, indicated by an unconformity in the Carboniferous rocks themselves. At the end of Carboniferous time, considerable crust move- ment took place. Pressures from the south gave rise to the east and west Armorican Flexures, which make themselves apparent in Glamorgan as synclines and anticlines having 18 The Triassic Rocks of South Glamorgan east and west axes. Another series of pressures acting at right angles to the Armorican Flexures, produced the Pennine Range, and probably both these pressures are responsible for the basin-like formations of some of the coal-fields. What we are principally concerned with now is the ridging up of the Carboniferous rocks by these pressures and the subsequent denudation of the anticlines formed. The crests and limbs of the anticlines were worn through in places, and as a result great masses of Carboniferous limestone became exposed. These frequently had very jagged outcrops, and appear as peaks of limestone of steep dip. These peaks, which are so well illustrated along the Glamorgan coast, at a later time formed islands in the Triassic sea. Most probably during and after the Carboniferous denuda- tion the Permian rocks were formed, but these are absent in Glamorgan and do not concern us now. After the Permian rocks were formed, the Triassic deposits began to be laid down. The nomenclature of the British Trias has been taken from that of Germany, because there is a general resemblance between them, though our series is less complete. In Germany, the system is so plainly and naturally divisible into three sets of rocks that the name of Trias is derived from the fact. The divisions are :— Upper Trias—The Keuper (marls chiefly red and sand- stones). Middle Trias—The Muschelkalk (marine limestone mainly). Lower Trias—The Bunter (variegated sandstone and shales). In Britain only the lower and upper divisions are represented, the middle or marine type being entirely absent. The areas occupied by the Trias in Britain are shewn on the geological map, and. the position of these areas make it clear that the principal hilly and mountainous regions of the country were already in existence before the deposition of the Trias. On geological maps the outcrop of the Trias appears to be almost continuous from Durham in the north-east to Devon in the south-west, but it is mainly the outcrop of the Upper jt ih. The Triassic Rocks of South Glamorgan 1g Trias that is thus continuous, whereas the Lower Trias is much more restricted in its extension. The shaded areas represent the original extent of the Triassic deposits ; the heavier shading denotes that of the Lower Trias, and the lighter that of the Upper Trias. The area of older Triassic rock must have been depressed during and after the deposition of its material, for the area of Upper Trias almost completely covers that of the Lower deposits. Note that the margins of the areas of Lower Trias, with one slight exception, are well within the margin of the area of Upper Trias. From the map it is seen that the outcrop of the Lower Trias is divided into a northern and a southern portion. There was actually a barrier of land between the two areas over which the Lower Trias was deposited. Since Permian times the climatic conditions had altered, and the Permian inland seas and lakes shrank to small dimen- sions, due to the rainfall becoming much less. These seas did recelve some water from rivers flowing into them from the highlands, but evaporation took place equally with or more rapidly than inflow. As climatic conditions altered again, and as depression of the areas began, the seas enlarged and gradually united, covering the land that had previously separated them, land which had doubtless been partially denuded meanwhile. The material carried in by the rivers into the large sea thus formed was deposited there, and the ‘deposit gradually overlapped those of the earlier seas. Thus we have the Upper Trias deposits overlapping the Lower, and the Lower overlapping the Permian. The Pennine Range in the Lower Triassic Period was a large island, which, in all probability, became completely submerged during Upper Triassic times. The Triassic rocks of Glamorgan were deposited along the margin of the Upper Triassic sea. From what has been stated about the smaller seas of the Lower Trias, it can be inferred that the Upper Trias does not here attain a maximum thickness ; in fact a portion only of the Upper Trias has been deposited in Glamorgan. The floor of the Trias sea in the Glamorgan area, as indicated above, was Carboniferous limestone. In Barry Harbour there 20 The Triassic Rocks of South Glamorgan is an uncovered outcrop of Carboniferous limestone on the shore dipping steeply to the south and having an east and west strike. Were such a rock a portion of a cliff so that frost, heat, wind, etc., could disintegrate it, and then the fallen material be rolled by the sea, this rounded material together with the sediment from the sea would form a conglo- merate such as we see on Little Island, Barry. If, on the other hand, small fragments were broken off, not rolled much by the sea and embedded in Triassic sediment, we should have a breccia. Excellent examples of this are to be seen in the district, particularly on Sully Island. These types suggest the presence of an unconformity, in this case between Carboniferous limestone and Triassic rock. Sully Island shows the plane of unconformity well. It also shows the overlapping of lower beds by higher beds among the Triassic rocks, and the overstepping of Carboniferous limestone by the Trias. (Fig. 2.) Sometimes, a sudden inrush of water, such as the swelling of a river, will carry big rounded stones or angular pebbles over a sea deposit free from such material. Further deposition of fine material around such pebbles will produce yet another type of conglomerate or breccia. This is well illustrated between Nell’s Point and Sully Island. The destruction of older rocks and the inclusion of their stones in the newer deposits is also accompanied by the inclusion of fossils from the older rocks. Zapkrentis corals and ossicles of crinoids from the Carboniferous limestone are common in the Triassic breccias at Bendrick Point near Barry. These derived fossils are practically the only fossils found in the Triassic rocks of the district. Another feature to which attention must be drawn is that of wave ripples in the secondary Triassic limestone. They are of fairly frequent occurrence between Sully Island and the Bendrick Rock. Wave ripples are indicative of shallow water sedimentation and point to probable proximity of a shore line at the time of deposition. In addition to ripples, some of these rocks show casts of sun cracks. On account of the irregular Carboniferous floor, the local base of the Trias varies very rapidly along the shore. At one Ee —— Oe The Triassic Rocks of South Glamorgan 21 point there is a conglomerate containing rounded stones six inches in diameter, at another point a breccia having angular particles from one-eighth to one-quarter of an inch across, at still another point free of both. We might conveniently divide the local Trias into four chief divisions. Firstly there is the conglomerate or breccia at the base. The conglomerate is sometimes dolomitic in composition, hence the term Dolomitic Conglomerate. The breccias are, however, frequently fairly pure limestone _ containing between 90 and 095 per cent. of calcium carbonate. The thickness of these rocks varies a good deal, and their textures at any one locality show oscillating conditions of deposit. On Sully Island, in the Trias over the Carboniferous limestone, there is the following range of rocks:—Lower member, 6 feet of brecciated greyish limestone, which is very resistant to weather, then 5 feet of red magnesian marl stone followed by 9g feet of red marl weathering rapidly, the marl being slightly brecciated, next 6 feet of red and yellow marl, also weathering rapidly, and 34 feet of red sandy rock, then Io feet of pinkish grey limestone, the uppermost portion having ripple marks. This rock is very resistant to weather. And finally red marls which readily disintegrate. Such a series of rocks forming a cliff-face naturally present a very rugged and irregular appearance, some of the beds actually overhanging. On Treharne’s Point, Barry Island, the Trias commences with a conglomerate of large rounded stones. Near the Bendrick Rock the lowest beds are of a red shaly character followed by grey, red, and green marls, rather silicious in composition and including quartz and chert fragments of all colours. The second division of the local Trias consists chiefly of red marl, and often with green mottling, with some definite bands of pale green marl. The main mass of the rock is tough marl, but there are occasional softer bands with a more shaly nature. These, when near the base of the cliff, are cut into small caverns by the action of the waves. The collapse of such caverns causes the cliffs to fall. The greatest thickness of red marl exposed in the Glamorgan cliffs is between Lavernock Point and Penarth. It there gives a measurement of 60 feet, but 22 The Triassic Rocks of South Glamorgan this is not necessarily its maximum thickness for the marls dip into the beach deposits, and their relationship to the secondary basal limestones is not visible. These red marls are apparently responsible for the naming of the Upper Triassic rocks which are generally called the Keuper Marls. The name Keuper is said to be derived from the German word Kupfer, which means copper. Thin deposits of hydrated green copper carbonate have been found on the under surface of at least three gypsum bands exposed in the cliffs of South Glamorgan. The occurrence of copper carbonate in the Penarth . gypsum does not appear to have been previously recorded. A copper deposit exists also in the Trias at Alderley Edge, Staffordshire. The gypsum which occurs locally rarely attains a thickness greater than a foot ; sometimes it is perfectly snow white, more frequently pink and red, and occasionally greenish. Penarth ‘‘alabaster,” as it is locally named, is carved for interior decoration. The red marls are used for brick- making in at least four places in Glamorgan. It has been shewn that the Triassic areas had been isolated from the open sea and finally these lacustrine areas had become united to form a large inland sea. This inland sea has been compared to that of the Dead Sea, and of the lakes to the eastward of the Caspian Sea. Their waters are bitterly salt, due to greater evaporation than inflow of fresh water. The solution of the salts sodium chloride, calcium sulphate and of those of magnesium in the water becomes more and more concentrated. Calcium sulphate being the least soluble of these salts would precipitate first from such a concentrated fluid—hence the gypsum deposits. Sodium chloride (common salt) would only be, preserved as a rock if after its deposition it became quickly covered and protected by a layer of the red mud flowing into the area. Rock salt deposits do occur in the Trias of Cheshire and are worked for domestic and agricultural use. Great thick- nesses of gypsum (hydrated calcium sulphate) occur in the Midlands, but in South Wales the gypsum is thin and the sodium chloride is absent. There are no cubical casts or pseu- domorphs of salt, thus indicating the close proximity of the margin of the Trias sea, for if rapid evaporation took place The Triassic Rocks of South Glamorgan 23 the water receded from the margin and carried the more soluble salt with it to the deeper areas. Near one of the Triassic islands at Barry, the gypsum occurs in spheroidal masses, the spheres being from two to six inches diameter. Celestine (strontium sulphate crystals) have been found in the red marls, Cogan Quarry. The third division is that of the tea-green marls also called the Keuper Green Marls. They are fully exposed at Lavernock, Penarth Head, and elsewhere in the district. The thickness is about 36 feet. It may be stated here that in a boring at Rhoose, the green marls attain a thickness of 78 feet, and the beds are very different from our local ones. It is also note- worthy that the red marls are entirely absent from the Trias of the Khoose well. Further remarks on Rhoose must be left for another occasion. The tea-green marls consist to a large extent of alternate bands of lighter green marlstones, marls and darker green shales. They include a few bands of cavernous gypsum with which is associated manganese dioxide, oxide of iron, and occasionally copper carbonate. The green marls are used to a small extent for brickmaking. A remarkable conglomerate introduces the next and fourth division—the grey marls. Many of the rounded pebble stones in this conglomerate have the high specific gravity of 3-48 and are heavily charged with sulphate of strontium. The conglomerate indicates a sudden change of conditions. Preceding this conglomerate the green beds are evenly-bedded and regular. The change is borne out by the fact that the shales overlying the conglomerate darken very considerably, and have obviously been contaminated with material from the sea that was responsible for the deposition of the black Rheetic shales, which overlie the grey marls. The grey marls consist of alternate bands of tough grey marlstones separated by dark green, grey and blackish shales. The beds show frequent indications of contemporaneous denudation in that wavy lamination, indented surfaces, and fine-grained conglomerates occur abundantly. The fourth division does not attain a greater thickness than 10 feet. It has now been proved that the upper- most beds suffered denudation. Two tough seven inch beds 24 The Triassic Rocks of South Glamorgan of limestone that occur in the grey marls of St. Mary’s Well Bay and Lavernock Point have entirely disappeared at Seven Sisters, Penarth Head, and Cogan. The lowest bed of the Rhetic known as Storrie’s Bone bed, or what may describe it better for this district, the “ quartz pebble bed”’ conglomerate at Lavernock, rests upon seven inches of green shale and the two seven inch grey limestones, while at Seven Sisters, Penarth Head, Penarth Dock, and Cogan, the quartz pebbles overlie three wavy grey limestone beds that are constant throughout the district and appear two feet nine inches below the quartz pebbles at Lavernock. While this Rhetic or pre-Rhetic denudation was taking place, and before the deposition of the quartz pebbles, an inlet from what was probably the Rhetic sea crept over the grey marls of what is now the St. Mary’s Well Bay, Cadoxton district, and formed an oyster bank two feet in thickness. These oysters have had the name Ostrea bristovt bestowed on them. The two feet of oyster limestone would be correctly named the Ostrea bristovi beds. They are separated from the underlying grey marls by a marlstone conglomerate, and, in my opinion, they should not be grouped with the grey marls under the term Sully Beds. No such beds occur near Sully, nor have I found any fossils in the Grey Keuper Marls during long searches, with the exception of small fragments of a dull carbonaceous material similar to the “‘ jet” in the Lias Formation. As in the Lias rock these carbonaceous fragments are accompanied by barium and strontium sulphate. It is worthy of note that the quartz pebbles overlie the Ostrea bristovt beds in the bay. This information together with the fact that I have found on three separate occasions Avicula contorta and Modiola minima associated with Ostrea bristovt tends to prove that the quartz pebble bed—which also contains a number of saurian bones and Rheetic fish teeth—and the Ostrea bristovt Limestone belong to the Rhetic Period. There is an unconformity below the Ostrea bristovi beds and another above the Ostrea bristovt beds indicated by the bones and quartz pebbles. A small patch of Ostrea bristovi limestone has been found recently at the top of the Brickworks Marl Quarry, Dinas Powis. The Carboniferous rocks below the Trias are loaded with The Triassic Rocks of South Glamorgan 25 fossils. Animal and plant life was very abundant in Car- boniferous times. We have seen that fossils again began to be plentiful after the Triassic deposits. Living things again began to be numerous, and fossils are found in enormous numbers in all the overlying formations—the Black Rhetic Shales the White Lias, the Blue Lias and so on. The inland Triassic sea was too salt to support life; but in the open sea there lived saurian monsters, various armour plated fishes and shell fish. These animals came in with the Rhetic sea, and their bones and teeth together with the quartz and other pebbles form the lowest bone bed of the Rhetic. In this district it is principally a quartz conglomerate bed;, but across the Severn in Somerset bones are predominant, sometimes the bone deposit is a foot in thickness. My thanks are due to Professor Cox for his unfailing encouragement in the compounding of this paper, and for his assistance to me during my research. Fig. 1. Tea Green Marls. Hard bed of marlstone forming a ‘“‘ reef’ in the foreground, near Lavernock Point. Fig. 2. Unconformity on Sully Island. Upturned Carboniferous rocks in foreground. The Keuper Basement Beds overlying. Fig. 3." The rocky shore of Sully Island, shewing bedding, jointing and method of erosion of secondary limestone in the Trias. Fig. 4. The Ostrea bristovt beds shewing a small over- thrust fault on middle left marked by 12 inch rule. St Mary’s Well Bay. 26 THE LEEK—THE NATIONAL EMBLEM OER WALES. BY EEBPANGEK VAGHELL, FES: Some excuse seems necessary before entering once again upon the discussion as to whether the leek or the daffodil should be regarded as the true Emblem of Wales. Two facts seem to justify rather a fuller investigation into the existing information on the subject before determining for ever what has been described as the ‘“‘ hardy annual’”’ controversy which has bloomed during the last eighteen years with renewed vigour each spring. In the first place no writer on this controversial subject seems to have viewed it from a fair standpoint and to have presented fairly and honestly the just claims of the rival plants, all having hurled epithets of scorn upon the plant they do not favour; apparently believing in that way to injure its cause. Thus we find the daffodil referred to by its enemies as a “sickly maudlin, sentimental flower, the favourite of flapperdom,” while the leek is spoken of as an ‘‘ obnoxious or common and garden vegetable.” Secondly, that as the advocates of the daffodil claim that the origin of the custom of wearing that flower on St. David’s Day dates from Pagan times, and that the daffodil only could be considered “ sacred,” it is only fair to show that the leek too, may well be regarded as a survival of rites connected with the religions of ancient Egypt and Rome and of the worship of the sacred mistletoe of the Druids; that it was considered sacred to Osiris, and that in tracing its connection through the Celtic wars to the worship of Mars whose festival as the God of War was celebrated on March Ist, one or two new facts have presented themselves which seem to throw a valuable new light on the subject. The claims of both plants, therefore, will be as far as possible fairly dealt with in this paper, and it is greatly to be hoped that the evidence in favour of the leek will be considered The Leek—The National Emblem of Wales 27 sufficient to justify its being accepted as the true emblem of Wales, and to put an end to the ridiculous mixture of leeks and daffodils that are now worn by our countrymen on St. David’s Day, making them the laughing stock of other nations. An eminent Welshman, Mr. Llewelyn Williams, writing on this subject suggests that the mistake of substituting a “ stinking vegetable’ for a “ charming flower ’’ was “ due to a blunder made by Shakespeare or Bacon, or some other equally ignorant Saxon’’ who confused the Welsh word Cennin, leek, with Cennin Pedr, Peter’s Leeks=—daffodils, and challenges “‘ anyone to produce a single reference in English or Welsh literature before Shakespeare's Henry V written in 1598, to the leek, the vegetable leek, as the national emblem of Wales.” It will be necessary before entering into the problems connected with the obscure origion of the custom of commemorating St. David’s Day to trace any allusion to it that has appeared in the literature of our country. The following references to the custom of observing St. David's Day speak for themselves and show that there is clear historical evidence to prove that from the year 1537 constant allusions are made to the leek whereas the daffodil is not mentioned as a national flower until well after the year Igoo. It is, however, remarkable that although all these references point unanimously to the leek, the accounts of the origin of the custom differ, as will be seen, to a very marked degree. The following entries are recorded in the Privy Purse expenses of Henry VII, a monarch whose liberality is not proverbial. March I, 1492, Welshmen on St. David’s Day, £2. March 6, 1494, To the Welshmen towards their feste, £2. The Privy Purse expenses of Princess Mary, daughter of King Henry VIII, were edited and published in 1831 by Sir F. Madden, late keeper of the MSS. in the British Museum, from the original accounts preserved there and contain the following entries :— ' Item, geuen to the yeomen of the Kinge garde presenting my Lady’s grace wt a Leke.. . xvs. Mens’ mcij (1537-8) Fol. 41b. 28 The Leek—The National Emblem of Wales Item, geuen amonge the yeomen of the Kinge gard bringing a Leke to my lade grace on Saynt David Daye ster 2 evs: Mens Februarii (1543-4). Item, gevin to a yeoman of the garde for bringing a Leeke on Saint Davy’s day... . xvs.” Iolo MSS. p. 65, date about 1550-1650. English translation: “In the year 1346 the battle of Crecy took place where the Welsh won great renown for fighting bravely with Edward the Black Prince. On that occasion Captain Cadwgan Foel shouted to the Welsh requesting them to take a leek in their helmets. The fighting took place in a field of leeks, and when they look around they were found to be all Welshmen save nine-and-twenty in that force; and the English in another part where there was no fighting. And this was the cause of the Welsh wearing the leek.” Mr. J. S. Corbett considers this document is of no trustworthy authority. Mr. Arthur Hughes, from whose excellent paper on the Welsh national emblem the foregoing quotation has been taken, states “ that forgeries or imaginative additions to the genuine records were made in the period between 1550-1650, but that the style of dictum in the above extract suggests a considerably more recent date,” and that “ we must content ourselves,” therefore, “‘ with merely drawing attention to its existence.” Shakespeare in his play Henry V written in 1598 speaks of the custom of wearing the leek as an “ ancient”’ one, and makes it date from the battle of Cressy fought on August 26th, 1346. The story of the wearing of the leek as told by Shakespeare is as follows :-— Fluellin (to the King) : Your grandfather of famous memory an’t please your Majesty and your great uncle Edward the Black Prince of Wales as I have read in the chronicles fought a most prave prattle here in France. King: They did Fluellin. Fluellin: Your Majesty says very true if your Majesty is remembered of it the Welshmen did good service in a garden where leeks did grow wearing leeks in their Monmouth caps, which your Majesty knows to this hour is an honourable padge The Leek—The National Emblem of Wales 29 of service, and I do believe your Majesty takes no scorn to wear leek upon St. Tavy’s Day. In his Polyolbion, published in 1612, Michael Drayton makes several references to Wales. His version of the leek tradition connects it with St. David. “ There is an aged cell with moss and wy grown In which not to this day the sun has ever shone, That reverend British Saint in zealous ages past, To contemplation lived, and did so truly fast ; As he did only drink what crystal Hodney yields, And fed upon the leeks he gathered in the fields, In memory of whom in each revolving year The Welshmen on his day that sacred herb do wear.” In 1632 Hierone Porter said— In the ‘“‘ Flowers of the Lives of the most renowned Sainets,”’ published at Douay in 1632, it is said of St. David that “ he died rst March, about A.D. 550, which day not only in Wales, but all England over, is most famous in memorie of him. But in these our unhappy daies, the greatest part of his solemnitie consisteth in wearing of a green leeke, and it is a sufficient theame for a zealous Welshman to ground a quarrell against him that doth not honour his capp with the leke ornament that day” (quoted in Brand’s Popular Antiquities). In the old play ‘“‘ The vow breaker,’ London, 1636, Act I, Se. 1, occur the following words: “‘ His head’s like a Welshman’s crest on Saint David’s Day.” Brand’s Popular Antiquities. There is a curious tract attributed to the year 1642 dealing with the leek custom. It is entitled “ The Welshman’s Jubilee.” ‘‘ To the honour of St. David showing the manner of that solemn celebration which the Welshmen annually hold in honour of St. David, describing likewise the true real cause why they wear that day a leek in their hats.” “‘ Some report that they wear this leek because of the numerous multitude of leekes that grow in their (sic) others affirm the cause to be their general affection unto it, but either of these are fallable for it is more credibly declared that St. David when he always went into the field on martial exercise he carried a leek with him, and once being almost faint to death he immediately 30 The Leek—The National Emblem of Wales remembered himself of the leek, and by that means not only preserved his life but also become victorious.”’ 1642. An old ballad The Btshof’s Last Good Night has a stanza as follows :— ' “ Llandaff provide for St. David's Day Lest the leeke and red herring run away.” In the Royal Apophthegms of King James, published in © London in 1658 (Brit. Mus., E. 1892, I, 2), in a collection of sayings attributed to the King he states :—“‘ That the wearing of leeks on Saint David’s Day by the Welshmen was a good and commendable fashion, seeing that all memorable acts have by the agents something worn for distinction, and also to preserve the memory thereof unto posterity....So the Welshmen in commemoration of the great fight by the Black Prince of Wales, do wear leeks as their chosen ensign.” From the memoirs of Sop/ia Electress of Hanover, March 1, 1661. ‘‘ Which the English in general and the Royal Family in particular observe by eating in the evening an onion which they have worn in their hats throughout the day in memory of a battle won by a Prince of Wales wearing this device. The Elector arranged to send leeks to all the English residents, to Baroness Degenfelt, her children and to me, and invited me to come and eat mine in his rooms where I met the Baroness with the prettiest little son and daughter in the world.” March 1, 1666, Samuel Pepys writes— “In St. Mark’s lane I do observe (it being St. David's Day), the picture of a man dressed like a Welshman hanging by the neck upon one of the poles that stand at the top of one of the merchant’s houses in full proportion and very handsomely done, which is one of the oddest sights I have seen for a good while.”’ 1697. Misson records that His Majesty William LI was complaisant enough to bear his Welsh subjects company. The Flying Post of 1699. “ Yesterday being St. David’s Day the King according to custom wore a leek in honour of the ancient Britons, the same The Leek—The National Emblem of Wales 31 being presented to him by Sergeant Porter whose place it was, and for which he claims the clothes which His Majesty wore that day. The courtiers in imitation of His Majesty wore leeks likewise. ; 1705 Diverting Post. “Why on St. David’s Day do Welshmen seek To beautify their hats with verdant leek Of nauseous smell ? For honour ’tis they say. Dulce et decorum est pro patria.” 1795, Seven Champions of Christendom, by Richard Johnson, ch. xviii. «St. David, having a heart still fired with fame, thirsted even to his dying day for honourable achievements, and although age and time had almost wearied him away yet he would once more make his adventures in the Field of Mars and seal up his honours in the records of fame with a noble farewell. So... he took his leave of the other champions and all alone well mounted upon a lusty courser ... he began a journey home towards his own country. ... But long had he not travelled ere he heard of the distresses thereof, how Wales was beset with a people of a savage nature thirsting for blood and the ruin of that brave kingdom. Whereupon .. . he went forward with a courageous mind either to redeem fame or to lose his best blood in the honour of the adventure. Where upon he drew into his aid . . . all the best knights he could find of any nation whatsoever giving them promises of noble rewards and entertainment as befitted so worthy a fellowship. By this means... he had gathered together 500 knights of such noble resolutions that all Christendom could not afford better, the seven champions excepted. All these, furnished for battle, all entered the country . . . where they found . . . everything so out of order as if the country had never been inhabited. . . . As they marched along. . . there resorted to them people of all ages . . . When they knew him to be the champion of Wales whom so long they had desired to see their joys so exceeded that all former woes were abolished. . . . The noble champion . . . called his captains together and said . . . Now is the time brave martialists to be canonised the sons of fame. ... To arms... brave 32 The Leek—The National Emblem of Wales followers. I will be the first to give death the onset. And for my colours or ensign do I wear upon my burgonet you see a green leek beset with gold which shall (if we win the victory) here after be an honour unto Wales, and on this day being the first of March be for ever worn by the Welshmen in remembrance hereof. Which words were no sooner spoken . . . but all the Royal Army . . . got themselves the like recognizance which was each of them a green leek upon their hats or beavers which they wore all the time of the battle and by that means... were known from the others. . . . The queen of chance so favoured Saint David and his followers that what with their nimble lances, keen darts and arrows shot from their quick bows and Welsh hooks . . . in short time the noble champion won a great victory. A noble policy was it for all our. Christians in that battle to wear green leeks in their burgonets for their colours by which they were all known and preserved from the slaughter of one another’s swords. Only St. David himself excepted . . . for coming from the battle overheated in blood a sudden cold congealed in all his life's members . . . that . . . he was forced to yield unto death. In honour of his name they ordered a custom that the day of his victory should be canonised and called in all after ages St. David’s Day, being holden still upon the first of March, and in remembrance thereof upon the same day should likewise be worn by all well-wishers to the same country certain green leeks in their hats or on bosoms in true honour of this noble martialist, which is still a praiseworthy custom in these our northern climates. In 1732, Sir Watkin Williams Wynne, presented a silver gilt bowl holding ten gallons to Jesus College, Oxford, which was filled with Swig and handed round to the guests on St. David’s Day. 1757. From Poor Robin's Almanackh— “* The first of March some do keep For honest Taff to wear his leek.”’ 1759. Cambria of Rolt. «In Cambria ’tis said traditions tale Recounting, tells how famed Menevia’s priest Marshalled his Britons and the Saxon host The Leek—The National Emblem of Wales 33 Discomforted, how the green leek the bands Distinguished, since by Britons annual worn Commemorates their tutelary saint. Late 18th Century Leaflet in the Cardiff Free Library. “ When Julius Caesar with his force Did first invade the land, The Welshmen bold with foot and horse Did this proud foe withstand ; A tribute he from them did seek Which they refused to pay, For which they always wear a leek Upon St. David's Day. Then afterwards the Saxons came, Who Essex did obtain, And with an army were prepared The kingdom for to gain. Each town and city weni to rack While Saxons bore the sway ; At length the Welshmen drove them back Upon St. David's Day. The next to them the Danes come in, That proud surprising foe ; At Winchester they did begin The land to overthrow ; Until at length great Alfred came Who drove them quite away, And conquered all the Danish crew Upon St. David's Day. When crooked-backed Richard wore the crown As regent of the land, No policy could pull them down Or this proud foe withstand ; Till Henry of Richmond entered Wales, Whom Welshmen did obey, And conquered him in Bosworth Field Upon St. David’s Day.” 34 The Leek—The National Emblem of Wales 1803. Owen in his Cambrian Biography writes that he never heard of such a patron saint, nor the leek as his symbol until he became acquainted therewith in London. He said he considered it originated from the custom of Cymhortha, when the farmers assisting each other in ploughing brought their leeks to aid the common repast. 1825. It is recorded that a body of Welshmen gathered to do honour to St. David and sang a poem of which every verse ended with the refrain— “* Before they wore the leek,” or “ To-day they wear the leek.”’ In Mr. Howell's Cambrian Superstitions, 1832, is the following :— ‘The Welsh in older days were so infested with Ourang Outangs that they could obtain no peace. Not being able to enterpate them they invited the English to help, who through some mistake killed several of the Welshmen, so in order to distinguish them from the monkeys they desired them to stick leeks in their hats.” “ When King Cadwallon famed of old ’Mid tumults and alarms, With dauntless heart and courage bold, Led on the British arms. He bade his men ne'er fret and grieve Nor doubt the coming fray, Full well he knew tt was the eve Of great Saint David's Day. The Saxons, in the wild distress Of this their hour of need, Disguised them in the British dress The hero to mislead ; But soon the Welshmen’s eager ken Perceived the craven play, And gave a leek to all his men Upon Saint David’s Day. Behold, the gallant monarch cried, A trophy bright and green The Leek—The National Emblem of Wales 35 And let it for our battle guide In every helm be seen ; That when we meet, as meet we must, The Saxon’s proud array, We all may know in whom to trust On good Saint David's Day. Anon arose the battle shout The crash of spear and bow, But aye the green leek pointed out The Welshman from his foe. The Saxons made a stout defence But fled at length away, And conquest crowned the British prince On great Saint David's Day. Til cherish still that field of fame Whate’ er may be our lot, Which long as Wallia hath a name Shall never be forgot ; And braver badge we ne'er will seek Whatever other may, But still be proud to wear the leek On good Saint David’s Day.” Numberless other references could be quoted about the wearing of the leek, but the foregoing are sufficient to show that the custom supported, first of all, by Tudor Sovereigns of Welsh descent, and afterwards by James I and William III, has been kept up regularly from the year 1492, and that no mention of the daffodil as the national emblem occurs until the beginning of the twentieth century when for artistic and estetic reasons its cause was championed by modern Welsh scholars and it was substituted, as the King and the Investiture Committee raised no objection, for the leek at the installation of the Prince of Wales at Carnarvon in July, 1911, and subsequently included on the insurance stamps. Long before the reign of Henry Tudor many references are to be found to the leek as a common article of diet showing that it was held in very high repute as a vegetable in this country. And also played an enormously important part in native Welsh leech- 36 The Leek—The National Emblem of Wales craft. The earliest complete Welsh native leech-book, the so called Meddygon-Myddveu, has many pages devoted to its uses and virtues. The earliest MSS of the work is of the 12th century, but the tradition on which it is based is far earlier. Walter Map, the Welshman and intimate friend of Giraldus Cambrensis, who died in 1210, wrote— “ They have gruell to potage And leeks kind to companye,’’ And of the Welshwoman that “ Atte meete and after eke Her solace 1s salt and leeke.’’ The virtues of the leek are described in the Red Book of Hergest, written about the end of the 13th century. “It is good to take leeks and wines as an antidote against the effects of the bite of a snake or other animal.” “If leeks and salt are put on a wound it will heal quickly.” It is even claimed that leeks are good for a broken bone. In the Laws of Howel Dda, in a section defining what is deemed a harvest crop, the following passage occurs: ‘‘ Dried hay and thatch for houses and their fence and leeks and everything that has relation to the garden. Let him fence his garden so strongly that beasts cannot break in.” This passage is from the MS. of the Venedotian Code attributed to the early part of the 12th century. There is a corresponding passage in the text of a later MS. which runs: ‘‘ Whoever is mended to cultivate leeks or cabbage or other plants let him place a fence around them so that no animal can get over it.” Mr. Ivor John in his paper advocating the claims of the daffodil suggests that the passage from Taliesin which is translated ‘“‘ pleasant is the vegetable garden where the leek flourishes,’ should read ‘‘ pleasant is the bank where the daffodil flourishes,” and that the passage is the first reference to the daffodil in Welsh literature. The word used is Cennin, and there is no evidence that it was ever used in Welsh literature for daffodil without some accompanying qualification. The leek was valued highly as an article of food by the Romans. Italy was celebrated for its leeks in the time of Pliny, and Celsius gives a number of recipes for their use. The Leek —The National Emblem of Wales 37 Pliny said that the Emperor Nero was so fond of leeks that he used to eat them for several days in each month to clear his voice, which fact cannot fail to recall the story of St. David who, living on leeks and bread, made the multitude hear his speech at the Synod by reason of his clear and sonorous voice. Nero’s fondness for them was the object ofa considerable amount of satire in his day, and obtained for him the name of “‘ Porrophagus, the leek-eater.” Leeks were favourite articles of diet among the Romans during the 500 years of their occupation of Britain, and it seems probable that it was by them that they were first introduced into this island. Although all these references to the custom of the observance of St. David’s Day from 1537 to 1900, point unanimously to the leek as the emblem worn by Welshmen upon the Ist of March, the accounts of the origin of the custom differ to a very marked degree. Saint David, Julius Caesar, Cadwallon, his son Cadwaladr, Henry of Richmond, King Alfred, the Black Prince, and John of Gaunt, have all been referred to as having gained a decisive victory over their enemies on St. David's Day, and Hatfield, Winchester, Boswell Field, Cressy, and Poictiers are all suggested as possible scenes of the encounter, the dates Tanging over a period of 700 years. Shakespeare was evidently right when he wrote in the year 1598 that the leek had been - worn by Welshmen since the Battle of Cressy, fought in 1346, to commemorate the victory of the Black Prince, but there would seem no reason to connect the Battle of Cressy fought on August 26th with St. David’s Day, unless the leek had been previously considered the national emblem. It is likely that stories of St. David and the traditions of the Saxon battle were current in the days of the Black Prince, and that the Prince’s Welsh followers took auguries of success from being encamped in a field of leeks and eagerly placed them in their caps, though St. David’s Day were past, in memory of the time when the Welsh defeated the Saxons under Cadwallon. (Sow: En. Bot. Edition ITI.) Richard Johnson states in 1705 that if St. David did not actually lead the troops to victory or aid them by his prayers 38 The Leek—The National Emblem of Wales as some affirm; the memory of his teaching and saintly life must have influenced Cadwallon or his son Cadwaladr, both of whom are said by rival historians to have overthrown the Saxons some time between the years 640 and 693. Although the year, the name of the leader, the site of the battle, and the nature of the emblem given to the soldiers have all had doubts cast upon them, two facts never vary: the victory of the Welshmen, who wore the badge and the date, the rst of March, quite irrespective of the fact that in one case at least, that of the battle of Cressy, the real date was known to have been the 26th of August. Why, it may well be asked, were the occasions when the leek was worn always battles? What was there warlike about the leek ? And why was the date always referred to as March Ist, although the Battle of Cressy was known to have been fought on August 26th? The answer to these questions throws a very interesting new light upon the whole subject. March—the month called by the Romans after Mars—the god of war ;—the 1st of March,—the birthday of the god,—the day on which in his honour wars were undertaken against hostile tribes. Can the leek be dedicated to Mars? This answer, too, is most satisfactory, and proves a strong link in the chain of evidence, for Culpepper the old herbalist, writing about the year 1635, declares that the leek, the onion, and chives are all under the dominion of Mars. In like manner in later times when the chief of the new house of Plantagenet chose the broom or Planta genista, and stuck it in his cap as a battle crest, he also chose a plant that was considered under the dominion of Mars. March Ist was considered by the Romans to be the birthday of Mars, who besides being the god of war, was also the giver of all increase. For many days beginning from March Ist, the Palatine Salii danced in armour through certain parts of Rome, clashing their lances on their shields and repeated the prescribed song. The shields carried were the twelve sacred ones preserved in the Palatine. One it is said fell from heaven. When war broke out the Roman general clashed the shield and spear in the temple of Mars, and invoked the god. The spoils of victory belonged to him. After Jupiter Feretrius Enc. Brit. (Mars). The Leek—The National Emblem of Wales 39 Dr. Sayer says that the Saxons called the month of March “‘Rhedmonath.’’ Some derive this from ‘“‘ roed,”’ the Saxon word for council, March being the month wherein wars or expeditions were usually undertaken by the Gothic tribes. The Goths were continually harassing the Roman Empire. It would seem, therefore, perfectly fair to connect the religious significance of March 1st, the Roman feast connected with the history of the god of war, with the continual legends of battles fought by the Celts or Welshmen on that day. It is, moreover, of importance to remember that the Druids had a great deal of interest in keeping these wars going, and in inciting the Celts to keep back the incursions of the Saxons ; that they were the wise men consulted by the Celts when war was proposed, and that they invoked the deities in honour of their friends. Also that the first day of the year, March Ist, was the time when they cut their sacred plant the mistletoe, and presented branches of it as presents to the people. The mistletoe was white and green like the leek, samolus, ivy, and selago, and all other plants considered sacred to the Druids on account of their medical properties. Having, therefore, traced the connection between the priests or Druids, and the declaration of war, and the custom of giving a white and green plant on March Ist, it is necessary to consider whether the leek or the daffodil would most likely have been chosen as a battle crest by a leader marshalling his men to victory on March Ist, the feast day of the god of war. Some scholars draw attention to the Anglo-Saxon word “ leac”’ meaning “‘a plant’”’ as in Hemlock, garlic, charlock, and say that any “leek” or “ plant’’ may have been chosen as a badge. That theory would easily put an end to all arguments in favour of the leek or the daffodil, and might well be accepted if there had not been so many reasons for considering that St. David, Cadwallon, or even the Black Prince, if they had gone on thinking for a week could hardly have made a cleverer or more all-embracing choice than the leek. It was white and green, the sacred colours symbolising purity and everlasting— they were the Celtic colours, the colours also of the Druids. It was under the dominion of Mars, it was the Roman soldiers 40 The Leek--The National Emblem of Wales special food (eaten raw with salt). Enc. Brit. It is said to be good for healing wounds and curing broken bones, and is mentioned specially as an article of food in Lent in early Christian times. In fact, before the days of camp kitchens and field hospitals, it was the soldiers’ emergency dressing, - his iron rations, and his regimental cap badge all rolled into one. The leek (A/lium porrum) is now considered a mere variety of Allium ampeloprasum produced by cultivation. Its name is said by Bryant to be derived from Piorus, the Egyptian god who is the same as Baal Peor of the Phoenicians and the Bil of the Druids. Others say it comes from port, Celtic to eat, whence “ porridge.” . A contributor to the Gazette of Fashion, March g, 1822, says that he “ thinks it likely that leeks were a druidic symbol employed in honour of the British Ceudven or Ceres, in which hypothesis he thinks there is nothing strained or far-fetched, presuming that the Druids were a branch of the Phoenician priesthood. Both were addicted to oak worship, and during the funereal rites of Adonis at Byblos, leeks and onions were exhibited in “pots with other vegetables and called the garden of that deity.” The leek was worshipped at Ascalon (hence the modern term of ‘‘Scallions’’) as it was in Egypt. Leeks and onions were also deposited in the sacred chests of the mysteries both of Isis and Ceres, the Ceudven or Ceridwen of the Druids. Leeks are among the Egyptian hieroglyphics, sometimes a leek is on the head of Osiris, and at other times grasped in an extended hand, hence perhaps the Italian proverb: “ A leek that grows in the hand for virtue.” The plant was probably of Eastern origin, as it was commonly cultivated in Egypt in the time of the Pharoahs. Because it was considered sacred to the god Osiris, it was never eaten by the priests. According to the old translation of the Hebrew word, leeks were considered one of the good things of Egypt for which the Israelites longed on their journey through the desert (Num.). The Phoenicians are known to have traded with Britain for tin, and may have brought Eastern ideas to the Druids as The Leek—The National Emblem of Wales AL some of the deities the latter worshipped can undoubtedly be identified with the gods of Egypt and ancient Greece. In “The Roman Eva in Britain,’ by John Ward, we find the following, which also accounts for the worship of Roman, Greek, and Egyptian deities in Britain. “ Politically the Roman Era in Britain began .. . in A.D. 43, and ended in A.D. 406-410 ... Britain continued to be Roman... until the English conquest. With the conquest (by the Romans) came the innovation of the gods of the Grceco-Roman Pantheon, but many altars are inscribed to deities bearing Celtic and other barbaric names. We know too little of the religions of pre Roman-Britain to estimate how far the latter deities were indigenous and how far imported by the military. As polytheism has unlimited elasticity, these barbaric deities were identified with the Roman ...and... provincials .. . learned to recognize that the same god might be worshipped in different lands under different names. The altars and images were used indifferently by worshippers under many creeds; the titles of Jupiter covered gods as far apart as ‘ Tanarus,’ the German thunder-god, and ‘Osiris,’ the nocturnal sun, who ruled the world of the dead, .. . and under the name of Mars, the soldiers from every province could recognise their local war- god.” (Elion.) ‘‘ The Roman state worship had little power to satisfy the intellect, or to inspire devotion, but it had less when laden with a multitude of new gods and cults; and this paved the way for the widespread acceptance of various cults of Eastern origin, which by their monotheistic strain, their under- lying mysticism, and their offer of divine illumination, through penitence and expiation, promised a satisfaction which the current paganism failed to give. . . . Among these was Mithraism ... and. . . the worship of the Egyptian Isis. . . These in their turn paved the way for Christianity, itself an Eastern religion, which undoubtedly had a firm hold upon Britain before the close of the Era... .” St. David was born in the 495, near St. David’s Head, at a time when the Roman influence was still strong in Britain. He founded a monastery in Pembrokeshire, and kept aloof from temporal concerns, but attended under pressure a synod 42 The Leekh—The National Emblem of Wales at Llanddewibrefi, the object of which was to combat the Pelagian heresy. Because he explained the heresy with such sonorous vigour that all men heard him, he was unanimously requested to become Archbishop of Caerleon, a position which he accepted on condition that the See should be moved to Minevia. He is said to have lived on leeks and bread. It is supposed that he was canonised in the time of Pope Calixtus about 1119. It was in the 12th century that his cult, instead of being local, became that of the Patron Saint of Wales. He died on the 1st of March, some time between 505 and 589, and legend asserts that his soul was borne by angels to heaven. The followers of the first missionaries of Christianity in Ireland and Scotland seem to have thought it necessary, in order to prove the superiority of the new faith, to spread the belief that its apostles were gifted with supernatural powers which they could use for the purpose of counteracting the malice of the Druids, who were said to be in league with the demons of paganism. The Celts appear to have established a district priesthood, known to us as to the Druids, which in pomp of ritual, no less than in learning and influence, rivalled the Hierarchies of later days. Clad in white (the symbol of purity), and wearing ornaments of gold, they celebrated their mystic rites in the depth of the forest—groves of oak were their chosen retreats. Hesus was said to be their chief deity, they also worshipped Apollo under the name of Belinus, supposed to be the Phoenician Baal. Hesus was the type of an absolute supreme Being whose symbol on earth was the oak. Pliny, who is the authority quoted for the reverence in which the mistletoe when found growing on the oak was held by them, says that the oak is their sacred tree, and whatever is found growing upon it they regard as sent from heaven, and as the mark of a tree chosen by God, calling it in their language “all-heal.”” After their sacrifices and banquets have been duly prepared under the tree, the priest clothed with a white robe ascends the tree, cuts the mistletoe with a golden hook, and it is caught in a white mantle. (It is worth recalling that Richard Johnson refers to St. David’s leek as “a leek beset with gold.”) From an analysis of Irish poems and tales, aided The Leek—The National Emblem of Wales 43 by whatever light the classical writers throw on the Druidism of Gaul and Britain, we may make the following induction as to their position and organization in Ireland when they cannot have been very different from what they were in other Celtic countries. It was one of the functions of the Druids to perform religious rites. They also invoked the divinities in favour of their friends and against their enemies, and for this purpose they made incantations upon a mound or elevated ground near the field of battle. Over their countrymen their authority was almost unbounded, and they determined, by auguries from the heavenly bodies, the propitious and unpropitious times for fighting a battle or doing any other important action. With Druidism every unexplained custom and almost every relic of Celtic antiquity were held to be connected, and the superstitions that still linger in the ancient homes of the Celtic race were set down as derived from the same source. With the introduction of Christianity the hieratic functions of the Druids ceased. In Gaul and Britain the healing art was entrusted to them and they were the physicians as well as the priests of these countries. The people was induced to devolve the care of their health upon them, and to apply to them for cures for their diseases, which suggests that a very intimate connection existed between the art of healing and the rites of religion. During the time of the Saxon advance the Druids were driven like the Celts into the west, and it seems that finding their fortunes bound up with those of the Celt, and being themselves precluded from fighting, they constantly tried to incite the Celts to pick a quarrel with the Saxons in order to keep them away from their territory. For this purpose the bards wrote lays connected with battle. There can be little doubt that a number of lays attributed to the poets of Cumbria lived in popular tradition, and that under the sudden burst of glory which the deeds of Cadwallon called forth and which ended in the disastrous defeat of 655, a British literature began to spring forth, and was nourished by the hopes of a future resurrection under his son Cadwaladr, whose death was disbelieved in for so long a time. These 44 The Leek—The National Emblem of Wales floating lays and traditions gradually gathered into North Wales according as the nobility and bards sought refuge there from the advancing conquests of the Saxon kings in the north. The heroes of Cumbria become Welshmen, and the sites of the battles they fought were identified with places of similar name in Wales and England. When Howel Dda became king of all Wales the legends of the north passed into South Wales, and became so thoroughly identified with their new home that they seem to have first originated there. With the year 1276 came the conquest of Wales, when in all probability Celtic customs and tales fell into ill repute; . but would most likely be remembered by the Welsh soldiers at the battle of Cressy. Is it not likely that when Henry VII came to the throne in 1485 that his “‘ genial sarcasm,”’ which “ told of an inner concentration and enthusiasm,’ would have prompted him to change any feeling of contempt which may have existed into honour, by ordering St. David's Day to be observed at the English Court, as was the case in 1492? It is known that he was descended from Cadwaladr, and used as his standard the red dragon of Cadwaladr on a green and white ground. He is said to have “‘ dreamed of crusaders and dwelt with delight on the legends of Arthur.’ (History of the English People, Green, 11-66.) So it is probable that he was also well-versed in Celtic lore and in the stories of St. David and the Druids. This then is the evidence for the leek, it is fragmentary of course, but the fragments all seem to fit together. Some day, some scholar may fit them all in their proper places, and make a consecutive story out of a mass of overlapping quotations. Surely the leek has a history as old and as interesting as any plant that can be named, and Welshmen should be proud to own it as their emblem. The daffodil has not been omitted intentionally from these pages, but until the 2oth century (with the exception of the passage from Taliesin already. quoted, in which Mr. Ivor John thinks the word Cen/unen should be translated daffodil, no mention of the flower is made in reference to Celtic history or in connection with St. David. The daffodil is not mentioned in Culpepper’s herbal, so it The Leek—The National Emblem of Wales 45 was evidently not supposed to have been used as a medicinal remedy or as a food, it was considered consecrated to the Furies, so could have had no connection with March fst or war. The arguments in favour of the daffodil brought forward by Mr. Ivor John, Mr. Llewellyn Williams, and Mr. Griffith, are as follows :— I. That one of its names in Welsh is Cennin Pedr (St. Peter’s Leek), and that insome places it iscalled blodau Dew (St. David’s Flower), apparently the latter name was strictly local before the modern idea of substituting the daffodil for the leek became the fashion in the 2oth century, for that excellent Welsh scholar, Mr. T. H. Thomas, who took such a deep interest in old survivals and links with the past, did not even mention it when he wrote the Welsh names of the plants in the Flora of Glamorgan. The Welsh word for leek cenhinen, plural cennin, is interesting, for we see by the fact that the Celts in Brittany, Cornwall, and Ireland had a similar name for it, that the vegetable was known to them before their close inter- course was disturbed. There is no evidence to prove that daffodils have ever been referred to as Cennin without a qualifying adjective. The word with a qualification seems to have been used rather indiscriminately for any plant with grass-like leaves. Thus we have :— Cennin-y-brain—wild hyacinths or bluebells. Cennin cyffredin—common leeks. Cennin-y-Gwinwydd—daffodils. Cennin Pedy—daffodils. Cennin Ffrainc—shallots. Cennin Ewtnog—garlic. Cennin-y-lys—chives. Cennin-ar-for—sea thrift. It would seem that if the word cennin alone be taken to mean daffodils there would be no reason to translate it as bluebells or shallots, in fact one writer declares that Cenmn-ar-for—sea thrift are the true Welsh leeks, because he has seen them growing wild on St. David’s Head. As a matter of fact the Welsh were not very much more particular about the way they used their names than the English are to-day. Taking the same plant daffodil for 46 The Leek—The National Emblem of Wales example, we find—Lent Lily, Tiger Lily, Lily of the Valley— all plants belonging to different genera, but by the single word lily it is usual to mean a plant of the genus “ lilium.” The daffodil and the leek do not belong to the same genus as Mr. Llewellyn Williams affirms. 2. That it was Shakespeare who made the mistake of thinking that Cennin Pedy were cennin, and that he was therefore “‘ the ignorant Saxon ”’ who thrust the leek into the place of the daffodil. Shakespeare was not the first to mention the custom of wearing the leek. It was mentioned some years before he wrote his play of Henry V, in the Privy Purse Expenses 1537. Mr. Llewellyn Williams has since acknowledged this error. 3. That the term “ sacred plant’ could not refer to the ‘* obnoxious’”’ leek, but must refer to the daffodil. The leek was sacred to Osiris and for that reason was not eaten by the priests. 4. That an esthetic beauty-loving nation would never have chosen an “‘ obnoxious’ garden vegetable as their badge, but would have liked a beautiful flower like the daffodil. Badges were not chosen for beauty by any tribe or family, but for some significance. As for example strawberry leaves or fraises by Fraser of Lovat, and hazel leaves by Hazlerigge of Noseley, etc. It is easy to see the connection between the daffodil and St. Peter, but it is difficult to see what the daffodil has to do with St. David. It is curious that the connection between St. Peter and yellow flowers has not been noticed. Many yellow flowers are dedicated to St. Peter,as for example: cowslips, yellow rattle, and one form of hypericum. The answer to this is easily found in that excellent book Symbolism in Celtic Art. Yellow is the colour that the Jews were required to wear in some countries because they denied The Messiah. St. Peter, as we all know denied Him three times. We are told by the advocates of the daffodil that February 22nd, being St. Peter’s festival, was commemorated on the same day as the Roman Feast of Parentalia, “ popular above all others in memory of the dead of each family.’ In England that festival become a Petrine one, and with no other The Leek—The National Emblem of Wales 47 festival can the daffodil be associated. The daffodil was used in the observance of the Parentalia because it was throughout Europe the emblem of death or the dead, the flower of the “‘ nether world,” the word being a corruption of Asphodel. It is stated again that the relation between the festivals of February 22nd and March Ist (an interval of a week) is the same as between Palm Sunday and Easter. The Welsh Flowering Sunday (Svzlly Blodau), observed on Palm Sunday, may well be a survival of the Parentalia. Does it not seem most fitting that the daffodil should be the emblem used to commemorate that day and not Easter or March Ist. The commemoration of Easter in most ancient religions typifies the renewal of nature and its resurrection in the spring. It was customary to celebrate the departure of the deity and his rising again in the spring after having been in the lower world. One of the legends is as follows.—Ceres was the Roman goddess of seed and harvest, worshipped jointly with Liber (Bacchus) and Libera (Proserpine) no special myth is known to have been attached to her, but when Greek deities were introduced into Rome, Demeter, the Greek goddess of seed and harvest, usurped the divine position of Ceres, or rather to Ceres were added the religious rites which the Greeks paid to Demeter. Her festivals were the Cerealia observed on April 12-19. The chief interest of the worship of Demeter was con- centrated on the myth which told how her only daughter Proserpine had been carried off by Pluto, the god of the lower world, from the fields of Enna when she was gathering Narcissus. Demeter looking for her in vain refused food or drink threat- ening a famine to mankind till Zeus agreed to allow Proserpine in future {0 live half the year with her mother on earth. The other half she must remain with Pluto in the lower world. A deeper meaning appears to have been found by those who were initiated into the mysteries of Eleusis, in which seems to have been taught the principle of a new life after death, founded on the return of Proserpine to the upper world, or rather on the process of nature by which seed sown in the ground must first die before it can yield new life,—a process which the annual going and coming of Proserpine was designed to illustrate. Osiris in like manner was said to die and come back 48 The Leek—The National Emblem of Wales again in the spring. The English word Easter is probably derived from the feast of the goddess Ostera worshipped by the ancient Saxons (the word means “rising’’), for which the first missionaries wisely substituted the Christian feast. Surely it should be helpful’ to us. if we approach the subject in the right spirit. to trace so many of our own beliefs and stories through so many nations and so many ages, and to realise that for so long the sacred attributes of the Supreme Being were purity and everlasting, and that in many instances the ancient myths have found realization in Christianity. Mars was worshipped by Roman Matrons on March i. On that day the women received presents from their husbands and relations, and gave presents to the slaves. The custom was changed to New Year’s Day when the Calendar was altered. As the god of the land and the giver of increase Mars was also the god of death and the dead. Some customs are said still to exist in remote parts of Wales in connection with the Matronalia or feast of women. This then is the evidence in favour of the daffodil stated just as fairly as the evidence for the leek. The greatest claim that it can produce to be considered the National Emblem of Wales would seem to be that it is considered the flower of the dead, the flower that grewin Elysium, the Greek name for the state or abode of the blessed dead ; and that Mars, as well as being the god of war and the giver of all increase, is also the god of the dead. Against this theory there are many things tobeconsidered. Someconfusion seems to exist as to the real plant referred to as the Asphodel. Narcissus, pseudo narcissus the yellow daffodil of England was not the Asphodel of the Greek which was planted on graves, as their roots were said to provide food for the departed. Murray’s Englisi Dictionary, states that the word “‘affodil’’ is—(1) The name of a liliacious genus of plants Asphodel or Kings’ Spear (Asphodelus) grown as garden flowers and medicinal herbs, (2) applied by confusion to a species of Narcissus. In this sense ' the variant “ daffodil”” became almost from the first the accepted form, so that eventually affodil was confined to Asphodelus and daffodil to Narcissus. The Leek—The National Emblem of Wales 49 Sowerby states that the Narcissus of the Greeks was no doubt Narcissus poeticus, which has a white flower. At any rate there is no -suggestion that it should, be Narcissus pseudo-narcissus the yellow wild daffodil. It would seem strange that the immortal flower of the dead which grew in the field of Elysium should be used to typify Easter, the return of the god to the upper world. Moreover, the Feast of the Cerealia observed by the Romans as such was held from April 12-19 (?) and not on March 1. It was the Matronalia or feast of women which was held on March 1. If any custom connected with the daffodil has been handed down from pagan times there would seem absolutely no reason to connect it with Wales or the Celts in contradistinction to the Saxon people, but it would be observed indiscriminately by the English and the Welsh alike and would be connected with no racial feeling of contempt between the two nations. It was Sir Goscombe John who was responsible for substituting the daffodil for the leek on the circlet worn by the Prince of Wales at his investiture—he owns to have taken advantage of the doubts cast upon the leek by Welsh scholars and to have used the far more agreeable daffodil. I think, therefore, that we must come to the conclusion that the evidence in favour of the leek is very conclusive and the evidence for the daffodil very poor, in fact if it had not been in the words of one correspondent “ thrust upon us by other than our own country- men, Wales would be stirred to a ferment.’ Others say that we owe the daffodil “nonsense” to “‘ young”’ or “ new”’ Wales, and that “it is nothing less than a scandal that we have to protest against the attempt to foist the daffodil upon us and that if the movement is not checked Wales will lose all her distinctive characteristics.” 50 ORNITHOLOGICAL NOTES. By GEOFFREY C. S. INGRAM anp H. MORREY SALMON. For the period since the publication of the last Ornithological Notes in Volume 49 to the end of the Session covered by the present volume, we have received the undermentioned records. It is realized that they are very incomplete, but it is hoped that when the Faunistic Survey becomes more actively assisted it will be possible to compile an annual record more representative of the whole County. CoMMON EIDER, Somateria m. mollissima, L—A drake and two ducks were seen off Burry Holmes from April r8th to 22nd, 1918, and a drake in the same place on April 23rd, IgIQ. (H. E. David.) PURPLE SANDPIPER, Evolia m. maritima, Briinn.—Several were seen near Burry Holmes on April 12th, 1918, and they remained there for over a week. (H. E. David.) LonG EaRED OWL, Asio o. otus, L.—The following reports of this species having bred in the County have been received: A nest, with eggs, noted in the eastern part of the County, Easter 1918 (Harold Evans); and bred in Gower in IgIQ. (H. E. David.) LITTLE OWL, Athene n. noctua, Scopb—This species appears to have established itself in the County, and Col. J. I. D. Nicholl informed us that he had noted it breeding in his district, having seen the young, the nest being in a rabbit burrow. WRYNECK, I[ynx t¢. torquilla, L.—One noted at Llanishen on April 27th, 1916 (Harold Evans). This species is of very infrequent occurrence in the district. Siskin, Carduelis spinus, LA considerable flock frequented the vicinity of Llanishen from December, 1918, to March roth, tg1g. (Harold Evans.) Ornithological Notes 51 ComMMON Buzzarv, Bute b. buteo, L.—One was seen soaring over the Heath, Cardiff, on April 2nd, r919. (H. N. Short.) HawFIncuH, Coccothraustes c. coccothraustes, L—A young bird was killed on July 12th, rg1g, by flying against a window of a house in Tydraw Road, Roath Park, Cardiff. (J. Grimes.) ComMON REDSHANK, Tringa totanus, L.—This species is now well established, and we noted at least six pairs undoubtedly breeding in June, 1919. On the 16th of that month we found, and identified in the hand, an almost fully fledged young one, thus definitely confirming our previous record of the breeding of this species in the County published in Volume XLVII. MERLIN, Falco @. esalon, Gm.—We are pleased to record that this fine little falcon is still breeding in one locality where we had noted it prior to the war. On June 7th, rgI9, we found one nest containing four eggs, and on the 14th, in another district, a nest containing two young and two eggs. From these two nests five young were successfully reared, the remaining three eggs being addled. MicraTion Nores.—Autumn, 1918. Mr. C. H. Farnsworth sends a note of the departure of House Martins. They were observed commencing to assemble at Llandaff, on September 8th and 12th. About 300 assembled on September 28th, and left about 9.0 a.m., a small party of about 20 remained a | few minutes after the main body departed, and a single bird stayed for 30 minutes longer. SUMMER MIGRANTS, ror09. The following are our records of the earliest arrivals (Cardiff District) :-— March 28. CHIFF CHAFF. April 11. SWALLOow. » 16. WILLow WARBLER. » 18. TREE Prrit, BLAcKCAP, GRASSHOPPER WARBLER. Pek: CUCKOO, » 21. COMMON, SANDPIPER. 52 Ornithological Notes April 26. NIGHTINGALE. »» 29. SAND MARTIN. May 3. Swirt, COMMON WHITETHROAT. i, EZ. , CORNCRAKE, Pe b8s ie 8 GARDEN WARBLER. » 16. LESSER WHITETHROAT. ,» 18. RED BACKED SHRIKE, TURTLE DOVE, NIGHTJAR. The following are records of last dates seen (Cardiff District):— Aug. II. SwIFTs (main body). 5 £7. SPOTTED FLYCATCHER: » 28. SwietT (one straggler). Sept. 6. CORNCRAKE. » 23. CHIFF CHAFF. Oct. 18. SWALLows. » 25. House Martin (H. N. Short). Nov. 10. Rinc Ouse (Harold Evans). 53 ENTOMOLOGICAL NOTES, ror. By HM: HALLETT:-F-.E:S. The past season was a poor one for most of the Aculeate Hymenoptera, many usually very abundant species, especially in the Andrenas, quite failed to put in an appearance. How- ever, a few additions were made to the lists of both Hymen- optera and Hemiptera. HYMENOPTERA ACULEATA. Among species already recorded the following further occurrences are worth noting :— Lasius fuliginosus, Latr. and mixtus, Nyl. A mixed colony of these two species occurred on an oak stump at Cwrt-yr-ala on 31st May, and with them the beetle Oxypoda vittata, Mark. Sapyga 5-punctata, F. Penarth in July; also taken by Mr. Grimes in his garden at Roath Park. Blepharipus capitosus, Shuck. One female was taken at Penarth on 1ith July, in a pierced ash twig. Sphecodes spinulosus, v. Hag. Occurred in the greatest abundance at Sully, at the burrows of Halictus xanthopus and seemed to considerably outnumber its post. Halictus leevigatus, K. One male was taken at Penarth on Jnula dysentevica on 7th August, Halictus rufitarsis, Zett (atricornis Sm.). Two females at Sully on 13th July. Andrena fucata, Sm. One stylopised female was taken at Taff’s Well, on 28th June. Nomada obtusifrons, Nyl. Quite abundant at Taff’s Well 28th June. in company with Andvena coitana. Both species at the flowers of Leontodon. The following species are additions to the Glamorgan List :— Stenamma westwoodi, West. One % was taken with the mixed fuliginosus-mixtus colony mentioned above on 29th June. Psammochares nigerrimus, Scop. Four males at Tafi’s Well, 31st May. Apparently not rare on one bank there, as several others were seen but not caught. Passaleecus corniger, Shuck. One example at Penarth, 12th July. Passaloeecus gracilis, Curt. One female at Penarth, 14th July 54 Entomological Notes Passaloecus monilicornis, Dbm. Penarth, not rare at one small bed of nettles on 14th July, and subsequently. Sphecodes rufiventris, Panz (rubicundus v. Hag.). One female was dug out of a burrow of Andrena flavipes at Sully on 13th July. Halictus punctatissimus, Schk. One female was taken at Reynoldston, Gower by Mr. Tomlin in May. Andrena flavipes, Panz. A small colony was found at Sully in July, 1919. This bee has been specially looked out for, and was certainly not in this locality prior to 1917. Andrena hattorfiana, F. This fine species was recorded by F. Smith, in Entomologists’ Annual, 1861, p. 44, as having been taken in Wales by Mr. Dossetor, the locality was Clyne Wood, Swansea in 1854. Nomada armata, H.S. Taken with the preceding species by Mr. Dossetor in 1854. There are two males, so labelled, in Smith’s Collection, now in Dr. Perkins’ possession. Nomada leucophthalma, K. Mr. Tomlin took a female at Reynoldston, Gower, in May, at the burrows of 4 ndyvena clarkella. Melecta armata, Panz. Sully, one male in May, and both sexes at Dinas Powis in June. CHRYSIDIDZ. Omalus cseruleus, Dhlb. Two examples were taken at Penarth, 7th July, on the same bed of nettles at which Passalecus mont- ticoyvnis occurred. TRIGONALIDZ. Trigonalys hahni, Spin. One female of this species was taken at Taft’s Well on 28th June. HEMIPTERA HETEROPTERA. The following additions to the list published in Vol. XLIX have been noted :— Chilacis typhee, Perr. One example of this interesting species was taken on a head of reedmace at Sant-y-nil in July by Messrs. G. C. S. Ingram and H. M. Salmon. Piesma capitata, Wolff. Not very commom in moss at Lavernock, in October. Salda orthochila, Fieb. One specimen at Thornhill, near Caerphilly, on 26th July. Salda elegantula, Fall. Common at Oxwich Marsh, 2oth April (Tomlin). Bryocoris pteridis, Fall. Cwrt-yr-ala, on ferns, 26th June. Phytocoris populi, L. The vay distinctus, D. & S. was not rare on lime trees in Park Place, Cardiff, in August. Orthocephalus saltator, Hahn. Tafi’s Well, one specimen, 28th June. Orthotylus prasinus, Fall. Penarth, one example on palings, in August. 55 BIOLOGICAL AND GEOLOGICAL SECTION. REPORT FOR THE 32np SESSION, 1918-109. COMMITTEE. THE PRESIDENT AND HON. SECRETARY OF THE C.N.S. (ex-officio). Wo. Evans Hovte, M.A., D.Sc. (President), Professor W. N. PARKER, Pu.D., F.Z.S. ( Vice-President), Joun GRIMES. A. HuBERT Cox, M.Sc., Pu.D., F.G:S. ele NwArs, sb: HAROLD EVANS. ERNEST HEATH, F.R.M.S. A, E. TruEMAN, D- ra “A0JIPN p “UOFT 6" LLz or Oo! “6161 ‘19q0}9O YOI ‘Yrpreg ‘UAOOUd “M ‘L (peusts) Mate cAik Yo) yunosoy yuoeTIND CeO mOOt es yunossy pisodaq — ‘ZA ‘payruiry yueg spAoyy +e yseo =< 2 (v2 ye) 35076 eousteyetq “yus0 sod + pazeptfos -uoj Auedurog Aemyprey Arreq oozF ae ‘+ aed ze (€z61) spuog IeAy [euoyenN yuso rod § ‘oS1F7 ++ $6 Jo 9011g onssy ye ‘Lb—6z61 ‘UeOoyT Ie ‘yUued sod GS ‘oSEF @ I O pjosun ,,eI0[q uesiowrRD,, “ “* (OP eth 2 (0) PlOSanS ELIOT, PIPES). 0 oo, & pjosun's310deyy “* “* 9 gl gz °° Areiqiy “ 0} @nefor Poe es "+ ganzuim,y fo onje, pe Sey SLHSSV “AOANSDAAT, “UO FT ‘6161 ‘1aq0}9Q YI6 ‘Yrpreg ‘NMOU ‘VW (peusis) Ol 6 oS6F COOK SOTI[IGeIT I9AO Sjassy JO ssooxy Suloq ‘souRTeE OS. Tagine Ps “se “* quUMOSDY dATASAY IUOIZPSIOAUOZ QO ©) COZ °° ous 310 ** "9939 ‘BUIZULIG IO} 9AIOSAYT OLS: 1 av : aourApe ut pred suondriosqns Qe Cbe Olam Se a ay “ae wae sIoj}Ipsig Arpuns pis ¢ ‘SHILITIGVIT ‘6161 ‘saqueagdas yzo€ “yaays aouvjvg ‘ALHIOOS .SLISTIVYNLVN AAIGUVO 68 CARDIFF “NATURAEISTS’ SOCIETY ESTABLISHED 1867. Past Presidents. 1868—WILLIAM ADAms, C.E. 1869—WILLIAM ADAMS, 1870—WILLIAM ADAMS, 187I—WILLIAM ADAMS, 1872—WILLIAM ADAMS, 1873—WILLIAM ADAMs, 1874—-FRANKLEN G. Evans, BeROAYS:, EORIMes: 1875—JOHN WALTER Lukis, M.R.LA 1876—WILLIAM Taytor, M.D. 1877—JOHN WALTER Lukis, M.R.LA. 1878—COLONEL PICTON TURBERVILL. 1879—HENRY HeEyYwoop, C.E., F.C.S 1880—Louis TyYLor. 1881—CLEMENT WALDRON. 1882—GEORGE E. ROBINSON. 1883—WILLIAM GALLOWAY. 1884—PETER PRICE. 1885—C,. T. VAcHELL, M.D. 1886—HENrRY HeEywoop, C.E., F.C.S. 1887—-J. VIRIAMU JONEs, M.A. 1888—T. H. Tuomas, R.C.A. 1889—W. RONNFELDT. 1890—J. GAVEY. I891—C. T. VACHELL, M.D. 1892—C. T. VACHELL, M.D. 1893—C. T. WHITMELL, M.A. 1894—-EDWIN SEWARD, F.R.I.B.A. 1895—R. W. ATKINSON, B.Sc., F.I.C. 1896—Reyv. Canon C. J. THompson, D.D. 1897—-ROBERT DRANE, F.L.S. 1898—J. TatHamM Tuompson, M.B. I899—C. T. VACHELL, M.D. I900—W,. N. PARKER, Ph.D. 1901—J. J. NEALE. 1902—C, H. JAMEs. 1903—D. R. Paterson, M.D. 1904—T. W. PROGER. 1905—P. Ruys GRIFFITHS, M.B. I906—E. H. GrirrFitus, Sc.D., F.R.S. 1907—J. Berry Haycrart, M.D., D.Sc. 1908—A. H. Trow, D.Sc. I909—ARCHIBALD BROWN. 1910—Rev. Davip Davies, M.A. I91I—PrROFEssoR W. S. Bourton, B.Sc., F.G.S. I9QI12—WILLIAM SHEEN, M.S., F.R.C.S. I913—E,. P. PEerRMAN, D.Sc., F.C.S. I914— JOHN W. RODGER. I91s—H. M. Hattetrt, F.E-S. I9QI16—JOHN GRIMES. 1917—W. Evans Hoyte, M.A., D Sc. 1918—J. J. NEALE, J.P. I919—H. EDGAR SALMON. tay bay bay ba} taj ba} (Ens) 1GS EGro: 1Geo: iGeS: {ECS , ) ” °9 ”? ” eielcleiet to tot tot bot it 69 OFFICERS AND COUNCIL, r1or0-20. President. Principal A. H. Trow, D.Sc., F.L.S. Vice-Presidents. W. Evans Hovyte, M.A. D.Sc. Jee NEAEE, JP H. EpGAR SALMON. Past Presidents. (Serving on the Council in accordance with Rule 11, Section b), viz.: EDWIN SEWARD, F.R.I.B.A. P. Ruys GRIFFITHS, M.B R. W. ATKINSON, B.Sc., F.I.C. J. B. Haycrart, M.D., D.Sc. D. R. Paterson, M.D. ARCHIBALD BROWN. E. P. Perman, D.Sc. Rev. Canon Davip DaviEs, M.A. T. W. PROGER. H. M. Hatrett, F.E.S. JOHN GRIMES. = 4 Hon. Treasurer, ARCHIBALD BROWN. Hon. Librarian. lak IW labeieionae [EIB S) Hon. Secretary. GILBERT D. SHEPHERD, F.C.A. Council. Aeros V.oG., EHD), EsG:S: A. A, PETTIGREW. HarROLpD EVANS. H. MorreEy Satmon, M.C. Harry Farr. W. GILBERT SCOTT. GEOFFREY C. S. INGRAM, - ‘Jj. J. Stmpson, M.A., D.Sc. D. SIBBERING JONES. A. E. TRuEman, D.Sc. Rev. F. Brount Morr. E. WALFORD, M.D., D.P.H. BIOLOGICAL AND GEOLOGICAL SECTION. President. W. Evans Hoyte, M.A.. D.Sc. Hon. Secretary. J. Davy Dean. ARCHAEOLOGICAL SECTION. President. J. S. CoRBETT. Hon. Secretapry. Joun W. RovGeEr, PHOTOGRAPHIC SECTION. President. Harry STORM. Hon. Secretary. E. C. W. OweEn., WILLIAM LEWIS (PRINTERS) LTD. CARDIFF, / . \ TRANSACTIONS OF THE CARDIFE NATURALISTS SOCIETY Vor. CEM, 1920 Cardiff Naturalists’ Society REPORT AND TRANSACTIONS Vors Ebli: 1920 The Price of the Transactions is Ten Shillings and Sixpence PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY BY WILLIAM LEwIs (PRINTERS) LtTp., CARDIFF 1923 4 a fetus . ® ba ’ =u : : <3 *% ah . . Mah, 7 1 : ) mT? 4 eal be ‘ = i - = ree , “3 we 3 ses ight bids Cop CONTENTS VOL. LITl.. x920. Obituary.—Philip Rhys Griffiths, M.B., B.S. (Lond.)., J. J. Neale, J.P., William Ronnfeldt, Charles Thomas Whitmell, M.A., B.Sc. — - ~ _ Meteorological Observations. E. WaALFoRD, M.D., F.R.Met.Soc. - _ - The Chemistry of Coal. ik. W. ATKINSON, B:Sc., F.1.C. — ~ _ - A Preliminary Moss-Flora of Glamorgan. P. W. M. RIcHARDs — - - = = zs Ornithological Notes. GEOFFREY C. S. INGRAM and H. MorrEy SALMON Entomological Notes. eM. HALLETT, F.E-S. _ = = ws = Biological and Geological Section. Report and State- ment of Accounts for the Thirty-third Session —- Photographic Section. Report and Statement of Accounts for the Ninth Session — = = a. Report of the Council of the Society and Statement of Accounts — ~ - = = s = z List of Past Presidents of the Society - ~ - Officers and Council of the Society, 1920-21 - - PAGE. 10 44 54 Sh ‘4 7 y re i = ¢ ° = ee Ay 7: } ts ~ ‘ mare 3 F 4 i Y an us é a % ‘i i’ . = i LA! a) F y 2 w. + Te Li i) Wa «oie a” or * f go si -_ Pe lliP REYS GRIFFITHS, m.B., B.S. (LOND.) Born 1857. Died 1920. Dr. Rhys Griffiths was one of our most active members, giving for a period of nearly forty years much time and devoted service to the interests of the Society. A native of Aberdare, he received his professional education at University College Hospital, London. Soon after qualifying he came to Cardiff as house-surgeon to the hospital, and subsequently settled down in practice in the town. He was elected a member of the Society in 1882 and a member of the Council in 1888. He acted for some time as Honorary Librarian, an office in which he did much useful work. This was recognised by his election to the office of President of the Society in 1909. Dr. Griffiths took up early with characteristic enthusiasm the study of photography, and throughout his life the work of his camera was freely placed at the disposal of the Society and its Sections. A great lover of nature, he knew his native Glamorgan intimately, having walked most of it and no one had a keener appreciation of its beauties. We owe many photographic illustrations of its natural features and antiquities to his foresight, as he realised early the importance of this form of record in the rapidly changing aspect of the modern county. He was one of the founders of the Photographic Section of the Society of which he was president in 1912-13. He showed his practical interest in this aspect of scientific work by the thoughtful gift of a Silver Rose Bowl which is competed for annually by the members of that Section. His love of foreign travel carried him to many lands, and the addresses which he gave to the Society on the subject of his various tours always beautifully illustrated by his own artistic slides. An important collection of his negatives and lantern slides is in the National Museum of Wales. 2 Philip Rhys Griffiths, M.B., B.S. (Lond.). Dr. Griffiths took a full share of the many activities of his professional life. He was closely identified with the hospital as one of its surgeons and he gave freely of his time and energy to its administrative work. In addition, during the war, he rendered devoted service as a surgeon to the 3rd Western General Hospital. He filled the office of President of the Cardiff Medical Society and maintained an active interest in its work to the last. An ardent nationalist, Dr. Griffiths deeply interested himself in all Welsh movements, and entered with enthusiasm into any proposal which concerned the welfare of his native land. He had made a study of early Welsh medicine, and published several papers on the subject. foo NEALE. yp. The Society has never suffered a greater loss than that occasioned by the sudden and unexpected death of one of its most devoted members—Mr. J. J. Neale. He shares with a few other members of the Society the distinction of having served twice as president. He entered the Society about 1885, and was a member of its Committee from 1891 to the year of his death. Born in County Antrim in 1854, of English parents, he came into the world richly endowed by nature with unusual capacities, but under circumstances which made it necessary that he should develop them without much external help— his school life terminated at the early age of twelve. In his early manhood he worked for his elder brother, who carried on a business as a wholesale potato merchant at Bristol, and by self-education, combined with facilities afforded by the University College of Bristol, became so good a linguist that he was able to carry on in French and German the large business which his firm carried on in France and Germany. At a late period of his life he devoted himself to the acquisition of a knowledge of the Spanish language. Of extraordinary strength and physical vigour, he distin- guished himself as an athlete in several directions. Against his wish he was on one occasion matched in a weight-lifting competition against a professional, and won, thanks to his special training in the Bristol Gymnasium. He played Rugby football with great success, and won many prizes as a cyclist. His strength of character was equally great—he never admitted himself to be beaten—if temporarily defeated, he gathered strength for a further effort, and never to my know- ledge suffered ultimate defeat in any one of his ventures. Of untiring energy, he for many years did a day’s work before the normal hour for breakfast ; and yet his evenings were always available for service in any effort of which he really approved—irrespective of its popularity. 4 Jonj Nemes, 2] PB: He was naturally keen of eye, little that was of interest to him escaped his observation. His business as a trawler owner and fish salesman at Cardiff brought him into daily contact with one department of natural history. Concerning this he was remarkably reticent, although his knowledge was so profound that on more than one occasion, in conflict with Government experts on questions of fact, it was not he who was proved to be wrong. His interest extended, however, to many branches of natural history, but more especially to birds, insects, shells, and plants. His interest in birds led him to make several expeditions to the birds island off the coast of Pembrokeshire, and at one time to take a lease for ten years of the Island of Skomer—where he made a close study of the habits of the various interesting birds which nest there. Some of this work was fortunately communicated to the Society in the form of popular and much appreciated lectures. Although not a botanist in the strict sense of the term, his knowledge of the Flora of Glamorganshire was very wide, it was almost impossible for him to pass by a rare or interesting plant. Nothing p'eased him more than a scramble over the escarpments and cliffs of Glamorgan, or a day amongst the numerous sand dunes of this county. It was natural that the culture of orchids should attract him, and before his death his collection probably included’ more than 500 species and thousands of individuals. It is not too much to say that he knew them every one, not only in flower, but by the foliage or other vegetative characters, and even in the dried-up condition in which many of them reached this country. As is so frequently the case with the born naturalist, he was intensely interested in archeology, local history, travel and sport, and his library, valuable and extensive, and still intact, reflects faithfully his tastes in this direction. Mr. Neale came to Cardiff in 1884, to set up in business with a partner—Mr. West—as fish salesmen. This business was for years conducted with great vigour and success in very restricted premises at West Canal Wharf, but was in 1897 removed to Hope Street, where it is now being carried on by his Ve sivente,. JP. 5 seven sons under the original name of Neale & West, Ltd., although Mr. West has recently withdrawn from partnership. The demands of a fleet of trawlers—at one time 17 to 20— for constant supplies of ice, made it necessary that cold storage premises and an ice producing plant should be established in Cardiff, and it was largely due to the foresight of Mr. Neale that the Cardiff Ice Company was established—a company which since its formation has had a very successful career and over the development of which Mr. Neale, as joint manager with Mr. West, lavished the utmost care. In 1917, realising the desirability of throwing more responsi- bility upon his sons, and desirous of more leisure for pursuing his many hobbies, Mr. Neale bought Oxton House, near Kenton, Devon, and removed there two and a half years before his death. The estate covers about 700 acres, but its chief charm for its new proprietor was the extraordinary beauty of the surroundings. The large woods, which afford shelter for fallow deer and more than one family of buzzards, and numerous specimen trees—the finished product of a century’s growth—formed perhaps for him the chief attractions. Here both Mr. and Mrs. Neale found the rest and recreation they sought under almost idyllic conditions, and all their friends will regret that he was not allowed to spend a happy old age in such a congenial environment. But his work was done ; manfully had he striven, building up a personal character which his friends will gratefully and profitably remember, and a business which has added to the strength and prosperity of Cardiff. He was suddenly struck down by peritonitis, underwent an operation on Christmas Day, and passed away on December 29th, 1919, and was buried in Kenton Churchyard on December 31st, 1919. The following list includes, it is believed, all the papers read by him before the Society and its Biological and Geological Sections :— 1888. Trawl fishes of the Bristol Channel. 1889. Surface fishes of the Bristol Channel. 1892. Specimens recently obtained by local trawlers. 1894. Holiday on St. George’s Island, Looe, 1896. Natural History Notes. 1896. 1897. 1898. 1900. 1900. 1900. Igor. 1902. 1904. 1906. IgIO. 1913. Ji Je Neale; J.P: Remarks on a Specimen of the Spinous Shark (Echinorhyncus spinosus). Notes on a visit to Skomer. The Bird Islands of Pembrokeshire. The Raven at home and in captivity. Remarks on a recent trip to Grassholm and Skomer. Habitats of some rare Alpine Plants in the Snowdon district. Notes on Natural History of least known parts of the Vale of Neath. Orchids. Recent visits to unfrequented parts of Ireland. Holidays among British Birds. Recent Notes on the Birds of Pembrokeshire. From Cardiff to Kordofan. Also Presidential Addresses in 1900 and 1918. WILLIAM RONNFELDT. Mr. William Ro6nnfeldt died on December 17th, 191g, at the age of 82. Though born at Lubeck, in 1837, he was of Swedish origin. He came to England in 1859 and settled at Newcastle-on-Tyne. In 1862 he came to Cardiff, where he spent the remainder of his life, becoming naturalized in 1877. He was a man of strong opinions which he fearlessly expressed, though he took no part in politics. Keenly interested in the intellectual life of Cardiff, he joined the Cardiff Naturalists’ Society in 1873, was elected a member of the Committee in 1875 and President in 188g. He was also a warm supporter of the Cardiff Public Library. Elected a member of the Committee in 1877, he continued to serve as an honorary member until 1914, when he resigned because he was no longer able to attend the meetings. From 1gor till 1914, he was Vice-Chairman of the Committee, and from 1896 till 1914 Chairman of the Finance Sub-Committee. He also served on the Books Sub-Committee. His wide knowledge of finance and literature enabled him to render most valuable services to the library. He was mainly respon- sible for the development of the music section, and for the foreign section, particularly the books in German, French, and Spanish. His chief interest was music, and he took an active part in every movement for musical culture in Cardiff, including the music societies, the festivals, and the chamber music concerts. He was a lifelong admirer of the music of Richard Wagner, who formed the subject of two papers which he read before the Naturalists’ Society, one in 1885 and the other in rIgoo. He also read four other papers on musical subjects, viz. :— 1889. On Songs. 1896. Melody, Harmony, and Rhythm. 1897. German Popular Songs. 1899. Music Absolute and Applied. 8 William Rénnfeldt. His chief recreation was walking, and he characteristically chose as the subject of his Presidential Address in 1889, “Country Rambles,” in which he sung the praises of his favourite pastime. He had strong antipathies, one of which was his dislike of the ringing of church bells. His active life was brought to an end by a bicycle accident which left him a cripple a few years before his death. He had a wide circle of friends by whom he will be greatly missed. ) GaakLEsS. THOMAS WHITMELL, M.A., B.sc. Born 1849. Died rogro. Mr. C. T. Whitmell was born at Leeds, and was educated at the Leeds Grammar School, and Trinity College, Cambridge, passed first class in Natural Science, and subsequently obtained his B.Sc. at London Univeristy. Appointed Assistant Inspector of Schools at Sheffield, he subsequently became Chief Inspector for the Cardiff district in 1882, in which year he joiried the Cardiff Naturalists’ Society, and was at once elected to the Committee. He devoted himself assiduously to the interests of the Society and was one of the most energetic members. He joined the Physical and Chemical Section and was appointed Hon. Secretary of that section in May, 1888, an office he held until the end of the following year, he identified himself closely with that Section and enriched its proceedings with many original papers. In 1892 he was elected to the Presidency, taking for his Presidential Address “ Tennyson's Knowledge and Use of Science.’”’ His removal to Leeds in 1896 was a severe loss to the Society. Among the many papers read before the Society were “ Colour,” “ Space and its Dimensions,’ ‘‘ The Yellowstone National Park,”’ etc. After leaving Cardiff he was in charge of a portion of the West Riding area, retiring in IgItI. Not only was Mr. Whitmell an authority on all things pertaining to education, but in all branches of science he was a diligent student. Astronomy he had made his own, being a prominent member of the Leeds Astronomical Society. He was also a member of the Leeds Geological Society, and of the Philosophical and Literary Society, of which last he had occupied the Presidential Chair. His mathematical abilities made him a “Court of Appeal” to readers of the English Mechanic in all algebraic or trigonometric difficulties. He died of pneumonia on December ioth, 1919, after little more than a week’s illness. Mr. William A. Jesper of York, has kindly furnished the particulars from which most of the foregoing note has been compiled, METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS, 1920. The average monthly rainfall over the whole of the Society’s district (comprised within the semi-circular area, having the Beacons as its northernmost point, its base the coastline from Neath to Chepstow, and with a mean height cf 624 feet above the sea level) was as follows :— January < e oe 8-57 inches. February = a me 2°85 f March .. is Sis me R04 April) jor i de =f TET[SRY May: ima - oes Re de AAT” ae ae une; Se ey ifs a 4:26 - July ane oe = =i 25 a August .. “e ae - 2:83). ae, September . a0 bye A20) ee October , By oe A-O0 aay November 8 - a 3°42 2 December ys 28 ee 738 “eee O3°54 vane Total in 1919 .. sé 53.5 5OrOo Sao S50 COs = 3 oF as. 502 bs Se HLOLT va se xis)» 4730 ee fe RUOLO: ’.% ne ce 62-12 # a tOLS o5.: - s~ 52 ge ‘tape lOlAr nis at te, SOG Se 3) | LOESHse a = oh SON eT, Fry LOZ wie a xs » 68:20 5 s0, EOI om ¥: s« ¢50°O5 = 2 ih LOO ua: Ae oo + 55027 pene ie LOUG kat * si. , 5073S ie be wh LIQO:G) 2 fe «- +4560" > 3 sy LOOT. os a i. 52537, gee ee 2000"... ae us 49:29 re 3. 2905 %- re a» 39:08. 5 peel OOM <3 = s- | «50502: Bigs pM O03" 5. oy. et 07°90 - ae, LOR =. x Saupe 2 ae Meteorological Observations, 1920 FEET ABOVE OBSERVERS. MEAN SEA LEVEL. C. H. PrrEstLEy, Summit of Tyle Brith, Breconshire 2350 fe Nant Penig 2000 is Nant Ddu 1560 - Storey Arms 1430 * Beacons Reservoir I 340 be Nant Gwineu NG apse e217. T. W. Coates, Pontlluestwen eeeroie Maerd y— No. 1 Gauge 1250 53 No, 2 Gauge me2i5 a No. 3 Gauge 1200 H.C. STEEL, Blaenavon Estate Office, Mon. IIso C. H. PRiEsTLEy, Cantreff Reservoir 1120 bs Garw Nant I 100 R. C. Harrison, Gwernllwyn, Dowlais 1071 EBBW VALE STEEL, LRON AND Coat Co., Ebbw Male go2 C. H. Priesttey, Llwynon Reservoir, Breconshire 860 es Troedyrhiw 860 & Pont-ar-daf : 850 GLYNCORRWG COLLIERY CO., Gieneae ts 4 725 UNITED NATIONAL COLLIERIES, LTD., Tae 670 Newport Corporation, Newchurch, Wentwood, Mon. .. 525 i Nantypridd, Wentwood, Mon... 500 a Llanvaches Embankment 456 5 Pant-yr-eos Reservoir, Mon. 435 EDWARD CurrE, Itton Court, Chepstow 390 E. Tupor Owen, Ash Hall, Cowbridge 315 Henry Cray, Piercefield Park, Chepstow 300 T. W. Coates, Lan Wood Reservoir, Paneepedd 300 W ynDHAM D. Crark, Talygarn, Glam. : 250 James Witiams, Wern House, Ystalyfera 240 SiR HENRY MATHER JACKSON, Bart., Llantilio Court, Mon. 230 E. Watrorp, M.D., Meteorological Station, oa Cardiff See OY Rev. CANON EURO ENG ere Rockneld) Mon. IQI J. F. Mattuyssens, Witla Court, Rumney 177 C. H. PrrestLey, Llanishen Reservoir, Glam. 155 - Lisvane Reservoir, Glam. 150 Mrs. LysaGut, Castleford, Chepstow - 146 C. H. PriEsTLEY, The Heath Filter Beds, Cardiff I 32 Mrs. O. H. JoNEs, Fonmon Castle, Glam. I 30 NEWPORT CORPORATION, Ynis-y-fro Reservoir, Mou. I 30 C. H. PrRiEsTLEY, Cogan Pumping Station, Glam. I2I J. E. GrapsTonE, West Hill, Llandaff 110 C. H. PriEsTLEy, Ely Pumping Station, Glam. 53 A. A. PETTIGREW, Roath Park, Cardiff 52 C. H. PrieEsTLEy, Trade Street Depot, Cardiff 45 Newport CorPoRATION, Friars Street Depot, Newport. . 33 T, E. FRANKLIN, Biglis Pumping Station, Cadoxton, Barry 20 d 6 INCHES OF RAIN. 89°87 117-31 89°75 81-04 102°72 66°84 10 8°50 71:89 102°18 66-77 90°57 80-64 65°67 68-07 68 -66 75°94 79°42 102-13 es 49°85 47°51 46°13 DOsE5 43°53 54°47 42°41 65°77 59°59 85°71 40°21 45°61 36°94 44°66 43°21 41°96 41-60 49°14 35°52 50°17 34°82 47°68 47°57 48-51 45°06 44°74 40°99 12 Meteorological Observations, 1920 TABLE 1: BAROMETRIC PRESSURE AND RELATIVE HUMIDITY. | Mean Barometric Pressure.* Hygrometer.* | } oe | | atu. Dry Bub | Wet Bulb | Mean Retati | M.S.L. ty Bulb | et Bu Mean Relative | a and320F. | (Mean). | (Mean). Humidity. ins, ins. tr 2 Calis Up January --| 297707) 1) 20°033 42:0 39°8 83 February .-| 29°996 30°214 43°0 41°4 87 March me 25) ZO7ag 29°9Q15 44°4 42°4 84 April = - --| 29:249 | 30-560 46-6 44°7 85 IMENT? ol oC 29-870 30-051 52°4 49°4 80 [ft Se ..| 29°884 30046 57°3 54°2 81 July .. .-| 29°765 29°948 56-6 54°2 84 August oe 29°969 | 30-131 50:3 53:0 79 September ..| 29-884 | 30-049 55°5 53:1 go October Ae 29°856 _ 30:038 51:0 49°3 88 November .-| 209°876 30:079 45:2 43°7 83 December =| 297781 | 29:999 | 40°1 39:0 | go SS SSS SSS ESS Means .. | |) “4o2?) || 47-0 | 85 * From observations at 9.0 a.m. and 9.0 p.m. TABLE II. TEMPERATURE. } Difference 1920. | Maximum.| Minimam.| s¢2eimam,| Minimam.| perture. | Average | (3L years). 2 | ae) Abe ors pane i Oe S. Be oe: January .. a7]. 540 23:0 47°2 37-6 | 24 I+ 371 February ..' 56:0 310 | 49-0 39:0 44°0 |+ 4:1 March 64:2 30°0 |} 513 38-6 44°5 I+ 2:4 Apnil 59:0 36:0 | 52-0 428 47-4 |+ 1:2 May eal 7.720 39°0 | 6:00 46:0 53°70 |+ 0-2 June aie Sc 74:0 40-0 | 65°5 Si-O) i) 562 aoe July ae), 07-0 47:0 62:0 52:0 57 -O |eSeO August 72-0 43:0 64:0 51-0 57°5\ itp 239 September HE 73:0 41-0 | 63:0 49:0 56:0 {+ 03 October .. --|| (66-0 36-0 56-0 47:0 SES hate eed November ae 58:0 26:0 | 51-0 40:0 45°4 |+ 1:2 December 55°0 22-0 | 45:0 37:0 41-0 |+ 0-2 Max. icaveseahe Mean | Mean | Mean 770 2205.1) 555 44-2 49:3 |+ 0:7 May 24th|Dec. 1 3th) | Meteorological Observations, 1920 Qe! opine TABLE -IiI. 13 TERRESTRIAL RADIATION, UNDERGROUND TEMPERATURE, AND SUNSHINE. TEMPERATURE, Bright we. - oe Sunshine— 1919. Grass Underground ( Mean.) Seen Peele Minimum | Average (Mean). lft. | 4ft. (12 years). | ao ake | CAE hrs, | "hrs. January 34.0 4l5 | 4453 588 |+ 5:4 February 340 42°6 | 445 HED eter March .. 35°0 44°3 | 44:9 Tie) a AR7 April 40:0 48:6 | 47°4 74:0 —108-1 May 44:0 54:2 50-2 195°3. — 206 June 49:0 61-5 55:6 196:'4 — I19°7 July 50°0 OF-On, Th a E"5 ES7-0. » 1" 7ees August 48-0 60°5 58-0 147°8 — 46:9 September 44:0 58-0 57°5 118-9060 os — _28°1 October 43°0 53°6 55°3 O55 8 November 35:0 45°5 50°7 48-7. — 17:2 December 32°0 40°8 | 4653 55°0 + 4:6 Mean Mean Mean Total 41:0 50°9 51-0 1320°I —309:2 TABLE “AV. RAINFALL. | Difference a No of Days G ate of 5 1920 | Amount. Pete ip fallin: Gentes Cagtiae | | (31 years). 2t hours. Rak: or more). ins. ins. ins. January 6-10 + 2:51 1-32 1oth 24 February I-47. |— 1:49 0°43 oth 14 March .. ae 3°37 + 0-58 0°54 14th 19 April .. sell 566 + 3:05 0-82 5th 24 WEIN ie oe 3°92 + I-51 0°92 6th 16 June el 3:11 + 0°24 0:69 27th 16 July 5°17 + 2°51 085 25th 26 August - 2°72 — 1-50 TehO || 4th 15 September ..) 2:69 | 0-18 mero ||) xL7ith 8 October 322. |— 174 0-59 +| ~ 31st 12 November 2°64 — 081 0-62 | 14th 13 December 5:04 + 0-36 0+92 23rd 17 Greatest | Total for year | Total 4561 |+ 5:04 1+50 4th Aug. 204 | pol 18% “yqiI ‘uef 966 | oy 06-1 “y3SI ‘AON | OL? 