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RESEARCHES
INTO THE
HARLY HISTORY OF MANKIND.
Z-D.
RESEARCHES
INTO THE
EARLY HISTORY OF MANKIND
AND THE
DEVELOPMENT OF CIVILIZATION.
By EDWARD BURNET TYLOR, /<¢ |
AUTHOR OF ‘MEXICO AND THE MEXICANS.’
LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STRERT,
1865.
JOHN EDWARD TAYLOR, PRINTER,
LITTLE QUEEN STREET, LINCOLN’S INN FIELDS.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER II.
THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE
CHAPTER III.
THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE— (continued)
CHAPTER IV.
GESTURE-LANGUAGE AND WORD-LANGUAGE
CHAPTER V.
PICTURE-WRITING AND WORD-WRITING
CHAPTER VI.
IMAGES AND NAMES
CHAPTER VII.
GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE
CHAPTER VIII.
THE STONE AGE—PAST AND PRESENT
CHAPTER IX.
FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS
PAGE
14
34
59
83
107
191
228
vil
CONTENTS,
CHAPTER X.
SOME REMARKABLE CUSTOMS
HISTORICAL TRADITIONS AND MYTHS OF OBSERVATION
CHAPTER XI.
CHAPTER XII.
GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF MYTHS
CONCLUDING REMARKS
CHAPTER XIII.
PAGE
273
298
325
361
RESEARCHES
INTO THE
EARLY HISTORY OF MANKIND.
CHAPTER I,
INTRODUCTION,
In studying the phenomena of knowledge and art, religion and
mythology, law and custom, and the rest of the complex whole
which we call Civilization, it is not enough to have in view the
more advanced races, and to know their history so far as direct
records have preserved it for us. The explanation of the state
of things in which we live has often to be sought in the con-
dition of rude and early tribes; and without a knowledge of
this to guide us, we may miss the meaning even of familiar
thoughts and practices. To take a trivial instance, the state-
ment is true enough as it stands, that the women of modern
Europe mutilate their ears to hang jewels in them, but the
reason of their doing so is not to be fully found in the circum-
stances among which we are living now. The student who
takes a wider view thinks of the rings and bones and feathers
thrust through the cartilage of the nose; the weights that pull
the slit ears in long nooses to the shoulder ; the ivory studs let
in at the corners of the mouth; the wooden plugs as big as
table-spoons put through slits in the under lip; the teeth of
animals stuck point outwards through holes in the cheeks ; all
familiar things among the lower races up and down in the
world. The modern earring of the higher nations stands not
B
2 INTRODUCTION.
as a product of our own times, but as a relic of a ruder mental
condition, one of the many cases in which the result of progress
has been not positive in adding, but negative in taking away,
something belonging to an earlier state of things.
It is indeed hardly too much to say that Civilization, being
a process of long and complex growth, can only be thoroughly
understood when studied through its entire range; that the
past is continually needed to explain the present, and the whole
to explain the part. A feeling of this may account m some
measure for the eager curiosity which is felt for descriptions of
the life and habits of strange and ancient races, in Cook’s Voy-
ages, Catlin’s ‘ North American Indians,’ Prescott’s ‘Mexico’
and ‘ Peru,’ even in the meagre details which antiquaries have
succeeded in recovering of the lives of the Lake-dwellers of
Switzerland and the Reindeer Tribes of Central France. For
matters of practical life these people may be nothing to us;
but in reading of them we are consciously or unconsciously
completing the picture, and tracing out the course of life, of
what has been so well said to be after all our most interesting
object of study, mankind.
Though, however, the Early History of Man is felt to be
an attractive subject, and great masses of the materials needed
for working it out have long been forthcoming, they have as
yet been turned to but little account. The opinion that the
use of facts is to illustrate theories, the confusion between
History and Mythology, which is only now being partly cleared
up, an undue confidence in the statements of ancient writers,
whose means of information about times and places remote
from themselves were often much narrower than those which
are, ages later, at our own command, have been among the
hindrances to the growth of sound knowledge in this direction.
The time for writing a systematic treatise on the subject does
not seem yet to have come; certainly nothing of the kind is
attempted in the present series of essays, whose contents,
somewhat miscellaneous as they are, scarcely come into contact
with great part of the most important problems involved, such
as the relation of the bodily characters of the various races,
the question of their origin and descent, the development of
INTRODUCTION. 3
morals, religion, law, and many others. The matters dis-
cussed have been chosen, not so much for their absolute im-
portance, as because, while they are among the easiest and
most inviting parts of the subject, it is possible so to work
them as to bring into view certain general lines of argument,
which apply not only to them, but also to the more complex
and difficult problems involved in a complete treatise on the
History of Civilization. These lines of argument, and their re-
lation to the different essays, may be briefly stated at the outset.
In the first place, when a general law can be inferred from
a group of facts, the use of detailed history is very much super-
seded. When we see a magnet attract a piece of iron, having
‘ come by experience to the general law that magnets attract
iron, we do not take the trouble to go into the history of the
particular magnet in question. To some extent this direct
reference to general laws may be made in the study of Civil-
zation. The four next chapters of the present book treat of the
various ways in which man utters his thoughts, in Gestures,
Words, Pictures, and Writing. Here, though Speech and
Writing must be investigated historically, depending as they
do in so great measure on the words and characters which were
current in the world thousands of years ago, on the other hand
the Gesture-Language and Picture- Writing may be mostly ex-
plained without the aid of history, as direct products of the
human mind. In the following chapter on “Images and
Names,” an attempt is made to refer a great part of the beliefs
and practices included under the general name of magic, to one
very simple mental law, as resulting from a condition of mind
which we of the more advanced races have almost outgrown,
and in doing so have undergone one of the most notable
changes which we can trace as having happened to mankind.
And lastly, a particular habit of mind accounts for a class of
stories which are here grouped together as ‘‘ Myths of Obser-
vation,” as distinguished from the tales which make up the
great bulk of the folk-lore of the world, and which latter are
now being shown by the new school of Comparative Mytho-
logists in Germany and England to have come into existence
also by virtue of a general law, but a very different one.
B2
4 INTRODUCTION.
But it is only in particular parts of Human Culture where
the facts have not, so to speak, travelled far from their causes,
that this direct method is practicable. Most of its phenomena
have grown into shape out of such a complication of events,
that the laborious piecing together of their previous history is
the only safe way of studying them. It is easy to see how far
a theologian or a lawyer would go wrong who should throw
history aside, and attempt to explain, on abstract principles,
the existence of the Protestant Church or the Code Napoléon.
A Romanesque or an Early English cathedral is not to be
studied as though all that the architect had to do was to take
stone and mortar and set up a building for a given purpose.
The development of the architecture of Greece, its passage
into the architecture of Rome, the growth of Christian cere-
mony and symbolism, are only part of the elements which went
to form the state of things in which the genius of the builder
had to work out the requirements of the moment. The late
Mr. Buckle did good service in urging students to look through
the details of history to the great laws of Human Development
which he behind; but his attempt to explain, by a few rash
generalizations, the complex phases of European history, is a
warning of the danger of too hasty an appeal to first principles.
As, however, the earlier civilization lies very much ont of the
beaten track of history, the place of direct records has to be
supplied in great measure by indirect evidence, such as Anti-
quities, Language, and Mythology. This makes it generally
difficult to get a sound historical basis to work on, but there
happens to be a quantity of material easily obtainable, which
bears on the development of some of the more common and
useful arts. Thus in the eighth and ninth chapters, the tran-
sition from implements of stone to those of metal is demon-
strated to have taken place in almost every district of the habi-
table globe, and a progress from ruder to more perfect modes
of making fire and boiling food is traced in many different
countries ; while in the seventh, evidence is collected on the
important problem of the relation which Progress has borne to
Decline in art and knowledge in the history of the world.
In the remote times and places where direct history is at
INTRODUCTION. 5
fault, the study of Civilization, Culture-History as it is conve-
niently called in Germany, becomes itself an important aid to
the historian, as a means of re-constructing the lost records of
early or barbarous times. But its use as contributing to the
early history of mankind depends mainly on the answering of
the following question, which runs through all the present
essays, and binds them together as various ¢cases of a single
problem.
When similar arts, customs, or legends are found in several
distant regions, among peoples not known to be of the same
stock, how is this similarity to be accounted for? Sometimes
it may be ascribed to the like working of men’s minds under
like conditions, and sometimes it is a proof of blood relationship
or of intercourse, direct or indirect, between the races among
whom it is found. In the one case it has no historical value
whatever, while in the other it has this value in a high degree,
and the ever-recurring problem is how to distinguish between
the two. An example on each side may serve to bring the
matter into a clearer light.
The general prevalence of a belief in the continuance of the
soul’s existence after death, does not prove that all mankind
have inherited such a belief from a common source. It may
have been so, but the historical argument is made valueless
by the fact that certain natural phenomena may have sug-
gested to the mind of man, while in a certain stage of develop-
ment, the idea of a future state, and this not once only, but
again and again in different regions and at different times.
These phenomena may prove nothing of the kind to us, but
that is not the question. The reasoning of the savage is not
to be judged by the rules which belong to a higher education ;
and what the ethnologist requires in such a case, is not to
know what the facts prove to his own mind, but what mference
the very differently trained mind of the savage may draw from
them.
The belief that man has a soul capable of existing apart from
the body it belongs to, and continuing to live, for a time at
least, after that body is dead and buried, fits perfectly m such
a mind with the fact that the shadowy forms of men and women
6 INTRODUCTION.
do appear to others, when the men and women themselves are
at a distance, and after they are dead. We call these appari-
tions dreams or phantasms, according as the person to whom
they appear is asleep or awake, and when we hear of their
occurrence in ordinary life, set them down as subjective pro-
cesses of the mind. We do not think that the phantom of the
dark Brazilian who used to haunt Spinoza was a real person ;
that the head which stood before a late distinguished English
peer, whenever he was out of health, was a material object ; that
the fiends which torment the victim of delirium tremens, are
what and where they seem to him to be; that any real occur-
rence corresponds to the dreams of the old men who tell us
they were flogged last night at school. It is only a part of
mankind, however, who thus disconnect dreams and visions
from the objects whose forms they bear. Among the less
civilized races, the separation of subjective and objective im-
pressions, which in this, as in several other matters, makes the
most important difference between the educated man and the
savage, is much less fully carried out. This is indeed true to
some extent among the higher nations, for no Greenlander or
Kafir ever mixed up his subjectivity with the evidence of his
senses into a more hopeless confusion than the modern spiritu-
alist. As the subject is only brought forward here as an illus-
tration, it is not necessary to go at length into its details. A
few picked examples will bring into view the two great theories
of dreams and visions, current among the lower races. One is,
that when a man is asleep or seeing visions, the figures which
appear to him come from their places and stand over against
him ; the other, that the soul of the dreamer or seer goes out
on its travels, and comes home with a remembrance of what it
has seen.
The Australians, says Sir George Grey, believe that the
nightmare is caused by an evil spirit. To get rid of it they
jump up, catch a lighted brand from the fire, and with various
muttered imprecations fling it in the direction where they think
the spirit is. He simply came for a light, and having got it,
he will go away.! Others tell of the demon Koin, a creature
) Grey, ‘Journals ;’ London, 1841, vol. ii. p. 339.
INTRODUCTION. 7
who has the appearance of a native, and like them is painted
with pipe-clay and carries a fire-stick. He comes sometimes
when they are asleep and carries a man off as an eagle does its
prey. ‘The shout of the victim’s companions makes the demon
let him drop, or else he carries him off to his fire in the bush.
The unfortunate black tries to cry out, but feels himself all but
choked and cannot. At daylight Koi disappears, and the
native finds himself brought safely back to his own fireside.’
Byen in Europe, such expressions as being ridden by a hag or
by the devil, preserve the recollection of a similar train of
thought. In the evil demons who trouble people in their sleep,
the Incubi and Succubi, the bel-ef in this material and personal
character of the figures seen in dreams comes strongly out,
perhaps nowhere more strikingly than among the natives of the
Tonga Islands.?_ “ Whoso seeth me in his sleep,” said Mo-
hammed, “seeth me truly, for Satan cannot assume the simili-
tude of my form.”
Mr. St. John says that the Dayaks regard dreams as actual
occurrences. They think that in sleep the soul sometimes re-
mains in the body, and sometimes leaves it and travels far
away, and that both when in and out of the body it sees and
hears and talks, and altogether has a prescience given to it,
which, when the body is in its natural state, it does not enjoy.
Fainting fits, or a state of coma, are thought to be caused by
the departure or absence of the soul on some distant expedition
of its own. When a European dreams of his distant country,
the Dayaks think his soul has annihilated space, and paid a
flying visit to Europe during the night.’ Very many tribes be-
lieve in this way that dreams are incidents which happen to
the spirit in its wanderings from the body, and the idea has
even expressed itself in a superstitious objection to waking a
sleeper, for fear of disturbing his body while his soul is out.*
Father Charlevoix found both the theories in question current
1 Backhouse, ‘ Visit to the Australian Colonies ;’ London, 1843, p. 555.
2 Mariner, ‘Tonga Islands ;’ 2nd ed., London, 1818, vol. ii. p. 112.
3 St. John, ‘Forests of the Far East ;’ London, 1862, vol. i. p. 189.
4 Bastian, ‘Der Mensch in der Geschichte ;’ Leipzig, 1860, vol. ii. p. 318,
etc. etc. .
8 INTRODUCTION.
among the Indians of North America. A dream might either
be a visit from the soul of the object dreamt of, or it might be
one of the souls of the dreamer going about the world, while
the other—for every man has two—stayed behind with the body.
Dreams, they think, are of supernatural origin, and it is a reli-
gious duty to attend to them. That the white men should look
upon a dream as a matter of no consequence is a thing they
cannot understand.
How like a dream is to the popular notion of a soul, a shade,
a spirit, or a ghost, need not be said. But there are facts
which bring the dream and the ghost into yet closer connection
than follows from mere resemblance. Thus the belief is found
among the Finnish races that the spirits of the dead can plague
the living in their sleep, and bring sickness and harm upon
them.? Herodotus relates that the Nasamones practise divina-
tion in the following manner :—they resort to the tombs of
‘their ancestors, and after offering prayers, go to sleep by them,
and whatever dream appears to them they take for their answer.’
In modern Africa, the missionary Casalis says of the Basuto,
“Persons who are pursued in their sleep by the image of a de-
ceased relation, are often known to sacrifice a victim on the
tomb of the defunct, in order, as they say, to calm his dis-
quietude.”* Clearly, then, a man who thinks he sees in sleep
the apparitions of his dead relatives and friends has a reason
for believing that their spirits outlive their bodies, and this
reason hes in no far-fetched induction, but in what seems to
be the plain evidence of his senses. I have set the argument
down as belonging especially to the lower stages of mental de-
velopment, though imdeed I have been startled by hearing it
myself urged in sober earnest very far outside the range of
savage life.
It is interesting to read how Lucretius, reasoning against
1 Charlevoix, Hist. et Descr. Gén. de la Nouvelle-France ; Paris, 1744, vol.
vi. p. 78.
2 Castrén, ‘Vorlesungen iiber die Finnische Mythologie ;’ (Tr. and Ed.
Schiefner ;) St. Petersburg, 1853, p. 120.
3 Herod. iv. 172. See Melai. 8.
* Casalis, ‘The Basutos ;’ London, 1861, p. 245.
INTRODUCTION. 9
the belief in a future life, takes notice of the argument from
dreams as tellmg against him, and states, in opposition to it,
his doctrine that not dreams only, but even ordinary appear-
ances and imaginations, are caused by film-like images which
fly off from the surfaces of real objects, and come in contact
with our minds and senses,—
“ Touching these matters, let me now explain,
How there are so-called images of things
Which, like films torn from bodies’ outmost face
Hither and thither flutter through the air.
These scare us, meeting us in waking hours,
And in our dreams, when oftentimes we see
Marvellous shapes, and phantoms of the dead
Which oft have roused us horror-struck from sleep.
Lest we should judge perchance that souls escape
From Acheron, shades flit ‘mid living men,
Or aught of us can after death endure.”?
Never, perhaps, has the train of thought which the Epicurean
poet so ingeniously combats been more clearly drawn out than
in Madge Wildfire’s rambling talk of her dead baby, ‘“ Whiles
I think my puir bairn’s dead—ye ken very weel it’s buried—
but that signifies naething. I have had it on my knee a hun-
dred times, and a hundred till that, since it was buried—and
how could that be were it dead, ye ken—it’s merely impos-
sible.”
It appears then, from these considerations, that when we find
dim notions of a future state current in the remotest regions
of the world, we must not thence assume that they were all
1 Lucret. :—‘ De Rerum Natura,’ iv. 29-39 :—
*“* Nunc agere incipiam tibi, quod vementer ad has res
Attinet, esse ea quee rerum simulacra vocamus ;
Que, quasi membrane summo de corpore rerum
Derepte, volitant ultroque citroque per auras,
Atque eadem nobis vigilantibus obvia mentes
Terrificant atque in somnis, cum seepe figuras
Contuimur miras simulacraque luce carentum,
Que nos horrifice languentis sepe sopore
Excierunt ; ne forte animas Acherunte reamur
Effugere aut umbras inter vivos volitare,
Neve aliquid nostri post mortem posse relinqui.”
10 INTRODUCTION.
diffused from a single geographical centre. The case is one in
which any one plausible explanation from natural causes is
sufficient to bar the argument from historical connection. On
the other hand, there is nothing to hinder such an argument
in the following case, which is taken as showing the opposite
side of the problem.
The great class of stories known as Beast Fables have of late
risen much in public estimation. In old times they were lis-
tened to by high and low with the keenest enjoyment for their
own sake. Then they were wrested from their proper nature
into means of teaching little moral lessons, and at last it came
to be the most contemptuous thing that could be said of a silly,
pointless tale, to call it a “cock and bull story.” In our own
day, however, a generation among whom there has sprung up
a new knowledge of old times, and with it a new sympathy
with old thoughts and feelings, not only appreciate the beast
fables for themselves, but find in their diffusion over the world
an important aid to early history. Thus Dr. Dasent, in his
Introduction to the Norse Tales, has shown that popular
stories found in the west and south of Africa must have come
from the same source with old myths current in distant regions
of Europe. Still later, Dr. Bleek has published a collection
of Hottentot Fables,’ which shows that other mythic episodes,
long familiar in remote countries, have established themselves
among these rude people as household tales.
A Dutchman found a Snake, who was lying under a great
stone, and could not get away. He lifted up the stone, and set
her free, but when he had done it she wanted to eat him. The
Man objected to this, and appealed to the Hare and the Hyena,
but both said it was right. Then they asked the Jackal, but he
would not even believe the thing could have happened unless
he saw it with his two eyes. So the Snake lay down, and the
Man put the stone upon her, just to show how it was. “ Now
let her lie there,” said the Jackal. This is only another version
of the story of the Ungrateful Crocodile, which the sage Dibin
declined to tell the king while the executioner was standing
ready to cut his head off. It is given by Mr. Lane in his Notes
1 Bleek, ‘ Reynard the Fox in South Africa;’ London, 1864, pp. 11-13, 16, 19, 23.
INTRODUCTION. 11
to the Arabian Nights,! and I am not sure that the simpler
Hottentot version is not the neater of the two. Again, the
name of Reynard in South Africa, given by Dr. Bleek to his
Hottentot tales, is amply justified by their containing familiar
episodes belonging to the medieval ‘‘ Reynard the Fox.’”? The
Jackal shams death and lies in the road till the fish-waggon
comes by, and the waggoner throws him in to make a kaross
of his skin, but the cunning beast throws a lot of fish out into
the road, and then jumps out himself. In another place, the
Lion is sick, and all the beasts go to see him but the Jackal.
His enemy the Hyena fetches him to give his advice, so he
comes before the Lion, and says he has been to ask the witch
what was to be done for his sick uncle, and the remedy is for
the Lion to pull the Hyena’s skin off over his ears, and put it
on himself while it is warm. Again, the trick by which Chan-
ticleer gets his head out of Reynard’s mouth by making him
answer the farmer, reminds one of the way in which, in the
Hottentot tale, the Cock makes the Jackal say his prayers, and
when the outwitted beast folds his hands and shuts his eyes,
flies off and makes his escape. Of course these tales, though
adapted to native circumstances and with very clever native
turns, may be all of very recent introduction. Such a story as
that which introduces a fish-waggon, would be naturally referred
to the Dutch boers, from whom indeed all the Reynard stories
are likely to have come. One curious passage tends to show
that the stories are taken, not from the ancient versions of
Reynard, but from some interpolated modern rendering. A
proof that Jacob Grimm brings forward of the independent,
secluded course of the old German Beast-Saga, is, that it did
not take up into itself stories long current elsewhere, which would
have fitted admirably into it,—thus, for instance, Alsop’s story
of the Fox who will not go into the Lion’s den because he only
sees the footsteps going in, but none coming out, is nowhere to
be found in the medieval Reynard. But we find in the Hot-
tentot tales that this very episode has found its way in, and
1 Lane, ‘The Thousand and One Nights,’ new edit., London, 1859, vol. i.
pp. 84, 114.
_2 Jacob Grimm, ‘ Reinhart Fuchs ;’ Berlin, 1834, pp. cxxii. 1. 30, eclxxil.
12 INTRODUCTION.
exactly into its fitting place. ‘The Lion, it is said, was ill, and
they all went to see him in his suffermg. But the Jackal did
not go, because the traces of the people who went to see him
did not turn back.”
As it happens, we know from other sources enough to ex-
plain the appearance in South Africa of stories from Reynard
and the Arabian Nights by referring them to European or
Moslem influence. But even without such knowledge, the
tales themselves prove an historical connection, near or remote,
between Europe, Egypt, and South Africa. To try to make
such evidence stand alone is a more ambitious task. In a
chapter on the Geographical Distribution of Myths, I have
compared a series of stories collected on the American Conti-
nent with their analogues elsewhere, endeavouring thereby to
show an historical connection between the mythology of Ame-
rica and that of the rest of the world, but with what success
the reader must decide. In another chapter, some remarkable
customs, which are found spread over distant tracts of country,
are examined in order to ascertain, if possible, whether any
historical argument may be grounded upon them.
For the errors which no doubt abound in the present essays,
and for the superficial working of a great subject, a word may
be said in apology. In discussing questions in which some-
times the leading facts have never before been even roughly
grouped, it is very difficult not only to reject the wrong evi-
dence, but to reproduce the right with accuracy, and the way
in which new information comes:in, which quite alters the face
of the old, does not tend to promote over-confidence in first re-
sults. For instance, after having followed other observers in
setting down as peculiar to the South Sea Islands, in or near
the Samoan group, an ingenious little drilling instrument
which will be hereafter described, I found it kept in stock in
the London tool shops; mistakes of this kind must be frequent
till our knowledge of the lower civilization is much more tho-
roughly collected and sifted. More accuracy might indeed be
obtained by keeping to a very small number of subjects, but
our accounts of the culture of the lower races, being mostly
unclassified, have to be gone through as a whole, and up to a
INTRODUCTION. 13
certain point it is a question whether the student of a very
limited field might not lose more in largeness of view than he
gained by concentration. Whatever be the fate of my argu-
ments, any one who collects and groups a mass of evidence,
and makes an attempt to turn it to account which may lead to
something better, has, I think, a claim to be exempt from any
very harsh criticism of mistakes and omissions. As the Knight
says in the beginning of his Tale :—
“T have, God wot, a largé feeld to ere;
And wayké ben the oxen in my plough.”
[Beside ordinary references, I wish to acknowledge separately some
particular obligations. My friend Mr, Henry Christy has given me, for
years past, not only the benefit of his wide knowledge of ethnography,
but also the opportunity of studying the productions of the lower races
from the carefully chosen specimens in his great collection. I am in-
debted to Dr. W. R. Scott, the Director of the Deaf and Dumb Institu-
tion, at Exeter, for much of the assistance which has enabled me to write
about the Gesture-Language with something of the confidence of an
‘“‘expert;” and I have to thank Prof. Pott, of Halle, and Prof. Lazarus,
of Berne, for personal help in several difficult questions. Among books,
I have drawn largely from the philological works of Prof. Steinthal, of
Berlin, and from the invaluable collection of facts bearing on the history
of civilization in the ‘ Allgemeine Cultur-Geschichte der Menschheit,’ and
‘ Allgemeine Culturwissenschaft,’ of Dr. Gustav Klemm, of Dresden. ]
14
CHAPTER II.
THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE.
Tur power which man possesses of uttering his thoughts is
one of the most essential elements of his civilization. Whether
he can even think at all without some means of outward expres-
sion is a metaphysical question which need not be discussed
here. Thus much will hardly be denied by any one, that man’s
power of utterance, so far exceeding any that the lower animals
possess, is one of the principal causes of his immense pre-emi-
nence over them.
Of the means which man has of uttering or expressing that
which is in his mind, speech is by far the most important, so
much so that when we speak of uttering our thoughts, the
phrase is understood to mean expressing them in words. But
when we say that man’s power of utterance is one of the great
differences between him and the lower animals, we must attach
to the word utterance a sense more fully conformable to its
etymology. As Steinthal admits, the deaf-and-dumb man is
the living refutation of the proposition, that man cannot think
without speech, unless we allow the understood notion of speech
as the utterance of thought by articulate sounds to be too nar-
row.! To utter a thought is literally to put it outside us, as to
express it is to squeeze it out. Grossly material as these meta-
phors are, they are the best terms we have for that wonderful
1 Steinthal, ‘Ueber die Sprache der Taubstummen’ (in Prutz’s ‘ Deutsches Mu-
seum,’ Jan. to June, 1851, p. 904, etc.),
THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE. 15
process by which a man, by some bodily action, can not only
make other men’s minds reproduce more or less exactly the
workings of his own, but can even receive back from the out-
ward sign an impression similar to theirs, as though not he
himself, but some one else, had made it.
Besides articulate speech, the principal means by which man
can express what is in his mind are the Gesture-Language,
Picture- Writing, and Word-Writing. If we knew now, what
we hope to know some day, how Language sprang up and grew
in the world, our knowledge of man’s earliest condition and
history would stand on a very different basis from what it now
does. But we know so little about the Origin of Language,
that even the greatest philologists are forced either to avoid
the subject altogether, or to turn themselves into metaphysi-
cians in order to discuss it. The Gesture-Language and Pic-
ture-Writing, however, insignificant as they are in practice in
comparison with Speech and Phonetic Writing, have this great
claim to consideration, that we can really understand them as
thoroughly as perhaps we can understand anything, and by
studying them we can realize to ourselves in some measure a
condition of the human mind which underlies anything which
has as yet been traced in even the lowest dialect of Language,
if taken as a whole. Though, with the exception of words
which are evidently imitative, like ‘“ peewit”? and “ cuckoo,”
we cannot at present tell by what steps man came to express
himself by words, we can at least see how he still does come to
express himself by signs and pictures, and so get some idea of
the nature of this great movement, which no lower animal is
known to have made or shown the least sign of making. There
is, however, no proof that man passed through any intermediate
stage, such as the use of gestures, before he spoke. This
theory, though by no means contemptible, has, so far as at pre-
sent appears, no sufficient support from observed facts.
The Gesture-Language, or Language of Signs, is in great
part a system of representing objects and ideas by a rude out-
line-gesture, imitating their most striking features. It is, as
has been well said by a deaf-and-dumb man, “a picture-lan-
guage.” Here at once its essential difference from speech be-
16 THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE.
comes evident. Why the words stand and go mean what they
do is a question to which we cannot as yet give the shadow of
an answer, and if we had been taught to say “ stand” where
we now say “go,” and “go” where we now say “stand,” it
would be practically all the same to us. No doubt there was a
sufficient reason for these words receiving the meanings they
now bear, as indeed there is a sufficient reason for everything ;
but so far as we are concerned, there might as well have been
none, for we have quite lost sight of the connection between
the word and the idea. But in the gesture-language the rela-
tion between idea and sign not only always exists, but is scarcely
lost sight of fora moment. When a deaf-and-dumb child holds
his two first fingers forked like a pair of legs, and makes them
stand and walk upon the table, we want no teaching to show
us what this means, nor why it is done.
This definition of the gesture-language is, however, not
complete. Such objects as are actually in the presence of the
speaker, or may be supposed so, are brought bodily into the
conversation by touching, pointing, or looking towards them,
either to indicate the objects themselves or one of their charac-
teristics. Thus if a deaf and dumb man touches his underlip
with his forefinger, the context must decide whether he means
to indicate the lip itself or the colour “ red,”’ unless, as is some-
times done, he shows by actually taking hold of the lip with
finger and thumb, that it is the lip itself, and not its quality,
that he means. Under the two classes ‘‘ pictures in the air”
and things brought before the mind by actual pointing out, the
whole of the sign-language may be included,
It is in Deaf and Dumb Institutions that the gesture-lan-
guage may be most conveniently studied, and what slight prac-
tical knowledge I have of it has been got in this way in Ger-
many and in England, In these institutions, however, there
are grammatical signs used in the gesture-language which do
not fairly belong to it. These are mostly signs adapted, or
perhaps invented, by teachers who had the use of speech, to ex-
press ideas which do not come within the scope of the very
limited natural grammar and dictionary of the deaf-and-dumb.
But it is to be observed that though the deaf-and-dumb have
THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE. 17
been taught to understand these signs and use them in school,
they ignore them in their ordinary talk, and will have nothing
to do with them if they can help it.
By dint of instruction, deaf-mutes can be taught to commu-
nicate their thoughts, and to learn from books and men in
nearly the same way as we do, though in a more limited de-
gree. They learn to read and write, to spell out sentences
with the finger-alphabet, and to understand words so spelt by
others ; and besides this, they can be taught to speak in articu-
late language, though in a hoarse and unmodulated voice, and
when another speaks, to follow the motions of his lps almost
as though they could hear the words uttered.
It may be remarked here, once for all, that the general public
often confuses the real deaf-and-dumb language of signs, in
which objects and actions are expressed by pantomimic ges-
tures, with the deaf-and-dumb finger-alphabet, which is a mere
substitute for alphabetic writing. It is not enough to say that
the two things are distinct ; they have nothing whatever to do
with one another, and have no more resemblance than a picture
has to a written description of it. Though of little scientific
interest, the finger-alphabet is of great practical use. It appears
to have been invented in Spain, to which country the world
owes the first systematic deaf-and-dumb teaching, by Juan
Pablo Bonet, in whose work a one-handed alphabet is set forth
differing but little from that now in-use in Germany, or perhaps
by his predecessor, Pedro de Ponce. The two-handed or
French alphabet, generally used in England, is of newer date.!
The mother-tongue (so to speak) of the deaf-and-dumb is
the language of signs. The evidence of the best observers
tends to prove that they are capable of developing the gesture.
language out of their own minds without the aid of speaking
men. Indeed the deaf-mutes in general surpass the rest of the
world in their power of using and understanding signs, and for
this simple reason, that though the gesture-language is the
common property of all mankind, it is seldom cultivated and
1 Bonet, ‘Reduction de las Letras, y Arte para ensefiar 4 ablar los Mudos;’
Madrid, 1620; pp. 128, etc. Schmalz, ‘ Ueber die Taubstummen ;’ Dresden and
Leipzig, 1848; pp. 214, 352.
Cc
18 THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE.
developed to so high a degree by those who have the use of
speech, as by those who cannot speak, and must therefore have
recourse to other means of communication. The opinions of
two or three practical observers may be cited to show that the
gesture-language is not, like the finger-alphabet, an art learnt
in the first instance from the teacher, but an independent pro-
cess originating in the mind of the deaf-mute, and developing
itself as his knowledge and power of reasoning expand under
instruction.
Samuel Heinicke, the founder of deaf-and-dumb teaching in
Germany, remarks :—“ He (the deaf-mute) prefers keeping to
his pantomime, which is simple and short, and comes to him
fluently as a mother-tongue.”! Schmalz says :—‘ Not less com-
prehensible are many signs which we indeed do not use in ordi-
nary life, but which the deaf-and-dumb child uses, having no
means of communicating with others but by signs. These
signs consist principally in drawing in the air the shape of
objects to be suggested to the mind, indicating their character,
imitating the movement of the body in an action to be de-
scribed, or the use of a thing, its origin, or any other of its
notable peculiarities.”? ‘With regard to signs,” says Dr.
Scott, of Exeter, “the (deaf-and-dumb) child will most likely
have already fixed upon signs by which it names most of the
objects given in the above lesson (pin, key, etc.), and which it
uses in its intercourse with its friends. These signs had always
better be retained (by the child’s family), and if a word has not
received such a sign, endeavour to get the child to fix upon
one. It will do this most probably better than you.’
The Abbé Sicard, one of the first and most eminent of the
men who have devoted their lives to the education and “ hu-
manizing ” of these afflicted creatures, has much the same ac-
count to give. “It is not I,” he says, “who am to invent
these signs. I have only to set forth the theory of them under
the dictation of their true inventors, those whose language
consists of these signs. It is for the deaf-and-dumb to make
them, and for me to tell how they are made. They must be
’ Heinicke, ‘Beobachtungen tiber Stumme,’ etc. ; Hamburg, 1778, p. 56.
2 Schmalz, p. 267. 3 Scott, ‘The Deaf and Dumb ;’ London, 1844, p. 84.
THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE, 19
drawn from the nature of the objects they are to represent. It
is only the signs given by the mute himself to express’ the
actions which he witnesses, and the objects which are brought
before him, which can replace articulate language.” Speaking
of his celebrated deaf-and-dumb pupil, Massieu, he says :—
“Thus, by a happy exchange, as I taught him the written
signs of our language, Massieu taught me the mimic signs of
his.” “So it must be said that it is neither I nor my admi-
rable master (the Abbé de ’Epée) who are the inventors of the
deaf-and-dumb language. And as a foreigner is not fit to
teach a Frenchman French, so the speaking man has no busi-
ness to meddle with the invention of signs, giving them abstract
values.”! All these are modern statements; but long before
the days of Deaf and Dumb Institutions, Rabelais’ sharp eye
had noticed how natural and appropriate were the untaught
signs made by born deaf-mutes. When Panurge is going to try
by divination from signs what his fortune will be in married
life, Pantagruel thus counsels him :—* Pourtant, vous fault
choisir ung mut sourd de nature, aflin que ses gestes vous
soyent naifuement propheticques, non fainctz, fardez, ne
affectez.”
Nor are we obliged to depend upon the observations of ordi-
nary speaking men for our knowledge of the way in which the
gesture-language developes itself in the mind of the deaf-and-
dumb. The educated deaf-mutes can tell us from their own
experience how gesture-signs originate. The following account
is given by Kruse, a deaf-mute himself, and a well-known
teacher of deaf-mutes, and author of several works of no small
ability :—“ Thus the deaf-and-dumb must have a language,
without which no thought can be brought to pass. But here
nature soon comes to his help. What strikes him most, or
what ... makes a distinction to him between one thing and
another, such distinctive signs of objects are at once signs by
which he knows these objects, and knows them again; they
become tokens of things. And whilst he silently elaborates
the signs he has found for single objects, that is, whilst he de-
scribes their forms for himself in the air, or imitates them in
1 Sicard, ‘Cours d’Instruction d’un Sourd-muet;’ Paris, 18038, pp. xlv, 18.
c2
20 THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE.
thought with hands, fingers, and gestures, he developes for
himself suitable signs to represent ideas, which serve him as a
means of fixing ideas of different kinds in his mind and re-
calling them to his memory. And thus he makes himself a
language, the so-called gesture-language (Geberden-sprache) ;
and with these few scanty and imperfect signs, a way for
thought is already broken, and with his thought as it now
opens ont, the language cultivates and forms itself further and
further.’’}
I will now give some account of the particular dialect (so to
speak) of the gesture-language, which is current in the Berlin
Deaf and Dumb Institution. I made a list of about 500 signs,
taking them down from my teacher, Carl Wilke, who is himself
deaf-and-dumb, They talk of 5000 signs being in common use
there, but my list contains the most important. First, as to
the signs themselves, the following, taken at random, will give
an idea of the general principle on which all are formed.
To express the pronouns “I, thou, he,’ I push my fore-
finger against the pit of my stomach for “1I;” push it towards
the person addressed for ‘thou ;” point with my thumb over
my right shoulder for “he ;” and so on.
When I hold my right hand flat with the palm down, at the
level of my waist, and raise it towards the level of my shoulder,
that signifies “ great ;” but if I depress it instead, it means
“little,”
The sign for man”’ is the motion of taking off the hat; for
“woman,” the closed hand is laid upon the breast ; for ‘ child,”
the right elbow is dandled upon the left hand.
The adverb “hither” and the verb “to come” have the
same sign, beckoning with the finger toward oneself.
To hold the first two fingers apart, like a letter V, and dart
the finger tips out from the eyes, is to “see.’ To touch the
1 Kruse, ‘ Ueber Taubstummen,’ ete. ; Schleswig, 1853, p. 51.
* Whether the “ dialects” of the different deaf-and-dumb institutions have re-
ceived any considerable proportion of natural signs from one another, as, for in-
stance, by the spreading of the system of teaching from Paris, I am unable to
say ; but there is so much in each that differs from the others in detail, though
not in principle, that they may, I think, be held as practically independent, ex-
cept as regards grammatical signs.
THE GESTURE-LANQUAGE, 21
ear and tongue with the fore-finger, is to “hear” and to
“taste.” Whatever is to be pointed out, the fore-finger, so
appropriately called “index,” has to point out or indicate.
ee
... atque ipsa videtur
Protrahere ad gestum pueros infantia lingue
Quom facit ut digito que sint presentia monstrent.”!
To “speak” is to move the lips as in speaking (all the deaf-
and-dumb are taught to speak in articulate words in the Berlin
establishment), and to move the lips thus, while pointing with
the fore-finger out from the mouth, is “name,” or “to name,”
as though one should define it to “ point out by speaking.”
The outline of the shape of roof and walls done in the air
with two hands is “ house;” with a flat roof it is “room.” To
smell as at a flower, and then with the two hands make a hori-
zontal circle before one, is “ garden.”
To pull up a pinch of flesh from the back of one’s hand is
“flesh” or “meat.” Make the steam curling up from it with
the fore-finger, and it becomes “roast meat.” Make a bird’s
bill with two fingers in front of one’s lips and flap with the
arms, and that means “ goose;”’ put the first sign and these
together, and we have “‘ roast goose.”
How natural all these imitative signs are. They want no
elaborate explanation. To seize the most striking outline of
an object, the principal movement of an action, is the whole
secret, and this is what the rudest savage can do untaught,
nay, what is more, can do better and more easily than the edu-
cated man. ‘‘ None of my teachers here who can speak,” said
the Director of the Institution, ‘are very strong in the gesture-
language. It is difficult for an educated speaking man to get
the proficiency in it which a deaf-and-dumb child attams to
almost without an effort. It is true that I can use it perfectly ;
but I have been here forty years, and I made it my business
from the first to become thoroughly master of it. To be able
to speak is an impediment, not an assistance, in acquiring the
gesture-language. The habit of thinking in words, and trans-
lating these words into signs, is most difficult to shake off; but
until this is done, it is hardly possible to place the signs in the
1 Lucretius, v. 1029,
22 THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE.
logical sequence in which they arrange themselves in the mind
of the deaf-mute.”
As new things come under the notice of the deaf-and-dumb,
of course new signs immediately come up for them. So to
express ‘railway’? and “locomotive,” the left hand makes a
chimney, and the steam curling almost horizontally out is imi-
tated with the right fore-finger. ‘The tips of the fingers of the
half-closed hand coming towards one like rays of light, is “ pho-
tograph.”
But the casual observer, who should take down every sign
he saw used in class by masters and pupils, as belonging to the
natural gesture-language, would often get a very wrong idea of
its nature. Teachers of the deaf-and-dumb have thought it
advisable for practical purposes, not merely to use the inde-
pendent development of the language of signs, but to add to
it and patch it so as to make it more strictly equivalent to their
own speech and writing. For this purpose signs have to be
introduced, for many words of which the pupil mostly learns the
meaning through their use in writing, and is taught to use the
sign where he would use the word. Thus, the clenched fists,
pushed forward with the thumbs up, mean “yet.” To throw
the fingers gently open from the temple means “when.” To
move the closed hands with the thumbs out, up and down upon
one’s waistcoat, is to “be.” All these signs may, it is true, be
based upon natural gestures. Dr. Scott, for instance, explains
“when” as formed in this way. But this kind of
derivation does not give them a claim to be included in the
pure gesture-language ; and it really does not seem as though
it would make much difference to the children if the sign for
‘“when”’ were used for ‘‘ yet,” and so on.
The Abbé Sicard has left us a voluminous account of the
sign-language he used, which may serve as an example of the
curious hybrid systems which grow up in this way, by the
grafting of the English, or French, or German grammar and
dictionary on the gesture-language. Sicard was strongly im-
pressed with the necessity of using the natural signs, and even
his most arbitrary ones may have been based on such; but he
had set himself to make gestures do whatever words can do,
the sign
THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE. 23
and was thereby often driven to strange shifts. Yet he either
drew so directly from his deaf-and-dumb scholars, or succeeded
so well in learning to think in their way, that it is often very
hard to say exactly where the influence of spoken or written
language comes in. For instance, the deaf-mute borrows the
signs of space, as we do similar words, to express notions of
time ; and Sicard, keeping to these real signs, and only using
them with a degree of analysis which has hardly been attained
to but by means of words, makes the present tense of his verb
by indicating “here” with the two hands held out, palm down-
ward, the past tense by the hand thrown back over the shoulder,
“behind,” the future by putting the hand out, “ forward.”
But when he takes on his conjugation to such tenses as “I
should have carried,” he is merely translating words into more
or less appropriate signs. Again, by the aid of two fore-fingers
hooked together,—to express, I suppose, the notion of depen-
dence or connection,—he distinguishes between moi and me,
and by translating two abstract grammatical terms from words
into signs, he introduces another conception quite foreign to
the pure gesture-language. If something that has been signed
is a substantive, he puts the right hand under the left, to show
that it is that which stands underneath ; while if it is an adjec-
tive, he puts the right hand on the top, to show that it is the
quality which lies upon or is added to the substantive below.!
These partly artificial systems are probably very useful in
teaching, but they are not the real gesture-language, and what
is more, the foreign element so laboriously introduced seems to
have little power of holding its ground there. So far as I can
learn, few or none of the factitious grammatical signs will bear
even the short journey from the schoolroom to the playground,
where there is no longer any verb “to be,” where the abstract
conjunctions are unknown, and where mere position, quality,
action, may serve to describe substantive and adjective alike.
At Berlin, as in all deaf-and-dumb institutions, there are
numbers of signs which, though most natural in their character,
would not be understood beyond the limits of the circle in
1 Sicard, ‘Théorie des Signes pour I’ Instruction des Sourds-muets;’ Paris, 1808,
vol. ii. p. 562, etc. A really possible distinction appears in “lip,” “red,” ande, p. 16.
24 THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE.
which they are used. These are signs which indicate an object
by some accidental peculiarity, and are rather epithets than
names. My deaf-and-dumb teacher, for instance, was named
among the children by the action of cutting off the left arm
with the edge of the right hand; the reason of this sign was,
not that there was anything peculiar about his arms, but that
he came from Spandau, and it so happened that one of the
children had been at Spandau, and had seen there a man with
one arm; thence this epithet of ‘ one-armed” came to be ap-
plied to all Spandauers, and to this one in particular. Again,
the Royal residence of Charlottenburg was named by taking up
one’s left knee and nursing it, in allusion apparently to the
late king having been laid up with the gout there.
In like manner, the children preferred to indicate foreign
countries by some characteristic epithet, to spelling out their
names on their fingers. Thus England and Englishmen were
aptly alluded to by the action of rowing a boat, while the signs
of chopping off a head and strangling were used to describe
France and Russia, in allusion to the deaths of Louis XVI.
and the Emperor Paul, events which seem to have struck the
deaf-and-dumb children as the most remarkable in the history
of the two countries. These signs are of much higher interest
than the grammatical symbols, which can only be kept in use,
so to speak, by main force, but these, too, never penetrate into
the general body of the language, and are not even permanent
in the place where they arise. They die out from one set of
children to another, and new ones come up in their stead.
The gesture-language has no grammar, properly so called ;
it knows no inflections of any kind, any more than the Chinese.
The same sign stands for “walk,” “walkest,’ “walking,”
“walked,” “walker.” Adjectives and verbs are not easily
distinguished by the deaf-and-dumb ; “ horse-black-handsome-
trot-canter,” would be the rough translation of the signs by
which a deaf-mute would state that a black handsome horse
trots and canters. Indeed, our elaborate systems of “ parts of
speech” are but little applicable to the gesture-language,
though, as will be more fully said in another chapter, it may
perhaps be possible to trace in spoken language a Dualism, in
THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE. 25
some measure resembling that of the gesture-language, with
its two constituent parts, the bringing forward objects and
actions in actual fact, and the mere suggestion of them by imi-
tation.
It has however a syntax, which is worthy of careful ex-
amination. The syntax of speaking man differs according to
the language he may learn, “ equus niger,” ‘a black horse ;”
“hominem amo,” “j’aime ’homme.” But the deaf-mute
strings together the signs of the various ideas he wishes to
connect, in what appears to be the natural order in which they
follow one another in his mind, for it is the same among the
mutes of different countries, and is wholly independent of the
syntax which may happen to belong to the language of their
speaking friends. For instance, their usual construction is not
“black horse,” but “horse black ;”’ not “ bring a black hat,”
but “hat black bring ;” not “I am hungry, give me bread,”
but “hungry me bread give.” The essential independence of
the gesture-language may indeed be brought very clearly into
view, by noticing that ordinary educated men, when they first
begin to learn the language of signs, do not come naturally to
the use of its proper syntax, but, by arranging their gestures in
the order of the words they think in, make sentences which
are unmeaning or misleading to a deaf-mute, unless he can
reverse the process, by translating the gestures into words, and
considering what such a written sentence would mean. Going
once into a deaf-and-dumb school, and setting a boy to write
words on the black board, I drew in the air the outline of a
tent, and touched the inner part of my under-lip to indicate
“red,” and the boy wrote accordingly “a red tent.” The
teacher remarked that I did not seem to be quite a beginner
in the sign-language, or I should have translated my English
thought verbatim, and put the “red” first.
The fundamental principle which regulates the order of the
deaf-mute’s signs seems to be that enunciated by Schmalz,
“that which seems to him the most important he always sets
before the rest, and that which seems to him superfluous he
leaves out. For instance, to say, ‘My father gave me an
apple,’ he makes the sign for ‘apple,’ then that for ‘ father,’
26 THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE.
and that for ‘1, without adding that for ‘give.’”! The fol-
lowing remarks, sent to me by Dr. Scott, seem to agree with
this view. “ With regard to the two sentences you give (I
struck Tom with a stick, Tom struck me with a stick), the
sequence in the introduction of the particular parts would, in
some measure, depend on the part that most attention was
wished to be drawn towards. Ifa mere telling of the fact was
required, my opinion is that it would be arranged so, ‘ I-Tom-
struck-a-stick,’ and the passive form in a similar manner, with
the change of Tom first. But these sentences are not gene-
rally said by the deaf-and-dumb without their having been
interested in the fact, and then, in coming to tell of them, they
first give that part they are most anxious to impress upon their
hearer. Thus if a boy had struck another boy, and the injured
party came to tell us; if he was desirous to impress us with
the idea that a particular boy did it, he would point to the boy
first. But if he was anxious to draw attention to his own
suffering, rather than to the person by whom it was caused, he
would point to himself and make the sign of striking, and then
point to the boy; or if he was wishful to draw attention to the
cause of his suffering, he might sign the striking first, and
then tell afterwards by whom it was done.”
Dr. Scott is, so far as I know, the only person who has
attempted to lay down a set of distinct rules for the syntax of
the gesture-language.” ‘The subject comes before the attri-
bute, ... the object before the action.” A third construction is
common, though not necessary, ‘the modifier after the modi-
fied.” The first construction, by which the horse is put before
the “black,” enables the deaf-mute to make his syntax supply,
to some extent, the distinction between adjective and sub-
stantive, which his imitative signs do not themselves express.
The other two are well exemplified by a remark of the Abbé
Sicard’s. ‘A pupil, to whom I one day put this question,
‘Who made God?’ and who replied, ‘God made nothing,’
left me in no doubt as to this kind of inversion, usual to the
deaf-and-dumb, when I went on to ask him, ‘Who made the
shoe?’ and he answered, ‘ The shoe made the shoemaker,’ ””
' Schmalz, p. 274. ? Scott, ‘The Deaf and Dumb,’ p. 53.
3 Sicard, ‘ Théoric,’ p. xxviii.
THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE. aT
So when Laura Bridgman, who was blind as well as deaf-and-
dumb, had learnt to communicate ideas by spelling words on
her fingers, she would say ‘‘ Shut door,” ‘Give book ;” no
doubt because she had learnt these sentences whole, but when
she made sentences for herself, she would go back to the
natural deaf-and-dumb syntax, and spell out ‘‘ Laura bread
give,” to ask for bread to be given her, and “water drink
Laura,” to express that she wanted to drink water.
It is to be observed that there is one important part of con-
struction which Dr. Scott’s rules do not touch, namely, the re-
lative position of the actor and the action, the nominative case
and the verb. Dr. Schmalz attempts to lay down a partial rule
for this. “If the deaf-mute connects the sign for an action
with that for a person, to say that the person did this or that,
he places, as a general rule, the sign of the action before that
of the person. For example, to say, “I knitted,” he moves
his hands as in knitting, and then points with his fore-finger to
his breast.2. Thus, too, Heinicke remarks that to say, “The
carpenter struck me on the arm,” he would strike himself on
the arm, and then make the sign of planing,’ as if to say, “I
was struck on the arm, the planing-man did it.” But though
these constructions are, no doubt, right enough as they stand,
the rule of precedence according to importance often reverses
them. If the deaf-mute wished to throw the emphasis not upon
the knitting, but upon himself, he would probably point to him-
self first. Kruse gives the construction of “The ship sails on
the water” like our own, “ ship sail water ;” and of “I must go
to bed,” as ‘I bed go.’’#
A look of inquiry converts an assertion into a question, and
fully serves to make the difference between “The master is
come,” and “Is the master come?” The interrogative pro-
nouns, “who?” ‘ what?” are made by looking or pointing
about in an inquiring manner ; in fact, by a number of unsuc-
cessful attempts to say, “he,” ‘that.’ The deaf-and-dumb
child’s way of asking, “Who has beaten you?” would be,
“You beaten; who was it?” Though it is possible to render
1 Steinthal, Spr. der T., p. 923.
2 Schmalz, pp. 274, 58. 3 Heinicke, p. 56. + Kruse, p. 57.
28 THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE,
a great mass of simple statements or questions, almost gesture
for word, the concretism of thought which belongs to the deaf-
mute whose mind has not been much developed by the use of
written language, and even to the educated one when he is
thinking and uttering his thoughts in his native signs, com-
monly requires more complex phrases to be re-cast. A ques-
tion so common amongst us as, ‘‘ What is the matter with
you?” would be put, “ You crying? you been beaten?” and so
on. The deaf-and-dumb child does not ask, “ What did you
have for dinner yesterday ?”’ but “ Did you have soup? did you
have porridge?” and so forth. A conjunctive sentence he ex-
presses by an alternative or contrast; “I should be punished
if I were lazy and naughty,” would be put, “TI lazy, naughty,
no!—lazy, naughty; I punished, yes!” Obligation may be
expressed in a similar way; “I must love and honour my
teacher,’ may be put, “ teacher, I beat, deceive, scold, no !—I
love, honour, yes!”’ As Stemthal says in his admirable essay,
it is only the certainty which speech gives to a man’s mind in
holding fast ideas in all their relations, which brings him to the
shorter course of expressing only the positive side of the idea,
and dropping the negative.!
What is expressed by the genitive case, or a corresponding
preposition, may have a distinct sign of holding im the gesture-
language. The three signs to express “ the gardener’s knife,”
might be the knife, the garden, and the action of grasping the
knife, pressing it to his breast, putting it into his pocket, or
something of the kind. But the mere putting together of the
possessor and the possessed may answer the purpose, as is well
shown by the way in which a deaf-and-dumb man designates
his wife’s daughter’s husband and children in making his will
by signs. The following account is taken from the ‘ Justice of
the Peace,’ October 1, 1864 :—
John Geale, of Yateley, yeoman, deaf, dumb, and unable
to read or write, died leaving a will which he had executed by
putting his mark to it. Probate of this will was refused by
Sir J. P. Wilde, Judge of the Court of Probate, on the ground
that there was no sufficient evidence of the testator’s under-
1 Kruse, p. 56, etc. Steinthal, Spr. der T., p. 928.
THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE. 29
standing and assenting to its provisions. At a later date,
Dr. Spinks renewed the motion upon the following joint affi-
davit of the widow and the attesting witnesses :— The signs
by which deceased informed us that the will was the instrument
which was to deal with his property upon his death, and that
his wife was to have all his property after his death in case she
survived him, were in substance, so far as we are able to de-
scribe the same in writing, as follows, viz.:—The said John
Geale first pointed to the said will itself, then he pointed to
himself, and then he Jaid the side of his head upon the palm of
his right hand with his eyes closed, and then lowered his right
hand towards the ground, the palm of the same hand being up-
wards. These latter signs were the usual signs by which he
referred to his own death or the decease of some one else. He
then touched his trousers pocket (which was the usual sign by
which he referred to his money), then he looked all round
and simultaneously raised his arms with a sweeping motion all
round (which were the usual signs by which he referred to all
his property or all things). He then pointed to his wife, and
afterwards touched the ring-finger of his left hand, and then
placed his right hand across his left arm at the elbow, which
latter signs were the usual signs by which he referred to hig
wife. The signs by which the said testator informed us that
his property was to go to his wife’s daughter, in case his wife
died in his lifetime, were .. , as follows :—He first referred to his
property as before, he then touched himself, and pointed to
the ring-finger of his left hand, and crossed his arm as before
(which indicated his wife); he then laid the side of his head on
the palm of his right hand (with his eyes closed), which indiz
cated his wife’s death; he then again, after pointing to his
wife’s daughter, who was present when the said will was exe-
cuted, pointed to the ring-finger of his left hand, and then
placed his right hand across his left arm at the elbow as before,
He then pnt his forefinger to his mouth, and immediately touched
his breast, and moved his arms in such a manner as to indicate
a child, which were his usual signs for indicating his wife’s
daughter. He always indicated a female by crossing his arm,
and a male person by crossing his wrist. The signs by which
30 THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE.
the said testator informed us that his property was to go to
William Wigg (his wife’s daughter’s husband), in case his
wife’s daughter died in his lifetime, were... as follows :—He
repeated the signs indicating his property and his wife’s
daughter, then laid the side of his head on the palm of his
right hand with his eyes closed, and lowered his hand towards
the ground as before (which meant her death); he then again
repeated the signs indicating his wife’s daughter, and crossed
his left arm at the wrist with his right hand, which meant her
husband, the said William Wigg. He also communicated to
us by signs, that the said William Wige resided in London.
The said William Wige is in the employ of and superintends
the goods department of the North-Western Railway Company
at Camden Town. The signs by which the said testator in-
formed us that his property was to go to the children of his
wife’s daughter and son-in-law, in case they both died in his
lifetime, were...as follows, namely :—He repeated the signs
indicating the said William Wigg and his wife, and their death
before him, and then placed his right hand open a short dis-
tance from the ground, and raised it by degrees, and as if by
steps, which were his usual signs for pointing out their children,
and then swept his hand round with a sweeping motion, which
indicated that they were all to be bronght in. The said tes-
tator always took great notice of the said children, and was
very fond of them. After the testator had in manner aforesaid
expressed to us what he intended to do by his said will, the said
R. T. Dunning, by means of the before-mentioned signs, and
by other motions and signs by which we were accustomed to
converse with him, informed the said testator what were the
contents and effect of the said will.
“ Sir J. P. Wilde granted the motion.”
The deaf-mute commonly expresses past and future time in a
concrete form, or by implication. To say “I have been ill,”
he may convey the idea of his being ill by looking as though
he were so, pressing in his cheeks with thumb and finger to
give himself a lantern-jawed look, putting his hand to his head,
etc., and he may show that this event was “a day behind,” “a
week behind,” that is to say yesterday or a week ago, and so
THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE. Bi
he may say that he is going home “a week forward.” That
he would of himself make the abstract past or future, as the
Abbé Sicard has it, by throwing the hand back or forward, with-
out specifying any particular period, I am not prepared to
say. The difficulty may be avoided by signing “ my brother
sick done” for “‘ My brother has been sick,” as to imply that
the sickness is a thing finished and done with. Or the ex-
pression of face and gesture may often tell what is meant.
The expression with*which the sign for eating dinner is made
will tell whether the speaker has had his dinner or is going
to it. When anything pleasant or painful is mentioned by
signs, the look will commonly convey the distinction between
remembrance of what is past, and anticipation of what is to
come.
Though the deaf and dumb has, much as we have, an idea of
the connection of cause and effect, he has not, I think, any di-
rect means of distinguishing causation from mere sequence or
simultaneity, except a way of showing by his manner that two
events belong to one another, which can hardly be described in
words, though if he sees further explanation necessary, he has
no difficulty in giving it. Thus he would express the statement
that a man died of drinking, by saying that he “ died, drank,
drank, drank.” If the inquiry were made, “ died, did he ?”’ he
could put the causation beyond doubt by answering, “ yes, he
drank, and drank, and drank!” If he wished to say that the
gardener had poisoned himself, the order of his signs would be,
“vardener dead, medicine bad drank.”’
To “make” is too abstract an idea for the deaf-mute; to
show that the tailor makes the coat, or that the carpenter
makes the table, he would represent the tailor sewing the coat,
and the carpenter sawing and planing the table. Such a: pro-
position as ‘‘ Rain makes the land fruitful” would not come into
his way of thinking; “rain fall, plants grow,” would be his
pictorial expression.!
As an example of the structure of the gesture-language, I
give the words roughly corresponding to the signs by which
the Lord’s Prayer is acted every morning at the Edinburgh In-
1 Steinthal, Spr. der. T., p. 923.
ae THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE.
stitution. They were carefully written down for me by the
Director, and I made notes of the signs by which the various
ideas were expressed in this school. “ Father’ is represented
in the prayer as “man old,” though in ordinary matters he is
generally “the man who shaves himself ;” “name” is, as I have
seen it elsewhere, touching the forehead and imitating the
action of spelling on the fingers, as to say, “‘ the spelling one is
known by.” To “hallow” is to “speak good of” (“ good”
being expressed by the thumb, while “ bad” is represented by
the little finger, two signs of which the meaning hes im the
contrast of the larger and more powerful thumb with the
smaller and less important little finger). “‘ Kingdom” is shown
by the sign for “ crown ;” “ will,” by placing the hand on the
stomach, in accordance with the natural and wide-spread
theory that desire and passion are located there, to which
theory such expressions belong as “to have no stomach to it.”
“Done” is “worked,” shown by hands as working. The
phrase “on earth as it is im heaven ”? was, I believe, put by
signs for “on earth” and “in heaven,” and then by putting
out the two fore-fingers side by side, the sign for sameness and
similarity all the world over, so that the whole would stand,
“ earth on, heaven in, just the same.” “ Trespass” is ‘‘ domg
bad;” to “ forgive” is to rub out, as from a slate; “ tempta-
tion” is plucking one by the coat, as to lead him slily into
mischief. The alternative “but” is made with the two fore-
fingers, not alongside of one another as in “like,” but opposed
point to point, Sicard’s sign for “against.” “ Deliver” is
to “ pluck out,” “ glory” is “ glittering,” “ for ever” is shown
by making the fore-fingers held horizontally turn round and
round one another.
The order of the signs is much as follows :—‘ Father our,
heaven in—name thy hallowed—kingdom thy come—will thy
done—earth on, heaven in, as. Bread give us daily—trespasses
our forgive us, them trespass against us, forgive, as. ‘Temp-
tation lead not—but evil deliver from—kingdom power glory
thine for ever.”
When I write down descriptions in words of the deaf-and-
dumb signs, they seem bald and weak, but it must be remem-
THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE. 30
bered that I can only write down the skeletons of them. To
see them is something very different, for these dry bones have
to be covered with flesh. Not the face only, but the whole
body joins in giving expression tothe sign. Nor are the sober,
restrained looks and gestures to which we are accustomed in
our daily life sufficient for this. He who talks to the deaf-and-
dumb in their own language, must throw off the rigid covering
. that the Englishman wears over his face like a tragic mask,
that never changes its expression while love and hate, joy and
sorrow, come out from behind it,
Religious service is performed in signs in many deaf-and-
dumb schools. In the Berlin Institution, the simple Lutheran
service, a prayer, the gospel for the day, anda sermon, is acted
every Sunday morning in the gesture-language for the children
in the school and the deaf-and-dumb inhabitants of the city,
and it is a very remarkable sight. No one could see the
parable of the man who left the ninety and nine sheep in the
wilderness, and went after that which was lost, or of the wo-
man who lost the one piece of silver, performed in expressive
pantomime by a master in the art, without acknowledging that
for telling a simple story and making simple comments on it,
spoken language stands far behind acting. The spoken narra-
tive must lose the sudden anxiety of the shepherd when he
counts his flock and finds a sheep wanting, his hurried penning
up the rest, his running up hill and down dale, and spying
backwards and forwards, his face lighting up when he catches
sight of the missing sheep in the distance, his carrying it home
in his arms, hugging it as he goes. We hear these stories
read as though they were lists of generations of antediluvian
patriarchs. The deaf-and-dumb pantomime calls to mind the
“action, action, action!” of Demosthenes,
34
CHAPTER III,
THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE—(contTInvED),
THERE is another department of the gesture-language which
has reached nearly as high a development as that i use among
the deaf-mutes. Men who do not know one another’s language
are to each other as though they were dumb. Thus Sophocles
uses ayAwocos, “ tongueless,” for “barbarian,” as contrasted
with “ Greek ;” and the Russians, to this day, call their neigh-
bours the Germans, “ Njemez,”’—that is, speechless, njemow
meaning dumb. When men who are thus dumb to one
another have to communicate without an interpreter, they
‘adopt all over the world the very same method of communi-
cation by signs, which is the natural language of the deaf-
mutes.
Alexander von Humboldt has left on record, in the following
passage, his experiences of the gesture-language among the
Indians of the Orinoco, in districts where it often happens that
small, isolated tribes speak languages of which even their near-
est neighbours can hardly understand a word :—‘‘‘ After you
leave my mission,’ said the good monk of Uruana, ‘you will
travel like mutes.’ This prediction was almost accomplished ;
and, not to lose all the advantage that is to be had from inter-
course even with the most brutalized Indians, we have some-
times preferred the language of signs. As soon as the native
sees that you do not care to employ an interpreter, as soon as
you ask him direct questions, pointing the object out to him,
THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE. 35.
he comes out of his habitual apathy, and displays-a rare intel-
ligence in making himself understood. He varies his signs,
pronounces his words slowly, and repeats them without bemg
asked. His amour-propre seems flattered by the consequence
you accord to him by letting him instruct you. This facility of
making himself understood is above all remarkable in the inde-
pendent Indian, and in the Christian missions I should recom-
mend the traveller to address himself in preference to those of
the natives who have been but lately reduced, or who go back
from time to time to the forest to enjoy their ancient liberty.”
It is well known that the Indians of North America, whose
nomade habits and immense variety of languages must continu-
ally make it needful for them to communicate with tribes whose
language they cannot speak, carry the gesture-language to a
high degree of perfection, and the same signs serve as a me-
dium of converse from Hudson’s Bay to the Gulf of Mexico.
Several writers make mention of this “Indian pantomime,”
and it has been carefully described in the account of Major
Long’s expedition, and more recently by Captain Burton.” The
latter traveller considers it to be a mixture of natural and con-
ventional signs, but so far as I can judge from the one hundred
and fifty or so which he describes, and those I find mentioned
elsewhere, I do not believe that there is a really arbitrary sign
among them. There are only about half-a-dozen of which the
meaning is not at once evident, and even these appear on close
inspection to be natural signs, perhaps a little abbreviated or
conventionalized. JI am sure that a skilled deaf-and-dumb
talker would understand an Indian interpreter, and be himself
understood at first sight, with scarcely any difficulty, The
Indian pantomime and the gesture-language of the deaf-and-
dumb are but different dialects of the same language of nature,
Burton says that an interpreter who knows all the signs is pre-
ferred by the whites even to a goad speaker. “A story is
1 Humboldt and Bonpland, ‘Voyage ;’ Paris, 1814, etc. vol. ii. p, 278.
2 Edwin James, Major Stephen H, Long’s Exped. Rocky Moun. ; Philadelphia,
1823, i. p. 378, etc. Capt. R, F. Burton, ‘The City of the Saints,’ London, 1861,
p- 150, ete. See also Prinz Maximilian von Wied-Neuwied, ‘ Voyage dans I’Inté-
rieur de Amérique du Nord;’ Paris, 1840-3, vol. iii, p. 389, ete. s
p2
36 THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE.
told of a man, who, being sent among the Cheyennes to qualify
himself for interpreting, returned in a week and proved his
competence: all that he did, however, was to go through the
usual pantomime with a running accompaniment of grunts.”
In the Indian pantomime, actions and objects are expressed
very much as a deaf-mute would show them. The action of
beckoning towards oneself represents to come ;” darting the
two first fingers from the eyes is to “see ;” describing in the
air the form of the pipe and the curling smoke is to * smoke ;”
thrusting the hand under the clothing of the left breast is to
“‘hide, put away, keep secret.” “‘ Enough to eat” is shown by
an imitation of eating, and the forefingers and thumb form-
ing a C, with the points towards the body, are raised upward
as far as the neck; “fear,” by putting the hands to the lower
ribs, and showing how the heart flutters and seems to rise to
the throat ; “book,” by holding the palms together before the
face, opening and reading, quite in deaf-and-dumb fashion, and
as the Moslems often do while they are reciting prayers and
chapters of the Koran.
One of our accounts says that “fire” is represented by the
Indian by blowing it and warming his hands at it; the other
that flames are imitated with the fingers. The latter sign was in
use at Berlin, but I noticed that the children in another school
did not understand it till the sign of blowing was added. The
Indian and the deaf-mute indicate “rain” by the same sign,
bringing the tips of the fingers of the partly-closed hand down-
ward, like rain falling from the clouds, and the Indian makes
the same sign do duty for “year,” counting years by annual
rains. The Indian indicates ‘stone,’ if light, by picking it
up, if heavy, by dropping it. The deaf-mute taps his teeth
with his finger-nail to show that it is something hard, and then
makes the gesture of flinging it. The Indian sign for mount-
ing a horse is to make a pair of legs of the two first fingers
of the right hand, and to straddle them across the left fore-
finger; a similar sign among the deaf-and-dumb means to
“ride .
Among the Indians the sign for “ brother” or “ sister” is,
according to Burton, to put the two first finger-tips (that is, I
THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE. 37
suppose, the fore-fingers of both hands) into the mouth, to show
that both fed from the same breast; the deaf-mute makes the
mere sign of likeness or equality suffice, holding out the fore-
fingers, of both hands close together, a sign which, according to
James, also does duty to indicate “husband” or “ companion.”
This sign of the two fore-fingers is understood everywhere, and
some very curious instances of its use in remote parts of the
world are given by Marsh! in illustration of Fluellen’s “ But
*tis all one, ’tis so like as my fingers is to my fingers.” It be-
longs, too, to the sign-language of the Cistercian monks.
Animals are represented in the Indian pantomime very much
as the deaf-and-dumb would represent them, by signs charac-
terizing their peculiar ears, horns, etc., and their movements.
Thus the sign for “ stag’? among the deaf-and-dumb, namely,
the thumbs to both temples, and the fingers widely spread out,
is almost identical with the Indian gesture. For the dog, how-
ever, the Indians have a remarkable sign, which consists in
trailing the two first fingers of the right hand, as if they were
poles dragged along the ground. Before the Indians had
horses, the dogs were trained to drag the lodge-poles on the march
in this way, and in Catlin’s time the work was in several tribes
divided between the dogs and the horses; but it appears that
in tribes'where the trailimg is now done by horses only, the
sign for “ dog’ derived from the old custom is still kept up.
One of the Indian signs is curious as having reflected itself in
the spoken language of the country. ‘‘ Water” is represented
by an imitation of scooping up water with the hand and drink-
ing out of it, and “ river” by making this sign, and then way-
ing the palms of the hands outward, to denote an extended
surface. It is evident that the first part of the sign is translated
in the western Americanism which speaks of a river as a
“drink,” and of the Mississippi, par eacellence, as the “ Big
Drink.’’? It need hardly be said that spoken language is full
of such translations from gestures, as when one is said to wink
at another’s faults, an expression which shows us the act ot
1 Marsh, ‘ Lectures on the English Language ;’? London, 1862, p. 486.
2 J. R. Bartlett, ‘Dictionary of Americanisms,’ 2nd edit., Boston, 1859, s. v.
* Drink.”
38 THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE.
winking accepted as a gesture-sign, meaning to pretend not to
see. But the Americanism is interesting as being caught so
near its source.
I noted down a few signs from Burton as not self-evident,
but it will be seen that they are all to be explained. They are,
“yes,” wave the hands straight forward from the face ; “ no,”
wave the hand from right to left as if motioning away. These
signs correspond with the general practice of mankind, to nod
for “yes,’”’ and shake the head for “no.” The idea conveyed
by nodding seems to correspond with the deaf-and-dumb sign
for “ truth,’ made by moving the finger straightforward from
the lips, apparently with the sense of “ straightforward speak-
ing,” while the finger is moved to one side to express “lie,”
as “sideways speaking.” The understanding of nodding and
shaking the head as signs of assent and denial appears to
belong to uneducated deaf-and-dumb children, and even to
those who are only one degree higher than idiots. In a very
remarkable dissertation on the art of thrusting knowledge into
the minds of such children, Schmalz assumes that they can
always make and understand these signs.! It is true they may
have learnt them from the ‘people who take care of them.
This explanation is, however, somewhat complicated by the
Indian signs for “truth” and “lie,” given by Burton, who
says that the fore-finger extended from the mouth means to
* tell truth,” ‘one word ;” but two fingers mean to tell les,”
“double tongue.” So to move two fingers before the left
breast means, “I don’t know,” that is to say, ‘‘I have two
hearts.” I found that deaf-and-dumb children understood this
Indian sign for “lie ”’ quite as well as their own.
“Good,” wave the hand from the mouth, extending the
thumb from the index, and closing the other three fingers.
This is like kissing the hand as a salutation, or what children
call “ blowing a kiss,” and it is clearly a natural sign, as it is
recognized by the deaf-and-dumb language. Dr. James gives
the Indian sign as waving the hand with the back upward, in
a horizontal curve outwards, the well-known gesture of bene-
diction. At Berlin, a gesture like that of patting a child on
1 Schmalz, pp. 267-277. But see Bastian, vol. i. p. 395.
THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE. 39
the head, accompanied, as of course all these signs are, with
an approving smile, is in use. Possibly the ideas of stroking
or patting may lie at the bottom of all these signs of approving
and blessing.
“Think,” pass the fore-finger sharply across the breast from
right to left, meaning of course that a thought passes through
one’s heart,
“Trade, exchange, swop,” cross the foresfingers of both hands
before the breast. This sign is also used, Captain Burton says,
to denote Americans, or indeed any white men, who are ge-
nerally called by the Indians west of the Rocky Mountains,
“ shwop,” from their trading propensities. As given by Burton,
the sign is hardly intelligible. But Dr. James describes the
gesture of which this is a sort of abridgement, which consists
in holding up the two fore-fingers, and passing them by each
other transversely in front of the breast so that they change
places, and nothing could be clearer than this.
The sign in the Berlin gesture-language for “day” is made
by opening out the palms of the hands. I supposed it to be
an arbitrary and meaningless sign, till I found the Indian sign
for “ this morning” to consist in the same gesture. It refers,
perhaps, to awaking from sleep, or to the opening out of
the day:
As a means of communication; there is no doubt that the
Indian pantomime is not merely capable of expressmg a few
simple and ordinary notions, but that, to the uncultured savage,
with his few and material ideas, it is a very fair substitute for
his scanty vocabulary. Stansbury mentions a discourse de-
livered in this way in his presence, which lasted for some hours
occupied in continuous narration. The only specimen of a
connected story I have met with is a hunter’s simple history
of his day’s sport, as Captain Burton thinks that an Indian
would render it in signs. The story to be told is as follows : —
“ Karly this morning, I mounted my horse, rode off at a gallop,
traversed a kanyon or ravine, then over a mountain to a plain
where there was io water, sighted bison, followed them, killed
three of them, skinned them, packed the flesh upon my pony,
remounted, and returned home.’ ‘The arrangement of the
40, THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE.
signs described is as follows:—“I—this morning—early—
mounted my horse—galloped—a kanyon—crossed—a moun-
tain—a_ plain—drink—no !—sighted—bison—killed—three—
skinned— packed flesh—mounted—hither.” There is perhaps
nothing which would strike a deaf-and-dumb man as pecu-
liar in the sequence of these signs; but it would be desirable
for a real discourse, delivered by an Indian in signs, to be
taken down, especially if its contents were of a more com-
plex nature.
Among the Cistercian monks there exists, or existed, a ges-
ture-language. As a part of their dismal system of mortifying
the deeds of the body, they held speech, except in religious
exercises, to be sinful. But for certain purposes relating to the
vile material life that they could not quite shake off, communi-
cation among the brethren was necessary, so the difficulty was
met by the use of pantomimic signs. Two of their written
lists or dictionaries are printed in the collected edition of Leib-
nitz’s works,' one in Latin, the other in Low German; they
are not identical, but appear to be mostly or altogether derived
from a list drawn up by authority.
A great part of the Cistercian gesture-signs are either just
what the deaf-and-dumb would make, or are so natural that
they would at once understand them. Thus, to make a roof
with the fingers is “ house;” to grind the fists together is
“‘corn;” to “sing” is indicated by beating time; to “ bathe”
is to imitate washing the breast with the hollow of the hand;
“candle,” or “ fire,’ is shown by holding up the fore-finger
and blowing it out like a candle; a ‘‘ goat” is indicated by
the fingers hanging from the chin like a beard; “salt,” by
taking an imaginary pinch and sprinkling it; “butter,” by
the action of spreading it in the palm of the hand. The deaf-
and-dumb sign used at Berlin and other places to indicate
“time ” by drawing the tip of the forefinger up the arm, is in
the Cistercian list “a year ;.” it is Sicard’s sign for “ long,” and
the idea it conveys is plainly that of “a length” transferred
from space to time. To “ go” is to make the two first fingers
walk hanging in the air (Hengestu se dahl und rérest se,
' Leibnitz, Opera Omnia, ed. Dutens ; Geneva, 1768, vol. vi. part ii., p. 207, ete.
THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE. 41
betekend Gahen), while the universal sign of the two fore-
fingers stands for “like” (Hélstu se even thosamen, dat bete-
kent like). The sign for ‘‘ beer” is to put the hand before the
face and blow into it, as if blowing off the froth (Thustu de
hand yor dem anschlahe dat du darin pustest, dat bedtidt gut
Bier). Wiping your mouth with the whole hand upwards
(cum omnibus digitis terge buccam sursum), means a country
clown (rusticus).