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JANUARY. The month was wet and dull. The direction of the wind was chiefly north-west. The mean barometric pressure was 29:707, this being slightly below the average. The rainfall was excessive, the total precipitation for the month being 6-Io inches, or 2:51 inches above the average for 3I years, which is 3:59 inches. Rain fell on 24 days, the greatest fall in 24 hours was 1:32 inches on the roth. The mean temperature was comparatively high, being 42°4°, or 31° above a 31 years’ average. The maximum temperature recorded was 54:0° on the 16th, and the minimum 230° on the 7th. Minimum temperature on the grass was 18° on the 7th. Frost was recorded by the minimum thermo- meter in the screen on four days, and ground frost on eleven days. Hail fell on the 2gth. The total amount of sunshine recorded during the month was 58-8 hours, which exceeds the average by 5-4 hours. FEBRUARY The weather during the month was dry and mild generally, with a prevalence of north-westerly winds. The mean barometric pressure was 29:996 and was above the average for past years. The rainfall was well below the average for 31 years, the total precipitation being 1-47 inches, 1-49 below the average. Rain fell on 14 days, and the greatest fall in 24 hours was 0-43 inches on the gth. The mean temperature was 44°, this is 4:1° above the average. The range of temperature was not great during the month, lowest recorded in the screen being 31° and the highest 56°, which occurred on the 17th, 18th, and 19th. On the 5th and 23rd, the minimum recorded was 31°. The lowest temperature 20 Meteorological Observations, 1920 recorded on the grass was 23° onthe 22nd. Frost was registered on two days and a ground frost on eight days. Sunshine was a little above the average ; the total recorded was 77:9 hours. MARCH. This month was very variable, and also very mild. South- westerly winds were prevalent, but north and north-westerly winds were fairly frequent. The average force of the wind was between 4 and 7 miles an hour. The barometric pressure was much about the usual for this month, in that the mean, 29-709 inches, was only -o1I above the average. Rain was plentiful. There were 19 wet days and the total precipitation was 3°87 inches, or -58 inches above the average. The greatest fall in 24 hours was -54, which occurred on the 14th. The temperature was comparatively high, the mean being 2'4° above the average. There was a fair sprinkling of warm days, on which a maximum of 60 (and over) was recorded. The highest maximum recorded was 64° on the 30th, and the lowest minimum in the screen 30° on the 8th and oth. The grass minimum fell to 23° on the 3rd. Frost was registered on four days, and a ground frost on seven days. The total amount of bright sunshine recorded during the month was 112-9 hours. The average amount for March is 108-2 hours. APRIL. The month was, generally, dull, unsettled and wet, north- westerly winds prevailing. The barometric pressure was below normal, the mean being 29'249 inches, as compared with 29°774 inches, the average for the past six years. Rainfall was excessive. Total for the month was 5-66 inches. This shows an increase of 3:05 inches over the average for 3I years, or more than double the usual amount for April. Rail fell on 24 days, and the greatest fall in 24 hours was *82 on the 5th. Meteorological Observations, 1920 21 The mean temperature of the month was 47-4°, being 1:2° above the average. The maximum recorded was 59° on the roth and 23rd, the minimum 36° on the 28th, and the lowest grass minimum was 28° on the 30th. A ground frost was registered on one day. A total of 74:6 hours of sunshine was recorded. This amount is remarkably small as compared with previous years the average being 182-7 hours. May. The weather was wet and dull up to the 2oth of the month, when it became dry and warmer. The wind was chiefly from the north-west. The mean barometric pressure was 29°870, this being the average for the past six years. The rainfall amounted to 3-92 inches, which is 1-51 inches above the average. There were 16 wet days, and the greatest fall was -92 inches on the 6th. The mean temperature of the month was 53° which is about the average. The warmest day was the 24th, when the maximum temperature reached 77°. This was accompanied by 14 hours of bright sunshine. The lowest minimum was 39°, and the grass minimum fell to 32° on the 5th. The total sunshine was 195-3 hours—z2o0-6 hours below the average. On each of two days 14 hours were recorded, and ro, Ir, and 12 hours in one day was a fairly frequent amount. JUNE. Generally warm, but few hot days. Three short thunder- storms occurred during the month, two on the 14th without rain, and one on the 16th with rain. The first eight days were dry, but the remainder were, with few exceptions, rainy. Direction of the wind was generally east, south-east, west, and north-west. Normal barometric pressure was recorded, the mean for the month being 29-884 inches. The mean temperature was 58:-2°, slightly above the average. There were no very hot days, the maximum temperature 22 Meteorological Observations, 1920 recorded was 74° on the 2nd. Only once during the month did the maximum thermometer fail to reach 60°, this was on the 12th. The minimum was 40°on the 5th,and grass minimum 34° on the same day. Rainfall was a little more than the average ; a total of 3-11 inches. There were 16 wet days, and the greatest fall in 24 hours was -69 inches on the 27th. The total number of hours of sunshine was 196-4, which is nearly 20 hours below the average amount for this month. The longest record for one day was 13-8 hours on the 3rd. JULY. The month was dull, wet and cool, with a mean barometric pressure of 29-765 inches, well below the average for past years. The winds were chiefly from the west and north-west. There was a marked increase in the amount of rain which usually falls in this month; in fact, it was the wettest July experienced here, and practically all over the country, for some years. The mean temperature was 3°6° below an average of 60-6° for the past 31 years. The maximum recorded in the screen was 67° on the 16th; the minimum 47° on the 25th, and gross minimum 40° on the 25th. A total of 5-17 inches of rain was measured, which is nearly twice as much as the average amount for 31 years. Another remarkable feature was the deficiency in the amount of sunshine. The total measurement was 137-9 hours, or 78-5 hours below the average. AUGUST. This month, like June and July, was dull and cool, with a general absence of very hot days. The direction of the wind was chiefly north-west. The barometric pressure was a little above the average, 29-969 inches being the mean for the month. Records show a decrease in the amount of rainfall ; the total precipitation was 2-72 inches, or 1-5 inches below the average. Meteorological Observations, 1920 23 There were 15 rain days, and the greatest fall in 24 hours was 1-5 inches on the 4th. This, incidentally, is also the greatest fall in 24 hours for the whole year. The mean temperature of the month was 57:5°—2-9° below the average for 31 years. A maximum of 72° was recorded on the 14th, the minimum 43° on the 31st, and the grass minimum 40° on the 2oth. The total number of hours of sunshine recorded was 147°8, which is nearly 47 hours below the average for August. SEPTEMBER. The weather was damp and variable. The mean relative humidity was 90%, accompanied by normal rainfall and temperature, and a prevalence of north-westerly winds. The mean monthly barometric pressure was 29°884, which came near the normal. The total precipitation for the month amounted to 2-69 inches, the average being 2:87 inches. Rain fell on 8 days and the greatest fall in 24 hours was 1-1 inches on the 17th. Thunder was heard on the 18th at about 4.30 p.m. (summer- time). The mean temperature of the month was 56°, this being about the average for 31 years. The maximum recorded was 73° on the 12th, and the thermometer recorded no lower maximum than 56° during the month. The minimum was 41° on the 20th, and 33° was the minimum registered on the grass. The sunshine recorder indicated nearly 119 hours of bright sunshine, an average of about 4 hours each day, or 31% of the possible amount. OCTOBER. The month was fairly sunny, but cool generally. The prevailing wind was from the east. The mean barometric pressure 29-856 inches, was slightly above the average, with some rather low pressures accompanied by south-east winds on the first few days. 24 Meteorological Observations, 1920 Railfall amounting to 3:22 inches was recorded, but this is I-74 inches below the average for 31 years. There were 12 rain days, the greatest fall in one day being 0-59 inches on the 31st. Thunder and lightning, accompanied by heavy rain, oecurred on the 14th, and mists were fairly frequent. The mean temperature 51°5° showed an increase on the average for 3I years, viz., 50:1°. The maximum was 66° on the 7th, and the minimum 36° on the rgth, while 32° was the lowest registered on the ground. No ground frost occurred. Bright sunshine was a little below the average. The total amount recorded was 95-3 hours. NOVEMBER. Commencing with cool, fine days, it gradually became warmer and wet with westerly winds typical of the month, until the third week when the cold, dry weather returned and south-easterly winds prevailed, changing again at the end of the month to damp and uncertain conditions. The mean barometric pressure was 29:876 inches—above the average. Rainfall was not excessive. The total amount measured was 2-64 inches, which is below the average for 31 years—3-45 inches. Rain fell on 13 days and the greatest fall in 24 hours was 0-62 inches on the r4th. The mean temperature was 45-4°, or 1:2° below the average. The maximum of 58° was recorded on the 15th, the minimum 26° on the 23rd. Three frosts occurred. The grass minimum fell to 22° on the 23rd, and registered a ground frost on 8 days. Bright sunshine was deficient. The total registered was 48-7 hours, 17:2 hours below the average. DECEMBER. Cold at first, with some strong easterly winds; then mild and wet in the last 10 days, on which the barometric pressure was sub-normal. The mean barometric pressure of the month, 29-781 inches, was a little above the average. Meteorological Observations, 1920 25 Rainfall was plentiful ; the total for the month being 5:04 inches. Three very wet days were the ist, 23rd, and 30th, when -75, -92, and -84 inches respectively fell. Out of 17 wet days, the 23rd, with -g2 inches, was the wettest. The mean temperature, 41°, was much about the average. A maximum of 55° was recorded on the 3rd, and minimum of 22° on the 13th. Six frosts were registered. The grass minimum registered 12 ground frosts, the lowest, 17°, occurred on the 13th. More than the average amount of bright sunshine was recorded, the total being 55-6 hours. SUMMARY OF EXTREMES. January was the wettest month, with a total rainfall of 6-10 inches. April and December were also very wet months, with 5°66 inches and 5'04 inches respectively. The year’s total, 45-61 inches exceeded the average by 5:04. Rain fell on 204 days; the greatest fall in 24 hours was 1:5 inches on August 4th. February was the driest month, with a deviation from the normal rainfall of 1-49 inches. There was a general deficiency of bright sunshine, the total for the year, 1,320 hours, being 309 hours below the average for previous years. June was favoured with most sun, viz., 196-4 hours, or an average of about 64 hours a day. The hottest day was the 24th May, when a maximum temperature of 77° was registered in the screen. The coldest, December the 13th, on which the minimum thermometer registered 22°. 26 GENERAL NOTES. During the visit of the British Association to Cardiff, Mr. J. J. Shaw, the eminent Seismologist of West Bromwich, made a thorough examination of the Cardiff Seismograph and was quite satisfied with the actual working of the instrument. He made several suggestions, however, for the improvement of records, the most important of which was to obtain a wall clock (for the timing arrangements) which would go within one second a day and give an eclipse every minute. The timing arrangements at present consist of a reliable watch and a smallelectro-magnet. The circuit is made (by a point attached to the minute hand of the watch) each time the minute hand reaches the “12.” The advantages of the wall clock are obvious, as the “times of arrival’ of the various phases of earthquakes are ascertained with infinitely more accuracy when the record is already divided into minutes instead of hours. However, at present, the price of this improvement is rather prohibitive, but Mr. Shaw informs me that it is likely to fall, when, probably his valuable suggestion may be materialised. Another suggested improvement was the substitution of gas-light for the oil lamp and concave mirror used for making the record. This has been done, with the result that a much sharper and clearer record is obtained. 27 Dae CHEMISTRY OF .COAL, By R. W. ATKINSON, B:sc., F.I.c. (Read before the Biological and Geological Section, February, 1920.) “What is Coal?” This question was asked in the Law Courts nearly 70 years ago (1853), and no satisfactory answer could be given. We are still asking the same question, and though the problem has been attacked from many sides we have not yet arrived at a complete solution. It may be that no final definition of coal can be given because it partakes of the nature of living matter, one form merging into another with no hard and fast line between them. But we may endeavour to get as near as possible to an understanding of its chemical nature, and of the chemical changes which have marked its passage from vegetable matter to the state in which we now find it. For the starting point is accepted by everyone that coal has resulted from changes which have taken place in vegetable matter through the influence of various agencies. We all know that vegetable matter in the course of time decomposes, and if oxygen is allowed free access to it the substance will ultimately disappear, the various elements entering into the composition of the plants forming new combinations which are in the main gaseous, and evaporate into the air. Before the final disappearance of the vegetable matter by complete oxidation, there are various intermediate stages in which indefinite bodies called humus, and ulmic acid and ulmins are formed, and these mixing with the soil give to it a texture favourable to the growth of fresh plants, at the same time contributing food for their growth. If, owing to any circumstances oxygen cannot get free access to the dead plants other changes occur, in which partial oxidation takes place, or fermentation of the organic matter may be induced by the influence of living organisms, and products of the nature of peat result. Many attempts have 28 The Chemistry of Coal been made to separate these decomposition products into distinct entities, but not with any great success. All, however, show as compared with Cellulose, an increase of carbon and reduction of hydrogen and oxygen. Observation shows that in the natural decomposition of vegetable matter, marsh gas, CH,, carbon dioxide, CO,, and water, HO are evolved, which shows that carbon is removed as well as hydrogen and oxygen, though it must be in a relatively smaller proportion seeing that its percentage increases. Thus starting with Cellulose, C°H'O°, the percentages are :—Carbon 44-44, hydrogen 6-06, and oxygen 49°50, whilst the average composition of the ulmins derived from peat is C=56:50, H=5-50, O=36-0, N=z2-0. The presence of nitrogen in the ulmins shows that something other than Cellulose enters into the reaction and this can only be the protein matter which exists in all plants. The problem thus becomes more complicated, and it shows that deductions from the characters of sugar-ulmins alone are not precisely applicable to those from woody tissue. Some help is afforded by the work of Maillard who obtained nitrogen- containing ulmins, closely resembling natural-ulmins, by the reaction between amino-acids and sugars at comparatively low temperatures. And as amino-acids (glycocoll, leucine, aspartic acid, glutamic acid, phenyl-amino-propionic acid and tyrosine) are products of the putrefaction of albumen, and as carbohydrates (sugar, etc.) are also present, we may imagine that nitrogen-containing ulmins would be formed, not readily distinguishable from those ulmins found in peat. cO.OH All these ulmins yield protocatechuic acid (C’7H*°O,) n/\H H'\ /OH V OH on fusion with alkali, which shows that they contain the | —¢- grouping, | |_, which is also present in lignone and V | ie) | in tannins. If ulmins in any form exist in coal, this group ing must enter into the constitution of the coal-complex. teint tet tae The Chemistry of Coal 29 As it is generally admitted that coal is derived from the remains of vegetable growth, the various tissues of the plant as well as products of its growth, such as carbohydrates (starch, sugar, gums), proteins, fats, waxes, etc., it behoves the investigator to take all these into consideration, as well as the individual elements composing them. Carbon, hydrogen, and oxygen are common to all vegetable matter; nitrogen is found in certain well-defined parts, and sulphur, aluminium, magnesium, and other elements exist in small quantities in plants, though their exact location cannot always be stated. Aluminium is found in plant tissues of certain of the Lycopo- diacee, and only in the most minute quantities in other plants ; Magnesium occurs as a constituent of chlorophyll and the other elements form the inorganic backbone of the plant. The question thus arises, how are these bodies distributed in the coal ? It is a matter of daily observation that a lump of coal is not homogeneous, but that there are dark layers, and bright layers in almost every lump of coal we may take up. More minute inspection, however, enabled Dr. Marie Stopes to divide these layers into others ; thus the dark layers were found to be made up of two bands, which she has called fusain (mother of coal) and durain. The bright layers also are separable into two which she has named clarain and vitrain. The fusain has always been recognised as the ‘“‘ mother of coal”’ and the durain is the dull hard coal, the “‘ matt kohle ”’ of the Germans. The clarain is that portion of the “ bright coal” which shows striations, whilst the vitrain exhibits no striations, but reveals a very marked brilliant conchoidal fracture. These bands in the Hamstead coal she examined show very distinct differences both microscopically and chemically, and this is true also of the South Wales coals which I have examined. Dr. Stopes’s description of the microscopical appearance of these bands shows the fusain to contain cellular tissue and to be almost black, except where other tissues are included. The durain sections show a granular matrix of rounded or polyhedral fragments, the majority of which are opaque. Mixed with these granules are spore exines. The macrospores are most conspicuous, and their very thick exines are clear 30 The Chemistry of Coai and brilliantly coloured, almost red, though when thinner they are reddish gold to pale gold and amber colour. The clarain section is essentially clear, with clear bands and zones showing much disintegrated plant substance. There are also bands of clear cuticles, spore exines, resin bodies, and other structures of various shades from pale yellow to a rich reddish amber, with stem tissues, leaf tissues and so on. The essential character of the vitrain section is its translucency, its structureless and uniform texture. There is no banding or differentiation of parts in relation to the bedding plane of the deposit, though any individual mass of vitrain generally itself forms a horizontally extended band lying parallel to the bedding of the coal. In most South Wales coals it is possible to separate these four bands, the fusain and durain with no difficulty, but the two others less easily. Still, for most purposes it is sufficient to group the clarain and vitrain together, as chemical examination shows that they are very closely related to one another. I have given the description of the microscopical appearance of these bands almost in Dr. Stopes’s own words, but it must not be forgotten that it applies strictly only to the specimen of coal she examined, viz., the Hamstead coal of Staffordshire. Whether it also applies generally to coals from other coal-fields there is as yet no evidence to show, though the probability is that similar differences will be found when the necessary microscopic work has been done. As regards the chemical differences between the various bands I have compared the durain from a sample of Monmouth- shire Black Vein coal with the mixed clarain and vitrain from the same coal. The percentage of ash from the former was 13°42 per cent, whilst from the latter it was only 2-48 per cent. Other coals examined have shown similar differences in the percentage of ash, though not alweys to the same extent. Not only is the amount of ash different, but the appearance also is quite different, that from the bright layers being of a uniform character, light in texture and pale pink or biscuit-coloured, whilst the ash from the durain, or dull layers, was distinctly of two kinds, heavy, white, angular, fragments The Chemistry of Coal 31 mixed with a smaller proportion of the light fluffy ash seen in the Vitrain portion. The composition of the organic matter, after deducting the ash and moisture, and calculating upon the pure coal substance was the same. The 3 ratio was 15°36 for Vitrain, and 15:25 for durain, whilst the fuel ratio Easter bon ) Volatile was respectively 1-94 and 1:93, showing that the chemical composition of the organic matter in these bands was the same. The main difference lies in the amount and nature of the mineral matter present. The percentage is always higher in durain, and the proportion of ash soluble in water is always much less than in vitrain and clarain. After reading Dr. Stopes’s paper on the “‘ Banded Structure of Coal’’ it seemed that a careful examination of the ash from these bands might throw some light upon the conditions under which they had been produced, and accordingly I carried out an examination of the bands in a few coals, but unfortunately very little light has been thrown upon the matter. The Black Vein coal mentioned before gave the following figures :— Vitrain. Durain. Ash soluble in water .. 72 16-62%, 0-46% Ash soluble in HCl. .. as 55°00% 42:62% Ash insoluble in both NS 395305 56-92% 100-:00% 100-00% Whilst a detailed analysis gave— Vitrain Durain Ratio of total Al,O, to total SiO, <252 180 — 0°86. The percentages of constituents in the Vitrain of other coals vary, but the ratio of Al,O3/SiO, is mostly higher than 1, whilst the same ratio in the various specimens of Durain is always below 1, usually about 0-85. Experiments carried out on the ash from the clean coal (excluding shale) of various anthracite coals from West Wales showed a ratio of <3 above 1, that is they were similar to the vitrain portion of the bituminous coals. Detailed analyses are given in an appendix. 32 The Chemistry of Coal About the same time, Dr. Lessing examined the ash from the same specimens that Dr. Stopes had used, and obtained the same general results. But the ash from the Hamstead coal yielded a much larger quantity to water, and was evidently of quite a different character from the South Wales coals. His results for Vitrain, Clarain and Durain, were :— Vitrain. Clarain. Durain. Ash soluble in water .. 69°52% 65-41% 357% Ash soluble in HCl. se. 20°53%, “£0720 9o.. "24eaa ae Ash insoluble in both .. 884% 16-76% 73:80% 99°89% 101:46% r101-60% Alumina Ratio a Sea 2°55 1-76 0°84 Ratio for Kaolinite 0-85. The only conclusions which can be drawn from this line of investigation seem to be, (1) The ash of the Vitrain portion of different coals varies in composition, but the ratio of Al, O; to Silica is above unity. (2) The ratio of Al,O,; to SiO, in the ash from Durain falls below unity, and approaches the ratio in clay. Dr. Lessing, however, found in the ash of the Hamstead coal a notable proportion of Magnesia, much higher than in either the Vitrain ash or the Durain ash (10-52% against 1°87% in Vitrain). The suggestion was made that it might have been derived from chlorophyll, but it seems not to be general, for in the bright bands of the various South Wales coal examined there does not seem to be any excess of magnesia, except in one case, the ash from the Black Vein Vitrain, in which it amounted to 669% of the ash. Dr. Lessing suggested that as the largest quantities of recognisable plant tissue were found in Clarain, the excess of MgO might be derived from the chlorophyll contained in them. He however thinks that the amount in green leaves would be too small to account for the 10% he found. It is asserted that green leaves contain o-8% chlorophyll and this 4-5°% MgO, hence the leaves contain only 0:036 of MgO. But suppose the leaves contain one per cent ash, and further that in the process of coal formation 40% of the weight of organic matter was lost, the magnesia would be concentrated in the ash 250 times = (100° X alt The Chemistry of Coal 33 and would thus yield 9%. Thus it does not seem unreasonable to regard any excess of magnesia as arising from chlorophyll, but the presence of chlorophyll cannot have been universal, or if so, the MgO must in many cases have been removed subsequently. The ratio “{"*— is an interesting point, and seems to point to the bright bands having as their origin the remains of a flora of Lycopodiaceae. Dr. Lessing has collected figures for a number of plants of the order Lycopodiaceae, and the result of nine determinations AlOs of five different species gave the average ratio gio, = 2°92. The figures for Clarain and Vitrain were 1-76 and 2:55, and for Durain 0-84. It would seem therefore that the two former represent the nearly pure remains of Lycopodiaceae plant life, whilst the latter is mainly due to clayey matter mixed with the organic debris. Doubtless some of the plant ash has been removed and what we have left behind is not purely the ash as originally present; thus we cannot expect it to give unequivocal evidence of the origin of the various bands. It would seem, however, that if we are to solve the problem of coal origin it will be through the examination of these separate parts of the coal rather than from the coal as a whole. Consideration of the mineral matter can only tell us something about the conditions under which the coal was formed, but will not help us in investigating the nature of the substances which make up the coal. Two methods may be followed for this end, one by synthesis, the other analysis. The former has not produced any important results for, although coal-like substances have been produced it is difficult to say how near they may be to the structure of true coal. In the analytical method two modes are open (1) Action of Solvents. (2) Destructive Distillation. The main difficulty about the first method is that most of the simple solvents dissolve so little that one may assume that it is not the coal substance which goes into solution, but probably only some secondary product of the coal change. Thus water dissolves no part of the coal; in one instance sodium chloride was found in the solution, evidently adventitious. A Westphalian gas coal yielded to Siepmann by the use of ether 0-3 per cent ; 34 The Chemistry of Coal the residue from this gave to alcohol 0:25 per cent, and the residue from the alcohol gave to chloroform 0-75 per cent, altogether I-30 per cent against 1-25 per cent to chloroform alone. In this way, however, bodies with different charac- teristics were found on evaporating the extracts, the ether extract softened at 15°C. and was liquefied at 35°C., the alcohol extract began to melt at 48°C, and the chloroform extract began to melt at 60°C. The analysis of these extracts showed them to contain much more hydrogen for 100 parts of carbon than the original coal, and the alcohol and chloroform extracts also contained much more oxygen relatively to the carbon. The ether extract has a composition very nearly the same as that of a resin picked out of a bituminous coal by White. But his results are vitiated by the fact that no precautions seems to have been taken to exclude oxygen, because the final coal contained 27 parts of oxygen and nitrogen per 100 carbon, against 16 parts in the original coal; other experimenters have found coals yielding about 1% to benzene and similar solvents. At the present moment the favourite solvent is Pyridine, a nitrogenous base found in the distillate from bone-oil. Its formula is C°H°N and it may be regarded as Benzene with the group CH=replaced by N=. It boils at 117°C. when perfectly dry, but combines so strongly with water that it is difficult to obtain it quite dry. It mixes with water in all proportions and combines with acids forming salts. It was found to dissolve larger proportions from coal than other solvent, though the extent of its action varies with different coals. As the solvent action is rather slow it has to act upon the coal in a Soxhlet apparatus for many hours, even days, before the action seems to cease, and if this is carried out in the usual way in air oxidation of the coal sets in, and the efficiency of the solvent action is reduced. Therefore all extractions should be carried out with perfectly dry pyridine, and in an atmosphere of nitrogen, and the coal also ought to be dry. When all precautions are taken the amount of matter extracted is very variable, ranging from 2 to 30 per cent of the coal. This points to a distinct separation of constituents of the coal, which is confirmed by the action of other . solvents upon the extracted residues. Chloroform effects a The Chemistry cf Coal 35 further separation of the portion soluble in pyridine, and by its action we have the coal divided into three bodies of different properties :— a. Insoluble in both Pyridine and Chloroform. £. Soluble in Pyridine, insoluble in Chloroform. y. Soluble in Pyridine and in Chloroform. Experiment has shown that there are chemical differences between these three bodies, and Dr. Wheeler and his associates have distinguished between them by other methods, and recog- nise that the a and 6 compounds are more alike to one another than either of them is to y. They have suggested the names “ Cellulosic”’ for the « and £2 compounds, and Resinic (for want of a better name) for the y compounds. As chloroform by itself extracts only a very small proportion of the coal before treatment with pyridine, it would seem that the action of the latter is not simply a solvent action, but that it effects a loosening of the coal-complex, and it is highly probable that further attempts will succeed in dividing each of the three, «a, 6, and y, into simpler substances. The only recorded experiments upon the solvent action of pyridine and chloroform in succession upon the different bands of coal are those of Dr. Wheeler who examined the bands from the Hamstead coal previously referred to. He found a progressive increase in the « compounds passing from Vitrain to Durain, a fall in the percentage of 6 compounds, whilst the y compounds wereabout thesame. The total amount of extract yielded to pyridine by the ash-free dry coal was 34:4 per cent in the case of Vitrain, 27-2 per cent in that of Clarain, and 21°6 per cent in that of Durain. Thus the use of this solvent has disclosed differences in the nature of the coal-substance which ordinary methods in use have not done. As compared with the pyridine extract that by chloroform alone was much less, viz., 2°85 % in the case of Vitrain, and 2-4in that of Durain. Hot alcoholic potash dissolved respectively 6-1, 5-4, and 3°8 per cent, thus showing that the amount of ulmins was not large. As Dr. Wheeler says “‘ the main difference between Vitrain and Durain would be a physical one, and would lie in the ease with which their (? colloidal) structures are dis- integrated.” 36 The Chemistry of Coal Other solvents, such as nitric acid and caustic potash do not act as simple solvents, but as reagents producing oxidizing effects. Nothing definite has resulted, and it is sufficient to say that nitric acid seems to yield nitro-ulmins, but as we do not know the structure of the ulmins it does not carry us much farther. Molten caustic potash also oxidizes coals, and bodies resembling ulmins are formed, and, as has already been mentioned, one of the products is proto-catechuic acid, serving to connect the structure of coal, or one of its constituents, with tannin and lignone of the ligno-celluloses. Turning from the action of solvents we may consider what is the result of heating coal at different temperatures. The expectation is that bodies may be obtained of known constitu- tion which may give clues suggesting the structure of coal. An enormous number of observations have been made in industrial practice of the products of the destructive distillation of coal, but the infinite diversity and number of bodies obtained and the absence of information as to the precise conditions of the experiments render all such useless for our purpose. Experiments which are at all helpful are of comparatively recent date with a few exceptions. Delesse in 1857, found that peat began to decompose about 250°C., lignite about 300°C., and coal about 400°C., and these observations have been in the main confirmed by more recent researches. Thus Jones in 1914 found the temperatures of decomposition of wood 150°C, brown lignite 230°C, black lignite 260°C, Illinois coal 300°C, gas coal 330°C, smokeless coal 330°C, anthracite 340°C. When air was passed over coal heated to 200°C, Mahler found traces of formic and acetic acids, acetone and methyl alcohol, and at 300C° a small quantity of an acid liquid containing hydrocarbons was obtained. Anderson also found that the distillates at low temperatures (300°) were acid in reaction, whilst at slightly higher temperatures (375°C) they became alkaline. The gaseous products at low temperatures are mainly water and oxides of carbon. There is in both these respects a close resemblance to the products of the destructive distilla- tion of wood, i.e., cellulose and ligno-celluloses, and it affords presumptive evidence that those constituents of coal which are decomposed at the lowest temperature are those which are The Chemistry of Coal 37 most nearly related to the woody tissue which has in part contributed to the formation of coal, that is, the cellulosic bodies, viz., Wheeler’s « and 8 compounds. Analysis of the gases evolved at various temperatures shows that the first products are mainly carbon mon—and dioxides and water, at higher temperatures members of the paraffin family are formed, and finally at still higher temperatures, 7oo°C and above, hydrogen is the chief gas liberated. The main results of Porter and Ovitz’s experiments on an Illinois non-coking coal (4-=12'5) and a Pennsylvanian coking coal (Gr =14'9) showed that at temperatures from 400°C to 1,000°C the oxides of carbon diminish regularly as the temperature rises in both coals, the hydrogen rises evenly till a temperature of 650—700°C. is attained, and from that point is liberated at a much greater rate. The paraffins increase to about 500°C, and afterwards diminish regularly from the maximum at that temperature, ceasing about 700°C. Their results are confirmed by Burgess and Wheeler (i910) who drew the inference that coal contains some compound which decomposes at 7c0°C and yields hydrogen as its main gaseous product. At first they thought that the same body yielded the paraffins at lower temperatures. Further experiments by Burgess and Wheeler led them to consider that in addition to the compound yielding hydrogen at 700°C another body was present, less stable, which on heating, evolved the paraffins. It was found possible to destroy or remove this body and leave behind a residue which decomposed at a higher temperature with evolution of hydrogen. Thus they suppose the existence in coal of two bodies, one unstable giving paraffins, the other stable below 700°C, above that temperature liberating hydrogen. In further investigations Clark and Wheeler examined the results of heating the different fractions into which coal is separated by pyridine and chloroform. The cellulosic portions, a and f, were found to yield the oxides of carbon and hydrogen, whilst the y portion yielded mainly paraffins. On heating the portion insoluble in pyridine at 600°C, it lost 24% of its weight, whilst the portion soluble in pyridine and chloroform lost 64%, whilst the tarry matter was respectively 7 and 56%. A study of the liquid products of the distillation of the a and 8 and y compounds in a vacuum (to avoid complications 38 The Chemistry of Coal by removing the products as soon as formed) agrees with the results of the examination of thegases. The a and compounds yielded very small percentages of liquid products, whilst the y yielded between 40 and 50% below 400°C. The former contained mainly phenols, whilst the latter gave paraffins, olefines and naphthenes, but no phenols. As the oily distillate from wood contains mainly phenols, in this respect the « and 8 compounds suggest their connection with celluloses and ligno-celluloses. From the chemical evidence then the character of coal is that of an organic complex derived from the disintegration and alteration of plant tissues by various agencies and being constituted of at least three compounds, two of which are of a cellulosic nature, the third called resinic, the nature of which is doubtful. The probable conclusion to be drawn from these investiga- tions is that the cellulosic portion is first partially decomposed at a moderately low temperature, yielding mainly water, oxides of carbon and phenols, leaving a residue stable until a tempera- ture of 700°C is reached. Between these temperatures the resinic portion first melts, and under suitable conditions binds together the particles into a true coke, and when the temperature is raised, is decomposed, yielding paraffins. The y compounds are called “‘resinic’’ because they behave in some respects like resins, as they melt at a temperature in the neighbourhood of 100°C or 200°C. But it would be wrong to identify them with the resins which many plants contain, for in process of time these must have undergone great changes and for the most part would not now be recognisable as resins. Reference has already been made to Siepmann’s extraction of coal with ether, and this dissolved substance is probably a true resin, as it approaches in composition a specimen of undoubted resin, which was picked out by White in 1914, from a bituminous coal, in the form of dark brown threads, which on analysis gave these results :— White’s Siepmann’s Fossil resin from Baltic C= 100°0 I00°0 100-0 Hn) 122 i2-2 IZ7 OC) 67 14°8 36 The Chemistry of Coal 30 Thus the { ratio is practically the same and agrees with that in a sample of fossil resin from the Baltic. But the oxygen differs very much and suggests that the coal-resins have undergone oxidation. These undoubted resins, however, exist in the coal in minute amounts, and should be distinguished from the y—or resinic compounds. Reverting to the remarks made at the beginning of this paper as to the conversion of vegetable matter into coal, the conception which has formed in my own mind is that of a cumulative resolution of the cellulosic and_ ligno-cellulosic molecules by gradual change into intermediate products, a process analogous to, though not the same as the resolution of the starch molecule into maltose and dextrin, leading to the formation of numerous intermediate bodies. The starch molecule is assumed to be highly complex, 6 or 10 times the weight of the simplest formula, and by taking up water, successively produces bodies of intermediate molecular weights. In a similar way by bacterial decomposition it may be imagined that from the cellulosic molecule, say 10 times C°H'°0°, there are lopped off molecules of CH,, CO,, and H,O, leaving residues of intermediate complexity, in which. however, the carbon tends to increase relatively to the other elements. I have not left myself much time to refer to researches of very great interest touching the coals of the South Wales basin, but if I am not exceeding your patience I should like to give just a short resume of the results of experiments carried out by Mr. Roy Illingworth, of the Treforest School of Mines. It may be well to premise that the coal in the various parts of this coalfield belonging to the same horizon have definite characteristics. Thus the coals from the g ft. seam in the extreme east are very bituminous, good house coals, with a 5 ratio of about 14. As one goes westward along the north crop coals from the same horizon become drier and drier until we come to the extreme west where the anthracitic coals have a 2 ratio rising to 29. Sir Aubrey Strahan in “ The Coals of South Wales,” published by the Geol. Survey, has shown by what he calls “‘ iso-anthracitic’’ lines, the direction taken by c coals in the same, or equivalent seams having the same - 40 The Chemistry of Coal ratio. It is very pronounced in the diagram of the No. 2 Rhondda seam, and it will be seen that the “ iso-anthracitic ”’ lines form roughly concentric curves running from north-east to south-west across the coalfield. The result of this is that the = ratio of the coals of this seam remains the same starting from near Pontypool and passing by Risca along the south crop as far as Morfa, near Aberavon. Accordingly they show no such progressive increase of dryness as do the coals along the north crop. The question which Mr. Illingworth has set out to solve is how are the different qualities of these coals to be correlated with their proximate chemical constitution. The ratio of C to H in the coals shows that there is some relation between the ultimate composition of the coal and its properties, but does not go further than indicate a connection. Mr. Illing- worth selected four coals of typical qualities, two gas coals, No. 2 Llantwit, and No.3 Rhondda south crop, and two coking coals. No. 2 Rhondda, and two feet nine inches from the south crop. He first ascertained the relative proportions of the a, 8, and y constituents in each of these coals in their natural state, and afterwards subjected them to the action of heat, employing certain defined temperatures, viz., 350°C, 400°C, and 450°C. He then determined the pyridine soluble constituents in the residues at each of these temperatures and separated them by chloroform into the / and y portions. From the results of these experiments he finds that when the coals are heated to 450°C there is a rapid destruction of the constituents soluble in pyridine, 1.e., the 6 and y bodies, but that the 8 compound is more readily decomposed than the y compound, and the volatile matter expelled from a coal at 450°C arises from the decomposition of the pyridine soluble substances. In consequence of the more rapid decomposition of the 8 compound in coking coals the ratio of the y compound increases rapidly, whilst in other coals the increase in this ratio is more gradual. The stability of the pyridine soluble bodies in the four coalsexaminedincreases from No.2 Rhondda, through 2 feet g inches, No. 2 Llantwit to No. 3 Rhondda (south crop). Progressive decomposition of the coal substance at temperatures not exceeding 450°C, will ultimately result The Chemistry of Coal 41 in a residue devoid of 6 compounds, but which will still contain resinic substances. According to the amount of y substances left after heating to 450°C is the coal capable of forming coke, this amount being somewhere about 5 to 54%. Upon these facts Mr. Illingworth bases a theory of coking. The y bodies become almost entirely fluid about 400°C, and he attributes the plasticity of coal at this temperature to the liquation of the resinic bodies by heat, with the subsequent flow of this fluid matter around the other solid ingredients of the coal. The greater the amount of resinic matter present the more plastic will be the coal, and any gases formed will pass through the mass until by the gradual decomposition of the y compounds themselves the coal loses its plasticity, and the evolved gases will have more difficulty in escaping and will produce a spongy mass, the form of which will gradua'ly be consolidated by the formation of a skeleton of carbon deposited between the non-melted portions of the coal as the resinic bodies undergo further decomposition with rise of temperature. The porosity of the coke depends upon the amount of volatile matter liberated at the moment when the hot mass is in its most viscous state and about to pass by the destruction of the resinic bodies to a fixed structure. Experiment shows that the Llantwit No. 2 and Rhondda No. 3 liberate at this point more gas than the true coking coals, No. 2 Rhondda and the 2 feet g inches, and thus the denser coke furnished by the latter is accounted for. In a further communication Mr. Illingworth has studied the behaviour of several coals from the oft seam or its equivalents having C/H ratios A=17°8; B=20; YO=ar1; O=27; and WV=28-2. The initial temperature at which active decomposition sets in is, No. 2 Llantwit and A, about 300°C. B, between 300°C and 350°C, YO, 350—400, O=440—450, and WV 500°. He also shows that the coals O and WV yield nothing soluble to pyridine, and that in the true bituminous coals the pyridine soluble constituents are of two types (I) a portion decomposed below 350°C, and (2) a portion stable at 350°C, but mainly decomposed below 400°C, and he concludes that it is the thermal instabi-ity of the first portion which distinguishes the bituminous coals from the coking coals, the pyridine soluble 42 The Chemistry of Coal portions of which are stable above 400°C. The latter are distinguished from the gas-coals by a smaller content of £-Cellulosic body, and its relatively greater instability compared with the resinic bodies. He sums up by saying that “the properties of the different species of coal are differentiated by the amount of pyridine soluble constituents they contain, the thermal stability of these substances, their amount, their stability relatively to one another, and to their nature.” When the coals are studied in relation to their geographical distribution it is shown that as the 2 ratio increases, so does the thermal stability of the coal as a whole increase, the specific gravity also increases, and as a general rule (subject to some exceptions) along the north crop at any rate, the percentage of ash diminishes. This latter constitutes the difficulty in most theories of the origin of Anthracite, though Mr. Jordan has ingeniously pressed it into his service by suggesting that the presence of mineral matter acts as a catalyst in preventing the loss of volatile matter under the conditions of pressure and temperature which have resulted in the production of anthracite. It however does not get over the difficulty that the various bands of a bituminous coal contain organic matter of the same chemical character although associated with different proportions of mineral matter. But I must not succumb to the fascination of trying to account for the distribution of coal in the South Wales area, or there might be no end to this paper. In conclusion, what I have been able to give you to-night is a mere cursory summary of what has been done in recent years, and although somewhat technical, I trust that I have been able to make the main conclusions clear. A great deal has yet to be done, but with the new means of attack at our disposal progress will be more rapid in the future. The Chemistry of Coal 43 AEPENDIX. COMPOSITION OF THE ASH OF SOUTH WALES COALS. | Vitrain only. Anthracites, clean whole coal. le s | g dile s lt cease alice = = COM OSes eich) nee on 2 Nee et ce meal Ss | 85 |25elbe8) = F PEE FE gee] 2 | 28 BPES@2| § [etals=> ss = oS < oe’ | gee am 2 EL a 4k, L % wo | % % % % % % Fixed Carbon .. | 64-42 | 74-19 | 80-41 | 87-73 | 87-97 | 88-15 | 90-25 | 93- 50 Volatile Hydre- Carbons .. | 80-53 | 22-63 | 15-17 | 6-20] 6-84] 7-24] 5-75| 2-72 Sulphur me a5 | SURE, Si) ||| teil || = — — — — J NVe\> | Ae a a .. | 247] 1:30) 2:94) 2-67] 2-03] 1-95] 1-30] 1-20 Moisture s ois se | 1-49 | 1-18 -67} 3-40] 3:16] 2-66] 2-70} 2-58 100-00 |100-00 100-00 |100-00 {100-00 |100-00 |100-00 |100-00 Ash insoluble in Wajter anjd Hydjrochlorjic Acild. Silica .. ae 30 .. | 23-73 | 17-20 | 40-20 | 25-18 | 34-93 | 36-72 | 23-62 | 24-32 Alumina 2 * .. | 12-66 | 26-55 | 9-74 | 18-78 | 36-89 | 14-87 | 27-13 | 29-52 Ferric Oxide .. af. * 39 | 2-70} -O7| -92) 3-19] -23] 2-18] 2-14 Lime .. “= ue 34 ‘47T| -35| 23] -32| -42) -37} -60} 1-12 Magnesia se z ae -20| -19|Trace| -14] -24] -13] -31] 1-72 *.30 | +-06 58-82 Per cent Insoluble Ash .. | 87-45 ake 45-34 | 75-67 | 52-62 | 53-90 Alsh Soluble in| Water] and H ydrochilorie Ajcid. Silica .. a ae 5 — 3-59 ‘57 ‘76 {| 1:10] 1-18} 1-56] 1-68 Alumina Ae a .. | 30-01 | 6-64 | 40-73 | 5-53 | 2-45 | 24-37! 3-40} 6-40 Ferric Oxide .. ‘: “a 7-69 | 33-80 | 1-94 | 44-02 | 17-70 | 4-07 | 26-69 | 18-77 Lime .. x ae ‘i 9-96 | 2-65 | 3-28] 1-12 ‘90 | 6-68} 3-00 | 2-92 Magnesia ee oe ee “86 | 2-00 +83 “03 30} 1:94} 3-45] 1-66 Potash. . re bre or -42 “57 -20 Z 1-79 Soda |. = ot] So} azo] ousbeo] — | 46] 165] 58 Sulphuric Acid ae .. | 11-48 | 2-38) 1.65 44) 2-07} 6:45] 6.05 | 3-02 Phosphoric Acid ee af _- 0-16} — 1-03 16} 2-11 27) — Undetermined a: ae — a — — — — —- —- Per cent Soluble Ash .. | 61-22 | 52-99 | 49-80 | 54-53 | 24-68 | 47-26 | 46-07 | 41-85 Ratio Alumina/Silica si | lets) | 1-5 1:25 | 0-96] 1:07} 1:04] 1-21] 1-38 Notr.—In the first three coals from the eastern end and middle of the coal-field, the analyses were made of the ash from the Vitrain only, not from the entire coal. Those of the Anthracites were made upon the ash from the clean whole coal. The sample of Abercynon coal was obtained by the kindness of Mr. Bruce Jones, Abercynon ; the first four Anthracites were kindly given me by Dr. F. J. North, Keeper of the Geological Department, National Museum of Wales. * Titanic Acid. + SO3. 44 A PRELIMINARY MOSS-FLORA OF GLAMORGAN. By, Po WwW. M: RICHARDS. This paper is the first attempt to collect together the scattered and incomplete records for the mosses of the county. It is therefore very imperfect: Records are especially scanty for the western section of the county. I have tried as far as possible to make this list nearly uniform with the “Flora of Glamorgan.’ Nevertheless, certain modifications are unavoidable, namely, no English names are given since the English names of mosses are not satisfactory, the status of every species is omitted because all are believed to be native. The nomenclature and numbering follow the Moss Exchange Club’s “Census Catalogue of British Mosses ”’ of 1907, with such alterations as recent work has made necessary. I am much indebted to Mr. A. E. Wade of the National Museum of Wales for some valuable notes, and for help in extracting records from certain of the herbaria in his charge ; also to Mr. D. A. Jones, Secretary of the Moss Exchange Club, and Mr. W. R. Sherrin for much help in naming several species for me. SUB-CLASS SPHAGNALES Order Sphagnaceae. Sphagnum Dill. (Supp.) 2 cymbifolium (Ehrh) W. Local, abundant. Uliginal. Var. glaucescens f. squarvrulosum; Hirwain Common, 1920 (Armitage), Det. Wheldon. Var. pallescens; Mynydd-y-glew, 1920 (Armitage), Det. Wheldon. Var. flavescens ; Mynydd-y-glew, 1920 (Armitage), Det. Wheldon. (Supp.) 3 papillosum Lindb. Rare, frequent. Uliginal. Var. normale f. squarrosulum, Mynydd-y-glew, 1922 (Richards), Det. Sherrin. Var. confertum ; Mynydd-y-glew, 1922 (Richards), Det. Sherrin. (Supp.) 11 cuspidatum (Ehrh) W. Var. submersum f. cuspatum. Rare. Frequent. Uliginal. Hirwain Common, 1920 (Armitage), Det. Wheldon. A Preliminary Moss-Flora of Glamorgan 45 (Supp.) 17 vecuruum P. de Beauv. Rare, frequent. Uliginal. Caerphilly Common, 1920 (Wade & Richaids), Det. Sherrin, (Supp.) 17b amblyphyllum W. Rare, frequent. Uliginal. Caer- philly Common, 1920 (Wade & Richards), Det. Sherrin. (Supp.) 20 molluscum Br. Var. vulgatum f. compactum. Rare, frequent. Uliginal. Hirwain Common, 1920 (Armitage), Det. Wheldon. (Supp.) 28 plumulosum (=subnitens) P. de Beauv. Local, abundant. Uliginal. Mynydd-y-glew; Caerphilly (Richards), Det. Sherrin. Var. versicolor f. tenellum; Mynydd-y-glew, 1920 (Armitage), Det. Wheldon. Var. coerulescens; Mynydd-y-glew, 1920 (Armitage), Det. Wheldon; and a form passing to ochraceum. (Supp.) 29 acutifolium (Ehrh) Russ. & W. Var. versicolor f. venustum. Rare, abundant. Uliginal. Hirwain Common, 1920 (Armitage), Det. Wheldon. (Supp.) 29 (bis) servatum. Var. servrulatum. Local or rare, abundant. Uliginal. Hirwain Common, 1920 (Armitage), Det. Wheldon. (Supp.) 34 znnundatum. R.& W. Var. ovalifolium. Local, abundant. Uliginal. Caerphilly, 1922 (Richards), Det. Sherrin ; f. subfalcatum ; Mynydd-y glew, 1920 (Armitage), Det. Wheldon; f. lavxifolium ; Hirwain Common, 1920 (Armitage), Det. Whe.don. (Supp.) 35 auriculatum Schp. Rare, abundant. Uliginal. Var. ovatum f. vufescens; Mynydd-y-glew, 1920 (Armitage), Det. Wheldon. Var. variegatum; Mynydd-y-glew, 1920 (Armitage), Det. Wheldon. Var. laxifolium ; Mynydd-y glew, 1920 (Armitage), Det. Wheldon. (Supp.) 36 crassicladum W. Var. tntermedium f. ovalifolium, Rare, abundant. Uliginal; Mynydd-y-glew, 1920 (Armitage), Det. Wheldon. SUB-CLASS ANDREALES Order Andreaeaceae. Andreaea Ehrh. [20 alpina Sm. Rare, scarce. Rupestral; near Llyn Vach (Gutch in Phyt.). Hardly a satisfactory record. | SUB-CLASS BRYALES. Order Tetraphidaceae. Tetraphis Hedw. 24 pellucida Hedw. Local, abundant. Septal, sylvestral. Among the ruins of Caerphilly Castle (Dillwyn in Phyt.), Caerphilly (Wade & Richards). Cwrt-yr-Ala; St. Georges; Saintwell; Wenvoe ; Castell Coch; Thornhill; Llanishen; Lisvane (Richards). Aber- dare (Evans). Order Polytrichaceae. Catharinea Ehrh. 26 undulata Web. and Mohr. Local, abundant. Sylvestral. Aber- dare, I911 (Evans); Caerphilly, 1920; Mynydd-y-glew, 1922 (Richards). 29 crispa James. Rare, scarce. Rupestral and sylvestral. Glyn Corwg, 1890 (A. Ley). 46 A Preliminary Moss-Flora of Glamorgan Polytrichum Dill. 32 aloides Hedw. Local, frequent. Ericetal, sylvestral. Aberdare, Ig11 (Evans); Wern Ddu, Caerphilly (Richards). 33 urnigerum L. Local, scarce. Ericetal. Aberdare, 1911 (Evans). Plentiful about Pont-Nedd-Fechan (Gutch in Phyt.), Caerphilly, 1920 (Richards). 34 alpinum L. Rare, scarce. Ericetal. Aberdare, 1911 (Evans); Craig-y-llyn (H. H. Knight). 36 piliferum Schreb. Local, abundant. Ericetal. Thornhill,; Garth; Caerphilly Common (Richards) ; Aberdare, 1911 (Evans); Wenalt, Rhiwbina, 1917 (Herb. Sherrin). 37. juniperinum Willd. Local, abundant. Ericetal. Mynydd-y- glew; Wern Ddt, Caerphilly (Richards). 38 strictum Banks. Rare, scarce. Uliginal. R. Perddyn (H. H. Knight). 40 formosum Hedw. Local, abundant. Sylvestral. Aberdare, 1911 (Evans). Leckwith (Richards). 41 commune L. Local,abundant. Uliginal. Aberdare, 1911 (Evans). Plentiful about Pont-Nedd-Fechan (Gutch in Phyt.). Caerphilly ; Garth ; Thornhill, 1920 ; Mynydd-y-glew, in fruit, 1920 (Richards). Order Buxbaumiaceae. Diphyscium Mohr. 44 foliosum Mohr. Rare, scarce. Rupestral. Near Cadoxton (Dillwyn in Phyt.), Aberdare, 1911 (Evans). Order Dicranaceae. Ditrichum Timm. 55 fiexicaule Hampe. Local, abundant. Glareal. Porthcawl (H. H. Knight), Aberdare, 1911 (Evans); Merthyr Mawr, 1922 (O. W. Richards, v. sp.). Ceratodon Brid. 67 purpureus Brid. Common, abundant. Ericetal, rupestral, septal, etc. Rhabdoweissia B. & S. 69 fugaxy B. & S. Rare, scarce. Rupestral. Craig-y-llyn (H. H. Knight). Dicranella Schp. 82 heteromalla Schp. Common, abundant. Ericetal, sylvestral and septal. Mr. A. E. Wade sends me a form of this from Caerphilly, which shows some approach to var. interrupta B. & S. 83 cerviculata Schp. Local, scarce. Rupestral, etc. Probably common in the county (Dillwyn in Phyt.), Aberdare, 1911 (Evans). 86 curvata Schp. Rare, scarce. Ericetal and glareal. Aberdare, I9II (Evans). 88 varia Schp. Rare, frequent? Septal and glareal. Llantwit Major (H. H. Knight). QI squarrosa Schp. Rare, scarce. Paludal. Near Aberdare, 1898 (Dr. Gowers, Herb. Nat. Mus.). Blindia B. & S. 93 acuta B. & S. Rare, frequent ? Rupestral. River Perddyn, 1909 (H. H. Knight). Dicranoweisia Lindb. 94 civvata Lindb. Local, abundant. Rupestral, septal. Aberdare, Ig11 (Evans), Pendoylan ; Caerphilly, 1922 (Richards). A Preliminary Moss-Flora of Glamorgan 47 Campylopus Brid. 99 flexuosus Brid. Local, scarce. Ericetal. Aberdare, 1911 (Evans). Caerphilly, 1922 (Richards). 100 pyrviformis Brid. Local, frequent. Ericetal. Near Llanishen (Wade v. sp.). Mynydd-y-glew, 1922. 104 atrovirens De Not. Rare, frequent. Paludal, uliginal. Aberdare, 1911 (Evans). 106 brevipilus B. and S. Rare, scarce. Uliginal. Mynydd-y-glew, 1922 (Richards). Det. Sherrin. Dicranum Hedw. 116 Bonjeani De Not. Rare, scarce. Ericetal. Aberdare, 1911 (Evans). 117 scoparium Hedw. Common, abundant. Ericetal, sylvestral. Order Fissidentaceae. Fissidens Hedw. 131 vividulus Wahl. Rare, scarce. Septal. Leckwith, 1922 (Richards). Det. W. R. Sherrin. 135 bryoides Hedw. Local, abundant. Septal, sylvestral. Llanishen; near Wenvoe; Leckwith; Caerphilly; Cefn-on; Pendoylan ; Cwm Ciddy (Richards). 140 osmundioides Hedw. Rare,;scarce. Paludal. River Perddyn (H. H. Knight). 143 adiantoides Hedw. Local, frequent. Rupestral, _uliginal. Aberdare (Evans). Cefn-on, 1920; sparingly at Mynydd-y-glew, 1922 (Richards). 145 taxifolius Hedw. Local, abundant. Septal. Leckwith (Wade) ; Cardiff, in a garden; Whitchurch; Pendoylan, 1922 (Richards) ; Order Grimmiaceae. Grimmia_ Ehrh. 147 apocarpa Hedw. Local,abundant. Rupestral. Craig Llanishen ; Caerphilly Common; Llanishen; Tongwynlais (Wade); Maendy ; Peterston-super-Ely ; Barry (Richards); Aberdare (Evans). [149 maritima Furn. Rare, scarce. Rupestral. Dillwyn in Phyt. says he believes this grows on the rocks at Barry Island]. 155 pulvinata Sm. Local, abundant. Rupestral. Aberdare, I911 (Evans); Thornhill; Caerphilly Common (Wade); Cefn-on ; Maendy ; Peterston-super-Ely (Richards). Rhacomitrium Brid. 179 aciculave Brid. Rare, frequent. Rupestral. River Pe:ddyn, 1909 (H. H. Knight). 181 fasciculare Brid. Local, frequent. Rupestral. Craig-y-llyn, 1920 (Armitage); Aberdare, 1911 (Evans). 182 heteyvostichum Brid. Local, abundant. MRupestral, Ericetal. Dinas Powis, 12th February, 1920 (Wade); Caerphilly, 1920 (Wade and Richards). Var. gracilescens B. and S. Aberdare, Ig1t (Evans). 185 lanuginosum Brid. Rare, frequent. Rupestral. Aberdare, 1911 (Evans). 186 canescens Brid. Local, abundant. Ericetal, glareal. Sandhills, Pennard Castle, 1907 (H. H. Knight); Merthyr Mawr Warren, 1920 (Armitage); Ogmore Down (Wade); Sandhills between Porthcawl and Merthyr Mawr (O. W. Richards, v. sp.). 48 A Preliminary Moss-Flora of Glamorgan Ptychomitrium B. & S. 188 polyphyllum Firn. Local, abundant. Rupestral. Aberdare, 1912 (Evans); Caerphilly, 1922 (Richards). , Order Tortulaceae. Phascum Schreb. 195 cuspidatum Schreb. Rare, frequent. Agrestal, glareal. Llan- dough, 1920 (Wade). Pottia Ehrh. 200 heimit Firnr. Local, abundant. Glareal. Porthcawl golf- links (H. H. Knight); Aberdare, 1911 (Evans). [A plant which may be P. Wilsoni, of which only an insufficient specimen exists was gathered on Porthkerry cliffs in 1922.] Tortula Hedw. 217 ambigua Angstr. Local, scarce. Glareal. Southerndown, 1908 (H. H. Knight); near Llanishen, 1922 (O. W. Richards) ; Leckwith (Richards). 225 muvalis Hedw. Common, abundant. Rupestral. 231 laevipila Schwaeg. Local, abundant. Sylvestral, septal. Aber- dare, 1911 (Evans); Leckwith, 1922 (Richards); Candleston, 1922 (O. W. Richards). 232 intermedia Berk. Local, abundant. Sylvestral, septal. Porth- cawl, 1908 (H. H. Knight); Maendy, 1920 (Richards). 233 ruralis Ehrh. Local, abundant. Glarcal, rupestral. Aberdare, Ig11 (Evans) ; Ogmore Down, 1920 (Wade); Pendoylan; Barry ; Llanishen, 1922 (Richards). 234 ruraliforymis Dix. Local, abundant. Glareal, littoral. Porth- cawl (H. H. Knight); Aberdare, 1911 (Evans); Ogmore Down (Wade); Merthyr Mawr, 1922; Flat Holme, 1920 (Richards); Three Cliffs Bay (E. N. Thomas). Barbula Hedw. 239 rubella Mitt. Common, abundant. Glareal, rupestral. 240 tophacea Mitt. Local, abundant. Rupestral. Porthkerry Cliffs ; Leckwith, 1922 (Richards). 241 fallax WUedw. Local, abundant. Glareal. Aberdare, IgII (Evans), Porthkerry Cliffs; Leckwith; Cefn-on, 1922 (Richards). 244 rigidula Mitt. Rare,scarce. Glareal. Aberdare, 1911 (Evans). 250 Hornschuchiana Schultz. Rare, frequent? Glareal, rupestral. Porthcawl, 1908 (H. H. Knight). 251 revoluta Brid. Rare, frequent? Glareal, etc. Aberdare, 1912 (Evans). 252 convoluta Hedw. Rare, frequent? MRupestral, glareal. Aber- dare, 1912 (Evans). 253 unguiculata Hedw. Common, abundant. Glareal, rupestral. Weisia Hedw. 266 viridula Hedw. Local, abundant. Septal, rupestral, glareal. Pendoylan ; Caerphilly; Cwm Ciddy; Cefn-on; Leckwith, 1922 (Richards). 269 calcaveaC.M. Rare,scarce. Rupestral. Oxwich (H. H. Knight). 270 rupestris C.M. Local, frequent ? Rupestral. Resolven Water- fall, 1890 (A. Ley in J.B.), River Perddyn, 1909 (H. H. Knight). 271 curvivostris v. commutata Dix. Rare, scarce. Rupestral. Aber- dare, 1911 (Evans). 272 verticillata rid. Local, frequent. Rupestral. Parkmill (H. H. Knight), Barry Island (Woods in Phyt.), Aberdare, 1911 (Evans), Font-y-gary, 1919 (Richards). A Preliminary Moss-Flora of Glamorgan 49 Trichostomum B. & S. 273 crispulum Bruch. Rare, frequent? Glareal, rupestral. Aber- dare, 1911 (Evans), 274 mutabile Bruch. Rare, frequent ? Glareal, rupestral. Barry, 1912 (Evans). 279 nitidum Schp. Rare, frequent ? Rupestral, glareal. Aberdare, Ig11 (Evans). 280 tortuosum Dix. Local, abundant. MRupestral, glareal. Aberdare, 1911 (Evans); Cefn-on, 1922 (Richards). Cinclidotus P. Beauv. 284 fontinaloides P. Beauv. Local, frequent. Lacustral. Aberdare, 1912 (Evans) ; Canal, Whitchurch (Richards) Order Encalyptaceae. Encalypta Schreb. 286 vulgavis Hedw. Rare, frequent. Rupestral and glareal. Wall by the lowest pool, Mynydd-y-glew, 1922 (Richards). 289 streptocarpa Hedw. Local, abundant. Rupestral. Aberdare, 1911 (Evans), Hale’s Wood, Dinas Powys; Ciaig, Llanishen, 1920 (Wade). Cefn-on; Leckwith, 1922 (Richards); Merthyr Mawr, 1922 (O. W. Richards, v. sp.). Order Orthotrichaceae. Ancctangium Schwaeg. 290 compactum Schwaeg. Rare, scarce. Rupestral. Aberdare, 1912 (Evans). Zygodon Hook & Tayl. 292 Mougeotit B. & S. Rare, scarce. Rupestral. River Perddyn (H. H. Knight). 293 vividissimus R. Br. Local, scarce. Rupestral and sylvestral. Aberdaie, 1911 (Evans), Leckwith, 1922 (Richards). Ulota Mohr. 303 phyilantha Brid. Rare, scarce. Rupestral. Aberdare, 1912 (Evans). Orthotrichum Hedw. 306 anomalum Hedw v. savxitile Milde. Local, abundant. Rupestral. Near Llanishen, 1920 (Wade), Peterston-super-Ely ; Cefn-on, 1922 (Richards). 310 Lyelii Hook & Tayl. Rare, scarce. Sylvestral and Septal. Aberdare, 1911 (Evans), 312 affine Schrad. Rare, scarce. Septal. Aberdare, 1912 (Evans). 320 diaphanum Schrad. Local, abundant. Rupe-tral and septal. St. Andrew’s Major; near Llanishen (Wade); Cardiff (Richards). Order Funariaceae. Funaria Schreb. 346 calcavea Wahl. Rare, scarce. Rupestral. Among the ruins of Caerphilly Castle (Woods in Phyt.). 347 hygrometrica Sibth. Common, abundant. Ericetal, glareal, etc. An interesting small form occurs at Llanishen. Order Meesiaceae. Aulacomnium Schwaeg. 352 palustre Schwaeg. Local, abundant. Uliginal. Cwrt-yr-Ala (Wade), near Llanishen, 1920 ; Mynydd-y-glew, 1922 (Richards). 50 A Preliminary Moss-Flora of Glamorgan Order Bartramiaceae. Bartramia Hedw. 361 pomiformis Hedw. Rare, scarce. Ericetal. Aberdare, 1911 (Evans). Should be fairly common. Philonotis Brid. 365 fontana Biid. (= Bartramia fontana). Local, scarce. Uliginal. Aberdare, 1912 (Evans). Llyn Vach (T. H. Thomas). Garth; Mynydd-y-glew (Richards). Order Bryaceae. Webera Hedw. 379. nutans Hedw. Local abundant. Sylvestral. Aberdare, 1912 (Evans), Caerphilly ; Leckwith, 1922 (Richards). 387 albicans Schp. Rare, scarce. Sylvestral and septal. Aberdare, 1911 (Evans). Bryum Dill. 393 pendulum Schp. Local, scarce. Glareal. Aberdare, Ig11 (Evans), Porthcawl, t909 (H. H. Knight). 404 pallens Sw. Rare, scarce? Paludal, septal. Southerndown, 1908 (H. H. Knight). 409 pseudotriquetrum Schwaeg. Rare, scarce. Uliginal, sylvestral. Aberdare, 1912 (Evans). 414 caespitictum L. Local, abundant. Rupestral, glareal. Llandaff Weir (Miss K. Richards, v.sp.) ; Sully Island (Wade); Flat Holme ; Barry (Richards). 416 capillare L. Local, abundant. Rupestral, glareal, septal. Near Llanishen; Craig Llanishen; Rhiwbina; Llandough (Wade); Cardiff ; Barry (Richards) ; Merthyr Mawr, 1922 (O. W. Richards). 422 muvale Wils. Local, abundant. Rupestral, etc. Porthcawl (H. H. Knight); Aberdare (Evans). 423 alpinum Huds. Rare, scarce. Uliginal. Mynydd-y-glew, fruiting sparingly by the middle pool, 1922 (Richards). 428 argenteum L. Common, abundant. Glareal, rupestral. Var. lanatum, B, and S. Maendy; Park Place and other places about Cardiff (Richards). Mnium L. 431 cuspidatum Hedw. Rare, frequent. Septal. Oxwich (H. H. Knight). 433 undulatum L. Local, abundant. Sylvestral. Aberdare (Evans) ; Lisvane (Miss K. Richards, v. sp.) ; Llandough (Wade) ; Leckwith ; St Fagans; Llanishen; Cefnon; Draethan; Dinas Powis (Richards). 431 hornum L. Common, abundant. Sylvestral. 441 stellare Reich. Local, scarce. Septal, rupestral. Aberdare, 1913 (Evans); Peterston-super-Ely, 1922 (Richards). 443 punctatum L. Local, scarce. Sylvestral and paludal. Aberdare, 1913 (Evans) ; Cwm Ciddy, 1920 ; Mynydd-y-glew, 1922 (Richards) Var. elatum Schp. West Copse, near Llanishen, 1922 (Wade). 444 subglobosum B,. and S. Rare, scarce. Uliginal, paludal. Aber- dare, 1913 (Evans). Order Fontinalaceae. Fontinalis Dill. 446 antipyretica L. Local, abundant. Lacustral. Aberdare, 1913 (Evans); abundant in many places along the Glamorganshire Canal, 1920, including a form approaching var. gigantea Sull. A Preliminary Moss-Flora of Glamorgan 51 Order Neckeraceae. Neckera Hedw. 454 crispa Hedw. Rare, scarce. Sylvestral. Castell Coch; Pant Glas, 1920 (Richards), 455 pumila Hedw. Rare, scarce. Sylvestral. Aberdare, 1913 (Evans). 456 complanata Hiibn. Local, abundant. Septal. Aberdare, 1912 (Evans); Llandough! (Wade); Pendoylan; Cefn-on (Richards). Order Hookeriaceae. Pterygophyllum Brid. 460 /ucens Brid. Rare, frequent. Rupestral. Pontypridd Common, 1896 (T. H. Thomas). Order Leucodontaceae. Porotrichum Brid. 466 alopecurum Mitt. Local, abundant. Septal, sylvestral. Aber- dare, 1913 (Evans); Leckwith; Pendoylan; Cwm Ciddy, 1922 (Richards). Order Leskeaceae. Leskea Hedw. 470 polycarpa Ebrh. Rare, frequent. Paludal. Aberdare, 1913 (Evans). Anomodon Hook & Tayl. 474 viticulosus Hook and Tayl. Local, abundant. Septal. Aberdare, 1913 (Evans); near Rhiwbina, 1920 (Wade); common about Wenvoe; Pendoylan; Cefn-on; Barry (Richards), Heterocladium B. & S. 477. heteropterum B. and S. Local, scarce. Rupestral. River Perddyn (H. H. Knight); Aberdare (Evans), Thuidium B. & S. 483 abietinum B.andS. Rare, frequent ? Glareal, pratal, Porthcawl, 1908 (H. H. Knight). 487 tamariscinum B,. and S. Common, abundant. Septal, sylvestral. Order Hypnaceae. Climacium Web. and Mobr. dendroides W. and M. Local, abundant. Glareal and pratal. Aber- dare, 1913 (Evans); Merthyr Mawr, 1920 (E. Armitage); near Newton Nottage (O. W. Richards, v. sp.); Mynydd-y-glew, 1922 (Richards). Camptothecium B. & S. ' 497 seviceum, Kindb. Common, abundant. Rupestral. 498 lutescens B. and S. Local, abundant. Glareal. Aberdare, 1913 (Evans); Merthyr Mawr, 1922 (O. W. Richards). Brachythecium B. & S. 502 albicans B.and S. Rare, scarce. Glareal. Ericetal. Aberdare, 1912 (Evans). 504 rvutabulum B. and S. Common, abundant. Paludal, pratal, rupestral, etc. 505 vivulave B. and S. Local, abundant. Paludal. Near Llanishen ! (Wade) ;. Leckwith ; Mynydd-y-glew, 1922 (Richards); Aberdare, 1913 (Evans). 52 A Preliminary Moss-Flora of Glamorgan 509 velutinum B. and S. Common, abundant. Septal, sylvestral. 511 populeum B. and S. Rare, scarce. Rupestral. Aberdare, 1913 (Evans). 512 plumosum B. and S. Rare, scarce. Uliginal and paludal. Quakers Yard, 1911 (Evans). 515 purum Dix. Common, abundant. Ericetal. Fruiting at Pendoylan, 1922 (Richards). Hyocomnium B. & S. 516 flagellare B. and S. Rare, scarce. Innundatal. Near Aberdare, 1896 (Dr. Gowers). Eurhynchium B. & S. 519 crassinervium B. and S. Rare, scarce. Sylvestral. Llantwit Major (H. H. Knight). 521 praelongum Hobk. Local, abundant. Septal, and sylvestral. Cwm Cathan, 1907 (H. H. Knight); Wood below Ely; Cefn-on ; Wenvoe; Leckwith; Pendoylan; Barry, 1920, 1922 (Richards). 522 Swartzii Hobk. Local, abundant. Septal, sylvestral. Leckwith ; Barry ; Pendoylan ; Cefn-on, 1922 (Richards). 527 tenellum Milde. Lecal, scarce. Glareal. Porthkerry Cliffs (Richards) ; Merthyr Mawr, 1922 (O. W. Richards, v. sp.). 528 myosuvoides Schp. Rare, scarce. Sylvestral. Aberdare, 1912 (Evans). 530 civcinatum B. and S. Local, scarce. Septal, sylvestral. Oxwich (H. H. Knight); Aberdare (Evans) ; Cwm Ciddy, 1922 (Richards). 532 striatum B. and S. Local, scarce. Septal, sylvestral. Aberdare, 1912 (Evans); Tafis Well, 1920 (Wade); Merthyr Mawr, fruiting, 1922 (O. W. Richards, v. sp.). 535 rvusciforme Milde. Local, abundant. Innundatal. Near Tong- wynlais (Wade); Cefn-on; lLeckwith; Lisvane; Llanishen; Peterston-super-Ely ; Mynydd-y-glew; Pendoylan (Richards). 536 murale Milde. Mare, scarce. Rupestral. Aberdare, 1912 (Evans). 537 confertum Milde. Rare,scarce. Septal. Aberdare, 1912 (Evans). Plagiothecium B. & S. 543 elegans Sull. Local, frequent. Sylvestral. Aberdare, 1912 (Evans); Caerphilly, 1922 (Richards). 549 denticulatum B. and S. Common, abundant. Sylvestral, septal. 550 sylvuaticum B.andS. MRare,scarce. Septal. Wenvoe ; Llanishen, (Det. D. A. Jones), 1920 (Richards). Amblystegium B. & S. 556 serpens B, and S. Common, abundant. Septal, sylvestral, etc. 562 filicinum De Not. Rare, frequent. Innundatal, paludal. Aber- dare, 1911 (Evans); Leckwith, 1922, a small attenuated form (Richards). Hypnum L. 567 stellatum Schreb, Rare, scarce. Uliginal. Mumbles, 1912 (Evans), Mynydd-y-glew, 1919 (Richards). 568 chrysophyllum Brid. Local, abundant. Glareal. Southerndown (H. H. Knight). Leckwith! (Wade). Cefn-on; Barry (Richards). 575 fiuitans L. agg. Local, abundant. Innundatal. Llanishen, 1920 (Richards). Llandough (Wade). Merthyr Mawr (O. W. Richards Vv. Sp.). A Preliminary Moss-Flova of Glamorgan 53 579 vevoluens Swartz. Rare, scarce. Uliginal. Mynydd-y-glew, 1920, 1919 (Richards). 581 commutatum Hedw. Local, abundant. Innundatal. Aberdare, 1912 (Evans). Llandough! (Wade). Cwm Ciddy; Pendoylan, 1922 (Richards). 585 cupressifovme L. Common, abundant. Sylvestral. Ericetal. Var. evicetovrum B. & S. Caerphilly Common, 1920 (Richards). 595 molluscum Hedw. Common, abundant. Glareal. FE ricetal. 603 scorpioides L. Rare, scarce. Uliginal. Mynydd-y-glew, 1920 (Wade). 610 cuspidatum L. Common, abundant. Paludal. Uliginal. Fruiting at Mynydd-y-glew, 1922 (Richards). 611 Schrebeyvi Willd. Local, abundant. Ericetal. Aberdare, 1911! (Evans). Caerphilly Common; Mynydd-y-glew, 1922 (Richards). Hylocommium B. & S. 617 squavvosum B. & S. Common, abundant. Ericetal, pratal. 618 triquetvum B. & S. Local, abundant. Sylvestral. Aberdare, 1912 (Evans). Draethan; Cefn-on; Thornhill (Richards). Sources of Records. Books and Papers. ARMITAGE (Miss E., F.L.S.) ; Glamorganshire Bryophyta. Journal of Botany, 1920. Contains records also by A. Ley and H. H. Knight. GutcH (J. W. G.); The Plants of Glamorganshire. Phytologist (old series). April, 1842. Including notes by Dillwyn and Woods. Tuomas (T. H.); British Association Handbook to Cardiff, 1891: Botany of the Cardiff District. P. 203. Herbaria. Nat. Mus. oF WALES. Specimens collected by :— H. H. Knieut, A. E. Wapbe, Rev. T. Eri Evans, Dr. Gowers, T. H. THomMas. W. R. SHERRIN’S. One locality. Notes. A. E. WADE. 34 ORNITHOLOGICAL NOTES, 1910-20. By GEOFFREY C.S.INGRAM anp H. MORREY SALMON. —— The following occurrences of interesting or unusual species have been recorded :— RAVEN, Corvus c. corax L.—Appears to be holding its own, if not increasing. In the eastern part of the county they breed regularly in several districts, and we saw a nest containing eggs on April 4th, 1920. A pair were seen flying over Cardiff on September roth, 1920. HAWFINCH, Coccothraustes c. coccothraustes, L.—It is evident that this species now breeds regularly in several localities in the eastern side of the county. A nest containing four fledged young is recorded on August 6th, 1920. (F. Norton). BRITISH GOLDFINCH, Carduelis carduelis britannica, Hart.— A small flock, of about ten, was noted at the Hardy Plant Nurseries, Llanishen, on March 16th, 1920. (H. Evans). LESSER REDPOLL, Carduelis linaria cabaret, P. L. S. Mull.— In the Cardiff district considerable flocks may be seen, feeding in alders, often during winter, but they appear to breed occasionally only. On May 14th, 1920, a g and two 9 were noted building a nest, which contained three eggs on the 19th, but these had disappeared by the atst. This occurrence was noted in British Birds, vol. 14, p. 159. At the time, no trace of a second nest could be found, but on November 2ist, 1920, a nest of this species was located in an alder about 200 yards away from the original site, which may possibly have been the second attempt of these birds, and from the appearance of it the young had been successfully reared. REDsTART, Phenicurus p. phenicurus, L.—Is of infrequent occurrence in the Cardiff district, though breeding higher up in the county. ‘ “ “* . es : ’ J \ ' i : ¥ 4 . ‘ B | . , eS) 5 i - A 7 : a * . OF COMMON REDSHANK. TRINGA TOTANUS (L.) GLAMORGANSHIRE, 25TH May, 1920. Ornithological Notes 55 A @ was noted in the Roath Park on August Ist, rg20. BriTISsH LESSER SPOTTED WOoOODPECKER, Dyyobates minor comminutus, Hart.—One was seen in the Roath Park, Cardiff, on April 30th, 1920; an unusual occurrence so close to the city. It may be mentioned that the Great Spotted Woodpecker, D. major anglicus, Hart., is frequently observed in the Roath Park in spring and occasionally in late autumn. Hossy, Falco s. subbuteo, L—A 3 wasseen at close quarters at Llanishen on September 21st, 1920. (H. Evans). TuRTLE Dove, Streptopelia t. turtur, L.—Of recent years this species has increased considerably in the Cardiff district and now breeds regularly, having been found nesting within a mile of the city boundary in each year since Ig16. CoMMON REDSHANK, Tringa totanus, L.—We have previously recorded this species as breeding in the county, but until this year we had been unable to record the actual nest. On May 25th, 1920, we found one containing four eggs, of which a photograph is shown. It is interesting to note that this nest is in a very open situation and not concealed as is usual with the species. Biack HEADED GULL. Larus ridibundus L.—The small breeding colony of this species still exists in spite of considerable persecution, and eight pairs nested in 1920. SUMMER MIGRANTS, 1920. ARRIVALS.—The following are the earliest dates recorded :— March 25. CuiFF CHAFF (H. N. Short). mest) SLACKGCAP: April 2. WHEATEAR, RING-OUZEL. » 6. WILLOW WARBLER. », Ii. TREE Pipit (H. N. Short), SwALLow, SAND MARTIN. ,, 18. Cuckoo, COMMON WHITETHROAT. », 20. HousE MARTIN. », 21. GRASSHOPPER WARBLER. 56 Ornithoiogical Notes 24. GARDEN WARBLER. 27. SWIFT, NIGHTINGALE (H. Evans). 28. YELLOW WAGTAIL and SEDGE WARBLER (H. Evans). 30. COMMON SANDPIPER. 7. LESSER WHITETHROAT, SPOTTED FLYCATCHER. 9. WHINCHAT, LAND-RAIL. 13. NIGHTJAR (H. Evans). 18. TURTLE DOVE. DEPARTURES.—The following are the dates last seen :— Aug. II. SwIFTs (main body). 22. BLACKCAP. 24. SWIFTS (two stragglers). 29. COMMON WHITETHROAT. 31. SPOTTED FLYCATCHER, WILLOW WARBLER. 18. TuRTLE DoveE. 25. GRASSHOPPER WARBLER, HousE MARTIN. 26. SWALLOWS. 27. CHIFF CHAFF. g. LAND-RAIL. 57 ENTOMOLOGICAL NOTES, 1920. BY M. HALLETT, F-E:S. The collecting season in 1920 was generally unfavourable, there being an abundance of wet days during the most productive months. Owing to the prevalence of wet days and to restricted opportunities of collecting the results of the season’s work is somewhat meagre. Among the more noteworthy occurrences the following may be mentioned. HYMENOPTERA ACULEATA. Halictus prasinus, Sm. The females were common in May at Llanmadoc, visiting the flowers of Myosotis collina. Halictus punctatissimus, Schk. Not rare at Llangennith in May. Andrena bucephala, Steph. A colony was found at Dinas Powis in June, and it is worth noting that the females were making use of a common entrance for their burrows in the same manner as that recorded by Perkins in E.M.M. Nomada bucephalae, Perk. Not uncommon at the burrows of the preceding species. Sapyga 5-punctata, Fab. Plentiful at Penarth and taken from the cells of Hylaeus communis and Osmia coerulescens. Crabro capitosus, Shuck. Several bred from pierced ash twigs at Penarth. The following are additions to the Glamorgan List :— Halictus minutus, K. Cwrt-yr-ala, two females in May. Psammochares viaticus L. Plentiful on Whiteford Burrows, Llanmadoc, in May. HEMIPTERA HETEROPTERA. Peritrechus sylvestris, Fab. Llangennith, one example in May. Aphanus lynceus, Fab. Llangennith, three examples in May. Piesma quadrata, Fieb. Sully on Beta maritima, 26-7-20. Dictyonota tricornis, Schr. Sully on Plantago coronopus, 26-7-20. Hebrus ruficeps, Thoms. Rhossili Down, in Sphagnum, May. Ploiariola culiciformis, DeG. Roath Park, Cardiff in October (Grimes). Orthotylus tenellus, Fall. Penarth, one in August. Phylus palliceps, Fieb. Penarth, one on oak, 25th June. 58 Entomological Notes LEPIDOPTERA. The publication of the County List in Vol. 50, has brought in a considerable amount of additional information in regard to the distribution of the species already recorded, besides many additions to the list, and I am indebted to Messrs. G. Fleming of Merthyr Tydfil, F. Norton of Cardiff, and Dr. Barton White of Whitchurch for valuable lists of their captures. Hemaris fuciformis, L. Broad Bordered Bee Hawk, Swansea. (Robertson) recorded in Tutt’s Brit. Lepid. 3, 526. Trichiura crataegi, L. Pale Oak Eggar. Glamorgan. (Tutt lc. vol. 2, p. 496. Pecilocampa populi, L. December Moth, Sketty Park at light, 1892 (Robertson), Cardiff; (Birkenhead), Morlais. Acidalia fumata, St. Smoky Wave. Merthyr in several localities (Fleming). Oporabia autumnata, Borkh. Autumnal Moth. Several in Abercanaid Wood (Fleming). This is a very noteworthy record as it is an extremely southern record. The naming was confirmed by Mr. F. Nelson Pierce. Venusia cambrica, Curt. Welsh Wave. Two examples near Cefn, one 25th June, and one 13th July, 1918 (Fleming). Apocheima hispidaria, Fab. Small Brindled Beauty, Waunwyllt Wood, one on an oak trunk, 2 iii 1912 (Fleming); Cefn Mably, one in January, 1921 (Delhanty). Scoparia dubitalis, Hb. Merthyr Tydfil, 8-6-07 (Fleming). Scoparia murana, Curt. Merthyr Tydfil, 5-6-15 (Fleming). Diasemia literata, Scop. Glamorgan (Leach Brit: Pyralides, p. 45). Crambus inquinatellus, Schiff. Merthyr Tydfil, 4-7-08 (Fleming). Phycis fusca, Haw. Merthyr Tydfil, 14-6-o9 (Fleming). Tortrix rosana, L. Merthyr Tydfil, 17-7-20 (Fleming). Tortrix viburnana, Fb. Merthyr Tydfil, 22-7-08 (Fleming). Tortrix ministrana, L. Merthyr Tydfil, 29-5-20 (Fleming); The Heath, June, 1920 (Norton). Amphisa prodromana, Hb. Merthyr Tydfil, 7-4-06 (Fleming). Peronea comparana, Hb. Merthyr Tydfil, 26-8-20 (Fleming). Peronea umbrana, Hb. Merthyr Tydfil, 30-3-07 (Fleming). Peronea ferrugana, Tr. Merthyr Tydfil, 27-3-07 and 30-8-20 (Fleming). Penarth, November, 1920 (Hallett). Rhacodia caudana, Hb. Merthyr Tydfil, 3-9-20 (Fleming). Dictyopteryx holmiana, L. Penarth, 7-8-1920 (Hallett). Dictyopteryx bergmanniana, L. Merthyr Tydfil, 10-7-20 (Fleming). Penthina betulaetana, Haw. Merthyr Tydfil, 23-8-20 (Fleming). Penthina marginana, Haw. Merthyr Tydfil, 18-5-07 (Fleming). Cnephasia musculana, Hb. Merthyr Tydfil, 30-5-08 (Fleming). Capua favillaceana, Hb. Merthyr Tydfil, 29-5-20 (Fleming). Entomological Notes 59 Phoxopteryx lactana, Fab. Merthyr Tydfil, 18-8-20 (Fleming). Grapholitha ramella, L. Merthyr Tydfil, 18-8-20 (Fleming). Grapholitha subocellana, Don. Merthyr Tydfil, 9-6-08 (Fleming). Phloeodes tetraquetrana, Haw. Merthyr Tydfil, 16-5-07 (Fleming). Paedisca bilunana, Haw. Merthyr Tydfil, 22-6-18 (Fleming). Paedisca solandriana, L. Merthyr Tydfil, 14-8-20 (Fleming). Ephippiphora similana, Hb. Merthyr Tydfil, 14-8-20 (Fleming). Retinia buoliana, Schiff. Llandaff (David). Choreutes myllerana, Fb. Merthyr Tydfil, 10-9-19 (Fleming). Aphelia osseana, Scop. Merthyr Tydfil, 20-7-08 (Fleming). Lemnatophila phryganella, Hb. Cefn Mably in October, 1920 (Norton. Semioscopus avellanella, Hb. Merthyr Tydfil, March, 1919 (Fleming). Diplodoma marginepunctella, St. Lavernock, larva in moss in September, 1919 (Hallett). Incurvaria pectinea, Haw. Merthyr Tydfil, 8-5-09 (Fleming). Micropteryx unimaculella, Zett. Merthyr Tydfil, 15-4-o7 (Fleming). Nemophora schwarziella, Zell. Merthyr Tydfil, 30-5-08 (Fleming). Swammerdammia caesiella, Hb. Merthyr Tydfil, 30-8-20 (Fleming). Hyponomeuta padellus, L. Penarth, 7-8-20 (Hallett). Cerostoma radiatella, Don. Merthyr Tydfil, 14-8-20 (Fleming). Cerostoma costella, Fab. Merthyr Tydfil, 16-8-20 (Fleming), Harpipteryx xylostella, L. Merthyr Tydfil, 11-8-20 (Fleming); Cardiff and Peterston (Norton). Depressaria arenella, Schiff. Merthyr Tydfil, 22-9-08 (Fleming). Depressaria nervosa, Haw. Penarth, Common on Oenanthe crocata (Hallett). Gelechia mulinella, Zell. Merthyr Tydfil, 8-6-08 (Fleming). Bryotropha desertella, Dougl. Merthyr Tydfil, 7-8-20 (Fleming). Teleia proximella, Hb. Merthyr Tydfil, 19-5-20. (Fleming). Tachyptilia populella, Clerck. Penarth, 1920 (Hallett). Chelaria hubnerella, Don. Merthyr Tydfil, 30-8-20 (Fleming). Anarsia spartiella, Schr. Lavernock, 1920 (Hallett). Oecophora flavifrontella, Hb. Merthyr Tydfil, 4-6-07 (Fleming). Cardiff (Norton). Argyresthia semifusca, Haw. Merthyr Tydfil, 20-8-o7 (Fleming). Argyresthia brochella, Hb. Merthyr Tydfil, 20-7-08 (Fleming). Gracilaria populetorum, Zell. Merthyr Tydfil, 22-5-07 (Fleming). Gracilaria elongella, L. Merthyr Tydfil, 20-9-20 (Fleming). Coleophora anatipennella, Hb. Cwrt-yr-ala, 26-5-19 (Hallett). Chrysoclista aurifrontella, Hb. Taffs Well and Penarth in May, 1919 (Hallett). Elachista rufocinerea, Haw. Merthyr Tydfil, 26-5-08 (Fleming). Lithocolletis alnifoliella, Hb. Merthyr Tydfil, 13-5-07 (Fleming). Nepticula marginicolella, St. Penarth, abundant in 1919 and 1920 (Hallett). 60 BIOLOGICAL AND GEOLOGICAL SECTION. REPORT FOR THE 33rp SESSION, 1919-20. COMMITTEE. THE PRESIDENT AND Hon. SECRETARY OF THE C.N.S. (ex-officto). Wm. Evans Hoyte, M.A., D.Sc. (President). Professor W. N. PARKER, Pu.D., F.Z.S. (Vice-President). Professor A. H. Cox, M.Sc., Pu.D., F.G.S. HarROLD EVANS. J. Davy Dean. *JoHNn GRIMES, M.B.E. H: M. Hatvert, F.E_S. F. J. Nortu, D.Sc., F.GS. *A E, TRuEMAN, D.Sc., F.G.S. H. EpGar SaLtmMon (Hon. Treasurer). H. Morrey Sarmon, M.C. (Hon. Secretary). * Hon. Secs. for Field Walks. The number of members on the books at the end of the Session was gI, including 4 honorary members, a net increase of Ig as compared with last year. The Section has lost 9g members during the present Session, three having died—the late Mr. J. J. Neale, J.P., Mr. T. Butt Ekins, and Dr. P. Rhys Griffiths—and six resigned. Ten meetings, five Biological and five Geological, have been held during the Session, with an average attendance of 18°5. The Annual General Meeting was held on April 15th, 1920. Three Field Walks were held, during May and June, to the Roath Park, Caerphilly and Cefn-on, and the Little Garth respectively, with an average attendance of 16. The following papers have been read :-— Nov. 13, 1919. Dr. A. E. TRUEMAN, “‘ Geology and Evolution.’ »» 27,1949. Dr. F. J. Nortu, ‘‘ Museum Geology.” Biological and Geological Section 61 Dec. 11,1919. H. M. Harrett. ‘‘ Cuckoo Bees.” Jan. %, 1920. F. F. Misxin. ““‘ The. Trias of South Wales,” illustrated by lantern slides. », 22,1920. H.M. Satmon. “A review of the Birds of Glamorgan,” illustrated by lantern slides. Feb. 5,1920. Prof. A. H. Cox. ‘“‘ The sequence of Earth Movements.” », 19,1920. Dr. E. N. M. THomas. “Some Ecological Formations,” illustrated by lantern slides. Mar. 4,1920. D. Davigs. ‘“‘ The Palaeontology of the Lower Coal Measures of Gilfach Goch and Clydach Vale.” peta. 920. “Dr. J. J. Simpson.’ “ West” Africa.” Afl. 15,1920. Miss E. VAcCHELL. ‘“‘ The Leek.” The undermentioned exhibits have been made by members at meetings :— Nov. 13, 1919. JOHN GRIMES. Perennial Sunflowers and Dahlias having produced bulbules. », 27,1919. F.G. TRESEDER. Shells of various molluscs. Dec. II, 1919. JOHN GRIMES. Various plant specimens. F. G. TRESEDER. Lure of Angler Fish. Jan. 22,1920. P. H. Horranp. Living Stick Insects. JOHN GRIMES. Lantern Slides of Potato Diseases, etc. Mar. 4,1920. F.NortTon. Specimens of Moths, Z. lonicerae and B. repandata. » 18,1920. H. M. Hatretr. Specimens of Beetles, Nephanes titan, and Millidium trisulcatum. H. MORREY SALMON, Hon. Secretary. 62 NOSAWIS ‘f ‘SVL (pS) LLATIVH ‘WH (ps) ‘Joo1I0D Puno} pue poyIpny ‘uo ‘NOWIVS MVD ‘H (ps) ‘AIANSVAA TT “UO ‘oz6r ‘YS judy ‘NOWIVS AHNMOW *H (PS) ‘KADJOAIAS “UO ¢ or Zorf Cc or cory 9-2 6 O-se 0 E/L jee oS =6 g/z ye vZ BOL 00m = = SN or € tF yueg ye yseg “ god suondiosqns “ $1 ‘dy Lager ag a BME vi Tea | ‘Oz61 IeAy ‘JUsWysoAuT “ fang) 2 i uro'y On Cia -* sarjjed pure Iw wo pueplaiq “ ‘I ‘90q soseysog Aepuns ‘ g gor 16 —— Seen ead °* "OJ9 “YSIuToJUeT * i oy V0" yueg ye ysey “ Oo Sr z °° +930 ‘AIQUOT} L er -2 uvo’'y eyo “sUretItg Age “Sx ydy: IVAA JUoW}SaAUT OL “OI ‘[dy apees-ay te OS ‘oz61 ‘cue joaes a ‘O16 78) ‘Oz61-6161 woissas YaaysS aouviyog "4C. ‘NOILOUS TVOISOTOESD GNY TYOMOTOrd ‘KLAIOOS SLSIIVYNLVYN AAIGUV) 63 ARCHAEOLOGICAL SECTION REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE FOR THE HALF YEAR ENDED SEPTEMBER 30TH, 1920. Membership at last general meeting, February 11th, EQ20™ =. ee = Ae on a e 40 New members elected during half-year under review ae a a: oi 2: 53 Ast _ = @. q . is . ’ - , : a¢, seo ham’ y aHaas <4) t he a iS | *: a ca 4 ; = L ; Pyrat LATO ri ms oe oa nr / Viele ee vente ee : ae werd eed tae : . : ey oap ened Ae L ee eh OTE ae : ¢ 7 " : R Z ¥ Pelt ‘4 ¥ 7 TRANSACTIONS OF THE CARDIFF, NATURALISTS’ SOCIETY Yoru, LI 1921 Cardiff Naturalists’ Society REPORT AND TRANSACTIONS The Price of the Transactions is Ten Shillings and Sixpence PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY BY JAMES TOWNSEND & Sons, LITTLE QUEEN STREET, EXETER 1926 visiso® ‘es: ge aT, tTibisd ; TSDI45 | 2@NOITOs AAT Ge Fy : | bee Copyright songaxie bug Ail: % @coilsasenmi fg ee hu on re . me “2 = 1 " 7 : —_ Oath lane Tee) 1- «Bid «ee & iseeenyl ae CONTENTS VOL. LIV. Weal: Meteorological Observations — - = = = Early Cardiff, with some account of its Place-Names. D. R. Paterson, M.D., F.S.A. — = a at Ornithological Notes. GEOFFREY C. S. INGRAM AND H. MORREY SALMON Entomological Notes. Pew HALLETT, FE E.S. Biological and Geological Section. Report for the Thirty-fourth Session - = = = = Archaeological Section. Report Photographic Section. Report for the Tenth Session Report of the Council of the Society and Statement of Accounts -— - _ = = = = List of Past Presidents of the Society — ~ - Officers and Council of the Society, 1920-21 - - PAGE 1] soitewredt) Geol . : Wien ; j 7 6c, ee are ok 4 ety jfowe ite + 3 m2 OM Moet A cir ty b a“ vice Yi Suite Merrell by lov, UT - . i i) url pL Mee Oh >en iy ait mi! gure Littis a on er , a ik fi 4 iu nonsee oS or ft. pope tt WR toil ioe a erporne Iie’ i | ae oO loti? oft - Septet ad ibd - 7 4 fe m~ = . :, is HE od) 39 etirihiastt er a! (24k): OR gilt do Tent ta a z METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS, 1921. The average monthly rainfall over the whole of the Society’s district (comprised within the semi-circular area, having the Beacons as its northernmost point, its base the coastline from Neath to Chepstow, and with a mean height of 636 feet above the sea level) was as follows :-— January February March April May June July August September October November December Total in 1920. . 1919.. 1918.. LOW o.3 1916.. 1915... 1914.. 1913.. 1912.. LOL te: 1910.. 1909.. 1908. . LOOT. 1906... 1905. . 1904.. 1903. . 7:82 inches. 0-19 5-56 1-08 2°51 0-39 2°38 5:32 3°51 2:38 3°88 5-09 ” »”» ” 40-11 63-54 inches. 50-04 59-25 47-01 62-12 51-52 59:77 STAT 68-20 50-95 59-27 50-83 45-60 52:37 49-29 39-98 50-02 67-90 ” ” ” ” i | i) Meteorological Observations, 1921 Feet above OBSERVERS. ean Sea Level C. H. PriestLy, Summit of Tyle Brith, Breconshire.. 2350 A Nant Penig 2000 - Nant Ddu 1560 : Storey Arms 1430 bs Beacons Reservoir 1340 ie Nant Gwineu jg Oa Lizis T. W. Coates, Pontlluestwen eeeeree oir, Mardy— Z No. 1 Gauge 1250 - No. 2 Gauge 1225 No. 3 Gauge 1200 EG: Saeee Blaenavon Estate Office, Mom 1150 C. H. Priestiy, Cantreff Reservoir 1120 ee Garw Nant . 1100 R. C. Harrison, Gwernllwyn, Dowlais 5 f LOT EBBW VALE STEEL, IRON, AND COAL Co., Ebbw V. nie 902 C. H. Priestty, Llwynon Reservoir, Breconshire 860 a Troedyrhiw 860 : Pont-ar-Daf 850 GLYNCORRWG COLLIERY Co., Glyncorrwg ‘ 725 NEWPORT CORPORATION, Next church, Wentw one ag 525 i. Llanvaches Embankment 456 = Pant-yr-eos Reservoir, Mon. 435 EDWARD CuRRE, Itton Court, Chepstow 390 C. H. Priestiy, Rhubina Reservoir 336 E. TupoR Owen, Ash Hall, Cowbridge 315 T. W. COATES, ae Wood Reservoir, Ponty pace 300 WynDHAM D. CLARK, Talygarn, Glam.. : 250 James WILiIAMs, Wern House, Seealyiera 240 A. E. Brain, Meteorological Station, Penylan.. 204 REv. CANON HARDING, Pentwyn, Rockfield, Mon. 191 J. F. MATTHYSSENS, Witla Court, Rumney 177 C. H. Priestiy, Llanishen Reservoir, Glam. 155 us Lisvane Reservoir, Glam. 150 Mrs. LysaGut, Castleford, Chepstow 146 C. H. PriestLty, The Heath Filter Beds, Cardiff 132 Mrs. O. H. JoNES, Fonmon Castle, Glam. i 130 NEWPORT CORPORATION, Ynis-y-fro Reservoir, Mon. .- . 130 C. H. Priestly, Cogan Pumping Station, Glam. 121 J. E. GLADSTONE, West Hill, Llandaff .. ‘ 110 C. H. PriEstLy, Ely Pumping Station, Glam... ae A. A. PETTIGREW, Roath Park, Cardiff.. ae 52 C. H. PriestLy, Trade Street Depot, Cardiff .. 45 NEWPORT CORPORATION, Friars Street Depot, Newport 33 T. E. FRANKLIN, Biglis Pumping Station, Cadoxton, Barry 20 Inches of Rain. 38°08 89°81 63°17 53°22 70°39 46°95 80°56 44°13 71°98 36°08 56°26 50°29 32°94 39°59 42°66 48°76 47°15 71°18 29°33 25001 26°95 23°99 34°16 36°59 45°22 41°42 56°50 25°94 19°88 26°00 25°01 22°50 23°50 26°83 24°02 28°71 22°60 23s 27°08 28°05 24°95 26°44 22°87 mean ta Meteorological Observations, 1921 3 STATISTICS OF METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS TAKEN AT PENYLAN, CARDIFF. PAB I. BAROMETRIC PRESSURE AND RELATIVE HUMIDITY. | zi Mean Barometric Pressure* | Hygrometer* | 4 == = m2 |e | = 5 At Mean Sea | Dry Bulb* Wet Bulb* /Mean Relative ' | Uncorrected | Level and | (Mean) (Mean) Humidity \(Mean) 32°F. . | | oR Ins. Ins. GRY oR: oy January 48 | 29°777 29°981 45°8 444 - 89 February 45 30°078 30°293 41°1 38°7 81 March .. | 47 | 29°984 30°193 45°4 43°2 S4 April’ .. |. 52 29°95] 30°146 47°5 43°4 | Th? May eee OD 29°796 29°968 51°6 50°5 92 June as G4 30°039 30°194 59°9 53°9 66 July se. |hemcalt 29°929 30°065 66°6 60°0 65 August .. | 65 29°791 29°943 | 59°3 566 83 September 63 29-975 30°135 Die D4A7 | 82 October 61 | 30°020 30°185 55°3 53°] 86 November | 49 | 29°857 30°061 42°3 49°5 86 December 47 29°889 | 30-098 4acef 49-7 87 Saar | Means .. | 52 29°923 307105 51°4 | 48°4 $1 * From observations at 9.0 a.m. and 9.0 p.m. TABLE IT: TEMPERATURE. | | ! | | Difference : Absolute | Absolute | Mean of Mean of | Mean Tem- from 1921 Maximum Minimum Maximum | Minimum | perature Average | (32 years) Et aoe SKS Be Fane 1 January ae 54 30 49°5 42°3 45°9 +6°5 February 4 58 31 46°5 B6°5 41°6 156 March .. =e 59 ail 514 39°7 45°6 +3'°5 April ae oe 70 31 56°6 39°6 48°71 Sess May ae 56 78 | 34 618 44°8 Dora = O55 ine .. oe 85 43 69°9 50°5 GO°2 223+) July Bie ae 87 47 767 567 66°7 +6°2 August .. ee fig 43 66°5 5a77 60°1 —0°2 September es 81 42 66°8 50:0 584 +-2°2 October BW 76 34 640 48°9 | 56°5 + 6°4 November = 61 26 47°9 37°6 42°8 —15 December ae a4 31 48°83 | 39°3 44°0 = 372 Max. Min. | Mean Mean Mean + 35°0 87 26 58°8 44°9 51°8 Meteorological Observations, 1921 TABLE III. TERRESTRIAL RADIATION, UNDERGROUND TEMPERATURE, AND SUNSHINE. | peeeiTA. § TEMPERATURE BRIGHT SUNSHINE 1921 eee | Grass LS seca (Mean) Minimum |_—————— Total Duration| Difference | (Mean) cima shown by | from Average I ft. Ait ae card (12 years) | " a OE: oF, Hrs. Hrs. January 40°2 44°8 46°0 | 26°4 | —292 February 30°3 41°5 45°4 | woah | — 2°6 March .. 32°71 44°8 45°6 ahi iy Ps. + 87 April 32:1 48°8 47°9 | 230°2 +55°8 May 36°3 56°4 51°8 259°1 +44°8 June 44°] 61°6 564 | 27471 +59°5 July 51°4 67°7 611 i; 261°5 +51°2 August 49°6 62°5 60°8 | 169°7 | —21°4 September 44°2 len O3 59°5 168°9 +24°0 October 43-50 ~)\eooe SY PY 154°5 +53°2 November 360 | 458 52°0 504 | —142 December 361 | 44:0 48:0 | 41:2 —10°2 Mean | Mean Mean | i 39°6 | 52°9 52°6 1827°0 | +221°4 TABLE IV. RAINFALL. Difference * Greatest fall in 24 hours No. of 1921 Amount | from Average |——————__ —_—_—___|_ Rain-days (32 years) (0.or ins. or Amount Day* more) Ins. Ins Ins. January 496 | + 1°29 "62 Ist 25 February 07 — 2°87 “O04 25th 2 March .. 2°86 — 0.45 “46 3rd 21 April “13 — 1°98 27 16th 6 May 2°02 — 0°44 “51 7th 13 June “05 | 2°83 03 12th 2 july? *- “99 |} —177 "32 25th 8 August 3°16 — 1°08 “61 5th 16 September 3°40 + 0°53 1°21 llth 8 October 2°03 — 2°88 "34 22nd 10 November 3°03 — 0°40 “46 | 30th 15 December 2°64 — 2°05 “45 22nd &26th 21 Greatest | fallin year 25°94 —14°85 1°21 on) Sept. 11th 147 * 24 hours ended 9.0 a.m. next day. “Sz 99 | (esney g “ON) LY.3 | OLT | 86-TL) TL-OT S¢.¢ | TT-b | 86-b | SL-8 | 16-b | 30-F | PL-E | OS-F | PS-8T\SS-0 16-21) OOST | °° AWOAJOSOY UaM4son{[}U0d |G6-G9| PL-8 | 6E-9 | OT-L | ZE-F | 9L-9 | FE-F |OL-E | 1S-€ | PI-F | SI-G | Z8-F | GS-9 tab ip "* asRIOAy ‘pug ‘uef a | (asney Z% “ON) GG. 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LOINLSIG HHL NI ‘TIVANIVY CARDIFF. MAIN FEATURES OF THE YEAR 1921. The year was abnormally dry. The total rainfall at Cardiff, 25-94 inches, was 14-85 inches below the average ° over a period of 32 years. February, June, October and December showed the greatest deficiencies. The following is a summary of the long periods of drought experienced :— February Ist to 28th .. 28 days, during which the total rainfall amounted to 0-07 inches. March 30th to April 8th .. 10 days. May 3lst to July 2lst .. 52 days, during which the total rainfall amounted to 0:27 inches. September 18th to October Ist 14 days. Temperature. The monthly means were exceeded in 10 cases out of the 12 by differences ranging from 0°5° F. in May to 6°5° F. and 6-4° F. in January and October respec- tively, and the mean temperature for the year, 51-8° F., was 35-0° F. above the average of 32 years. In spite of warm days there were many cold nights, a ground frost at night being registered on 70 occasions as compared with 49 in 1920. Sunshine. The total duration of bright sunshine was 1827-0 hours, representing 37-8 per cent. of the possible duration. This amount exceeds the average of 12 years by 221-4 hours. An average of 8-35 hours a day was registered in May, 9-17 hours in June, and 8-44 hours in July. The warmest day of the year was July 13th, when the readings for the day were: Barometer (9 a.m.), 29-900 inches ; maximum temperature (in the screen), 87° F.; minimum, 64° F.; sunshine, 9 hours; rainfall, nil, and wind (9 a.m.), ENCE. Thunder storms occurred on January 12th, April 23rd, and August 12th, and a heavy rain and hail storm on August 3rd. Strong gales were experienced on December 27th and 30th, causing slight structural damage. 11 BARLY ;:CARDEEF. WITH A SHORT ACCOUNT OF ITS STREET-NAMES AND SURROUNDING PLACE-NAMES. DS Re PATERSON, Mar F-S.A. The origin of Cardiff, like that of most medieval towns, is wrapped in obscurity, though there are reasons for thinking that its roots go deep into the past. It occupies a Roman site, and its position, not on the sea but on a navigable river a mile from its mouth, presents advantages, military and commercial, generally associated with an ancient settlement. Written records contain no reference to it, however, and only in Norman times does its name first come into the light of day. This is in connection with an event in 1081, the year in which William the Conqueror paid his visit to Wales. The Normans were not given to occupy uninhabited sites, and when they made Cardiff the caput or head of a great marcher lordship it is more than likely that they found some form of organised community already there. It is through the Norman records that our knowledge of early Cardiff comes. We find it then fully formed as a town, styled a borough, with legal and administrative machinery, palisaded for defence, the seat of trade, and in possession of “a noble castle,’’ which was later the admiration of Giraldus. But the records permit us to travel further back “from the known to the unknown,” for they supply data in the form of names of places which enable us to reconstruct in some measure the still earlier history of the town. The history of words is but the history of the ideas they express, and the scientific study of place-names has proved its value as a help to historical investigation. From this angle an examination of the available data may throw light upon the origin of the 12 Early Cardiff town. But before discussing the problem, and for a clearer understanding of it, it is necessary to give briefly an account of the influences which prevailed in the neighbourhood at different periods of early historical time and affected the complexion of its place-names. ROMAN PERIOD. From archaeological evidence Cardiff is known to be the site of a Roman station, though its Roman name has not come down to us. Recent excavation points to the site being inhabited in the first century A.D., its occupation being military in character, probably dependent on the legionary fortress at Caerleon. The Roman Empire was held together by its roads, and the position of Cardiff, on the River Taff in the middle of the great sheltered plain between the Rhymny and the Ely rivers, made it a suitable site for one of the many forts built at strategic points throughout Wales in the early days of the Roman occupation. It had but two gates, a north and a south, the latter leading to the navigable part of the river, and it may well be that its function was primarily to establish and preserve sea communication for the forts lying further north rather than to guard the ford of the Taff. In this respect it bears some analogy to Porchester, built to protect the Saxon shore in the last phase of the Roman occupation. It appears to have been reconstructed and enlarged about the end of the third century, when much thicker walls were built and bastions added—possibly in connection with Goidelic migrations which were taking place from Ireland to South Wales at that period. The evidence of coins shows the site still occupied towards the end of the fourth century, and it may have persisted some time longer, but of its abandonment nothing is known. Apart from the military establishment there is nothing to show a settlement at Cardiff in Roman times. Extensive operations in the rebuilding of the town in the last half century or more have revealed nothing outside the walls of Early Cardiff 13 the fort save a few coins and fragments of pottery dug up on the west side of High Street, which may well mark the site of buildings, such as baths, usually found as an annexe to a Roman fort. With the departure of the Romans the fort fell into decay, and it is not improbable it suffered like other sites from the incursions of Irish Gaels. To judge from what befel Romano- British sites generally, it was probably completely abandoned and remained desolate until its reoccupation at the end of the eleventh century by the erection of the Norman castle- mound. An earthen bank had been thrown over the Roman wall in early Norman times to increase its defensive power, and its removal a few years ago disclosed the state of the wall when it was covered up. It was in an advanced stage of decay, stripped largely of its facing stone, partly buried in its own debris, and covered by deposit of black mould—a condition of ruin which must have taken some centuries to produce. It proved the Roman lines to have been long abandoned and the unlikeihood of any settlement within them between Roman and Norman times. The destruction of the fort at Pevensey—the Roman Anderida—and the neglect of its site, as if it were a haunted place, until the building of a Norman mound, furnishes a parallel. GOIDELIC INFLUENCE. The presence of a Goidelic-speaking people in South Wales is known from the existence of inscribed stones with Ogham characters of Old Irish origin and other evidence. Whether they were settlers from Ireland, whose descents upon the north and south coasts are recorded from the third century onwards, or the remnants of the first or Goidelic wave of the Celtic people which had been pushed westwards by the succeeding wave of Britons is still a moot question, though recent scholarship is perhaps inclined to the former view. Relations between the two countries can, of course, be carried much further back, for archaeological evidence exists from 14 Early Cardiff pottery, etc., from the Bronze Age, and earlier, to prove similarity of cultures on both shores of the Irish Channel. Goidelic or Old Irish prevailed as the common speech in this neighbourhood for some centuries and was “ probably not dead till well into the seventh century’ (Rhys). It is to be expected, therefore, that its influence would be found evidenced both in place and personal names. Sir John Rhys* has drawn attention to the large number of personal names of Goidelic provenance of lay witnesses and others in the early charters in “ Liber Landavensis.’’ Many of them occur during the ninth and tenth centuries and go to show that this influence, as might be expected, persisted for some time after the disappearance of Goidelic as a spoken language in South Wales. As to place-names, an instance in Cardiff is the early-recorded Rath—now Roath—an Old Irish place- name form with the general meaning “‘ earthwork, enclosure,” which may have applied in the first instance to the Roman fort and have subsequently given its name to the wider district of Roath. Or it may have referred to an early earth- work at Roath, perhaps replaced by “‘ unum fossatum,”’ recorded in a fifteenth century document and mentioned by Rhys Myryke (1578) as an old Pyle compassed with a moat “but now in ruyne.” MORGANWG AND GWENT. The district around Cardiff formed part of the old Welsh tribal division of Morganwg, which also included Gwent, the part of the present county of Monmouth between the Usk and the Wye. Morganwg and Gwent, as it is usually termed, was for some centuries before the Conquest governed by a line of princes descended from Tewdric, slain in battle by the Saxons about the year 600. Their line appears to have always ruled in historical times in practical independence of the rest of Wales until the eve of the Norman Conquest. As Professor Lloyd states, “it was a part of Wales which * “Goidels in Wales,” Arch. Camb., 1895, p. 18. Early Cardiff 15 never, save for a few years, entered into any wide-embracing Welsh realm.”’ It had its own bishop seated at Llandaff. There is much uncertainty as to what its precise boundaries were, and no doubt they varied from time to time with the fortunes of its rulers. The list of old Welsh commotes, which almost certainly represents a much earlier state of affairs than the thirteenth century—the date of the earliest manu- script containing it—omits all reference to the part of Glamorgan lying south of the Roman road, a fact which suggests that it may have passed from the control of the native rulers some time before the Conquest. The change in the character of its place-names tends to bear this out, for the Welsh forms mentioned in the “ Vita St. Cadoci,” many presumably in the vicinity of Llancarvan, have nearly all disappeared and their place largely taken by farm and field- names of Teutenic type. SAXON INFLUENCE. The question of early Saxon influence is fairly clear. Offa of Mercia, in the latter part of the eighth century, built his dyke on the eastern side of the Wye, and that river became the boundary of the Saxon dominion. But to what extent the Saxons established themselves west of this on the lower- lying coast-land of Monmouthshire is more obscure, as their advance along the northern shore of the Severn was doubtless affected as elsewhere by the coming of the Northmen early in the ninth century. The evidence of Domesday Survey (1086) is against a Saxon political conquest, as it shows the land assessed not in hides, as was the custom in the English counties, but in ploughlands and carucates, a unit of measure- ment used both by the Danes and their Norman kinsmen. Some of its place-names in Domesday are Germanic in type. Striguil* is an Old Norse form, Caldecote may be English * Striguil, the early name of Chepstow, with many spellings which may be reduced to two types, Struguil, Strogoil and Sturgeyl, Sturgoyle, the former a metathesis or letter transposition of the latter, probably represents Old-Norse stérgeil ‘‘ great ravine,’’ descriptive of the deep valley that isolates the rock upon which the castle stands. 16 Early Cardiff or Danish,* and Nash (early form Hernesnesse), and others attest the same influence. The hill district, on the other hand, judging from the place-names, customs and tenures, remained definitely Welsh. The proximity of the opposite shore of the Severn facilitated intercourse with its English population and is a factor not to be overlooked. Welsh princes of Morganwg and Gwent, “compelled by the violence and tyranny of Earl Ethered and of the Mercians,’’t sought the support and protection of King Alfred and his grandson, Athelstan. No doubt those factors, in conjunction with the settlement of Scandinavian people, contributed the place- names of Germanic complexion and of pre-Norman date which are met throughout the coast-land of both Glamorgan and Monmouthshire. Further, personal-names§ of lay witnesses and others of the same character are to be found in this area in charters of ninth and tenth century date in ‘Liber Landavensis,”’ and go to prove that they held an established position under Welsh princes. SCANDINAVIAN PERIOD. “Then came the long ships of the Northmen full of armed men,’ and during the Viking period the coast-line of Wales did not escape a full share of the visits of the invaders. They had found in their improved type of ship|| an instrument * Kaldecoth, Koldecote are forms recorded early in Denmark. j Giraldus refers to the “‘ publicus transfretantium transitus ”’ between Milford and the opposite coast in his day. Rolls Edition 1, p- 189. t Asser’s Life of Alfred. § Such as Bortulf, Cutulf, Elstan. || Part of a Viking ship dug up in 1878 at Mendalgyf during excavations at the Alexandra Dock, Newport, was made of oak, clinker- built and fastened with iron nails. It was portion of a vessel estimated about 70 feet long and 17 to 20 in breadth. It was in upright position and covered with eight feet of mud. Its character and dimensions agreed closely with those of a ship discovered buried in a mound at Gokstad, in S. Norway, and dated ninth century. An exact copy of the Gokstad ship sailed across the Atlantic a few years ago and proved its sea-going qualities, often attaining a speed of ten and even eleven knots. Early Cardiff EE which opened to them a new world, and produced far-reaching consequences. The early chronicles frequently record their descents, and our own neighbourhood bears many traces of their presence. During the ninth, tenth and eleventh centuries two great streams of Northern immigration met on the shores of Britain. The Norseman from Norway, crossing by way of Orkney and Shetland and following the west coast by the Western Isles of Scotland, reached Ireland about 796, establishing settlements as he went. The Dane, somewhat later, pushed across the North Sea and, taking a different route, invaded the east of England and its southern coast, and passing through the English Channel to the west, arrived in Ireland in 849. Both streams met on the shores of the Irish and adjoining seas, and, after much fighting among themselves, settled in Ireland and founded the Scandinavian kingdoms of Dublin, Waterford and Limerick. Those seaports became the centres of a vast commerce, not only with this country but also with Western Europe and the East. The Bristol Channel, owing to its proximity, did not escape their activities, and from the intimate relations established its seaports took origin. Bristol, the great sea- port of the West, certainly owed its rise to trade with the Northmen, or Ostmen of Dublin as they were called, and the same may safely be said for Cardiff and other South Wales ports. From this time dates the close relationship which existed for centuries between the ports of Bristol and Cardiff and which became such a prominent factor in the economic and social life of this neighbourhood. The Danish marches across England to the valley of the Severn in the second half of the ninth century possess a strategical significance of no little interest. When they were hard pressed in the east of England and cut off from their ships and assistance from the North Sea, the Danes made their escape across country to the Bristol Channel—a fact perhaps suggesting that their country- men had already settled on its shores and were in a position to afford them help. And in their campaign against Alfred 18 Early Cardiff in 877-8, in Somersetshire, it is more than likely they used the Taff as a base for their operations. Scandinavian names of islands, headlands, rocks, etc., abound along the coast of the Bristol Channel from the Wye to St. David’s. They must have been given by Scandinavian traders and settlers, and their wide adoption and persistence to the present day are alike remarkable. Place-names in our own locality evidence trading settlements on rivers, e.g., Lamby, on the Rhymny (early form Langby, “ the long village ’’), and Mendalgyf, between the Ebbw and the Usk, near Newport. But they are not confined to the coast-land. A third group reveals communities some distance inland, e.g., Hornby (now Homri, a farm name near St. Nicholas), the twelfth-century form Turbernesdune,* “the down of Thur- bern’ (an Old-Norse personal-name), now “ The Downs,” on the Ordnance Map east of St. Nicholas, and others in that neighbourhood. Still further from the coast, on the main road above Cowbridge, Stalling Down (Stalun, thirteenth century) is probably Old Norse Stalund, “a grove on a high prominent position’’—a description fitting its situation. (Fig. 1.) The probability of some of the names having been laid down early in the ninth century by Northmen, before the arrival of the Danes in the Bristol Channel, is suggested, amongst others, by Striguil, the medieval name of Chepstow, which contains the Norwegian, as distinguished from Danish, test-word geil, gill, ‘“‘a ravine.” Hesmunt, probably Old Norse Asmund, the name of a lay witness in a ninth century charter in “ Liber Landavensis ’’ dealing with the neighbour- hood of Sudbrook, may point in the same direction. The occurrence of an early Scandinavian name, ‘ Siwurd son of Ulmer,” on an inscribed stone at Llangorse in Brecon- * Now corrupted to Tumble Down, the steep descent of the main road near Coedriglan. Thorbjovn or Thurbern is also contained in Turberville, name of the early holders of Coity which comes from the place or ville in the Eure, Normandy, variously written in medieval times, Torberville, Thouberville, Turbidville. ‘(Suspoys Aq payworpur) NVIAVNIGNVOS ATARIHO ‘AdA], OINVWATD AO SANVN-AOVIG ATUVA AO NOILAMINISIQ. “[ ‘DIyT = hw ug umog urng pay: dadas- UoysaM sal ta le CIE! ye 2 “myo eps? , dN eL jeg e4epanqy 48 4340 = 19 Early Cardiff shire, and of the same name along with Scandinavian runes on the font in Devynock church* some fifteen miles to the west, suggests an influence extending further inland than is usually supposed. Irish Scandinavians, whose presence as settlers upon our western coasts is well evidenced, adopted many Irish words and names which they introduced into their colonies in N.W. England, e.g., Cumberland, Lancashire, etc., as they did earlier into Iceland, and it is not improbable that some of the Goidelic elements in Glamorgan place-names may have come from this source during three centuries of close contact. The old idea of regarding the Vikings as mere pirates, destructive alike of religion and learning, has now given place to a truer conception of what they accomplished. They opened up world trade and revolutionised its methods. Discarding the old system of travelling dealers, they planted forts on rivers and founded towns where merchants settled and learned to group themselves in organised town life. The great literature of the poems and sagas of Iceland, the sculptured crosses of Northern England and the Isle of Man, the Viking brooches of Ireland, etc., testify that they were capable of artistic productions of a high order. Many of the Eddic poems were written in Britain, and the period of the Viking occupation of Ireland is, so far as literature and art are concerned, one of the most interesting in its history. NORMAN OCCUPATION. Although little that is definite is known of the Norman conquest of Glamorgan, its general course, as indicated by the few available data, presents features of some interest which are germane to the present inquiry and may be briefly referred to. By the year 1070, Lower Gwent, the coast-land between the Wye and Usk, had passed into the possession * Arch. Camb., 1922, pp. 202, 204. + A document of date 1311 in the Public Record Office, Dublin, records that the leading Norse family in Waterford in the twelfth century, and who had adopted an Irish name, “‘ came to Ireland from Devonshire long before Henry II.’s conquest of Ireland.” Early Cardiff 20 of the Normans who had carried their conquest down from Hereford. The entries in Domesday Book (1086) for this district—the only part west of the Wye mentioned in that Survey—show the coast-lands partitioned among the Norman followers and the hinterland left to the Welsh, to be held “by permission of King William according to native custom.”’ It may be gathered from the Survey that this change was accomplished with little disturbance. No further advance of the Normans west of the Usk took place for some years, perhaps for the reason that William had not yet established himself over the greater part of England, and it was doubtless his policy to carefully consolidate what he had before pushing his conquest further. In 1070 the native chieftain Caradog ap Gruffydd was left in possession of Upper Gwent, and Gwynilwg (Wentioog) and Cadwgan ap Meurig of the old line of Morganwg remained ruler in Glamorgan. Both rulers appear to have attached themselves to the Normans, and are stated to have “served under King William ” (Liber Landavensis). Cadwgan is lost sight of about 1072, and Caradog is now styled “‘ Rex Morcannuc”’ in a charter in “ Liber Landavensis.’”’ Whilst it is on record how Brecon, Cardigan and Pembroke passed into Norman hands, there is no direct reference to the conquest of Glamorgan. Probably it took place in two phases. Caradog, now ruler of Glamorgan, had attacked Rhys ap Tewdwr of Deheubarth—the country to the west and north of Glamorgan—and had driven him out. In the year 1081 three events, probably closely related, took place. In this year Rhys, having been reinforced, defeated and slew Caradog in the battle of Mynydd Carn. In the same year the Conqueror paid his only visit to Wales, penetrating as far as St. David’s, “‘ for prayer ’’ at the shrine of their saint, wrote the monks ; but according to the English Chronicle, “to lead an army and set free several hundred men.’ These statements indicate the two-fold nature of his expedition, to appease native opinion and reaffirm his suzerainty, a necessity probably imposed by the death of 21 Early Cardiff Caradog. Its result may be gathered from the entry in Domesday (1086), “‘ Rhys renders to the King an annual rent of £40,” which Professor Lloyd interprets as an agree- ment on the part of William to protect Rhys ap Tewdwr in his possessions. In this year also “‘ was built ‘ villa Cardiviae ’ under King William’’ (‘‘ Annals of Margan”’), which can only refer to the castle-mound raised on William’s order, perhaps on his journey through. It is more than likely that it was placed in the custody of Robert Fitzhamon, one of his trusted followers—whose gift, confirmed by William himself, of the church of Llancarvan to St. Peter’s Abbey, Gloucester,* attests his presence in Glamorgan by 1086. This completed the first phase of the conquest, with Fitzhamon partially established in the Vale, Jestyn ap Gurganj in the northern part of the county, and Rhys ap Tewdwr further west. The remainder of the Conqueror’s reign saw no further change. What he had accomplished appears to have been carried out without much disturbance and, it is reasonable to assume, with some acquiescence on the part of the popu- lation. After the death of the Conqueror and the suppression of the disorder consequent upon his son’s accession, the Normans began to move again in South Wales in 1093, and at Easter of that year Rhys ap Tewdwr was slain in a fight near Brecon. Fitzhamon, one of the few Norman barons who supported , * Cartul. St. Petr. Glouc. 1, 334. The fortunes of the old Benedictine Abbey of St. Peter’s, Gloucester, were at a low ebb when William himself took it in hand by appointing as Abbot his own chaplain, Serlo, a capable administrator, and by inducing his followers to make grants of land, of which Fitzhamon’s gift was one of the first-fruits. The de Londres of Ogmore, also early comers into Glamorgan, were benefactors and presented Ewenny Priory. Fitzhamon’s later gifts were all made to Tewkesbury Abbey, which he refounded and where he les buried. + lestyn is mentioned but twice in contemporary documents, both times in “‘ Lib. Land.’’ (1) as one of many witnesses to a charter of Caradoc rex c. 1072-1081; (2) as grantor of a charter to Llandaff, by which he gifted the Villa Miluc, supposed to be Garth Maelog, near Llantrissant, in expiation of a raid by his followers, led by Enniaun, his grandson or nephew (xepos) and one Turguert (an Old-Norse personal-name). Early Cardiff 22 Rufus against revolt and had been rewarded by him with great estates in Gloucestershire, had in the same year the custody of Bristol castle placed in his hands. He appears also to have held Bristol of the king, and being now in possession of a base within easy access to Cardiff he was, no doubt, able to complete the final phase of the conquest of Glamorgan. But as to what happened we can only infer from the results of the post-conquest settlement.* He kept Cardiff and Kenfig,t the two seaports, in his own hands, and partitioned the Vale for his followers. He allowed the eldest son of Jestyn to hold Afan with unusually extensive privileges and other members of the same family to retain member- lordships in the hill country. His treatment of the sons of Jestyn was not unlike that meted out later to the descendants of Caradog ap Gruffydd, who were permitted to retain in their hands until well into the thirteenth century the lordship of Caerleon, sandwiched between two powerful Norman lord- ships, and to hold it like their Norman neighbours, im capite of the English crown. When Fitzhamon arrived in the Taff he doubtless found a settled community at Cardiff, for he made it the caput or head of his lordship-marcher. Like its sister port of Bristol, it probably offered no resistance to the Norman conqueror. Merchants and seamen would no doubt acquiesce in a stable government that offered them protection and fostered their trade, and the good-will of the inhabitants perhaps assisted * The account of the conquest known as the ‘‘ Winning of Gla- morgan ’’ was published in 1584 under the authority of Sir Edward Stradling, of St. Donats, its main purpose, according to Professor Tout, being to bolster up some more than doubtful pedigrees and, it may be added, perhaps to serve as a counter-blast to the Herberts, who had come into the county from Monmouthshire as grantees of the manors of the old lordship. It represents a fifteenth or sixteenth century tradition, in which the two phases of the conquest are telescoped into one. + The name Kenfig, as its early forms Kenefeg, Kenefec, c. 1140, Cart. Glam., prove, contains the river-name Ken and Old Norse vege or veke, “‘a tongue of land formed by the winding of a river,’ and refers to its situation on the bend of the stream. Kenfig ultimately “ suffered a sea-change’’ from sand silting up the river and over- whelming the town. 23 Early Cardiff the peaceful nature of the change. The name of Cardiff first appears a few years later in a contemporary document of 1102, when it is styled a borough. But there is little definite known of it, and we are left to conjecture its nature and the complexion of its inhabitants from data in the records of the time. PLACE-NAME EVIDENCE. This absence of direct historical evidence makes a study of its early place-names of especial value. ‘‘ Much of our history that is still dark is written in the names that our remote forefathers gave to their homes’? (Round). Names in early times were not given to places deliberately as is often done at the present day, but arising spontaneously they afford some indication of the predominant character of the popula- tion. For the scientific treatment of place-names to make them of historical value it is incumbent that each name be traced back to its earliest forms, and unless its records can be carried a good way back it is unwise to speculate as to its meaning.* Early forms give a clue to the original sense, and when arranged chronologically, reveal the changes it has undergone. Its final interpretation may involve not only philological but not infrequently topographical, historical, and other considerations as well. For this inquiry the collection of early forms of the place- names of Cardiff and its immediate neighbourhood is, therefore, a necessary preliminary. The sources at our disposal for this purpose are not plentiful. Most of the early records seem to have disappeared, possibly in disturbances incidental to the March. Though available material is somewhat scanty for early Norman times, it is more abundant for later periods. The Cartae et Alia Munimenta pertaining to Glamorgan, a collection of over sixteen hundred documents mostly in Latin, is invaluable for a study of the social and economic history * Thus, Uphill, near Weston-super-Mare, with its old church crowning the hill, may seem to have an obvious meaning, but its Domesday form (1086) Oppepille shows its original sense to be “ the pill or tidal creek by the cliff ’’ and to refer to the little pill of the River Axe. Early Cardiff 24 of the district. Many of them come from Margam Abbey, founded in 1147 by Robert Consul, and date from the twelfth, thirteenth and later centuries. They owe their origin to the business-like methods of the monks, who were careful to embody in legal form gifts of land, etc., obtained from pious donors throughout the county. These charters are conse- quently an important source of early name-forms. As they were drawn up before the days of maps, or plans, or surveys, the delimitation of the property is usually made by reciting the names of lands and of their owners, or of natural features such as streams, roads, etc., bounding it, the document being attested by the names of five or six witnesses. Such details often enable a picture to be constructed of the character of the population and of the social and economic conditions, which is invaluable to the student. The ‘“‘ Liber Landavensis,”’ the manuscript of which was written about the middle of the twelfth century, makes no mention of Cardiff prior to the Norman occupation. At that time the lands of the Church were not considerable in the county. Most of those in the “Liber Land.” are in Monmouthshire; the Glamorgan donations were few, the only one in the neighbourhood being near Llandaff. Other important sources are early Minister's Accounts when estates were in official hands from escheat or during a minority, and Inquisitions post-mortem, which were inven- tories of property on the death of owners. Surveys, Extents, etc., also supply much detail often of a later period. With all those sources laid under contribution a good amount of ‘material for name-forms is available for examination. For the purpose of survey a fair estimate of the early place nomenclature of Cardiff may be arrived at by collecting all name-forms, both vanished and still in use, recorded before 1600 within the old town, Cardiff intva muros, and its liberties as defined by the municipal charter of 1340.* Some authorities * The bounds were, from the place called Appeldore, nigh Llystaly bont on the north, as far as the Bradestrem in the sea on the south; from Paynescros on the east, as far as the cross near the Friars Preachers on the west. c 25 Early Cardiff favour the limit of 1500* as likely to give more satisfactory results; but as fairly full sixteenth-century Minister’s Accounts for Cardiff exist, there is some advantage in fixing a century later. Names not found in early sources are omitted, though a few recorded later possessing forms suggestive of an early origin are discussed. CHARACTER OF THE NAMES. The material so obtained affords a fair estimate of the distribution of name-types and enables important light to be thrown upon the early history of the town. The result may be stated briefly. The problem of etymology is simplified by the fact that, with the exception of the names Taff, Roath, and perhaps Cardiff, the early place-names of Cardiff are of Teutonic type, either English or Scandinavian in origin. The difficulty hes in distinguishing between them as the two languages were nearly akin and had many elements common to both.t In many instances the name-forms are not early enough to admit of any definite conclusion being drawn. Many, if not most, are of the Middle English period (c. 1150-1500), when the two languages were amalgamating or had already become a common speech. Some, like Hundemanby, the early form of Womanby, are Scandinavian names, proving a settlement of that character in pre-Norman times. A few are English, others are hybrids containing an English and a Scandinavian element. But in a large number they are forms common to both languages and impossible to differentiate. On the other hand, the extreme rarity of characteristic forms of English place-names tells against an independent settlement of that type. The proximity of the West Saxon dialect on the opposite side of the Channel was an important factor which would tend to hasten the fusion of the two tongues. The English * The date adopted in the publications of the English Place-Name Society. + Giraldus, who visited Ireland after the Norman occupation (1171), refers to the speech of the Scandinavians of Dublin as lingua corrupto quodam Saxonico. Early Cardiff 26 literature of the eleventh century is almost wholly written in that dialect, which contains only a very small number of Norse or Danish words. On the other hand, the North and North Midlands dialect, which began to appear later, had so large a Scandinavian element in its vocabulary that, according to Dr. Henry Bradley, it would be difficult reading for natives of the South of England. The filtration of the West Saxon language from the other side cannot, therefore, be the source of the early Scandinavian name-forms in this neighbourhood, though there are reasons for thinking that it may have modified them and influenced the speech. The Old English vowel long a (pronounced a as in father), in the southern dialect developed in Middle English times into o. Thus stan became stone, and the change may be noted in medieval names in Cardiff, where Taff was written Toof and Toff for a considerable period, and early Rath became and has remained Roath. The influence of the Normans upon local place-names is negligible. As elsewhere, they adopted those they found in use, pronouncing and spelling them in their own fashion. The idea that they are responsible for the introduction of Scandinavian place-names into this country ignores the facts that within a century and a half the Northmen settled in Normandy had completely forgotten their mother tongue and that Norman French of the time of the Conquest pre- served little of the original speech beyond a few name-types, so altered in most instances as to be hardly recognisable. A comparison of the place-name material in Domesday (1086) with that in contemporary documents in Normandy illustrates this wide divergence. The chief result of the Norman occupa- tion in this country was in the alteration of the phonology of already existing place-names. On the other hand, they profoundly changed the personal nomenclature by introducing their own personal-names, which rapidly became widely adopted and displaced the native ones. And it became a common practice among them to assume, in addition to their 27 Early Cardiff own name, a local place-name as a territorial designation, e.g., William de Cardiff, Reimund de Sully, William de Barri. In a few instances, such as Walterston and Bonvilston, the Norman name is combined with the suffix tun. A consideration of the place-name evidence enables certain conclusions to be drawn. The earliest place-names in Cardiff found in records of early Norman times are largely character- istic Scandinavian forms which could not have been introduced by the Normans. Names such as Hundemanby are sufficient to establish a definite influence and must be regarded as survivals of a much earlier settlement on the Taff, founded, perhaps, as a trading port some time during the three centuries that had elapsed since the first coming of the Northmen to the Bristol Channel. This is, to some extent, confirmed by the large number of pure Scandinavian personal- names to be found in medieval documents, and by evidence, to which I have drawn attention elsewhere,* from the burgess | roll of Dublin in the twelfth century, which contains names of many individuals described as “ of Cardiff ’’ (showing the close intercourse between the two ports), of which a goodly proportion bears the stamp of Scandinavian origin. That the character of the early community became modified by immigration from the opposite shore of the Channel is fairly clear from the admixture of English forms, and there can be little doubt that this influence hastened the blending of the two languages and the ultimate prevalence of English speech. LOCAL RIVER-NAMES. No account of the place-nomenclature can be complete without reference to the river-names. By common consent they are among the oldest. Many go back to pre-Celtic times, and they form the bottom layer of our names. Rivers in early days were much wider and deeper; they formed natural boundaries and defences, and offered sites for human * Arch. Camb., June, 1921. | Early Cardiff 28 settlement. Distinctive names were attached to even small streams, and it is not sufficiently recognised how much they enter into the formation of our place-names. Many of the river-names of this country have a wide distribution throughout Europe as well as in the British Isles, perhaps a result of the successive waves of migration which have passed westward from the Continent. It is often impossible to say whether they are Celtic or pre-Celtic. Their etymologies are altogether obscure, and modern place- name books wisely leave them unexplained. As such names are fast disappearing, it may be useful to record those of the Cardiff neighbourhood which can be traced in early documents. (Fig. 2.) Three rivers, Taff, Ely and Rhymny, traverse the alluvial plain on which Cardiff stands. To the east, the Rhymny with its ending mz or ny, a Celtic form denoting “‘ stream,”’ has two lower tributaries, the Dulas and the Roath Brook. The former (Dufleis, 12th cent. Cart. Glam.) contains Celtic glats, gleis or glas, ‘‘ stream,’’ a widely distributed generic river- term formerly in frequent use, but now obsolete. The Roath Brook is named Kenelechi in a charter (c. 1200) of King John to St. Augustine’s Abbey, Bristol, of a grant of land “‘ Inter Duvleis et Kenelechi.”* Ken, Welsh form Cyn, is a well- known river-name element, e.g., Cynon, Kennet, Kenn (Som.) The termination leche, “stream,” which may derive from Old English or Old Norse, occurs frequently in the form “ stream,” and in S. Pembrokeshire a brook is still called ‘“‘ lake.’ Ina Cardiff will of the eighteenth century the Roath Brook is “Nant Lecky Brook,” a combination of three general terms, and the bridge carrying Penylan Road was “‘ Pont Lecky.”’ “lake” in early county records as a term for _The Wedal stream bisecting the cemetery and joining the Roath Brook below it, has the river-name Wey, e.g., Wey (Dorset). The upper part of the main stream, now Nant * This land appears, from a Survey of 1703, to have been near Coed-y-goras and Cefn Coed Road, Penylan. Ala AO Nin 44VL 4O ee x” (o) 4, AVA Early Cardiff 29 Mawr, which forms the march between Llanishen and Lisvane parishes, was probably known as the Fidlas (17th cent.), with glas as the ending. Cefn Mably probably takes name from the brook flowing through the park to join the Rhymny, which was perhaps the Mably, a stream-name known else- where, e¢.g., Llanvapley (Mon.). In the basin of the Taff the right bank had the little Can, which gave its name to Canton (Canetun, “ Lib. Land.’’). Rising on Pontcanna Farm, it took a S.W. course, and after crossing Cowbridge Road, turned sharply eastwards, running parallel to the road and, uniting with the White House Brook flowing south, entered the Taff at Brook Street. With its variation Con the name is fairly common, e.g., Conway, Cann (Essex). The Can was filled up half a century ago. The small earth-work known as King’s Castle lay in its bend. A small stream shown on the 1851 Survey ran through a pool (now filled up) in Plasturton Gardens and took a course south to join the Can. One may infer it was called the Glas, as it probably gave its name to the old manor of Glaspool, other- wise Plasturton. (Fig. 10.) On the left bank of the Taff the Whitchurch Brook, or a branch of it, appears in a Survey of 1703 as the Castan. Its two tributaries, which find their way from Cefn On, the Brue and the Nofydd, are names evidenced elsewhere. Fairwater (Farrewater, 1429), a little stream joining the Ely, contains an early river-name with a wide distribution, e.g., Fairwater, entering the Rhymny near Michaelston-y- vedw, Fareburn (Yorks.), Vavar of Ptolemy’s geography, identified as the present-day Farar (Inverness-shire). SUMMARY OF CHANGES. To summarise the changes in place-name nomenclature in Cardiff and neighbourhood, the oldest names are those of rivers and of hills. To decide which are Celtic and which 30 Early Cardiff pre-Celtic in origin is a problem that still awaits solution. Apart from these the bottom layer is Celtic, though it is still an open question as to which of its branches, Goidelic or British, settled in this neighbourhood first. Most of our local Celtic names in the earliest records are Welsh forms which have withstood alien influence and remain permanent witnesses of that tongue. Such are the names of the ancient ecclesiastical foundations, e.g., Llandaff, containing Welsh llan, originally meaning “ enclosure’”’ and later “‘ church,” with the name of the river Taff; and Llandough, having the name of a Welsh saint. Instances of other types are Penarth, Welsh pen, gardd “‘ the end of the high land,” and Dinas Powis, dinas “‘fort,’’ and powis, an element found also in the better known North Wales name Powys, for which no satisfactory derivation has been advanced. Later came a period when names of Teutonic type prevailed, some of Scandinavian provenance, others of English form, illustrating by their abundance the displacement of the earlier language. The English type of name continued to hold its own until well into the sixteenth century, when Welsh forms again began to come in—a tendency more marked in the two succeeding centuries. This has been attributed to the break- up of the lordships-marcher by Henry VIII.’s Act. Probably it merely accelerated a change which had set in earlier. From an analysis of old surveys, the late Mr. J. S. Corbett pointed out that in Leckwith, as with respect to the parishes generally in the neighbourhood of Cardiff in medieval times, English farm and field-names very generally prevailed, and at a later date a change took place and many of the English names disappeared. In a Survey of 1570 no Welsh names of places are recorded in Leckwith, in 1630 and 1666 two or three come in, by 1773 the change over is fairly complete. This ebb and flow was a common feature of the March. In Herefordshire, in the Golden Valley near the Welsh border, all the names were English in the thirteenth century ; to-day most are again Welsh. Further north, in the neighbourhood P| Early Cardiff 31 of Wrexham, similar fluctuations had taken place in pre- Conquest times.* The rise of industrialism in the county within the last century and a half has again strengthened English influence. New names of English and of Welsh provenance have sprung up and old ones have become prominent. Both types appear side by side on the modern map, and it is only from a study of early forms that their age can be determined. Until this is done, no conclusions can be based upon them. THE “BAREY- BOROUGH. Robert Fitzhamon organised Glamorgan with institutions and government based on those of an English county. It constituted what was later called a lordship marcher possessing extensive jurisdiction, juva regalia, etc., which it preserved until its abolition and the application of English law by the statute of Henry VIII. The lord of Glamorgan regarded himself as little short of a crowned king, and Gilbert de Clare, the ‘“‘ Red Earl,” is said to have received Edward I. on his visit to Glamorgan like a brother sovereign. Fitzhamon made Cardiff the caput or head of his lordship and in his | only extant charter, which must date before 1106, it is referred to as a borough. He was probably its original founder, in the sense that he conferred certain privileges on it and raised its status, though no charter of such has been preserved. The policy of the Norman lords was to disturb the original inhabitants as little as possible and to encourage settlement of merchants and traders, who were a valuable source of revenue. Fitzhamon’s grandson, William Earl of Gloucester (1147-1183), seems to have made an extension of the borough, as a charter of his refers to certain rents from “my New Borough which I founded where my garden * The Welsh immigration into Lancashire, known as Banastre’s Welshmen, which took place about 1167, is evidenced by the large number of Welsh surnames in Lancashire documents from about 1200, which disappeared later. On the other hand, a movement from Lancashire into Wales has left its mark upon the Survey of Denbigh (1334) in the large number of surnames taken from Lancashire places. 32 Early Cardiff was outside the town of Cardiff.” This was almost certainly in the vicinity of the castle, perhaps outside the north gate in the neighbourhood of Cathays Park. It is to be presumed from the name that it was not at first merely an extra-mural suburb but an independent community which was eventually absorbed in the larger community as happened in the case ’ at Norwich, Shrews- bury, Nottingham, etc. It would be interesting to know why of the earlier French “ new boroughs ’ such a new borough was thought necessary at the date in question. In a document of 1315, Cardiff is styled villa mercatoria, a term which Professor Tait thinks should be translated ? “town of merchants” rather than “market town” as it usually is. The town attained its maximum under the de Clares in the thirteenth century. With the fall of young Gilbert de Clare at Bannockburn,* the lordship came into the hands of the Despensers and passed through troublous times. There were long and frequent minorities, in which the guardians looked after their own interests rather than the welfare of the tenants. The visitation of the Black Death in 1348-1349, followed by lesser epidemics in the same century, took heavy toll of the town, and in the rising of Owen Glyndwr in 1403-1404, in which economic destruction took place on a large scale, part of it was laid waste. From this it did not recover, and its population probably remained not much more than 1200 to 1500 until the construction of the Glamorganshire Canal four centuries later ushered in the industrial period with its phenomenal changes. * The gallant young Gilbert had charged into the Scots army and was pulled down and slain. Having failed to don his emblazoned surcoat he was not recognised and held to ransom, and so perished. His arms were the well-known chevrons of his house, the earliest recorded coat-of-arms, earlier even than the three lions or leopards borne by the King of England. It was the arms of Cardiff from the thirteenth century, and its dignity and simplicity symbolised the town’s important status in medieval times. A few years ago it was discarded for the present device, which is not specially distinctive of Cardiff and might equally well apply to other South Wales towns. Early Cardiff 33 The long period of eclipse is perhaps responsible for the old town retaining much of its early form and many of its streets their original names. In this respect it has suffered less than other towns. Its size and form can be readily made out on the modern map if it be remembered that the canal from the Castle to the Monument occupies practically the site of the Town Ditch, the eastern boundary of the town. Some parts of the old town wall are still visible on the banks of the canal, south of the Queen Street crossing. North of that point the wall turned west to a right angle and sections of it 2” situ may still be seen behind buildings in Queen Street and Kingsway. Along with the castle it formed the northern limit of the town. To the south, the east wall curved round and joined the river at an angle. On the western side con- siderable changes took place. The wall forming the defence of the early town on this side followed the left bank of the Taff. By the sixteenth century much of it had been destroyed by the undermining and erosive action of the river, which later made even serious inroads on the west side of St. Mary Street. An encroachment of the river in 1607 seriously damaged St. Mary’s Church and churchyard, and the same cause completed its destruction in the eighteenth century. On the construction of the South Wales Railway—now part of the Great Western—about 1850, it was found necessary to eliminate the old bend by diverting the river into the present “straight cut.’’ The bed of the old river bend was filled up and the south part of Westgate Street constructed upon it. Minor changes were carried out by the removal of the old Town Hall from the centre of High Street and of “ middle rows,”’ occupying the centre of what is now St. John Square, Castle Street and the western part of Queen Street. In this way a number of narrow streets disappeared and gave place to wider thoroughfares more suited to present day traffic. Modern buildings have replaced nearly all the old houses and courts, and St. John’s Church and certain parts of the Castle remain the sole representatives of medieval times. 34 Early Cardiff Except in a few instances, the streets largely preserve their old lines. Some have changed their names, a few more than once, but on the whole there is a persistence of old names not usually met with in medieval towns. Speed’s map (1610) shows the bulk of the population housed in the northern part of the town and the southern occupied mainly by gardens. This arrangement persisted practically until modern times, as may be seen from the map of 1828. CARDIFF WITHIN THE WALLS. A short account may be given of the main changes which have taken place within the limits of the old town, as shown on Speed’s map of 1610, reserving for further consideration certain names which demand fuller discussion. (Fig. 3.) The town was approached from the east by the Roman road which connected Cardiff with Caerleon, the legionary fortress on the Usk, the Isca Silurum of the Romans. Entering the town by the east gate it did not pass through the fort, which had only north and south gates, but took a course outside parallel to its south wall, and emerging by the west gate it crossed the Taff and continued along Cowbridge Road. It has been contended on more or less theoretical grounds that it was a secondary road—a via vicinalis—and that the main Roman road lay further to the north and took a straight line from the neighbourhood of St. Mellons to Ely. There is, however, little positive evidence of this, and the question as to its existence is still an open one. On the other hand, recent excavation at Caerleon seems to suggest that the legionary fortress had lost much of its original importance in the third century, possibly with the acceptance of Roman rule by the native Welsh, and when the new problem of repelling invaders from the sea arose in the same century, it is not improbable that some of the functions of Caerleon were transferred to Cardiff and the fort reconstructed and strengthened by bastions. The road between the two stations would then assume fresh importance. ‘daaddS NHof Ad ‘OI9T ‘AaIGuvd do NvIg ‘gE ‘DIY = Pape A sd 3 zirpy, sog00 ITN, : Se san bettie ANAT a 1 RS yao Res So : = 2 | ymoy mMOT mur T 14/090 HIANYD SUuYOT 3° NT ay Pets | BAP | saul furysonsyy ou aay YD Pi R a qanf” SUYOTS ST Iq} MQUPLILUEN ETF Ue ee eas \ gang yang Na SAP YPUMY SF Ne] | ee emery me ITY. ‘AAACUVO ha ry 7 ~~? (from a view by Rowlandson, 1797 CASTLE ALONG CASTLE CARDIFF OF SoutrH-WeEst VIEW 4. lia, WALL. GATE MYLLE (Kindly lent by Mr. Grant, A.RI.B.A.) ie Early Cardiff 35 Outside the east gate lay the town’s eastern suburb of Crokarton, a name subsequently taking the form of Crock- herbtown in the eighteenth century. It may have formed part of the new borough founded in the twelfth century by the then chief lord William, Earl of Gloucester. It was in this direction that the residential quarter of the town first extended in its modern development, and the name Crock- herbtown was preserved in the street between the canal- crossing by the east gate and the Taff Vale Railway bridge until 1886, when it became part of Queen Street. It is pleasing to note that the City Council has recently revived the name by giving it to Crockherbtown Lane behind the north side of Queen Street. The old east gate stood close to the point where the canal, occupying the site of the old Town Ditch, runs under Queen Street. From it two short parallel streets, separated by a “ middle row,”’ extended to the crossing at St. John’s Square. The northern of the two streets was called Smithes Street, from the smith’s work located there. The carrying-on of this trade was, in medieval times, often restricted by ordinance to the vicinity of the town-wall or immediately outside it in order to safeguard the town from the danger of fire. The southern street, known as Duckes Street, or Duke Street, until the beginning of the eighteenth century, was the original bearer of that name until it was transferred to the present Duke Street. Thereafter it appears variously as Camp Street, Camp Lane, or Running Camp. Through it ran the ‘“‘common gout ”’ or drain, and it was often wet and muddy, a circumstance which probably led to its being paved, and the vehicular traffic diverted by Smith Street. “Camp ”’ was a term often applied in the Middle Ages to a paved road. About half a century ago the “‘ middle row ”’ was swept away, its site being now occupied by tramway lines, and what remained of the two short streets became part of Queen Street. That modern thoroughfare is therefore ‘“‘ a thing of patches,”’ made up of Crockherbtown, Smith Street, and Running Camp. 36 Early Cardiff North Street, now part of Kingsway, led from the north gate to the crossing by St. John’s Square. This modern square was formed by the removal of a “‘ middle row,’’ which divided it into eastern and western sections. The former, joining old Duke Street or Camp Street at right angles, was the north part of Workin or Worken Strete, a name still retained in Working Street. The latter, known as St. John Street, curved at the west end of the church, to be continued to St. Mary Street. This part of it was afterwards renamed Church Street, leaving the northern half to form the west side of the Square and give it its name. The road level of the Square, which is much above the floor level of the church, affords evidence of the slow accretion that results from many centuries of human habitation. Worken Strete continued along the east side of the church- yard to join at a right angle Wortin Strete, a name recorded in the sixteenth century, though it appears later on Speed’s map as Porrag Street (perhaps from its muddy state)—an instance of how loosely street names were held in early days. South of Wortin Strete, now corrupted to Wharton Street, the district between the east wall and St. Mary Street was occupied by “hays” (enclosed plots of land) and gardens. They were probably part of the tenure of burgages in the medieval town, as the name Sokshey, recorded in 1492, would suggest. From it the modern name, The Hayes, Heves (1550), takes origin. The street running northward from it along the west side of the churchyard still retains the name Trinity Street from the Gild of the Holy Trinity once located there. Modern Duke Street has changed its name several times. It may perhaps be identified with Cabelle Street, mentioned in a thirteenth century deed, taking name probably from the chapel of St. Piran which stood on its south side near the western end. In the sixteenth century this building was in possession of the Cordwainers’ Company—the traders in leather—who made it their Gildhall, the street becoming known as Shoemaker Street until the eighteenth century, Early Cardiff 37 when its present name was adopted, transferred, perhaps because it sounded better, from the original Duke Street. At its west end, on the right, the short Castle Lane led to the castle gate. On the left, High Street—the alta strata of the early charters—still retains its old name. The main north- to-south thoroughfare of the town, it lay in line with the north and south gates of the Roman fort, and it was doubtless along it in the Roman period that stores, etc., landed from the galleys moored in the navigable part of the Taff lower down—perhaps where the medieval Schipman Strete debouched on the river—passed on their way through the gates of the fort to the north. The old Town House stood at one time in the centre, and its removal improved the street. This was the site on which in 1331 the then lord granted land to erect a both halle—a name peculiar to West Country boroughs. The present Castle Street, as far as Womanby Street, was formed by pulling down the “‘ middle row” separating Angel - Street from Back Strete, and by the removal of the houses of the latter, which on its north side had abutted on the castle wall. Both had opened on the short West Street, and to the right of this, Mylle Gate (in 1492) led under the west wall of the castle to the west gate and the mills. In later times horse fairs were held in it. It is now part of the castle grounds. (Fig. 4.) Womanby Street—Hundemanby in the thirteenth century —formed practically the western limit of the old town. It extended to the old quay and, as shown on the map of 1828, comprised the present Quay Street as well. The “ old Key ”’ was on the bend of the river before it was straightened, and apparently was also known as Blunts Gate. It was the highest navigable point of the river. A little further down on the same bank a second wharf or quay was constructed in later times at the foot of the Golate, which leads from St. Mary Street and appears on Speed’s map as Frogg Lane. On the west side of St. Mary Street by the south gate and extending to the bank of the Taff stood St. Mary’s Church and church- 38 Early Cardiff yard. Severely damaged by a flood at the beginning of the seventeenth century, it gradually disappeared as the result of successive encroachments of the river. Burials continued to be made there, however, as late as the early part of the eighteenth century. The position of the south gate was a little north of the present Monument, and the Soudrey, the southern suburb of the old town, lay partly inside and partly outside it. Outside the gate, and running down to the river, was Schipman Strete (1321), a name which has disappeared. With the straightening of the river considerable alteration on the western side of the town took place. The old bend disappeared, the wide thoroughfare of Westgate Street being constructed on part of its site. The old Cardiff Green, originally on the west bank of the river, was bisected by the “straight cut,’’ and the section east of the new bed formed into the Cardiff Arms Park. The area within the old town—about forty acres in extent —had roughly the shape of a segment of a circle with its arc resting on the Taff—a crescentic form paralleled by other early settlements for which water communication was a primary necessity. Speed’s map shows a wall enclosing the town except along the river. It is clear, however, that before this a riverside wall had been in existence. A document of 1552 states that the town was “ fully walled round about ”’ and that “ certain pieces ’’ on the south-west part of it were in decay and ruin “ by force of the Rage as well of the Sallt water as also of freshe water,” and that seven hundred yards or more of the said walls were fallen down. Rhys Myryke, in 1578, says “‘ the River Taff and the tide overturned part of it in compass about a mile.’’ It was a source of considerable expense to the town in the construction of weirs and bulwarks, which continued until the elimination of the old bend of the river in the present century. The Cockes Towre, a place on the eastern section of the wall, a little south of the site of the present Fish Market, was probably a look-out point. It was certainly used as VOGT SaVa tat SoMNVN OVI GtIGuvo -G “Sry SSS (ole) oy A og OF ° SHI 10 ATVOS 6, AqT7d¢ * SONICTING = BRR ‘OOO! HadOATA SHNVN~TOIVId DNIMIHS “OIOQ) dO dVW S$. eduHyds NOdnN duswvd ‘ddIdavo SaYMOL SAXD00 SO Sy ’ ESSE: 0) Fe s3aM (Silid Nido) 39 Early Cardiff such in recent times, as it commanded a good view of the Cardiff roads. The term “cock” attached to a number of places which are good view-points, e.g., Cock Hill above Leckwith ; Cock’s Croft, once a name on the hill above Cadoxton Station; the Goccyd below Pentyrch, affording a look-out on the country below. The name is identified elsewhere with similar situations, but the affinities of the word in this connection are obscure. In early times in the Western Isles “‘ they had a constant sentinel on the top of their houses call’d Gockmin or in the English tongue cockman who was obliged to watch day and night.’’* NAMES IN CARDIFF. Womanby. Hundemanby, c. 1270, Cart. Glam. ; Hounde- manneby, 1310, C.G.; Homandesby, 1432, C.G.; Whomanby, 1550, Card. Records ; Hunmanby, c. 1550, C.G. This is now the name of a street connecting Castle Street with Quay Street. Formerly it embraced a much wider area, and appears to have been an important district of the old town. It lay between the former bend of the river Taff at the old quay and the main east-to-west road, which separated it from the castle. The name is an important one, and in form sufficiently characteristic to afford a clue to the complexion of names in the early town. (Fig. 5.) The second part of the name is Old Norse, byr, “ homestead, village, town’; Old Dan., by, “ village, town.’’ This term is always found combined with an element that is or may be Scandinavian, and the names containing it denoted, as a rule, fairly important places. Lamby, on the east bank of the Rhymny below the Cardiff-Newport road, also has it, and supplies an interesting parallel. Its early form, Langby, “the long town,” represented what was probably a trading settlement stretching along the river which, unlike its more favourably placed sister community on the Taff, fell into decay with the increasing size of sea-going craft. The same * Martin’s Western Isles, ed. 1716, p. 103. Early Cardiff 40 element is also in Hornby, the early form of Homri, now a farm close to St. Nicholas, near Cardiff, where a number of Scandinavian place-names are recorded in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The interpretation of the first part of the name is more difficult, as the material available for its solution is not abundant (see Arch. Camb., 1921). It is very probably the personal-name Hundeman, derived from Old Norse Hundamady, ‘ dog-keeper,’”” a by-name which passed into use as a sur- name, like so many in early days. A parallel form, Gedeman, Old Dan., “ goat-keeper ”’ (Cart. Glam., p. 643), was the name of a witness to a thirteenth century Margam charter, and probably a person of importance, and it may be accepted that personal-names from by-names had become established early in Glamorgan. Huneman, the name of a moneyer recorded on coins of Cnut, may be similar. The name would mean “the village or settlement of Hundeman,” that is, founded by an individual of that name. The name of the town of Hunmanby in a Danish-settled district of the East Riding of Yorkshire is almost identical, its early form being Hundemannebi in Domesday Book (1086), which quotes its rateable value as it existed in Edward the Confessor’s time. This would, of course, rule out a Norman origin. A high authority, Professor Ekwall (in a letter to the writer), expresses the opinion that “it seems fairly certain (1) that Hunmanby in Yorkshire and Womanby in Cardiff are identical in origin, and (2) that they are both Scandinavian.’ A view has been put forward more than once that the name may have originated after the Normans came into possession of Cardiff. From what has been stated above, this is very improbable. Both its elements were foreign to the Norman, and would have a meaning only to settlers of Scandinavian speech. Further, the presence of kindred forms, Langby and Hornby, in the neighbourhood is against it. 4] Early Cardiff The final form, Womanby, illustrates the sound-change known as the prothetic w added before a round vowel (in this case after the aspirate had been dropped), a custom which is said to have come into the English language about the fifteenth century.* The position of Hundemanby in what was practically the centre of medieval Cardiff points to its early importance. Its extent was much greater than the street which bears the name at the present day. Even as late as 1828 a plan shows that it included the present Quay Street as far as High Street. In thirteenth century charters dealing with property in it, we learn the names of some owners of its burgages and of witnesses to their documents, and from what is known of their status we get the impression that this quarter probably represented an important part of the early borough. It is not improbable that Hundemanby formed a nucleus around which the early borough crystallized, a trading settlement, perhaps, which expanded into a town as many early Scandinavian outposts did. Duke Stroet. Duckstrete, 1550, C.R.; Dukestrete, 1550, C.R.; Duckstreete, 1563, C.R.; Duckstrete, 1590-96, C.R. ; Duck Strete, 1616, C.R.; Duckes Strete, 1619, C.R.—all from “ Cardiff Records.”” As may be seen from Speed’s map, the name Duke Street originally applied to the thoroughfare which ran from the east gate to the crossing at St. John’s Square. Modern Duke Street, which les to the west of the crossing, between it and the Castle entrance, is, in all probability the Cabelle Street mentioned in a thirteenth century charter, and so-called from the site of “‘ capella Sancti Pirani,”’ referred _to by Giraldus Cambrensis, in which Henry II. attended Mass on Low Sunday, 1171, on his way from Ireland. Leland, « in the sixteenth century, says “‘ there is a chapelle in Shoe- Maker streat of S. Perine.’”’ The chapel stood on the south side, not far from the High Street corner. In 1550 it was the * Jespersen, A Modern English Grammar, I, p. 321; Wyld, History of English Sounds, p. 140, n. 2. Early Cardiff 4? subject of legal proceedings, when in the possession of the Gild of Cordwainers and Glovers and used by them as Shoe- makers’ Hall. The name of the street then appears as Shoemakers Street (vide Speed’s map), which it retained until late in the seventeenth century, when, for reasons unknown, it made way for the present name transferred from its original site. The origin of the name is obscure. In early times streets were named after whom or what they housed. There is a suggestion that it took origin from Jasper, Duke of Bedford, who held the lordship of Glamorgan for a short time at the end of the fifteenth century. This is hardly likely in view of the available forms and the probability that the name is much earlier than his time. Some light is thrown upon it by two early charters of Margam Abbey. By the first, of late twelfth century date, one William Docgeuel, gifted along with certain other properties to Margam Abbey “in the town of Kerdif, without the eastern gate and nearest to the gate, a messuage and a croft next to it.” The second charter, of date a few years later, states that Margam and Caerleon Abbeys, having come to an arrangement as to their respective properties, the land known as “ terra Duc’’ of the fee of Dogefel was transferred to the latter abbey. It may be permissible to infer that the land by the east gate in Docgeuel’s gift formed part of the “‘ terra Duc,” 2.e., the land of an individual named Duc, and that Duckes, or Duke Street perhaps bears his name. It is an Old Norse personal-name which, like Krokar (in Crockherbtown), was in use in very early times, and is recorded elsewhere in the county. Will. Duc. de Landmthangel, c. 1270, Cart. Glam., was a member of a family who held that manor near Cowbridge for several generations. An old tradition in the Vale of Glamorgan that three Dukes and a Duchess of Gloucester are buried at Llanmihangel is probably based on the fact that it was the burial-place of the Duc family. The early lords of Glamorgan were Earls (not Dukes) of Gloucester, and their places of interment are known. 43 Early Cardiff Wharton Street and Werking Street are names still in use. The following forms are taken from the “ Cardiff Records ”’ : Worton Strete, 1550; Worton Strete, 1563; Workin Strete, 1550; Worken Streate, 1576. Old Worton Street (called Porrag Street on Speed’s map) was of greater extent than the modern Wharton Street, which represents only its western section. In addition, it formed the northern limit of the Hayes and then curved round to be continued in Working Street, which ran along the east side of St. John’s church- yard. According to Speed’s map the latter also formed what is now the eastern side of St. John’s Square and joined the original Duke Street at a right-angle bend, where it was occasionally known as King Street. Those two streets represented parts of a continuous thoroughfare curving southwards from the present Queen Street to St. Mary Street. The form Wharton is of recent adoption influenced by the common present-day surname. The available forms of the names are too few and not of sufficiently early date to warrant a definite conclusion as to their meaning. The fact that they contain an element common to both makes it difficult to accept some of the views put forward, and at the same time suggests a possible explanation. The first part Wor may be a stream-name met with elsewhere, tun or ton being “ enclosure,’ “‘ farm.’’ The second part of Working may be king, kink, or keng, an Old Norse word used with the meaning of “ bend, usually of a stream,” view Worton and Working denote respectively “ Wor farm ” and “bend of the Wor.” It would take us back to the early days of the settlement before the town had assumed its later size and form. It postulates the existence at one time of a brook of which no trace is now left. In support of it there is a reference in 1550 to the “common goute”’ (a stream or effluent), which flowed through old Duke Street ; furthermore, the western end of Worton Street was in line with the Golate, down which a stream (shown on the 1851 and applied sometimes to a small stream. In this ‘ Early Cardiff 44 Survey) ran into the old bend of the Taff. It is not improbable that a water-course, entering the town from the east, went through old Duke Street, making a sharp angle bend into Working Street, passed through Worton Street and down Golate to reach the river. This is, however, conjectural, although it has a parallel on the west side of the Taff where the Can brook has disappeared during the growth of the town. It went down what is now King’s Road, and within its right- angle bend at Cowbridge Road was an old earthwork, still faintly visible, which bore the name of King’s Castle, doubtless from its situation on the “king” or bend of the stream. It must have been fairly prominent in the seventeenth century, if we may trust the tradition, that in order to bombard Cardiff Castle the guns of the Parliamentary army were placed upon it as the only raised ground in the neighbour- hood. If Cardiff had been founded on the right bank of the river instead of the left, with the little Can running through the settlement, it is not difficult to foresee that with the growth of the early town the stream would disappear, leaving only a mysterious place-name behind. Golate. This name, now that of the narrow lane leading from St. Mary Street to Westgate Street, opposite the General Post Office, was formerly attached to the lower wharf on the river bank, to which it led before the alteration of the Taff. It appears as Goolate in an Ordnance Survey of 1851, and is generally supposed to be so named from the fact that the wharf was available for late passengers to board the Bristol packet after it had dropped down stream on its departure from the upper or main quay. This is probably, however, but folk-etymology. The wharf was of comparatively late construction, and the name almost certainly goes further back. In 1740, in the “‘ Cardiff Records,” it is written Gollyate and Gollgate, a form which not improbably represents the medieval term “ golet,”’ also written “‘ goulet, goolet.’’ It is the Old French gowlet, ‘“ a narrow brook or deep gutter of water.”’ The word gullet, ordinarily the food passage in the neck of 45 Early Cardiff an animal, was also used for a water channel. As mentioned above, a stream or effluent ran down the Golate to the river, and is shown on the 1851 survey. On Speed’s map it is Frogg Lane, perhaps descriptive of a wet muddy state. It was not unusual for a thoroughfare to bear more than one name in medieval times, and the one which struck the popular fancy often survived. An old formula, in the days when the river was the water-way to Bristol, “ one foot of tide at the Golate means 21 feet of water over the Rack”’ (the bank at the mouth of the river), told anxious friends when the packet might arrive. Cardiff. Kardi, 1102, Cart. Glam.; Kairdif, 1106, C.G. ; Cairti, 1119, Liber Landav.; Cavyrdif, 1126, Cart. Gloc. ; Keyrdyf, Kaerdyf, Kaerdivium, 1147, C.G. In the Welsh ‘“ Brut’ it is Kaer Dyf, 1201. It will be seen that the earliest contemporary records date from the beginning of the twelfth century. The name is, however, referred to under an entry Annals of Margan,”’ which states, under 1081, that “villa Cardivia was built under King William I.” in that year. The “ Annals’ kept by the monks were not begun until after the founding of the Abbey in 1147, and the statement, though not contemporary, would be almost within living memory at that period. It can hardly ce of somewhat earlier date in the mean that the town was built in one year, and it is more than likely that it refers to the erection of the great Norman castle-mound within the walls of the old Roman fort. The etymology of the name has been, and still is, the subject of discussion. There is general agreement that its first part is Welsh caer, ‘fort,’ ““camp,’”’ and refers to the Roman fort. It is also natural to assume that the second part contains the name of the river Taff. The difficulty in accepting this is that it is not supported by the early forms, which are indeed all against it. It implies vowel change of a in Taff to 7 or y in Cardiff, which has not been explained and on general philological grounds is difficult to accept. Further, no satisfactory reason has been advanced why this Early Cardiff 46 change occurs in Cardiff alone and not in any of the other early local place-names containing the same river-name, ¢.g., Llandaf, Stuntaf, Glyntaf. I have put forward elsewhere a suggestion that the second element may possibly be Old Norse pPyfi (pronounced tyfi), “place with mounds,” closely related to a word signifying “mound ’”’ frequently met in early Norse place-names. The form of the name with ¢ preserved in Cazrti from ‘“‘ Liber Landav.’’, is probably the earlier, and the substitution of t by d in the final form of Cardiff represents a change which was taking place in the eleventh century. According to this view the name Cardiff may denote “ the fort mound,” and apply to the great castle-mound or motte raised by the Norman within the decayed walls of the Roman fort. This event took place in all probability about 1081, and the entry of it in the “ Annals of Margan”’ contains the first mention of the name Cardiff. It may be pointed out that the same suffix ¢vf appears also to be present in Coztif, Coityf, twelfth to fifteenth century forms of Coity, the name of the member- lordship, comprising Coity Anglia, and Coity Wallia. At Coity there are traces of a large ditched mound which was partly levelled to build the later stone castle now in ruins, the name probably meaning “the mound on the Coy,” a stream which flows south through Coychurch village. ce The Welsh name for Cardiff in use in the district is Caerdydd. This form cannot be traced far back, and early Welsh writers always used Caer Dyf. The ending dydd has given rise to a fanciful derivation from the name of a Roman commander, but Welsh scholars are agreed that it is a late Modern-Welsh form and that its substitution for dyf is due to sounds like dd and f being liable to be confused. For the etymology suggested above something may be said both on philological and historical grounds. It regards the name as a hybrid of Welsh and Scandinavian elements, a not infrequent occurrence where two languages meet. The 47 Early Cardiff merchants and traders of Hundemanby on the Taff would doubtless be familiar with the meaning of “ Caer ’”’ as applied to the Roman fort* in their midst, and when the Conqueror caused the erection of the large mound within its enceinte it would naturally be known as the “ caer tyf,”’ ““ the mound of the fort.’ Its imposing proportions rising above the ruined wall would make it a landmark, and it is not difficult J3.20£ to understand how its name may have come to be applied to the rising community beside it. (Figs. 6, 7, 8.) Crockherbtown. Cvockarton, 1348, Cart. Glam. ; Croker- strete, 1399, C.G. ; Crokerton, 1535, Leland ; Cokkerton, 1610, Speed ; Crokerton St., 1660, Lease ; Crockertown, 1714, Lease ; Crockherbtown, 1766. This was the eastern suburb of the old town outside the wall, and the name remained attached to the main thoroughfare outside the east gate up to 1886, when it was abolished and gave place to Queen Street. The Glamorgan Canal lock under the road at the site of the east gate still retains the name. The first part of the name is probably Old Norse Krokr, an early and common personal-name, and the second part ” tum, “‘ enclosed land, farm,’ the name meaning “the tun The fact that it is found in many of the ” or farm of Krokr. place-names of Iceland (which was colonised in the ninth century) shows that the suffix fon was in use equally by English and Norsemen at an early period. w 7 “ a F =~ - : A) : : a) — pe STRAUS - ee LIA a _ ' cant? Hane” uty . wa" Pty eu yt a + Ps -- Wh? f ji ‘ 7 ? : f Tikes” 0 : mer) Uae orl tty i Mn) OL 16 Be hi. a . Baa ae AB ili. gli Tene ist Wan the rt (oP A3 } ee Loe 4 | . Whe; 748, ’ y Leila rf it -_ of | é f 7 as ait revi ' ik 30 iu ’ ’ | “i , > fog = 4 a sural |} cre. a j » ll) aie elie = - Vso “ iit i : beeing 72} x = - . ae waste ” ‘tT? Toe (ind uri a SOOh asdneic 2 i ab agierae ate to 4 THE LaTE Mr. ARCHIBALD BROWN. - Mr. Archibald Brown was an active member of the Society for many years, and rendered excellent service in various capacities. As a young man, he was, for a considerable time, an Inspector of Branches for the Capital and Counties Bank. During that period he was sent to Greece on business for the Bank, and was there for practically five years. On his marriage, in 1885, he accepted an appointment as Manager of the Ledbury Branch, and remained there until 1896, when he was appointed Manager of a branch of the County of Gloucester Bank at St. Mary Street, Cardiff. When that Bank was amalgamated with Lloyds Bank he was transferred to the Cardiff Docks, and was Manager of that important branch until his retirement in 1916. Mr. Brown joined the Society in 1898, and at once took an active interest in it. He was elected a member of the Council in 1905, and three years later became President. The subject of his Presidential Address on the 15th October, 1908, was “A Visit to Cephalonia and the Sea Mills of Argostoli.”’ During his year of office as President a vacancy arose in the office of Honorary Treasurer of the Society, and, at the earnest wish of the Council, Mr. Brown accepted the position, which he occupied, with considerable benefit to the Society, up to the time of his resignation in 1921. On his retirement from active business, Mr. Brown moved to Clifton, but continued to keep in touch with Cardiff through various Directorships which he held, and, in fact, he travelled to Cardiff almost daily. He passed away suddenly on the 26th January, 1922, immediately on his arrival home from a visit to Cardiff. 2 JOHN WARD, M.A., FSA’ Born 1856. Diep 1922. The loss caused by the death of Mr. Ward will be felt where- ever he was known or his Archaeological publications were read, but more particularly in South Wales, where his person- ality and kindly courtesy made him esteemed by all with whom he came in contact. He was an Archaeologist acquainted with a wide range of subjects gained by keen and patient observations, and it was always his pleasure to advise and discuss his favourite topics with those who were similarly interested. He was born at Derby, and started life as a chemist, but developed an interest in Archaeology at an early age, with a tendency towards mediaeval subjects and to matters relating to the arrangement and conduct of museums. It was this tendency which led him to Cardiff in 1893, when he was ap- pointed Curator of the Welsh Museum of Natural History, Arts, and Antiquities, and it was in the earlier years of his residence in that city that opportunity enabled him to extend his observations into the region of Romano-British Archaeology upon which he became a noted authority. In the year 1900, The Cardiff Naturalists’ Society undertook the excavation of the Roman Fort at Gellygaer, and Mr. Ward was appointed to take notes and write the report. The report was published later as a separate volume of the Transactions in 1902, and was also issued as a separate publication to general readers by Messrs. Bemrose & Son, Publishers, of Derby. This effort so successfully concluded established Mr. Ward’s authority, and his works became known at home and abroad. Later he wrote and published his works on “‘ Romano-British Buildings and Earthworks ”’ and “‘ The Roman Era in Britain ”’ (Series “ The Antiquary’s Books ’’—Methuen). In 1903, The Cardiff Naturalists’ Society discovered and explored Castell Morgraig on Thornhill, and Mr. Ward’s account of this work was published in Transactions, Vol. XXXVITI, 1905. John Ward, M.A., F.S.A. 3 During the period from 1893 until his activities ceased shortly before his death, he was a member of the Society and a member of the Committee of the Archaeological Section from its revival in 1900. Mr. Ward, however, never really ap- preciated his position as a member of the Archaeological Committee, stating often that he preferred to work with the Section rather as a co-opted member representing the Welsh Museum than as a direct member representing the Society. His reasons were quite sound, as his position of Curator to the Welsh Museum called for his interests in antiquities throughout the Principality, and, while associating himself with research work no matter by whom it was done, he always preferred the outside position, so that his services might be equally claimed by all. These services were ungrudgingly rendered, and papers on relative subjects are to be found in the Journals of the Cardiff Naturalists’ Society, The Cambrian Archaeological Association, The Royal Archaeological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, The British Archaeological Association, and others. The following is a short list of his writings for The Cardiff Naturalists’ Society :— 1903. Vol. XXXV. The Gellygaer Excavations. 1905. ,, XXXVIII. Castell Morgraig—The situation, exploration, and remains. 1908. Se AB Notes on Roman Remains in the Society’s District. 1909. i) AEE: Roman Fort at Gellygaer. The Baths. 1911. oe wey. Roman Fort at Gellygaer. The Annexe. 1913. eee VL, Recent discoveries of Roman work at Cardiff Castle. His interests were not confined to Archaeology in any one direction. Dr. W. Evans Hoyle, M.A., Director of The National Museum of Wales, has testified to the excellence of the Collection which Mr. Ward was successful in gathering together, and which afterwards became the nucleus of The National Museum. He was skilful in making models of his 4 John Ward, M.A., F.S.A. subjects, and his series of Geological models won for him a silver medal at the Paris Exhibition in 1900. Mr. Ward was a Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries, and the honorary degree of Master of Arts was conferred upon him by the University of Wales in 1917. When the Welsh Museum was transferred to the National Museum Mr. Ward was appointed Keeper of the Archaeological Department, and later, when his health broke down and he was no longer able to carry on the full duties of his office, he was appointed Consulting Archaeologist, an appointment which met with the universal approval of his many friends in the Principality. He was a man of many parts, and had he not been an anti- quary he might easily have been an artist, his pen and ink drawings showing a marked ability in this direction, but whether writing, drawing, or modelling Mr. Ward expressed himself with remarkable clearness, due to his gift of the “‘ Art of taking infinite pains.”’ JOHN W. RODGER. METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS, 1922. The average monthly rainfall over the whole of the Society’s district (comprised within the semi-circular area, having the Beacons as its northernmost point, its base the coastline from Neath to Chepstow, and with a mean height of 596 feet above the sea level) was as follows :— January = an 5°41 inches. February .. 7 6-76 March ist » lS ae April a on 3°78 May ar ha 1-61 June as fe L005 -,,; July a iit 6-18 August is a 4-53 September. He, 3°81 October at 3 e72AL 5. November .. 7 PART pte Lens December," .- me 8-08) ;, 3) ae Total in 1921 i», 40-iomeches, ro lo20 ‘fo n@Sro4y/,,.; ole, samt: salle Semmes: BP}: ) 4 ae 7 ster As Ole v's, i LOTG SO HGR ye lols sn OMe y 3. , lL ik ORAM? 55 lols ee Se! 5 ee ote a oh UE 55 Demon asi giSOFIa Vy) 55 yo (1OTO tee Some ,s pe Ue, seh ae DUESOr. . 55 7 ARLOOS ea4:60 -%,, at @elouZ Mean - » . Lots PS oe ale Pp seals “arigeae tae » 1904 -. 80-02 6 Meteorological Observations, 1922 Feet above OBSERVERS. Mean Inches of Sea Level. Rain. C. H. PriEsTLEY, Summit of Tyle Brith, Breconshire 2350 68-67 ae Nant Penig fs sy =e -» +2000 “95275 Pa Nant Ddu Dk: i rf: «.) 15607 @73-65 aR: Storey Arms .. bee ar .. 1430 Gae2a a Beacons Reservoir ne 32 -- 1340 ‘Si-ts = Nant Gwineu .. Aeon 8 47/55 52-93 T. W. Coates, Pontlluestwen es oie Viele Bs No. 1 Gauge .. ie nee > BAeZOU 86-28 te No. 2 Gauge .. ae x | 12250 5.4 5—s No. 3 Gauge .. He -- A200 79-00 lets (& Sie Blaenavon Estate Office, Mou. ae 2) 5D 50-76 C. H. PRIESTLEY, Cantreff Reservoir ae ae -.. 1120 68-08 Garw Nant 23 AD ae «« T00=2 Diss RAC HARRISON, Gwernllwyn, Dowlais .. :.. LO71 ~ 43-04 EBBW VALE STEEL, IRON, AND Coat Co., Ebbw Vale i 902 56:29 C. H. Prresttey, Llwynon Reservoir, Biecoushice ye 860 54-14 i Troedyrhiw aA Ss sa “a 860 61-42 = Pont-ar-daf.. A 8 Pe ae 850 53-69 GLYNCORRWG COLLIERY Co., Glyncorrwg 725 86-40 NEWPORT CORPORATION, New church, Wentw oul: Mowe 525 47-22 is Nantypridd, Wentwood, Mon. 500 45-91 ee Llanvaches Embankment, Mon. 456 42-52 Pant-yr-eos Reservoir, Mon. 435 55-64 EDWARD Curr, Itton Court, Chepstow .. Ae -» —JSOOMRSo-0g C. H. 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FEATURES OF. ‘THE MONTHS. 1922. JANUARY. The weather of January was mild and comparatively dry until the third week, when a considerable drop in temperature occurred and precipitation became abnormal. The mean temperature was 40-5° F., and there was an average daily range of 10-5° F. The total number of hours of bright sun- shine was 51-1—a little below the average, and representing 20% of the possible amount. Rainfall amounted to 4-09 inches, slightly exceeding the average for this month. Mean relative humidity 88%. FEBRUARY. Opened with mild but wet days until the 5th, when it became much cooler. Dry weather with considerable periods of bright sunshine then prevailed until the 14th, then more unsettled conditions set in. Precipitation was excessive in its total for the month—1-74 inches of rain above the average fall over a period of 33 years. There were 73-4 hours of bright sun- shine, or 26% of the possible total. Mean temperature 41-2°F., the maximum in the shade reached 54° F., and the coldest night 25° F. Mean relative humidity 85%. MARCH. Mild at first with wet South-westerly winds, but after the 7th day strong Easterly and North-easterly winds brought colder and drier weather, which continued until the last few days. Precipitation was slightly above the average—total 3-87 inches. The greatest rain fall in 24 hours was 0°85 inches on the 3lst. This represents the amount of snow collected in the rain gauge, the depth of snow being approximately 12inches. There were l5raindays. A little above the average amount of sunshine was recorded, the total, 115-1 hours, being 31% of the possible total. The maximum temperature registered was 54° F., and the minimum 28° F., with an average daily range of 11° F. Meteorological Observations, 1922 15 APRIL. The cold winds experienced in March continued into April. Snow fell continuously on the third day, and was accompanied by a strong North-easterly wind. Throughout the greater part of the month temperature was low, the only warm day being the 21st. The warmest night was 45° F., and the coldest 27° F. Mean temperature, 43-1° F., was 3-2° below the average. Rain fell on 16 days, making a total of 3-01 inches. Sunshine was above normal. There was a considerable number of bright days, on six of which more than nine hours of sun were recorded. May. The month was warm, dry, and very sunny. A hot spell commenced about the 20th, and continued to the end of the month. The hottest day was the 30th, when the maximum temperature in the screen reached 81° F. Mean temperature was 55-2° F., or 3° above the average. Sunshine records show an average of 8-3 hours per day, or 54% of the possible total duration. The total, 257-5 hours, exceeded the average by. 40 hours. Rain fall was nearly an inch below the average. The total fall was 1-51 inches. There were only 12 rain-days. Mean relative humidity 78%. JUNE. Opened with a continuation of the hot spell which com- menced at the end of May, the first seven days being very sunny and without rain. Fair and warm weather continued until the 22nd day, when Westerly winds brought cooler and moist days, which remained until the end of the month. Precipitation was very deficient, the total, 1-29 inches, being 1-5 inches below the average. Sunshine was plentiful. An average of eight hours a day was recorded. Temperature was about normal, viz., 57-3° F. The coldest night was 42° F., and the warmest day 81° F. 16 Meteorological Observations, 1922 JULY. The first nine days of July were much cooler and very wet, after which the days became a little warmer, but remained below normal throughout the month, with a scarcity of rain. The heavy rains in the beginning of the month, however, sent the total rain fall well above the average, there being 19 rain days, and a total of 4-59 inches. The mean temperature was 57° F., and the absolute maximum 70° on the 11th and 12th. There was an average of 5-9 hours of sunshine a day, repre- senting 37% of the possible total duration—this is about normal. The coldest night was the 15th, when the minimum thermometer in the screen fell to 46° F. Mean relative humidity 83%, and prevailing winds were W. and N.W. AUGUST. The month was generally dull, cool, and unsettled. Mean temperature, 56:4° F., was 3-9° below the average over 33 years. Overcast skies were very frequent, as is evidenced by the marked deficiency of sunshine, the total of which was 64 hours less than the average for the last 14 years, and not more than 27% of the possible total. There was a prevalence of Westerly and North-westerly winds, which accounted for the 18 wet days, giving a total rain fall of 4-14 inches, and the mean relative humidity at 89%. Thunder storms occurred on the 7th and 8th days. The maximum _ temperature recorded was 67° F., and the minimum 42° F. SEPTEMBER. The cool and unsettled weather which prevailed in August was continued into September, but was interspersed with several fairly warm days, upon which a maximum temperature of 70° in the shade was registered. No rain fell during the first eleven days, when the wind was chiefly from the North- east, but the change to South-west on the 12th brought several very wet days. The wettest two of these were the 12th and 19th, when 0-85 inches and 1-10 inches respectively constituted the total fall in 24 hours. The total fall during the month Meteorological Observations, 1922 167] was 3-45 inches. Thunder was heard on one day. Sunshine was a little below the average, and there were a few cool nights, upon which the temperature in the screen fell to 42° F. The mean relative humidity was 86%. OCTOBER Was abnormally dry—the total rain fall, 1-49 inches, being 2-32 inches below the average, and the mean relative humidity 81%. An absolute drought for 23 days (from the 6th to 28th) was the most remarkable feature. “Sunshine was above the normal. Altogether 136-8 hours of bright sunshine were registered—the average for 14 years being 105-8 hours. The temperature, however, was not much affected, in fact the mean temperature for the month was slightly below the average ; from, the first week there was a gradual decline until the 29th day, when the maximum thermometer in the shade failed to register more than 41° F. Westerly winds prevailed during the first five days, then changed to Easterly, and remained for the rest of the month. A ground frost was registered at night on five occasions. NOVEMBER. The first ten days of November were cool and wet, but, on the whole, the month was unusually dry. Rain fell on 13 days, on five of which the amount was less than 0-04 inches. The total, 2-13 inches, was 1-28 inches below the average. Sunshine was slightly above normal, the total for the month being 66:7hours. The mean temperature was 43-4° F.; the absolute maximum 54° and minimum 28°. A ground frost occurred on ten nights, and fog was frequent. Westerly and North- westerly winds prevailed, and the mean relative humidity was B7%.- DECEMBER. Was mild but wet. There were numerous very heavy rains during the latter half of the month, among which were falls of 1-53 inches, 0-96 inches, 1-05, and 0-75 inches on the 19th, 21st, 29th, and 30th respectively. Hail storms were also very 18 Meteorological Observations, 1922 frequent after the 18th day, and thunder and lightning occurred on the 18th and 29th. The total rain fall for the month was 2-38 inches above the average. Sunshine was deficient— the total falling short of the average by 124 hours. There were no outstanding features regarding temperature. The maximum was 53° F., and the minimum 34° F. Only two ground frosts were recorded, and the mean relative humidity was 86%. Westerly winds prevailed throughout the month. EXTREMES AND SUMMARY. June was the driest month, with a total rain fall of 1-29 inches ; and December the wettest—rain fall 7-01 inches. The wettest day was December the 19th, when 1-53 inches of rain fell. There were 178 rain days during the year, making a total of 41-17 inches, which exceeds the average by 1-88 inches. The highest maximum temperature recorded was 81° F. on May 30th and June Ist, and the lowest 34° F. on the 5th February. The coldest night was January 24th—minimum temperature 23° F. October was exceedingly dry—probably the driest on record. The rain fall amounted to 1-49 inches, and the average for this month over a period of 33 years is 4-81 inches. A total of 1623-0 hours of bright sunshine were recorded, representing 36° of the possible duration, an average of 4-4 hours a day. This percentage compares very favourably with other statistics in the Country—a few stations in Kent, Sussex, Hampshire, and Devon showed 40%, but very few stations showed more than this. 19 ROMAN BUILDINGS AND EARTHWORKS ON THE CARDIFF RACECOURSE. by Roba Mo WHEELER; M:C., D-Lir.,. F.S.A. J. PREFATORY NOTE. In 1894 the late Mr. John Storrie drew the attention of the Cardiff Naturalists’ Society to certain banks and ditches at Ely in one of the fields enclosed by the Cardiff Racecourse. At his instigation the Society then expended a sum of {96 upon cutting a long trench through the site, and so ascertained the existence of walls and pavements in association with Roman pottery and coins. A very brief account of the work was published*, but neither the character nor the extent of the buildings was ascertained. In 1917 the late Mr. John Ward, working upon Mr. Storrie’s notes, published a fuller account of the work in these Tvansactions (Vol. L., pp. 24-44), but, dealing as he was with rough second-hand 1naterial after a long interval of time, he almost inevitably added to the errors of the original report. It was due, however, largely to the labours of these two antiquaries that it was possible in 1922 to conclude, or at least extend, the excavations with the minimum of cost and trouble. In 1922 the Society obtained the late Lord Plymouth’s consent for the resumption of the excavations, and thanks are due both to Lord Plymouth and to his tenant, Mr. William Emerson, for their ready co-operation in the matter. An appeal, issued by Mr. Gilbert D. Shepherd, then President of the Society, and Dr. D. R. Paterson, F.S.A., President of the Archaeological Section, met with a ready response, and the work was carried out in May and June by the present writer, representing the National Museum of Wales, with the assistance of Mrs. R. E. M. Wheeler and Mr. R.H. D’Elboux. Mr. Clarke, of Llandaff, very kindly carried out all arrangements regarding * Cardiff Nat. Soc. Tvans. xxvi, pp. 125-8. See also Antiquary, xxix, p. 234; xxx, pp. 46, 208; Arch. Camb., 1894, p. 326; Brit. Arch. Assoc. Journ., L, p. 326; Builder, \xvii, p. 244. 20 Roman Buildings and Earthworks on the Cardiff Racecourse labour and materials, and the excellent work of his men, some of whom had taken part in similar excavations elsewhere, contributed in no small degree to the success of the enterprise. Il. Tuer BuILpINGsS AND EARTHWORKS. Modern students of Roman Britain have been taught to recognize the sharp line of cleavage, both social and regional, which intervened between the military and the civil zones of the province. Such recognition is essential both as a cor- rective to the indiscriminate marchings and counter-marchings of the earlier historians and as a safeguard against confusion in dealing with a comparatively restricted geographical area. The general validity of this distinction, however, is now so widely accepted that it is permissible:to modify it in detail without risk of misunderstanding. It is evident, for example, that immediately behind the frontiers certain towns— notably Corbridge, in Northumberland—must have contained a considerable military element ; and, on the other hand, the forts themselves tended to become minor centres of civil life, generally of a poor and ill-developed order. Moreover, the banks or walls with which the larger and many of the smaller Romano-British towns were girdled during the occupation imply the existence, in esse or in posse, of some local organized force for their defence. It has been supposed that these walls were a late addition and were not in early times a normal feature of the Romano-British town plan. But it is certain that several of the Gallic cities were walled at a very early period, and in this country excavation has indicated that Colchester at least was almost certainly enclosed before the end of the first century. The walls of Aldborough, in Yorkshire, were assigned provisionally by Haver- field to the second century. Roman Caerwent survived the construction of well-built bastions which were added to the town-wall, itself an addition to an independent earthen rampart; and we may suppose that this was of comparatively early date.* Again, the Roman wall of London has been thought to contain * There is indeed reason to regard this rampart as an original feature of the town. Roman Buildings and Earthworks on the Cardiff Racecourse 21 work of two dates, and the bastions, at least some of which may safely be regarded as Roman, differ from both these works and seem to have been added after a considerable lapse of time. It is a reasonable postulate that the czvitates and townships of Britain, like those of Gaul * and Germany {, had their own local armed levies or train-bands for police-work and defence, and that there was an appreciable, if unobtrusive, military or semi-military element in the ordinary peaceful life of the province. In these aspects, the Romano-British walled towns may be compared with the fortress-towns of the Middle Ages. It is, therefore, something of a paradox to find the neighbouring countryside teeming with un-walled, un-moated Romano- British residences, frequently many miles from the nearest refuge. It must often give cause for wonderment that, in the troubled years of the later third and fourth centuries, when the shores were infested with pirates and migratory hordes, and when the interior was ravaged from time to time by wandering gangs of brigands, the Roman country-house did not more often anticipate the domestic fortifications of the Middle Ages. The only surprise which such fortifications, when found, can occasion, therefore, derives from their rarity, and the recent discovery that the building enclosed by banks and ditches at Ely is of a Romano-British residential type may be said to add a new paragraph, but scarcely a new problem, to the history of Roman Britain. The house in question lies two miles west of the Roman fort and mediaeval castle at Cardiff, and 500 yards from the west bank of the Ely at the point where that river, though still tidal, first becomes fordable. Some 600 yards to the north- west the present Cowbridge road closely represents the Roman way from Caerwent to Carmarthenshire, and it is claimed that the Roman road-metal has actually been seen alongside the present road near the Ely bridge. Some sort of track must have connected the Roman settlement with this road, but the faint indications marked on the ordnance map ‘ Roman * Fustel de Coulanges, La Gaule Romaine (1891), p. 243. + Mommsen, The Provinces of the Roman Empire (1909), i, pp. 122, 149; Pelham, Essays on Roman History, p. 210. 22 Roman Buildings and Earthworks on the Cardiff Racecourse road (site of)’ and reproduced in Fig. 1 failed to yield con- firmatory evidence in a trial trench. * The site of the Roman buildings is now encircled by the Cardiff racecourse, and its aspect has been drastically altered by drainage operations, which include the diversion of the Caerau brook into a straight channel immediately south of the Roman baths (see plan, Fig. 1). The former course, or rather courses, of the stream can still be traced and are worthy of note in that they partially explain the lay-out of the buildings. The main stream followed a winding course about 70 feet south of the modern channel; but, a few yards above (west of) the site, it threw out a subsidiary streamlet, which formed a loop towards the north. It was within the island formed by this loop and the main stream that the settler built his house. In order, however, to economize space and to drain the site, he straightened and deepened the stream-course to the west and north of the island, the two channels meetingin an oblique angle, which determined the main lines both of the house-plan and of the later earthworks. The artificial stream-bed was cut to a depth of 5 feet, and the spoil-earth was thrown out in a low heap on both sides. Three trial trenches through the ditch revealed a considerable depth of grey silt, containing numerous branches and twigs of willow, fragments of brick and roof-tile, and a piece of Samian 27. The choice of site is worthy of remark. Even under present conditions the ground is normally moist or even swampy, and was presumably more so in Roman times. The wooded slopes which rise towards the south offer dry ground within less than 300 yards of the brook. The reasons, therefore, for building on this little stream-girt island amongst the marshes are difficult to determine. The proximity of water not infre- quently attracted rather than deterred the Roman builder, as in the case of the ‘ villa’ on the banks of the Yeo at Great Wembersham in Somerset, or the recently discovered fort (‘‘ Caer Llugwy’’) near Capel Curig in North Wales, by the river Llugwy, which must then, as now, have threatened to over-run * It is possible, however, that the surface has been mostly destroyed by agricultural operations, and further excavation would be required to settle the matter definitely. Roman Buildings and Earthworks on the Cardiff Racecourse 23 it in winter flood. The presumption is that the motive both at Ely and in the Llugwy valley was essentially the same, and that the Ely settler, sceptical of the penetration or endurance of the Roman peace in these outlands, preferred inaccessibility to comfort. The excavated remains may be grouped broadly under three periods, although it is not implied that all the works included under each period are strictly contemporary. Early Period. The earliest structures appear to have been the main or eastern block (Building I, on plan), and a secondary or western block (Building II) linked to the first by a rough boundary wall. The footings of these structures were every- where laid in the virgin soil, and consisted of pitched slabs of the local lias, often arranged in herring-bone fashion. The walls themselves were well built, with rubble core and ashlar facing of lias. They were preserved to a maximum height of 3 feet, and up to that height contained no brick. The main block, Building I, was of half-H shaped plan, with the wings extending towards the south (Fig. 3). The whole of the south front was faced by a single-storey verandah, carried on a wall of comparatively light construction. Where best preserved, on the eastern wing, this wall has a dressed founda- tion-course 2 feet wide, above which it is stepped back to a width of only 1 foot 7 inches, thus contrasting markedly with the 24-foot walls of the main structure. It was presumably not more than breast-high, and a small and fragmentary column-drum of Bathstone, 10 inches in diameter, may be the solitary survivor of the dwarf colonnade with which, on analogy, it was probably surmounted. Between the wings was an open entrance-court, paved with slabs and cobbles, and on both sides of this court were remains of stone gutters, 6 inches wide, which drained the rain-water from the pent-roofs of the veranda. The original floors of the flanking verandas had for the most part been destroyed, but that of the central strip, which fronted the main block and doubtless contained the principal entrance, showed two floor-levels. Both had been paved with tesserae, partly of brick and partly of pennant stone, but most of the tesserae of the lower floor had been re-used in 24 Roman Buildings and Earthworks on the Cardiff Racecourse that which was superimposed on it. It is noteworthy that the later floor, though conforming generally with the earlier plan, so far overlaps the adjacent footings as to suggest that the original stone walls had here been replaced at some period by timber walls built upon the old stone foundations. At a comparatively late period a semi-circular oven (Fig. 4) had been inserted in the western veranda of the eastern wing. Only the floor of the oven remained, but it was clearly of the type which has been found on other Roman sites in Britain.* Round it were large quantities of charcoal. It was associated with a very rough and fragmentary flooring of stone slabs and broken tile, which partly overlay an opus signinum fioor that was itself a secondary flooring in this wing. The main rooms of the house were four in number (1-4 on plan). The westernmost was L-shaped, and originally had a slab floor covered with a thin layer of yellow cement and carried on a bottoming of pitched stones heaped to a consider- able depth in an effort—probably ineffectual }—to ensure dry- ness. This early floor bore ample traces of fire ; in places it was burnt red, and was strewn thickly with burnt wood, including remains of a 4 X 1 inch plank. Other rooms, especially 8 and 9, showed evidence of fire at this level, and it is probable that the original building was destroyed by a con- flagration. In the present room a new floor of yellow cement on a rubble filling was subsequently built at a height of a foot above its predecessor. The filling contained a mortarium rim of comparatively late but undated type (Fig. 13, No. 10). The middle room (2) appears originally to have had a clay floor, but was afterwards re-paved roughly with stone slabs (including former building-stones) and broken roof-tiles. Many of these tiles had been distorted in the kiln (see Fig. 5), and must, therefore, have been made in the vicinity—doubtless from the clays which are still used for brick-making within a few hundred yards of the site. On this floor were found the fragments of a baby’s skull and a ‘third brass’ of * As at Birrens, Great Chesters, Birdoswald, Gellygaer, and other Roman forts. + After two months’ continuous drought, water was found in this stone filling. Roman Buildings and Earthworks on the Cardiff Racecourse 25 Constantine I, minted A.D. 320-4, the latest dateable object found during the excavations. The coin is in mint condition. The adjoining room (3) was not cleared. The main room in the south-east wing (4) had been badly damaged by the trial trench of 1894, but it had clearly been heated by a channelled hypocaust, consisting of a stone-lined channel seven inches wide round the margins of the floor, with a similar dividing channel down the centre of the room. The plan of the channels, when complete, was probably cruciform, as at Wroxeter, 1914 Report, pl. XII, 1. It is noteworthy that the hypocaust had been disused and the channels largely blocked in Roman times, and that either before or (more probably) during this blocking a piece of window-glass and a potsherd of type, probably not later than the end of the second century (Fig. 13, No. 9), were thrown into one of the channels. The original cement floor above the channels had been broken up, and had been replaced successively by two opus signinum floors. It will be seen that a similar fate befell the hypocausts of the baths, and indeed it must have been well-nigh impossible to maintain a hypocaust system on a site so liable to flood. The position of the furnace was not discovered. On the northern side, the house was backed for its whole length by a long veranda-like structure divided into two compartments. Here again, the outer (northern) wall, 2 feet in width, suggests a single storey, whereas the more solid main walls were clearly designed to carry two storeys. It is not difficult to visualize the general appearance of the building in its original condition. The main entrance, flanked by the two wings, was approached from the south by a paved way, 104 feet wide, consisting of slabs and broken stone between well-defined kerbs. The whole of the lower storey on this front was screened by the veranda, above which rose the bare walls of the upper storey, pierced doubtless by the square windows depicted on Roman wall-paintings and mosaics, and crowned by a tiled roof, probably with flat-pitched gables over the wings. Buildings of this kind, generally on a more lavish scale, are not uncommon in Britain; Chedworth, Brading, Mansfield Woodhouse, and Ickleton may be cited as prominent examples. These again vary in little more than size from Continental 26 Roman Buildings and Earthworks on the Cardiff Racecourse types, such as the ‘ villa’ at Héronville in northern France or that called by Jacobi the ‘ Kaufhaus,’ close to the Saalburg fort.* The present building is distinguished amongst these by its unusual smallness and compactness, qualities which it shares with the small farms, of somewhat similar plan, which were characteristic of the Roman frontier territory east of the Rhine.t These German examples, however, differed by the inclusion of a small internal courtyard, whereas the British types are shown, by the occasional presence of mosaic floors, to have been continuously roofed. Both south-east and south-west of the house were found stretches of rough slab paving, which had in some cases formed the floors of sheds. One of these floors, near the south-east corner of the later enclosure, was completely preserved, and is shown on the plan. Adjoining it on the south was a burnt area, about 20 feet in diameter, which yielded some of the earliest pottery found on the site (Fig. 13, Nos. 27-31). Building II seems to have been approximately contemporary with Building I. Its footings were everywhere built on the clean natural surface ; and close to them, on the same level, were found a piece of rough-cast slip-ware, a grey sherd with the wavy combed pattern which seems to have died out before the Antonine period, and a few other fragments to which a similar date can be assigned. The building was of simple oblong plan, and consisted of three slab-paved rooms, possibly workrooms, although on the east they opened on to a corridor which retains part of its pavement of red and grey tesserae (brick and pennant) laid in 7 inch longitudinal stripes. On the floor of the main southern room (12) a small hearth for smelting iron is said to have been discovered in 1894. The block, unlike Building I, was roofed with hexagonal slabs of pennant stone. This building was approached from the east-south-east by a pathway similar to but less well preserved than that already described. A considerable length of kerbing remained on the northern side of this approach (see Fig. 11), and against it, in * Other examples are collected by K. M. Swoboda, Rémische und romanische Paldste, pp. 90 ff. + G. Kropatscheck, ‘Das rémische Landhaus in Deutschland,’ in Kaiserliches Arch. Inst. VI. Bericht der rémisch-germanischen Kommisstion, 1910-11, p. 59; and Swoboda, as cited, pp. 111 ff. Roman Buildings and Earthworks on the Cardiff Racecourse 27 a well-defined layer, were found two fragments of early Samian (form 18/31) and a fragment of a ring-necked jug of a type which can scarcely be later than A.D. 120-140 (Fig. 13, Nos. 6-7). The chronological evidence of the early second-century pottery found here and elsewhere on the site (see below, p. 41) is supplemented by that of the coins found in 1894. They were lost shortly afterwards, but are vaguely recorded to have been bronzes of ‘Augustus’ and ‘Nerva’ and a denarius of ‘Antoninus Pius.’ The first and last perhaps require further identification, but the margin of error in the case of the second is small, and this coin may be used as auxiliary evidence. It is clear that the site was first occupied within the first thirty or forty years of the second century, and we may reasonably associate with this occupation Building II (without the baths) and the first plan of Building I. Adjoining the south end of the western block is a small but complete set of baths (Fig. 6). These are certainly an addition to the block against which they abut, and the north-west angle of the apsidal chamber was built across a small rubbish pit which yielded a few pieces of pottery of the first half of the second century (Fig. 13, Nos. 1-4). No other evidence of a previous occupation layer was observed, however, in this area, and it seems not improbable that the baths were added at no great interval of time after the building of the adjacent blocks. The baths were entered through a small veranda at the south end, and consisted successively of a cold-room, a warm- room heated through two corbel-arched flues (Fig. 7) from a larger hot-room, which was also connected on the west by a diagonal flue with a small chamber externally rectangular and internally apsidal (Fig. 8). The apsidal chamber may have contained a water-bath, all traces of which had been removed in Roman times. Between the hot-room and the furnace was a small room, the thickened walls of which probably carried ’ a second water-bath, heated directly by the adjacent furnace. The northern wall of the room was carried across the furnace by an arch, of which a springer remained on the east side. The furnace was approached from the west down two stone steps (Fig. 9). All the heated rooms showed remains of brick pilae. 