To put the fore-finger against the closed lips is “ silence,”
but the finger put in the mouth means a “child.” These are
two very natural and distinct signs; but then the finger to the
lips for “ silence”? may serve also quite fitly to show that a
child so represented is an infant, that is, that it cannot speak.
The confusion of the signs of “childhood” and “silence”
once led to a curious misunderstanding. The infant Horus,
god of the dawn, was appropriately represented by
the Egyptians as a child with his fingers to his lips, | !
and his name as written in the hieroglyphics (Fig. 1) A
may be read Har-(p)-chrot, ‘“‘ Horus-(the)-son.”?!
The Greeks mistook the meaning of the gesture, «
and (as it seems) Greecizing this name into Harpo- | ™
crates, adopted him as the god of silence. Fig. 1.
To conclude, the Cistercian lists contain a number of signs
which at first sight seem conventional, but yet a meaning may
be discerned in most or all of them. Thus, it seems foolish to
make two fingers at the right side of one’s nose stand for
“friend ;” but when we see that placed on the left side, they
stand for “enemy,” it becomes clear that it is the opposition
of right and left that is meant. So the little finger to the tip
of the nose means “fool,” which seemingly poor sign is ex-
plained by the fore-finger being put there for “wise man.”
The fact of such a contrast as wise and foolish being made be-
tween the fore-finger and the little finger, corresponds with the
use of the thumb and little finger for “ good” and “bad” by
the deaf-and-dumb, and makes it likely that both pairs of signs
1 Coptic khroti (ni) = filii, liberi, hroti=cognatus, filius. Old Eg. in Rosetta Ins.
Compare S. Sharpe, Hist. of Egypt, 4th ed. vol. ii. p. 148. Wilkinson, ‘ Popular
Account of the Ancient Egyptians ;’ London, 1854, vol. ii. p. 182.
42, THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE.
may be natural, and independent of one another. The sign of
grasping the nose with the crooked fore-finger for ‘“ wine,”
suggests that the thought of a jolly red nose was present even
in so unlikely a place. The sign for “the devil,” gripping one’s
chin with all five fingers, shows the enemy seizing a victim,
and compares curiously with a passage in an Indian tale, where
it is not an evil demon, but Old Age in person, who comes to
claim his own. “In time then, when I had grown grey with
years, Old Age took me by the chin, and in his love to me said
kindly, ‘My son, what doest thou yet in the house?’ ”?
There is yet another development of the gesture-language to
be noticed, the stage performances of the professional mimics
of Greece and Rome, the Pantominie par excellence. 'To judge
by two well-known anecdotes, the old mimes had brought
their art to great perfection. Macrobius says it was a well-
known fact that Cicero used to try with Roscius the actor
which of them could express a sentiment in the greater variety
of ways, the player by mimicry or the orator by speech, and
that these experiments gave Roscius such confidence in his
art, that he wrote a book comparing oratory with acting.”
Lucian tells a story of a certain barbarian prince of Pontus,
who was at Nero’s court, and saw a pantomime perform so
well, that, though he could not understand the songs which
the player was accompanying with his gestures, he could fol-
low the performance from the acting alone. When Nero after-
wards asked the prince to choose what he would have for a
present, he begged to have the player given to him, saying
that it was difficult to get interpreters to communicate with
some of the tribes in his neighbourhood who spoke different
languages, but that this man would answer the purpose per-
fectly.8
It would seem from these stories that the ancient panto-
mimes generally used gestures so natural that their meaning
was self-evident, but a remark of St: Augustine’s intimates that
‘ ‘Mahrchensammlting des Somadeya Bhatta’ (trans. by Dr. H. Brockhaus) ;
Leipzig, 1843, ii. p. 96.
2 Macrob. Saturn. lib. ii. e. x: 3 Lucian: De Saltatione, 64.
THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE. 43
signs understood only by regular playgoers were also used.
“For all those things which are valid among men, because it
pleases them to agree that they shall be so, are human insti-
tutions. ... So if the signs which mimes make in their per-
formances had their meaning from nature, and not from the
agreement and ordinance of men, the crier in old times would
not have given out to the Carthaginians at the play what
the actor meant to express, a thing still remembered by many
old men by whom we use to hear it said; which is readily
to be believed, seeing that even now, if any one who is not
learned in such follies goes into the theatre, unless some one
else tells him what the signs mean, he can make nothing of
them. All men, indeed, desire a certain likeness in sign-making,
that the signs should be as like as may be to that which is
signified; but seeing that things may be like one another in
many ways, such signs are not constant among men, unless
by common consent.’’!
Knowing what we do of mimic performances from other
sources, we can, I think, only understand by this that natural
gestures were very commonly conventionalized and abridged
to save time and trouble, and not that arbitrary signs were
used; and such abridgments, like the simplified sign for
trading or swopping’ among the Indians, as well as the whole
class of epithets and allusions which would grow up among
mimics addressing their regular set of playgoers, would not
be intelligible to a stranger. Christians, of course, did not
frequent such performaiices in St. Augustine’s time, but looked
upon them as utterly abominable and devilish; nor can we
accuse them of want of charity for this, when we consider the
class of scenes that were commonly chosen for representation.
There seem to have been written lists of signs used to learn
from, which aré now lost.2. The mimic, it should be observed,
had not the same difficulties to contend with as an Indian in-
terpreter. In the first place, the stories represented were
generally mythological, very usually love-passages of the gods
and heroes, with which the whole audience was perfectly fami-
1 Aug. Doct. Chr. ii. 25.
2 Grysar, in Ersch and Gruber, art. ‘‘ Pantomimische Kunst der Alten.” -
44 THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE.
liar; and, moreover, appropriate words were commonly sung
while the mimic acted, so that he could apply all his skill to
giving artistic illustrations of the tale as it went on. The pan-
tomimic performances of Southern Hurope may be taken as
representing in some degree the ancient art, but it is likely
that the mimicry in the modern ballet and the Hastern pan-
tomimic plays falls much below the classical standard of
excellence.
I have now noticed what I venture to call the principal
dialects of the gesture-language. It is fit, however, that,
gesture-signs having been spoken of as forming a complete
and independent language by themselves, something should
be said of their use as an accompaniment to spoken language.
We in England make comparatively little use of these signs,
but they have been and are in use in all quarters of the world
as highly important aids to conversation. Thus, Captain Cook
says of the Tahitians, after mentioning their habit of counting
upon their fingers, that ‘‘in other instances, we observed that,
when they were conversing with each other, they joimed signs
to their words, which were so expressive that a stranger might
easily apprehend their meaning ;”! and Charlevoix describes,
in almost the same words, the expressive pantomime with
which an Indian orator accompanied his discourse.?
Gesticulation goes along with speech, to explain and em-
phasize it, among all mankind. Savage and _ half-civilized
races accompany their talk with expressive pantomime much
more than nations of higher culture. The continual gesticu-
lation of Hindoos, Arabs, Neapolitans, as contrasted with the
more northern nations of Europe, strikes every traveller who
sees them. But we cannot lay down a rule that gesticulation
decreases as civilization advances, and say, for instance, that a
Southern Frenchman, because his talk is illustrated with ges-
tures, as a book with pictures, is less civilized. than a German
or an Englishman.
We English are perhaps poorer in the gesture-language than
any other people in the world. We use a form of words to
’ Cook, First Voyage, in Hawkesworth’s Voyages ; London, 1773, vol. ii. p. 228.
? Charlevoix, vol. i. p. 413.
ee
THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE. 45
denote what a gesture or a tone would express. Perhaps it is
because we read and write so much, and have come to think
and talk as we should write, and so let fall those aids to speech
which cannot be carried into the written language.
The few gesture-signs which are in common use among our-
selves are by no means unworthy of examination; but we have
lived for so many centuries in a highly artificial state of society,
that some of them cannot be interpreted with any certainty,
and the most that we can do is to make a good guess at their
original meaning. Some, it is true, such as beckoning or mo-
tioning away with the hand, shaking the fist, etc., carry their
explanation with them; and others may be plausibly explained
by a comparison with analogous signs used by speaking men
in other parts of the world, and by the deaf-and-dumb. Thus,
the sign of “snapping one’s fingers” is not very intelligible as
we generally see it; but when we notice that the same sign
made quite gently, as if rolling some tiny object away between
the finger and thumb, or the sign of flipping it away with the
thumb-nail and fore-finger, are usual and well-understood deaf-
and-dumb gestures, denoting anything tiny, insignificant, con-
temptible, it seems as though we had exaggerated and con-
ventionalized a perfectly natural action so as to lose sight of
its original meaning. ‘There is a curious mention of this ges-
ture by Strabo. At Anchiale, he writes, Aristobulus says there
is a monument to Sardanapalus, and a stone statue of him as if
snapping his fingers, and this inscription in Assyrian letters :—
“ Sardanapallus, the son of Anacyndaraxes, built im one day
Anchiale and Tarsus. Eat, drink, play; the rest is not worth
that !??1
Shaking hands is not a custom which belongs naturally to
all mankind, and we may sometimes trace its introduction mto
countries where it was before unknown. ‘The Fijians, for in-
stance, who used to salute by smelling or sniffing at one
another, have learnt to shake hands from the missionaries.*
The Wa-nika, near Mombaz, grasp hands; but they use the
1 Strabo, xiv. 5, 9.
2 Rey. Thos, Williams, ‘ Fiji and the Fijians,’ 2nd ed.; London, 1860, vol. i.
p. 153,
46 THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE.
Moslem variety of the gesture, which is to press the thumbs
against one another as well,! and this makes it all but certam
that the practice is one of the many effects of Moslem influence
in East Africa.
It is commonly thought that the Red Indians adopted the
custom of shaking hands from the white men.? This may be
true; but there is reason to suppose that the expression of
alliance or friendship by clasping hands was already familiar to
them, so that they would readily adopt it as a form of saluta-
tion, if they had not used it so before the arrival of the Euro-
peans, More than a century ago, Charlevoix noticed in the
Indian picture-writing the expression of alliance by the figure
of two men holding each other by one hand, while each grasped
a calumet in the other hand.* In one of the Indian pictures
given by Schoolcraft, close affection is represented by two
bodies united by a single arm (see Fig. 6); and in a pictorial
message sent from an Indian tribe to the President of the
United States, an eagle, which represents a chief, is holding
out a hand to the President, who also holds out a hand.* The
last of these pictured signs may be perhaps ascribed to Euro-
pean influence, but hardly the first two.
We could scarcely find a better illustration of the meaning
of the gesture of joining hands than in its use as a sign of the
marriage contract. One of the ceremonies of a Moslem wed-
ding consists in the bridegroom and the bride’s proxy sitting
upon the ground, face to face, with one knee on the ground,
and grasping each other’s right hands, raising the thumbs and
pressing them against each other,! or in the almost identical
ceremony in the Pacific Islands, in which the bride and bride-
groom are placed on a large white cloth, spread on the pave-
ment of a marae, and join hands.® This as evidently means that
1 Krapf, ‘Travels, etc,, in East Africa;’ London, 1860, p. 138,
2 H. R. Schooleraft, ‘Historical and Statistical Information respecting the
History, etc., of the Indian Tribes of the U. S,;’ Philadelphia, 185], etc., part
iii. pp. 212, 244. Burton, ‘City of the Saints” p, 144, But see also Schoolcraft,
part iii. p. 263,
3 Charlevoix, vol. v. p. 440, 4 Schoolcraft, part i. pp. 403, 418.
5 EK. W. Lane, ‘Modern Egyptians ;’ London, 1837, vol. i. p. 219,
6 Rey. W. Ellis, ‘Polynesian Researches ;’ London, 1830, vol, ii, p. 569.
THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE. 47
the man and wife are joined together, as the corresponding
ceremony in the ancient Mexican and the modern Hindoo
wedding, in which the clothes of the parties are tied together
ina knot, Among our own Aryan race, the taking hands was
a usual ceremony in marriage in the Vedic period.! The idea
which shaking hands was originally intended to convey, was
clearly that of fastening together in peace and friendship ; and
the same thought appears in the probable etymology of peace,
pax, Sanskrit pag, to bind, and in league from ligare.
Cowering or crouching is so natural an expression of fear or
inability to resist, that it belongs to the brutes as well as to
man. Among ourselves this natural sign of submission is
generally used in the modified forms of bowing and kneeling ;
but the analogous gestures found in different countries not
only give us the intermediate stages between an actual prostra-
tion and a slight bow, but also a set of gestures and cere-
monies which are merely suggestive of a prostration which is
not actually performed, The extreme act of lying with the
face in the dust is not only usual in China, Siam, etc., but
even in Siberia the peasant grovels on the ground and kisses
the dust before a man of rank, The Arab only suggests such
a humiliation by bending his hand to the ground and then
putting it ta his lips and forehead,—a gesture almost identical
with that of the ancient Mexican, who touched the ground with
his right hand and put it to his mouth.? Captain Cook de-
scribes the way of doing reverence to chiefs in the Tonga Is-
lands, which was in this wise :—When a subject approached ta
do homage, the chief had to hold up his foot behind, as a horse
does, and the subject touched the sole with his fingers, thus
placing himself, as it were, under the sole of his lord’s foot,
Every one seemed to have the right of doing reverence in this
way when he pleased; and chiefs got so tired of holding up
their feet to be touched, that they would make their escape at
the very sight of a loyal subject. Other developments of the
idea are found in the objection made to a Polynesian chief
1 Ad. Pictet, ‘Origines Indo-Européennes ;* Paris, 1859-63, part ii. p, 336,
2 A. vy. Humboldt, ‘ Vues des Cordilléres ;’ Paris, 1810, p. 83.
4 Coak, Third Voyage, 2nd ed. ; London, 1785, vol, i. pp, 267, 409,
A8 THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE.
going down into the ship’s cabin,’ and to images of Buddha
being kept there? in Siam, namely, that they were insulted by
the sailors walking over their heads, and in the custom, also
among the Tongans, of sitting down when a chief passed.*
The ancient Egyptian may be seen in the sculptures abbreviat-
ing the gesture of touching the ground by merely putting one
hand down to his knee in bowing before a superior. A slight
inclination of the body indicates submission or reverence, and
becomes at last a mere act of politeness, not involving any
sense of inferiority at all. This is brought about by that
common habit of civilized man, of pretending to a humility
that he does not feel, which leads the Chinese to allude to
himself in conversation as ‘the blockhead” or ‘the thief,”
and makes our own high official personages write themselves,
Sir, your most obedient humble servant, to persons whom they
really consider their inferiors.
With regard to the position of the hands in prayer, there
seems to have been a confusion of two gestures quite distinct
in their origin. The upturned hands seem to expect some de-
sired object to be thrown down, while when clasped or set to-
gether they seem to ward off an impending blow. It is not
unnatural that mercy or protection should be looked upon as a
gift, and that the rustic Phidyle should hold out her supme
hands to ask that her vines should not feel the pestilent south-
west wind; but the conventionalizing process is carried much
further when the hands clasped or with the finger-tips set to-
gether can be used, not only to avert an injury, as seems their
natural office, but also to ask for a benefit which they cannot
even catch hold of when it comes.
It is easy enough to give a plausible reason for the custom
of taking off the hat as an expression of reverence or polite-
ness, by referring it to times when armour was generally worn.
To take off the helmet would be equivalent to disarming, and
would indicate, in the most practical manner, either submission
or peace. The practice of laying aside arms on entermg a
house appears in a quotation from the ‘Boke of Curtayse,’
1 Cook, Third Voyage, vol. i. p. 265.
? Sir J. Bowring, ‘Siam;’ London, 1857, vol. i. p. 125. 3 Cook, ib. p. 409.
_e -
THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE, 49
which shows that in the middle ages visitors were expected to
leave their weapons with the porter at the outer gate, and when
they came to the hall door to take off hoods and gloves.
“When thou come tho hall dor to,
Do of thy hode, thy gloves also.’”!
That women are not required to uncover their heads in church
or on a visit, is quite consistent with such an origin of the
custom, as their head-dresses were not armour; and the same
consistency may be observed in the practice of ladies keeping
the glove on in shaking hands, while men very commonly re-
move it. When a knight’s glove was a steel gauntlet, such a
distinction would be reasonable enough.
This may indeed be fanciful. The practice of women having
the head covered in church belongs to the earliest period of
Christianity, and the reasons for adopting it were clearly speci-
fied. And the usage of men praying with the head uncovered,
may have been an intentional reversal of the practice of cover-
ing the head in offering sacrifice among the Romans, and by
the Jews im their prayers then and now. It does not seem to
have been universal, and is even now not followed in the Cop-
tic and Abyssinian churches, in which the Semitic custom of
uncovering not the head but the feet is still kept up. This
latter ceremony is of high antiquity, and may be plausibly ex-
plained as having been done at first merely for cleanliness, as
it is now among the Moslems in their baths and houses, as
well as in their mosques, that the ground may not be defiled.
There are, moreover, a number of practices found in different
parts of the world, which throw doubt on these off-hand ex-
planations of the customs of uncovering the head and feet, and
would almost lead us to include both, as particular cases of a
general class of reverential uncoverings of the body. Saul
strips off his clothes to prophesy, and lies down so all that day
and night.? Tertullian speaks against the practice of pray-
ing with cloaks laid aside, as the heathen do.2 There was a
well-known custom in Tahiti, of uncovering the body down to
the waist in honour of gods or chiefs, and even in the neigh-
? Wright, ‘History of Domestic Manners,’ etc. ; London, 1862, p. 141.
2 1 Sam, xix. 24. 3 Tert., De Oratione, xii,
E
50 THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE.
bourhood of a temple, and on the sacred ground set apart for
royalty, with which may be classed a very odd ceremony,
which was performed before Captain Cook on his first visit to
the island.!
The regulations concerning the fow or turban in the Tonga
Islands are very curious, from their partial resemblance to
European usages. The turban, Marmer says, may only be
worn by warriors going to battle, or at sham fights, or at
night-time by chiefs and nobles, or by the common people
when at work in the fields or in canoes, On all other occa-
sions, to wear a head-dress would be disrespectful, for although
no chief should be present, some god might be at hand unseen.
If a man were ta wear a turban except on these occasions, the
first person of superior rank who met him would knock him
down, and perhaps even an equal might do it. Even when
the turban is allowed to be worn, it must be taken off when a
superior approaches, unless in actual battle, but a man who is
not much higher in rank will say, “Toogo ho fow,” that is,
Keep on your turban.’
During the administration of the ordeal by poison in Mada-
gascar, Ellis says that no one is allowed to sit on his long
robe, nor to wear the cloth round the waist, and females must
keep their shoulders uncovered. A remarkable statement is
made by Ibn Batuta, in his account of his journey into the
Soudan, in the fourteenth century. He mentions as an evil
thing which he has observed in the conduct of the blacks, that
women may only come unclothed into the presence of the Sul-
tan of Melli, and even the Sultan’s own daughters must con-
form to the custom. He notices also, that they threw dust
and ashes on their heads as a sign of reverence,* which makes
it appear that the stripping was also a mere act of humiliation.
With regard to the practice of uncovering the feet, when we
1 Cook, First Voy. H., vol. ii. pp. 125, 153. Ellis, Polyn. Res., vol. ii. pp.
171, 352-3.
2 Mariner, ‘ Tonga Islands ;’ vol. i. p. 158.
3 Rey. W. Ellis, Hist. of Madagascar; London, 1838, vol. i. p. 464.
4 Ibn Batuta, in ‘Journal Asiatique,’ 4™¢ Série, vol. i. p. 221. Waitz, Introd.
to Anthropology, E. Tr. ed. by J. F. Collingwood ; part i., London, 1863, p. 301.
THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE. 51
find the Damaras, in South Africa, taking off their sandals
before entering a stranger’s house,! the idea of connecting
the practice with the ancient Hgyptian custom, or of ascribing
it to Moslem influence, at once suggests itself, but the taking
off the sandals as a sign of respect seems to have prevailed in
Peru. No common Indian, it is said, dared go shod along the
Street of the Sun, nor might any one, however great a lord he
might be, enter the houses of the sun with shoes on, and even
the Inca himself went barefoot into the Temple of the Sun.?
In this group of reverential uncoverings, the idea that the
subject presents himself naked, defenceless, poor, and miser-
able before his lord, seems to be dramatically expressed, and
this view is borne out by the practice of stripping, or uncover-
ing the head and feet, as a sign of mourning,® where there can
hardly be anything but destitution and misery to be expressed.
The lowest class of salutations, which merely aim at giving
pleasant bodily sensations, merge into the civilities which we
see exchanged among the lower animals. Such are patting,
strokmg, kissing, pressing noses, blowing, sniffing, and so
forth. The often described sign of pleasure or greeting of the
Indians of North America, by rubbing each other’s arms,
breasts, and stomachs, and their own,‘ is similar to the Central
African custom, of two men clasping each other’s arms with
both hands, and rubbing them up and down,’ and that of
stroking one’s own face with another’s hand or foot, in Poly-
nesia ;° and the pattings and slappings of the Fuegians belong
to the same class. Darwin describes the way in which noses
are pressed in New Zealand, with details which have escaped
less accurate observers.’ It is curious that Linnzeus found the
salutation by touching noses in the Lapland Alps. People did
1 ©. J. Andersson, ‘Lake Ngami,’ etc., 2nd ed.; London, 1856, p. 281.
2 Prescott, History of the Conquest of Peru, 2nd ed.; London, 1847, vol. i.
pp. 97, 78.
3 Micah i. 8. Ezekiel xxiv.17. Herod. ii. 85. Rev. J. Roberts, ‘ Oriental
Illustrations of the Sacred Scriptures,’ 2nd ed.; London, 1844, p. 492, ete.
4 Charlevoix, vol. iii. p. 16; vol. vi. p. 189, ete.
5 Burton, ‘Lake Regions of Central Africa ;’ London, 1860, vol. ii. p. 69.
§ Cook, Third Voy., vol. i. p. 179.
7 Darwin, Journal of Res., etc. ; London, 1860, pp. 205, 423.
E2
og THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE.
not kiss, but put noses together. The Andaman Islanders
salute by blowing into another’s hand with a coomg murmur.”
Charlevoix speaks of an Indian tribe on the Gulf of Mexico,
who blew into one another’s ears;® and Du Chaillu describes
himself as having been blown upon in Africa. Natural ex-
pressions of joy, such as clapping hands in Africa,® and jump-
ing up and down in Tierra del Fuego,’ are made to do duty as
signs of friendship or greeting.
There are a number of well-known gestures which are hard
to explain. Such are various signs of hatred and contempt,
such as lolling out the tongue, which is a universal sign,
though it is not clear why it should be so, biting the thumb,
making the sign of the stork’s bill behind another’s back (cico-
niam facere), and the sign known as “taking a sight,” which
was as common at the time of Rabelais as it is now.
In modern India, as in ancient Rome, only a part of the
signs we find described are such as can be set down at once to
their proper origin.? One of the common gestures in India,
especially, has puzzled many Europeans. This is the way of
beckoning with the hand to call a person, which looks as
though it were the reverse of the movement which we use for
the purpose. I have heard, on native authority, that the appa-
rent difference consists in the palm being outwards instead ot
inwards, but a remark made about the natives of the south of
India by Mr. Roberts, who seems to have been an extremely
good observer, suggests another explanation: ‘The way in
which the people beckon for a person, is to lift up the mght
hand to its extreme height, and then bring it down with a
sudden sweep to the ground.”® It is evident that to make a
sort of abbreviation of this movement, as by doing it from the
wrist or elbow instead of from the shoulder, would be a natural
1 Linneus, ‘Tour in Lapland ;’ London, 1811, vol. i. p. 315.
2 Mouat, ‘Andaman Islanders ;’ London, 1863, pp. 279-80.
3 Charlevoix, vol. iii. p. 16.
4 Dn Chaillu, ‘ Equatorial Africa ;” London, 1861, pp. 393, 430.
5 Burton, ‘Central Africa,’ vol. ii. p. 69.
6 Wilkes, U.S. Exploring Exp.; London, 1845, vol. i. p. 127.
7 Plin. xi. 103. Roberts, Oriental Illustr., pp. 87, 90, 285, 293, 461, 475, 491.
8 Id. p. 396. -
THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE. 53
sign, and yet would be liable to be taken for our gesture of
motioning away. It is possible that something of this kind
has led to the following description of the way of beckoning in
New Zealand :—“ In signals for those some way off to come near
the arm is waved in an exactly opposite direction to that
adopted by Englishmen for similar purposes, and the natives
in giving silent assent to anything, elevate the head and chin
in place of nodding acquiescence.”! The latter sign of ac-
quiescence seems as natural as our own, as contrasting with
the sideways movement of negation.
Of signs used to avert the evil eye, some are connected with
the ancient counter-charms, and others are of uncertain mean-
ing, such as the very common one represented in old Greek and
Roman amulets, the hand closed all but the fore-finger and
little finger, which are held out straight. When King Fer-
dinand I. of Naples used to appear in public, he might be seen
to put his hand from time to time into his pocket. Those who
understood his ways knew that he was clenching his fist with
the thumb struck out between the first and second fingers, to
avert the effect of a glance of the evil eye that some one in the
street might have cast on him.
Enough has now been said to show that gesture-language is
a natural mode of expression common to mankind in general.
Moreover, this is true in a different sense to that in which we
say that spoken language is common to mankind, including
under the word language many hundreds of mutually unintel-
ligible tongues, for the gesture-language is essentially one and
the same in all times and all countries. It is true that the
signs used in different places, and by different persons, are
only partially the same; but it must be remembered that the
same idea may be expressed in signs in very many ways, and
that it is not necessary that all should choose the same. How
the choice of gesture-signs is influenced by education and
habit of life is well shown by a story told somewhere of a boy,
himself deaf-and-dumb, who paid a visit to a Deaf and Dumb
Asylum. When he was gone, the inmates expressed to the
1 A. 8. Thomson, ‘The Story of New Zealand ;’ London, 1859, vol. i. p. 209.
See Cook, First Voy. H., vol. ii. p. 311.
54 THE GESTURE-LANGUAGE.
master their disgust at his ways. He talked an ugly language,
they said ; when he wanted to show that something was black,
he pointed to his dirty nails.
The best evidence of the unity of the gesture-language is
the ease and certainty with which any savage from any country
can understand and be understood in a deaf-and-dumb school.
A native of Hawaii is taken to an American Institution, and
begins at once to talk in signs with the children, and to tell
about his voyage and the country he came from. A Chinese,
who had fallen into a state of melancholy from long want of
society, is quite revived by being taken to the same place,
where he can talk in gestures to his heart’s content. A deaf-
and-dumb lad named Collins is taken to see some Laplanders,
who were carried about to be exhibited, and writes thus to
his fellow-pupils about the Lapland woman :—“ Mr. Joseph
Humphreys told me to speak to her by signs, and she under-
stood me. When Cunningham was with me, asking Lapland
woman, and she frowned at him and me. She did not know
we were deaf-and-dumb, but afterwards she knew that we
were deaf-and-dumb, then she spoke to us about reindeers and
elks and smiled at us much.””!
The study of the gesture-language is not only useful as
giving us some insight into the workings of the human mind.
We can only judge what other men’s minds are like by ob-
serving their outward manifestations, and similarity in the
most direct and simple kind of utterance is good evidence of
similarity in the mental processes which it communicates to
the outer world. As, then, the gesture-language appears not
to be specifically affected by differences in the race or climate
of those who use it, the shape of their skulls and the colour of
their skins, its evidence, so far as it goes, bears against the
supposition that specific differences are traceable among the
various races of man, at least in the more elementary processes
of the mind.
1 Dr, Orpen, ‘ The Contrast,’ p. 177.
i
CHAPTER IV,
GESTURE-LANGUAGE AND WORD-LANGUAGE,
We know very little about the origin of language, but the
subject has so great a charm for the human mind that the
want of evidence has not prevented the growth of theory after
theory ; and all sorts of men, with all sorts of qualifications,
have solved the problem, each in his own fashion, We may
read, for instance, Dante’s treatise on the vulgar tongue, and
wonder, not that; as he lived in medieval times, his argument
is but a medizeval argument, but that in the ‘ Paradiso,’ seem-
ingly on the strength of some quite futile piece of evidence, he
should have made Adam enunciate a notion which even in this
nineteenth century has hardly got fairly hold of the popular
mind, namely, that there is no primitive language of man to
be found existing on earth,
“ La lingua ch’ io parlai fu tutta spenta
Tnnanzi che all’ ovra inconsumabile
Fosse la gente di Nembrotte attenta.
Ché nullo affetto mai raziocinabile
Per lo piacere uman che rinnovella,
Seguendo ‘1 cielo, sempre fu durabile.
Opera naturale é ch’ uom favella:
Ma cosi, 0 cosi, natura lascia
Poi fare a voi secondo che v' abbella.
Pria ch’ io scendessi all’ infernale ambascia
EL s’ appellava in terra il sommo Bene
Onde vien la letizia che mi fascia:
ELI si chiam6 poi: e cid conviene :
Che I uso de’ mortali & come fronda
In ramo, che sen va, ed altra viene.”
56 GESTURE-LANGUAGE AND WORD-LANGUAGE.
In Mr. Pollock’s translation :—
“The language, which I spoke, was quite worn out
Before unto the work impossible
The race of Nimrod had their labour turned ;
For no production of the intellect
Which is renewed at pleasure of mankind,
Following the sky, was durable for aye.
It is a natural thing that man should speak ;
But whether this or that way, nature leaves
To your election, as it pleases you. _
Ere I descended on the infernal road,
Upon earth, EL was called the Highest Good,
From whom the enjoyment flows that me surrounds ;
And was called ELI after; as was meet:
For mortal usages are like a leaf,
Upon a bough, which goes, and others come.”
Since Dante’s time, how many men of genius have set the
whole power of their minds against the problem, and to how
little purpose. Steinthal’s masterly summary of these specu-
lations in his ‘Origin of Language’ is quite melancholy read-
ing. It may indeed be brought forward as evidence to prove
something that matters far more to us than the early history
of language, that it is of as little use to be a good reasoner
when there are no facts to reason upon, as it is to be a good
bricklayer when there are no bricks to build with.
At the root of the problem of the origin of language lies the
question, why certain words were originally used to represent
certain ideas, or mental conditions, or whatever we may call
them. The word may have been used for the idea because it
had an evident fitness to be used rather than another word,
or because some association of ideas, which we cannot now
trace, may have led to its choice. That the selection of words
to express ideas was ever purely arbitrary, that is to say, such
that it would have been consistent with its principle to ex-
change any two words as we may exchange algebraic symbols,
or to shake wp a number of words in a bag and re-distribute
them at random among the ideas they represented, is a suppo-
sition opposed to such knowledge as we have of the formation
of language. And not in language only, but in the study of
GESTURE-LANGUAGE AND WORD-LANGUAGE, 57
the whole range of art and belief among mankind, the prin-
ciple is continually coming more and more clearly into view,
that man has not only a definite reason, but very commonly an
assignable one, for everything that he does and believes.
In the only departments of language of whose origin we
have any clear notion, as for instance in the class of pure imi-
tative words such as “ cuckoo,” “peewit,” and the like, the con-
nection between word and idea is not only real but evident.
It is true that different imitative words may be used for the
same sound, as for instance the tick of a clock is called also
pick in Germany ; but both these words have an evident resem-
blance to the unwriteable sound that a clock really makes. So
the Tahitian word for the crowing of cocks, aaoa, might be
brought over as a rival to ‘ cock-a-doodle-doo!” There is,
moreover, a class of words of undetermined extent, which seem
to have been either chosen in some measure with a view to
the fitness of their sound to represent their sense, or actually
modified by a reflection of sound into sense. Some*such pro-
cess seems to have made the distinction between to crash, to
crush, to crunch, and to craunch, and to have differenced to
flip, to flup, to flop and to flump, out of a common root. Some
of these words must be looked for in dictionaries of “ pro-
vincialisms,” but they are none the less English for that. In
pure interjections, such as oh! ah! the connection between
the actual pronunciation and the idea which is to be conveyed
is perceptible enough, though it is hardly more possible to
define it than it is to convey in writing their mmumerable mo-
dulations of sound and sense.
But if there was a living connection between word and idea
outside the range of these classes of words, it seems dead now.
We might just as well use “ inhabitable ” im the French sense
as in that of modern English. In fact Shakspeare and other
writers do so, as where Norfolk says in ‘ Richard the Second,’
“« Rven to the frozen ridges of the Alps,
a Or any other ground inhabitable.”
It makes no practical difference to the world at large, that
our word to “rise” belongs to the same root as Old German
risan, to fall, French arriser, to let fall, whichever of the two
58 GESTURE-LANGUAGE AND WORD-LANGUAGE.
meanings may have come first, nor that black, blanc, bleich, to
bleach, to blacken, Anglo-Saxon blec, blac=black, bldc=pale,
white, come so nearly together in sound. It has been plau-
sibly conjectured that the reversal of the meaning of to “rise”
may have happened through a preposition being prefixed to
change the sense, and dropping off again, leaving the word
with its altered meaning,! while if black is related to Ger-
man blaken, to burn, and has the sense of “ charred, burnt to a
coal,” and blanc has that of shining? a common origin may
possibly be forthcoming for both sets among the family of
words, which inchides blaze, fulgeo, flagro, ¢réyw, PrOE, San-
skrit bhrdg, and so forth. But explanations of this kind have
no bearing on the practical use of such words by mankind at
large, who take what is given them and ask no questions.
Indeed, however much such a notion may vex the souls of
etymologists, there is a great deal to be said for the view that
much of the accuracy of our modern languages is due to their
having so far “lost consciousness ” of the derivation of their
words, which thus become like counters or algebraic symbols,
good to represent just what they are set down to mean. Ar-
chology is a very interesting and instructive study, but when
it comes to exact argument, it may be that the distinctness
of our apprehension of what a word nieans, is not always in-
creased by a misty recollection hovering about it in our minds,
that it or its family once meant something else. For such pur-
poses, what is required is not so much a knowledge of etymo-
logy, as accurate definition, and the practice of checking words
by realizing the things and actions they are used to denote.
It is as bearing on the question of the relation between idea
and word that the study of the gesture-language is of particu-
lar interest. We have in it a method of human utterance
independent of speech, and carried on through a different
medium, in which, as has been said, the connection between
idea and sign has hardly ever been broken, or even lost sight
of fora moment. The gesture-languagée is in fact a system of
1 Jacob Grimm, ‘ Geschichte der Deutschen Sprache ;’ Leipzig, 1848, p. 664.
2 See J. and W. Grimm, ‘ Deutsches Worterbuch,’ s: vv: black, blaken, blick,
etc. Diez, Wérterb., s.v. beanco.
GESTURE-LANGUAGE AND WORD-LANGUAGE. 59
.
utterance to which the description of the primeval language
in the Chinese myth may be applied; ‘ Suy-jin first gave
names to plants and animals, and these names were so expres-
sive, that by the name of a thing it was known what it was.’?!
To speak first of the comparison of gesture-signs with
words, it has been already observed that the gesture-language
uses two different processes. It brings objects and actions
bodily into the conversation, by pointing to them or looking at
them, and it also suggests by imitation of actions, or by “ pic-
tures in the air,” and these two processes may be used sepa-
rately or combined. This division may be clumsy and in some
cases inaccurate, but it is the best I have succeeded in making.
I will now examine more closely the first division, in which
objects are brought directly before the mind.
- When Mr. Lemuel Gulliver visited the school of languages
in Lagado, he was made acquainted with a scheme for im-
proving language by abolishing all words whatsoever. Words
being only names for things, people were to carry the things
themselves about, instead of wasting their breath in talking
about them. The learned adopted the scheme, and sages
might be seen in the streets bending under their heavy sacks
of materials for conversation, or unpacking their loads for a
talk. This was found somewhat troublesome. “ But for short
conversations, a man may carry implements in his pockets,
and under his arms, enough to supply him; and in his house,
he cannot be at a loss. Therefore the room where the com-
pany meet who practise this art, is full of all things, ready at
hand, requisite to furnish matter for this kind of artificial
converse.”
The traveller records that this plan did not come into ge-
neral use, owing to the ignorant opposition of the women and
the common people, who threatened to raise a rebellion if they
were not allowed to speak with their tongues after the manner
of their forefathers. But this system of talking by objects is
in sober earnest an important part of the gesture-language,
and in its early development among the deaf-and-dumb, per-
haps the most important. Is there then anything in spoken
' Goguet, ‘De l’Origine des Loix,’ etc.; Paris, 1758, vol. iii. p. 322.
60 GESTURE-LANGUAGE AND WORD-LANGUAGE.
e@
language that can be compared with the gestures by which
this process is performed? Quintilian incidentally answers the
question. ‘As for the hands indeed, without which action
would be maimed and feeble, one can hardly say how many
movements they have, when they almost follow the whole stock
of words ; for the other members help the speaker, but they,
I may almost say, themselves speak.” ...“ Do they not in
pointing out places and persons, fulfil the purpose of adverbs
and pronouns ? so that in so great a diversity of tongues among
all peoples and nations this seems to me the common language
of all mankind ?”?—“ Manus vero, sine quibus trunca esset
actio ac debilis, vix dici potest, quot motus habeant, quum
peene ipsam verborum copiam persequantur; nam cetere
partes loquentem adjuvant, he, prope est ut dicam, ipsz lo-
quuntur.... Non in demonstrandis locis ac personis adverbio-
rum atque pronominum obtinent vicem ? ut in tanta per omnes
gentes nationesque lingue diversitate hic mihi omnium homi-
num communis sermo videatur.””!
Where a man stands is to him the centre of the universe,
and he refers the position of any object to himself, as before or
behind him, above or below him, and so on; or he makes his
fore-finger issue, as it were, as a radius from this imaginary
centre, and, pointing in any direction into space, says that the
thing he points out is there. He defines the position of an ob-
ject somewhat as it is done in Analytical Geometry, using either
a radius vector, to which the demonstrative pronoun may partly
be compared, or referring it to three axes, as, in front or be-
hind, to the right or left, above or below. His body, however,
not being a point, but a structure of considerable size, he often
confuses his terms, as when he uses here for some spot only
comparatively near him, instead of making it come towards
the same imaginary centre whence there started. He can in
thought shift his centre of co-ordinates and the position of his
1 Quint., Mist. Orat., lib. xi. 8, 85, segg. “ Luther fithrt an das ist mein leib und
bemerkt dabei folgendes, ‘ das ist ein pronomen und lautet der buchstab a drinnen
stark und lang, als wiire es geschrieben also, dahas, wie ein schwibisch oder algau-
wisch daas lautet, und wer es héret, dem ist alls stehe ein finger dabei a darauf
zeige’” (Grimm, D. W., s. v. “der’’).
—. oY
GESTURE-LANGUAGE AND WORD-LANGUAGE. 61
axes, and imagining himself in the place of another person, or
even of an inanimate object, can describe the position of him-
self or anything else with respect to them. Movement and
direction come before his mind as a real or imaginary going
from one place to another, and such movement gives him the
idea of time which the deaf-and-dumb man expresses by draw-
ing a line with his finger along his arm from one point to
another, and the speaker by a similar adaptation of prepositions
or adverbs of place.
I do not wish to venture below the surface of this difficult
subject, for an elaborate examination of which I would espe-
cially refer to the researches of Professor Pott, of Halle! But
it may be worth while to call attention to an apparent resem-
blance of two divisions of the root-words of our Aryan lan-
guages to the two great classes of gesture-signs. Professor Max
Miller divides the Sanskrit root-forms into two classes, the pre-
dicative roots, such as to shine, to eatend, and so forth; and the
demonstrative roots, ‘a small class of independent radicals, not
predicative in the usual sense of the word, but simply pointing,
simply expressive of existence under certain more or less defi-
nite, local or temporal prescriptions.”? If we take from among
the examples given, here, there, this, that, thou, he, as types, we
have a division of the elements of the Sanskrit language to
which a division of the signs of the deaf-mute into predicative
and demonstrative would at least roughly correspond. Many
centuries ago the Indian grammarians made desperate efforts
to bring pronouns and verbs, as the Germans say, “ under one
hat.” - They deduced the demonstrative ta from tan, to stretch,
and the relative ya from yag, to worship. Unity is pleasant to
mankind, who are often ready to sacrifice things of more con-
sequence than etymology for it. But perhaps, after all, the
world may not have been constructed for the purpose of pro-
viding for the human mind just what it is pleased to ask for.
Of course, any full comparison of speech and the gesture-
language would have to go into the hard problem of the rela-
tion of prepositions to adverbs and pronouns on the one hand,
1 Pott, ‘Etymologische Forschungen,’ new ed.; Lemgo and Detmold, 1859, etc.,
vol. i. 2 Miiller, Lectures, 8rded.; London, 1862, p. 372,
62 GESTURE-LANGUAGE AND WORD-LANGUAGE.
and to verb-roots on the other. As to this matter, I can only
say that the deaf-mute puts his right fore-finger into the palm
of his left hand to say “in,” takes it out again to say “ out,”
puts his right hand above or below his left to say “ above” or
“below,” etc., signs which are merely imitative and sugges-
tive. But the gestures with which he shows that anything is
“above me,” “behind me,” and so on, are of a more direct
character, and are rather demonstrative than predicative.
The class of imitative and suggestive signs in the gesture-
language corresponds in some measure with the Chinese words
which are neither verbs, substantives, adjectives, nor adverbs,
but answer the purpose of all of them, as, for instance, ta,
meaning great, greatness, to make great, to be great, greatly ;}
or they may be compared with what Sanskrit roots would be
if they were used as they stand in the dictionaries, without
any inflections. In the gesture-language there seems no dis-
tinction between the adjective, the adverb which belongs to it,
the substantive, and the verb. To say, for instance, “The
pear is green,” the deaf-and-dumb child first eats an imaginary
pear, and then using the back of the flat left hand as a ground,
he makes the fingers of the right hand grow up on the edge of
it like blades of gras. We might translate these signs as
“ pear-grass ;” but they have quite as good a right to be
classed as verbs, for they are signs of eating in a peculiar way,
and growing.
It is not necessary to have recourse to Asiatic languages for
analogies of this kind with the gesture-language. The sub-
stantive-adjective is common enough in English, and indeed
in most other languages. In such compounds as chestnut-
horse, spoon-bill, iron-stone, feather-qrass, we have the sub-
stantive put to express a quality which distinguishes it. Our
own language, which has gone so far towards assimilating
itself to the Chinese by dropping inflection and making syntax
do its work, has developed to a great extent a concretism
which is like that of the Chinese, who makes one word do
duty for “ stick” and to “beat with a stick,” or of the deaf-
mute, whose sign for “butter” or the act of “ buttering” is
1 Endlicher, Chin. Gramm.; Vienna, 1845, p. 168.
GESTURE-LANGUAGE AND WORD-LANGUAGE. 63
the same, the imitation of spreading with his finger on the
palm of his hand. To butter bread, to cudgel a man, to oil
machinery, to pepper a dish, and scores of such expressions,
involve action and instrument in one word, and that word a
substantive treated as the root or crude form of a verb. Such
expressions are concretisms, picture-words, ‘gesture-words, as
much as the deaf-and-dumb man’s one sign for “ butter” and
“buttering.” ‘To separate these words, and to say that there
is one butter, a noun, and another butter, a verb, may be con-
venient for the dictionary ; but to pretend that there is a real
distinction between the words is a mere grammatical juggle,
hike saying that the noun man has a nominative case man, and
an objective case which is also man, and much of the rest of
the curious system of putting new wine into old bottles, and
stretching the organism of a live language upon a dead frame-
work, which is commonly taught as English Grammar.
The reference of substantives to a verb-root in the Aryan
languages and elsewhere is thoroughly in harmony with the
spirit of the gesture-language. Thus, the horse is the neigher ;
stone is what stands, is stable; water is that which waves,
undulates ; the mouse is the stealer; an age is what goes on;
the oar is what makes to go; the serpent is the creeper; and
so on; that is to say, the etymologies of these words lead us
back to the actions of neighing, standing, waving, stealing,
etc. Now, the deaf-and-dumb Kruse tells us that even to the
mute who has no means of communication but signs, “ the
bird is what flies, the fish what swims, the plant what sprouts
out of the earth.”! It may be said that action, and form
resulting from action, form the staple of that part of the
gesture-language which occupies itself with suggesting to the
mind that which it does not bring bodily before it. But,
though there is so much similarity of principle in the formation
of gesture-signs and words, there is no general correspondence
in the particular idea chosen to name an object by m the two
kinds of utterance.
In the second place, with regard to the syntax of the
gesture-language, it is hardly possible to compare it with
1 Kruse, p. 53,
64 GESTURE-LANGUAGE AND WORD-LANGUAGE.
that of inflected languages such as Latin, which can alter the
form of words to express their relation to one another. With
Chinese and some other languages of Eastern Asia, and with
English and French, etc., where they have thrown off inflection,
it may be roughly compared, though all these languages use
at least grammatical particles which have nothing correspond-
ing to them in the gesture-language. Now, it is remarkable
to what an extent Chinese and English agree in doing just
what the gesture-language does not. Both put the attribute
before the subject, pe ma, “ white horse ;” shing jin, “ holy
man ;” both put the action before the object, ngo ta ni, “I
strike thee,” tien sang iu, ‘heaven destroys me.” The fre-
quent practice of the gesture-language in putting the modifier
after the modified is opposed both to Chinese and English
construction, as these examples show; and even where the
antagonism is not so absolute, and the deaf-mute says in
signs “ boy ball threw,” as well as © ball threw boy,” there is
still an important difference. “ It seems,” says Steinthal, “ that
the speech of the Chinese hastens toward the conclusion, and
brings the end prominently forward. In the described position
of the three relations of speech the more important member
stands last.”! A more absolute contradiction of the leading
principle of the gesture-syntax could hardly have been formu-
lated in words.
The theory that the gesture-language was the original lan-
guage of man, and that speech came afterwards, has been
already mentioned. We have no foundation to build such a
theory upon, but there are several questions bearing upon the
matter which are well worth examining. Before doing so,
however, it will be well to look a little more closely into the
claim of the gesture-language to be considered as a means of
utterance independent of speech.
In the first place, an absolute separation between the two
things is not to be found within the range of our experience.
Though the deaf-mute may not speak himself, yet the most of
what he knows, he only knows by means of speech, for he
? Steinthal, ‘ Charakteristik der hauptsichlichsten Typen des Sprachbaues;’ Ber-
lin, 1860, p. 114, ete.
GESTURE-LANGUAGE AND WORD-LANGUAGE. 65
learns from the gestures of his parents and companions what ~
they learnt through words. We speak conventionally of the
uneducated deaf-and-dumb, but every deaf-and-dumb child is
educated more or less by living among those who speak, and
this education begins in the cradle. And on the other hand,
no child attains to speech independently of the gesture-lan-
guage, for it is in great measure by means of such gestures as
pointing, nodding, and so forth, that language is first taught.
Tn old times, when the mental capacity of the deaf-and-dumb
was little known, it was thought by the Greeks that they were
incapable of education, since hearing, the sense of instruction,
was wanting to them. Quite consistent with this notion is
the confusion which runs through language between mental
stupidity, and deafness, dumbness, and even blindness. Sur-
dus means “ deaf,” and also “ stupid ;” a hollow nut is a deaf-
nut, taube Nuss ; xwpos means dumb, deaf, stupid. “ Speech-
less” (infans, vjmos) being a natural term for a child, in a
similar way “dumb” (tump, twumb) becomes in Old German a
common word for young, giddy, thoughtless, till at last “dumb
and wise ” come to mean nothing more than “lads and grown
men,”’ as where in the tournament many a shock is heard of
wise and of dumb, and the breaking of the lances sounds up
towards the sky,
“Von wisen und von tumben man horte manegen stéz,
Da der schefte brechen gein der hoehe déz.””}
Even Kant is to be found committing himself to the opinion,
so amazing, one would think, to anybody who has ever been
inside a deaf-and-dumb Institution, that a born mute can never
attain to more than something analogous to reason (einem
Analogon der Vernunft) .?
The evidence of teachers of the deaf-and-dumb goes to
prove, that in their untaught state, or at least with only such
small teaching as they get from the signs of their relatives and
friends, their thought is very limited, but still it is human
thought, while when they have been regularly instructed and
taught to read and write, their minds may be developed up to
1 Nibel. Not, 37.
2 Kant, ‘Anthropologie ; Kénigsberg, 1798, p. 49. Schmalz, p. 46.
F
66 GESTURE-LANGUAGE AND WORD-LANGUAGE.
about the average cultivation of those who have had the power
of speech from childhood. Even in a low state of education,
the deaf-mute seems to conceive general ideas, for when he
invents a sign for anything, he applies it to all other things of
the same class, and he can also form abstract ideas in a cer-
tain way, or at least he knows that there is a quality in which
snow and milk agree, and he can go on adding other white
things, such as the moon and whitewash, to his list. He can
form a proposition, for he can make us understand, and we
can make him understand, that ‘this man is old, that man
is young.” Nor does he seem incapable of reasoning in some-
thing like a syllogism, even when he has no means of commu-
nication but the gesture-language, and certainly as soon as he
has learnt to read that ‘ All men are mortal, John is a man,
therefore John is mortal,” he will show by every means of
illustration in his power, that he fully comprehends the argu-
ment.
There is detailed evidence on record as to the state of mind
of the deaf-and-dumb who have had no education but what
comes with mere living among speaking people. Thus Mas-
sieu, the Abbé Sicard’s celebrated pupil, gave an account of
what he could remember of his untaught state. He loved his
father and mother much, and made himself understood by them
in signs. There were six deaf-and-dumb children in the
family, three boys and three girls. “I stayed,” he said, “ at
my home till I was thirteen years and nine months old, and
never had any instruction; I had darkness for the letters
(j’avois ténébres pour les lettres). I expressed my ideas by
manual signs or gesture. The signs which I used then, to
express my ideas to my relatives and my brothers and sisters,
were very different from those of the educated deaf-and-dumb.
Strangers never understood us when we expressed our ideas
to them by signs, but the neighbours understood us.” He
noticed oxen, horses, vegetables, houses, and so forth, and
remembered them when he had seen them. He wanted to
learn to read and write, and to go to school with the other
boys and girls, but was not allowed to; so he went to the
school and asked by signs to be taught to read and write, but
GESTURE-LANGUAGE AND WORD-LANGUAGE. 67
the master refused harshly, and turned him out of the school.
His father made him kneel at prayers with the others, and he
imitated the joming of their hands and the movement of their
lips, but thought (as other deaf-and-dumb children have done),
that they were worshipping the sky. ‘I knew the numbers,”
he said, ‘before my instruction, my fingers had taught me
them. I did not know the figures; I counted on my fingers,
and when the number was over ten, I made notches in a piece
of wood.” When he was asked what he used to think people
were doing when they looked at one another and moved their
lips, he replied that he thought they were expressing ideas,
and in answer to the inquiry why he thought so, he said he
remembered people speaking about him to his father, and then
his father threatened to have him punished.!
Kruse tells a very curious story of an untaught deaf-and-
dumb boy. He was found by the police wandering about
Prague, in 1805. He could not make himself understood, and
they could find out nothing about him, so they sent him to the
deaf-and-dumb Institution, where he was taught. When he
had been sufficiently educated to enable him to give accurate
answers to questions put to him, he gave an account of what
he remembered of his life previously to his coming to the In-
stitution. His father, he said, had a mill, and of this mill, the
furniture of the house, and the country round it, he gave a
precise description. He gave a circumstantial account of his
life there, how his mother and sister died, his father married
again, his step-mother ill-treated him, and he ran away. He
did not know his own name, nor what the mill was called, but
he knew it lay away from Prague towards the morning. On
inquiry being made, the boy’s statement was confirmed. The
police found his home, gave him his name, and secured his
inheritance for him.?
Even Laura Bridgman, who was blind as well as deaf-and-
dumb, expressed her feelings by the signs we all use, though
she had never seen them made, and could not tell that the by-
standers could observe them. She would stamp with delight,
and shudder at the idea of a cold bath. When astonished, she
1 Sicard, ‘ Théorie,’ vol. ii. p. 632, ete. ? Kruse, p. 54.
FQ
68 GESTURE-LANGUAGE AND WORD-LANGUAGE.
would protrude her lips, and hold up her hands with fingers
wide spread out, and she might be seen “biting her lips with
an upward contraction of the facial muscles when roguishly lis-
tening at the account of some ludicrous mishap, precisely as
lively persons among us would do.” While speaking of a
person, she would point to the spot where he had been sitting
when she last conversed with him, and where she still believed
him to be.!
Though, however, the deaf-and-dumb prove clearly to us
that a man may have human thought without being able to
speak, they by no means prove that he can think without any
means of physical expression. Their evidence tends the other
way. We may read with profit an eloquent passage on this
subject by a German professor, as, transcendental as it is, it is
put in such clear terms, that we may almost think we under-
stand it.
“ Herein lies the necessity of utterance, the representation
of thought. Thought is not even present to the thinker, tall
he has set it forth out of himself. Man, as an individual en-
dowed with sense and with mind, first attains to thought, and
at the same time to the comprehension of himself, in setting
forth out of himself the contents of his mind, and in this his
free production, he comes to the knowledge of himself, his
thinking ‘I He comes first to himself in uttering himself.’”?
This view is not contradicted, but to some extent supported,
by what we know of the earliest dawnings of thought among
the deaf-and-dumb. But we must take the word “ utterance”
in its larger sense, to include not speech alone, as Heyse seems
to do, but all ways by which man can express his thoughts.
Man is essentially, what the derivation of his name among our
Aryan race imports, not “the speaker,’ but he who thinks, he
who means.
The deaf-and-dumb Kruse’s opimion as to the development
of thought among his own class, by and together with gesture-
signs, has been already quoted; how the qualities which make
1 Lieber, On the Vocal Sounds of Laura Bridgman, in Smithsonian Contrib.,
vol. ii.; Washington, 1851.
? Heyse, ‘System der Sprachwissenschaft ;’ Berlin, 1856, p. 39.
GESTURE-LANGUAGE AND WORD-LANGUAGE. 69
a distinction to him between one thing and another, become,
when he imitates objects and actions in the air with hands,
fingers, and gestures, suitable signs, which serve him as a
means of fixing ideas in his mind, and recalling them to his
memory, and that thus he makes himself signs, which, scanty
and imperfect as they may be, yet serve to open a way for
thought, and these thoughts and signs develope themselves
further and further. Very similar is Professor Steinthal’s
opinion, which, to some extent, agrees with the theory of the
manifestation of the Ego adopted by Heyse, but gives a larger
definition to “utterance.” Man, “ even when he has no per-
ception of sound, can yet manifest to himself through any other
sense that which is contained in his sensible certainty, can set
forth an object out of himself, and separate himself, his Kgo,
as something permanent and universal, from that which is
transitory and particular, even if he does not at once compre-
hend this universal something in the form of the Ego.” The
same writer, after asserting that mind and speech are deve-
loped together ; that the mind does not originally make speech,
but that it is speech; that language shapes itself in mind, or
mind shapes itself in language, goes on to qualify these asser-
tions. ‘ We recognize the power of language not so much in
the sound, as in the inward process. But it is as certain that
this goes forward in the deaf-mute, as it is that he is a human
being, flesh of human flesh and spirit of infinite spirit. But
it goes forward in him in a somewhat different form,” etc.!
Whether the human mind is capable of exercising at all any
of its peculiarly human functions without any means of utter-
ance, or not, we shall all admit that it could have gone but
very little way, could only just have passed the line which
divides beast from man. All experience concurs to prove, that
the mental powers and the stock of ideas of those human
beings who have but imperfect means of utterance, are imper-
fect and scanty in proportion to those means. The manner in
which we can see such persons accompanying their thought
with the utterance which is most convenient to them, shows
to how great a degree thought is “talking to oneself’? The
1 Steinthal, Spr. der T., pp. 907, 909.
70 GESTURE-LANGUAGE AND WORD-LANGUAGE.
deaf-and-dumb gesticulate as they think. Laura Bridgman’s
fingers worked, making the initial movements for letters of the
finger-alphabet, not only during her waking thought, but even
in her dreams.
Spoken language, though by no means the exclusive medium
of thought and expression, is undoubtedly the best. In default
of this, it is only by means of a substitute for it, namely,
alphabetic writing, that we succeed in giving more than a very
low development to the minds of the deaf-and-dumb ; and they
of course connect the idea directly with the written word, not as
we do, the writing with the sound, and then the sound with the
idea. When they think in writing, as they often do, the image
of the written words which correspond to their ideas, must
rise up before them in the ‘‘mind’s eye.” The Germans, who
are strong advocates of the system of teaching the deaf-and-
dumb to articulate, believe that the power of connecting ideas
with actual or imaginary movements of the organs of speech,
gives an enormous increase of mental power, which I am how-
ever inclined to think is a good deal exaggerated. Heinicke
gives a description of the results of his teaching his pupils to
articulate, their delight at being able to communicate their
ideas in this new way, and the increased intelligence which
appeared in the expression of their faces. As soon, he says,
as the born-mute is sufficiently taught to enable him to in-
crease his stock of ideas by the power of naming them, he
begins to talk aloud in his sleep, and when this happens, it
shows that the power of thinking in words has taken root.!
Heinicke was, however, an enthusiast for his system of teach-
ing, and in practice, it is I believe generally found, that arti-
culation does not displace gesture-signs and written language
as a medium of thought; and certainly, the deaf-and-dumb
who can speak, very much prefer the sign language for prac-
tical use among themselves. Instructors of the deaf-and-dumb
in England and America seem to have generally decided, that
with ordinary pupils, articulation is not worth the time and
trouble it costs, and they use it but little. Of course, no one
doubts that it is desirable that the children should be taught
1 Heinicke, p. 103, etc.
GESTURE-LANGUAGE AND WORD-LANGUAGE. v1
to speak, and to read from the lips, especially when the deaf-
ness is not total; but the question is, whether it is worth while
to devote a large proportion of the few years’ instruction which
is given to the poorer pupils, to this object. It is asserted in
Germany, that a want of the natural use of the lungs promotes
the tendency to consumption, which is very common among the
deaf-and-dumb, and that teaching them to articulate tends to
counteract this. This sounds probable enough, though I do
not find, even in Schmalz, any sufficient evidence to prove it,
but at any rate, there is no doubt that the deaf-and-dumb
should be encouraged to use their lungs in shouting at their
play, as they naturally do.
It is quite clear that the loss of the powers of hearing and
speech is a loss to the mind which no substitute can fully re-
place. Children who have learnt to speak and afterwards be-
come deaf, lose the power of thinking in inward language, and
become to all intents and purposes the same as those who
could never hear at all, unless great pains are taken to keep
up and increase their knowledge by other means. “ And thus
even those who become hard of hearing at an age when they
can already speak a little, by little and little lose all that they
have learnt. Their voices lose all cheerfulness and euphony,
every day wipes a word out of the memory, and with it the
idea of which it was the sign.” }
Spoken words appear to be, in the minds of the deaf-mutes
who have been artificially taught to speak, merely combined
movements of the throat and other vocal organs, and the initial
movement made by them in calling words to mind has been
compared to a tickling in the throat. People wanting a sense
often imagine to themselves a resemblance between it and one
of the senses which they possess. The old saying of the blind
man, that he thought scarlet was like the sound of a trumpet,
is somewhat like a remark made by Kruse, that though he is
“ stock-deaf,” he has a bodily feeling of music, and different
instruments have different effects upon him. Musical tones
seem to his perception to have much analogy with colours.
The sound of the trumpet is yellow to hin, that of the drum
' Schmalz, pp. 2, 32.
72 GESTURE-LANGUAGE AND WORD-LANGUAGE.
red; while the music of the organ is green, and of the bass-
viol blue, and so on. Such comparisons are, indeed, not con-
fined to those whose senses are incomplete. Language shows
clearly that men in general have a strong feeling of such ana-
logies among the impressions of the different senses. Expres-
sions such as “schreiend roth,” and the use of “ loud,” as ap-
plied to colours and patterns, are superficial examples of ana-
logies which have their roots very deep in the human mind.
It is a very notable fact bearing upon the problem of the
Origin of Language, that even born-mutes, who never heard a
word spoken, do of their own accord and without any teaching
make vocal sounds more or less articulate, to which they attach
a definite meaning, and which, when once made, they go on
using afterwards in the same unvarying sense. Though these
sounds are often capable of being written down more or less
accurately with our ordinary alphabets, their effect on those
who make them can, of course, have nothing to do with the
sense of hearing, but must consist only in particular ways of
breathing, combined with particular positions of the vocal
organs.
Teuscher, a deaf-mute, whose mind was developed by educa-
tion to a remarkable degree, has recorded that, in his unedu-
cated state, he had already discovered the sounds which were
inwardly blended with his sensations (innig verschmolzen mit
meiner Empfindungsweise.) So, as a child, he had affixed a
special sound to persons he loved, his parents, brothers and
sisters, to animals, and things for which he had no sign (as
water) ; and called any person he wished with one unaltered
voice.| Heinicke gives some remarkable evidence, which we
may, I think, take as given in entire good faith, though the
reservation should be made, that through his strong par-
tiality for articulation as a means of educating the deaf-and-
dumb, he may have given a definiteness to these sounds in
writing them down which they did not really possess. The
following are some of his remarks:—“ All mutes disco-
ver words for themselves for different things. Among over
fifty whom I have partly instructed or been acquainted with,
1 Steinthal, Spr. der F., p. 917.
GESTURE-LANGUAGH AND WORD-LANGUAGE. 73
there was not one who had not uttered at least a few spoken
names, which he had discovered himself, and some were very
clear and well defined. I had under my instruction a born
deaf-mute, nineteen years old, who had previously invented
many writeable words for things, some three, four, and six
syllables long.’ For instance, he called to eat “mumm,” to
drink “ schipp,” a child “ tutten,” a dog “ beyer,” money
‘patten.” He had a neighbour who was a grocer, and him he
called “ patt” [a name, no doubt, connected with his name for
money, for buying and selling is indicated by the deaf and
dumb by the action of counting out coin}. The grocer’s son
he called by a simple combination “ pattutten.” For the two
first numerals, he had words—1, “ g;” 2, “schuppatter.” In
his language, “‘riecke” meant “I will not ;” and when they
wanted to force him to do anything, he would cry “ naffet riecke
schito.”” An exclamation which he used was “ heschbefa,” in
the sense of God forbid.!
Some of these sounds, as ‘‘mumm” and “ schipp,” for eat-
ing and drinking, and perhaps “ beyer,” for the dog, are mere
vocalizations of the movements of the mouth, which the deaf-
and-dumb make in imitating the actions of eating, drinking,
and barking, in their gesture-language. Besides, it 1s a com-
mon thing for even the untaught deaf-and-dumb to speak and
understand a few words of the language spoken by their asso-
ciates. Though they cannot hear them, they imitate the mo-
tions of the lips and teeth of those who speak, and thus make
a tolerable imitation of words containing labial and dental let-
ters, though the gutturals, being made quite out of sight, can
only be imparted to them by proper teaching, and then only
with difficulty and imperfectly. It is scarcely necessary to say
that when the deaf-and-dumb are taught to speak in articulate
language, this is done merely by developing and systematizing
the lip-imitation which is natural to them. As instances of the
power which deaf-mutes have of learning words by sight with-
out any regular teaching, may be given the cases mentioned
by Schmalz of children born stone-deaf, who learnt in this
way to say “ papa,” “ mamma,” “ muhme” (cousin), “ puppe”
1 Heinicke, p. 187, etc..
74 GESTURE-LANGUAGE AND WORD-LANGUAGE.
(doll), “‘ bitte” (please).' All the sounds in these words are
such as deaf persons may imitate by sight.
An extraordinary story of this kind is told by Eschwege,
who was a scientific traveller of high standing, and upon whom
the responsibility for the truth of the narrative must rest. The
scene is laid in a place in the interior of Brazil, where he rested
on a journey, and his account is as follows :—“ I was occupied
the rest of the day in quail-hunting, and in making philoso-
phical observations on a deaf-and-dumb idiot negro boy about
thirteen years old, with water on the brain, and upon whom
nothing made any impression except the crowing of a cock,
whose voice he could imitate to the life. Just as people teach
the deaf-and-dumb to speak, so this beast-man, by observing
and imitating the movements of the neck and tongue of the
cock, had in time learnt to crow, and this seemed the only
pleasure he had beyond the satisfaction of his natural wants.
He lay most part of the day stark naked on the ground, and
crowed as if for a wager against the cock.”’?
Returning to the list of words given by Heinicke, it does not
seem easy to set down any of them as lip-imitations, unless it
be “ heschbefa” “ Gott bewahre!” im which befa may be an
imitation of bewahre. We have, then, left several articulate
sounds, such as “ patten,’’? money, “ tutten,” child, etc., which
seem to have been used as real words, but of which it seems
impossible to say why the dumb lad selected them to bear the
meanings which he gave them.
The vocal sounds used by Laura Bridgman are of great
interest from the fact that, being blind as well as deaf-and-
dumb, she could not even have imitated words by seeing them
made. Yet she would utter sounds, as “ ho-o-ph-ph” for
wonder, and a short of chuckling or grunting as an expression
of satisfaction. When she did not like to be touched, she
would say, f/ Her teachers used to restrain her from making
inarticulate sounds, but she felt a great desire to make them,
and would sometimes shut herself up and “ indulge herself in
a surfeit of sounds.” But this vocal faculty of hers was chiefly
1 Schmalz, p. 216 a.
* Eschwege, ‘ Brasilien ;’ Brunswick, 1830, part i. p. 59.
GESTURE-LANGUAGE AND WORD-LANGUAGE. 75
exercised in giving what may be called name-sounds to per-
sons whom she knew, and which she would make when the
persons to whom she had given them came near her, or when
she wanted to find them, or even when she was thinking of
them. She had made as many as fifty or sixty of these name-
sounds, some of which have been written down, as foo, too, pa,
Ji; pig, ts, but many of them were not capable of being written
down even approximately.
Even if Laura’s vocal sounds are not classed as real words,
a distinction between the articulate sounds used by the deaf-
and-dumb for child, water, eating, and drinking, etc., and the
words of ordinary language, could not easily be made, whether
the deaf-mutes invented these sounds or imitated them from
the lips of others. To go upon the broadest ground, the mere
fact that teachers can take children who have no means of
uttering their thoughts but the gesture-language, and teach
them to articulate words, to recognize them by sight when
uttered by others, to write them, and to understand them as
equivalents for their own gestures, is sufficient to bridge over
the gulf which lies between the gesture-language and, at least,
a rudimentary form of word-language. These two kinds of
utterance are capable of being translated with more or less
exactness into one another; and it seems more hkely than
not that there may be a similarity between the process by
which the human mind first uttered itself in speech, and that
by which the same mind still utters itself in gestures.
To turn to another subject. We have no evidence of man
ever having lived in society without the use of spoken language;
but there are some myths of such races, and, moreover, state-
ments have been made by modern writers of eminence as to
an intermediate state between gesture-language and word-
language, which deserve careful examination.
In Ethiopia, across the desert, says the geographer Pom-
ponius Mela, there dwell dumb people, and such as use gestures
instead of language; others, whose tongues give no sound;
others, who have no tongues (muti populi, et quibus pro eloquio
nutus est; alii sine sono linguze; alii sine linguis, etc.)’. Pliny
1 Mela, iii. 9.
76 GESTURE-LANGUAGE AND WORD-LANGUAGE.
gives much the same account. Some of these Ethiopian tribes
are said to have no noses, some no upper lips, some no tongues.
Some have for their language nods and gestures (quibusdam
pro sermone nutus motusque membrorum est).!
To go thoroughly into the discussion of these stories would
require an investigation of the whole subject of the legends of
monstrous tribes; but an off-hand rationalizing explanation
may be sufficient here. The frequent use of the gesture-lan-
guage by savage tribes in intercourse with strangers may com-
bine with the very common opinion of uneducated men that
the talk of foreigners is not real speech at all, but a kind of
inarticulate chirping, barking, or grunting. Moreover, from
using the words “speechless,” ‘ tongueless,” with the sense
of “foreigner,” ‘‘ barbarian,” and talking of tribes who have
no tongue (no lingo, as our sailors would say), to the- point-
blank statement that there are races of men without speech
and without tongues, is a transition quite in the spirit of
mythology.
In modern times we hear little of dumb races, at least from
authors worthy of credit; but we find a number of accounts of
people occupying as it were a halfway house between the
mythic dumb nations and ourselves, and having a speech so
imperfect that even if talking of ordinary matters they have
to eke it out by gestures. To begin in the last century, Lord
Monboddo says that a certain Dr. Peter Greenhill told him that
there was a nation east of Cape Palmas in Africa, who could
not understand one another in the dark, and had to supply the
wants of their language by gestures.2 Had Lord Monboddo
been the only or the principal authority for stories of this class,
we might have left his half-languaged men to keep company
with his human apes and tailed men in the regions of my-
thology ; but in this matter it will be seen that, right or wrong,
he is in very good company.
Describing the Puris and Coroados of Brazil, Spix and
Martius, having remarked that different tribes converse in
1 Plin. vi. 35.
? Lord Monboddo, ‘ Origin and Progress of Language,’ 2nd ed.;. Edinburgh,
1774,.vol. i. p. 253.
GESTURE-LANGUAGE AND WORD-LANGUAGE. 77
signs, and explained the difficulty they found in making them
understand by signs the objects or ideas for which they wanted
the native names, go on to say how imperfect and devoid of
inflexion or construction these languages are. Signs with
hand or mouth, they say, are required to make them intelli-
gible. To say, ‘I will go into the wood,” the Indian uses the
words ‘‘ wood-go,” and points his mouth like a snout in the
direction he means.! Madame Pfeiffer, too, visited the Puris,
and says that for “to-day,” “to-morrow,” and “ yesterday,”
they have only the word “day;” the rest they express by
signs. For “to-day” they say “day,” and touch themselves
on the head, or point straight upward; for “ to-morrow” they
say also “day,” pointing forward with the finger; and for
“‘yesterday,” again “ day,” pointing behind them.?
Mr. Mercer, describing the low condition of some of the
Veddah tribes of Ceylon, stated that not only is their dialect
incomprehensible to a Singhalese, but that even their commu-
nications with one another are made by signs, grimaces, and
guttural sounds, which bear little or no resemblance to distinct
words or systematized language.®
Dr. Milhgan, speaking of the language of Tasmania, and the
rapid variation of its dialects, says “‘ The habit of gesticulation,
and the use of signs to eke out the meaning of monosyllabic
expressions, and to give force, precision, and character to
vocal sounds, exerted a further modifying effect, producing, as
it did, carelessness and laxity of articulation, and in the appli-
cation and pronunciation of words.” “To defects in orthoepy
the aborigines added short-comings in syntax, for they ob-
served no settled order or arrangement of words in the con-
struction of their sentences, but conveyed in a supplementary
fashion by tone, manner, and gesture those modifications of
meaning which we express by mood, tense, number, etc.’’
We find a similar remark made about a tribe of North
American Indians, by Captain Burton. ‘‘ Those natives who,
1 Spix and Martius, ‘ Reise in Brasilien ;’ Munich, 1828, etc., vol. 1. p. 385, ete.
2 Tda Pfeiffer, ‘Hine Frauenfahrt um die Erde ;’ Vienna, 1850, p. 102.
3 Sir J. Emerson Tennert, ‘Ceylon,’ 3rd ed. ; London, 1859, vol. ii. p. 441.
4 Milligan, in Papers and Proc. of Roy. Soc. of Tasmania, 1859; vol. iii.
part ii.
78 GESTURE-LANGUAGE AND WORD-LANGUAGE,
like the Arapahos, possess a very scanty vocabulary, pro-
nounced in a quasi-unintelligible way, can hardly converse with
one another in the dark ; to make a stranger understand them
they must always repair to the camp-fire for ‘ pow-wow.’ 7”?
Mr. Schoolcraft, whose opinion on the matter would have
been valuable, knew of the question, and inserted it in the list
of inquiries to be answered by Indian agents, ete. Asking
for information about the language of any tribe, he puts the
inquiry, No. 345, ‘Is gesticulation essential to carry out some
of its meanings?”
The array of evidence in favour of the existence of tribes
whose language is incomplete without the help of gesture-
signs, even for things of ordinary import, is very remarkable.
The matter is important, ethnologically, for could it be taken as
proved, that there are really people whose language does not
suffice to speak of the common subjects of every-day life with-
out the aid of gesture, the fact would either furnish about the
strongest case of degeneration known in the history of the
human race, or would supply a telling argument in favour of
the theory that the gesture-language is the original utterance
of mankind, out of which speech has developed itself more or
less fully among different tribes. But the evidence does not
in any case give all that would be required to prove the fact.
Spix and Martius make no claim to having mastered the Puri
and Coroado languages. The Coroado words for ‘‘ to-morrow ”
and “the day after to-morrow,” viz. herinanta and hind heri-
nanta, make it unlikely that their neighbours the Puris, who
are so nearly on the same level of civilization, have no such
words. (I have not had access to a Puri vocabulary, which
would probably settle the question.) Mr. Mercer seems to
have adopted the common view of foreigners about the Ved-
dahs, but it has happened here, as in many other accounts of
savage tribes, that closer acquaintance has shown them to
have been wrongly accused. Mr. Bailey, who has had good
opportunities of studying them, shows them to be low in cul-
ture, but by no means exceptionally so, and he contradicts their
supposed deficiency in language with the remark, ‘I never
1 Burton, ‘ City of the Saints,’ p. 151. 2 Schoolcraft, part i. p. 564.
@
GESTURE-LANGUAGE AND WORD-LANGUAGE. 79
knew one of them at a loss for words sufficiently intelligible to
convey his meaning, not to his fellows only, but to the Sin-
ghalese of the neighbourhood, who are all, more or less, ac-
quainted with the Veddah patois.”! Dr. Milligan is, I believe,
our best authority as to the Tasmanians and their language,
but he probably had to trust in this matter to native informa-
tion, which is far from being always safe.? Lastly, Captain
Burton only paid a flying visit to the Western Indians, and his
interpreters could hardly have given him scientific information
on such a subject.
The point in question is one which it is not easy to bring to
a perfectly distinct issue, seemg that all people, savage and
civilized, do use signs more or less. As has been remarked
already, many savage tribes accompany their talk with ges-
tures to a great extent, and in conversation with foreigners,
gestures and words are usually mixed to express what is to be
said. It is extremely likely that Madame Pfeiffer’s savages
suffered the penalty of being set down as wanting in language,
for no worse fault than using a combination of words and signs
in order to make what they meant as clear as possible to her
comprehension. But the existence of a language incomplete,
even for ordinary purposes, without the aid of gesture-signs,
could only be proved by the evidence of an educated man so
familiar with the language in question, as to be able to say
from absolute personal knowledge not only what it can, but
what it cannot do, an amount of acquaintance to which I think
none of the writers quoted would lay claim. In the case of
languages spoken by very low races, like the Puris and the
Tasmanians, the difficulty of deciding such a point must be
very great.
There is a point of some practical importance involved in
the question, whether gestures or words are, so to speak, most
natural. If signs form an easier means for the reception and
expression of ideas than words, then idiots ought to learn to
understand and use gestures more readily than speech. I
have only been able to get a distinct answer to the question,
1 J. Bailey, in Tr. Eth. Soc.; London, 1863, p. 300.
? The objection to trusting native information as to grammatical structure, may
!
80 GESTURE-LANGUAGE AND WORD-LANGUAGE.
whether they do so or not, from one competent judge in such
a matter, Dr. Scott, of Exeter, who assures me that semi-
idiotic children, to whom there is no hope of teaching more
than the merest rudiments of speech, are yet capable of re-
ceiving a considerable amount of knowledge by means of signs,
and of expressing themselves by them. It is well known that
a certain class of children are dumb from deficiency of intellect,
rather than from want of the sense of hearing, and it is to
these that the observation applies.!
The idea of solving the problem of the origin of language
by actual experiment, must have very often been started.
There are several stories of such an experiment having been
tried, the first being Herodotus’s well-known tale of Psamm-
tichus, King of Egypt, who had the two children brought up
by a silent keeper, and suckled by goats. The first word they
said, bekos, meaning bread in the Phrygian language, of course
proved that the Phrygians were the oldest race of mankind.
It is a very trite remark that there is nothing absolutely in-
credible in the story, and that bek, bek, is a good imitative
word for bleating, as in PAnydopat, pnxdopa, bliken, meckern,
etc. But the very name of Psammitichus, who has served as a
lay-figure for so many tales to be draped upon, is fatal to any
claim to the historical credibility of such a story. He sounds
the springs of the Nile with a cord thousands of fathoms long,
and finds no bottom; he accomplishes the prediction of one
oracle by pouring a libation out of a brazen helmet, and of
another, concerning cocks, by leading an army of Carians, with
crested helmets, against Tementhes, king of Egypt, and he
figures in the Greek version of the story of Cinderella’s slipper.
It is interesting to see how naturally mythology takes to the
bekos-legend, and brings it out in a new place. Miss Good-
man says, “ A Scotch lady staying in the house, informed me
that one of the early kings of her country, anxious to discover the
be seen in the difficulty, so constantly met with in investigating the languages of
rude tribes, of getting a substantive from a native without a personal pronoun
tacked to it. Thus in Dr. Milligan’s vocabulary, the expressions puggan neena,
noonalmeena, given for “ husband” and “father,” seem really to mean “ your hus-
band,” “my father,’’ or something of the kind.
1 See W. R. Scott, ‘Remarks on the Education of Idiots ;’ London, 1847.
GESTURE-LANGUAGE AND WORD-LANGUAGE. 81
primitive language, placed two infants on an uninhabited island
in the Hebrides, under the care of a dumb old woman,” etc.!
The third story is told of the great Mogul, Akbar Khan.
It is mentioned by Purchas, only twenty years after Akbar’s
death,? and told in detail by the Jesuit Father Catron, as
follows :—
“Indeed it may be said that desire of knowledge was Ak.
bar’s ruling passion, and his curiosity induced him to try a
very strange experiment. He wished to ascertain what lan-
guage children would speak without teaching, as he had heard
that Hebrew was the natural language of those who had been
taught no other. ‘To settle the question, he had twelve
children at the breast shut up in a castle six leagues from
Agra, and brought up by twelve dumb nurses. A porter, who
was dumb also, was put in charge and forbidden on pain of
death to open the castle door. When the children were
twelve years old [there is a decided feeling for duodecimals in
the story], he had them brought before him, and collected in
his palace men skilled in all languages. A Jew who was at
Agra was to judge whether the children spoke Hebrew.
There was no difficulty in finding Arabs and Chaldeans in the
capital. On the other hand the Indian philosophers asserted
that the children would speak the Hanscrit® language, which
takes the place of Latin among them,-and is only in use
among the learned, and is learnt in order to understand the
ancient Indian books of Philosophy and Theology. When how-
ever the children appeared before the Emperor, every one was
astonished to find that they did not speak any language at all.
They had learnt from their nurses to do without any, and they
merely expressed their thoughts by gestures which answered
the purpose of words. They were so savage and so shy that
it was a work of some trouble to tame them and to loosen
their tongues, which they had scarcely used during their in-
fancy.’’*
1 Margaret Goodman, ‘ Experiences of an English Sister of Mercy ;’ London,
1862, p. 51.
2 Purchas, His Pilgrimes ; London, 1625-6, vol. v. (1626) p. 516.
3 T.e. Sanskrit, after the Persian form of the word.
4 Catrou, Hist. Gén. de "Empire du Mogol; Paris, 1705, p. 259, ete.
G
82 GESTURE-LANGUAGE AND WORD-LANGUAGE.
There may possibly be a foundation of fact for this story,
which fits very well with what is known of Akbar’s unscru-
pulous character, and his greediness for knowledge. More-
over it tells in its favour, that had a story-teller invented it,
he would hardly have brought it to what must have seemed
to him such a lame and impotent conclusion, as that the
children spoke no language at all.
83
CHAP EER V-
PICTURE-WRITING AND WORD -WRITING.
Tue art of recording events, and sending messages, by means
of pictures representing the things or actions in question, is
called Picture- Writing.
The deaf-and-dumb man’s remark, that the gesture-language
is a picture-language, finds its counterpart in an observation of
‘Wilhelm von Humboldt’s, that “In fact, gesture, destitute of
sound, is a species of writing.” There is indeed a very close
relation between these two ways of expressing and communi-
cating thought. Gesture can set forth thought with far greater
speed and fulness than picture-writing, but it is inferior to it
in haying to place the different elements of a sentence in suc-
cession, in single file, so to speak; while by a picture the
whole of an event may be set in view at one glance, and that
permanently, so as to serve as a message to a distant place or
a record to a future time. But the imitation of visible qua-
lities as a means of expressing ideas, is common to both me-
thods, and both belong to similar conditions of the human
mind. Both are found in very distant countries and times,
and spring up naturally under favourable circumstances, pro-
vided that a higher means of supplying the same wants has
not already occupied the place which they can only fill very
partially and rudely.
There being so great a likeness between the conditions
which cause the use of the gesture-language and of picture-
writing, it is not surprising to find the natives of North Ame-
a 2
84 PICTURE-WRITING AND WORD-WRITING.
rica as great proficients in the one as in the other. Their
pictures, as drawn and interpreted by Schoolcraft and other
writers, give the best information that is to be had of the
lower development of the art.
5 Fig. 2 is an Indian
Ut SiGe record on a_ blazed
Set (ia 5
aN, pine-tree (to blaze a
es tree is to wound
m4 (blesser) its side with
an axe, so asto mark
—— it with a conspicuous
* white patch). On the
right are two canoes
ee (2 and 4), with a cat-
fish (1) in one of them, and a fabulous animal, known as the
copper-tailed bear (3), in the other. On the left are a bear and
six catfish; and the sense of the picture is simply that two
hunters, whose names, or rather totems or clan-names, were
*‘ Copper-tailed Bear” and “ Catfish,” went out on a hunting’
expedition in their canoes, and took a bear and six catfish,
Fig. 3.
Fig. 3 is a picture on the face of a rock on the shore of Lake
Superior, and records an expedition across the lake, which was
led by Myeengun, or “ Wolf,” a celebrated Indian chief. The
canoes with the upright strokes in them represent the force
of the party in men and boats, and Wolf’s chief ally, Kishke-
munasee, that is, “ Kingfisher,” goes in the first canoe. The
1 Figs. 2 to 7, and their interpretations, are from Schooleraft, part i.
PICTURE-WRITING AND WORD-WRITING. 85
arch with three circles below it shows that there were three
suns under heaven, that is, that the voyage took three days.
The tortoise seems to indicate their getting to land, while the
representation of the chief himself on horseback shows that the
expedition took place since the time when horses were intro-
duced into Canada.
The Indian grave-posts,
Fig. 4, tell their story in
the same childlike manner.
Upon one is a tortoise, the
dead warrior’s totem, and
a figure beside it represent-
ing a headless man, which
shows he is dead. Be-
low are his three marks of
honour. On the other post
there is no separate sign
for death, but the chief’s totem, a crane, is reversed. Six
marks of honour are awarded to him on the right, and three
on the left. The latter represent three important general
treaties of peace which he had attended; the former would
seem to stand for six war-parties or battles. The pipe and
hatchet are symbols of influence in peace and war.
The great defect of this kind of record is that it can only be
understood within a very limited circle. It does not tell the
story at length, as is done in explaining it in words; but it
merely suggests some event, of which it only gives such details
as are required to enable a practised observer to construct a
complete picture. It may be compared in this respect to the
elliptical forms of expression which are current in all societies
whose attention is given specially to some narrow subject of
interest, and where, as all men’s minds have the same frame-
work set up in them, it is not necessary to go into an elaborate
description of the whole state of things; but one or two details
are enough to enable the hearer to understand the whole. Such
expressions as “new white at 48,” “best selected at 92,”
though perfectly understood in the commercial circles where
they are current, are as unintelligible to any one who is not:
Fig. 4.
86 PICTURE-WRITING AND WORD-WRITING.
familiar with the course of events in those circles, as an Indian
record of a war-party would be to an ordinary Londoner.
Though, however, familiarity with the picture-writing of the
Indians, as well as with their habits and peculiarities, might
enable the student to make a pretty good guess at the mean-
ing of such documents as the above, which are meant to be
understood by strangers, there is another class of picture-
writings, used principally by the magicians or medicine-men,
which cannot be even thus interpreted. The songs and charms
used among the Indians of North America are repeated or sung
by memory, but, as an assistance to the singer, pictures are
painted upon sticks, or pieces of birch-bark or other material,
which serve to suggest to the mind the successive verses.
Some of these documents, with the songs to which they refer,
are given in Schoolcraft, and one or two examples will show
sufficiently how they are used, and make it evident that they
can only convey their full meaning to those
5 who know by heart already the compositions
they refer to. They are mere Samson’s rid-
dles, only to be guessed by those who have
ploughed with his heifer. Thus, a drawing of
a man with two marks on his breast and four
on his legs (Fig. 5) is to remind the singer that
at this place comes the following verse :—
“ Two days must you fast, my friend,—
Four days must you sit still.”
7
Fig. 6.
Fig. 6 is the record of a love-song—(1) represents the lover
in (2) he is singing, and beating a magic drum; in (3) he sur-
PICTURE-WRITING AND WORD-WRITING. 87
rounds himself with a secret lodge, denoting the effects of his
necromancy ; in (4) he and his mistress are shown joined by a
single arm, to indicate the union of their affections; in (5) she
is shown on an island; in (6) she is asleep, and his voice is
shown, while his magical powers are reaching her heart; and
the heart itself is shown in (7). To each of these figures a
verse of the song corresponds.
. It is my painting that makes me a god.
. Hear the sounds of my voice, of my song; it is my voice.
. I cover myself in sitting down by her.
. I can make her blush, because I hear all she says of me.
. Were she on a distant island, I could make her swim over.
. Though she were far off, even on the other hemisphere.
. I speak to your heart.
TO Of WD FH
Fig. 7.
Fig. 7 is a war-song. The warrior is shown in (1); he is
drawn with wings, to show that he is active and swift of foot.
In (2) he stands under the morning star; in (3) he is standing
under the centre of heaven, with his war-club and rattle;
in (4) the eagles of carnage are flying round the sky; im (5)
he lies slain on the field of battle; and in (6) he appears as a
spirit in the sky. The words are these :—
. I wish to have the body of the swiftest bird.
. Every day I look at you; the half of the day I sing my song,
. I throw away my body.
. The birds take a flight in the air.
. Full happy am I to be numbered with the slain.
. The spirits on high repeat my name.
ao © Oe
88 PICTURE-WRITING AND WORD-WRITING.
Catlin tells how the chief of the Kickapoos, a man of great
ability, generally known as the ‘ Shawnee Prophet,” having,
as was said, learnt the doctrines of Christianity from a mis-
sionary, taught them to his tribe, pretending to have received
a supernatural mission. He composed a prayer, which he
wrote down on a flat stick, “in characters somewhat resem-
bling Chinese letters.” When Catlin visited the tribe, every
man, woman, and child used to repeat this prayer morning
and evening, placing the fore-finger under the first character,
repeating a sentence or two, and so going on to the next,
till the prayer, which took some ten minutes to repeat, was
finished.’ I do not know whether any of these curious prayer-
sticks are now to be seen, but they were probably made on the
same principle as the suggestive pictures used for the native
Indian songs.
Picture-writing is found among savage races in all quarters
of the globe, and, so far as we can judge, its principle is the
same everywhere. The pictures on the Lapland magic drums,
of which we have interpretations, serve much the same purpose
as the American writing. Savage paintings, or scratchings, or
carvings on rocks, have a family likeness, whether we find
them in North or South America, in Siberia or Australia. The
interpretation of rock-pictures, which mostly consist of few
figures, is in general a hopeless task, unless a key is to be had.
Many are, no doubt, mere pictorial utterances, drawings of
animals and things without any historical sense; some are
names, as the totems carved by those who sprang upon the
dangerous leaping-rock at the Red Pipestone Quarry.” Dupaix
noticed in Mexico a sculptured eagle, apparently on the
boundary of Quauhnahuac, ‘‘ the place near the eagle,’ now
called Cuernavaca,® and the fact suggests that rock-sculptures
may often be, like this, symbolic boundary-marks. But there
is seldom a key to be had to the reading of rock-sculptures,
which the natives generally say were done by the people long
1 Catlin, ‘ North American Indians,’ 7th ed.; London, 1848, vol. ii. p. 98.
? Catlin, vol. ii. p. 170.
3 Lord Kingsborough, ‘Antiquities of Mexico ;’ London, 1830, etc., vol. iv.
part 1., no. 31, and vol. v. Expl. .
PICTURE-WRITING AND WORD-WRITING. 89
ago. I have seen them in Mexico on cliffs where one can
hardly imagine how the savage sculptors can have climbed.
When Humboldt asked the Indians of the Oronoko who it
was that sculptured the figures of animals and symbolic signs
high up on the face of the crags along the river, they answered
with a smile, as relating a fact of which only a stranger, a
white man, could possibly be ignorant, “ that at the time of the
great waters their fathers went up to that height in their canoes.”
As the gesture-language is substantially the same among
savage tribes al] over the world, and also among children who
cannot speak, so the picture-writings of savages are not only
similar to one another, but are like what children make un-
taught even in civilized countries. Like the universal language
of gestures, the art of picture-writing tends to prove that the
mind of the uncultured man works in much the same way at
all times and everywhere. As an example of the way m which
it is possible for an observer who has never realized this fact
to be led astray by such a general resemblance, the celebrated
“Livre des Sauvages”’ may be adduced.
This book of pictures had been lying for many years in a
Paris library, before the Abbé Domenech unearthed it and
published it in facsimile, as a native American document of
high ethnological value. It contains a number of rude drawings
done in black lead and red chalk, in great part enormously in-
decent, though perhaps not so much with the grossness of the
savage as of the European blackguard. Many of the drawings
represent Scripture scenes, and ceremonies of the Roman Ca-
tholic church, often accompanied by explanatory German words
in the cursive hand, one or two of which, as the name
“Maria” written close to a rude figure of the Virgin Mary,
the Abbé succeeded in reading, though most of them were a
deep mystery to him. There are an evident Adam and Eve in
the garden, with “betruger” (deceiver) written against them ;
Adam and Eve sent out of Paradise, with the description
“ vebant”’ (banished) ; a priest offering mass; figures with the
well-known rings of bread in their hands, explained as “ fass-
dag” (fast-day), and soon. There is no evidence of any con-
1 Humboldt and Bonpland, vol. 1. p. 239.
90 PICTURE-WRITING AND WORD-WRITING.
nexion with America in the whole matter, except that the docu-
ment is said to have come into the hands of a collector, in com-
pany with an Iroquois dictionary, and that the editor says it is
written on Canadian paper, but he gives no reason for thinking
so. So far as one can judge from the published copy, it may
have been done by a German boy in his own country. One of
the drawings shows a man with what seems a mitre on his head,
speaking to three figures standing reverently before him. This
personage is entitled “ grosshud ” (great-hat), a common term
among the German Jews, who speak of their rabbis, im all
reverence, as the “‘ great hats.”
The Abbé Domenech had spent many years in America, and
was, no doubt, well acquainted with Indian pictures. More-
over, the resemblance which struck him as existing between
the pictures he had been used to see among the Indians, and
those in the ‘‘ Book of the Savages,” is quite areal one. A
great part of the pictures, if painted on birch-bark or deer-
skins, might pass as Indian work. The mistake he made was
that his generalization was too narrow, and that he founded his
argument on a likeness which was only caused by the similarity
of the early development of the human mind.
Map-making is a branch of picture-writing with which the
savage is quite familiar, and he is often more skilful in it than
the generality of civilized men. In Tahiti, for instance, the
natives were able to make maps for the guidance of foreign
visitors. Maps made with raised lines are mentioned as in use
in Peru before the Conquest,? and there is no doubt about the
skill of the North American Indians and Esquimaux in the
art, as may be seen by a number of passages in Schoolcraft
and elsewhere. The oldest map known to be in existence
is the map of the Aithiopian gold-mines, dating from the
time of Sethos I., the father of Rameses II.,* long enough
1 Gustav Klemm, ‘Allgemeine Cultur-Geschichte der Menschheit;’ Leipzig,
1843-52, vol. iv. p. 396.
* Rivero and y. Tschudi, ‘ Antigiiedades Peruanas;’ Vienna, 1851, p. 124.
Prescott, ‘Peru;’ vol. i. p. 116.
3 Schoolcraft, part i. pp. 334, 353; part iii. pp. 256, 485. Harmon, ‘ Journal ;”
Andover, 1820, p. 371. Klemm, C.G., vol. ii. pp. 189, 280.
* Birch, in ‘ Archeologia,’ vol. xxiv. p. 382.
PICTURE-WRITING AND WORD-WRITING. 91
before the time of the bronze tablet of Aristagoras, on which
was inscribed the circuit of the whole earth, and all the sea and
all rivers.!
The highest development of the art of picture-writing is to
be found among the ancient Mexicans. Their productions of
this kind are far better known than those of the Red Indians,
and are indeed much more artistic, as well as being more
systematic and copious. Some of the most characteristic
specimens have been drawn and described by Alexander von
Humboldt, and Lord Kingsborough’s great work contains a
huge mass of them, which he published in facsimile in support
of his views upon that philosopher’s stone of ethnologists, the
Lost Tribes of Israel.
_ The bulk of the Mexican paintings are mere pictures, directly
representing migrations, wars, sacrifices, deities, arts, tributes,
and such matters, in a way not differing in principle from that
of the lowest savages. But in the historical records and calen-
dars, the events are accompanied by a regular notation of years,
and sometimes of divisions of years, which entitles them to be
considered as regularly dated history. The art of dating events
was indeed not unknown to the Northern Indians. A resident
among the Kristinaux (generally called for shortness, Crees),
who knew them before they were in their present half-civilized
state, says that they had names for the moons which make up
the year, calling them ‘ whirlwind moon,” “moon when the
fowls go to the south,” “moon when the leaves fall off from the
trees,” and so on. When a hunter left a record of his chase
pictured on a piece of birch-bark, for the information of others
who might pass that way, he would draw a picture which
showed the name of the month, and make beside it a drawing
of the shape of the moon at the time, so accurately, that an
Indian could tell within twelve or twenty-four hours, the month
and the day of the month, when the record was set up.”
It is even related of the Indians of Virginia, that they re-
corded time by certain hieroglyphic wheels, which they called
“Sagkokok Quiacosough,” or “record of the gods.” These
wheels had sixty spokes, each for a year, as if to mark the
1 Herod. vy. 49. 2 Harmon, p. 371.
92 PICTURE-WRITING AND WORD-WRITING.
ordinary age of man, and they were painted on skins kept by
the principal priests in the temples. They marked on each
spoke or division a hieroglyphic figure, to show the memorable
events of the year. John Lederer saw one in a village called
Pommacomek, on which the year of the first arrival of the
Europeans was marked by a swan spouting fire and smoke
from its mouth. The white plumage of the bird and its living
on the water indicated the white faces of the Europeans and
their coming by sea, while the fire and smoke coming from
its mouth meant their firearms.' Thus the ancient Mexicans
(as well as the civilized nations of Central America, who used
a similar system) can ouly claim to have dated their records
more generally and systematically than the ruder North Ameri-
can tribes. E
The usual way of recording series of years among the Mexi-
cans has been often described. It consists in the use of four
symbols—tochthi, acatl, tecpatl, calli, i.e. rabbit, cane, cutting-
stone, house, each symbol being numbered by dots from 1 to 13,
making thus 52 distinct signs. Hach year of a cycle of 52 has
thus a distinct numbered symbol belonging to it alone, the
numbering of course not going beyond 13. These numbered
symbols are, however, not arranged in their reasonable order,
but the signs change at the same time as the numbers, till all
the 52 combinations are exhausted, the order being 1 rabbit,
2 cane, 3 knife, 4 house, 5 rabbit, 6 cane, and so on. I have
pointed out elsewhere the singular coincidence of a Mexican
cycle with an ordinary French or English pack of playing-cards,
which, arranged on this plan, as for instance ace of hearts, 2
of spades, 3 of diamonds, 4 of clubs, 5 of hearts again, and so
on, forms an exact counterpart of an Aztec cycle of years. The
account of days was kept by series combined in a similar way,’
but in different numbers.”
The extraordinary analogy between the Mexican system of
reckoning years in cycles, and that still in use over a great part
1 ‘Journal des Scavans,’ 1681, p. 46. Sir W. Talbot, ‘The Discoveries of John.
Lederer ;’ London, 1672, p. 4. Humboldt, ‘Vues des Cordilléres;’ Paris,
1810-12, pl. xiii.
* Tylor, ‘ Mexico and the Mexicans ;? London,.1861, p. 239.
PICTURE-WRITING AND WORD-WRITING. 93
of Asia, forms the strongest point of Humboldt’s argument for
the connexion of the Mexicans with Eastern Asia, and the re-
markable character of the coincidence is greatly enforced by
the fact, that this complex arrangement answers no useful pur-
pose whatever, inasmuch as mere counting by numbers, or by
signs numbered in regular succession, would have been a far
better arrangement. It may perhaps have been introduced for
some astrological purpose.
The historical picture-writings of the Mexicans seem for the
most part very bare and dull to us, who know and care so little
about their history. They consist of records of wars, famines,
migrations, sacrifices, and so forth, names of persons and places
being indicated by symbolic pictures attached to them, as King
Itzcoatl, or “ knife-snake,” by a serpent with stone knives on
its back; Tzompanco, or “the place of a skull,’ now Zum-
pango, by a picture of a skull skewered.on a bar between two
upright posts, as enemies’ skulls used to be set up; Chapulte-
pec, or “ grasshopper-hill,” by a hill and a grasshopper, and so
on, or by more properly phonetic characters, such as will be
presently described. The positions of footprints, arrows, etc.,
serve as cuides to the direction of marches and attacks, in very
much the same way as may be seen in Catlin’s drawing of the
pictured robe of Ma-to-toh-pa, or “ Four Bears.” The mystical
paintings which relate to religion and astrology are seldom
capable of any independent interpretation, for the same rea-
sons which make it impossible to read the pictured records of
songs and charms used further north, namely, that they do not
tell their stories in full, but only recall them to the minds of
those who are already acquainted with them. The paintings
which represent the methodically arranged life of the Aztecs
from childhood to old age, have more human interest about
them than all the rest put together. In judging the Mexican
picture-writings as a means of record, it should be borne in
mind that though we can understand them to a considerable
extent, we should have made very little progress in deciphering
them, were it not that there are a number of interpretations
made in writing from the explanations given by Indians, so
that the traditions of the art have never been wholly lost. . Some
94 PICTURE-WRITING AND WORD-WRITING.
few of the Mexican pictures now in existence may perhaps be
original documents made before the arrival of the Spaniards,
and great part of those drawn since are certainly copied, wholly
or in part, from such original pictures.
It is to M. Aubin, of Paris, a most zealous student of Mexi-
can antiquities, that we owe our first clear knowledge of a phe-
nomenon of great scientific interest in the history of writing.
This is a well-defined system of phonetic characters, which
Clavigero and Humboldt do not seem to have been aware of,
as it does not appear in their descriptions of the art.1 Hum-
boldt indeed speaks of vestiges of phonetic hieroglyphics among
the Aztecs, but the examples he gives are only names in which
meaning, rather than mere sound, is represented, as in the
pictures of a face and water for Axayacatl, or ‘“ Water-Face,”
five dots and a flower for Macuilxochitl, or “ Five-Flowers.” So
Clavigero gives in his list the name of King Itzcoatl, or “ Knife-
Snake,” as represented by a picture of a snake with stone
knives upon its back, a more genuine drawing of which is
given here (Fig. 8), from the Le Tellier Codex. This is mere
Fig. 8.
picture-writing, but the way in which the same king’s name is
written in the Vergara Codex, as shown in Fig. 9, is something
very different. Here the first syllable, itz, is indeed repre-
sented by a weapon armed with blades of obsidian, itz (tli) ;
but the rest of the word, coatl, though it means snake, is
written, not by a picture of a snake, but by an earthen pot, co
(mitl), and above it the sign of water, a (tl). Here we have
real phonetic writing, for the name is not to be read, according
to sense, “ knife-kettle-water,” but only according to the sound
} Clavigero, ‘Storia Antica del Messico ;’ Cesena, 1780-1, vol. ii. pp. 191, ete.,
248, etc. Humboldt, Vues des Cord., pl. xiii.
PICTURE-WRITING AND WORD-WRITING. 95
of the Aztec words, Itz-co-atl. Again, in Fig.
10, in the name of Teocaltitlan, which means x
“the place of the god’s house,” the different d
syllables (with the exception of the ti, which aa
is only put in for euphony) are written by (0) Chak E
lips, (¢) a path (with footmarks on it), (a) a
house, (d) teeth. What this combination of
pictures means is only explained by knowing that lips, path,
house, teeth, are called in Aztec te (ntli), o (tli), eal (h) tlan
(tli), and thus come to stand for the word Te-o-cal-(ti)-tlan.
The device is perfectly familiar to us in what is called a
“‘rebus,’” as where Prior Burton’s name is sculptured in St.
Saviour’s Church as a cask with a thistle on it, “ burr-tun.”
Indeed, the puzzles of this kind in children’s books keep alive
to our own day the great transition stage from picture-writing
to word-writing, the highest intellectual effort of one period in
our history coming down, as so often happens, to be the child’s
play of a later time.
M. Aubin may be considered as the discoverer of these pho-
netic signs in the Mexican pictures, or at least he is the first
who has worked them out systematically and published a list
of them.! But the ancient written interpretations have been
standing for centuries to prove their existence. Thus, in the
Mendoza Codex, the name of a place pictured as
in Fig. 11 by a fishing-net and teeth, is interpre-
tated Matlatlan, that is ‘ Net-Place.’ Now,
matla (tl) means a net, and so far the name is
a picture, but the teeth, tlan (tli), are used, not
pictorially but phonetically, for tlan, place.
Other more complicated names, such as Acolma,
Quauhpanoayan, etc., are written in like manner in phonetic
symbols in the same document:?
There is no sufficient reason to make us doubt that this
Fig. 10.
Fi
11.
oO
S:
1 Aubin, in ‘ Revue Orientale et Américaine,’ vols. iii—v. Brasseur, Hist. des
Nat. Civ. du Mexique et de Amérique Centrale; Paris, 1857-9, vol. i. An
attempt to prove the existence of something more nearly approaching alphabetic
signs (Rev., vol. iv. p. 276-7; Brasseur, p. lxviii.) requires much clearer evidence.
2 Kingsborough, vol. i., and Expl. in vol. vi.
96 PICTURE-WRITING AND WORD-WRITING.
purely phonetic writing was of native Mexican origin, and after
the Spanish Conquest they turned it to account in a new and
curious way. The Spanish missionaries, when embarrassed by
the difficulty of getting the converts to remember their Ave
Marias and Paternosters, seeing that the words were of course
mere nonsense to them, were helped out by the Indians them-
selves, who substituted Aztec words as near in sound as might
be to the Latin, and wrote down the pictured equivalents for
these words, which enabled them to remember the required
formulas. Torquemada and Las Casas have recorded two in-
stances of this device, that Pater noster was written by a flag
(pantli) and a prickly pear (nochtli), while the sign of water, a
(tl) combined with that of aloe, me (tl) made a compound word
ametl, which would mean ‘“ water-aloe,” but in sound made
a very tolerable substitute for Amen.’ But M. Aubin has ac-
tually found the beginning of a Paternoster of this kind in the
metropolitan library of Mexico
P uw g oa (Fig. 12), made with a flag, pa
(ntli), a stone, te (tl), a prickly
noch- pear, noch (tli), and again a stone,
HC te (tl), and which would read
Pa-te noch-te, or perhaps Pa-tetl noch-tetl.?
After the conquest, when the Spaniards were hard at work
introducing their own religion and civilization among the con-
quered Mexicans, they found it convenient to allow the old
picture-writing still to be used, even in legal documents. It
disappeared in time, of course, being superseded in the long-
run by the alphabet ; but it is to this transition-period that we
owe many, perhaps most, of the picture-documents still pre-
served. Copies of old historical paintings were made and con-
tinued to dates after the arrival of Cortes, andthe use of re-
cords written in pictures, or in a mixture of pictures and Spanish
or Aztec words in ordinary writing, relating to lawsuits, the
inheritance of property, genealogies, etc., were in constant use
for many years later, and special officers were appointed under
government to interpret such documents. To this transition-
period, the writing whence the name of Teocaltitlan (Fig. 10)
1 Brasseur, vol. i. p. xli. - 2? Aubin, Rey. O. and A., vol. iii. p. 255.
PICTURE-WRITING AND WORD-WRITING. 97
is taken, clearly belongs, as appears by the drawing of the
house with its arched door.
A genealogical table of a native family in the possession of
Mr. Christy is as good a record of this time of transition as
could well be cited. The names in it are written, but are ac-
companied by male and female heads drawn in a style that is
certainly Aztec. The names themselves tell the story of the
change that was going on in the country. One branch of the
family, among whom are to be-read the names of Citlalmecatl,
or “ Star-Necklace,” and Cohuacihuatl, or “ Snake-Woman,”
ends in a lady with the Spanish name of Justa; while another
branch, beginning with such names as Tlapalxilotzin and Xiuh-
cozcatzin, finishes with Juana and her children Andres and
Francisco. The most thoroughly native thing in the whole is
a figure referring to an ancestor of Justa’s, and connected with
his name by a line of footprints to show how the line is to be
followed, in true Aztec fashion. The figure itself is a head
drawn in native style, with the eye in full front, though the
face is in profile, in much the same way as an Egyptian would
have drawn it, and it is set in a house as a symbol of dignity,
having written over against it the high title of Ompamozcalti-
totzaqualtzinco, which, if I may trust the imperfect dictionary
of Molina, and my own weak knowledge of Aztec, means “ His
excellency our twice skilful gaoler.”
The importance of this Mexican phonetic system in the His-
tory of the Art of Writing may be perhaps made clearer by a
comparison of the Aztec pictures with the Egyptian hierogly-
phics.
Egyptian hieroglyphic inscriptions consist of figures of ob-
jects, animate and inanimate, men and animals, and parts of
them, plants, the heavenly bodies, and an immense number of
different weapons, tools, and articles of the most miscellaneous
character. These figures are arranged in upright columns or
horizontal bands, and are to be read in succession, but they
are not all intended to act upon the mind in the same way.
When an ordinary inscription is taken to pieces, it is found
that the figures composing it fall into two great classes. Part of
them are to be read and understood as pictures, a drawing of
H
98 PICTURE-WRITING AND WORD-WRITING.
a horse for “ horse,” a branch for “ wood,” etc., upon the same
principle as in any savage picture-writing. The other part of the
figures are phonetic. Thus the figure of a strap, the name of
which is m-s, becomes a phonetic sign to write the sound m-—s
with. (The - stands for some vowel, which is represented by
ow in the Coptic form of the word, mous.) Again, there are
many characters which Champollion held to be pure conso-
nants, p, 7, and so forth. They are certainly so in the spelling
of Ptolemy and Cleopatra, Tiberius and Hadrian, and such fo-
reign names, and even in writing pure Egyptian words at a
much earlier date, where they come at the ends of words, as
where the mouth, ro or ru, ends the word kar (under, with),
being there nothing but the letterv. Modern EHgyptologists,
howeyer, hold Champollion to have gone too far in reducing
phonetic characters to mere letters; for instance, Mr. Birch
reads as ka and pu the k— and p— sounds which Champollion
set down as mere letters k and p in his alphabet. For prac-
tical purposes in interpreting Egyptian inscriptions, the dis-
tinction is of very little consequence, for vowels are very hazy
things in the ancient Egyptian, as in its successor the Coptic,
and it may be allowable to go on writing Egyptian words
whose vowels are indefinite, as though they had none at all.
But the syllabic theory (it is not a new view, for Dr. Young
held it before Champollion went away from it) is of great in-
terest in the history of writing, as giving the whole course of
development, by which a picture, of a mouth for instance,
meant first simply mouth, then the name of mouth ro, and
lastly dropped its vowel and became the letter r. Of these
three steps, the Mexicans made the first two.
In Egyptian hieroglyphics, special figures are not always set
apart for phonetic use. At least, a number of signs are used
sometimes as letters, and sometimes as pictures, in which
latter case they are often marked with a stroke. Thus the
mouth, with a stroke to it, is usually (though not always)
pictorial, as it were, “one mouth,” while without the stroke it
is ror ro, and so on. The words of a sentence are generally
written by a combination of these two methods, that is, by
spelling the word first, and then adding a picture sign to re-
PICTURE-WRITING AND WORD-WRITING. 99
move all doubt as to its meaning. Thus the letters read as
fnti in an inscription, followed by a drawing of a worm, mean
“worm” (Coptic, fent), and the letters kk, followed by the
picture ofa star hanging from heaven, mean “darkness” (Cop-
tic, kake). There may even be words written in ancient hiero-
glyphics which are still alive in English. Thus hbn, followed
by two signs, one of which is the determinative for wood, is
ebony ; and tb, followed by the drawing of a brick, is a sun-
dried brick, Coptic tébe, tobi, which seems to have passed into
the Arabic tob, or with the article, attob, thence into Spanish
through the Moors, as adobe, in which form, and as dobie, it
is current among the English-speaking population of America.
The Egyptians do not seem to have entirely got rid of their
determinative pictures even in the latest form of their native
writing, the demotic character. How it came to pass that,
having come so early to the use of phonetic writing, they were
later than other nations in throwing off the crutches of pic-
ture-signs, is a curious question. No doubt the poverty of their
language, which expressed so many things by similar combina-
tions of consonants, and the indefiniteness of their vowels, had
to do with it, just as we see that poverty of language, and the
consequent necessity of making similar words do duty for many _
different ideas, has led the Chinese to use in their writing de-
terminative signs, the so-called keys or radicals, which were
originally pictures, though now hardly recognizable as such.
Nothing proves that the Egyptian determinative signs were
not mere useless lumber, so well as the fact that if there had
been none, the deciphering of the hieroglyphics in modern
times could hardly have gone a step beyond the first stage,
the reading of the kings’ names.
We thus see that the ancient Eeyptians and the Aztecs
made in much the same way the great step from picture-
writing to word-writing. To have used the picture of an
object to represent the sound of the root or crude-form of
its name, as the Mexicans did in drawing a hand, ma (itl), to
represent, not a hand, but the sound ma; and teeth, ¢lan (th),
to represent, not teeth, but the sound é/an, though they do
not seem to have applied it to anything but the writing of
H2
100 PICTURE-WRITING AND WORD-WRITING.
proper names and foreign words, is sufficient to show that they
had started on the road which led the Egyptians to a system of
syllabic, and to some extent of alphabetic writing. There is
even evidence that the Maya nation of Yucatan, the ruins of
whose temples and palaces are so well known from the tra-
vels of Catherwood and Stephens, not only had a system of
phonetic writing, but used it for writing ordinary words and
sentences. A Spanish MS., ‘Relacion de las Cosas de Yu-
catan,’ bearing the date of 1561, and the name of Diego de
Landa, Bishop of Merida, has just been published by the Abbé
Brasseur,! and contains not only a set of chronological signs
resembling the figures of the Central American sculptures and
the Dresden Codex, but a list of over thirty characters, some
alphabetic, as a, 7, m, ; some syllabic, as ku, ti; and a sen-
tence, ma in kati, “I will not,” written with them. The
genuineness of this information, and its bearing on the inter-
pretation of the inscriptions on the monuments, are, of course,
matters for future investigation.
Yet another people, the Chinese, made the advance from
pictures to phonetic writing, and it was perhaps because of
the peculiar character of their spoken language that they did
it in so different a way. The whole history of their art of
writing still lies open to us. They began by drawing the
plainest outlines of sun, moon, tortoise, fish, boy, hatchet, tree,
dog, and so forth, and thus forming characters which are still
extant, and are known as the Ku-wdan, or “ ancient pictures.’’?
Such pictures, though so much altered that, were not their
ancient forms still to be seen, it would hardly be safe to say they
had ever been pictures at all, are still used to some extent in
Chinese writing, as in the characters for man, sun, moon, tree,
etc. There are also combined pictorial signs, as water and eye
for “‘ tears,” and other kinds of purely symbolic characters. But
the great mass of characters at present in use are double, con-
sisting of two signs, one for sound, the other for sense. They
1 Brasseur, ‘Relation des Choses de Yucatan de Diego de Landa,’ etc.; Paris
and London, 1864.
2 J. M. Callery, ‘Systema Phoneticum Scripture Sinice,’ part i. ; Macao, 1841,
p. 29. Endlicher, Chin. Gramm., p. 3, etc.
PICTURE-WRITING AND WORD-WRITING. 101
are called hing-shing, that is, “pictures and sounds.” In one
of the two signs the transition from the picture of the object
to the sound of its name has taken place; in the other it has
not, but it is still a picture, and its use (something like that of
the determinative in the Egyptian hieroglyphics) is to define
which of the meanings belonging to the spoken word is to be
taken. Thus a ship is called in Chinese chow, so a picture of a
ship stands for the sound chow. But the word chow means
several other things; and to show which is intended in any
particular instance, a determinative sign or key is attached to
it. Thus the ship joined with the sign of water stands for
chow, “ripple,” with that of speech for chow, “loquacity,”
with that of fire, for chow, “ flickering of flame ;” and so on for
“wagegon-pole,” “ fluff,” and several other things, which have
httle in common but the name of chow. If we agreed that
pictures of a knife, a tree, an 0, should be determinative signs
of things which have to do with cutting, with plants, and with
numbers, we might make a drawing of a pear to do duty, with
the assistance of one of these determinative signs, for pare, pear,
pair. Ina language so poverty-stricken as the Chinese, which
only allows itself so small a stock of words, and therefore has
to make the same sound stand for so many different ideas, the
use of such a system needs no explanation.
Looking now at the history of purely alphabetic writing, it
has been shown that there is one alphabet, that of the Egyptian
hieroglyphics, the development of which (and of course of its
derived forms) is clearly to be traced from the stage of pure
pictures to that of pure letters. Some few of these interesting
characters are even now in use. The Coptic Christians still keep
up in their churches their sacred language, which is a direct
descendant of the ancient Egyptian; and the Coptic alphabet,
in which it is written and printed, was formed in early Christian
times by adding to the Greek alphabet certain new characters
to express articulations not properly belonging to the Greek.
Among these additional letters, at least four seem clearly to be
taken from the old hieroglyphics, probably from their hieratic
or cursive form, and thus to preserve an unbroken tradition at
once from the period of picture-writing to that of the alphabet,
102 PICTURE-WRITING AND WORD-WRITING.
and from times earlier than the building of the pyramids up to
the present day.
But as to the ultimate origin of most of the alphabets which
are or have been in use in the world, we have no such satis-
factory information as this. Thus, though the great family
of alphabets to which the Roman letters belong with the Greek,
the Gothic, the Northern Runes, etc., may be easily traced
back into connection with the Phcenician and Old Hebrew
characters, it is a very different question to tell how these
ancient Semitic letters came to be made. The theory main-
tained by Gesenius, that the Phoenician and Old Hebrew letters
are rude pictures of Aleph the Ox, Beth the House, Gimel the
Camel, etc., may, I think, be shown to be unsafe. Some of
the resemblances may possibly be real, though they are mostly
very slight and indefinite ; and while (after setting aside words
of very doubtful or fanciful etymology, as Zayin, Koph, He)
there appear to be some eleven letters which are more or less
like the meanings of their names, pure chance may be shown
to produce nearly as many coincidences as this. At least, if
we turn the list upside down, and put Tau against the letter
Aleph, and so on, it seems to me that there will be found some-
thing like eight resemblances of about the same strength, or
weakness. Again, the theory that the names of the letters
date from the time when these letters were first formed, and
thus record the very process of their formation, is a very bold
one, considering that we know by experience how slight the
bond is which may attach the name to the letter. Two alpha-
bets, which are actually descended from that which is also
represented by the Phcenician and Hebrew, have taken to
themselves new sets of names belonging to the languages they
were used to write, simply choosing for each letter a word
which began with it. The names of our Anglo-Saxon Runes
are Feoh (cattle, fee), Ur (urus, wild OX), Thorn (thorn), Hig]
(hail), Nead (need), and so on, for F, U, Th, H, N, etc., this
English list corresponding in great measure with those belong-
ing to the Scandinavian and German forms of the Runic alpha-
bet. Again, in the old Slavonic alphabet, the names of Dobro,
(good), Zemlja (land), Liodé (people), Slovo (word), are given
03D 4, LS.
PICTURE-WRITING AND WORD-WRITING. 103
If it be granted that there is an amount of resemblance
between the letters and their names in the old Semitic alpha-
bets, which is wanting in these later ones, it does not follow
from thence that the shape of the Hebrew letters was taken
from their names. Letters may be named in two ways, acro-
stically, by names chosen because they begin with the nght
letters, or descriptively, as when we speak of certain characters
as pothooks and hangers. A combination of the two methods, by
choosing out of the words beginning with the proper letter such
as had also some suitability to describe its shape, would produce
much such a result as we see in the names of the Hebrew letters,
and would moreover serve a direct object in helping children
to learn them. It is easy to choose such names in English, as
Arch or Arrowhead for A, Bow or Butterfly for B, Curve or
Crescent for C; and we may even pick out of the Hebrew
lexicon other names which fit about as-well as the present set.
Whatever may be the real origin, syllabic or other, of the
Semitic characters, the argument so confidently put forth im
the Hebrew grammars is not strong enough for the weight laid
upon it, seeing that the coincidences on which it rests may be
explained as being not primary and essential, but secondary
and superficial. The list of names of letters, Aleph, Beth,
Gimel, and the rest, is certainly a very ancient and interesting
record; but its value may lie not in its taking us back to the
pictorial origin of the Hebrew letters, but in its preserving for
us among the Semitic race the earliest known version of the
«* A was an Archer.”
Mr. Samuel Sharpe has made an attempt to derive the Hebrew
letters from Egyptian hieroglyphs, and in his list there are cer-
tainly two letters, both also belonging to the Coptic supple-
ment, namely, f and sh, which run through the whole series of
hieroglyphic, hieratic, Phoenician, old and new Hebrew (in Vau
and Shin), in very similar forms, a point which deserves careful
investigation.! With respect to these speculations, however, it
may be suggested that, though it is likely enough that the
Jews or Pheenicians may have got the art of writing from the
Egyptians, whose possession of it is proved to go back to so
' Sharpe, ‘Egyptian Hieroglyphics ;’ London, 1861, p. Wie
104 PICTURE-WRITING AND WORD-WRITING.
early a period, it does not necessarily follow from such a sup-
position that the characters of their alphabet should be trace-
able, letter for letter, to Eeyptian originals. The possibility of
one people getting the art of writing from another, without
taking the characters they used for particular letters, is not a
matter of theory, but of fact. Two systems of letters, or ra-
ther of characters representing syllables, have been invented
in modern times, by men who had got the idea of represent-
ing sound by written characters, from seeing the books of ci-
vilized men, and applied it in their own way to their own lan-
guages.
Some forty years ago a halfbreed Cherokee Indian, named
Sequoyah (otherwise George Guess), invented an ingenious
system of writing his language in syllabic signs, which were
adopted by the missionaries, and came into common use. In
the table given by Schoolcraft there are eighty-five such signs,
in great part copied or modified from those Sequoyah had
learnt from print; but the letter D is to be read a; the letter
M, lw; the figure 4, se; and so on through R, T, i, A, and
a number more.
The syllabic system invented by a West African negro,
Momoru Doalu Bukere, that is to say, Mohammed Doalu the
Bookman, was found in use in the Vei country, about fifteen
years since.” When Europeans inquired into its origin, Doalu
said. that the invention was revealed to him in a dream by a tall
venerable white man in a long coat, who said he was sent by
other white men to bring him a book, and who taught him
some characters to write words with. Doalu awoke, but never
learnt what the book was about. So he called his friends to-
gether, and one of them afterwards had another dream, in
which a white man appeared to him, and told him that the
book had come from God. It appears that Doalu, when he was
a boy, had really seen a white missionary, and had learnt verses
from the English Bible from him, so that it is pretty clear that
the sight of a printed book gave him the original idea which
he worked out into his very complete and original phonetic
* Schooleraft, part ii. p.228. Bastian, vol.i. p. 423.
* Koelle, ‘ Grammar of the Vei Language ;’ London, 1854, p. 229, ete.
PICTURE-WRITING AND WORD-WRITING. 105
system. It is evident from Fig. 13 that some part of the cha-
racters he adopted were taken, of course without any reference
eer OCT KT pe Ne es N.Y
be fen gba gee mbe na pe Te (Ze)
Fig. 13.
to their sound, from the letters he had seen in print. His
system numbers 162 characters, representing mostly syllables,
as a, be, bo, dso, fen, gba; but sometimes ionger articulations,
as seli, sediya, taro. Though it is almost entirely and purely
phonetic, it is interesting to observe that it includes three ge-
nuine picture-signs, oo gba, ‘money ;” ,°, bu, “ gun,” (re-
presented by bullets,) and ~~~ chi, “ water,” this last sign
being identical with that which stands for water in the Egyptian
hieroglyphs.
It appears from these facts that the transmission of the art
of writing does not necessarily involve a deta‘led transmission
of the particular signs in use, and the difficulty in tracing the
origin of the Semitic characters may result from their having
been formed, in great part or wholly, in the same way as the
American and African syliabaria. If this be the case, there is
an end of all hope of tracing them any further.
In conclusion, it may be observed that the art of picture-
writing soon dwindles away in all countries when word-writing
is introduced; yet there are a few isolated forms in which it
holds its own, in spite of writing and printing, at this very
day. The so-called Roman numerals are still in use, and | |]
II] are as plain and indisputable picture-writing as any sign
on an Indian scroll of birch-bark. Why Y and X mean five
and ten is not so clear, but there is some evidence in favour
of the view that it may have come by counting fingers or
strokes up to nine, and then making a stroke with another
across to mark it, somewhat as the deaf-and-dumb Massieu
tells us that, in his untaught state, his fingers taught him to
count up to ten, and then he made a mark. Loskiel, the Mo-
ravian missionary, says of the Iroquois, ‘‘ They count up to ten,
106 PICTURE-WRITING AND WORD-WRITING.
and make a cross; then ten again, and so on, till they have
finished; then they take the tens together, and make with
them hundreds, thousands, and hundreds of thousands.”! while the Tunguz cures his leg or
his heart by wearing a carved model of the part affected about
him.®
The transfer of life or the qualities of a living being to an
image may be made by giving it a name, or by the performance
of a ceremony over it. Thus, at the festival of the Durga Pija,
the officiating Brahman touches the cheeks, eyes, breast, and fore-
head of each of the images that have been prepared, and says,
“Let the soul of Durga long continue in happiness in this image.”
1 Dubois, Mceurs, ete., des Peuples de l’Inde; Paris, 1825, vol. ii. p. 68.
2 Mrs. Mason, ‘Civilizmg Mountain Men ;’ London, 1862, p. 121.
3 Grimm, D. M., p. 1047.
4 Hutchinson, in Tr. Eth. Soc.; London, 1861, p. 336.
> Bowring, ‘Siam ;’ London, 1857, vol. i. p. 139.
§ Ravenstein, ‘The Russians on the Amur ;’ London, 1861, p. 351.
IMAGES AND NAMES. 121
Till life is thus given to them, they may not be worshipped.!
But the mere making of the image of a living creature is very
commonly sufficient to set up at once its connexion with life,
among races who have not thoroughly passed out of the state
of mind to which these practices belong. Looking at the matter
from a very different point of view, and yet with the same
feeling of a necessary connexion between life and the image
of the living creature, the Moslem holds that he who makes
an image in this world will have it set before him on the day
of judgment, and will be called upon to give it life, but he will
fail to finish the work he has thus left half done, and will be
sent to expiate his offence in hell.
With such illustrations to show how widely spread and
deeply rooted is the belief that there is a real connexion be-
tween the object and its image, we can see how almost in-
evitable it is, that the man at a low stage of education should
come to confound the image with that which it was made to
represent. The strong craving of the human mind for a ma-
terial support to the religious sentiment, has produced idols
and fetishes over most parts of the world, and at most periods
in its history ; and while the more intelligent, even among many
low tribes, have often seen clearly enough that the images were
mere symbols of superhuman beings, the vulgar have com-
monly believed that the idols themselves had life and super-
natural powers. Missionaries have remarked this difference in
the views of more and less intelligent members of the same
tribe; and it is emphatically true of a large part of Christen-
dom, that the images and pictures, which, to the more in-
structed, serve merely as a help to realize religious ideas and to
suggest devotional thoughts, ard looked upon by the unedu-
cated and superstitious crowd, as beings endowed not only with
a sort of life, but with miraculous influences.
The line between the cases in which the connexion between
object and figure is supposed to be real, and those in which it
is known to be imaginary, is often very difficult to draw. Thus
idols and figures of saints are beaten and abused for not grant-
ing the prayers of their worshippers, which may be a mere
1 Coleman, ‘The Mythology of the Hindus ;’ London, 1832, p. 83.
122 IMAGES AND NAMES.
expression of spite towards their originals, but then two rival
gods may be knocked together when their oracles disagree,
that the one which breaks first may be discarded, and here a
material connection must certainly be supposed to exist. To
the most difficult class belong the symbolic sacrifices of models
of men and animals in Italy and Greece, and the economical
paper-offerings of Hastern Asia. The Chinese perform the rite
of burning money and clothes for the use of the dead; but the
real things are too valuable to be wasted by a thrifty people,
so paper figures do duty for them. Thus they set burning
junks adrift as sacrifices to get a favourable wind, but they are
only paper ones. Perhaps the neatest illustration of this kind
of offerings, and of the state of mind in which the offerer makes
them, is to be found in Huc and Gabet’s story of the Tibetan
lamas, who sent horses flying from the mountain-top in a gale
of wind, for the relief of worn-out pilgrims who could get no
further on their way. The horses were bits of paper, with a
horse printed on each, saddled, bridled, and galloping at full
speed.
Hanging and burning in effigy is a proceeding which, in
civilized countries at any rate, at last comes fairly out into pure
symbolism. The idea that the burning of the straw and rag
body should act upon the body of the original, perhaps hardly
comes into the mind of any one who assists at such a perform-
ance. But it is not easy to determine how far this is the case
with the New Zealanders, whose minds are full of confusion
between object and image, as we may see by their witchcraft,
and who also hold strong views about their effigies, and fero-
ciously revenge an insult to them. One very curious practice
has come out of their train of thought about this matter. They
were very fond of wearing round their necks little hideous
' figures of green jade, with their heads very much on one side,
which are called tiki, and are often to be seen in museums.
It seems likely that they are merely images of Tiki, the god of
the dead. They are carried as memorials of dead friends, and
are sometimes taken off and wept and sung over by a circle of
natives ; but a tiki commonly belongs, not to the memory of a
1 Huc and Gabet, Voy. dans la Tartarie, etc.; Paris, 1850, vol. 11. p. 136.
IMAGES AND NAMES. 123
single individual, but of a succession of deceased persons who
have worn it in their time, so that it cannot be considered as
having in it much of the nature of a portait.!_ Some New Zea-
landers, however, who were lately in London, were asked why
these tikis usually, if not always, have but three fingers on
their hands, and they replied that if an image is made of a
man, and any one should insult it, the affront would have to be
revenged, and to avoid such a contingency the tikis were made
with only three fingers, so that, not being any one’s image,
no one was bound to notice what happened to them.
In medicine, the notion of the real connexion between object
and image has manifested itself widely in both ancient and
modern times. Pliny speaks of the folly of the magicians in
using the catanance (catavaykn, compulsion) for love-potions,
because it shrinks in drying into the shape of the claws of a
dead kite (and so, of course, holds the patient fast); but it
does not strike him that the virtues of the lithospermum or
*stone-seed”’ in curing calculus were no doubt deduced in just
the same way.” In more modern times, such notions as these
were elaborated into the old medical theory known as the
“Doctrine of Signatures,” which supposed that plants and
minerals indicated by their external characters the diseases for
which nature had intended them as remedies. Thus the Hu-
phrasia or eye-bright was, and is, supposed to be good for the
eyes, on the strength of a black pupil-like spot in its corolla,
the yellow turmeric was thought good for jaundice, and the
blood-stone is probably used to this day for stopping blood.’
By virtue of a similar association of ideas, the ginseng, which is
still largely used in China, was also employed by the Indians
of North America, and in both countries its virtues were de-
duced from the shape of the root, which is supposed to re-
semble the human body. Its Iroquois name, abesoutchenza,
means “a child,” while in China it is called jin-seng, that is to
say, “resemblance of man.””*
1 Hale, in U. S. Exploring Exp.; Philadelphia, vol. vi., 1846, p. 23. Rev. W.
Yate, ‘ Account of New Zealand ;’ London, 1835, p. 151.
2 Plin., xxvii. 35, 74. 3 Paris, ‘ Pharmacologia ;’ London, 1843, p. 47.
4 Charlevoix, vol. vi. p. 24. For a similar case, see the ‘Penny Cyclopedia,’
art. “ Atropa Mandragora” (mandrake).
124 IMAGES AND NAMES.
Such cases as these bring clearly into view the belief in a
real and material connexion existing between an object and its
image. By virtue of their resemblance, the two are associated
in thought, and being thus brought into connexion in the
mind, it comes to be believed that they are also in connexion
in the outside world. Now the association of an object with its
name is made in a very different way, but it nevertheless pro-
duces a series of very similar results. Except in imitative words,
the objective resemblance between thing and word, if it ever
existed, is not discernible now. A word cannot be compared
to an image or a picture, which, as everybody can see, is like
what it stands for; but it is enough that idea and word come
together by habit in the mind, to make men think that there is
some real bond of connexion between the thing, and the name
which belongs to it in their mother-tongue. Professor Lazarus,
in his ‘‘ Life of the Soul,” tells a good story of a German who
went to the Paris Exhibition, and remarked to his companion
what an extraordinary people the French were, “ For bread,
they say du pain!” “Yes,” said the other, “and we say
bread.” ‘To be sure,” replied the first, ‘ but it is bread, you
know.””}
As, then, men confuse the word and the idea, in much the
same way as they confuse the image with that which it repre-
sents, there springs up a set of practices and beliefs concerning
names, much like those relating to images. Thus it is thought
that the utterance of a word ten miles off has a direct effect on
the object which that word stands for. A man may be cursed
or bewitched through his name, as well as through his image.
You may lay a smock frock on the door-sill, and pronounce
over it the name of the man you have a spite against, and then
when you beat that smock, your enemy will feel every blow as
well as if he were inside it in the flesh.?, Thus, too, when the
root of the dead-nettle was plucked to be worn as a charm
against intermittent fevers, it was necessary to say for what
purpose, and for whom, and for whose son it was pulled up,
1 Lazarus, ‘Leben der Seele ;’ Berlin, 1856-7, vol. ii. p. 77.
2? Kuhn, ‘Die Herabkunft des Feuers und des Géttertranks;’ Berlin, 1859,
p. 227.
IMAGES AND NAMES. 125
and other magical plants required also a mention of the patient’s
name to make them work.
How the name is held to be part of the very being of the
man who bears it, so that by it his personality may be carried
away, and, so to speak, grafted elsewhere, appears in the way
in which the sorcerer uses it as a means of putting the life of
his victim into the image upon which he practises. Thus King
James, in his ‘ Demonology,’ says that “ the devil teacheth how
to make pictures of wax or clay, that by roasting thereof, the
persons that they bear the name of may be continually melted
or dried away by continual sickness.”? A medieval sermon
speaks of baptizing a “wax” to bewitch with; and in the
eleventh century, certain Jews, it was believed, made a waxen
image of Bishop Eberhard, set about with tapers, bribed a clerk
to baptize it, and set fire to it on that sabbath, the which
image burning away at the middle, the bishop fell grievously
sick and died.?
A similar train of thought shows itself in the belief, that the
utterance of the name of a deity gives to man a means of direct
communication with the being who owns it, or even places in
his hands the supernatural power of that being, to be used at
his will. The Moslems hold that the ‘‘ great name” of God
(not Allah, which is a mere epithet), is known only to prophets
and apostles, who, by pronouncing it, can transport themselves
from place to place at will, can kill the living, raise the dead,
and do any other miracle.*
The concealment of the name of the tutelary deity of Rome,
for divulging which Valerius Soranus is said to have paid the
penalty of death, isa case in point. As to the reason of its being
kept a secret, Pliny says that Verrius Flaccus quotes authors
whom he thinks trustworthy, to the effect that when the Ro- .
mans laid siege to a town, the first step was for the priests to
summon the god under whose guardianship the place was, and
to offer him the same or a greater place or worship among the
Romans. This practice, Pliny adds, still remains in the pon-
tifical discipline, and it is certainly for this reason that it has
1 Plin., xxii. 16, 24; xxiii. 54. 3 Grimn, D. M., p. 1047.
2 Brand, vol. iii. p. 10. 4 Lane, Mod. Eg., vol. i. p. 361.
126 IMAGES AND NAMES.
been kept secret under the protection of what god Rome itself
has been, lest its enemies should use a like proceeding.!
Moreover, as man puts himself into communication with
spirits through their names, so they know him through his
name. In Borneo, they will change the name of a sickly child
to deceive the evil spirits that have been tormenting it.2 In
South America, among the Abipones and Lenguas, when a man
died, his family and neighbours would change their own names?
to cheat Death when he should come to look for them. It is
perhaps a falling off from these extreme instances of the inti-
macy with which name and object have grown together in the
savage mind, to cite the practice of exchanging names in evi-
dence of identity of mind and feeling, which was found in the
West Indies at the time of Columbus,‘ and in the South Seas
by Captain Cook, who was called Oree, while his friend Oree
went by the name of Cookee.®
But Cadwallader Colden’s account of his new name, is ad-
mirable evidence of what there is in a name in the mind of the
savage. “The first Time I was among the Mohawks, I had this
Compliment from one of their old Sachems, which he did, by
giving me his own Name, Cayenderongue. He had been a
notable Warrior; and he told me, that now I had a Right to
assume to myself all the Acts of Valour he had performed, and
that now my Name would echo from Hill to Hill over all the
Five Nations.” When Colden went back into the same part ten
or twelve years later, he found that he was still known by the °
name he had thus received, and that the old chief had taken
another.®
Taking a still wider stretch, the power of association grasps
not only the spoken word, but its written representative. It
1 Plin., xxviii. 4, Plut., Q. R. Macrob. Sat., iii. 9. See Bayle, art. “Soranus.”
? St. John, ‘Borneo,’ vol. i. p. 197.
* Dobrizhoffer, ‘The Abipones,’ E. Tr. ; London, 1822, vol. ii. p. 273. Southey,
‘History of Brazil ;? London, 1819, vol. iii’ p. 394.
* © Letters of Columbus’ (Hakluyt Soc.) ; London, 1847, p. 217.
° Cook, First Voy. H., vol. ii. p. 251. Second Voyage; London, 2nd edit.,
1777, vol. i. p. 167.
® Colden, Hist. of the Five Indian Nations of Canada; London, 1747, part i.
p. 10.
IMAGES AND NAMES. 127
has been seen how the Hindoo sorcerers wrote the name of
their victim on the breast of the image made to personate him.
A Chinese physician, if he has not got the drug he requires
for his patient, will write the prescription on a piece of paper,
and let the sick man swallow its ashes, or an infusion of the
writing, in water.! This practice is no doubt very old, and
may even descend from the time when the picture-element in
Chinese writing, now almost effaced, was still clearly distin-
guishable, so that the patient would at least have the satisfac-
tion of eating a picture, not a mere written word. Whether
the Moslems got the idea from them or not, I do not know,
but among them a verse of the Koran washed off into water
and drunk, or even water from a cup in which it is engraved,
is an efficacious remedy.” Here the connexion between the
two ends of the chain is very remote indeed. The arbitrary
characters, which represent the sound of the word, which re-
presents the idea, have to do duty for the idea itself. The
example is a striking one, and will serve to measure the
strength of the tendency of the uneducated mind to give an
outward material reality to its own inward processes.
This confusion of objective with subjective connexion, which
shows itself so uniform in principle, though so various in details,
in the practices upon images and names, done with a view of
acting through them on their originals or their owners, may be
applied to explain one branch after another of the arts of the
sorcerer and diviner, till it almost seems as though we were
coming near the end of his list, and might set down practices
not based on this mental process, as exceptions to a general
rule.
When a lock of hair is cut off as a memorial, the subjective
connexion between it and its former owner, is not severed.
In the mind of the friend who treasures it up, it recalls thoughts
of his presence, it is still something belonging to him. We
know, however, that the objective connexion was cut by the
scissors, and that what is done to that hair afterwards, is not
1 Davis, vol. ii. p. 215.
2 Tane, Mod. Hg., vol. i. p. 347-8. Petherick, Egypt, etc.; Edinburgh, 1861,
p. 221.
128 IMAGES AND NAMES.
felt by the head on which it grew. But this is exactly what
the savage has not come to know. He feels that the subjective
bond is unbroken in his own mind, and he believes that the
objective bond, which his mind never gets clearly separate from
it, is unbroken too. ‘Therefore, in the remotest parts of the
world, the sorcerer gets clippings of the hair of his enemy,
parines of his nails, leavings of his food, and practises upon
them, that their former possessor may fall sick and die. This
is why South Sea Island chiefs had servants always followmg
them with spittoons, that the spittle might be buried in some
secret place, where no sorcerer could find it, and why even
brothers and sisters had their food in separate baskets. In the
island of Tanna, in the New Hebrides, there was a colony of
disease-makers who lived by their art. They collected any
nahak or rubbish that had belonged to any one, such as the
skin of a banana he had eaten, wrapped it in a leaf like a cigar,
and burnt it slowly at one end. As it burnt, the owner got
worse and worse, and if it was burnt to the end, he died. When
a man fell ill, he knew that some sorcerer was burning his
rubbish, and shell-trumpets, which could be heard for miles,
were blown to signal to the sorcerers to stop, and wait for the
presents which would be sent next morning. Night after night,
Mr. Turner used to hear the melancholy too-toomg of the
shells, entreating the wizards to stop plaguing their victims.
And when a disease-maker fell sick himself, he believed that
some one was burning his rubbish, and had his shells too blown
for mercy.! It is not needful to give another description after
this, the process is so perfectly the same in principle wherever
it is found, all over Polynesia,” in Africa,? in India,* in North
and South America,’ in Australia.6 It is alive to this day in
Italy, where a man does not like to trust a lock of his hair in
the hands of any one, lest he should be bewitched or enamoured
against his will.?
1 Turner, ‘ Polynesia,’ pp. 18, 89, 424.
2 Polack, ‘Manners and Customs of the New Zealanders ;’ London, 1840, vol.
i. p. 282. Hllis, vol. ii. p. 228. Williams, ‘ Fiji, vol. i. p. 249. Purchas, vol. ii.
p. 1652, etc. 3 Casalis, p. 276. 4 Roberts, Or. Illustr. p. 470.
° Klemm, C. G., vol. ii. p. 168. Fitz Roy, in Tr. Eth. Soc. ; London, 1861, p. 5.
° Stanbridge, id., p. 229.
7 Story, ‘Roba di Roma ;’ London, 1863, vol. ii. p. 342.
IMAGES AND NAMES, 129
One of the best accounts we have of the art of procuring
death by sorcery, is given in Sir James Emerson Tennent’s
great work on Ceylon. It is not that there is much that is
peculiar in the processes it describes, but just the contrary ; its
importance lies in its presenting, among a somewhat isolated
race, a system of sorcery, which is quite a little museum of the
arts practised among the most dissimilar tribes in the remotest
regions of the world. The account is as follows :—“ The vidahu
stated to the magistrate that a general belief existed among
the Tamils [of Ceylon] in the fatal effects of a ceremony, per-
formed with the skull of a child, with the design of producing
the death of an individual against whom the incantation is
directed. The skull of a male child, and particularly of a first-
born, is preferred, and the effects are regarded as more certain
if it be killed expressly for the occasion; but for ordinary pur-
poses, the head of one who had died a natural death is pre-
sumed to be sufficient. The form of the ceremony is to draw
certain figures and cabalistic signs upon the skull, after it has
been scraped and denuded of the flesh; adding the name of the
individual upon whom the charm is to take effect. A paste is
then prepared, composed of sand from the footprints of the
intended victim, and a portion of his hair moistened with his
saliva, and this, being spread upon a leaden plate, is taken,
together with the skull, to the graveyard of the village, where
for forty nights the evil spirits are invoked to destroy the per-
son so denounced, ‘The universal belief of the natives is, that
as the ceremony proceeds, and the paste dries up on the leaden
plate, the sufferer will waste away and decline, and that death,
as an inevitable consequence, must follow.”! Here we have
at once the name, the earth-cutting, the hair and saliva, the
cursing, and the drynmg up. The use of the skull lies in its
association with death, and we shall presently find it used in
the same way in a very different place.
liven the spirits of the dead may be acted on through the
remains of their bodies. Though the savage commonly holds
that after death the soul goes its own way, for the most part
independently of the body to which it once belonged, yet in hig
1 Tennent, ‘Ceylon,’ vol. ii. p. 545. ‘
K
130 IMAGES AND NAMES.
mind the soul and the body of his enemy or his friend are inse-
parably associated, and thus he comes to hold, in his inconsis-
tent way, that a bond of connexion must after all survive be-
tween them. Therefore, the African fastens the jaw of his
slain enemy toa tabor or a horn, and his skull to the big drum,
that every crash and blast may send a thrill of agony through
the ghost of their dead owner.!
The connexion between a cut lock of hair and its former
owner is, in the mind at least, much closer than is necessary
for these purposes. As has been seen, the remains of a per-
son’s food are sufficient to bewitch him by. In a witchcraft
case in the seventeenth century, the supposed sorceress con-
fessed that “ there was a glove of the said Lord Henry buried in
the ground, and as that glove did rot and waste, so did the
liver of the said lord rot and waste.””? Indeed, any association
of ideas in a man’s mind, the vaguest similarity of form or po-
sition, even a mere coincidence in time, is sufficient to enable
the magician to work from association in his own mind, to asso-
ciation in the material world. Nor is there any essential dif-
ference in the process, whether his art is that of the diviner or
of the sorcerer, that is, whether his object is merely to foretell
something that will happen to a person, or actually to make
that something happen; or if he is only concerned with the
searching out of the hidden past, the process remains much the
same, the intention only is different.
Out of the endless store of examples, I will do no more than
take a few typical cases. They hang up charms in the Pacific
Islands to keep thieves and trespassers out of plantations; a
few cocoa-nut leaves, plaited into the form of a shark, will
cause the thief who disregards it to be eaten by a real one;
two sticks, set one across the other, will send a pain right across
his body, and the very sight of these tabus will send thieves
and trespassers off in terror.? In Kamchatka, when something
had been stolen, and the thief could not be discovered, they
would throw nerves or sinews into the fire, that as they shrank
and wriggled with the heat, the like might happen to the body
1 Romer, ‘ Guinea ;’ p. 112. Klemm, C. G., vol. iii. p. 352.
2 Brand, vol. iti. p. 29. 3 Turner, p. 294.
IMAGES AND NAMES. 131
of the thief! In New Zealand, when a male child had been
baptized in the native manner, and had received its name, they
thrust small pebbles, the size of a large pin’s head, down its
throat, to make its heart callous, hard, and incapable of pity.?
The Red Indian hunter wears ornaments of the claws of the
grizzly bear, that he may be endowed with its courage and fero-
city,’ a simpler charm than that whereby the magicians made
men invincible in Pliny’s time, in which the head and tail of a
dragon, marrow of a lion and hair from his forehead, foam of a
victorious racehorse, and claws of a dog, were bound together
in a piece of deerskin, with alternate sinews of a deer and a
gazelle. Many of the food-prejudices of savage races depend
on the belief which belongs to this class of superstitions, that
the qualities of the eaten pass into the eater. Thus, among the
Dayaks, young men sometimes abstain from the flesh of deer,
lest it should make them timid, and before a pig-hunt they
avoid oil, lest the game should slip through their fingers,’ and
in the same way the flesh of slow-going and cowardly animals
is not to be eaten by the warriors of South America; but they
love the meat of tigers, stags, and boars, for courage and speed.®
An English merchant in Shanghai, at the time of the Taeping
attack, met his Chinese servant carrying home a heart, and
asked him what he had got there. He said it was the heart of
a rebel, and that he was going to take it home and eat it to
make him brave.
When a Maori war-party is to start, the priests set up sticks in
the ground to represent the warriors, and he whose stick is blown
down is to fall in the battle.’ In the Fiji Islands, the diviner
will shake a bunch of dry cocoa-nuts to see whether a sick
child will die; if all fall off, it will recover; if any remain on, it
will die. He will spin a cocoa-nut, and decide a question ac-
cording to where the eye of the nut looks towards when at rest
again, or he will sit on the ground and take omens from his
legs; if the right leg trembles first, it is good; if the left, it is
1 Kracheninnikow, Descr. du Kamtchatka; Paris, 1768, p.22. Klemm, C. G.,
vol. ii. p. 297. 2 Yate, p. 83. 3 Schooleraft, part iii. p. 69.
4 Plin., xxix. 20. 5 St. John, vol. i. p. 176.
6 Dobrizhoffer, vol. i. p. 258. 7 Polack, vol. i. p. 270.
K2
132 IMAGES AND NAMES.
evil; or he will decide by whether a leaf tastes sweet or bitter,
or whether he bites it clean through at once, or whether drops
of water will run down his arm to the wrist and give a good
answer, or fall off by the way and give a bad one.! In British
Guiana, when young children are betrothed, trees are planted
by the respective parties in witness of the contract, and if either
tree should happen to wither, the child it belongs to is sure to
die.’ A slightly different idea appears north of the Isthmus,
in the Central American tale, where the two brothers, starting
on their dangerous journey to the land of Xibalba, where their
father had perished, plant each a cane in the middle of their
grandmother’s house, that she may know by its flourishing or
withering whether’ they are alive or dead. And again, to take
stories from the Old World, when Devasmita would not let
(Guhasena leave her to go with his merchandise to the land of
Cathay, Siva appeared to them in a dream, and gave to each a
red lotus that would fade if the other were unfaithful ;* and so,
in the German tale, when the two daughters of Queen Wilo-
witte were turned into flowers, the two princes who were their
lovers had each a sprig of his mistress’s flower, that was to stay
fresh while their love was true.°
On this principle of association, it is easy to understand how,
in the Old World, the names of the heavenly bodies, and their
position at the time of a man’s birth, should have to do with
his character and fate; while, in the astrology of the Aztecs,
the astronomical signs have a similar connexion with the parts
of the human body, so that the sign of the Skull has to do with
the head, and the sign of the Flint with the teeth.6 Why fish
may be caught in most plenty when the Sun is in the sign of
Pisces, is as clear as the reason why trees are to be felled, or
vegetables gathered, or manure used, while the moon is on the
wane, for these things have to fall, or be consumed, or rot;
1 Williams, ‘ Fiji,’ p. 228.
? Rey. J. H. Bernau, ‘ Missionary Labours in British Guiana ;’ London, 1847,
p. 59. 3 Brasseur, ‘ Popol Vuh ;’ Paris, 1861, p. 141.
+ Somadeva Bhatta, vol. i. p. 139.
° J. and W. Grimm, ‘ Kinder- und Hausmiirchen ;’ Géttingen, 1857-6, vol. iii.
p- 328. ° Kingsborough, Vatican MS., vol. ii. pl.75; vols. v. and yi. Expl.
‘
IMAGES AND NAMES. 133
while, on the other hand, grafts are to be set while the moon is
waxing,! and it is only lucky to begin an undertaking when the
moon is on the increase, as has been held even in modern times.
It is as clear why the Chinese doctor should administer the
heads, middles, and roots of plants, as medicine for the heads,
bodies, and legs of his patients respectively, and why passages
in books looked at while some thought is in the reader’s mind,
should be taken as omens, from Western Europe to Hastern
Asia, in old times and new. When it is borne in mind that
the Tahitians ascribe their internal pains to demons who are
inside them, tying their intestines in knots, it becomes easy to
understand why the Laplanders, under certain circumstances,
object to knots being tied in clothes, and so on from one phase
to another of witchcraft and superstition.
It would be quite intelligible on this principle, that the sor-
cerer should think it possible to impress his own mind upon the
outer world, even without any external link of communication.
The mere presence of the thought in his mind might be enough
to cause, as it were by reflection, a corresponding reality.
He is usually found, however, working his will by some mate-
rial means, or at least by an utterance of it into the world.
This seems to be the case with the rainmaker, or weather-
changer, wherever he is met with, that is to say, among most
races of man below the highest culture. Sometimes he works
by clear association of ideas, as the Samoan rainmakers with
their sacred stone, which they wet when they want rain, and
put to the fire to dry when they want to dry the weather,’ or
the Lapland wizards, with the winds they used to sell to our
sea-captains in a knotted cord, to be let out by untying it knot
by knot. In the notable practice of killing an enemy by pro-
phesying that he will die, or by uttering a wish that he may, the
outward act of speech comes between the thought and the
reality, but perhaps a mere unspoken wish may be held suf-
ficient. This kind of bewitching is found over almost as wide
a range as the practices of the rainmaker, and extends like them
into the upper regions of our race.
1 Plin., ix. 35; xviii. 75; xvii. 24. 2 Turner, p. 847, and see p. 428.
134 IMAGES AND NAMES. ~
“There dwalt a weaver in Moffat toun,
That said the minister wad dee sune ;
The minister dee’d; and the fouk o’ the toun,
They brant the weaver wi’ the wudd o’ his lume,
And ca’d it weel-wared on the warlock loon.” }
As has been so often said, these two arts are encouraged by
the unfailing test of success, if they have but time enough,
and the latter justifies itself by killing the patient through his
own imagination. When he hears that he has been “ wished,”
he goes home and takes to his bed at once. It is impossible
‘to realize the state of mind into which the continual terror of
witchcraft brings the savage. It is held by many tribes to be
the necessary cause of death. Over great part of Africa, in
South America and Polynesia, when a man dies, the question
is at once, “‘ who killed him?” and the soothsayer is resorted
to to find the murderer, that the dead man may be avenged.
The Abipones held that there was no such thing as natural
death, and that if it were not for the magicians and the Spa-
niards, no man would die unless he were killed. The notion
that, after all, a man might perhaps die of himself, comes out
curiously in the address of an old Australian to the corpse at a
funeral, “If thou comest to the other black-fellows and they
ask thee who killed thee, answer, ‘ No one, but I died.’ ’”?
There are of course branches of the savage wizard’s art that
are not connected with the mental process to which so many
of his practices may be referred. He is often a doctor with
some skill in surgery and medicine, and an expert juggler ; and
often, though knavery is not the basis of his profession, a cun-
ning knave. One of the most notable superstitions of the
human race, high and low, is the belief in the Hvil Hye.