28 Roman Buildings and Earthworks on the Cardiff Racecourse Baths of this simple type are a well-known feature of the conventional Romano-British residence, and the penetration of ‘ Romanization’ finds no more striking proof than in the crude hypocausts with which even the rough native farmers of the Hampshire downs occasionally sought to modify the discomforts of their primitive kraals. But whether the occupants of the Ely residence wearied of their adopted luxury or whether, as is perhaps more probable, the continual flooding of the hypocausts rendered the system unworkable on this low-lying site, the heating system was disused during the Roman period, the flues were blocked with brick and masonry, the suspensurae were broken up and thrown amongst the pilae, together with old building stones, painted wall- plaster and other débris, and over this rough filling was poured a thick layer of pink cement. Subsequently this floor was wholly or in part renewed by a second thick layer of similar material (Fig. 10). Here again, the absence of dateable objects in the comparatively small area cleared leaves the absolute chronology indeterminate. It is a possible inference that the complete gutting which the building evidently underwent when the floors and walls were stripped and the hypocausts filled up indicates the rehabilitation of a decayed or damaged building and should be brought into relation with the disaster which, as recorded above, appears to have overtaken Building I during the earlier part of its history. Middle Period. It was perhaps in connexion with the partial reconstruction of the main block and the filling up of the hypo- causts in the bath-block that a new and substantial structure was added to the south-western corner of the former. This new structure consisted of a rectangular chamber, with walls varying from 3 to 5 feet in thickness. Time and the trench of 1894 have destroyed much evidence here, but it is certain that these walls overlay the original veranda and perhaps even the corner of the wing itself; part of the yellow cement flooring still remained im situ at a height of 15 inches above the foundations of the western veranda-wall. It is clear, therefore, that in re-building or restoring his residence the occupant of this period abandoned some of the features of the original plan. Roman Buildings and Earthworks on the Cardiff Racecourse 29 A foot or more of ‘ occupation soil,’ containing much burnt wood, had accumulated before this new room was added. Into it had been thrown as ballast a number of disused building stones, and on this basis the new walls and floor had been built. The floor, as preserved, consisted of rough stone slabs, which had apparently been covered by a layer of hard yellow cement. The eastern half of the floor was raised by the height of two stone-faced steps, and the whole arrangement suggested a former plunge-bath with the steps (or a seat and a step) on its eastern side. It would be logical to regard this bath as a simple substitute for the more elaborate system which it had been found desirable or necessary to discard. Much wall-plaster, painted in stripes of red, brown, yellow, and blue, lay in and about this building, and the earlier excavators seem to have found a piece of quarter-round plaster moulding zm situ against the northern wall. Bonded into the north wall of this room was the foundation of a wider but roughly-built wall which proceeded westwards until cut by the later ditch. It probably served as a southern boundary to the north-west courtyard, although the earlier excavators speak of some sort of a decayed floor to the south of it. Late Period. In the third or late period, the site under- went drastic changes. The earlier ditch on the north of Building I was largely filled up, and at one point on the northern side of this building a projecting room (10) was built across the filling. The area containing Building I was now surrounded by a bank and a ditch forming an enclosure of rhomboidal plan, measuring approximately 190 feet from the east to west, and 170 feet from north to south. The stream was apparently diverted along the new northern ditch, but the gradients seem to have been so arranged as to keep most of the ditches on the west, south, and east sides dry under favourable con- ditions. In addition to the main enclosure, the area occupied by Building II and the baths was included within an outwork of L-shaped plan, the shorter arm of which approached but did not join the north-west corner of the main work, whilst the longer arm extended southwards towards the natural winding course of the stream. A considerable stretch of the 30 Roman Buildings and Earthworks on the Cardiff Racecourse stream bed was thus included within the new defences, and the absence of any definite indication of a corresponding outer defence on the eastern side* is readily explained by the extremely marshy character of the ground at this point, which is somewhat lower than the remainder of the site. Indeed, although the ground has been disturbed here in modern times, there are still remains of a secondary bank built along the outer side of the main east ditch to dam back the adjacent swamp. The relative date of these earthwork defences is readily apparent. The trench of 1894 had indicated that the western ditch of the main enclosure partially encroached upon a pre-existing floor or pavement on its eastern side, and the inference drawn from this has now been confirmed and amplified beyond question. The western ditch was cut through the north-eastern corner of Building II, and the counter-scarp was built over the foundations of this building to a height of 2 feet above the footings. The long wall extending westwards from the bathroom (11), which was itself an addition to Building I, was similarly cut at its western end, and the main bank was apparently built over it—the only doubt on the latter point arising from the disturbance of the ground here in 1894. Further north, the cutting of the same ditch demolished part of the boundary wall which linked Buildings I and II on this side ; whilst at the south end the main rampart was built partly over the rough slab paving of a previous period. Moreover, everywhere on this side an earlier ‘ occupation layer ’ contain- ing much burnt matter underlay the bank. On the south side the rampart was carried across the broken end of the paved approach to Building I, and the ditch had been cut through the roadway which had formerly approached Building II (Fig. 11). The kerbstones of the latter roadway were found passing diagonally through the counterscarp of the ditch. It is thus beyond doubt that these earthworks not only superseded parts of the Early Period buildings but were also * There are what seem to be slight traces of a former ditch extending southwards from the south-east angle of the enclosure, as indicated on the plan. It was not possible to excavate this, and the superficial indications are here obscured by modern alterations of the ground. Roman Buildings and Earthworks on the Cardiff Racecourse 31 later than the Middle Period additions. It is even possible with some probability to reduce this evidence to terms of absolute chronology. In the occupation layer which lay beneath the south-western corner of the enclosure rampart was found a ‘ third brass ’ of Claudius Gothicus (A.D. 268-270).* It will be remembered also that a ‘ third brass ’ of Constantine I, minted A.D. 320-4, had been dropped whilst in mint condition on the surface of the latest floor of Room 2. The evidence of two coins must not, of course, be pushed too far, but, reinforced by the pottery found under the west bank (Fig. 13, Nos. 17-24, second to third centuries), they suggest that the earthworks may have been built between A.D. 270 and 325. That the coin of Constantine represents approximately the latest period of occupation is suggested also by the pottery, which includes no specimens distinctively of late fourth-century date, t and the position in which the coin was found also suggests that it cannot have been dropped long before the end. On general grounds—the depth of the occupation layer over which even the Middle-Period building had been constructed and the definite priority of this construction to the earthwork—it is permissible to infer that the defences are of comparatively late date, and the coin of Claudius Gothicus as a terminus post quem is quite in accordance with probability. The later limit is less securely established, but we may reasonably suppose that the earth- works were added within a quarter-century of A.D. 300. There is little evidence of building activity in the last phase of occupation, but to the Late Period may be assigned the room (10) on the north of Building I, and the boundary wall of which a fragment remains on the summit of the eastern bank. The room, as mentioned above, was built across the earlier northern ditch, which had been filled up with disused building material to carry it. The eastern boundary wall lay so near the present surface of the ground that it had been almost entirely removed, and its former extent is uncertain. Building II had evidently been reduced largely or wholly to its founda- tions, which had been covered with earth to form a level * A coin of Carausius was found in the filling over Building II, but was less clearly stratified. } This statement is based primarily upon a comparison of the Ely pottery with that from the latest occupation of Segontium, c. A.D. 350-390, 32 Roman Buildings and Earthworks on the Cardiff Racecourse platform within the annexe ; but it is possible that the former bath-building, now converted to other uses, was still retained. It is likely enough, however, that the main purpose of the annexe, apart from enclosing a useful stretch of stream, was to form an enclosure for cattle in case of need. Indeed, the deliberate covering of the earlier building suggests that such was the case. Incidentally, however, this area was used on at least one occasion as a cemetery. Immediately north of Building II was found a human skeleton buried east and west (96 degrees magnetic), with the head at the west end (Fig. 12). The skeleton had been interred on a level with the footings at a depth of 2 feet 8 inches beneath the present (and approximate late Roman) level, and lay between a headstone and a foot-stone, with a supplementary stone on each side of the head. The pelvis rested upon one of the hexagonal slabs of pennant with which Building II had been roofed. The careful orientation of the body and the absence of grave- furniture suggest, but do not prove, that the burial was that of a Christian. Sir Arthur Keith, F.R.S., who has kindly examined the skeleton, writes :— “It is that of a man, about 5 feet 5 inches in height, with bones of slender development—clearly not one who did manual labour. From the teeth, all of which are worn on the chewing surfaces, but free from disease, and the state of the sutures of the skull, I infer he was over forty years of age and under sixty. The measurements of the skull (length 190 mm., width 146 mm., height 120 mm.) are those generally obtained from burials of the Roman period in England. It falls into the mesocephalic group with a cephalic index of 77. The shape of the head, the steep but not high forehead, the relative lowness of the cranial roof, and its width and length are all characters of the people found in stone graves of the Roman period. The lower jaw is square and the chin strong and pro- minent. The skull is remarkably thin ; its thickest parts along the roof do not exceed 5 mm., whilst at the sides the thickness is only 20r3mm. The cranial capacity is calculated to have been 1,525 cc.—well above the modern mean for Englishmen.’ Throughout the recent excavations abundant traces of iron- working were observed, and the earlier excavators claimed Roman Buildings and Earthworks on the Cardiff Racecourse 33 to have found two of the actual hearths on which the ores were smelted.* Partially fused slag was actually used as a paving for the open space immediately east of Building II, and it may be noted that a similar paving was used for the main streets of the Roman fort at Cardiff. It is of interest to find on analysis that some of the ores used are associated with manganese, whether by accident or design it is difficult to say. Mr. R. W. Atkinson, B.Sc., who has very kindly analysed specimens for this report (see below, p. 38), states that the specimens submitted to him ‘resemble a mangani- ferous iron such as we get at present from the south of Spain. I am not acquainted with any such ore from the near neigh- bourhood of Cardiff. A manganese ore does occur in small quantities in Glamorgan, near Pyle (25 miles west of the Ely site), but it does not resemble this material.’ It is indeed recorded that a small amount of manganese occurred in the old Trecastell mine near Llantrisant, about 8 miles north-west of Ely, but it seems at least possible that the manganese at Ely was brought from farther afield. The effect of the manganese would, of course, be to produce a steely iron of greater hardness than that produced from ores not containing manganese. Summary. The evidence thus indicates that in the first half of the second century a moderately prosperous Romano-British establishment was built in the well-watered and _thickly- wooded Ely valley within easy reach of a main road and a tidal river. Good building-stone and clay lay to hand, but some freestone was brought over from Somerset, possibly as ballast. The main industry was apparently iron-working, for which ores were available within two miles of the site, although manganese or a manganiferous ore was possibly im- ported from some more remote locality. Whatever the social status of the householder, he was thoroughly ‘ Romanized.’ and his house and the baths which he added, if on a small scale, conformed to normal provincial Roman types. The subsequent history of the site was probably one of devolution. The bath-wing was converted to other purposes, and, though for a time a simpler bath-block, solidly built and characteristically decorated with crudely painted plaster, * Cardiff Naturalists’ Society’s Trans. xxvi (1893-4), p. 129. Ys yy 34 Roman Buildings and Earthworks on the Cardiff Racecourse seems to have carried on this essential feature of a well- regulated Roman ménage, the buildings generally appear to have fallen upon evil days and were perhaps partly rebuilt in timber. Finally, the secondary block (Building II), which, as the abundance of fallen building material on the site suggests, may already have fallen into ruins, was levelled and super- seded by a system of banks and ditches designed to enclose the main residence and a small annexe. Reason has been shown for assigning this final remodelling of the site to the late third or early fourth centuries A.D. It is possible to trace in the story of this small settlement some reflection of the larger historical issues of the time. Excavations during the last fifteen years have confirmed and partially filled in Professor Haverfield’s preliminary outline of the Roman occupation of Wales, and have shown that the garrisons which were poured into the peninsula during the latter part of the first century were largely withdrawn before or early in the Antonine period. There were local recrudescences of military activity during the third and fourth centuries, but for the most part the natives of central and northern Wales were left to their own devices and continued to build their rough round huts and fortified hill-towns. Neither the few Roman outposts, which were probably retained at certain strategic points, nor the scattered mining centres of Flintshire, Anglesey, Carmarthenshire, and elsewhere, were likely to become effective centres for the diffusion of Roman civilization amongst scattered hill-tribes who had scarcely yet, as it seems, come into touch with the later Iron Age movements of the pre-Roman period beyond the Marches. From this dual system—the few Roman garrisons with their camp-followers in the valleys and the native herdsmen and cultivators amongst the uplands—only in one region was there any marked departure.* The fertile, low-lying lands which look southwards to the Bristol Channel attracted a few settlers of more sophisticated type, and along these coast- lands and the adjacent river-valleys something approaching a regular Romanized civil life gradually came into being. In Gower, and as far west as Abercyfar, near Carmarthen, * For references, see Cymmrod. Soc. Trans. 1920-1, pp. 81 ff. Roman Buildings and Earthworks on the Cardiff Racecourse 35 tessellated or mosaic pavements have been found, and the pleasant valley of the Usk at Llanfrynach below Brecon was chosen apparently for the site of an extensive country residence. Nearer Cardiff are two sites which, in the present state of knowledge, seem to be the most important of the series. One of these is that now under consideration ; the other is a large dwelling-house which was discovered and partially excavated in 1888 at Llantwit Major, some 14 miles further west. Its complete plan was not ascertained, but the surface indications seem to indicate an extensive building of courtyard type. The walls are apparently standing to a considerable height immediately beneath the turf and the whole site would amply repay thorough excavation. The trenches of 1888 are said to have revealed parts of fifteen rooms, in some cases with walls still standing several feet high and retaining remains of painted wall plaster. The especial interest of the site, however, was a large double room measuring 39 feet by 27 feet, and paved with elaborate geometric mosaic, of which photographs and a coloured engraving are preserved. “In laying bare the pave- ment of this hall, no fewer than 41 human skeletons of both sexes and all ages have been met with, and among them the bones of three horses. In one instance the human skeleton lay beneath that of a horse in such a position as to indicate that the horse had crushed and killed the man by falling upon him. It is evident that this hall had been the scene of a massacre, for in nearly every instance the skull or facial bones had been fractured, and the bodies lie over one another in confused heaps. In four instances there had been an attempt at burial. For this purpose the pavement was torn up and the body laid in an opening not more than six inches deep, its feet towards the east and then surrounded with stones in the form of a coffin and covered with a few inches of earth. The unburied bodies belong to a small race with brachycephalic skulls; but those that are buried were clearly men of a larger size and had skulls of the dolichocephalic type. It is reasonable to suppose that the former represent the natives of the district and the latter the attacking party.’’* * Arch. Camb. 1888, p. 414. See also Cardiff Naturalists’ Soc. Trans. xx (1888), pp. 50 ff. 36 Roman Buildings and Earthworks on the Cardiff Racecourse In this account the four “attempts at burial” require further explanation, but enough is clear to suggest that the excavators had in fact stumbled upon a vivid chapter in early Welsh history. It becomesa matter of considerable importance, therefore, to ascertain the approximate date of the disaster which seems to have been revealed. Most of the objects found during the excavation arenow in the National Museum of Wales, where I have examined them. The pottery seems to be for the most part of Middle rather than Early Empire date, but here, as at Ely, distinctively late types are apparently absent. Six or seven coins appear to have been found. Of these, one, now lost, is said to have been Greek, ‘ but nothing more can be said of it, as only two letters of the legend are legible.’ It was presumably a Greek (or Eastern) Imperial coin, such as that of Gaia Cornelia (A.D. 253) which has been found in the Roman fort at Cardiff.* Five coins from the Llantwit site are still preserved and are of Gallienus, Victorinus, Quintillus, Tetricus Senior, and Maximinus I, 7.e. they were all minted between A.D. 254 and 305. These coins are all in good condition and that of Maximianus is in mint condition. A_ provisional deduction from the evidence available therefore will place the principal period of occupation in the latter part of the third century, and it is tempting to suggest that the destruction took place then or shortly afterwards. If this provisional deduction be confirmed by future excavation, the evidence of the Llantwit Major building will conform with other evidence from the South Wales coast. As in other parts of the country, much money was hastily hidden here at this period: at least eighteen coin-hoards were deposited between Pembrokeshire and Monmouthshire shortly before or after a.D. 3007. Three milestones (two of Diocletian and one of Maximinus) probably indicate that the Roman main road through Glamorgan was repaired at this time, and to the same period may reasonably be assigned the rebuilding of the fortress at Cardiff on a large scale, with projecting polygonal bastions.t It is natural * Antiquaries Journal ii, p. 368. + For a list of coin-hoards found in Wales, see the Bulletin of Celtic Studies (University of Wales), I, pp. 345-352; II, pp. 91-94. t Cymmrodorion Soc. Trans. 1908-9, p. 158 ; 1920-1, p. 93; Antiquaries Journal ii, p. 369. Roman Buildings and Earthworks on the Cardiff Racecourse 37 to bring into connexion with these various activities the Irish troubles of the period and the recorded migration of at least one Irish tribe, the Deisi, into Western Wales. Whether the long-headed victors of Llantwit Major hailed from Meath must remain conjectural, but it was doubtless the risk of molestation from the direction of Ireland that impelled the extension of the Saxon shore system as far west as Cardiff. From these facts and inferences, it is no great step to bring the fortification of the Ely building, about A.p. 300, into line with the general defensive and offensive activities of the period. Fancy might suggest that it was the fate of the Llantwit Major ‘villa’ that persuaded the prudent owner of Ely to take timely precautions, and indeed his building, within easy reach of a navigable river, must have stood in a position of consider- able peril from the sea-borne raider. At a time when Romano- British towns seem to have built or strengthened their walls, and when, as excavation has shown, the native Welsh tribes- men overlooking the coasts of North Wales at Dinorben rebuilt the massive ramparts of their hill-town, it is not un- natural to find a private householder following the same example on a small scale. Rather is it matter for remark that other examples of domestic fortification in the late Roman period have been so rarely observed or recorded. The closest analogy is, perhaps, the partially excavated house and baths within the Castle Dykes near Ripon.* A small building excavated at Cwmbrwyn in Carmarthenshire was surrounded by a bank and was apparently occupied at the end of the third century a.D.,f and at Bartlow in Cambridgeshire earthworks are more or less vaguely associated with a Roman “villa.’{ In Alsace, a ‘villa’ was surrounded by a defensive wall with corner-towers, supposedly in the time of Valentinian I ;§ and occasional analogies are perhaps to be recognized in Gaul, where, to a few surviving examples,|| may be added the description by Apollinaris Sidonius of a country mansion * Arch. Journal xxxii (1875), p. 135. + Arch. Camb. 1907, p. 175. Cymmrod. Soc. Trans. 1908-9, p, 162. ~ Roy. Com. Hist. Mons. Essex Inventory I, p. 4. § Kastell Larga.—Westdeutsche Zeitschrift, xxvi (1907), pp. 273 ff. (Miss M. V. Taytor has kindly drawn my attention to this reference). || Blanchet, Les enceintes vomaines, p. 232. 38 Roman Buildings and Earthworks on the Cardiff Racecourse fortified in the 4th century so that “neither engines of war nor siege-works nor massed attack, nor scaling ladders could ever avail to shake it”’ (Carm. XXII, 117). But these are exceptions. On the Continent an attempt has been made with doubtful success to trace the evolution of the mediaeval fortified mansion from the enclosed Roman ‘ villa’ through the intermediary Carolingian farmstead.* In Britain no such continuity can be expected, but the Ely villa is an interesting anticipation of the domestic fortification of a later age. III. REMAINS OF I[RON-WORKING. A description of what may have been a small smelting- hearth found in 1894 in Building II was published in these Transactions, XXVI (1893-4), pp. 129-133, and an analysis is there given of some of the ores then discovered. This may now be supplemented by the following analysis and notes very kindly supplied by Mr. R. W. Atkinson, B.Sc., to whom specimens found in 1922 have been submitted. Mr. Atkinson writes: ‘In addition to extraneous sand and earth, there appear to be two different bodies present in the specimens submitted to me :— 1. The first and most evident body is present in all the speci- mens except No. 7 and perhaps No. 8. This is a slag consisting of a normal ferrous silicate, approaching the formula Fe, Si O,, and it resembles in character and composition the slags produced in the finery process of iron extraction. The chemical composition of the slag marked No. 5 is given, as it was the only one which could be separated in a comparatively pure state. Slag No. 5. Moisture aS 22 5c 0-11 per cent. Stlican.. Bi ate = i le | se oe Alumina a. bo at 2:94 ,, Protoxide of Iron .. as 60:56, 5¢ Protoxide of Manganese 0-56. |; 5% Lime .. 15 a Lae 290% AS Va Magnesia ae LAs, PP Phosphoric Acid 6-16, =e 100-04 It will be noted that it is low in manganese oxide and phosphoric acid, and must have been produced from an iron ore fairly free from both those bodies. * Swoboda, as cited. Roman Buildings and Earthworks on the Cardiff Racecourse 39 2. The second constituent is an iron ore containing a con- siderable percentage of manganese and phosphorus, and in the two specimens analysed, Nos. 1 and 11, was associated with sand and some finery slag, probably analogous to No. 5. The presence of sand and slag in uncertain relative proportions makes it difficult to institute a comparison of the composition of the ore in the two specimens. In both cases, however, there is present a considerable percentage of water in combination which could not exist in a fused slag, and it forms conclusive evidence of the presence of unreduced ore. It seems probable that more than one kind of ore was used, otherwise manganese and phosphorus would certainly have been found in No. 5 slag in larger amounts, whilst their existence in Nos. 1 and 11 shows that the ore used in their case must have contained them in considerable quantities. No. 1 Slag. No iieslag: Combined water .. 10-92 per cent. si 9-84 per cent. Sand and Silica .. 26°40 ,, a3 an 60:95 _,, a Iron peroxide Sates aia 7 ho) Vitale i aes =e NASR pe oe Alumina .. Sve As83) Ff $e 3°26) aan Gs Mang. Oxide oe A960 os Se DNS aes Lime ae 6 Sie EFAS MRR 5p Magnesia .. see 5:92, uy aS eo ee 3 Phosphoric Acid .. QO) rae ss Bc 2.5 ees) mys 100-00 99-27 It is not possible to say whether the manganese was used with intent, but the effect would be to produce a steely iron of greater hardness than if produced from ores not containing manganese. The bulk of the ore has not been reduced, and resembles a mangani- ferous iron ore such as we get at present from the south of Spain. I am not acquainted with any such ore from the near neighbourhood. A manganese ore does occur in small quantities in Glamorgan, near Pyle, but it is ore containing 30 to 40 per cent. manganese, and does not resemble this material.’’ The following notes by Mr. Atkinson may be added :— Sample No. 2. From beside E. Wall of outbuildings (Building I1). A black slag partially oxidized. Resembles Finery Cinder. Sample No. 4. From S.W. diagonal cutting. Undecomposed slag. Well fused; evidence of a fairly high temperature. Some pieces honeycombed as though run into water. Resembles Finery Cinder. Sample No. 6. From Building II. Rough, unshapen nodule of heavy, black Finery Cinder. Vesicular. Mr. Atkinson also kindly examined a fragment of rough blue-glazed stone which was found built into the footings of one of the Roman walls. A second similar fragment was discovered during the excavations, and:I have found a third piece in a definitely Roman deposit at Segontium. In no 40 Roman Buildings and Earthworks on the Cardiff Racecourse case had the stone been dressed, and, though the glaze was hard and brilliant, there was no indication that it had been applied deliberately. I suggested to Mr. Atkinson that the glaze might have resulted accidentally from the burning of sea-weed over the stone. He writes :— ““ The glazed stone, where broken, shows signs of having been heated blue and bluish grey in the middle, with zones of red and brown outside. The whole of the exterior is covered with a trans- parent glaze, cracquelé, which appears coloured blue because the stone beneath is blue silica stone, resembling the Pennant stone of the coal measures. I was puzzled by the fact of its being glazed all over, suggesting that it had been dipped or had fallen into a bath of molten glass. But your suggestion of sea-weed offers a more plausible explanation. If the stone chanced to be present when sea-weed was burnt, it might be ‘ self-glazed,’ and the analyses I have made are compatible with that. Lime, magnesia, and alkalies are present, which are not, or not appreciably, present in the silica stone itself. The only difficulty is whether the temperature would be high enough to melt the glaze so perfectly. I have not been able to separate the glaze from the stone so completely as to give a satisfactory analysis, but the mixture certainly indicates the exis- tence of a lime-potash-soda silicate glaze.”’ An interesting account of similar glazed stones found on ancient sites in Merionethshire has appeared in Arch. Camb. 1923, p. 136. IV. Woop FROM THE SITE. Professor R. C. McLean, D.Sc., has very kindly examined some of the wood found in the Roman strata of the site, and has provided the following notes :— (a) From Room 1. The charcoal from the early slab floor of this room consists of alder, oak, and willow. (6) From the inner north ditch—roots, probably alder, and one piece of alder stem, and a large piece of ash. (c) Miscellaneous burnt wood—alder, willow, and possibly poplar. (d) From between the cheeks of the furnace in the baths—beech. Professor McLean adds :— “It looks as if the ditches round the villa had been fringed with growing alders, while the neighbouring flat ground seems to have borne a primitive oak-alder-willow woodland (as one would expect, geologically), on which the inhabitants drew for fuel.’ The presence of the beech is interesting in view of Julius Caesar’s statement (Bell. Gall. V. 14), that in his day the beech grew in Gaul but not in Britain. If Caesar’s information was correct (as is more than doubtful) we must include the Roman Buildings and Earthworks on the Cardiff Racecourse 41 beech amongst the trees and plants introduced into Britain during the Roman occupation. V. OTHER FINDs. The small finds were not of special interest individually, and, like the comparatively small size of the house, indicate that the establishment was never occupied by men of wealth. In this respect, the Ely site contrasts with that at Llantwit Major, where the large mosaic and other remains suggest the country-house of a prosperous landowner, and are more com- parable with ‘villas’ which abound in the neighbouring English counties. (i) Corns. In the following list, those marked * were found during the preliminary work carried out in 1894, and are now lost. J Seluer. Brass. ““ Augustus ”’ (? 27 B.c.-a.D. 14) Nerva (A.D. 96-8) * OF “Antoninus Pius ”’ (? a.p. 138-161) 1* Claudius II Gothicus (A.D. 268-270) .. — Carausius (A.D. 287-293) ee oo 1 oe oe Constantine I (minted a.p. 320-4) Total The two third-century coins found in 1922 are in a state of disintegration and cannot be more fully described. That of Constantine I is almost in mint condition : Obv. CONSTANTINVS Avec. Bust diademed and draped r. Rev. ‘ BEATA TRANQVILLITAS. Altar inscribed Votis XX and surmounted by globe beneath three stars. Mint mark PTR (Trier). Cohen 16. (ii) Potrery. (Fic. 13.) Little information regarding the chronology of the pottery was forthcoming, partly owing to the proximity of the remains to the surface, but largely by reason of the scarcity of coins and Samian. The scarcity of Samian is curious, since the neighbouring main road led to the gates of Caerwent, some 25 miles to the east, and the well-populated lands of Somerset 42 Roman Buildings and Earthworks on the Cardiff Racecourse and Gloucestershire lay within easy reach. One of the fragments had been rivetted, and, more significant, pieces of the commonest grey ware, pierced for rivets, seem to indicate a need or desire for economy. There was perhaps little traffic along the South Wales coast, and even thoroughly Romanized establishments such as those of Ely and Llantwit Major may have been out of touch with the main currents of Romano- British life. Thirty fragments of Samian have been found on the site, but they include no potters’ marks. Amongst the earliest are two pieces of 18/31, found respectively against the kerb- stones of the approach to Building II and in the burnt heap near the hut in the S.E. area. In the same heap were frag- ments of a shape 33, of fine fabric and good glaze, and the base probably of a 27. Another piece of 27 was found in the earlier northern ditch. The decorated Samian is limited to three fragments of 37, which show only egg-and-tassel or straight-wreath patterns ; the base of another bowl of coarse and late appearance was also found. The remaining fragments are all of shape 31, and vary considerably in quality of fabric and glaze. The coarse ware was for the most part very fragmentary, and only typical specimens are here illustrated. 1-4 were found together in a small rubbish-pit which partially underlay the north-west corner of the apse of the bath-building. 1. Light grey ware, of well-levigated clay. Typologically it lies between the Segontium type (Arch. Camb. 1921, p. 201, Nos. 1 and 5), dated 110-125, and the Balmuildy type (S. N. Miller, Roman Fort at Balmuildy, pl. xlvi, No. 9), dated 140-180. It is nearer the latter, and is slightly heavier than the Gellygaér examples, which are probably Trajan-Hadrian. The present example may be provisionally dated c. 120-150. 2. A wide-mouthed bowl, light grey. Similar to but slightly bolder in outline than Wroxeter, 1914, No. 78, which is not precisely dated, but ‘a few have been found in not very well-defined second- century deposits, the majority having been met with in association with later wares.’ The general appearance of the present example is early, and it was definitely associated with No. 1. 3. A small grey bowl without special characteristics ; asso- ciated with No. 1. 4. Well-made grey bowl with flange and bevelled base. Analogous with Gellygaer examples (Trajan-Hadrian). The Bal- muildy and other Antonine examples of this type are less sharply defined, and the bevel in particular tends to become rounded after the first quarter of the second century. Roman Buildings and Earthworks on the Cardiff Racecourse 43 5. Similar to No. 3 but rather coarser ; was found in the soot of the basement floor of the hypocaust of room 21. It had evidently been thrown in through the furnace when the hypocaust was still in use. 6-7 were found with three early-looking fragments of Samian 18/31, and a piece of roughcast ware in a well-defined layer low down against the kerbstones of the approach to Building II, under the counterscarp of the later ditch. The group can scarcely be later than the first quarter of the second century. 6. Ring-necked jug of buff ware. Analogies from the early period of Newstead (not later than Trajan) and Wroxeter, 1912, Nos. 1 and 3 (A.D. 80-130), and many other sites. The most complete series of dated ring-necked jugs—that in the Trier Museum—has not been adequately published. 7. Grey ware. Compare Segontium, 1921, No. 7 (c. a.p. 110- 125). Analogous types survived into the Antonine Period, as at Balmuildy (Miller, op. cit. Pl. xlv, Nos. 2 and 3). 8. Grey ware. The type was in use during a long period and cannot be satisfactorily dated, although the bevelled base in the present example is probably an indication of fairly early date. 9. Found in one of the blocked channels of the hypocaust in Room 4 of Building I. It is thus prior to the renovation of this room, when the hypocaust was disused and filled with cement. With the potsherd was found a slab of window glass, and it is possible that these objects were thrown in during the rebuilding which has been postulated above. The rim, black ware, is analogous with Antonine types at Balmuildy (op. cit. Pl. xlv, 7-8), and lasted with little variation until the fourth century (May, Pottery found at Silchester, pp. 159-160). The rim alone is insufficient for more precise dating, and even under favourable conditions ollae of this kind are still of uncertain value for purposes of chronology. It can, however, be said with some confidence that the present example is not earlier than the Antonine period, and may be as late as the following century. 10. Was found in the filling between the earlier and the later floors of Room 1 of Building I. Itis a buff mortarium rim with white and brown spar. No similar examples are recorded from the Antonine wall, and, though this small and rather malformed type is commonly regarded as late, precise evidence seems to be lacking. 11-12. Black rims deep down on the natural soil by the footings of Building II. These types lie midway between the earlier and the later Newstead series, but find analogies of the Antonine period at Balmuildy (op. cit. Pl. xlv). A rim almost identical with 11 was found in a second-century (probably Antonine) deposit at Corbridge GST 1 Pls sai, (53), 13. Dark grey ware; was found under a slab of the flooring of Building II. This floor is apparently not original; the room seems to have been paved at first with a hard deposit of iron slag. The pronounced overhang of this rim suggests a post-Antonine date. 14-16. Found in the south rampart. 14 is imitation Samian, of fairly fine fabric. 15 is an orange-buff flanged bowl; 16 is of similar ware, with a very few fragments of spar embedded towards the bottom of the fragment. Both these are well made and of early appearance, but no dated analogies appear to be available. 44 Roman Buildings and Earthworks on the Cardiff Racecourse 17-24. Of grey or black ware ; were all found in the occupation layer which underlay the western rampart, and therefore ante-date it. They seem to represent a considerable period, extending from the first half of the second century (17, 23, 24) perhaps to the end of the third century (18). 24, a light buff mortarium with large grains of white and brown spar, is an early type which just survived into the Antonine period (approximate examples at Balmuildy) ; whilst 18 approaches the types which have been found in association with Constantinian coins (May, Silchester, p. 160). The develop- ment of ollae such as 18, however, was slow and doubtless unequal. Two other mortaria of early type similar to 24 have been found on the site. A few later types, unstratified, also occurred, such as 25 (light buff ware,coarse brown spar), which may be described as a decadent descendant of 24; it is apparently without analogies earlier than the third century, but definite information is lacking. 26-31 are representatives of a large number of sherds found in a burnt heap S.E. of the ‘ hut’ shown on the plan. The heap con- tained early Samian (18 or 18/31), and rims similar to 27 and 28 occurred in the early ditch at Newstead. The whole group is probably not later than c. a.p. 130. 32-39 are unstratified, but are illustrated as representative of the site. 34 resembles Balmuildy, Pl. xlviii, 31; 38 is a late type (see above, No. 18) ; 36 has Antonine analogies (Balmuildy, Pl. xlv) ; and 39 is almost identical with an example found at Gellygaer (Trajan-Hadrian). The type had a long life, but the wavy combed pattern seems to be pre-Antonine. Three fragments bearing this pattern were found on the site, in one case with a piece of roughcast slip-ware beside the footings of Building II. (iii) OTHER Finps. (Fics. 14-17.) (An asterisk * denotes objects found in 1894.) Large quantities of iron slag were found on the site, and the worked iron includes innumerable nails, staples, and hooks, together with several horse-shoes and mule-shoes and a small chisel (Fig. 14). Other finds (Fig. 15) include spindle-whorls of pottery, a lead strainer, parts of two bone counters with incised concentric circles, the pin of a first or second century brooch with spring wound on a transverse pivot,* part of a twisted bronze bracelet,* bronze and bone pins, and a bone piercer. Fig. 15 also illustrates pieces of Samian and grey pottery pierced for rivetting and some of the numerous pieces of flint found on the site: the first is a well-made arrowhead* (see also Fig. 17, from Arch. Camb., 1921, p. 4), and the next two specimens may have been used for the same purpose. Flint and stone implements are frequently found on Roman sites and in Roman Roman Buildings and Earthworks on the Cardiff Racecourse 45 strata, and these materials occasionally supplemented iron. and bronze well into the Saxon period (e.g., a flint scraper found recently in a Saxon hut at Sutton Courtenay, Berks.). Fig. 16 illustrates four hones, mostly fragmentary, and (in the centre and right of the second line) two small fragments of marble. The first is white Italian marble, the second* is green ‘ Lacedaemonian’ marble from the Peloponnese, and they afford a striking illustration of the long arm of Roman trade. These fragments, together with other cubes of white marble found in 1894 (these Transactions L., p. 32), probably formed part either of floor or of wall decoration, but none was found im situ. The same figure illustrates part apparently of a pierced hammer of oolitic limestone, and a pot-lid of pennant stone. Notre.—Thanks are due to the Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies for the loan of Figs 1—3 and 6—10; to the Cambrian Archaeo- logical Association for the loan of Fig. 17; and to Mr. GILBERT D. SHEPHERD for providing the photograph for Fig. 8. ae Ere) re) JcALeE or KArps . ‘ n . —— H ‘ ‘ ‘ ‘ ‘ : 100 200 300 | SS Ss ee Fic. 1. SITE Pian. (HEIGHT ABOVE O.D. BETWEEN 302AND_40 FEET.) Tire iaeie i ’ ; 4. t it UAL AV VELDLAN AR ase pala a5) * ii u ~ c é ) “ = io . - ryt aT sd ROMAN BUILDINGS en EAR THWER CANN] ION (UL LLL vinnie Ni x CARDIFF - A o se eae SNUG indT GMail scab TTT Misti UR ee e & 2 + = = aaveastll yesernyett [ SA IIIMlllinn Uni = Ww. E £ = Re : = := = Ais oes Tye t TIA WTA Cae A APIA NT Gua oe lit Wild Hae = = 2 eee nas Ihre. ol 2 Dee 3 PE SSMU _ ¢ eters 2 > ne = AR ' mS = = = = = = = os 2% | \\| \\ lan. fe mit LU {uid \\i li) Wine Bee 2 = SEP Fo Qe, _-2.coilll MiNi Sees: = = = z ss = BUILDING |. 3 te eae 22: 25S) ae eee 2E Si ise] 22: | = aE y : = is = “ROUGH PAVING = =e = > B= Pee = cS cai ae = A Se WW ita ice = = = = : = Z FH SAMs veti ity MTL LEELA ws Ser E ‘i e antl PATTON rainy MGUMTHNAUARNNAN, nie S E i “7H ABA ea sant = E aie Be ish tant Bid) Cnn natr SeeEELLULOLEO TUSTIN TOT ye = FS Pe MME= Earcy Periop I. = Mippte Periop ) 12 lite = LATE , ARE Or THE LATE PeErion.. THE PRINCIPAL EARTHWORKS 5 10% Jo) 10 sO) | 50° re) ; SCALE FOR PLAN: vee {ios esss | SIETRES \5 3 ° 10 20 LATER DITCH oy "A~B EARLIER DITCH im — iii ys FEET ee ee a SCALE FOR SECTION Fic. 2. i REM WHEELER Mens.et yea 1942 <3 ol Ss ie} reed OW Oe og, 413774 yaa ae of oz ol fe) $ oO} =a wy ’ WIM WIA ergs 2g 4? tulw at,” ? , HIVOUddY G3AVd Ne Wiss . 9 WILIND-~W | es SAD) | OUAH JI annie aS sil 1a} NB SDNILOOS SYIWM GaDvV4 6 J1v1 Wl; “SDNILOOS Sok oe RSs SW d32V4 * « =61GGIW SS SDNILOOS fe “« StivM d30vs ‘dokad Aleva | AIVINNOA HDNOY ] ‘WIOTT NIVW 40 NVTd Zila. Wii AANOSND YON XQ ONITIING = NVWOU Fic. 4. FOUNDATION OF OVEN IN BUILDING 1. BrGs oO: DISTORTED ROOF-TILES FROM THE FLOOR OF BUILDING 1, Room Q2. BATHS of tHe ROMAN HOUSE ar ELY wear CARDIFF . FLUES yk FRICIDARIUM 1 | FURNACE 10 ScaLe oF Feer Bree 6: Fic, 7. THE BATHS: FLUE BETWEEN Rooms 18 AND 19, AND LATER ROMAN FILLING CUT BACK TO SHOW ORIGINAL pilae. Fic. 8. THE BATHS: APSE, SHOWING PART OF ROMAN CEMENT FILLING in situ. Fic. 9. FURNACE OF BATHS, AND Room 21 FRoM N.W. STEPS IN FOREGROUND. Fic. 10. THE Batus: Room 21 FRom S.W., SHOWING TWO SUCCESSIVE CEMENT FLOORS (A AND B) FILLING ORIGINAL HYPOCAUST. pen am ach hae snes 9 gr me ED aE NORTHERN CURB OF ROAD APPROACHING BY SOUTHERN DITCH OF MAIN CORNER. THE POST ON THE OVER THE MIDDLE OF THE ROAD. BUILDING 11, cuUT ENCLOSURE NEAR THE S.W. LEFT FOREGROUND STANDS Fic. 12. BuRIAL IN ANNEXE. rin OBJECTS OF IRON. A. ] Fic. lee, 15): SPINDLE-WHORLS, PINS, RIVETTED POTTERY, ETC. (3) 1). MARBLE. (; NE AND ECTS OF STO Opyj 16 G. FI Fic. 17. 1-4, FLINTS FROM THE ELy “VILLA.” (5 IS A FLINT SCRAPER FROM CAER LLUGWyY, A ROMAN FORT IN CARNARVONSHIRE.)—Scale 3. ? nV a i pine wlitt oe 46 A CONTRIBUTION TO THE SPIDER FAUNA OF SG@UTH WALES. By A. RANDELL JACKSON. In June, 1923, I spent a holiday in South Wales. A variety of circumstances hindered my efforts, and eventually these only amounted to four full days collecting at Porthcawl and Aberavon, and four at Tenby. The former locality is entirely sandhills, but the latter included cliffs as well, and some woods and fields further inland. In Glamorgan 70 and in Pembroke 94 species were obtained, the total number being 116 species of spiders for the two taken together. In addition four Opiliones and one false scorpion were found. In 1907, I published a list of Glamorganshire spiders in the Cardiff Naturalists’ Society’s Transactions, Vol. XXXIX. There 177 species were recorded ; I have now to remove four of these and add other five, so that at the period of my visit this year the known spiders of Glamorgan numbered 178 species. Of those captured this year, twelve were new to the fauna, the total number of Glamorganshire spiders now being 190 out of about 550 known to inhabit Britain. As far as I know, there are no records at all of Pembrokeshire spiders untilnow. Inthe neighbourhood of Tenby, I this year obtained twenty species not yet known to inhabit Glamorgan. The majority of spiders now recorded are common and widely distributed. Two rare species were, however, captured, viz. :—Synageles venator, Luc., now obtained adult for the first time in Britain, and Styloctetor tnuncans, Sim., of which the female was unknown, at all events in this country. The occurrence of Atypus affinis, Eich., Lycosa proxima. C.L.K., L. arenicola, Camb., and Argenna subnigra, Camb. are all of interest, and so is the great abundance of Tzbellus maritimus, Menge., to the exclusion of its commoner congener T. oblongus,* Walck. A Contribution to the Spider Fauna of South Wales 47 In the following list, the letters G. & P. signify Glamorgan and Pembroke, the former standing for the sand dunes of Porthcawl and Aberavon, and the latter for Tenby. The twelve additions to the fauna of Glamorgan are marked with an asterisk, and the twenty Pembrokeshire species not yet known to inhabit Glamorgan with a dagger. I. ARANEAE. *Atypus affinis, Eich. G.P. Tubes of this species were dug up near Porthcawl. I had previously seen adult females taken some years ago by Mr. Nevinson, near Swansea. A few tubes were also found on the cliffs near Tenby, and one of these contained a half grown female. Dysdera erythrina, Walek. G.P. Both sexes at Porthcawl and Tenby. Harpactes hombergii, Scop. P. Both sexes on the cliffs at Tenby. Segestria senoculata, L. P. Females at Tenby. Prosthesima apricorum, L. Koch. P. Common on the cliffs. *Prosthesima pusilla, C.L. Koch. G. ‘One female Aberavon sandhills. Prosthesima electa, C.L. Koch. G. One young example near Porthcawl. Drassodes lapidosus, Waleck. G.P. Common. Drassodes troglodytes, C.L. Koch. G. Common on the sandhills. Clubiona holosericea, De Geer. G. {Clubiona grisea, L. Koch. P. Clubiona pallidula, Clerck. G.P. {Clubiona terrestris, Westr. P. One female. Clubiona neglecta, Camb. G.P. Not rare on sandhills. Clubiona reclusa, Camb. G. Clubiona brevipes, Bl. P. Clubiona comta, C.L.K. G.P. Clubiona subtilis, L. Koch. G. Occasional on sandhills. Chiracanthium ecarnifex, Fab. G. One female Aberavon. Chiracanthium lapidicolens, Sim. G. One male Aberavon. Agroeca proxima, Camb. G. Immature specimens probably of this species. *Scotina celans, Bl G. An immature female. Zora maculata, Bl. P. A pair near Tenby. Phrurolithus festivus, C.L.K. G.P. Both sexes near Tenby, and a young female at Porthcawl. *Xysticus kochii Thor. G.P. Both sexes on the sandhills. Xysticus cristatus, Clerck. G. {Xystieus pini, Hahn. Beaten from gorse bushes near Tenby. Not uncommon. A southern species. Xysticus erraticus, Bl. G. One male near Porthcawl. f¢Oxyptila atomaria, Panz. P. One female on the cliffs. 48 A Contribution to the Spider Fauna of South Wales Philodromus aureolus, Clerck. G.P. At Porthcawl all the specimens were immature. Adults were, however, found at Tenby, and all were of the form eespiticollis, Walck. *Philodromus dispar, Walck. G.P. A female at Porthcawl. Both sexes near Tenby. Tibellus maritimus, Menge. G.P. Females. at Tenby. Both sexes were very abundant on the sand dunes near Porthcawl and Aberavon. In 1907 I recorded T. oblongus, Walck, from the Rhondda Valley and from Aberavon. At that time it was not known that we had two species in Britain. These specimens were not kept separately, so it is impossible to say to which species they belonged. In the meantime the name T. oblongus, Walck, must disappear from our list and be replaced by T. maritimus, Menge. So far as my observations go the latter spider is generally found inland among rushes in marshy places, whilst T. oblongus is the common denizen of the sand dunes. Both species may, however, inhabit both kinds of localities. The protective colouring of both species appears to suffice both for rushes and marram grass, but there is an astonishing difference in the humidity of the two habitats. +Heliophanus cupreus, Walek. P. Common on the cliffs amongst rocks. +Heliophanus flavipes, C.L.K. P. Several females in sandy places. Salticus scenicus, Clerck. P. On the cliffs. Neon reticulatus, Bl. P. Near Tenby in both sexes. Euophrys frontalis, Walek. G.P. Fairly common. Attulus saltator, Sim. G. One male near Merthyr Mawr. Evarcha faleata, Bl. P. One male near Tenby, beaten from a hedge. Synageles venator, Lue. G.P. This is a very rare species in Britain. An immature male was found near Charmouth in Dorset in 1885. I found two young males at Aberavon in October, 1901. There were no other British records, and one of the objects of the present excursion was to re-discover this species if possible. I found a young example at Aberavon, but could find none near Porthcawl. On the sandhills at Tenby I had more success. I was probably rather late in the season, but took two adult males and about a dozen similar females, as well as a number of young examples. Some of these I brought home; at first they fed on aphides readily enough, and I had hoped that they would become adult and thus establish an autumn brood, but finally they ceased to feed and were all dead in early October. This species inhabits the hollow stalks of dead marram grass, in which both sexes and egg cocoons with their attendant mothers can be found. The elongate narrow shape of the spiders makes this a very convenient habitat. §. venator is quite unable to jump but runs backwards and forwards with equal facility. Its palpi and second pair of legs are in constant motion feeling and testing everything with which their owner is in contact. The latter limbs are used, too, for locomotion, but not much. Rest cocoons are formed inside the stalks of the marram grass as well as egg sacs. My captive specimens ate aphides and small collembola, but their prey is very small, and the species is a puny little thing. It may be commoner than is supposed, and more widespread on the sand dunes of the British coast. To ensure finding it, it is necessary to split up the dead stalks of marram in the centre of the tussocks of the plant. I found the species in 1918 on the French coast running A Contribution to the Spider Fauna of South Wales 49 in the sun on the sandhills, but inland in France its habits appear different, and according to M. Simon it is even a garden spider. The sandhills at Tenby are mostly occupied by golf links. They are of small extent, and how long it will take the golfers to exterminate this little creature, so much more interesting than themselves, it is impossible to say. It is to be hoped that the species occurs on the very much more extensive dune areas round Porthcawl, but I did not succeed in finding it there. And, with the exception of the odd Dorsetshire specimen taken thirty-eight years ago and Aberavon, no other British habitat is known. Coelotes atropos, Waick. G.P. Females only. A northern species replaced in the South by the closely allied C. terrestris, Wid. +Agelena labyrinthica, Clerck. P. Young examples not infrequent. Tegenaria atrica. C.L.K. G. Occasional on the sandhills. Antistea elegans. C.L.K. G.P. Several females in marshy places. *Pisaura mirabilis, Clerck. G.P. Several examples. Pirata piratica, Clerck. G.P. Females. *Pirata latitans, Bl. G.P. Both sexes in marshy places. Trochosa picta, Hahn. G.P. Common on sand dunes. Tarentula miniata, C.L.K. G.P. Common on sand dunes. Tarentula pulverulenta, Clerck. P. Females inland. Tarentula barbipes, Sund. G.P. Immature examples only. tLyeosa lugubris, Waleck. P. A female in a wood near Tenby. Lycosa amentata, Clerck. G.P. Common. Lycosa pullata, Clerck. G.P. Very common. *Lycosa proxima, C.L.K. G.P. Both sexes on the sandhills. This is a southern species and I have not seen it before on sandhills. Lycosa nigriceps, Thor. G.P. Common. Lycosa tarsalis, Thor. G.P. Occasional. Lycosa monticola, C.L.K. G.P. Common on cliffs and sandhills. {Lycosa arenicola, Camb. P. A few specimens on a pebbly beach near Tenby. They follow the ebbing tide below high water mark, and are difficult to catch. Amaurobius ferox, Walck. P. Females and young on the cliffs at Tenby. tDictyna latens, Fab.. P. Swept from heather. y+Argenna subnigra, Camb. P. A female on the sandhills at Tenby. Ero fureata, Vill. P. One female at Tenby. Theridion lineatum, L. G.P. Common. Theridion sisyphium, Clerck. G.P. Common. Theridion denticulatum, Walek. G.P. Occasional. *Theridion bimaculatum, L. G.P. Very common on sandhills. Theridion pallens, Bl G.P. Not rare. Robertus lividus, Bl. P. One male near Tenby. *Lophocarenum nemorale, Bl. G. One female. Tiso vagans, Bl. G.P. Both sexes. 50 A Contribution to the Spider Fauna of South Wales ;Troxochrus scabriculus, West. P. Several examples of both sexes. +Troxochrus cirrifrons, Camb. P. One male of this form. Savignia frontata, Bl. G. One female. Diplocephalus fuscipes, Bl. P. Females. Diplocephalus picinus, Bl. P. One male. Dicymbium nigrum, Bl. G. One female. Lophomma punctatum, BI. P. One female. Peponocranium ludicrum, Camb. P. Females. Styloctetor inuncans, Sim. G.P. Two males and about thirty females of this rare spider were found at Porthcawl, Aberavon, and Tenby. The female of this spider was unknown, at all events in this country. Its discovery led to the identification of several specimens in my collection which had previously defeated me. Entelecara acuminata, Wid. G. Both sexes. Wideria antica, Wid. G. One female. Prosopotheca monoceros, Wid. G. One female. +Cornicularia unicornis, Camb. P. One female. Neriene rubens, Bl. P. One female. Enidia bituberculata, Wid. P. One female. +Gongylidium rufipes, Sund. P. Both sexes. Oedothorax retusus, Westr. G. Both sexes. Oedothorax fuscus, Bl. P. One female. Trachygnatha dentata, Wid. G.P. Females only. tErigonidium graminicolum, Bl. P. Both sexes beaten from gorse : bushes. *Erigone atra, Bl G.P. A few. Erigone dentipalpis, Wid. G.P. Occasional. Micryphantes rurestris, C.L.K. G.P. Infrequent. Bathyphantes gracilis, Bl. P. Common. Bathyphantes nigrinus, Westr. P. One female. Bathyphantes pullatus, Camb. P. Females only. Poeciloneta globosa, Wid. G.P. Common. Leptyphantes ericaeus, BI. G.P. Two females. Leptyphantes tenuis, BI] G.P. Rather common. Leptyphantes zimmermannii, Bertk. P. Not rare. Labulla thoracica, Wid. P. Young examples only. Stemonyphantes lineatus, L. G.P. Common on the sandhills. +Linyphia peltata, Wid. P. Both sexes. Linyphia pusilla, Sund. G. One male at Aberavon. +Linyphia hortensis, Sund. P. Females in a wood near Tenby. Linyphia clathrata, Sund. P. Pachygnatha degeerii, Sund. G.P. Occasional. Tetragnatha extensa, L. G.P. Common on sandhills. +Tetragnatha solandrii, Scop. P. One male, two females. A Contribution to the Spider Fauna of South Wales 51 Meta segmentata, Clerck. G.P. Common. Meta merianae, Scop. P. One female. +Mangora acalypha, Walek. P. One male and many females swept from heather near Tenby. Epeira cucurbitina, Clerck. G.P. Both sexes. Epeira diadema, Clerck. G.P. Immature examples. *Epeira redii, Scop. G. One female swept from Salix repens near Kenfig pool. II. OPILIONES. Platybunus corniger, Herm. P. Common in both sexes. Phalangium opilio, L. G.P. Common. Oligolophus tridens, C.L.K. P. One female. Nemastoma lugubre, O.F.M. P. Several. Most of the Opiliones are immature in June. Ill, CHELONETHI. Chthonius rayii, L.K. P. APPENDIX. The following names must be expunged from my 1907 list of Glamorgan spiders :— Microneta subtilis, Camb. 2. Porrhomma microphthalmum, Camb. Porrhomma oblongum, Camb. This last is a very critical species. The specimens are now lost, and it is impossible to say to which species they should be referred. It is quite certain they were not P. oblongum, Camb. 4. Tibellus oblongus, Walck. The following additions must be made :— 1. Agyneta ramosa, Jackson. This is the correct name of the species recorded as Microneta subtilis, Camb. 2. Porrhomma campbellii, F. Camb. This refers to the species formerly recorded as P. microphthalmum, Camb., removed above. 3. Tibellus maritimus, Menge. Is the only Tibellus known for certain to inhabit South Wales—vide supra. 4. Amaurobius ferox, Waleck. One male from Middleton, Gower, taken by Mr. A. Loveridge. 5. Dysdera erythrina, Waleck. Females taken by Mr. Loveridge from The Leys near Barry, in 1913. 52. A Contribution to the Spider Fauna of South Wales Also the following Opiliones taken by Mr. Loveridge in 1913 :— Mitopus morio, Fabr. Whitchurch, August, 1913. Phalangium saxatile, C.L.K. Whitchurch, August, 1913. Modern nomenclature is a constantly changing subject, and many of the names of the spiders recorded by me in 1907 are already obsolete. Some of the names I have used in this little paper are different from those used for the same species sixteen years ago. This is not, however, the place to go into these vexed questions, and the changes mentioned above refer to species and not to their names. Here four species of spiders are removed, and five others added. As to nomenclature I have hopes that in a few years this may become simpler, at any rate as far as spiders are concerned, and that then the Glamorganshire list can be brought up to date contem- poraneously with many others. Av] Aaqunog ,, fo Asaqanoo Kg ‘MvASUT “S °°) “ONNOX AGUNV MONG GaALAATL FIVN ALT ‘HOVWATY APINIAA ‘(WHANG, ‘SITIOOINDIN SdHOIGOd) AAATA GAMOAN-MOVIE “uous AaddoW *H c 53 ORNITHOLOGICAL NOTES, 1921-22. By GEOFFREY C. S. INGRAM anp H. MORREY SALMON. The winter of 1921-22 was an exceptionally interesting season, a number of rare and unusual visitors being recorded, including one species, the Black-necked Grebe, new to the County list. The following are the most noteworthy and interesting occurrences during the period :— BLack REDSTART (Phenicurus ochrurus gibraltariensis, Gm.): One @ seen at the Reservoirs, Llanishen, on November 20, 1921. BEWICK’S SWAN (Cygnus bewichit bewickit, Yarr). One seen on Kenfig Pool on October 29, 1921. This is the second recorded in the County. GARGANEY (Anas querquedula, L.). An adult 3 on May 20 and 27, 1922. WIGEON (Anas penelope, L.). Exceptionally large flocks were noted during the winter, and some remained very late, two j¢ being noted in one locality until May 20, and one ¢ until June 25, 1922. GOLDEN-EYE (Bucephala clangula, L.). This species is a regular winter visitor in varying numbers, but usually only ©° or immature birds are seen. An adult ¢ visited the Lisvane Reservoir on February 12, 1922, and on March 5 was joined by a Q, the pair remaining there until March 19. SMEW (Mergus albellus, L.). An adult 2 was seen on the Roath Park Lake on December 18, 1921, where it remained, and was joined by another © on February 5, 1922. The lake being drained about that date, they evidently moved to the Llanishen Reservoir, as two were there on February 12, one remaining until March 5. Miss Acland records two, probably immature gJ, seen at the mouth of the Ogmore River on February 8, 1922. 54 Ornithological Notes, 1921-22 RED-NECKED GREBE (Podiceps griseigena griseigena, Bodd.). One bird was observed on February 5, 1922, at the Llanishen Reservoir, and we were able to identify it at fairly close range. It was joined by a second one on March 12, and both remained until April 2. The species has been recorded only once before in the County. BLACK-NECKED GREBE (Podiceps mnigricollis nigricollis, Brehm). On October 29, 1921, at Kenfig Pool, we noted one of these small grebes, and after observing it carefully for some time were able to identify it without doubt, its contrastic black and white winter plumage and apparently uptilted bill being particularly noticeable. This species has not previously been recorded in the County. On February 5, 1922, another of this species appeared on the Llanishen Reservoir, where it remained until April 16, during which period we were able to observe it at close range, and also to obtain a photographic record. A second bird arrived on March 12, and the two were seen together for several hours, but it did not stay. GREAT NORTHERN DIVER (Colymbus immer, Briinn). An immature bird was observed on the Llanishen Reservoir on November 20, 1921, and remained there for more than two months, being last seen on January 29, 1922. PURPLE SANDPIPER (Calidris maritima maritima, Briinn). We noted a small flock of six or seven accompanying a party of Turnstones on July 22, 1922, at Sker. GREEN SANDPIPER (Tvinga ochropus, L.). At the Reservoirs, Llanishen, two on September 25, three on October 2, two on October 16, 1921, one on April 9, two on July 30, and one on August 20, 1922. GREENSHANK (Tringa nebularia, Gunner). One at Hensol between October 25-30, 1921. (Miss Acland). JACK SNIPE (Lymnocryptes minimus, Briinn.) One was killed by flying against some wire at the Botanical Gardens, Roath Park, on March 25, 1922. BLACK TERN (Chilidonias niger mger, L.). A single bird in immature plumage was noted on October 9, 1921, at the Lisvane Reservoir. Ornithological Notes, 1921-22 55 BREEDING NOTES. CHAFFINCH (Fringilla celebs ; celebs, L.). On June 14, 1922, we noted a © Chaffinch vainly endeavouring to build a nest, on a bare horizontal limb of an oak tree, around two eggs which she had deposited in a crevice in the bark. It seems probable that her nest had been destroyed just before she was ready to lay. NIGHTINGALE (Luscinia megarhyncha megarhyncha, Brehm). During the first fortnight in May, 1922, a $ could be heard singing regularly from a tree in the garden of a house adjoining St. Margaret’s Church, Roath, and attracted considerable attention, large numbers of people visiting the spot nightly. It was heard by us on May 8, 9, and 12, on the last two dates singing during the day-time. MARTIN (Delichon urbica urbica, L.). During July, 1922, a so-called ‘“‘ white swallow’”’ was frequently recorded in the local press as having been seen at Roath Park. On the 30th of that month we were able to observe the bird perched on a dead twig of an ash tree, at close range, and it proved to be a juvenile House Martin. Its legs, feet, and bill were dull yellow, but the eye seemed to be normally coloured, appearing very dark against the all white plumage. BritisH LESSER SPOTTED WOODPECKER (Dryobates minor comminutus, Hart.). One was killed by a cat on July 10, 1922, in a garden at Dinas Powis. We believe this species breeds regularly in that vicinity. SHOVELLER (Spatula clypeata, L.). This species still breeds in one district in the County, and in 1922 possibly six or seven pairs did so. On June 25, two ducks with broods of young were seen. TuFTED Duck (Nyroca fuligula, L.). Frequently individuals of this species remain as late as May or even June, but up to the present season no record of its breeding in the County has been made. On May 29, 1922, we noted in one locality five pairs, and on the 27th eight pairs. On June 11, five g and four 2 were seen, and, after spending a considerable time 56 Ornithological Notes, 1921-22 observing, a search was made, which resulted in our finding a nest, containing ten eggs, from which the duck was flushed. On June 18, a second nest, also containing ten eggs, was found close to the first, and in addition a duck, with a brood of seven young ones, was seen. LitrLeE TERN (Sterna albifrons albifrons, Pall). It is of interest, though there is little satisfaction in recording the fact, that the Little Terns returned to their old habitat for the first time, as far as we are aware, since 1911. On June 4, Mr. H. Cresswell Evans noted at least six pairs, and found six nests with eggs, but on June 10, only one nest, containing one egg, had survived, and only three birds were seen. We do not believe any eggs were hatched, and, unless the nesting ground can be enclosed during breeding time and the eggs protected, we do not think there is any possibility of the species re-establishing itself. MIGRATION “NOTES. Arrivals. Earliest recorded dates, Summer, 1922. Feb. 8. Lesser Black-backed Gull (Miss Acland). Mar. 19. Chiff-Chaff (Miss Acland). April 10. Wheatear (Miss Acland). » 14. Swallow, Sand Martin. ,», 15. House Martin. ,, 16. Willow Warbler, Tree Pipit. » 21. Blackcap. ,, 22. Cuckoo (Miss Acland), Ring Ousel. peo useizedstart. , 26. Common Whitethroat, Grasshopper Warbler. ,» 28. Yellow Wagtail, Common Sandpiper, and Swift (Miss Acland). Nightingale. ,» 30. Corncrake (H. M. Hallett). Pied Flycatcher (Miss Acland). May 6. Sedge Warbler. » 9. Turtle Dove (Miss Acland). ,» 12. Garden Warbler, Spotted Flycatcher (Miss Acland). Ornithological Notes, 1921-22 57 May 27. Nightjar (Miss Acland). Garganey. ,, 28. Wood Warbler (Miss Acland). Departures. Last recorded dates, Autumn, 1922. Aug. 19. Cuckoo, juvenile. 720: Redstart: » 27. Yellow Wagtail. Sept. 1. Turtle Dove, Swift, Common Whitethroat. » 9 spotted Flycatcher. » 17. Willow Warbler. ,, 21. Wheatear (Miss Acland). Oct. 1. Common Sandpiper, Lesser Black-backed Gull. » 7. Chiff-Chaff (Miss Acland). uss = Lree Prpit. » 22. Swallow, Sand Martin. , 29. House Martin. 58 ENTOMOLOGICAL NOTES, 1922. Bei Peal LELL. FES The collecting season of 1922 was not so favourable as could have been wished, being on the whole inclined to dampness, and the results are not satisfactory. HYMENOPTERA ACULEATA. Halictus laevigatus, K. This local bee occurred in some numbers at Cwrt-yr-ala, in June, frequenting the flowers of Veronica. Andrena spinigera, K. This species was very plentiful at Sully in both sexes in April, visiting flowers of Ranunculus ficaria—the females look noticeably darker than the same sex of A. jacobi in the field. Andrena hattorfiana, Fab. Females occurred plentifully on the railway embankment near Swanbridge Station in August on the flowers of Scabiosa—a very interesting record, and it seems strange that it should have escaped notice until then. Nomada fabriciana, L. Occurred at Cwrt-yr-ala on May 29th. Osmia pilicornis, Sm. The females occurred freely at Cwrt-yr-ala in May, visiting the flowers of Nepeta glechoma. The only addition to the Glamorgan list is :— Nomada germanica, Panz. One male on Crepis, 5th June, at Cwrt-yr-ala —it is parasitic on Andrena humilis, which occurs in plenty at this locality. LEPIDOPTERA. The most noticeable record for the season was the abundance of the Clouded Yellow Butterfly (Colias edusa Fab), which occurred freely throughout the district. Thecla w-album, Knoch. One example was taken at Cwrt-yr-ala on 9th July; Mr. Norton has taken it also at Cefn Mably. Leptogramma literana, L. Mr. Norton took a remarkable pale variety of this species at Cefn Mably, which was submitted to Mr. F. N. Pierce, who writes: ‘‘It is a very curious variety. I have failed to find any trace of a single green scale.”’ The following additions to the Glamorgan list have been supplied by Mr. F. Norton, except the first named. Orobena straminalis, Hb. An example was taken in Castell Coch Woods on 30th July, 1920, by Mr. O. W. Richards. Oedematophorus lithodactylus, Tr. Not uncommon on Merthyr Mawr sandhills in August (N). Entomological Notes, 1922 59 Ephippiphora trigeminana, St. One at Llanishen (N). Fumea casta, Pall. A larva was collected at Cwrt-yr-ala, which proved to be a female (H). Tinea lapella, Hb. Cefn Mably and Llanishen (N). Micropteryx aruncella, Scop. Llanishen (N). Micropteryx seppella, Fab. Llanishen (N). Nemophora metaxella, Hb. Heath Halt, 7th June (N). Adela cuprella, Thnb. Llanishen, fairly common in early May (N). Eidophasia messingiella, Fisch. Heath Halt, two in July (N). Plutella porrectella, L. Llanishen in August (N). Plutella annulatella, Curt. Merthyr Mawr (N). Depressaria angelicella, Hb. Heath Wood and Llanishen (N). Depressaria carduella, Hb. Lianishen, 20th April (N). Depressaria douglasella, Sta. Llanishen in June (N). Ptocheuusa inopella, Zell. Merthyr Mawr in August (N). Anarsia spartiella, Schr. Lavernock (H). Glyphipteryx fischeriella, Zell. Llanishen (N). Argyresthia curvella, L. Llanishen (N). Copeophora laripennella, Zell. Heath Halt in July (N). Tischeria marginea, Haw. Llanishen and Cefn Mably (N). Lithocolletis spinicolella, Kol. Cardiff District in June (N). Lithocolletis ulmifoliella, Hb. Llanishen in May (N). Lithocolletis emberizaepennella, Bouche. Cardiff District in June (N) Bucculatrix demaryella, Dup. Lianishen (N). 60 BIOLOGICAL AND GEOLOGICAL SECTION. REPORT FOR THE THIRTY-FIFTH SESSION, 1921-22 Committee. THE PRESIDENT and Hon. SECRETARY of the C.N.S. (ex-officio). H. M. Hattett, F.E.S. (President). W. Evans Hovyte, M.A., D.Sc. (Vice-President). Miss E. VACHELL, F.L.S. Professor A. H. Cox, M.Sc., Ph.D., F.G.S. G. C. S. INGRAM. F. J. Nortu, D.Sc., F.G.S. J. J. Smvpson, M.A., D.Sc. J. Grimes, M.B.E. ‘Hon. Secs. for F. F. Miskin, A.L.C., F.G.S. J Field Walks. H. EpGar SAtmon, F.Z.S. (Hon. Treasurer). H. Morrey Satmon, M.C. (Hon. Secretary). The number of members on the books at the end of the Session was 116, including 4 honorary members, a net increase of 15 as compared with last year, 31 new members having been elected. During the Session, the Section has sustained a severe loss by the death of Mr. Harold Evans, who had been a member of the Committee since 1917, and, in addition, 15 members have resigned or removed. Eight meetings were held during the winter, with an average attendance of 21 members, at which the following papers were read :— 1921. Nov. 10. ‘‘ Sectional Reminiscences’’, Professor W. N. Parker, Pi-De EZ. , 24. “ Local Fresh Water Pond-life’’, A. E. Harris. Dec. 8. ‘“‘ Industrial Pollution of Air and Water”, H. J. Bailey, O.B.EZ EAC. Jan. 18. ‘Some Ornithological Notes”, G. C. S. Ingram and H. M. Salmon. Biological and Geological Section 61 Feb. 2. ‘‘ A Season with Local Lepidoptera’, F. Norton (Lantern Slides). » 16. ‘Geology and Natural History in the Orange Free State’, W. J. Cooper, F.I.C., F.G.S. Mar. 2. ‘“‘ The Hydracarina (Water Mites)’, H. Bertram Harding, F.L.S., F.R.M.S. (Lantern Slides). , 30. “The Earliest Known Plants—Some Recent Discoveries in Scotland’’, Professor R. C. McLean, M.A., D.Sc., F.L.S. The Annual General Meeting was held on March 30th, 1922. In addition to exhibits in connection with papers read, the following were shown, and commented on by members at meetings on the date stated :— 1921. Nov. 10. By J. Grimes, seed pods of Cobza scandens. ,, H. M. Salmon, photographs of Red-Backed Shrike, Merlin, and Little Owl. ea? ,», J. Grimes, foliage of a species of Eucalyptus. from Cardiff. Dec. 8. ,, A. A. Pettigrew, a Water-retaining Vine, Vitis quadrangularts. 1922. jan. 18. ,, Miss E. N. M. Thomas, Micro slides of sections of fossil plant Rhynia. Two successful field meetings have been held during the Session: the first on June 12th, when the members walked from Cefn On to Caerphilly, and the second on September 9th (with the members of the Photographic Section), when Castell Coch and district were visited. The accounts for the Session have been audited, and show a balance in hand of £77 7s. 11d. H. MORREY SALMON, Hon. Secretary. 62 ARCHAEOLOGICAL SECTION. REPORT FOR SESSION 1921-22. The following officers were elected for the Session :— President. Dr. D. R. PATERSON. Secretary. Dr. R. E. M. WHEELER. Committee. Mr. WILLIAM CLARKE. Professor G. A. T. DAVIEs. Mr. C. H. FARNSWORTH. Mr. J. P. D. Grant, A.R.I.B.A. Mr. CHarLes Morcan, B.A. Mr. GERALD STANLEY, A.R.I.B.A. Mr. T. A. WALKER. The membership of the Section increased from 91 to 111 during the Session. The following meetings were held :— 1. Papers on (a) ‘“‘ The Town Walls of Cardiff ”’, by the President, Dr. D. R. Paterson; (0b) on “ Recent Excavations in Glamorganshire ’’, by the Honorary Secretary, Dr. R. E. M. Wheeler. 2. ‘‘ Aims and Methods in Archaeology ’’, by O. G. S. Crawford, F.S.A. (Archaeological Officer to the Ordnance Survey). 3. ‘Monastic Life and Antiquities in South Wales’, by A. W. Clapham, F.S.A. (Royal Commission on Historical Monuments, England). 4. “Some Features of Old Somerset”’, by Thomas Petree, M.I.N.A. 5. ‘The Mediaeval West Gate of Cardiff: Recent Excavations and Re-constructions ’’, by J. P. D. Grant, A.R.I.B.A. 6. ‘‘ Cardiff and the Civil Wars ’’, by J. R. Gabriel, M.A. 7. “ Cardiff Castle in the Roman and Mediaeval Periods ’’, by Dr. D. R. Paterson and Dr. R. E. M. Wheeler. The Section visited Cardiff Castle and the Ely excavations. The excavations on the Roman site on Cardiff Racecourse at Ely, begun in 1894, were resumed by the Section, with important results, which will be published shortly in these Transactions. R. E. M. WHEELER, Hon. Secretary. 63 PHOTOGRAPHIC SECTION. REPORT FOR THE ELEVENTH SESSION, 1921-22. OFFICERS AND COMMITTEE. President. Mr. STANLEY J. MILNER. Vice-Presidents. Sir T. MANSEL FRANKLEN. Vine Be We Mi CorsErn, jor. Mr. HARRY STORM. Mr. G. C. S. INGRAM. Committee. Mr. J. PETREE. Mr. H. MorrEY SALMON. Mira a) ELAR RIS. Mr. E. T. BEVAN. Mr. S. SyYMEs. Mr. E. C. W. OwEn. Ex-Officio. THE PRESIDENT and Hon. SECRETARY of the Cardiff Naturalists’ Society. Delegates to the Wales and Monmouthshire Photographic Federation. Mr. STANLEY J. MILNER. Mr. Harry STORM. Hon. Treasurer. Mr. H. EpGaArR SALmon, F.Z.S. Hon. Secretary. E. C. Oakes, A.M.Inst.C.E, The Committee has pleasure in presenting its Eleventh Annual Report, dealing with the work of the Section for the Session 1921-22. 7 members resigned during the year, and 2] new members were enrolled, leaving on September 30th a total membership of 116, of whom 66 are members of the Parent Society. 64 Photographic Section Ten meetings were held during the Session, with an average attendance of 22-8 per meeting. The complete list is as follows :— 1921. Oct. 11. Annual Meeting. Lantern Lecture, “ Here and There with a Camera’’—Mr. Stanley J. Milner. “One Man Show ’’—Mr. Stanley J. Milner. , 28. Lantern Lecture, “How. a Lens Works ’— Mr. H. G. Daniels. Noy. 8. Members’ Evening (Lantern Slides and Prints). ,» 22. Lecture, ““ Notes on Photographic Chemistry ’’— Mr. A. J. Harris. Exhibit of Record and Survey Photographs from the National Museum of Wales. Dec. 13. Lantern Lecture, “‘ Scenery thro’ the Eyes of a Geologist ’’—Dr. F. J. North, F.G.S. Jan. 10. Lantern Lecture, “‘Home Photography ’’— Mr. A. Dordan-Pyke. ,» 24. Demonstration, ‘‘ Finishing a Bromide Print *”— and ‘‘ One Man Show ’’—Mr. J. A. Lomax. Feb. 28. Lantern Lecture, ‘‘ Through the Grecian Archi- pelago and the Near East ’’—(Messrs. W. Butchers & Sons.) “One Man Show ”—Mr. E. T. Bevan. Mar. 14. Lantern Lecture, ‘‘A Naturalist’s Trip to Farthest West Glamorgan ’’—Capt. H. Morrey Salmon, M.C. ,» 28. “‘One Man Show ’’—Mr. Stanley J. Milner. ,» 28. Members’ Evening (Lantern Slides and Prints). The Fifth Annual Exhibition, held in February, was very successful, 21 members exhibiting their work ; but attendances were below those of previous years. Two successful Field Meetings have been held, viz., on May 20th to the Cardiff Docks, and on September 9th to Castell Coch and Rhiwbina. About 20 members and friends attended on each occasion. The accounts have been audited, and show a balance due to the Society of {9 ls. 3d. 65 CARDIFF NATURALISTS’ SOCIETY— JUNIOR SECTION. REPORT FOR THE FIRST SESSION, 1921-22, Committee. THE PRESIDENT and Hon. Sec. of the C.N.S. (ex-officio). Dr. Jas. J. Stimpson, M.A. (President). D. SIBBERING JONES a : é STANLEY E, JENKINS } (Vice-Presidents). F, Norton. A. E. WADE. Miss HALLETT. Master F. LovERIDGE. Master G. L. SHEPHERD. H. EpGarR SALMon, F.Z.S. (Hon. Treasurer). Dr. F. J. Nortu, F.G.S. (Hon. Secretary). The Junior Section was formed at a special general meeting of the Cardiff Naturalists’ Society held on March 18th, 1921, when 16 members present intimated their intention of joining the New Section. The report of the First Session’s work covers a period of eighteen months, during which the membership has increased to 130. Fifteen ordinary meetings, with an average attendance of 44 (54 during 1922), and nine field walks or visits to works, with an average attendance of 47 (and 69 during 1922), have been held. There was also a special meeting held on March 4th, 1922, at the National Museum of Wales, at which over 200 members and friends were present. List of meetings and field walks :— 1921. April 9. Inaugural Meeting. May 4. Presidential Address by Dr. Jas. J. Simpson, M.A.—‘ The Aims and Objects of the Section ’’. June 1. Lecture, H. Morrey Salmon, M.C.—‘‘ Wild Birds at Home ”’. 54 11. Field Walk to Swanbridge, conducted by A. Heard, M:Se:,/E.G.S. July 6. Lecture, A. E. Wade—‘‘ How to Know the Trees ’’. 7 16. Field Walk to Ely and St. Fagans, conducted by A. E. Wade. Aug. 31. Lecture, A. H. Lee, M.C.—‘‘ Maps and How to Read them.”’ Sept. 10. Field Walk to Leckwith Hill, conducted by A. H. Lee, M.C. a 28. Lecture, Mrs. R. E. M. Wheeler—‘‘ Puck’s Centurion—The Romans in Britain ’’. 66 Cardiff Naturalists’ Society—Jumior Section Oct. 8. Demonstration of Roman Objects in the National Museum of Wales, Trinity Street, arranged by Mrs. Wheeler. Nov. 9. Lecture, A. Heard, M.Sc., F.G.S.—‘‘ Rocks and their Origin ’’. Dec. 7. Lecture, Dr. Jas. J. Simpson, M.A.—‘ West Africa’’. > 17. Visit to the Observatory at Penylan, conducted by Dan Jones, F.R.A-S. Jan. 18. Lecture, Dr. Wm. Evans Hoyle, M.A.—‘‘ Spots and Stripes’. Feb. 8. Lecture, H. Edgar Salmon, Esq., F.Z.S.—‘‘ Local Fresh- water Fishes ’’. — 22. Lecture, John Rees, F.R.A.S.—‘ The Constellations of the Winter Sky ’’. Mar. 4. Visit to the National Museum of Wales (Zoological Dept.). i 8. Lecture, Isaac J. Williams—‘‘ Art Collections for Juniors’’. 7 18. Visit to the Docks, conducted by Stanley E. Jenkins. April 5. Lecture, Miss Vachell, F.L.S.—‘‘ Wayside Flowers ’’. Ss 22. Field Walk to Cwrt-yr-Ala and Dinas Powis, conducted by Miss Vachell, F.L.S. May 3. Lecture, A. E. Brain, F.R.Met.S.—‘‘ The Weather ’’. ve 13. Visit to the Meteorological Station and Reservoir at Penylan, conducted by A. E. Brain. June 7. Lecture, J. Davy Dean—“ Snails and Water Snails ’’. ¥ 17. Field Walk to Peterston and St. Fagans, conducted by J. Davy Dean. July 15. Visit to the Grangetown Gasworks, by the permission of George Clarry, Esq., conducted by Mr. Madden. The field walks have been a specially successful feature of the Section’s programme, and considerable enthusiasm was shown by the members who attended them. Not only have they provided opportunities for practical outdoor nature study, but also for the discouragement of unnecessary collecting and the wanton destruction of rare animals or plants. On several occasions the members who attended the field walks have been entertained to tea, and the thanks of the Section are due to Mr. and Mrs. T. W. Proger, Dr. and Mrs. R. E. Mortimer Wheeler, Mr. and Mrs. Stanley E. Jenkins, Mr. and Mrs. D. Sibbering Jones, and Dr. and Mrs. Robinson for their very kind hospitality, and also to the lady members and friends of the Section who provided and arranged the refreshments at the meeting held in the National Museum of Wales. On the occasion of the field walk to Peterston and St. Fagans, tea was provided by a Committee of ladies, consisting of Mrs. Hall, and Mrs. Sainsbury, and Mrs. S. E. Jenkins, in a field kindly lent for the purpose by Mr. Templeton. Mrs. Templeton also contributed largely to the success of the meeting. Cardiff Naturalists’ Society—Jumnior Section 67 COMPETITIONS. Members were invited to submit essays for competition at the end of the first Summer’s work in 1921. The first prize (consisting of entomological apparatus) was awarded to Master F. Loveridge for “An Account of a Season’s Observations on Some Sticklebacks.”’ The Rev. S. N. Sedgwick, who delivered the Children’s Lecture for the Parent Society, offered a prize for the best essay sent in by any young person present at the lecture. Seven essays were submitted, but, owing to the high standard attained by all, it was felt that each equally was deserving of a prize, and Mr. Gilbert D. Shepherd (President of the Society) kindly provided additional prizes for this purpose. - Four young people were given free membership of the Section for the present Session, and book prizes were awarded to the others. After February 8th, 1922, arrangements were made for the meeting room to be opened at 6.0 o’clock, so that members might have the opportunity to meet and discuss specimens in their possession, and this has proved a very successful innovation. The accounts have been audited, and show a balance in hand of 8s. 10d. F.. J... NORTH, Hon. Secretary. 68 REPORT -OF VT HECOUNCIE FOR THE Year Ending 30th September, 1922. The Council has pleasure in submitting to the Members the Fifty-fifth Annual Report of the Society. MEMBERSHIP. The number of Members on 30th September, 1921, was a2 my se na 2 oe Elected during 1921-22 ef He : 818 Less. Deaths bp ats Lis 7} 10 Removals .. Ty Hs ie 20 Resignations. . ‘i m ae 36 — 66 Total Membership 30th September, 1922 at guides The Members are distributed thus :— Honorary Members es Lis ui Z Ordinary Members si - sg ae Life Members ... sk Li eae Non-Resident Members .. at hs 7 Corresponding Members .. se ae 9 Associates eB as oy 3 0 752 The Council regrets to report the deaths of the following Members during the year:—Mr. D. T. Alexander, J.P., Mr. J. A. Bromley, Mr. C. Roberts, Mr. Archibald Brown, Mr. Harold Evans, Mr. Francis Ince, Mr. A. H. Rees, Mr. J. T. Shelton, Mr. W. Stothert, and Mrs. Wattley. Mr. D. T. Alexander had been a member of the Society for forty-seven years. Mr. Archibald Brown was Hon. Treasurer to the Society for several years and was also a Past President, Report of the Council 69 having been a Member for twenty-four years. Mr. Harold Evans had been a member of the Council of the Society for ten years. Mr. Francis Ince was one of the first Members of the Society, having joined in 1869, only two years after its foundation. LrecturES.—The following is a list of papers read at Members’ Mectings, viz. :— 1921. Oct. 20. Fifty-fourth Annual Meeting. Presidential Address by Mr. Gilbert D. Shepherd, F.C.A.— “Photography as a hobby, with special reference to the Photographic Survey of Wales.” Nov. 17. Mr. C. I. Evans, M.A.—‘‘ The New Forest.’’ Dec. 15. Professor Edgar L. Collis, M.D.—‘‘ Dust’. 1922. Jan. 26. Mr. R. Bonner Morgan—‘ Childhood and youth of English music.”’ Feb. 23. Mr. J. E. Barton, M.A.—‘ The builders of Gloucester and Lincoln.” Mar. 23. Dr. R. E. Mortimer Wheeler, M.C., M.A.—‘‘ The unpopularity of Modern Art.”’ The following Public Lectures were delivered :— 1o2t. Nov. 3. Major A. Radclyffe Dugmore, F.R.P.S.— The romance of the Beaver and Caribou.”’ Dee 1" -Professor A. E. Boycott, M.A., D.M., F.R.S.— “The sizes of animals.” 1922: Jan. 4. Children’s Lecture. Rev. S.N.Sedgwick, M.A.— “In nature’s nursery.”’ Jan. 12. Mr. Fred W. Gill—“ Our old country.” Jan. 19. Special Lecture. Mr. George L. Mallory—‘ The Mount Everest expedition.” Feb. 9. Dr. Robert N. Rudmose Brown—" Spitsbergen of to-day.”’ Mar. 9. Mr. H. W. Robinson, M.B.0.U.—‘‘ The romance of bird migration.” April 6. Mr. Harry Pouncy—‘‘ Old English customs.”’ 70 Report of the Council The thanks of the Society are due to those who gave Lectures on Members’ Nights, and to those who entertained lecturers. The Meetings and Public Lectures were held in the Cory Hall, the average attendance being 354. SUMMER MEETINGS.—The First Summer Meeting was held on Wednesday, 17th May, 1922, when a visit was paid to the Excelsior Wire Rope Works. One hundred and forty members attended and were conducted over the works in parties by the Managing Director (Mr. D. Morgan Rees, J.P.) and his staff. After inspecting the works, the members adjourned to the Employees’ Recreation Room, where they were entertained to tea and votes of thanks were accorded. The Second Summer Meeting took place on Saturday, the 24th June, 1922, when Bath was visited by ninety-eight members. Visits were paid to the Victoria Art Gallery, the Modern Bathing Establishments, the Roman Baths and Museum, and Bath Abbey, by the kind permission of Mr. John Hatton (Director of the Baths), Mr. A. J. Taylor, F. S. Arch., _ and the Rev. Prebendary S. N. Boyd. These gentlemen also acted as leaders. Later, Mr. Mowbray A. Green, F.R.I.B.A., delivered a lantern lecture on the architectural features of Bath, and subsequently conducted a party to see some of the more interesting buildings. Lunch and tea were served at the Old Red House. The Third Summer Meeting was held on the afternoon of Saturday, 24th September, 1922, when a visit was paid to Llantwit Major and Llanmihangel, ninety-four members being present. Mr. John W. Rodger, a Past President of the Society, acted as leader at Llantwit Major and conducted the party over the church and other interesting buildings. Dr. D. R. Paterson delivered an address at Llanmihangel Place. The members then proceeded to Cowbridge, where tea was served at the Duke of Wellington Hotel. The Society is indebted to Mr. Thomas Watts for permission to visit Llanmihangel Place, and to the Rev. R. David and the Rev. H. Morris for permission to visit Llantwit Major Church and Llanmihangel Church respectively. Report of the Council 71 PRESIDENT, 1922-23.—At the meeting of the members which was held upon the occasion of the Second Summer Meeting, Mr. Thomas A. Walker, F.C.I.S., on the recommenda- tion of the Council, was unanimously elected President for the 1922-23 Session. SEctions.—The Biological and Geological Section, the Archaeological Section, the Photographic Section, and the Junior Section all report very successful Sessions. ELy RACECOURSE EXPLORATION.—Through the Archaeo- logical Section the Society undertook the exploration of the Roman villa at Ely Racecourse during the summer months, and the result has proved to be of much greater interest than was anticipated. With the permission of the Earl of Plymouth, the finds have been presented to the National Museum of Wales. The Council has placed on record its high appreciation of the valuable service rendered by Dr. and Mrs. R. E. M. Wheeler in this connection. A paper upon the undertaking will appear in the Transactions in due course. TRANSACTIONS.—During the year Vol. 52 (1919-20) of the Transactions has been issued, and it is hoped that volumes 53, 54, and 55 will be issued shortly, thus bringing the publica- tions of Transactions up to date. The Council receives repeated applications for sets and different volumes of Transactions, and the stock of certain numbers, especially the earlier ones, is practically exhausted. Any members who are in possession of Transactions for which they have no further use are invited to communicate with the Hon. Secretary on the matter. The Annual Statement of Accounts is presented herewith. GILBERT D. SHEPHERD, President. A. H. LEE, Hon. Secretary. 72 * rE eae Se nial) ea “40NpNnp “UOTT “BSG “YIS 4290790 ‘WIpseD “daAnsvad T “UOHT “BSGL “YIS 42qQ0790 “IyrpareD ‘AqDONd “M L (peuais) ‘NOWIVS AVOCA ‘H (peuais) 6 % sé6st 6% s6gy L 2 Wor CLT 0G aS ** yunODDy JUe.LING es $f (Oy (a) (oyeyt » YO es * yun yisodaqy ‘yueg spAoy’yT 7e Yseg Ol6 O ws Areja109g “uoFT JO Spuey ur ‘Ysesy OnOn oul 319095 [PIF U9IOJOI POFEPIOSWOD "MA" %S—O9lt 9 ZI 96% "* — LP-6Z6I ‘uROT eA %S—oseF . ho SS A oO Tt 0 Me as ap pjosun ero, yipreg Pe OesSe °° tg SONIA] TOA sjosse JO ssooxo Sureq oouryeg a L0 om aS _prosun BIO, UesIOUIL]*) BA le GINQole ce van sh OUOIZESIOAUOYD TOF OAIOSOY (a) to) ae 5 ** prosun s710doyy = 5 OL GIS *" e- she 2 * Suu OF oArsoyy (|) fag = 8 i a ue oe oy Manzo lt jie (I Sieg) . vi di = "+ gouvApe ur pred suondrosqns Op OLeLgieee oy ug pa ** 9Inqraimyy Jo one, Tue CeeOOle ue v8 oe zs me ‘+ s1ojtperg Aapung SOIREE: i ADs oS) aft “SLassy ‘pi "s* F *SULLITLAVI'T ‘O06 “HLOE MAAWALdTAS “LAHHS AONVIVA 8 OL post 8 OL Paat 2) ek) ** yunoo08 §, reoA }xou 0} oouryeg, “ 0 0 Oot : oe Suyurtg 10y aArosay ‘ Ce Fae, : QUOIZESIOAUOD IO DATOSOYT “‘ 6 FI 8 = C2) STS =n Po ‘+ sjdiooayy ssa7 © Oleco laa oat Mie ssurpooy Ppont ‘* Vs SS One 29s ae s ** sidraoayy ssa’7 0 €&1 0 * ¥ si os ** sqdieooy Arpung “ 62 O07 eLe a) is 32 soanjoo'y “ F 0 F & ol “a vo ** sjsorojuy puv spuoprarq “ S OL 6 a2 yu ssurjoow ,Stoquiey 0 St ose’ =~ us es ‘+ Axeurpso ‘suoydriosqns “ ‘og "das Vinee 0) 4 np ‘aja ‘ArouorjeyS ‘surjurig “ “GS61 y S S6I WW “a8 ** sosuodxiy [erouder “ 8 SL ey ~ ian yunoooe s,1vok ysey WoIZ oouLleg Ag *f "390 0 0 O€ tr ss puny uorneAvoxy ATT OL ‘0s ‘3des -.. Moreton, Miss M. I. Morgan, Alfred H. Morgan, Arthur T. Morgan, Bonner Morgan, F. an Morgan, J. LI. Morgan, Dr. Wm. Parry, M.A. Morgan, W. . Morgan, Lt. -Col. W. ioe Morris, Burton Morris, J. W. Morris, R. N. Morris, Alderman ‘Als a, and P. Morris, Dr. W. D. J. Mullins, J. H. .. Murphy, F ae Murrell, F. E. .. Nash, Mrs. ‘ Nance, Horace Edgar Neale, Christopher Js F.E.A.A. Neale, Douglas Neale, Howard K. Neale, Nelson .. Neale, Morley H. Neale, Stanley Neale, Wilfred Matheson, Colin, M. A. BSc. , /M.D... McLean, Professor R. C., D.Sc. i J.P. “Corndean,’’ High Walls, Powis, Glam. 99, Cathedral Road, Cardiff. 19, Ruthin Gardens, Cardiff. Pencisely Road, Cardiff. “Sherwood,’’ Newport Road, Cardiff. National Museum of Wales, Cardiff. “* Sherieh,’’ Whitchurch, Glam. 43, Severn Grove, Cardiff. 85, Hamilton Street, Cardiff. 16, Cyncoed Road, Cardiff. 12, Park Place, Cardiff. University College, Newport Road, Cardiff. 24, Albany Road, Cardiff. “ Tremynfa,’’ Llanishen, Glam. Glen Lyn, Llanishen, Glam. 15, The Parade, Barry, Glam. Baynton House, Llandaff, Glam. Frithaven, Tydraw Road, Cardiff. “The Pines,’’ Penylan, Cardiff. Prudential Buildings, St. Mary Street, Cardiff. The White House, Llandaff, Glam. “The Spinny,’’ Sully, Glam. “ Roxburgh,’’ Penarth, Glam. 8, Plymouth Road, Penarth, Glam. ‘* Brinkmarsh,’’ Heath Park Avenue, Cardiff. 124, Westbourne Glam. 1, Tydraw Road, Cardiff. Evansfield Road, Llandaff N., Glam. “‘ Brynderwen,’’ Fairwater Road, Llandaff, Glam. 39, Parade, Cardiff. Dinas Road, Penarth, 7, Glossop Terrace, Cardiff. “ Brynbriallu,’’ Swansea. ““ Galmington,’’ Radyr, Glam. 32, Plymouth Road, Penarth, Glam. 7, Grenville Road, Roath, Cardiff. 150, Cathedral Road, Cardiff. 185, Newport Road, Cardiff. “ Rosapenna,’’ Llanishen, Glam. 60, Marlborough Road, Cardiff. c/o Messrs. Wm. Lewis, Ltd., Queen Street, Cardiff. 1, Holmesdale Place, Penarth. 7, Westville Road, Cardiff. 98, Cornerswell Road, Penarth. Nantfawr, Lisvane, Glam. Hope Street, Cardiff. 10, Clive Crescent, Penarth. ‘* Haldon,’’ Clinton Road, Penarth. 30, Archer Road, Penarth. The Grove, Milton, Weston-s-Mare. List of Members Elected. 1921 1921 1921 1922 1921 1913 1920 1920 1914 1905 1919 1919 1914 1908 1920 1918 1907 1921 1922 1923 1921 1919 1910 1922 1910 1920 1922 1885 1923 1915 1917 1919 1911 1920 1921 1921 1894 1912 1921 1915 1906 1918 1922 1915 1918 1917 1920 1909 1914 Newton, Mrs. .. Nicholls, Miss Frances Nichol, L. Douglas : en Nicholson, G. G., A.M.I.C.E. Ninnes, Miss Grace E. , Ninnes, T. W. Nixon, J. R. MOGI oe Fits sec North, Dr. F. J. North, T. F. 3 Norton, Frederick Oakes, E. C., A.M.1.C.E. O’Callaghan, Charles .. O’Donovan, Dr. Marshall Olive, Miss Lilian Owen, E. C. W. Owens, David .. Padfield, Chas. D. Page, Miss Ethel Page, Mrs. L. .. ‘ Pairman, W. Watson Pallot, Wilfred J. Pardoe, J.C. Parry, Evan H. Paria: Jet. 3 Parry, ab. B. Parsons y |v 5:, «.- Paterson Dr. ID. Rk. . “fs Paterson, Leonard, F.S.A.A. Paterson, Robert 3 Pearce, E. W... Pengelly, Miss Perkins, H. : Parkins, Samuel Perkins, W. H. Perkins, W. J. Perman, Professor iA GS eters Ne ja viens. CB. Petree, James, M.I.N.A. Pettigrew, A. A. ae Phillips, Dr. J. A. Phillips, John, J.P. Phillips, Miss S. E. Phillips, T. R. 33 Aes Phillips, W. A., J.P. .. as Phillips, Professor William, M.A She ae Phillips, W. Ehoenix;, J.T. Pittard, Dr. M. 85 “ Elmsleigh,”’ Cardiff. 20, The Hayes, Cardiff. 93, Marlborough Road, Cardiff. 1, Montgomery Street, Cardiff. 65, Stacey Road, Cardiff. ““ Holmestower,’’ Dinas Powis, Glam. 32, Marlborough Road, Cardiff. 125, Cathedral Road, Cardiff. National Museum of Wales, Cardiff. 33, Palace Road, Llandaff, Glam. 69, Whitchurch Road, Cardiff. 31, Pencisely Road, “ Abney,’’ Glam. 52, Park Place, Cardiff. 109, Cathedral Road, Cardiff. 37, Mafeking Road, Penylan Hill, Cardiff. “ Overleigh,’’ Radyr, Glam. “ Brookside,’’ Tydraw Road, Cardiff. Heol-y-deri, Rhiwbina, 34, Plasturton Gardens, Cardiff. Porthcawl, Glam. 6, Tydfil Place, Roath, Cardiff. 1, Greenwich Road, Cardiff. 9, Palace Road, Llandaff, Glam. “Walton,’’ Romilly Road, Barry, Glam. “ Glanhafren,’’ Llantwit Major, Glam. 7, Howell’s Crescent, Llandaff, Glam. 81, Plymouth Road, Penarth. 96, Cardiff Road, Llandaff, Glam. 15, St. Andrew’s Crescent, Cardiff. 15, Malefant Street, Cardiff. 2, Oakfield Street, Cardiff. 8, Cwrt-y-Vil Road, Penarth, Glam. “ Kya Lami,’’ 61, Pen-y-dro, Rhiw- bina, Glam. 72, Marlborough Road, Cardiff. 25, Westville Road, Cardiff. 31, Westville Road, Cardiff. Tyrvor, Dinas Powis. 27, Llanbleddian Gardens, Cardiff. 12, Conway Road, Cardiff. 281, Albany Road, Cardiff. Roath Park House, Cardiff. 165, Newport Road, Cardiff. ““Tynewydd,’’ Taffs Well, Glam. 28, Penhill Road, Cardiff. 45, Park Place, Cardiff. Granhill, Whitchurch, Glam. 4, Ninian Road, Cardiff. 59, Queen Street, Cardiff. “Sunningdale,’’ Tydraw Road, Cardiff 139, Cathedral Road, Cardiff. 86 List of Members Elected. 1905 1922 1909 1921 1909 1905 1907 1921 1922 1921 1922 1914 1892 1917 1898 1917 1920 1922 1910 1883 1922 1921 1909 1921 1896 1913 1920 1902 1902 1897 1918 1888 1915 1918 1905 1919 1922 1922 1912 1921 1917 1921 1920 1913 1912 Pontypridd, The Right Hon. Lord Powell, H. W. J., P.A.S.I. Powell, John Powell, Rev. Nes D.D. Powell, L. Ll. Powell, Samuel | Pratt; Li Allen; EL. B. Preece, Wm. Campbell Preston, James Price, B. Price, Cues yi: Price, Roger W. oe Price, Wentworth H., “FCA. Priestley, Charles H., M.Inst.C.E. Prichard, Dr. R. Pritchard, R. L. Pritchard, T. S. Proctor, Miss .. Proger, J. Lewis Progen sb. W., eezse Pryde, John, B.Sc. Puddicombe, J. M. Pyman, J. W. Quinn, A. P. Radcliffe, Charles Radcliffe, Dan, J.P. Randell, Percy G. Read, H. W. Reece, E. T. B. sy? *Reed, T. A., M.I.C.E. Reed: Mrs. 1 3A’. ie ikeess re Alfred. | F. Rees, D. Morgan Rees, D. Phillips : Rees, Dr. Howell, C.BE., JP. Rees, John, F.R.A.S. ; Rees, John, B.A., B.Sc. Rees, J. Ingram cae Rees, Dr. J. Morgan .. Rees, Pritchard Rees, Richard Rees, R. P. Rees, R. Wilfred ; Rees, W. Gladstone, B.Se. Reid, William .. “ Bronwydd,’’ Penylan, Cardiff. Albert Chambers, 26, High Street, Cardiff. c/o John Powell & Co., Baltic House, Mount Stuart Square, Cardiff. The Vicarage, 43, Charles St., Cardiff. 4, Claude Road, Cardiff. 55, Park Place, Cardiff. 49 & 50, Mount Stuart Square, Cardiff. 140, Marlborough Road, Cardiff. 15, Kelvin Road, Cardiff. 44, Richmond Road, Cardiff. 25, Church Avenue, Penarth, Glam. The Quarrey, Fairwater, Nr. Cardiff. 25, Newport Road, Cardiff. 20, Plasturton Gardens, Cardiff. 14, Windsor Place, Cardiff. 90, Penylan Road, Cardiff. Molton, Fairwater, Road, Llandaff. 7, Herbert Terrace, Penarth, Glam. ‘“ Torr Lee,’’ Clive Crescent, Penarth, Glam. ““Llanmaes,’’ St. Fagans, Glam. Physiology Institute, Newport Road, Cardiff. ‘* Merchiston,’’ Llanishen, Glam. “ Raithwaite,’’ Penarth, Glam. 32, Richmond Road, Cardiff. 19, Newport Road, Cardiff. ‘“ Tal-y-werydd,”’ Penylan, Cardiff. “St. Brannocks,’’ Highwalls Road, Dinas Powis, Glam. 37, Pencisely Road, Canton, Cardiff. 15, High Street, Cardiff. 270, Newport Road, Cardiff. 270, Newport Road, Cardiff. “ Highfield,’ The Avenue, Llandaff. ‘* Benton House,’’ Whitchurch, Glam. 200, Newport Road, Cardiff. 190, Newport Road, Cardiff. 19, Victoria Square, Penarth, Glam. University College, Newport Road, Cardiff. 54, St. Mary Street, Cardiff. 4, Gelliwasted Road, Pontypridd, Glam. St. Donat’s, Ninian Road, Cardiff. 47, Park Place, Cardiff. “ Hazelbank,’’ Porthkerry Road, Barry. 29, Victoria Park Road W., Cardiff. St. Martin’s Road, Caerphilly, Glam. 6, Church Avenue, Penarth, Glam. List of Members 87 Elected. 1899 1922 1921 1906 1914 1918 1922 1919 1921 1912 1919 1921 1917 1922 1920 1921 1911 1921 1920 1899 1919 1917 1901 1922 1921 1920 1921 1902 1917 1921 1890 1922 1875 1921 1876 1912 » 1912 1919 1899 1921 1909 1912 1922 1901 Renwick, Councillor W. Woey Richards, Miss. . Richards, Alderman J. T. Richards, Miss kK. A Richards, Richard Riches, Miss Rickard, A. G: Rimell, H. C., SWEET Cae Robbins, F. G. Roberts, David Roberts, D. W. Roberts, ee me Roberts, J. R., M.A. Rogers, Mrs. : Ronnfeldt, Mrs. Ross, Sydney .. Rowe, Miss Ethel G. Rowland, A. T. Sainsbury, Mrs. : Salmon, H. Edgar, FZ. =: Salmon, Capt. H. Morrey, M.C. Salway, G.E... Sanday, W. A. Sandiford, F. Sansom, Miss B. L. Scotty oy ino: Scott, W. Clunnie Schaepe, R. F. Seager, Sir W. H., M.P. Seccombe, A. C. Selby, Professor A. L., M.A... Sessions, Mrs. Bertram Seward, Edwin, F.R.I.B.A. Seward, W. Proctor Shackell, E. W., re? Shail, Wm. C. Sharpe, Arthur BAL Shaxby, J. H. *Sheen, Col. A. Ww. , CIBIE: Shelley, Thomas J. Shelton, Mrs. J. T Shenton, A. W. Shepherd, C. H., M.B.E. *Shepherd, Gilbert D., F.C.A. _ H. Pontcanna House, Cardiff. ‘“Marmion,’’ Welford Street, Barry Glam. 17, Cathedral Road, Cardiff. 13, Park Place, Cardiff. 6, Marine Parade, Penarth, Glam. 93, Kimberley Road, Cardiff. 21, Richmond Road, Cardiff. Waterworks Engineer’s Dept., City Hall, Cardiff. ‘“ Westwood,’’ Rhiwbina, Cardiff. 9, Richmond Terrace, Park Place, Cardiff. ‘‘ Chingford,” Bassaleg Road, New- port,, Mon. 78, Plasturton Avenue, Cardiff. 3, Fitzalan Place, Cardiff. 21, Windsor Terrace, Penarth, Glam. ‘“Cranford,’’ Victoria Sq., Penarth. 91, Plymouth Road, Penarth. ‘“‘ Trefusis,”’ 11, Tydraw Rd., Cardiff. Elmgrove Koad, Dinas Powis. 173, City Road, Cardiff. 22, Richmond Road, Cardiff. ‘“ Bairview,’ 22, Richmond Road, Cardiff. 15, Partridge Road, Cardiff. ‘“ Westholme,”’ 26, Cwrt-y-Vil Road, Penarth, Glam. Rose Mount, Garth Hill, Taffs Well, Glam. 9, Llanbleddian Gardens, Cardiff. 91, Plymouth Road, Penarth. 50, Richmond Road, Cardiff. ‘‘ Myrtlebank,’’ Corsham Road, Roath Park, Cardiff. ‘“Lynwood,’’ Newport Road, Cardiff. 4, Linden Avenue, Tydraw Road, Cardiff. 29, Palace Road, Llandaff, Glam. 108, Plymouth Road, Penarth, Glam. Victoria Terrace, Weymouth. Tal-y-Van, Llanilterne, St. Fagans, Glam. 191, Newport Road, Cardiff. Station Road, Llandaff N., Cardiff. 7, Hendy Street, Cardiff. Wynnsten, Llanishen, Cardiff. Llandough House, Llandough, Nr. Cardiff. 5, Vishwell Road, Cardiff. 178, Cathedral Road, Cardiff. “‘ Brislinton,’’ Kelston Road, Whit- church, Glam. 100, Marlborough Road, Cardiff. 30, Richmond Road, Cardiff. 88 List of Members Elected. 1921 1922 1880 1916 1922 1922 1923 1902 1920 1919 1913 1889 1914 1919 1919 1917 1915 1921 1910 1896 1919 1911 1918 1919 1920 1884 1921 1919 1906 uSTS 1914 1921 1894 1911 1921 1918 1902 1922 1906 1921 1922 1921 1921 1915 1922 1919 1922 1909 Seer Chas. W., M.B., BS; Shepherd, Dr. R. K., Shepton, G. C.. Shiach, Dr. Allan Short, Mrs. K. G. Shurmer, S., B.A. Ae Smith, J. Ligeia M.B.E. Sibbering, G. T. Simpson, Mrs. Simpson, Dr. J. J., M.A. Simpson, R. W. : Sloggett, G. Smailes, G. 5c Smith, Miss H. Smith, Henry J., O. BE. Smith, Dr. R. J., O.B.E. Smith, Miss L.. Smith, T. W. Dooketta Smith, °W. Rs .. , Snell, C. st Snell, Mrs. H. .. Snook, George Hill Soper, Miss Alice Southern, G. A. Speir, Miss E. .. Spencer, C. St. D. Lae Hubert L. Spry, F. M. Stainer, Miss Stanley, Gerald, ve R. L. B. A. - Stephens, D. J. Stephens, Mrs. W. E Stevens, T. A Storrie, John .. Stothert, W. A. Stothert, Mrs. W. ! Stowe, Richard, B.A. Streeten, Basil S. Stretton, Theodore Swash, Miss S. M. Swiney, Mrs. C. J. st Symons, R. P., F.G.I. Talbot, J. S. Talbot, Mrs. Ro Tattersall, Professor W. M., DiSe: Taylor, C. L. Taylor, HewRoser. Teather, H. IBESIon G4 24, St. Andrew’s Crescent, Cardiff. 10, Colchester Avenue, Cardiff. 3, Park Grove, Cardiff. Llanishen, Glam. ““Sunnyside,’’ Pen-y-dre, Rhiwbina, Glam. 135, Allensbank Road, Cardiff. Glanynys, Aberdare, Glam. “ Alteryn,’’ Newport, Mon. “ Endcliffe,’’ Tydraw Road, Roath Park, Cardiff. National Museum of Wales, Cardiff. 10, Cathedral Road, Cardiff. 35, Stacey Road, Cardiff. Monkton House, Penarth, Glam. 6, East Grove, Cardiff. Nat. Provincial and Union Bank, St. Mary Street, Cardiff. 25, Cathedral Road, Cardiff. 22, Ladysmith Road, Cardiff. 24, Balaclava Road, Cardiff. 8, Blaenclydach Street, Cardiff. 22, Windsor Terrace, Penarth, Glam. The Kymin, Penarth, Glam. 30, The Parade, Cardiff. 64, Richmond Road, Cardiff. 37, Ninian Road, Cardiff. Pencisely Cottage, Halsbury Road, Victoria Park, Cardiff. Working Street, Cardiff. ** Edlina,’”’ 12, North Road, Cardiff. 11, Winchester Avenue, Cardiff. 21, Park Place, Cardiff. Queen’s Chambers, Cardiff. The Greenhill, Caerphilly, Glam. 44, Richards Terrace, Cardiff. 92, Penylan Road, Cardiff. 51, Llanfair Road, Cardiff. Dinas Powis, Glam. 180, Newport Road, Cardiff. 76, Richmond Road, Cardiff. Station Rd., Heol Isaf, Radyr, Glam. 11, Windsor Place, Cardiff. 79, Cosmeston Street, Heath, Cardiff. 44, Taff Embankment, Cardiff. 6 & 12, Wyndham Arcade, Cardiff. 6, Cyncoed Road, Penylan, Cardiff. ““Ty-Coch,’’ Heath Park Avenue, Cardiff. University College, Newport Road, Cardiff. ‘““ Dodington,’’ Heoldon Road, Whit- church, Glam. ‘““Vronwen,’’ Church Road, Whit- church, Glam. 83, Plymouth Road, Penarth. List of Members Elected. 1921 1921 1921 1922 1908 1919 1904 1909 1914 1919 1889 1901 1915 1921 1915 1905 1908 1921 1923 1922 1920 1919 1885 1885 1913 1888 1922 1922 1913 1885 1911 1890 1893 1874 1922 1920 1917 1920 1921 1920 1914 1922 1922 1882 1921 1918 Thomas, Alfred Thomas, Miss A. E. .. Thomas, Miss Annie S. Thomas, David ti Thomas, E. Franklin Thomas, George F. Thomas, Henry J. Thomas, H. Spence Thomas, J. G. iihomas;, John, J..B:) .: Thomas, Sir John Lynn- eG:B: Thomas, J. W. Thomas, Mrs. M. Thomas, Percy, A.R.I.B.A. Thomas, Richard E. .. Thomas, Dr. R. Tudor Thomas, T. P. Thomas, W. G., M.1.Mar.E. Thomas, W. H. Thomas, Wm... Thomas, Walter W. Thomas, Bart. Thompson, Charles, J.P. me *Thompson, Professor C: N., MLAS, DSey,E.C.S: Thompson, Miss ‘Emily eo Alderman H. M., Recon, H. W., M.Sc. Tunnicliffe, F. C. ; Tredegar, The Rt. Hon. Lord Tregelles, T. S. : Treseder, F. G. Trow, Principal A. H., D. Sc., BLS: *Turbervill, Col: J. P:, J.P. *Turbervill, Mrs. J. P. Turnbull, Councillor JEP: Turner, Mrs. Turner, James E., LP. Tutton, E. B. : Tyson, Captain A. Upton, R. Vachell, Mrs. C. T. Vanstone, Reg. D. Vaughan, Miss S. Wakeford, C. Edgar Wakeford, H. S. =f Walleye a. 'Ji. '.,< O:B EAI. Sir William James, F. H. 89 National Museum of Wales, Cardiff. 11, Cyril Crescent, Cardiff. 60, Oakfield Street, Cardiff. 17, Talbot Street, Cardiff. “ Dan-y-bryn,’”’ Radyr, Glam. 47, Colum Road, Cardiff. 130, Bute Street, Cardiff. “ Hazelwood,’’ Llandaff, Glam. The Rectory, Llandough, Nr. Cardiff. ““ Fernbank,’’ Lake Road E., Cardiff. Stradmore, Cenarth R.S.O., Carm. 25, Richmond Road, Cardiff. 45, Kimberley Road, Cardiff. “Dene Lodge,’’ Cathedral Cardiff. 35, Stanwell Road, Penarth. 1, Ninian Road, Cardiff. ““Merevale,’’ Dinas Powis, Glam. 60, Oakfield Street, Cardiff. Rockleigh, Dinas Powis. 207, Newport Road, Cardiff. 73, Redlands Rd., Penarth, Glam. “ Birchwood Grange,” Cardiff. Road, “* Penhill Close,’’ Llandaff, Glam. 38, Park Place, Cardiff. 82, Lisvane Street, Cardiff. “ Whitley Batch,’’ Llandaff, Glam. Adviser in Agric. Zoology, University College, Newport Road, Cardiff. 16, Windsor Terrace, Penarth. Tredegar Park, Newport. ‘Combe House,’’ Winscombe, Som. 30, Cowbridge Road, Cardiff. 50, Clive Place, Penarth, Glam. Ewenny Priory, Bridgend, Glam. Bridgend. Lower House Farm, Llantwit Major, Glam. 49, Kimberley Road, Cardiff. “ Ty Gwyn,” Lisvane, Nr. Cardiff. 309, Albany Road, Cardiff. 14, Claude Road, Cardiff. “ Plas-y-Cryn,’’ Fairwater Road, Llandaff, Glam. 8, Cathedral Road, Cardiff. 36, Machen Place, Cardiff. 192, Cathedral Road, Cardiff. “ Tytherley,’’ Dinas Powis, Glam. 54, Clive Road, Penarth. ““Hungerford,’’ Llandough, Near Cardiff. 90 List of Members Elected. 1922 1920 1898 1920 1922 1886 1909 1911 1905 1900 1920 1917 1917 1922 1921 1921 1921 1897 1920 1920 1920 1921 1912 1922 1921 1922 1921 1922 1917 1922 1908 1904 1917 1921 1912 1921 1915 1918 1921 1917 1899 1922 1920 1921 1922 1919 1909 1918 Wakley, W. G. Walker, P. H. Walker, T. A., F.CALSé Walmsley, T. W. Ward, Miss Mildred WarenWe;,J- 22 Warren, Isaac Watkins, Percy E. Watson, F. Webb, Lt. Col. Bart. Webb, W. Maitland Webber, Robt. J. Sir Henry, Webber, T. P. Weichert, G. A. Wells, Frederick W. Wensley, Geo. W. Westby, Mrs. Wheatley, J. L. Wheeler, Dr. R. E. M., “M.C., M.A. White, Miss Alice A. .. White, G. M. Wihittess|,..Scale i. nie Whitfield, H. Storey .. Whitefield, W. G. Widdess, Miss A. L. Wilde, A. H. .. Wilkes, Chas., B.A. Wilkes, IT. W. .. Willan, Gerald R. ee Willett, C. G. Saltren Williams, Miss A. Williams, A. E. Williams, Williams, Williams, UZ -3 Williams, Dr. E. Colston, BRC. SDP Williams, F. G. : Williams, Miss F lorence ij. Williams, Gordon Williams, John *Williams, Williams, Williams, Williams, Williams, eee} MEAL iifae Be a Miss Kathlyn Percy M. Miss Rosina Williams, Williams, Williams, Sidney Watkin Miss Winifred 20, Soberton Avenue, Gabalfa, Cardiff. 10, Forrest Road, Penarth. Red Litten, Princes Risborough, Bucks. Aspley House, Pencisely Rd., Cardiff. “ Penlee,’’ Dinas Powis, Glam. ““Cwmwbwb,’’ Caerphilly, Glam. 3, Grove Place, Penarth. “ Maldwyn, 69, Penylan Road, Cardiff. 28, Alfreda Rd., Whitchurch, Glam. ‘“ Llynarthen,”’ Castleton, Nr. Cardiff. 32, Archer Road, Penarth. Mathern Lodge, Westville Cardiff. “ Roslyn,’’ Penylan Hill, Cardiff. ““ Kingswood,”’ 1, The Parade, Whit- church, Glam. 91, Colum Road, Cardiff. 132, Llandaff Road, Cardiff. The Court, Llandaff. 174, Newport Road, Cardiff. National Museum of Wales, Trinity Street, Cardiff. Ee Wen,” Talbot Place, Cardiff. oe Marlborough Road, Cardiff. 2, Marlborough Road, Cardiff. 32, Cathedral Road, Cardiff. 32, Stanwell Road, Penarth. “Lisnalee,’’ Whitchurch Common, Nr. Cardiff. 96, Mackintosh Place, Cardiff. ““Sherdon,’’ Pencisely Road, Cardiff. ““ Olveston,’’ Clinton Road, Penarth. “ Liwyncelyn,’’ Merthyr Tydfil, Glam. 11, Sneyd Street, Cardiff. 27, Park Place, Cardiff. Eastbrook Hall. Lloyds Bank, Ltd., Cardiff Docks. 33, Park Place, Cardiff. ““Tynant,’’ Whitchurch, Glam. Glamorgan County Hall, Cardiff. Road, 16, Ladysmith Road, Cardiff. 21, Penywain Place, Cardiff. 22, Park Place, Cardiff. “Inglewood,” Cefn Cardiff. “* Hillside,’’ Llandaff, Glam. 226, Mackintosh Place, Cardiff. 83, Newport Road, Cardiff. 19, Pencisely Road, Penhill, Cardiff. “Bryn Ceris,’’ Park Road, Whit- church, Glam. Rectory Road, Caerphilly. “ Gwawr Fryn,”’ Llanishen, Glam. 3, Tan-y-dron, Garden Suburb, Barry. Coed’ Road, List of Members 91 Elected. 1898 1921 1920 1920 1917 1921 1922 1917 1921 1921 1918 1921 1893 1910 Williams, W. E. O. Wills, George H. Wilson, Cecil L., F.R. T. B. ae Wilson, L. E. Winks, L. F. Witzel, F. M. .. Wolff, Dr. Salomon Woodley, H. .. Woodward, Miss Workman, George P. Wright, Walter Wiates,. I. Yorath, W. om Young, Wm. Boverton House, Chepstow. “ Triscombe,’’ Llandaff, Cardiff. “Garn Hill,’ St. Andrews, Dinas Powis, Glam. 95, Colum Road, Cardiff. 92, Cathedral Road, Cardiff. 32, Amesbury Road, Cardiff. “ Utrecht,’’ 28, Westbourne Road, Penarth. “« Preswylfa,” Cardiff. 47, Wellfield Road, Cardiff. Cardiff Road, Llanishen. “Tyneside,’’ Westbourne Road, Penarth. “The Mount,” Clun Terrace, Cardiff. “ Strathlyn,’”’ Tydraw Road, Cardiff. “ Oldwell,’’ Penylan, Cardiff. ” We ¢ aerate, “hk oe hd WOR Wow abel. . finan th. gat! xtavpeuebirh ase ro hia tnd ag sla tie ary ' q' Bese) ad = uid Pet Mes wi) , te? yp tha dite 2? = Vigiewet) bey Padiatr LG betel srEteatml Pes ¢ “. iit” ita As ljloe&ee ” f cpa? |: i ) Pay Ft ups PF oT Vion db sone pee ; Ep heawdt watt { Ay P Aidan). ve shi 7 q » i # . > i 0 - - @ 5 Da i a « hy oe wih-F es ee i = iran SAChiONsS OF THE CARDIFF NATURALISTS’ SOCIETY VOLS EVE: 1923 —_ he a Cardiff Naturalists’ Society REPORT AND TRANSACTIONS The Price of the Transactions is One Pound. ee —_> PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY BY WiLt1AM LEwts (PRINTERS) LTD., CARDIFF 1925 bok ; 7 , : ' 7" i . olan . - - cae poy ~ | gtsjioo0e “eieilsinteV tHibisd TAOWA . QViOITD ACUAAT Ge ee ee IV.) . ov POD] Copyright \ hivnd set) ar anouoseam l ad) io sone “ , wan vir acc atts ae tg ; sauna .ar.l Weapneed) wave f ve seer 57a oe, a? ot nine : =D ia -_ - yy CONTENTS VOU EVI. 1923. Glamorgan, J. STUART CORBETT - - - - Meteorological Observations — = = “= = Ornithological Notes, 1922-23. GEOFFREY C. S. INGRAM AND H. MoRREY SALMON Biological and Geological Section. Report for the Thirty-sixth Session — ~ = a = s Archaeological Section. Report - - = = Photographic Section. Report for the Twelfth Session Junior Section. Report for the year ended 30th Sept., 1923 = = = = = = = = Report of the Council of the Society and Statement of Accounts ie = = = S = e List of Past Presidents of the Society = = = Officers and Council of the Society - = = = 293 300 303 304 306 i i jp0 1c ‘ie Iw id Pri pati wy ary) it? ‘ eae 7 lurin LAY € nab 7 : fi i 7 iin + ’ ¢ 4O¢ fi “oo 7) since Hil ia | ole Frahs- ‘ a f = =e i S i - | | | | GLAMORGAN PAPERS AND NOTES ON THE LORDSHIP AND ITS MEMBERS WILLIAM LEWIS (PRINTERS) LIMITED, CARDIFF. 1925. = os: a o eS “2 ee v = ie GLAMORGAN Papers &é* Notes on the Lordship és its Members JOHN STUART CORBETT Peake PATERSON; > M.D:, F.S.A. WITH A MEMOIR. Cardiff : PRINTED BY WILLIAM LEWIS (PRINTERS) LTD. FOR THE CARDIFF NATURALISTS SOCIETY. 1925 MADE AND PRINTED 1N GREAT BRITAIN. | ea hod Chl sve i wip THE increased interest in the study of local history stimulated by the publication in recent years of early records has been reflected in the appearance of a more accurate type of county history, in which much that is uncritical and traditional in the old, has been replaced by authentic data. Students in this field have already accomplished much, and a fresh outlook upon our local institutions and problems has been a fruitful result. The late Mr. John Stuart Corbett belonged to this group of workers, and but for his modesty, would have been widely known as a_ recognised authority on the history of his native Glamorgan. He had devoted much of his leisure time to an intimate study of the medieval lordship, more especially of its legal structure and administrative system. By taste and training, as well as by opportunity from professional work, he was well equipped to carry out the patient independent research which he made the ground-work of his studies. Some of his results he had put into the form of short papers, which were read before local societies and published in transactions. Much remained in the shape of notes written mainly to correspondents, who valued highly his unfailing courtesy and ever-ready help. . He had rendered conspicuous service for a number of years to the Cardiff Naturalists’ Society by presiding over its Archaeological Section, and it was felt by the Council of the Society that much of the material he had collected deserved perpetuation in a permanent and more convenient form. They have therefore issued this memorial volume in the hope that his work will reach a wider public and serve as a contribution to the history of the county. The collection deals mainly with matters concerning the lordship and its members, particulars of manorial history, topography, etc. Some of the papers appear for the first time; others are reprinted from various sources. They have been left practically unaltered, even’ where the author was inclined to modify his views, as he was always ready to do when fresh evidence presented itself. As they were prepared for different audiences at different times, it is imevitable that there should be occasional repetition. This has been allowed to stand so as to preserve the original form. A few notes have been added to clear up some points. The collection does not claim to be complete, for considerations of space have rendered necessary the omission of detailed notes of other manors, family history, genealogy, etc. Mr. John Ballinger, C.B.E., has greatly helped by contributing a memoir, and acknowledgments are due to Mr. V. E. Nash-Williams, of the National Museum, for compiling the index. DBs 7t CONTENTS. FRONTISPIECE. List OF AUTHORITIES REFERRED TO IN TEXT oe +e JOHN STUART CORBETT— A MEMOIR BY JOHN BALLINGER, C.B.E. ate ee List OF PRINTED CONTRIBUTIONS, ETC. 5% re =e CHAP. 1G 2 > 7 a2 2? ” ”? ible JH te IV. V. Wile Vil. VEG. THE LORDSHIP OF GLAMORGAN .. % ee MEMBER LORDSHIPS OF GLAMORGAN .. ake Historicat NotTes ON LLANtTWi1T Major eed DINASPOWYS at ne as Lu a3 A FIFTEENTH CENTURY CORONER’S ACCOUNT FOR GLAMORGAN AS is sys e HISTORICAL REFERENCES TO CARDIFF .. oes THE EARLY CHURCHES OF CARDIFF ee ee POPULATION AND REVENUE OF CARDIFF IN THE MiIppLE AGES oa ~ is ae KIBBOR—ROATH DOGFIELD AD ae sie OLD PLacE NAMES IN ROATH AND LECKWITH NoTES ON GLAMORGAN MANORS nye 1. BOvERTON AND LLANTWIT an 2.0 VCECKWITH 75, ae Sos a Bs 3. BARRY =f ss oes Fe a 4. WoRLETON AND ST. NICHOLAS .. sf 5. TALYVAN as ome Ns ee au op) LLANTRITHYD, PETERSTON-SUPER-ELY, GELLYGARN, CARNLLWYD, LLANCARVAN, LIEGE CASTLE, MARCROSS oe vs (este HAGANS as ke Bie a CLUN AND PENTYRCH CILYBEBYLL HoitmeEs ISLANDS .. ae she ae ARMS ASCRIBED TO JESTYN AP GWRGAN PAGE 233 241 244 259 263 266 . cclxvili . At end The following authorities are frequently referred to in the HEXT : Annales Cambriae. Rolls Series, 1860. Annals of Margam Annales Monastic: I, Rolls Series, Annals of Tewkesbury 1857. A Breviat. Rice Lewis, 1596. MS. in possession of the Marquis of Bute. Copy in Cardiff Public Library. Cartae et alia Munimenta .. . de Glamorgancia. (Cartae.) G..T: Clark, 2nd. Edn... 1910. Extent of Glamorgan, 1262. MS. in Public Record Office. Lmbus Patrum Morganiae et Glamorganiae (Glamorgan Genealogies). G. T. Clark, 1886. Land of Morgan. G. T. Clark, 1883. Liber Landavensis. Ed. J. G. Evans, 1893. Liber Niger of the Exchequer, 1166. Ed. 1774. Morganiae Archaeographia. Rice Merrick, 1578, ed. J. A. Corbett, 1887. (Extract from Leland’s Itinerary, relating to Glamorgan in same edition.) JOHN STUART CORBETT. By JOHN BALLINGER, C.B.E. Mr. Corbett was a fine example of those quiet men of marked ability and charm, who pass through life doing such work as falls to thear lot with rare efficiency, and occupy themselves with pursuits which increase the sum of knowledge or add to the happiness and well-being of their generation. Like many men of that type his life was uneventful. He never thought that he, as an individual, was of any special importance, his personality never reached the public eye, his contributions to knowledge were made almost in silence, only the very few who came into close relations with him knew what a great mind and generous nature lay behind that shyness which characterised him. It was my privilege to be admitted to the inner circle soon after he became solicitor to the Bute Estate (1890), in succession to his brother, Mr. James Andrew Corbett, whose untimely death deprived Cardiff of one of its devoted citizens. The two brothers were very much alike in many ways, for James Andrew Corbett also took a keen interest in local history and archaeology, was never satisfied with a mere acceptance of printed or any other source for any statement, but searched out and verified always, and, what is equally important, reconsidered conclusions when fresh evidence became available. It was this scholarly care which makes the edition of Rice Merrick’s Booke of Glamorganshire’s Antiquities (written in 1578), printed in 1887 with an introduction and notes by him, so valuable as a contribution to local history. During 9 j fs 10 John Stuart Corbett. the three years which followed the issue of the book Mr. James Corbett accumulated much additional material on the work itself, and subjects pertinent thereto. These, on his death, passed to his brother, and opened for him a line of study which he pursued to the end of his life. The results are, to some extent at least, represented in this memorial volume. The Corbetts are an ancient family, settled in Shropshire from the time of the Norman conquest. The story of this ancient family, with much genealogical detail, has recently been published.* John Stuart Corbett of Cogan Pill was direct in descent from the Corbetts of Moreton Corbett, his grandfather, Captain Andrew Corbett, being 6th in descent from Sir Andrew Corbett, knight, of Moreton Corbett, who died in 1578. Captain Andrew Corbett married Augusta, sister of the first Marquess of Bute, and their only child was Stuart Corbett, Incumbent of Wortley and Archdeacon of York; his fourth son was John Stuart Corbett, who came to Cardiff in 1841 as agent to his relative, the 2nd Marquess of Bute. He lived first in rooms at Rhyd-y- Penna Farm,near Llanishen, and on his marriage with Elizabeth, daughter of James Evans, of the Gorther Co., Radnor, he removed to Maindee (a house near Cardiff, now included in the City boundaries), and later to Cogan Pill when the repairs and alterations to that old house had been completed. It was at Maindee that the eldest son, John Stuart Corbett, was born on 16th May, 1845. He was educated at Cheltenham, and was afterwards articled to Messrs. Daltons and Spencer, of Cardiff, and Messrs. Vizard, Crowder, Anstie and Young, of London, being awarded honours at his final examination in 1867, and admitted a solicitor in the same year. He joined Messrs. Daltons and Spencer as a junior partner, the firm being known as Daltons, Spencer and Corbett for some years, afterwards as Spencer and Corbett. The senior partner was * The Family of Corbett, its life and times, by A. E. C. 2 volumes. London. The St. Catherine Press, 1915—1919. John Stuart Corbett. 1] Mr. Thomas Dalton, sometime Clerk of the Peace for the County of Glamorgan, and later his nephew, Mr. Thomas Masters Dalton. Mr. Corbett retired from the firm in 1890 when he became Solicitor to Lord Bute. He married in 1872 Blanche, the elder daughter of the Reverend James Williams Evans, Vicar of Costessy, near Norwich, who was the son of the Reverend James Evans, formerly Rector of Llandough, Cogan, and other parishes near Cardiff, the incumbent of which was known locally as “‘ The Angel of the Seven Churches.” Before he became Solicitor to Lord Bute, Mr. Corbett held the appointment of Clerk to the Llandaff bench of magistrates, and devoted his leisure to art, painting chiefly in oils, for which he had a gift, and exhibited from time to time at Norwich and in the annual exhibitions of the South Wales Art Society. In later years he did much work in water colour. His chief holiday occupation was painting in Norfolk and Wales. These were the happiest times of his life. Reading was a delight to him always. He was devoted to out-door pursuits, gardening especially. He loved his garden, and knew every plant in it, most of them placed there by his own hands. He was fond of shooting, and was an excellent shot, but fishing did not attract him. For the years 1890 to 1917, when he retired, he was Solicitor for Lord Bute and his great properties, a period covering the jast ten years of the life of the third Marquess and seventeen years after the accession of the present Lord Bute. twenty-seven years of loyal and unselfish service. It has already been said that Mr. Corbett’s interest in archaeology and local history was increased when he took up the work left by his brother. Before that time he appears to have appeared in print once only, a note of five pages on The Fresh Water Aquarium in the Transactions of the Cardiff Naturalists’ Society for 1883. No other printed work of his has been traced earlier than the same society’s volume for 12 John Stuart Corbett. 1900-1, which contains his address as president of the Archae- ological section of the Society. He had, however, taken a keen advisory interest in the preparation of the Cardiff Records. The first volume, which appeared in 1898, contains a valuable local record, the Bailiffs’ accounts for Cardiff and Roath, 1642-3, from the Cardiff Castle muniments, for which the editor, Mr. J. Hobson Matthews, expresses his indebtedness to Mr. Corbett. The succeeding volumes contain numerous evidences showing the help given, and contributions actually written by him. The index gives twenty-eight references under Mr. Corbett’s name, but six of them should have been under his father’s name. A list of his printed contributions so far as can be ascertained is given in this volume. They deal with several aspects of one subject, the lordship of Glamorgan, of which his knowledge was unrivalled. These contributions show how worthily he carried on the work of his brother and Mr. George Thomas Clark of Talygarn. The quantity of Mr. Corbett’s literary work is not large, but it is all sound and good. [If it were possible to set out, even in part, the help he gave to other workers in the same field, the extent of his labours would be more adequately seen. But this is impossible. The amount of time and labour he would cheerfully expend on an inquiry made one reluctant to trespass on his invariable willingness to help. An example of this is the following letter written to me in April, 1919 :— 14th April, 1919. I am much obliged to You for your letter in reply to mine. I have no doubt now (though I should like to see the document from which the seal came) that the old Cardiff seal was taken from that of Richard (probably, or possibly Gilbert his son) de Clare. I think a similar origin was that of the fabled arms of Jestyn ap Gwrgan described by Rhys Myryke. John Stuart Corbett. 13 The de Clare chevrons are found on a seal of c. 1138, of a member of that family, one of the earliest instances of arms on a seal, while the descendants of Jestyn, Lords of Avan, sealed with quite different devices (not arms) down to at least the middle of the 13th century. Leisan de Aven, the first to use that surname, who became Lord in 1288, seems to have used the chevrons (Parl. Roll of Edw. II). This was with a difference, gules 3 chevrons argent, instead of or 3 chevrons gules. These arms are still used by families claiming descent from the Avan Lords and ultimately from Jestyn, and this, I think, is why later writers attribute them to him. This letter contains valuable information relating to the arms formerly used by the civic authorities of Cardiff. It was a subject of deep regret to Mr. Corbett that the Corporation abandoned the historic shield associated with the town for so many centuries, in favour of the florid arms recently adopted, which defy nearly all the usages of heraldry. He once expressed to me a hope that some day the old dignified and historic arms will be brought into use again. Mr. Corbett died on 9th March, 1921. Of him it may truly be said :— He had the wisdom of the just, and the gentle loving heart of a little child. LIST OF PRINTED CONTRIBUTIONS, Etc., 1883. 1900-1. 1903. 1903. 1905. 1906. 1907. 1909. 1912. 1917, By JOHN STUART CORBETT. CARDIFF NATURALISTS’ SOCIETY TRANSACTIONS. The fresh water aquarium. Vol. XV, pp. 44-50. Written with reference to a suggestion that aquaria might be established in the Cardiff Museum. Presidential Address. Archaeological Section. Vol. XXXII, pp. 20-32. Deals with the early history of Cardiff mainly as bearing upon the derivation of its name. Member Lordships of Glamorgan. Vol. XXXYI, pp. 65-91. Some reasons for believing that Barry and Sully gave names to their Lords’ Families rather than the Lords to the places. Vol. XXXVI, pp. 116-7. The Exploration at Castell Morgraig—Historical data. Vol. XXXVIII, pp. 44-58. Reprinted Cardiff, 1906, in Castell Morgraig in the County of Glamorgan, by John Ward, J. W. Rodger and John Stuart Corbett. Some notes as to Llantwit Major. Vol. XXXIX, pp. 49-62. The Castell fields at Craig Llwyn, Lisvane, Glam. Vol. XL, pp. 30-3. Notes sent by J.S.C. to Edwin Seward, and included in the above article. Dinaspowys. Vol. XLII, pp. 70-82. A fifteenth century Coroner’s Account for Glamorgan. Vol. XLV, pp. 70-86. Read before the Archaeological Section, Nov. 3rd, RE Castell Coch. Vol. L, pp. 20-23. 1¢ List of Printed Contributions, etc. 15 ARCHAEOLOGIA CAMBRENSIS. 2901, Llantrisant Castle. 6th ser. Vol. I, pp. 1-7. 901. The Van. 6th ser. Vol. I, pp. 8-11. 1901. Castell-y-Mynach. 6th ser. Vol. I, pp. 12-13. 1919. Caerphilly: Minister’s Account, 1428-9. 6th ser. Vol. XIX, pp. 19-24. BRISTOL AND GLOUCESTER ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY TRANSACTIONS. 1908. Caerphilly Castle. Vol. XXXI, pp. 261-9. 1908. Some notes on St. John’s Church, Cardiff. CARDIFF RECORDS. 1901. Survey of Llystalybont, 1653. Vol. III, pp. 298-335. Copied in 1895 from the original in the Record Room at Cardiff Castle. 1905. Notes on Map of the Manors. Vol. V, pp. 479-81. 1911. Arms of Principal Glamorgan families. Vol. VI, pp. Ixxv—Ixxviii. 1911. Explanation of shields of arms forming head-pieces. Vol. VI, pp. Ixxix—lxxxii. BRITISH ASSOCIATION. 1920. The Lordship of Glamorgan. Handbook of Cardiff Meeting, pp. 22-53. - ; : CHAPTER I. THE LORDSHIP OF GLAMORGAN. The following notes are intended to deal mainly with certain matters relating to that part of the old Welsh Kingdom of Morganwg which after the Conquest became the Lordship of Glamorgan, of which Carditf was the head, and to give some information, necessarily of a general character, as to the government of that district up to the date of the Statute 27 Hen. VIII, cap. 26, which abolished most of the peculiar privileges of the marcher lords and introduced the English law and system of government. I do not deal with Wenllwch or Wentloog, now part of Monmouthshire, which (or a large part of it) formed part of the marcher lordship won by Fitzhamon, and remained so until the failure of the main line of the de Clares in 1314. To do so would unduly extend this article, and besides, it was treated in the de Clares’ time as a separate “ county.” PRE-NORMAN PERIOD. As to the region to which this paper relates, the period from the end of the Roman occupation to the conquest by Fitzhamon is a very dark one, there being hardly any trustworthy authorities for its history. The Brut y Tywysogion and Annales Cambriae contain but very few and short references to this part of Wales. The so-called “Gwentian Brut ”’ or Book of Aberpergwm, claiming to be, as to its earlier portion, the work of Caradoc of Llancarvan (who is believed to have died about 1147), and the Historia Cambriae of Dr. David Powell (1584), purporting to give Caradoc’s history, contain much relating to Glamorgan, but both must unfortunately B 17 18 The Lordship of Glamorgan. be regarded as of very doubtful authority. The original of any MS. of Caradoc does not exist, and it seems only to be known from Dr. Powell’s work. The Gwentian Brut, as it exists, is probably not older than the 16th century,* and though no doubt to some extent founded upon older authorities, and perhaps in part upon Caradoc, it contains so much obvious fiction that, unless otherwise corroborated, its statements cannot at all be relied upon. The earlier part of the Liber Landavensis appears to the writer to deserve more attention than it has received, as it was actually written in the 12th or very early in the 13th century, much of it probably in the first half of the 12th. Its authority has been depreciated (see Haddan and Stubbs “Councils, etc.’’) on the ground that the copies or records of charters and other documents of which it consists were put together, and perhaps to some extent altered or even fabricated, for the purpose of supporting the claim of Bishop Urban (1107-1133) to parts of the dioceses of St. David’s and Hereford. That this objection has some force can hardly be doubted, but, though it may be granted that the earlier records cannot safely be accepted as actual copies of documents of the dates to which they purport to relate, they show at least what was thought by a writer of the 12th century as to the succession of rulers of the district, and the statements as to facts of the llth century, modern history at the time it was written, would probably be fairly accurate. It will be convenient, before going further, to refer to what the Liber Landavensis says as to the cantrevs contained, as it states, in the Kingdom of Morgannuc (Morganwg) and Diocese of Llandaff. The document occurs at page 247, and is said to be inserted because the original was almost decayed from its great age. The first Cantrev was Bican=Bachan (Carmarthenshire) —the second cantrev Gwyr (Gower, now the part of Glamorgan- shire as constituted under Henry VIII, west of the River Neath), * It is now assigned by some Welsh scholars to late 18th century. The Lordship of Glamorgan. 19 Caedweli (Kidwelly), and Carnwaliaun, both in Carmarthen- shire. These last three, in the Red Book of Hergest, are treated as names of commotes making up a cantrev called Eginoc. The third cantrevy was Wurhinit (Gorwenydd, now Groneath, Glamorganshire), the fourth, Penychen (Glamorgan- shire), the fifth, Gunlyuch and Edelyvon (in Monmouthshire, the first name, Gwynllwg or Wentloog, and the second, Hedelegan or Edlogan, now a manor in Gwynllwg). This last cantrev is between the Rhymney and Usk rivers. The sixth cantrey was Wenyscoyt (Gwent Iscoed or Underwood, the southern part of the land between the Usk and the Wye). The seventh was Wenthuccoyt (Gwent Uwchcoed or Overwood) and Ystradw (Brecknockshire) and Ewyas, always, it states, called the two sleeves of Wenthuccoyt, and Ergyn and Anergyn (Archenfeld, Herefordshire). This represents the Llandaff claim, not successful, as the diocese was ultimately settled to include only the Glamorgan territory east of Neath, what is now Monmouthshire, and one or two parishes in Herefordshire. Whether or not the Kingdom of Morganwg at any time in fact included all these lands, the list is probably the oldest authority for the names of the cantrevs, and as such of value. It may be mentioned here that Giraldus Cambrensis, taking St. David’s view, describes the diocese of Llandaff as containing five cantrevs “and the fourth part of a cantrev, that is, Senghenydd.”” No doubt he meant to exclude the Carmarthen- shire and -Gower territory. Some authorities, the most important being the old list of cantrevs and commotes con- tained in the Red Book of Hergest (14th century), have mentioned another cantrev in Glamorgan called Brenhinol (Royal) or Breiniol (privileged); in the Red Book the form is Breinyawl. This, however, may be an error, possibly through attributing to a cantrev the epithet Breinol, which, according to Rice Merrick, p. 119, applied in fact, not to a cantrev, but to the commote of Kibbor, formerly considered part of Senghenydd. This Senghenydd district, called by 20 The Lordship of Glamorgan. Giraldus the fourth part of a cantrev, would, according to the Liber Landavensis list, be included either in Penychen or Gwynllwg. It lies in the eastern part of Glamorganshire, mainly between the Rhymney and Taff Rivers, but may perhaps at some remote period have been considered part of Wenllwch. From Liber Landavensis and the other authorities mentioned, supported in some points by certain statements of Asser, and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, it appears clear that the territory, which included the later Lordship of Glamorgan, was, for some five centuries before the conquest, ruled by a line of princes descended from one Tewdric slain in battle with the Saxons at a date perhaps not far from the year 600, and a contemporary of St. Teilo, after whom Llandaff Cathedral was named. These rulers are described at different times as Kings of Morganwg, Glamorgan, Gleuissicg, or Gwent. These differences of description are perhaps due in part to the practice which often appears to have been followed of dividing a kingdom between sons of a deceased king. What exactly Gleuissicg meant is difficult to determine, but no doubt it included part at least of Glamorgan. It is suggested that it may possibly be an old name for Morganwg. Among the princes who sought the protection and friendship of Alfred Asser mentions Howl filius Ris rex Glewising and also Brochmail et Fernail filit Mourict reges Gwent. Now Howel son of Rhys was a King of Morganwg, and in that character, according to Liber Landavensis, made various grants to Llandaff. Brochmail and Fernuail were members of the same family. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle states that Alfred’s grandson Athelstan ruled over “‘Uwen King of the Gwentian people.’’ Howel son of Rhys had a son Owen, who may be the person referred to, though here called King of the Gwentian people. Gwent, as appears above, consisted sub- stantially of that part of the present Monmouthshire east of Usk. As tothe names Morganwg (Morcanhuc, Morcannuc, etc., in Liber Landavensis) and Glamorgan (Gulatmorcant), there seems to be a consensus of opinion that the former had The Lordship of Glamorgan. ya | ‘a wider signification than the latter, though the names appear to mean much the same, “ wg’’ being a suffix indicating a territory or district and “‘ gwlad ’’, from which the first syllable of Glamorgan comes, practically the same. An opinion has been held in some quarters that Glamorgan comes from “ Glan- morgan ’’, meaning “‘ along the coast ”’, but the fact that “‘ Gulat morcant’’ appears in Liber Landavensis in a document of the time of Bishop Joseph (early 11th century) supports the view that it means “ Land of Morgan” from an early King of that name. Space does not admit of saying more here as to the Welsh rulers of the district which includes Glamorgan, but it seems that (probably with some variations from time to time as to boundaries) their line ruled in practical independence of the princes of the rest of Wales until the 11th century, when a period of great confusion arose. It is stated in the Brut y Tywysogion that in 1021 Rhydderch son of Jestyn (not of the old Glamorgan line, but a descendant of Rhodri Mawr) assumed the government of the south, i.e., Deheubarth, or South Wales. The Liber Landavensis (no doubt with exaggera- tion) describes him as reigning over nearly all Wales, and Howel of Glamorgan as “ sub-regulus”’. Howel was of the old line of Glamorgan or Morganwg kings. Rhydderch was slain in battle in or about 1031. Much fighting took place between rival chieftains, and in the Brut y Tywysogion., under 1047, it is stated that “all South Wales lay waste,’’ though this may not have included Glamorgan, as the word is “‘Deheubarth’”’ in the original. During his wars with the Welsh, Harold occupied Gwent, and built a hunting lodge in Gwent Iscoed, which was destroyed by King Caradoc, who seems to have been a grandson of Rhydderch. Then followed the Norman Conquest of England, the appointment of William Fitz Osbern as Earl of Hereford, the building by him of Chep- stow or Striguil Castle, and gradual encroachments of Welsh territory. It is clear that at the time of Domesday Book the 2 The Lordship of Glamorgan. Norman rule or overlordship extended as far as the River Usk and to some extent west of it, fora certain Turstin Fitz Rolf held some lands west of the Usk. The Welsh, however, were not completely expelled, and it appears that for a time at least Welsh kings, so called in Liber Landavensis, ruled over at least parts of Gwent, no doubt in a tributary or vassal condition, and probably at times co-operated with the Normans against other Welshmen. For instance, the Brut y Tywysogion, under 1070, says that Maredudd son of Owain was killed by Caradoc son of Gruffudd and the French (Normans) on the banks of the Rhymney, the river forming the eastern boundary of Glamorgan. In the Liber Landavensis (pp. 278-279) there is a statement that in the time of King Wiliam, Catgucuan (Cadwgan) son of King Mouric (who was son of the Howel before referred to) reigned in Glamorgan, and as far as the Towey (in Carmarthenshire), Caradoc in Ystratyu (Breck- nockshire), Gwent Uwchcoed and Wenllwch, Riderch (Rhydd- erch) in Ewyas and Gwent Iscoed. This was no doubt the chronicler’s statement as to what happened at some time during which things were in confusion and frequently changing. Most or all of the Kings named were no doubt more or less under the domination of the Normans. In fact, it is said that all these Kings were under (‘‘servierunt’’) King William, and died in his time. Caradoc was probably the same that was with the Normans in the fight on the banks of the Rhymney, but whether he was the same as the King Caradoc who, many years before, had destroyed Harold’s hunting lodge is a matter on which different opinions are held. Rhydderch was a grandson of the Rhydderch slain in 1031. Cadwgan, as we have seen, was of the old line of Kings of Morganwg, but whether his rule in fact extended to the banks of the Towy is doubtful, and when he died is not known. = =~ The Lordship of Glamorgan. 23 JESTYN AP GWRGAN Later Jestyn ap Gwrgan appears as ruler (who is nowhere called King) of Glamorgan. Over what exact territory his authority extended cannot now be defined. He and his father Gwrgan are both mentioned in Liber Landavensis, the latter (p. 263) as a witness to a document of the time of King Mouric, son of Howel. Gwrgan and Jestyn are both mentioned in the Gwentian Brut as princes of Glamorgan, but the account given of them there is full of absurd and obvious errors, and cannot be regarded as in any way trust- worthy. Still, there is no reason to doubt, though it cannot be said to be actually proved by any pedigree that can be fully trusted, that they were descended from the old line of Kings, and it seems probable that Jestyn assumed power on, or soon after, the death of Cadwgan, son of Mouric. FITZHAMON’S CONQUEST. In Jestyn’s time, as is well known, the conquest by Robert FitzHamon took place. The legend so often repeated of his having called in FitzHamon to aid him against Rhys ap Tewdwr is more doubtful. In fact, it seems quite possible that FitzHamon’s invasion does not represent the first Norman attempt upon Glamorgan. What the state of things was there at the time when King William made his pilgrimage to St. David’s (in 1079 according to the Brut y Tywysogion, but more probably in 1080) is not known. The Brut, under date 1080, states that the building of Cardiff began. The Annals of Margam also has, under 1081, “ et edificata est villa Cardiviae sub Willelmo primo rege.” These statements no doubt point to the restoration of a fortress which had been desolated after Roman times, though as to when or by whom nothing is known. What this building or re-building may have led to or what FitzHamon found at Cardiff on his arrival is 24 The Lordship of Glamorgan. at present uncertain. It was not until some twelve years after the dates mentioned as those of the alleged building that he defeated and expelled Jestyn. He had shortly before received from William Rufus the Honour of Gloucester, of which Bristol was the head, probably as a reward for his support against Bishop Odo and his confederates in 1088, and very likely with the intention that he should endeavour to conquer Glamorgan. As to the legend of his having fought with Rhys ap Tewdwr on the borders of Brecknockshire, it may be mentioned that The Brut and Annales Cambriae say that Rhys was slain in 1091 by the French of Brecheiniauc, which seems much more probable than that FitzHamon should have penetrated so far into the hill country. In Cardiff, FitzHamon no doubt established himself from the first, and made it the head of his Glamorgan lordship, but this does not prove that he found any town there. It may have commended itself to him on account of the remains of the Roman fortifications, and also as a favourable place for communication by sea with Bristol. The place is not even named in any Liber Landavensis document prior to the conquest. As to the state of things in the district generally, there are no towns, castles, churches, or works remaining which can be pointed to with any certainty as Welsh, and dating from the interval between the departure of the Romans and FitzHamon’s conquest. This is no doubt due to the fact that the Welsh buildings were mostly of wood, for they certainly had many churches, besides their three important monasteries (possibly much decayed at the date of the conquest) at Llantwit, Llancarvan and Llandough. It is true no doubt that some of their churches were of stone, but these, like Llandaff Cathedral, were rebuilt later, so that nothing seems to remain of early Welsh work, except indeed certain crosses or inscribed stones at Llantwit, Llandough, etc. It is to be supposed that the people lived mainly under the tribal system, described by Mr. Seebohm in his Tvibal System The Lordship of Glamorgan. 25 in Wales, and the late Sir John Rhys and Sir D. Brynmor Jones in their valuable work The Welsh People. It is, however, likely that in the Vale district the tribal rules of descent may have given way to some extent even before FitzHamon’s time, and the people have become more settled and more dependent upon agriculture than in the hills and wilder parts. Another matter which has not been fully investigated is the question whether along the coast there may not have been settlements of Scandinavian, or at any rate other than Welsh people. All along the coast there are place-names of Scandinavian origin, and many English names, though, as to the latter, it is difficult to be sure whether they are earlier than the conquest, as no doubt many English came in afterwards It seems certain that the Vale was subdued in a comparatively short time, and that the population settled down into the condition of manorial tenants under their Norman lords, for such disturbances as took place usually arose from incursions of Welshmen from the hills of Glamorgan or other parts of Wales rather than from local risings in the Vale. Though no doubt a good many Welsh chieftains were displaced, it may well be that to the actual tillers of the soil it made little difference whether they cultivated land for, or paid their dues to, a Welsh or a Norman chief or lord. THE CHIEF” LORDS: Having reached the period of FitzHamon’s conquest, it will be convenient to insert short particulars as to his successors down to the abolition of the marcher privileges and the application of English law, by the statue of Henry VIII. The facts are briefly as follows :— 1107. Robert FitzHamon died. Mabel, his daughter, married at a date not exactly ascertained Robert, a natural son of Henry I, created Earl of Gloucester and commonly known as Robert Consul (Earl). 26 The Lordship of Glamorgan. 1147. Robert Consul died. The Countess Mabel died 1157. Their son William, Earl of Gloucester, succeeded his father. He married Hawise, daughter of Robert de Bellmont (called Bossu or Crouchback) Earl of Lincoln. 1183. (23rd November.) Earl William died. His Countess survived and died 24th day of April, 1197. Earl William had four children, Robert (who died young), Mabel, who married Almeric de Montfort, Earl of Evreux, Amicia, who married Richard de Clare, Earl of Hertford, and Isabel, who married John, Earl of Mortain, afterwards King. After the death of Earl William the Lordship remained in the hands of the Crown until, in 1189, King Richard I made it over to his brother John, no interest in Glamorgan being allowed to Isabel’s sisters. John succeeded to the throne in 1199, and divorced Isabel in 1200, but retained the Lordship of Glamorgan until her re-marriage in 1214 to Geoffrey de Mandeville, Earl of Essex, who had it in her right. 1216. Geoffrey de Mandeville died. 1217. (Before October.) Isabel died childless. It is said by some writers that after the death of de Mandeville Isabel married Hubert de Burgh, but the better opinion appears to be that this was not so. Her lands were committed to him, but probably as custodian only. 1218. Gilbert de Clare, son of Isabel’s sister Amicia, succeeded. He was Earl of Gloucester and Hertford. He married Isabel, daughter of William Marshal, Earl of Pembroke, who, after de Clare’s death, married Richard, Earl of Cornwall, second son of King John. 1230. (25th October.) Earl Gilbert died in Brittany. His son, Richard de Clare, Earl of Gloucester and Hertford, succeeded. Born 4th August, 1222. Married Maud de Lacy, daughter of the Earl of Lincoln. On the failure of the male The Lordship of Glamorgan. 27 line of the Marshals, through his mother as one of the co-heirs, Richard obtained, upon a partition of the Marshal estates, considerable holdings in (amongst other places) what is now Monmouthshire. Through this and under certain subsequent arrangements, the de Clares had Usk, Caerleon, Trellech, and other lands. 1262. (July.) Richard de Clare died. The Countess survived him and died about 1289. Gilbert, son of Richard, succeeded. Called “ the Red Earl.” He was born 2nd September, 1243. Builder of Caerphilly Castle. Married first, Alice de la Marche. He divorced her, and in 1290 married Joan, daughter of King Edward I. 1295. (7th December.) Gilbert de Clare died. The Countess Joan succeeded for her life, in accordance with an arrangement made on their marriage, and in 1296 married Ralph de Monthermer, who during her lifetime, her son being a minor, sat in Parliament as Earl of Gloucester. 1306-7. (March.) The Countess Joan died. Gilbert de Clare, the third of the name to hold the lordship of Glamorgan, son of Gilbert (2) and the Countess Joan succeeded, Monthermer then ceasing to be styled Earl. Gilbert was born 1291, and married Maud, daughter of John, son of Richard de Burgh, Earl of Ulster. 1314. (June.) Gilbert de Clare (3) was killed at Bannock- burn, and the Countess Maud died 1315. They had one son, John, who died an infant in his parents’ lifetime. With Gilbert (3) ended the male line of the de Clares, who had held the lordship from 1218 to 1314. He left three sisters, daughters of Gilbert (2) and the Countess _ joan. (1) Eleanor, of whom below. (2) Margaret, who _™married (first) Piers Gaveston, (second) Hugh d’Audley. (3) Elizabeth, married (first) John son of John de Burgh, Earl of Ulster, (second) Theobald Verdon, and (third) Roger d’Amory. 28 The Lordship of Glamorgan. 1317. A partition of the de Clare estates between the sisters was completed. Glamorgan fell to Eleanor, the eidest, who had married in 1306 Hugh le Despenser, son of Hugh, Earl of Winchester. Newport and Wenllwch, amongst other estates, were allotted to Margaret, and Usk, Caerleon, and other manors, etc., in what is now Monmouthshire, to Elizabeth. Hugh le Despenser became Lord of Glamorgan in right of his wife Eleanor. He was the first lord who described himself in documents as “ Lord of Glamorgan and Morgan,” his pre- decessors having used the style “Earl of Gloucester and Hertford.’”’ He himself was not an earl. He had two sons, Hugh and Edward. 1326. (18th November.) Hugh le Despenser was put to death at Hereford. 1328. William la Zouche married Eleanor, widow of Hugh, and, after some difficulties on account of the marriage having taken place without the King’s consent, became Lord of Glamorgan in her right. 1336-7. (1st March.) William la Zouche died. 1337. (30th June.) Eleanor died. Hugh le Despenser (2), son of Hugh and Eleanor, succeeded. He was born probably in 1308, and married Elizabeth de Montacute, widow of Giles Lord Badlesmere. 1349. (8th February.) Hugh le Despenser died without issue. Edward le Despenser, nephew of Hugh, son of his brother Edward, who died before Hugh, succeeded. He married Elizabeth, daughter of Lord Burghersh. 1375. (11th November.) Edward le Despenser died, his widow surviving. Thomas le Despenser, son of Edward, born 22nd September, 1373, succeeded. He married Constance, daughter of Edmund of Langley, Duke of York, © who survived him, and died 1417. They had two children, The Lordship of Glamorgan. 29 Richard and Isabel. Thomas le Despenser was created Earl of Gloucester in 1397, but afterwards deprived of this title for conspiring against Henry IV. 1400. (January.) Thomas le Despenser, after taking part in an abortive rising, fled to Bristol, where he was beheaded by a mob without trial. Richard le Despenser, son of Thomas, died 13th October, 1414, while a ward of the King. Isabel la Despenser, sister of Richard, succeeded. She was born after her father’s death, 24th July, 1400, and married (first) 27th July, 1411, Richard Beauchamp, fourth Earl of Worcester. The Earl of Worcester having died in France in March or April, 1422, Isabel married (second) 26th November, 1423, Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, a cousin of her first husband. They had two children, Henry and Anne. 1439. (30th April.) Richard, Earl of Warwick, died at Rouen, and Isabel died 26th December of the same year. Henry Beauchamp, their son, succeeded. Born 22nd March, 1425. Married Cecilia, daughter of Richard, Earl of Salisbury. Her brother, Richard Neville, married Henry Beauchamp’s sister Anne. Henry was created Duke of Warwick, 5th April, 1444. 1446. Henry, Duke of Warwick, died, leaving an infant daughter, Anne Beauchamp. 1449. Anne, the infant daughter of the Duke of Warwick, died. Anne Beauchamp, sister of Duke Henry, succeeded her niece. She married, as above mentioned, Richard Neville, who became Earl of Salisbury and Warwick, who held the Lordship of Glamorgan in her right. 1471. (14th April.) The Earl of Warwick slain at the battle of Barnet. The Earl of Warwick left two daughters, Isabel, who married George, Duke of Clarence, at Calais, 11th July, 1469, and Anne, who married (first) Edward, Prince of Wales, son of 30 The Lordship of Glamorgan. Henry VI, and (second) in 1472 Richard, Duke of Gloucester, afterwards Richard III. On the death of the Earl of Warwick, the Duke of Clarence (ignoring the rights of his mother-in-law) entered upon the Lordship of Glamorgan. His _ brother, Richard, on his marriage with Anne, demanded a share of the Warwick Estates, and an Act of Parliament was passed in 1474 to the effect that the Dukes of Clarence and Gloucester and the wives should have the estates as if the Countess of Warwick were dead, and might make partition of them. 1478. (11th March.) The Duke of Clarence was put to death. The Duchess Isabel had died 22nd December, 1476. Either on the death of the Duke of Clarence or somewhat earlier, Richard, Duke of Gloucester, became lord, and later became King. 1485. (22nd August.) Richard was slain at Bosworth. His wife Anne had died previously. Henry VII succeeded to the Crown, and on 2nd March, 1486, granted the Lordship of Glamorgan to his uncle, Jasper Tudor, Duke of Bedford. However, Anne, Countess of Warwick, widow of “‘ the Kingmaker,” who was still living, had been de jure the person entitled to the Lordship since 1471 but for the Act of Parliament before referred to, and it appears to have been desired to recognise her right while securing the Duke of Bedford’s title. She accordingly petitioned Parliament in 1487 to repeal the Act which gave her estates to her daughters and their husbands, and this was done. She then, by deed of 13th December, 1487, in consideration of an annuity granted the Lordship of Glamorgan, etc., to the King. By letters patent of 21st March, 1488, he again granted it to the Duke of Bedford. 1495. (21st December.) Jasper, Duke of Bedford, died childless. King Henry VII then held the lordship until his death. (There had been an Act of Parliament of 1496 that the possessions of the Duke of Bedford should go to Henry, The Lordship of Glamorgan. 31 second son of the King, but practically the King had control, his son being a minor.) 1509. (21st April.) Henry VII died. Henry VIII succeeded. Up to the time of the Act about to be mentioned, he was styled in documents relating to Glamorgan “‘ King of England and Lord of Glamorgan ”’, and had a Chancery at Cardiff, etc., as had been the case under the earlier lords. The Statute of 27 Hen. VIII, cap. 26, for assimilating the laws and government of Wales and the Marches to those of England, which is further referred to later, appears practically to have put an end to the old Lordship of Glamorgan, abolishing the peculiar marcher jurisdictions and jura regalia, while preserving the various lords’ feudal rights with respect to lordships, boroughs, and manors held under them. THE KNIGHIT’S FEES. To return to FitzHamon, there is no doubt that he divided the greater part of the Vale district amongst his followers, but we have but a very little real evidence as to the arrangements made by him, for clearly the particulars given in the Gwentian Brut and Dr. Powell’s history as to his twelve knights and their holdings are very far from accurate. Some of the names there given are doubtless those of followers of FitzHamon, but others are those of families who did not appear in the county for long afterwards, while others, who probably were in fact among the earliest comers, are omitted altogether. It is not until the Lzber Niger, 1166, that we have, in the carta or return of knight’s fees held under William, Earl of Gloucester, grandson of FitzHamon, any authentic record as to the holders of manors in Glamorgan, and as they (or their predecessors) had for the most part held their fees from the time of Henry I it is probable that they, or many of them, were descendants of the original conquerors. It is true that the late Mr. Clark (Land of Morgan, p. 56) expresses the 32 The Lordship of Glamorgan. opinion that the return of the Earl of Gloucester did not include his Glamorgan fees, but his attention had doubtless not been called to the evidence afforded by a comparison of the Liber Niger with an Extent of Glamorgan (in the Public Record Office), which was certainly made in or about 1262, and in all probability on the occasion of the death of Richard de Clare, in that year. While the Liber Niger gives the names of holders and the number of fees held by each, it does not state where the fees were situate, but the Extent of 1262 (as it is convenient to term it) does give this information, and it is the case that in that Extent many families of the same names as occur in the Liber Niger are recorded as holding in Glamorgan the same number of fees as are stated in Liber Niger to have been held by persons of those names. In 1262 the number of old fees, apart from some of the holders who are described as “ noviter feoffati,”” is 364 and 4, paying wardsilver or castle guard silver to Cardiff Castle at the rate of 6s. 8d. per fee. This payment was not made by the “ noviter feoffati.” The Lordship of Glamorgan. 33 The following is a comparison of the Extent of 1262 with Liber Niger :— LIBER NIGER. Name Adam de Sumeri Milo de Cogan Robertus de Constantino Jordanus Sorus Gilbertus de Umfravill : Willelmus de Cardi ; Willelmus de Nerbertone . Filius Ricardi Walensis_ . Defeodo quod fuit Roberti Norensis Roger de Wintonia Lucas Pincerna Regis Willelmus de Londonia Deduct from these as not being in Glamorganshire : De Someri ie OF Le Soor 14 Umfravile are 5 The total identified in Glamorgan is , No. of Fees Place 7 Held 34 fees elsewhere than in Glamorgan. 9 1 is 14 of these in Gloucester- shire. 9 5 fees in Devonshire. + 4 1 2 1 1 47} 224 25 34 The Lordship of Glamorgan. EXTENT 1262. Name. Robertus de Someri Johannes de Cogan Heres Gilberti de Costantin Walterus de Sulye .. { Walterus de Gloucestria Willielmus le Soor . Willielmus Corbet Gilbertus Umfravile Willielmus de Kayrdif Phillippus de Nereberd Adam Walensis Johannes le Norreis Willielmus de Wincestre Walterus de Sulye .. Heres Gilberti de Costantin Thomas de Haweye Quod heres Ricardi le Buti- ler tenere debet Hawisia de Londino Daniel Siward Adam de Pireton Abbas de Morgan (Margam) Deduct total in Glamorgan There remain in Extent of Niger oS a a ae ee ee N.B.—The wardsilver at 6s. 8d. for each fee amounted to £12 5s. 0d., and this remained the same, and was paid in respect of the same fees throughout mediaeval times, with some small] exceptions easily accounted for. Place. No. of Fees Dinas Powis .. 2 2 34 Cogan YA + ss rs 2 Costantinestun (Cosmeston) . Suyle 2 Wenvoe 2, Wrencheston (Wrinston) ve $ In Sancto Fagano o2 st 1 In Sancto Nicholao .. hs 3 Penmarc a -- =: oe Llanrid (Llantrithyd) 5 4 Aberthawe (St. Tathan) ne a Landochhe (Llandough, near 1 Cowbridge) Penthlin (Penllyn) Z Landau (Llandow) .. ae 1 Lanmais ae ne S: = Lanmais 3 . In Sancto Donato ae sits 1 } Marcros. . i ae eS 1 Uggemor (Ogmore) .. ay: 4 ] Merthyr Mawr oe He 1 ; Nova Villa (Newton Nottage) 4 Langewy oe xe = 1 364 &} identified in Liber Niger 25 1262 but not identified in Liber 5c ss is 5S 2) “Lise The Lordship of Glamorgan. 35 These 114 and 4 fees in Extent of 1262, but not identified in Liber Niger, are made up thus (the names being those in the Extent of 1262). SUN Ome ae we Corbet, St. Nicholas . Llanmaes a: De Haweye, St. Donats De Gloucestria, Wrencheston De Pireton, Newton .. Siward, Merthyr Mawr Abbot of Margam, Langewy — PR ee ee OD OF On this list of fees and holders appearing in the Extent of 1262 but not in the Liber Niger, the following observations may be made. The de Sully holding probably is in fact in Liber Niger, but in some other name. The family surname of de Sully may not have become fixed at that date. The statement that Sully was held as two fees seems to be an error in the original. Other inquisitions, etc., make the de Sullys hold one fee in Sully, one in Coychurch, and two in Wenvoe. The fee in Coychurch seems ultimately to have gone to the Turbervills, with whom there was controversy about it in the time of King John. Though this matter is one of some difficulty, it is clear that Sully was one fee, not two. As to St. Nicholas, which William Corbet is said in the Extent to have held as three fees, it is there added “ et tenentur in feodo de eo,” so that he had evidently parted with the whole by way of sub-infeudation. It does not appear that a Corbet was at any time a resident landowner. Who, at the time of Liber Niger, held the St. Nicholas fees has not been ascertained. The same is the case as to the one fee of Llanmaes held in 1262, two-thirds by de Sully and one-third by Constantin. 36 The Lordship of Glamorgan. As to St. Donats, held by De Haweye in 1262, it may perhaps not have been granted at the date of Liber Niger or, if granted, was then in some other name. The same remark applies to Merthyrmawr and Wrencheston. Newton Nottage was granted to a Sanford by William, Ear] of Gloucester, after Liber Niger, it would seem. Langewy or Llangewydd was in the late 12th century held by the Scurlags, who made it over to Margam Abbey. It affords the only instance in Glamorgan of a Knight’s fee being held by an Abbey. Isabel, Countess of Gloucester (d. 1217), remitted all services except the payment of wardsilver. The name Scurlag does not appear in Liber Niger, so it may be that the grant of Llangewydd to them was subsequent to it. The Extent next states that Gilber Turbevill held the Honour of Coutif (Coyty) by serjeanty of hunting. Also that Elias Basset held 4 fee in St. Hilary, and Philippus de Nereberd 4 fee in Llancovian (Llanquian). As to these two last there is some difficulty, taking this Extent alone, as, while they did not pay wardsilver, they are not reckoned among the “ noviter feoffati’’. The explanation appears to be that they were originally held, not of the Castle of Cardiff, but of the Lordship of Llanbleiddian. This appears probable from later documents. The Extent, then, under the head “ noviter feoffati,”” gives the following :— Fulco de Santford, Lecwichehe (=Leckwith) 4 Henricus de Sulye, Pentirech (= Pentyrch) 4 Willelmus Scurlag, Llanharry i Gilbertus Turbervill (Newcastle) = Rogerus de Clifford, Kenefeic (= Kenfig) 3 Willelmus Mayloc, In capella (meaning Llystalybont) a The Lordship of Glamorgan. 37 Then as to Welsh holders :— Morganus Vochan (Vachan) .. Half a cummod in Bagelan “per Walescariam’’ and does no service except a , heriot of a horse and arms at death. Duo filii Morgani ab .. Half acummod in Glinrotheni Cadewalthan (Cadwallon) .. (Glynrhondda). Griffad ab Rees Ld .. Two cummods in Seingeniht (Senghenydd). Morediht (Meredith) ab Grifid One cummod in Machhein (Machen). All as above, 17.e., no service except a heriot. It is difficult to explain why Machen should be included, not being a member of Glamorgan, but of Wenllwch. There are many Sub-manors, held by sub-infeudation under certain of the lords of the manors referred to, but it is impossible, in the space available, to enter into particulars of these. Enough has been said to show that in FitzHamon’s time, or very shortly after, nearly the whole vale country of Glamorgan was divided into knight’s fees, which were in fact manors of the same kind as those in England, as later inquisitions and ministers’ accounts show. FitzHamon retained in his own possession the important Manor of Llantwit, usually called Boverton and Llantwit, which always remained in the hands of the Chief Lord, and also some lands near Cardiff, the full history of which would occupy too much space. He is also said to have founded Kenfig. It has been stated by some writers that he held Cowbridge and Llantrisant, but this seems very doubtful. It is more probable that the St. Quintins of Llanbleddian held Cowbridge, and that Llantrisant was built and the borough founded by Richard de Clare. 38 The Lordship of Glamorgan. CHURCH LANDS. FitzHamon dealt with the estates of the Welsh monasteries by conferring upon English Abbeys the lands of Llantwit, Llancarfan, and Llandough, ,those of Llantwit and Llandough being given to Tewkesbury, and those of Llancarfan, or the greater part of them, to St. Peter’s, Gloucester. These Welsh monasteries were no doubt very ancient foundations, the history of which cannot be discussed here, but, according to the chroniclers, they had been devastated on various occasions, particularly by “‘the pagans”’ in 987 (Brut y Tywysogton), and it may well be that FitzHamon found them in a decayed state, and not, in his view, fulfilling any useful purpose. He also gave to Tewkesbury a church and lands at Cardiff. Probably he may have built the church or enabled the monks to do so, and he and his followers made them large grants of tithes at the expense of the Welsh clergy. With regard to Llantwit and Llancarfan, it seems possible that they had lost portions of their property before the conquest, for, if the accounts of the colleges at those places given by early tradition are anything like accurate, those institutions must at one time have had much larger possessions than were conferred upon the English Abbeys. The Bishop of Llandaff continued to hold his Manor or Lordship of Llandaff with some special privileges and jurisdiction, and whether, or to what extent, FitzHamon despoiled the see is a doubtful matter, though other Normans in other parts than Glamorgan are complained of as having done so, probably it seems by giving property claimed by the Bishop to monasteries founded or endowed by them. THE: COMITATUS. The Vale of Glamorgan, after the conquest, constituted the shire, or body of the County, administered by the Sheriff, and the comitatus or County Court, regularly held monthly at The Lordship of Glamorgan. 39 Cardiff, but sometimes meeting at other times and places, and attended by the holders of fees held directly of the Chief Lord and also. by other leading men, holders of sub-manors, and also by some Welshmen, holding their lands in Welshery, as it was called, and not by feudal tenure. THE MEMBER LORDSHIPS. The shire proper, however, constituted only the smaller, though the more fertile and populous, portion of FitzHamon’s marcher lordship, for the greater area by far consisted of what were known as the “members ’”’ not considered part of the County until the Statute 27 Hen. VIII, cap. 26. These member lordships were Senghenydd, Miscin, Glynrhondda, Neath, Avan, Tir-yr-Iarll, Coyty, Ruthyn, Talyvan, and Llanbleiddian, Senghenydd being divided for some purposes into Senghenydd supra and Senghenydd subtus and Neath into Neath citra and Neath ultra. The last four, Coyty, Ruthyn, Talyvan, and Llanbleiddian, were under Norman lords, if not from the first, at any rate from very early times. These were held by serjeanty and their lords had various independent privileges, holding perhaps under the Chief Lord a somewhat analogous position to that which a marcher Lord held under the King. It may be supposed that they held these special powers the better to defend their territories against the Welsh in the early days of the conquest. In fact, all the member lordships were often called marcher lordships (for instance by Rice Merrick), though that description, it is thought, could only properly apply to lordships held directly of the King. Tir-yr-Iarll appears to have always been considered as immediately under the Chief Lord, but in the earlier days his actual authority in the wilder portion of it must have been very small. The later lordship so called consisted and consists of the Parishes of Llangynwyd and Bettws, but prior to the gift of a large part to Margam Abbey, founded by Robert Consul in 1147, the name of Tir-y-Iarll is 40 The Lordship of Glamorgan. believed to have applied to a much larger district. In Llangynwyd at an early date a castle was built, of which some remains exist, but as early as 1296, in the I.P.M. of Gilbert de Clare, it is described as burnt in war, and appears never to have been rebuilt. Tir-yr-Iarll was administered from Kenfig in the later times. Neath was granted at first to Richard de Granville but made over by him or his son to Neath Abbey, founded 1129 (or perhaps a little later), the chief lord, however, having a castle there. Neither de Granville nor the Abbot of Neath had any effective control over the Welsh of the hills which formed the northern part of the nominal lordship, and because he could not rule his Welshmen the Abbot in 1289 exchanged it (excepting certain portions near the Abbey) with Gilbert de Clare, the second of the name who was Lord of Glamorgan, for an annuity or rent charge of £100 per annum, charged on the rents of certain boroughs and manors. All the rest of the members, Senghenydd, Miscin, Glyn- rhondda, and Avan (sometimes referred to as Baglan), were in the hands of Welsh lords, who held under the chief lord, but probably really retained possession partly because of the barren nature of their country, and partly because they could not easily be expelled, and were no doubt practically inde- pendent. They were all (with perhaps some little doubt in the case of Senghenydd) descendants of Jestyn ap Gwrgan. There are, in the cases of all these Welsh lordships, indications of encroachments or attempts at such before their final annexation by the de Clares. Various abandoned mounds which probably have been “ mottes ’’ on which wooden castles existed (but which have not been fully explored) may represent either temporarily successful Norman attempts or erection of Welsh chiefs in imitation of the Norman practice. The status of such places as Whitchurch, Radyr, Pentyrch, and Clun, now parts of Senghenydd and Miscin respectively, but often referred to as Manors in mediaeval documents, seems to point in the same direction. Newland (the parish of The Lordship of Glamorgan. 4] Peterston-super-Montem) looks like an early encroachment by the lords of Coyty. It is on record that Ivor Bach, the Welsh lord of Senghenydd, surprised Cardiff Castle, and took prisoner William, Earl of Gloucester, and compelled him to restore some lands which he had taken. (Givaldus Cambrensis and Annals of Margam, the latter giving 1158 as the date.) Where the seats of government, if the expression may be used, of the Welsh lords of Senghenydd, Miscin, and Glynrhondda were situate is not ascertained, or how far they may have adopted Norman customs, but the Lords of Avan appear to have done so to a considerable extent, building a castle and founding the borough now known as Aberavon, to which they granted charters, etc. As time went on it would seem that the position of these semi-independent lordships became intolerable to the chief lords. Their lords, whether Norman or Welsh, fought amongst themselves or rebelled against the authority of the chief lord, and in 1245-47 Richard de Clare expelled Richard Siward, then Lord of Llanbleiddian, Talyfan, and Ruthyn, and Howel ap Meredith, the Welsh lord of Miscin, and took those lordships into his own hands. At the time of the Extent of 1262 (as appears above) Senghenydd, Glynrhondda, and Avan (there called Baglan) remained Welsh, their lords, as is expressly recorded, owing no service except a horse and arms at death. However, Gilbert, son of Richard, followed up his father’s policy, and in 1266 dispossessed and imprisoned Griffith ap Rhys, the last Welsh lord of Senghenydd, soon after building the great castle of Caerphilly, and probably also Castell Coch. He also, under some circumstances which do not appear to be recorded, obtained possession of Glynrhondda, for it is named as part of his possessions in the Inquisition of 1296, taken after his death in 1295. Neath, as we have seen, was acquired from the Abbey by this Gilbert in 1289. Avan remained in Welsh hands until the time of Edward le Despenser (d. 1375), who acquired it, it is stated, by exchange for other lands in England. Coyty alone never came into the hands of the Chief Lord, but its special privileges seem to have 42 The Lordship of Glamorgan. been curtailed. This, of course, was not a Welsh lordship, but was in the hands of the Turbervill family (probably followers of FitzHamon) and their successors. TENURES. As regards the Welsh lordships, we find in the Inquisitions hardly any such indications as are mentioned by Mr. Seebohm (in the Zvibal System in Wales) with respect to some parts of Wales, of a survival in full force of Welsh tribal customs. It rather seems as if the descent of land may have become simply gavelkind, though it is difficult to speak with confidence on the point. There are scarcely any traces of bond tenants, food rents, or servile works. All the tenures appear to have been free, or to have soon become so, except in a few cases in Whitchurch (a member of Senghenydd) and Radyr and Clun (members of Miscin), and it is highly probable that these had been annexed before the complete subjugation of those respective lordships. Otherwise there were practically no renders except small rents of assise, an aid called “‘ comortha,”’ and heriots at death. Very likely the rents of assise and comortha may have represented commutations already made in the time of the Welsh lords for former food rents The comortha was a small payment by the owners of some (not all) tenements, made in most cases in every alternate year. It was peculiar to the hill lordships, and to Tal-y-van, in which latter place it seems to have been paid annually. There was also theavowry (advocaria), a payment of (ordinarily) 4d., by certain Welshmen described as holding no land, and also by sub- tenants, but this was not peculiar to the hills or to ““ member ” lordships. It was received also by lords of manors in the Vale. JURISDICTION. The ‘“‘member’”’ lordships, whether originally held by Norman or Welsh lords, had, after the chief lord had taken possession, their own Courts with similar jurisdiction to the ” The Lordship of Glamorgan. 43 Comitatus or Shire Court at Cardiff. Nothing is known as to the manner of administering justice in earlier times, but the lordship courts under the chief lord were presided over by the Sheriff or a deputy, and in them fines of land were levied and all kinds of criminal cases tried. In cases of “ false judgment,” the suitors (who were the judges) might be, and sometimes were, fined in the Comitatus, and so far their courts seem to have been in an inferior position, but we have no evidence that the fine went to the injured party. In the first instance, at least, it was accounted for to the lord. Rice Merrick, however, states that wrong judgments could be reversed by the Comitatus. The Inquisition on the death of Gilbert de Clare, slain at Bannockburn in 1314, states that each member lordship had “ royal liberty ”’ of itself, and also that Coyty and Avan were held with royal liberty, but that the chief lord had the rights of wardship and marriage, which is somewhat curious in the case of Avan, for lands held, as it was called, “in Welshery’”’ were not ordinarily subject to those incidents of tenure, and it seems as if some change had taken place there, if indeed the claim was admitted by the Lords of Avan. ERE OWEESH. ~ PATRIA: Two other districts have to be mentioned, which were not portions of any manor, and, though widely apart, were alike in one respect, viz., Kibbor and Glynogwr. In the case of Kibbor the Welsh portion is meant. Kibbor is, speaking generally, the district between the River Taff and Rhymney and the range of hills some five miles north of Cardiff on the north and the sea on the south. The north-eastern part was called the country (patria) of the Welshmen of Kibbor, who held their lands in Welshery, and were subject to no service except suit to the Comitatus at Cardiff. Glynogwr (Llandy- fodwg) was in a similar position, except, perhaps, as to the Suit to the shire court. It is now administered as part of af: 44 The Lordship of Glamorgan. Ogmore, belonging to the Duchy of Lancaster, but did not originally form part of that manor. It may be mentioned here that many manors contained small portions of land held in Welshery, owing no service except suit to the Court of the : Manor. The farm known as Brynwell, in the Parish of Leckwith, is an instance, and there are several others in various places. | “ PERQUISITES””. OF (COURS In those hill lordships which had long remained in Welsh hands there was no great immigration of English, nor were the Welsh holders displaced. The chief instruments of oppression consisted of what were called “the perquisites ”’ of court. These included heriots and fines and forfeitures of every description. While these were, and remained, trifling in the boroughs and in the Vale, the inquisitions show that in the purely Welsh districts they by degrees rose very greatly, and in Despenser times must have been felt as a great hardship, very probably largely accounting for the support which Owen ~ Glyndwr received there. The inquisitions show this to some extent, but they contain only estimates of the amounts. Court rolls or minister’s accounts of the 14th century are almost entirely wanting, but there happens to be an account of the time of Edward le Despenser which shows that in 1373-4 no less than £144 7s. 4d. was levied under this head in Senghenydd subtus alone, the total of all receipts being £189 11s. Od. In the I.P.M. of Edward le Despenser taken in the following year these pleas and perquisites are only estimated at £30 Os. Od. Another custom which, in the later times at any rate, seems to have been almost, though not quite, peculiar to the hill — lordships was the “ mise,” a payment made to each new lord © on his succeeding to the lordship and collected in yearly — instalments spread over five years. Its origin has not been satisfactorily explained. It has been said to have been made — in consideration of the remission of fines, etc., due at the death } : an ag, 1 (Nn The Lordship of Glamorgan. 45 of the preceding lord, and it has also been thought to have been a kind of aid to the new lord towards paying his relief to the Crown. In the time of Elizabeth it was a fixed amount from each lordship liable to it. These were Senghenydd, Miscin, Glynrhondda, Tir-yr-Iarll, Ruthyn, Avan, Neath and Llantwit Major. Cowbridge is also mentioned, which may mean Llanbleddian, not otherwise referred to. Rice Meyrick represents mises, in Hugh le Despenser’s time, as having been payable from most of the Vale manors, and gives a list of “ ploughlands ”’ subject thereto according to a survey of that period probably not now extant, which includes the greater part of the Vale manors. If the mise was then in fact collected there, the practice seems to have ceased early. In the hill lordships, the mise was collected, at least in part, as late as 1758, but has now become obsolete. Another payment to the chief lord, in his own member lordships and boroughs, and also by inhabitants of manors held by others under him, was the chence or cense, sometimes called ‘‘ smoke silver ”’ or the “toll of the pix’’, a tax upon inhabited houses or hearths. Lords of member lordships not in the chief lord’s hands appear to have received this. It was of very small amount, 2d. or 1d. (different lordships varying), and in later times often commuted for some fixed lump sum, for the whole lordship or borough. In the vale manors, where there are copyholds and special customs as to descent of lands, in some cases the descent is borough English, or to the youngest son (in Llantwit the youngest son by the first wife), and in other cases gavelkind, which appears to be Welsh, while borough English may have been introduced from England after the Conquest. In the lordship of Coyty there are districts called Coyty Wallia, with gavelkind, and Coyty Anglia, with borough English. In the vale manors the customary tenants, and some of the freeholders, owed various works, such as ploughing, mowing, reaping, harvesting, fold making, weeding, etc., but by the early part 46 The Lordship of Glamorgan. of the 14th century it had become the practice for the most part to commute these services for money payments, and in some ministers’ accounts of the 15th century these payments are included with the chief rents or quit rents. THE BOROUGHS. The mediaeval boroughs of Glamorgan were seven, Cardiff, Llantrisant, Cowbridge, Caerphilly, Kenfig, Aberavon (formerly Avan or Avene), and Neath. There can hardly be any doubt that all these were founded after the Conquest, and sprang up in connection with castles. In the case of all except Caerphilly, some charters exist (not always in the possession of the borough authorities), but in no case does it appear that the first charter exists. The earliest known charter always treats a borough and burgesses as in existence, and some of them refer in terms to matters being done or carried on as of old. The mediaeval charters may be described as of two kinds, those granted by the lords, comprising privileges throughout the lordship, and dealing with the government of the borough, its constitution, officers, courts, and their jurisdiction, etc., and others by various kings of England, which in no way relate to internal affairs, but confer or confirm freedom from tolls, etc., through- out England. In the case of Aberavon the original earliest charter (not in existence) was no doubt granted by some Welsh lord. A charter of Leisan ap Morgan, living in the middle of the 13th century, grants to all the burgesses of his town of Avene all the liberties in that town which the burgesses of Kenfig had so far as he was able to grant them, and this was confirmed in 1350 by his descendant Thomas de Avene. These are the only existing charters granted by other than the chief lord, and illustrate the powers enjoyed by a lord of a member lordship. It may be added that Edward le Despenser, who acquired Avan of Thomas de Avene in the year 1373, granted a charter conferring on the burgesses of Avene further ; privileges, including the right to hold a fair. This document The Lordship of Glamorgan. 47 mentions the praepositus (portreeve), but contains no provisions as to his election, or anything as to the internal government of the town, from which it may be inferred that these matters had been already regulated by the Welsh lords, though the charters are not extant. It is impossible here to go into the details of the charters of the other boroughs. Some exist as to each, except Cowbridge (as to mediaeval times) and Caerphilly. There is no doubt that Cardiff was the earliest in point of date, and the charters of other boroughs were more or less modelled upon those of Cardiff. The praepositus (portreeve) of Cardiff is mentioned in an Agreement of 1126 between Robert Consul and Urban, Bishop of Llandaff, and in a charter to Neath by Edward le Despenser there is mentioned as inspected a charter of William, Earl of Gloucester (1147-1183), which granted to the burgesses certain privileges (as to freedom from toll) which the burgesses of Cardiff had. There is perhaps little doubt that some charter was given to Cardiff by Fitz Hamon. As to the boroughs generally, their chief municipal officers were portreeves, except (in the later mediaeval days) Cardiff and Cowbridge, in each of which two bailiffs were elected. The change from portreeves to bailiffs was made in each case in the 15th century, at Cardiff by a charter of Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Worcester, 1421, and at Cowbridge at some date between 1461 and 1487. The portreeves or bailiffs were elected by submitting certain names (three or four) to the constable of the castle of the town, out of whom he selected the portreeve or bailiffs. In each town there was held monthly or fortnightly what was termed the hundred court of the town, in which the constable, bailiffs (or one of them), or portreeve presided. The matters to be dealt with in this court occasion many provisions of the charters. The name “ hundred ”’ seems curious, for Glamorgan was not divided into hundreds until after, and in pursuance of, the Statute of 27 Hen. VIII, and the jurisdiction of the court did not extend to anything beyond 48 The Lordship of Glamorgan. the liberties of the borough. The charters prescribed the dates of fairs, contained provisions prohibiting trading by others than freemen, protecting the burgesses from being proceeded against (except in certain cases) elsewhere than in the town court, providing for the constable of the castle being ex-officio mayor, the making of bye-laws, and various other matters. The burgage rents varied in the different towns, being ls. per burgage in some, as in Cardiff, for instance, and 6d. in others. In the case of Cowbridge no charter is known to be extant other than one of Charles II, but a survey of the estates of the Earl of Pembroke made in 1570 contains a memorandum, not well composed or clearly expressed, as to certain charters said to have been granted by Richard de Clare, Hugh le Despenser, Edward le Despenser, Thomas le Despenser, Isabel, Countess of Worcester, Richard Nevill, Earl of Warwick, and George, Duke of Clarence. It is not stated whether these charters then existed or where the particulars were taken from As to Caerphilly, nothing is known as to any charter, but presumably it had such, as it clearly was a borough, the latest, no doubt, to be founded, and the first to lose or disuse whatever privileges it may have had. It may be presumed to have arisen with the building of the castle (c. 1268). Each burgess paid 6d. for his burgage, and a like amount for an acre of land. It had a portreeve, hundred court, etc., as the other boroughs, but its privileges appear to have been disused during the 15th century. A minister’s account for Caerphilly, 1428-9, shows that there was then a portreeve, serjeants, and borough court. In an account of arrears due to Richard, Earl of Warwick, in 1461, the portreeve of Caerphilly is mentioned as an accounting officer. But in a minister’s account of the time of Jasper, Duke of Bedford, 1491-2, it is said that there was then no portreeve or serjeants and no court, the suitors doing their suit at the court of Senghenydd supra and subtus. It may be of interest to mention that in the case of the other The Lordship of Glamorgan. 49 boroughs the system of government by bailiffs or portreeves went on until the 19th century, in the case of Cardiff and Neath until the passing of the Municipal Corporations Act, at Aberavon until 1861, when a charter was granted by Queen Victoria, constituting it a municipal borough, and in the case of Kenfig, Llantrisant, and Cowbridge until shortly after the passing of Sir Charles Dilke’s Act in 1883, when Cowbridge received a charter as a municipal borough, and Town Trusts were constituted for Llantrisant and Kenefig. OETICERKS OF THE: LORDSHIP The officers of the Lordship of Glamorgan were the Sheriff (sometimes termed the Sheriff of Cardiff, the name of the “ caput ”’ being then used for the lordship), who was appointed by the chief lord, not yearly, but apparently during pleasure. The sheriffs were sometimes selected from among the land- owners of the County, but more frequently from outside. The Sheriff presided in the comitatus or county court, and also in the chief courts of the member lordships when in the chief lord’s hands, and appears to have represented the chief lord in his absence for practically all purposes. The coroner was elected by the suitors of the county court or comitatus, by their submitting three names, out of whom the lord or the sheriff selected one. Rice Merrick states, as one of the privileges of Kibbor, that the person chosen as coroner must possess some land therein. He does not know the origin or reason of this. The coroner and his officers attended the comitatus for the purpose of enforcing its judgments. They also attended at the more important fairs to keep order, and for the protection of persons going to and from them, probably a very necessary thing in the then lawless state of the district. He collected the castleward payments or wardsilver due from the lords of the ancient manors, and certain miscellaneous rents, etc., due to the chief lord, but not arising from any manor in his hands so as to be collected by a manorial officer. D 50 The Lordship of Glamorgan. He also had to do in some cases with the custody and conveyance of felons, and the realization of their forfeited goods. Under him were four bailiffs, those of East Thawe, West Thawe, Kibbor, and Glynogwr, and also sub-bailifis. The Bedells were the chief accounting officers in the member lordships of Senghenydd, Miscin, Glynrhondda, Talyvan, Ruthyn, Tir-yr-Iarll, Neath, and Avan. In Senghenydd, Miscin, Talyvan, and Neath, there were also other officers called Receivers of the Forest, who are first mentioned in the I.P.M. of Edward le Despenser. Probably this may have been an office first introduced in his time. In the boroughs, the bailiffs or portreeve accounted for the lord’s dues, and in ordinary manors the reeve. In each lordship or manor there was also a steward, who presided at the manorial courts. In the 15th century another official appears, called an ““appruator’”’, whose main business seems to have been to alrange or supervise letting of land, it having become a regular practice to let demesnes, or other lands which had fallen into the lord’s hand for lives, terms of years, or from year to year. There was only one appruator, who acted in various manors. The officers accounted for the moneys received by them to a receiver at Cardiff, and in the later times, at least, an auditor was employed to audit all the accounts. Such is a short and necessarily imperfect account of the distribution of the lands and mode of government, if it can be called such, in Glamorgan prior to the Statute of 27 Hen. VIII, and from what has been said of the composition and jurisdiction of the county court, and those of the member lordships and the boroughs, and when it is remembered that any criminal had only to make his way into Breconshire, Gower, or beyond the Usk in order to be safe, it is easy to understand the words used by Rice Merrick in speaking of the state of things prior to that Statute. He says, p. 88, “ how unorderly they were then governed—Life and Death, Lands and goods, subject to The Lordship of Glamorgan. 51 the pleasure of peculiar Lords. And how uncertain lawes, customes, and usages, whereof some rested in memory and not written, were ministered, a great number that live at this day can well remember and testify.” There can be no doubt it was high time that the jura regalia of the marcher lords should be abolished. Perhaps a word or two should be added as to certain names of districts, within the limits of Glamorgan and not ordinarily reckoned as “‘ members ’’, which are specially mentioned in the Statute of Henry VIII as being in future to form part of the new shire. Tallygarney (Talygarn), in the parishes of Llantrisant and Pendoylan, had always been in Welsh hands, and its lords are said to have had powers of life and death, and some measure of independence, but it was not ordinarily counted among the member lordships. Llandaff was the lordship of the Bishop. Llantwit was always in the chief lord’s hands, though not accounted part of the body of the County, and sometimes referred to as a member. Ogmore was originally an ordinary manor held as four Knight’s fees, but had long since come to the King (Henry IV) as Duke of Lancaster, and formed, in the time of Henry VIII, part of the Duchy lands. Doubtless it was considered best, in order to avoid doubts or questions, to mention these expressly. CHA PTER. I MEMBER LORDSHIPS OF GLAMORGAN. It will be known to all who have looked into the early history of this County that the district in mediaeval times bearing the name of the County of Glamorgan was far more limited in area than the present County, which was constituted as it at present exists by the Statute 27 Hen. VIII, cap. 26. In that statute the County of Glamorgan is treated as already existing, and it is enacted that certain lordships, etc., shall be united to it, and that the whole shall be known by the name and shire of Glamorgan. Glamorgan (including in that expression what was known as the “‘ body’ or County proper as well as the “‘ members ’’) is described by Leland and others as extending from the River Rhymney to the Crymlyn Brook. Using modern terms, it might be described as including the district between the Rhymney and the Tawe with the exception of the parish of Llansamlet. This was the district which, after the conquest had been completed, owned the over-lordship of the Lords of Glamorgan. With Gower and the country to the west I am not at present concerned. It some time since occurred to me that now manors or lordships have long ceased to be of much practical importance, as what (to use a modern phrase) I may call administrative areas, and owing to many manorial privileges and customs having become obsolete, there was danger that the geographical bounds and extent of the ancient County and its member lordships might be forgotten, at all events in a great measure. This would be a misfortune, because there 52 Member Lordships of Glamorgan. 53 can be no doubt that a correct knowledge of these lordships would be a considerable help to the study of the history and archaeology of the district. I have, therefore, by the aid of surveys (for the most part of the 17th century), and other information, prepared the map which is now before you, which shows, so far as I have been able to ascertain them, the boundaries of the old “‘ members ”’ of the County, and of some of the other more important lordships. I have thought it might interest you, and also be of advantage in enabling others to correct any errors into which I may have fallen, if I brought before you some facts with regard to the old manors or lordships shown on this map and their history. The names of the member lordships, always regarded as such, and the Lords of which, before they came into the hands of the chief lord, enjoyed exceptional privileges, are, in alphabetical order, Avan, Coyty, Glynrhondda, Llanbleddian, Miscin, Neath citra and ultra, Ruthyn, Senghenydd, supra and subtus, Talavan and Tir-y-Iarll. In addition to these there are named in the Statute of Henry VIII, Talygarn, Ogmore, Llantwit, and Llandaff, as to each of which I propose to say a few words. I do not wish here to deal with the general history of the conquest of Glamorgan, but I must just mention that it appears to me that those histories which say or imply that FitzHamon conquered the whole district from the Rhymney to the Tawe, and granted it out, as regards the vale, to his Norman followers, and as regards the hills and parts of the west to the sons of Jestyn, to hold of him and his successors, hardly give an accurate idea of what took place. I should imagine that the truer view is that, while the Normans soon established them- selves in most of the vale, the portion of the County which remained under Welsh Chieftains so remained of necessity rather than by grant, and that these chiefs were for all practical purposes independent for a century and a half after the invasion of FitzHamon, 54 Member Lordships of Glamorgan. I can see but little indication, if any, that they considered their position to be that of feudatories to a lord, and I think what I shall have to say, however incompletely and imperfectly, as to those of the member lordships which remained in Welsh hands will tend to confirm the opinion which I have expressed above. With regard to the boundaries of the various lordships, it has been necessary for the most part to follow surveys of the 17th century. There is no reason to think that the boundaries mentioned in these had undergone any change, as compared with those of earlier times, so far as the northern portions of the County are concerned ; but in the case of the southern parts of Senghenydd and Miscin, and the lordships of Llanbleddian, Ruthyn and Talyfan, the boundaries may well be, and in some instances almost certainly are, different in some degree from those of the early mediaeval days. In dealing with the member lordships, I think it will be most convenient to begin with Senghenydd, and work westward, taking first those which extend to the northern bounds of the County, and afterwards those lying more to the southward. SENGHENYDD. This is by far the largest of the old member lordships, and remained under Welsh Lords until 1266. The status and extent of this district prior to the Norman conquest is a matter of some difficulty, and time hardly admits of discussing it at length here. It does not appear to have formed part of either of the cantrevs of Morganwg, not, apparently, being included in either Penychen or Gwentloog. Giraldus speaks of the Diocees of Llandaff as containing five cantrevs and a fourth part of a cantrev, namely Senghenydd. It thus seems to have occupied an anomalous position. It has been suggested as a possible solution of the difficulty that, Member Lordships of Glamorgan. 55 at some period when Glamorgan and Gwent were under different kings, Senghenydd may have belonged to Gwent (and perhaps formed part of the cantrev of Gwentloog), and may have been severed politically without being united to any cantrev of Glamorgan. Though not referred to at all in the very early list of cantrevs contained in the Liber Landavensts, it is named (though not as a cantrev or part of one) in one of the later grants set forth in that book, and land which extended to the sea (perhaps what 1s now known asSplott) is described as being in Senghenydd. This would make Senghenydd include Kibbor. The grant is of the time of Joseph, Bishop of Llandaff, 1022 to 1046. Whatever it may have been deemed to include prior to the Norman conquest, there appears to be no reason to suppose that since that time its bounds have differed materially from those of the present day. It may be described as containing the whole of the parishes of Merthyr Tydfil, Gelligaer, Llanfabon, and Eglwysilan, the Hamlet of Van, Rudry, the Glamorganshire part of Llanfedw or Michaelston-y-fedw, and nearly the whole of Whitchurch. In one or two places, and to a small extent (probably accounted for in part by changes in the course of the river) it extends beyond the Rhymney into Monmouthshire. Senghenydd supra is the part north of the Caiach Brook, Senghenydd subtus south of that stream. Such is the great lordship of Senghenydd, which, according to the often repeated legend of the conquest of Glamorgan, was given by FitzHamon to Einon ap Collwyn, the traitor of the story. This can only be regarded as, at the most, extremely uncertain. What cannot be doubted, however, is that some sixty years later the celebrated Welsh chieftain, Ifor Bach, was Lord of Senghenydd. Of him it is recorded by Giraldus (who speaks of the event as having happened in his own time), and in the Margam Annals, that he took prisoner in Cardiff Castle 56 Member Lordships of Glamorgan. William, Earl of Gloucester, his Countess, and their son, and compelled the Earl to restore some rights of which he had been deprived. This event, according to the Annals of Margam, took place in 1158. His descendants and successors as Lords of Senghenydd were :— Griffith ap Ifor. Rhys ap Griffith. Griffith ap Rhys, the last Welsh Lord of Senghenydd About 1170, William, Earl of Gloucester, confirmed a grant to Margam which had been made by Griffin or Griffith, son of Ifor, for the purpose of founding a monastery. This is an indication that the Earl claimed to be over-lord of the district, and that the monks thought it well to obtain his confirmation, though it can hardly be supposed he had much, if any, real authority there. Of Rhys, son of Griffith, I have been able to trace but little. It seems probable that he was the “ Baron of South Wales ”’ who in 1245 was, with others, summoned to appear at West- minster to answer for various depredations. In the Annals of Tewkesbury, it is mentioned that in 1242 Howel ap Meredith (no doubt the Lord of Miscin who was soon after expelled), Rhys ap Griffith, and Gilbert de Turbervill disturbed Senghenydd and Miscin by fighting with one another. Richard de Clare sent certain of his friends, including the Abbot of Tewkesbury, to inquire into the matter, and they, having assembled a Comitatus, or County Court, at Cardiff, pacified the disturbers as well as they could, and took hostages from them, the hostage for Rhys ap Griffith being his son (not here named) who was put into Cardiff Castle. It seems a little curious that the sending of these peacemakers is ascribed to Richard de Clare, for he did not come of age till 1243, the following year. Member Lordships of Glamorgan. 57 Of Griffith ap Rhys, the son of Rhys ap Griffith, perhaps the same who was a hostage in 1242, we learn, from an Extent of the County made on the death of Richard de Clare in 1262, that he held two commotes in Senghenydd owing no service except a heriot of a horse and arms at death. This was, of course, practical independence. Under date 1266, in certain Welsh Aunals, it is stated that Griffith ap Rhys was taken in Cardiff Castle and sent to Kilkenny to be imprisoned. After this we hear no more of Welsh Lords of Senghenydd. I have not ascertained what was the special pretext for dispossessing Griffith, but think there can be no doubt that Gilbert de Clare, by whom it was done, was following up the policy begun by his father, Richard, of getting the member lordships into his own hands. In 1268 the building of Caerphilly Castle was begun by de Clare, and this led to a long controversy between him and Llewelyn ap Griffith, Prince of North Wales, whose power had become considerable owing to the dissensions between the King and the Barons, and who claimed to be the over-lord of Senghenydd. Llewelyn attacked, and to some extent destroyed Caerphilly Castle while in course of building. There were protracted negotiations for the settlement of the dispute, many documents relating to which are printed in Cartae, p. 759, et seg., but these never led to any actual settlement, and meantime the building of Caerphilly Castle continued. The ultimate fate of Llewelyn and the subjugation of North Wales are matters of general history. It may as well be mentioned here that de Clare’s Castle of Caerphilly was certainly the first erected there by the Norman or English Lords, whatever may have been the date or nature of the early fortress which gave the place the name of “ Caer.” It was clearly not (as has been supposed by some writers) the Castle of Senghenydd destroyed by the Welsh, as mentioned in the Brut y Tywysogion, in 1217. That was evidently somewhere in Gower, probably at the place now known as Llangenydd. Castell Coch also appears to have been built by this Gilbert de Clare. 58 Member Lordships of Glamorgan. Contemporaneously, no doubt, with the building of the Castle, it is evident that a borough was founded at Caerphilly, which in all probability had a charter or charters like the other boroughs. The mention of burgesses and burgage rents in several inquisitions and accounts makes the existence of a borough clear. Rhys Myryke refers to it as “‘ sometime a Borough Towne, but now using noe liberty,” so that in his day it had*lost any privileges it may have possessed, though at what period this occurred is not recorded. In 1295, the year of the death of Gilbert de Clare, there was a great Welsh rising, which was put down by King Edward I in person, but not before it had disastrous effects in Glamorgan. At Caerphilly, and throughout Senghenydd, there seems, from the inquisition taken almost immediately after, on the death of de Clare, to have been nearly complete destruction of everything but the Castle. It is said that at Caerphilly there was a good and well fortified Castle, but the receipts, apart from Whitchurch, come to only a few shillings. There are mentioned 80 burnt burgages, which used to yield before the war £2; two mills, which used to yield £10 6s. 8d., are worth nothing ; and pleas and perquisites which used to be worth £2 are also of no value. At Whitchurch (Album Monasterium) we find a different state of things. Though the mill had been burnt the whole receipts come to {9 4s. 2d. Rents of customary tenants are mentioned there (a thing generally unknown throughout the great hill lordships), and I think this fact and the name of the place and condition of things generally rather indicate that Whitchurch may have been annexed earlier than the rest of Senghenydd. The inquisition of 1307, on the death of Joan de Clare, shows a very different state of affairs. A few years’ peace had brought the total receipts to upwards of £96. In 1314, the total was Member Lordships of Glamorgan. 59 £108 ; in 1349, £237. In 1375, it is put at £194, but there is good reason to think it is here much understated. The inquisition of that year (on the death of Edward le Despenser) was taken at Gloucester, and not locally, as had been the case on former occasions, and an actually extant Minister’s account for Senghenydd subtus shows that only about two years before (in 1373-1374) that division of the lordship alone produced £189. What are called pleas and perquisites made up £144 of this sum, an enormous amount to be exacted in those days for heriots, deodands, and fines and forfeitures of various kinds. I think it must be admitted that the rule of the Despenser was probably terribly oppressive, and may well have given rise to the saying which has survived to our own time, by which anything wholly lost is described as having “gone to Caerphilly.’ My object has been not to give a history of Senghenydd, but merely to show of what it consisted, and by whom it was ruled in the earlier days. Having shown how it came into the hands of the Chief Lords, I have only to add that it was one of the lordships granted by King Edward VI to Sir William Herbert, on the 7th May, 1550, and has ever since remained in the possession of those deriving title under him, the Marquess of Bute being the present Lord. MISCIN. This is another of the old member lordships, which, like Senghenydd, remained in the hands of Welsh Lords for long after FitzHamon’s time, though, as we shall see, this remark may have to be qualified to some extent as regards its southern portion. 60 Member Lordships of Glamorgan It is bounded by Senghenydd on the east, on the north by Brecknockshire, on the west for the most part by Glynrhondda, though it also abuts upon Ruthyn, Talafan, and Talygarn, while on the south it has the old manors or fees of Peterston and Saint Fagans, and a part of Llandaff. The bounds on the west and south are well ascertained, but are by no means co-incident with those of parishes. Over this large district, in the times succeeding the Norman conquest, descendants of Jestyn ap Gwrgan ruled. That the following remarks, as well as some with regard to Glynrhondda, may be clear, it will be well to give the names of some of these descendants of Jestyn :— Caradoc ap Jestyn | | Morgan ap Caradoc Cadwalen ap Caradoc Meredith Morgan Cam, Leisan, Morgan ap Cadwallon Howel a Meredith, and Owen Lord of Miscin, | Owen Creich and ejected by Richard Morgan Vachan son Morgan, held Glyn- de Clare about 1245. of Morgan Cam, held rhondda, 1262. Baglan-Aven, 1262. I do not mean that the above pedigree includes all the sons of the different persons, but so far as it goes it can be proved by old writers of authority, or by extant charters. A charter of King John, of 1205, confirms to Margam common of pasture in the mountains between Taff and Neath Rivers. John was at this time holding the Lordship of Glamorgan, which he had obtained in right of his wife Isabel, daughter of William, Earl of Gloucester. It confirms the grant as one which had been made by Morgan ap Caradoc, and the fact of the grant indicates that Morgan was Lord of the whole of the hill district between the two rivers named. This evidence does not stand alone, for a grant of a certain Caradoc Uerbeis of land in Miscin, on the borders of Glyn- thondda (afterwards part of the land appertaining to the Member Lordships of Glamorgan. 