Knowing, as we all do, the strange power which one mind has
of working upon another through the eye, a power which is not
the less certain for being wholly unexplained, it seems not un-
reasonable to suppose that the belief in the mysterious influ-
ences of the Evil Hye flows from the knowledge of what the
eye can do as an instrument of the will, while experience has
1 R. Chambers, ‘ Popular Rhymes of Scotland ;’ Edinburgh, 1826, p. 23.
* Lang, ‘ Queensland ;’ London, 1861, p. 360.
IMAGES AND NAMES. 135
not yet set such limits as we recognize to the range of its ac-
tion. The horror which savages so often have of being looked
full in the face, is quite consistent with this feeling. You may
look at him or his, but you must not stare, and above all, you
must not look him full in the face, that is to say, you must not
do just what the stronger mind does when it uses the eye as an
instrument to force its will upon the weaker.
It is clear that the superstitions which have been cursorily
described in this chapter, are no mere casual extravagances of
the human mind. The way in which the magic arts have taken
to themselves the verb to “do,” as claiming to be “doing”
par excellence, sometimes gives us an opportunity of testing
their importance in the popular mind. As in Madagascar the
sorcerers and diviners of Matitanana go by the name of mpiasa,
that is “ workers,”! so words in the languages of our Aryan
race show a like transition. In Sanskrit, magic has possessed
itself of a whole family of words derived from kr, to “ do,”
krtya, sorcery, krtvan, enchanting, (literally, working), kar-
mana, enchantment (from karman, a deed, work), and so on,
while Latin facere has produced in the Romance languages,
Ttalian fattwra, enchantment, old French faiture, Portuguese
feitico (whence fetish), and a dozen more, and Grimm holds that
the most probable derivation of zauber, Old High German
zoupar, is from zouwan, Gothic tawan, to do,? and other like
etymologies are to be found. The belief and practices to
which such words refer form a compact and organic whole,
mostly developed from a state of mind in which subjective and
objective connexions are not yet clearly separated. What then
does this mass of evidence show from the ethnologist’s point of
view; what is the position of sorcery in the history of man-
kind?
When Dr. Martius, the Bavarian traveller, was lying one
night in his hammock in an Indian hut in South America, and
all the inhabitants seemed to be asleep, each family in its own
place, his reflexions were interrupted by a strange sight. “Ina
1 illis, ‘ Madagascar ;’ vol. i. p. 73.
2 Pictet, ‘Origines ;’ part ii. p. 641. Diez, Worterb. s.v. “faitizio.’ Grimm,
D.M. p. 984, ete. See Diefenbach, Vergl. Wérterb. i. 12; ii. 659.
136 IMAGES AND NAMES.
dark corner there arose an old woman, naked, covered with dust
and ashes, a miserable picture of hunger and wretchedness ; it
was the slave of my hosts, a captive taken from another tribe.
She crept cautiously to the hearth and blew up the fire, brought
out some herbs and bits of human hair, murmured some-
thing in an earnest tone, and grinned and gesticulated strangely
towards the children of her masters. She scratched a skull,
threw herbs and hair rolled into balls into the fire, and so on.
For a long while I could not conceive what all this meant, till
at last springing from my hammock and coming close to her, I
saw by her terror and the imploring gesture she made to me
not to betray her, that she was practising magic arts to destroy
the children of her enemies and oppressors.” “This,” he
continues, “was not the first example of sorcery I had met with
among the Indians. When I considered what delusions and
darkness must have been working in the human mind before
man could come to fear and invoke dark unknown powers for
another’s hurt,—when I considered that so complex a super-
stition was but the remnant of an originally pure worship of
nature, and what a chain of complications must have preceded
such a degradation,” etc. etc.
I cannot but think that Dr. Martius’s deduction is the abso-
lute reverse of the truth. Looking at the practices of sorcery
among the lower races as a whole, they have not the appear-
ance of mutilated and misunderstood fragments of a higher
system of belief and knowledge. Among savage tribes we
find families of customs and superstitions in great part trace-
able to the same principle, the confusion of imagination and
reality, of subjective and objective, of the mind and the outer
world. Among the higher races we find indeed many of the
same customs, but they are scattered, practised by the vulgar
-with little notion of their meaning, looked down upon with
contempt by the more instructed, or explained as mystic sym-
bolisms, and at last dropped off one by one as the world grows
wiser. ‘There is a curious handful of plain savage superstitions
among the rules to which the Roman Flamen Dialis had to
} Dr. v. Martius, ‘ Vergangenheit und Zukunft der Amerikanischen Mensch-
heit ;’ 1839.
IMAGES AND NAMES. ey
conform. He was not only prohibited from touching a dog, a
she-goat, raw meat, beans, and ivy, but he might not even
name them, he might not have a knot tied in his clothes, and
the parings of his nails and the clippings of his hair were col-
lected and buried under a lucky tree.! So little difference does
the mere course of time make in such things as these, that a
modern missionary to a savage tribe may learn to understand
them better than the Romans who practised them two thousand
years ago.
It is quite true that there are anomalies among the supersti-
tious practices of the lower races, proceedings of which the
meaning is not clear, signs of the breaking-down or stiffening
into formalism of beliefs carried down by tradition to a distance
from their source ; and besides, the rites of an old religion, car-
ried down through a new one, may mix with such practices as
have been described here, while the adherents of one religion
are apt to ascribe to magic the beliefs and wonders of another,
as the Christians held Odin, and the Romans Moses, to have
been mighty enchanters of ancient times. But when we see
the whole system of sorcery and divination comparatively com-
pact and intelligible among savage tribes, less compact and
less intelligible among the lower civilized races, and still less
among ourselves, there seems reason to think that such imper-
fection and inconsistency as are to be found among this class
of superstitions in the lower levels of our race, are signs of a
degeneration (so to speak) from a system of error that was more
perfect and harmonious in a yet lower condition of mankind,
when man had a less clear view of the difference between what
was in him and what was out of him, than the lowest savages
we have ever studied,—when his life was more lhke a long
dream than even the life that the Puris are leading at this day,
deep in the forests of South America.
There is a remarkable peculiarity by which the sorcery of
the savage seems to repudiate the notion of its having come
down from something higher, and to date itself from the child-
hood of the human race. There is one musical instrument (if
the name may be allowed to it) which we give over to young
1 Aulus Gellius, ‘Noctes Attice,’ x. 15.. Plut., Q. R., cix. etc.
138 IMAGES AND NAMES,
children, who indeed thoroughly appreciate and enjoy it,—the
rattle.
“Behold the child, by Nature’s kindly law,
Pleased with a rattle, tickled with a straw.”
When the dignity of manhood is to be conferred on a Sia-
mese prince by cutting his hair and giving him a new dress,
they shake a rattle before him as he goes, to show that till the
ceremony is performed, he is still a child. As if to keep us
continually in mind of his place in history, the savage magician
clings with wonderful pertinacity to the same instrument. It
is a bunch of hoofs tied together, a blown bladder with peas in
it, or, more often than anything else, a calabash with stones or
shells or bones inside. Itis his great instrument in curing the
sick, the accompaniment of his medicine-songs, and the symbol
of his profession, among the Red Indians, among the South
American tribes, and in Africa. For the magician’s work, it
holds its own against far higher instruments, the whistles and
pipes of the American, and even the comparatively high-class
flutes, harmonicons, and strmged instruments of the negro.!
Next above the rattle in the scale of musical instruments is the
drum, and it too has been to a great extent adopted by the
sorcerer, and, often painted with magic figures, it is an impor-
tant implement to him in Lapland, in Siberia, among some
North American and some South American tribes.” The
clinging together of savage sorcery with these childish instru-
ments, is in full consistency with the theory that both belong to
the infancy of mankind. With less truth to nature and his-
tory, the modern spirit-rapper, though his bringing up the
spirits of the dead by doing hocus-pocus under a table or ina
dark room is so lke the proceedings of the African mganga
or the Red Indian medicine-man, has cast off the proper ac-
companiments of his trade, and juggles with fiddles and ac-
cordions.
1 Catlin, vol. i. p. 89, 109. Schooleraft, part i. p. 310; part ii.p. 179. Char-
levoix, vol. vi. p. 187. Burton, ‘Central Africa,’ vol. i. p. 44; vol. ii. p. 295.
Purchas, vol. iv. p. 1839, 1520, ete. ete. Dobrizhoffer, vol. ii. p.72. Klemm,
C.G., vol. ii. p. 169, 171-2. See Strabo, xv. 1, 22.
2 Regnard, ‘ Lapland,’ in Pinkerton, vol. 1. p. 168, 180. Ravenstein, p. 93.
Molina, Hist. of Chile, E. Tr. ; London, 1809, vol. ii. p. 106, ete. ete.
IMAGES AND NAMES. 139
The question whether there is any historical connexion
among the superstitious practices of the lower races, is distinct
from that of their development from the human mind. On the
whole, the similarity that runs through the sorcerer’s art in the
most remote countries, not only in principle, but so often in
details, as for instance in the wide prevalence of the practice
of bewitching by locks of hair and rubbish which once be-
longed to the victim, often favours the view that these coinci-
dences are not independent growths from the same principle,
but practices which have spread from one geographical source.
Ihave put together in another place some accounts of one of
the most widely spread phenomena of sorcery, the pretended
extraction of bits of wood, stone, hair, and such things, from
the bodies of the sick, which is based upon the belief that
disease is caused by such objects having been conjured into
them. The value of this belief to the ethnologist depends
much on its being difficult to explain it, and therefore also
difficult to look upon it as having often arisen independently in
the human mind. But from the intelligible, and to a particular
state of mind one might almost say reasonable, beliefs and
practices which have been described in the present chapter, it
seems hardly prudent to draw inferences as to the descent and
communication of the races among whom they are found, at
least while the ethnological argument from beliefs and customs
is still in its infancy.
To turn now to a different subject, the same state of mind
which has had so large a share in the development of sorcery,
has also manifested itself in a very remarkable series of obser-
vances regarding spoken words, prohibiting the mention of the
names of people, or even sometimes of animals and things. A
man will not utter his own name; husband and wife will not
utter one another’s names ; the son or daughter-in-law will not
mention the name of the father or mother-in-law, and vice versa; _
the names of chiefs may not be uttered, nor the names of cer-
tain other persons, nor of superhuman beings, nor of animals
and things to which supernatural powers are ascribed. These
various prohibitions are not found all together, but one tribe
may hold to several of them. A few details will suffice to give
an idea of the extent and variety of this series of superstitions.
140 IMAGES AND NAMES.
The intense aversion which savages have from uttering their
own names, has often been noticed by travellers. Thus Captain
Mayne says of the Indians of British Columbia, that “ one of
their strangest prejudices, which appears to pervade all tribes
alike, is a dislike to telling their names—thus you never get a
man’s right name from himself; but they will tell each other’s
names without hesitation.” So Dobrizhoffer says that the
Abipones of South America think it a sin to utter their own
names, and when a man was asked his name, he would nudge
his neighbour to answer for him,’ and in like manner, the Fijians
and the Sumatrans are described as looking to a friend to help
them out of the difficulty, when this indiscreet question is put
to them.’
Nor does the dislike to mentioning ordinary personal names
always stop at this limit. Among the Algonquin tribes,
children are generally named by the old woman of the family,
usually with reference to some dream, but this real name is
kept mysteriously secret, and what usually passes for the name
is a mere nickname, such as “ Little Fox,” or “ Red-Head.”
The real name is hardly ever revealed even by the grave-post,
but the totem or symbol of the clan is held sufficient. The
true name of La Belle Sauvage was not Pocahontas, “her true
name was Matokes, which they concealed from the English, in
a superstitious fear of hurt by the English, if her name was
known.”* It is next to impossible to induce an Indian to
utter personal names; the utmost he will do, if a person im-
plicated is present, is to move his lips, without speaking, in
the direction of the person.” Schoolcraft saw an Indian in a
court of justice, pressed to identify a man who was there, but
all they could get him to do was to push his lips towards him.®
So Mr. Backhouse describes how a native woman of Van Die-
men’s Land threw sticks at a friendly Englishman, who in
his ignorance of native manners, mentioned her son, who was
at school at Newtown.®
1 Mayne, ‘ British Columbia,’ etc.; London, 1862, p. 278.
2 Dobrizhoffer, vol. ii. p. 444.
3 Seemann, ‘ Viti ;’ London, 1862, p.190. Marsden, Hist. of Sumatra ; London,
1811, p. 286. 4 Schooleraft, part ii. p. 65.
° Id. p. 433. See also Burton, ‘ City of the Saints,’ p. 141.
® Backhouse, ‘ Australia,’ p. 93.
IMAGES AND NAMES. 141
In various parts of the world, a variety of remarkable customs
are observed between men and women, and their fathers- and
mothers-in-law. These will be noticed elsewhere, but it is
necessary to mention here, that among the Dayaks of Borneo,
a man must not pronounce the name of his father-in-law ; 4
among the Omahas of North America, the father- and mother-
in-law do not speak to their son-in-law, or mention his name,’
nor do they call him or he them by name among the Dacotahs.®
Again, the wife is in some places prohibited from mentioning
her husband’s name. ‘A Hindoo wife is never, under any
circumstances, to mention the name of her husband. ‘ He,’
‘The Master,’ ‘Swamy,’ etc., are titles she uses when speaking
of, or to her lord. In no way can one of the sex annoy another
more intensely and bitterly, than by charging her with having
mentioned her husband’s name. It is a crime not easily for-
given.”* In Hast Africa, among the Barea, the wife never
utters the name of her husband, or eats in his presence, and
even among the Beni Amer, where the women have extensive
privileges and great social power, the wife is still not allowed
to eat in the husband’s presence, and only mentions his name
before strangers.° The Kafir custom prohibits wives from
speaking the names of relatives of their husbands and fathers-
in-law. In Australia, among the names which in some tribes
must not be spoken, are those of a father- or mother-in-law, of
a son-in-law, and of persons in some kind of: connexion by
marriage. Another of the Australian prohibitions is not only
very curious, but is curious as having apparently no analogue
elsewhere. Among certain tribes in the Murray River district,
the youths undergo, instead of circumcision, an operation called
wharepin, and afterwards, the natives who have officiated, and
those who have been operated upon, though they may meet
and talk, must never mention one another’s names, nor must
the name of one even be spoken by a third person in the pre-
sence of the other.®
1 St. John, vol. i. p. 51. 2 Long’s Exp., vol. i. p. 253.
3 Schoolcraft, part ii. p. 196.
4 F. de W. Ward, ‘India and the Hindoos ;’ London, 1853, p. 189.
> Munzinger, ‘ Ostafrikanische Studien ;’ Schaffhausen, 1864, pp. 325, 526.
6 Byre, vol. ii. pp. 386-9. The wharepin is a ceremonial depilation.
142 IMAGES AND NAMES.
It is especially in Eastern Asia and Polynesia, that we find
the names of kings and chiefs held as sacred, and not to be
lightly spoken. In Siam, the king must be spoken of by some
epithet ;1 in India and Burmah, the royal name is avoided as
something sacred and mysterious; and in Polynesia, the pro-
hibition to mention chiefs’ names has even impressed itself
deeply in the language of the islands where it prevails.?
But it is among the most distant and various races that we
find one class of names avoided with mysterious horror, the
names of the dead. In North America, the dead are to be
alluded to, not mentioned by name, especially in the presence
of arelative.? In South America, he must be mentioned among
the Abipones as “the man who does not now exist,” or some
such periphrasis ;* and the Fuegians have a horror of any kind
of allusion to their dead friends, and when a child asks for its
dead father or mother, they will say, ‘‘ Silence! don’t speak bad
words.” ® The Samoied only speaks of the dead by allusion,
for it would disquiet them to utter their names. The Austra-
hans, like the North Americans, will set up the pictured crest
or symbol of the dead man’s clan, but his name is not to be
spoken. Dr. Lang tried to get from an Australian the name
of a native who had been killed. ‘He told me who the lad’s
father was, who was his brother, what he was like, how he
walked when he was alive, how he held the tomahawk in his
left hand instead of his right (for he had been left-handed),
and with whom he usually associated; but the dreaded name
never escaped his lips; and I believe no promises or threats
could have induced him to utter it.’”7 The Papuans of the
Eastern Archipelago avoid speaking the names of the dead,
and in Africa, a like prejudice is found among the Masai.6 In
the Old World, Pliny says of the Roman custom, ‘“‘ Why, when
we mention the dead, do we declare that we do not vex their
memory ?”’® and indeed, the superstition is still to be found in
1 Bowring, p. 38. 2 Polack, vol. i. p. 38.
3 Simpson, Journey, vol. i. p. 180. Schooleraft, part iii. p. 234.
4 Dobrizhoffer, vol. ii. p. 273.
5 Despard, ‘ Fireland,’ (‘Sunday at Home, Oct. 31, 1863).
5 Klemm, C. G., vol. ii. p. 226.
7 Lang, ‘ Queensland,’ pp. 367, 387. Eyre, 1. c.
8 Bastian, vol. ii. p. 276, ete. 9 Plin., xxviil. 5.
IMAGES AND NAMES. 143
modern Europe, and better marked than in ancient Rome;
perhaps nowhere more notably than in Shetland, where it is
all but impossible to get a widow, at any distance of time, to
mention the name of her dead husband, though she will talk
about him by the hour. No dead person must be mentioned,
for his ghost will come to him who speaks his name.!
To conclude the list, the dislike to mentioning the names of
spiritual or superhuman beings, and everything to which super-
natural powers are ascribed, is, as every one knows, very gene-
ral. The Dayak will not speak of the small-pox by name, but
will call it “the chief” or ‘‘jungle-leaves,” or say ‘‘ Has he left
you?” ? The euphemism of calling the Furies the Eumenides,
or ‘gracious ones,’ is the stock illustration of this feeling, and
the euphemisms for fairies and for the devil are too familiar
to quote. The Yezidis, who worship Satan, have a horror of
his name being mentioned. The Laplanders will call the bear
“the old man with the fur coat,” but they do not like to men-
tion his name. In Asia, the same dislike to speak of the
tiger is found in Siberia, among the Tunguz;* and in Annam,
where he is called “‘ Grandfather” or “ Lord,’’* while in Su-
matra, they are spoken of as the “wild animals” or “ances-
tors.”> The name of Brahma is a sacred thing in India, as
that of Jehovah is to the Jews, not to be uttered but on solemn
occasions. ‘he Moslem, it is true, has the name of Allah for
ever on his lips, but this, as has been mentioned, is only an
epithet, not the “‘ great name.”
Among this series of prohibitions, several cases seem, like the
burning in effigy among the practices with images, to fall into
mere association of ideas, devoid of any superstitious thought.
The names of husbands, of chiefs, of supernatural beings, or of
the dead, may be avoided from an objection to liberties being
taken with the property of a superior, from a dislike to as-
sociate names of what is sacred with common life, or to revive
hateful thoughts of death and sorrow. But in other instances,
1 Mrs. Edmondston, ‘Shetland Islands ;’ Edin., 1856, p. 20.
2 St. John, vol. i. p. 62. 3 Ravenstein, p. 382.
4 Mouhot, ‘Travels in Indo-China,’ etc. ; London, 1864, vol. i. p. 263.
> Marsden, p. 292. °
144 IMAGES AND NAMES.
the notion comes out with great clearness, that the mere speak-
ing of a name acts upon its owner, whether that owner be man,
beast, or spirit, whether near or far off. Sometimes it may be
explained by considering supernatural creatures as having the
power of hearing their names wherever they are uttered, and as
sometimes coming to trouble the living when they are thus dis-
turbed. Where this is an accepted belief, such sayings as
“Talk of the Devil and you see his horns,” ‘‘ Parlez du Loup,”
etc., have a far more serious meaning than they bear to us now.
Thus an aged Indian of Lake Michigan explained why the
native wonder-tales must only be told in the winter, for then
the deep snow lies on the ground, and the thick ice covers up
the waters, and so the spirits that dwell there cannot hear the
laughter of the crowd listening to their stories round the fire in
the winter lodge. But in spring the spirit-world is all alive,
and the hunter never alludes to the spirits but im a sedate,
reverent way, careful lest the slightest word should give of-
fence.! In other cases, however, the effect of the utterance of
the name on the name’s owner would seem to be different from
this. The explanation does not hold in the case of a man re-
fusing to speak his own name, nor would he be likely to think
that his mother-in-law could hear whenever he mentioned hers,
Some of these prohibitions of names have caused a very
curious phenomenon in language. When the prohibited name
is a word in use, and often when it is only something like such
a word, that word has to be dropped and a new one found to
take its place. Several languages are known to have been
specially affected by this proceeding, and it is to be remarked
that in them the causes of prohibition have been different. In
the South Sea Islands, words have been tabued, from connexion
with the names of chiefs; in Australia, Van Diemen’s Land,
and among the Abipones of South America, from connexion
with the names of the dead; while in South Africa, the avoid-
ance of the names of certain relatives by marriage has led to a
result in some degree similar. :
Captain Cook noticed in Tahiti that when a chief came to the
royal dignity, any words resembling his name were changed.
1 Schoolcraft, part iii, pp. 314, 492.
IMAGES AND NAMES. 145
Even to call a horse or a dog “ Prince” or “ Princess” was dis-
gusting to the native mind.’ Polack says that from a New
Zealand chief being called “ Wai,” which means “ water,” a
new name had to be given to water. A chief was called “ Ma-
ripi,” or ‘‘ knife ;””? and knives were called, in consequence, by
another name, “nekra.”* Hale, the philologist to the U.S.
Exploring Expedition, gives an account of the similar Tahitian
practice known as te pi, by virtue of which, for instance, the
syllable tw was changed even in indifferent words, because there
was a king whose name was Tu. Thus fetw (star) was changed
to fetia, tui (to strike) became tiai, and so on.®
Mentioning the Australian prohibition of uttering the names
of the dead, Mr. Eyre says :—“ In cases where the name of a
native has been that of some bird or animal of almost daily re-
currence, a new name is given to the object, and adopted in the
language of the tribe. Thus at Moorunde, a favourite son of
the native Tenberry was called Torpool, or the Teal; upon
the child’s death the appellation of tilquaitch was given to the
teal, and that of torpool altogether dropped among the Moo-
runde tribe.’* The change of language in Tasmania, which
has resulted from dropping the names of the dead, is thus de-
scribed by Mr. Milligan :—* The elision and absolute rejection
and disuse of words from time to time has been noticed as
a source of change in the Aboriginal dialects. It happened
thus:—The names of men and women were taken from na-
tural objects and occurrences around, as, for instance, a kan-
garoo, a gum-tree, snow, hail, thunder, the wind, the sea, the
Waratah—or Blandifordia or Boronia when in blossom, etc.,
but it was a settled custom in.every tribe, upon the death of
any individual, most scrupulously to abstain ever after from men-
tioning the name of the deceased,—a rule, the infraction of
which would, they considered, be followed by some dire calami-
ties: they therefore used great circumlocution in referring to a
dead person, so as to avoid pronunciation of the name,—if, for
1 Cook, Third Voyage, vol. ii. p. 170.
2 Polack, vol. i. p. 88; vol. ii. p. 126.
. 3 Hale, in U.S. Exp., vol. vi. p. 288. Max Miiller, ‘Lectures,’ 2nd series ;
London, 1864, pp. 34-41. 4 Hyre, vol. ii. p. 354.
L
146 IMAGES AND NAMES.
instance, William and Mary, man and wife, were both deceased,
and Lucy, the deceased sister of William, had been married to
Isaac, also dead, whose son Jemmy still survived, and they
wished to speak of Mary, they would say ‘the wife of the
brother of Jemmy’s father’s wife,’ and so on. Such a practice
must, it is clear, have contributed materially to reduce the
number of their substantive appellations, and to create a neces-
sity for new phonetic symbols to represent old ideas, which new
vocables would in all probability differ on each occasion, and
in every separate tribe; the only chance of fusion of words be-
tween tribes arising out of the capture of females for wives from
hostile and alien people,—a custom generally prevalent, and
doubtless as beneficial to the race in its effects as it was savage
in its mode of execution.’”!
Martin Dobrizhoffer, the Jesuit missionary, gives the follow-
ing account of the way in which this change was going on in
the language of the Abipones in his time. ‘The Abiponian
language is involved in new difficulties by a ridiculous custom
which the savages have of continually abolishing words common
to the whole nation, and substituting new ones in their stead.
Funeral rites are the origin of this custom. The Abipones do
not like that anything should remain to remind them of the
dead. Hence appellative words bearing any affinity with the
names of the deceased are presently abolished. During the
first years that I spent amongst the Abipones, it was usual to
say Hegmalkam kahamatek ?, ‘When will there be a slaugh-
tering of oxen?’ On account of the death of some Abipone,
the word kahamatek was interdicted, and, in its stead, they
were all commanded, by the voice of a crier, to say, Heymal-
kam négerkata 2? The word nihirenak, a tiger, was exchanged
for apanigehak ; pete, a crocodile, for kaeprhak, and kaama,
Spaniards, for [ikil, because these words bore some resem-
blance to the names of Abipones lately deceased. Hence it is
that our vocabularies are so full of blots, occasioned by our
having such frequent occasion to obliterate interdicted words,
and insert new ones.’”
.} Milligan, in Papers, etc., of Roy. Soc. of Tasmania, yol. iii. part ii. 1859,
p. 281. 2 Dobrizhoffer, vol. ii. p. 203.
IMAGES AND NAMES. 147
In South Africa, it appears that some Kafir tribes drop from
their language words resembling the names of their former
chiefs. Thus the Ama-Mbalu do not call the sun by its ordi-
nary Zulu name i-langa, but their first chief’s name having
been Ulanga, they use the word i-sota instead. It is also
among the Kafirs that the peculiar custom of wku-hlonipa is
found, which is remarked upon by Professor Max Miiller in his
second course of lectures! The following account of it is
from another source, the Rev. J. L. Déhne, who thus speaks
of it under the verb hlonipa, which means to be bashful, to
keep ata distance through timidity, to shun approach, to avoid
mentioning one’s name, to be respectful. ‘This word de-
scribes a custom between the nearest relations, and is exclu-
sively applied to the female sex, who, when married, are not
allowed to call the names of the relatives of their husbands
nor of their fathers-in-law. They must keep at a distance
from the latter. Hence they have the habit of inventing new
names for the members of the family, which is always resorted
to when those names happen to be either derived from, or are
equivalent to some other word of the common language, as,
for instance, if the father or brother-in-law is called Umehlo,
which is derived from amehlo, eyes, the isifazi [female sex]
will no longer use amehlo but substitute amakangelo (look-
ings), etc., and hence, the izwi lezifazi, 7.e.: women-word or
language has originated.’”
Other instances of change of language by interdicting words
are to be found. The Yezidis, who worship the devil, not only
refuse to speak the name of Sheitan, but they have dropped
the word shat, “river,” as too much like it, and use the word
nahr instead. Nor will they utter the word keitan, “thread”
or “fringe,” and even naal, “ horse-shoe,” and naal-band,
“farrier,” are forbidden words, because they approach to laan,
“curse,” and maloun, “accursed.’”? It is curious to observe
that a “ disease of language” belonging to the same family has
shown itself in English-speaking countries and in modern
1 Max Miller, 7. ec.
2 Déhne, ‘ Zulu-Kafir Dictionary ;’ Cape Town, 1857, s.v. hlonipa.
3 Layard, ‘ Nineveh ;’ London, 1849, vol. i. p. 297.
L 2
148 IMAGES AND NAMES.
times. In America especially, a number of very harmless
words have been “‘tabooed” of late years, not for any offence
of their own, but for having a resemblance in sound to words
looked upon as indelicate, or even because slang has adopted
them to express ideas ignored by a somewhat over-fastidious
propriety. We in England are not wholly clear from this of-
fence against good taste, but we have been fortunate in seeing
it developed into its full ugliness abroad, and may hope that it
is checked once for all among ourselves.
It may be said in concluding the subject of Images and
Names, that the effect of an inability to separate, so clearly as we
do, the external object from the mere thought or idea of it in
the mind, shows itself very fully and clearly in the superstitious
beliefs and practices of the untaught man, but its results are by
no means confined to such matters. It is not too much to say
that nothing short of a history of Philosophy and Religion
would be required to follow them out. The accumulated ex-
perience of so many ages has indeed brought to us far clearer
views in these matters than the savage has, though after all we
soon come to the point where our knowledge stops, and the
opinions which ordinary educated men hold, or at least act
upon, as to the relation between ideas and things, may come
in time to be superseded by others taken from a higher level.
But between our clearness of separation of what is in the
mind from what is out of it, and the mental confusion of the
lowest savages of our own day, there is a vast interval. More-
over, as has just been said, the appearance even in the system
of savage superstition, of things which seem to have outlived
the recollection of their original meaning, may perhaps lead us
back to a still earlier condition of the human mind. _Hspecially
we may see, in the superstitions connected with language, the
vast difference between what a name is to the savage and what
it is to us, to whom “ words are the counters of wise men and
the money of fools.” Lower down in the history of culture, the
word and the idea are found sticking together with a tenacity
very different from their weak adhesion in our minds, and there
is to be seen a tendency to grasp at the word as though it
were the object it stands for, and to hold that to be able to
IMAGES AND NAMES. A 149
speak of a thing gives a sort of possession of it, in a way that
we can scarcely realize. Perhaps this state of mind was hardly
ever so clearly brought into view as in a story told by Dr.
Lieber. ‘I was looking lately at a negro who was occupied
in feeding young mocking-birds by the hand. ‘Would they
eat worms?’ I asked. The negro replied, ‘ Surely not, they
are too young, they would not know what to call them.’ ’”!
' Lieber, ‘ Laura Bridgman ;’ Smiths. C., 1851, p. 9.
150
CHAPTER VII.
GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE.
Direct record is the mainstay of History, and where this fails
us in remote places and times, it becomes much more difficult
to make out where civilization has gone forward, and where it
has fallen back. As to progress in the first place; when any
important movement has been made in modern times, there
have usually been well-informed contemporary writers, only
too glad to come before the public with something to say that
the world cared to hear. But in going down to the lower
levels of traditional history, this state of things changes. It
is not only that real information becomes more and more
scarce, but that the same curiosity that we feel about the origin
and growth of civilization, unfortunately combined with a dis-
position to take any semblance of an answer rather than live
in face of mere blank conscious ignorance, has favoured the
growth of the crowd of mythic inventors and civilizers, who
have their place in the legends of so many distant ages and
countries. Their stories often give us names, dates, and places,
even the causes which led to change,—just the imformation
wanted, if only it were true. And, indeed, recollections of
real men and their inventions may sometimes have come to be
included among the tales of these gods, heroes, and sages ;
and sometimes a mythic garb may clothe real history, as when
Cadmus, 07), “The Hast,” brings the Phoenician letters to
Greece. But, asa rule, not history, but mythology fallen cold
GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE. 151
and dead, or even etymology, allusion, fancy, are their only
basis, from Sol, the son of Oceanus, who found out how to
mine and melt the brilliant, sun-like gold, and Pyrodes, the
** Fiery,” who discovered how to get fire from flint, and the
merchants who invented the art of glass-making (known in
Egypt in such remote antiquity) by making fires on the sandy
Phoenician coast, with their kettles set to boil over them on
lumps of natron, brought for this likely purpose from their
ship,—across the world to Kahukura, who got the fairies’
fishing-net from which the New Zealanders learnt the art of
netting, and the Chinese pair, Hoei and Y-meu, of whom the
one invented the bow, and the other the arrow.
As the gods Ceres and Bacchus become the givers of corn
and wine to mortals, so across the Atlantic there has grown
out of a simple mythic conception of nature, the story of the
great enlightener and civilizer of Mexico. When the key
which Professor Miller and Mr. Cox have used with such suc-
cess in unlocking the Indo-European mythology is put to the
mass of traditions of the Mexican Quetzalcohuatl, collected by
the Abbé Brasseur,! the real nature of this personage shows
out at once.
He was the son of Camaxtli, the great Toltec conqueror
who reigned over the land of Anahuac. His mother died at
his birth, and in his childhood he was cared for by the virgin
priestesses who kept up the sacred fire, emblem of the sun.
While yet a boy he was bold in war, and followed his father on
his marches. But while he was far away, a band of enemies
rose against his father, and with them jomed the Mixcohuas,
the ‘ Cloud-Snakes,” and they fell upon the aged king and
choked him, and buried his body in the temple of Mixcoate-
petl, the * Mountain of the Cloud-Snakes.” ‘Time passed on,
and Quetzalcohuatl knew not what had happened, but at last
the Eagle came to him and told him that his father was slain
and had gone down into the tomb. Then Quetzalcohuatl rose
and went with his followers to attack the temple of the Cloud-
Snakes’ Mountain, where the murderers had fortified them-
selves, mocking him from their battlements. But he mined in
1 Brasseur, ‘ Histoire,’ vol. i, books ii. and iii. See vol. iii. book xii. chapter iii.
152 GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE.
a way from below, and rushed into the temple among them
with his Tigers. Many he slew outright, but the bodies of
the guiltiest he hewed and hacked, and throwing red pepper
on their wounds, left them to die.
After this there comes another story. Quetzalcohuatl ap-
peared at Panuco, up a river on the Hastern Coast. He had
landed there from his ship, coming no man knew from whence.
He was tall, of white complexion, pleasant to look upon, with
fair hair and bushy beard, dressed in long flowing robes. Re-
ceived everywhere as a messenger from heaven, he travelled
inland across the hot countries of the coast to the temperate
regions of the interior, and there he became a priest, a law-
giver, andaking. The beautiful land of the Toltecs teemed
with fruit and flowers, and his reign was their Golden Age.
Poverty was unknown, and the people reyvelled in every joy of
riches and well-bemg. The Toltecs themselves were not like
the small dark Aztecs of later times; they were large of sta-
ture and fair almost as Huropeans, and (sun-like) they could
run unresting all the long day. Quetzalcohuatl brought with
him builders, painters, astronomers, and artists in many other
crafts. He made roads for travel, and favoured the wayfaring
merchants from distant lands. He was the founder of history,
the lawgiver, the inventor of the calendar of days and years,
the composer of the Tonalamatl, the “ Sun-Book,” where the
Tonalpouhqui, ‘ he who counts by the sun,” read the destinies
of men in astrological predictions, and he regulated the times
of the solemn ceremonies, the festival of the new year and of
the fifty-two years’ cycle. But after a reign of years of peace
and prosperity, trouble came upon him too. His enemies
banded themselves against him, and their head was a chief
who bore a name of the Sun, Tetzcatlipoca, the ‘ Smoking
Mirror,” a splendid youth, a kinsman of Quetzalcohuatl, but
his bitter enemy. They rose against Quetzalcohuatl, and he
departed. The kingdom, he said, was no longer under his
charge, he had a mission elsewhere, for the master of distant
lands had sent to seek him, and this master was the Sun. He
went to Cholullan, “the place of the fugitive,” and founded
there another empire, but his enemy followed him with his
GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE. 153
armies, and Quetzalcohuatl said he must begone to the land of
Tlapallan, for Heaven willed that he should visit other coun-
tries, to spread there the light of his doctrine; but when his
mission was done, he would return and spend his old age with
them. So he departed and went down a river on his ship to
the sea, and there he disappeared. The sunlight glows on the
snow-covered peak of Orizaba long after the lands below are
wrapped in darkness, and there, some said, his body was car-
ried, and rose to heaven in the smoke of the funeral pile, and
when he vanished, the sun for a time refused to show himself
again.
How dim the meaning of these tales had grown among the
Mexicans, when Montezuma thought he saw in Cortes and the
Spanish ships the return of the great ruler and his age of gold.
Quetzalcohuatl had come back already many a time, to bring
light, and joy, and work, upon the earth, for he was the Sun.
We may even find him identified with the Sun by name, and
his history is perhaps a more compact and perfect series of
solar myths than hangs to the name of any single personage
in our own Aryan mythology. His mother, the Dawn or the
Night, gives birth to him, and dies. His father Camaxtli is
the Sun, and was worshipped with solar rites in Mexico, but
he is the old Sun of yesterday. The clouds, personified in the
mythic race of the Mixcohuas, or ‘ Cloud-Snakes” (the Nibe-
lungs of the western hemisphere), bear down the old Sun and
choke him, and bury him in their mountain. But the young
Quetzalcohuatl, the Sun of to-day, rushes up into the midst of
them from below, and some he slays at the first onset, and
some he leaves, rift with red wounds, to die. We have the
Sun-boat of Helios, of the Egyptian Ra, of the Polynesian
Maui. Quetzalcohuatl, his bright career drawing towards its
close, is chased into far lands by his kinsman ''etzcatlipoca,
the young Sun of to-morrow. He, too, is well-known as a Sun-
god in the Mexican theology. Wonderfully fitting with all
this, one incident after another in the life of Quetzalcohuatl
falls into its place. The guardians of the sacred fire tend him,
his funeral pile is on the top of Orizaba, he is the helper of
travellers, the maker of the calendar, the source of astrology,
os
154 GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE.
the beginner of history, the bringer of wealth and happiness.
He is the patron of the craftsman, whom he lights to his la-
bour; as it is written in an ancient Sanskrit hymn, “‘ He steps
forth, the splendour of the sky, the wide-seeing, the far-aim-
ing, the shining wanderer; surely, enlivened by the sun, do
men go to their tasks and do their work.”! Even his people
the Toltecs catch from him solar qualities. Will it be even
possible to grant to this famous race, in whose story the legend
of Quetzalcohuatl is the leading incident, anything more than
a mythic existence ?
The student, then, may well look suspiciously on state-
ments professing to be direct history of the early growth of
civilization, and may even find it best to err on the safe side
and not admit them at all, unless they are shown to be pro-
bable by other evidence, or unless the tradition is of such a
character that it could hardly have arisen but on a basis of
fact. For instance, both these tests seem to be satisfied by
the Chinese legend concerning quipus. In the times of Yung-
ching-che, it is related, people used little cords marked by dif-
ferent knots, which, by their numbers and distances, served
them instead of writing. The invention is ascribed to the
Emperor Suy-jin, the Prometheus of China.” Putting names
and dates out of the question, this story embodies the assertion
that in old times the Chinese used quipus for records, till they
were superseded by the art of writing. Now in the first place,
it is not easy to imagine how such a story could come into
existence, unless it were founded on fact; and in the second
place, an examination of what is known of this curious art in
other countries, shows that just what the Chinese say once
happened to them, is known to have happened to other races
in various parts of the world.
The quipu is a near relation of the rosary and the wampum-
string. It consists of a cord with knots tied in it for the pur-
pose of recalling or suggesting something to the mind. When
a farmer’s daughter ties a knot in her handkerchief to re-
1 Miiller, Lectures, 2nd series, p. 497.
* Goguet, vol. iii. p. 822. De Mailla, Histoire Gén. de la Chine; Paris, 1777,
vol. i. p. 4.
GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE. 155
member a commission at market by, she makes a rudimentary
quipu. Darius made one when he took a thong and tied sixty
knots in it, and gave it to the chiefs of the Ionians, that they
might untie a knot each day, till, if the knots were all undone,
and he had not returned, they might go back to their own
land.!. Such was the string on which Le Boo tied a knot for
each ship he met on his voyage, to keep in mind its name and
country, and that one on which his father, Abba Thulle, tied:
first thirty knots, and then six more, to remember that Cap-
tain Wilson was to come back in thirty moons, or at least in
six beyond.?
This is so simple a device that it may, for all we know, have
been invented again and again, and its appearance in several
countries does not prove it to have been transmitted from one
country to another. It has been found in Asia,® in Africa,‘ in
Mexico, among the North American Indians ;? but its greatest
development was in South America. The word quipu, that
is, “knot,” belongs to the language of Peru, and quipus served
there as the regular means of record and communication for a
highly-organized society. Von Tschudi describes them as con-
sisting of a thick main cord, with thinner cords tied on to it at
certain distances, in which the knots are tied. The length of
the quipus varies much, the main trunk being often many ells
long, sometimes only a single foot, the branches seldom more
than two feet, and usually much less. He has dug up a quipu,
he says, towards eight pounds in weight, a portion of which is
represented in the woodcut from which the accompanying (Fig.
15) is taken. The cords are often of various colours, each with
its own proper meaning; red for soldiers, yellow for gold,
white for silver, green for corn, and so on. This knot-writing
was especially suited for reckonings and statistical tables; a
~1 Herod., iv. 98. See Plin., x. 34.
2 Keate, ‘ Pelew Islands ;? London, 1788, pp. 367, 392.
3 Erman (LH. Tr.) ; London, 1848, vol. 1. p. 492.
4 Goguet, vol. i. pp. 161, 212. Klemm, C. G., vol. i. p. 3. Bastian, vol. i.
p. 412.
5 Charlevoix, vol. vi. p. 151. Long’s Exp., vol. i. p. 235 (a passage which sug-
gests a reason for Lucina being the patroness of child-birth). Talbot, Disc. of
Lederer, p. 4. 6 Humboldt and Bonpland, vol. iii. p. 20.
156 GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE.
single knot meant ten, a double one a hundred, a triple one a
thousand, two singles side by side twenty, two doubles two
hundred. © The distances of the knots from the main cord were
of great importance, as was the sequence of the branches, for
the principal objects were placed on the first branches and near
the trunk, and so in decreasing order. This art of reckoning,
(gre zm
WL
DAT
STA
ve
| N
Nal
YN NI
X A N
Nh N
) N
LL N \ AY
Q N 4 Ay
rt NI A Y
\ WN
wing
N N A
N N A
x VA a
y NY A
N Nf
Ly \\ NG
\) NBS
SY § NG
y ie
Y “WN } h
N X H 4
if ( :
IN
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Fig. 15.
continues Von Tschudi, is still in use among the herdsmen of
the Puna (the high mountain plateau of Peru), and he had it
explained to him by them, so that with a little trouble he could
read any of their quipus. On the first branch they usually
register the bulls, on the second the cows, these again they
divide into milch-cows and those that were dry; the next
GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE. 157
branches contain the calves, according to age and sex, then
the sheep in several subdivisions, the number of foxes killed,
the quantity of salt used, and, lastly, the particulars of the
cattle that have died. On other quipus is set down the pro-
duce of the herd in milk, cheese, wool, ete. Hach heading is
indicated by a special colour or a differently twined knot.
It was in the same way that in old times the army registers
were kept; on one cord the slingers were set down, on another
the spearmen, on a third those with clubs, etc., with their
officers; and thus also the accounts of battles were drawn up.
In each town were special functionaries, whose duty was to tie
and interpret the quipus; they were called Quipucamayocuna,
or Knot-officers. Insufficient as this kind of writing was, the
official historians had attained, during the flourishing of the
kingdom of the Incas, to great facility in its interpretation.
Nevertheless, they were seldom able to read a quipu without
the aid of an oral commentary ; when one came from a distant
province, it was necessary to give notice with it whether it re-
ferred to census, tribute, war, and so forth. In order to in-
dicate matters belonging to their own immediate district, they
made at the beginning of the main cord certain signs only in-
telligible to themselves, and they also carefully kept the quipus
in their proper departments, so as not, for instance, to mistake
a tribute-cord for one relating to the census. By constant
practice, they so far perfected the system as to be able to re-
gister with their knots the most important events of the king-
dom, and to set down the laws and ordinances. In modern
times, all the attempts made to read the ancient quipus have
been invain. The difficulty in deciphering them is very great,
since every knot indicates an idea, and a number of inter-
mediate notions are left out. But the principal impediment
is the want of the oral information as to their subject-matter,
which was needful even to the most learned decipherers. How-
ever, should we even succeed in finding the key to their inter-
pretation, the results would be of little value; for what would
come to light would be mostly census-records of towns or pro-
vinces, taxation-lists, and accounts of the property of deceased
persons. There are still some Indians, in the southern pro-
158 GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE.
vinces of Peru, who are perfectly familiar with the contents of
certain historical quipus preserved from ancient times; but
they keep their knowledge a profound secret, especially from
the white men.!
Coming nearer to China, quipus are found in the Eastern
Archipelago and in Polynesia proper,? and they were in use in
Hawaii forty years ago, in a form seemingly not inferior to the
most elaborate Peruvian examples. “The tax-gatherers, though
they can neither read nor write, keep very exact accounts of all
the articles, of all kinds, collected from the inhabitants through-
- out the island. This is done principally by one man, and the
register is nothmg more than a line of cordage from four to
five hundred fathoms in length. Distinct portions of this are
allotted to the various districts, which are known from one
another by knots, loops, and tufts, of different shapes, sizes,
and colours. Hach tax-payer in the district has his part in this
string, and the number of dollars, hogs, dogs, pieces of sandal-
wood, quantity of taro, etc., at which he is rated, is well de-
fined by means of marks of the above kinds, most ingeniously
diversified.’’
The fate of the quipu has been everywhere to be superseded,
more or less entirely, by the art of writing. Hven the picture-
writing of the ancient Mexicans appears to have been strong
enough to supplant it. Whether its use in Mexico is men-
tioned by any old chronicler or not, I do not know; but Bo-
turini placed the fact beyond doubt by not only fntine some
specimens in Tlascala, but also recor ding their Mexican name,
nepohwaltztzin,* a word derived from the verb tlapohua, to
count. When, therefore, the Chinese tell us that they once
upon a time used this contrivance, and that the art of writing
superseded it, the analogy of what has taken place in other
countries makes it extremely probable that the tradition is a
true one, and this probability is reinforced by the unlikeliness
of such a story having been produced by mere fancy.
1 J. J. v. Tschudi, ‘Peru;’ St. Gall, 1846, vol. ii. p. 383.
2 Marsden, p. 192. Keate, doc. cit. Klemm, C. G., vol. iv. p. 396.
3 Tyerman and Bennet, Journal; London, 1831, vol. i. p. 455.
* Boturini, ‘Idea de una nueva Historia,’ etc.; Madrid, 1746, p. 85.
GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE. 159
Moreover, the historical value of early tradition does not lie
exclusively in the fragments of real history it may preserve.
Even the myths which it carries down to later times may be-
come important indirect evidence in the hands of the ethnolo-
gist. And ancient compositions handed down by memory from
generation to generation, especially if a poetic form helps to
‘keep them in their original shape, oftew give us, if not a sound
record of real events, at least a picture of the state of civiliza-
tion in which the compositions themselves had their origin.
Perhaps no branch of indirect evidence, bearing on the history
of culture, has been so well worked as the memorials of earlier
states of society, which have thus been unintentionally pre-
served, for instance, in the Homeric poems. Safer examples
than the following might be quoted; but as so much has been
said of the history of the art of writing, the place may serve
to cite what seems to be a memorial of a time when, among
the ancient Greeks, picture-writing had not as yet been super-
seded by word-writing, in the tale of Bellerophon, whom
Proeetus would not kill, but he sent him into Lycia, and gave
him baneful signs, graving on a folded tablet many soul-de-
stroying things, and bade him show them to the king, that he
might perish at his hands.
Tléwre S€ piv Avkinvde, répev & dye onpara Nvypa,
Tpavas ev rivakte mrukt@ OvpopOdpa rrodda,
AciEa & nvaye & mevOepa, opp amddotTo.}
It happens unfortunately that but little evidence as to the
early history of civilization is to be got by direct observation,
that is, by contrasting the condition of a low race at different
- times, so as to see whether its culture has altered in the mean-
while. The contact requisite for such an inspection of a savage
tribe by civilized men, has usually had much the same effect as
the experiment which an inquisitive child tries upon the root it
put in the ground the day before, by digging it up to see whe-
ther it has grown. It is a general rule that original and inde-
pendent progress is not found among a people of low civiliza-
1 TL, vi. 168. Wolf, Proleg. in Hom.; Halle, 1859, 2nd ed. vol. i. p. 48, ete.
Liddell and Scott, s.v. ojua. 2
160 GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE.
tion in presence of a higher race. It is natural enough that
this should be the case, and it does not in the least affect the
question whether the lower race was stationary or progressing
before the arrival of the more cultivated foreigners. Hyven when
the contact has been but slight and temporary, it either be-
comes doubtful whether progress made soon afterwards is ori-
ginal, or certain that itis not so. It has been asserted, for in-
stance, that the Andaman Islanders had no boats in the ninth
century, and that the canoe with an outrigger has only lately
appeared among them.! If these statements should prove cor-
rect, we cannot assume, upon the strength of them, that the
islanders made these inventions themselves, seeing that they
could easily have copied them from foreigners. Moreover, the
fact that they. now use bits of glass-bottles, and iron from
wrecks, in making their tools and weapons, proves that, shght
as their intercourse has been with foreigners, and bitter as is
their hostility to them, their condition has, nevertheless, been
materially changed by foreign influence.
Though direct evidence thus generally fails us in tracing the
history of the lower culture of mankind, there are many ways
of bringing indirect evidence to bear on the problem. The
early Culture-History of Mankind is capable of being treated
as an Inductive Science, by collecting and grouping facts. It
is true that very little has as yet been done in this way, as
regards the lower races at least ; but the evidence has only to
a very slight extent been got into a state to give definite
results, and the whole argument is extremely uncertain and
difficult: a fact which sufficiently accounts for writers on the
Origin of Civilization being able to tell us all about it, with
that beautiful ease and confidence which belong to the specu-
lative philosopher, whose course is but little obstructed by
facts.
In a Lecture on the Origin of Civilization, since reprinted
with a Preface,” the late Archbishop Whately thus summarily
disposes of any claim of the lower races to a power of self-
improvement. ‘For, all experience proves that men, left in
1 Mouat, ‘ Andaman Islanders,’ pp. 7, 11, 315.
2 Whately, ‘ Miscellaneous Lectures and Reviews ;’ London, 1856.
GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE. 161
the lowest, or even anything approaching to the lowest, degree
of barbarism in which they can possibly subsist at all, never did
and never can raise themselves, unaided, into a higher condi-
tion.” This view, it may be remarked in passing, serves as
basis for a theory that, though races arrived already at a mode-
rate state of culture may make progress of themselves, such
races must have been started on their way upwards by a super-
natural revelation, to bring them to the point where indepen-
dent progress became possible. Now, the denial to the low
savage of the power of self-improvement is a broad statement,
requiring, to justify it, at least a good number of cases of tribes
who have had a fair trial under favourable circumstances, and
have been found wanting. As definite statements of this na-
ture, the two following are considered by Archbishop Whately
as sufficient to give substance to his argument.
«The New Zealanders, ... whom Tasman first discovered
in 1642, and who were visited for the second time by Cook,
127 years after, were found by him exactly in the same condi-
tion.” Tasman, however, never set foot in New Zealand. The
particulars he recorded of the civilization of the natives occupy
the space of a page or so in his journal.! He mentions fires
seen on shore; a sort of trumpet blown upon by the natives ;
their dressing their hair in a bunch behind the top of the
head, with a white feather stuck in it; their double canoes,
jomed above with a platform; their paddles and sails; their
clothing, which was (as it seemed) sometimes of matting,
and sometimes of cotton (he was wrong as to this last point, but
very excusably so, considering how little opportunity he had
of close examination) ; their spears and clubs; a white flag
carried by a man in a boat; and the square garden-enclosures
seen on Three Kings’ Island. The evidence to be got from
‘this account, that the civilization of the New Zealanders had
not considerably advanced when Cook afterwards visited the
country, or, for the matter of that, that it had not as consider-
ably declined, does not seem very forcible.
The other statement lies in the citing of a remark of Dar-
1 Swart, ‘Journaal van de Reis naar het onbekende Zuidland, door Abel Jansz.
Tasman ;’ Amsterdam, 1860, pp. 80-95.
M
162 GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE.
win’s about the Fuegians, which runs thus :1—‘ Their skill in
some respects may be compared to the instinct of animals ; for
it is not improved by experience: the canoe, their most inge-
nious work, poor as it is, has remained the same, for the last
two hundred and fifty years.” But it must be noticed, that
neither is the wretched hand-to-mouth life of the Fuegians
favourable to progress, nor can a bark canoe ten feet long,
holding four or five grown persons, beside children, dogs,
implements, and weapons, and in which a fire can be kept
burning on a hearth in the rough sea off Tierra del Fuego,
be without tolerable sea-going qualities. As fo workmanship,
the modern Fuegian bark canoes are intermediate between the
very rude ones of the Australian coast and the highly finished
ones of North America, and it does not appear that their
build may not be considerably better (or worse) than at the
time of the visit of Sarmiento de Gamboa, in the sixteenth
century. But the most remarkable thing in the whole matter,
is the fact that the Fuegians should have had canoes at all,
while coast-tribes across the straits made shift with rafts.
This was of course a fact familiar to Mr. Darwin, and im the
very next sentence after that quoted above, he actually goes
on to ascribe to the Fuegian race the invention of their art of
boat-building. ‘‘ Whilst beholding these savages, one asks,
whence have they come? What could have tempted, or what
change compelled a tribe of men to leave the fine regions of the
north, to travel down the Cordillera or backbone of America,
to invent and build canoes, and then to enter on one of the
most inhospitable countries within the limits of the globe?”
Of this part of Mr. Darwin’s remarks, however, Archbishop
Whately did not think it necessary to take notice.
T have brought forward these statements of his, not for the -
purpose of discussing his particular views, but of illustrating
the unsound relation in which theory has so often been placed
to fact. But far more profitable work than the criticism and
construction of speculative theories, may be done by collecting
facts or groups of facts leading to direct inferences. When
1 Fitz Roy and Darwin, Narrative of Voyage of ‘ Adventure’ and ‘Beagle; ’
London, 1839, vol. iii. p. 236. See vol. i. p. 137.
ttt
GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE. 163
both fact and inference are sound, every such argument is a
step gained, while if either be unsound, a distinct statement of
fact and issue is the best means of getting them corrected, or,
if needful, discarded altogether. A principal object of the
present chapter, is to bring forward a variety of instances
drawn from sources where indirect evidence bearing on our
early history is to be sought.
As examples of evidence from language, a few cases may be
given. The word calculation, indicating the primitive art of
reckoning by pebbles or calculi, has passed on with the growth
of science to designate the working of problems far beyond
the reach of the abacus. So, though the Mexicans, when they
were discovered, had a high numerical system and were good
reckoners, the word feél, “ stone,’ remained as an integral part
of one of their sets of numerals for counting animals and
things; centetl “one stone,” ontetl ‘two stone,” etetl “three
stone,” etc., meaning nothing more than one, two, three. Nor
is Mexico the only country where this curious phenomenon
occurs. The Malays say for “one” not only sa, but also sa-
watu, that is literally “one stone,” and the Javans say not only
sa but sawijt, that is, “one corn, or seed,” and in like manner
the Nias language calls one and two sambua and dwmbua, that
is, apparently, “ one fruit,” ‘two fruits.””}
Still more notable is the Aztec term for an eclipse. The
idea that the sun and moon are swallowed or bitten by dragons,
or great dogs, or other creatures, is not only very common in
the Old World, but it is even found in North and South
America, and Polynesia.? But there is evidence that the
ancient Mexicans understood the real cause of eclipses. They
are represented in the picture-writings by a figure of the
moon’s disc covering part of the sun’s, and this symbol, Hum-
boldt remarks, “proves exact notions as to the cause of
eclipses; it reminds us of the allegorical dance of the Mexican
1 Crawfurd, Gr. and Dic. of Malay Language ; London, 1852, vol. i. pp. lvi.
Iviii. Ixvii., and see cexviii.
2 Jacob Grimm, ‘ Deutsche Mythologie ;’ pp. 224-5, 668. Schoolcraft, part i.
p- 271. Dobrizhoffer, vol. ii. p.84. Du Tertre, Hist. Gén. des Antilles, etc.;
Paris, 1667, vol. ii. p. 371. Turner, ‘ Polynesia,’ p. 531.
3 Humboldt, Vues, pl. 56.
mM 2
164 GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE.
priests, which represented the moon devouring the sun.” %
Yet the Mexicans preserved the memory of an earlier state of
astronomical knowledge, by calling eclipses of the sun and
moon tonatiuh qualo, metztli qualo, that is, ‘the sun’s bemg
eaten,” ‘the moon’s being eaten,” just as the Finns say, kuu
syodad, “the moon is eaten,” and the Tahitians that she is na-
tua, that is, “ bitten” or “ pinched.”! In the Mexican celebra-
tion of the Netonatiuh-qualo, or eclipse of the sun, two of the
captives sacrificed appeared as likenesses of the sun and moon.”
When a thing or an art is named in one country by a word
belonging to the language of another, as maize, hammock,
algebra, and the like, it is often good evidence that the thing
or art itself came from thence, bringing its name with it. This
kind of evidence, bearing upon the progress of civilization, has
been much and successfully worked, but it has to be used with
great caution when the foreign language is an important me-
dium of instruction, or spoken by a race dominant or powerful
in the country. As instances of words good or bad as histo-
rical evidence, may be taken the Arabic words in Spanish.
While alquimia (alchemy), albornoz (bornoos), acequia (irriga-
ting channel), albaricoque (apricot), and many more, may really
carry with them historical information of more or less value, it
must be borne in mind, that the influence of the Arabic lan-
guage in Spain was so great, that it has often given words for
what was there long before Moorish times, alacran (scorpion),
alboroto (uproar), alcor (hill), and so on; not satisfied with
their own word for head, to express a head of cattle, the
Spaniards must needs call it res, Arabic ras, head. So the New
Zealanders’ use of buka-buka for book is good evidence as to
who taught them to read; but the name that the Tahitian
nobles are now commonly adopting, instead of the native term
arii, is bad evidence as to the origin of caste among them; they
like the title of tavana, which is a native attempt at governor.
Even the etymology of a word may sometimes throw light
upon the transmission of art and knowledge from one country
to another, as where we may see how the Roman made sub-
1 Castrén, ‘ Finnische Mythologie ;’ pp. 63-5. Ellis, Polyn. Res., vol. ii. p. 415.
? Nieremberg, Hist. Nat.; Antwerp, 1635, p. 143. Humboldt, Vues, pl: 23.
GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE. 165
stantia by translating vmoctacis, and the German, making
himself a word for ‘ superstition,” aberglaube, Flemish over-
geloof, that is “ over-belief,” had the super of superstitio before
him when he introduced into his language a notion which it
had perhaps hardly realized before. To take a more specula-
tive case of a very different kind, the tea-urns used in Russia are
well known, but where did the Russians get the invention from?
They get their tea from China, where tea-urns much resem-
bling our own have long been in use. But the apparatus is no
new thing in Europe, and the specimen in the Naples Museum,
if it were coloured with the conventional. chocolate colour, and
had a tap put in to replace the original one which is lost, would
perhaps be only remarked upon at an English tea-table as be-
ing beautiful but old-fashioned. It was kept hot by charcoal
burning in a tube in the middle, like the Russian urns. Now
the name of a vessel just answering this description has been
preserved, authepsa (avdéwns, “ self-boiler’”’), and of this term
the Russian name for their urns, samovar, “ self-boiler,” is an
exact translation. The coimcidence suggests that they may
have received both the thing and its name through Constanti-
nople. Moreover, there is reason to think that the Western
element in Chinese art is far more important than is popularly
supposed, and the tea-urn is so peculiar an apparatus, and so
strikingly alike in ancient Italy and in China, that it is scarcely
possible that the two should be the results of separate inven-
tion. Imperfect as the evidence is, there is at least some
ground for the view that the hot water urn originated very
early in Europe, and travelled east as far as China.
It often happens that an old art or custom, which has been
superseded for general purposes by some more convenient ar-
rangement, is kept up long afterwards in solemn ceremonies
and other matters under the control of priests and officials,
who are commonly averse to change; as inventions have often
to wait long after they have come into general use before they
are officially recognized. Wooden tallies were given for re-
ceipts by our Exchequer up to the time of George IV., as if to
keep up, as long as might be, the remembrance of the time
when “ our forefathers had no other books but the score and.
166 GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE.
the tally.” It is true that the notched Exchequer tally had
long had a Latin inscription on it, and at last there was given
ito the bargain a fair English receipt, written on a separate
paper. The tally survives still, not only in the broken six-
pence, and in the bargains of peasants in outlying districts,
but in the counterfoil of the banker’s cheque. Some evidence
of this ceremonial keeping up of arts superseded in private
life, will be given in the chapters on the Stone Age and Fire-
making.
Such helps as these in working out the problem of the Origin
and Progress of Culture grow scarcer as we descend among
the lower races, and those of which we have little or no his-
torical knowledge. Mere observation of arts in use, and of
objects belonging to tribes living or dead, forms at present the
bulk of the evidence of the history of their culture accessible
tous. Of these records an immense mass has been collected,
but they are very hard to read.
Sometimes, indeed, an object carries its history written in
its form, as some of the Esquimaux knives brought to England
which are carved out of a single piece of bone, in imitation of
European knives with handles, and show that the maker was
acquainted with those higher instruments, though he had not
the iron to make a blade of, or even a few scraps to fix along
the edge of the bone blade, as they so often do.
The keeping up in stone architecture of designs belonging
to wooden buildings, furnishes conclusive proofs of the growth,
in several countries, of the art of building in stone from the
art of building in wood,—an argument which is used with ex-
traordinary clearness and power in Mr. Fergusson’s Handbook.
In Central America and Asia Minor there are still to be seen
stone buildings more or less entirely copied from wooden con-
structions, while in Egypt a like phenomenon may be traced in
structures belonging to the remote age of the pyramids. The
student may see, almost as if he had been standing by when
they were built, how the architect, while adopting the new
material, began by copying from the wooden structures to
which he had been accustomed. Speaking of the Lycian tombs
1 Pictet, ‘Origines,’ part 1. p. 425.
GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE. 167
which still remain with their beams, planks, and panels, as it
were turned from wood into stone, Mr. Fergusson remarks
upon the value of such monuments as records of the beginning
of stone architecture among the people who built them.
““,.. wherever the process can be detected, it is in vain to
look for earlier buildings. It is only in the infancy of stone
architecture that men adhere to wooden forms, and as soon as
habit gives them familiarity with the new material, they aban-
don the incongruities of the style, and we lose all trace of the
original form, which never reappears at an after age.’”’!
There could hardly be a better illustration of an ethnological
argument derived from the mere presence of an art, than in
Marsden’s remark about the iron-smelters of Madagascar. It
is well known that the Madagascans are connected by language
with the great Malayo-Polynesian family which extends half
round the globe; but the art of smelting iron has only been
found in the islands of this vast district near Eastern Asia, and
in Madagascar itself. Hven in New Zealand, where there is
good iron ore, there was no knowledge of iron. Now at the
time of our becoming acquainted with the races of Africa, in
central latitudes and far down into the south, they were iron-
smelters, and had been so for we know not how long, and
Africa is only three or four hundred miles from Madagascar,
whereas Sumatra is three or four thousand. Nevertheless,
Marsden’s observation connects the art in Madagascar with the
distant Hastern Archipelago, and not with the neighbouring
African continent. The process of smelting in small furnaces
or pits is much the same in these two districts, but the bellows
are different. ‘The African bellows consist of two skins with
valves worked alternately by hand, so as to give a continuous
draught, much the same as those of modern India. These
were not only in use among the ancient Greeks and Romans,
but are still to be found in Southern Europe; I saw a wander-
ing tinker at work at Peestum with a pair of goatskins with
the hair on, which he compressed alternately to drive a current
of air into his fire, opening and shutting with his hands the
1 Fergusson, ‘ Illustrated Handbook of Architecture ;’ London, 1855, vol. i.
pp. 148, 208, 220, etc. :
168 GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE.
slits which served as valves. Several of these skin-bellows are
often used at once in Africa, and there are to be found im-
proved forms which approach more nearly to our bellows with
boards, but the principle is always the same.t But the Malay
blowing apparatus is something very different ; it is a double-
barreled air forcing-pump. It consists of two bamboos, four
inches in diameter and five feet long, which are set upright,
forming the cylinders, which are open above, and closed below
except by two small bamboo tubes which converge and meet
at the fire. Each piston consists of a bunch of feathers or
other soft substance, which expands and fits tightly im the
cylinder while it is being forcibly driven down, and collapses
to let the air pass as it is drawn up; and a boy perched on a
high seat or stand works the two pistons alternately by the
piston-rods, which are sticks. (It is likely that each cylinder
may have a valve to prevent the return draught.) Similar
contrivances have been described elsewhere in the Eastern
Archipelago, in Java, Mindanao, Borneo, and New Guinea,
and in Siam, the cylinders being sometimes bamboos and
sometimes hollowed trunks of trees. Marsden called attention
to the fact that the apparatus used in Madagascar is similar to
that of Sumatra. There is a description and drawing in Ellis’s
‘ Madagascar,’ which need not be quoted in detail, as it does
not differ in principle from that of the Hastern Archipelago.
A single cylinder is sometimes used in Madagascar, and per-
haps also in Borneo, but as a rule the far more advantageous
plan of working two or several at once is adopted. The Chi-
nese tinkers, who practise the art, quite unknown in Europe,
of patching a cast-iron vessel with a clot of melted iron, per-
form this extraordinary feat with an air forcing-pump, which
has indeed but a single trunk and a piston packed with feathers,
but is improved by valves and a passage which give it what is
known as a ‘‘ double action,” so that the single barrel does the
work of two in the ruder construction of the islands.?
' Petherick, pp. 293, 395. Andersson, p. 304. Backhouse, Narr. of a Visit to
the Mauritius and 8. Africa; London, 1844, p. 377. Du Chaillu, ‘Equatorial
Africa ;’ p. 91, ete. etc. ;
* Marsden, p.181. Raffles, Hist. of Java, vol. i. pp. 168, 173. Dampier,
GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE. 169
It seems from the appearance of this remarkable apparatus
in Madagascar and in the Hastern Archipelago, that the art of
iron-smelting in these distant districts has had a common origin.
Very likely the art may have gone from Sumatra or Java to
Madagascar, but if so, this must have happened when they were
in the Iron Age, to which we have no reason to suppose they
had come in the time of their connexion with the ironless Maoris
and Tahitians. Language throws no light on the matter; iron
is called in Malay, basi, and in Malagasy, vi.
It is but seldom that the transmission of an art to distant
regions can be traced, except among comparatively high races,
by such a beautiful piece of evidence as this. The state of
things among the lower tribes which presents itself to the stu-
dent, is a substantial similarity in knowledge, arts, and cus-
toms, running through the whole world. Not that the whole
culture of all tribes is alike,—far from it ; but if any art or cus-
tom belonging to a low tribe is selected at random, it is twenty
to one that something substantially like it may be found in at
least one place thousands of miles off, though it very frequently
happens that there are large portions of the earth’s surface
lying between, where it has not been observed. Indeed, there
are few things in cookery, clothing, arms, vessels, boats, orna-
ments, found in one place, that cannot be matched more or less
nearly somewhere else, unless we go into small details, or rise
to the level of the Peruvians and Mexicans, or at least of the
highest South Sea Islanders. A few illustrations may serve to
give an idea of the kind of similarity which prevails so largely
among the simpler arts of mankind.
The most rudimentary bird-trap is that in which the hunter is
his own trap, as in Australia, where Collins thus describes it :—
“ A native will stretch himself upon a rock as if asleep in the
sun, holding a piece of fish in his open hand; the bird, be it
hawk or crow, seeing the prey, and not observing any motion
in the native, pounces on the fish, and, in the instant of seizing
‘Voyages;’ London, 1703-9, 5th ed. vol. i. p. 332. Bishop of Labuan, in Tr,
Eth. Soc. ; London, 1863, p. 29. G. W. Earl, ‘ Papuans;’ London, 1853, p. 76.
Mouhot, ‘Travels in Indo-China,’ ete.; London, 1864, vol. ii. p. 133. Ellis,
‘Madagascar;’ vol. i. p. 307. Percy, ‘ Metallurgy ;’ London, 1864, pp. 255,
273-8, 746.
170 GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE.
it, is caught by the native, who soon throws him on the fire and
makes a meal of him.” Ward, the missionary, declares that a
tame monkey in India, whose food the crows used to plunder
while he sat on the top of his pole, did something very near
this, by shamming dead within reach of the food, and seizing
the first crow that came close enough. When he had caught
it, the story says, he put it between his knees, deliberately
plucked it, and threw it up into the air. The other crows set
upon their disabled companion and pecked it to death, but they
let the monkey’s store alone ever after. The Hsquimaux so
far improves upon the Australian form of the art as to build
himself a little snow-hut to sit in, with a hole large enough for
him to put his hand through to clutch the bird that comes down
upon the bait.!
There is a curious little art, practised in various countries,
that of climbing trees by the aid of hoops, fetters, or ropes.
Father Gilj thus describes it among the Indians of South
America :— They are all extremely active in climbing trees,
and even the weaker women may be not uncommonly seen
plucking the fruit at their tops. If the bark is so smooth and
slippery that they cannot go up by clinging, they use another
means. They make a hoop of wild vines, and putting their feet
inside, they use it as a support in climbing.”? This is what
the toddy-drawer of Ceylon uses to climb the palm with,? but
the negro of the West Coast of Africa makes a larger hoop
round the tree and gets inside it, resting the lower part of his
back against it, and jerks it up the trunk with his hands, a little
at a time, drawing his legs up after it.* LHllis describes the
Tahitian boys tymg their feet together, four or five inches
apart, with a piece of palm-bark, and with the aid of this fetter
going up the cocoa-palms to gather the nuts ;? and Backhouse
mentions a different plan in use in opossum-catching in Van
Diemen’s Land. The native women who climbed the tall,
’ Collins, vol. i. p. 548. Ward, ‘ Hindoos,’ p. 43. Klemm, C. G., vol i. p. 314;
vol. ii. p. 292.
> Gilij, ‘ Saggio di Storia Americana ;’ Rome, 1780-4, vol. ii. p. 40. See Bates,
The Naturalist on the R. Amazons ;’ London, 1863, vol. ii. p. 196.
% Tennent, ‘Ceylon,’ vol. ii. p. 523. See Plin., xiii. 7.
* Klemm, C. G., vol. iii. p. 236. > Ellis, vol. i. p. 371.
GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE. 171
smooth gum-trees did not cut notches after the Australian
plan, except where the bark was rough and loose near the
ground. Having got over this part by the notches, they threw
round the tree a rope twice as long as was necessary to encom-
pass it, put their hatchets on their bare, cropped heads, and
placing their feet against the tree and grasping the rope with
their hands, they hitched it up by jerks, and pulled themselves
up the enormous trunks almost as fast as a man would mount
a ladder.!
The ancienti Mexcan art of turning the waters of their lakes
to account by constructing floating gardens upon them, has
been abandoned, apparently on account of the sinking of the
waters, which are now shallow enough to allow the mud gar-
dens to rest upon the bottom. At the time of Humboldt’s visit
to Mexico, however, there were still some to be seen, though
their number was fast decreasing. The floating gardens, or chi-
nampas, which the Spaniards found in great numbers, and seve-
ral of which still existed in his time on the lake of Chalco, were
rafts formed of reeds, roots, and branches of underwood. The
Indians laid on the tangled mass quantities of the black mould,
which is naturally impregnated with salt, but by washing with
lake water is made more fertile. ‘The chinampas,” he con-
tinues, ‘‘ sometimes even carry the hut of the Indian who serves
as guard for a group of floating gardens. They are towed, or
propelled with long poles, to move them at. will from shore to
shore.”? Though floating gardens are no longer to be met with
in Mexico, they are still in full use in the shallow waters of
Cashmere. They are made of mould heaped on masses of the
stalks of aquatic plants, and will mostly bear a man’s weight,
though the fruit is generally picked from the banks. They
differ from the ancient Mexican chinampas in not being towed
from one place to another, but impaled on fixed stakes, which
_ keep them to their moorings, but allow them to rise and fall
with the level of the water.®
The floating islands of the Chinese lakes are far more arti-
1 Backhouse, ‘ Australia,’ p. 172.
* Humboldt, ‘Essai Politique ;’ Paris, 1811, vol. ii. p. 185, ete.
3 Torrens, ‘Travels in Ladak,’ ete. ; London, 1862, p. 271.
72 GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE.
ficial structures than those of Mexico or Cashmere. The mis-
sionary Huc thus describes those he saw on the lake of Ping-
hou :—“ We passed beside several floating islands, quaint and
ingenious productions of Chinese industry which have perhaps
occurred to no other people. These floating islands are enor-
mous rafts, constructed generally of large bamboos, which long
resist the dissolving action of water. Upon these rafts there
is placed a tolerably thick bed of good vegetable mould, and
thanks to the patient labour of some families of aquatic agricul-
turists, the astonished eye sees rising from the surface of the
waters smiling habitations, fields, gardens, and plantations of
great variety. The peasants on these farms seem to live in
happy abundance. During the moments of rest left them from
the tillage of the rice plots, fishing is at once their lucrative and
agreeable pastime. Often when they have gathered in their
crop upon the lake, they throw their net and draw it on board
their island loaded with fish. . . . Many birds, especially pigeons
and sparrows, stay by their own choice in these floating fields
to share the peaceable and solitary happiness of these poetical
islanders. Towards the middle of the lake, we met with one
of these farms attempting a voyage. It moved with extreme
slowness, though it had the wind aft. Not that sails were want-
ing; there was a very large one above the house, and several
others at the corners of the island; moreover, all the islanders,
men, women, and children, provided with long sweeps, were
working with might and main, though without putting much
speed into their farm. But it is likely that the fear of delay
does not much trouble these agricultural mariners, who are
always sure to arrive in time to sleep on land. They are often
seen to move from place to place without a motive, like the
Mongols in the midst of their vast prairies; though, happier
than those wanderers, they have learnt to make for themselves
as it were a desert in the midst of civilization, and to ally the
charms and pleasures of a nomade with the advantages of a
sedentary life.’”!
Such coincidences as these, when found in distant regions
between whose inhabitants no intercourse is known to have
1 Hue, ‘ L’Empire Chinois ;? Paris, 1854, 2nd ed. p. 114.
GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE. 173
taken place, are not to be lightly used as historical evidence of
connexion. It is safest to ascribe them to independent inven-
tion, unless the coincidence passes the limits of ordinary pro-
bability. Ancient as the art of putting in false teeth is in the
Old World, it would scarcely be thought to affect the originality
of the same practice in Quito, where a skeleton has been found
with false teeth secured to the cheek-bone by a gold wire,! nor
does the discovery in Egypt of mummies with teeth stopped
with gold, appear to have any historical connexion with the
same contrivance among ourselves.2 Thus, too, the Austra-
hans were in the habit of cooking fish and pieces of meat in hot
sand, each tied up in a sheet of bark, and this is called yudarn
dookoon, or “‘tying-up cooking,”’® but it does not follow that
they had learnt from Europe the art of dressing fish en papil-
lotte.
Perhaps the occurrence of that very civilized instrument, the
fork for eating meat with, in the Fiji Islands, is to be ac-
counted for by considering it to have been independently in-
vented there. The Greeks and Romans do not appear to have
used forks in eating, and they are said not to have been intro-
duced in England from the South of Europe, till the beginning
of the seventeenth century.* At any rate, Hakluyt thus trans-
lates, in 1598, a remark made by Galeotto Perera, concerning
the use of chopsticks in China ;—“ they feede with two sticks,
refraining from touching their meate with their hands, even as
_we do with forkes,” but he finds it necessary to put a note in
the margin, “‘ We, that is the Italians and Spaniards.”> How
long forks had been used in the South of Europe, and where
they originally came from, does not seem clear, but there is a
remark to the purpose in William of Ruysbruck’s description
of the manners of the Tatars, through whose country he tra-
velled about 1258. ‘‘ They cut up (the meat) into little bits in a
dish with salt and water, for they make no other sauce, and then
1 Bollaert, Res. in New Granada, etc.; London, 1860, p. 83.
2 Wilkinson, Pop. Acc., vol. ii. p. 350. 3 Grey, Journals, vol. ii. p. 276.
4 Wright, ‘Domestic Manners,’ p. 457.
> Hakluyt, ‘The Principal Navigations, Voyages,’ etc.; London, 1598, vol. ii.
part ii. p. 68. ~
174 GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE.
with the point of a knife or with a little fork (furciculd), which
they make for the purpose, like those we use for eating pears
and apples stewed in wine, they give each of the guests stand-
ing round one mouthful or two, according to their numbers.”’!