61 Monastery of Penrhys) was made with the consent of the grantor’s Lord, Morgan ap Caradoc. This Morgan was living in 1188, and guided Giraldus Cambrensis and Archbishop Baldwin over the marsh beyond Neath, as Giraldus states. Another son of Caradoc ap Jestyn was named Meredith, and according to a statement in Glamorgan Genealogies, it appears that in 1245-1247 he was Lord of Miscin and was dispossessed by Richard de Clare. The statement is confirmed to some extent by other authorities, for it appears from the proceedings by Richard de Clare against Richard Siward (referred to in dealing with Llanbleddian) that Howel was concerned in the disturbances which led to the forfeiture of Siward’s lands. It will also be remembered that he was one of those who gave trouble in 1242. The Brut y Tywysogion also, under date 1246, mentions a Howel ap Meredith, who had been entirely dispossessed by the Earl of Clare. The above history is no doubt the true one, and the legends which describe FitzHamon as having retained Miscin ‘for himself inaccurate, as also in all likelihood is the story of Robert of Gloucester having built a castle there, before 1147. Mr. Clark (Land of Morgan, p. 48) considers the existing remains of Llantrisant Castle probably referable to the reign of Henry III. This, of course, is consistent with its having been built by Richard de Clare on the expulsion of Howel ap Meredith. A document amongst the Penrice MSS., dated 1246, refers to the bailiff of the Castle of Llantrisant, so that it had been built by that time. The history of the town of Llantrisant, so far as it can be made out from the accounts, seems to indicate the time of Richard de Clare as that of its foundation. We know that in Llantrisant, as in Cardiff and Cowbridge, the rent of a burgage was ls., and that fractional 62 Member Lordships of Glamorgan. parts of burgages were known. According to the Extent of 1262, the borough rent of Llantrisant was only 13s. 4d., while in 1307, there were 145} burgages, yielding £7 5s. 6d. I do not mean that the place was unoccupied prior to Richard de Clare’s time, but I think it seems probable at least that he founded the Castle and Borough. From the time of Richard de Clare onwards the Lords of Cardiff have also been Lords of Miscin, except indeed for about three years in the time of King Edward VI, who granted Llantrisant to Sir William Herbert, 10th July, 1547, but did not grant him Cardiff until 7th May, 1550. Within the bounds of Miscin are part of the manor of Penrhys, and the whole of the manors of Pentyrch, Clun, and Radyr. Penrhys is the territory granted in the time of the Welsh Lords to the Cistercian Order, and which appears to have belonged at first tc Margam and afterwards to Caerleon, and, at the time of the dissolution of the monasteries, to Llantarnam. The so-called manor of Penrhys is partly in Miscin and partly in Glynrhondda, which lordships were probably in the same hands at the time of the original grants. Pentyrch was, in 1262, entered in the Extent of that time as a manor held of the chief lord by Henry de Sully, but does not appear in subsequent accounts, and probably soon returned to the hands of the chief lord. Of the origin of Clun as a manor I know little or nothing. It is referred to by that name in a writ, dated 1317, directing the delivery of a share of Gilbert de Clare’s lands to Hugh le Despenser in right of his wife Eleanor de Clare. For several centuries, Pentyrch and Clun have been considered as one under the name of the manor of Pentyrch and Clun, and as members or a member of Miscin, but the fact of there being copyholds held of the manor of Pentyrch and Clun seems to indicate perhaps an earlier annexation than that of the rest of Miscin. Member Lordshtps of Glamorgan. 63 Radyr also is described as a manor in the writ of 1317, but was then and for long afterwards in the hands of the chief lord, and, though leased in the time of Henry VII, was never granted in fee. It has long been treated as simply a part of Miscin. The southern boundary of Miscin runs through the parish of St. Fagans, and I suggest that it is likely that the manor of St. Fagans, as well as those of Radyr and Pentyrch and Clun, may have been encroachments after the original invasion of Fitzhamon, but earlier in date than the final expulsion of the Welsh Lords of Miscin. The name Miscin, like that of Senghenydd, is no doubt older than the Norman Conquest, but, while the boundaries as marked on the map represent the member lordship incorporated with the County by the Act of Henry VIII, it is probable that on the south the district known by that name would be of greater extent in the old Welsh times. From the expulsion of Howel ap Meredith onwards, Miscin remained in the hands of the chief lord, and was granted by King Edward VI to Sir William Herbert, 10th July, 1547, being a portion of the first grant to him. GLYNRHONDDA. This district lies to the west of Miscin and comprises the parish of Ystradyfodwg and parts of Aberdare, Llanwonno, and Llantrisant. It is one of those which is by some writers stated to have been retained by FitzHamon, but this, as in the case of Miscin, cannot have been so in fact. It was clearly under the rule of the descendants of Jestyn ap _ Gwrgan down to the middle of the 13th century. The con- firmation by King John of a grant by Morgan ap Caradoc of common of pasture between the Taff and the Neath I have 64 Member Lordships of Glamorgan. already referred to, and in the Extent of 1262 it is stated that at that time the two sons of Morgan ap Cadwallon held Glynrhondda. The pedigree which I have given in treating of Miscin shows that Cadwallon was a son of Caradoc ap Jestyn, and brother of Morgan ap Caradoc. The exact words of the Extent of 1262 are that these two sons held “‘ half a commote”’ in Glynrhondda, which may perhaps mean that they held part only of the Lordship now known by that name. The rest may perhaps have been taken by Richard de Clare, when he seized Miscin. Under what circumstances Welsh Lords ceased to hold Glynrhondda I do not know, but, as we have seen, the policy of taking possession of the member Lordships seems to have been the regular policy of the de Clares at this period, and whatever the exact date may have been it is evident, from the inquisition on the death of Gilbert de Clare in 1295, that by that time Glynrhondda had come under the direct rule of the chief lord. The inquisition, after dealing with Llantrisant, states that there was rent of Glynrhondda £5 8s. Od., and pleas and perquisites £2. As in the case of Senghenydd, the receipts were probably low in that year on account of the recent rising, but even in the oppressive times of Hugh le Despenser the rents only seem to have been about £15, while the exactions under the head of pleas and perquisites came to £30, as compared with £80 in Miscin. The district, though extensive, must always have been a wild and poor one, inhabited by a purely Welsh population. No castle appears ever to have existed within its bounds, and I . suppose it was administered from Llantrisant. It was granted to Sir William Herbert in 1547. Member Lordships of Glamorgan. 65 AVAN. This Lordship, now known as Avan Wallia, was held for many generations by the descendants of Caradoc ap Jestyn. Its boundaries as shown on the map are taken from surveys of the 17th century, and there is no reason to doubt that they show the limits of the Lordship in the later mediaeval times, though its earlier Welsh Lords probably claimed a much more extensive rule. The descent, which can be well established from the charters published by Mr. Clark, was as follows :— Caradoc ap Jestyn Morgan ap Caradoc | | | Leisan Morgan Cam Owen Leisan Morgan Vachan | Leisan de Avene | John de Avene Thomas de Avene Of these, Morgan ap Caradoc was at times at war with William, Earl of Gloucester, and Morgan Cam was repeatedly in arms. This latter gave much trouble to the Norman Lords, and also to the monks of Margam, with whom, however, he was sometimes on good terms. By one of his charters he purports to confirm a grant by Gilbert de Clare (the first Lord of Glamorgan of that name, who died in 1230), thus showing that he did not then acknowledge a superior. He claimed to be Lord of Newcastle, and by another charter confirmed to the monks their possessions there while expressly reserving his right to fight with others. In the Annals of Tewkesbury he is said to have died in 1240 and to have been buried at Margam. According to the Extent E 66 Member Lordships of Glamorgan. of 1262 Morgan Vachan, son of Morgan Cam, is said to have held half a commote in Baglan (meaning no doubt the same as the Lordship of Avan), owing no service but a heriot at death. This family alone among the Welsh Lords (so far as is known) assumed the right of granting charters to a borough, namely Avan, now known as Aberavon. Two such are known, one granted to Leisan, son of Morgan Vachan, and the other a confirmation by his grandson, Thomas, in 1350. This Leisan appears to have been the first who was called de Avene, by which name his descendants were known. A pedigree, given in Glamorgan Genealogies, makes the de Avene line end with Jane, stated to have been a daughter of Thomas ap Thomas ap John ap Leisan, who married Sir William Blunt and exchanged Avan for lands in England. The fact of an exchange is also mentioned in a MS. of the time of Elizabeth called a Breviat, by Rice Lewis. This transaction may have been with Edward le Despenser (1357-1375), for in 1350, as above stated, Thomas de Avene granted a charter to Avan, while in 1373 Edward le Despenser granted a charter to “‘ our burgesses of our town of Avan.” I feel some doubt, however, whether the lordship had in fact come into the hands of Edward le Despenser, for it is not mentioned in the inquisition taken on his death, and the charter last mentioned in no way deals with the affairs of the Borough generally, but grants freedom from toll throughout the Lordship of Glamorgan, which of course the chief lord could grant without being immediate lord. In this respect it is like some of the charters granted by Kings of England to Cardiff, etc., at times when the Lordship was not in the King. It will be observed that these deal only with extraneous matters, such as freedom from toll throughout England, and do not purport to regulate the internal affairs of the Borough. Member Lordships of Glamorgan. 67 I have been unable to ascertain with certainty at what date the exchange took place by which the Lordship of Avan came into the hands of the chief lord. It was one of the lordships granted by King Edward VI to Sir William Herbert in 1550, and remained in the possession of his descendants till 1715, when it was sold to Sir Humphrey Mackworth. I believe the Earl of Jersey is the present Lord. Resolven, shown upon the map, no doubt originally formed part of this lordship, but was granted to Margam Abbey as early as the days of William, Earl of Gloucester, and Morgan ap Caradoc. This is abundantly proved by charters, but space forbids entering upon the details here. NEATH. The Lordship of Neath, of whatever it may have consisted at that early date, fell at the first conquest into the hands of de Granville, said to have been FitzHamon’s brother. He, or perhaps his son, founded Neath Abbey in 1129, and the foundation charter mentions the Castle of Neath. I cannot here deal with the question of the exact bounds of the territory which the grant to Neath Abbey may have comprised, but it must have included nearly all he had in that district, but largely consisting of waste or mountain land, and probably far more than his Welsh neighbours would have admitted that he had any right to grant. In fact, the rights granted to Neath at that time seem to have amounted to little more than leave to reclaim and possess, if they could, a large tract of waste land, and certain fisheries, etc. The “ member ” Lordship of Neath as it existed in later times was no doubt made up of what de Granville retained in his own hands, added to those portions of the Abbey lands which, in the time of Edward I, Gilbert de Clare acquired by exchange. There continued in the hands of the Abbey, up to the dissolu- tion, the manor of Cadoxton-juxta-Neath. 68 Member Lordships of Glamorgan. Very shortly after the foundation of the Abbey, de Granville, whose position was rendered very precarious by the Welsh, seems to have resigned Neath to Earl Robert of Gloucester, and retired to his Devonshire estates. The actual truth probably is that he was either driven out or retired because he felt that he could not hold his own. There is no doubt that there was a great and successful rising of the Welsh in 1135-1136. The history of Neath was a stormy one for long after this, during the time when the castle was held on behalf of the chief lords, and most of the surrounding district was claimed by the Abbey. The town was attacked, and narrowly escaped by the arrival of aid in 1185, and in 1231 it was taken and burnt by the Welsh Prince Llewelyn ap Iorwerth and Morgan Cam, Lord of Avan, the latter of whom is said to have exterminated the inhabitants. The Extent of 1262 shows that the town had in some measure recovered, the burgage rents amounting to £5 12s. Od. It is noted, however, that there were 150 burgages burnt and destroyed. On the 10th of April, 1289, Gilbert de Clare effected an important exchange with the Abbot, which in effect constituted the Lordships of Neath citra and Neath ultra, as afterwards known. He acquired the bulk of the Abbey lands, granting in exchange £100 per annum to be paid to the Abbey. The Abbey retained, as already stated, what is now the manor of Cadoxton-juxta-Neath. The money to be paid yearly in exchange was to come from the following sources :— fs; Tae From the burgage rents of Neath .. .. 8 14> 4% From rent of manor of Llanbleddian «5» ded see From the burgage rents of Cowbridge .. 1412 73 From rent of manor of Llantwit .. . > 2 ie From burgage rents of Cardiff Ss +4 3D From burgage rents of Caerleon .. «270; ee £100 0 0 Member Lordships of Glamorgan. 69 This, it may be noticed, gave rise to the ‘‘ Abbot’s rents ”’ often mentioned in later years in connection with the places named, and in Cardiff, at least, to a certain amount of confusion as to whether the burgage rents belonged to the Crown (after the dissolution of the monasteries) or to the Lord of the borough. The actual fact was that the burgage rents fell to much below £20, so that the whole went to the Abbot, and, after the dissolution, to the Crown in right of the dissolved Abbey ; but the right of escheat and all other rights of lordship remained with the lord, being expressly reserved out of the grant of 1289. At first, the Abbot would seem to have had the best of the bargain, for in the inquisition on de Clare’s death, in 1295, the income of the whole (reduced no doubt by the rising of that year already mentioned) was only estimated at £16 5s. 62d. However, in 1307, the valuation was £51 18s. 103d., and in 1314, £90 19s. 43d. Immediately after the rising of Llewelyn Bren, in 1316, the receipts for half a year were about £31, but on the death of Hugh le Despenser, in 1349, the yearly value was put at £128 12s. 6d., Welsh tenants in the hills rendering £36 Os. 5d., and the pleas and perquisites £60. These were of course just the items of revenue which would disappear in case of disturbance. Neath remained in the hands of the chief lords, came with the rest to King Henry VIII, and, though not included in either of the grants to Sir William Herbert, was afterwards purchased from Queen Elizabeth and held by the Earls of Pembroke and their successors until sold to Sir Humphrey Mackworth in 1715. It now belongs to the Earl of Jersey. Trr-Y-IARLL. Coming now again to the eastward, the next member is Tir-y-Iarll, consisting of the two large parishes of Llangynwyd and Bettws. The name of course means “ the Earl’s land”, 70 Member Lordships of Glamorgan. but so far as I have observed the earliest documents call it Llangunith, or some form of Llangynwyd. There is, as in the case of Miscin and other districts, a doubtful legend that FitzHamon retained it in his own hands. Certainly the name of ‘‘ Earl’s land ”’ seems to indicate that it was in the possession of the chief lord at an earlier date than the neighbouring districts, but at what date it ceased to be under Welsh Lords I have not ascertained. In the Extent of 1262 it is called Langunith, and I think it possible that it may have acquired the name of Tir-y-Iarll about that period, 7.e., in the time of Richard de Clare or his son Gilbert. It is called by that name in the inquisition of 1295. In a charter which must be of the year 1246 (many of the names of witnesses corresponding to a dated deed of that year), the Castle of Languneth is mentioned. In 1295, under Tir-y-Iarll “‘a castle burnt in the war’’ is mentioned, while in 1307 what is doubtless the same place is called the “site of an ancient castle.” It does not seem to have been rebuilt, as the later inquisitions make no mention of a castle there. This point might probably be decided by an inspection of the ruins, of which Mr. Halliday has informed me considerable remains still exist. On the Ordnance Map it is called Castell Coch. The district was always in the hands of the chief lord, and was granted to Sir William Herbert in 1550. It was sold to Sir Humphrey Mackworth in 1715, and I believe now belongs to Mr. Charles Evan Thomas. CoyTy. This lordship alone among the greater “‘ members ”’ has the peculiarity of never having been from the first in the hands of the chief lords. It was taken by the Turbervill family, at or very soon after FitzHamon’s conquest. The original Turbervill owner is said to have married the Welsh heiress, and Member Lordships of Glamorgan. . 71 so acquired a more legitimate title than that of conquest, but, if this was so, and if, as some accounts allege, the lady was a great-granddaughter of Jestyn ap Gwrgan, the marriage must obviously have been much later than FitzHamon’s time. A Turbervill witnessed the agreement of 1126 between Bishop Urban of Llandaff and Earl Robert of Gloucester. I think the earliest documentary evidence which I have seen showing the connection of the family with Coyty is an entry on a roll of 1199, when a Paganus de Turbervill gave King John ten marks and a horse, that a suit between him and Walter de Sully concerning lands in Coity might be respited. At this time the lordship, or “ Honour”’ as it was then sometimes called, of Glamorgan, was in the hands of the King through his marriage with the daughter cf Earl William. In after years there is ample documentary evidence that several generations of Turbervills were Lords of Coyty with the most ample jurisdiction and privileges, and in the Extent of 1262 a Gilbert de Turbervill is said to hold the “‘ Honour ”’ of Coyty by the serjeanty of hunting. In the writ to the Escheator for giving effect to the partition of the estates of the last de Clare Lord the “ Serjeanty ”’ of Coity is assigned for (t.e., deemed equal to) four knights’ fees. The holder at that time, according to the writ, was Sir Payn Turbervill, but it would seem that he must have been in fact dead at that actual date if an account printed in Volume I of the Cardiff Records is correct. He had been custodian of Glamorgan, and the account of his dealings in that character is up to 20th April, 1316, and is rendered by his widow. Possibly the particulars in the writ had been prepared some time before and not brought down to date. _ This Turbervill,, according to the account in Glamorgan Genealogies (p. 454), materially corroborated by the inquisition 72 Member Lordships of Glamorgan. on the death of Sir Laurence Berkerolles, hereafter referred to, left issue as follows :— | [eee we | | Sir Gilbert Sir Richard Catherine Margaret Agnes Sarah 0.S.p. 0.S.p. m. Sir m. Sir m. Sir m. Roger Richard John de William Gilbert Berkerolles Stack- la Bere. Gamage. O.S.p. | pole. Sir Laurence Berkerolles. The descendants of the daughters need not be traced for present purposes. An inquisition on the death of Sir Laurence Berkerolles, taken 7th December, 1411, shows that he had entered upon the castle manor and Lordship of Coity in right of himself and others interested, and states that the same were held of Richard le Despenser (then a minor and ward of the King) “as of his Lordship of Cardiff ’’. The Lordship of Coyty ultimately came wholly into the possession of the Gamages, descendants of William and Sarah. By the marriage of Barbara Gamage, the ultimate heiress, with Robert Sydney, second Earl of Leicester, in the time of Queen Elizabeth, Coyty came to the Earls of Leicester (with much other Glamorgan property), and with them it remained until the death of the 7th Earl in 1743, when, after litigation and a compromise, it came into the possession of his natural daughter Anne, who married Henry Streatfield, of Chiddington, Kent. The Earl of Dunraven is the present Lord. I am not aware whether any documents exist throwing light upon the subject of the administration of this lordship in the times before the passing of the Statute of Henry VIII. Any such would be of special interest as affecting the only “‘ member”’ lordship not in the hands of the chief lord. It would be interesting to ascertain what exactly were the rights which the Lords of Coity in fact exercised as distinguished from the lords of ordinary manors. Member Lordships of Glamorgan. 73 LLANBLEDDIAN, RUTHYN, AND TALAFAN. I think it convenient to take these three central lordships together, for, although their boundaries as manors for the last three centuries are well ascertained, their early history is very obscure, from the fact that all were, and apparently had been for some time prior to 1245, in the hands of the same lords, the Siwards, and afterwards were in the hands of the Lords of Glamorgan, until Talafan was separated from the rest in the time of Henry VIII, or Edward VI. As to Ruthyn, it consists in modern times of two portions, known as the higher and lower lordships, lying in the parishes of Llanharan, Llanilid, and St. Mary Hill. It is certain, however, that Gelligarn, formerly a manor of Neath Abbey, and comprising the remainder of the parish of St. Mary Hill, was within it, and so no doubt was Milton, which belonged to the Order of the Knights of St. John. The tradition is that in the times immediately succeeding the Conquest Rhys, son of Jestyn, was Lord of Ruthyn, and this receives confirmation from the fact that a charter of King John, 1208, confirmed to Neath Abbey the land (doubtless Gelligarn) which they had of the gift of Rhys, son of Jestyn. In 1245, it appears to have been under Richard Siward, who is further referred to below, and to have passed, with his other manors of Llanbleddian and Talafan, into the hands of the chief lord. Like those lordships, it is not mentioned at all in the Extent of 1262. In 1295, it is put down as worth £1 5s. 8d. In 1314, it is included in the Llantwit return, probably being then administered by the officers of that manor. In 1349, it was valued at £14 3s. 14d., and in 1375 at £13 10s. 8d. per annum. As to Llanbleddian, the history is somewhat different. Like Ruthyn, its bounds were formerly of much greater extent than at present. St. Hilary, Llanquian, and Llandough were 74 Member Lordships of Glamorgan. certainly in the ancient member lordship, and the same may very probably have been the case with that portion of the parish of Llanbleddian which is now regarded as in Talafan, and Llansannwr, the advowson of the Church of which belonged to Llanbleddian in the time of the last de Clare, but which parish also now forms part of Talafan. I have treated Llanquian on the map as part of Llanbleddian, though perhaps this is not quite consistent with omitting St. Hilary, etc. The earliest boundaries may well have been still wider than the above remark would indicate. What was the exact nature of the transactions by which the various manors which seem to have been held of the old lordship were severed from it, it would probably be impossible now to ascertain with certainty, nor have we any means of knowing exactly of what the member of Llanbleddian consisted, when it fell into the hands of the chief lord. There can hardly be any doubt, however, that Llanbleddian formed part of the original conquest. We know that its church was one of those granted by FitzHamon to Tewkesbury, with, it would seem, the chapels of Cowbridge and Welsh St. Donats. Mr. Clark in the Land of Morgan, states that the St. Quintin family held Llanbleddian, and the castle is otherwise known as St. Quintin’s, though the present building can hardly be of the time of that family for the following reason :—The de Clare inquisitions of 1295 and 1307 make no mention of any castle there, while that of 1314 speaks of one “ begun ”’ by the Earl, which fixes the date of the building of the existing castle at from 1307, when the Earl was admitted to possession of his estates, to 1314, when he was killed at Bannockburn. This seems Clearly to show that if there was any castle there before it must have fallen into decay. I can find no mention of the St. Quintin’s in connection with Glamorgan later than the first quarter of the 13th century. By 1245, in whatever way this may have come about, Richard Siward, a powerful baron, was Lord of Llanbleddian, Talafan, Member Lordships of Glamorgan. 75 and Ruthyn. His castle was that of Talafan, of which ruins still remain. He was accused of levying war in the County against the peace of Earl Richard de Clare, and certain pro- ceedings in the Comitatus or County Court of Glamorgan, before the Sheriff and the Glamorgan Barons, ended in his being outlawed and his lands forfeited. He appealed to the King, but the Earl alleged that the matter belonged to his jurisdiction and had been duly decided. The actual result is wanting, unfortunately, but it would seem that the forfeiture held good, for it does not appear that Siward subsequently had the lordships. As already stated, they are not mentioned at all in the Extent of 1262, but in 1295 they were in the hands of the chief lord. According to Mathew Paris, Siward died in 1248. With regard to the town of Cowbridge, which at the end of the 13th century was second only to Cardiff among the boroughs of Glamorgan, there is much difficulty. One tradition is that FitzHamon retained it in his own hands, but this, considering that it is entirely surrounded by the Lordship of Llanbleddian, seems very unlikely if Llanbleddian was at that early date granted out. Unfortunately, its early charters are missing, and early allusions to the place are very scanty, but, in the absence of direct proof, it does not seem impossible that it was founded by some of the earlier Lords of Llanbleddian. I merely suggest, however, that it seems extremely improbable that, being in a “member ”’ lordship, it was in other hands than those of the lords of that lordship. As to Talafan, I have already stated what little I know of its earlier history and the reasons which make it impossible now to determine whether its present bounds are those of early times, mixed up as it is in its history and ownership with Llanbleddian. Talafan was sold either by Henry VIII or Edward VI. to John Thomas Bassett. The Glamorgan Genealogies have 1545 as the date, but the MS. Breviat of Rice Lewis says it was acquired of Edward VI. 76 Member Lordships of Glamorgan. Its devolution afterwards was as follows :— Elizabeth, daughter of John Thomas Bassett, married Anthony Mansel. Mary Mansel, their daughter and co-heiress, married Sir Thomas Aubrey, and the lordship thus came to the Aubreys, in whose descendants it remains. I should add that I think it probable that Caerwigau, forming the south-western portion of Pendoylan, may have been part of the member of Talafan, though now reputed to be a distinct manor. Ruthyn and Llanbleddian were among the manors granted to Sir William Herbert in 1550. I have now noticed all those member lordships which were always regarded as such in the strictest sense, and which were for a considerable time in the enjoyment of a greater or less degree of independence. There are, however, some others which, for one cause or another, stood in a different position from ordinary manors, and which it was thought needful to mention specially in the Statute of Henry VIII. These are LLANWIT, OGMORE, TALYGARN, and LLANDAFF. Llantwit was and is distinguished as one of the most fertile districts in the vale, and there appears to be some reason to suppose that the Welsh rulers of Glamorgan had a residence at Boverton. For one or both of these reasons probably, the chief lords appear, from the first conquest, to have kept it in their own hands. Its church and certain lands were granted by Fitz Hamon to Tewkesbury Abbey, and these lands formed at a later period the so-called manor of West Llantwit, or Abbots Llantwit, a portion of the Stradling estates. There is also, in the western part of Llantwit, the small sub-manor of Llantwit Rawley, for- merly held by the Raglan family, but which has been in the possession of the lords of the principal manor since the time of Elizabeth. Member Lordships of Glamorgan. 77 In the inquisition of 1314, Llantwit is mentioned together with Ruthyn as constituting ‘““a member ”’ of the County, but from the context I am inclined to think that this merely means that Ruthyn was for some administrative purpose connected with Llantwit rather than that Llantwit was of itself a “member ”’ lordship. Still, it is a fact that it is mentioned in the Statute of Henry VIII as a district to be added to and thenceforth to form part of the County. In old documents it is sometimes called Boverton or Boviarton, and the present full name of the manor is Boviarton and Llantwit. It was granted to Sir William Herbert in 1550. Talygarn or Talagarn presents much difficulty, It is mentioned in the Statute of Henry VIII, but I find no reference to it in the inquisitions. Its lords are said by Rhys Myryke to have been “ Lords of tree and pit,” that is that they had powers of life and death, but why the lords of so comparatively small an area should have had these privileges I have not been able to ascertain. I think it likely that it remained in the hands of Welsh Lords. Rice Lewis, in his Breviat, states that Harry Morgan Lewis purchased the manor, but does not state when or from whom. Mr. Clark, in a note, Cartae V, p. 1833, states that the lordship was held by Jenkins of Hensol, and so passed to the Earls of Shrewsbury, Lords Talbot of Hensol, by whom it was sold to its (then) owner. The then owner was Mr. Clark himself, who was succeeded by his son, Mr. Godfrey Lewis Clark. Ogmore, the old lordship of the de Londres family, whose ancestor was one of the followers of FitzHamon, was con- sidered as consisting of four knights’ fees, held by knight’s service. But for the fact of its having become vested in the 78 Member Lordships of Glamorgan. Crown, as part of the Duchy of Lancaster estates, I suppose there would have been no occasion to mention it specially in the Statute of Henry VIII, as no doubt it was part of the old County. The de Londres family, as connected with the Lordship of Ogmore, ended in an heiress, Hawise, who married Sir Patrick de Cadurcis, or Chaworth. He was killed in battle against the Welsh, 1258, and left an heiress, Matilda, who married Henry, Earl of Lancaster, grandson of King Henry III. Their son, Henry, was Duke of Lancaster and father of Henry IV., King of England. Thus the Lordship of Ogmore came into the possession of the Crown and has so remained. Colwinston is a sub-manor of Ogmore. In speaking of this Lordship of Ogmore I should mention that the territory shown on the map comprises the parish of Llandy- fodwg. Though this has been accounted part of Ogmore for several centuries (probably, at least from the time of Henry VIII), it was no part of the old de Londres lordship. In the time of the de Clares it was parcel of the County of Glamorgan, under the name of Glynogwr, though not the sub- ject of feudal tenure, but occupied by Welshmen as a “ patria Wallensium”’ directly under the chief lord, somewhat like Kibbor, with which it is often connected by name in the old inquisitions. When the Lordship of Glamorgan came into the hands of the King, in the time of Richard III, this district, no doubt, came with it, and I think it likely that from being administered with the adjoining portion of the Lordship of Ogmore (Llangeinor) it became in time considered as part of it. This is an explanation which occurstome. Others may be able to throw more light on the matter. Llandyfodwg certainly was not part of the old Lordship of Ogmore, though probably part of the territory intended to be included under that name in the Statute of Henry VIII, and for that reason I have shown it as part of the lordship on the map. Member Lordships of Glamorgan. fi) Llandaff was, of course, the lordship of the Bishop of that See, and the Splott (sometimes described as a manor) was part of it, aS were some minor properties in other parts of the County. The manor of Llandaff was sold by Bishop Anthony Kitchin to George Mathew in 1553, and continued in the Mathew family until 1818, when it was purchased by Sir Samuel Romilly. His successors sold it to Mr. William Sheward Cartwright in 1853, whose grandson is, I believe, the present lord. CHAPTER III. HISTORICAL NOTES ON LLANTWIT MAJOR. It occurred to me when it was proposed to carry out some excavations at Llantwit Major that it might be well to put together a few notes as to the history of the place, not attempting to deal with it fully, but confining myself to such facts as might bear upon the question of what remains might be expected to be found there. There are traditions that the Emperor Theodosius estab- lished a college* there, and it is also stated in the genealogy of Iestyn ap Gurgan, in the Iolo MSS., 7 that Eurgain, daughter of Caractacus, founded a choir near Llantwit, I suppose at Caer Worgorn, where remains of a Roman house have been found. I do not think we need attach much importance to these traditions, so far as they relate to a school or college, but they are interesting from the circumstance that they existed at a time when, apart from such legends, no one knew that any remains of Roman date existed at or near Llantwit. It isa curious instance of the way in which tradition is carried on, and how tales of this kind get altered, though founded on fact. It seems very improbable that a school was founded at or near Llantwit by or in the time of either of the Emperors named Theodosius.; I need not here enter into the reasons * Tolo MSS. 1848 Edit., p. 422. { Ibid. p. 343. + Theodosius the Great died 395. Theodosius IT, 408-50, was Emperor of the East. 80 Historical Notes on Llantwit Major. 81 for this view, but will merely suggest that from a desire to ascribe great antiquity to the later school of Illtyd it may well have happened that legends sprang up which connected it with the Roman remains in the neighbourhood. For anything of Roman date we should probably have to search at Caer Worgorn rather than at Llantwit itself, for I do not know that anything of the Roman time has ever been found at the latter place. In this I may be in error, but I have not heard of anything of the kind. Of course, the discovery of any such remains would be a matter of great interest, but it is, I suppose, not a thing to be expected. So far as Caer Worgorn is concerned, the partial exploration which took place, now nearly twenty years ago, indicated that the Roman house there was destroyed, with massacre of those who had taken shelter there, in some very early raid, probably of pirates from the sea in the earlier part of the 5th century, and that the place was never again occupied from that day to this. This last fact was abundantly clear, and if there is any truth in the story that the monastery or college of Illtyd was a restoration of any earlier institution it is pretty certain that it was at least at a different place. Leaving the legends of a college or school of Roman times, we come next to the college and monastery called Saint Illtyd’s, whose name strongly suggests the Welsh ‘‘Alltud,” a foreigner, May it not in fact be derived from that word ? I do not want to dwell at length upon what has been said of him by various authorities, but will only say that to fix his exact date seems to me difficult, if not impossible, as his story is so mixed up with legends about Germanus, Dubricius, and Samson. It has been said that he and Dubricius were contemporary, that the latter was consecrated by Germanus (on the occasion of his first visit to Britain), and that Samson, educated by Illtyd, was himself consecrated by Dubricius. Now, I believe one of the few things considered to be established as to Samson,— F 82 Historical Notes on Llantwit Major. I mean the Bishop of Dol of that name, to whom the narratives in Liber Landavensis relate—is that he attended a Council asa Bishop in 557.* Further, it appears to be a matter of authentic history, based upon the authority of Prosper, a contemporary writer, that the first visit of Germanus to Britain took place in 429, or within a year or so of that date. It is, therefore, evident that the accounts which connect Germanus, Samson, and Dubricius in the way I have mentioned, and Dubricius and Samson with Illtyd, cannot be correct. Further, both the _ Liber Landavensis and Annales Cambriae record the death of Dubricius as having taken place in 612, more than 180 years after the visit of Germanus, and 55 years after Samson attended the Council referred to. It must be admitted, however, that some authorities place the death of Dubricius much earlier, in 522 or thereabouts, but I have not observed that anything in the nature of evidence is put forward for this earlier date, and to adopt it gets us into great difficulties as to the princes with whom he is alleged to have been contemporary and also, as it seems to me, it is difficult to reconcile with the account which Gildas gives of the state of the Church in his day, though I would not lay too much stress upon this latter argument, for the writings of Gildas are very violent and raise a suspicion that his comprehensive abuse may not have been altogether justified. As to Samson, Bishop of Dol, though I do not feel competent to express any opinion as to the truth or otherwise of the legends which assert his connection with Llantwit, any more than I feel able to fix the exact date of Illtyd, it does appear to me that he has almost certainly been in some histories mixed up with an Abbott Samson of much later date, the Samson of the cross known by his name, to which I propose shortly to refer. As regards Illtyd, if we cannot say at what precise period he lived, there is no reason to doubt that he was the founder of a monastery and church at Llantwit in the early period when it was the custom to name Welsh churches after their founders, and after what we term patron saints. * Haddan and Stubbs’ Councils, &c. Historical Notes on Llantwit Mayor. 83 The monastery became celebrated asa college. Of the actual monastery or college of Illtyd, it is not likely that any remains would be found. At the utmost there could be only founda- tions, difficult to identify, and even such are not likely, as the earliest buildings would probably be of timber. There is the authority of Bede and other evidence to show that British churches were mostly of that material. As to the existence of the monastery at a very early date, the entries as to charters in the Liber Landavensis afford evidence which is worthy of being regarded. Ihave givena good deal of time to the consideration of these documents, and have read what has been said of them by various writers of authority* and learning, and have come to the conclusion that, although they must be read with caution, and though we can by no means accept them as anything like wholly genuine, yet they are in some respects very valuable, and entitled to more weight than some persons whose opinion is entitled to respect have attributed to them. No one ever sat down to invent ali these documents, though it appears to me certain that the compiler did alter or add to the ancient materials which existed, and probably invented some of the documents altogether, in the sense that he reduced to writing what may have previously been mere tradition. Further, the grants themselves evidently do not appear in all cases in their right order, and several of them cannot have been made by the Kings by whom and to the Bishops to whom they profess to have been made. For instance, Bishop Oudoceus is made contemporary with Mouric son of Teudiric, Athruis son of Mouric, Morcant son of Athruis, Iudhail son of Morcant, and even (in one case only) with Fernuail and Mouric sons of Iudhail and great-great-grandsons of Mouric. This is evidently impossible, and there are other matters of the same kind, which show that the earlier grants, in particular, cannot be relied upon as anything like accurate. We, in fact, probably owe their existence in their present form to the early 12th century dispute between Bishop Urban and the Bishops of * Willis Bund, Seebohm, Haddan and Stubbs. 84 Historical Notes on Llantwit Major. St. David’s and Hereford as to the bounds of their respective dioceses, and some of them were probably invented or altered so as to support the Llandatf view, though not necessarily by the compiler himself.+ However, with all drawbacks, these records describe real lands and Churches, and are very valuable for many purposes, if used with due caution. I may perhaps venture to say that at present it seems to me that the compiler possessed somewhat better information as to the early princes of Gwent and Morganwg than as to the Bishops. It is possible to compile from the entries in the Liber Landavensts a list of princes of those districts, I do not say quite complete or accurate, but for the most part consistent with other authorities, and in itself not contradictory. This cannot be said of the Bishops, for in whatever order we may consider they ought to be placed it cannot be true that all the grants were made both to the Bishops who are said to have received them and also in the time of the Princes to whom they are attributed. This matter requires further investigation, and this is not the place to follow out the arguments which bear upon it. I have referred to the subject here in order to suggest that though we may take the Liber Landavensis as an authority for the existence of Abbots of Llantwit, as well as of Llancarvan and Llandough, from a very early period, we cannot feel sure as to their dates. One or two points may be referred to. The three Abbots are never mentioned in the grants which profess to be of the times of Dubricius or Teilo. They occur first in the time of Oudoceus, supposed to have been the third Bishop, and are referred to afterwards at intervals down to the time of Cerenhir and Nud, whose date may have been about the middle of the 9th century or rather earlier, as they are made by the charters contemporary with Mouric son of Arthfael, Brochuail son of Mouric, and Howel son of Rhys, the two latter (Brochuail and Howel) being named by Asser as contemporary with King Alfred. This is about the period, presumably, of the cross of Howel, at Llantwit, as that cross is said in the inscription to j His date was probably about 1150. Historical Notes on Llantwit Major. 85 have been placed by Howel for the soul of his father Rhys. On the cross known as that of Samson, Iudhail and Arthfael are named. Which Judhail (or Ithel) and which Arthfael are meant may be a matter of some doubt. There was a Iudhail who was the father of Rhys, father of Howel,j and who was living pro- bably in the middle of the 8th century, and another, a great- grandson of the former, who may have been the Ithel, King of Gwent, slain, according to Annales Cambriae, in 848. There was an Arthfael, who was either a son or grandson of the 8th century Iudhail, and another who was the son of Howel son of Rhys. I think the first was probably the Arthfael of the cross (if either of the two was), as the latter would probably be somewhat too late. As to the Abbot Samson who erected Samson’s cross, the name of Samson appears amongst the clergy as a witness twice in the time of Catguaret, said to have been predecessor of Cerenhir as Bishop. Possibly he may be the person who after- wards became Abbot. At any rate, whoever may have been the Abbot Samson who erected the cross, it seems improbable, if not impossible, that he can be identified with the Bishop of Dol, but must have been some ninth century Abbot. The only Abbot of Llantwit named in the charters in the times of Cerenhir and Nud is Elised, who is mentioned twice in the time of Cerenhir and three times in the time of Nud. After the time of Nud, the references to Abbots cease, but so late as the time of Bishop Joseph (consecrated 1022 and died 1046) the priests of Llantwit, Llancarvan, and Llandough are specially mentioned among witnesses. I do not know the reason for this change or how far the priests named in the later documents occupied the position of those called Abbots at an earlier date. In the year 895 we read in the Brut y Tywysogion that the Northmen devastated Morganwg, Gwent, and Gwenllwg. Llantwit may very well have suffered at this time, but apparently, if then destroyed or ravaged, it was restored, for both the Brut y Tywysogion and Annales Cambriae state that the pagans laid waste Llantwit in 987. + See note in Owen’s Pembrokeshire, Vol. III, p. 272. 86 Historical Notes on Llantwit Major. There is, in the interval, one record which refers to a college at Llantwit in 959. The Gwentian Brut says that in that year Owen, son of Howel the Good, demolished the college because he found Saxon scholars there. It adds that he treated Llan- carvan in the same manner, though it does not state that it was for the same reason. This chronicle, unfortunately, cannot be regarded as at all uniformly trustworthy, as it contains a great deal that is certainly untrue, but in this particular matter it receives some support from the Brut y Tywysogion, which says that in 958 Owain devastated Gorwenydd, the cantrev in which Llantwit (though not Llancarvan) was situated. The story about the Saxon scholars looks very like one of those additions to history so frequent in the Gwentian Brut. I have not been able to trace anything as to the history of Llantwit during the following century, but whatever may have been the fortunes of the monastery there I think that it is pretty certain that the institution continued in some form at Llantwit, as well as at Llancarvan and possibley at Llandough, down to the conquest by FitzHamon. Itisa fact, of course well known to all, that monasteries of various orders, first introduced into Glamorganshire at various dates after this conquest, acquired very large possessions there, but these mainly went to the Cistercian Abbeys, founded at a somewhat later date, such as Margam, Neath, and Caerleon, and that these continued to accumulate lands for many generations through voluntary gifts received both from Englishmen and Welshmen. But with the Benedictine Abbeys endowed by FitzHamon or his followers the case was different. They acquired such possessions as they had in Glamorgan immediately after the first conquest, and practically none later. Such as these possessions were, in or soon after FitzHamon’s time, such they remained until the dissolution of the monasteries, and it is remarkable that the principal places where they obtained lands were Llantwit, Llancarvan, and Llandough, the very places handed down by tradition and the Liber Landavensis as the sites of the principal Historical Notes on Llantwit Major. 87 Welsh Monasteries. Tewkesbury had the lands of Llantwit and Llandough, St. Peter’s, Gloucester, a large part at least of those of Llancarvan, and, as I have said, those Abbeys had no lands of importance elsewhere in the County. As to Llantwit, in Mr. Clarke’s Cartae (Vol. I, p. 133) there is a confirmation charter by Bishop Nicholas, of Llandaff (1153-83), of the Church of Llantwit and Chapel of Lisworney to Tewkes- bury, and there is no doubt that from thence to the dissolution of the monastery Tewkesbury continued to hold the Church and tithes, and also certain lands which came to be called the “Manor ’”’ of West Llantwit, or Abbot’s Llantwit, which was granted by Henry VIII to Edward Stradling, 30 August, 1543. It was purchased for £183 13s. 9d., and stated in the grant to be worth £7 6s. 5d. per annum. I had hoped that the Annals of Tewkesbury, a chronicle kept at the Abbey during mediaeval times, coming down to 1263, and which was printed some time ago under the authority of the Master of the Rolls, might contain some indication as to the residence of monks at Llantwit or the maintenance of a school there. It has, how- ever, only the allusions to Llantwit which I will presently mention, and I think it clear that there never was any Priory there, as at Cardiff. As has been shown by Mr. Halliday, in his paper in the Archaeologia Cambrensis on the discoveries made during those recent restorations which he has so admirably carried out, and by Mr. Rodger, in the paper lately read by him on the same subject, considerable sums must have been laid out upon the Church in the 13th and 14th centuries, but the Annals make no reference to such works. They do, however, contain some entries which are of sufficient interest to be referred to. Under date 1230, the death of William, parson of ‘“‘ Landerwich’”’ is mentioned. I have no doubt at all that this refers to Llantwit, and I think it very likely the word in the original was Lander- with, as in writing of this period “‘t’’’ may be easily taken for “c.” After a few sentences dealing with other matters, the 88 Historical Notes on Llantwit Major. record proceeds (as I translate it) :—‘‘ On Saint Michael’s day we received seisin of the Church of Landirwit,* namely, that moiety which William late the parson there held, there having been many disputes between him and the Welsh, namely, between Peter then Abbot of Tewkesbury and certain persons who wished that a brother of the said William and his kin should succeed him by hereditary right, as is the custom with the Welsh. But it (the Church) having been at length given up by all those claiming by such a right, we gave it to farm to the brother of the said William for eleven marks? yearly, but we retained a certain chapel adjoining the said Church in token of our possession. So that if the said farmer shall not pay his rent he shall lose it for ever. Such was the statement to us in our chapter.” This arrangement differed considerably from the ordinary course, which, I believe, was that the monastery having the rectory of a Church would take the revenue, paying the Vicar a stipend. Here, apparently as a compromise, the Vicar was to take the revenues, paying the Abbey a rent. The meaning of the passage as regards the actual buildings is not perhaps very clear. It seems to me that the Vicar had half the Church, and the monks the other half, and, in addition, a chapel adjoining the Vicar’s portion of the Church. Other arrangements may well have been made afterwards. Whatever the exact facts may have been, there would seem from what took place, to have been at least some monks in residence to use their part of the Church and the Chapel. I may state the custom that a relation should succeed or that the rectory of a Church should be regarded as the right of a particular family was well known among the Welsh, and is dealt with in Mr. Willis Bund’s book on the Celtic Church. One portion of the Liber Landavensis, containing particulars of the * This is the spelling in this place. i 270s) od: ¢ Also referred to by Giraldus and others. a Historical Notes on Llantwit Mayor. 89 clergy stated to have been admitted to livings by Bishop Herwald, contains several instances where they were sons of their predecessors. It does seem somewhat strange, however, that the Welsh inhabitants should have had the amount of influence which they appear in fact to have possessed, for although Llantwit seems to have been brought under English control as early as any part of the County, it is certain from this incident that there must have been a substantial Welsh popula- tion, and that their wishes could not easily be disregarded. It is one of many indications which make me think that there was not that constant and universal hostility between the Welsh and Normans or English that is often assumed. The time was that of Gilbert de Clare, the first of that name to rule the Glamorgan Lordship. He died just about the period of the settlement of the controversy, namely, 25th October, 1230. I do not know of any means of ascertaining whether there was a large proportion of English inhabitants at that time, but 65 years later, in 1295, the names of the Llantwit jury who took the inquisition on the death of this Earl’s grandson are English. JI may add that in 1248 a fresh arrangement was made with the Vicar, whether or not the same as the “ farmer ”’ of 1230 does not appear, under which the Vicar was to have the whole income (except tithes of corn and hay) and all the tithe of Lisworney. No doubt, this was a more beneficial bargain for the Vicar than the former one. There are no further entries in the Tewkesbury Annals relating to Llantwit. That a school of some kind would be maintained there seems highly probable, put, on the other hand, it can hardly have been anything of the same nature or have had anything like the importance of the college of Illtyd and his successors. The Gwentian Brut, indeed, states that Robert Consul restored ‘‘ Cor Illtyd.’’ This, as I have said, is not a good authority, but it is right to say that in the same passage it states that he founded Margam, which is, of course, a fact. There may, perhaps, be some other record of what he did at Llantwit, 90 Historical Notes on Llantwit Major. but I do not know of any such. Llantwit, that is, the principal manor, was always kept by the Chief Lord in his own hands. The Lord had large demesne lands there, cultivated in the times when that system was in force, by numerous tenants, who had a large area of land in their own occupation. Some idea of the relative importance of the place as early as 1184-85 may be gathered from the account of the custodian, the Lordship being then in the King’s hands on account of the death of William, Earl of Gloucester, in 1183. The account seems to cover a period of half a year. The receipt for Cardiff was £24, Roath 16s. 1d., Kenfig £5 19s. 11d., Leckwith 17s. 6d., Llantwit £14 19s. 1ld. The Extent of 1262 gives far more detailed information. We know that then the Lord held 565 acres of arable land, 14 of meadow, and 147 of pasture (in all, 726 acres), and the pasture of a grove called Coytlou.* There were a garden and a dovecote, I think probably at Boverton. The rent of free tenants, that is, freeholders, paying what we now call chief rents, came to {11 8s. 44d. Customary tenants held 2,115 acres of land. There was a market and fair, and the whole value, including the value of tenants’ works, is estimated at £109 5s. 14d., of course a very large sum in those days. The Lordship of Cardiff at this time was put at £97. The account in the inquisition taken in 1295 shows that there were :— Acres. Free tenants .. = a 33 holding 800 acres. Free cottars .. ae ik 156 Bond cottars: .. = a 120 Customary tenants .. 136 yy Ga Dee In hands of the Lord, fonmbtly anes by customary tenants Pe i /) 22a ee Demesne, arable 565 Coydlow and Wildmoor ie 1 bas acres. Pasture ES aS =e V7. Besides some other pasture at places not named. * Since corrupted into ‘‘ Colhugh,’’ though its usual pronunciation in the district still closely follows the Liber Land. form Collou. Historical Notes on Llantwit Major. 91 There were, therefore, 2,862 acres in the hands of the Lord and his tenants, and 435 persons occupying lands or houses under him. There were in addition the Abbey lands, the area of which I do not know, and there would be some persons holding under the Abbey, and under the free tenants, and with such a population there must have been some smiths, carpenters, and members of other trades. With the families of these persons, I think we may fairly conclude that the population in 1295 can hardly have been short of 2,000, and may well have been greater, as compared with 1,113 according to the census of 1901. The area of the parish is 5,120 statute acres, but the old acreages may be underestimated, and it appears probable that the parish was then as fully cultivated as it is now, and that there was but little waste ground. Llantwit was apparently in no way fortified, nor is there any mention of a castle there, though there was a “‘ manerium ”’ or manor-house. Perhaps the number of inhabitants, and its remoteness from any districts under Welsh Lords, may have been sufficient protection. It suffered to some extent from the rising of 1295, but apparently not from that of Llewelyn Bren. From the amount of land under cultivation, we can see that there was occasion for a large tithe barn, such as existed until recently. All this, however, does not throw much light on the question whether there was a college in mediaeval times, unless the fact that it was evidently a large centre of population, and that the monks of Tewkesbury had important interests in the place may be thought to render it probable that they would maintain a school there. There is one item of information, though of much later date than the times I have been speaking of, which I do not wish to pass over. In Williams’s History of Monmouthshire, published 1796, there is, in the Appendix, a memorandum written by the Rev. David Nicholl in 1792 which says, speaking of the Llantwit school or college :—‘‘ We do not find any mention of the time 92 Historical Notes on Llantwit Major. when it became extinct, but we may well think that it remained until the Reformation, for there was a School, time out of mind, then at Llantwit for educating youth in Latin learning and logic that was maintained by a portion of the Church profits and by the Abbot’s rents that were sold to one of my ancestors, and in whose family they still remain.” Further on he says :—‘ Some say that the beginning of Cowbridge School was from Llantwit, but all this is dark and uncertain. The ruins of the school of St. Illtutus are to be seen at this day behind the Church hard by, and the monastery halls and buildings stood in a small field west of the school where some ruins are still appearing.” As there may well have been remains above ground a century ago which do not now appear, and as the writer would no doubt be well acquainted with Llantwit traditions, I have thought it well to quote the above extracts from his letter or memorandum. It will be observed he speaks of a school at the Reformation, as if it were a matter well known, and which no doubt existed. On the other hand, it has been pointed out to me that the Valor Ecclesiasticus, temp. Hen. VIII (1535), contains among the outgoings of Llantwit no reference to the expenses of any school. If the cost of such formed an actual charge upon the revenues, it seems almost certain that some reference to the fact must have appeared. Besides this, Mr. Nicholl’s statement is quite erroneous in its reference to the “‘ Abbot’s rents.’’ These were not rents of the Abbot’s lands, as might be supposed. They belonged to the Abbey of Neath, not Tewkesbury, and were given by the Gilbert de Clare who died in 1295 to that Abbey in exchange for lands at Neath. They can hardly, by any possibility, have been charged with any payment towards a Llantwit school.* * Certainly not by the original grant. Historical Notes on Llantwit Major. 93 Perhaps the foundation of the tradition mentioned by Mr. Nicholl may be that in truth the Tewkesbury monks, with- out being compelled to do so, did keep up some school at Llan- twit, and if so the circumstances that it was voluntary might account for no mention of it appearing in the Valor Ecclesias- ticus, and it would not be unlikely that a story might after- wards grow up that they were in some way bound to keep it. If such a school existed, the want occasioned by its being given up might well have something to do with the establish- ment of Cowbridge School, but all this is mere speculation. The fact remains that I have failed to find any actual evidence of the existence of a monastic school at Llantwit. Excavation in the field near the Church might throw some light upon the question, as it would probably show the nature of the monastic buildings, and it might lead to even more interesting discoveries.* In conclusion, I can only express my regret that I have been able to find so little bearing upon the relations of Tewkesbury Abbey with Llantwit. I am sure we should all be much obliged to any one who could point out any source from which further information on that subject could be derived. * In 1912 and later, excavations undertaken by Mr. J. W. Rodger in one of the two fields west of the church revealed foundations of old build- ings which were considered to be contemporary with the Gate House, Tithe Barn, and Dove Cot, all assigned to the thirteenth century. It is suggested they may be the working offices of a large establishment, the residential portion of which may be discovered in the adjoining field (not availabie for excavation). No written record exists as to their founder and purpose (Arch. Camb., 1915, p. 141). IDE Jae ee CHAPTER IV. DINASPOW YS. I have not been able to find any satisfactory evidence as to the derivation of the name Dinaspowys. It is, of course, evidently Welsh, and no doubt older than the Norman conquest of the Vale. The version of the Brut y Tywysogion known as the Gwentian, printed in the Myvyrian Archaeology and attributed to Caradoc of Llancarvan (though in the form in which we have it, it contains much that cannot have been written by him or in his time), states that Jestyn ap Gwrgan married the daughter of Bleddyn ap Cynfyn, Prince of Powys, and, having received from Gwrgan what was known as Cwmmwd Tref Essyllt, built a castle which he called Denis Powys. The authority of this chronicle is, I believe, worth very little, and I only mention what it says because, as we all know, it appears to be the history upon which nearly all those who have at different times written accounts of the conquest of Glamorgan have been content to rely. That FitzHamon over-ran and subdued the Vale of Glamor- gan in the reign of Rufus is no doubt true, but if we wish to ascertain, so far as the scanty materials allow us to ascertain, who aided him in that conquest we must not accept without testing them the statements in the Gwentian Brut, or we shall certainly be misled. In that chronicle, Maes Essylt, by which I suppose Dinaspowys Lordship to be meant, is said to have been held by Robert ap Seisyllt after the Conquest. This appears to me improbable, but if it was the case in fact that Dinaspowys remained for a time in Welsh hands this must have been a state of things which very soon came to an end. o4 fares: ob Dinaspowys. 95 Whether the de Someri or Sumeri family, of whose very early possession of Dinaspowys we have evidence, obtained the Lord- ship in the time of FitzHamon is not clear, but it seems probable that such was the case, for, although not referred to at all in the Gwentian Brut or those later histories (Rice Merrick’s for instance) which are founded upon it, their presence is proved at a date very closely following. If the Charter of Robert de Haia to Glastonbury (Cartae, I, p. 38) is genuine, it shows that a Roger de Sumeri, who attests it, was contemporary with FitzHamon. At Cartae, I, p. 163, there is printed a Harley Charter by Adam de Sumeri and his two sons, John and Roger, to Margam Abbey, of 20s. yearly out of the rent of the mill of the moor, ‘“‘ molendinum de mora.” This is not dated, but is followed (Cartae, I, p. 177) by a Charter of Adam de Sumeri junior, son of Roger, by which he confirms a grant by his wife Milisant to Margam. This was in the time of William de Saltmarsh, Bishop of Llandaff, 1185-1191, and shows that the grant of the earlier Adam (grandfather of the Adam of 1185) must have been of much earlier date, probably of the first half of the 12th century. Roger de Sumeri, father of the second Adam and son of the first, was presumably the person whose name appears in the Liber Niger of the Exchequer as holding, in 1166, seven fees under William, Earl of Gloucester. In the time of Henry, Bishop of Llandaff, 1193-1218, a Ralph de Sumeri wrote to the Bishop referring to the above- mentioned grant out of the rent of the mill as having been made by his grandfather Adam and his sons (not named) “ whose heir I am.” This looks as if Ralph was a son of either John or Roger, and perhaps a brother of the second Adam, whom he may have succeeded. There was, however, a Milo de Sumeri shown by the Pipe Roll to have held 3} fees (probably Dinas- powys) in 1202. In what relation he stood to the others named is not clear. Ralph, who wrote to the Bishop, refers to the mill as “‘ in marisco,”’ and it must have been either that at Cadoxton, a sub-manor of Dinaspowys, or else, which is 96 Dinaspowys. not so likely, some other mill which has ceased to exist. Ralph directs that the Abbey shall receive the rent annually at his Castle of Dinaspowys, and increases it to 24s. It was to be paid until the monks should have in exchange land to the value of 24s. The rent continued to be paid until the middle of the 15th century, as shown by ministers’ accounts of the time of Henry VI, and no doubt down to the dissolution of the Abbey. From the letter or notification of Ralph de Sumeri to Bishop Henry, we have direct evidence of the existence of the Castle at Dinaspowys late in the 12th or very early in the 13th century, and there seems every reason to believe that it was one of the earliest Norman castles built in the district. In the Land of Morgan, the late Mr. Clark describes it as of doubtful date, referring of course, to the portion now remaining, but elsewhere he says that it is no doubt Norman, and this accords with the documentary evidence, though it is, of course, quite possible that there was an earlier Welsh fortress on the site. We have seen that the de Sumeris were, in all probability, among the original conquerors, and it may be mentioned that this is confirmed by the wide extent of their possessions, for the Lordship of Dinaspowys in the earlier days certainly comprised not only the large parish of Saint Andrew, but also Cadoxton-juxta-Barry, Merthyr Dwfan, Michaelston-le-Pit, Highlight, and possibly Cogan and portions of other parishes. Cadoxton, Highlight, and Michaelston were throughout, and still are, sub-manors of Dinaspowys, and it seems to me possible that the de Sumeris may also at one time have held St. Nicholas, but this at present is no more than a surmise.* They alsc held a small manor in Llanedeyrn parish, and doubtless this was the property which occasioned a mandate of Henry II, directing payment of tithe to Tewkesbury, to be addressed to Roger de Sumeri and others having lands in Kibbor (Cartae, I, p. 140). This was probably issued soon after the * See note infra p. 119. Dinaspowys. 97 death of William, Earl of Gloucester, in 1183, when the Lord- ship of Glamorgan was in the King’s hands. The de Sumeris were also Lords of Dudley, which place was probably their principal possession and chief seat, and this fact, as Mr. Clark has pointed out, probably accounts for their having taken (as he considers was the case) but little part in the local affairs of Glamorgan, though several members of the family appear as witnesses to Glamorgan charters, and occasionally as attending the comitatus or County Court. Thus, besides those already mentioned, we have a William, who attests a grant by Morgan son of Owen, which must be of earlier date than 1205, as it was confirmed by King John in that year (Cartae I, p. 296). It cannot be much earlier, as shown by the names of the witnesses and sureties. A William also appears as a witness to a dated charter of 1230 (Cartae, II, p. 472), and to other documents between 1200 and 1230, or some of them perhaps rather later. A Ralph, who does not appear else- where, attests a document (Cariae, I, p. 274), which from the names of the witnesses cannot be much earlier than 1262, but he may probably have been a younger member of the family, and not Lord of Dinaspowys. A Robert de Sumeri, who no doubt was Lord, attends a sitting of the comitatus in 1249 (Cartae, II, p. 565). He is styled ‘“‘ Dominus” and “ Miles,” and his name appears among those of well-known holders of Glamorgan manors. The same person, probably, was a juror on the Extent of 1262 (Cartae, II, p. 650). There cannot be much doubt that he lived, at any rate, sometimes, in the district, for his name appears as a witness to ten different deeds of about this period, which grant to members of the de Reigny family lands in Dinaspowys, Michaelston-le-Pit, and Llandough. The de Reignys seem to have been land- owners in Glamorgan from an early period, but about the middle of the 13th century were considerable purchasers of lands, chiefly small parcels in these parishes, and their purchase deeds, printed in the Cartae, are of great interest, as they contain a large collection of local names of places, many of G 98 Dinaspowys. which have now disappeared or become much altered. They were Lords of Michaelston, held under Dinaspowys, and of Wrinston in Wenvoe parish, held in 1262 of the chief Lord. To return to the de Sumeris, we find Robert again at the County Court in 1266 (Cartae, II, p. 685), and we next have a Roger, who may have been either a son or brother of Robert, and his successor. He attested a confirmation to Margam by Richard de Clare (Cartae, II, p. 464) which must have been prior to 1258, as Stephen Baucen (slain in that year) was a witness. He was probably the same as the Roger de Sumeri who was one of the magnates appointed at Kenilworth in 1266 to settle the terms upon which persons who had been in arms against the King might redeem their lands, and who, in 1267, was deputed by the King, together with Hugh Turbervill, to investigate disputes between Llewelyn, Prince of Wales, and Gilbert de Clare (Cartae, II, p. 686). What he actually did in this matter is not known. He must have died within a few years, because in 1275 Matilda, widow of Richard de Clare, granted to Aline, Countess of Norfolk, the manor of Dinaspowys (in the possession of Matilda in wardship), which had belonged to Roger de Sumeri, until his son Roger should be of full age. We now come to matters of which there is more full and authentic history. Roger, son of Roger, under age in 1275, is said in Mr. Clark’s Genealogies to have been aged 18 at his father’s death in 1 Edward I (1272-1273). He died 19 Edward I (1290-1291), leaving a son John, who succeeded him, and another son Roger (o.s.p.), and two daughters, Margaret and Joan. John de Someri is mentioned as holding Dinaspowys in the inquisitions on the deaths of Joan de Clare, 1307, and Gilbert de Clare, 1314, and also in the writ of 1317 directing delivery of a share of the de Clare lands to Hugh le Despenser. John, the last of the de Someri name, died 1321-1322, leaving his two sisters his co-heiresses. Joan married Thomas de _ Botetourt, and Dinaspowys. 99 Margaret married John Sutton, each having a moiety of Dinas- powys. John Sutton was summoned to Parliament as Lord of Dudley. Thomas de Botetourt, husband of Joanna, is stated in Cokayne’s Complete Peerage to have died in 1322, leaving a son, John, who died in 1385, having had a son, also named John, who died in his lifetime in 1369, and a daughter, who married Lord Burnell, and died (s.p.) in 1406. In the I.P.M. of Hugh le Despenser, 1349, John Sutton and John Buttourt (Botetourt) are described as holding Dinas- powys, but in the I.P.M. of Edward le Despenser, 1375, though Richard de Dudleye (no doubt Richard Sutton of Dudley) appears, the other holders, five in number, are persons, doubtless feoffees in trust, who at the time held varous manors on behalf of the Chief Lord. That they so held a moiety (the former Botetourt moiety) of Dinaspowys is confirmed by an extant ministers’ account for 1373-1374, showing it to have been in the hands of the Chief Lord at that time. That the Suttons continued to hold their moiety is shown by an I.P.M. on the death of Isabella de Sutton, 1401, and by other evidence. How the other moiety came into the hands of the Chief Lord, while John de Botetourt was still living, is not clear ; possibly by purchase or exchange. We know that Hugh le Despenser acquired Sully by exchange from the de Avene family. Throughout the 15th century one moiety remained in the Sutton family. As regards the other moiety, ministers’ accounts show that during the reign of Henry VI (as we have seen was the case at the time of the death of Edward le Despenser), it was in the hands of the Chief Lord, or persons holding for or under him, and the same continued to be the case when, after the death of Richard III and the transactions following thereupon, the Lordship of Glamorgan had come into the hands of King Henry VII, and was granted by him to Jasper, Duke of Bedford, afterwards returning to the King on Jasper’s death. However, it may be noted that Rice Lewis, 100 Dinaspowys. writing 1594-1600, states that a moiety came to the King (Henry VII) by the attainder of Lord Audley. This was James Touchet, Lord Audley, who, in the time of Henry VII (1497), headed arising of Cornish rebels, and was defeated at Blackheath and beheaded. If, in fact, Lord Audley had this moiety of Dinaspowys, it can only have been in his possession for a very short time. In 6 Henry VIII (1514-1516) a lease of the Crown moiety was granted to Sir Mathew Cradock, and between that time and 1529, when he made his will, Sir Mathew purchased the Sutton moiety. Sir Mathew was grandfather of Sir George Herbert and of Sir William, afterwards Earl of Pembroke, to whom, as is well known, King Edward VI granted the Lordship of Cardiff, and most of the Glamorgan manors then belonging to the King, but not the moiety of Dinaspowys. The Sutton moiety, which had been purchased by Cradock, was left by him to his elder grandson, Sir George Herbert, and from him descended to his grandson, Sir William Herbert, eldest son of Matthew Herbert, eldest son of Sir George, who had died in the lifetime of the latter. Sir George Herbert died in 1570. In 1600 his grandson, Sir William Herbert, purchased the Crown moiety of Queen Elizabeth, and thus the whole manor, which had been held in moieties since the failure of the male line of the de Someris, was in his hands. This state of things, however, did not continue long, for Sir William died 24th August, 1609, leaving no issue, and on his death litigation took place between his brother, Sir John Herbert, and two nephews, both named William, sons respec- tively of Nicholas and Richard, brothers of Sir John and Sir William, who alleged that Sir Wiliam had made a will in their favour.* The litigation seems to have ended in a com- promise, under which the nephews obtained certain parts of the large property in dispute. On the death of Sir John Herbert in 1617, William Herbert, son of Nicholas, took that moiety of Dinaspowys which had been purchased from the * Sir William and Sir John are the Herberts whose tomb, with their recumbent figures, is in St. John’s Church, Cardiff. ee eee — Se iad Dinaspowys. 101 Crown, while Mary, daughter of Sir John Herbert, wife of Sir William Doddington, had the other. Thus the manor, which had been divided for some 280 years, and only united for about nine years in the hands of Sir William Herbert, became again divided, and has been so ever since. Sir William Doddington and his wife had a son John, who left a son Edward, who died without issue, and two daughters, Ann and Catherine, co-heiresses of their brother. The moiety of Dinaspowys fell to Ann’s share. She married Robert, Lord Brooke, and their descendant was, in 1759, created Earl of Warwick. This moiety was purchased in 1765 by Mr. William Hurst, and was left by him to his nephew, Henry Lee, great grandfather of General Lee, the present owner. The other moiety remained in the Herbert family until the male line of that branch failed early in the eighteenth century, when, after much dispute and litigation, and a compromise sanctioned by a private Act. of Parliament, this moiety, with other Herbert estates, came in right of their wives* to Herbert Hurst and Calvert Richard Jones, and was sold in 1790 to Mr. Peter Birt, of Wenvoe, from whom it came to the Jenner family. Such is shortly the history of the title to the Manor of Dinaspowys. The fact that Henry II directed Roger de Sumeri and others holding lands in Kibbor to pay their title to Tewkesbury has already been referred to as indicating that at that early date the Lords of Dinaspowys already held the small manor in Llanedeyrn parish, which we know to have been for a long period in the hands of the Lords of Dinaspowys. It is referred to in an inquisition on the death of John de Sutton in 1330, and in several later documents relating to Dinaspowys. The manor seems, like Dinaspowys, to have been divided on the failure of the main line of the de Someris, and to have been united in the hands of Sir William Herbert in the time of Queen Elizabeth, but I have not found any clear indication that * These ladies claimed as co-heirs of Thomas Herbert, who died in infancy, in 1740. 102 Dinaspowys. any share of it, in the arrangements made after his death, went to the Doddingtons. How this may have been I am not sure, but the whole of it appears to have come into the possession of Mr. William Hurst, and afterwards passed to Mr. Henry Lee, who sold it to the Tyntes of Cefn Mably. Mention has been made of sub-manors held under Dinas- powys, and no doubt originally forming part of that Lordship. | Of these, Cadoxton-juxta-Barry annualy paid “ wardsilver ”’ | 13s. 4d. Ihave not been able to ascertain when the sub-manor was first created or who were its earliest Lords. In a note in his Cartae, etc. (IV., p. 1509), Mr. Clark says, speaking of a witness to a document of 1423, Robert Andrew, that there was a family of that name Lords of Cadoxton, of which he may have been a member. Other evidence shows that there was long a family known as Andrew or Andrews at Cadoxton, whether Lords of the sub-manor or not. Rice Lewis, writing 1596-1600, states that Sir John Popham then held Cadoxton, having purchased it of Sir William Herbert of St. Julians. According to an original document of 1611, relating to Dinas- powys, the payment which had long been made yearly under the name of the “‘ ward of Cadoxton ”’ by the Lords of that manor to the Lord of Dinaspowys was at that time paid in the following proportions :— s.-d: Francis Popham, Knt. 5 10 Nicholas Andrewe ieee | Elizabeth Morgan 0 13 4 This does not necessarily mean that the manor was divided, though no doubt the demesne lands were. The Pophams appear to have sold the manor of Cadoxton to the family of Thomas 4 of Wenvoe, and Sir Edmund Thomas sold it to Mr. Birt in 1775. From him it came to the Jenner family. Dinaspowys. 103 Highlight was held under Dinaspowys by the St. John family, and Michaelston by the de Reignys. I have thought it best to keep this short history of the manor and its belongings continuous, but will now return to the extant ministers’ accounts of the time when a moiety of the manor was in the hands of the Chief Lord, which are interesting in various ways. The first is an account of Robert Elys, reeve of the manor, from Michaelmas, 1373, to Michaelmas, 1374. It is very short, and shows a total receipt of £28 16s. 1d., which would be in respect of the moiety in the hands of the Chief Lord. It may here be mentioned that in the Extent of Glamorgan made in or about 1262, soon after the death of Richard de Clare, the estimated value of the Lordship of Dinaspowys, held by the service of 34 knights’ fees, is put at £60. No doubt, this was only a rough estimate, but if it represented anything like the fact it would seem that the value had not altered much in about 110 years. However, that is a question which may have been affected by the Black Death in 1349. We have no very clear evidence to what extent that great pestilence affected this district, but there is no reason to doubt that it did so, and it may well be that but for it, the value of a moiety of the manor in 1374 would have been considerably greater. The sum of 11s. 8d. is charged as paid for ward of the Castle of Cardiff. This is the very ancient payment (probably dating from as early as the reign of Henry II) made by each of the lords of the older manors of the County, at the rate of 6s. 8d. in respect of each knight’s fee. The total for Dinaspowys was {1 3s. 4d., the other Ils. 8d. being paid then by the Suttons, Lords of Dudley. It is a somewhat curious fact that at this period, although a manor or share of a manor might be in the Chief Lord’s hands, yet the custom of making this payment was nevertheless kept up. The reeve paid it to the Lord’s receiver, and deducted it in his own accounts. 104 Dinaspowys. There are not any works of tenants mentioned, such as appear in most manorial accounts of this period, or payments in lieu thereof, except 15d. received in lieu of certain works of reaping from customary tenants “ of Sully,” the meaning of which is not very clear, for it is not obvious why tenants of Sully should owe service to the Lord of Dinaspowys. The payment of 12s. to Margam Abbey is referred to. This was the moiety of 24s., the grant of which by Adam de Someri, about 200 years before, has already been mentioned. The other 12s. was no doubt paid by the Suttons. Passing from this account to those of the time of King Henry VI, we find the accounts then rendered in greater detail. In these the absence of any payment in lieu of tenant’s works under that name is accounted for, because it is said that they are charged under the name of rent of assize or chief rents. This shows that actual performance of works by the tenants had long come to an end, and been commuted into a money payment. It also shows incidentally what was the origin of some of those small payments commonly known as chief rents. Others probably originated in the substitution of a money payment for renders formerly made in kind. There is a sum of 8d. received from Walter Kyngull, a bondman of the Lord, for permission to dwell out of the Lord- ship. The gross total in this account is £24 11s. 114d., representing, it will be remembered, a moiety only, though as to this I shall have to make some observations later. One item in this account is of particular interest, as it concerns what was apparently the original construction of the mill known as Dinaspowys mill, just below the Castle, which was in operation until quite recent years, though no doubt rebuilt since the date of the account. Dinaspowys. 105 The total cost in money was {8 6s. 04d., but the wood was obtained from the Lord’s wood called Dinaspowys Wood. I may refer to some of the principal payments which were made. To Llewellyn Hopper, carpenter, for the carpentry work of the mill and mill house, including sawing the timber, £2 6s. 8d. At that time the daily wages of a carpenter, as we know from other accounts, would be 6d. per day, so this represents the wages of one man for something over 90 days. There was paid to Thomas Norman and three partners or assistants for hauling 27 loads timber, with their teams of oxen, 7s. The masonry work cost 20s. Another item is for food and drink for 102 men working by way of what was called “‘ boon” work, without wages, but receiving food only, in helping the carpenter with the timber, 7s. 7d. I think this may have included felling the timber, but the entry is not quite clear. John Wyily and 32 assistants received in food and drink for work about the site of the mill and mill pond, 6s. Probably these large numbers of men worked only for a short time, but their entertainment in food and drink does not seem to have been excessive, though perhaps sufficient, having regard to the value of money at that time. I have sometimes felt doubt whether the expressions as to 102 or 32 different men mean that they actually worked together, or whether the numbers represent days’ work of some less number. It is rather difficult to see how 102 men could be usefully employed in dealing with timber which only came to 27 loads. Thomas Lewis and John Warren, for conveying two mill- stones from Aberthaw, with their waggons and teams of oxen, received 5s. The millstones cost £1 6s. 8d., which seems a somewhat large amount, especially as they do not 106 Dinaspowys. seem to have been ready for use, as William Hoell had 6s. 8d. for perforating and otherwise completing and fixing them. No doubt they were brought by sea to Aberthaw. There are other items for various details of iron work, nails, pitch, thatching, etc., but nothing for quarrying or hauling stone. The account for the previous year is not extant, and it has occurred to me that some of the expenses of this work might appear in it. Even if we take the purchasing power of money at that time to have been 20 times as great as at present it seems difficult to suppose that a complete mill and house could have been constructed for about £8. The mili was completed and put to work at Midsummer, 1426. The old account of the time of Edward III, which I have mentioned, contains no reference to any mill, though it is curious that a manor like Dinaspowys should have got on without one until 1426. I have referred to the accounts being for a moiety only, but it should not be understood from this that the whole of the rents were divided. It seems rather to have been the practice for one Lord to take the whole rent of some tenants, and the other Lord that of others, while the profits and expenses of the mill were divided. There is never any reference to any expenses connected with the castle, and it would seem practically certain that it had fallen into decay or was being allowed to do so. There is no evidence that after the de Someri’s days any of the owners lived in the district. There exist various other accounts for nine or ten years in all, the latest being for 1455-1456. It may be interesting to add a few words as to the value of the manor at different times. In 1262, as we have seen, it was roughly estimated at £60, in 1374 £28 odd was received from a moiety, or about £56 for the whole. In the years from 1426 to 1455 there was no le ae 7 Dinaspowys. 107 great change, the receipts being very regular and representing about £50 to £52 per annum for the whole. In 1492, the moiety yielded £27 3s. 114d. In a rental of Sir George Herbert of 1545, it is put down at £34 2s. 5d., though it should be men- tioned that this meant the other moiety, that which had never been in the hands of the Chief Lord. In 1610, in consequence of the dispute which arose on the death of Sir William Herbert, a valuation of both shares was made, with the result that the value of the Chief Lord’s share (which Sir William had purchased of Queen Elizabeth) was stated to be £26 4s. 10d., while that of the other share was £35 5s. 14d. This shows, of course, that the actual rents were not divided, and, as it must be assumed that in the first place the division was intended to be equal, either one party got the better of the other in the original bargain, or that more attention had been paid to making the most of that share which had been in the hands of private owners, than in the case of that which belonged to the Chief Lord, a thing in itself not improbable. It is certainly curious to notice how very stationary the value was through the long period from 1375 (if not even from 1262) to 1610. CHAPTER V. A FIFTEENTH CENTURY CORONERS ACCOUNT FOR GLAMORGAN. Amongst the extant documents relating to the old Lordship of Glamorgan, which have not been published or printed, there are some throwing light upon a subject upon which but little authentic information exists, I mean the local institutions and government of the County before the Statute of Henry VIII abolished the Marcher jurisdictions and introduced the English law. Among these are two or three Coroners’ accounts of the 15th century, and I have thought it might be of interest to read to you a translation which I have made of one of them, adding a few notes by the way of explanation-or illustration of its contents. The Coroner was an officer who discharged duties which resembled in some respects those of an undersheriff at the present day, rather than those which we now associate with the office of coroner. He and his officers attended the sittings of the monthly Comitatus or County Court, in order to execute its judgments, but he does not appear to have presided there in the absence of the Sheriff. That duty was performed by a deputy or locum tenens of the Sheriff. Some of his duties, besides enforcing payment of moneys due under judgments of the County Court, were to get in the proceeds of the sales of goods of felons and outlaws, to collect some miscellaneous rents or dues which did not come within the jurisdiction of the chief officers of any of the Lord’s manors, and to receive the ancient payments called castle ward-silver, due from the lords 108 A Fifteenth Century Coroner’s Account for Glamorgan. 109 of all the older manors held directly of the Chief Lord. Another thing which he and his officers had to do was to perform certain police duties with respect to keeping order at various fairs held in the County, and the protection of persons going to and from them. Rhys Myryke, p. 32, says that the coroner did in effect those offices that the sheriff, coroner, and escheator do “‘ at this day ” (meaning the time at which he wrote, c. 1580). He adds that the coroner was yearly chosen by election of the suitors (i.e., of the County Court), they naming three, whereof the Lord or Sheriff picked one. He also adds that it was a necessary qualification of a coroner that he should hold some land in Kibbor. He says he does not know the origin of this, but describes it as a privilege granted to that district. He also refers to the two bailiffs of West Thawe and East Thawe. In performing his various duties the coroner had the assist- ance of four principal bailiffs, those of East Thawe, West Thawe, Kibbor, and Glynogwr. East Thawe and West Thawe meant, as their names imply, those districts, east and west respectively of the Thawe river, which were for the most part occupied by manors held under the Chief Lord. Each of these Lords of Manors had his own manor court for dealing with domestic and minor matters arising within his manor, important matters with which the manor court could not deal coming before the County Court. The Chief Lord’s bailiffs had nothing to do with these manors, except to receive the payments due from their lords to the Chief Lord and in certain other respects to look after his interests within those districts. The bailiffs of Kibbor and Glynogwr must have had analogous duties to perform within those territories, though there was there no ward- silver or other incident of feudal tenure. Both those districts in the sense in which they are here spoken of, were outside the bounds of any feudal manor or lordship, whether of the Chief Lord himself or others holding of him. Kibbor certainly contained manors, Roath, Llystalybont, and the monastic manor of Roath Keynsham, but no doubt when the Bailiff of 110 A Fifteenth Century Coroner's Account for Glamorgan. Kibbor is spoken of, the Welsh “ patria’ of Kibbor is meant, and this was occupied, like Glynogwr, by Welshmen holding freely of the Chief Lord, and owing no service except suit of court. Besides these, the Lordship of Glamorgan comprised a con- siderable territory with which, at least as receivers of money, the Coroner and his officers had nothing to do. These were the great member lordships of Senghenydd, Miscin, Glyn- trhondda, Llanbleddian, Talyvan, Ruthin, Tir-y-Iarll, Avan, and Neath, all at this time in the hands of the Chief Lord, and Coyty, which was also a member lordship, but at no time belonged directly to the chief lord, though, of course, held by him. In these lordships, speaking generally, the bedells were the accountable officers, while in the boroughs of Cardiff, Cowbridge, Llantrisant, Caerphilly, Aberavon, Kenfig, and Neath their Bailitfs or Portreeves performed the duties. I propose now to read a translation of the Coroner’s account for 1425-26, and then a few observations upon its contents. County. Account of Robert Mathewe Coroner there from the feast of Saint Michael in the fourth year of the reign of (1425-26) King Henry the Sixth after the conquest until the same feast of Saint Michael in the fifth year of the reign of the same King Henry namely during one whole year. Arrears. Item he answers as to £149 15s. 63d. received of arrears of the last account there of the year preceding as appears at the foot of the same account. Sum {149 15s. 64d. Rent of And as to 3d. received of rent of Arun ap Hoell of Assize. the term of Easter by the bailiff of Eastthawe. And as to 2s. received of rent of Roger Berkerowles for lands which he bought of Phillip Nerber at the feast of the Nativity of Saint John the Baptist by the bailiff of West- thawe. And as to 2s. 8d. received of rent of Phillip Flemynge at Constantoneswalle at the same term by the bailiff of Westthawe. And as to 6d. received of rent of Wladys Seward for her lands at Marthelmaure at the term of Saint Michael by the bailiff of Westthawe. And as to 3s. 1dd. received of Lavernock at the same term by the bailiff of Eastthawe. And as to 17s. 03d. received of new +e 2 ope A Fifteenth Century Coroner’s Account for Glamorgan. 111 Rent of Wards (Nov. 30). (6 Dec.) (2 Feb.) (14 Sep.) (29 June) rent and increased rent of divers tenements the names of which appear in the account of the fortieth year of the reign of King Edward the Third after the conquest and in many years preceding at the same term by the bailiff of Kebor. SE Gk Eastthawe .. Si2 3 44 Sum 25s.7d. Whereof by Westthawe at 5 2 Kybor we oa We Om And as to 13s. 4d. received of the Ward of Cogan for two Knights’ fees at the term of Saint Andrew the Apostle by the bailiff of Eastthawe. And as to 23s. 4d. received of the Ward of Dynaspowes for two Knights’ fees at the same term by the bailiff of Eastthawe. And as to 3s. 4d. received of the Ward of Wryngeston for half a Knight’s fee at the same term by the bailiff of Eastthawe. And as to 13s. 4d. received of the Ward of Wenfo for two Knights’ fees at the term of Saint Nicholas by the bailiff of Eastthawe. And as to 3s. 4d. received of the Ward of Llanryryd for half a Knight’s fee at the same term by the bailiff of Eastthawe. And as to 13s. 4d. received of the Ward of Pethlyne and Llanvyhangell as is said for two Knights’ fees at the term of the Purification of the Blessed Mary by the bailiff of Westthawe. And as to 6s. 8d. received of the Ward of Llandowh for one Knight’s fee at the First Sunday of Lent by the bailiff of Westthawe. And as to 6s. 8d. received of the Ward of Llannemeys for one Knight’s fee at the same term by the bailiff of Westthawe. And as to 6s. 8d. received of the Ward of Llandowe for one Knight’s fee at the same term by the bailiff of Westthawe. And as to 6s. 8d. received of St. Donat for one Knight’s fee at the same term by the bailiff of Westthawe. And as to 6s. 8d. received of the Ward of Marcros for one Knight’s fee at the same term by the bailiff of Westthawe. And as to 6s. 8d. received of the Ward of Marthelmaure at the feast of Saint Tylyaye at the same term by the bailiff of Westthawe. And 26s. 8d. of the Ward of Oggemore for four Knights’ fees on the day of the Adoration of the Cross nothing because the said Lordship is in the hand of the Lord King by the bailiff of Westthawe. But he answers as to 20d. received of the Ward of Newton for a fourth part of a Knight’s fee at the term of hockeday by the bailiff of Westthawe. And as to 6s. 8d. received of the Ward of Llangewy for one Knight’s fee at the same term by the bailiff of Westthawe. And as to 6s. 8d. received of the Ward of St. Fagans for one Knight’s fee at the same term by the bailiff of Eastthawe. And as to 26s. 8d. received of the Ward of Saint Tathana for four Knights’ fees at the term of the Apostles Peter and Paul by the bailiff of Westthawe. And as to 6s. Sd. received of the Ward of Sully for one Knight’s fee at the same term by the bailiff of Eastthawe. And as to 6s. 8d. received of the Ward of Coychurche for one Knight’s fee at the same term by the bailiff of Eastthawe. And as to 112 A Fifteenth Century Coroner's Account for Glamorgan. (Aug. 15). 13s. 4d. received of the Ward of Penmarke for two Knights’ fees at the feast of the Assumption of the Blessed Mary by the bailiff of Eastthawe. And as to 20s. received of the Ward of St. Nicholas for two Knights’ fees at (29 Sept.). the term of Saint Michael by the bailiff of Eastthawe. And as to 13s. 4d. received of the Ward of Penmark for two (27 June). Knights’ fees at the feast of the Apostles Peter and Paul by the bailiff of Eastthawe. Sum £10 Ils. 8d. £ sid Eastthawe .. 6 Sie Whereof by Westthawe .. 4 8 4 Issues. And as to 2s. 6d. received of the issues of three messuages five acres one rood of land two acres of meadow and 12 acres of waste formerly of Griffith Hagar forfeited sold yearly by the bailiff of Glynnok. And as to 4s. 6d. received of the issues of 3 messuages five acres of land one acre of meadow and nine acres of waste formerly of Patta Duye on account of forfeiture by the said bailiff. And as to 4d. received of the issues of one acre of land formerly of Rees ap Phillip sold by the said bailiff. And as to 3s. received of the moiety of one messuage one acre of land one rood of meadow 2 acres and 3 roods of waste formerly of Ievan Cotta sold by the said bailiff. And 4s. of the fifth part of one mill in Glynnogur which part Wlades Gethyne took for herself and coparceners nothing because it is ruinous and broken down on account of want of repair by the said bailiff. But he answers as to 4d. received of one acre of waste formerly of Madok ap Gr. in Kybor late demised to Grono ap Kendleowe sold by the bailiff of Kebor. And the issues of the toll of the pix in Glynnogur which used to be sold for 13s. 4d. nothing because it is within the lordship of the King so that no one was willing to buy or farm the said toll. f so ‘d- Glynnogur.. 0 10 10 Sum lls. 2d. Whereof by {Robes ho Approvement And as to 5s. received of increased rent of Ievan ap of land Trahayron for certain parcels of extended land called Kay extended. Barry within the lordship of Kebore so demised to him for the term of his life and all other services and customs therefor before due by accord of exchequer of this year to be paid at the usual terms as in the said record is further particularly specified.* of new extent yet it used to be by the old extent Sum 5s. by Kebor. Perquisites And as to £41 17s. 4d. received of perquisites of 11 of Courts. | County Courts held there this year as appears by the rolls of the same. Sum /41 17s. 4d. Sum total with arrears £204 6s. 34d. * Blank in original. A Fifteenth Century Coroner's Account for Glamorgan. 113 Necessary costs, with vesture of the Coroner. (6 Nov.) (Aug. 15). (May 6). (Aug. 10). Out of which he accounts in allowance for one vesture towards the feast of the Lord’s Nativity on account of his office yearly 13s. 4d. by the bailiff of Westthawe. And in expenses of the Coroner himself and his officers being for 11 days at 11 County Courts taking per day 12d. ; Ils. by the bailiff of Eastthawe. And in parchment bought as well for the suit rolls of Glamorgan as for attachments of under bailiffs of the aforesaid Coroner now accounting at 11 County Courts together with the wage of the Clerk writing the said attachments and suit rolls of the said County Courts at each day of the said County Court 8d. as appears by the said particulars 7s. 4d. by the bailiff of Eastthawe. And in expenses of the aforesaid Robert Mathewe Coroner and of others being with him at the fair of Newcastle on the day of St. Leonard falling within the time of the account for the safeguarding of the said fair 12d. by the bailiff of Westthawe. And in expenses of the aforesaid Coroner and others being with him at the fair of St. Nicholas falling within the time of the account for the safeguarding of the said fair 12d. by the bailiff of Westthawe. And in expenses of the aforesaid Coroner and others being with him at the fair in Newcastle aforesaid on: the day of the Ascension of the Lord falling within the time- of the account for the safeguarding of the said fair 12d. by the bailiff of Westthawe. And in the expenses of the aforesaid Coroner and others being with him for the safe- guarding of the fair of Saint Mary Hill on the day of the: Assumption of the Blessed Mary falling within the time of’ the account as appears by particulars made thereof and) examined upon this account containing 12d. by the bailiff of Westthawe. And in expenses of the aforesaid Coroner and others being with him upon the safeguarding of the fair of Newton Notasshe on the day of St. John before the Latin gate falling within the limit of this account as appears by the said particulars 12d. by the bailiff of Westthawe. And in the expenses of the aforesaid Coroner and others being with him at Borleton on the day of St. Lawrence for safeguarding the fair there as appears by the said particu- lars 12d. by the bailiff of Eastthawe. And in the expenses of the aforesaid Coroner and others being with him at Redeshete upon the safeguarding of the ways for divers men being at the fair of Ewenny for 6 days as appears by the said particulars 3s. by the bailiff of Eastthawe. And in the expenses of the said Coroner and others being with him upon the safe conduct of divers felons taken within the lordship of the Lord Earl this year in different parts. of the same lordship, namely Mc. ap Thayron hanged John Willy Owen ap David Gruftu, John Symnet David Andrewe: John Wyllot Llewelyn ap Howell ap Ievan ap Mc. Willym ap Ievan ap David Lloyd Ievan ap Phe. David Gethyn: Ievan ap Ph. Thomas Pyers Ievan Melyn ap Oweyn and David Abraham as is contained by the particulars thereof made and examined upon this account 15s. Sum 56s. 4d. 114 A Fifteenth Century Coroner’s Account for Glamorgan. Payment of moneys. And he accounts the payment to William Boteller Constable of the Lord’s Castle of Cardiff as well as Receiver of the moneys of the same Lord there of the arrears of the tenants of the Lord Earl of the lordships of Senghenith subtus and supra of the remain- 5s. 4d. der of £66 13s. 4d. of certain judgment rendered by them wrongly and reversed by the suitors of the County Court at the suit of Ievan ap David by roll of the County Court of the fourth year preceding One talley remains And to the same Receiver of arrears of | Lewis Mathewe late Coroner there 6s. 8d. One talley remains And to the same Receiver of arrears of 7 6s. 13d William Shadelynge last Coroner there pf oe Three tallies remain whereof the first contains 32s. 9d. the second 4, the third 33s. 44d. And to the same Receiver by the hand of Robert Mathewe Coroner there now accounting as well in respect of his arrears as on account of new issues of his office this year £87 15s. ld. 40 tallies remain whereof the Ist contains £4 6s. 8d. ; Ind, 26s:-8d:: (3rd; 100s:© 4th, “50s: 5 4S5th) (33seader 6th;, 20s.;. 7th, 8s. 8d: 8th, 28s:5) Sth) (20) wlvea: 26s. Sd; Dlth; 20s.: 12th; 47s:-5de2 1Sth20sseeeeee AQs.: 15th, 40s.; 16th, 30s.; 17th, 5s: 8d. ;> 18th; 60se5 19th, 40s.; 20th, 40s. 8d.; 21st, 26s. 8d.; 22nd, 3s. 4d. ; 28rd, 20s.; 24th, 26s: 8d.;° 25th, 13s. 4di=” 26th ose. 27th, 10s.; 28th, 20s.; 29th, 25s.; 30th, 35s.; 31st, 40s. ; 32nd, 53s. 4d.; 33rd, 20s.; 34th, 40s.; 35th, 32s.; 36th 20s.; 37th, 20s.; 38th, 40s.; 39th, £4 and 40th, 40s. And to the same Receiver of arrears of Thomas Wat- kyne and his associates for the debt of Robert Mathewe late Coroner there by record of the exchequer in the second year preceding 23s. 4d. Two tallies remain of which one contains 2s. and the other 21s. 4d. Sum £96 16s. 64d. Sum allowed and paid £99 12s. 104d. There are due £104 13s. 5d. of which there is allowed to the same accountant 10s. 6d. of divers disallowances for divers causes above made in this account, afterwards upon better examination thereof made before the council of the lord and by consideration of the said council and auditor for this time allowed together with 3s. 4d., allowed Ievan ap Ivor one of the sub-bailiffs of the said coroner being at Penmarke as for 6 days in this year in autumn about the custody of divers goods of one Thomas Wrono A Fifteenth Century Coroner’s Account for Glamorgan. 115 a felon who feloniously slew Ievan ap Grono Dewe and * To be upon which felony he withdrew himself and his said remembered goods were forfeited to the lord by roll of the County towardsthe (Court) of this year, which goods are valued at* 103s. 11d. next account which are to be charged to the next account wherefor by the Howell Carne approver of the lord is to answer therefor. approver. And there are owing £104 2s. 11d. { The tenants of the lordships of the Lord Earl of Senghenith subtus and supra of the remainder of £66 3s. 4d. of a certain erroneous judgment given by them and reversed by the suitors of the County 6s. (Court) at the suit of William ap David according to the roll of the County (Court) of the fourth year preceding William Whereof Stradelynge the last Coroner there of the upon remainder of £100 charged upon all the suitors of the whole County of Glamorgan and Morgan by a certain judgment given by them in a variance between the lady +£70 3s. 4d. Countess while she was sole and Robert Mathewe as is contained among the rolls of the said County (Court) of the 4th year preceding. Robert Matthewe Coroner there now accounting. } £33 13s. 7d. Value this year £51 14s. 5d. Robert Matthew the accounting officer was second son, according to Glamorgan Genealogies, of Matthew ap Evan ap Griffith Gethin. This Matthew was the ancestor of the Matthews of Llandaff, and Robert and his brothers were the first who adopted the name Matthew as a surname, an early instance of abandoning the Welsh custom with regard to names. Robert Matthew himself was ancestor of the Matthews of Castell-y-Mynach, in whose family that place remained until their ultimate heiress Cecil Matthew married Charles Talbot, afterwards Lord Chancellor, early in the 18th century. The small items of assize or quit rents received by the Coroner’s officers are not easy to account for, and I have not been able to think of any satisfactory explanation which applies to all of them. Ordinarily rents of this kind would be paid for lands situate in some manor, and would be paid to the lord 116 A Fifteenth Century Coroner’s Account for Glamorgan. of the manor, and, if the manor happened to be in the hands of the Chief Lord, would be paid to the reeve or bedeil, not to the Coroner. Some of them may represent lands severed by aliena- tion from the manors of which they had formed part, and so, by virtue of the Statute of “‘ quia emptores”’ held directly of the Chief Lord. Others, particularly those received by the Bailiff of Kibbor, may have been received for lands formerly held by Welshmen never forming part of any manor, and which had come into the Chief Lord’s hands by escheat or forfeiture. The small amount of these payments seems to indicate that they were out of the ordinary course. The item called ‘“‘ Rent of wards ”’ is of considerable interest, because, taken with other returns contained in various older documents, it throws light upon the arrangements made upon the original conquest of Glamorgan. The payments constitute the very ancient custom of ward-silver or payments for Castle- guard, to the Lord of Cardiff, by the lords of all the older manors held directly of him, and were at the rate of 6s. 8d. for each knight’s fee. These payments were originally instituted at least as early as the reign of Henry II, and probably earlier, for there is strong evidence that the lands in respect of which they were payable were granted out, and the service due from them fixed upon, or very soon after, the conquest by FitzHamon. The facts which indicate that this was so are the following. The extent of the Lordship of Glamorgan, made on the death of Richard de Clare, 1262, more than 160 years before the date of this account, shows that there were then 36 fees, half fee and quarter fee paying ward-silver, the amount being £12 5s. Od. These do not represent all the fees held by Knights’ service, but they do represent all of what was called “‘ the old feoffment.” The others in respect of which ward-silver was not paid were held in 1262 by persons described as “‘ noviter feoffati,”’ or newly enfeoffed, which must mean newly as compared with the others. ——— A Fifteenth Century Coroner's Account for Glamorgan. 117 The old fees in 1262 paid, in all, £12 5s. Od., and in the Coroner’s account the amount is still the same less some deductions which can easily be accounted for. The actual amount is £10 11s. 8d., or £1 13s. 4d. less than the £12 5s. Od. This is accounted for by £1 6s. 8d. for the four fees of Ogmore, not paid because that lordship was in possession of the King, and 6s. 8d. for Cosmeston, which was in the possession of the Chief Lord himself. The amount did not for that reason actually go unpaid, but it was paid directly by the reeve of Cosmeston, and not through the Coroner. Why this should have been so I do not know, because in the case of other manors which were then also in the hands of the Chief Lord (Sully for instance) the money was paid to the Coroner’s bailiff. In either case, so far as the Chief Lord was concerned, it was payment from one pocket to another, probably done to keep up the custom in case of the manors being granted out again. In this Coroner’s account, the names of the manors and the amounts paid for each correspond exactly with those of 1262. Going back still earlier, to a return made in 1165 to King Henry II of the Knights’ fees held of William, Earl of Gloucester, contained in the Liber Niger of the Exchequer, these again are divided into fees of the old feoffment and new feoffment respec- tively, and the Liber Niger shows that the old feoffment meant fees that were existing in the time of Henry I, and therefore within a period of not more than 28 years, at the outside, after the death of FitzHamon. It is not possible actually to identify all the fees in the Liber Niger return with those men- tioned in 1262, because in the Liber Niger only the names of the holders of the fees and numbers of the fees held by them appear, and not names of the fees, and the question is further complicated by the circumstances that several of the families held fees not only in Glamorgan but also others in England, and where this was the case the holdings are not distinguished. 118 A Fifteenth Century Coroner’s Account for Glamorgan. However, there are to be found in the Liber Niger the names of at least 12 holders who between them held 25 out of the 364 and quarter fees of 1262, so that these families are shown to have held them soon after FitzHamon’s time, and in most cases were probably among his actual followers. Of the others mentioned in 1262, but not named in the Liber Niger, the absence of the names from that record is probably in some instances due to the fact that some families had not acquired, so early as 1165, the territorial surnames by which they were afterwards known. For instance, no de Sully is mentioned in the Liber Niger, yet, from various known facts, there can hardly be any doubt that the family afterwards known as de Sully (a name which first appears about 1200) held the property in 1165. I may mention in passing that this is one item of evidence to show that the de Sullys of Sully derived their name from the place, and not the place from them. The names which appear in Liber Niger, with the totals of the fees held by them and the fees in Glamorgan held by the same families in 1262, are as follows :— LIBER NIGER, 1165. EXTENT OF 1262. Names. kh 19) i9') wn Place. Jordanus Sorus (Le Sore) Gilbertus de Umfravill Adam de Sumeri Willelmus de Lond. (Londres) | Willelmus de Nerbert Rogerus de Wint (Winton) .. Willelmus de Cardi (Cardiff) Lucas Pincerna Regis (Butler) Milo de Cogan Robertus Norrensis (N orreys) Robertus de Constantino Ricardus Walensis (Walsh) .. eee STO OU he me DOD St. Fagans Penmark Dinaspowys Ogmore .. St. Athan or Aberthaw Llandow Liantrithyd St. Donats Cogan Penllin Cosmeston Llandough 4 9 Qe » © yo rere) | fa mre NNR ee RRO RR ne = A Fifteenth Century Coroner's Account for Glamorgan. 119 It will be seen that the names and the number of fees corres- pond, except in the first three cases, to those of 1262. As to these three cases, there is no doubt that the Le Sores held fees of the Earl of Gloucester in Somerset and Gloucestershire, and an inquisition of 1296 shows that the number of these fees was 14. It is safe to assume that their fifteenth fee was St. Fagans in Glamorgan. As regards the Umfravilis, holding nine fees at the time of Liber Niger, we know from the same inquisition of 1296 that five of these were at Lapford in Dorset, the remaining four no doubt representing their holding at Penmark. As to de Sumeri or Someri of Dinas-powys the case is somewhat different. I have not been able to find that the family held anything under the Earls of Gloucester outside Glamorgan, and the inference would be that their holding there was greater at the date of Liber Niger than in 1262. I hardly like to mention what is only a conjecture, but I think it possible that at the earlier date the de Someris may have held the half fee of Wrinstone adjoining Dinas-powys and the three fees of St. Nicholas, the latter held in 1262 by William Corbet.* No Corbet appears in the Liber Niger as holding anything under the Earl of Gloucester, and I therefore think it clear that some other family must have then held St. Nicholas. If we take it (as is all but certain) that the three fees of St. Nicholas and half fee of Wrinstone (whether held by the de Someris or not) and also the de Sully holdings * In two charters of the latter half of the twelfth century Milisant daughter and heiress of William Mitdehorguill granted lands on Turbernesdune and in St. Nicholas to Margam Abbey (Carte, Vol. II, pp. 389 and 390). Her father must, therefore, have held St. Nicholas or some share of it, though he is not mentioned in Liber Niger. One of the charters giving rights of pasture (communem pasturam totius pheudti met de Sancto Nicholao) shows that she held the fee of St. Nicholas at that time. A further charter (Carte, Vol. I, p. 177) by Adam son of Roger de Sumeri confirms the gifts of his wife Milisant to Margam, and internal evidence makes it probable that she was the Milisant of the first-mentioned charters, one of the witnesses being her uncle Richard, son of Matildis. Adam de Sumeri may have held the fee in right of his wife and this may be the reason why St. Nicholas was reckoned, at least for a time, among the de Sumeri fees. ID od hi 12d 120 A Fifteenth Century Coroner's Account for Glamorgan. (in all four fees in Sully, Wenvoe, and Coychurch) are in fact included in the Liber this would leave only 4} of the fees mentioned in 1262 unaccounted for, namely :— Marcross 1 Llanmaes ae at 1 Llangewy a7, +3 uo 1 Merthyr Mawr 1 Newton Nottage EY - 4 Something might be said as to each of these, but it would unduly lengthen this paper to discuss fully what is known of them. The point to which I desired to direct attention is the very early date and long continuance of the manorial divisions, and the evidence they afford as to the rapid, complete, and lasting nature of the conquest of the vale country of Glamorgan, as well as proving that it was to the vale alone that this first conquest effectually extended. There next follow in the account certain small sums received in respect of some forfeited or escheated lands formerly held by Welsh tenants of Glynogwr or Kibbor, and an interesting entry as to what is called the “ toll of the pix”’ in Glynogwr, from which nothing was received, the reason stated being “* because it is within the lordship of the King so that no one was willing to buy or farm the said toll.’”’ This last passage seems to point to some claim that the toll of the pix in Glynogwr pertained to the lordship of Ogmore, then in the hands of the King, not in right of the Crown, but as Duke of Lancaster, which had been the state of things since Henry, Duke of Lancaster, became King as Henry VI. It is certainly the fact that Glynogwr is now, and for centuries has been, treated as part of the Lordship of Ogmore, but it did not form part of the old de Londres lord- ship which had descended to the Dukes of Lancaster. It frequently appears in the inquisitions on deaths of Lords of Glamorgan as occupied by free Welshmen, and in this Coroner’s 2) A Fifteenth Century Coroner’s Account for Glamorgan. 121 account the Bailiff of Glynogwr accounts for rent in that district. Whatever dispute there may have been about it would be set at rest when in the time of Richard III the King had become possessed of the Lordship of Glamorgan as well as the Duchy of Lancaster. Glynogwr was administered with and came to be considered as part of the Duchy lands, though clearly not so originally. The toll of the pix was pretty general throughout the Lordship of Glamorgan, though it seems probable that the inhabitants of Kibbor were free fromit. In the hill districts it was 1d. from every householder not holding directly of the Chief Lord. In Senghenydd it was commuted for a payment of 40s. per annum. In Llantwit and throughout the vale in the time of Queen Elizabeth it was 2d. from each householder. It was the same payment as is called in some documents the chence or cense. It included also some small payments, the amount of which does not appear, in respect of ferry boats, mills, and inns. It was collected in the time of Elizabeth, though in an incomplete fashion, and probably was already becoming obsolete. It must always have been an unpopular exaction, and change in the value of money would in time make it not worth collecting. The next entry commences the list of expenses for which the Coroner sought allowance, and these include items for keeping guard at different fairs. The fairs at which the attendance of the Coroner and his officers was required certainly did not include all or nearly all held within the County. They were :— Newcastle, two fairs; St. Nicholas, St. Mary Hill, Newton Nottage, Worleton (Duffryn St. Nicholas), and Ewenny. The object seems to have been to prevent robberies from persons going to and from the fairs. It is to be noted that for this work in relation to the fairs the Coroner, in this, as well as in other accounts, seems always to have claimed more than he was in fact allowed, for the figure originally inserted is always 122 A Fifteenth Century Coroner’s Account for Glamorgan. struck out and a smaller sum inserted above. In the case of attending the fairs he usually claimed 3s. 4d., while the amount allowed was Is. The same is the case with other expenses, showing that the accounts were strictly audited. In this account the Coroner seems to have claimed {£4 9s. 7d. in all, while the amount allowed was £2 16s. 4d. However, it seems that on further consideration 10s. 6d. was allowed in respect of these disallowances, so that the nett result was that about a fourth of what he claimed was finally disallowed. The entry as to the £66 13s. 4d. (100 marks) which the tenants of Senghenydd had to pay for a wrongful judgment in the court of that lordship confirms what Rhys Myryke says as to appeals to the County Court from those of the member lordships, and also as to the suitors, who were the judges, being punished by fine for wrong judgments, though his statement does not agree as to amount, as he says the inhabitants were amerced 100 shillings apiece. It is to be hoped the fine was confined to those who were parties to the judgment. It does not appear whether Ievan ap David (the name is William ap David in the second place where the matter is referred to) received anything for the wrong done to him, whatever it was. Presumably there was deemed to be some- thing corrupt or wrongful in the judgment, and not a mere mistake. The meaning of the last entry in the list of arrears I do not clearly understand. Why the County Court should have charged £100 upon all suitors of the County in a case between the Countess and Robert Matthew is a difficulty which I have yet to try to solve. I may mention that at the time of the account the lord was Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, in right of his wife the Countess Isabella, daughter of Thomas le Despenser. They ———— rr A Fifteenth Century Coroner's Account for Glamorgan. 123 were married in 1423, the lady having previously married her husband’s cousin, Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Worcester, who had died 14th April, 1422. The later Coroner’s accounts are to the same effect as this. They afford the means of correcting some of the clerical errors in this account, and some things here wrongly written are correct in the others. CHAPEER CHAPTER; £1, NOTES ON GLAMORGAN MANORS. In dealing with manorial questions at the. present time, when manorial courts (Courts Leets and Courts Baron) have so largely fallen into disuse, and surveys have not in many cases been held for long periods (sometimes centuries), it is very easy to fall into error as to the manors in which lands are situate, and as to who is the lord. I believe it is a presumption of law (capable of disproof by evidence) that where a manor and parish bear the same name they have the same boundaries, and are in fact identical pieces of land. This is the presumption, but, so far as I have been able to investigate the matter, it is rarely true in fact as to Glamorgan. Though a manor may bear the same name as a parish, and be mainly identical with the parish, it is rare to find that it is wholly so. Generally the parish will contain land held of some other manor, and the manor will comprise land held in some other parish or parishes. Leckwith appears to be one of the rare instances where a parish and manor really are identical. St. Nicholas is an instance which is conspicuously the other way. St. Nicholas manor extends into St. Nicholas, St. Georges and Llancarvan parishes, while in St. Nicholas parish are lands of St. Georges and Walterston manors, the last itself a sub-manor of Wenvoe. A considerable difficulty in determining who were lords of manors at different times arises from sub-division. I mean that when a lord of a manor died, leaving two or three daughters 181 182 Notes on Glamorgan Manors. his co-heiresses, each would be entitled to an undivided half or third of the manor and to receive half or a third of the rents, etc. This, however, of course did not make two or three manors. It further happened, although each daughter (and her descen- dants) would be entitled to a proportion of all the rents of the lands held of the manor, yet, presumably for convenience, in the cases of some divided manors, it became the practice for one to take all the rent of some farms while the other took all the rent of others, while in the case of some items the rents would be divided, though not always in equal shares. This practice, together with changes in the value of lands, could, and, in fact did, lead to one “‘ moiety ’’ of a manor becoming worth more than another. Then, when the manor of A was divided, say among three daughters, it often happened that a descendant of one of them would grant by deed “ all his manor of A ”’, just as if he had the whole of it. This has naturally often given rise to misconcep- tions. A writer sees that at some period John Smith granted to Thomas Jones his manor of A, and comes to the conclusion that at that time Smith was and Jones became lord of that manor, whereas in truth the transaction only related to a share of it. Then, as regards modern repute as to who is lord of a certain manor, it has happened that a lord of a share only has kept up his courts, whilst the owners of other shares have allowed their courts to lapse. This has led, in modern times, to some particular family being seemed to be lords of “‘ the manor,” while in fact they may only have a share, and it may now be impossible to find out who are lords of the other portions or shares. I know instances of this. Then there were the so-called ‘“ manors ’’ of the monasteries, which in many cases were not manors at all. No doubt a monastery might have a manor granted to it, as Margam and Notes on Glamorgan Manors. 183 others had, but there were other cases where the monks called scattered possessions ‘“‘manors’’, and held courts, though probably without due authority, and these have now become accounted manors. Then it has happened that what were originally (and still must be in fact) sub-manors, held of some other manor or lord- ship of which at one time they must have formed part, are now accounted as independent manors. There has also been a good deal of misconception as to what a ‘‘knight’s fee ’’ meant, and various writers have dealt with the question as to what quantity of land, or land of what value, a normal knight’s fee consisted. Some of these writers are of such authority that I would not venture to dispute what they say, and think it quite likely that in some parts of the country a normal knight’s fee might mean something in the way of extent or value. But in Glamorgan I cannot see that it meant anything more than the service subject to which a man was to hold his lands. If he could get a large tract granted to him to hold by the service of one knight rather than two or three, so much the better for him. It does not follow, in this district, that a man who held two knights’ fees was better off than a man who held one. It might be quite the other way. Cogan was two knights’ fees, and is put down in the Extent of 1262 as worth £10. Dinaspowys was 34 fees (Cartae II, p. 650), but put down as worth £60. One fee in Cosmeston is worth £10, and 4 fees in Aberthaw (St. Athan) are worth £15. No doubt these are only rough estimates in round numbers, but later information as to actual values, which is available in some cases, tends to show that they are approxi- mately right. The cases of Cogan and Dinaspowys are proportioned to the value or extent of the land. Dinaspowys must have always exceeded Cogan in a much greater proportion that 34 to 2. 184 Notes on Glamorgan Manors. It is probably impossible now to form any very definite opinion as to the reasons for these differences. As in the case of the conquest of England, no doubt FitzHamon and the other conquerors of lands in the Marches of Wales were assisted by various adventurers who hoped to get and did get lands in Wales. The terms on which lands were granted by Fitz- Hamon or his successor Robert of Gloucester, to hold as of the Castle of Cardiff, may have varied according to the importance of the granter’s services or his influence with the chief lord. BOVERTON AND LLANTWIT. In Seebohm’s English Village Community it is stated, and shown from Domesday, that, while English manorial customs prevailed on the Gloucestershire side of the Wye, Welsh customs, with food rents, etc., prevailed on the other side, now Monmouthshire, except on the Caldicot Level, the strip along the Channel. It might be expected that the same would be the case throughout Glamorgan, then under Welsh rule, but there are some facts which seem to throw some doubt upon the question as regards what is known as the Vale of Glamorgan, the most fertile portion of the county, lying along the sea coast. One of two things seems certain, either that some districts in the Vale were worked under the Welsh princes very much as English manors at the time of FitzHamon’s conquest, or else that this event was not a mere substitution of Norman for Welsh Lords, leaving the conditions of holding by the cultivators of the soil untouched, but that the conquerors must at a very early date have deliberately changed existing customs and introduced manors, after the English model, in the place of the Welsh system. That this, if done at all, was done very early appears likely, because an elaborate system of bond Boverton and Llantwit. 185 tenants required to cultivate the lord’s land, and perform other servile works, would hardly have been instituted for the first time at a date when the practice of commuting such works for a money payment was becoming prevalent, as was the case in this district in the earlier part of the fourteenth century, if not sooner. (See below account of John Giffard.) A fact that points to the Welsh system having been early done away with is that the earliest lists of Welsh cantrevs and commotes say nothing of “‘commotes”’ of East Thawe and West Thawe, mentioned by Leland, and it may well be doubted whether these were really the names of Welsh com- motes at all. However this may be, it is certain that the names do not occur in the early Welsh lists. Further, in the various mediaeval accounts relating to these districts there is no trace of the old food rents. In fact, in these documents there seems to be nothing, so far as the Vale manors are concerned, that might not have been found in a manor in the middle of England, except, indeed, the occasional reference to the lands held ‘“ per Walescariam,’’ which occasionally existed within the bounds of manors most of the lands in which were held according to the English system. The fact, however, that there were such lands seems to be an argument against the view that manors in the English sense began before the conquest. If they did, why should a few fragments have continued to be held on the Welsh system ? The circumstance that a great number of English tenants were evidently introduced into the Vale also rather supports the idea that the conquerors introduced a new system of tenure, and brought in Englishmen of the villein class to work it. An examination has been made of several documents relating to the manor known as Boverton and Llantwit, and notes of their contents are annexed. This is a manor which, from the time of the Conquest onwards, was always in the 186 Boverton and Llantwit. hands of the chief lord, with the exception of certain lands which no doubt formed the endowment of the old Welsh monastery there, and which upon the conquest were made over to the Abbey of Tewkesbury. It may be doubted whether these can have formed the whole of the estates of the Welsh monastery in its most flourishing days. It is an extremely fertile district, containing some of the best agricultural land in the county, and may be regarded as one in which tribal customs and shifting occupation of land would be likely to disappear as early as anywhere. There is no doubt that there were always some Welshmen there, though they seem to have held their lands in the same way as the Englishmen. We have here no lands held in Welshery, and no rent of avoury, such as we find elsewhere paid by Welshmen holding no lands but apparently having some right of pasturage on the waste, of which last there was little or none in Llantwit. By 1262, the Extent of that year or thereabouts, probably taken on the death of Richard de Clare, though its informat on is somewhat meagre, clearly indicates the existence of a regularly constituted English manor, or a manor /ike those in England, with demesne lands, free tenants, and a large (though not stated) number of “‘ customary ”’ or villein tenants bound to do servile works. There is no mention here of the free cottagers, who appear in the next account, but they may be included under the head of “‘ free tenants.”’ The next document is the Inquisition of 1295 on the death of Gilbert de Clare, son of Richard, taken at a time when there had just been a serious Welsh rising in the county, which may probably account for the number of customary tenants said to have been destroyed by war. In this case the jury consisted of six free and six customary tenants, and not one of them bears a Welsh name. Here it will be noticed that the rents of free tenants and free cottagers together come to Boverton and Llantwit. 187 £9 9s. 1d., or £1 19s. 34d. less than that of the free tenants of 1262. Perhaps the war might account for this. It also shows that in 1262 the free cottagers were included with the free tenants. There are 120 bond cottagers as compared with 80 in 1262. Their ‘“‘ works’”’ show that the same class is meant. The holdings of the customary tenants (including those destroyed by war) are almost the same, 2,116 acres as compared with 2,115 acres. Their rents and services added together come to exactly the same, viz., £42 18s. Od. In addition there is in both accounts the curious obligation to get in the hay of 184 acres at Cardiff (some 15 miles distant). On the whole, these two accounts show much the same state of things. The next is the I:P.M. of 1307. Here the value of the works of the bond cottagers is put at 14d. per work instead of ld. as before. The number of customary tenants is much less than in 1295, being 88 only, but they hold nearly the same land, 2,105 acres as against 2,116, and it is expressly said that 87 of them hold 24 acres each.. From what appears below this 24 acres holding appears to have been deemed a “ virigate ”’ Then comes the I.P.M. of 1314, when the number of customary tenants is said to be 130, but their holdings are still 2,105 acres, and the rents practically the same as in 1307. The cottagers’ works are here put as worth 1d. each, which suggests that the 14d. of 1307 may have been an error. Passing over for the moment the account of 1316, it may be mentioned here that in the I.P.M. of 1349 we get 89 customary tenants, of whom one is “semivirgatarius’’ and one “ quartrovar.’’ Now, it seems practically certain that the 87 were “ virgatarii’’ and held 24 acres each. This would make 2,088 acres, and, adding 17 acres for the ‘‘ semivirgatarius ”’ and “ quartrovar,” we get 2,105 acres, exactly the quantity « 188 Boverton and Llantwit. in the accounts of 1307 and 1314. No doubt, the holdings were really the same, but the variation in the number of tenants, as stated in the different accounts, is curious. Perhaps it may be accounted for by some sharing or sub-division among the tenants, recognised by some of those who were responsible for the descriptions but not by others. In these Inquisitions we get also a number of free cottagers, a class which does not seem to be mentioned in English manors. Perhaps most of them were holders of houses in Llantwit itself, a place which, though it never received a charter, must have been as considerable in population as many boroughs of that time. Going back to the account of John Giffard de Brimmesfeld, printed by Mr. Clark, he was Custos of the County while it was in the hands of the King after the death of Gilbert de Clare, and the account is for about five months, from 20th April to 29th September, 1316. As might be expected, it confirms, generally, the Inquisition of 1314. Inconsistencies may be accounted for by the circumstance that a good deal of confusion may have been caused by the rising of Llewelyn Bren, then just suppressed. Also, this is not the account of the actual reeve of the manor, who would probably have put down everything that ought to have been received in detail, and, if not actually got in, would have stated the reason, but only a statement of what actually reached the hands of the accounting officer, based, probably, on the account rendered to him by the reeve. The chief matter of importance connected with this account is the evidence it affords that the “ sale’”’ of works, or com- muting them for a money payment, was then in full force. It will be seen that all the agricultural works seem to have been sold, and the actual work itself to have been done by men who worked for wages. The sum received much exceeded that paid in wages. Boverton and Llantwit. 189 This practice may have begun from a much earlier date. Evidently it was fully established in 1316, and probably we may take it that the actual performance of servile works had ceased in Llantwit at that time. It is therefore clear that there was at Llantwit a manor like the English manors, and probably a considerable English population, which last fact is supported by later documents— in which more names appear. On the whole, it seems more likely that this system, in its completeness at least, was introduced by the conquerors, rather than that it existed in Welsh times. By the time of the death of Edward le Despenser there seems to have been some considerable changes, but there is nothing to show to what extent the Black Death may have affected Llantwit. The I.P.M. was taken at Cardiff and perhaps not with the same care as the older ones. The general receipts have not fallen off so much as might appear at first, as the perquisites of court and mills account for most of the difference. The mills are described as decayed or defective (debilia). As to the perquisites of court, it may be noted that in Hugh le Despenser’s I.P.M. they are found in most cases throughout his various Glamorgan manors to be very much higher than in the earlier records, and it may be added that in one case at least, that of Senghenydd subtus, in Edward le Despenser’s I.P.M. they are entered at much less than they really amounted to. In the I.P.M. the pleas and perquisites are entered as £30, but the actual Minister’s Account for 1373-74 is extant, and shows that in that year they actually came to £144 7s. 4d., and this it would seem, without any extraordinary windfall, as the amount received at each court is given. It looks as if these sources of income were levied with much greater severity under the Despensers than under the de Clares. As to the rents of tenants and the amount taken by 190 Boverton and Llantwit. the Abbot of Neath, there is some inconsistency in the accounts. The actual amount which Gilbert de Clare, on 13th April, 1289, granted to the Abbot of Neath out of the rents of Llantwit — was £25 17s. 03d., but in the account given in the I.P.M. of 1295 it is stated as £22 18s. 44d. In this account the rents of free and customary tenants and cottagers, out of which the Abbot was to receive his money, come to £22 18s. 44d. exactly. It therefore seems that the figure mentioned is intended, not for what was due to the Abbot, but what he actually had, being all the rent there was in that year, the figures being probably based upon what was in fact paid. In the I P.M. of 1314 the full sum is mentioned, and the rents named would more than suffice to pay it. John Giffard’s account also indicates payment in full. In the I.P.M. of Hugh le Despenser nothing is said about the Abbot, but the rents are stated at so much less than before that it looks as if the amount paid to the Abbot was not brought in at all, z.e., that the rents in the I.P.M. represent what was left after paying the Abbot. The same remark applies to the I.P.M. of Edward le Despenser. In the Minister’s Account of 1492 the sum described as assigned to the Abbot is put at £24 11s. 94d., evidently here again not meant to represent what was granted but what there was to pay it. It may be noted that in the Earl of Pembroke’s Survey of 1570 “ works”’ have djsappeared altogether, the amount formerly paid for them being no doubt treated as rent. There is here {9 4s. 54d. free rent, stated to be paid to the Queen in right of the Abbey of Neath. There is also mentioned a quantity of customary land, of which it is said that the rent is 44d. per acre and in addition 13d. per acre paid to the Queen for the Abbot’s rent. It is impossible to tell exactly how much customary land there then was, as there were a few = * Boverton and Llantwit. 191 customary holdings, the extent of which is not stated, but 1,777 acres can be made out, which would mean £33 6s. 44d. for the Lord and £11 2s. 14d. for the Queen. Generally the documents appear to indicate that the actual performance of servile works by customary tenants had ceased by 1316, very probably earlier, but that equal or nearly equal holdings continued down to the time of Hugh le Despenser, and possibly that of Edward le Despenser, and on to the time of Owen Glyndwr’s rising, which is no doubt what is referred to in 1402 as the rebellion of Wales. That must necessarily have very much upset matters, and by 1402 the old system had practically disappeared. in Glamorgan generally, in the Inquisitions, etc., the references to customary tenants or “ native,’’ and sources or “customs,’’ are mostly confined to the Vale manors, and existed +o a much greater extent in Llantwit than elsewhere. The references to this form of holding are found in Llanbleddian, Talavan, Roath, Leckwith, Dinaspowis, Llanharry, Pentyrch, and Clun (part of Miskin), and Album Monasterium or Whitchurch (part of Senghenydd). It is found in those districts which were earliest conquered and not in those which until the 13th century were under Welsh Lords, such as Senghenydd proper, Miskin proper, Glynrhondda, Ruthyn, etc. It is said by Seebohm (p. 39) that in Huntingdonshire, at the time of the Hundred Rolls (Edw. I), a normal knight’s fee seems to have consisted of four hides, which at 120 acres to the hide would be 480 acres, and the render of 40s. for each knight’s fee would be Id. per acre. In Stubb’s Constitutional History (Vol. I, p. 288) £20 is spoken of as the ordinary value of a knight’s fee. However, as far as Glamorgan is concerned (though it would take long to 192 Boverton and Llantwit. give all the reasons for the opinion), it appears clear that at the time of the Extent of 1262 the knight’s fees then existing, and of which various manors were reputed to consist, had practically no relation to either the extent or value of the holdings. One instance may be given :—Cogan, which cannot in the whole have contained much more than 600 acres, is treated as two knights’ fees, worth £10; Dinaspowis is only 34 knights’ fees, but valued at £60. In a Survey of Hugh le Despenser, according to a summary of it printed in Rhys Myryke, Cogan is said to contain four ‘“ ploughlands ’’, Dinaspowis twenty-two, which is much more like the proportion indicated by the values stated in 1262. Much more might be quoted to the same effect. It may be that in Glamorgan several of the holdings were fixed (7.e., the number of knights’ fees at which they were to be estimated) at a very early date, and that a large tract, at that time toa large extent uncultivated, or with a number of Welshmen in it, may have been granted as representing but a small number of knights’ fees, while a compact manor, nearly all in cultivation and under complete control, might be granted as representing a propor- tionately much greater number of knights’ fees. Those who took a leading part in the original conquest, on account of that fact, and their influence with the chief lord, may have had granted to them large tracts for a comparatively small service. These reasons, or some of them, may have accounted for a knight’s fee in Glamorgan meaning something different from what it meant in England. Anyhow, by the year 1300 it would seem to be impossible to infer anything as to either the extent or value of a man’s possessions in Glamorgan from the number of knights’ fees he held. ae ee ee Boverton and Llantwit. 193 SUMMARIES OF INQUISITIONS, ETC. EXTENT 1262. iE ksh d: Rent of free tenants # s 11 8 44 565a. of arable land in demesne 6a. perideret 5 14 2 6 14a. meadow at 18d. sk v7 at we rath, 10 147a. pasture at 4d. 4 2249 0 Pasture of grove called Coytlou* .. i 010 0 Dovecote. _.. Si - be 4 a rors .O Garden Oov5 0 Market and Fair .. a zs Br, is 3.0 0 Mill (should be “ Mills”’) .. L7UO- O Customary tenants hold 2,116 verte Thiet vents and services... 42 18 0 6 men in the same manor ns to pltiah 10 acres of land of the lord - 0 4 2 80 cottagers reap 1 day. The Lord Finis food 0 8 The same should gather 14 acres of hay : Qunl 2 The customary tenants, the lord finding food should mow and gather 18 acres at Kerdift Orig g One smith, for his land should make five pairs of plough irons... cS 2% Ae ¥, G87 6 Pleas and perquisites i, Ps 4h $y aod 70 I.P.M. 1295. GILBERT DE~- CLARE. Jurors—six free and six customary tenants. (All bear English names.) Thirty-three free tenants hold 800 acres, 1 rood hors. «a. of land and render .. i as 2 7 Abas 156 free cottagers (cotarii) render a oF Eol7 10 120 bond (nativi) cottagers render a a: 114 8 * Now corrupted into “‘ Colhugh.”’ + 1.e., Taff Mead. 194 Boverton and Llantwit, These ought to reap for 1 day in Autumn the Earl finding food and the work is worth, less the food And also to gather and carry 14 acres of meadow without food, the work worth 136 customary tenants who hold 1,877 acres of land, price of the acres 13d. and render yearly as rent of assise : And besides this their works and services nis for each acre are extended at 43d. worth yearly Of the same tenure 239 acres are in the hesde of the Lord Earl which were in the hands of 18 customary tenants destroyed by war who used to render yearly And their works and services used to be seach yearly The customary tenants Re now are ahend re mow and collect 18} acres of meadow at Cardiff the lord finding food, the work, less food, worth In demesne 565a. 34r. of arable flamed price per acre 4 worth yearly : At Coutlou and Wildmore 14a. of meadeny! price per acre 12d. worth yearly . ; And at Lathamesmore and Why re 14a. dr. of meadow, price per acre 8d. worth yearly And there are there 147}a. of pasture, price of the acre 3d. worth : And a certain other pasture in ae ers 5 eee worth yearly And a certain other pasture at Coytiod! senar-ai yearly : Three mills, worth yeaely, The toll of the market and fair, pouk eae The pleas and perquisites of court, worth a is 0 10 On 4 11 14 35 3 Lo 9 4 9 0 6 9 8 0 14 0 9 pl 0 11 O15 15 0 3,0 3 0 oo 2 & nie eo = allt lle Boverton and Llantwit. The garden with the vegetables (herbagium), worth yearly The dovecote at Boverton (Bouyareston), worth yearly =i *, x The *court of Boverton with the easements of houses, worth yearly . A certain smith holds 18 acres of land re the service of making and repairing five pairs of plough irons (ferrorr caruc) with iron of the Earl, the work worth yearly . Sum {95 5s 54d. of which the Abbot of Neath takes yearly {22 18s. 44d. on account of an exchange, etc.,, ete. TPM. 1307.. JOAN DE, .CLARE. A certain Court worth ia with the easements of the houses .. : Three curtilages, the seni Ik worth One dovecote, worth yearly 566 acres in demesne, price of the acre 6d. 18 acres of land let to farm, per acre 6d. 14 acres of meadow, price of the acre Is. 6d. 14 acres of meadow, price of the acre Is. 170 acres of pasture, price of the acre 6d. Two water mills and one windmill Toll of the market of Llantwit, with the toll P the ports of Barry and Aberthaw, with the fair of Llantwit at the feast of St. Martin the Bishop ye ; Rent of assize of free tenants and cottagers (coterelli) 195 hrs.wd @wl G 0 3 4 RUCORNG OP 7 “G6 OG Ss Qr 5"4 Oso © 14 3 3 On 0 sh ..0 014 0 4 5 0 15, 0,9 Sin, 8 11 10 62 * Probably what is elsewhere called the ‘‘ manorium ” or manor house. 196 Boverton and Llantwit. One free tenant renders yearly 8 horse shoes, worth Be Four owe each two ioianeen oe (each worth 3d.) ‘ Each also 3 Autumn aac (each crank 2a, ) One ought to repair yearly 6 pairs of plough irons with iron of the Lord, price of the work of each plough Is. 2d. : Of the cottagers there are 126 who owe 126 Autumn works, price of each work 14d. 88 customary tenants hold 2,105 acres of land , of whom 87 hold 24 acres each, and one holds 17 acres and render : =e ne (The 87 for a house and 24 acres, ay each, and the one for 17 acres 2s. 14d.) They owe 88 works of ploughing yearly each work 5d., “ ane this if they have oxen of their owen ’ Each to harrow for 5 days ana a half eee he one horse (uno affro) each frre work worth 14d. . He Each to thresh 1? bushel fat the winter sowing and 5 bushels of oats for the Lent sowing, price of the work (of each tenant) 1d. Each to carry one load of brushwood to the manor house of Llantwit to Christmas. Each work 1d. , , Each to carry timber for covering Mitte Booths at the fair. Each work 1d. at All the customary tenants to mow (between them) 14 acres of meadow at Coytlow, 44d. per acre : Each to carry with his indie one ibd of itty ion the meadow to the manor house. Price of each work 34d. o Oo oO 13 ae Sa a nell SEI AO Se (ae fat wt & Boverton and Llantwit. Each owes 6 manual works in every month from the feast of St. Michael to the feast of St. Peter ad Vincula. Each work 4d. (7.e. each of the 88 tenants does 6 works each month for ten months or 5,280 works in all) Each to carry rods for making sheepfolds and hurdles. Price of each work 14d. Each to work for 40 days from the Ist August to the feast of St. Michael. Price of each work Id. (¢.e. between them 3,520 days work in all) Pleas and perquisites of Court twit ith Ruthy 2) ae I.P.M. 1314. GILBERT ‘DE« CLARE, *One messuage with grange and cattle houses and other houses necessary Dovecote , a Three curtilages, worth yearly : In demesne 5844 acres of land, price of the acre 6d. 28 acres of meadow, price of the acre Is. 3d. 170 acres of pasture, price of the acre 6d. 3 watermills and one windmill 463 (Llantwit and Ruthyn being together, oe no doubt included one mill at Ruthyn.) A certain market the toll of which with the fair of St. Martin and the toll of the ports of Aber- thawe, Barry, and Ogmore .. Rent of assise of free tenants and Se Two free tenants render 8 horse shoes : Four free tenants owe four ploughings for corn sowing and four for Lent sowing. Price of each ploughing 5d. 197 Piss Lh 105:0 Oott -0 14.13 4 a0; 20 OL Gs Ooo: uO 0 5 4 14.12 3 ris © aero) LGe Ob O a OO 11 10 6% 0 0 4 ON 3,4 * Thesame probably that is elsewhere called “‘ Court ”’ or ‘‘ Manorium. 198 Boverton and Llantwit. One free tenant ought to repair 6 pairs of plough- shares. Price of the work of a plough 14d. 130 customary tenants hold 2,105 acres and render yearly per acre 13d. ; Each of these shall plough for winter ai ea sowing half an acre, namely one rood of land for each ox, as many as he yokes, and if he has no ox he shall plough nothing, nor pay instead of the work. And the works are worth by estimation .. ws si And each of them shall Brow his winter ploughing, and those works are worth by estimation And the same customary aanine owe 433} mee of harrowing which are worth {1 16s. 1}$d., namely for the tenure of 24 acres 5d. And the aforesaid customary tenants owe 173 threshing works for the winter sowing, namely 14 bushel of corn for each work, and for Lent sowing 5 bushels of oats for the work And each of the 2S aa ie ee a horse shall carry one load of brushwood against Christmas, and these works are worth by estimation And the customary tenants Shon mow 20 acres of meadow, and the mowing is worth per acre 4d. And they shall carry el ihe wtih hay itedtm fhe meadow to the manor, and the carriage is worth And there are there 126 dottaeers who upit ‘e collect and stack 14 acres of meadow, and those works are worth And the cottagers owe 126 Autumn one price of the work 1d. 16 14 10 a wh Boverton and Llantwit. And the aforesaid customary tenants owe 1,590 manual works between the feast of St. Michael and Ist August, which are worth. Price of a work 14d. And they shall carry rods for miatente ip shore fold, and those works are worth And the said customary tenants owe between the feast of St. Peter ad Vincula and the feast of St. Michael 1,730 works. Price of a work 1d. : And the said Greene Peaauis owe 1 730 Autumn works during the same time. Price of a work 2d. And the aforesaid customary tenants shall name of the lord for their food 54 quarters of corn, price 27s. 6d., and 11s. for cheese, and so the aforesaid Autumn works food deducted are worth : i NE ats ae The pleas and perquisites of Llantwit and Ruthyn : The Abbot of Neath cs 199 PD. sand 10 16 3 OurZ 0 7 4 2 14 8 4 19 14 0 613 4 25 17 03 ACCOUNT OF JOHN GIFFARD DE BRYMMESFELD CUSTOS, FROM 20 APRIL TO 29 SEPTEMBER 1316. Rent of assise of free and customary tenants of Llantwit and Ruthyn* of St. John and St. Michael ; : For eight horse shoes of rent of assise Issues of one dovecote For pasture of 120 acres of apple land poate vated this year : For vegetables sold (or gardens let) * Fines relating to Ruthyn alone are omitted. 13 19 03 00 4 0 2 6 25 0 Os 0 200 Boverton and Llaniwit. For 170 acres of pasture and no more, because animals of the lord grazed the rest .. Issues of 3 water mills and one windmill. . For 27 quarters of oats sold at 3s. 4d. per quarter For the works of certain free tenants who ought to repair 6 irons of ploughs .. Received for 1,669 small works of the weak: tenants of Llantwit during the same time, price of a work 4d. : i Received for 20 works of mowing, price of a work 4d. For 1,670 works of reaping corn, price "i a se 2d. : : For 1,796 Autumn os price ats a spec 1d. Received of the said customary tenants for works of carrying rods to the folds of the lord. Price of a work 3d... : (Total for the works £25 Qs, 31d). Pleas and perquisites, Llantwit and Ruthyn, Englishmen and Welshmen .. : Tolls of Market of Llantwit and ports of Aer thaw, Barry and Ogmore Amongst the payments occur :— To the Abbot of Neath in part payment of er 100 assigned to him : Mowing 28 acres, Ils. 8d. Haymaking 3s. “ et residuum per funales’: Weeding 3s. “et residuum per famulos ”’ ; Weeding 100 acres of wheat in the eee of May (by hand) Weeding 114 acres Ir. of wheat, a 1584 acres of oats with hoes Reaping 114a. Ir. of wheat, ae of ie, at 6d. per acre : k Reaping 1594 a. of oe 4id. per acre = ST bo 12 iS) ono f 03 Boverton and Llantwit. Wages of servants (famulorum) 1 carter and 3 ploughmen during the time aforesaid (2.e. of the account) each 3s. Wages of ee herds ese es) each Os, 6d. Wages of a “ Ripereve’’ also mentioned. There are also certain allowances of corn to the servants In the “ Account of Works * rol 746 sited was of customary tenants are said to be from 20 April to 1 August, 14 weeks and 4 days at 119 works per week In acquittance of Reeve, Messor and Bedell 66 (works: one week short) Sold 1,669—Et puper compotum 10 20 works of mowing Sold 1,730 Autumn works at 2d., and 1,856 of customary tenants and popes at ld. Acquittance of Reeve, Messor antl Bedell 120 works Sold 3,466 : es 48 works of carrying rods 4 per work Sold The Lord had 34 oxen as ae I.P.M.,, 1349. . HUGH. LE. DESPENSER. A certain messuage called Boverton A dovecote, worth. fe In demesne 479a. i of land of witicn 304 acres are worth 6d. per annum, and 175a. Ir. each 2d. per annum .. : 15a. lr. meadow, worth per acre 2 139 acres pasture 4d. per acre . Grove called Coytlogh Two water mills and one windmill Fulling mill . Seven free tenants by ancient eateent onde. 201 Srnd; 18 0 12-6 6 8 LS read 1 23 10°96 6 6 2: 56) 0 0 10 0 3 8t 202 Boverton and Llantwit. Twenty-four tenants holding for term of life if eon render it 9 Eighty-seven eatioumecy vohiaais aud one customary tenant “ semivirgatarius,’’ and one customary tenant “‘ quartrovar ’’ render as well in rent as in works and services oe 48 17 64 and 3 farthing Toll of the market with the toll of the sea ports of Aberthawe, Barry and Ogmore .. 26 10 0 0 Pleas and perquisites of court with entries of lands, “ leiruyt ’’} and heriots 26 af: 41 0 0 £141 13 O04 and 4 farthing LP.M., 1375. EDWARD LE DESPENSER. Divers buildings worth nothing beyond reprise One dovecote, worth yearly beyond reprise .. 02 4 One peGEL with a certain parcel “‘ dayvatary CELLO OS. : se 011 0 *283a. demesne ian wonth beyaha peistice 7 7 11 6 *In a certain park 5 acres of land.. Ms ci 0 5 0 *60 acres of land in divers places, price per acre 3d. (Sic. but evidently either the value per acre or the total is wrong) Hs 2.2. D *152a. Ir. ofland. Price of the acre 2d... 1s & *2la. of meadow 1 i. *141a. of meadow. Price i eT acre Os. 1.9 @ *18a. pasture i: 147 acres of land of bond paiaaee in 5 tee ADEE of the lord for want of tenants. Price of the acre 13d. 5 a Se 018 44 Pasture of the wood of Koy aloe.’ i Pp 0*s & Rent of free and bond tenants .. Ae. Lee 118 O04 + Fines for unchastity. * Less than in previous accounts. Boverton and Llantwit. 203 fs. Works of the customary tenants, worth yearly 42 0 The toll there with the ports of Aberthaw, Barry, and Ogmore . ae ay 10 0 Two decayed mills, worth aoa si Me 10 0 Pleas and perquisites, worth yearly x if er £88 14 53 The above statement was probably made out with less care than others. No tenants for term of life are mentioned, though they probably existed. Probably the “ Pleas and perquisites ’’ are underestimated. No mention is made of the cottagers. I.P.M. 1440. ISABELLA, COUNTESS OF WARWICK. Taken at Gloucester. Gives no details. MINISTER’S ACCOUNT 1492. Of £27 11s. 2d. of ancient rent before the rebellion of Wales nothing, because £24 11s. 94d. was assigned in exchange to the Abbot and con- vent of Neath, and £2 19s. 44d. was allowed in old accounts as for want of rent. Rent of assise of free tenants Rent of Thomas *Nicol for a cottage : New rent of Nichol Hopkyn for roadside aie Increased rent of William Chaunte New rent of divers cottages let to various pees for their works who used to work between the feasts of the Annunciation and St. Michael within the time of this account as was presented by MHowel Carne, late Appruator : New rent of Robert *Dere * Nichol and Dere are still well-known names in Llantwit. SS SVS (SS) (=) op) 01 0 Gat ae — O 204 Boverton and Llantwit. New rent of 1 acre of bond land at Lichemore .. New rent of John Chaunte for a piece of waste New rent of Nicholas Hopkyn for a piece of waste land in Barnesway ne New rent of John Pyers New rent of a piece of waste New rent of Thomas Lydon New rent of Robert Dere .. New rent of John Myndman New rent of Robert Brasyer New rent of a certain pit .. New rent of John Stevens New rent of the same New rent of the same fora baton near the Malepo New rent of Walter Miller : New rent of a piece of waste late of Rane Wilkoc New rent of John Coly, land in Boverton New rent of piece of waste land of John Hopkins New rent of the Courthouse lately built so demised to Hopkyn ap Llewelin for the term of 60 years. Yet it used to be 2s. .. New rent of 4 acre of waste at Fishwere, late of Mathew Prikproude Increased rent of John Dere and a. Johanna his wife for demesne land called Orchardlond for Beyond hives. Jae 2s axis 40 | old rent And of meadow .. 54) Increased rent William Pyers for divers parcels - Increased rent of Thomas Laurens and Wenllean his wife. Land called Pendonfelde apy Ad oO SS: CLO Oto Csr © CFG (OS OS Of Guo O2uo Oo © Coro: a OyO ©. OF o 0 1 0 0 Qs 0 16 0.7% 0 0 o > cH ® 2. Pe ne ee Boverton and Llantwit. Increased rent of one parcel called Waterisdowne abt. 2 acres called lez pittes, demised to John Stephyns, Agnes his wife, and John and Johanna, their children, for term of their lives New rent of Treharon Snell fora fs demise for 70 years New increased rent of rihomnad ee for 40 acres in Pendonfeld beyond the 4d. above charged Increased rent of Nicholas) Posten joa seta 20ft. x 3ft. Increased rent of a parcel x Pe in Smarmneld let to divers tenants New increased rent of a piece of land in een strete in the place called, Hokerhill, 24ft x 20ft. s Increased rent of bi einetilasens ae Sale of works of customary tenants “and no more because many tenants departed from the country, and their tenements were burnt through the rebellion of Wales, yet they used to render yearly *£43 10s. 54d.” .. And of the works of one Smith for his lands there yearly And of the works of Siuol eonemcn ee 24 acres and 1 rood of bond land so demised to him in Court Of rent and works of font Prone ion 2 acres of bond land so demised in Court Of works of John Thomas for 15 acres of land so demised in Court yearly : Of works of William Hokelone for 2 acres aah of bond land formerly of John Moreton so demised to him by roll of Court ce * This about agrees with the older accounts. 16 on) 19 205 _ 73 206 Boverton and Llantwit. Received of works of Robert Huyot for 23 acres of bond land at Wilton this year Of works of John Hoskyns for 1 messuage 16a. 3r. of bond land so demised by roll of Court As to 4s. 3d. of works of free tenants he does not answer here because they are charged in ploughing works and sold Of works of Alice Worney for 24acresofbond ind Of 11 works of mowing and carriage of hay due from 474 customary tenants of full tenure* (plene tenur) between them (in coi) so sold, price of the work 63d. And no more because 40 customary fiuoiesiees) of the full tenure are in the hands of the Lord. Yet it used to be 10s. 104d. And of the works of 147} customary tenants for mowing and stacking (adunai) 18 acres of meadow in {Tassemede “‘ ultra carucae unius bovis 3s. 4d. quam a soleb cape de consuet et non plus caus’ Of 25 ploughing works, price of the wots 5d. Of 25 ploughing works, price of the work 6d. Of works‘of divers tenants for 963 acres of land let to them as appears by roll of court of divers years preceding Of the farm of a certain grange nothing Bdcamee demised to Henry Stradlyng with land and pasture below. Nor for 5s. for the farm of the plough for the same reason. Nor for 12d. for the farm of the Kitchen there because it lies in ruin for want of repair. Nor for 20d. of the farm of the cowhouse (domus vaccaric) called le Shephous because let to the said farmer with his farm. Yet it used to render from of old 3s. 4d. fe ascoail 0 011} On6-2 14 farthing 09 0 0 511} 011 0 010 5 12 6 ‘ile 6 * Of full tenure probably means holding 24 acres. + Sic. but should be Taffemede. ee ——— Boverton and Llantwit. Nor for 6d. for the farm of the Dovecote of the Manor (house) for the reason aforesaid. Nor for 8s. for the herbage of one close next the Manor House, called le Parke late in the hands of William Miller for the reason afore- said. Nor for £8 16s. 8d. of the farm of 474 acres of demesne land lying on the west and south sides of the highway from Llanmaes to Llantwit as the water course runs in the town of Llantwit to the sea on the west side late let to divers persons at divers prices. 100 acres demised below the acres at 8d. for sowing. 115 acres likewise for sowing at 6d. 7 acres, the acre 4d. 103 acres for pasture at 3d. per acre. 116 acres likewise for pasture at 2d. per acre. And no more because 7 acres are in the close of the Manor (house) called le Parke late let to William Miller. 2 acres are inclosed or Keeping strays, and 4 acres lie outside lez lakes and are occupied by the Reeve, who claims to have them with- out paying anything by virtue of his office. And so the said 474 acres are charged at nothing here because granted to the afore- said Henry Stradlyng with his farm. Nor does he answer for {1 13s. 4d. of the farm of five acres and a half of meadow at Cailowe* late sold to John Pier at 3s. 4d. the acre, and five acres in the meadow called Wilamore sold to John Dere in the same year the acre * Coytlou in the old accounts, now Colhugh. 207 208 Boverton and Llantwit. for 3s. besides half an acre at Cailowe afore- said allowed for expenses of the appruator as used to be allowed in former accounts, and another half acre at Cailowe aforesaid lying in the pasture called Denny late in the tenure of John Piers nothing is charged here because it is demised to the aforesaid farmer with his farm below. Nor does he answer for the farm of the site of the Manor house there late demised to John Portreve nothing is charged for the reason aforesaid. Nor does answer for the second crop of 7 acres of meadow at Cailowe whereof the first crop used to be sold to John Piers nothing here for the reason aforesaid. Nor does he answer for 2s. from 2 parcels of land called Denny late demised to John Piers for the reason aforesaid. Nor does he answer for 1s. 6d. from one parcel of pasture called Wethirhull late demised to the said John nothing for the reason afore- said. But he answers for the farm of the houses there, with the demesne land meadow grazing and pasture with the grove called Cailowe grove in the title next belowe specified so demised to divers tenants there this year For 3s. 4d. of the farm of a close of land at Sygaston, containing 2} acres in the tenure of Ievan Vachan nothing is charged here by itself because it is demised to the said Ievan with 11 acres of bond land at Sigaston in Wilton as below. 14 1 0 Boverton and Llantwit. But he answers for the farm of 442a. 24r. of bond land within the lordship of Llantwit on the north side of Lichemore being in the hands of divers tenants there whereof — acres farmed (7.e. let to farm) to Robert Raglan for pasture at 3d. an acre Forty acres farmed to Wenllean Russell to hold to her and hers according to the custom of the manor by record of the Exchequer for a term certain for pasture at 4d. an acre 6 acres are demised to Robert Russell to hold to him and his according to the custom of the manor on the north side of Garlkesdowne at 34d. an acre 60 acres farmed to Lewis Raglan for pasture at 3d. the acre 40 acres farmed to Hoskyn Llewelyn for pasture at 3d. the acre 32 acres farmed to divers tenants for pasture at 3d. the acre ae sis 4 de 102a. 14r. in the hands of tenants at a certain rent 44d. the acre $e ate ; 16a. farmed for pasture to divers tenants 2d. the acre : rye And no more because — acres l4r. are rented above under the title of sale of works, in the charge of the bedell in the sum of £23 15s. 24d. and half farthing. And for 19s. 5d. of the farm of 56 acres of bond jand in the hands of the lord within the said lordship of Llantwit on the south side demised to divers tenants there this year, whereof one acre is farmed for 44d. § This sum is not mentioned. - § - § “+ § - § 209 £vs.iid 0 0 43 013 4 On. 1 9 Os 1510 010 0 0, 8.0 118 74 0-2 8 210 Boverton and Llantwit. 11 acres are farmed to Mathew Prikproute for pasture the acre for 3d. (2s. 7d.) 1 acre is farmed for 2d. for pasture. And 43 in the hands of tenants at 4$ the acre And for £2 14s. 2d. for the farm of 152 acres of bond land at Sigaston and Wilton demised to divers tenants. Whereof 4 acres for sowing at 44d. the acre, 30 acres to Richard Hewman to hold to him and his according to the custom of the manor at 43 acre. 12 acres farmed to Ievan Vachan with a certain close at Sigaston for life by roll of Court, 44d. per acre and nothing for the close because* a house is built upon it. 10a. farmed to Iorwerth Sigaston for the term of his life at 44 the acre. 4a. late of Jevan ap Thomas farmed to Howel Carne at 43d. the acre. 64a. late of said Jevan in hands of the Lord because the said Jevan is dead and he now to render 44 the acre nothing here because it is let for pasture below. 8} acres demised to Thomas Hayor for life at 43d. the acre. 4a. farmed to Howel Carne to him and his accord- ing to the custom of the manor 43d. the acre. For the farm of 186 acres of bond land in Lich- more he does not answer here because it is charged above under the name of land within the Lordship of Llantwit on the north side by certificate at the appruator * No doubt by the tenant. fi sucda 019 5 oR Bf ee Boverton and Llantwit. *Toll of the Pix in Llantwit and Boverton, to- gether with the toll of the Pix in east and west Thawe ny of Used to be £7 11s. 8d. tHerbage of the old garden at Llantwit sold to William Pyers this year. Used to be 2s. 6d. Sale of underwood and thorns in Cailowegrove. None occurred. The price of 14 ox yokes of divers customary tenants for each yoke 6d. §For 16d. “‘ de firm pont de introit porte nup de nova fact videlt p tempus hui compi non r def firmar.”’ Arising from the Custom of salt “Farm of lla. 3r. of extent land at Franketon demised to William Hoskyns, Johanna his wife, and John their son for their lives by roll of Court 5 uv ap For the farm of one tenement of free land of Laurence Hope for 3a. of free land formerly of the said Laurence so let to John Edwards |For the farm of 4a. of land formerly of Thomas Teke and John Nicoll at Frankton so demised to Llewelyn Chepman for life For the farm of 3a. of extent land at le Carne late demised to William Hoskyns, so demised to William Portreve this year For the farm of 4a. of extent land at le Carne so let to Jevan ap Willy for life { Farm of the Toll. t Issues of Manor. bi. so td. 4 0 0 0,1 0 0°57 10 05 1,40 Oyiil-9 Ops 4b 0 4 0 Oo". 3" 70 0 4 0 § This is a curious entry difficult to understand. Llantwit was never walled. “| Farm of Lands and Tenements in the lands of the lord and extent lands. || Now Frampton. 212 Boverton and Llantwit. For the farm of 27a. of extent land of which 4a. at le Carne and 23a. at le Whitmore parcel of the land called Kemeslond so let to Robert Raglane and his heirs for ever By letters patent of the late Duke of Warwick for services done by the said Robert. They used to be farmed the 4 acres at le Carne for 4s., and the 23a. at Whitmore for 11s. 6d. For the farm of 3 acres of extent land late demised to William Oldewode for the term of his life nothing is charged here because the said 3 acres are part of the 23 acres lying in White- more so farmed to Robert Raglane. Nor for the farm of la. of extent land late in the tenure of John Tailor for the same reason. For the farm of la. of extent land late in the tenure of John Hoskyns, Tailor, now let to John Lynde this year. . For the farm of 2a. of extent land there late in the tenure of David Iremonger so let this year For the farm of 6a. of extent land late in tenure of John Smyth so let this year For 8a. of extent land at Franketon formerly of Roger Portar so let this year For 3a. of extent land formerly of John Fleming in Langamesmore so let this year For the farm of la. in Langamesmore and la. of extent land at Wasst formerly of William Webbe for his life by roll of Court For the farm of 2a. of meadow in Franketon so let to Malyn Pyers and Johanna Hoskyns his daughter for their lives by roll of Court £ Boverton and Llantwit. For the farm of la. of land and meadow in = garne so let this year . For the farm of 118a. of extent land eee in 3 fields called Franketon Carne and Kenriles- lond demised to various tenants at different prices beyond xxiii acres “de rem p dict aer supius dim Robto Raglane ”’ For the farm of 27 acres of extent land lying at Whitmore and le Carne “‘ de novo inuene ”’ beyond that which is charged above For the windmill* nothing because no one would take it on account of want of repair. For the water mill newly built so let to Thomas Raglan this year For the farm of divers parcels of land and pasture called Daynes let to tenants there and no more because divers parcels of the same lie in the lord’s hands for want of tenants .. Perquisites of Court ee (31 13s. 94d. paid for the repair of the Court House (In all it would be £6 11s. 04d.) LECK WITH: omy rp % 17 213 o> & Leckwith is a parish and manor south-west of Cardiff. The portion which lies east of the River Ely, being all flat and low land, was included within the borough by the Cardiff Improve- ment Act, 1875. The church is dedicated to Saint James, and is a rectory in the gift of the lord of the manor. * Farm of the mills. 7 Farm of Daynes. 214 Leckwth. The manor has almost continuously been in the hands of the Lords of Cardiff. The only exception known was during the period for which it was held as one fourth of a knight’s fee by the family of Sandford. The following early references are found in the documents printed by Mr. Clark in the Cartae. About 1179 Griffin, son of Ivor (bach), granted to Margam Abbey 100 acres of his land of Lecwithe and certain fisheries ‘de Helei’’. The deed provides that if the grantor is not able to warrant the title the monks are to have lands in “ Seinhenit ”’ (Senghenydd). The family of Ivor Bach were well known Lords of Seng- henydd, but this, so far as known, is the only evidence of their claiming lands in Leckwith. Much is known of the property of Margam, but there is no trace of their having, in fact, held any land in Leckwith (Cartae 1, p. 169). Bishop Nicholas, 1153-83, confirmed to Tewkesbury Abbey the chapel “‘ de Leocwtha,”’ but if this, as is probable, refers to Leckwith, the Abbey must have parted with it at an early date (Cartae I, p. 133). The Mill of ‘‘ Liquid’ is mentioned in the account of Maurice de Berkelay, Custos of Glamorgan, 1184-85. (Cartae I, p. 170.) 1207, Walter de Sully gave 20 marks to King John, who then held ‘‘ Lequid,”’ the mill being out of repair. (Cartae II, p. 306.) In the account of Maurice de Berkelay above referred to the farm of Leckwith for a half year was 17s. 6d. 1242-62, Richard de Clare granted to Nicholas de Sanford his whole manor of Lecquid to him and his heirs except Jews and men of religion (7.e., of religious orders) at the service of 4 of a knight’s fee. (Cartae II, p. 521.) Nicholas de Sanford granted Leckwith to his brother Lawrence. (Cartae III, p. 882 ) Leckwith. 215 In the extent of Glamorgan, 1262, Fulke de Sanford held Leckwith. (Cartae II, p. 609.) Lawrence de Sanford granted Leckwith to Philip Basset to hold to him and his heirs of Sanford and his heirs at the rent of 1d. and the services due to the chief lord. (Cartae III, p. 884.) No mention is made of Leckwith in the Inquisition on the death of Gilbert de Clare, 1295. It was probably not then in the hands of the Lord.* It is, however, referred to in the Inquisition on the death of his widow Joan,} in 1307. The short particulars are :-— 464 acres 1 rood of meadow, worth 12d. per acre. 241 acres of pasture, 4d. per acre. A wood worth nothing except for housebote and haybote. 433 acres 1 rood of pasture let to farm at 12s. 5d. A messuage and two curtilages 12d. Rent of assise of free tenants 18s. 9d. 14 cottagers holding 14 cottages rendering 2s. 4d., 2s. per cottage. Farm of the fishery 8s. 8d. 22 customary tenants 258 acres 43s. The customary tenants also owe certain works. 21 of the customary tenants each held one messuage and 12 acres of land and rendered 2s. each. The other tenants held 6 acres of land and rendered Ils. There would thus appear to have been at least 36 houses in the parish at that date. In his report on Leckwith Common of 6th November, 1899, Mr. Stuart Archibald Moore mentions a Minister’s account in the Public Record Office for 1490-91, which refers to Leckwith Grange with 147 acres 3 roods of pasture, mentions lands and * It has never been granted out since. + I.P.M. of Joan de Clare. 216 Leckwith. meadows called Rogers Hooks, and includes Russam as part of the demesnes and consisting of 21 acres (see below). The hay grown upon it was cut by the lord’s tenants and taken to Cardiff Castle. The accountant takes credit for making a ditch between Russam and Rogers Hook. Part of this ditch exists. The same account appears to be the one printed 1n the first volume of the Cardiff Records, p. 188 (but there dated 1492). Reference is made to “ The fishery of Middelwere and from Middlewere aforesaid as far as the Bishops land ’’. A ditch is referred to between Rusham and Rogershook, between Rusham and the Grange, and between Russham and the Bishops land. 11 acres 1 rood of meadow in Russham were destroyed by water so that no one would farm them. The total extent of Russham was therefore 32 acres. It appears that the Abbot of Margam’s Grange was then in the hands of the Duke (of Bedford) to farm. The account also speaks of 8s. paid yearly out of the Duke’s Grange to the Lordship of Cogan. This is a curious state- ment, for according to an original rent-roll of Sir George Herbert, Lord of Cogan in 1545, the 8s. appears to have been paid, not out of the Duke’s, or Leckwith, Grange, but out of the Abbot of Margam’s Grange. A lease of the Abbot’s Grange also shows that a payment was made to the Lord of Cogan. It would seem that the state- ment here as to its being paid in respect of the Duke’s Grange may be a mistake, which would be possible at a time when both Granges were in the same hands. The pasture called “ Balcrofte’’ (Bullcroft) is mentioned. Other names are*‘‘Wynneway’’, ““Lyquythmore’’, “‘Bedcrofte’’, ““ Oldcrofte ”’, ‘‘ Torcotefeld ’’, “‘ Danyellhokes ’’, “‘ Cresham ”’, ““ Harpacre ”’. * “ Wenway’”’ appears in a map of 1773 to have been a kind of occupation road on the moors. Barry. 217 Crosham was in the Satmarsh. There is a piece of ground on the east bank of the Ely, north of Leckwith Bridge, called “Y Grosson’”’ in the Map of 1773. Perhaps this is a corrup- tion of Crosham. BARRY. It is very difficult to say anything definite as to the history of Barry, for the reason, amongst others, that it appears, from at least the 13th century, not to have been a manor held direct of the Chief Lords, and therefore not named in the inquisitions taken on their deaths, which documents afford so much information as to the descent of other manors. For certain reasons to be stated below, it appears probable that it was in fact (at least for a long period) a sub-manor held under the Lords of Penmark, but the manor so held .did not include the island, which certainly was part of the manor of Sully. Giraldus Cambrensis states that the island of Barry took its name from Saint Barseus, or Barrwg, whose chapel, covered with ivy, existed in his day. This probably was the small chapel the remains of which were found a few years ago. To Saint Barrwg, it may be observed, the parish church of Bedwas, Monmouthshire, is dedicated, and this seems to be the only instance of such a dedication. Another view as to the origin of the name discards St. Barrwg, and makes it signify simply “ the bare island.”’ Whether or not Giraldus is to be considered an authority as to the crigin of the name of the island and parish of Barry, his authority can hardly be disputed on the point that the family of de Barry or Barri derived their name from the place, seeing that he was himself the son of a William de Barri. 218 Barry. Giraldus is believed to have been born about 1150, and writing towards the close of that century, he says that a noble family, who were lords of the island with the neighbouring lands, took their name from it. It seems that in the absence cf very strong evidence to the contrary, this statement must be accepted,* and we have to believe that the de Barry’s, at or soon after FitzHamon’s conquest, became lords cf possessions which then were or after- wards came under the overlordship, as to the island, of the de Sullys, and as to the mainland of the Lords of Penmark. As to the island this was certainly the case. It was in the manor and parish of Sully. At what exact time and in what way the de Sullys obtained the manor of Sully does not appear to have been ascertained. There is, of course, the well known account, which has obtained belief for a long time, that FitzHamon apportioned the greater part of the Vale of Glamorgan among twelve knights, his followers, among whom Sir Reginald de Sully obtained the lordship of Sully. This account, however, has been shown to be in many respects inaccurate, and though the Sullys were very early in the district, there does not seem to be any actual evidence cf their presence in Fitz Hamon’s time. Then or shortly after, according to the statement of Giraldus, the de Barrys must have possessed Barry. The family also held Jands in Gower which may possibly have been their principal possessions. Thus Peter, Bishop of St. Davids, 1176-1198, confirmed to Neath Abbey certain lands which William de Barry had granted in Gower, and there are many other evidences of their connection with that district. * From a statement in a twelfth century charter (Cartae, Vol. II, p. 389) in which Milisant, daughter of William Mitdehorguill, refers to “terra mea de Barri’’ it would appear that she was then in possession of Barry. She also held the fee of St. Nicholas and it is perhaps of interest to note that the early churches at St. Nicholas and Barry were both dedicated to St. Nicholas. DIP: a Barry. 219 It will, of course, be remembered that Gower formed no part of Glamorgan until the time of Henry VIII. It had its own chief lords, sheriffs, etc., so that property there would not be held of the Lord of Glamorgan, but of the Lord of Gower. The earliest general account of the Glamorgan lordships is contained in an inquisition taken on the death of Richard de Clare, Earl of Gloucester and Hereford, and Lord of Glamorgan, in 1262. The jury who made the inquiry were the chief Jandowners, or as we should now say, lords of manors in the County, and many of them, as the document itself shows, held directly of the Chief Lord. There were others, however, as to whom this was not the case, and amongst these was William de Barry. It shows that at that time Walter de Sully held four knights’ fees in Sully and Wenvoe, Gilbert Umfraville four fees in Penmark, and Robert de Sumeri 23 fees in Dinas Powis. The latter is mentioned here because Cadoxton juxta Barry was a sub-manor of Dinas Powis. Though there can be no doubt that the William de Barry of that date held land in the district it is clear that he must have held it under some other lord, possibly (as regards the manor on the mainland) under Umfraville of Penmark, though how this came about the writer has not ascertained. The island, if he held it at all, must have been held of de Sully. There is other evidence that the de Barrys occupied a position of importance in the district, though not as direct tenants of the Chief Lord. The Comitatus, or County Court, was an assembly of the magnates of the County held under the presidency of the Sheriff. A William de Barri was present there in 1247 and 1249. He witnessed a grant of land in Cogan in 1250, and about the 220 Barry, same period several other deeds relating to land in the neigh- bourhood. A Walter de Barry also appears. He witnessed a grant of land in Bonvilston to Margam Abbey, 20th July, 1281, and another, undated, of perhaps the same period or somewhat earlier. A Lucas de Barry took part in the Comitatus, 3rd August, 1299. About 1320 a person is described in a deed as John, son and heir of William de Barry, burgess of Cardiff. A Thomas de Barry witnessed a Charter in 1338. The reasons for supposing that the manor of Barry was held under Penmark are as follows :— Penmark in 1262, and apparently much earlier, was held by the Umfravilles. There is evidence of their presence as early as 1129. It afterwards passed to the St. Johns in the fourteenth century. It was regarded as consisting, cr held by the service of four knights’ fees. For each knight’s fee, 6s. 8d. was paid as castle ward silver to the Chief Lord. For a long time £1 6s. 8d. was paid for Penmark, but afterwards £1 for Penmark and 6s. 8d. for Barry. It is pretty clear that Barry had been included in Penmark, and anyone who held it must have held it immediately under the Lord of Penmark, who, in turn, held of the Chief Lord. As te Barry Island it is clear that it formed part of the manor of Sully. Before 1330 that manor had passed (apparently by marriage of an heiress) to the Lords of Avan or Avene (Aberavon), and from John de Avene it was acquired by Hugh le Despenser, then Chief Lord, by exchange prior to 1348. Together with the Lordship of Glamorgan it got into the hands of Henry VIII. By Henry VIII the island was leased to Sir Wiliam Herbert, afterwards Earl of Pembroke, to whom it was granted in fee by King Edward VI. The remainder of the manor of Sully was, in 1558, sold by the Crown to Sir Thomas Stradling. Barry. 221 The island was thus separated from the rest of the manor of Sully and has been held separately ever since. As to Barry Castle, Mr. Clark considers it to have been built (at least as regards the gateway) in the time of Henry III or Edward I, and there is no reason to doubt that it was built by one of the de Barry family. WORLETON AND ST. NICHOLAS. It is probably impossible now to ascertain what were the exact bounds of the manor of Worleton or Duffryn, because it was long in the same hands as a share of the adjoining manor of St. Nicholas, 7.e., in those of the Button family. For many centuries Worleton was a manor of the Bishops of Llandaff, and, according to the Liber Landavensis, p. 157, formed part of a gift of King Judhail (Ithel) to Bishop Oudoceus. This would take the gift back to the seventh century, but it is very doubtful how far the statements in the Liber Landavensis as to the particular princes by whom gifts were made and the Bishops to whom they were made can be relied upon. This, however, is certain, that Worleton or Duffryn was claimed as an old possession of the See as early as the first half of the twelfth century. The Charter does not mention any such name as either Worleton or Duffryn, but the description of boundaries which it contains makes it clear that it included lands between the Nant Golych and what is now called on the Ordnance Map the “ Goldsland Brook.”’ These would be the western and southern boundaries. How far it extended eastward and northward I have not been able to make out from the description. It seems as if it might be meant to include all or most of St. Lythans parish (and perhaps part of Wenvoe), the church of which seems to be indicated by the “ ecclesia Elidon ”’ of the charter. 222 Worleton and St. Nicholas. The property long remained part of the possessions of the See of Llandaff, but ultimately passed into the possession of the Button family, no doubt by purchase from some bishop. How and where this took place I have not ascertained. Dr. Green, in his work on the churches of the Diocese of Llandaff, expresses the opinion that the manor had been alienated before 1535, because, while he finds it mentioned, and stated to be worth £5 ls. 4d., in the Taxatio Ecclesiastica of 1291, it is not mentioned in the Valor Ecclestasticus of 1535. Mr. G. T.Clark’s cartae (IV, p. 1,179) says that it was conveyed away “ about the time of Elizabeth”’ probably by Bishop Kitchin. Rice Lewis, on the other hand, who wrote an account of the manors of Glamorgan which has not been printed, 1596-1600, says that the Button of that day held of the Bishops. This, I think, is unlikely, and the statements of Rice Lewis, even as regards facts of his own time, are not always correct. It is possible that, as certainly happened in at least one case, the manor was first leased to the Buttons by some bishop, and sub- sequently purchased. If the pedigree of the Button family, in Mr. Clark’s Glamorgan Genealogies, is to be relied upon, the Buttons seem to have been at Worleton earlier than the time of Elizabeth. It is also possible that the Buttons may have had a share of the Manor of St. Nicholas at an earlier date than that at which they acquired Worleton, for their principal house, though close tc the border, appears not to have been within Worleton, but in St. Nicholas. It may be interesting to quote what Rice Lewis says on the subject of the Buttons and their house :— BuTTONS OF COLUMBAR. Roger Button esquior married Maud, daughter to William Kemes father to James that married Jane daughter to Robert Richard father to Miles that married Margaret daughter to Edward Lewis father to Edward that married— (perhaps Edward had not married at the time Lewis wrote.) Diffrin Goale,* wherein standeth his cheefe house called * 1t.e., Duffryn Golych. Worleton and St. Nicholas. 223 aforesaid Columbar yt is holden of the Buishop of Landaphe for the tyme beinge and hath no church for it standeth in the parish of St. Nicholas, iii miles bwest Cardiff and iii miles by est Cowbridge ii markett townes. St. Nicholas or a parte thereof joyneth to the North parte of the Differin and hath free tenants and coppy houlders, and standeth in the midwaye betweene Carduf and Cowbridge iiii miles bywest Cardiff and iii miles by east of Cowbridge. The patronage* is geeven successively by the iii Lords of the Mannor of St. Nicholas namely the Earle of Pembroke Myles Button and Morgan Meiricke esquiores and the valuation is ‘ ? I do not know whether tradition of the name “ columbar ’ survives, or whether the present house is on the old site, but Rice Lewis was almost certainly in error in treating the house (which he says was in the parish of St. Nicholas) as being within the same manor which belonged at one time to the Bishop. So far as to Worleton or Duffryn. The St. Nicholas question is a very complicated one, as to which I have only imperfect information.; The earliest extent of the County, made in or about 1262, no doubt on the death of Richard de Clare, speaks of St. Nicholas as three knights’ fees (7.e., held by the service of three knights), by William Cerbet, and remarks that the fees were held in fee of him, meaning that he did not hold them personally but that they were held by others under him by subinfeudation. The name William Corbet is continued in various later documents as holding St. Nicholas down to a period at which the holder of 1262 could not have survived. Of course it might refer to successors of the same name. It is more likely, however, that the name was retained without regard to this. There is no trace that I have ever found that any Corbet was ever an actual resident landowner in the * 1.e., of St. Nicholas. { See note under Dinas Powys p. 119. 224 Worleton and St. Nicholas. County, and in this respect the family differs from the others named in the Extent of 1262.* It does not appear in that Extent, or for long after, who were the actual immediate holders of the St. Nicholas lands, nor do I know how or when the manor became divided into shares. It is certain that it, or some share of it, came into the hands of the Malefant family, whose issue failed in the reign of Henry VII, by which means their lands went to Jasper, Duke of Bedford, then Lord of Glamorgan. Afterwards, having come into the possession of the king, together with the rest of the Glamorgan Lordship, the Manor of St. Nicholas, or that share of it which had come to the Chief Lord from the Malefants, was granted (I think by Henry VIII) to Sir William Herbert, afterwards created Earl of Pembroke by King Edward VI. It may be here mentioned that the manor of St. Nicholas was not confined to that parish. It comprised Peterston Mill and lands in St. Georges and Llancarvan. In the time of William, Earl of Pembroke, a Survey of 1571 and other documents show that the Button and Meyrick families also held some share of the manor, and Rice Lewis (1569-1600), as above shown, says that in his time the manor had three lords, the Earl of Pembroke, Miles Button, and Morgan Meyrick. * Mr. Corbett latterly held the view that it was probable William Corbet obtained St. Nicholas by marriage either with Milisant Mitdehorguil or a daughter of hers (see note p. 119). The Family of Corbett, Vol. 2, p. 167 mentions that Roger Corbet, of Chaddesley, was succeeded by his two nephews, William and Robert. William had 14 fees in Worces- tershire in 1235. His wife’s name is not known. He was living 1251-4 and perhaps at the time of the Extent of 1262. Hehadadaughter Hawisa, who married Laurence de Saundeford, the terms of the settlement stating that William gave him in free marriage with Hawisa his daughter all his lands in Glamorgan in the vill of St. Nicholas and outside it, except three knight’s fees. Nicholas de Sanford was granted Leckwith by Richard de Clare 1243-62, and he transferred it to his brother Laurence. Nicholas died in 1252 according to Matthew Paris. In 1262 a Fulco de Sanford held Leckwith but by 1295 it was in the de Clare hands. Probably the Laurence de Saundeford who for a time had Leckwith was the one who married the daughter of William Corbet, but there is no evidence other than above of his connection with St. Nicholas. Mr. Corbett thought that the three knights’ fees being excepted might well account for his not appearing in the Extent of 1262. The confirmation deed (Carvtae, Vol. I, p. 177) referred to above (p. 119) makes it clear that Adam de Sumeri must have been the fivst husband of Milisant, daughter of William Mitdehorguil, if, indeed, she married again. 1B) see 12 ——— +. -- ~ *. Worleton and St. Nicholas. 225 Rees Meyrick, who wrote about 1580, and was father of Morgan Meyrick, gives the same account. He says that the lords were the Earl of Pembroke, Miles Button, and himself. It is this circumstance which causes a good deal of confusion in dealing with manorial matters at this period, that when a manor was divided and held in shares, each owner would often be described as holding “ the Manor of as if he had the whole, when, in fact, he had a share only. There is some reason to think that the Buttons acquired their interest at an earlier date than the Meyricks, as they paid *“‘wardsilver”’ for one knight’s fee so late as the time of Charles II, whereas nothing was paid for the other two shares. This seems to indicate that the Buttons may have acquired their share before anything passed to the Chief Lord, while the other two shares perhaps passed to him (so that wardsilver ceased to be paid) and the Meyricks acquired their share later from the Chief Lord. The Earls of Pembroke continued to hold their Manor of St. Nicholas, apparently until the time of that Phillip, Earl of Pembroke, who died in 1683. The Buttons of Worleton continued to be Lords of their share, while that of the Meyricks had passed to the Buttons of Cottrell, a branch of the Worleton family, one of whom had married a Meyrick heiress. Philip, Earl of Pembroke, sold some lands to Button of Worleton and some to Button of Cottrell, by which means his manorial rights came to an end, but whether he conveyed his “‘manor”’ to either does not appear While the three shares existed it would seem the Meyrick portion included Cottrell, also Trehill and other lands. The Button share would naturally be supposed to be near Worleton, but it is certain that the Earl of Pembroke had some lands near there (Dog Hill for instance), and Button is said to have held of the Earl 30 acres “ lying in Worlton’’. Also it appears that in the latter part of the sixteenth century some lands were in dispute between the Earl and Button. * Wardsilver, a very ancient payment to the lords of Cardiff by Lords of Manors held under them at the rate of 6s. 8d. for each knight’s fee. P ”) 226 Worleton and St. Nicholas. The following table shows the connection between the Button and Meyrick families and the descent of the Cottrell and Duffryn properties. Roger Button James Button Rees Meyrick 1586 Miles Button Morgan Meyrick | Sheriff 1565-1571-1589 | Sheriff 1610 | | Rees Meyrick Edward Button Sir Thomas Button Robert Button Sheriff Miles Button married Barbara, heiress of d 1661 1640 Desc. as Cottrell | of Duffryn Martin Button Thomas Button Sheriff 1668 d 1692 | Sheriff 1665 | d 1671 | | | | Martin Charles Mary m. Thomas Button Robert Button S.p. Oliver Jones Sheriff 1709 of Fonmon | Martin Thomas Miles Barbara Sheriff Robert Jones Button s.p. d. unm. 1727 s.p. | 1755 Robert Jones Succeeded Emilia Button Martin Button had Cottrell from her Worlton was cousin Barbara sold to Thomas She m. the Rev. Pryce—Sheriff 1759. Samuel Gwinnet described as of Duffryn, apparently by Harford a mortgagee Frances Anne dau. of Thomas Pryce m. the Hon. William Booth Grey—Sheriff 1814. It will be seen from what is said above that it is extremely difficult, if not impossible, to say exactly of what the Worlton or Duffryn manor consisted, though, substantially, it was probably that portion of the old Button property which was in the parish —e tt W orleton and St. Nicholas. 227 of St. Lythans. The Button share of St. Nicholas, as distin- guished from the other shares, is also practically impossible to define in the absence of old Surveys, especially as the Buttons of Duffryn appear to have acquired part of the Earl of Pembroke’s share, the Buttons of Cottrell purchasing the rest. TALYVAN. Very little is known as to the history of Talyvan in the earlier days before it was taken by the Chief Lord. Some authorities state, and it may be said to be the generally received view, that, following upon the conquest, the St. Quintin family held Llanbleddian, and the Seward or Siward family Talyvan. This has been stated so generally and by so many writers that hesitation is felt in putting forward a different opinion, but the writer feels some doubt whether these lords were con- temporary, and ventures to think it more probable that the St. Quintins came first, both at Llanbleddian and Talyvan, and that the Siwards succeeded them, probably by marriage of an heiress. A charter of 1129 refers to a mill at Pendoylan, which would be in Talyvan, as held under Richard de St. Quintin (not Siward). Certain it is that in the first half of the thirteenth century Richard Siward was Lord of Llan- bleddian, Talyvan, and Ruthyn. He also held lands in Devonshire, and was a person of considerable note. He is described in Land of Morgan as, “ one of the Earl of Gloucester’s most turbulent barons.” The Earl of Gloucester (and Lord of Glamorgan) was Richard de Clare, who became Earl on the death of his father, Gilbert, in 1230, but, being a minor, was not let into possession of his estates until 1243. In or about 1246 or a little later, Siward appears to have allied himself with Howel ap Meredith, the Welsh Lord of Miscin, in opposition to de Clare, and was summoned to appear before the ‘‘ comitatus ”’ or county court 228 Talyvan. of Glamorgan, and was ultimately outlawed by the court and his lands forfeited. He appealed to the King, but the Earl denied the jurisdiction of the King’s court, on the ground that the matter had taken place within his marcher lordship, and had been determined in accordance with the custom there. The proceedings were going on in 1247, and are set out at length, but without the ultimate result, in Cartae, vol. II, p. 547. Siward died in 1248, perhaps before any decision was given, but apparently the judgment of the Glamorgan court took effect, for Talyvan, Ruthyn, and Llanbleddian from that time remained in the hands of the Chief Lords. It may be mentioned that about the same time the Earl also expelled Howel ap Meredith, and took possession of Miscin. Richard de Clare died in 1262, and about that time an extent or inquisition as to the holdings in Glamorgan was made. It is not dated, but the names mentioned in it show that it was of about that date. In it, as we have it, there are no particulars of Talyvan, probably because then in the Chief Lord’s own hands. The first information as to what it consisted of is contained in an inquisition taken 3rd February, 1296, following upon the death of Gilbert de Clare, son of Richard, who had died in December, 1295. It is here called the “‘ Barony” of Talyvan. The names of the jurors appear to be all Welsh. They consisted of free and customary tenants. There were the following items as found by the jury :— fs, -@ 75 free tenants holding 704 acres andrendering.. 5 4 6 and one sparrow hawk (or 2s. instead) “2 Owe 38 customary tenants 3704 acres and rendering.. 2 13 1 each of these was bound to do certain works of ploughing, reaping, harrowing, carrying corn and to carry one load of underwood (for firewood) yearly the works worth .. .. Ooreeue Talyvan. 229 It is however said “if they have wherewith to do £ s. d, “the said works they shall do them, and if “they have not, they shall do nothing “And be it known that 53 homesteads of “customary tenants are wasted and des- “troyed by war, and they neither yield nor “do anything It is also stated that all the cottages are wasted and destroyed. All the bond tenants of the Barony owe yearly of aid and custom ai I: 123 h'O 6 And claim out of it £1 6s. 8d. It does not appear why this claim for deduction was made, unless on account of the wasting of so many holdings a»; 300 acres of arable and pasture eh; per acre jets yak 28 acres of meadow, 3d. peracre .. Bi eu ONE 720 A moor of turf (peat) SOG ES Four forests, Caergriffith, New Forkt! Old Honest and Little Haywood and Park at Talyvan .. 013 4 One nest of sparrow hawks .. Po ha a The pleas and perquisites of the ‘widisuirdat earl ZEN ONO Total ..16 13 10 The waste and destruction by war arose from a great rising which took place in the last year of de Clare’s life, and very probably while he was suffering from illness, and which caused great havoc throughout the county. King Edward I himself interfered to put it down. The pleas and perquisites of court mentioned above included fines and forfeitures for certain offences, and heriots. At this period they appear to have been unusually small, but in some lordships in later times they increased very much, and in fact became probably a great instrument of oppression. 230 Talyvan. With reference to the rising referred to, it should be mentioned that the inquisition says that five free tenants were still against the peace of the King and the Countess, meaning the Countess Joan, daughter of the King, and widow of de Clare. The next Inquisition was taken June, 1307, after there had been several years of peace, on the death of the Countess Joan, widow of de Clare (who in the meantime had married Ralph de Monthermer). The particulars are shortly these :— fsa * A castle worth yearly of 1783 acres of (arable) land at od. perdcte bik. 77 0 1 28 acres pasture at 4d. per acre. Lz J¢ ag The Turbary 23 a 0 0 Certain woods 1 £3. Tis tRent of the tenants av ~ oe _», 10 15 60 Welsh customary tenants... ve PY bid (ge §Also render an aid called Commorth .. + Sea The same tenants owe 60 Autumn works Pte of awomcedd." .« os OS And they owe at Christmas 5s. it iid, carriage of 60 loads of wood for firewood .. .. OFsRe (These entries indicate that the ‘‘ works ’’ were not performed, but commuted for a money payment.) The pleas and perquisites of Llanbleddian and Talyvan - at ers es 2 £27 19 64 * It was usual to put castles as worth nothing or a nominal amount. + So in original, but should be £1 Qs. 9d. t Now called chief rent. § Paid in several of the hill lordships, but except in Talyvan only in every alternate year. Talyvan. In the original the total is entered £27 18s. 64d., because the 1s. for the Castle is omitted, and the 10s. too much, as noted above, is included. The right amount without the castle would be ies i a oie Ce 231 8 6} In the next Inquisition, taken in 1314 on the death of Gilbert, son of Gilbert and Joan, Llanbleddian, Talyvan, and Llanharry are mixed together. The next is that on the death of Hugh le Despenser, taken 1350, and in this there appear :— £ send. Castle and park... wig ays One 84 acres of (arable) land 8d. peracre .. 216 0 20 acres meadow Is. per acre ag chy A008 Forests “9 it a bere aby een 99 free tenants Panes AY 18....5,-_ 54 81 customary tenants holding in ulemiane, rendering inrents worksandservices .. 5 4 114 Pleas and perquisites om sys aa Fa Bis {38 3 1 The next Inquisition was taken 1375, on the death of Edward le Despenser. During his time apparently a new officer, called Receiver of the Forest, had been appointed in some lordships, of which Talyvan was one. Exactly what portions he took charge of does not appear, but evidently more than the actual woods. The items may be summarised thus :— Ese! Buildings of castle .. ons ot ss Nil. 64 acres of arable land 22 8 334 acres of meadow bo 2 Village of Talyvan—arable eG, 2-970 Rent of free and bond tenants... bPuS Zee Works a Li Laas Pleas and pennies wv TAL 134 Talyvan Receptor (Receiver of the Brest) 415 0 Lar) Oe 232 Talyvan. It seems probable that, as in the case of so many manors, the “‘ Black Death”’ of 1349-50 had adversely affected Talyvan. After this, Inquisitions ceased to be taken in detail, and the later ones are not worth quoting. It will be seen that the lists in the above Inquisitions vary to a curious extent. It looks as if matters as to cultivation, etc., fluctuated a good deal, and perhaps the quantities and figures given were often matters of rough estimate and not really very accurate The next document is of a different character. It is a Minister’s account rendered by the Bedell of Talyvan for 1491-92 at the time the lordship belonged to Jasper, Duke of Bedford. There had been some small administrative changes, some money that used to be collected in Glynrhondda was now received by the Bedell of Talyvan, and the Bailiffs of Cow- bridge received a few shillings formerly collected in Talyvan. The perquisites of Court had sunk to 13s. 8d., so that there had evidently been a great improvement from the tenants’ point of view, while on the other hand some lands had fallen into the lord’s hands and were let at improved rents. It would take too much space to go into the details, but it may be stated that the gross receipts appear to have amounted to about £45. One item of some interest is that this account gives particulars of the tenants’ “ works,’’ not at this date actually done, but paid for by them in money. 82 works of ploughing, the lord finding food, {£ s. a work worth l4d._... re 0: 10° 4 84 works of harrowing, a work worth id. 0. 7G 84 works of carrying brushwood, a work worth 1d. 0 7.0 9 works of haymaking, a ae aah 1d. O S:0:tvae 75 works of carrying hay, a work worth 2d. 0 12 6 9 works of collecting (probably stacking) hay, a work worth 4d. re 0 0 44 87 works of harvesting corn,a work worth ] qd O77 4G There are here two errors. The first item should be 10s. 3d., and the last 7s. 3d. Talyvan. 233 The amounts for which the works were commuted must have been fixed long before the date of the account, for certainly at that time the works could not have been done for the sums named. It would seem that in Talyvan the practice of accept- ing small payments instead of actual works must have begun early. By the death without issue of the Duke of Bedford, Talyvan, with the rest of the Glamorgan Lordship, came back into the hands of the King, but retained the status of a “‘ member ”’ lordship not deemed part of the body of the county until the Statute 27 Henry VIII, cap. 26, when the member lordships were incorporated with the county, losing their special juris- dictions and privileges, and being practically reduced to the position of manors. Mr. G. T. Clark, in his Glamorgan Genealogies, p. 356, states that John Basset, of Llantrithyd, commonly known as John Thomas Basset, purchased the manor of Talyvan from Henry VIII in 1545, and this is probably correct, though Rice Lewis, who wrote an account of Glamorgan, 1596-1600 (not printed), says he bought it of King Edward VI. The forest was not included in his purchase. Talyvan was settled by Basset on his daughter Elizabeth, who married Anthony Mansel, a son of Sir Rice Mansel of Margam. Their elder daughter and co-heir Mary married Thomas Aubrey, and by this marriage Talyvan came to the Aubrey family LLANTRITHYD. This, reckoned as half a knight’s fee, was one of the ancient Glamorgan manors, granted probably soon after FitzHamon’s conquest. It was held early in the twelfth century by a family known as de Cardiff, who may well have been the first holders. 