The circumstances under which the fork makes its appearance
in the Fiji Islands, are remarkable. If it is known elsewhere
in Polynesia (except of course as distinctly adopted with other
European fashions), it is certainly not commonly so, and its use
appears to be connected with the extraordinary development of
the art of cooking there, as contrasted with most of the Pacific
islands, where, generally speaking, there were no vessels in
which liquid was boiled over the fire, and boiling, if done at
all, was done by a ruder process. But the Fijians were ac-
complished potters, and continue to use their earthen vessels
for the preparation of their various soups and stews, for fishing
the hot morsels out of which the forks are used, perhaps ex-
clusively. Those we hear of particularly are the “ cannibal
forks” for eating man’s flesh, which are of wood, artistically
shaped and sometimes ornamented, and were handed down as
family heirlooms. Each had its individual name ; for instance,
one which belonged to a chief celebrated for his enormous
cannibalism was called wndroundro, ‘a word used to denote a
small person or thing carrying a great burden.”? It would be
a remarkable point if, as Dr. Seemann thinks, the fork were
only used for this purpose,* and we might be inclined to
theorize on its invention as connected with the tabu, so com-
mon in Polynesia, which restricts the tabued person from
touching his food with his hands, and compels him to be fed
by some one else, or in default, to grovel on the ground and
take up his food with his mouth. But a description by
Williams of the furniture of a Fijian household, seems to
imply its use for ordinary purposes as well. ‘On the hearth,
each set on three stones, are several pots, capable of holding
from a quart to five gallons. Near these are a cord for binding
fuel, a skewer for trying cooked food, and, in the better houses,
a wooden fork—a luxury which, probably, the Fijian enjoyed
' Gul. de Rubruquis, in Hakluyt, vol i. p. 75. See Ayton, in Purchas, vol. iii.
p- 242. ? Williams, ‘Fiji,’ vol. i. pp. 212-3. 3 Seemann, ‘ Viti,’ p. 179.
GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE. 175
when our worthy ancestors were wont to take hot food in their
practised fingers.”! But whether the use of the fork in eating
came about in Fiji as a consequence of the common use of
stewed food, or from some more occult cause, it seems proba-
ble that their use of it and ours may spring from two inde-
pendent inventions. That they got the art of pottery from
Asia is indeed likely enough, but there seems very little ground
for thinking that the eating-fork came to them from Asia, or
from anywhere else.
If an art can be found existing in one limited district of the
world, and nowhere else, there seems to be ground for assum-
ing that it was invented by the people among whom it is found,
with much greater confidence than if it appears in several
distant places. Any one, however, who thinks this an unfair
inference, may console himself with the knowledge that Ethno-
logists seldom get a chance of using it at present, except for
very trifling arts or for unimportant modifications. Indeed,
any one who claims a particular place as the source of even the
smallest art, from the mere fact of finding it there, must feel
that he may be using his own ignorance as evidence, as though
it were knowledge. It is certainly playing against the bank,
for a student to set up a claim to isolation for any art or cus-
tom, not knowing what evidence there may be against him,
buried in the ground, hidden among remote tribes, or contained
even in ordinary books, to say nothing of the thousands of
volumes of forgotten histories and. travels.
Among the inventions which it seems possible to trace to
their original districts, is the hammock, which is found, as it
were, native in a great part of South America, and the West
Indies, and is known to have spread thence far and wide over
the world, carrying with it its Haitian name, hamac.
The boomerang is a peculiar weapon, and moreover there
are found beside it in its country, Australia, intermediate forms
between it and the battle-axe or pick ; so that there is ground
for considering it a native invention developed through such
stages into its most perfect form. Various Old World missiles
have indeed been claimed as boomerangs ; a curved weapon
1 Williams, vol. i. p. 138.
176 GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE.
shown on the Assyrian bas-reliefs, the throwing-cudgel of the
Egyptian fowler, the African lissém or curved club, the iron
hungamunaa of the Tibbtis, but without clear proof being
brought forward that these weapons, or the boomerang-like
iron projectiles of the Neam Nam, have either of the great
peculiarities of the boomerang, the sudden swerving from the
apparent line of flight, or the returning to the thrower. Mr.
Samuel Ferguson has written a very learned and curious paper!
on supposed European analogues of the boomerang, in con-.
cluding which he remarks, not untruly, that “many of the
foregoing inferences will, doubtless, appear in a high degree —
speculative.” As might be expected, he makes the most of
the obscure description of the cateia, set down about the be-
ginning of the seventh century by Bishop Isidore of Seville.”
But what is far more to the purpose, Mr. Ferguson seems to
have made trial of a curved club of ancient shape, and some
hammer- and cross-shaped weapons, such as may have been
used in Europe, and to have made them fly with something of
the returning flight of the boomerang, On the whole, it would
be rash to assert that the principle of the boomerang was quite
unknown in the Old World. Another remarkable weapon, the
bolas, seems to be isolated in the particular region of South
America where it was found in use, and was therefore very
likely invented there; but its principle is known also among
the Esquimaux, whose thin thongs, weighted with bunches of
ivory knobs, are arranged to wind themselves round the bird
they are thrown at,in much the same way as the much stouter
cords, weighted at the ends with two or three heavy stone balls,
which form the bolas of the Southern continent.
A few more instances may be given, rather for their quaint-
ness than for their importance. The Australians practise an
ingenious art in bee-hunting, which I have not met with any-
where else. The hunter catches a bee, and = a piece of
1 §. Ferguson, in Trans. R. I. A.; Dublin, 1843, vol. xix.
2 “Est enim genus Gallici teli ex materia quam maximé lenta, que jacta qui-
dem non longe propter gravitatem evolat: sed quo pervenit, vi nimia perfrin-
git: quéd si ab artifice mittatur: rursum redit ad eum, qui misit,” etc. (Isid.
Origg. xviii. 7.)
GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE. 177
down to it, so that it can fly but slowly, and he can easily
follow it home to the hive, and get the honey.t| The North
American bee-hunters do not appear to know this contrivance.
Again, there is the curious art of changing the colour of a live
macaw’s feathers from blue or green to brilliant orange or
yellow, by plucking them and rubbing some liquid into the
skin (it is said the milky secretion from a small frog or toad),
which causes the new feathers to grow with a changed colour.?
This is done in South America, but, so far as I know, not else-
where ; and it seems reasonable to suppose that it was invented
there.
The pellet-bow, which is a bow strung with a broad strap, or
with a double string and net, and has been found in use for
shooting clay-pellets or stones at small game, and even as a
Weapon in war, is a modification of the bow, used in South
America but perhaps not elsewhere. And the natives of the
Malayan peninsula have very likely a monopoly of the device
of perforating growing bamboos, so as to convert them into
living Afolian flutes.*
When an art is practised upon some material which belongs
exclusively, or in a large degree, to the place where the art is
found, the probability that it was invented on the spot becomes
almost a certainty. No one would dispute the claim of the
Peruvians or Chilians to have discovered the use, for manure,
of the huanu, or, as we call it, “ guano,” which their excep-
tionally rainless climate has allowed to accumulate on their
coasts, nor the claim of the dwellers in the hot regions near
the Gulf of Mexico to have found out how to make their
chocollatl from a native plant.
On the other hand, when tribes are found living among the
very materials which are turned to account by simple arts else-
where, and yet are ignorant of those arts, we have good ethno-
logical evidence as to their condition when they first settled in
1 Lang, p. 328. Backhouse, Austr., p. 380.
2 Wallace, ‘Travels on the Amazon and Rio Negro; London, 1853, p- 294.
De la Condamine, in Pinkerton, vol. xiv, p. 248.
3 Dobrizhoffer, vol. ii. p. 360. Klemm, C. G., vol. ii. p.17. Southey, vol. ii.
p. 369 ; vol. iii. p. 863. 4 Tennent, ‘ Ceylon,’ vol. i. p. 88.
N
%
178 GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE.
the place where we become acquainted with them. In investi-
gating the difficult problem of Polynesian civilization, this state
of things often presents itself, not uniformly, but in a partial,
various way, that gives us a glimpse here and there of the
trains of events that must have taken place, in different times
and places, to produce the complex result we have before us.
It is clear that a Malayo-Polynesian culture, proved by the
combined evidence of language, mythology, arts, and cus-
toms, has spread itself over a great part of the Southern Is-
lands, from the Philippines down to New Zealand, and from
Easter Island to Madagascar, though the pure Malayo-Polyne-
sian race only forms a part of the population of the district in
which its language and civilization more or less predominate.
The original condition of the Malayo-Polynesian family, as
determined by the state of its lower members, presents us with
few arts not found at least in a rudimentary state in Australia,
though these arts were developed with immensely greater skill
and industry. In most of the South Sea Islands there was no
knowledge of pottery, nor of the art of boiling food in vessels
over a fire. Great part of the race was strictly in the stone
age, knowing nothing of metals. The sugar-cane grew in-
Tahiti, but the natives only chewed it, knowing nothing of the
art of sugar-making ;! nor did they make any use of the cotton-
plant, though it grew there.? The art of weaving was un-
known in most of the islands away from Asia. Though the
cocoa-nut palm was common, they did not tap it for toddy ;
and Dr. Seemann taught the Fijians the art of extracting sago
from their native sago-palms.*
In other districts, however, a very different state of things
was found. In Sumatra and other islands near Asia, and in
Madagascar, iron was smelted and worked with much skill.
The simplest kind of loom had appeared in the Eastern Archi-
pelago, only, as the evidence seems to show, to be supplanted
1 Cook, First Voy. H., vol. ii. p.186. In the Fiji Islands, Williams, vol. i.
pp. 63, 71, says that the sugar-cane is cultivated, and sugar made; but he gives
no opinion as to the age of these arts.
2 J. R. Forster, Observations (Cook’s Second Voy.); London, 1778, p. 384.
3 Seemann, pp. 291, 329.
GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE. 179
by a higher kind. Pottery was made there, and even far into
Polynesia, as in the Fiji Islands. All these things were pro-
bably introduced from Asia, to which country so very large
a part of the present Malay culture is due, but there are
local arts found cropping up in different groups of islands,
which may be considered as native inventions peculiar to Poly-
nesia. Thus, in some of the islands, it was customary to keep
bread-fruit by fermenting it into a sour paste, in which state it
could be stored away for use out of season, an art of consider-
able value. This paste was called mahi in Tahiti, where Cap-
tain Cook first saw it prepared, but it would seem to have been
invented at a period since the part of the race which went to
the Sandwich Islands were separated from the Tahitians, for
the Sandwich Islanders knew nothing of it till the English
brought it to them from Tahiti.2 The use of the intoxicating
liquor known as ava, kava, or yangona, appears to be peculiar
to Polynesia, and therefore probably to have been invented
there. It is true that the usual, though not universal practice
of preparing it by chewing, gives it some resemblance to li-
quors so prepared on the American continent, but these latter
are of an entirely different character, being fermented liquors
of the nature of beer, made from vegetables rich in starch,
while the ava is not fermented at all, the juice of the plant it
is made from being intoxicating in its fresh state.
1 Marsden, p. 183.
2 Cook’s First Voy. H., vol. ii. p.198; Third Voy., vol. iii. p. 141.
3 The etymology of sava or ava is of interest. Its original meaning may have
been that of bitterness or pungency; kawa, N. Z. = pungent, -bitter, strong (as
spirits, etc.) ; ’ava, Tah. = a bitter, disagreeable taste; kava, Rar. Mang. Nuk.,
*a ava, Sam., awa awa, Haw. = sour, bitter, pungent. Thence the name may
haye been given, not only to the plant of which the intoxicating drink is made,
the Macropiper methysticum, kava, Tong. Rar. Nuk.; ’ava, Sam. Tah. Haw. ;
but also in N. Z. to the Macropiper excelsum, or kawa kawa, and in Tahiti to
tobacco, ’ava’ava. Lastly, the drink is named in Tahiti and in other islands
from the plant it is expressed from. But Mariner’s Tongan vocabulary seems to
go the other way; cava = the pepper plant; also the root of this plant, of which
is made a peculiar kind of beverage, etc. ; cawna = bitter, brackish, also intoxi-
cated with cava, or anything else. This looks as though the name of the plant
gave a name to the quality of bitterness, as we say “peppery” in the sense of hot.
(See the Vocabularies of Mariner, Hale, Buschmann, and the Church Miss, Soc.,
N. Z.) Southey (Hist. of Brazil, vol. i. p. 245) compares the word kava with
N
180 GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE.
The miscellaneous pieces of evidence given in this chapter
have been selected less as giving grounds for arguments safe
from attack, than as examples of the sort of material with
which the Hthnologist has to deal. The uncertainty of many
of the inferences he makes must be counterbalanced by their
number, and by the concurrence of independent lines of reason-
ing in favour of the same view. But in the arguments given
here in illustration of the general method, only one side of
history has been kept in view, and the facts have been treated
generally as evidence of movement only in a forward direction,
or (to define more closely what is here treated as Progress) of
the appearance and growth of new arts and new knowledge,
whether of a profitable or hurtful nature, developed at home
or imported from abroad. Yet we know by what has taken
place within the range of history, that Decline as well as Pro-
gress in art and knowledge really goes on in the world. Is
there not then evidence forthcoming to prove that degradation
as well as development has happened to the lower races beyond
the range of direct history? The known facts bearmg on this
subject are scanty and obscure, but by examining some direct
evidence of Decline, it may be perhaps possible to form an
opinion as to what indirect evidence there may probably be,
and how it is to be treated; though actually to find this and
use it, is a very different matter.
There are developments of Culture which belong to a par-
ticular climate or a particular state of society, which require a
despotic government, a democratic government, an agricultural
life, a life in cities, a state of continued peace or of continued
war, an accumulation of wealth which exceeds what is wanted
for necessaries and is accordingly devoted to luxury and refine-
ment, and so forth. Such things are all more or less local and
the South American word caou-in or kaawy, a liquor made from maize or the
mandioc root by chewing, boiling with water, and fermenting; but the idea of
bitterness or pungency is unsuitable to this liquor. Dias (Dic. da Lingua Tupy)
gives perhaps a more accurate form, cauim = vinho, a derivative perhaps from
eati = beber (vinho). ‘To show how easily such accidental coincidences as that
of kava and cauim may be found, a German root may be pointed out for both,
looking as suitable as though it were a real one, auen, to chew.
GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE. 181
unstable. ‘The Chinese do not make now the magnificent
cloisonné enamels and the high-class porcelain of their ances-
tors; we do not build churches, or even cast church-bells, as
our forefathers did. In Egypt the extraordinary development
of masonry, goldsmiths’ work, weaving, and other arts which
rose to such a pitch of excellence there thousands of years
ago, have died out under the influence of foreign civilizations
which contented themselves with a lower level of excellence
in these things, and there seems to be hardly a characteristic
native art of any importance practised there, unless it be the
artificial hatching of eggs, and even this is found in China.
As Sir Thomas Browne writes in his ‘ Fragment on Mummies,’
“ Keypt itself is now become the land of obliviousness and
doteth. Her ancient civility is gone, and her glory hath va-
nished as a phantasma. Her youthful days are over, and her
face hath become wrinkled and tetrick. She poreth not upon
the heavens, astronomy is dead unto her, and knowledge
maketh other cycles.”
The history of Central America presents a case somewhat
like that of Egypt. The not uncommon idea that the deserted
cities, Copan, Palenque, and the rest, are the work of an ex-
tinct and quite unknown race, does not agree with the pub-
lished evidence, which proves that the descendants of the old
builders are living there now, speaking the old languages that
were spoken before the Spanish Conquest. The ancient cities,
with their wonders of masonry and sculpture, are deserted,
the special native culture has in great measure disappeared,
and the people have been brought to a sort of low European
civilization ; but a mass of records, corroborated in other ways,
show us the Central Americans before the Conquest, building
their great cities and living in them, cultivating, warring, sa-
crificing, much like their neighbours of Mexico, with whose
civilization their own was intimately allied. An epitome of
the fate of the ruined cities may be given in the words which
conclude a remarkable native document published in Quiché
and French by the Abbé Brasseur,—‘ Ainsi donc c’en est fait
de tous ceux du Quiché, qui s’appelle Santa-Cruz.’ The rums
of the great city of Quiché are still to be seen; Santa Cruz,
182 GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE.
its successor, is a poor village of two thousand souls, a league
or so away.!
Among the lower races, degeneration is seen to take place as
a result of war, of oppression by other tribes, of expulsion into
less favourable situations, and of various other causes. But
arts which belong to the daily life of the man or the family,
and cannot be entirely suppressed by violent interference, do
not readily disappear unless superseded by some better contri-
vance, or made unnecessary or very difficult by a change of
life and manners. When the use of metals, of pottery, of the
flint and steel, of higher tools and weapons, once fairly esta-
blishes itself, a fallmg back appears to be uncommon. The
Metal Age does not degenerate into the Stone Age except
under very peculiar circumstances. The history of a higher
weapon is generally that it supplants those that are less ser-
viceable, to be itself supplanted by something better. We
read of the Indian orator who exhorted his brethren to cast
away the flint and steel of the white man, and to return to the
fire-sticks of their ancestors, but such things are rather talked
of than done.
Cases of savage arts being superseded by a higher state of
civilization are common enough. An African guide, or an
Australian, will know a man by his footmark, while we hardly
know what a footmark is like; at least, nme Englishmen out
of ten of the shoe-wearing classes will not know that the foot-
prints in the Mexican picture-writings, as copied in Fig. 16,
oN ws
*
Fig. 16.
are true to nature, till they have looked at the print of a wet
foot on a board or a flagstone. Captain Burton remarked, on
1 Brasseur, ‘ Popol Vuh ;’ pp. 345-7. See also Diego de Landa, Rel.
GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE. 183
his road to the great Salt Lake, that bones and skulls of cattle
were lying scattered about,! though travellers are often put to
great straits for fuel. The Gauchos of South America know
better, for when they kill a beast on a journey, they use the
bones as fuel to cook the flesh,? as the Scythians did in the
time of Herodotus; living in a country wanting wood, they
made a fire of the bones of the beasts sacrificed, and boiled the
flesh over it in a kettle, or if that were not forthcoming, in the
paunch of the animal itself, “and thus the ox boils himself,
and the other victims each the lke.’
It sometimes happens that degeneration is caused by con-
quest, when the conquering race is in anything at a lower level
than the conquered. There is one art whose history gives some
extraordinary cases of this kind of decline, the art of irrigation
by watercourses. Within a few years one people, the Spaniards,
conquered two nations, the Moors and the Peruvians, who were
skilful irrigators, and had constructed great works to bring
water from a distance to fertilize the land. These works were
for the most part allowed to go to rack and ruin, and in Peru,
as in Andalusia, great tracts of land which had been fruitful
gardens fell back into parched deserts; while in Mexico the
ruins of the great native aqueduct of Tetzcotzinco tell the same
tale. Here, as in the irrigation of British India under our own
rule, the results of higher culture in the conquered race de-
clined in the face of a lower culture of the conquerors, but the
sequel is still more curious. The Spaniards in America became
themselves great builders of watercourses, and their works of
this kind in Mexico are very extensive, and of great benefit to
the drier regions where they have been constructed. But when
a portion of territory that had been under Spanish rule was
transferred to the United States, what the Spaniards had done
to the irrigating works of the Moors and Peruvians, the new
settlers did to theirs. In Froebel’s time they were letting the
old works go to ruin; thus history repeats itself.
The disappearance of savage arts in presence of a higher
1 Burton, ‘ City of the Saints,’ p. 60. 2 Darwin, Journal, p. 194.
3 Herod., iv. 61. See Ezekiel xxiv. 5 in LXX. Klemm, C.G,, vol. ii. p. 229
(bones rubbed with fat burnt by Esquimaus). 4 Tylor, ‘ Mexico,’ pp. 157-161,
184 GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE.
civilization is however mostly caused by their being superseded
by something higher, and this can hardly be called a decline
of culture, which must not be confounded with the physical and
moral decline of so many tribes under the oppression and
temptation of civilized men. Real decline often takes place
when a rude but strong race overcomes a cultivated but weak
race, and of this we have good information ; but neither this
change, nor that which takes place in the savage in presence of
the civilized invader, gives the student of the low races all the
information he needs. What he wants besides is to put the
high races out of the question altogether, and to find out how
far a low race can lose its comparatively simple arts and know-
ledge, without these being superseded by something higher ; in
fact, how far such a race can suffer pure decline in culture.
This information is, however, very hard to get.
Livingstone’s remarks on the Bakalahari of South Africa
show us a race which has fallen in civilization, but this fall has
happened, partly or wholly, through causes acting from with-
out. The great Kalahari desert is inhabited by two races, the
Bushmen, who were perhaps the first human inhabitants of the
country, and who never cultivate the soil, or rear any domestic
animals but dogs, and the Ba-Kalahari,. who are degraded
Bechuanas. These latter are traditionally reported to have
once possessed herds of cattle like the other Bechuanas, and
though their hard fate has forced them to live a life much like
that of the Bushmen, they have never forgotten their old ways.
They hoe their gardens annually, though often all they can
hope for is a supply of melons and pumpkins. And they care-
fully rear small herds of goats, though Livingstone has seen
them obliged to lift water for them out of small wells with a
bit of ostrich egg-shell, or by spoonfuls.!| This remarkable ac-
count brings out strongly the manful struggle of a race which
has been brought down by adverse circumstances, to keep up
their former civilization, while the Bushmen, who, for all we
know, may never have been in a higher condition than they
are now, make no such effort. If we may judge these two races
by the same standard, the Bushmen are either no lower than
1 Livingstone, p. 49.
GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE. 185
they have ever been, or if they have come down from a condi-
tion approaching that of the Bechuanas, the process of degra-
tion must indeed have been a long one.
Tribes who are known to have once been higher in the scale
of culture than they are now, are to be met within Asia. Some
of the coast Tunguz live by fishing, though they are still called
Orochi, which is equivalent to the term “‘ Reindeer Tunguz.”
No doubt the tradition is true of the Goldi that, though they
have no reindeer now, they once had, like the Tunguz tribes north
of the Amur.! There are Kalmucks north of the Caspian who
have lost their herds of cattle and degenerated into fishermen.
The richest of them has still a couple of cows. They look upon
horses, camels, and sheep as strange and wondrous creatures
when foreigners bring them into their country. They listen
with wonder to their old men’s stories of life in the steppes, of
the great herds and the ceaseless wanderings over the vast
plains, while they themselves dwell in huts of reeds, and carry
their household goods on their backs when they have to move
to a new fishing-place.?, The miserable ‘‘ Digger Indians” of
North America are in part Shoshonees or Snake Indians, who
were brought down to their present state by their enemies the
Blackfeet, who got guns from the Hudson’s Bay Company, and
thus conquered the Snakes, and took away their hunting-
grounds. They lead a wandering life, lurking among hills and
crags, sinking from the sight of whites and Indians, and subsist-
ing chiefly on wild roots and fish, and such game as so helpless a
race is able to get. They are lean and abject-looking creatures,
deserving the name of gens de pitié given them by the French
trappers, and they have been driven to abandon arts which
they possessed in their more fortunate days, such as riding,
and apparently even hut-building; but how far their degrada-
tion has brought with it decline in other parts of their former
culture, it is not easy to say.
Here, then, we have cases of material evidence which, as
we happen to have other means of knowing, ought to be treated
1 Ravenstein, p. 318. 2 Klemm, C. G., vol. iii. p. 4.
3 Buschmann, ‘Spuren der Aztekischen Sprache im nérdlichen Mexico,’ etc.
ete. (Abh. der K. A. v. W.; 1854) ; Berlin, 1859, p. 633, ctc.
186 GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE.
as recording decline. The sculptures and temples of Central
America are the work of the ancestors of the present Indians,
though if history, tradition, and transitional work had all
perished, it would hardly be thought so. The gardening of the
Bakalahari, if the account of their origin is to be received, is a
proof, not of an art gained, but of a higher level of civilization
for the most part lost.
It thus appears that, in the abstract, when there is found
among a low tribe an art or a piece of knowledge which seems
above their average level, three ways are open by which its
occurrence may be explained. It may have been invented at
home, it may have been imported from abroad, or it may be a
relic of a higher condition which has mostly suffered degrada-
tion, like the column of earth which the excavator leaves to
measure the depth of the ground he has cleared away.
Ethnologists have sometimes taken arts which appeared to
them too advanced to fit with the general condition of their
possessors, and have treated them as belonging to this latter
class. But where such arguments have had no aid from direct
history, but have gone on mere inspection of the arts of the
lower races, all that I can call to mind, at least, seem open to
grave exception.
Thus the boomerang has been adduced as proof that the
Australians were once in a far higher state of civilization.) It
is true that the author who argued thus confounded the boome-
rang with the throwing-cudgel, or, as a Hampshire man would
call it, the squoyle, of the Egyptian fowler, so that he had at least
an imaginary high civilization in view, of which the boomerang
was an element. But, as has been mentioned, intermediate
forms between the boomerang and the war-club or pick, are
known in Australia, a state of things which fits rather with
growth than with degeneration.?
In South America, Humboldt was so struck with the cy-
linders of very hard stone, perforated and sculptured into the
forms of animals and fruits, that he founded upon them the
argument that they were relics of an ancient civilization from
1 W. Cooke Taylor, The Nat. Hist. of Society ; London, 1840, vol. i. p. 205.
* See Eyre, vol. ii. p. 308 ; Klemm, C.G., vol. i. p. 316, pl. vii.
GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE. 187
which their possessors had fallen. “ But it is not,” he says,
“the Indians of our own day, the dwellers on the Oronoko and
the Amazons whom we see in the last degree of brutalization,
who have perforated substances of such hardness, giving them
the shapes of animals and fruits. Such pieces of work, like
the pierced and sculptured emeralds found in the Cordilleras
of New Granada and Quito, indicate a previous civilization. At
present the inhabitants of these districts, especially of the hot
regions, have so little idea of the possibility of cutting hard
stones (emerald, jade, compact felspar, and rock crystal), that
they have imagined the green stone to be naturally soft when
taken out of the ground, and to harden after it has been
fashioned by hand.’”’! But while mentioning Humboldt’s argu-
ment, it must also be said that he had not had an opportunity
of learning how these ornaments were made. Mr. Wallace has
since found that at least plain cylinders of imperfect rock crys-
tal, four to eight inches long, and one inch in diameter, are
made and perforated by very low tribes on the Rio Negro.
They are not, as Humboldt seems to have supposed, the result
of high mechanical skill, but merely of the most simple and
Savage processes, carried on with that utter disregard of time
that lets the Indian spend a month in making an arrow. They
are merely ground down into shape by rubbing, and the per-
forating of the cylinders, crosswise or even lengthwise, is said
to be done thus :—a pointed flexible leaf-shoot of wild plantain
is twirled with the hands against the hard stone, till, with the
aid of fine sand and water, it bores into and through it, and
this is said to take years to do. Such cylinders as the chiefs
wear are said sometimes to take two men’s lives to perforate.?
The stone is brought from a great distance up the river, and is
very highly valued. It is, of course, not necessary to suppose
that these rude Indians came of themselves to making such
ornaments ; they may have imitated things made by races in a
higher state of culture; but the evidence, as it now stands,
does not go for much in proving that the tribes of the Rio
Negro have themselves fallen from a higher level.
1 Humboldt & Bonpland, vol. ii. p. 481, ete.
2 Wallace, p. 278.
188 GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE.
On the other hand, it is much easier to go on pointing out arts
practised by the less civilized races, which seem to have their
fitting place rather in a history of progress than of degenera-
tion. This remark applies to the case just mentioned, of the
intermediate forms between the boomerang and the war-club
being found in Australia, as though to mark the stages through
which the perfect instrument had been developed. Several
such cases occur among the arts of fire-making and cooking
described in the following chapters. To glance for a moment
at the history of Textile Fabrics (into which I hope to go more
fully at a future time), it may be noticed that the spindle for
twisting thread has been found in use in Asia, Africa, and North
and South America, among people whose ruder neighbours had
no better means of making their finest thread or cord than by
twisting it with the hand, by rolling the fibres with the palm,
on the thigh or some other part of the body. Again, though
every known tribe appears to twist cord, and to make matting
or wicker-work, the combination of these two arts, weaving,
which consists in matting twisted threads, is very far from
being general among the lower races. The step seems from our
point of view a very simple one, but a large proportion of man-
kind had never made it. Now there is a curious art, which is
neither matting nor weaving, found among tribes to whom real
weaving was unknown. It consists in laying bundles of fibres,
not twisted into real cord, side by side, and tying or fastening
them together with transverse cords or bands; varieties of
fabrics made in this way are well known in New Zealand and
among the Indians of North-Western America ; and Mr. Henry
Christy pointed out to me a sack-like basket made in this
way, which he found in use in 1856 among an Indian tribe
N.W. of Lake Huron, a very good example of this interesting
transition-work. Nor do we look in vain for such a fabric in
Europe; it is found in the Lake Habitations of Switzerland. M.
Troyon’s work shows a specimen from Wangen, which belongs
to the Stone Age. Mr. John Evans has three specimens of
fabrics from the Swiss Lakes, which form a series of great in-
' Troyon, ‘ Habitations Lacustres ;’ Lausanne, 1860, pl. vii. fig. 24, pp. 48, 429,
465.
GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE. 189
terest. The first (Fig. 17) is also from Wangen, and, to use
the description accompanying the sketches he has kindly given
me, “the warp consists of strands of
un-twisted fibre (hemp?) bound to-
gether at intervals of about an inch
apart by nearly similar strands ‘ wat-
tled in’? among them.” ‘The next
specimen (Fig. 18), from Nieder Wyl,
shows a great advance, for “ the warp
consists of twisted string, and the woof
of a finer thread also twisted.” The
third specimen is a piece of ordinary
plain weaving. Now all these things,
European, Polynesian, and American,
seem to be in their natural and rea-
sonable places in a progress upward,
but it is hard to imagine a people,
under any combination of circum-
stances, dropping down from the art
of weaving, to adopt a more tedious
and less profitable way of working up
the fibre which it had cost them so
much trouble to prepare ; knowing
the better art, and deliberately devoting their material and
time to practising the worse. So it isa
very reasonable and natural thing, that
tribes who had been used to twist their
thread by hand, should sometimes over-
come their dislike to change, and adopt
the spindle when they saw it in use; or
such a tribe might be supposed capable
of inventing it; but the going back from
the spindle to hand-twisting is a thing
scarcely conceivable. A spindle is made
too easily by any one who has once caught
the idea of it; a stick and a bit of some-
thing heavy for a whorl is the whole machine. Not many
months ago, an old lady was seen in the isle of Islay, comfort-
Fig. 18.
190 GROWTH AND DECLINE OF CULTURE.
ably spinning her flax with a spindle, which spindle was simply
a bit of stick with a potato stuck on the end of it.
To conclude, the want of evidence leaves us as yet much in
the dark as to the share which decline in civilization may have
had in bringing the lower races into the state in which we find
them. But perhaps this difficulty rather affects the history of
particular tribes, than the history of Culture’as a whole. To
judge from experience, it would seem that the world, when it has
once got a firm grasp of new knowledge or a new art, is very
loth to lose it altogether, especially when it relates to matters
important to man in general, for the conduct of his daily life,
and the satisfaction of his daily wants, things that come home
to men’s “business and bosoms.” An inspection of the geo-
graphical distribution of art and knowledge among mankind,
seems to give some grounds for the belief that the history of
the lower races, as of the higher, is not the history of a course
of degeneration, or even of equal oscillations to and fro, but of
a movement which, in spite of frequent stops and relapses, has
on the whole been forward; that there has been from age to
age a growth in Man’s power over Nature, which no degrading
influences have been able permanently to check.
191
CHAPTER VIII.
THE STONE AGE—PAST AND PRESENT.
Tue Stone Age is that period in the history of mankind during
which stone is habitually used as a material for weapons and
tools. Antiquaries find it convenient to make the Stone Age
cease whenever metal implements come into common use, and
the Bronze Age, or the Iron Age, supervenes. But the last
traces of a Stone Age are hardly known to disappear anywhere,
in spite of the general use of metals; and in studying this
phase of the world’s history for itself, it may be considered as
still existing, not only among savages who have not fairly come
to the use of iron, but even among civilized nations. Wher-
ever the use of stone instruments, as they were used in the
Stone Age proper, is to be found, there the Stone Age has not
entirely passed away. The stone hammers with which tinkers
might be found at work till lately in remote districts in Ire-
land,! the huge stone mallets with wooden handles which are
still used in Iceland for driving posts and other heavy hammer-
ing,” and the lancets of obsidian with which the Indians of
Mexico still bleed themselves, as their fathers used to do before
the Spanish Conquest,’ are stone implements which have sur-
vived for centuries the general introduction of iron.
Mere natural stones, picked up and used without any arti-
ficial shaping at all, are implements of a very low order. Such
1 Wilde, Cat. of Mus. of R. I. Acad. ; Dublin, 1857, p. 80.
2 Klemm, ‘ Allgemeine Culturwissenschaft ;? Leipzig & Sondershausen, 1855-8,
part ii. p. 86. 3 Brasseur, ‘ Mexique,’ vol. iii. p. 640,
192 THE STONE AGE—-PAST AND PRESENT.
natural tools are often found in use, being for the most part
slabs, water-worn pebbles, and other stones suited for hammers
and anvils, and their employment is no necessary proof of a
very low state of culture. Among the lower races, Dr. Milligan
gives a good instance of their use, in describing the shell-
mounds left by the natives on the shores of Van Diemen’s
Land. In places where the shells found are univalves, round
stones of different sizes are met with ; one, the larger, on which
they broke the shells ; the other, and smaller, havimg served as
the hammer to break them with. But where the refuse-mounds
consist of oysters, mussels, cockles, and other bivalves, there
flint-knives, used to open them with, are generally found.! Sir
George Grey’s description of the sites of native encampments,
so frequently met with in Australia, will serve as another ex-
ample. The remains of such an encampment consist of a circle
of large flat stones arranged round the place where the fire has
been ; on each of the flat stones a smaller stone for breaking
shell-fish ; beside each pair of stones a large shell used for a
cup, and, scattered all around, broken shells and bones of
kangaroos.”
Nor are cases hard to find of the use of these very low repre-
sentatives of the Stone Age carried up into higher levels of
civilization. Thus the tribes of Central and Southern Africa,
though often skilful in smith’s work, have not come thoroughly
to the use of the iron hammer and anvil. ‘Travellers describe
them as forging their weapons and tools with a stone of handy
shape and size, on a lump of rock which serves as an anvil;
while sometimes an iron hammer is used to give the last finish.?
The quantities of smooth rolled pebbles found in our ancient
English hill-forts were probably collected for sling-stones ; but
larger pebbles, very likely used as cracking-stones, are found
in early European grayes.* At the present day, the inhabitants
of Heligoland and Riigen not only turn to account the natural
net-sinkers formed by chalk-flints, out of which the remains of a
: Milligan, i in Tr. Eth. Soc. ; London, 1863, vol. ii. p. 128.
? Grey, Journals, vol. i. pp. 71, 109.
3 Casalis, p. 131; Petherick, p. 395; Burton, Central Agere. vol. ii. p. 312;
Backhouse, Africa, p. 377. 4 Klemm, C. W., part ii. p. 87.
THE STON® AGE—PAST AND PRESENT. 193
sponge, or such thing, has been washed, leaving a convenient
hole through the flint to tie it by; but they have been known
to turn such a perforated flmt mto a hammer, by fixing a
handle in the hole.!_ And lastly, the women who shell almonds
in the south of France still use a smooth water-worn pebble
(cowede, couedou), as their implement for breaking the shells.
The distinction between natural and artificial implements is of
no practical value in estimating the state of culture of a Stone-
Age tribe. A natural chip or fragment of stone may have been
now and then used as an edged or pointed tool; but we have
not the least knowledge of any tribe too low habitually to shape
such instruments for themselves. There is, however, a well-
marked line of distinction in the Stone Age which divides it
into a lower and a higher section. We have no historical know-
ledge of any tribe who have used stone instruments, and have
not been in the habit of grinding or polishing some of them,
But there are remains which clearly prove the existence of such
tribes, and thus the Stone Age falls into two divisions, the Un-
ground Stone Age and the Ground Stone Age.”
To the former and ruder of these two classes belong the in-
struments of the Drift or Quaternary deposits, and of the early
bone caves, and, in great part at least, those of the Scandinavian
shell-heaps or kjékkenméddings. Even should a few ground
instruments prove to belong to these deposits, the case would
not be much altered, for the finding of hundreds of unground
implements unmixed with ground ones would still show a vast
predominance of chipping over grinding, which would justify
their being classed in an Unground Stone Age, quite distinct
from the Ground Stone Age in which modern tribes have been
found living.
The rude flint implements found in the drift gravels of the
Quaternary (i. e. Post-Tertiary) series of strata, belong to the
earliest known productions of: human art. Since the long un-
appreciated labours of M. Boucher de Perthes showed the histo-
rical importance of these relics, the date of the first appearance
of man on the earth has been’much debated. I have no pur-
pose of attempting to discuss the collection of geological and
1 Klemm, C. W., part ii. p. 12. 2 See Mr. Lubbock’s Lectures, etc.
Oy)
19-4 ‘THE STONE AGE—PAST AND ®RESENT.
antiquarian fact and argument brought forward in Sir Charles
Lyell’s ‘ Antiquity of Man,’ not only with reference to the men
of the drift period, but to those of the bone caves, and of the
early shell-heaps and peat-bogs. Butit may be remarked that
geological evidence, though capable of showing the lapse of vast
periods of time, has scarcely admitted of these periods being
brought into definite chronological terms ; yet it is only geolo-
gical evidence that has given any basis for determining the
absolute date at which the makers of the drift implements lived
in France and England. In an elaborate paper lately pub-
lished, Mr. Prestwich infers, from the time it must have taken
to excavate the river-valleys, even under conditions much more
favourable than now to such action, and to bore into the under-
lying strata the deep pipes or funnels now found lined with
sand and gravel, that a very long period must have elapsed
since the implement-bearing beds began to be laid down. But
his opinion is against extreme estimates, and favours the view
that the now undoubted contemporaneity of man with the mam-
moth, the Lhinoceros tichorhinus, etc., is rather to be accounted
for by considering that the great animals continued to live to a
later period than had been supposed, than that the age of man
on earth is to be stretched to fit with an enormous hypothetical
date. Mr. Prestwich thus sums up his view of the subject,
“That we must greatly extend our present chronology with
respect to the first existence of man appears inevitable; but
that we should count by hundreds of thousands of years is, I am
convinced, in the present state of the inquiry, unsafe and pre-
mature.”
A set of characteristic drift implements? would consist of
certain tapering instruments like huge lance-heads, shaped,
edged, and pointed, by taking off a large number of facets, in
a way which shows a good deal of skill and feeling for sym-
metry ; smaller leaf-shaped instruments ; flints partly shaped
and edged, but with one end left unwrought, evidently for hold-
ing in the hand; scrapers with curvilinear edges; rude flake-
‘ Prestwich, On the Geological Position and Age of the Flint-Implement-Bear-
ing Beds, etc. (from Phil. Trans.) ; London, 1864.
* See Evans, ‘ Flint Implements in the Drift ;’ London, 1862.
THE STONE AGE—PAST AND PRESENT. 195
knives, etc. Taken as a whole, such a set of types would be
very unlike, for instance, to a set of chipped instruments be-
longing to the comparatively late period of the cromlechs in
France and England. But a comparison of particular types
with what is found elsewhere, breaks down any imaginary line
of severance between the men of the Drift and the rest of the
human species. The flake knives are very rude, but they are
like what are found elsewhere, and there is no break in the
series which ends in the beautiful specimens from Mexico and
Scandinavia. The Tasmanians sometimes used for cutting or
notching wood a very rude instrument. Hye-witnesses describe
how they would pick up a suitable flat stone, knock off chips
from one side, partly or all round the edge, and use it without
more ado; and there is a specimen corresponding exactly to
this description in the Taunton Museum. An implement found
in the Drift near Clermont would seem to be much lke this.
The drift tools with a chipped curvilinear edge at one end,
which were probably used for dressing leather and other scrap-
ing, are a good deal like specimens from America. The leaf-
shaped instruments of the Drift differ principally from those of
the Scandinavian shell-heaps, and of America, in being made
less neatly and by chipping off larger flakes; and there are
leaf-shaped instruments which were used by the Mound- Builders
of North America, perhaps for fixing as teeth in a war-club in
Mexican fashion,' which differ rather in finish than in shape
from the Drift specimens. Hvyen the most special type of the
Drift, namely, the pointed tapermg implement lke a great
spear-head, differs from some American implements only in be-
ing much rougher and heavier. There have been found in Asia
stone implements resembling most closely the best marked of
the Drift types. Mr. J. E. Taylor, British Consul at Basrah,
obtained some years ago from the sun-dried brick mound of
Abu Shahrein in Southern Babylonia, two taper pointed instru
ments’ of chipped flint, which, to judge from a cast of one oi’
them, would be passed without hesitation as drift implements.
As to the date to which these remarkable specimens belong,
1 Squier & Davis, p. 211.
2 Vaux, in Proce. Soe. Ant., Jan. 19, 1860.
0 2
196 THE STONE AGE—PAST AND PRESENT.
there is no sufficient evidence. Again, a stone instrument,
found in a cave at Bethlehem, does not differ specifically from
the Drift type.
With the Unground Stone Age of the Drift, that of the
Bone Caves is intimately connected. In the Drift, geological
evidence shows that a long period of time must have been re-
quired for the accumulation of the beds which overle the flint
implements, for the cutting out of the valleys to their present
state, and so on, since the time when the makers of these rude
tools and weapons inhabited France and England in company
with the Rhinoceros tichorhinus, the mammoth, and other
great animals now extinct. In the Bone Caves this natural
calendar of strata accumulated and removed is absent, but
their animal remains border on the fauna of the Drift, and the
Drift series of stone implements passes into the Cave series,’
so that the men of the Drift may very well be the makers of
some Cave implements contemporaneous with the great quater-
nary mammals.
The explorations made with such eminent skill and success
in the caverns of M. Périgord by Mr. Lartet and Christy,” bring
into view a wonderfully distinct picture of rude tribes inhabit-
ing the south of France, at a remote period characterized by a
fauna strangely different from that at present belonging to the
district, the reindeer, the aurochs, the chamois, and so forth.
They seem to have been hunters and fishers, having no domes-
ticated animals, not even the dog; but they made themselves
rude ornaments, they sewed with needles with eyes, and they
decorated their works in bone, not only with hatched and waved
patterns, but with carvings of animals done with considerable
skill and taste. Yet their stone implements were very rude,
to a great extent belonging to absolute Drift types, and desti-
tute of grinding, with one curious set of exceptions, certain
granite pebbles with a smooth hollowed cavity, some of which
resemble stones used by the Australians for grinding some-
1 See, for instance, W. Boyd Dawkins, in Proc. Somersetshire Archzological
Soc., 1861-2, p. 197.
° Lartet & Christy, ‘Cavernes du Périgord ;’ Paris, 1864 (from ‘ Revue Archéo-
logique’).
THE STONE AGE—PAST AND PRESENT. 197
thing in, perhaps paint to adorn themselves with. It is very
curious to find these French tribes going so far in the art of
shaping tools by grinding, and yet, so far as we know, never
catching the idea of grinding a celt.
The stone implements of the Scandinavian shell-heaps are a
good deal like those ,of the Drift and the Caves, as regards
their flint-flakes and leaf-shaped instruments, but they are
characterized by the frequent occurrence of a kind of celt
which is not a Drift type. It is rudely shaped from the flint,
the natural fracture of which gives it a curved form which may
be roughly compared to that of a man’s front tooth, if it ta-
pered from root to edge.! Here, also, the Unground Stone
Age prevails, though a very few specimens of higher types
have been found. I may quote Mr. Christy’s opinion that the
thousands of characteristic implements are to be taken as the
standard of what was made and used, while, as has very often
happened in old deposits lying in accessible situations, a few
things may have got in in comparatively modern times.
Beside the want of grinding, the average quality of the
instruments of the Unground Stone Age is very low, not-
withstanding that its best specimens are far above the level of
the worst of the later period. These combined characters of
rudeness and the absence of grinding give the remains of the
Unground Stone Age an extremely important bearmg on the
history of Civilization, from the way in which they bring to-
gether evidence of great rudeness and great antiquity. The
antiquity of the Drift implements is, as has been said, proved
by direct geological evidence. The Cave implements, even of
the reindeer period, are proved by their fauna to be earlier, as
they are seen at a glance to be ruder, than those of the crom-
lech period, and of the earliest lake-dwellings of Switzerland,
both belonging to the Ground Stone Age. To the student who
views Human Civilization as in the main an upward develop-
ment, a more fit starting-point could scarcely be offered than
this wide and well-marked progress from an earlier and lower,
to a later and higher, stage of the history of human art.
1 Lubbock in Nat. Hist. Review, Oct. 1861. Morlot in Soc, Vaudoise des Se.
Nat., 1859
198 THE STONE AGE—PAST AND PRESENT.
To turn now to the productions of the higher or Ground
Stone Age, grinding is found rather to supplement chipping
than to supersede it. Implements are very commonly chipped
into shape before they are ground, and unfinished articles of this
kind are often found. Moreover, such things as flake-knives,
and heads for spears and arrows, have seldom or never been
ground in any period, early or late, for the obvious reason that
the labour of grinding them would have been wasted, or worse.
Flake-knives of obsidian appear to have been sometimes
finished by grinding in Mexico,! but most stone knives of the
kind seem to have been used as they were flaked off. This
question of grinding or not grinding stone implements 1s
brought out clearly by some remarks of Captain Cook’s, on his
first voyage to the South Seas. He noticed that the natives of
Tahiti used basalt to make their adzes of, and these it was ne-
cessary to sharpen almost every minute, for which purpose a
stone and a cocoa-nut shell full of water were kept always at
hand. When he saw the New Zealanders using, for the finish-
ing of their nicest work, small tools of jasper, chipped off from
a block in sharp angular pieces like a gunflint, and throwing
them away as soon as they were blunted, he concluded they
did not grind them afresh because they could not.? This, how-
ever, was not the true reason, as their grinding jade and other
hard stones clearly shows; but it was simply easier to make
new ones than to grind the old. A good set of implements of
the Ground Stone Age will consist partly of instruments made ~
by mere chipping, such as varieties of spear-heads, arrow-heads,
and flake-knives, and partly of ground implements, the principal
classes of which are celts, axes, and hammers.
The word celt: (Latin celtis, a chisel) is a convenient term
for including the immense mass of instruments which have the
simple shape of chisels, and might have been used as such. No
doubt many or most of them were really for mounting on han-
dies, and using as adzes or axes; but in the absence of a han-
dle, or a place for one, or amark where one has been, it is often
impossible to set down any particular specimen as certainly
1 Torquemada, ‘Monarquia Indiana;’ Seville, 1615, vol. ii. p- 527.
? Cook, First Voy. H.,, vol. ii. p. 220; vol. iii. p. 60,
THE STONE AGE—PAST AND PRESENT, 199
a chisel, an axe, or an adze. When, however, the cutting edge
is hollowed as in a gouge, it is no longer possible to use it as
an axe, though it retains the other two possible uses of chisel
and adze. The water-worn pebble, in which a natural edge has
been made straighter and sharper by grinding, may be taken
as the original and typical form of the celt. Rude South Ame-
rican tribes select suitable water-worn stones and rub down
their edges, sometimes merely grasping them in the hand to
use them, and sometimes mounting them in a wooden handle;
and axes made in this way, by grinding the edge of a suitable
pebble, and fixing it in a withe handle, are known in Australia.
Moreover, the class to which this almost natural instrument
belongs, that, namely, which has a double-convex cross sec-
tion, is far more numerous and universally distributed than the
double-flat, concavo-convex, triangular, or other forms.
Where artificially-shaped celts are found only chipped over,
in high Stone Age deposits, as in Scandinavia, they are ge-
nerally to be considered as unfinished ; but when celts of hard
stone are found only ground near the edge, and otherwise left
rough from chipping, they may be taken as denoting a rude
state of art. Thus flint celts ground only near the edge are
found in Northern Europe, and even in Denmark ; but in general
celts of the hardest stone are found, during the Ground-Stone
Age, conscientiously ground and polished all over, and every
large celt of hard stone which is finished to this degree repre-
sents weeks or months of labour, done not so much for any
technical advantage, as for the sake of beauty and artistic
completeness.
The primitive hammer, still used in some places, is an oval
pebble, held in the hand. Above this comes the natural peb-
ble, or the artificially-shaped stone, which is grooved or notched
to have a bent withe fastened round it as a handle, as our smiths
mount heavy chisels. Above this again is the highest kind,
the stone hammer with a hole through it for the handle. This
is not found out of the Old World, perhaps not out of Kurope;
and even the Mexicans, who in many things rivalled or excelled
the stone-workers of ancient Europe, do not seem to have got
beyond grooving their hammers. The stone axe proper, as |
200 THE STONE AGE—PAST AND PRESENT.
distinguished from the mere celt by its more complex shape,
and by its being bored or otherwise fitted for a handle, is best
represented in the highest Huropean Stone Age, and in the
transition to the Bronze Age.
Special instruments and varieties are of great interest to the
Ethnographer, as giving individuality to the productions of the
Stone Age of different times and places. Thus, the rude trian-
gular flakes of obsidian with which the Papuans head their
spears are very characteristic of their race. These spears were
probably what they were using in Schouten’s time; “ long
staves with very lone sharpe things at the ends thereof, which
(as we thought) were finnes of black fishes.””! Among celts,
the Polynesian adze blade, to be seen in almost any museum, .
is a well-marked type; as isthe American double hatchet,” and
an elaborately-formed American knife.? The Pech’s knives or
Pict’s knives, of Shetland, made from a rock with a slaty
cleavage, seem peculiar. They appear to be efficient imstru-
ments, as an old woman was seen cutting cabbage with one not
long since.
As there are a good many special instruments like these in
different parts of the world, the idea naturally suggests itself of
trying to use them as ethnological evidence, to prove connexion
or intercourse between two districts where a similar thing is
found. For instance, among the most curious phenomena in
the history of stone implements is the occurrence of one of the
highest types of the Stone Age, the polished celt of green jade,
of all places in the world, in Australia, where the general cha-
racter of the native stone implements is so extremely low.
There is a quarry of this very hard and beautiful stone in Vic-
toria, and the natives on the river Glenelg grind it into double-
convex hatchet blades, a process which must require great la-
bour, and these blades they fix with native thread into cleft
sticks, and use them as battle-axes. Two of the blades in
question are in the Museum of the Society of Antiquaries
in Edinburgh, presented by Dr. Mackay, who got them near
1 Purchas, vol. i. p. 95. * Schoolcraft, part ii. pl. 48, figs. 1 and 2.
* Id., part ii. pl. 45, figs. 1-3. Another specimen in the Edinburgh Antiquaries’
Museum, presented by Dr. Daniel Wilson.
THE STONE AGE—PAST AND PRESENT. 201
the place where they were made. They are only inferior
to the finest celts of the same material from New Zealand,
in wanting the accuracy of outline which the Maori would have
given, and the conscientious labour with which he would have
ground down the whole surface till every inequality or flaw
had disappeared, whereas the Australian has been content
with polishing into the hollow places, instead of grinding them
out. Were we obliged to infer, from the presence of these
high-class celts in Australia, that the natives in one part of the
country had themselves developed the making of stone imple-
ments so immensely beyond the rest of their race, while they
remained in other respects in the same low state of civilization,
the quality of stone implements would have to be pretty much
given up as a test of culture anywhere. Fortunately there is
an easier way out of the difficulty. Polished instruments of
this green jade have been, long ago or recently, one of the
most important items of manufacture in the islands of the
Indian Ocean and the Pacific, and the South Australians may
have learnt from some Malay or Polynesian source the art of
shaping these high-class weapons. The likelihood of this being
their real history is strengthened by proofs we have of inter-
course between Australia and the surrounding islands. Besides
the known yearly visits of the trepang-fishers of Macassar to
the Gulf of Carpentaria, and the appearance of the outrigger-
canoe in Hast Australia in Captain Cook’s time, there is my-
thological evidence which seems to carry proof of connexion far
down the east coast.
Another coincidence of this kind may be mentioned here,
though in the absence of collateral evidence it would be un-
wise to draw any conclusion from it. There is a well-known
New Zealand weapon, the mére, or pdtu-patu. It is an edged
club of bone or stone, which has been compared to a beaver’s
tail, or is still more like a soda-water bottle with the bulb
flattened, and it is a very effective weapon in a hand-to-hand
fight, beg so sharp that a man’s skull may be split at one
blow with it. Through the neck it has a hole for a wrist-cord.
The mére is made of the bone of a whale, or of stone, and the
finest, which are of green jade and worked with immense
202 THE STONE AGE—PAST AND PRESENT.
labour, were among the most precious heirlooms of the Maori
Chiefs. One would think that such a peculiar weapon was
hardly likely to be made independently by
two races; but Klemm gives a drawing of a
sharp-edged Peruvian weapen, of dark brown
jasper,' which is so exactly like the New Zea-
land mére, even to the wrist-cord, that a single
drawing of one of the latter, shown in front
and profile in Fig. 19, will serve for both.
There can hardly be a mistake about this
weapon being really Peruvian, for another
from Cuzco, of a greenish amphibolic stone,
is figured by Rivero and Tschudi,? curiously
enough, in company with a wooden war-club,
Fig. 19. from Tunga in Colombia which is hardly distin-
guishable from a common Polynesian form. If we knew of any
connexion between the civilizations of Peru and the South Sea
Islands, these extraordinary resemblances might be accounted
for without hesitation, as caused by direct transmission.
When, however, their full value has been given to the dif-
ferences in the productions of the Ground Stone Age, there
remains a residue of a most remarkable kind. In the first
place, a very small number of classes, flake-knives, scrapers,
spear and arrow-heads, celts and hammers, take in the great
mass of specimens in museums; and in the second place, the
prevailing character of these implements, whether modern or
thousands of years old, whether found on this side of the world
or the other, is a marked uniformity. The Ethnographer who
has studied the stone implements of Europe, Asia, North or
South America, or Polynesia, may consider the specimens from
the district he has studied, as types from which those of other
districts differ, as a class, by the presence or absence of a few
peculiar instruments, and individually in more or less impor-
tant details of shape and finish, unless, as sometimes happens,
they do not perceptibly differ at all. So great is this uni-
formity in the stone implements of different places and times,
' Klemm, C. W., part ii. p. 26.
? Rivero & Tschudi, Ant. Per. Plates, pl. xxxiii. -
THE STONE AGE—PAST AND PRESENT.- 203
that it goes far to neutralize their value as distinctive of dif-
ferent races. It is clear that no great help in tracing the
minute history of the growth and migration of tribes, is to be
got from an arrow-head which might have come from Pata-
gonia, or Siberia, or the Isle of Man, or from a celt which
might be, for all its appearance shows, Mexican, Irish, or
Tahitian. If an observer, tolerably acquainted with stone
implements, had an unticketed collection placed before him,
the largeness of the number of specimens which he would not
confidently assign, by mere inspection, to their proper coun-
tries, would serve as a fair measure of their general uniformity.
Even when aided by mineralogical knowledge, often a great
help, he would have to leave a large fraction of the whole in
an unclassed heap, confessing that he did not know within
thousands of miles or thousands of years, where and when
they were made.
How, then, is this remarkable uniformity to be explained ?
The principle that man does the same thing under the same
circumstances will account for much, but it is very doubtful
whether it can be stretched far enough to account for even the
greater proportion of the facts in question. The other side of
the argument is, of course, that resemblance is due to con-
nexion, and the truth is made up of the two, though in what
proportions we do not know. It may be that, though the pro-
blem is too obscure to be worked out alone, the uniformity of
development in different regions of the Stone Age may some
day be successfully brought in with other lines of argument,
based on deep-lying agreements in culture, which tend to
centralize the early history of races of very unlike appearance,
and living in widely distant ages and countries.
To turn to an easier branch of the subject, I have brought
together here, as a contribution to the history of the Stone
Age, a body of evidence which shows that it has prevailed in
ancient or up to modern times, in every great district of the
inhabited world. By the aid of this, it may be possible to
sketch at least some rude outline of the history of its gradual
decline and fall, which followed on the introduction of metal in
later periods, up to our own times, when the universal use of
204 THE STONE AGE—PAST AND PRESENT.
iron has left nothing of the ancient state of things, except a few
remnants of interest to ethnologists and antiquaries, but of no
practical importance to the world at large.
In the first place, there are parts of the world whose inha-
bitants, when they were discovered in modern times by more
advanced races, were found not possessed of metals, but using
stone, shell, bone, split canes, and so forth, for purposes in
making tools and weapons to which we apply metals. Now as
we have no evidence that the inhabitants of Australia, the
South Sea Islands, and a considerable part of North and South
America, had ever been possessed of metals, it seems reason-
able to consider these districts as countries where original
Stone Age conditions had never been interfered with, until
they came within the range of European discovery.
But in other parts of North and South America, such inter-
ference had already taken place before the time of Columbus.
The native copper of North America had been largely used by
the race known to us as the “ Mound Builders,’ who have left
as memorials of their existence the enormous mounds and
fortifications of the Mississippi Valley.! They do not seem to
have understood the art of melting copper, or even of forging
it hot, but to have treated it as a kind of malleable stone,
which they got in pieces out of the ground, or knocked off
from the great natural blocks, and hammered into knives,
chisels, axes, and ornaments. The use of native copper was
by no means confined to the Mound Builders, for the European
explorers found it in use for knives, ice-chisels, ornaments,
etc., in the northern part of the continent, especially among
the Hsquimaux and the Canadian Indians.?, The copper which
Captain Cook found in abundance among the Indians of Prince
William’s Sound, was no doubt native. Even meteoric iron
has been found in use among the Esquimaux. There is a
harpoon-point of walrus tusk in the British Museum, headed
1 See Squier & Davis, ete.
? Squier, Abor. Mon. of State of N. Y., Smithsonian Contr. ; Washington,
1851, pp. 176-7. Sir J. Richardson, ‘The Polar Regions ;’ Edinburgh, 1861)
p- 308. Hakluyt, vol. ini. p. 230. Klemm, C. G., vol. ii. p. 18.
* Cook, Third Voy., vol. ii. p. 380.
THE STONE AGE—PAST AND PRESENT. 205
with a blade of meteoric iron, and a knife, also of tusk, which
is edged by fixing in a row of chips of meteoric iron along a
groove. But these instruments do not appear old; they are
just like those in which the Hsquimaux at present mount
morsels of Huropean iron, and there is no evidence that they
used their native meteoric iron, until their intercourse with
Europeans in modern times had taught them the nature and
use of the metal. It is indeed very strange that there should
be no traces found among them of knowledge of metal-work,
and of other arts, which one would expect a race so receptive
of foreign knowledge to have got from contact with the
Northmen, in the tenth and following centuries; but I have
not succeeded in finding any distinct evidence of the kind.
In the lower part of the Northern Continent, in Peru and
some other districts of the Southern, the Stone Age was not
extinct at the time of Columbus; it was indeed in a state of
development hardly surpassed anywhere in the world, but at
the same time several metals were in common use. Gold and
silver were worked with wonderful skill, but chiefly for orna-
mental purposes. Though almost all the gold and silver work
of Mexico has long ago gone to the melting-pot, there are still
a few specimens which show that the Spanish conquerors were
not romancing in the wonderful stories they told of the skill
of the native goldsmiths. I have seen a pair of gold eagle orna-
ments in the Berlin Museum, which will compare almost with
the Etruscan work for design and delicacy of finish. But what
is still more important is that bronze, made of well-judged pro-
portions of copper and tin, was in use on both continents.
The Peruvians used bronze, and perhaps copper also, for tools
and weapons. ‘The Mexican bronze axe-blades are to be seen
in collections, and we know by the picture-writings that both
the Mexicans! and the builders of the ruined cities of Central
America,? mounted them by simply sticking them into a
wooden club, as the modern African mounts his iron axe-blade.
The little bronze bells of Mexico? and South America are cored
castings, which are by no means novice’s work, and other
1 Mendoza Codex, in Kingsborough, vol. i. 2 Dresden Codex, id.
3 Tylor, ‘ Mexico ;’ p, 236.
206 THE STONE AGE—PAST AND PRESENT,
bronze castings from the latter country are even more remark-
able.}
How the arts of working gold, silver, copper, and bronze
came into America, we do not know, nor can we even tell
whether their appearance on the Northern and Southern Con-
tinent was independent or not. It is possible to trace Mexican
connexion down to Nicaragua, and perhaps even to the Isth-
mus of Panama, while on the other hand the northern inhabi-
tants of South,America were not unacquainted with the na-
tions farther down the continent. But no certain proof of
connexion or intercourse of any kind between Mexico and
Peru seems as yet to have been made out. All that we know
certainly is that gold, silver, copper, tin, and bronze had there
intruded themselves among the implements and ornaments of
worked stone, though they had scarcely made an approach to
driving them out of use, and that the traditions of both conti-
nents ascribed their higher culture to certain foreigners who
were looked upon as supernatural beings. If we reason upon
the supposition that these remarkably unanimous legends may
perhaps contain historical, in combination with mythical ele-
ments, the question suggests itself, where, for a thousand or
fifteen hundred years before the Spanish discovery, were men
to be found who could teach the Mexicans and Peruvians to
make bronze, and could not teach them to smelt and work
iron? The people of Asia seem the only men on whose behalf
such a claim can be sustained at all. The Massagetee of Cen-
tral Asia were in the Bronze Age in the time of Herodotus,
who, describing their use of bronze for spear and arrow-heads,
battle-axes, and other things, and of gold rather for ornamental
purposes, remarks that they make no use of iron or silver, for
they have none in their country, while gold and bronze abound.”
Four centuries later, Strabo modifies this remark, saying that
they have no silver, little iron, but abundance of gold and
bronze. The Tatars were in the Iron Age when visited by
medizeval travellers, and the history of the transition from
bronze to iron in Central Asia, of which we seem to have here
1 Ewbank, ‘ Brazil ;> New York, 1856, pp. 454-463.
2 Herod., i. 215. 3 Strabo, xi. 8, 6.
THE STONE AGE—-PAST AND PRSEENT. 207
a glimpse, is for the most part obscure. The matter is, how-
ever, the more worthy of remark from its bearing on the argu-
ment for the connexion of the culture of Mexico and that of
Asia, grounded by Humboldt on the similarities in the mytho-
logy and the calendar of the two districts.
If we now turn to the history of the Stone Age in Asia,
Africa, and Europe, we shall indeed find almost everywhere
evidence of a Stone Period, which preceded a Bronze or Iron
Period, but this.is only to be had in small part from the direct
inspection of races living without metal implements. The
Kamchadals of north-eastern Asia, a race as yet ethnologically
isolated, were found by the Kosak invaders using cutting-tools
of stone and bone. It is recorded that with these instruments
it took them three years to hollow out a canoe, and one year
to scoop out one of the wooden troughs in which they cooked
their food ;! but probably a large allowance for exaggeration
must be made in this story. Itis curious to notice that, thirty
or forty years ago, Erman got in Kamchatka one of the Stone
Age relics found in such enormous numbers in Mexico, a fluted
prism of obsidian, off which a succession of stone blades had
been flaked; but though one would have thought that the
comparatively recent use of stone instruments in the country
would have been still fresh in the memory of the people, the
natives who dug it up had no idea what it was.? Stone knives,
moreover, have been found in the high north-east of Siberia,
on the site of deserted yourts of modern date, said to have
been occupied by the settled Chukchi, or Shalags.?
In China, the following curious passage seems to record a
comparatively modern use of stone implements. Referring to
Nan-hiu-fu, in the province of Kwan-tong, in Southern China,
it is stated, “‘ They find, in the mountains and among the rocks
which surround it, a heavy stone, so hard that hatchets and
other cutting instruments are made from it.”’4 It is to be
remembered that China is not inhabited only by the race
usually known to us as the Chinese, but by another, or several
1 Kracheninnikow, p. 29. 2 Erman, ‘ Reise,’ vol. iii. p. 453.
3 Sarytschew, in Coll. of Mod. ete., Voy. and Tr.; London, 1807, vol. y. p. 35.
4 Grosier, ‘ Dela Chine ;’ Paris, 1818, vol. i. p. 191.
208 THE STONE AGE—PAST AND PRESENT.
other far less cultured races ; the mountains of Kwan-tong and
the other southern provinces being especially inhabited by such
rude and seemingly aboriginal tribes. There is, besides, a Chi-
nese tradition speaking of the use of stone for weapons among
themselves in early times, which implies at least the knowledge
that thisis a state of things characterizing a race at a low stage
of culture, and may really embody a recollection of their own
early history ; Fu-hi, they say, made weapons. These were of
wood, those of Shin-nung were of stone, and Chi-yu made
metal ones.!
Among the great Tatar race to which the Turks and Mon-
gols, and our Hungarians, Lapps, and Finns belong, accounts
of a Stone Age may be found, in the most remarkable of which
the widely prevailing idea that stone instruments found buried
in the ground are thunderbolts, is very well brought into view.
In the Chinese Encyclopedia of the emperor Kang-hi, who
began to reign in 1662, the following passage occurs :—
*« ¢ Tightning-stones.’-—The shape and substance of lightning-
stones vary according to place. The wandering Mongols,
whether of the coasts of the eastern sea, or the neighbourhood
of the Sha-mo, use them in the manner of copper and steel.
There are some of these stones which have the shape of a
hatchet, others that of a knife, some are made like mallets.
These lightning-stones are of different colours; there are
blackish ones, others are greenish. A romance of the time of
the Tang, says that there was at Yu-men-si a great Miao de-
dicated to the Thunder, and that the people of the country
used to make offerings there of different things, to get some of
these stones. This fable is ridiculous. The lightning-stones are
metals, stones, pebbles, which the fire of the thunder has meta-
morphosed by splitting them suddenly and uniting inseparably
different substances. There are some of these stones in which
a kind of vitrification is distinctly to be observed.’’?
Moreover, within the last century the Tunguz of North-
Eastern Siberia, belonging to the same Tatar race, were using
? Goguet, vol. iii. p. 331.
* «Mémoires concernant |’ Histoire, ete., des Chinois, par les Missionnaires de
Pékin ;’ Paris, 1776, ete., vol.iv. p. 474. Klemm, C. G., vol. vi. p. 467.
THE STONE AGE—PAST AND PRESENT. 209
stone arrow-heads,' while Tacitus long before made a similar
remark as to their relatives the Finns, whose “ only hope is in
their arrows, which, from want of iron, they make sharp with
bones.” ‘Sola in sagittis spes, quas, inopia ferri, ossibus as-
perant.”? But the Tunguz have been expert iron-workers as
long as we have any distinct knowledge of them, and arrow-
heads of stone and bone may survive, for an indefinite number
of centuries, the main part of the Stone Age to which they
properly belong. Even the Egyptians, in the height of their
civilization, used stone arrow-heads in hunting, notwithstanding
their vast wealth of bronze and iron. The peculiar arrows
which are bemg shot at wild oxen in the bas-reliefs of Beni
Hassan$ are still to be seen in collections; they are special as
to their wedge-shaped flint heads, fixed with the broad edge
foremost, a shape like that of the wooden-headed bird-bolts
of the Middle Ages. ‘The stone arrow-heads found on the
battle-field of Marathon are often described, but they may have
all been shot by the barbarian troops, and most others found
in Greece are probably pre-Aryan. It is clear that metal must
be very common and cheap to be used in so wasteful a way as
in heading an arrow, perhaps only for a single shot.
If we go back eighteen hundred years, an account may be
found of a people living under Stone Age conditions in a part
of Asia much less remote than Tartary and China. Strabo
gives the following description of the fish-eaters inhabiting the
coast of the present Beloochistan, on the Arabian Sea, and,
like the Aleutian Islanders of modern times, building their huts
of the bones of whales, with their jaws for doorways :—“~ The
country of the Ichthyophagi is a low coast, for the most part
without trees, except palms, a sort of acanthus, and tamarisks ;
of water and cultivated food there is a dearth. Both the peo-
ple and their cattle eat fish, and drink rain- and well-water,
and the flesh of the cattle tastes of fish. In making their dwell-
ings, they mostly use the bones of whales, and oyster-shells,
the ribs serving for beams and props, and the jaw-bones for
1 Ravenstein, p. 4.
2 Tac. Germ. xlvi. ; and see Grimm, G. D.S%., vol. i. p. 173.
3 Wilkinson, Pop. Aes vol. i, pp. 222, 353.
ye)
210 THE STONE AGE—PAST AND PRESENT.
doorways; the vertebrae they use form ortars, in which they
pound their sun-dried fish, and of this, with the mixture of
a little corn, they make bread, for, though they have no iron,
they have mills. And this is the less wonderful, seeing that
they can get the mills from elsewhere, but how can they dress
the millstones when worn down? with the stones, they say,
with which they sharpen their arrows and darts [of wood,
with points] hardened in the fire. Of the fish, part they cook
in ovens, but most they eat raw, and they catch them im nets
of palm-bark.’”!
Though direct history gives but partial means of proving the
existence of a Stone Age over Asia and Hurope, the finding of
ancient stone tools and weapons, in almost every district of
these two continents, proves that they were in former times in-
habited by Stone Age races, though whether in any particular
spot the tribes we first find living there are their descendants
as well as their successors, this evidence cannot tell us. How,
for instance, are we to tell what race made and used the ob-
sidian flakes which were found with polished agate and carne-
lian beads under the chief corner-stone of the great temple
of Khorsabad? All through Western Asia, and north of the
Himalaya, stone implements are scattered broadcast through the
land. Further east, the account of the lightning-stones, just
quoted from the Encyclopzedia of Kang-hi, goes to prove that
stone implements are found in China, and therefore that the
inhabitants once made and used them; and this inference espe-
cially makes it probable that the legend of stone weapons
having been once in use may be a piece of genuine traditional
history.
Japan abounds in Stone Age relics, of which Van Siebold
has given drawings and descriptions in his great work ;? and
his own collection at Leyden is very rich in specimens. The
arrow-heads of obsidian, flint, chert, etc., are of types like those
found elsewhere. Their presence is sometimes accounted for
by stories that they were rained from the sky, or that every
1 Strabo, xv. 2, 2.
* Ph. Fr. v. Siebold, Nippon, Archiv zur Beschreibung von Japan; Leyden,
1832, etc., part ii. plates xi. to xiii. pp. 45, ete.
THE STONE AGE—PAST AND PRESENT. 211
year an army of spirits fly through the air with rain and storm ;
when the sky clears, people go out and hunt in the sand for the
stone arrows they have dropped. The arrow-heads are found
most abundantly in the north of the great island of Nippon, in
the so-called land of the Wild Men, a population who were only
late and with difficulty brought under the Mikado dynasty,
and who belong to the same Aino race as the present inha-
bitants of the island of Jesso and the southern Kuriles. In
Japan, stone celts are frequently to be found in the collections
of minerals of native amateurs, and they are still sometimes
dug up with other objects of stone. They seem only of average
symmetry and finish. Here, again, the natives call such a
stone celt a ‘ thunderbolt,” Rai fu seki, or Tengu no masakari,
““battleaxe of Tengu,” Tengu being the guardian of heaven.
The notion is also current that they are implements of the Evil
Spirit, whose symbol is the fox, whence the names of “ Fox-
hatchet,” “ Fox-plane.” As a fox-plane, a double-flat celt is
shown in Siebold’s plates, which may have served the purpose
of a plane, or, if it was fixed to a handle, that of an adze. Re-
gularly shaped stone knives (not mere flakes) are represented ;
some are hke the stone knives of Egypt, but rougher; the
Japanese recognise them as ‘ stone-knives.” Some which
have been dug up are kept in the temples as relics of the time
of the Kami, the spirits or divinities from whom the Japanese
hold themselves to be descended, and whose worship is the old
religion of the Japanese, the way or doctrine of the Kami,
more commonly known by the Chinese term, Sin-tu. Some
stone knives, drawn by Siebold on Japanese authority, seem
to be of a slaty rock, which has admitted of their being very
neatly made in curious shapes. One very highly finished spe-
cimen is called the stone knife of the “Green Dragon,” a term
which may be explained by the fact that the conventional
dragon of Japan has a sword at the end of his tail.
Again, Java abounds in very high-class stone implements,
and such things are found on the Malay peninsula, though in
both these districts the natives, unlike the Polynesians, whose
language is so closely connected with theirs, do not even know
P2
212 THE STONE AGE—PAST AND PRESENT.
what stone celts are, and hold with so many other nations that
they are thunderbolts.!
In India, an account of the discovery by Mr. H. P. Le Me-
surier of a great number of ancient stone celts was published
in 1861. He found them stored up in villages of the Jubbul-
pore district, near the Mahadeos, and in other sacred places ;
and since then many more have been met with by other ob-
servers.” Mr. Christy’s specimens are ordinary stone celts of
indifferent quality.
In Europe, ancient stone implements are found from east to
west, and from north to south, the relics perhaps of races now
extinct, or absorbed in others, or of the Tatar population of
Finland and Lapland, or of that unclassed race which survives
in the Basque population about the Pyrenees, who, unlike the
Finns and Lapps, cannot as yet claim relationship with a sur-
Viving parent stock.
As to our own Aryan or Indo-European race, our first know-
ledge of it, at the remote period of which a picture has been
reconstructed by the stidy of the Vedas, and a comparison of
the Sanskrit with other Aryan tongues, shows a Bronze Age
prevailing among them when they set out on their migrations
from Central Asia to found the Aryan nations, the Indians,
Persians, Greeks, Germans, and the rest.2 A general view of
the succession of metal to stone all over the world, justifies a
belief that the Aryans were no exception to the general rule,
and that they, too, used stone instruments before they had
metal ones; but there is little known evidence bearing on the
matter beyond that of a few Aryan words, which are worth men-
tioning, though they will not carry much weight of argument.
The nature of this evidence may be made clear, by noticing
how it comes into existence in places where the introduction of
metal is matter of history. In these places it sometimes hap-
1 Yates, in ‘ Archeological Journal,’ No. 42. Earl, Papuans,’ pp. 175-6.
2 Le Mesurier, in Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, 1861, No. 1, p. 81. Theobald,
As. Soc., Apr. 1864, ete. ete.
° Weber, ‘Indische Skizzen;’ Berlin, 1857, p. 9. Max Miiller, Lectures
second series, p. 280,etc.
THE STONE AGE—PAST AND PRESENT. 213
pens that old words, referring to stone and stone instruments,
are transferred to metal and metal instruments, and these
words take their place as relics of the Stone Age preserved in
language. Thus, in North America the Algonquin names for
copper and brass are miskwaubik and ozawaubik, that is to say,
*“red-stone” and ‘ yellow-stone ;” while the name e-reck, that
is, “stone,” is used by some Indian tribes of California for all
metals indiscriminately. In the Delaware language, opeek is
“white,” and asswun is “stone ;” so that it is evident that the
name of silver, opusswun, means “ white-stone,” while the ter-
mination ‘ stone” is discernible in wisauaasun, ‘ gold.” In the
Mandan language, the words mahi, “knife,” and mahitshuke,
“flint,” are clearly connected.! Having thus examples of the
way in which the Stone Age has left its mark in language, in
races among whom it has been superseded within our know-
ledge, it is natural that we should expect to find words marking
the same change, in the speech of men who made the same
transition in times not clearly known to history. What has
been done in this way as yet comes to very little, but Jacob
Grimm has set an example by citing two words, hammer, Old
Norse hamarr, meaning both “ hammer” and “ rock,” and Latin
saxum, a name possibly belonging to a time when instruments
to cut with, secare, were still of stone, and which still keeps
close to Old German sahs, Anglo-Saxon seaa, a knife. There
may possibly be some connexion between sagitta, arrow, and
saxum, stone, and in like manner between Sanskrit ¢ili, arrow,
gilda, stone, while in the Semitic family of languages, Hebrew
yo, chetz, arrow, ysn, chatzatz, gravel-stone, are both related
to the verb ysn, chatzatz, to cut. But against the inference
from these words, that their connexion belongs to a time when
stone was the usual material for sharp instruments, there les
this strong objection, that knife and stone might get from the
same root names expressing sharpness, or any other quality
they have in common, without having anything directly to do
with one another, while the same word, hamar, may have been
found an equally suitable name for “hammer” and “rock,”
1 Schooleraft, part ii. pp. 389, 397, 463, 506; part ii. pp. 426, 448.
2 Grimm, D. M., p. 165; G.D.S., p. 610.
214 THE STONE AGE—PAST AND PRESENT.
without the hammer being so called because all hammers were
originally stones.
Among the Semitic race, however, it seems possible to bring
forward better evidence than this of an early Stone Age. If
we follow one way of translating, we find in two passages of
the Old Testament an account of the use of sharp stones or
stone knives for circumcision; Exodus iv. 25, “ And Zipporah
took a stone” ("¥, tzor), and Joshua vy. 2, “ At that time Je-
hovah said to Joshua, Make thee knives of stone” (AINA
DY, charvoth tzurim). As they stand, however, these pas-
sages are not sufficient to prove the case, for there is much
the same ambiguity as to the original meaning of ¢zor, tzur, as
m the etymologies of some of the words just mentioned. Ge-
senius refers them to i¥ tzu, to cut, and the readings “an
edge, a knife,” and “ knives of edges, 7.c. sharp knives,” have
so far at least an equal claim. It remains to be seen which
view is supported by further evidence.
In the first place, the Septuagint altogether favours the
opinion that the knives in question were of stone, by reading
in the first place Wor, a stone, or pebble, and in the second,
Hayaipas TeTpivas éx TéTPAas aKpoTOmoL, stone knives of sharp-
cut stone. These are mentioned again in the remarkable pas-
sage which follows the account of the death and burial of
Joshua (Joshua xxiv. 29-30), “ And it came to pass after these
things, that Joshua the son of Nun, the servant of Jehovah,
died, being a hundred and ten years old, and they buried him
in the border of his inheritance in Timnath Serah, which is in
Mount Ephraim, on the north side of the hill of Gaash.” Here
follows in the LXX. a passage not in the Hebrew text which
has come down tous. “Kal éxe? €@nxav pet avtod els TO
pevnpetov év @ EBarrav adtov éxel, Tas payalpas Tas TeTpivas,
év ais TepLéTewe TOVs viovs Iapair év Tarydnrous, ore &Enyayev
avtovs €& Aiyimtou Kaba cvvétake Kipios: Kai éxet eiolv Eas
THs onwepov nuépas.”? ‘ And there they laid with him in the
1 In this connexion see the meanings of agman in Boehtlingk & Roth, and
Benfey, G. W. L., part i. p. 156.
? LXX., Ed. Field, Oxford, 1859, Elsewhere Gilead instead of Gaash, and
other differences,
THE STONE AGE— PAST AND PRESENT. 215
tomb wherein they buried him there, the stone knives, wherewith
he circumcised the children of Israel at the Gilgals, when he
led them out of Egypt, as the Lord commanded. And they are
there unto this day.’ Any one who is disposed to see in this
statement a late interpolation, may imagine an origin. for it.
The opening of a tumulus containing, as they so commonly do,
a quantity of sharp instruments of stone, might suggest to a
Jew who only knew such things as circumcising knives, the
idea that he saw before him the tomb of Joshua, and, buried
with his body, the stone knives wherewith he circumcised the
children of Israel.
How far the modern Jews follow the translation “ stone,”
“knives of stone,” I cannot entirely say, but two modern
Jewish translations of the Pentateuch which I have consulted
read “ stone” in Exodus iv. 25. It is to be remarked that the
Rabbinical law admits such a use; it stands thus:—
payor 7at bon nema ea den, poo Osa”
san mma om ope eb op Sw myanpan yn
pa pooa pa San Sab snanen yo myo, maser oS
«apa Syd saan omepn
“We may circumcise with anything, even with a flint, with
crystal (glass) or with anything that cuts, except with the
sharp edge of a reed, because enchanters make use of that, or
it may bring on a disease, and it is a precept of the wise men to
circumcise with iron, whether in the form of a knife or of scis-
sors, but it is customary to use a knife.’ Now as Professor
Lazarus, a most competent judge in such matters, remarked
to me with reference to this question, the mere mention of a
practice in the Rabbinical books is not good evidence that it
ever really existed, seeing that their writers habitually exercise
their fertile imaginations in devising cases which might pos-
sibly occur, and then argue upon them as seriously as though
they were real matters of practical importance. But there
are observed facts, which tend to bring these particular ordi-
nances out of the region of fancy, and into that of fact. As
to the prohibition of the use of the reed knife, it is to be no-
216 ‘ THE STONE AGE—-PAST AND PRESENT.
ticed that this (in the form of a sharp splinter of bamboo) was
the regular instrument with which circumcision was performed
in the Fiji islands.!. And as to the use of the stone circum-
cising knife, it is stated by Leutholf, who is looked upon as a
good authority, that it was in use in Atthiopia in his time,—
“The Alnajah, an Aithiopian race, perform circumcision with
stone knives.” ‘ Alnajah gens Adthiopum cultris lapideis cir-
cumcisionem peragit.”? This would be in the sixteenth cen-
tury. And though the modern Jews generally use a steel
knife, there appears to be a remarkable exception to this cus-
tom; that when a male child dies before the eighth day, it is
nevertheless circumcised before burial, but this is done, not
with the ordinary instrument, but with a fragment of flint or
glass.?
Under the reservation just stated, a recognition among the
Jewish ordinances of the practice of slaughtering a beast with
a [sharp] stone, may here be cited from the Mishna :—
eeawo inom mapa, 722, 1 Sasa. emwn
«Tf a person has slaughtered [a beast] with a hand-sickle, a
[sharp] stone, or a reed; it is casher,” i.e. clean, or fit to be
eaten. Here not only the context, but the necessity of shed-
ding the animal’s blood, proves that a proper cutting instrument
of stone, or at least a sharp-edged piece, is meant.
Before drawing any inference from these pieces of evidence,
it will be well to bring together other accounts of the use of
cutting instruments of stone, glass, etc., by people who, though
in possession of iron knives, for some reason or other did not
choose to apply them to certain purposes. Thus the practice
of sacrificing a beast, not with a knife or an axe, but with a
sharp stone, has been observed on the West Coast of Africa
during the last century, as will be more fully detailed in page
222.
1 Mariner, vol. i. p. 329; vol. ii. p. 252; Vocab. s.vv. “camo,” “ tefe.”
Williams, ‘ Fiji? vol. i. p. 166.
2 Ludolfi ‘ Historia AXthiopica ;? Frankfort-on-Maine, 1581, iii. 1. 21.
3 My authority for this statement is Mr. Philip Abraham, Secretary of the
Reformed Synagogue in Margaret Street, Cavendish Square.
* Mishna, Treatise Cholin, ch. i. 2.
THE STONE AGE—PAST AND PRESENT. PAT)
An often quoted instance of the use of a stone knife for a
ceremonial purpose, where iron would have been much more
convenient, is the passage in Herodotus which relates that, in
Egypt, the mummy-embalmers made the imcision in the side of
the corpse with a sharp Aithiopic stone.! The account given
by Diodorus Siculus is fuller :—‘ And first, the body being laid
on the ground, he who is called the scribe marks on its left side
how far the incision is to be made. ‘Then the so-called slitter
(paraschistes), having an Aithiopic stone, and cutting the flesh
as far as the law allows, instantly runs off, the bystanders pur-
suing him and pelting him with stones, cursing him, and as it
were, turning the horror of the deed upon him,” for he who
hurts a citizen is held worthy of abhorrence. There are two
kinds of stone knives found in excavations and tombs in Heypt,
both of chipped flint, and very neatly made; one kind is like
a very small cleaver, the other has more of the character of a
lancet, and would seem the more suitable of the two for the
embalmer’s purpose.
A story related by Pliny, of the way in which the balsam of
Judea, or “balm of Gilead,” was extracted, comes under the
same category. The incisions, he says, had to be made in the
tree with knives of glass, stone, or bone, for it hurts it to
wound its vital parts with iron, and it dies forthwith.*
With regard to the reason of such practices as these, it has
been suggested that there was a practical advantage im the use
of the stone knife for circumcision, as less liable to cause in-
flammation than a knife of bronze or iron. From this point of
view Pliny’s statement has been quoted, that the mutilation of
the priests of Cybele was done with a sherd of Samian ware
(Samia testa), as thus avoiding danger. But as regards iron,
at least, the ordinary Jewish practice shows that there is not
much in this, while a dead body is not liable to inflammation,
and yet the ancient Egyptians used, and the modern Jews use,
the stone knife in operating upon it. I heard the reason
assigned, in the latter case, that it is undesirable to use on the
living subject an mstrument which has been applied to such a
' Herod., ii. 86. 2 Diod. Sic., i. 91. 3 Plin., xii. 54.
4 Plin., xxxy, 46. xi. 109.
Biae THE STONE AGE—PAST AND PRESENT.
purpose ; but if this were all, it would be far less troublesome
to have a second knife than to use so miserable a substitute ;
and the argument does not touch the Egyptian case of the
embalmers. I cannot but think that most, if not all, of the
series are to be explained as being, to use the word in no
harsh sense, but according to what seems its proper. ety-
mology, cases of superstition, of the “standing over” of old
habits into the midst of a new and changed state of things, of
the retention of ancient practices for ceremonial purposes, long
after they had been superseded for the commonplace uses of
ordinary life. Such a view takes in every instance which has
been mentioned, though the reason of iron not being adopted
by the modern Jews in one case as well as in another is not
clear. As to Pliny’s story of the balm of Gilead, I am told,
on competent authority, that the use of stone and such things
instead of iron for making incisions in the tree, if ever it
really existed, could be nothing but a superstition without any
foundation in reason. It may perhaps tell in favour of the story
being true, that it is only one of a number of cases mentioned
by Plny, of plants as: to which the similar notion prevailed,
that they would be spoiled by being touched with an iron in-
strument.! There seems, on the whole, to be a fair case for be-
heving that among the Israelites, as in Ethiopia and Egypt, a
a ceremonial use of stone instruments long survived the ge-
neral adoption of metal, and that such observances are to be
interpreted as relics of an earlier Stone Age; while incidentally
the same argument makes it probable that the rite of circum-
cision belonged to the Stone Age among the ancient Israelites,
as we know it does among the modern Australians.”
With regard to the foregoing accounts, there is a point which
requires further remark. Glass has been mentioned by the
side of stone, as a material for making sharp instruments of ;
and it may seem at first sight an unreasonable thing to make
the use of a production which belongs to so advanced a state
of civilization as glass, evidence of a Stone Age. But savages
have so unanimously settled it, that glass is a kind of stone
1 Plin., xix. 57, xxiii. 81, xxiv. 6, 62.
? G. F. Angas, ‘South Australia Illustrated ;’ London, 1847, pl. v.
THE STONE AGE—PAST AND PRESENT. 219
peculiarly suitable for such purposes, that where a knife of
glass, or a weapon armed with it, is found, it may be confi-
dently set down as the immediate successor of a stone one.
The Fuegians and the Andaman Islanders are found to have
used in this manner the bits of broken glass that came in their
way; the New Zealanders have been observed to take a piece
of glass in place of the sharp stone with which they cut their
bodies in mourning for the dead; and the North American
Indians to fix one in a wooden handle, in place of the sharp
stone with which the native phleme used to be armed. The
Australians substituted such pieces, when they could get them,
for the angular pieces of stone with which their lances and
jagged knives were mounted. Mr. Christy has some interesting
specimens of these Australian instruments, which date them-
selves in a curious way as belonging to the time of contact
with Europeans. They were originally set with stone teeth ;
but where these have been knocked out, their places have been
filled by new ones of broken glass.
To complete the survey of the Stone Age and its traces in
the world, Africa has now to be more fully examined. This
great continent is now entirely in the Iron Age. The tribes
who do not smelt their own iron, as the Bushmen, get their sup-
plies from others; and in the immense central and western
tracts above the Hquator, there appears to be no record of
tribes living without it. In South Africa, however, the case
is different; and the accounts of the English voyages round
the Cape of Good Hope about the beginning of the seventeenth
century, collected in Purchas’s ‘ Pilgrimes,’ give quite a clear
history of the transition from the Stone to the Iron Age, which
was then taking place.
Then as now, the inhabitants of Madagascar had their iron
knives and spear-heads; and they would have silver in pay-
ment for their cattle, 1s. for a sheep, and 3s. 6d. for a cow.
But on the West African coast, north of the Cape, there were
pastoral tribes, probably Hottentots, who evidently did not
know then, as they do now, how to work the abundant iron
1 Fitz Roy, Voy. of H.M.S. Adventure and Beagle; London, 1839, vol. ii.
p- 184. Mouat, p. 305. Yate, p. 243. Loskiel, p. 144.
220, THE STONE AGE—PAST AND PRESENT.
ore of their country. At Saldanha Bay, in 1598, John Davis
could get fat-tailed sheep and bullocks for bits of old iron and
nails, and in 1604 a great bullock was still to be bought for a
piece of an old iron hoop. But only seven years later, Nicho-
las Dounton, “ Captaine of the Pepper-Corne,” begins to write
ruefully of the change in this delightful state of things. ‘‘ Sal-
dania having in former time been comfortable to all our nation
travelling this way, both outwards and homewards, yeelding
them abundance of flesh, as sheepe and beeves brought downe
by the saluage inhabitants, and sold for trifles, as a beife for a
piece of an iron hoope of foureteene inches long, and a sheepe
for a lesser piece ;” but now this is at an end, spoilt perhaps
by the Dutchmen, ‘‘ who use to spoyle all places where they
come (onely respecting their owne present occasions) by their
ouer much liberalitie,” etc. etc.!
Specimens of stone implements from South Africa have been
brought to Kurope. A donble-flat stone adze mounted in a
very peculiar way in a withe handle, brought from Little Fish
Bay, about 15° 8. Lat., has been described and figured,? and
Mr. Christy has an ordinary small spear- or large arrow-head
found among the Hottentots, and ticketed “poisoned,” and a
lance-head from Fish River. Lastly, a native Damara story
clearly preserves a recollection of the time, possibly several
generations ago, when stone axes were used to cut down trees.
The tale is a sort of “ House that Jack built,” in which a little
girl’s mother gives her a needle, and she goes and finds her
father sewing thongs with thorns, so she gives him the needle
and he breaks it and gives her an axe. ‘Going farther on
she met the lads who were in charge of the cattle. They were
busy taking out honey, and in order to get at it they were
obliged to cut down the trees with stones.’”? She addressed
them :—‘ Our sons, how is it that you use stones in order to
get at the honey? Why do you not say, Our first-born, give
us the axe ?” and so on.?
' Purchas, vol. i. pp. 118, 133, 275, 417.
° G. V. du Noyer, in ‘Archeological Journal, 1847. A drawing in Klemm,
C. W., part ii. p. 71, would seem to be from this, or one almost absolutely like it.
3 Bleek, ‘Reynard in Africa,’ p. 90.
THE STONE AGE—PAST AND PRESENT. 221
Going back two thousand years or so, record is to be found
at least of a partial Stone Age condition in North-Hastern
Africa. It appears from Herodotus that the African Ethiopians
in the army of Xerxes not only headed their arrows with sharp
stone, but had spears armed with sharpened horns of antelopes,
while the Libyans had wooden javelins hardened at the point
by fire. Strabo mentions in Ethiopia a tribe who pointed
their reed arrows in this way, and another who used as weapons
the horns of antelopes.? It is interesting to observe that in
South Africa the spear headed in this way has survived up to
our own time ; Mr. Andersson saw the natives at Walfisch Bay
spearing the fish left at low water, with a gemsbock’s horn at-
tached to a slender stick.®
Traces of a Stone Age in Egypt, in the use of the stone
arrow-head, and of the stone knife for ceremonial purposes,
have been already spoken of. No account of the finding of
stone implements in North Africa seems to have been pub-
lished, but Mr. Christy, in a journey made in Algeria in 1863,
found them there, as elsewhere. He met with flint flake-
knives, arrow-heads, and polished celts, at Constantine ; flakes,
arrow-heads, and a beautifully chipped lance-head of quartz-
ite, at Dellys on the coast; and flakes and a large pick-
shaped instrument, from the desert south-east of Oran, on the
confines of Morocco. At Bou-Merzoug, on the plateau of the
Atlas, south of Constantine, he found, in a bare, deserted,
stony place among the mountains, a collection of tombs, 1000
or 1500 in number, made of the rude limestone slabs, set up
with one slab to form a roof, so as to make, not mere crom-
lechs, but closed chambers where the bodies were packed in.
Tradition says that a wicked people lived there, and for their
_ sins stones were rained upon them from heaven, so they built
these chambers to creep into. Near this remarkable necro-
polis, Mr. Christy found flint-flakes and arrow-heads.
1 Herod., vii. 69, 71. 2 Strabo, xvi. 4, 9, 11. 3 Andersson, p. 15.
4 A paper by Mr. Christy, embodying some account of his discoveries in the
reindeer caves of Central France, and mentioning his finding stone implements
in North Africa, and the distribution of such in different parts of the world, was
read before the Ethnological Society in June, 1864.
222, YHE STONE AGE—PAST AND PRESENT.
If we go westward as far as the Canary Islands, we find a
race, considered to be of African origin, living in the fourteenth
century under purely Stone Age conditions, making hatchets,
knives, lancets, and spear-heads of obsidian, and axes of green
jasper, and pointing their spears and digging-sticks with horns.!
It is possible that they might have once had the use of iron,
and have lost it on removing to the islands, where there is no
ore, but no evidence of this having been the case seems to
have been found.
In Western Africa, when the god Gimawong came down to
his temple at Labode on the Gold Coast once a year, with a
sound like a flight of wild geese in spring, his worshippers
sacrificed an ox to him, killing it not with a knife, but with
a sharp stone.” Klemm looks upon this as a sign of the high
antiquity of the ceremony, and, taking into consideration the
evidence as to the keeping up of the use of stone for ceremo-
nial purposes into the Iron Age, the inference seems a highly
probable one, although there is another side to this argument.
In order to bring this into view, and to adduce some other facts
bearing on evidence of the Stone Age, it will be necessary to
say here something more of the Myth of the Thunderbolt.
For ages it has been commonly thought that, with the flash
of hghtning, there falls, sometimes at least, a solid body which
is known as the thunder-bolt, thunder-stone, etc., as in the
dirge in ‘ Cymbeline,’—
“ Fear no more the lightning-flash,
Nor the all-dreaded thunder-stone.”
The actual falling of meteoric stones may have had to do with
the growth of this theory, but whatever its origin, it is one of
the most widely spread beliefs in the world. The thing con-
sidered to be the thunderbolt is not always defined in accounts
given. It is described as a stone,® or it may be a bit of iron-
1 Barker-Webb & Berthelot, ‘ Histoire Naturelle des Iles Canaries ;’ Paris,
1842, ete., vol. i. part i. pp. 62, 107,138. Bory de St. Vincent, ‘Essai sur les
Isles Fortunées ;’ Paris, An XI. (1803-4), pp. 58, 75-6, 156.
* Romer, p. 54. Klemm, C. G., vol. iii. p. 378.
Bosman, ‘Beschryving yan de Guinese Goud-Kust,’ etc.; Utrecht, 1704,
p. 109,
THE STONE AGE—PAST AND PRESENT. 223
ore, or perhaps iron,! or a belemnite, BeXeuvitns, so called from
BéNeuvor, a dart, apparently with the idea of its being a thun-
der-bolt ; for this spear-like fossil is still called in England a
“‘thunder-stone.” Dr. Falconer mentions the name of “ light-
ning-bones” or “ thunder-bones,” given to fossil bones brought
down as charms from the plateau of Chanthan in the Hima-
layas,” where, of course, frequent thunderstorms are seen to
account for their presence. But it is also believed that the
stone celts and hammers found buried in the ground are thun-
derbolts. The country folks of the west of England still hold
that the “‘ thunder-axes” they find, once fell from the sky. In
Brittany, the itinerant umbrella-mender of Carnac inquires on
his rounds for pierres de tonnerre, and takes them in payment
for repairs; and these are fair examples of what may be found
in other countries in Europe, and not in those inhabited by our
Aryan race alone, for .the Finns have the same belief.2 The
remarkable Chinese account of the thunder-stones has been
already quoted, and it has been noticed that stone celts are
held to be thunderbolts in Japan and the Eastern Archipelago.
Hven in a country where the use of stone axes by the Indians
is matter of modern history, and in some places actually sur-
vives to this day, the Brazilians use, for such a stone axe-
blade, their Portuguese word corisco,* that is, “lightning,”
“ thunderbolt” (Latin coruscare).
As the stone axes and hammers are but one of several
classes of objects thought to be thunderbolts, it is probable
that the Myth took them to itself at a time when their real use
and nature had been forgotten, and the reason of their being
found buried underground was of course unknown. This view
is supported by the fact of the existence of such instruments
being also accounted for by taking them up into mythology in
other ways. Thus in Japan the stone arrow-heads are rained
from heaven, or dropped by the flying spirits who shoot them,
while in Europe they are fairy weapons, albschosse, elf-bolts,
1 Speke, Journal of Disc. ; Edin. and London, 1863, p. 228.
Proc. R. Geog. Soc., Feb. 25, 1864, p. 41.
Klemm, C. W., part ii. p. 65; and see Castrén, ‘ Finnische Mythologie,’ p. 42,
Pr, Max. y. Wied, ‘ Reise nach Brasilien ;’ Frankfort, 1820-1, vol. i. p. 35.
224 THE STONE AGE—PAST AND PRESENT.
shot by fairies or magicians, and in the North of Ireland the
' wizards still draw them out from the bodies of ‘‘ overlooked”
cattle. Dr. Daniel Wilson mentions an interesting post-
Christian myth, which prevailed in Scotland till the close of
the last century, that the stone hammers found buried in the
ground were Purgatory Hammers for the dead to knock with
at the gates.”
The inability of the world to understand the nature of the
stone implements found buried in the ground, is not more con-
spicuously shown in the myths of thunderbolts, elfin arrows,
and purgatory hammers, than in the sham science that has
been brought to bear upon them in Europe, as well as in China.
It is instructive to see Adrianus Tollius, in his 1649 edition of
‘ Boethius on Gems,’ struggling against the philosophers. He
gives drawings of some ordinary stone axes and hammers, and
tells how the naturalists say that they are generated in the sky
by a fulgureous exhalation conglobed in a cloud by the circum-
fixed humour, and are as it were baked hard by intense heat,
and the weapon becomes pointed by the damp mixed with it
flying from the dry part, and leaving the other end denser, but
the exhalations press it so hard that it breaks out through the
cloud, and makes thunder and hghtning. But, he says, if this
be really the way in which they are generated, it is odd that
they are not round, and that they have holes through them,
and those holes not equal through, but widest at the ends.
It is hardly to be believed, he thinks.? Speculation on the
natural origin of high-class stone weapons and tools has now
long since died out in Europe, but some faint echoes of the
Chinese emperor’s philosophy were heard among us but lately,
in the arguments on the natural formation of the flint imple-
ments in the Drift.
With regard, then, to the use of thunderbolts as furnishing
evidence of an early Stone Age, it may be laid down that such
a myth, when we can be sure that it refers to artificial stone
1 Wilde, Cat. R. I. A., p. 19.
2 Wilson, Archeology, etc., of Scotland ; Edinburgh, 1851, pp. 124, 134, ete,
- 3 Boethius, ‘Gemmarum & Lapidum Historia,’ recensuit etc. Adrianus Tollius ;
Leyden, 1649, p. 482.
THE STONE AGE—PAST AND PRESENT. 225
implements, proves that such things were found by a people
who, being possessed of metal, had forgotten the nature and
use of these rude instruments of earlier times. Kang-hi’s re-
marks that some of the so-called “lightning-stones”’ were
like hatchets, knives, and mallets, and Pliny’s mention of some
of the cerauni@ or thunder-stones being like axes,’ are cases
in point. But the mere mention of the belief in thunderbolts
falling, as for example in Madagascar? and Arracan,’ only gives
a case for further inquiry on the suspicion that the thunder-
bolts in these regions may turn out to be stone implements, as
they have so often done elsewhere.
The thunderbolt is thought to have a magical power, and
there is especially one notion, in connexion with which it comes
into use. This is that it preserves the place where it is kept
from lightning, the idea being apparently here, as in the belief
about the “ wildfire” which will be presently mentioned, that
where the lightning has struck, it will not strike again, so that
the place where a thunderbolt is put is made safe by having
been already struck once, though harmlessly. In Germany, the
house in which it is kept is safe from the storm ; when a tempest
is approaching, it begins to sweat, and again it is said of it, that
“he who chastely beareth this, shall not be struck by light-
ning, nor the house or town where that stone is,”* while nearly
the same idea comes out in Pliny’s account of the brontia, which
is “like the heads of tortoises, and falling, as they think, with
thunder, puts out, if you will believe it, what has been struck
by lightning.”> These notions suggest an interpretation of the
curious account given by Sir James Emerson Tennent of the
wajira-chumbatan, placed on the top of Singhalese dagobas or
shrines, to protect them from lightning.’ As wajira is Sanskrit
vajra, the thunderbolt, the virtue of the device may have lain,
as in the preceding cases, in some object supposed to be the
thunderbolt, or at least to represent it, as a stone celt, a dia-
mond, or some other precious stone.
In the mythology of our race, the bolt of the Thunder-god
1 Plin. xxxvii. 51. 2 Hillis, ‘Madagascar,’ vol. i. pp. 30, 398.
3 Coleman, Myth. of Hindoos, p. 327. 4 Grimm, D. M., pp. 164, 1170.
5 Plin., xxxvii. 55. Tennent, ‘Ceylon,’ vol. i. p. 508.
Q
226 THE STONE AGE—PAST AND PRESENT.
holds a prominent place. To him, be he Indra or Zeus the
Heaven-god, or the very thunder itself in person, Thunor or
Thor, the Aryans give as an attribute the bolt which he hurls
with lightning from the clouds. Now it is clear that this was
the meaning of the Roman Jupiter Lapis. The sacred flint
was kept in the temple of Jupiter Feretrius, and brought out to
be sworn by, and with it the pater patratus smote the victim
slain to consecrate the solemn treaties of the Roman people.
« «Tf by public counsel,’ he said, ‘or by wicked fraud, they
swerve first, in that day, O Jove, smite thou the Roman peo-
ple, as I here to-day shall smite this hog; and smite them so
much more, as thou art abler and stronger” And having said
this, he struck the hog with a flint stone.”!
To those who read this, it is evident that the flint of Jupiter
was held either to be a thunderbolt or to represent one, and
the practice cannot be taken as having of necessity come down
from an early Stone Age, seeing that it might quite as well
have sprung up among a race possessed of metals. The sacred
instrument is commonly spoken of indefinitely, as lapis silea,
saxum silex, but it may have been a flint implement found
buried in the ground, for already in the ancient song of the
‘ Arval Brethren,’ the thunderbolt is spoken of as a celt (cu-
neus) ‘‘quom tibei cunei decstumum tonarunt,”* and, as has
been shown, at least this development of the myth of the thun-
derbolt belongs to an age when the nature of the buried stone
implement has been forgotten. Yet if all we knew about the
matter was that victims were sacrificed with a flint on certain
occasions, and that the Fetiales carried these flints with them
into foreign countries where a treaty was to be solemnized, it
might be quite plausibly argued that we had here before us a
practice which had come down, unchanged, from the time when
the fathers of the Roman race used stone implements for the
ordinary purposes of life. This is the other side of the ar-
gument, which must not be kept out of sight in interpreting,
as a relic of the Stone Age, the West African ceremony of
1 Liv., i. 24; xxx. 43. Grimm, D. M., p. 1171.
? Kuhn, ‘ Herabkunft-des Feuers,’ p. 226.
THE STONE AGE—PAST AND PRESENT. 227
slaughtering the beast on the yearly sacrifice to Gimawong,
not with a knife, but with a sharp stone.!
The examination of the evidence bearing on the Stone Age
thus brings into view two leading facts. In the first place,
within the limits of the Stone Age itself, an unmistakable
upward development in the course of ages is to be discerned,
in the traces of an early period when stone implements were
only used in their rude chipped state, and were never ground
or polished, followed by a later period when grinding came to
be applied to improve such stone instruments as required it.
And in the second place, a body of evidence from every great
district of the habitable globe uniformly tends to prove, that
where man is found using metal for his tools and weapons,
either his ancestors or the former occupants of the soil, if there
were any, once made shift with stone. It would be well to
have the evidence fuller from some parts of the world, as from
Southern Asia and Central Africa, but we need not expect
from thence anything but confirmation of what is already
known.
1 A passage in Klemm, C. G., vol. iv. p. 91, relating to a Circassian practice of
sacrificing with a “thunderbolt,” arises from a misunderstanding. See J. 8. Bell,
‘ Circassia,’ vol. ii. pp. 96, 108.
Qq 2
CHAPTER IX.
FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS.
THERE are a number of stories, old and new, of tribes of man-
kind living in ignorance of the art of fire-making. Such a
state of things is indeed usually presupposed by the wide-
spread legends of first fire-makers or fire-bringers, and Plu-
tarch, in his essay on the question ‘‘ Whether water or fire is
the more useful ?”’, gives a typical view of the matter. Fire
was invented, as they say, by Prometheus, and our life shows
that this was not a poetic fiction. For there are some races of
men who live without fire, houseless, hearthless, and dwelling
in the open air.! The modern point of view is, however, very
different from Plutarch’s, and when the mention of a fireless
race appears in company with a Prometheus, mythology, not
history, claims it. The mere assertion that in a certain place a
race is, or was, to be found living without fire is more difficult
to deal with. In examining a collection of such statements, it
is well to pay particular attention to the modern ones, on which
collateral evidence may be brought to bear.
What is known of the native civilization of the Canary
Islands, the making of pottery, the cooking in underground
ovens, the use of the fire-drill, leaves no doubt that the Guanches
knew how to produce and use fire at the time of the Huropean
expeditions in the 14th and 15th centuries. Yet Antonio Gal-
vano, writing his treatise about the middle of the sixteenth cen-
1 Plut., ‘Aqua an Ignis utilior ?’
FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS. 229
tury, declares that ‘‘in times past they ate raw meat, for want
of fire.’ Farther on in the same book he has another story of
a fireless people. In 1529, Alvaro de Saavedra, returning from
the Moluccas toward the Pacific coast of Mexico, sailed east-
ward along the north coast of New Guinea, and having gone
four or five degrees south of the Line, crossed again to the
north, and discovered an island of tattooed people, which he
called Isla de los Pintados, or the isle of painted men. Beyond
this island, in 10° or 12° N., they found many small smooth
ones together, full of palms and grass, and these they called
Los Jardines, “The Gardens.” The natives had no domestic
animals, they were dressed in a white cloth of grass, ate cocoa-
nuts for bread, and raw fish, which they took in the praus which
they made out of drift pine-wood with their tools of shell.
They stood in terror of fire, for they had never seen it (espan-
taram se do fogo, porque nunca o viram).' I am not aware
that these islands have been identified, but they would seem to
be somewhere about the Radak or Chatham group. The ac-
count of the natives, to judge by its general consistency with
what is known of the common eating of raw vegetables and
fish in other coral islands in the Pacific, seems to have come
mostly or altogether from an eye-witness, and the statement
that they had no fire is not to be summarily set down as a mere
fiction, like that about the Canary Islands. It has fortunately
happened, however, that a very similar story has come up
in our own time about another coral island, under circum-
stances which allow of its accuracy being tested. When the
United States’ Exploring Expedition, under Commodore Wilkes,
visited Fakaafo or Bowditch Island in 1841, they made the
following remarks :—‘‘ There was no sign of places for cook-
ing, nor any appearance of fire, and it is believed that all their
provisions are eaten raw. What strengthened this opinion,
was the alarm the natives felt when they saw the sparks ema-
nating from the flint and steel, and the emission of smoke from
the mouths of those who were smoking cigars.’’”
1 Galvano, ‘Discoveries of the World;’ Hakluyt Soc., London, 1862, pp. 66,
174-9, 238.
? Wilkes, Narr. of U. 8. Exploring Exp., 1838-42 ; London, 1845, vol. y. p. 18.
230 FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS.
Curiously enough, within the very work which contains these
remarks, particulars are given which show that fire was in
reality a familiar thing in the island. Mr. Hale, the ethno-
grapher to the expedition, not only mentions the appearance of
smoke on the neighbouring Duke of York’s Island as being
evidence of natives being there, but he gives the name for fire
in the language of Fakaafo, aji,! a most widely-spread Malayo-
Polynesian word, corresponding to the Malay form api. Some
years later, the Rev. George Turner again mentions this word
afi, and gives besides a native story about fire, which is an in-
teresting example of the way in which a mere myth may never-
theless be a piece of historical evidence. The account which
the inhabitants of Fakaafo give of the introduction of fire
among themselves is thus related. ‘ The origin of fire they
trace to Mafuike, but, unlike the Mafuike of the mythology of
some other islands, this was an old blind lady. Talangi went
down to her in her lower regions, and asked her to give him
some of her fire. She obstinately refused until he threatened
to kill her, and then she yielded. With the fire he made her
say what fish were to be cooked with it, and what were still to
be eaten raw, and then began the time of cooking food.”
Utter myth as this story is, it yet joins with the evidence of
language in bringing the history of the islanders who tell it
into connexion with the history of the distant New Zealanders.
It belongs to the great Polynesian myth of Maui, who, the New
Zealand story says, went away to the dwelling of his great an-
cestress Mahuika, and got fire from her.? And it proves that,
even in the past time when these two versions of the story
branched off, one to be found in Fakaafo, and the other in New
Zealand, the origin of fire must have been already a thing of
the forgotten past, or a myth would not have been applied to
explain it.
In his account of the natives of Fakaafo, Mr. Turner speaks
of their recollection of the time when they used fire in felling
trees, and he mentions, moreover, some curious native ordi-
! Hale, Ethnography, etc., of U. 8. Exp.; Philadelphia ed. vol. vi. 1846,
pp. 149, 363,
? Sir G. Grey, ‘ Polynesian Mythology ;’ London, 1855, pp. 45-9.
FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS. 231
nances respecting fire. ‘No fire is allowed to be kindled at
night in the houses of the people all the year round. It is sa-
cred to the god, and so, after sundown, they sit and chat in the
dark. There are only two exceptions to the rule: first, fire to
cook fish caught in the night, but then it must not be taken to
their houses, only to the cooking-house ; and second, a light is
allowed at night in a house where there happens to be a con-
finement.””! It is likely that the American explorers may have
misinterpreted the surprise of the natives at seeig cigars
smoked, and fire produced from the flint and steel, as well as
the eating of raw fish and the absence of signs of cooking in
the dwellings. If the similar story of the islanders of Los
Jardines really came from an eye-witness, it may have arisen in
much the same way. In Kotzebue’s time, the people of the
Radack group (which may be perhaps. the very Jardines in
question) were just as much astonished at the smith’s forge,
though fire was a well-known thing to them.’
The circumstances of Magalhaens’ discovery of the Ladrones
or Marian Islands, and the Philippines, in 1521, are known to
us from the narrative of his companion Antonio Pigafetta, who
describes the manners and customs of the natives, but without
a hint that fire was anything strange to them. This preposte-
rous addition must be sought in later authors. In 1652, Horn,
not content with quoting Galvano’s stories of the Canaries and
Los Jardines, adds the natives of the Philippines as a race .
destitute of fire.’ But the story of the Ladrone Islanders is
even more remarkable than this.
The arts of these people are described by Pigafetta with
some detail. He mentions the slight clothing of bark worn by
the women, the mats and baskets, the wooden houses, the
canoes with outriggers, and he notices that the natives had no
weapons but lances pointed with fish bones, and had no notion of
what arrows were. They stole everything they could lay hands
on, and at last Magalhaens went on shore with forty men, burnt
1 Turner, ‘ Polynesia,’ pp. 527-8, and Vocab.
2 Otto v. Kotzebue, ‘ Entdeckungs-Reise ;’ Weimar, 1821, vol. ii. p. 67.
3 Hornius, ‘De Originibus Americanis ;’? The iene 1652, pp. _ 51. Seq
* Goguet, vol. i. p. 69.
232 FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS.
forty or fifty of their houses, and killed seven of the people.
A hundred and eighty years afterwards the Jesuit Father Le
Gobien brought out a new feature in the story. ‘‘ What is
most astonishing, and what people will find it hard to believe,
is that they had never seen fire. This so necessary element
was entirely unknown to them. They neither knew its use nor
its qualities ; and they were never more surprised than when
they saw it for the first time on the descent that Magellan
made on one of their islands, where he burnt some fifty of their
houses, to punish these islanders for the trouble they had given
him. They at first regarded the fire as a kind of animal which
attached itself to the wood on which it fed. The first who
came too near it having burnt themselves frightened the rest,
and only dared look at it from afar; for fear, they said, of be-
ing bitten by it, and lest this terrible animal should wound
them by its violent breath,” etc. etc. He goes on to tell how
they soon got accustomed to it and learnt to use it.1
- It is a curious illustration of the change in historical criticism
that has come since 1700, that the Jesuit historian should have
expected so singular a story, not mentioned by the eye-witness
who described the discovery, to be received without the pro-
duction of the slightest evidence, a hundred and eighty years
after date, and that the public should have justified his confi-
dence in their credulity by believing and quoting his account.
Whether he took it directly from any other book or not I can-
not tell; but it is to be observed, that if we add Galvano’s
story about Los Jardines to Pigafetta’s mention of Magalhaens
burning the houses of the Ladrone Islanders, we may account
for the appearance of all Father Le Gobien’s story, except the
idea of the fire being an animal, which may be supplied out of
Herodotus. ‘By the Egyptians also it hath been held that
fire is a living beast, and that it devours everything it can seize,
and: when filled with food it perishes with what it has de-
voured,’”?
There are stories of fireless men in America, to which I can
only refer. Father Lafitau speaks indefinitely of there being
1 Le Gobien, ‘ Histoire des Isles Marianes ;’ Paris, 1700, p. 44.
2 Herod., iii. 16.
FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS. 233
such! Father Lombard, of the Company of Jesus, writing in
1730 from Kourou, in French Guyana, gives an account of the
tribe of Amikouanes on the river Oyapok, who are also called
“long-eared Indians,” their ears being stretched to their
shoulders. This nation, he says, which has been hitherto un-
known, is extremely savage ; they have no knowledge of fire.”
It is a very curious thing that one of the oldest stories of a
race of fireless men is also the newest. In Ethiopia, says the
geographer Pomponius Mela, ‘‘ there are people to whom fire
was so totally unknown before the coming of Hudoxus, and so
wondrously were they pleased with it when they saw it, that
they had the greatest delight in embracing the flames and
hiding burning things in their bosoms till they were hurt.’’
Pliny places these fireless men in his catalogue of monstrous
Ethiopian tribes, between the dumb men and the pygmies, To
some, he says, the use of fire was unknown before the time of
Ptolemy Lathyrus, king of Egypt. His mention of the name
of Ptolemy Lathyrus shows that he, too, is quoting the voyages
of Kudoxus of Cyzicus. Whether there was such a person as
Eudoxus, and whether he really made the voyages attributed
to him or not, is not very clear; but his story, like that of
Sindbad, embodies notions current at the time it was written.
And with such tenacity does the popular mind hold on to old
stories, that now, after a lapse of some two thousand years, the
fireless men and the pygmies are brought by the modern Ethio-
pians into even closer contact than in the pages of Pliny. Dr.
Krapf was told that the Dokos, men four feet high, living
south of Kaffa and Susa, subsisted on roots and serpents, and
were not acquainted with fire.’ As far as the pygmies are
concerned, there appears to be a foundation for the story, in
a race of small men really living there. Krapf was shown a
slave four feet high, who, they told him, was a Doko. But be-
tween four feet and three spans, the height assigned by Pliny
to pygmy races elsewhere,® there is a difference. Nor is this
1 Lafitau, ‘Mcurs des Sauvages Amériquains ;’ Paris, 1724, vol. i. p. 40.
2 ‘Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses ;’ Paris, 1731, vol. xx. p- 223. Goguet, 1. ec.
3 Mela, iii. c. 9. 4 Plin., vi. 35, and see ii. 67.
° Krapf, Travels, etc., in East Africa; London, 1860, p. 51, ete. See Perty,
‘Grundziige der Ethnographie ;’ Leipzig, 1859, p. 248. § Plin,, vii. 2.
234 FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS.
the only instance of the wonderful permanence of old stories in
this part of the world, quite irrespectively of their being true.
Within no great distance, an old negro gave Mr. Petherick an
account of the monstrous men he had met with in his travels,
the men with four eyes, the men with eyes under their arm-
pits, the men with long tails, and the men whose ears were so-
big that they covered their bodies ;! so nearly has the modern
African kept to the wonder-tales that were current in the time
of Pliny.?
An unquestionable account of a fireless tribe would be of the
highest interest to the ethnographer, proving, as it would do,
a great step forward made by the races who can produce fire,
for this is an art which, once learnt, could hardly be lost. But
when we see that stories of such tribes have been set up again
and again without any sound basis, while further information,
when brought to bear on a series of such stories, tells against
them so far as it goes, we are hardly warranted in trusting
others of the same kind just because we have no means of test-
ing them. A cause is required for the appearance of such
stories in the world, but it does not follow that this cause must
be the real existence of fireless tribes; a mere belief in their
existence will answer the purpose, and this belief is known to
have been current for ages, especially coming out in the Pro-
metheus-legends of various regions of the world. Experience
shows how such an idea, when once fairly afloat, will assert it-
self from time to time in stories furnished with place, date, and
circumstance. It must be remembered, too, that the fireless
men form only one of a number of races mentioned by writers,
old and new, as being distinguished by the want of something
which man usually possesses, who have no language, no names,
no idea of spiritual beings, no dreams, no mouths, no heads,
or no noses, but whose real existence more accurate knowledge
has by no means tended to confirm.
In connexion with the stories of fireless tribes, some accounts
of a kind of transitional state may be mentioned here. Mr.
Backhouse was told by a native of Van Diemen’s Land, that
his ancestors had no means of making fire before their ac-
1 Petherick, p. 367. 2 Plin., vi. 35, vii. 2.
FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS. 235
quaintance with Europeans. They got it first from the sky,
and preserved it by carrying firebrands about with them, and
if these went out, they looked for the smoke of the fire of some
other party, or for smouldering remains of a lately-abandoned
fire of their own.! This curious account fits with the Tas-
manian myth recorded by Mr. Milligan, which tells how fire
was thrown down lke a star by two black-fellows, who are
now in the sky, the twin stars Castor and Pollux.? Moreover,
Mr. Milligan himself, on the question being put to him, has
answered it in a way very much corresponding to Mr. Back-
house’s account, to the effect that the Tasmanians never pro-
duced fire by artificial means at all, but always carried it with
them from one camping place to another. Again, a statement
of the same kind is reported to have been made by Mr. Mac
Douall Stuart at the 1864 Meeting of the British Association,
that fire was obtained by the natives of the southern part of
Australia by the friction of two pieces of wood over a bunch
of dry grass; but that in the north this mode is unknown, fire-
brands being constantly carried about and renewed, and if, by
any accident, they become extinguished, a journey of great
length has to be undertaken in order to obtain fire from other
natives.* Now if it is hard to believe that the Tasmanians
used fire, but knew of no means of producing it, it is ten times
harder to imagine that among a population like that of Aus-
tralia, so given to travelling and to intercourse among neigh-
bouring tribes, and who, as we know, have had for generations
one of the commonest contrivances for making fire, this con-
trivance should not have reached districts in the north. It
may be over-scepticism, but I think it will be safer to wait for
more evidence before deciding positively that any known race
of fire-users have not also been fire-makers, especially as the
carrying about of burning brands, so as to be able to make a
fire wherever they went at a moment’s notice, was the habitual
practice in parts of Australia where the natives were perfectly
able to make new fire, if they chose, with their fire-drill. They
simply found it more convenient to carry it about.
1 Backhouse, ‘ Australia,’ p. 99. 2 See Chapter XII.
3 ¢ Atheneum,’ Oct. 15, 1864, p. 503.
236 FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS.
The accounts, then, of the finding of fireless tribes are of
a highly doubtful character ; possibly true to some extent, but
not probably so. Of the existence of others who are possessed
of fire, but cannot produce it for themselves, there is more
considerable evidence. But, on the other hand, both the pos-
session of fire, and the art of making it, belong certainly to
the vast majority of mankind, and have done so as far back as
we can trace. The methods, however, which have been found
in use for making fire are very various. A survey of the con-
dition of the art in different parts of the world, as known to us
by direct evidence, is enough to make it probable that nearly
all the different processes found in use are the successors of
ruder ones; and, beside this, there is a mass of indirect evi-
dence which fills up some of the shortcomings of history, as it
does in the investigation of the Stone Age. Among some of
the highest races of mankind, the lower methods of fire-making
are still to be seen cropping out through the higher processes
by which, for so many ages, they have been overlaid. The
friction of two pieces of wood may perhaps be the original
means of fire-making used by man; but, between the rudest
and the most artificial way in which this may be done, there is
a considerable range of progress.
One of the simplest machines for producing fire is that which
may be called the “ stick-and-groove.”’ A blunt-pointed stick
is run along a groove of its own
making in a piece of wood lying
on the ground, somewhat as
shown in the imaginary drawing,
Fig. 20. Mr. Darwin says that
the very light wood of the Hibis-
cus tiliaceus was alone used for the
purpose in Tahiti. A native would
produce fire with it in a few
seconds ; he himself found it very
hard work, but at length succeed-
ed. This stick-and-groove process
has been repeatedly described in the South Sea Islands, namely,
in Tahiti, New Zealand, the Sandwich, Tonga, Samoa, and
FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS. 237
Radack groups ;! but I have never found it distinctly mentioned
out of this region of the world. Even should it be known
elsewhere, its isolation in a particular district round which
other processes prevail would still be an ethnographical fact
of some importance. It is to be noticed also, that it comes
much nearer than “ fire-drilling ” to the yet simpler process of
striking fire with two pieces of split bamboo. The siliceous coat-
ing of this cane makes it possible to strike fire with it ; and this
is done in Hastern Asia, and also in the great Malay islands of
Borneo and Sumatra,” at or near the source whence the higher
Polynesian race is supposed to have spread over the Pacific
Islands. But it would appear that the striking fire with bam-
boo, simple as it seems, is for some reason not so convenient
as the use of the more complex friction-apparatus ; for Marsden
seems to consider the fire-drill as the regular native instrument
in Sumatra, though he says he has also seen the same effect
produced more simply by rubbing one bit of bamboo, with a
sharp edge, across another.
By achange in the way of work-
ing, the “‘ stick-and-groove” be-
comes the “ fire-drill.” I have
been obliged to coin both these
terms, no suitable ones being
forthcoming. The fire-drill, in
its simplest form, is represented
in Fig. 21; and Captain Cook’s
remarks on it and its use, among
the native tribes of Australia,
may serve also as a general de-
scription of it all over the world,
setting aside minor details. “They
produce fire with great facility, and spread it in a wonderful
1 Darwin, in Narr., vol. iii. p. 488. Polack, vol. i. p. 165. Tyerman and Bennet,
vol. i. p. 141. Buschmann, ‘Iles Marquises,’ etc.; Berlin, 1843, pp. 140-1.
Mariner, Vocab., s. vv. tolo-afi, tolonga, cownatoo. S. 8. Farmer, ‘Tonga,’ etc.;
London, 1855, p. 188. ‘Walpole, ‘Four Years in the Pacific ;’ London, 1849,
vol. ii. p. 377. Kotzebue, vol. iii. p. 154.
? Bowring, vol. i. p. 206. St. John, vol. i. p. 137. Marsden, p. 60. See
Tennent, ‘ Ceylon,’ vol. i. p. 105.
238 FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS.
manner. To produce it they take two pieces of dry soft wood ;
one is a stick about eight or nine inches long, the other
piece is flat: the stick they shape into an obtuse point at
one end, and pressing it upon the other, turn it nimbly by
holding it between both their hands, as we do a chocolate mill,
often shifting their hands up, and then moying them down
upon it, to increase the pressure as much as possible. By this
method they get fire in less than two minutes, and from the
smallest spark they increase it with great speed and dex-
terity.”! It appears usual both in Australia and elsewhere to
lay the lower piece on the ground, holding it firm with feet or
knees. A good deal may depend on the kind of wood used,
and its dryness, etc., for in some countries it seems to take
much more time and labour, two men often working it, one
beginning at the top of the stick when his companion’s hands
have come down nearly to the bottom, and so on till the fire
comes.
Contrasting with the isolation of the stick-and-groove in a
single district, the geographical range of the simple fire-drill is
immense. Its use among the Australians forms one of the
characters which distinguish their culture from that of the Poly-
nesians ; while it appears again among the Malays in Sumatra?
and the Carolines.* It was found by. Cook in Unalashka,* and
by the Russians in Kamchatka; where, for many years, flint
and steel could not drive it out of use among the natives, who
went on carrying every man his fire-sticks.’ There is reason
to suppose that it prevailed in India before the Aryans invaded
the country, bringing with them an improved apparatus, for at
this day it is used by the wild Veddahs of Ceylon, a race so
capable of resisting foreign innovation that they have-not learnt
to smoke tobacco.® It prevails, or has done so within modern
times, through great part of South Africa,’ and it was in use
among the Guanches of the Canary Islands in the seventeenth
1 Cook, First Voy. H., vol. iii. p. 234. eee 8. Australia, pl. 27.
? Marsden, p. 60. 3 Kotzebue, vol. iii. p. 154.
4 Cook, Third Voy., vol. ii. p. 513. 5 Kracheninnikow, p. 30.
6 Tennent, ‘Ceylon,’ vol. ii. p. 451. Bailey in Tr. Eth. Soc., 1863, p. 291.
7 Casalis, p. 129. Klemm, C. W., part i. p. 67.
FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS. 239
century. In North America it is described among Hsquimaux
and Indian tribes.” It was
in use in Mexico,’ and Fig.
22, taken from an ancient
Mexican __picture-writing,
shows the drill being twirl-
ed ; while fire, drawn in the
usual conventional manner,
comes out from the hole
where the point revolves.
It was in use in Central
America,* in the West In-
dies,> and in South America, down as far as the Straits of
Magellan.®
The name of “fire-drill”? has not, however, been adopted
merely with reference to this simplest form. This rude instru-
ment is, as may well be supposed, very wasteful of time and
power, and it has been improved by several contrivances which
so closely correspond to those applied to boring-tools, that the
most convenient plan is to classify them together. Even the
clumsy plan of the simple fire-drill has been found in use for
boring holes. Jt has been mentioned at page 187, as in use
for drilling hard stone among rude Indians of South America,
and, what is much more surprising, the natives of Madagascar
bored holes by working their drill between the palms of their
hands,’ though they were so far advanced in the arts as to
make and use iron tools, and of course the very drills worked
in this primitive way were pointed with iron.
The principle of the common carpenter’s brace, with which
Fig. 22.
1 Glas, ‘Canary Islands ;’ London, 1764, p. 8.
2 Klemm, C. G., vol. ii. p. 239. Schoolcraft, part i. p. 214. Loskiel, p. 70,
Lafitau, ‘ Moeurs des Sauvages Amériquains ;’ Paris, 1724, vol. ii. p. 242.
3 Kingsborough, Selden MS., Vatican MS.
4 Brasseur, ‘ Popol-Vuh,’ pp. 64, 218, 243.
5 Oviedo, ‘ Hystoria General de las Indias ;’ Salamanca, 15477, vi. 5. °
§ Spix and Martius, vol. ii. p. 387, and plates. Purchas, vol. iii. p. 983; vol. iv.
p- 1345. Molina, vol. ii. p. 122. Dobrizhoffer, vol. ii. p. 118. Garcilaso de la
Vega, ‘Comentarios Reales’ (2nd ed.) ; Madrid, 1723, p. 198.
7 Ellis, ‘Madagascar,’ vol. i. p. 317.
240 FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS.
he works his centre-bit, is applied to fire-making by a very
simple device represented in Fig. 23, which is drawn according
to Mr. Darwin’s descrip-
\\| tion of the plan used by
the Gauchos of the Pam-
| pas; “taking an elastic
|| Stick about eighteen inch-
es long, he presses one
Hah endon his breast, and the
Muli other (which is pomted)
HH in a hole in a piece of
wood, and then rapidly
turns the curved part,
like a carpenter’s centre-bit.”! The Gauchos, it should be ob-
served, are not savages, but half-wild herdsmen of mixed Eu-
ropean, Indian, and African blood, who would probably only
use such a means of kindling fire when the flint and steel were
for the moment not at hand, and their fire-drill is not only like
the carpenter’s brace, but most likely suggested by it.
To wind a cord or thong round the drill, so as, by pulling
the two ends alternately, to make it revolve very rapidly, is
a great improvement on mere hand-twirling. As Kuhn has
pointed out, this contrivance was in use for boring in Europe
in remote times ; Odysseus describes it in telling how he and
his companions put out the eye of the Cyclops :—
Fig. 23.
of pev roxAdv EhovTes EAdivoy, Edy ex” axpa,
OPOarpe evepercav: eyo S epimepbev depbeis,
Oiveoy as OTe Tis TpuT@ Sdpv vniov avjp
Tputav@, oi Sé r’ evepOev troccciovew ipayre
aydpevor ExatepOe, To dé Tpéxer eupeves aiet.?
“They then seizing the sharp-cut stake of the wood of the olive
Thrust it into his eye, the while I standing above them,
Bored it into the hole :—as a shipwright boreth a timber,
Guiding the drill that his men below drive backward and forward,
Pulling the ends of the thong while the point runs round without
ceasing.”
In modern India, butter-churns are worked with a cord in
1 Darwin, in Narr., vol. iii. p. 488.
? Kuhn, ‘ Herabkunft des Feuers, p. 39.. Hom. Od., ix. 382.
FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS. 241
this way, and the Brahmans still use a cord-drill in producing
the sacred fire, as will be more fully stated presently. MHalf-
way round the world, the same thing is found among the Hs-
quimaux. Davis (after whom Dayis’s Straits are named) de-
scribes in 1586 how a Greenlander “ beganne to kindle a fire
in this maner: he tooke a piece of a board wherein was a
hole halfe thorow: into that hole he puts the end of a round
stick like unto a bedstaffe, wetting the end thereof in Trane,
and in fashion of a turner with a piece of lether, by his violent
motion doeth very speedily produce fire.”! The cut, Fig. 24,
is taken from a drawing of the last century, representing two
Hsquimaux making fire, one holding a cross-piece to keep the
spindle steady and force it well down to its bearing, while the
other pulls the thong. This form of the apparatus takes two
Ly,
=” \
/
on —
ef
\
men to work it, but the Esquimaux have devised a modifica-
tion of it which a man can work alone. Sir EH. Belcher thus
describes its use for drilling holes by means of a point of green
jade :—“‘ The thong... being passed twice round the drill,
the upper end is steadied by a mouthpiece of wood, having a
1 Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 104.
2 Henry Ellis, ‘ Voyage to Hudson’s Bay ;’ London, 1748, pp. 182, 234.
R
242 FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS.
piece of the same stone imbedded, with a countersunk cavity.
This held firmly between the teeth directs the tool. Any work-
man would be astonished at the performance of this tool. on
ivory ; but having once tried it myself, I found the jar or vi-
bration on the jaws, head, and brain, quite enough to prevent
my repeating it.”! There is a set of Esquimaux apparatus for
making fire in the same manner, in the Edinburgh Industrial
ala
Museum, and Fig. 25 is intended to: show the way in which
it is worked. The thong-drill with the mouthpiece has been
found in use in the Aleutian Islands, both for boring holes and
for making fire.? Lastly, there is a kind of cord-drill used by
the New Zealanders in boring holes through hard greenstone,
etc., in which the spindle itself is weighted. It is described as
a “sharp wooden stick ten inches long, to the centre of which
two stones are attached, so as to exert pressure and perform
the office of a fly-wheel. The requisite rotatory motion is
given to the stick by two strings pulled alternately.” There
must of course be some means of keeping the spindle upright.
The New Zealanders do not seem to have used their drill for
fire-making as well as for boring, but to have kept to their
stick-and-groove.
1 Sir E. Belcher, in Tr. Eth. Soc., 1861, p. 140.
2 Kotzebue, vol. iii. p. 155.
3 Thomson, ‘New Zealand,’ vol. i. p. 203.
FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS. 243
To substitute for the mere thong or cord a bow with a loose
string, is a still further improvement, for one hand now does
the work of two in driving the spindle. The centre, in which
its end turns, may be held down with the other hand, or (as is
very usual) set against the breast of the operator. The bow-
drill, thus formed, is a most ancient and well-known boring
instrument, familiar to the artisan in modern Europe as it was
in ancient Heypt. The only piace where I have found any notice
of its use for fire-making is
among the North American
Indians. The plate from
which Fig. 26 is taken is
marked by Schoolcraft as
representing the apparatus
used by the Sioux, or Da-
cotahs.’ If they really used
it, they may possibly have =
caught the idea from the
European bow-drill. _ Fig. 26.
Lastly, there is a curious little contrivance, known to English
toolmakers as the “pump-drill,” from its being worked up
and down like a pump. That kept in the London tool-shops
is all of metal, expanding into a bulb instead of the disk
shown in Fig. 27, which represents the kind used in Switzer-
land, consisting of a wooden spindle, armed with a steei point,
and weighted with a wooden disk. A string is made fast to
the ends of the cross-piece, and in the middle to the top of the
spindle. As the hand brings the cross-piece down it unwinds
the cord, driving the spindle round; as the hand is lifted
again, the disk, acting as a fly-wheel, runs on and re-winds
the cord, and so on. MHoltzappfel says that the pump-drill is
as well known among the Oriental nations as the breast-drill,
though it is little used in England except by china and glass
menders.” Perhaps it may have found its way over from Asia
1 Schoolcraft, part iii. pl. 28. But the description, p. 228, does not correspond,
being that of the simple hand fire-drill, and the accompanying figure, under which
** Troquois ” is written, is wrongly drawn.
? Holtzappfel, ‘Turning and Mechanical Manipulation ;’ London, 1856, vol. ii.
p- 557.
R2
244 FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS.
to the South Sea Islands ; at any rate it is found there. Fig. 28
shows it as used in Fakaafo or Bowditch Island, differing from
the Swiss form only in being armed with a stone instead of a
steel point, and in having no.hole through the cross-piece.!
Fig. 27.
Mr. Turner describes it in the neighbouring Samoan or Navi-
gators’ Islands, as pointed with a nail or a sail needle, got from
the foreigners,” but the specimen presented by him to the
Hunterian Museum at Glasgow has a stone point. The natives
use it for drilling their fish-hooks made of shell ; for which pur-
pose, as for drilling holes in china, it is peculiarly adapted, the
lightness and evenness of its pressure lessening the danger of
cracking these brittle materials. One would think that this
quality would make the pump-drill particularly unsuitable for
fire-making ; but, nevertheless, by making it very large and
heavy, it has been turned to this service in North America,
among the Iroquois Indians. Fig. 29 (drawn to a small scale) re-
presents their apparatus, which is thus described by Mr. Lewis
H. Morgan :—“ This is an Indian invention, and of great anti-
quity.... It consisted of an upright shaft, about four feet in
length, and an inch in diameter, with a small wheel set upon
1 Wilkes, U.S. Exp., vol. v. p. 17. 2 Turner, p. 273.
FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS. 245
the lower part, to give itmomentum. In a notch at the top of
the shaft was set a string, attached
to a bow about three feet in length.
The lower point rested upon a block
of dry wood, near which are placed
small pieces of punk. When ready
to use, the string is first coiled
around the shaft, by turning it with
the hand. The bow is then pulled
downwards, thus uncoiling the
string, and reyolying the shaft
towards the left. By the momentum
given to the wheel, the string is
again coiled up im a reverse manner,
and the bow again drawn up. The
bow is again pulled downwards, and the revolution of the
shaft reversed, uncoiling the string, and recoiling it as before.
This alternate revolution of the shaft is continued, until sparks
are emitted from the point where it rests upon the piece of dry
wood below. Sparks are produced in a few moments by the
intensity of the friction, and ignite the punk, which speedily
1
furnishes a fire.
It is now necessary to notice other methods of producing
fire which have been found in use in various parts of the world.
The natives of Tierra del Fuego are notably distinguished
from their northern neighbours by their way of fire-making.
In 1520, Magalhaens on his famous voyage visited the go‘ gantic
Patagonians, who thought the Spaniards had come down from
heaven, and who, explaining to the European visitors the native
theology, told them of their chief god, Setebos. The savages
who thus helped to furnish the picture of the ‘‘servant-monster,”’
Caliban,” showed their manner of making fire, which was by
the friction of two pieces of wood. But the Fuegians have
1 L. H. Morgan, ‘League of the Iroquois ;’ Rochester, U.S8., 1851, p. 381.
2 Cal.— Hast thou not dropped from heaven?” (‘Tempest,’ act ii. scene 2.)
“Tt would control my dam’s god, Setebos.”’ (Id. act i. scene 2).
3 Pigafetta, in Pinkerton, vol. xi.
246 FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS.
for centuries used a higher method, striking sparks with a flint
from a piece of iron pyrites upon their tinder. This process is
described as still in use,! and is evidently what Captain Wallis
meant by saying (in 1767), that ‘To kindle a fire they strike a
pebble against a piece of mundic.”? A much earlier account of
the same thing appears in the voyage of Sarmiento de Gamboa,
in 1579-80.3 Iron pyrites answers extremely well instead of the
steel, and was found in regular use in high northern latitudes
in America, among the Slave and Dog Rib Indians.* It is
probably the “‘iron-stone”’ which the Esquimaux call ujarak-
saviminilik, and from which they strike fire with a fragment of
flint,° and is perhaps referred to in Father Le Jeune’s statement
that the Algonquin Indians strike fire with two minerals (pierres
de mine).6 The use of iron pyrites for striking fire was known
to the Greeks and Romans, and it shared with flint the name
of fire-stone, mupitns, pyrites, which it and some other metallic
sulphurets have since taken entire possession of.
Two accounts of a process of fire-making in and about North-
West America are unfortunately indefinite. Captain Cook re-
marked that in Unalashka the natives produced fire by striking
two stones, one with a good deal of brimstone rubbed on it.?
Their neighbours, the Aleutian Islanders, Kotzebue says, make
fire by striking together two stones with sulphur rubbed in,
over dry moss also strewed with sulphur.’ It does not seem
an easy thing to light tinder in this way with two flints, though
particles of the sulphur easily ignite, and I have been told by
a gun-flint maker that gunpowder may be lighted by throwing
a quantity of flint chips violently down upon it on a flagstone.
1 W. P. Snow, ‘Tierra del Fuego,’ etc. ; London, 1857, vol. ii. p. 360.
2 Wallis, in Hawkesworth, vol. i. p. 171.
3 Sarmiento de Gamboa, ‘ Viage al Estrecho de Magallanes ;? Madrid, 1768,
p. 229. “* Y unos pedazos de pedernal, pasados, y pintados de margaxita de oro y
plata: y preguntdndoles que para qué era aquello? dixeron por sefias, que para
sacar fuego; y luego uno de ellos tomé unas plumas de las que trahia, y sirvién-
dole de yesca, sacd fuego con el pedernal. Paréceme que es (casca?) de metal de
plata 4 oro de veta, porque es al natural como el curiquixo de porco en el Pirt.”
4 Mackenzie, ‘ Voyages ;’ London, 1801, p. 38. Klemm, C. G., vol. ii. p. 26.
5 Hayes, ‘ Arctic Boat Journey ;’ London, 1860, p. 217.
® Le Jeune, ‘ Relation,’ etc. (1634); Paris, 1635, p. 91. Lafitau, vol. ii. p. 242.
7 Cook, Third Voy., vol. ii. p. 513. 8 Kotzebue, vol. iii. p. 155.
FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS. 247
Father Zucchelli, who was a missionary in West Africa about
the beginning of last century, gives the following account of
the way in which, he says, the negroes made fire on their
journeys :—“ When they found a fire-stone (Feuerstein) on the
road, they lay down by it on their knees, took a little piece of
wood in their hands, and threw sand between the stone and the
wood, rubbing them so long against one another till the wood
began to burn, and herewith they all lighted their pipes, and
so went speedily forth again smoking on their journey.”! It
is possible that not flint (as is usual), but pyrites, may here be
meant by feuerstein.
The flint and steel may have come into use at any time after
the beginning of the Iron age, but history fails to tell us the
date of its introduction in Greece and Rome, China, and most
other districts of the Old World. In modern times it has made
its way with iron into many new places, though it has not
always been able to supersede the fire-sticks at once; some-
times, it seems, from a difficulty in getting flints. For instance,
it was necessary in Sumatra to import the flints from abroad,
and thus they did not come immediately into general use among
the natives ; and there may perhaps be a similar reason for the
fire-drill having held its ground to this day among some of the
iron-using races of Southern Africa.
The Greeks were familiar with the use of the burning-lens
in the time of Aristophanes, who mentions it in the ‘ Clouds,’
in a dialogue between Socrates and Strepsiades :—
“ Socrates. Very good: now I'll set you another smart question. If
some one entered an action against you to recover five talents, tell me, how
would you cancel it?
eo 2 © © © © © © ee ee
Strepsiades. I have found a very clever way to cancel the suit, as you
will agree yourself.
Socrates. What kind of a way ?
Strepsiades. Have you ever seen that stone in the druggists’ shops,
that pretty, transparent one, that they light fire with?
Socrates. The crystal, you mean ?
Strepsiades. I do.
Socrates. Well, what then P
1 Zucchelli, ‘Merckwiirdige Missions- und Reise-Beschreibung nach Congo ;?
Frankfort, 1715, p. 344.
248 FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS.
Strepsiades. Suppose I take this, and when the clerk enters the suit, I
stand thus, a long way off, towards the sun, and melt out the letters!
Socrates. Very clever, by the Graces! ”?
At a much later period Pliny mentions that glass balls with
water put into them, when set opposite to the sun, get so hot
as to set clothes on fire; and that he finds surgeons consider
the best means of cautery to be a crystal ball placed opposite
to the sun’s rays.” The Chinese commonly use the burning-
lens to light fire with, as well as the flint and steel.3
The fact that fire may be produced by reflecting the sun’s
rays with mirrors was known as early as Pliny’s time (a.p.
23-79), as he remarks, “seeing that concave mirrors placed
opposite to the sun’s rays ignite things more easily than any
other fire.’* There is some reason to suppose that the know-
ledge of this phenomenon worked backwards into history, at-
taching itself to two famous names of old times, Archimedes
and Numa Pompilius. The story of Archimedes setting the
fleet on fire at Syracuse with burning mirrors, probably un-
known as it was to historians for centuries after his time, need
not be further remarked on here; but the story of Numa re-
appears on the other side of the world, under circumstances
which make its discussion a matter of importance to ethno-
graphy.
It is related by Plutarch in his life of Numa, written in the
first century, that among the ordinances made for the Vestal
Virgins when they were established in Rome, there was the
following. If the sacred fire which it was their duty to keep
continually burning should happen to go out, it was not to be
lighted again from another fire, but new fire was to be made
by lighting from the sun a pure and undefiled flame. “ And
they kindle it especially with vessels which are shaped hollow
from the side of an isosceles triangle with a (vertical) right
angle, and converge from the circumference to a single centre.
When such an instrument is set opposite to the sun, so that
the impinging rays from all sides crowd and fold together
round the centre, it divides the rarefied air, and quickly kindles
1 Aristoph., Nubes, 757, etc. ? Pliny, xxxvi. 67, xxxvii. 10.
3 Davis, vol. iii. p. 51. * Pliny, ii. 111.
FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS. 249
the lightest and driest matters applied to it, the beams acquir-
ing by the repulsion a body and fiery stroke.”! Stories of
Numa’s ordinances will hardly be claimed as sober history,
though it is possible that such a process as this may have been
used, at least in late times, to rekindle the fire of Vesta. But
there is in Festus another account of the way in which this
was done, having in its favour every analogy from the prac-
tices of kindling the sacred fire among our Indo-European
race, both in Asia and in Europe. “If the fire of Vesta were
extinguished, the virgins were scourged by the priests, whose
practice it was to drill into a board of auspicious wood till the
fire came, which was received and carried to the temple by the
virgin, ina brazen colander.” ?
The parallel passage to that in the life of Numa is to be
found in the account of the feast of Raymi, or the Sun, cele-
brated in ancient Peru, according to Garcilaso de la Vega,
whose ‘Commentaries’ were first published in 1609-16, the
Spanish discovery having taken place in 1527. He says this
festival was celebrated at the summer solstice. “The fire for
this sacrifice had to be new, given, as they said, by the hand
of the sun. For which purpose they took a great bracelet,
which they call Chipana (like the others which the Incas com-
monly wore on the left wrist), which bracelet the high priest
kept ; it was larger than the common ones, and had as its me-
dallion a concave cup like a half orange, highly polished, they
set it against the sun, and at a certain point where the rays
issuing from the cup came together, they put a little finely-
carded cotton, as they did not know how to make tinder, which
shortly took fire, as it naturally does. With this fire, thus
given by the hand of the Sun, the sacrifice was burnt, and all
the meat of that day was roasted. And they carried some of
the fire to the Temple of the Sun, and to the House of the
Virgins, where they kept it up all the year, and it was a bad
1 Plutarch, ‘ Vita Nume,’ ix. 7.
2 Festus. ‘Ignis Vests si quando interstinctus esset, virgines verberibus
afficiebantur a pontificibus, quibus mos erat tabulam felicis materi tamdiu
terebrare, quousque exceptum ignem cribro neo virgo in edem ferret.” See
Val. Max., I. i. 6. :
250 FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS.
omen if they let it out in any way. If, on the eve of the fes-
tival, which was when the necessary preparations for the fol-
lowing day were made, there was no sun to light the new fire,
they made it with two thin smooth sticks as big as one’s little
finger, and half a yard long, boring one against the other
(barrenando uno con otro) ; these little sticks are cinnamon co-
loured, and they call both the sticks themselves and the fire-
making V-yaca, one and the same term serving for noun and
verb. The Indians use them instead of flint and steel, and
carry them on their journeys to get fire when they have to pass
the night in uninhabited places,” etc. etc.
If circumstantiality of detail were enough to make a story
credible, we might be obliged to receive this one, and even to
argue on the wonderful agreement of the manner of kindling
the sacred fire in Rome and in Peru. But the coincidences
between Garcilaso’s Virgins of the Sun and Plutarch’s Vestal
Virgins go farther than this. We are not only expected to
believe that there were Virgins of the Sun, that they kept up
a sacred fire whose extinction was an eyil omen, and that this
fire was lighted by the sun’s rays concentrated in a concave
mirror. We arealso told that in Cuzco, as in Rome, the virgin
found unfaithful was to be punished by the special punishment
of being buried alive. This is really too much. Whatever
may be the real basis of fact in the accounts of the Virgins of
the Sun and the feast of Raymi, the inference seems, to me at
least, most probable, that part or all of the accessory detail is
not history, but the realization of an idea of which Garcilaso
himself strikes the key-note when he says of this same feast
of Raymi, that it was celebrated by the Incas ‘‘in the city of
Cozco, which was another Rome” (que fue otra Roma).2 Those
who happen to have experience of the old chroniclers of Spanish
America know how the whole race was possessed by a passion
for bringing out the Old World stories in a new guise, with a
local habitation and a name in America. Garcilaso’s story of
1 Garcilaso de la Vega, p. 198.
2 Id., p. 109. Compare Diego Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Seville, 1571, “y
nadie podia tratar, ni conversar con estas Mamaconas. Y si alguno lo intentaua,
luego le interrauan biuo.” 3 Id., p. 195.
FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS. 251
the burning-mirror, supposing it to be an adaptation from
Plutarch, would not even be the best illustration of this mo-
dern phase of Mythology ; that distinction must be reserved for
the reproduction by another chronicler of another of Plutarch’s
stories, that of the shout that was raised when the Roman
herald proclaimed the liberty of the Greeks,—such a shout that
it brought the crows tumbling down into the race-course from
the sky above.!. The Incas, says Sarmiento, “ were so feared,
that if they went out through the kingdom, and allowed a
curtain of their litters to be lifted that their vassals might see
them, they raised so great an acclamation that they made the
birds fall from where they were flying above, so that the people
could catch them in their hands.’’?
Against the abstract possibility of Garcilaso’s story of the
lighting of the sacred fire with concave mirrors, there is no
more to be said than against Plutarch’s. With a good para-
bolic mirror only two inches in diameter, I have lighted brown
paper under an English sun of no extraordinary power, and
other surfaces which will make a good caustic will answer,
though of course they have less burning power than a parabo-
loid of revolution of equalsize. There is even a material basis
out of which the Peruvian story may have grown. In the an-
cient tombs of Peru, mirrors both of pyrites and obsidian have
been found. Some, three or four inches in diameter, were
probably mere broken nodules of pyrites, polished on the flat
side, but one is mentioned measuring about a foot and a half
(probably in circumference), which had a beautifully-polished
concave surface, so as to magnify objects considerably, and —
such a mirror may have been used for making fire. Indeed,
the objection to the story of the Virgins of the Sun is not that
any of the details I have mentioned must of necessity be un-
true, but that the apparent traces of absorption from Plutarch
invalidate whatever rests on Garcilaso de la Vega’s unsup-
ported testimony.
To conclude the notice of the art of fire-making m general,
1 Plut., T. Quinct. Flaminius, x.
2 Sarmiento, MS. cited in Prescott, Peru, vol. i. p. 25.
3 Juan & Ulloa, ‘ Relacion Historica ;) Madrid, 1748, p. 619.
252 FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS.
its last phase, the invention of lucifer matches in our own day,
is fast spreading over the world, and bringing most other fire-
making instruments down to the condition of curious relics of
a past time.