234 Llantrithyd. William de Cardiff held it in 1262, in 1307 Paulinus de Cardiff, in 1315 and 1317 Juetta, widow of William de Cardiff. In 1349 it was held by Joanna, widow of John de Hampton. The history seems to be that after the time of Juetta, before mentioned, the property went to another William, whose sole heiress, Joanna, married, first, John de Wynecote, and after- wards John de Hampton, who had died before 1349. Joanna died in 1349 or 1350, leaving two daughters by her first marriage, Juetta, who married Robert Underhill, and Elizabeth (or Margaret), who married John Bawdrip. The Bawdrips had a daughter and heiress Agnes, who married John Basset, and so Llantrithyd came to the Bassets. Various pedigrees are not quite consistent, but this seems the most probable account. In the time of James I, William Basset of Beaupre sold the manor to Sir Thomas Aubrey. In Glamorgan Genealogies it is said that Llantrithyd belonged to John Thomas Basset and came to the Aubreys in the same way as Talyvan. But this seems to be clearly incorrect. John Thomas Basset had lands in Llantrithyd, but not the manor, as is proved by statements of contemporary writers, Rice Merrick and Rice Lewis. PETERSTON-SUPER-ELY. The Manor of Peterston is not mentioned in the old inquisi- tions as one of those held directly of the Chief Lord, and there is evidence, referred to below, that it was a sub-manor held under St. Fagans. Rice Merrick says that he found by the Register of Neath (Abbey) that the Le Sores were Lords of St. Fagans and Peterston. The Le Sores were very early in Glamorgan, and probably among the original conquerors, the followers of FitzHamon. A document of 1102 (when FitzHamon was living) mentions a Robert le Sore. i Slee eee a Peterston-super-Ely. 235 A William le Sore held St. Fagans in 1262.* Intheinquisition, on death of Gilbert de Clare, 1314, St. Fagans is said to be held by “the heir of Bogo le Veel.’’ Therefore, by that time, St. Fagans had passed from the I.e Sore family. The le Veels held it for nearly 200 years till their line ended in an heiress. Yet the le Sores had not died out, for they are mentioned frequently in documents of the fourteenth century as people of position in the County down to a much later date, and they continued to hold Peterston, though not St. Fagans. Rice Merrick says that Owen Glyndwr took Peterston and beheaded Sir Mayo le Sore, who then held it (temp. Henry IV). There is evidence from inquisitions that at this time the le Veels owned St. Fagans. Peterston became vested in some way which has not been traced, as to one moiety of it, in Edward le Despenser, Lord of Glamorgan, who died 1375. This moiety came, with the Lordship of Glamorgan to King Henry VII, and, according to Glamorgan Genealogies, was granted by King Henry VIII in 1545 to John Basset, commonly called John Thomas Basset. It was settled upon his daughter Elizabeth to the exclusion of his son Thomas, his heir. Elizabeth married Anthony Mansel, and their daughter Mary married Sir Thomas Aubrey, and thus the Aubrey family obtained a moiety of Peterston. As to the other moiety, it appears in 1382 to have been held by John Boteler or Butler, because in that year he and Lady le Despenser, widow of Edward le Despenser (who had in dower his share of the manor) presented a clergyman to the church of Peterston. From this fact it would seem that Boteler was then the only person interested in one moiety, but at a later date the Mathew family are found in possession of half of this moiety, or one quarter of the whole. This had occurred before 1459, for in that year what was called the Manor of Peterston (meaning of course the Mathew share of it) * As shown by the Extent on death of Richard de Clare. 236 Peterston-super-Ely. was the subject of a deed of settlement, whereby it was granted _ to John Nevyll, Knight, David Mathew, and Thomas Mathew, . son of David, and the male heirs of Thomas. It descended thus :— Thomas (son of David), d. 1470—of Radyr. Sir William, knighted at Bosworth by Henry VIII. Died | 14th March, 1528. Tomb in Llandaff Cathedral. Sir George rs, | William, d. 1587, Henry, Edmund succeeded by his succeeded by his brother Henry. brother Edmund. George sold Radyr and emigrated to Ireland. Ancestor of the Earls of Llandaff. Leland, writing probably 1535-40, says Boteler and George Matthew were lords of the village. He adds, “‘ Look who is owner of the ‘“‘Castelle’, which he describes as almost in ruin. The inquisition on the death of George Matthew, 5th April, 1559, states that he held the manor (i.e., his share) of the Lords of St. Fagans. The Matthew share remained in that family until at least 1753, when it is referred to in a Chancery suit between members of that family. What became of it afterwards I do not know. As to the Boteler share, Ann, heiress of that family, married Sir Richard Vaughan of Bredwardine, and their son Walter became entitled to the Boteler interest. He was living in 1584. Walter Vaughan and William Matthew (son of Sir George) are mentioned as holding Peterston in a document of Elizabeth. Before 2nd November, 1593 (date of his death), Thomas Lewis of the Van had acquired the Vaughan share, no doubt by purchase. It is mentioned as } in the inquisition on the death ~ of Thomas Lewis. His son, Sir Edward Lewis, also held it at his death in 1628. I have not ascertained what afterwards happened to this share. Peterston-super-Ely. 237 As has been shown, the original share of the Aubrey family was one half of Peterston, but it is possible that they may have afterwards obtained the Lewis and Matthew shares, or one of them. Ifthe Matthew share, the purchase must have been since 1753. One of the Aubrey rent rolls refers to Peterston and “‘ New Peterston,’’ which looks as if something had been acquired in addition to the original holding. As already mentioned, when a manor was held in shares, it was a frequent practice, instead of dividing the whole of the rents in the appropriate shares, for one of the owners to take the whole rents of some lands, and the other or others the whole rents of other lands. GELLYGARN OR GELLIGARN. This manor belonged in the twelfth century to the Allueia or Halweya (afterwards de Hawey) family, who held it under the le Sores, Lords of St. Fagans. As Peterston was also held of them, they were overlords of a large district. Neath Abbey acquired it by exchange from Sanson de Allueia in the time of Henry VI. It remained in the possession of Neath Abbey, paying 13s. 4d. yearly to the Lord of St. Fagans, up to the time of the dissolution of the monasteries under Henry VIII. After this it was sold to Sir Rice Mansel. From him it came to his son, Anthony Mansel, who married Elizabeth, daughter of John Thomas Basset. Their elder daughter, Mary, married Sir Thomas Aubrey and so brought Gelligarn into the Aubrey family. In old documents it is called Kilticar. The parish of St. Mary Hill is partly in Gelligarn (where the church is) and partly in Lord Bute’s manor of Ruthyn. The clergyman is a vicar, and in Gelligarn has the vicarial tithe only, but in the Ruthyn portion of the parish he is, as regards tithe, in the position of a rector 238 Carnllwyd. CARNLLWYD. Sometimes (of course erroneously) called Carnlloyd, is a sub-manor of St. Nicholas, and is situate in the parish and hamlet of Llancarvan*. According to Glamorgan Genealogies, Carnllwyd would seem to have been in the hands of a Welsh owner in the fourteenth century, for Lewis Mathew (of the Llandaff family), living temp. Richard II, is said to have obtained it by marriage with the daughter and heiress of a Griffith ap Rees. They had a daughter and heiress, Joan, who married John Raglan. The Raglans were a Llantwit family, but this John Raglan is said to have sold his Llantwit lands. In the sixteenth century, a Sir John Raglan of Carnllwyd married Anne, daughter of Sir William Dennis. of Dyrham, Gloucester. She afterwards married Sir Edward Carne, of Ewenny. She survived him, and in a Survey of the Earl of Pembroke’s estates in 1570 it is stated that Lady Anne Carne held Carnllwyd, paying 6s. 11d. per annum to St. Nicholas. Afterwards, her son, Sir Thomas Raglan, sold Carnllwyd to a gentleman who bore the curious name of Sir John Wildgoose, who also acquired various other manors in the district. A Survey of St. Nicholas in 1591 shows John Wildgoose in possession and paying the 6s. 11d. Sir Edward Lewis, of the Van, purchased the manor from Wildgoose, as is mentioned in the inquisition on Sir Edward’s death, in 1628; a younger son of Sir Edward Lewis, Nicholas, had the manor in 1645+. After this Sir John Aubrey, of Llan- trithyd, married a Mary Lewis, who had become the heiress of a considerable portion of the Lewis estates, but I do not know that the Aubreys can have obtained Carnllwyd by this marriage. How it came to them I have not been able to ascertain. * Llancarvan has hamlets, viz., Llancarvan, Liege Castle, Trogyff, Moulton, Llanbethery, Walterston, Llancadle, Penon, Llanvithen. t+ According to Mr. Clark’s Genealogies. a i —————— Llancarvan. 239 LLANCARVAN. A manor of Llancarvan is sometimes referred to, but I rather doubt whether there is a manor of this name distinct from Carnllwyd. In one old grant the “‘ Manor of Carnllwyd and Llancarvan ’’ is mentioned as if one, and it will be remem- bered that Carnllwyd is in the hamlet of Llancarvan. The matter is not clear. LIEGE CASTLE. This is the name of a hamlet of Llancarvan, and a sub-manor of Bonvilstone, which is itself a sub-manorof Wenvoe. In the fourteenth century it appears to have been held by the Norris family, but whether under a Bonvil or under the Abbot of Margam, to which Abbey the Bonvils had already granted a large part of their property, is not quite clear. Liege Castle afterwards came into the possession of the Raglans of Carn- liwyd. Its subsequent history is similar to that of Carnllwyd, being purchased by Sir John Wildgoose from Sir Thomas Raglan,and from the former by Sir Edward Lewis, of the Van. MARCROSS. This manor was held from very early times, possibly from the first conquest of Glamorgan, by a family who took their name from the place. It was one knight’s fee, held of the Chief Lord as of his Castle of Cardiff. A Phillip de Marcros was living in the time of Henry II. A daughter and heiress of Phillip de Marcros (perhaps a son of the Phillip before named) is said by Rice Merrick to have married William Pincerna or Butler, son of Simon de Halweya. There was a family named de Halweya 240 Marcross. (later Hawey) already mentioned in connection with Gelligarn, some of whose members were called Pincerna, meaning Brittis or Cupbearer, from holding that office, and this name after- wards as Butiler, Boteler, or Butler became the surname of some of them. There is no doubt that in the first half of the thirteenth century this family held Marcros. At the death of Richard de Clare in 1262, Marcros was in his possession, on account of a dispute as to lordship between certain ladies. Joan, daughter of William, son of John le Butiler, had died under age while a ward of de Clare, and the ladies who claimed were on the one hand her aunts, sisters of William, and on the other her great aunt, sister of John, her grandfather. How the matter was settled does not appear, but not long afterwards it is clear that Marcros had passed by marriage of heiresses as to one moiety to David de la Bere, and as to the other to John de Anne, for these were the owners of Marcros when Gilbert de Clare, grandson of Richard, fell at Bannockburn in 1314, The name of de Anne subsequently became Van or Avan. In 1375 John de la Bere had half and Lawrence de Anne half. A daughter of John de la Bere is said to have married Sir Elias Basset, and carried the de la Bere moiety to the Basset family. Marcros remained for centuries in the Van and Basset families. This was still the case in the time of Charles II, when the wardsilver of 6s. 8d. paid in respect of the one fee was paid, 3s. 4d. by Sir Richard Basset and 3s. 4d. by John Van. Sir Richard Basset incurred a heavy lability as surety for Sir Edward Stradling, and had to part with some estates. He possibly may have sold his half of Marcros to the Aubreys, though I know of no evidence of it. As to the Van share, John Van died 1690-95, having three daughters, Grace, Mary, and Jane. Of the first I know nothing. Mary married a Wyndham. Jane probably married St. Fagans. 241 a Wogan, as a document refers to Wogans as her heirs. Her share was sold in 1729 to Fortescue Broadler, of Neath, who in 1732 sold it to Rees Powell, father of the Rev. Gervase Powell. The Report of the Welsh Land Commission, Appendix, p. 467, says that Marcros belonged to I. D. Nicholl Carne. If this is correct at all, it will be seen that it can only be so as to some share. The Aubrey share must have been derived from either the Bassets or the Vans. It seems most likely that they acquired the Basset share. ST. FAGANS. The present Castle of St. Fagans is mainly a building of the latter part of the sixteenth century, but occupies the site of an older building. The Manor and Castle belonged first to the le Sores, who were very probably among the followers of FitzHamon. Odo le Sore appears among the witnesses to an agreement between Robert Consul and Bishop Urban of Llandaff, in 1126, and other members of the family occur in early documents. In the earliest known Extent of Gla- morgan, that of 1262, William leSorappearsas holding St. Fagans, one knight’s fee. The manor, which comprises the southern portion of the parish (the northern part being in Miscin), was always held directly of the Chief Lord as of his Castle of Cardiff. A le Sore heiress, temp. Edward I, appears to have married a le Vele, of Portworth, Gloucester, and in the inquisition of 1314, on the death of Gilbert de Clare, “‘ the heir of Bogo le Vele”’ is named as Lord of St. Fagans. The possession of St. Fagans by the le Vele family does not appear to have been undisturbed. In 1411, John le Vele had died leaving an infant son, John, then aged three, In I Henry V (1412-1413) the Escheator of Gloucester claimed Q 242 St. Fagans. allowance for St. Fagans and Lisworney, because ‘“ Jevan ap Davy held them with strong hand.’’ Probably this person was a follower of Glyndwr, or had got possession through the Glyndwr rising. (The King was in possession of the revenues of Glamorgan at this time by reason of the wardship of Richard, son of Thomas le Despenser.) Then later, in the I.P.M. of Isabella, Countess of Warwick (sister of Richard le Despenser), who died 1439, it is stated that the Castle and Manor of St. Fagans and Manor of Lisworney belonged “ sibi et heredibus suis in perpetuum. Set de quo vel de quibus predicta castrum et maneria tenentur jurati predicta penitus ignorant ’’. There is probably some error here. The I.P.M. was taken at ‘Gloucester, and none of the Jurors appear to have been ‘Glamorgan men. If the manors mentioned were in the hands of the Countess, it was probably during some minority, and not as her absolute property. It must have been through some temporary state of things, for certainly St. Fagans was not among the manors in the hands of Richard, Earl of Warwick, in I Edward IV. Nor was it in the hands of Jasper Tudor when he held the Glamorgan Lordship. Jt remained in the le Vele family until the latter part of the fifteenth century, when Alice, daughter and heiress of Robert le Vele, married David Matthew, of Radyr, who thus obtained St. Fagans. He died 1504, leaving four daughters, his co-heirs, who, or whose descendants, sold the property to Dr. John Gibbon. Prior to this, Leland (c. 1537), speaking of the old Castle, says “a part of it yet standeth ”’, from which it would appear that it was in ruin in his time. The purchase by Dr. Gibbon was later than 1559 and earlier than 1570. He is reputed to have built the present Castle, at least in part, and certainly sold the property to Nicholas Herbert in 1586. In November, 1601, it was the subject of an agreement for settle- ment on the marriage of William Herbert, son of Nicholas. ‘Nicholas Herbert died 1603, and William succeeded. William Herbert sold St. Fagans to Sir Edward Lewis, of the Van, near ——— St. Fagans. 243 Caerphilly,in 1616. There is good reason to believe that the object of the sale was to raise money to aid in fitting out the last expedition of Sir Walter Raleigh, in which Herbert certainly took part. St. Fagans from that time onward remained in the Lewis family, now represented by the Earl of Plymouth, the present owner, to whose ancestors it passed by the marriage, in 1730, of Elizabeth Lewis, only child and heiress of Thomas Lewis, with Other Windsor, Third Earl of Plymouth. About a mile north-west of the Castle was fought on the ‘6th May, 1648, the battle of St. Fagans, between a Parlia- mentary force, under Colonel Horton, and a Welsh army which had risen in favour of the King, under Major-General Laugharne, in which battle the Royalists were defeated with heavy loss. CHAPTER XII. CLUN AND -PENTYRCE® Clun is not the name of a parish or of any definite area as now known, whatever may formerly have been the case. The name is that of a small river running into the Ely from the east, somewhat south of Llantrisant. Pentyrch is an ancient parish, and at one time was a manor held under the Lord of Glamorgan. The whole of Pentyrch and Clun is included, according to the Surveys of the seven- teenth century (the oldest in existence giving details of boun- daries), within the great Lordship or Manor of Miscin. When the Norman conquest of Glamorgan took place in the time of William II, there can be no doubt that it was of a very incomplete character. What is known generally as the Vale was subdued, parcelled out into manors, and generally brought very much into the condition as regards tenures, etc., of an English county, but the hill districts, consisting, so far as the eastern portion of the County is concerned, of the great Lordships of Senghenydd, Miscin, and Glynrhondda, remained in Welsh hands, the Lords of Miscin and Glynrhondda being descendants of Jestyn ap Gwrgan, the last Welsh ruler of Glamorgan. The Lords of Cardiff claimed, no doubt, some sort of overlordship, but there is no indication that these hill lordships were the subject of feudal tenure, and ordinarily it seems probable that their dependence on the Chief Lord was almost nominal. As regards Miscin, however, this state of things had come to an end before the earliest known Extent (that of c. 1262), for Richard de Clare appears to have expelled Howel ap Meredith, the last Welsh Lord, and presumably assumed direct control of the whole of Miscin about 1245-1247. 244 a ae ES ee Clun and Pentyrch. 245 The Brut y Tywysogion (Rolls edit. p. 333, under date 1246), mentions Howel, son of Maredudd of Glamorgan, as having been “ entirely dispossessed by the Earl of Clare.’’ It seems possible, however, that Clun and Pentyrch may have been taken at an earlier date and that the authority of Howel, even before he was “‘ entirely dispossessed,’’ did not extend to them. Coming to the Extent of 1262, Clun is not mentioned by name, though in what is called Extenta de Lantrissen (Cartae II, p. 659) it is tolerably clear that the returns from lands forming later, and perhaps at that time, parts of what was called the Manor of Clun are included. As to Pentyrch it had, prior to 1262, been granted out as a manor holden of the Chief Lord, for the Extent has :— “ Henr de Sulye tenet qrt in Pentirech & ... . pacis valuit XLs.’’ Probably the missing word was “‘ tempore ”’. This de Sully holding in Pentyrch must soon have come to an end, for there is no further trace of it, and in subsequent documents Pentyrch is found in the hands of the Chief Lord. Clun (and also Pentyrch and Radyr) must either have formed an encroachment or conquest made from Miscin before the final annexation of the whole of that territory, or else, if the Chief Lord did not obtain it until he had all Miscin, it must have been a manor constituted simply for administrative purposes. It may be mentioned that in 1262 Welshmen still held Glynrhondda and Senghenydd, owing no service but a heriot at death. The inquisition taken in 1296, on the death of Gilbert de Clare, son of Richard, has an Extent of Miscin, but no mention of Pentyrch or Clun, or even Llantrisant. The inquisition as to Miscin was made at St. Fagans, and it may be that Llan- trisant was temporarily valueless on account of the then late Welsh rising, or it may have been in the hands of the King, who, interposing in person to put down the rebellion, took some of de Clare’s lands into his hands for a time. 246 Clun and Pentyrch. The inquisition of 1307, on the death of the Countess Joan, states that Earl Gilbert and Joan his wife, jointly enfeoffed, held the Castle and town of Llantrisant with the members, namely the whole land of Myskin . . . . with the Manor of Clun (then follows in the Bute Estate office copy ‘“‘ & pte tenenef in Sco Fagano,’”’ which would seem to mean “ part of the tenants of St. Fagans,’’ an odd expression).* Here the Manor of Clun is mentioned for the first time. The first item of values, £12 7s. 9d., is made up of the demesnes of Llantrisant and the Manor of Clun, with the profits of the wood, forest, mills, and fishery, but no perquisites of court, so that, so far as this inquisition goes, there is nothing to indicate a separate court for Clun. Then follow particulars of the town of Llantrisant, burgage rents, prisage of ale markets, etc., and perquisites of the hundred court 20s., the whole being £10 2s. 63d. Then comes Miskyn £48 3s. 64d., of which no doubt a large part consisted of “‘ perquisites of court,’”’t though the amount of these is blank. Glynrotheni is then inserted. This is followed by a statement that at Trewerne (which is in St. Fagans), there are two free tenants who hold divers tenements and render 3s. 2d. per annum. Also 7 customary tenants holding 24 acres of meadow and pasture, and 15 customary tenants holding 115 acres, 3 roods. Trewerne is new customary land held of the Manor of Pentyrch and Clun. At Argoydwladt (a place not identified) there are two customary tenants who hold one messuage and 6 acres of land, and these two ought to reap with one man, the Lord finding food, while the Lord has oats to be reaped at Clun. There are also 54 customary tenants who hold divers tenements ‘‘in villenagis,’’ but it mentions no services by * There are many passages wanting in the office copy. + These always were heavy in the Welsh Lordships. + The name would seem to mean a district surrounded by wood. ee Pe 4 Clun and Pentyrch. 247 these, though there probably were such, as shown by moneys received in lieu of works in later accounts. Most likely these holdings afterwards came into the Lord’s hands. At St. Fagans there are certain free tenants, no others being mentioned, and the document proceeds to say that the pleas and perquisites of all the aforesaid tenants, except the tenants of the town of Llantrisant, are worth £14. What tenants are meant to be included it is difficult to be sure, for at first sight it seems hardly likely that the Glynrhondda tenants would have attended the same Court as those of Clun, and yet probably it was so, as without them the amount of £14 is not easy to acount for. The Inquisition has been dealt with in some detail because in it there seem to be some indications that the ‘‘ Manor ”’ of Clun was a sort of administrative entity, in the sense that the profits accounted for did not arise within a definite geographical area called by that name, but were for conve- nience collected by the ‘“‘ Reeve ” of Clun rather than by the ‘‘ Bedell’ of Miscin. There is no mention of Pentyrch in the Inquisition, and there are various signs that it was not carried out with any great care. The next inquisition is that of 1314 on the death of Gilbert de Clare, slain at Bannockburn. In this the details are more carefully given, and to show how Clun was mixed up with Miscin it is worth while to give a translation of the whole passage dealing with Miscin, Glynrhondda, Clun, Pentyrch, and Radyr, the last here mentioned for the first time. This is as follows :— . at Llantrissant is a certain castle which is worth nothing beyond reprise. And there are certain Burgesses who hold 187 burgages with certain plots, 248 Clun and Pentyrch. within the aforesaid town, and render yearly £9 15s., namely at the four terms in equal portions. And there are in the same town 29 waste burgages, and the Ss a is worth yearly ak ae ag And there are 16 acres and a half of land let to Burgesses at the will of the Lord, and they render therefor yearly at the feast of the blessed Michael And there are there five plots of land, and they render yearly at the same term And there is a certain prise of ale, which is worth yearly 20s. to wit for every cran- nock of best malt brewed for sale 1d. Likewise the toll of the market and fair on the day of Saint Peter Advincula, with the toll of the County of Miscin and Glynrhondda, with the cense, are worth yearly The pleas and perquisites of the hundred of the town, with the pleas of the fair, are worth yearly <5 Sum of the value of the town aforesaid Likewise they say that at Clun is a certain messuage whose easement is_ worth yearly And there are there on demesne 150 acres of land, and they are worth aa ae of the acre 3d. And there are there 31 acres and a half of meadow which is worth yearly, for an acre 10d. 20 20 37 26 Clun and Pentyrch. And there are there divers pastures, as well of the waste as escheated, in the mountains of Miscin and Glynrhondda, and they are worth yearly And there is there a certain pasture at Rhigos, and it is let to farm yearly for And there are there certain free tenants who hold divers tenements, and render therefor yearly, namely at the feast of Saint Hilary, the feast of the Apostles Peter and Paul, and the feast of the blessed Michael And there are there 22 Welsh customary tenants who hold divers tenements in villeinage, and render yearly 17s. 34d., whereof the feast of Saint Andrew 4s. 10d., and at the feast of the blessed Michael 12s. 54d. And there are there 56 customary tenants who hold divers tenements in villeinage, and render therefor yearly 64s. 2d., whereof at the feast of Saint Hilary 20s. O4d., at the feast of the Apostles Peter and Paul 204d., and at the feast of the blessed Michael 24s. ld. .. And of the aforesaid tenants there are certain as well free as customary, and render im every alternate year of the aid which is called Commorth, at Hockday And also the aforesaid customary tenants ought to reap the oats of the Lord at Clun, so much as he may have sown there in his demesnes, the Lord finding food, and those works are worth by 249 fs Sy ek 613 4 100 0 23 10 7} 17 33 64 2 64 9 250 Clun and Pentyrch. estimation 6s. 8d.,* and if nothing shall piss -d have been sown they shall not give nor do anything for the work .. = a 6 8 They say also that the pasture and pannage of the forest of Glyntaff and the wood of Haywode, with the underwood, are worth yearly & Ee as oe 20 0 And there is a certain fishery in the water of Taff, and it is worth yearly .. ate 26 8 And there are in Miscin four water mills which are worth yearly .. i ‘ 20 0 0 And there is there one fulling mill sith is worth yearly a8 ors of cP 53 4 And in Glynrhondda there is one water mill, and it is worth yearly et ey 20 0 And there are there certain persons, not holders of land, who render yearly for having avowry nw. oe Be Ad 13 4 The pleas and perquisites with the heriots and jblood fines, are worth yearly Y 4); O).@ Sum {£109 11s. 1?d., in one year, and in every alternate year £112 15s. 103d., for the rent of Commorth, which is rendered in every alternate year. And so the sum on the average of years, the said rent of Commorth being equally appor- tioned to every year, is .. 111 3 6} Likewise they say that at Beaty chase are 20 acres of land and pasture which are worth yearly, price of the acre 4d. .. 6 8 * This seems an important local custom in the interests of the tenants, for it appears that elsewhere the right of the Lord to payment in lieu of work attached whether he had work to be done or not. + ‘“‘Averia Sanguinis’’; this may mean not “blood fines,’ but deodands. Clun and Pentyrch. And there are there certain free tenants who hold divers tenements, who render yearly at the feast of the blessed Michael And there are there certain Welsh custo- mary tenants and cottagers who hold divers tenements, and render yearly at the same term And there is there a SoAin aie aa and it is worth yearly : es And the aforesaid customary tenants owe a certain gift against Christmas, and they are worth Likewise they owe certain free HS and the works are worth : The pleas and perquisites are worth yearly .. Sums >. The aforesaid jurors say also that at Radyr there is a certain house, the easements of which are worth yearly .. And there are there in demesne 68 acres and a third part of an acre of arable land which are worth ey price of the acre 4d. And there are “ee 3 acres of oeion which are worth yearly 4s., and 1 acre and a half of pasture, and it is worth yearly 6d. Likewise there are there 10 SUS SR tenants who hold 52 acres of land, and render yearly 13s., namely at the feast of Saint Andrew 4s. 6d., and at the feast of the blessed Michael 8s. 6d. And there are there two cottars who penkias at the feast of the blessed Michael And the aforesaid customary tenants owe 8 works of ploughing, and they are worth 251 dk 12 10 32 04 40 0 = a) 4 0 10 O 118 64 12 22 94 4 6 1S. 12 8 252 Clun and Pentyrch. And they ought to gather the hay of three pis? a. acres of meadow, and the works are worth.. an en ad ry. 3 6 Likewise the same customary tenants owe 16 Autumn works of reaping, and they are worth .. ats 2% 3 Ee 16 The pleas and perquisites, fines and heriots, and other profits which cannot be ex- tended, are worth yearly .. ae vs 6e0 Sima’ *>5.¢ 50 94 Sum of the whole country of Miscin and Glynrhondda with other particulars, £131 12s. 104d. in one year, and in every alternate year £134 17s. 73d. And so the sum on the average of years, the said rent of Commorth being equally apportioned, is ch * ai oo. Noe tees From this it will be seen that it is impossible to be sure what particular properties were considered to be in Clun and what in Miscin as distinguished from Clun, even if in fact any definite and fixed notions existed on the subject. What, in earlier times, the exact status of Radyr had been it is difficult to say, though from its position it must surely have been, if not in the direct possession, at least under the control, of the Chief Lord at least as early as Pentyrch. It seems possible that it may have been in friendly Welsh hands, and for that reason not mentioned. The account of John Giffard, Custodian of the County after the death of de Clare for about half a year, is printed Cartae III, p. 842. The heads with which we are concerned are :—Town of Llantrissan with Castle. Manor of Cloune with Rugois. Pentirgh. Radur. Clun and Pentyrch, 253 Here practically all the general receipts of the district except Pentyrch and Radyr are accounted for under the second head. No Reeve of Clun is mentioned, but a Bedell of Miscin and Reeve of Pentyrch occur. Rents of free and customary tenants are mentioned both under Clun and Pentyrch, and under the latter is an item of payment in respect of works of customary tenants. Nothing of this sort occurs under Clun. We then come to the Writ to the Escheator to deliver to Hugh le Despenser his wife’s share of Gilbert de Clare’s lands printed in Cartae Vol. III, p. 1048, etc. Here, at p. 1050, we have Castrum et villa de Llantrissan cum patria mA Bia de Glynrotheny cum pertinentiis (3 72 12 10} Manerium de Clonne cum patria de Meskyn cum pertinentiis £ Hall uZ1LODs8imS Hamelettum de Pentyrgh cum pertinentiis 7 4 63 Manerium de Radur cum pertinentiis 210 0 The following list occurs in a document, Cartae IV, p. 1450, relating to properties forming the dower of Constance, widow of Thomas le Despenser :— Glamorg. Castrum et villam de Llantrussan cum dominio de Meskin et Glynretheny. Manerium de Clonne cum hamelettis de *Combreheynok, Pentirgh et Radur. Here both Pentyrch and Radyr are called “hamlets”. No great care seems to have been taken as to words used. There are also inquisitions on the deaths of Hugh le Despenser and Edward le Despenser, but they do not throw any further light upon the matter of Pentyrch and Clun. That of Edward le Despenser (1375) is worth mentioning for the reason that in the greater Lordships Miscin, Senghenydd, * A name which has disappeared. 254 Clun and Pentyrch. Neath and Talyvan, a new officer seems to have been appointed, viz., a Receiver of the Forest (whose returns appear in a later Minister’s Accounts). The wording is curious. As to Miscin it is :— Meyskyn Receptor. Item dicunt quod _predictus defunctus tenuit infra dominium predictum apud Meyskyn receptor diversas terras et tenementa quorum exitus proficua valent per annum ultra reprisas per estimacionem IX li. XIs. VIII d. The Senghenydd statement is that he held :-— apud Seyngh Receptor quoddam parvum dominium cujus redditus, etc. This inquisition differs from the earlier ones in that, instead of several inquests held in the different lordships, there was one inquisition only, at Cardiff, by a jury of twenty-six of mixed English and Welsh names, probably brought together from various parts of the county. The next document which it seems worth while just to mention is a list of arrears due to Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick, at Easter 1 Edw. IV (1461). There occur in this :— L Sc> Hae Miskyn Bedellary Due by Bedell .. ee 20 2 44 Miskyn Forest Due by Receiver .. aS lL Gps Glynrotheny Due by Bedell (a different man from the Miscin Bedell) .. i 2, 10i08 Lantrussan Due by Reeve (or rather Portreeve). . 4 wh a > 412 94 Further on in the iceoaee Pentirgh Due by Reeve : 2 tes ( Due by farmer of pasoeal of Taaf and Rotheney . Da ae Clonne < By farmer of Corn Mill of Velinvaure .. se af 1. 0 8 | By Reeve - 1. 4di,da The names of the officers are given but pai ce for brevity. Clun and Pentyrch. 255 The next document to be mentioned is a series of Ministers’ Accounts of the officers of Jasper, Duke of Bedford, for 1491-92. Among these are accounts by the Bedell of Miskyn, the Forester of Miskyn Forest, the Portreeve of Llantrussan, and separate accounts by the Reeves of Radure, Clonne, and Pentirgh. Perquisites of Court are mentioned with respect to each of these three last, but nothing was received for either Radyr or Pentyrch, for in each case it is said no Court had been held. For Clun two Courts had been held, the amount received being 8s. 3d. Here there are some items showing how Clun was, as it were, mixed up with Miscin. For instance, the sum of 2s. is accounted for in respect of some land come into the Lord’s hands by escheat and let for that amount, beyond the old rent of 14d., which before was in the charge of the Bedell of Meskyn. There are two other instances of the same sort. The farm of all the mills, apparently whether in Miscin, Glynrhondda, or Pentyrch, is dealt with in the account of the Reeve of Clun. The mill of Aberdare, but no other, is mentioned also in the Miscin account. Nothing was received, because it was ruinous. The mill of Ystradyfodwg (in Glynrhondda) is among those in the Clun account. In the Pentyrch account there is 6s. 6d. arising from the “sale of works” of “native’’ (the only indication of villein) tenants, though rents paid by them may be included among “rents of assise.”’ In the Miscin account there is a notice of the fisheries, it being stated that they are not answered for there, because they are charged in the Clun account (as is the case), but the fact of their being mentioned indicates that there had been a time when they were in the Miscin account. It seems impossible now to ascertain why certain items appeared under Miscin and others under Clun, but it is evident that the duties of the Reeve of Clun were not confined to any defined area. 256 Clun and Pentyrch. The next document containing particulars of the manors is a Survey of Henry, Earl of Pembroke, made in 1570. That for Miscin was made at Llantrisant, 20th September. This contains the following heads :— Freeholders in Aberdare, Llanwonno, Lanetwyde in the fee of Myskyn (Llantwit Fardre), St. Phagonns, Llannuson, Llan- Total trussan, and then Lantwythe in Mysken £ Sik again (without any apparent reason for the | 15 13 84 Llantwit entries being divided), Radyr, Penterght. Then follow ‘“‘ Rents of Customary and native tenants” in :— é. Sia. Llantwitt, St. Phagons, and Llantrissan 116 9 Then comes a list of demesne lands let, mostly in Miscin proper, but one parcel stated to be in the Lordship of Pentergh, and others in St. Fagans, Llantwit Fardre, Llanwensan, and Pentyrch parishes. The ‘‘ farm of the mills ”’ is also included, one of which was in Pentyrch. Coed Merchan is also included. On the same day, but before a different jury, a Survey of Pentirgh and Clonne was made, The items consist of :— bee Freeholders in Pentergh (two only) - 0.1 48 Tenants by the rod 1 beat? £116 3 Demesne lands. Various rents. Sum total of the said Manor £4 3s. 114d. (meaning, it would seem, Pentyrch), Clun and Pentyrch. 257 Then follows :— Clonne—-to wit. This is followed by a statement of various lettings of demesne lands. The documents above referred to, besides showing that Clun and Pentyrch were included in Miscin geographically (as to which there can be no doubt), indicate that in the time of Queen Elizabeth there was no very clear distinction between lands held as of Miscin and those held of Clun or Pentirch, or to use the medern expression (which seems even then to have been sometimes used) “ Pentirch and Clun”’, It appears now impossible to say why in 1570 the rents of some customary and native tenants in Llantwit, St. Fagans, and Llantrisant should come under Miscin while others come under Pentyrch, while demesne lands alone occur under Clun. RADYR. This was called a “‘ manor ”’ in the time of David Matthew and earlier, but was in the hands of the Chief Lord. It may have been farmed by David Matthew’s father, as Glamorgan Genealogies, p. 10, would lead us to suppose, but David’s own interest was of the following nature. By letters patent, 29th April, 1503, Radyr was leased to David Matthew for 99 years from Michaelmas, 1501, at a rent of £4 14s. 44d. He therefore, was not owner in fee but had a leasehold interest only. Much later, the Matthew family acquired the house of Radyr and all or most of the demesne lands, but not the manor, and for upwards of 300 years Radyr has been treated as part of the Lordship of Miscin, of which, doubtless, it originally formed part. It is interesting to note that in Glamorgan some R 258 Radyr. “manors ”’ took their rise in a state of things different to that which applies to manors generally, which were usually the subject of grants by the King, or,as to mesne manors, by some lord. In Glamorgan the lords constituted of parts of their lordship manors for administrative purposes which ordinarily they held in their own hands. In some cases these are at the present day recognised as separate manors. In other cases, as Radyr, they have merged in the large lordships out of which they were taken. 227. See also Court, County. commote, 19, 56, 64f., 125, 169ff., 177, 185. Comortha (Commorth), 42, 230, PAGE 2525 Constable of the Castle, 47f., 114, 138, 151ff. — of the Tower, 145. Constance (le Despenser), 253. — (de Granville), 128. — (de Langley), 28. de Constantino, Gilbert, 34f. —, Robert, 33, 118. Constantoneswalle, 110. Consul, Robert, 25f., 39, 47, 61, 68, 89, 127f.,172£.,184, 241. copyhold, 45, 62. copyholder, 223. Corbet, family of, 223. —, William, 34f., 119, 2236. de Cornely, Philip, 136. —, William, 136. Cornwall, Earl of, see Richard, i Of. coroner, 49, 108ff., 113ff., 120ff., 153. See also Account, Coroner’s. Cosmeston, 34, 117f., 183. Cotta, Ievan, 112. cottager, bond, 90, 187, 193. —, free, 90, 186ff., 190, 193, 195. 215, 25 Cottrell, 225ff. Court, Bishop’s, 169. —, Borough, see Court, Hundred. Court, County, 38, 49f., 56, 75, 97f., 108f., 112ff., 122, 129f., 135, T9152, BiSy * 227 See also Comitatus. —, Hundred, 47f., 150ff., 246. —, King’s, 135. —, piedpoudre, 152. —, Shire, 43. —, Town, 48. Courts Baron, 181. — Leets, 153, 181. Coventry and Lichfield, Bishop of; Sse Cowbridge, 34, 37, 45ff., 61, 68, TALS O2t. 110) 40 142; 1475. 162, 155, 223 2 2G2- Coychurch, 35, 111, 120: Coyty, 36; 139.) 41,432" 45 5S; 70k. LLG: — Anglia, 45. — Wallia, 45. Cradock, Sir Mathew, 100. Creich, Owen, 60. Crooc, Richard, 163. —, William, 163. Crosham, 216f. Crymlyn, 52. cummin, 164f. cummod, 37. curtilage, 163, 195, 197, 205, Ziloe Custodian (Custos), 71, 90, 130, 133, 138, 143, 146, 148, 150%) 188; 3199; 249 a2522 260. Cwmmwd Tref Essyllt, 94. Danes, The, 264. Danyellhokes, 216. Deheubarth, 21. demesne, 50, 90, 102, 186, 194f., 197, 2014, 204, 2078.) 216, 246, 248f., 251, 256f. Dennis, Sir William, 238. deodands, 59, 250. dé Derby, Ra, 157. Dere, Johanna, 204. —, John, 204, 207. —, Robert, 204. de Derhurst, William, 158. le Despenser, Edward (1), 28. —, Edward (2), 28, 41, 44, 46ff., 50, 59, 66, 99, 153ff., 166f., 189th, 2OZiS "2S, 235. -253+ cclxxii INDEX—continued. le Despenser, Hugh (1), 28, 45, 48, 62, 64, 145, 147ff. —, Hugh (2), 28, 69, 99, 137, 148ff., 153ff., 165f., 189ff., 201 f.552205 823152535 62602 —, Isabel, 29, 48. =— jhichard)29) 20242. —— thomas, 2otsa4o.plee ae GEE PLU PRS Devizes, 127. Devonshire, 33, 68, 227. Dilke’s Act, Sir Charles, 49. Dinas Powys, 34, 94ff., 111, TASES StS 7ee1 72> L8a, Olt * 219. Doddington, Ann, 101. —, Catherine, 101. == 1Deheirdla VIL —, family of, 102. —, John, 101. —— Sin William: LOL. Doggeuel, William, 176f. Dog Hill, 225. Dol, 82; 85: Domesday Book, 21, 184. Dorset, 119. Downton (Douestone), 173. Dubricius, 81f., 84. Dudley, Lords of, 97, 99, 103. Duffryn, see Worleton. — Golych, 222. Dugdale, Monasticon, cited, 158, PLAS WES Dulaiss 173; si. Dunraven, 127. ==, Dandi cit, 7 Dyrham, 238. easement, 195, 248, 251. See also Manor-house. Echni, see Flat Holme. Edlogan, 19. Edmund, Earl of Arundel, 149. Edward I, 27, 58, 67, 98, 139, 143, 175, 191, 221, 229, 241. = lens stat 150, soon Go- 267. shi fOGS tile 140; 1495 155; —— [Vi 242, 254: = Vi 59 sGl tO. 35.07 04000, 220, 224, 233. — the Confessor, 264. —, son of Henry VI, 29. Edwards, John, 211. Eginoc, 19. Eglwysilan, 55, 171. Eglwys Newydd, i69. Einon ap Collwyn, 55. Elias, Bishop, 175. Elis, Richard, 150. Elised, 85. Elizabeth, Queen, 45, 66, 69, 72, 76, 100£., 107, 121; 176e— 180, 222, 236, 257; 2oRe Ely, River, 125, 141, 157, 2133 216, 244. Elys, Robert, 103. England, 66, 78, 129, 133, 165, 184, 186. Ergyn, 19. escheat, 69, 116, 120, 140, 249, ys a) Escheator, 71, 109, 147, 241, 255° Essex, Earls of, 26, 131, 144. Eurgain, 80. Evans, Mr., 125. Evesham, battle of, 136. Evreux, Earl of, see de Montfort, Almeric. Ewenny, 113, 121, 238. Ewyas, 19, 22. Exchequer, 95, 112, 114, 117, 209. Exeter, 265. fair, 48f., 90, 109, 113, 121, 154, 162ff., 194ff., 248. fee, 31ff., 39, 51, 60, 63, 71, 77, 95, 103, 111f., 116ff., 130ff., 177, 183, 191f., 214f., 218ff., 293f .. 233, 239 ReZzoare Felinfawr, 254. feoffee, 99, 116. foeffment, 116f., 201. Fernuail, 20, 83. feudatory, 54. Fishwere, 204. Fitzhamon, Mabel, 25f., 173, 184. —, Robert, 17, 23ff.; 34) o/tes 42, 47, 53, 55, 59, GL Gar 67, 69f., 74f., 86, 94f., 116ff., 124, 126, 132, 134, 156, 173, 218; 233i, 2am Fitzosbern, William, 21. Fitzrolf, Turstin, 22. Flat Holme, 166, 263ff. INDEX— continued. cclxxill Fleming, John, 212. —, Sir William, 143, 145, 148. Flemynge, Phillip, 110. Fonmon, 127, 226. forest, receiver of the, 50. forestall, 152f. Frampton (Frankton), 211f. France, 29, 133, 138, 149. freeholder, 45, 130, 142, 256. freeman, 48, 142. Gabalfa, 125. Gamage, Barbara, 72. Valliant, 72 Garlkesdown, 209. gavelkind, 42, 45. Gaveston, Piers, 27. Gelligaer, 55, 146. Gelligarn, 73, 237ff. Germanus, 81f. Gethyne, Wlades, 112. Gibbon, Dr. John, 242. Giffard (de Brimmesfeld), John, 146, 148, 185, 188, 190, 199ff, 252, 260. Gilbert, Earl of Clare, 266. Gildas, cited, 82, 263. Giraldus Cambrensis, cited, 19f., Ales4ts 061, 88, 128; 131; DAA Glamorgan, Extent of, cited, S22, 41,, 57, 62; G4f., 68; Oe eon on 90), (97, 103, DiS l6a wlsG,.) Lot e224. DIS, 235, 241. 244e. Glamorganshire Canal, 162. Glastonbury, 95, 128. Gleuissiog, 20. Gloucester, 38, 59, 87, 129, 136, 203, 238, 241f.; Duke of, see Richard III; Earls of, Dayton G04, +15. 47, 00; 60f., 65, 67f., 90, 95, 97, DZ SS 127 loiitte. 143: EB ITE ay DAN eat ie Honour of, 24; See of, 159ff. —, Robert of, see Robert. Gloucestershire, 33, 119, 184. de Gloucestria, Walterus, 34f. Glyndwr, Owen, 44, 158, 168, 191, 235, 242. Glynnok, 112. Ss Glynogwr, 43, 49, 78, 109f., 112, 120f Glynrhondda, 37, 39ff., 45, 50, 53, 60, 62ff., 110, 137, 142, 146, 191, 232, 244ff., 252ff. Glyntaff, 250. Godwin, Bishop, 159. Goodhyne, John, 205. Gorwenydd, 86. See also Groneath. Gower, 18f., 50, 52, 57, 128, 171, 218f. Grange Farm, 141. de Granville, Richard, 40, 67f. 123 259% Gregory, 125. Grey, Robert, 163. Griffin ap Ivor Bach, 214. — ap Llewelyn, 145. Griffith ap Ivor, 56. — ap Rhys, 37, 41, 56, 136, 238. Groneath, 19. See also Gor- wenydd. Grono ap Kendleowe, 112. Gulatmorcant, see Morganwg. Gwedguen, 125. Gwent, 20ff., 84f. == SCOEU LO: oils — Uwchcoed, 19, 22. Gwrgan, 23, 94. Gwynles, River, 125. Gwynllwg, see Wentloog. Gwyr, see Gower. Gytha, 265. Hagar, Griffith, 112. de Haia, Robert, 95, 128. Halliday, Mr., 70, 87. de Hampton, Joanna, 234. —, John, 234. Harold, King, 21f., 265. Harpacre, 216. Hastings, battle of, 265. de Hawey, Sanson, 237. « —, Simon, 239f. —, LEhomas, 34ff. haybote, 215. Haygarne, 213. Hayor, Thomas, 210. Haywode, 250. Henny, 15.2575 117; 126h st, 156eel7os ee 96s Ole el Odeel Giese: cclxxiv INDEX—continued. Henry III, 61, 78, 138, 221. SINS a a Thera ye a= VA = V1,30N96> 99) 1045110 120; PRY |e —— Vil 30f; 63) 99f. 478n 180; 294 9351. ole SAU bet iS Sik ES EY 78, 87, 92, 100, 139f., 159, WALES (219) 220 O94ARe 233° 235f ; Statute of, cited, 17, 31, 39, 47, 50ff., 63, 72, 76ff., 108) L733" —, Bishop, 95f., 132. —, Duke of Lancaster, 78. —, Earl of Lancaster, 78. —, Earl of Pembroke, 175, 256, 261. Hensol, 77. —=, Words, Ralbotiotosi/ - Herbert, Sir George, 100, 107, 174, 216. —, Sir John, 100f. —, Mary, 101. —, Matthew, 100. —, Nicholas, 100, 242. —, Richard, 100. —, Thomas, 101. —, Sir William (1), 59, 62ff., 67, 69f., 76f., 101f., 107, 174, 220 224. Dali 26k —, William (2), 100. —, William (3), 100. Hereford, 28, 136f., 149; Earls of, 21, 139, 144f., 148; See of, 18, 84. Herefordshire, 19, 264. heriot, 37, 42, 44, 57, 59, 66, 202: 2295250) Hertford, Earls of, 26, 28. Herwald, Bishop, 89, 156. Hewman, Richard, 210. Highlight, 96, 103. hockday, 111, 249. Hoell, William, 106. Hokelone, William, 205. Hokerhill, 205. homesoken, 152f. Honorius II, Pope, 125. Hope, Laurence, 211. Hopkins, John, 204. Hopkyn ap Llewelyn, 204. —, Nicholas, 203. Hopper, Llewelyn, 105. Horton, Colonel, 243. Hoskyns, Johanna, 211. —, John, 206, 211. —, William, 211. housebote, 215. Howel ap Howel, 150. — ap Meredith, 41, 56, 60f., 63, 134, 227f., 244f. — ap Rhys, 20ff., 84f. — the Good, 86. —, Cross of, 84. hundred, Welsh, 129, 165, 170ff. Huntingdonshire, 191. Hurst, Herbert, 101. —, Mr. William, 101f. Huyot, Robert, 206. Ievan ap David, 114, 122. — ap Davy, 242. — ap Grono Dewe, 115. — ap Ivor, 114. — ap Llewelyn, 145. — ap Thomas, 210. — ap Trahayron, 112. — ap Willy, 211. Ilityd, 80ff., 89. Inquisition, 35, 37, 41ff., 58f., 64, 66, 69ff., 74, 778. 89f., 119f., 1416., 163, “fam 186, 188, 215, 217, 219, 228, 2308., 2345 23Ge 238, 245ff., 253, 260f. See also I.P.M. inspeximus, 129, 140, 153. I.P.M., 40, 44, 50, 99, 187, 189f£., 195ff., 201ff.,215, 242. See also inquisition. Ireland, 236. Iremonger, David, 212. Isabel, Countess of Warwick, 203ff., 242. —, Duchess of Clarence, 158. —, Queen, 26, 36, 60, 122, 131, 11g353- Isabella, Queen, 149. Ithel, see [udhail. Tudhail, 83, 85, 221. James I, 234. Jasper, Duke of Bedford, see Tudor, Jasper. Jeffreys, Lord, 262. Jenkins of Hensol, 77. INDEX—continued. cclxxv Jenner, family of, 101f. Jersey, Earl of, 67, 69. Jestyn ap Gwrgan, 23f., 40, 53, 60, 63, 71, 73, 80, 94, 124, 244, 266f. Joan (de Clare), Countess, 27, 95) 074, 98,., 139... 164, 195ff., 215, 230f., 246, 260. John of Llandaff, 148. —, King, 26, 35, 60, 63, 71, 73, SiS ViZh 214. Jones, Calvert Richard, 101. Joseph, Bishop, 21, 55, 84. 125. —, John, 154. jura regalia, 31, 51. Kay Barry, 112. Kenelechi, 173. Kenfig, 36f., 40, 46, 49, 90, 110, 130f., 133, 142f., 148, 152, Ahem ll fics Kenilworth, 98. Kent, 72. Keynsham, 129, 132, 172, 174. See also Roath Keynsham, de Keydrif, see de Cardiff. Kibbor, 19, 43, 49f., 50, 55, 78, OG OoH., 116; 1207 125, 169ff. Kidwelly, 19. Kilkenny, 57, 136. Kitchin, Bishop Anthony, 79, 159f., 222. Kyngull, Walter, 104. de Lacy, Maud, 26. Lancaster, Duchy of, 44, 78, 121; Duke of 78, 120. See also Henry IV; Earls of, 78, 148. land, bond, 204ff., 208ff. —— Church, 38: ee aels. GOt. —, extent, 212. —, free, 211. Langamesmore, 212. Langley, Edmund of, 28. —, Constance, see Constance. Lanvorda, 174f. Lapford, 119. Lathamesmore, 194. Laugharne, Major-General, 243. Laurens, Thomas, 204f. —, Wenllean, 204. Lavernock, 110. Leckwith, 36, 44, 90, 130f., 146, U7. U91) 2VSite Lee, General, 101. —, Henry, 101f. Leicester, Earls of, 72. leiruyt, 202. Leisan ap Leisan, 65. — ap Morgan, 46, 60, 65. — ap Morgan Cam, 267. — ap Morgan Vachan, 267. Leuuar ap Meruit, 129. Lewes, battle of, 136. Lewis, Sir Edward, 236ff., 242. —, Elizabeth, 243. —, Harry Morgan, 77. —, Mary, 238. —-, Nicholas, 238. —, Thomas (1), 105. —, Thomas (2), 236, 243. de Leyburn, R., 137. liberty, Royal, 43. Lichemore, 204, 209f. Lichfield, Thomas, 141. Liege Castle, 238f. Lincoln, Earls of, 26. Lisvane, 170, 174f. Liswenny, 174. Lisworney, 89, 242. de Littone, Robert, 163. Llanbethery, 238. Llanbleddian, 36f., 39, 41, 45, 53£., 61, 68, 73ff., 110, 134f. 140° 146; 19 227i 2508 Llancadle, 238. Llancarvan, 17f., 24, 38, S84ff., 94, 136, 181, 224, 238ff. Mlandati, 13ive isa 169, i7lite 238; Bishops of, 38, 47, oy, 7 Revo Rb IAT Sey VS QS FeO Rie lente 223, 241, 264; Cathedral, 20 2425s v6, e236 Deanery of, 158; Manor and Lordship of, 38, 51, 53, GOPOZE S79 125i ss See tor LSiss 54. 84140 kom e222: Llandough, 24, 34, 38, 73, 84ff OFF LY LIS 12658 SG. Llandow, 34, 111, 118. Llandyfodwg, see Glynogwr. Llanedeyrn, 96, 101, 170, 174f. Llanfabon, 55. cclxxvi INDEX—continued. Llanfedw, 146. See also Michael- stone-y-Fedw. Llanfihangel, 111. Llangeinor, 78. Llangenydd, 57. Llangewy(dd), 34ff., 111, 120. Llangynwydd, 39f., 69f. Llanharan, 73. Llanharry, 36, 191, 231. Llanilid, 73. Llanishen, 126, 169f., 174, 176, 256. Llanmaes, 34f., 111, 207. Llanquian, 36, 73f. Llanryryd, 111. Llansamlet, 52. Llansannwr, 74. Llantarnam, 62, 174. Llantrisant, 37, 46, 49, 51, 61ff., LO) 1275 142" 146; 148i P53f.. 1701244. 2468) 25sit. Llantrisant, Extent of, cited, 245. Llantrithyd, 34, 118, 234f., 238. Mantwit 24. "37/1. 45, 517 e53; 68; 735-76£., 80ff-, 1210126: 130, 140, 158, 184ff., 238, 256. —, Abbot’s, see Llantwit, West. — Fardre, 256. — Rawley, 76. —, West, 76, 87. Llanvithen, 238. Llanwensan, 256. Llanwonno, 63, 256. Llewellyn ap Griffith, 57, 98, i335. tot. — ap lorwerth, 68. — Bren, 69, 91, 144f., 147, 188, 260. —, Hoskyn, 209. Llystalybont, 36, 109, 174f., 177. Lochor, River, 128. de Londino, Hawisia, 34. de Londonia, Willelmus, 33, 118 de Londres, family of, 32f., 120. —, Hawise, 78. lord, chief, 25ff., 39ff., 45, 49, SPGSL- G7 70,1 742 78; 90, 98f., 103, 107, 109f., LIGE el S13 4-139) B92: 215) 217s 2241. 228234, 239, 241, 245, 253, 257, 259. lord, Welsh, 25, 41f., 47, 54, 57, SOff., 70, 77, 91, 137, Waae 184, 191, 227, 244. lordship, member, 40ff., 45, 49ff., 110, 139, 233. —, Welsh, 42, 44f., 137, 139, 230, 244, 246, 259. Lundy, 149. Lydon, Thomas, 204. Lynde, John, 212. Machen, 37. Mackworth, Sir Humphrey, 67, 69f., 262. Madoc ap Griffith, 112. Maes Essylt, 94. Malefant, family of, 224f. de Mandeville, Geoffrey, 26, 131. manor, 31, 37, 40, 42ff. , 49ff., 60, 62£., 67f., 724 76% 79) are 90, 96ff., 106, 108f., 115ff., 120, 132, 140; 16655769" 173i. 18lit., 257 — -house (manerium), 91, 148, 195f., 207, 253. “See (aise easement. —, mesne, 258. —, sub-, 37, 39, 78, 95£., 102, 181, 183, 21752345239" Mansel, Anthony, 76, 159, 233, 235ff. —, Mary, 76, 233, 237. —, Sir Rice, 233, 237. de la Marche, Alice, 27. Marcross, 34, 111, 120, 239ff- de Marcross, Phillip, 239. Maredudd ap Owain, 22. Mareschal, Gilbert, 134. —, Richard, 133f. Margam, 34ff., 39, 60, 62, 65, 67, 86, 89, 98, 104, 119, 128, 130f., 136-141-150) 174, 176f., 182) Zig 2ice 220, 233, 239, 266. market, 90, 162, 164f., 194f., 200, 202, 246, 248. Marshal, Isabel, 26. —, William, 26f. MartetoU: Mathew, George, 79. Matilda (de Clare), 98. Matildis, 119. ca a ee i es INDEX—continued. cclxx vii Matthew ap Evan, 115. —, Cecil, 115. —, David, 242, 257. — (of Llandaff), family of, 115, Me5tt., 257. —, Lewis, 114. —, Robert, 110, 113ff., 122. Mayloc, Willelmus, 36. mayor, 48, 153f. Melcombe Regis, 165. Meredith ap Caradoc, 60f. — ap Griffith, 37. Merthyr Dwfan, 96. ——) Mawr, 34f.; 110f.; 120. — Tydfil, 55, 146. messuage, 112, 197, 201, 206, Dis) 246.1248: Meyrick, family of, 226. —, Morgan, 223, 224f. —, Rice, see Rice Merrick. Michaelstone-y-Fedw, 55. See also Llanfedw. — -le-Pit, 96ff., 103. Middelwere, 216. Milisant (de Sumeri), 95, 119. Miller, Walter, 204. —=, William, 207. Milton, 73. mining, 136. Niscm,so9t., 40, 50; 53, 56; Botte FO 110; 134.137; 142, 191, 227f., 241, 244, QAGFE., 252ff. Miscin, Extent of, cited, 245.. mise, 44f. Mitdehorguill, Milisant, 218, 224 = WVilltam) LIOS 218 72245 Mody, John, 154. monasteries, 56, 61, 81ff., S6ff., 92, 182, 259. —, dissolution of the, 62, 67, 69, 86, 96, 140f., 158f., 174, 2B. —, Welsh, 38, 87, 126, 186. Monmouthshire, 17, 19f., 27f., 55, 149, 184, 217. de Montacute, Elizabeth, 28. de Montfort, Almeric, 26. —, Simon, 136, 142. Montgomery, 137f. de Monthermer, Ralph, 27, 143, 230. Morcant ap Athruis, 83. de la More, Cristina, 147. ——, David, 147. Moreton, John, 205. Morgan ap Cadwallon, 37, 60, 64. — ap Caradoc, 60f., 63ff., 67, 266. — ap Morgan, 60. — ap Owen, 97, 266. — Cam, see Cam, Morgan. —, Elizabeth, 102. Morganwg, 17ff., 54, 84f., 147, 7/ihe —, Bardd Glas, 265. Morlais Castle, 139. Mortain, Earl of, see John, King. de Mortimer, Roger, 137, 149. motte, 40. Moulton, 238. Mounc. 20, 22%., Sot. l72pe2os: Myndman, John, 204. Nant Lecky, 173. — Golych, 221. Neath, 61, 67ff., 133, 135, 142, 148, 241; Abbey, 67, 73, 86, 92, 128, 140f., 149, 166, 190 pel9SaelOote. 2035 28: DIE VOY) ONShiin,, PASLoy Borough of, 46f., 49, 129, 140) 15st ‘Castile, - 130: lordship of, 39ff., 45, 53, 110, 254, 259ff. —— Raver [ot G0 soo l2oy coor Nerber, Phillip, 110. de Nerbertone, Willelmus, 33, 118. de Nereberd, Philippus, 34, 36. Nest, daughter of Rhys ap Tewdwr, 127. Neville, Cecilia, 29. ==, Richard) 29548, 204, 201. Nevyll, Sir John, 236. Newcastle, 36, 65, 113, 121, 130, lo2e le Newelestar, Amecia, 147. Newland, 40. Newton Nottage, 34ff., 111, 113, L20f,, 136: Nicholas, Bishop, 87, 129f., 157, 174f., 214. Nicholl, Rev. David, 91ff. Nicol, Thomas, 203. Nicoll, John, 211. Norman, Thomas, 105. ceclxxviii INDEX—continued. le Norreis Johannes, 34. Norrensis, Robertus, 33, 118. Norris, family of, 239. Norsemen, 185, 264. Nud, 84f. Odo, Bishop, 24. Odyn, John, 150. Ogmore, 34, 44, 51, 53, 76ff., 111, LA78S, 20a 27 197200, 202£. Oldcrofte, 216. Oldewode, William, 212. Oudoceus, Bishop, 83f., 125, 221 Ourdeuin, 125. Overwood, see Gwent Uwch- coed. Owain, 86. Owen ap Morgan, 60, 65. —, Pembrokeshire, cited, 85. —, son of Howel the Good, 86. Paris, Mathew, 75, 224. patria, Welsh, 43, 78, 110. Patta Duye, 112. Pembroke, Earls of, 26f., 48, 69, 100. 133,176; 1905220°223; D2At DoT t POs OO: Pembrokeshire, 149. Pendonfeld, 204f. Pendoylan, 51, 76, 227. Penllyn, 34, 118. Penmark, 340102. L049 1St.. 217f£. Pennarth, Thomas, 154. Penon, 238. Penrhys, 61f. Pentyrch, 36, 40, 62f., 146, 191, 244 ff. Penychen, 19f., 54. perquisite, 44ff., 58f., 64, 69, DID GZ S895 9st 197, ICS ae UAE POU ss EMA te 246ff., 255. See also plea, Peter, Bishop, 218. Peterston-super-Montem, 41, 60, 224. — -super-Ely, 234ff. Pethlyne, 111. Philip, Earl of Pembroke, 262. — of Llandaff, 148. Piers, John, 207f. Pincerna, Lucas, 33, 118. ; —, William, 239f. See also le Butiler. de Pireton, Adam, 34f. pix, toll of the, 45, 112, 120f5a8 210. See also chense. plea, 44, 58f., 64, 69, 150ff., 162ff., 189, 193f., 197, 199f., 202f.; 229f., 247f., 250ue See also perquisite. ploughland, 45, 192. Plymouth, Earl of, see Windsor. Political History of England, cited, 265. Popham, Sir Francis, 102. —, Sir John, 102. Porlock, 264. Portar, Roger, 212. portreeve, 47ff., 110, 127, 130, 132, 150ff., 255. See also praepositus. Portreve, John, 208. —, William, 211. Portrewe, Nicholas, 205. Portworth, 241. Powell, Rev. Gervase, 241. —, Rees, 241. Powys, 92. praepositus, 47, 127, 132, 141, 150ff., 154. See also port- reeve. Prikproude, Mathew, 204, 210. prisage, 162ff., 246. Prosper, 82. Pugh, Owen, 265. Pwlicanan, 154. Pyers, John, 204. —, Malyn, 212. —, William, 204, 211. Quichtrit, 125, 172. Radyr, 40, 42, 62f., 170, 236, 242, 247, 251t 256i Raglan, family of, 76, 239. —, Sir John, 238. —, Lewis, 209. —, Robert, 209, 212f. —, Sir Thomas, 213, 238f. Raleigh, Sir Walter, 243. Redeshete, 113. reeve, 50, 103, 116f., 188, 201, 207,: 247;, 253—f. 250-2618 INDEX—continued. cclxxix de Reigny, family of, 97, 103. —, Walter, 135. Relice, 264f. rent, 64, 88, 95f., 106ff., 110f., 121, 135, 140ff.,-148, 164, 166f., 182, 184, 186f., 189f., TOS Ot eats, C216 (237, 258.) 200m, 209.0261 —, Abbot’s, 69, 92, 142, 190, 232) —, borough, 62, 162f., 166. —, burgage, 48, 68f., 140ff., 146f., 163, 166, 246. —, chief, 90, 104, 230f. See also rent of assize. —, demesne, 126, 156. —, food, 42, 184f. —, free, 190. — of assize, 42, 104, 115, 142, 165, 167, 194f., 197, 199, DQ0Se 215) 254, 2601. | See also rent, chief. — of wards, 116. —, quit, 46, 115, 130. Resolven, 67. Rhigos, 249, 252. Rhodri Mawr, 21. Rhydlydan, 175. Rhydderch, 22. — ap Jestyn, 21. Rhymney, River, 19f., 22, 43, Sain oon Io. 169.) 173,177. Rhys ap Griffith, 56f., 131, 149. — ap Jestyn, 20, 73, 84f. — ap Phillip, 112. — ap Tewdwr, 23f., 127. Rice Lewis, Breviat, cited, 66, Oma OO OAV 2A2Z2£ e233. Rice Merrick, cited, 19, 39, 43, AGiemoo 27. 95, 109) 122: 145, 160, 170f., 174ff., 179, 192, 224, 234f., 239, 266. Richard I, 26. — II, 238. — III, 30, 78, 99, 121. —, Earl of Cornwall, 26, 138. —, Earl of Warwick, 242. Roath, 90, 109, 130f., 146, 156ff., WS, A191. — Dogfield, 169ff. — Keynsham, 109, 132, 173, 175ff. — Tewkesbury, 174¢ff. Robert ap Seisyllt, 94. —, Duke of Normandy, 127. —, Lord Brooke, 101. — of Gloucester, 26, 61, 129. Rodger, Mr. J. W., 87, 93, Rogershook, 216f. Rogge, Laurence, 154. roll, rent, 237. —, suit, 112ff. Roman, 17 23f., 80f., 124. Romans, King of the, 138. Romilly, Sir Samuel, 79. Roop, Maurice, 163. Rother, William, 163. Rouen, 29. Royalists, 243. Rudry, 55. Rumney, 131, 154, 173. Russam, 216f. Russell, Robert, 209. —, Wenllean, 209. Ruthyn, 39, 41, 45, 50, 53f., 60, Garo LO) a5. 146) 19 ie LOO OE 27h 2a, St. Andrew, Parish of, 96. St. Athan, 118, 183. See also Aberthawe and St. Tathan. St: Davidis [Sis 2384. 218: St) Donats, o4t.. 7/4) Liles: St. Fagans, 34, 60, 63, 111, 118f., 1 WLP eo atten eee litte 24 5th ZOOL. St. Georges, 181, 224. St. Hilary, 36; 73f., 133. St, Llityds 8% “925 See alse Illtyd. St. John, family, of, 103, 220. —, Order of the Knights of, 73, St. Julians, 102. Sty Bythans) 227157227. St. Mary Hill, 73, 113, 121, 237. St. (Nicholas), 34h. (960 01 Itt; LIOR 1208S TSS Sle 4218; DIE Lae. St. Quintin, family, 37, 74, 227. St. Tathan, 34, 111. See also Aberthawe and St. Athan. St. Teilo, 20, 84. Salisbury, Earl of, see Neville, Richard. Salop, 137. Saltmarsh, 217. de Saltmarsh, William, 95. cclxxx INDEX—continued. Samson, 81f. —, Abbott, 82, 85. —, Cross of, 82, 85. de Sanford, family of, 36, 214. —, Fulke, 36, 215, 224. —, Lawrence, 215, 224. —, Nicholas, 214, 224. Saxons, The, 20, 86, 263. Saxon chroniclers, 265. Scandinavian settlements, 125. Scurlag, family of, 36. —, Willelmus, 36. seisin, 88, 134. Senghenydd, 19, 37, 39ff., 44f., 48, 50, 53ff., 63f., 110, 114f., 1205., 125; 128) 134 -0S6tiS 167, 170; 172, 189, 191, 214, 244f., 253¢. serjeant, 48. serjeantry, 36, 39, 71. Severn, River, 263f. Seward, Wladys, 110. Shadelynge, William, 114. sheriff, 38, 49, 75, 108f., 127ff., 145 LOO tb 2t. 2219.42.26: Shrewsbury, Earls of, 77. Sigaston, 208, 210. —, lorwerth, 210. Siward, Daniel, 34f. —, Richard, 41, 61, 68, 74f£., WSS Q27E. “smoke silver,’ see chense. Smyth, John, 212. Snell, Treharon, 205. de Someri, Robertus, 33f. See also de Sumeri. Somerset, 119. le Sore (Soor), family of, 119, 234, 237. —, Jordan, 33, 118. —, Sir Mayo, 235. —, Odo, 241. —, Robert, 234. —, William, 34, 235, 241. Southfield, 205. Speed, cited, 160, 170. Splott, 55, 79, 125, 169, 172. Stackpole, Sir Richard, 72. Stafford, 137. Stalling Down, 135. Steep Holme, 263ff. Stephyns, family of, 205. Stevens, John, 204. steward, 50. Storrie, Mr., 265. Stradelynge, William, 115. Stradling, Sir Edward, 87, 240. —, family of, 76. —, Sir Thomas, 220. Stradlyng, Henry, 206f. Streatfield, Henry, 72. Striguil, see Chepstow. sub-infeudation, 35, 37. Sully, 34f., 99, 104, 111); 0i7ie 120; 1275 2188. de Sully, family of, 118f., 218 —, Henry, 36, 62, 245. —, Sir Reginald, 218. —, Walter, 34f., 71, 214, 219. de Sumeri, Adam (1), 33, 95, 104, 118f., 224. —, Adam (2), 95. —, family of, 95ff., 100, 106, 119. —, Joan, 98f. » John; (95; 98: —, Margaret, 98f. , Milo, 95. —, Ralph, 95ff. —, Richard, 119. —, Robert, 97f., 219. —, Roger (1), 95f., 98, 101, 119, See —, Roger (2), 98. —, Roger (3), 98. —, William, 97. Sundew, Gregory, 163. (de) Sutton, family of, 100, 103f —, Isabella, 99. —, John, 99, 101. —, Richard, 99. Swansea, 133. Sydney, Anne, 72. —, Robert, 72. Taff, River, 20, 43, 60, 63, 125f., 141, 1568. S159R lear 169f., 177, 179, 250, 254. Taff Mead, 206. Tailor, John, 212. Talbot, Charles, 115. tally, 114. Taiygarn, 51, 53, 60, 76. Talyvan (Talafan), 39, 41f., 50, 53f., 60, 63f., 110; asa 146, 191) 227f 254s Tawe, River, 259f. Teke, Thomas, 211. INDEX—continued, cclxxxi tenant, 90f., 104, 106, 114f., 120, 122, 164f., 180, 188f., 197, 208ff., 232, 246f., 251. P= "pbond, 42, 184f.77187, 202, 229, 231. —, customary, 85, 104, 186f., 190f., 193f., 196ff., 205f., 211ff., 215, 228ff., 246, 249, Q5ilit., ZoGt. =, free, 90f., 186f., 190, 193, Oot. 206, 215), 223, 228, Tse ZAGi, 249) 200, 200: —, native, 255ff. —, under-, 180. —, Welsh, 260. tenure, 39, 42f., 78, 109, 194, 198, 206, 208, 212, 244. Teudiric, 83, 263f. Tewdric, 20. Tewkesbury, 38, 56, 74, 76, 87f., Oita 96! 101521267 1298, 13VewiS4i,, Lo6ie 71746 186, 214. Tewkesbury, Annals of, cited, 56, 65, 87, 89, 134, 157, 175. Thames, 125. Thawe, River, 52f., 109. —, East and West, 50, 109ff., 185, 210. Theodosius I and II, Emperors, Thomas ap Thomas, 66. —, Mr. Charles Evan, 70. —, Sir Edmund, 102. —, John, 205. Tir-yr-Iarll, 29f., 45, 50, 53, 69f., 110. See also Castell Coch. Torcotefeld, 216. Touchet, James, see Audley, Lord. Towey, River, 22, 263. Tredegar, Lord, 173. “tree and pit, lords of,’ 77. Tref Eliau, 172. =P ICOLIC I NOs lan == Tite, IW IVA Trehill, 225. Trellech, 27. Trogyff, 238. Trewerne, 246. trust, town, 49. Tudor, Jasper, 30, 48, 99, 167, DIGIZ24 232f 242. 2500261. Turbernesdune, 119. Turbervill, Agnes, 72. —, Catherine, 72. , family of, 35, 42, 70. , Gilbert (1), 36, 56, 71, 134. , Gilbert (2), 72. —, Hugh, 98, 137. , Margaret, 72. , Sit Payn), 71) 144," 146: + Sin) Richard, 7/2: a Seng, 74. ynte, family of, 102. Uchtred, Bishop, 156. Uerbeis, Caradoc, 60. Ulster, Earl of, see de Burgh, Richard. de Umfravill, family of, 119, 220. —, Gilbert, 33f., 118, 219. Underhill, Robert, 234. Underwood, see Gwent Iscoed. Urban, Bishop, 18, 47, 71, 83, A ay PARAS Ie Usk, 27te. 149; 155: ==) River 1922.50. 13aGnae. Uwen, 20. Vachan, Ievan, 208, 210. —, Morgan, 37, 60, 65f., 260, 267. Van (Avan), 55, 236, 238f., 242. —, family of, 240f. Vaughan, Sir Richard, 236. == \Walter. 200: le Vele, Alice, 262. —, Bogo, 235, 241. —, John, 241. —, Robert, 242. Verdon, Theobald, 27. Victoria Queen, 49. villeinage, 249. virigate, 186. vivaries, 163. Walensis, Adam, 34. = RICGALGUSH oO muLGs Walescaria, 37, 185. See also Welshery. Walterston, 181, 238. Warde witht wardship, 43, 130, 136. wardsilver, 32, 34, 36, 49, 102f., 108f., 116, 220, 225, 240. cclxxxii INDEX—continued. warren, 166. Warren, John, 105. Warwick, Countess of, 203, 2A Dukes’ of, (292212: Earls of 29F 748-0122: 242 254. 02610 Watchet, 264. Watkyne, Thomas, 114. Webbe, William, 212. Welsh Land Commission, Re- port of, cited, 241. Welshery, 39, 43f., 146. See also Walescaria. Wentloog, 17, 19f., 22, 28, 37, 54f., 85, 142; 147, 149. Wenvoe, 34f., 98, 101f., 111, 1205 StS, 219) 2215 239: Wenway, 216. Westminster, 56. Westva, 144. Weun, 125, 172. Wiitchureh;, ,-40; 42), .55- 158; 125 Sela ss 70 191" Whitmore, 194, 212ff. Wildgoose, Sir John, 238f. Wildmore, 90, 194. Wilkoc, Roger, 204. William I, 22f., 124. — II (Rufus), 24, 94, 245. — ap David, 115, 122. —, Earl of Gloucester, 26, 31, 36, 41, 47; 56, 60, 65, 67, 71, (90% S58 73. 1 sels... 13: Misses — (Crumwelle), Richard, 169. — the Tanner, 148. Wilton, 206, 208, 210. de Wincestre, Willielmus, 34. Winchester, Earl of, 28. Windsor, Other, 243.. —, Thomas, 262. de Wintonia, Roger, 33, 118. Wogan, family of, 241. Worcester, 48, 137. See also Beauchamp, Richard. Worcestershire, 224. works, 42, 45, 90, 104, 185ff., 194, 196ff., 202ff., 209, 215, 228 ff, 247, 249) 231euaes: Pao Ier —, Autumn, 196, 198ff., 230, 242. —, boon, 105. Worleton (Duffryn St. Nicholas), 121, 221ff. See also Borle- ton. Worney, Alice, 206. Wrencheston, see Wrinston. Wrinston, 34ff., 98, 111, 119. Wrono, Thomas, 114. Wurhinit, see Groneath. Wye River, 19, 184, 263. Wylly, John, 105. de Wynecote, family of, 234. Wyndham, 240. Ynis Peithan, 126. York, Duke of, see Langley, Edmund of. Ystradw, 19, 22. Ystradyfodwg, 63, 255. la Zouche, William, 28, 149ff. MEMBER LORDSHIPS OF GLAMORGAN AEFERENGE BY LETTER TO THE SMALL PARISHES AND DETACHED PORTIONS OF PARISHES, Re , Now The namar and boundaries 0” the Protiamansary Divirions of the County shown on this Indus are thave of the tet of MBS. — References | Numbers othe Engreved Sheets on the scxale of @ inches to the mile | Dear the Zenengraphic Plune on the sonle of «iho of which thare are | rintaen to aaah six tnoh whece Towns of which the Plans are on the sy roake METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS, 1923. The average monthly rainfall over the whole of the Society’s district (comprised within the semi-circular area, having the Beacons as its northernmost point, its base the coastline from Neath to Chepstow, and with a mean height of 625 feet above the sea level) was as follows :— January a fe 3°81 inches. February Ai: a: Lb28.4,, March ei. ar Pps) ae April Ka a, Ose ee May oe iT. 3° Sli ray; June Ene BY. 19 [bpnace July ee un ee AS August er, ¥ al 2:3, September .. me 4-66 __,, October x a 9-03.) .,, November .. Ags AThis,, December .. = oa) ko ha DA- Goi v2) Total in 1922 W547 Inches. vy Leo patie? 59 Ih eae a. 20 a e6S-b400 4%, s A919 Ya ES 1 0 a » 1918 Sa S'S 0) ae Se OVSh?7 aM r47-OLliy, iy JONG nee (Gosh eee oo SIS eS) i a ~- 1914 yl S87 nat, os OS dence ane Lo alae. Pree ow (NIN RL sep" | Ree jae LOLI im) SO-OR-W,, > 2 1910 eee Sas ee i el 909 sch bef ema fae ak we sos. 18 ini4SrOOivis, ye O07 SS AW Oe eet » 1906 5 40 20 tee >» 1905 S noo Osi ert 283 284 Meteorological Observations, 1923 Feet above OBSERVERS. Mean Inches of Sea Level. Rain. C. H. PRiEsSTLEY, Summit of Tyle Brith, Breconshire 2350 82-90 - Nant Penig 2000 103-05 " Nant Ddu 1560 =81-55 i Storey Arms 1430 63-61 . i Beacons Reservoir ae «= 1340) 491-77) st Nant Gwineu .. Be s3 L275 64-27 T. W. Coates, Pontlluestwen Reservor, Maerdy— a NowisGauge =~. a vs sy e280 98-21 i No. 2 Gauge .. is Be .- 1200 86-62 No. 3 Gauge .. ar == ~ 1100) {90-28 BB. Joun, Blaenavon Estate Office, Mon. af s¢PALL50, 93372 C. H. PriEsTLEY, Nant Goch, Breconshire By s1e1150 61-92 Pe Nant-y-gou-garn rs ss .. €.1150 68°23 ie Cantreff Reservoir en? Bt oe M205 Bao Garw Nant ae aS ae .. 1100 74-78 RAE: HARRISON, Gwernllwyn, Dowlais .. te 1071 51-89 EBBw VALE STEEL, IRON, AND Coat Co.,Ltd.,EbbwVale 902 57:89 C. H. PrirestLeEy, Llwynon Reservoir, Breconshire Apes 860 55-76 ae Troedyrhiw .. = om 270860 9970-02 ae Pont-ar-daf e se a ox 850 63:91 T. F. Harvey, Treharris Service Reservoir Kr ae 765 59-23 GLYNCORRWG COLLIERY Co., Glyncorrwg : 725 100-97 NEWPORT CORPORATION, Nantypridd, W eae Mon. 500 43-96 Pant-yr-eos Reservoir, Mon. 435 45-04 EDWARD CurRE, Itton Court, Chepstow .. ae ~- 390) “38210 C. H. 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SUMMARY OF EXTREMES FOR THE YEAR 1923. February was the wettest month, with a total rainfall of 8:5 inches. October was also very wet, the average rainfall being exceeded by 2-18 inches. The greatest fall in 24 hours occurred on 13th November, when 1:37 inches fell. The hottest day was 12th July, with a maximum shade temperature of 90°F. Other readings on the same day were :— Barometer (9 a.m.) .. .. 30-088 inches. Minimum temperature 2” Gir. Solar maximum on oe) IAA Sunshine at. rs “/ 11-9 hours. Wind : east. Thunder and lightning, accompanied by heavy rain, occurred on the following day. Sunshine was below the average. The coldest night was 25th November, when the minimum temperature in the screen fell to 24°F. 14th May, 1924. 293 ORNITHOLOGICAL NOTES, 1922-23. By G. C. S. INGRAM anp H. MORREY SALMON. The following are records of unusual or interesting species :— HaAwFIncu, Coccothraustes c. coccothraustes (L.).—One found dead at Dinas Powis on 30th May, 1923, and presented to the National Museum of Wales by Colonel Cecil Wilson. Woop ark, Luilula a. arborea (L.)—One was seen at Rhosilli in Gower on 30th September, 1923 (Miss C. M. Acland). This appears to be a new district for the species, which is very local in habitat. Waite Wactal_, Motacilla a. alba (L.).—A pair at Kenfig Pool on 29th April, 1923 (Miss C. M. Acland). PEREGRINE Fatcon, Falco p. peregrinus Tunst.—A female was shot in April, 1923, by a farmer in Gower. It had a broken leg and was in poor condition, but it killed a herring gull a few moments before it was shot. (H. E. David.) -Hopsy, Falco s. subbuteo (L.)—One was killed near Port Talbot in the autumn of 1923. (H. E. David.) BEWICK’sS SWAN, Cygnus b. bewickit Yarr. Miss C. M. Acland sends us the following interesting notes :—‘‘ On 12th November, 1922, five wild swans were seen on Kenfig Pool, which, on a nearer view, proved to be Bewick’s Swans, two adult and three juvenile, the latter being in grey plumage. The colour of the bills of the adults was lemon yellow, with a black tip, the amount of black exceeding the yellow and without the prolongation of yellow towards the tip which is seen in the Whooper Swan. They remained there about a fortnight. On 1st March, 1923, ten Bewick’s Swans, seven adult and three juvenile, were on the pool, the juveniles being much whiter than those seen in November. The variation of the colouring of the bill in the adults was considerable, the amount of yellow and black in individual birds varying in distribution and pattern, the black centre portion running up to the forehead in some birds, but having a broken appearance in others. The immature birds had greyish flesh coloured bills, with black tips. 294 Ornithological Notes. Seven of them were on the shore, where they remained sleeping, several standing on one leg, and on three subsequent visits made at intervals of a week there was always a large proportion of the flock asleep on the shore between the hours of noon and three o’clock. The length of time during which the swans’ heads were under water when feeding, both when submerging the head and neck only, and also when “ up-ending,” varied between 15-20 and 15-30 seconds, the latter time being when they were “‘up-ended.” This spring visit lasted for between 14 to 21 days.” These swans were seen by us on 19th November, 1922, and on 4th March, 1923, when a photographic record was obtained. BEAN GOoosE, Anser f. fabalis (Lath.)—On 22nd October, 1922, one was found dead near Kenfig Pool. (Miss C. M. Acland). This species is not such a common visitor as the white-fronted goose. PINTAIL, Anas a. acuta (L.)—Two drakes at Hensol on 25th February, 1923. (Miss C. M. Acland.) COMMON SCOTER, Otdenia n. nigra (L.).—We noted family parties off the Gower Coast on 5th September, 1923. Also seen by Miss C. M. Acland in the same locality on 30th September, 1923. BLACK-NECKED GREBE, Podiceps n. nigricollis Brehm.—An immature bird at Llanishen Reservoir on 24th September, 1922, and an adult at the same place on 7th January, 1923. These are respectively the fourth and fifth occurrences recorded for the County. RED-THROATED DIVER, Colymbus stellatus (Pontopp).—One on Kenfig Pool, 3rd and 10th December, 1922. (Miss C. M. Acland.) Bar-TAILeD Gopwit, Limosa l. lapponica (L.).—One seen in Rhossili Bay on 29th September, 1923. (Miss C. M. Acland.) JACK SNIPE, Limnocryptes minimus (Briinn)—One killed at Dinas Powis on 9th February, 1923, and presented to the National Museum of Wales by Mr. Edward H. Lee. QuaIL, Coturnix c. coturnix (L.)—On 22nd September, 1923, we heard one calling very distinctly, in a rough field near Swan- bridge. Ornithological Notes. 295 ROATH PARK LAKE, CARDIFF. The following species of duck, etc., have been observed :— TEAL, Anas c. crecca (L.).—One 9, 29th October, 1922. Three 6g and two 9, 3rd September, 1922. WIGEON, Anas penelope (L.)—One 9, 10th December, 1922. ra One 3g, 28th January to 18th February, 1923. SHOVELER, Spatula clypeata (L.)—One 9, 2nd September, 1922, PocHarD, Nyvroca f. ferina (L.)—Numerous all through the winter. First birds appeared on 15th October, 1922, and the last were seen on 18th March, 1923. TurreD Duck, Nyroca fuligula (L.).—Numerous all through the winter. First seen on Ist October, 1922, and the last were observed on 25th March, 1923. GOLDEN-EYE, Bucephala c. clangula (L.)\—One ¢ on 29th October, 1922. Two 92 from 28th November to 10th December, 1922. CoRMORANT, Phalacrocorax c. carbo (L.).—One on 24th Septem- ber, 1922. ELANISHEN RESERVOIKS. The following species of duck, etc., have been observed :— SHELD-DucK, Tadorna tadorna (L.).—Four on 27th April, two on 28th April, and three on 13th May, 1923. TEAL, Anas c. crecca (L.).—One g 6th August, two $ and one 9 3rd September, and one 2 on 24th September, 1922. WIGEON, Anas penelope (L,).—One 2 29th October, two 3 and one 9 5th November, one ¢ 26th November, and one g and one 9 24th December, 1922. SHOVELER, Spatula clypeata (L.)—Two ¢g and six Q, 2Ist January, 1923. PocuarD, Nyroca f. ferina (L.).—Very numerous. The first birds seen were three g on 6th August, 1922. Last seen 18th March, 1923. 296 Ornithological Notes. TuFTED Duck, Nyroca fuligula (L.)—Very numerous. First seen, one g, 8th October, 1922. Last seen 6th May, 1923. CoRMORANT, Phalacrocorax c. carbo (L.).—Single birds on 2nd September, 3rd and 24th December, 1922, 21st and 28th January, 18th March, and 19th August, 1923. ; GREAT CRESTED GREBE, Podiceps c. cristatus (L.).—Frequent visitor. In 1923: January, two on 14th, one on 21st; March, two on 11th, one on 25th; April, three on 8th, four on 22nd, six on 29th ; May, four on 6th ; August, one on 5th, one on 12th, two on 19th. BLACK-NECKED GREBE, Podiceps n. nigricollis Brehm.—One on 24th September, 1922, and one on 7th January, 1923. GREEN SANDPIPER, Tvinga ochropus (L.).—One 19th August, and one 14th October, 1923. BLACK-HEADED GULL, Larus r. ridibundus (L.).—Regular visitor throughout the year. CoMMON GULL, Larus c. canus (L.)—Regular autumn to spring visitor. HERRING GULL, Larus a. argentatus Pont.—Regular visitor throughout the year. British LESSER BLACK-BACKED GULL, Larus fuscus affinis Reinh.—Regular spring to autumn visitor. Birds have been seen during the months of November, January, and February, and these may have been referable to the Scandinavian form, Larus fuscus fuscus (L.), but identification was not possible with sufficient certainty to warrant a record in view of the fact that a small number of the British form may remain on our coasts throughout the year. GREAT BLACK-BACKED GULL, Larus marinus (L.).—Occasional visitor at all seasons. Chiefly immature birds. KITTIWAKE, Rissa t. tridactyla (L.).—Occasional visitor in winter. Coot, Fulica a. atra (L.)—Very numerous from 22nd October, 1922, to 25th March, 1923. Ornithological Notes. 297 BREEDING NOTES. RAVEN, Corvus c. corax, (L).—There were at least four pairs breeding on the Gower coast in 1923. (H. E. David.) BRITISH GREAT SPOTTED WOODPECKER, Dryobates mayor anglicus (Hart.)—Though this species is now widely distributed in the county, it is of interest to record that a pair with young were seen, on 30th June, 1923, within a quarter of a mile of Roath Park, Cardiff. ComMon BuzzarD, Buteo b. buteo (L.).—A pair successfully reared a brood in the county in 1923. (H. E. David.) ComMoN HERON, Ardea c. cinerea (L.).—Miss C. M. Acland sends the following interesting note on the founding of a new heronry in the county :—‘‘ When visiting a marshy piece of country, not very far from the coast, in the Cowbridge district on 4th February, 1923, where I had seen herons feeding many times previously, I was surprised to see some herons perched in the trees of a large wood some distance away. A dark mass could just be made out which was possibly a nest, and on entering the wood the herons flew up and circled round over the trees in which five nests were then found. One consisted of an enormous mass of sticks which looked as if it represented several seasons’ accumula- tion, which would indicate that this heronry had been in existence for some time before discovery. It is probably an offshoot from the heronry at Hensol, which, owing to the felling of trees during the war, and a subsequent battle with rooks for the remaining sites, has been much disturbed.” TuFTED Duck, Nyroca fuligula (L.).—This species again bred in the same locality as recorded last year. On 17th June, 1923, two nests were found containing nine and seven eggs respectively, and a duck, with a brood of seven young ones, was seen. CoRMORANT, Phalacrocorax c. carbo (L.).—On 5th September, 1923, half-fledged young were still in the nests on the extremity of Worms Head, Gower. This late nesting was doubtless due to the bad weather in the early summer destroying the first nests. 298 Ornithological Notes. SHAG, Phalacrocorax a. aristotelis (L.).—During the first week of September, 1923, several pairs with fledged young were noted on the coast of Gower between Pwll Du Head and Worms Head. It is probable that a few pairs may still breed there. MANX SHEARWATER, Puffinus p. puffinus (Briinn.).—Several were heard off the Gower coast on 2nd July, 1922, and it is possible that they may have been breeding. (H. E. David.) LittLe TERN, Sterna a. albifrons Pall_—Several pairs attempted to breed in their old haunt again, and on 8th July, 1923, five pairs were seen and three nests found containing one, one and two eggs respectively, but owing to the continual disturbance to which the birds are subjected, we do not think any young were reared. MIGRATION NOTES.—Summer, 1923. Arrivals —Three exceptionally early arrivals were noted. A single House Martin, seen at Penarth on 17th, 18th, and 19th February (H. M. Thompson), a Chiff-Chaff, seen in a garden near Roath Park, Cardiff, on 25th February (J. Grimes), and a Common Sandpiper, seen at Ogmore on 11th March (Miss C. M. Acland). March 17. Cuirr-CuHarr (H. C. Evans). » 20. WHEATEAR (Miss C. M. Acland). April 2. Swattow (H. E. David). u 5. WILLOw WARBLER (Miss C. M. Acland). a 8. Sand MARTIN. LESSER BLACK-BACKED GULL. » 19. Brackcap. House MARTIN. ee au. ~ CUCKOO; » 22. CORNCRAKE (H. M. Hallett). Swirr. Common SANDPIPER. YELLOW WAGTAIL. TREE PIPIT. » 24. GRASSHOPPER WARBLER. GARDEN WARBLER. COMMON WHITETHROAT. » 29. LESSER WHITETHROAT. SEDGE WARBLER. May 5. WHINCHAT. ig 6. TuRTLE DOVE. iH 8. SpPoTTED FLYCATCHER (Miss C. M. Acland). ,, 12. Woop WARBLER (Miss C. M. Acland). Departures.—Dates last recorded, Autumn, 1923. Ornithological Notes. 299 Cuckoo (juvenile). TREE PIPIt. YELLOw WactalIL (Miss C. M. Acland). SWIFT. WHEATEAR. CoMMON WHITETHROAT. TURTLE DOVE. COMMON SANDPIPER. SAND MARTIN. CHIFF-CHAFF. HousE Martin (Miss C. M. Acland). CORNCRAKE. SWALLOW (Miss C. M. Acland). LESSER BLACK-BACKED GULL (Miss C. M. Acland). GEOFFREY C. S. INGRAM. H. MORREY SALMON. 300 BIOLOGICAL AND GEOLOGICAL SECTION. REPORT ON THE 36TH SESSION, 1922-1923. COMMITTEE. THE PRESIDENT AND HON. SECRETARY OF THE C.N\S. (ex-officio). R. W. Atkinson, B.Sc., F.I.C., F.C.S. (President). H. M. Hatrett, F.E.S. (Vice President). Miss ELEANOR VACHELL, F.L.S. Professor A. HuBERT Cox, D.Sc., .Ph.D., F.G.S. GEOFFREY C. S. INGRAM, M.B.O.U. ES Ja NortH, D:Sco 0B G:S: F. NORTON. Jas. J. Stmpson, M.A., D.Sc. JOHN GRIMES, Joint Hon. Secretaries for Field BB. OFY Mise, ACEC! §£:G:S. i: Walks. H. EpGar Satmon, F.Z.S. (Hon. Treasurer). S. E. Jenxins (Hon. Secretary). The number of members on the books at the end of the Session was 139, including four honorary members, a net increase of twenty-three, as compared with last year, twenty-eight new members having been elected. During the Session the Section has sutained a severe loss by the death of Emeritus Professor William Newton Parker, Ph.D., F.Z.S., who had been a member of the Section since its inception in 1887, its Hon. Secretary, and for many years its President. In addition, four members have resigned or removed. Mr. H. Morrey Salmon, M.C., resigned the office of Hon. Secretary on 7th December, 1922. He had held this office since November, 1919, and the Committee record their apprecia- tion of his valuable services to the Section. Mr. Stanley E. Jenkins was elected Hon. Secretary in his stead. During the course of the Session eight meetings, including one at the National Museum of Wales, were held, with an average attendance of thirty-three. Also two Field Meetings, the first on 2nd June, when seventy-five members and friends of this Section and the Photographic Section visited Steep Holm, and the second on 12th July,when the Little Valley, near Craig-yr-allt, was visited. Biological and Geological Section. 301 The following Papers have been read :— 1922. Nov. 23. Dec. 7 1923. Jan. 4 ee. LS: Feb. 1 eee 15. March 15. “The Interdependence of the Sciences,” by the President; ‘R."W. Atkinson, B:Se:}-F.1.C., F.CS. “The Romance of the Common Eel,” by CoLin MaTHESON, M.A., B.Sc. “Wild Life and Scenery in the American National Parks,” by D. SIBBERING JONES. “Some Nature Notes,” by JOHN GRIMES, M.B.E. “The Gannet—A Visit to the Bass Rock,” by Miss C. M. ACLAND. “In Search of the Oldest Rocks,” by F. J. Nortu, DSc. 8.G:S: “Succulent Plants—Comparisons and Character- istics,’ by A. A. PETTIGREW, illustrated by an exhibit of about 200 plants. In addition to exhibits in connection with the Papers read, the undermentioned were shown and commented upon by the members at meetings on the dates stated :— 1922. Nov. 23. Dec. Whe A mass of material, containing bones, skulls, etc., of mammals, frogs, and birds, from an owl’s nesting tree. Miss C. M. AcLAND. Examples of Plant Parasitism. Professor R. C. McLEAN, M.A., D.Sc., F.L.S. Specimens of dead blue-bottle flies in life-like attitudes on leaves of bramble and other plants. JouHN Grimes, M.B.E. Photograph of tufted duck and young, being the first record of their breeding in the County of Glamorgan. G. C. S. Incram, M.B.O.U. Hips of wild rose, eaten by birds. Miss ELEANOR VACHELE, F.L.S. Specimen of apple, showing fasciation. JOHN GRIMES, M.B.E. 302 Biological and Geological Section. Jan. 4. Grass (Panicum) found at Cardiff Docks. Miss ELEANOR VACHELL, F.L.S. Branches of lime tree, growing in Cardiff, that had leafed out of season several years, presumably owing to being nourished artificially through the roots entering a drain pipe. H. A. Hype, B.A. ,» 18. Branch of a very fine specimen of Garrya elliptica, bearing numerous catkins. JOHN GRIMES, M.B.E. Photograph of female robin, taking food from the hand of Mr. John Grimes, in whose garden it had nested. G. CoS. “Incraw “MBO. U: Feb. 15. Branchlet of an evergreen flowering currant (Rzbes laurifolium) from western China, said to attain a height of about six feet. A. A. PETTIGREW. Specimen of mistletoe, one of two plants said to have grown from one berry on the same host, a hawthorn. JOHN GRIMES, M.B.E. On 18th January, 1923, Miss Clemence M. Acland made the communication that she had recently observed five Bewick’s Swans in Glamorgan. EE eT 303 ARCHAEOLOGICAL SECTION. ANNUAL REPORT FOR SESSION 1922-23. OFFICERS AND COMMITTEE. President. Dr. D. R. PATERSON. Secretary. Dr. R. E. M. WHEELER. Committee. Ceci, BRADLEY. Professor W. PHILLIPS, J. P. D. Grant. HERBERT M. THOMPsoN. J. W. LANGsSTAFF. Mrs. WHEELER. Auditor. T. A. WALKER. During the Session the following lectures have been given :— 1. “The Norman Castles of South Wales,” by Professor E. ERNEST HuGuHEs, M.A. 2. “‘ Mediaeval Embroidery from Wales,” by R. H. D’ELBoux, W.@.. BrA. 3. “ Recent Excavations in Prehistoric Temples on Malta,”’ by MarGareT A. Murray. 4. “Some Welsh Names and Places in and around Cardiff,” by Professor W. PHILLIPS. 5. “The Tegernacus Inscribed Stone,” by Professor W. J. GRUFFYDD, M.A. 6. “The Brut of Aberpergwm,” by G. J. WitttAms, M.A. 7. “The Little-known Benedictine Priory of Cardiff,” by igs ff, 0) Preoux, Rev. (J. M. Cronin, and Dr. D.R: PATERSON. On 12th May, 1923, the Section visited the excavations at Caerwent. The membership of the Section rose during the Session to a total of 116. R: E. M. WHEELER, Hon. Secretary. 304 PHOTOGRAPHIC SECTION. REPORT FOR THE TWELFTH SESSION, 1922-23. OFFICERS AND COMMITTEE. President. H. Morrey Satmon, M.C. Vice- Presidents. Sir T. MANSEL FRANKLEN. E. W. M. Corsett, J.P: HarrRY STORM. G. C. S. INGRAM. STANLEY J. MILNER. Committee. J. PETREE, M.I.N.A. E. C. W. Owen, A.C.A. A. J. Harris, M-P:S. B. K. TENIsoNn CoLiins, M.A., M.D. E. T. BEVAN. Mrs. ALEX. PYLE. Ex-Officio. THE PRESIDENT, Hon. SECRETARY, AND Hon. TREASURER OF THE CARDIFF NATURALISTS’ SOCIETY. Delegates to the Royal Photographic Society. H. Morrey Sartmon, M.C. E. C. Oakes, A.M.L.CE: Delegates to the Wales and Monmouthshire Federation. H. Morrey Satmon, M.C. Harry STORM. Hon. Treasurer. H. EpGar Satmon, F.Z.S. Hon. Secretary. E, C. Oaxes, A.M.I.C.E. The Committee has pleasure in presenting its Twelfth Annual Report, dealing with the work of the Section for the Session 1922-23. The membership on 30th September, 1922, numbered 116, and during the year twenty new members were elected. Three deaths occurred and sixteen resignations were received, leaving a total membership of 117 at the present date, of whom seventy-one are members of the Cardiff Naturalists’ Society. Photographic Section. 305 Eleven meetings were held, with an average attendance of twenty-six per meeting. Details are as follows :— 1922. Oct. 3. Lecture and demonstration, ‘‘ Ross Lenses,’ by A. DoRDAN PyYKE (of Messrs. Johnsons, Ltd.). , 10. Visit to Messrs. Gaumonts Cinema Studios to see preparation of films (arranged by B. K. Tenison Collins, M.A., M.D.). , 24. Annual Meeting. Demonstration, “ Enlarging,” by H. Morrey SAtmon, M.C. Exhibit of photographs by H. Morrey SALMon and G. C. S. INGRAM. Nov. 14. Lantern Evening, “Amateur Photographer and Photography ” (Prize Slides). Exhibit of photographs by G T. FLoox. , 28. Lecture, “ Pictorial Photography,” by T. J. Lewis. Dec. 12. Members’ evening, lantern slides and prints. Jan. 9. Demonstration, “ Toning a P.O.P. Print,’ by STANLEY J. MILNER. ,, 23. Demonstration,‘‘ Lantern Slide Making,” by C.W. Axen. Feb. 27. Lantern lecture, “‘The Thames from Oxford to Kingston,” by W. J. HotLtoway. Exhibit of photographs by D. F. KErr. Mar. 9. Lantern lecture, ‘‘Samuel Pepys and his Times,” by A. H. Brake, M.A., F.R.Hist.S. feee?. Lantern lectare,, ~ A,Few Historial Cities,” by GILBERT D. SHEPHERD, F.C.A. Exhibit of photographs by GILBERT D. SHEPHERD. The Sixth Annual Exhibition was held in February, but despite the excellent work submitted, did not receive sufficient support from the members. The Field Day at Steep Holm on 2nd June, arranged in conjunc- tion with the Biological and Geological Section, was a record success, being attended by over seventy members and friends of the two Sections. The new and larger room secured for the Section’s meetings, has proved most comfortable, and is greatly appreciated. E.C. OAKES. 306 JUNIOR SECTION. HON. SECRETARY’S REPORT FOR THE YEAR ENDED 30TH SEPTEMBER, 1923. The Second Annual Report records a continuation of the pro- gress made by the Section during the first year of its existence. MEMBERSHIP. At the commencement of the year there were 130 members, eighty-six new members have been elected, and there have been fifteen resignations. The net increase is 71, and the present membership, 201. OFFICERS AND COMMITTEE. The retiring President, Dr. Jas. J. Simpson, M.A., and the other officers and members of the Committee were, at the Annual Meeting, held 30th August, 1922, unanimously re-elected :— President. Dr. Jas. J. Stmpson, M.A. Vice-Presidents. D. SIBBERING JONES. STANLEY E. JENKINS. Committee. F. NorTON. Master F. LOVERIDGE. A. E. WADE. Miss EILEEN HALLETT. G. L. SHEPHERD, Hon. Treasurer. H. EpGar Satmon, F.Z.S, Hon. Secretary. Dr, BJ: Norra, 2:G:S: MEETINGS. Ten lectures (average attendance sixty-seven) and seven field walks or visits to works (average attendance sixty-four) have been held during the year, and members were also invited to attend the Children’s Lecture, arranged by the parent society, on 3rd January, 1923. Junior Section. 307 The lectures were well attended until the commencement of the summer, but during the fine weather, the attendance was smaller than during the winter months. The following is a list of the meetings and field walks held during the Session :— 1922. Oct. 18. Presidential Address, ’’ Insects and Disease,” Dr. Jas. J. Smumpson, M.A. Nov. 1. Visit to Western Mail Printing Works, arranged by R. J. WEBBER. =e ©. Lecture, “ Sugar and, Coffee: in. Costa, Riea,?, by iW EP ROGER, EOZ.S. » 18. Visit to Llandaff Cathedral, arranged by permission of the Dean of Llandaff. Dec. 6. Lecture, “The Evolution of a House,” Perrcy fHomas: .O.B.E.,, FR1B.A: Jan. 10. Visit to Messrs. Franks’ Sweet Factory. peer Lecture,“ Ants, Bees, and Wasps,” H. M. HALrerr, BES: fea 7. Lecture, ~ Cardiff Castle in History,” Mrs. R. E. M. WHEELER. Mar. 7. Lecture, ‘‘ Photography—How, Why, When, and Where,’ GILBERT D. SHEPHERD, F.C.A. » 10. Demonstration at Newport Road Ponds, in Methods of Fishing, H. E. Satmon, F.Z.S. April 11. Lecture, ‘‘ Trawling,’’ MortEy H. NEALE. », 17. Visit to the Docks and Inspection of a Trawler. May 9. Lecture, “ Water Supply,” E. C. OaKes, A.M.Inst.C.E. ,, 12. Field Walk, Reservoir at Llanishen and Filter Beds at the Heath. June 6. Lecture, ‘The Sweet Influences of the Sun; a plant’s year,’ Professor R. C. McLEAn, M.A., D.Sc. 308 Jumior Section. June 16. Field Walk to Cefn On in connection with Professor McLean’s lecture. July 4. Lecture, “Through the States and Canada,” H. EDGAR SALMON, F.Z.S. Sept. 26. Annual Meeting, papers by junior members :— “The Progress of Sculpture,’ by Master MERVYN E. MILEs, and “The Sundew,” by Miss E. Harris. COMPETITION. The result of the competition was again disappointing, only one entry being received. A prize was awarded to Mr. W. C. Davies for some photographs of river scenery in Cardiganshire. The Accounts for the Session have been audited, and show a balance in hand of £4 ls. 7d. 309 REPORT, OF THE COUNCIL FOR THE Year ended 30th September, 1923. The Council has pleasure in submitting to the members the Fifty-sixth Annual Report. MEMBERSHIP. The number of members on 30th September, 1922, was a AY es a y 752 Elected during 1922-23 .. fre 7 Ee 68 820 Less. 4 Deaths. . a sf os 3s 14 Removals As ie 6 Pm 20 Resignations .. oe of rs 32 — 66 754 The members are distributed thus :— Tae Honorary Members .. $8 “s a 7 Ordinary Members .. ey - jy eae Life Members .. oy ot 3d ee 12 Non-Resident Members fs sie 2 6 Corresponding Members Le a oF 11 Associates cf oz oe e. oe 0 754 The Council regrets to report the deaths of the following members during the year :—Mr. F. W. Bardens, Mr. Edwin Barry, Mr. Harold Coleman, Professor J. Berry-Haycraft, Mr. William Clarke, Miss M. B. Mitchell, Mr. Evan Owen, Professor W. N. Parker, Ph.D., Mrs. Pyle, Mr. R. E. Reynolds, Mr. Chas. E. Roberts, Mrs. E. Rowe, Mrs. M. Simpson, and Mr. T. W. Tonkin. 310 Report of the Council. The following is a list of papers read at Members’ Meetings, VIZ. -— 1922. Oct. 19. Fifty-fifth Annual Meeting, Presidential Address by Mr. Thomas A. Walker, F.C.I.S.—“ Travel—past and present.” Nov. 2. Dr. Wm. Evans Hoyle, M.A.— Edward Forbes— a Celtic Naturalist (1815-1854).” Nov. 16. Colonel S. L. Cummins, C.B., C.M.G., M.D.—‘‘ The tribes of Bahr-el-Ghazal.”’ Nov. 30. Mrs. R. E. M. Wheeler—‘‘ The story of a Roman villa at Ely, near Cardiff.” 1923. Jan. 11. Dr. F. J. North, F.G.S.—‘ Geological rambles in Wales.” Feb. 22. Mr. Geoffrey C. S. Ingram—‘ Observing and photo- graphing wild birds.”’ Mar. 22. Mr. A. R. Dawson, I.S.0., J.P.—‘ Smuggling days in the Bristol Channel.” The following Public Lectures were delivered :— 1922. Nov. 9 _ Brig.-General The Hon. C. G. Bruce, C.B., M.V.0.— and 10. “Climbing Mount Everest, 1922.” Dec. 14. Professor W. Garstang, M.A., D.Sc.—“ The songs of birds.” 1923. Jan. 3. (Children’s Lecture). Mr. J. J. Ward, F.E.S.— “Strange stories of animal life.”’ Feb. 8. Professor D. M. S. Watson, M.Sc., F.R.S—“A history of British mammals.” Mar. 8. Mr. A. H. Blake, M.A., F.R.Hist.S.—*“‘ England through the eyes of Hogarth.” Mar. 13. Commander F. A. Worsley, D.S.O., O.B.E.—*“ With Shackleton on The Endurance and The Quest.” The thanks of the Society are due to those who gave lectures on members’ nights, and to those who entertained Lecturers. Report of the Council. 311 The Meetings and Public Lectures were held in the Cory Hall, the average attendance being 361—exclusive of the special lectures on Mount Everest. SUMMER MEETINGS.—The three Summer Meetings proved successful and of great interest—fine weather favouring each excursion. The Society is much indebted to those who gave facilities for visits to be paid and to those who received the members and read papers, all of which were of a high order. The first Summer Meeting was held on Wednesday, 16th May, when a visit was paid to the Cardiff Pure Ice and Cold Storage Co.’s premises. One hundred and thirty members attended and were received by Mr. Henry J. Lloyd, and entertained to tea by the Directors. The second Summer Meeting took place on Saturday, 23rd June, 1923, when Brecon was visited by one hundred and twenty members and friends. The party took train to Merthyr and then proceeded by motor chars-a-banc to Brecon, paying a visit to the new reservoir where the works were explained by Mr. Neil J. Peters, M.I.C.E., and Mr. H. W. B. Cotterill, A.M.I.C.E. Miss Gwenllian Morgan met the members in the Priory Church, Brecon, and gave a most interesting and instructive address, subsequently conducting the party over the church. Later in the afternoon, the Rev. Dr. J. L. Phillips (Head Master) showed the members over Christ College, Brecon, and delivered an interesting address upon the history of the school. Dr. R. E. Mortimer Wheeler, M.C., read a short paper upon “ Brecon Castle.’’ Lunch and tea were served at the Castle of Brecon Hotel. The return journey was by chars-d-banc to Abergavenny, a halt being made to inspect the grounds at Glanusk Park, by kind permission of the Right Hon. Lord Glanusk. The remainder of the journey was undertaken by train. The third Summer Meeting was held on Saturday, the 15th September, 1923, when a visit was paid to St. Donats Castle, by kind invitation of Mr. Richard E. Pennoyer and Lady Winifred Pennoyer—one hundred and forty members were present. Mr. Pennoyer read an interesting paper on the 312 Report of the Council. history of the Castle, after which the members were privileged to make a thorough inspection of the interior and exterior of the Castle. The Vicar of St. Donats (the Rev. W. Foster Jones) subsequently met the members at the church. Tea was taken at the Duke of Wellington Hotel, Cowbridge. PRESIDENT, 1923-24.—At the meeting of members, which was held upon the occasion of the second Summer Meeting, Dr. D. R. Paterson, on the recommendation of the Council, was unanimously elected President for 1923-24 Session. Subsequently, owing to illness, Dr. Paterson felt obliged to resign, and under the circumstances the members regretfully postponed Dr. Paterson’s year of office for twelve months. Professor A. Hubert Cox, D.Sc., Ph.D., F.G.S., was nominated and unanimously elected in his stead. HONORARY TREASURER.—The Council regrets to report that Mr. H. Edgar Salmon, F.Z.S., finds it necessary, owing to pressure of other engagements, to resign the office of Honorary Treasurer. The Council has placed on record its high appreciation of the excellent services rendered by Mr. Salmon in this capacity during the past three years. TRANSACTIONS.—During the year, Vol. 52 (1919) of the Transactions has been issued. Vol. 53 (1920) is ready for distribution. Vols. 54 and 55 will be in the printers’ hands shortly. The Council receives repeated applications for sets and different volumes of Tvansactions, and the stock of certain numbers, especially the earlier ones, is practically exhausted. Any members who are in possession of spare copies of Transactions are invited to communicate with the Hon. Secretary on the matter. LiprArRY.—The Society’s Library has now been arranged in the National Museum of Wales, where it is available for reference. The Council has thanked the Cardiff Free Libraries’ Committee and the City Librarian for having housed the Library for a number of years. Report of the Council. 313 SECTIONS.—The Biological and Geological Section, the Archaeological Section, the Photographic Section, and the Junior Section, all report successful Sessions. St. FAGANS GREAT Woop AND THE WENALLT.—The Society has interested itself .in the preservation of the St. Fagans Great Wood as a nature reserve, and also in the question of rights of way at The Wenallt. AccountTs.—The Annual Statement of Accounts is presented herewith. THOS. A. WALKER, President. Ae HH. EEE, Hon. Secretary. ae “sonny “MOH apOUd “M ‘L (pousts) *AAANSVAAT. “UOTT “yrpsey ‘SoG “47S 4290790 ‘NOWIVS UVOAT “H (peusts) ‘prpsey “SZ61 “YAg 4290190 Ne EOEE———EEEeee —oooICICIIIEEE===E=E=eEe—_______ee__ 0&0 nn eee enn RR eee 9 Ol FESF 9 OL Fest 1 st Onl 8 91 0 2 i ue yunoooy jJuelIND ce atl jo te Any on oe qunoooy psodaq ‘yueg spAoyy 7 Yseg 8 Z OR AS a Axe }01095 “UOPT JO Spury ur yseg ONO SUr ~ 7 i ys YOO}S oouUelo} Aq peyeprosuog AeA UstoysaA\ 7 RAID %oS— O9LF 9 ZI 96% na ~ % L¥-6Z61 ‘ULOT Ie %S—OSET Il 61 €Z — L ZI 691 oe + Mp 728 At Oo 36 ‘K ar pjosun 0 Ste ve fc Aa “e101 yipreg pur uvsiowe[y SUOTJOBSURL], I 61 91 Pi ue oa 6rk Lpe-—" Areaqyy “ So REG. mein 2 een 0 Ot Ig a" Ne rey nt “s OANPUANT JO ONL A Z OL 1B vs a ot fDi sey “Om ‘Sig *SLaSsW ole SN) ‘Ss SATT[IAeNT JOAO sassy JO ssvoxo f Sureq ‘ooureg : ** gouvApe ur pred suondiosqns : ps ze QUOIZLSIOAUOD IOF 9A.1OSOX] vs ne on surjzund soy dArsoy sio}ipos9 Arpung MILVIaViT ‘ES61 ‘HLO§ MAANALMHS “LHAHS AONV IVa ye qe teyeyaiy r ie Hi £ 0 98 yunooor s Wd spe L @1 691 Si 0 0 OOL i 0 0 98 a O FI Zl SS aa OFS) rel 0 GI 9FI , . P SI 901 aa a 0) <8) 221 ; ysorojUL pure spuoprArqd “ i? Wh Aer Axeurpso ‘suoydtiosqns ¢ ol 9 Ay. $e sjdtes01 Aapuns ‘ os ‘ydas 0 ZI §6 * “S261 vy sEpetst 4 s,ivok ysv] wory oourteg AG “1 90 a 16 . ‘B61 Pigs oy) PE Se yi ae nie ** ssurjoou ppd : "039 ganna ‘Aaouoryeys ** junooow 's $,1e0A }xou 0} oouPyeg “ ** surpurid Joy oA.tosayy ‘ : AUOIZLSIOAUOD JO} BATOSAY sydiaoayy ssa7 ‘ _Sidra0y SsaT ** soinjoa'y “ a ssurjoour saoquioy “ we sosuodxe [esau “ uoljoag orydeasojoyg 0} JuRINyN OT ‘Og "das “S261 ‘$261 “HLO€ MAAWALdMHUS ONIGNHY WVHA UOT LNNOOOV ANNAATA “ALAIOOS SLISITIVYNLVN HHICadVoO 315 CARDIFF NATURALISTS’ SOCIETY. EST ABLISHED 1867. Past Presidents. 1868—WILLIAM ADAms, C. 1869—WILLIAM ADAms, C. 1870—WILLIAM ADAMS, C. 1871—WiLi1am Apams, C. 1872—WiILLIAM ADAms, C. 1873—WILLIAM ADAMS, C.E., 1874—FRANKLEN G. EVANS, F. R. A. oe F.R.M.S. 1875—JoHN WALTER Lukis, M.R.I.A. 1876—WILLIAM.TAyYLor, M.D. 1877—JoHN WALTER Lukis, M.R.I.A. 1878—CoLoNEL PICTON TURBERVILL. 1879—HeEnNrRyY HerEywoop, C.E., F.C.S. 1880—Louvuis Tytor. 1881—CLEMENT WALDRON. 1882—GEORGE E. ROBINSON. 1883—WILLIAM GALLOWAY. 1884—-PETER PRICE. 1885—C. T. VacHELL, M.D. 1886—HrEnry Hrywoop, C.E., F.C.S. 1887—J. Vir1amu Jones, M.A. 1888—T. H. Tuomas, R.C.A. 1889—W. RONNFELDT. 1890—J. GAvEy. 189i—Crt VAcHErL, M.D: 1392——@) T VAcHELL, M.D) 1893—C. T. WuHITMELL, M.A. 1894—EpwINn SEWARD, F.R.I.B.A. 1895—R. W. AtTxKINnson, B.Sc., F.I.C. 1896—Rev. Canon C. J. THompson, D.D. 1897—RoBERT DRANE, F.L.S. 1898—J. TatHam THompson, M.B. (89S=Cr lh VAcHELT. M.D: 1900—W. N. Parker, Ph.D. 1901—J. J. NEALE. 1902—C. H. JAmeEs. 1903—D. R. Paterson, M.D. 1904—T. W. PrRoGEr. 1905—P. Ruys Grirritus, M.B. 1906—E. H. Grirritus, Sc.D., F.R.S. 1907—]. Berry Haycrart, M.D., D.Sc. 1908—A. H. Trow, D.Sc. 1909—ARCHIBALD Brown. 1910—Rev. Davip Davies, M.A. 1911—W. S. Bourton, B.Sc., F.G.S. 1912—WILL1AM SHEEN, M.S., F.R.C.S. 1913—E. P.. PERMAN, D-Sc., F.C.S. 1914—Joun W. RopcGe_Er. 1915—H. M. Hatrett, F.E.S. 1916—JOHN GRIMEs. 1917—W. Evans Hoyvte, M.A., D.Sc. 1918—J. J. NEALE, J.P. 1919—H. EpGar SALmon. 1920—PrincipaL A. H. Trow, D.Se., F.L.S. 1921—D. SIBBERING JONES. 1922—GirBErtT D. SHEPHERD, F.L.S. by bt i *9 ) Uy 7 “9 FaD0000 Pat a Pf nvrnnnye 316 OFFICERS AND COUNCIL, 1922-23. President. Tuomas A. WALKER, F.C.I.S. Vice-Presidents. Az ELS LRow.-DScs es: D. SIBBERING JONES. GILBERT D. SHEPHERD, F.C.A. Past Presidents. (Serving on the Council in accordance with Rule 11, Section b), viz.: EDWIN SEWARD, F.R.I.B.A. A. W. SHEEN; €.B.E., MS). Pan ess: R. W. ATKINSON, B.Sc., F.I.C. E. P. PERMAN, D.Sc. D. R. Paterson, M.D. JoHN W. RopceEr, M.S.A. T. W. ProceEr, F.Z.S. Be VM. Pian ris H. BS: Wo. Evans Hovte, M.A., D.Sc. Joun Grimes, M.B.E. Rev. Canon Davip Davies, M.A. H. EpGaR SAtmon, F.Z.S. Hon. Treasurer. H. EpGar Satmon, F.Z.S. Hon. Librarian. HOM, Harter EVES: Hon. Secretary. A. H. Lee, M.C. Council. E. E. BriERLEY, M.B., C.M. Moritrey H. NEALE. A. HuBEertT Cox, M.Sc., Ph.D. A. A. PETTIGREW. HarrY Farr, F.L.A. H. Morrey Satmon, M.C. GEOFFREY C. S. INGRAM. Jo Hi SHaxey, B-Se: Ivor P. Jones, A.R.I.B.A. J. J. Stmpson, M.A., D.Sc. Ro CMe lean, MsAee 1)iSc: W. M. TaTTERSALL, D.Sc. BIOLOGICAL AND GEOLOGICAL SECTION. President. R. W. AtxKinson, B.Sc., F.1I.C. Hon. Secretary. H. Morrey Sartmon, M.C. ARCHAEOLOGICAL SECTION. President. D. R. Paterson, M.D. Hon. Secretary. R. E. Mortimer WHEELER, M.C., M.A., Lit.D. PHOTOGRAPHIC SECTION. President. H. Morrey Satmon, M.C. Hon. Secretary. ENC! OAKES, AV MarC.E. JUNIOR SECTION. President. J. J. Stimpson, M.A., D.Sc. Hon. Secretary. F. J. Nortu, D.Sc. 4 at uTieaatn) : mw wat sori a ‘> } / ‘ 1) = AA fil . =] 7 ye! : 7 , : ; ra oe oJ s , pe oe oe i) | uit fim? es AND VOONUL. Lea yi est, TT — a A, 0 Ss vy Az = = ) Vir oy ests 21 - i B. '1 “Ais .° BP » 4 wT 1, Pyat rHeier Si" i “a ’ ; { ? 7 4 4 i? i : J { var 4 ’ . j - , . - t } f , ‘ ? iy ki if f “3 9 5 fs f a & : ; ee = - Aare MLM VIECO ALT Riri an ENB IMAOT VE CM UP NIRV A CT SPONHADE fo i) ve } ive a F ar if tty Rie i ar j ' BINDING LIST JAN 15 4099 QH Cardiff Naturalists! So ik ciety, Cardiff, Wales C2 Reports and transactions Biological & Medical Senals PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE CARDS OR SLIPS FROM THIS POCKET UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY STORAGE: *. apres . 7 pn A 4 boy Ababs WG NIndaie pene “rem p Aree ‘ youn il a e ay . ° tate. : " 7 ” >) rin tn rs oo . } % " ree ee . Lpbbtmic matomye,