But though some of the higher methods date far back im the
history of the Old World, the employment of the wooden fric-
tion-apparatus in Europe, even for the practical purposes of
ordinary life, has come up through the classical and medieval
times into the last century, and for all we know it may still
exist. Pliny speaks of its finding a use among the outposts of
armies and among shepherds, a stone to strike fire with not
being always to be had ;! and in a remarkable account dating
from 1768, which will be quoted presently, its use by Russian
peasants for making fire in the woods is spoken of as an exist-
ing custom, just as, at a much more recent date, it is men-
tioned that the Portuguese Brazilians still have recourse to the
fire-drill, when no other means of getting a light are forth-
coming.” For the most part, however, the early use of the m-
strument in the Old World is only to be traced in ancient
myths, in certain ceremonial practices which have been brought
down unchanged into a new state of culture, and in descrip-
tions by Greek and Roman writers of the art. It had lost,
even then, its practical importance in everyday life, though lin-
gering on, as it still does in our own day, in rites for which it
. was necessary to use pure wild fire, not the tame fire that lay
like a domestic animal upon the hearth.
The traditions of inventors of the art of fire-making by the
friction of wood have in so far an historical value, that they
bring clearly into view a period when this was the usual practice.
There isa Chinese myth that points to such a state of things,
and which moreover presents, in the story of the “ fire-bird,”
an analogy with a set of myths belonging to our own race,
which may well be due toa deep-lying ethnological connexion.
« A great sage went to walk beyond the bounds of the moon
and the sun; he saw a tree, and on this tree a bird, which
pecked at it and made fire come forth. The sage was struck
1 Pliny, xvi. 77.”
> Pr. Max. v. Wied., ‘ Reise nach Brasilien’ (1815-7), vol. ii. p. 19.
FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS. 253
with this, took a branch of the tree and produced fire from it,
and thence this great personage was called Suy-jin.”! The
friction-apparatus itself, apparently of the kind spoken of here
as the fire-drill, is mentioned in Morrison’s Chinese Diction-
ary. “ Suwy, an instrument to obtain fire. A speculum for ob-
taining fire from the sun is called swy or kin-suy. Mth-suy, an
utensil to procure fire from wood by rotatory friction. Suy-
jin-she, the first person who procured fire for the use of man.”
The very existence of a Chinese name for the fire-drill shows
that it is, or has been, in use in the country.
The absence of evidence relating to fire-making in the Bi-
ble is remarkable. If, indeed, the following passage from the
cosmogony of Sanchoniathon be founded on a Phoenician le-
gend, it preserves a record of the use of the fire-stick among
the Semitic race. “They say that from the wind Kolpia, and
his wife Baan, which is interpreted Night, there were born
mortal men, called Aon and Protogonos ; and Avon found how
to get food from trees. And those born from them were called
Genos and Genea, and they inhabited Phoenicia. . . . More-
over, they say that, again, from Genos, son of Aton and Proto-
gonos, there were born mortal children, whose names were
Phos, Pur, and Phlox (Light, Fire, and Flame). These, they
say, found out how to make fire from the friction of pieces of
wood, and taught its use.”?
Thus, too, though direct history does not tell us that the
Finns and Lapps used the fire-drill before they had the flint
and steel, there is a passage safely preserving the memory of
its use in a Finnish poem, whose native metre is familiar to our
ears from its imitation in ‘ Hiawatha ;’
«Panu parka, Tuonen poika,
kirnusi tulisen kirnun,
sikeisin saihytteli,
pukemissa puhtaissa,
walkehissa waatteissa.”
Panu, the poor son of Tuoni,
Churning fiercely at the fire-churn,
1 Goguet, vol. iii. p. 321. See Kuhn, p. 28, ete.
2 Huseb., Prep. Evang. i. x.
254 FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS.
Scattering fiery sparks around him,
Clothéd in a pure white garment,
In a white and shining garment.”!
It is, however, by our own race that the most remarkable
body of evidence of the ancient use of the fire-drill has been
preserved. The very instrument still used in India for kindling
the sacrificial fire seems never to have changed since the time
when our ancestors left their eastern home to invade Europe.
It is thus described :—‘‘ The process by which fire is obtained
from wood is called churning, as it resembles that by which
butter in India is separated from milk. . . . It consists in
drilling one piece of arani-wood into another by pulling a
string tied to it with a jerk with the one hand, while the other
is slackened, and so alternately till the wood takes fire. The
fire is received on cotton or flax held in the hand of an as-
72 By this description it would seem that the
Indian instrument is the same in principle as the Esquimaux
thong-drill, shown in Fig. 24. It is driven by a three-stranded
cord of cowhair and hemp; and there is probably a piece of
wood pressed down upon the upper end of the spindle, to keep
it down to its bearing. In the name of Prometheus the fire-
maker, the close connection with the Sanskrit name of this
spindle, pramantha, has never been broken. Possibly both he
and the Chinese Suy-jin may be nothing more than personifi-
cations of the fire-drill.
Professor Kuhn, in his mythological treatise on ‘ Fire and
Ambrosia,’ has collected a quantity of evidence from Greek and
Latin authors, which makes it appear that the fire-making in-
strument, whose use was kept up in Europe, was not the stick-
and-groove, but the fire-drill. The operation is distinctly
described as boring or drilling; and it seems, moreover, that
the fire-drill was worked in ancient Europe, as in India and
among the Esquimaux, with a cord or thong, for the spindle is
sistant Brahman.
1 Kuhn, p. 110. 2 Stevenson, in Kuhn, p. 13.
3 Ifso, the upper and lower blocks may be the upper and lower arani, and the
spindle the pramantha, or cdtra. See Kuhn, pp. 13, 15, 78; also Boehtlingk
and Roth, s. v. arani, ddtra. The anointing with butter (Kuhn, p. 78), cor-
responds to the use of train oil by the Esquimaux.
FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS. 255
compared to, or spoken of as, a tpv7avov, which instrument,
as appears in the passage quoted from the Odyssey at page 240,
was a drill driven by a thong.!
The traces of the old fire-making in modern Europe lie, for
the most part, in close connexion with the ancient and wide-
spread rite of the New Fire, which belongs to the Aryans
among other branches of the human race, and, especially with
one variety of this rite, which has held its own even in Germany
and England into quite late times, in spite of all the efforts of
the Church to put it down. This is what the Germans call
nothfeuer, and we needfire ; though whether the term is to be
understood literally, or whether it has dropped a guttural, and
stands for fire made by kneading or rubbing, is not clear.
What the nature and object of the needfire is, may be seen
in Reiske’s account of the practice in Germany in the seven-
teenth century :—‘‘ When a murrain has broken out among the
great and small cattle, and the herds have suffered much harm,
the farmers determine to make a needfire. On an appointed
day there must be no single flame of fire in any house or on
any hearth. From each house straw, and water, and brush-
wood must be fetched, and a stout oak-post driven fast into the
ground, and a hole bored through it; in this a wooden wind-
lass is stuck, well smeared with cart-pitch and tar, and turned
round so long that, with the fierce heat and force, it gives forth
fire. This is caught in proper materials, increased with straw,
heath, and brushwood, till it breaks out into a full needfire ;
and this must be somewhat spread out lengthways between
walls or fences, and the cattle and horses hunted with sticks
and whips two or three times through it,” etc.* Various ways
of arranging the apparatus are mentioned by Reiske and other
authorities quoted by Grimm, such as fixing the spindle be-
tween two posts, etc. How the spindle is turned is some-
times doubtful; but in several places the Indian practice of
driving it with a rope wound round it, and pulled backwards
and forwards, comes clearly into view; while sometimes a cart
wheel is spun round upon an axle; or a spindle is worked round
1 Kuhn, ‘ Herabkunft des Feuers,’ ete., pp. 36-40, citing Theophrastus, Hesy-
chius, Simplicius, Festus, etc. 2 Grimm, D. M., p. 570.
256 FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS.
with levers, or two planks are rubbed violently together, till
the fire comes.!
The last two recorded accounts of the needfire known to
Kuhn are from Hanover in 1828, and from England in 1826.?
The ‘ Mirror’ of June 24th of that year takes from the ‘ Perth
Courier’ a description of the rite, as performed not far from
_ Perth, by a farmer who had lost several cattle by some dis-
ease :—“ A few stones were piled together in the barn-yard,
and wood-coals having been laid thereon, the fuel was ignited
by will-fire, that is, fire obtained by friction: the neighbours
having been called in to witness the solemnity, the cattle were
made to pass through the flames, in the order of their dignity
and age, commencing with the horses and ending with the
swine.”
Some varieties of the rite of the New Fire, connected with
the Sun-worship so deeply rooted in the popular mind from
before the time of the Vedas, were countenanced, or at least
tolerated, by the Church. Such are the bonfires at Haster,
Midsummer Eve, and some other times; and, in one case,
there is ground for supposing that the old rite was taken up
into the Roman Church, in the practice of putting out the
church candles on Easter Eve, and lighting them again with
consecrated new-made fire,—
“On Easter Eve the fire all is quencht in every place,
And fresh againe from out the flint is fetcht with solemne grace :
The priest doth halow this against great daungers many one,
A brande whereof doth every man with greedie mind take home,
That, when the feareful storme appeares, or tempest black arise,
By lighting this he safe may be from stroke of hurtful skies.’
Here the traces of the Indian mythology come out with
beautiful clearness. The lightning is the fire that flies from the
heavenly fire-churn, as the gods whirl it in the clouds. The
New Fire is its representative on earth; and, like the thunder-
bolt, preserves from the lightning-flash the house in which it is,
for the lightning strikes no place twice.
But in this ceremony the flint and steel has superseded the
1 Grimm, D. M., pp. 570-9. 2 Kuhn, p. 45.
3 Brand, ‘Popular Antiquities ;’ London, 1853, vol. i. p. 157.
FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS. 257
ancient friction-fire; and, indeed, the Western clergy, as a
rule, discountenanced it as heathenish. In the Capitularies of
Carloman, in the eighth century, there is a prohibition of “ illos
sacrilegos ignes quos niedfyr vocant.”! The result of this op-
position by the Church was, in great measure, to break the con-
nexion between the old festivals of the Sun, which the Church
allowed, and the lighting of the needfire, which is so closely
connected with the Sun-worship in our ancient Aryan mytho-
logy. Still, even in Germany, there are documents that bring
the two together. A glossary to the Capitularies says, “ the
rustic folks in many places in Germany, and indeed on the
feast of St. John the Baptist, pull a stake from a hedge and
bind a rope round it, which they pull hither and thither till it
takes fire,” etc.; and a Low German book of 1593 speaks of
the “nodfire, that they sawed out of wood” to light the
St. John’s bonfire, and through which the people leapt and
ran, and drove their cattle.”
It appears, however, that the Eastern and Western churches
differed widely in their treatment of the old rite. The Western
clergy discountenanced, and, as far as they could, put down the
needfire ; but in Russia it was not only allowed, but was (and
very likely may be still) practised under ecclesiastical sanction,
the priest being the chief actor in the ceremony. This inter-
esting fact seems not to have been known to Grimm and
Kuhn, and the following passage, which proves it, is still fur-
ther remarkable as asserting that the ancient fire-making by
friction was still used in Russia for practical as well as ceremo-
nial purposes in the last century. It is contained in an ac-
count of the adventures of four Russian sailors, who were
driven by a storm upon the desert island of East-Spitzbergen.3
“They knew, however, that if one rubs violently together two
pieces of dry wood, one hard and the other soft, the latter will
catch fire. Besides this being the way in which the Russian
peasants obtain fire when they are in the woods, there is also
1 Cap. Carlomanni in Grimm, D. M., p. 570.
2 Grimm, D. M., pp. 570, 579. See also Migne, Lex. s. vy. “ Nedifri.”
3 P. L. le Roy, ‘ Erziihlung der Begebenheiten,’ ete.; Riga, 1760. (An E. Tr. in
Pinkerton, vol. i.)
Ss
258 FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS.
a religious ceremony, performed in every village where there is
a church, which could not have been unknown to them. Perhaps
it will be not disagreeable for me here to give an account of
this ceremony, though it does not belong to the story. The
18th of August, Old Style, is called by the Russians F’rol 1
Lavior, these being the names of two martyrs, called Florus
and Laurus in the Roman Kalendar; they fall, according to
this latter, on the 29th of the said month, when the Festival of
the Beheading of John is celebrated. On this day the Russian
peasants bring their horses to the village church, at the side of
which they have dug the evening before a pit with two outlets.
Each horse has his bridle, which is made.of lime-tree bark.
They let the horses, one after the other, go into this pit, at the
opposite outlet of which the priest stands with an asperging-
brush in his hand, with which he sprinkles them with holy
water. As soon as the horses are come out, their bridles are
taken off, and they are made to go between two fires, which
are kindled with what the Russians call Givoy agon, that is,
‘living fire,’ of which I will give the explanation, after remark-
ing that the peasants throw the bridles of the horses into one of
these fires to burn them up. Here is the manner of kindling
this Givoy agon, or living fire. Some men take hold of the
ends of a maple staff, very dry, and about a fathom long. This
staff they hold fast over a piece of birch-wood, which must also
be very dry, and whilst they vigorously rub the staff upon the
last wood, which is much softer than the first, it inflames in a
short time, and serves to kindle the pair of fires, of which I
have just made mention.” ~
To sum up now, in a few words, the history of the art of
making fire, it appears that the common notion that the fric-
tion of two pieces of wood was the original method used, has
strong and wide-lying evidence in its favour, and very little
that can be alleged against it. It has been seen that in many
districts where higher methods have long prevailed, its former
existence as a household art is proved by traces that have come
down to us in several different ways. Where the use of pyrites
for striking fire is found existing in company with it in North
America, it is at least likely that the fire-stick is the older in-
FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS. 259
strument. Perhaps the most notable fact bearing on this ques- _
tion is the use of pyrites by the miserable inhabitants of Tierra
del Fuego. I do not know that the fire-sticks have ever been
seen among them, but it seems more reasonable to suppose that
they were used till they were supplanted by the discovery of the
fire-making property of pyrites, than to make so insignificant a
people an exception to a world-wide-rule. This art of striking
fire, instead of laboriously producing it with the drill, is not,
indeed, the only thing in which the culture of this race stands
above that of their northern neighbours, for, as has been men-
tioned, these last were found using no navigable craft but rafts,
while the Fuegians had bark canoes, and those by no means of
the lowest quality. It is worthy of note that the Peruvians,
though they had pyrites, and broke the nodules to polish the
faces into mirrors, do not seem to have used it to strike fire
with. If they did not, their civilization stood in this matter
below that of the much-despised Fuegians. The ancient Mexi-
cans also made mirrors of polished pyrites, and perhaps they
may have used it to strike fire ;! but the wooden friction-appa-
ratus was certainly common among them. Even the fire-drills
of Peru and Mexico were of the simplest kind, twirled between
the hands without any contrivance to lessen the labour, so that
even the rude Hsquimaux and Indian tribes have reached, in
this respect, a higher stage of art than these comparatively
civilized peoples.
To turn now from the art of making fire to one of its prin-
cipal uses to mankind. The art of Cooking is as universal as
Fire itself among the human racé; but there are found, even
among savages, several different processes that come under the
general term, and a view of the distribution of these processes
over the world may throw some light on the early development
of Human Culture.
Roasting or broiling by direct exposure to the fire seems the
one method universally known to mankind, but the use of some
kind of oven is also very general. The Andaman Islanders
1 It seems by a passage in Boturini (p. 18), that he had some reason to think
they used flint to strike fire with, and if so, as they had no iron, they probably
used pyrites. :
s 2 .
260 FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS.
keep fire continually smouldering in hollow trees, so that they
have only to clear away the ashes at any time to cook their
little pigs and fish.1 In Africa, the natives take possession of
a great ant-hill, destroy the ants, and clear out the inside, leav-
ing only the clay walls standing, which they make red hot with
a fire, so as to and bake joints of rhinoceros within.? But these
are unusual expedients, and a much commoner form of savage
oven is a mere pit in the ground. In the most elaborate kind
of this cooking in underground ovens, hot stones are put in
with the food, as in the familiar South-Sea Island practice,
which is too well known to need description. The Malagasy
plan seems to be the same; but the Polynesians and their
connexions have by no means a monopoly of the art, which is
practised with httle or no difference in other parts of the world.
The Guanches of the Canary Islands buried meat in a hole in
the ground, and lighted a fire over it ;* and a similar practice
is still sometimes found in the island of Sardinia,® while among
the Beduins, and in places in North and South America, the pro-
cess comes even closer to that used in the South Seas.® It is
this wide diffusion of the art which makes it somewhat doubt-
ful whether Klemm is right in considering its occurrence in
Australia as one of the results of intercourse with more ci-
vilized islands. The natives cook in underground ovens on
very distant parts of the coast ; sometimes hot stones are used,
and sometimes not.’
When meat or vegetables are kept for many hours on a
grating above a slow fire, the combination of roasting and
smoking brings the food into a state in which it will keep for a
long while, even in the tropics. Jean de Lery, in the account
of his adventures among the Indians of Brazil, about 1557, de-
' Mouat, p. 308.
* Klemm, C. G., vol. iii. p. 222. Moffat, Missionary Labours, etc., in S. Africa ;
London, 1842, p. 521.
3 Ellis, Madagasear, vol. i. p. 72.
4 Barker-Webb and Berthelot, vol. i. part i. p. 134.
> Maury, ‘ La Terre & !Homme;’ Paris, 1857, p. 572.
® Klemm, C. G., vol. ii. p. 26; vol.iv. p.120. FitzRoy, in Tr. Eth. Soe.,
1861, p. 4.
7 Cook, Ist Voy. H., vol. iii. p. 233. Lang, p.347. Grey, Journals, vol. i.
p- 176; vol. ii. p. 274. Klemm, C. G., vol. i. p. 307. Eyre, vol. ii. p. 289.
FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS. 261
scribes the wooden grating set up on four forked posts, “ which
in their language they call a boucan;” on this they cooked
food with a slow fire underneath, and as they did not salt their
meat this process served them as a means of keeping their
game and fish.! To the word houwcan belongs the term bou-
canter, bucaneer, given to the French hunters of St. Domingo,
from their preparing the flesh of the wild oxen and boars in this
way, and applied less appropriately to the rovers of the Spanish
Main. The process has been found elsewhere in South Ame-
rica,” and perhaps as far North as Florida,’ The Haitian name for
a framework of sticks set upon posts, barbacoa, was adopted
into Spanish and English; for instance, the Peruvian air-
bridges, made over difficult ground by setting up on piles a
wattled flooring covered with earth, are called barbacoas ;* and
Dampier speaks of having “a Barbacue of split Bambooes to
sleep on.”* The American mode of roasting on such a frame-
work is the origin of our term to barbecue, though its meaning
has changed to that of roasting an animal whole. The art of
bucaning or barbecuing, as practised by the Americans, is
found in Africa, in Kamchatka, the Eastern Archipelago, and
the Pelew Islands ;° and it merges into the very common pro-
cess of smoking meat to make it keep.
The mere inspection of these simple and wide-spread va-
rieties of cooking gives the ethnographer very little evidence
of the way in which they have been invented and spread over
the world. But from the more complex art of Boiling there is
something to be learnt. There are races of mankind, such as
the Australians, the Fuegians and some other South American
tribes, and the Bushmen, who do not seem to have known how
to boil food when they first came into the view of Europe,
1 Lery, Hist. d’un Voy., etc., 1600, p.153. Southey, Brazil, vol. i. p- 216;
vol. ili. pp. 337, 361. The word Joucan seems connected with that now com-
monly used in Brazil. “ Mocaém, donde fisemos moquem, assar na labareda.”’
Dias, Dic. da Lingua Tupy.
? Wallace, p. 220. Humboldt and Bonpland, vol. ii. p. 556. Purchas, vol. v.
p- 899. 3 Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 307.
1 Tschudi, ‘ Peru,’ vol. ii. p. 202. > Dampier, vol. ii. part i. p. 90.
§ Burton, ‘Central Africa,’ vol. ii. p. 282. Kracheninnikow, p. 46. Dampier,
yol. iii. part il. p. 24, Keate, p. 203. See Earl, ‘ Papuans,’ p. 165.
262 FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS.
while the higher peoples of the world, and a great proportion
of the lower ones, have had, so long as we know anything of
them, vessels of pottery or metal which they put liquids into,
and set over the fire to boil. Between these two conditions,
however, there lies a process which has been superseded by
the higher method within modern times over a large fraction
of the earth’s surface, and which there is some reason to be-
lieve once extended much further. It is even likely that the
art of Boiling, as commonly known to us, may have been de-
veloped through this intermediate process, which I propose to
call Stone-Boiling.
There is a North American tribe who received from their
neighbours the Ojibwas, the name of Assinaboins, or Stone-
Boilers,” from their mode of boiling their meat, of which Cat-
lin gives a particular account. They dig a hole in the ground,
take a piece of the animal’s raw hide, and press it down with
their hands close to the sides of the hole, which thus becomes
a sort of pot or basin. This they fill with water, and they
make a number of stones red-hot in a fire close by. ‘The meat
is put into the water, and the stones dropped in till the meat
is boiled. Catlin describes the process as awkward and tedious,
and says that since the Assinaboins had learnt from the Man-
dans to make pottery, and had been supplied with vessels by
the traders, they had entirely done away the custom, “ except-
ing at public festivals; where they seem, like all others of the
human family, to take pleasure in cherishing and perpetuating
their ancient customs.”! Elsewhere among the Sioux or Da-
cotas, to whom the Assinaboins belong, the tradition has been
preserved that their fathers used to cook the game in its own
skin, which they set up on four sticks planted in the ground,
and put water, meat, and hot stones into it.” The Sioux had the
art of stone-boilg in common with the mass of the northern
tribes. Father Charlevoix, writing above a century ago, speaks
of the Indians of the North as using wooden kettles and boil-
ing the water in them by throwing in red-hot stones, but even
then iron pots were superseding both these vessels and the
pottery of other tribes.’ To specify more particularly, the
1 Catlin, vol. i. p. 54. 2 Schooleraft, part ii.p.176. 3 Charlevoix, vol. vi. p. 47
FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS. 263
Micmacs and Souriquois,! the Blackfeet and the Crees,” are
known to have been stone-boilers ; the Shoshonees or Snake
Indians, like the far more northerly tribes of Slaves, Dog-Ribs,
etc.,> still make, or lately made, their pots of roots plaited or
rather twined so closely that they will hold water, boiling their
food in them with hot stones ;* while, west of the Rocky Moun-
tains, the Indians used similar baskets to boil salmon, acorn
porridge, and other food in,® or wooden vessels such as Captain
Cook found at Nootka Sound, and La Pérouse at Port Fran-
gais.6 Lastly, Sir Edward Belcher met with the practice of
stone-boiling in 1826 among the Esquimaux of Icy Cape.’
So instantly is the art of stone-boiling supplanted by the
kettles of the white trader, that, unless perhaps in the north-
west, it might be hard to find it in existence now. But the
state of things in North America, as known to us in earlier
times, is somewhat as follows. The Mexicans, and the races
between them and the Isthmus of Panama, were potters at the
‘time of the Spanish discovery, and the art extended northward
over an immense district, lying mostly between the Rocky
Mountains and the Atlantic, and stretching up into Canada.
In Eastern North America the first Huropean discoverers found
the art of earthenware-making in full operation, and forming a
regular part of the women’s work, and on this side of the con-
tinent, as high at least as New England, the site of an Indian
village may be traced, like so many of the ancient settlements
in the Old World, by innumerable fragments of pottery. But
the Stone-Boilers extended far south on the Pacific side, and
also occupied what may be roughly called the northern half of
North America.
In that north-eastern corner of Asia which is of such extreme
interest to the ethnographer, as preserving the lower human
culture so near the high Asiatic civilization, and yet so little
influenced by it, the art of Stone-boiling was found in full force.
Schoolcraft, part i. p. 81. * Harmon, p. 323. :
Mackenzie, p. 37, and see p. 207. 4 Schooleraft, part i. p. 211,
Schooleraft, part iii. pp. 107, 146.
Cook, Third Voy., vol. ii. p. 8321. Klemm, C. G., vol. ii. pp. 26, 69.
7 Belcher, in Tr. Eth. Soc., vol. i. 1861, p. 138.
1
3
5)
6
264 FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS.
The Kamchadals, like some American tribes, used hollowed
wooden troughs for the purpose, and long resisted the use of
the iron cooking pots of the Russians, considering that the food
only kept its flavour properly when dressed in the old-fashioned
way.!
Thus the existence of a great district of Stone-Boilers in
Northern Asia and America is made out by direct evidence,
but beside this we know of the practice in a southern districé
of the world.
Captain Cook made a remark concerning the New Zealanders,
that ‘‘ having no vessel in which water can be boiled, their
cooking consists wholly of baking and roasting.? The inference
that people who have no vessel that will stand the fire must
therefore be unable to boil food, may, for anything I know, be
true when he makes it in Tierra del Fuego and in Australia,®
but im New Zealand it breaks down, for there is evidence that
the Maoris knew the art of stone-boiling, though they used it
but little. It is found among them under circumstances which
give no ground for supposing that it was introduced after Cap-
tain Cook’s visit. The curious dried human heads of New
Zealand, which excel any mummies that have ever been made
in the preservation of the features of the dead, were first
brought over to England by Cook’s party. From a careful
description of the process of preparing them, made since, it
appears that one thing done to them is to throw them “ into
boilmg water, into which red-hot stones are continually cast,
to keep up the heat ;”* and a remark made by another writer
places the existence of stone-boiling as a native New Zealand
art beyond question. ‘The New Zealanders, although destitute
of vessels in which to boil water, had an ingenious way of heat-
ing water to the boiling point, for the purpose of making shell-
fish open. This was done by putting red-hot stones into
wooden vessels full of water.””> When, therefore, we find them
boiling and eating the berries of the Laurus tawa, which are
harmless when boiled, but poisonous in their raw state, it is
1 Kracheninnikow, p. 30. Erman, Reise, vol. iii. p. 423.
? Cook, First Voy. H., vol. iii. p. 55; also Third Voy., vol. i. p. 158.
3 First Voy. H., vol. ii. p. 59: vol. iii. p. 233.
+ Yate, ‘New Zealand,’ p. 132. ° Thomson, ‘ New Zealand,’ vol. i. p. 160.
FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS. 265
not necessary to suppose this to have been found out since
Captain Cook’s time, as the boiling was probably done before
with hot stones.!
In several other Polynesian islands, it appears from Cook’s
journals that stone-boiling was in ordinary use in cookery.
The making of a native pudding in Tahiti is thus described.
Bread-fruit, ripe plantains, taro, and palm or pandanus nuts,
were rasped, scraped, or beaten up fine, and baked separately.
A quantity of juice, expressed from cocoa-nut kernels, was put
into a large tray or wooden vessel. The other articles, hot
from the oven, were deposited in this vessel, and a few hot
stones were also put in to make the contents simmer. Few
puddings in England, he says, equal these. In the island of
Anamooka, they brought him a mess of fish, soup, and yams
stewed in cocoa-nut liquor, “ probably in a wooden vessel, with
hot stones.”” The practice seems to have existed in the Mar-
quesas, and in Huaheine he describes the preparation of a dish
of pot m a wooden trough with hot stones.2 What the Poly-
nesian notion of a pudding is, as to size, may be gathered from
the account of two missionaries who arrived at the island of
Rurutu, and were received by a native who paddled out to
meet them through a rough sea, in a wooden poi-dish, seven
feet long and two and a half wide.’
I fear that the Tahitian recipe for making poi must spoil the
good old story of Captain Wallis’s tea-urn. A native who was
breakfasting on board the Dolphin saw the tea-pot filled from
the urn, and presently turned the cock again and put his hand
underneath, with such effects as may be imagined. Captain
Wallis, knowing that the natives had no earthen vessels, and
that boiling in a pot over the fire was a novelty to them, and
putting all these things together in telling the story, inter-
preted the howls of the scalded native as he danced about the
cabin, and the astonishment of the rest of the visitors, as’
proving that the Tahitians “ having no vessel in which water
could be subjected to the action of fire,.... had no more idea
Yate, p. 43.
Cook, Third Voy., vol. ii. p. 49; vol. i. p. 233. Second Voy., vol. i. p.310. First
Voy. H., vol. ii. p. 254. 3 Tyerman & Bennet, vol. i. p. 493.
1
2
266 FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS.
that it could be made hot, than that it could be made solid.”
No doubt the natives were surprised at hot water coming out
of so unlikely a place, but the world seems to have accepted
both the story and the inference without stopping to consider
that hot water could not be much of a novelty among people.
to whom boiled pudding was an article of daily food. Captain
Wallis’s story (as is so commonly the case with accounts of
savages) may be matched elsewhere. ‘ And we went now,”
says Kotzebue, in the account of his visit to the Radack islands,
“to Rarick’s dwelling, where the kettle had already been set
on the fire, and the natives were assembled round it, looking
at the boiling water, which seemed to them alive.’ Yet on
another island of the same chain it is remarked that the mo-
gomuk is made by drying the root of a plant, and pressing the
meal into lumps; when it is to be eaten, some of this is broken
off, stirred with water in a cocoa-nut shell, and boiled till it
swells up into a thick porridge (‘fund kocht ihn, bis er zu
einem dicken Brei aufquillt,’’), etc.?
Though the natives of the islands mentioned, and no doubt
of many others, were still stone-boilers in Cook’s time, pottery
had already made its appearance in Polynesia, in districts so
situated that the art may reasonably be supposed to have tra-
velled from island to island from the Eastern Archipelago,
where perhaps the Malays received it from Asia. By Cook
and later explorers earthen vessels were found in the Pelew,
Fiji, and Tonga groups, and in New Caledonia.* By this time
it is likely that these and European vessels may have put an
end to stone-boiling in Polynesia, so that its displacement by
the introduction of pottery and metal will have taken place by
the same combination of the influence of neighbouring tribes
and of Europeans which have produced a similar effect in North
America.
This is what history tells us of the art, but there is some
slight evidence which may, perhaps, lead us to infer that the
1 Wallis, H., vol. i. pp. 246, 264. 2 Kotzebue, vol. ii. pp. 47, 65.
% Cook, Second Voy., vol. i. p. 214; vol. ii. p. 105. Third Voy., vol. i. p. 375.
Klemm, C. G., vol. iv. p. 272. Williams, ‘ Fiji, vol. i. p. 69. Turner, p. 424.
Mariner, vol. ii. p. 272. Keate, p. 336.
FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS. 267
Stone-boilers once occupied districts in Europe. In spite of
ages of contact with the Indo-European race, a branch of the
great Tatar family, the Finns, have kept up into modern times
a relic of the practice. Linnzeus, on his famous Lapland Tour,
in 1732, recorded the fact that in Hast Bothland “The Finnish
liquor called Lura is prepared like other beer, except not being
boiled, instead of which red-hot stones are thrown into ite?
Moreover, the quantities of stones, evidently calcined, which
are found buried in our own country, sometimes in the sites of
ancient dwellings, give great probability to the inference which
has been drawn from them, that they were used in cooking.
It is true that their use may have been for baking in under-
ground ovens, a practice found among races who are Stone-
boilers, and others who are not.
In Asia, I have met with no positive evidence of the ex-
istence of stone-boiling beyond Kamchatka, but some ex-
_ tremely rude boiling-vessels have been observed among Sibe:ian
tribes, the use of which is either to be explained by the absence
or scarcity of earthenware or metal pots, or by the keeping up
of old habits belonging to a time of such absence or scarcity.
The Dutch envoy, Ysbrants Ides, remarks of the Ostyaks, “I
have also seen a copper kettle among them, and some other
kettles of bark sewed together, in which they can boil food
over the hot coals, but not in the flame of the fire.”? Now
just such bark-kettles as these have been seen in use among a
North American tribe on the Unijah, or Peace River, near the
Rocky Mountains. They were stone-boilers, using for this
purpose the regular watape pots, or rather baskets, of woven
roots of spruce fir, but they had also kettles, “ made of spruce-
bark, which they hang over the fire, but at such a distance as
to receive the heat without being within reach of the blaze ;
avery tedious operation.””> In Siberia, among the Ostyaks, the
practice has been observed of using the paunch of the slaugh-
tered beast as a vessel to cook the blood in over the fire,* and
1 Linneus, Tour, vol. ii. p. 231.
2 BH. Ysbrants Ides, ‘ Reize naar China ;’ Amsterdam, 1710, p. 27.
3 Mackenzie, p. 207.
4 Erman (E. Tr.), vol. ii. pp. 456, 467.
268 FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS.
the same thing has been noticed among the Reindeer Koriaks.!
Thus the story told by Herodotus of the Scythians, who, when
they had not a suitable cauldron, used to boil the flesh of the
sacrificed beast in its own paunch,” seems to give a glimpse of
a state of things in the centre of Asia, resembling that which
has continued into modern times in the remote North-East. It
is thus not unlikely that the use of stone-boiling, to meet the
want of suitable vessels for direct boiling over the fire, may
once have had a range in Asia far beyond the Kamchatkan
promontory.’
It may be that the more convenient boiling, in vessels set
over the fire, was generally preceded in the world by the
clumsier stone-boiling, of which the history, so far as I have
been able to make it out from evidence within my reach, has
thus been sketched. Of vessels used for the higher kind
of boiling, as commonly known to us, something may now be
said.
It is not absolutely necessary that vessels of earthenware,
metal, etc., should be used for this purpose. Potstone, lapis
ollaris, has been used by the Esquimaux, and by various Old
World peoples, to make vessels which will stand the fire.*
The Asiatic paunch-kettles have just been mentioned, and
kettles of skins have been described among the Esquimaux,°
and even among the inhabitants of the Hebrides, of whose way
of life George Buchanan gives the following curious account :
— In food, clothing, and all domestic matters, they use the
ancient parsimony. ‘Their meat is supplied by hunting and
fishing. The flesh they boil with water in the paunch or hide
of the slaughtered beast ; out hunting they sometimes eat it
raw, when the blood has been pressed out. For drink they
have the broth of the meat. Whey that has been kept for
years, they also drink greedily at their feasts. This kind of
1 Kracheninnikow, p. 142.
2 Herod., iv. 61.
% The frequent use of wicker baskets for holding liquids, in Africa, may have a
bearing on the history of stone-boiling. See mention of hot stones for melting or
boiling fat, in Bleek, ‘Reynard in Africa,’ pp. 8-10.
* Cranz, p. 73; Linneus, vol. i. p. 8356; Klemm, €. G., vol. ii. p. 266, ete. ete.
° Martin Frobisher, in ‘Hakluyt,’ vol. iii. pp. 66, 95.
FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS. 269
liquor they call bland.”! Beside these animal materials, parts
of several plants will answer the purpose, as the bark used for
kettles in Asia and America, the spathes of palms, in which
food is often boiled in South America,? the split bamboos in
which the Dayaks, the Sumatrans, and the Stiéns of Cambodia,
boil their rice, and cocoa-nut shells, as just mentioned in the
Radack group; Captain Cook saw a cocoa-nut shell used in
Tahiti, to dry up the blood of a native dog in, over the fire.*
These facts should be borne in mind in considering the follow-
ing theory of the Origin of the Art of Pottery.
It was, I believe, Goguet who first propounded, in the last
century, the notion that the way in which pottery came to be
made, was that people daubed such combustible vessels as
these with clay, to protect them from the fire, till they found
that the clay alone would answer the purpose, and thus the art
of pottery came into the world. The idea was not a mere
effort of his imagination, for he had met with a description of
the plastering of wooden vessels with clay in the Southern
Hemisphere. It is related that a certain Captain Gonneville
sailed from Honfleur in 1503, doubled the Cape of Good Hope,
and came to the Southern Indies. There he found a gentle
and joyous people, living by hunting and fishing, and a little
agriculture, and he speaks of cloaks of mats and skins, feather
work, bows and arrows, beds of mats, villages of thirty to
eighty huts of stakes and wattles, etc., “and their household
utensils of wood, even their boiling-pots, but plastered with a
kind of clay, a good finger thick, which prevents the fire from
burning them.”* What to make of this curious story I do not
know, but as to the theory of the origin of pottery which Go-
euet founded upon it, a quantity of evidence has made its ap-
pearance since his time, which all goes in its favour.
1 ¢Rerum Scoticarum Historia, auctore Georgio Buchanano Scoto;’ (ad ex.)
Edinburgh, 1528, p. 7.
2 Spix and Martius, vol. ii. p. 688. Wallace, p. 508.
3 St. John, vol. i. p. 187. Marsden, p. 60. Mouhot, vol. ii. p. 245. Cook,
Third Voy., vol. ii. p. 35. See Coleman, p. 318; Mariner, vol. ii. p. 272.
4 Goguet, vol. i. p. 77. ‘Mémoires touchant V'Etablissement d’une Mission
Chrestienne dans le troisiime monde, autrement appellé la Terre Australe,’ ete. ;
Paris, 1663, pp. 10-16.
270 FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS.
The comparison of two accounts of vessels found, one among
the Esquimaux, the other among their neighbours the Una-
lashkans (whose language contains proofs of intimate contact
with them!), may serve to give an idea of the way in which
clay may come to supersede less convenient materials, and a
gradual approach be made towards the potter’s art. When
James Hall was in Greenland, in 1605, he found the natives
boiling food over their lamps, in vessels with stone bottoms,
and sides of whale’s fins.” In Unalashka, Captain Cook found
that some of the natives had got brass kettles from the Rus-
sians, but those who had not, made their own “ of a flat stone,
with sides of clay, not unlike a standing pye.’’* He thought it
likely that they had learnt to boil from the Russians, but the
Russians could hardly have taught them to make such vessels
as these, and the appearance of a kettle with a stone bottom
(no doubt potstone), and sides of another material, at the two
opposite sides of America, gives ground for supposing it to
have been in common use in high latitudes.
From the examination of an earthen vessel from the Fiji
Islands, Dr. D. 8. Price ‘considers that it was very likely made
by moulding clay on the outside of the shell or rind of some
fruit. The vessel in question is made watertight after the South
American manner by a varnish of resin. The evident and fre-
quent adoption of gourd-shapes in the earthenware of distant
parts of the world does not prove much, but as far as it goes
it tells in favour of the opinion that such gourd-like vessels
may be the successors of real gourds, made into pottery by
a plastering of clay. Some details given in 1841 by Squier
and Davis, in their account of the monuments in the Mississippi
Valley, are much more to the purpose. ‘‘ In some of the Sou-
thern States, it is said, the kilns, in which the ancient pottery
was baked, are now occasionally to be met with. Some are
represented still to contain the ware, partially burned, and re-
taining the rinds of the gourds, etc., over which they were
modelled, and which had not been entirely removed by the
} Buschmann, Azt. Spr., p. 702. * Purchas, vol. iii. p. 817.
3 Cook, Third Voy., vol. ii. p. 510, !
FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS. 270
fire.’ ‘‘ Among the Indians along the Gulf, a greater degree
of skill was displayed than with those on the upper waters of
the Mississippi and on the lakes. ‘Their vessels were generally
larger and more symmetrical, and of a superior finish. They
moulded them over gourds and other models and baked them
in ovens. In the construction of those of large size, it was
customary to model them in baskets of willow or splints, which,
at the proper period, were burned off, leaving the vessel per-
fect in form, and retaining the somewhat ornamental markings
of their moulds. Some of those found on the Ohio seem to
have been modelled in bags or nettings of coarse thread or
twisted bark. These practices are still retained by some of the
remote western tribes. Of this description of pottery many
specimens are found with the recent deposits in the mounds.””?
Prince Maximilian of Wied makes the followmg remark on
some earthen vessels found in Indian mounds near Harmony,
on the Wabash River :—‘‘ They were made of a sort of grey
clay, marked outside with rings, and seemed to have been
moulded in a cloth or basket, being marked with impressions
or figures of this kind.’’?
It has been thought, too, that the early pottery of Europe
retains in its ornamentation traces of having once passed
through a stage in which the clay was surrounded by basket-
work or netting, either as a backing to support the finished
vessel, or as a mould to form it in. Dr. Klemm advanced this
view twenty years ago. ‘The imitation (of natural vessels) in
clay presupposes numerous trials. In the Friendly Islands, we
find vessels which are still in an early stage; they are made of
clay, shghtly burnt, and enclosed in plaited work; so also the
oldest German vessels seem to have been, for we observe on
those which remain an ornamentation in which plaiting is im1-
tated by incised lines. What was no longer wanted as a ne-
cessity was kept up as an ornament.”
Dr. Daniel Wilson made a similar remark, some years later,
on early British urns which, he says, ‘‘ may have been strength-
1 Squier & Davis, pp, 195, 187.
2 Pr. Max. Voyage, vol. i. p. 192. Klemm, C. G., vol. ii. p. 66.
3 Klemn, C. G., vol. i. p. 188.
€
to
12 FIRE, COOKING, AND VESSELS.
ened by being surrounded with a platting of cords or rushes.
...Itis certain that very many of the indented patterns on
British pottery have been produced by the impress of twisted
cords on the wet clay,—the intentional imitation, it may be, of
undesigned indentations originally made by the platted net-
work on ruder urns,” etc. Mr. G. J. French mentions experi-
ments made by him in support of his views on the derivation
of the interlaced or guilloche ornaments on early Scottish
crosses, etc., froin imitation of earlier structures of wicker-
work. He coated baskets with clay, and found the wicker pat-
terns came out on all, but better on the sun-dried ones than
in those burnt in the kiln, in which the markings were injured
by the shrinkage, and he even seems to think that some an-
cient urns still preserved were actually moulded in this way,
judging from the lip being marked as if the wicker-work had
been turned in over the clay coating inside.*
Taken all together, the evidence of so many imperfect and
seemingly transitional forms of pottery makes it probable that
it was through such stages that the art grew up into the more
perfect form in which we usually find it, and in which it has
come to be clearly understood that clay, alone or with some
mixture of sand or such matters to prevent cracking, is capa-
ble of bemg used without any extraneous support.
Such is the evidence by means of which I have attempted to
trace the progress of mankind in three important arts, whose
early history lies for the most part out of the range of direct
record. Its examination brings into view a gradual improve-
ment in methods of producing fire; the supplanting of a rude
means of boiling food by a higher one; and a progress from
the vessels of gourds, bark, or shell of the lower races to the
pottery and metal of the higher. On the whole, progress in
these useful arts appears to be the rule, and whether its steps
be slow or rapid, a step once made does not seem often to be
retraced.
1 Wilson, Archeology, ete., of Scotland, p. 289.
? G. J. French, An Attempt, etc. ; Manchester (printed), 1858.
273
CHAPTER X.
SOME REMARKABLE CUSTOMS.
Iv has long been an accepted doctrine that among the similar
customs found prevailing in distant countries, there are some
which are evidence of worth to the ethnologist. But in deal-
ing with these things he has to answer, time after time, a new
form of the hard question that stands in his way in so many
departments of his work. He must have derived from observa-
tion of many cases a general notion of what Man does and
does not do, before he can say of any particular custom which
he finds in two distant places, either that it is likely that a
similar state of things may have produced it more than once,
or that it is unlikely—that it is even so unlikely as to approach
the limit of impossibility, that such a thing should have grown
up independently in the two, or three, or twenty places where
he finds it. In the first case it is worth little or nothing to
him as evidence bearing on the early history of mankind, but
in the latter it goes with more or less force to prove that the °
people who possess it are allied by blood, or have been in con-
tact, or have been influenced indirectly one from the other or
both from a common source, or that some combination of these
things has happened ; in a word, that there has been historical
connexion between them.
_ I give some selected cases of the Argument from Similar
Customs, both where it seems sound and where it seems un-
sound, before proceeding to the main object of this chapter,
which is to select and bring into view, from the.enormous mass
i
274. SOME REMARKABLE CUSTOMS.
of raw material that lies before the student, four groups of
world-wide customs which seem to have their roots deep in the
early history of mankind.
It is a remarkable thing to find in Africa the practice which
we associate exclusively with Siam and the neighbouring coun-
tries, of paying divine honours to the pale-coloured, or as it
is called, the “white” elephant. A native of Enarea (in Hast
Africa, south of Abyssinia) told Dr. Krapf that white ele-
phants, whose hide was like the skin of a leper, were found in
his country, but such an animal must not be killed, for it is
considered an Adbar or protector of man and has religious
honours paid to it, and any one who killed it would be put to
death.1 There may be a historical connexion between the ve-
neration of the white elephant in Asia and Africa, but the
habit of man to regard unusual animals, or plants, or stones,
with superstitious feelings of reverence or horror is so general,
that no prudent ethnologist would base an argument upon it,
and still less when he finds that in Africa the albino buffalo
shares the sanctity of the elephant.
On the other hand, a custom prevalent in two districts com-
paratively near these may be quoted as an example of sound
evidence of the kind in question. In his account of the Sulu
Islands, north-east of Borneo, Mr. Spenser St. John speaks of
a superstition in those countries, that if gold or pearls are put
in a packet by themselves they will decrease and disappear,
but if a few grains of rice are added, they will keep. Pearls
they believe will actually increase by this, and the natives al-
ways put grains of rice in the packets both of gold and precious
stones.? Now Dr. Livingstone mentions the same thing at the
gold diggings of Manica in East Africa, south of the Zambesi,
where the natives “ bring the dust in quills, and even put in a
few seeds of a certain plant as a charm to prevent their losing
any of it in’the way.”* The custom was probably transmitted
through the Mahometans, who form a known channel of con-
nexion between Africa and the Malay Islands, but its very ex-
istence alone would prove that there must have been a connect-
ing link somewhere.
1 Krapf, p. 67. _ ? St. John, vol. ii, p. 235. 3 Livingstone, p. 638,
SOME REMARKABLE CUSTOMS. 275
Intercourse between Asia and America in early times is not
brought to our knowledge by the direct historical information
by which, for instance, distant parts of Asia and Africa are
brought into contact; still there is indirect evidence tending
to prove Asiatic influence far in the interior of North America,
and the following may, perhaps, be held in some degree to
confirm and supplement it. Johannes de Plano Carpini, de-
scribing in 1246 the manners and customs of the Tatars, says
that one of their superstitious traditions concerns “ sticking a
knife into the fire, or in any way touching the fire with a knife,
or even taking meat out of the kettle with a knife, or cutting
near the fire with an axe; for they believe that so the head of
the fire would be cut off.””! The prohibition was no doubt con-
nected with the Asiatic fire-worship, and it seems to have long
been known in Europe, for it stands among the Pythagorean
maxims, “ip payaipa wi ocKanrevew,” “not to stir the fire
with a sword,” or, as it is given elsewhere, ovdjpe, “with
an iron.’”? In the far north-east of Asia it may be found in
the remarkable catalogue of ceremonial sins of the Kamchadals,
among whom “it is a sin to take up a burning ember with the
knife-point, and light tobacco, but it must be taken hold of
with the bare hands.” How is it possible to separate from”
these the following statement, taken out of a list of supersti-
tions of the Sioux Indians of North America? ‘They must
not stick an awl or needle-into. . .a stick of wood on the
fire. No person must chop on it with an axe or knife, or
stick an awl into it.... Neither are they allowed to take a coal
from the fire with a knife, or any other sharp instrument.’’4
The first of the four groups of customs, selected as examples
of an argument taking a yet wider range, is based upon the
idea that disease is commonly caused by bits of wood, stone,
hair, or other foreign substances, having got inside the body of
the patient. Accordingly, the malady is to be cured by the
medicine-man extracting the hurtful things, usually by sucking
1 Vincentius Beluacensis, ‘Speculum Historiale,’ 1473, book xxxii. c. vii.
2 Diog. Laert. viii. 1,17. Plut. ‘De Educatione Puerorum,’ xvii.
3 G. W. Steller, ‘ Beschreibung von dem Lande Kamitschatka ;’ Frankfort, 1774,
p- 274. 4 Schooleraft, part iii. p. 230,
t 2
276 SOME REMARKABLE CUSTOMS.
the affected part till they come out. Mr. Backhouse describes
the proceedings of a native doctress in South Africa, which will
serve as a typical case. A man was taken ill with a pain in his
side, and a Fingo witch was sent for. As she was quite naked,
except a rope round her waist, the missionary who lived in the
place declined to assist at the ceremony himself, but sent his
wife. The doctress sucked at the man’s side, and produced
some grains of Indian corn, which she said she had drawn from
inside him, and which had caused the disease. The missionary’s
wife looked in her mouth, and there was nothing there; but
when she sucked again and again, there came more grains of
corn. At last a piece of tobacco-leaf made its appearance with
the corn, and showed how the trick was done. The woman
swallowed the tobacco first to produce nausea, and then a
quantity of Indian corn, and by the help of the rope round her
waist, she was able so to control her stomach as only to pro-
duce a few grains at a time.!' In North and South America,
in Borneo, and in Australia, the same cure is part of the doc-
tor’s work, with the difference only that bones, bits of wood,
stones, lizards, fragments of knife-blades, balls of hair, and
other miscellaneous articles are produced, and that the tricks
by which he keeps up the pretence of sucking them out are
perhaps seldom so clever as the African one.” In Australia the
business is profitably worked by one sorcerer charming bits of
quartz into the victim’s body, so that another has to be sent for
to get them out.’ It has been already mentioned that in the
North of Ireland the wizards still extract elf-bolts, that is, stone
arrow-heads, from the bodies of bewitched cattle.* Southey,
who knew a great deal about savages, goes so far as to say of
this cure by sucking out extraneous objects, as practised by
the native sorcerers of Brazil, that ‘their mode of quackery
was that which is common to all savage conjurors ;”* at any
rate, its similarity in so many and distant regions is highly re-
1 Backhouse, ‘ Africa,’ p. 284.
2 Long’s Exp., vol. i. p. 261. Klemm, C. G., vol. ii. pp. 169, 335. St. John,
vol. i. pp. 62, 201. Lang, ‘ Queensland,’ p. 342. Eyre, vol. ii. p. 360.
3 Grey, Journals, vol. ii. p. 337.
4 Wilde, Cat. R. I. A., p. 19. 5 Southey, ‘ Brazil,’ vol. i. p. 288.
SOME REMARKABLE CUSTOMS. 277
markable. It is to be noticed that, in this special imposture,
we have not only the belief that a disease is caused by some
extraneous substance inside the body, but we have also this
belief turned to account in remote parts of the world by the
same knavish trick. It is hard even to see a reason for the be-
lef, and much harder to imagine the sucking-cure to have grown
independently out of it in several places.
In the civilized world, the prohibition from marrying kindred
has usually stopped short of forbidding the marriage of cousins
german. It is true that the Roman Hcclesiastical Law is, at
least in theory, very different from this. Hallam says, “ Gre-
gory I. pronounces matrimony to be unlawful as far as the
seventh degree, and even, if I understand his meaning, as
long as any relationship could be traced, which seems to have
been the maxim of -strict theologians, though not absolutely
enforced.”! But this disability may be reduced by the dis-
pensing power to the ordinary limits; and in practice the
Society of Friends go farther than the Canon Law, for they
really prohibit the marriage of first cousins. If, however, we
examine the law of marriage among certain of the middle and
lower races scattered far and wide over the world, a variety of
such prohibitions will be found, which overstep the practice,
and sometimes even approach the theory of the Roman Church.
The matter belongs properly to that interesting, but difficult
and almost unworked subject, the Comparative Jurisprudence
of the lower races, and no one not versed in Civil Law could do
it justice ; but it may be possible for me to give a rough idea of
its various modifications, as found among races widely separated
from one another in place, and, so far as we know, in history.
In India, it is unlawful for a Brahman to marry a wife whose
clan-name or gotra (literally, ‘“ cow-stall’’) is the same as his
own, a prohibition which bars marriage among relatives in the
male line indefinitely. This law appears in the Code of Manu
as applying to the three first castes, and connexions on the fe-
male side are also forbidden to marry within certain wide limits.
The Abbé Dubois, nevertheless, noticed among the Hindoos a
tendency to form marriages between families already connected
} Hallam, ‘ Middle Ages,’ ch. vii. part 1i. See Du Cange, s. v. “ generatio.”
> ges, P 8 8
278 SOME REMARKABLE CUSTOMS.
by blood; but inasmuch as, according to his account, relatives
in the male line go on calling one another brother and sister,
and do not marry, as far as relationship can be traced, were it
to the tenth generation, and the same in the female line, the
very natural wish to draw closer the family tie can only be ac-
complished by crossing the male and female line, the brother’s
child marrying the sister’s, and so on.!
The Chinese people is divided into a number of clans, each
distinguished by a name, which is borne by all its members,
and corresponds to a surname, or better to a clan-name, among
ourselves, for the wife adopts her husband’s, and the sons and
daughters inherit it. The number of these clan-names is li-
mited; Davis thinks there are not much above a hundred, but
other writers talk of three hundred, and even of a thousand.
Now, the Chinese law is that a man may not marry a woman
of his own surname, so that relationship by the male side, how-
ever distant, is an absolute bar to marriage. This stringent
prohibition of marriage between descendants of the male
branch would seem to be very old, for the Chinese refer its
origin to the mythic times of the Emperor Fu-hi, whose reign
is placed before the Hea dynasty, which began, according to
Chinese annals, in 22078.c. Fu-hi, it is related, divided the
people into 100 clans, giving each a name, “ and did not allow
a man to marry a woman of the same name, whether a relative
or not, a law which is still actually in force.’ There appear to
be also prohibitions applying within a narrower range to rela-
tion on the female side, and to certain kinds of affinity. Du
Halde says, that ‘‘ persons who are of the same family, or who
bear the same name, however distant their degree of affinity
may be, cannot marry together. Thus, the laws do not allow
two brothers to marry two sisters, nor a widower to marry his
son to the daughter of a widow whom he marries.”’?
In Siam, the seventh degree of blood-affinity is the limit
within which marriage is prohibited, with the exception that
1 Dubois, vol. i. p. 10. Manu, iii. 5. See Coleman, p. 291.
* Davis, vol. i. p. 264. Purchas, vol. iii. pp. 367, 394. Goguet, vol. iii. p.328.
Du Halde, Descr. de la Chine; The Hague, 1736, vol. ii. p.145. De Mailla,
yol.i. p. 6.
SOME REMARKABLE CUSTOMS. 279
the king may marry his sister, as among the Incas, the Lagide
dynasty, etc., and even his daughter. Among the Land
Dayaks of Borneo the marriage of first cousins is said to be
prohibited, and a fine of a jar (which represents a considerable
value) imposed on second cousins who marry.2 In Sumatra,
Marsden says that first cousins, the children of two brothers,
may not marry, while the sister’s son may marry the bro-
ther’s daughter, but not vice versa.’ In the same island, it
is stated, upon the authority of Sir Stamford Raflles, that the
Battas hold intermarriage in the same tribe to be a heinous
crime, and that they punish the delinquents after their ordi-
nary manner by cutting them up alive, and eating them grilled
or raw with salt and red pepper. It is stated distinctly that
their reason for considering such marriages as criminal is that
the man and woman had ancestors in common.‘
Among the Tatar race in Asia and Europe, similar restric-
tions are to be found. The Ostyaks hold it a sin for two per-
sons of the same family name to marry, so that a man must not
take a wife of his own tribe.6 The Tunguz do not marry se-
cond cousins; the Samoieds “ avoid all degrees of consanguinity
in marrying to such a degree, that a man never marries a girl
descended from the same family with himself, however distant
the affinity ;” and the Lapps have a similar custom. Even
among the Semitic race, who, generally speaking, rival the
Caribs in the practice of marrying “in and in,” something of
the kind is found; the tribe Rebua always marries into the
tribe Modjar, and vice versa.’
In Africa, the marriage of cousins is looked upon as illegal
in some tribes, and the practice of a man not marrying in his
own clan is found in various places. Munzinger, the Swiss
1 Bowring, vol. i. p. 185. 2 St. John, vol. i. p. 198. 3 Marsden, p. 228.
4 Letter of Raffles to Marsden, in Dr. W. Cooke Taylor, The Nat. Hist of So-
ciety, vol. i. pp. 122-6.
5 Bastian, vol. iii. p. 299.
6 Klemm, C. G., vol. iii. p. 68. Acc. of Samoiedia, in Pinkerton, vol. ii. p. 532.
Richardson, ‘ Polar Regions,’ p. 345.
7 Bastian, l.c.
8 Casalis, p. 191. Backhouse, ‘Africa,’ p. 182. Burton in Tr. Eth. Soc.,
1861, p. 321. Du Chaillu, p. 388.
280 SOME REMARKABLE CUSTOMS.
traveller in Hast Africa, suggests Christian influence as having
operated in this direction. The Beni Amer, north of Abyssinia,
follow the rules of Islam, cousins often marrying; ‘‘ the Beit
Bidel and the Allabje, on the other hand, mindful of their
Christian origin, observe blood-relationship to seven degrees.”!
In Madagascar, Ellis says that “certain ranks are not per-
mitted under any circumstances to intermarry, and affinity to
the sixth generation also forbids intermarriage, yet the prin-
cipal restrictions against intermarriages respect descendants
on the female side. Collateral branches on the male side are
permitted in most cases to intermarry, on the observance of a
slight but prescribed ceremony, which is supposed to remove
the impediment or disqualification arising out of consanguinity.’
Among the natives of Australia, prohibitory marriage laws
have been found, but they are very far from bemg uniform, and
may sometimes have been misunderstood. Sir George Grey’s
account is that the Australians, so far as he is acquainted with
them, are divided into great clans, and use the clan-name as a
sort of surname beside the individual name. Children take the
family name of the mother, and a man cannot marry a woman
of his own name, so that here it would seem that only relation-
ship by the female side is taken into account. One effect of
the division of clans in this way, is that the children of the
same father by different wives, having different names, may be
obliged to take opposite sides in a quarrel.’ Mr. Hyre’s expe-
rience in South Australia does not, however, correspond with
Sir George Grey’s in the West and North-West.‘ Collins be-
heved the custom to be for a native to steal a wife from a tribe
at enmity with his own, and to drag her, stunned with blows,
home through the woods; her relations not avenging the
affront, but taking an opportunity of retahating in kind. It
appears from Nind’s account, that in some districts the po-
pulation is divided into two clans, and a man of one clan can
only marry a woman of another.® In Hast Australia, Lang de-
scribes a curious and complex system. Through a large ex-
-! Munzinger, p. 319. 2 Ellis, ‘ Madagascar,’ vol. i, p. 164.
3 Grey, ‘ Journals,’ vol. ii. pp. 225-30. 4 Eyre, vol. ii. p. 330.
® Collins, vol. i. p. 559. Klemm C.G., vol. i. pp. 288, 319.
SOME REMARKABLE CUSTOMS. 281
-
tent of the interior, among tribes speaking different dialects,
there are four names for men, and four for women, Ippai and
Ippata, Kubbi and Kapota, Kumbo and Buta, Murri and Mata.
If we call these four sets A, B, C, D, then the rule is that a
man or woman of the tribe A must marry into B, and a mem-
ber of the tribe C into D, and vice versa, but the child whose
father is A, takes the name of D, and so on; A’s=D; B’s=C;
C’s=B; D’s=A; and the mother’s name answers equally well
to give the name of the child, if the mother is of the tribe B,
her child will belong to the tribe D, and so on.
This ingenious arrangement, it will be seen, has much the
same effect as the Hindoo regulations in preventing inter-
marriage in the male or female line, but allowing the male and
female line to cross; the children of two brothers or two sis-
ters cannot marry, but the brother’s child may marry the
sister’s. Lang, however, mentions a further regulation, pro-
bably made to meet some incidental circumstances, as, so far
as it goes, it stultifies the whole system; A may also marry
into his or-her own tribe, and the children take the name of C.!
In America, the custom of marrying out of the clan is fre-
quent and well marked. More than twenty years ago, Sir
George Grey called attention to the division of the Australians
into families, each distinguished by the name of some animal
or vegetable, which served as their crest or kobong ; the prac-
tice of reckoning clanship from the mother ; and the prohibition
of marriage within the clan, as all bearmg a striking resem-
blance to similar usages found among the natives of North
America. The Indian tribes are usually divided into clans, each
distinguished by a totem (Algonquin, do-daim, that is “ town-
mark”), which is commonly some auimal, as a bear, wolf, deer,
etc., and may be compared on the one hand to a crest, and on
the other to a surname. The totem appears to be held as
proof of descent from a common ancestor, and therefore the
prohibition from marriage of two persons of the same totem
must act as a bar on the side the totem descends on, which
is generally, if not always, on the female side. Such a prohi-
bition is often mentioned by writers on the North American
1 Lang, p. 367.
282 SOME REMARKABLE CUSTOMS.
Indians.'| Morgan’s account of the Iroquois’ rules is particu-
larly remarkable. The father and child can never be of the
same clan, descent going in all cases by the female line. Hach
nation had eight tribes, in two sets of four each.
1. Wolf, Bear, Beaver, Turtle.
2. Deer, Snipe, Heron, Hawk.
Originally a Wolf might not marry a Bear, Beaver, or Turtle,
reckoning himself their brother, but he might marry into the
second set, Deer, etc., whom he considered his cousins, and so
on with the rest. But in later times a man is allowed to marry
into any tribe but his own.? A recent account from North-
West America describes the custom among the Indians of
Nootka Sound ; ‘fa Whale, therefore, may not marry a Whale,
nor a Frog a Frog. A child, again, always takes the crest of
the mother, so that if the mother be a Wolf, all her children will
be Wolves. As arule, also, descent is traced from the mother,
not from the father.’
The analogy of the North American Indian custom is there-
fore with that of the Australians in making clanship on the
female side a bar to marriage, but if we go down further south
into Central America, the reverse custom, as in China, makes
its appearance. Diego de Landa says of the people of Yucatan,
that no one took a wife of his name, on the father’s side, for
this was a very vile thing among them; but they might marry
cousins german on the mother’s side. Further south, below
the Isthmus, both the clanship and the prohibition reappear on
the female side. Bernau says that among the Arrawaks of
British Guiana, “ Caste is derived from the mother, and chil-
dren are allowed to marry into their father’s family, but not
into that of their mother.”* Lastly, Father Martin Dobriz-
hoffer says that the Guaranis avoided, as highly criminal, mar-
riage with the most distant relatives, and, speaking of the
Abipones, he makes the following statement :—~ Though the
paternal indulgence of the Roman Pontiffs makes the first and
1 Grey, l.c. Schooleraft, part i. p.52; part ii. p. 49. Loskiel, p. 72. Talbot,
Disc. of Lederer, p. 4.
2 L. H. Morgan, p. 79. 3 Mayne, Brit. Columbia, p. 257.
4 Landa, p. 140. 5 Bernau, p. 29.
SOME REMARKABLE CUSTOMS. 283
second degrees of relationship alone a bar to the marriage of
the Indians, yet the Abipones, instructed by nature and the
example of their ancestors, abhor the very thought of marrying
any one related to them by the most distant tie of relationship.
Long experience has convinced me, that the respect to con-
sanguinity, by which they are deterred from marrying into
their own families, is implanted by nature in the minds of most
of the people of Paraguay,” etc.!
It is likely that experience of the evils of marrying near re-
latives may be the main ground of this series of restrictions in
different parts of the world. Professor Lazarus, whose opinion
I asked about the matter, expressed this view, with the just
remarks that the observation and reasoning of savages are
often very accurate in practical matters requiring no instrument
for their observation, and that ‘old people with a personal ex-
perience ranging through five or six generations would have a
fair ground for judging on such a question. If this physiolo-
gical objection, often exaggerated beyond reasonable limits, be
the principal basis of the series of restrictions, their various,
anomalous, and inconsistent forms may be connected with in-
terfering causes, and this one in particular, that the especial
means of tracing kindred is by a system of surnames, clan-
names, totems, etc. But this system is necessarily one-sided,
and though it will keep up the record of descent either on the
male or female side perfectly and for ever, it cannot record
both at once. In practice, the races of the world who keep
such a record at all have had to elect which of the two lines,
male or female, they will keep up by the family name or sign,
while the other line, having no such easy means of record, is
more or less neglected, and soon falls out of sight. Under
these circumstances, it would be quite natural that the sign
should come to be considered rather than the reality, the name
rather than the relationship it records, and that a series of one-
sided restrictions should come into force, now bearing upon the
male side rather than the female, and now upon the female side
rather than the male, roughly matching the one-sided way in
1 Dobrizhoffer, vol. i. p. 63; vol. ii. p. 212. See Gumilla, Hist. Nat., etc., de
VOrenoque ; Avignon, 1758, vol. iii. p. 269.
284 SOME REMARKABLE CUSTOMS.
which the record of kindred is kept up. In any full discus-
sion, other points would have to be considered, such as the
wish to bind different tribes together in friendship by inter-
marriage, and the opinion that a wife is a slave to be stolen
from the stranger, not taken from a man’s own people. There
is a good deal in this last consideration, as we may see by the
practice of the Spartan marriage, in which, though the bride’s
guardians had really sanctioned the union, the pretence of
carrying her off by force was kept up as a time-honoured cere-
mony. The Spartan marriage is no isolated custom, it is to be
found among the Circassians,'! and in South America.? Wil-
hams says that on the large islands of the Fiji group, the
custom is often found of seizing upon a woman by apparent or
actual force, in order to make her a wife. If she does not ath
prove the proceeding, she runs off when she reaches the man’s
house, but if she is satisfied, she stays. In these cases the
abduction is a mere pretence, but it is kept up seemingly as a
relic of a ruder time when, as among the modern Australians,
it was done by no means as a matter of form, but in grim
earnest.
Lastly, restrictions from marriage are occasionally found
applied to cases where the relationship is more or less imagi-
nary, as in ancient Rome, where adoption had in some measure
the effect of consanguinity in barring marriage ; or among the
Moslems, where relation to a foster- family operates more fully
in the same way ; or in the Roman Church, where sponsorship
creates a restriction from marriage, even among the co-spon-
sors, which it requires a dispensation to remove. Again, two
members of a Circassian brotherhood, though no relationship
is to be traced between them, may not marry,‘and even among
the savage Tupinambas of Brazil, two men who adopted one
another as brothers were prohibited from marrying each other’s:
sisters and daughters.» But such practices as these may rea-
sonably be set down as mere consequences of the transfer
both of the rights and the obligations of consanguinity to
? Klemm, C. G., vol. iv. p. 26. 2 Wallace, p. 497. See Perty, p. 270,
3 Williams, vol. i. p. 174. 4 Klemm, C., G., vol. iv. p, 24.
® Southey, vol. i. p. 250,
SOME REMARKABLE CUSTOMS. 285
other kinds of connexion, and so do not touch the general
question.
To consider now the third group of customs, it is natural
enough that there should be found even among savage tribes
rules concerning respect, authority, precedence, and so forth,
between fathers- and mothers-in-law and their sons- and
daughters-in-law. But with these there are found, in the most
distant regions of the world, regulations which to a great ex-
tent coincide, but which le so far out of the ordinary course of
social life as understood by the civilized world, that it is hard
even to guess what state of things can have brought them into
existence.
Among the Arawaks of South America, it was not lawful for
the son-in-law to see the face of his mother-in-law. If they
lived in the same house, a partition must be set up between
them. If they went in the same boat, she had to get in first,
so as to keep her back turned towards him. Among the Ca-
ribs, Rochefort says, ‘ all the women talk with whom they will,
but the husband dares not converse with his wife’s relatives,
except on extraordinary occasions.”! Further north, in the
account of the Floridan expedition of Alvar Nufez, commonly
known as Cabecga de Vaca, or Cow’s Head, it is mentioned that
the parents-in-law did not enter the son-in-law’s house, nor he
theirs, nor his brothers’-in-law, and if they met by chance,
they went a bowshot out of their way, with their heads down
and eyes fixed on the ground, for they held it a bad thing to
see or speak to one another ; but the women were free to com-
municate and converse with their parents-in-law and relatives.”
Higher up on the North American continent, customs of this
kind have often been described. In the account of Major
Long’s Expedition to the Rocky Mountains, it is observed that
among the Omahas the father- and mother-in-law do not speak
to their son-in-law, nor mention his name, nor look in his face,
and vice versa. Among the Sioux or Dacotas, Mr. Philander
1 Klemm, C. G., vol. ii. p. 77. Rochefort, Hist. Nat., etc., des Iles Antilles ;
Rotterdam, 1665, p. 545. j
Alvar Nuiiez, in yol.i. of ‘ Historiadores Primitivos de Indias ;? Madrid, 1852,
ete., chap. xxv. 3 Long’s Exp., vol. i. p. 253.
286 SOME REMARKABLE CUSTOMS.
Prescott remarks on the fear of uttering certain names. The
father- or mother-in-law must not call their son-in-law by
name, and vice versd, and there are other relationships to
which the prohibition applies. He has known an infringement
of it punished by cutting the offender’s clothes off his back
and throwing them away. Harmon says that among the In-
dians east of the Rocky Mountains, it is indecent for the father-
or mother-in-law to look at, or speak to, the son- or daughter-
in-law.? Among the Crees, it is observed by Richardson that
while an Indian lives with his wife’s family his mother-in-law
must not speak to or look at him, and it is also an old custom
for a man not to eat or to sit down in the presence of his
father-in-law.
In some parts of Australia, the names of a father- or mother-
in-law and of a son-in-law are set down among the personal
names which must not be spoken,‘ and in the Fiji Islands pro-
hibition of speech between parents-in-law and children-in-law
has been recorded.* Among the Dayaks of Borneo, a man
must not pronounce the name of his father-in-law, which cus-
tom Mr. St.John, who mentions it, interprets as a sign of re-
spect. On the continent of Asia, among the Mongols and
Calmucks, the young wife may not speak to her father-in-law
nor sit in his presence,’ but farther north, among the Yakuts,
Adolph Erman noticed a much more peculiar custom. As in
other northern regions, the custom of wearing but little cloth-
ing in the hot, stiflmg interior of the huts is common there,
and the women often go about their domestic work stripped to
the waist, nor do they object to do so in the presence of stran-
gers, but there are two persons before whom a Yakut woman
must not appear in this guise, her father-in-law, and her hus-
band’s elder brother. In Africa, among the Beni Amer, the
wife “ hides herself, as does the husband also, from the mother-
in-law ;” while among the Barea the wife “ hides -herself from
1 Schoolcraft, part ii. p. 196. 2 Harmon, p. 341.
* Franklin, ‘ Journey to the Shores of the Polar Sea ;? London, 1823, pp. 70-1.
4 Hyre, vol. ii. p. 339. 5 Williams, vol. i. p. 136.
§ St. John, vol. i. p. 51. 7 Klemm, OC. G., vol. iii. p. 169.
8 Erman, E. Tr. vol. ii. p. 420.
SOME REMARKABLE CUSTOMS. 287
her father-in-law, according to custom, which herein agrees
with that of the aristocratic peoples.”! The Basuto custom
forbids a wife to look in the face of her father-in-law till the
birth of her first child,* and among the Banyai a man must sit
with his knees bent in presence of his mother-in-law, and must
not put out his feet towards her.3
Of this curious series of customs, I have met with no inter-
pretation which can be put forward with confidence. Their
object seems to be in general the avoidance of intercourse or
connexion between parents-in-law and children-in-law, some-
times to such an extent that one person may not look at the
other, or even pronounce his or her name. But the reasons
for this avoidance are not clear.4 It is possible that a fuller
study of the law of tabu may throw some light on the matter.
The extraordinary summary of Fijian customs given by the
Rev. Thomas Williams, may be here quoted in full; it is pro-
bably to be understood as taking in occasional or local prac-
tices. ‘“‘ A free flow of the affections between:members of the
same family is further prevented by the strict observance of
national or religious customs, imposing a most unnatural re-
straint. Brothers and sisters, first cousins, fathers- and sons-
in-law, mothers- and daughters-in-law, and brothers- and sis-
ters-in-law, are thus severally forbidden to speak to each
other, or to eat from the same dish. The latter embargo ex-
tends to husbands and wives,—an arrangement not likely to
foster domestic joy.” Elsewhere the same author says, “in
some parts, the father may not speak to his son after his fif-
teenth year.’”* i
The fourth and last group of customs has long been under
notice, and lists have even been made of countries where prac-
tices belonging to it have been found.’ One of these prac-
1 Munzinger, pp. 325, 526. 2 Casalis, p. 201. 3 Livingstone, p. 622.
* See St. John, Harmon, and Franklin, docis citatis. Prof. Lazarus pertinently
suggests exaggeration of ordinary restrictions, and excessive reaction against the
patria potestas.
5 Williams, ‘ Fiji,’ vol. i. pp. 136, 166. See Mariner, vol. ii. p. 147.
6 M‘Culloh, Researches ; Baltimore, 1829, p. 99. Waitz, Anthropology, vol. i.
p- 257. Humboldt & Bonpland, K. Tr., vol. vi. p. 333, Lazfitau, vol. i. p. 49.
288 SOME REMARKABLE CUSTOMS.
tices has an existing Huropean name, the cowvade, or “ hatch-
ing,” and this term it may be convenient to use for the whole
set. By working up the old information with the aid of some
new facts, I have endeavoured to give an account, not only of
the geographical distribution of the couvade, but of its na-
ture and meaning. The most convenient way of discussing
it is first to examine the forms it takes in South America and
the West Indies, the district where it is not only developed to
the highest degree, but is also practised with a clear notion of
what it means ; and afterwards to trace its more scattered and
obscure appearances in other quarters of the world.
The following account is given by Du Tertre of the Carib
couvade in the West Indies. When a child is born, the mother
goes presently to her work, but the father begins to complain,
and takes to his hammock, and there he is visited as though
he were sick, and undergoes a course of dieting which would
cure of the gout “the most replete of Frenchmen. How they
can fast so much and not die of it,’ continues the narrator,
‘is amazing to me, for they sometimes pass the five first days
without eating or drinking anything; then up to the tenth
they drink oviycou, which has about as much nourishment in it
as beer. These ten days passed, they begin to eat cassava only,
drinking oviycou, and abstaining from everything else for the
space of a whole month. During this time, however, they
only eat the inside of the cassava, so that what is left is like
the rim of a hat when the block has been taken out, and all
these cassava rims they keep for the feast at the end of forty
days, hanging them up in the house with a cord. When the
forty days are up they invite their relations and best friends,
who being arrived, before they set to eating, hack the skin of
this poor wretch with agouti-teeth, and draw blood from all
parts of his body, in such sort that from being sick by pure
imagination they often make a real patient of him. This is,
however, so to speak, only the fish, for now comes the sauce
they prepare for him; they take sixty or eighty large grains
of pimento or Indian pepper, the strongest they can get, and
after well mashing it in water, they wash with this peppery
infusion the wounds and scars of the poor fellow, who I be-
SOME REMARKABLE CUSTOMS. 289
lieve suffers no less than if he were burnt alive ; however, he
must not utter a single word if he will not pass for a coward
_ anda wretch. This ceremony finished, they bring him back
to his bed, where he remains some days more, and the rest go
and make good cheer in the house at his expense. Nor is this
all, for through the space of six whole months he eats neither
birds nor fish, firmly believing that this would injure the child’s
stomach, and that it would participate in the natural faults of
the animals on which its father had fed; for example, if the
father ate turtle, the child would be deaf and have no brains
like this animal, if he ate manati, the child would have little
_round eyes like this creature, and so on with the rest.””!
The Abate Guilij, after mentioning the wide prevalence of
the fasting of the father on the birth of the child, among the
tribes of the east side of South America, goes on as follows :—
“But I know not if the cause is equally well known, why the
Indians fast in such manner. I in the very beginning of my
stay among them had the opportunity of discovering it, and
this was how it happened. A fortified house having to be
built for the soldiers to live in, as was usual for the defence
not of the missionaries alone, but also of the reduced Indians,
the Tamanacs, they being still gentiles, were summoned by
the corporal Ermengildo Leale to work at it, and it was noticed
that a certain Maracajuri, when the work was done, went away
fasting, without even tasting a mouthful. ‘What, has he no
appetite?’ asked Leale in surprise. ‘To be sure he has,’ re-
joined the other Indians, ‘ but his wife has had a child to-day,
‘so he must not make use of these victuals, for the little boy
would die.’ ‘But when our wives are brought to bed,’ said
the corporal, ‘we eat more abundantly and more joyously than
usual, and our children do not die of it.’ ‘ But you are Span-
iards,’ the fools replied, ‘and if your eating does no harm to
your babies, you may be sure, nevertheless, that it is most
hurtful to ours.’ It may be easily imagined what laughter
1 Du Tertre, Hist. Gén. des Antilles habitées par les Francais ; Paris, 1667,
vol. ii. p. 371, etc. See Rochefort, Hist. Nat. et Mor. des Iles des Antilles ; -Rot-
terdam, 1665, 2nd ed. p. 550. It seems from his account that the very severe
fasting was only for the first child, that for the others being slight.
U
290 SOME REMARKABLE CUSTOMS.
there was at this absurd notion. ‘ But not only the father’s
food,’ the Tamanacs went on to say, ‘ but even killing fish or
any other animal on such days, would do harm to the children.’ .
When I knew of this nonsense, I set myself to work to seek
out the motive of it, and taking aside one of the most reason-
able of the savages: ‘tell me, I said, ‘as the Spaniards do
not fast at the birth of their children, for what reason do you
fast at such a joyful moment?’ ‘The child is ours, and pro-
ceeds from us,’ replied the savage, ‘and the cooked food used
by grown folks, which is profitable for us at other times, would
now do the little children harm, if we ate it.’ So I observed
a sort of identity which he supposed to exist between father
and son,” etc. The missionary goes on to relate how he cured
the Indian of the delusion, by showing that to give him a
thrashing would have no effect on his child.
Among the Arawaks of Surinam, for some time after the
birth of his child, the father must fell no tree, fire no gun, hunt
no large game; he may stay near home, shoot little birds with
a bow and arrow, and angle for little fish ; but his time hang-
ing heavy on his hands, the most comfortable thing he can do
is to lounge in his hammock.’ Of the couvade among the
fierce equestrian tribe of the Abipones, whose home lay south
of the centre of the continent, the Jesuit missionary Dobriz-
hoffer gives a full account. ‘‘ No sooner do you hear that the
wife has borne a child, than you will see the Abipone husband
lying in bed, huddled up with mats and skins lest some ruder
breath of air should touch him, fasting, kept in private, and
for a number of days abstaining religiously from certain viands ;
you would swear it was he who had had the child. ... I had
read about this in old times, and laughed at it, never thinking
I could believe such madness, and I used to suspect that this
barbarian custom was related more in jest than in earnest; but
at last I saw it with my own eyes in use among the Abipones.
And in truth they observe this ancestral custom, troublesome
as it is, the more willingly and diligently from their being
altogether persuaded that the sobriety and quiet of the fathers
1 Gilij, ‘Saggio di Storia Americana,’ vol. ii. p. 133, ete.
? Quandt, in Klemm, C. G., vol. ii. p. 83.
SOME REMARKABLE CUSTOMS, 291
is effectual for the well-being of the new-born offspring, and is
even necessary. Hear, I pray, a confirmation of this matter.
Francisco Barreda, Deputy of the Royal Governor of Tucu-
man, came to visit the new colony of Conceicam in the terri-
tory of Santiago. To him, as he was walking with me in the
courtyard, the Cacique Malakin came up to pay his respects,
haying just left his bed, to which he had been confined in con-
sequence of his wife’s recent delivery. As I stood by, Bar-
reda offered the Cacique a pinch of Spanish snuff, but seeing
the savage refuse it contrary to custom, he thought he must be
out of his mind, for he knew him at other times to be greedy
of this nasal delicacy; so he asked me aside to inquire the
cause of his abstinence. I asked him in the Abiponian tongue
(for this Barreda was ignorant of, as the Cacique was of
Spanish), why he refused his snuff to-day? ‘Don’t you
know ?’ he answered, ‘ that my wife has just been confined?
Must not I therefore abstain from stimulating my nostrils?
_ What a danger my sneezing would bring upon my child!’
No more, but he went back to his hut to lie down again di-
rectly, lest the tender little infant should take some harm if he
stayed any longer with us in the open air. For they believe
that the father’s carelessness influences the new-born offspring,
from a natural bond and sympathy of both. Hence if the child
comes to a premature end, its death is attributed by the women
to the father’s intemperance, this or that cause being assigned ;
he did not abstain from mead; he had loaded his stomach with
water-hog; he had swum across the river when the air was
chilly ; he had neglected to shave off his long eyebrows; he
had devoured underground honey, stamping on the bees with
his feet ; he had ridden till he was tired and sweated. With
raving like this the crowd of women accuse the father with
impunity of causing the child’s death, and are accustomed to
pour curses on the unoffending husband.”}
We have laid open to us in these accounts a notably distinct
Dobrizhoffer, ‘ Historia de Abiponibus;’ Vienna, 1784, vol. ii. p. 231, ete.
For other South American accounts of the couvade, see Biet, Voy. de la France
Equinox., p. 389. Fermin, Descr. de Surinam ; Amsterdam, 1769, p. 81. Tschudi,
‘Peru,’ vol. ii. p. 235. Purchas, yol. iv. p. 1291. Spix & Martius, pp. 1186, 1339.
v2
292 SOME REMARKABLE CUSTOMS.
view, among the lower races, of a mental state hard to trace
among those high in the scale of civilization. The Couvade im-
plicitly denies that physical separation of “individuals,” which
a civilized man would probably set down as a first principle,
common by nature to all mankind, till experience of the psy-
chology of the savage showed him that he was mistaking edu-
cation for intuition. It shows us a number of distinct and dis-
tant tribes deliberately holding the opinion that the connexion
between father and child is not only, as we think, a mere rela-
tion of parentage, affection, duty, but that their very bodies
are joined by a physical bond, so that what is done to the one
acts directly upon the other. The couvade is not the only re-
sult of the opinion which thus repudiates the physical severance
that seems to come so natural to us; and this opinion again
belongs, like Sorcery and Divination, to the mental state m
which man does not separate the subjective mental connexion
from the objective physical connexion, the connexion which is
inside his mind from the connexion which is outside it, in the
same way in which most educated men of the higher races
make this separation. A few more cases will further illus-
trate the effects of such a condition of mind. Not only is it
held that the actions of the father, and the food that he eats,
influence his child both before and after its birth, but that the
actions and food of survivors affect the spirits of the dead on
their journey to their home in the after hfe. Among the
Land Dayaks of Borneo, the husband, before the birth of his
child, may do no work with a sharp instrument except what is
necessary for the farm; nor may he fire guns, nor strike ani-
mals, nor do any violent work, lest bad influences should affect
the child; and after it is born the father is kept in seclusion
indoors for several days, and dieted on rice and salt, to pre-
vent not his own but the child’s stomach from swelling.! In
Kamchatka, the husband must not do such things as bend
sledge-staves across his knee before his child is born, for such
actions do harm to his wife.2_ In Greenland, beside the strict
1 St. John, vol. i. p. 160. Tr. Eth. Soc., 1863, p. 233. Compare the eight days’
fast in Madagascar of the fathers whose children were to be circumcised. Voy. of
Frangois Cauche, p. 51, in Rel. de Madagascar, etc.; Paris, 1651.
* Klemm, C. G., vol. ii. p. 207. Steller, ‘ Kamtschatka,’ p. 351.
. OO23R+ ore
SOME REMARKABLE CUSTOMS. 293
regulations imposed upon women after the birth of a child, the
husband must for some weeks do no work and follow no occu-
pation, except the procuring of necessary food, and this in
order that the child may not die. When a Greenlander dies,
his soul starts to travel into the land of Torngarsuk, where
reigns perpetual summer, all sunshine and no night, where
there is good water, and birds, fish, seals, and reindeer without
end, that are to be caught without trouble, or are found cook-
ing alive in a huge kettle. But the journey to this blessed
land is difficult, the souls have to slide five days or more down
a precipice all stained with the blood of those who have gone
down before. And it is especially grievous for the poor souls
when the journey must be made in winter or in tempest, for
then a soul may come to harm, and suffer the other death, as
they call it, when it perishes utterly, and nothing is left. And
this is to them the most wretched fate ; and therefore the survi-
vors, for these five days or more, must-abstain from certain food,
and all noisy work except their necessary fishing, that the soul
on its dangerous journey may not be disturbed or come to harm.!
But perhaps no story on record so clearly shows how deeply
the idea of these imaginary ties is rooted in the savage mind,
as one told by Mr. Wallace in his South American tour :—
*« An Indian, who was one of my hunters, caught a fine cock of
the rock, and gave it to his wife to feed; but the poor woman
was obliged to live herself on cassava-bread and fruits, and
abstain entirely from all animal food, pepper, and salt, which
it was believed would cause the bird to die.” The bird died
after all, and the woman was beaten by her husband for having
killed it by some violation of the rule of abstinence.’
But the explanation of the practices of the couvade, from
the confusion of imaginary and real relations, sound as it may
be so far it goes, is mcomplete. They almost all involve giving
over the parentage to the father, and leaving the mother out
of the question.*? This was an ancient Egyptian opinion, as
Southey points out when mentioning its most startling deve-
1 Cranz, pp. 275, 258.
2 Wallace, p, 502. For other connected practices, see Id. p. 501. Spix and
Martius, p. 381. 3 But see Spix and Martius, p. 1186.
294 SOME REMARKABLE CUSTOMS.
lopment in the practice of the Tupinambas of Brazil, who would
give their own women as wives to their male captives, and
then, without scruple, eat the children when they grew up,
holding them simply to be of the flesh and blood of their ene-
mies. It is strange that writers who have spoken of the cou-
vade during the half-century since Southey wrote, and have
even quoted him, should have so neglected the contribution he
made to the psychology of the lower races in bringing forward
as the source of this remarkable practice at once the Egyptian
and American theory of parentage, and the belief in bodily
union between father and child.!
To trace now the geographical distribution of the couvade in
other parts of the world. The fasting observed in South Ame-
rica and the West Indies seems to extend no further; repose,
careful nursing, and nourishing food being the treatment usual
for the imaginary invalid. Venegas mentions this kind of
couvade among the Indians of California ;? Zucchelli, in West
Africa ;*> Captain Van der Hart, in Bouro, in the Eastern Archi-
pelago.* The country of Eastern Asia where Marco Polo
met with the practice of the couvade in the thirteenth century,
appears to be the Chinese province of West Yunnan,* so that
the widow’s remark to Sir Hudibras is true in a geographical
sense,—
“ For though Chineses go to bed,
And lie-in in their ladies’ stead.”
But it does not at all follow from this that the couvade was prac-
tised among the race ethnologically known to us as the Chinese.
The people among whom Marco Polo found it were probably
one of the distinct and less cultured races within the vast Chi-
nese frontier, for it has been noticed among the mountain tribes
known as the Miau-tsze, or ‘‘ Children of the soil,’ who differ
from the Chinese proper in body, language, and civilization,
and are supposed to be, like the Sontals and Gonds of India,
} Southey, vol. i. pp. 227, 248. Compare Spix and Martius, p. 1339.
2 Venegas, vol. i. p. 94. 3 Zucchelli, p. 165.
* C. v. der Hart, ‘Reize rondom het eiland Celebes ;* Sgravenhage, 1853, p. 137.
° Marco Polo, Latin ed., 1671, lib. ii. c. xli. Marsden’s Tr.; London, 1818,
p. 434.
SOME REMARKABLE CUSTOMS. 295
remnants of a race driven into the mountains by the present
dwellers in the plains. A Chinese traveller among the Miau-
tsze, giving an account of their manners and customs, notices,
as though the idea were quite strange to him, that “In one
tribe it is the custom for the father of a new-born child, as
soon as its mother has become strong enough to leave her
couch, to get into bed himself, and there receive the congra-
tulations of his acquaintances, as he exhibits his offspring.’
Another Asiatic people recorded to have practised the cou-
vade are the Tibareni of Pontus, at the south of the Black
Sea, among whom, when the child was born, the father lay
groaning in bed with his head tied up, while the mother
tended him with food, and prepared his baths.? In Europe,
the couvade may be traced up from ancient into modern
times in the neighbourhood of the Pyrenees. Above eighteen
hundred years ago, Strabo mentions the story that among
the Iberians of the North of Spain the women, “ after the
birth of a child, tend their husbands, putting them to bed
instead of going themselves ;”? and this account is confirmed
by the existence of the practice among the modern Basques.
“In Biscay,” says Michel, “ in vallies whose population recalls
in its usages the infancy of society, the women rise immediately
after child-birth, and attend to the duties of the household,
while the husband goes to bed, taking the baby with him, and
thus receives the neighbours’ compliments.”* It has been
found also in Navarre,® and on the French side of the Pyrenees.
Legrand d’Aussy mentions that in an old French fabliau the
King of Torelore is “ au lit et en couche” when Aucassin arrives
and takes a stick to him, and makes him promise to abolish
the custom in his realm. And the same author goes on to
1 W. Lockhart, in Tr. Eth. Soc. 1861, p. 181. , Rochefort (p. 550) sets down
the Japanese as practising the couvade; and the same bare mention appears in
later writers, who, perhaps, merely followed him. Is his statement based on
proper evidence, or simply a mistake ?
2 Apoll. Rhod. Argonautica, ii. 1009. C. Val. Flace. Argon., v. 148.
3 Strabo, iii. 4, 17.
4 Michel, ‘Le Pays Basque;’ Paris, 1857, p. 201. A. de Quatrefages, in Rev
des Deux Mondes, 1850, vol. v.
5 Laborde, ‘Itinéraire de Espagne ;’ Paris, 1834, vol. i. p. 273.
296 SOME REMARKABLE CUSTOMS.
say that the practice is said still to exist in some cantons of
Béarn, where it is called faire la cowvade.! Lastly, Diodorus
Siculus notices the same habit of the wife being neglected, and
the husband put to bed and treated as the patient, among the
natives of Corsica about the beginning of the Christian era.”
The ethnological value of the four groups of customs now
described is not to be weighed with much nicety. The pro-
hibitions of marriage among distant kindred go for least in
proving connexion by blood or intercourse between the dis-
tant races who practise them, as it 1s easy to suppose them to
have grown up again and again from like grounds. But it is
hard to suppose that the curiously similar restrictions in the
intercourse between parents-in-law and their children-in-law
can be of independent growth in each of the remote districts
where they prevail, and still more difficult to suppose the
quaint trick of the cure by the pretended extraction of objects
from the patient’s body to have made its appearance indepen-
dently in Africa, in America, in Australia, in Europe. In such
cases as these there is considerable force in the’supposition of
there being often, if not always, a historical connexion be-
tween their origin in different regions. Thus, the isolated
occurrences of a custom among particular races surrounded ~
by other races who ignore it, may be sometimes to the eth-
nologist like those outlying patches of strata from which the
geologist infers that the formation they belong to once spread
over intervening districts, from which it has been removed by
denudation; or like the geographical distribution of plants,
from which the botanist argues that they have travelled from
a distant home. The way in which the couvade appears in the
New and Old Worlds is especially interesting from this point
of view. Among the savage tribes of South America it is, as
it were, at home in a mental atmosphere at least not so dif-
ferent from that in which it came into being as to make it a
mere meaningless, absurd superstition. If the culture of the
1! Legrand d’ Aussy, ‘ Fabliaux du xi1° et x111° Siécle, 3rd ed.; Paris, 1829, vol. iii.
“‘ Aucassin et Nicolette.” Rochefort, 1. c. [Faire la couvade, to sit cowring, or
skowking within doors; to lurke in the campe when Gallants are at the Battell;
(any way) to play least in sight (Cotgrayve).] 2 Diod. Sic., v. 14.
SOME REMARKABLE CUSTOMS. 297
Caribs and Brazilians, even before they came under our know-
ledge, had advanced too far to allow the couvade to grow up
fresh among them, they at least practised it with some con-
sciousness of its meaning; it had not fallen out of unison with
their mental state. Here, then, we find covering a vast com-
pact area of country, the mental stratum, so to speak, to which
the couvade most nearly belongs. But if we look at its ap-
pearances across from China to Corsica, the state of things is
widely different ; no theory of its origin can be drawn from the
Asiatic and European accounts to compete for a moment with.
that which flows naturally from the observations of the mis-
sionaries, who found it not a mere dead custom, but a live
growth of savage psychology. The peoples, too, who have
kept it up in Asia and Europe seem to have been not the great
progressive, spreading, conquering, civilizing nations of the
Aryan, Semitic, and Chinese stocks. It cannot be ascribed
even to the Tatars, for the Lapps, Finns, and Hungarians
appear to know nothing of it. It would seem rather to have
belonged to that ruder population, or series of populations,
whose fate it has been to be driven by the great races out of
’ their fruitful lands, to take refuge in mountains and deserts.
The retainers of the couvade in Asia are the Miau-tsze of China,
and the savage Tibareni of Pontus. In Europe, they are the
Basque race of the Pyrenees, whose peculiar manners, appear-
ance, and language, coupled with their geographical position,
favour the view that they are the remains of a people driven
westward and westward by the pressure of more powerful
tribes, till they came to these last mountains with nothing but
the Atlantic beyond. Of what stock were the original barba-
rian inhabitants of Corsica, we do not know; but their posi-
tion, and the fact that they, too, had the couvade, would sug-
gest their having been a branch of the same family, who es-
caped their persecutors by putting out to sea, and settling in
their mountainous island.
298
CHAPTER XI.
HISTORICAL TRADITIONS AND MYTHS OF OBSERVATION.
Tue traditions current among mankind are partly historical
and partly mythical. To the ethnologist they are of value in
two very different ways, sometimes as preserving the memory
of past events, sometimes as showing by their occurrence in
different districts of the world that between the inhabitants of
these districts there has been in some way a historical con-
nexion. His great difficulty in dealing with them is to sepa-
rate the fact and the fiction, which are both so valuable in their
different ways; and this difficulty is aggravated by the circum-
stance that these two elements are often mixed up in a most
complex manner, myths presenting themselves in the dress
of historical narrative, and historical facts growing into the
wildest myths.
Between the traditions of real events, which are History,
and the pure myths, whose origin and development are being
brought more and more clearly into view in our own times
by the labours of Adalbert Kuhn and Max Muller, and their
school, there lie a mass of stories which may be called “‘ Myths
of Observation.” They are inferences from observed facts,
which take the form of positive assertions, and they differ
principally from the inductions of modern science in being
much more generally crude and erroneous, and in taking to
themselves names of persons, and more or less of purely sub-
jective detail, which enables them to assume the appearance
HISTORICAL TRADITIONS AND MYTHS OF OBSERVATION. 299
of real history. When a savage builds upon the discovery of
great bones buried in the earth a story of a combat of the
giants and monsters whose remains they are, he constructs a
Myth of Observation which may shape itself into the form of
a historical tradition, and be all the more puzzling for the por-
tion of scientific truth which it really contains. The object of
the present chapter is to collect a quantity of evidence, bearing
on the problem how to separate Historical Traditions and Myths
of Observation from pure Myths, and from one another.
Though it may not be possible to lay down any general
canon of criticism by which the historical and mythical ele-
ments of tradition may be separated, it is to some extent pos-
sible to judge by internal evidence whether or not a particular
legend or episode has a claim to be considered as history. It
happens sometimes that a legend contains statements which
are hardly likely to have come into the minds of the original
narrators of the story, except by actual experience. The Chi-
nese legend which tells us the name of the ancient sage who
taught his people to make fire by the friction of wood cannot
be taken as it stands for real history, seeing that so many na-
tions ascribe this and other arts to mythic heroes, yet it em-
bodies a recollection of a time when this was the ordinary way
of producing fire. So, when the same people tell us that they
once used knotted cords like the Peruvian quipus, as records
of events, and that the art of writing superseded this ruder ex-
pedient, we are in no way called upon to receive the names and
dates of the inventors to whom they ascribe these arts; but, at
the same time, it is hard to imagine what could have put such
an idea into their heads, unless there had been a foundation of
fact for the story, in the actual use of quipus in the country
before writing became general.
In the traditions which the Polynesians have preserved of
their migrations in past times, it is likely that some historic
truth may be preserved, and with their help, aided by a closer
study of the languages and myths of the district, it may be
some day possible for ethnologists to sketch out, at least
roughly, the history of the race for ages before the European
discovery. Much of the historical value of the South Sea tra-
800 HISTORICAL TRADITIONS AND MYTHS OF OBSERVATION.
ditions is due to their being commonly preserved in verses
kept alive by frequent repetition, and in which even small
events are placed on record with an accuracy and permanence
that yields only to written history. Thus a question that arose
when Ellis was in Tahiti, about a certain buoy that was stolen
from the ‘ Bounty’ nearly thirty years before, was settled at
once by a couple of lines from a native song.
““O mea eid e Tareu eid
Hia te poito a Bligh.”
** Such a one a thief, and Tareu a thief,
Stole the buoy of Bligh.”
Among the mass of Central American traditions which have
become known through the labours of the Abbé Brasseur,
there occur certain passages in the story of an early migration
of the Quiché race, which have much the appearance of vague
and broken stories derived in some way from high northern
latitudes. The Quiché manuscript describes the ancestors. of
the race as travelling away from the rising of the sun, and
goes on thus :—“ But it is not clear how they crossed the sea,
they passed as though there had been no se&, for they passed
over scattered rocks, and these rocks were rolled on the sands.
This is why they called the place ‘ranged stones and torn-up
sands,’ the name which they gave it on their passage within
the sea, the water being divided when they passed.” Then
the people collected on a mountain called Chi Pixab, and there
they fasted in darkness and night. Afterwards it is related
that they removed, and waited for the dawn which was ap-
proaching, and the manuscript says :—‘‘ Now, behold, our
ancients and our fathers were made lords and had their dawn ;
behold, we will relate also the rising of the dawn and the ap-
parition of the sun, the moon, and the stars.” Great was their
joy when they saw the morning star, which came out first with
its resplendent face before the sun. At last the sun itself
began to come forth ; the animals, small and great, were in joy ;
they rose from the watercourses and ravines, and stood on the
mountain tops with their heads towards where the sun was
1 Ellis, Polyn. Res., vol. i. p. 287.
HISTORICAL TRADITIONS AND MYTHS OF OBSERVATION. 3801
coming. An innumerable crowd of people were there, and
the dawn cast light on all these nations at once. ‘‘ At last the
face of the ground was dried by the sun: like a man the sun
showed himself, and his presence warmed and dried the sur-
face of the ground. Before the sun appeared, muddy and wet
was the surface of the ground, and it was before the sun ap-
peared, and then only the sun rose like a man. But his heat
had no strength, and he did but show himself when he rose,
he only remained lke (an image in) a mirror, and it is not in-
deed the same sun that appears now, they say in the stories.’’!
Obscure as much of this is, there are things in it which
agree very curiously with the phenomena of the Arctic regions.
The cold and darkness, the sea not like a sea but like rocks
rolled on the sand, the long waiting for the sun, and its ap-
pearance at last with little strength, and but just rising above
the horizon, form a picture which corresponds with the nature
of the high north, as much as it differs from that of the tropical
regions where the tradition is found. We read of Arctic voy-
agers going out to watch for the reappearance of the sun to-
wards the close of the long dismal winter,” and the judgment
that it was not indeed the sun of Central America that appeared
so strangely, may be placed by the side of a remark made by
a savage in another country. Sir George Grey, travelling in
Australia, was once telling stories of distant countries to a
party of natives round the camp fire; “I now spoke to them
of still more northern latitudes ; and went so far as to describe
those countries in which the sun never sets at a certain period
of the year. Their astonishment now knew no bounds: ‘ Ah!
that must be another sun, not the same as the one we see
here, said an old man; and in spite of all my arguments to
the contrary, the others adopted this opinion.’’3
The legend of the introduction of rice in Borneo relates how
a Dayak climbed up a tree which grew downward from the
sky, and so got up to the Pleiades, and there he found a per-
sonage who took him to his house and gave him boiled rice to
eat. He had never seen rice before, and the story says that
1 Brasseur, ‘ Popol Vuh,’ pp. 231-48 ; ‘Mexique,’ vol. i. pp. 169-76.
2 Purchas, vol. iii. p. 499. 3 Grey, Journals, vol. i. p 293.
302 HISTORICAL TRADITIONS AND MYTHS OF OBSERVATION,
when he saw the grains, he thought they were maggots... Now
there is a tradition of recent date, among the Keethratlah In-
dians of British Columbia, which tells in the most graphic way
the story of the first appearance of the white men among them ;
how an Indian canoe was out catching halibut, when the noise
of a huge sea-monster was heard, plunging along through the
thick mist; the Indians drew up their lines and paddled to
shore, when the monster proved to be a boat full of strange-
looking men. “The strangers landed, and beckoned the In-
dians to come to them and bring them some fish. One of
them had over his shoulder what was supposed to be a stick :
presently he pointed it to a bird that was flying past—a violent
poo went forth—down came the bird to the ground. The In-
dians died! as they revived, they questioned each other as to
their state, whether any were dead, and what each had felt.
The whites then made signs for a fire to be lighted; the In-
dians proceeded at once, according to their usual tedious prac-
tice, of rubbing two sticks together. The strangers laughed,
and one of them, snatching up a handful of dry grass, struck a
spark into a little powder placed under it. Instantly another
poo!—and a blaze. The Indians died! After this the new-
comers wanted some fish boiled: the Indians, therefore, put
the fish and water into one of their square wooden buckets,
and set some stones on the fire; intending, when they were
hot, to cast them into the vessel, and thus boil the food. The
whites were not satisfied with this way: one of them fetched
a tin kettle out of the boat, put the fish and some water into
it, and then, strange to say, set it on the fire. The Indians
looked on with astonishment. However, the kettle did not
consume ; the water did not run into the fire. Then, again,
the Indians died! When the fish was eaten, the strangers
put a kettle of rice on the fire; the Indians looked at each
other, and whispered Akshahn, akshahn !, or ‘Maggots, mag-
gots !? 7?
Again, the Australians have had the same idea of what rice
was, for in the Moorunde dialect it is called “ yeelilee,” or
1 St. John, vol. i. p. 202, and see under, Chap. XII.
2 Mayne, ‘ British Columbia,’ p. 279.
HISTORICAL TRADITIONS AND MYTHS OF OBSERVATION. 303
“maggots,’! a name which, of course, dates from the recent
time when foreigners brought it to the country. When, there-
fore, we are told in the Borneo tale that the first Dayak who
saw grains of rice took them for maggots, we are, I think,
justified in believing this notion to be in Borneo, as elsewhere,
a real reminiscence of the introduction of rice into the country,
though this piece of actual history comes to us woven into the
texture of an ancient myth. There is reason to suppose that
rice was introduced into the Malay islands from Asia; in
Marsden’s time it had not been adopted even in Engano and
Batu, which are islands close to Sumatra.?
When a tradition is once firmly planted among the legendary
lore of a tribe, there seems scarcely any limit to the time
through which it may be kept up by continual repetition from
one generation to the next; unless such an event as the
coming of a stronger and more highly cultivated race entirely
upsets the old state of society, and destroys the old landmarks.
The traditions of the Polynesians, for instance, seem often to
be of great age, for they occur among the natives of distant
islands whose languages have had time to diverge widely from
a common origin; but even the most long-lived stories are
fast disappearing, under Huropean influence, from the memory
of the people. The historical value of a tradition does not of
necessity vary inversely with its age, and indeed this rule-of-
three test goes for very little, for some very old stories are,
beyond a doubt, of greater historical value than other very
new ones current in the same tribe.
There is even a certain amount of evidence which tends to
prove that the memory of the huge animals of the quaternary
period has been preserved up to modern times in popular tra-
dition. It is but quite lately that the fact of man having lived
on the earth at the same time with the mammoth has become
a generally received opinion, though its probability has been
seen by a few far-sighted thinkers for many years past, and it
had been suggested long before the late discoveries in the
Drift-beds, that several traditions, found in different parts of
1 Kyre, vol. ii. p. 393.
2 Marsden, pp. 467, 474. See Ellis, ‘Madagascar,’ vol. i. p. 39.
304 HISTORICAL TRADITIONS AND MYTHS OF OBSERVATION.
the world, were derived from actual memory of the remote
time when various great animals, generally thought to have
died out before the appearance of man upon the earth, were
still alive. The subject is hardly im a state to express a de-
cided opinion upon, but the evidence is worthy of the most
careful attention.
Father Charlevoix, whose ‘ History of New France’ was pub-
lished in 1744, records a North American legend of a great elk.
«There is current also among these barbarians a pleasant
enough tradition of a great Elk, beside whom others seem
like ants. He has, they say, legs so high that eight feet of
snow do not embarrass him: his skin is proof against all
sorts of weapons, and he has a sort of arm which comes out
of his shoulder, and which he uses as we do ours.”! It is
hard to imagine that anything but the actual sight of a live
elephant can have given rise to this tradition. The suggestion
that it might have been founded on the sight of a mammoth
frozen with his flesh and skin, as they are found in Siberia, is
not tenable, for the trunks and tails of these animals perish
first, and are not preserved like the more solid parts, so that
the Asiatic myths which have grown out of the finding of these
frozen beasts, know nothing of such appendages. Moreover,
no savage who had
never heard of the
use of an elephant’s
trunk would ima-
gine from a sight
of the dead animal,
even if its trunk
were perfect, that
its use was to be
compared with that
of a man’s arm.
The notion that
Fig. 30. the Indian story of
the Great Elk was a real reminiscence of a living proboscidian,
is strengthened by a remarkable drawing, Fig. 30, from one of
1 Charlevoix, vol. v. p. 187.
HISTORICAL TRADITIONS AND MYTHS OF OBSERVATION. 305
the Mexican picture-writings. It represents a masked priest
sacrificing a human victim, and Humboldt copies it in the
‘Vues des Cordilléres’ with the following remarks :—“ I should
not have had this hideous scene engraved, were it not that the
disguise of the sacrificing priest presents some remarkable and
apparently not accidental resemblances with the Hindoo Ganesa
[the elephant-headed god of wisdom]. The Mexicans used
masks imitating the shape of the heads of the serpent, the
crocodile, or the jaguar. One seems to recognize in the sacri-
ficer’s mask the trunk of an elephant or some pachyderm re-
sembling it in the shape of the head, but with an upper jaw
furnished with incisive teeth. The snout of the tapir no doubt
protrudes a little more than that of our pigs, but it isa long
way from the tapir’s snout to the trunk figured in the ‘ Codex
Borgianus.’ Had the peoples of Aztlan, derived from Asia,
some vague notions of the elephant, or, as seems to me much
less probable, did their traditions reach back to the time when
America was still inhabited by these gigantic animals, whose
petrified skeletons are found buried in the marly ground on
the very ridge of the Mexican Cordilleras ?”?! It may be worth
while to notice in connection with Humboldt’s remarks, that
when Mr. Bates showed a picture of an elephant to some South
American Indians, they settled it that the creature must be a
large kind of tapir.®
Attempts have been made by other writers to connect the
memory of animals now extinct, with mythological tales cur-
rent in the regions to which they belong. Dr. Falconer is dis-
posed to connect the huge elephant-fighting and world-bearing
tortoises of the Hindoo mythology with a recollection of the time
when his monstrous Himalayan tortoise, the Colossochelys Atlas,
the restoration of which forms so striking an object in the British
Museum, was still alive. The savage tribes of Brazil have
traditions about a being whom they call the Curupira. ‘‘Some-
times he is described as a kind of orang-otang, being covered
with long, shaggy hair, and living in trees. At others he is
' Humboldt, Vues des Cord., pl. xv. ; Borgia MS. in Kingsborough, vol. iii.
2 Bates, ‘ Amazons,’ vol. ii. p. 128.
3 Falconer, in Proc. Zool. Soc., part xii., 1844, p. 86.
306 HISTORICAL TRADITIONS AND MYTHS OF OBSERVATION.
said to have cloven feet, and a bright red face. He has a wife
and children, and sometimes comes down to the rogas to steal
the mandioca.”? Similar to, or the same as this being, is the
Caypér, whom the Indians, in their masquerades, represent as
a bulky, misshapen monster, with red skin and long shaggy
red hair, hanging halfway down his back.! With reference to
these Brazilian stories, Mr. Carter Blake remarks—“ In Brazil
the Indians had a tradition of a gigantic anthropoid ape, the
cayporé, which represented the African gorilla. No such ape
exists in the present day ; but in the post-pliocene in Brazil,
remains have been preserved of an extinct ape (Protopithecus
antiquus) four feet high, which might possibly have lived down
to the human period, and formed the subject of the tradition.”?
Lastly, Colonel Hamilton Smith has collected a quantity of evi-
dence, thought by him to bear on the preservation of the
memory of extinct creatures, adding to Father Charlevoix’s
great Elk, and the Pére aux Beeufs from Buffon, a North Ame-
rican ‘‘ Naked Bear,” and an East Indian “ Elephant-Horse,”
etc., and endeavouring to identify them in nature.®
To proceed now from the traditions which have, or may set
up some sort of claim to have, a historical foundation, to the
Myths of Observation, which are so often liable to be confounded
with them: it is to be noticed that if the mference from
facts, which forms the basis of such a myth, should happen to
be a correct one, and if the story should also happen to have
fairly dropped out of sight the evidence out of which it grew,
its separation from a real tradition of events may be hardly
possible. Fortunately for the Ethnologist, it is very common
for such stories to betray their unhistoric origin in one or both
of these ways, either by recording things which seemed indeed
probable when the myths arose, but which modern knowledge
repudiates, or by having embodied with them the facts which
have been appealed to for ages as confirmation of their truth,
but which we are now in a position to recognize at once as the
very basis on which their mythical structure was raised.
! Bates, ‘Amazons,’ vol. i. p. 73; vol. ii. p. 204.
2 C. Carter Blake in Tr. Eth. Soc. 1863, p. 169.
3 C. Hamilton Smith, Nat. Hist. of Human Sp., pp. 104-6.
HISTORICAL TRADITIONS AND MYTHS OF OBSERVATION. 307
A good example of a Myth of Observation is a story current
in Egypt in Strabo’s time, but which he, having indeed a con-
siderable knowledge of geology, declines to believe. “ But
one of the wondrous things,” he says, ‘‘ which we saw about
the pyramids, must not be passed over. There lie in front of
the pyramids certain heaps of the masons’ rubbish, and among
these there are found pieces in shape and size like lentils, and
m some, as it were, half-peeled grains. They say, the leavings
of the workmen’s food have been turned into stone, but this
is not likely, for at home among us there is a longish ridge of
hill in a plain, and this is full of lentil-like stones of tufa, ete.’?4
To men whose country has the open sea to its west it seems
that the sun plunges at night into its waters. Now the sun
is evidently a mass of matter at a distance, and very hot,
and when red-hot bodies come in contact with water there
follows a hissing noise; and thus the inference is easy and
straightforward, that when the sun dips into the waves such
a sound ought to be heard. From the inference that the
hissing might be heard, to the assertion that it has actually
been heard, is the easy step by which the crude argument of
early science passes into the full-erown Myth of Observation.
In two distant countries where the world seems to end west-
ward in the boundless ocean, the story is to be found. The
Sacred Promontory, that is Cape St. Vincent, Strabo says, is
the westernmost point, not of Hurope alone, but of the whole
habitable earth, and there Posidonius tells how the vulgar say
the sun goes down larger on the ocean-coast, and with a noise
almost as it were the sea hissing as the sun plunges into its
depths and is quenched ; but this is false, as well as that the
night follows instantly upon its setting.2 So in the Pacific,
in some of the Society Islands, the name for sunset means the
falling of the sun into the sea, and the sun itself is thought
to be a substance resembling fire. Mr. Ellis asked them how
they knew it fell into the sea, and they said they had not
seen it, but some people of Borabora or Maupiti, the most
western islands, had once heard the hissing occasioned by its
plunging into the ocean.$
1 Strabo, xvii. 1, 34. 7 Strabo, iii. 1,5. 3 Ellis, Polyn. Res., vol. ii. p. 414.
x 2
308 HISTORICAL TRADITIONS AND MYTHS OF OBSERVATION.
From the incredulous geographer who records the stories of
the fossil lentils and the hissing sun, yet another Myth of Ob-
servation may be taken, which shows well the easy transition
from “it may have been,” to “it was,” which hes at their root.
Mr. Catlin, in one of his journeys, says that he came to a place
where he saw rocks “looking as if they had actually dropped
from the clouds in such a confused mass, and all lay where
they had fallen.” So in old times, a round plain between Mar-
seilles and the mouths of the Rhone was called the “stony”
plain, from its being covered with stones as big as a man’s fist.
You would think, says Pomponius Mela, that the stones had
rained there, so many are they, and so far and wide do they
lie! Now Aischylus, says Strabo, having perceived the diffi-
culty of accounting for these stones, or having heard about it
from some one else, has wrested the whole matter into a myth.
In some lines of his, preserved to us by Strabo’s quotation of
them, Prometheus, explaining to Hercules his way from the
Caucasus to the Hesperides, tells him how when his missiles
fail him in his fight with the Ligurians, and the soft earth will
not even afford him a stone, Jove, pitying his defenceless state,
will rain down a shower of round pebbles over the ground,
hurling which he will easily rout his foes.?
Fossil remains have for ages been objects of curious specu-
lation to mankind. In the most distant regions where huge
bones have been found, they have been explained, truly enough,
as being the bones of monstrous beasts, and as plausibly,
though, as later investigations have shown within the last cen-
tury, not so correctly, as bones of giants. Given the belief that
the earth was formerly inhabited by monsters and giants, the
myth-making power of the human mind gave “a local habita-
tion and a name” wherever it was required, and the battles of
these monsters with each other, and with man, were worked
into the general mass of popular tradition, with gradually in-
creasing fulness and accuracy of detail. The Asiatic sagas
which have grown out of the finding of the frozen mammoths,
and the fossil remains of these and other great extinct ani-
mals, are excellent cases in pomt. Many of them have been
1 Catlin, vol. ii. p. 70. Mela, ii. c. 5. 2 Strabo, iv. 1, 7.
HISTORICAL TRADITIONS AND MYTHS OF OBSERVATION. 9309
collected and criticized in an admirable paper published more
than twenty years ago by Von Olfers, of Berlin.
The Siberians are constantly finding bones and teeth of mam-
moths imbedded in the faces of cliffs or river banks at some
depth below the surface. Often a mass of earth or gravel falls
away from such a cliff, and exposes such remains. How could
they have got there? A plausible explanation suggested itself,
that the creature was a huge burrowing animal, and lived un-
derground. Not only the skeleton, but the body in tolerable
preservation with flesh and skin being found in a frozen state
in high Northern latitudes, the notion grew up that it was a
monstrous kind of burrowing rat, and it is described in Chinese
books under such namesas fen-shu, or “ digging rat,” yen-men,
or “ burrowing ox,” shu-mu, “ mother of mice,’ and soon. A
difficulty which suggested itself to the native Siberian geologists
was met in a characteristic manner. It was strange that when-
ever they came upon a mammoth imbedded in a cliff, it was
always dead. It must be a creature unable to bear the air or
the light, and when in the course of its subterranean wander-
ings it breaks through to the outer air, it dies immediately.
With so much knowledge of the natural history of the creature
to start from, other details grow round it in the usual way.
Yakuts and Tunguz have seen the earth heave and sink, as a
mammoth walked beneath. It frequents marshes, and travels
underground, never appearing above the surface of the earth
or water during the day, but has been seen at dawn in lakes
and rivers, just as it dived below. The account of it given in
the Chinese Encyclopzedia of Kang-hi is as follows :—
Fen-shu.—The cold is extreme and almost continual on the
coast of the Northern Sea, beyond the Tai-tong-Kiang ; on this
coast is found the animal F'en-shu, which resembles a rat in
shape, but is as big as an elephant; it dwells in dark ca-
verns, and ever shuns the light. There is got from it an ivory
as white as that of the elephant, but easier to work, and not
liable to split. Its flesh is very cold, and excellent for refresh-
1 J. F. M. vy. Olfers, ‘ Die Ueberreste yorweltlicher Riesenthiere in Beziehung
zu Ostasiatischen Sagen und Chinesischen Schriften’ (Berlin Acad., 1839) ; Ber-
lin, 1840.
310 HISTORICAL TRADITIONS AND MYTHS OF OBSERVATION.
ing the blood. The ancient book Shin-y-King, speaks of this
animal in the following terms:—There is in the extreme
north, among the snows and ice which cover this region, a shw
(rat), which weighs up to a thousand pounds, its flesh is very
good for those who are heated. The Tse-shu calls it fen-shu,
and speaks of another kind which is of less size; it is only,
says this authority, as large as a buffalo, it burrows like the
moles, shuns the light, and almost always stays in its under-
ground caves. It is said that it would die if it saw the light of
the sun, or even of the moon.”’!
The story of the mammoth being a burrowing animal, which
has arisen from the finding its remains exposed in cliffs or banks
deep below the surface, becomes the more valuable as evidence
of the growth of myths, from the fact that on the other side of
the world a like story has developed itself from a like origin.
When Darwin visited certain cliffs of the River Parana, between
Buenos Ayres and Santa Fé, where many bones of Mastodons
are found, he says, “The men who took me in the canoe, said
they had long known of these skeletons, and had often won-
dered how they had got there: the necessity of a theory being
felt, they came to the conclusion that, like the bizcacha, the
mastodon was formerly a burrowing animal.”? The bizcacha is
a small rabbit-like rodent, common on the Pampas.
Other fossil remains beside those of the mammoth have given
rise to myths of observation in Siberia. The curved tusks of
the Rhinoceros tichorhinus are something lke the claws of a
monstrous bird, and when both tusks are found united by part
of the skull, the whole might very well be taken by a man to-
tally ignorant of anatomy, for the bird’s foot with two claws.
The Siberians not only believe the horns of the rhinoceros to
be the claws of an enormous bird, and call them “ bird’s claws”
accordingly, but a family of myths has developed itself out of
this belief, how these winged monsters lived in the country in
the time of the ancestors of the present inhabitants, who fought
with them for the possession of the land. One story tells how
the country was wasted by one of them, till a wise man fixed a
1 Mém. cone. les Chinois, vol. iv. p. 481. Klemm, C. G., vol. vi. p. 471.
? Darwin, p. 127.
HISTORICAL TRADITIONS AND MYTHS OF OBSERVATION. 311
pomted iron spear on the top of a pine-tree, and the bird
alighted there, and skewered itself upon the lance.
Adolf Erman connects, with much plausibility, the well-
known rukh of the Arabian Nights, and the griffin (ypv) of
Herodotus, with the tales of monstrous birds current in the
gold-producing regions of Siberia; and he even suggests the
remark that gold-bearing sand really underlies the beds which
contain these fossil “bird’s claws” as an explanation of the
passage, “it is said that the Arimaspi, one-eyed men, seize
(the gold) from underneath the griffins (Aéyerau 8€ trex TOV
ypuTa@v apmavev Apywactovs avdpas povvodOddmovs).’ At
about the same time as Herodotus, Ctesias brings out more
fully the familiar figure of the griffin. ‘There is also gold,”
he says, “in the Indian country, not found in the streams and
washed, as in the river Pactolus; but there are many and great
mountains, wherein dwell the griffins, four-footed birds of the
greatness of the wolf, but with legs and claws like lions. The
feathers on the rest of their bodies are black, but red on the
breast. Through them it is that the gold in the mountains,
though plentiful, is most difficult to get.”? That the Siberian
myths of monstrous birds have passed into the medieval no-
tions of the griffins admits of no question whatever. Albertus
Magnus describes them as quadrupeds, with birds’ beaks ané
wines; they dwell in Scythia, and possess the gold, and silver,
and precious stones. ‘The Arimaspi fight with them. In its
nest the griffin lays the agate for its help and medicine. It is
hostile to men and horses; it has long claws, which are made
into goblets; they are as big as ox-horns, as indeed the crea-
ture itself is bigger than eight lions; of its feathers are made
strong bows, arrows, and lances.> With regard to this descrip-
tion, it is to be observed that the horns, cut in slices, are really
used for plating bows ;* but the bird’s quills, as they are still
considered to be in the country where they are found, are the
leg-bones of other animals.? The rhinoceros horns, supposed
1 Herod., iti. 116. Erman, Reise, vol. i. pp. 711-2.
2 Ctesias, ‘De Rebus Indicis,’ 12. ;
3 Klemm, C. G., vol. i. p. 155, and see p. 101.
4 Olfers, p. 12. > EKrman, vol. i. p. 711.
312 HISTORICAL TRADITIONS AND MYTHS OF OBSERVATION.
to be griffins’ claws, were mounted in gold and silver in Hu-
rope in the middle ages, and preserved as relics in churches.
There is or was one in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge,
mounted on little gilt claws, which sufficiently show what it
was thought to be.
The Chinese idea that the mammoth was a huge rat, and the
very name of “ Mother of Mice” given to it, fit curiously with
a set of North American stories, which may have a like origin
in the finding of fossil remains of enormous size. The name of
the “ Pére aux Boeufs,” probably the translation of a native
Indian name, was given to an extinct animal whose huge bones
were found on the banks of the Ohio.1 The Indians of New
France, Father Paul le Jeune relates in 1635, “say besides, that
all the animals of each species have an elder brother, who is as
the beginning and origin of all the race, and this elder brother
is marvellously great and powerful. ‘The elder brother of the
beavers, they told me, is perhaps as big as our hut.’’? There
are current among the Iroquois, says Morgan, fables of a buf-
falo of such huge dimensions as to thresh down the forest in
his march.’ And lastly, in one of the North American tales
of the Sun-Catcher, we find a creature to which the name of
“ Mother of Mice” may well belong. When the Sun was to be
set free from the snare, the animals debated who should go up
and sever the cord, and the dormouse went, “‘ for at this time
the dormouse was the largest animal in the world; when it
stood up it looked lke a mountain.” The whole story, which
goes on to tell how it has come to pass that the dormice are
but small creatures now, is given here in the next chapter.
The native tribes of the lower end of South America ex-
plained the reason why they, unlike the Spaniards, had no
herds of cattle in their country, by an interesting story, which
has the air of a myth of observation founded upon the exami-
nation of caves containing fossil bones. They had a multipli-
city of inferior deities below the two great powers of Good and
Evil, who, there as elsewhere on the American continent, are
' Buffon, Hist. Nat. (ed. Sonnini), vol. xxviii. p. 264.
2 Le Jeune, Relations (1634), vol. i. p. 46.
5 Morgan, p. 166.
»
HISTORICAL TRADITIONS AND MYTHS OF OBSERVATION. 313
above all. Hach of the lower deities presides over one parti-
cular caste or family of Indians, of which he is supposed to have
been the creator. “Some make themselves of the caste of the
tiger, some of the lion, some of the guanaco, and others of the
ostrich, etc. They imagine that these deities have each their
separate habitations, in vast caverns under the earth, beneath
some lake, hill, etc.; and that when an Indian dies, his soul
goes to live with the deity who presides over his particular
family, there to enjoy the happiness of being eternally drunk.
They believe that their good deities made the world, and that
they first created the Indians in their caves, gave them the
lance, the bow and arrows, and the stone-bowls, to fight and
hunt with, and then turned them out to shift for themselves.
They imagine that the deities of the Spaniards did the same
by them; but that, instead of lances, bows, etc., they gave
them guns and swords. They suppose that when the beasts,
birds, and lesser animals were created, those of the more nim-
ble kind came immediately out of their caves; but that the
bulls and cows being the last, the Indians were so frightened
at the sight of their horns, that they stopped up the entrance
of their caves with great stones. This is the reason they give
why they had no black cattle in their country till the Spaniards
brought them over, who more wisely had let them out of the
caves.” } :
The possibility that the Brazilian belief in the caypor or
wild ape-lke being of the woods may be derived from a re-
collection of a great extinct ape has been already mentioned,
but there is a circumstance which rather favours the idea of
its being a myth, founded on the examination of fossil bones.
Like the mammoth, and the mastodon, and the creators of the
beasts and birds, he is thought to live underground. ‘“ They
believe he has subterranean campos and hunting grounds in
the forest, well stocked with pacas and deer.”’? It is possible,
too, that the notion of subterranean animals, who die if they
see the daylight, hke the mammoths of Siberia, may be traced
in various stories. Thus, the Fijians tell a tale of two rocks,
. | Thos. Falkner, ‘A Description of Patagonia,’ ete.; Hereford, 1774, p. 114.
? Bates, vol. ii. p. 204.
314 HISTORICAL TRADITIONS AND MYTHS OF OBSERVATION.
male and female Lado, which are two deities who were turned
by the sight of daylight into stone ;! and in the West Indies
there were men who dwelt in Cimmerian darkness in their
caves, and coming out were turned into stones and trees by
the sight of the sun.?
Tales of giants and monsters, which stand in direct con-
nexion with the finding of great fossil bones, are scattered
broadcast over the mythology of the world. Huge bones,
found at Punto Santa Elena, in the north of Guayaquil, have
served as a foundation for the story of a colony of giants who
dwelt there.’ The whole area of the Pampas is a great sepul-
chre of enormous extinct animals; no wonder that one great
plain should be called the ‘‘ Field of the Giants,” and that such
names as “ the hill of the giant,’’ “‘ the stream of the animal,”
should be guides to the geologist in his search for fossil
bones.*
In North America it is the same. The fossil bones of
Mexico are referred to the giants who dwelt in the land mm
early times, and were found living in the plains of Tlascala by
the Olmecs, who came there before the Toltecs. At the time
of the conquest, Bernal Diaz was told of their huge stature
and their crimes; and, to show him how big they were, the
people brought him a bone of one of them, which he measured
himself against, and it was as tall as he, who was a man of rea-
sonable stature. He and his companions were astonished to
see those bones, and held it for certain that there had been
giants in that land.’ The Indians of North America tell how
their mythic hero, Manabozho, “ killed the ancient monsters
whose bones we now see under the earth.” They use pieces
of the bones of these monsters as charms, and most likely the
pieces of bone drawn in their pictures as instruments of magic
power are such. They tell of giants who could stride over the
1 Seemann, ‘ Viti,’ p. 66. 2 Oviedo, in Purchas, vol. v. p. 959.
3 Humboldt, Vues des Cord., pl. 26. Rivero and Tschudi, Ant. Per. p. 51.
4 Darwin, in Narr., vol. iii. p. 155.
° Bernal Diaz, Cong. de la Nueva Espafia; Madrid, 1795, vol. i. p. 350.
Tylor, ‘ Mexico,’ p. 236. Clavigero, vol. i. p. 125. Humboldt, Vues des Cord.,
pl. 26.
HISTORICAL TRADITIONS AND MYTHS OF OBSERVATION. 315
largest rivers, and the tallest pme-trees. The Winnebagos say
their monstrous medicine animal still exists, and they have
pieces of the bones which belong to them, which they use as
charms. The Dacotas use such bones for “ medicine,” and say
they belong to the great horned water-beast, the Unk-a-ta-he.
Hiawatha helped the Indians to subdue the great monsters that
overran the country. The “Tom Thumb” of the Chippewas
killed the giants, and hacked them into little pieces, saying,
“ Henceforth let no man be larger than you are now,” and so
men became of their present size.! There are plenty more
such stories. One mentioned by Dr. Wilson has the interest-
ing feature that monsters and giants both perished by the
thunderbolts of the Great Spirit, and in another all the mon-
sters were thus slain except the Big Bull, who went off to the
Great Lakes.? It must be borne in mind, however, that in spe-
culating on the origin of tales such as these, possible recollec-
tions of contests of men with huge animals now extinct must
be taken into consideration, as well as inferences from the
finding of large bones, and sometimes even both causes may
have worked together.
In the Old World, myths both old and new connected with
huge bones, fossil or recent, are common enough.® Marcus
Scaurus brought to Rome, from Joppa, the bones of the mon-
ster who was to have devoured Andromeda, while the vestiges
of the chains which bound her were to be seen there on the
rock ;* and the sepulchre of Antzeus, containing his skeleton,
60 cubits long, was found in Mauritania.°
Don Quixote was beforehand with Dr. Falconer in reasoning
on the huge fossil bones so common in Sicily as remains of
ancient inhabitants, as appears from his answer to the barber’s
question, how big he thought the giant Morgante might have
been? “... Moreover, in the island ofsSicily there have
been found long-bones and shoulder-bones so huge, that their
size manifests their owners to have been giants, and as big as
1 Schoolcraft, part i. pp. 319, 390; part ii. pp. 175, 224; part iii. pp. 232, 315,
319. 2 Wilson, ‘ Prehistoric Man,’ vol. i. p. 112.
3 In Polynesia, see Mariner, vol.i. p. 313.
4 Plin., ix. 4; v. 14. 5 Strabo, xvii. 3, 8.
316 HISTORICAL TRADITIONS AND MYTHS OF OBSERVATION.
great towers, for this truth geometry sets beyond doubt.”
Again, the fossil bones so plentifully strewed over the Sewalik,
or lowest ranges of the Himalayas, belonged to the slain Ra-
kis,! the gigantic Rakshasas of the Indian mythology. The
remains of the Dun Cow that Guy Harl of Warwick slew are
or were to be seen in England, in the shape of a whale’s rib
in the church of St. Mary Redcliffe, and some great fossil bone
kept, I believe, in Warwick Castle. ‘‘The giant sixteen feet
high, whose bones were found in 1577 near Reyden under an
uprooted oak, and examined and celebrated im song by Felix
Plater, the renowned physician of Basle, has been long ago
banished by later naturalists into a very distant department of
zoology ; but the giant has from that time forth got a firm
standing-ground beside the arms of Lucerne, and will keep it,
all critics to the contrary notwithstanding.’”?
It would be tedious to enumerate more instances in which
traditions of giants and huge beasts have been formed both in
ancient and modern times from the finding of great fossil
bones. But the remarks of St. Augustine on a great fossil
tooth he saw are worthy of attention, as throwing some light
on the connexion of such bones with the belief that man was
once both enormously larger and longer-lived than he is now,
and that his stature has diminished in the course of ages to its
present dimensions; as it is held by the Moslems that Adam
was sixty feet high, of the measure of a tall palm-tree, and
that the true believers will be restored in Paradise to this ori-
ginal stature of the human race, and that the houris who will
attend them will be of proportionate dimensions. It seems as
if Linnzus may have held such an opinion, at least his editor
gives the following as his reading of a passage im the notes of
his northern tour, where unfortunately the original is obscure.
“‘T have a notion that Adam and Eve were giants, and that
mankind from one generation to another, owing to poverty and
other causes, have diminished in size. Hence perhaps the di-
minutive stature of the Laplanders.’”?
St. Augustine’s observations are contained in his chapter
1 Torrens, ‘ Ladak,’ etc., p. 87. 2 Olfers, p. 3.
3 Linneus, ‘Tour,’ vol. i. p. 28.
HISTORICAL TRADITIONS AND MYTHS OF OBSERVATION. 317
“Concerning the long life of men before the flood, and the
greater size of their bodies.” He makes these remarks, he
Says, In case any infidel should raise a doubt about men having
lived to so great an age. ‘‘ Sosome indeed do not believe that
men’s bodies were formerly much greater than now.” Virgil,
he continues, expresses the huge size of the men of former
times, how much more then in the younger periods of the
world, before the celebrated deluge. ‘But concerning the
magnitude of their bodies, the graves laid bare by age or the
force of rivers and various accidents especially convict the in-
credulous, where they have come to light, or where bones of
the dead of incredible magnitude have fallen. I have seen,
and not I alone, on the shore by Utica, so huge a molar tooth
of a man, that were it cut up into small models of teeth like
ours, it would seem enough to make a hundred of them. But
this I should think had belonge +o some giant; for beside
that the bodies of all men were then much larger than ours,
the giants again far exceeded the rest.’””!
Among the traditions preserved from remote ages by the
human race, there are perhaps none more important to the
ethnologist than those which relate, in every great district of
the world, and with so much unity combined with so much
variety, the occurrence of a great Deluge in long past time.
In studying these Diluvial Traditions it is of the highest con-
sequence that he should be able to separate the results of the
memory of real events from those of observation of natural
phenomena and of purely mythological development. Hum-
boldt in part states the problem in his remarks on the four
devastations of the earth, by famine, fire, hurricane, and de-
luge, as represented in the Mexican picture-writing. ‘ What-
ever may be their true origin, it does not appear less certain
that they are fictions of astronomical mythology, modified
either by a dim remembrance of some great revolution which
our planet has undergone, or in accordance with the physical
and geological hypotheses to which the appearance of marine
petrifactions and fossil bones give rise, even among peoples at
the greatest distance from civilization.’’?
1 Aug., ‘ De Civitate Dei,’ xv. ¥. * Humboldt, Vues des Cord., pl. 26.
318 HISTORICAL TRADITIONS AND MYTHS OF OBSERVATION.
That the cbservation of shells and corals in places above the
level of the sea, and even on high mountains, should have given
rise to legends of great floods which deposited them there, is
natural enough, and quite consistent with the growth of myths
of monsters and giants from the observation of fossil bones.
Marine productions being found at heights of many hundred
feet above the sea, the question would evidently occur to the
men who speculated so ingeniously about the fossil bones, how
did these productions of the sea get upon the mountains? As
to fossil crustaceans, the Arabian geographer Abu-Zeyd ex-
plains their appearance in Ceylon by setting them down as
sea-animals like craw-fish, which, when they come out of the
sea, are converted into stone,! but the appearance of sea-shells
on mountains could hardly be so accounted for. Two alterna-
tives suggest themselves to explain the occurrence of shells
in such situations; either the sea may have been up to the
mountain, or the mountain may have been down in the sea.
Modern geologists have in most cases to adopt the latter alter-
native, but till recent times the former was oftener than not
held to be the more probable. Water is the type of all that is
movable, fluctuating, unstable, while the firm earth is immoy-
able, permanent, solid, and it is not to the purpose to argue
that modern knowledge has reversed this older view, with so
many other doctrines which seemed to rest on the plain evi-
dence of the senses, and only failed, as many of our own theo-
ries have no doubt to fail, from the narrowness of their range
of observation.
The fossils imbedded in high ground have been appealed to, -
both in ancient and modern times, both by savages and civi-
lized men, as evidence in support of their traditions of a flood,
and moreover the argument, apparently unconnected with any
tradition, is to be found, that because there are marine fossils
in places away from the sea, therefore the sea must once have
been there. In the Society Islands, tradition tells how a flood
that rose over the tops of the mountains, was raised by the
sea-god Ruahatu. Ido not know; but, like the Heaven-Bridge,
the Heaven-Gulf which has to be passed on the way to the
Land of Spirits, has a claim to careful discussion in the general
argument for the proof of historical connexion from Analogy
of Myths.
The Fountain of Youth is known to the Mythology of India.
The Acvinas let the husband of Sukanyd go into the lake,
whence the bather comes forth as old or as young as he may
choose ; aud elsewhere the “ ageless river,” vijard nadi, makes
the old young again by only seeing it, or perhaps by bathing
in its waters.6 Perhaps it is this fountain that Sir John Maun-
devile hears of early in the fourteenth century somewhere about
India. “ Also toward the heed of that Forest, is the Cytee of
1 Williams, ‘ Fiji,’ vol. i. pp. 244, 205. Schirren, pp. 93, 110, ete.
2 Schooleraft, part i. p. 321. Mackenzie, p. cxix.
3 Charlevoix, vol. vi. p. 76. 4 Schooleraft, part ii. p. 135.
5 Lewis & Clarke, p. 139. § Kuhn, pp. 128, 12.
C
GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF MYTHS. 353
Polombe. And above the Cytee is a grete Mountayne, that
also is clept Polombe ; and of that Mount the Cytee hathe his
name, And at the Foot of that Mount, is a fayr Welle and a
gret, that hathe odour and savour of alle Spices ; and at every
hour of the day, he chaungethe his odour and his savour
dyversely. And whoso drynkethe 8 tymes fasting of that
Watre of that Welle, he is hool of alle maner sykenesse, that
he hathe. And thei that dwellen there and drynken often of
that Welle, thei nevere han Sekenesse, and thei semen alle ways
5jonge. I have dronken there of 3 or 4 sithes; and 5it, me-
thinkethe, I fare the better. Sum men clepen it the Welle of
30uthe: for thei that often drynken there of, semen alle weys
5o0ngly, and lyven with outen Sykenesse. And men seyn, that
that Welle cometh out of Paradys: and therfore it is so ver-
tuous.””!
When Cambyses sent the Fish-Haters to spy out the condi-
tion of the long-lived Ethiopians, and the messengers won-
dered to hear that they lived a hundred and twenty years or
more, the Ethiopians took them to a fountain, where, when
they had bathed, their bodies shone as if they had been oiled,
and smelt like the scent of violets.2. In Europe, too, stories of
miraculously healing fountains have long been current.? The
Moslem geographer Ibn-el-Wardi places the Fountain of Life
in the dark south-western regions of the earth. El-Khidr
drank of it, and will live till the day of judgment; and Ilyas or
Elias, whom popular belief mixes not only with Hl-Khidr, but
also with St. George, the Dragon-slayer, has drunk of it lke-
wise. Farther east, the idea is to be found in the Malay
islands. Batara Guru drinks from a poisonous spring, but
-saves himself and the rest of the gods by finding a well of hfe ;
and again, Nurtjaja compels the pandit Kabib, the guardian of
the caverns below the earth, where flows the spring of immor-
tality, to let him drink of its waters, and even to take some for
his descendants. In the Hawaiian legend, Kamapukai, “ the
child who runs over the sea,” goes with forty companions to
1 ¢ The Voiage and Travaile of Sir John Maundevile, Kt. ;? London, 1725, p. 204.
2 Herod., iii. c. 23. 3 Grimm, D.M., p. 554. Perty, p. 149.
4 Lane, ‘Thousand and One Nights,’ vol. i. p. 20. 5 Schirren, p. 124,
2A
3854 GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF MYTHS.
Tahiti (Kahiki, that is to say, to the land far away), and brings
back wondrous tales of Haupokane, “ the belly of Kane,” and
of the wai ora, waiola, “ water of life,” or wai ora roa, “ water
of enduring life,’ which removes all sickness, deformity, and
decrepitude from those who plunge beneath its waters.’ It is
perhaps to this story of the Sandwich Islands that ‘Turner re-
fers, when he says that some South Sea islanders have tradi-
tions of a river in the spirit-world called “ Water of Life,”
which makes the old young again, and they return to earth to
live another life.?
One easy explanation of the Fountain of Youth suggests it-
self at the first glance. Every islander who can see the sun go
down old, faint, and weary into the western sea, to rise young
and fresh from the waters, has the Fountain of Youth before
him; and this explanation of several, at least, of the stories is
strenethened by their details, as when the fountain is described
as flowing in the regions below, or in the belly of Kane, where
the boy who climbs over the sea goes to it; or when, like the
dying and reviving sun, Batara Guru is poisoned, but finds the
reviving water and is cured ;? or when the Moslem associates
the drinking from the fountain with Hljah of the chariot of
fire and horses of fire; or with St. George, the favourite me-
dizeval bearer of the great Sun-myth. But, as these stories are
not brought forward for the purpose of discussing their origin,
but comparing with them a corresponding myth found across
the Atlantic, it may suffice here to give the particulars of the
story found current in the West Indies early in the sixteenth
century. Gomara relates that Juan Ponce de Leon, having
his government taken from him, and thus finding himself rich
and without charge, fitted out two caravels, and went to seek
for the island of Boyuca, where the Indians said there was the
fountain that turned old men back into youths (a perennial
spring, says Peter Martyr, so noble that the drinking of its
waters made old men young again). For six months he went
1 Schirren, p. 80. Ellis, Polyn. Res., vol. ii. p. 47. Ellis, ‘ Hawaii ;’ London,
1827, p. 399. 2 Turner, p. 353.
3 For etym. etc. of Batara Guru, see W.v. Humboldt, Kawi-Spr., vol. i. p. 100;
Schirren, p. 116; also Crawfurd, Introd., p. exviii. and s. vv. batara, guru.
2
Or
Ot
GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF MYTHS.
lost and famishing among many islands, but of such a fountain
he found no trace. Then he came to Bimini, and discovered
Florida on Pascua Florida, (Haster Sunday), wherefrom he
gave the country its name.!
To proceed now to the story of the Tail-Fisher. Dr. Dasent,
who, in his admirable Introduction to the Norse Tales, has
taken the lead in the extension of the argument from Compa-
rative Mythology beyond the limited range within which it is
aided by History and Language, has brought the popular tales
of Africa and Europe into close connexion by adducing, among
others, the unmistakable common origin of the Norse tale of
the Bear who, at the instigation of the Fox, fishes with his tail
through a hole in the ice till it is frozen in, and then pulls at it
till it comes off, and the story from Bornu of the Hyena who
puts his tail mto the hole, that the Weasel may fasten the
meat to it, but the Weasel fastens a stick to it instead, and the
Hyeena pulls till his tail breaks ; both stories accounting in a
similar way, but with a proper difference of local colouring, for
the fact that bears and hyzenas are stumpy-tailed.?
A similar story is told in Reynard the Fox, less appositely,
of the Wolf instead of the Bear,® and in the Celtic story re-
cently published by Mr. Campbell, it 1s again the Wolf who
loses his tail. In this latter story, by that kaleidoscopic ar-
rangement of incidents which is so striking a feature of My-
thology, the losing of the tail is combined with the episode of
taking the reflection of the moon for a cheese, which occurs in
another connexion in Reynard,‘ and is apparently the origin
of our popular saying about the moon being made of green
cheese.
‘He made an instrument to know
If the moon shine at full or no ;
That would, as soon as e’er she shone, straight
Whether ’twere day or night demonstrate ;
1 Gomara, Hist. Gen. de las Indias; Medina del Campo, 1558, part i. fol. xxiii.
Petri Martyri De Orbe Novo (1516), ed. Hakluyt; Paris, 1587, dee. ii. c. 10,
Galvano, p. 123.
_ ? Dasent, ‘Popular Tales from the Norse ;’ (2nd ed.) Edinburgh, 1859, pp. 1.
197. 3 Grimm, ‘ Reinhart Fuchs,’ pp. civ. exxii. 51. 4 Td. p. exxvii.
2a 2
356 GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF MYTHS.
Tell what her d’ameter to an inch is,
And prove that she’s not made of green cheese.”
. ,
Here, of course, “green cheese”? means, like tupos yA@pos,
=) af o)
fresh, white cheese. In the Highland tale the Fox shows the
Wolf the moon on the ice, and tells him it is a cheese, and he
must cover it with his tail to hide it, till the Fox goes to see
that the farmer is asleep. When the tail is frozen tight the
Fox alarms the farmer, and the Wolf leaves his tail behind
him.”
“The tailless condition both of the bear and the hyzna,”
Dr. Dasent remarks, “ could scarcely fail to attract attention in
a race of hunters, and we might expect that popular tradition
would attempt to account for both.” The reasonableness of
this conjecture is well shown in the case of two other short-
tailed beasts, in a mythical episode from Central America,
which bears no appearance of being historically connected
with the rest, but looks as though it had been devised inde-
pendently to account for the facts. When the two princes
Hunahpu and Xbalanqué set themselves one day to till the
ground, the axe cut down the trees and the mattock cleared
away the underwood, while the masters amused themselves
with shooting. But next day, when they came back, they
found the trees and creepers and brambles back in their
places. So they cleared the ground again, and hid themselves
to watch, and at midnight all the beasts came, small and great,
saying in their language “ Trees, arise; creepers, arise!” and
they came close to the two princes. First came the Lion and
the Tiger, and the princes tried to catch them, but could not.
Then came the Stag and the Rabbit, and them they caught by
their tails, but the tails came off, and so the Stag and the Rab-
bit have still but “ scarce a stump” left them to this day. But
the Fox and the Jackal and the Boar and the Porcupine and
the other beasts passed by, and they could not catch one till
the Rat came leaping along ; he was the last and they got in
his way and caught him in a cloth, They pinched his head
1 «Hudibras,’ part ii. canto iii.
2 Campbell, ‘Popular Tales of the West Highlands ;’ Edinburgh, 1860, vol. i.
p- 272.
GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF MYTHS. 307
and tried to choke him, and burnt his tail over the fire, and
since then the rat has had a hairless tail, and his eyes are as
if they had been squeezed out of his head. But he begged to
be heard, and told them that it was not their business to till
the ground, for the rings and gloves and the india-rubber
ball, the instruments of the princely game, were hidden in their
grandmother’s house, and so forth.!
The curious mythic art of Tail-fishing only forms a part of
the stories how the Bear, the Wolf, and the Hyzna came to
lose their tails in Europe and Africa. But this particular idea,
taken by itself, has a wide geographical range both in the
Old and New Worlds. A story current in India, apparently
among the Tamil population of the South, is told by the Rev.
J. Roberts, who says, speaking of the jackal, “ this animal is
very much like the fox of England in his habits and appearance.
I have been told, that they often catch the crab by putting
their tail into its hole, which the creature immediately seizes,
in hope of food: the jackal then drags it out and devours it.’’?
In North America, the bearer of the story is the racoon.
“Lawson relates, that those which formerly lived on the salt
waters in Carolina, fed on oysters, which they nimbly snatched
when the shell opened; but that sometimes the paw was
caught, and held till the return of the tide, in which the ani-
mal, though it swims well, was sometimes drowned. His art
in catching crabs is still more extraordinary. Standing on the
borders of the waters where this shell-fish abounds, he keeps
the end of his tail floating on the surface, which the crab seizes,
and he then leaps forward with his prey, and destroys it in a
very artful manner.”? In South America, the art is given to
two other very cunning creatures, the monkey and the jaguar.
I have been informed by one of the English explorers in British
Guiana, that it is a current story there, that the monkey catches
fish by letting them take hold of the end of his tail. Southey,
quoting from a manuscript description of the district flooded
by the River Paraguay, called the Lago Xarayes, says “‘ when
1 Brasseur, ‘ Popol-Vuh,’ pp. 118-25.
* Roberts, ‘ Oriental Illustrations,’ p. 172.
3 D. B..Warden, Account of U. 8. ; Edinburgh, 1819, vol. i..p. 199.
398 GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF MYTHS.
the floods are out the fish leave the river to feed upon certain
fruits: as soon as they hear or feel the fruit strike the water,
they leap to catch it as it rises to the surface, and in their eager-
ness spring into the air. From this habit the Ounce has learnt
a curious stratagem; he gets upon a projecting bough, and
from time to time strikes the water with his tail, thus imitating
the sound which the fruit makes as it drops, and as the fish
spring towards it, he catches them with his paw.” More
recently, the story has been told again by Mr. Wallace; “The
jaguar, say the Indians, is the most cunning animal in the
forest: he can imitate the voice of almost every bird and ani-
mal so exactly, as to draw them towards him: he fishes in the
rivers, lashing the water with his tail to imitate falling fruit,
and when the fish approach, hooks them up with his claws.’”?
It may be objected against the use of the tail-fishing story
as mythological evidence, that there may possibly be some
foundation for it in actual fact ; and it is indeed hardly more
astonishing, for instance, than the jaguar’s turning a number
of river-turtles on their backs to be eaten at his leisure, a
story which Humboldt accepts as true. But the way in which
the tail-fishing is attributed in different countries to one ani-
mal after another, the bear, the wolf, the hyzena, the jackal, the
racoon, the monkey, and the jaguar, authorizes the opinion
that, in most cases at least, it is one of those floating ideas
which are taken up as part of the story-teller’s stock in trade,
and used where it suits him, but with no particular subordina-
tion to fact.
Lastly, another Old World story which has a remarkable
analogue in South America is that of the Diable Boiteux.
This, however, in the state in which it is known to modern
Europe, is a conception a good deal modified under Christian
influences. In the old mythology of our race, it is the Fire-
god who is lame. The unsteady flickering of the flames may
perhaps be figured in the crooked legs and hobbling gait of
Hephestus, and Zeus casts him down from heaven to earth
like his crooked lightnings ; while the stories which correspond
with the Vulcan-myth on German ground tell of the laming of
1 Southey, vol. i. p. 142. 2 Wallace, p. 455.
wr
GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF MYTHS. 309
Wieland, our Wayland Smith, the representative of Hephzestus.
The transfer of the lameness of the Fire-god to the Devil seems
to belong to the mixture of the Scriptural Satan with the ideas
of heathen gods, elves, giants, and demons, which go to form
that strange compound, the Devil of popular medizeval belief.
There is something very quaint in the notion of a lame god
or devil, but it is quite a familiar one in South Africa. The
deity of the Namaquas and other tribes is Tsui’kuap, whose
principal attributes seem to be the causing of pain and death.
This being received a wound in his knee in a great fight, and
““Wounded-knee” appears to be the meaning of his name.?
Moffat’s account, which is indeed not very clear, fits with a late
remark made by Livingstone among another people of South
Africa, the Bakwains. He observes that near the village of
Sechele there is a cave called Lepelole, which no one dared
to enter, for it was the common belief that it was the habita-
tion of the Deity, and that no one who went m ever came out
again. “‘ltis curious,” he says, ‘ that in all their pretended
dreams or visions of their god he has always a crooked leg,
like the Egyptian Thau.””? Kyven in Australia something similar
is to be found. The Biam is held to be like a black, but de-
formed in his lower extremities, the natives say they got many
of the songs sung at their dances from him, but he also causes
diseases, especially one which marks the face like small-pox.*
The Diable Boiteux of South America is thus described by
Poppig, in his account of the life of the forest Indians of Mainas.
“A ghostly being, the Uchuclla-chaqui or Lame-foot, alone
troubles the source of his best pleasure and his livelihood.
Where the forest is darkest, where only the light-avoiding
amphibia and the nocturnal birds dwell, lives this dangerous
creature, and endeavours, by putting on some friendly shape, to
lure the Indian to his destruction. As the sociable hunters do,
1 Welcker, ‘ Griechische Gétterlehre ;? Gottingen, 1857, ete., vol. i. pp. 661-5.
Grimm, D. M., pp. 221, 351, 937-8, 944, 963. See Schirren, p. 164.
2 Moffat, pp. 257-9.
3 Livingstone, p. 124. He means, I presume, Pthah, or rather Pthah-Sokari
Osiris.
4 Eyre, vol. ii. p. 362.
360 GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF MYTHS.
it gives the well understood signs, and, never reached itself,
entices the deluded victim deeper and deeper into the solitude,
disappearing with a shout of mocking laughter when the path
home is lost, and the terrors of the wilderness are increasing
with the growing shadows of night. Sometimes it separates
companions who have gone hunting together, by appearing
first in one place, then in another in an altered form; but it
never can deceive the wary hunter who in distrust examines
the footsteps of his enemy. Hardly has he caught sight of the
quite unequal size of the impressions of the feet, when he
hastens back, and for long after no one dares to make an ex-
pedition into the wilderness, for the visits of the fiend are only
”1 Tn South America as in Africa this is not a mere
local tale, but a widely spread belief.
In conclusion, the analogies between the Mythology of
America and. of the rest of the world which have been here
enumerated, when taken together with the many more which
come into view in studying a wider range of native American
traditions, and after full allowance has been made for the possi-
bility of independent coincidences, seem to me to warrant the
expectation that it will not be long before the American My-
thology will have to be treated as embodying materials common
to other districts of the world, mixed no doubt with purely
native matter. Such a view would bring the early history of
America into definite connexion with that of other regions,
over a larger geographical range than that included in Hum-
boldt’s argument, and would bear with some force, though of
course but indirectly, on the problem of the origin and diffusion
of mankind.
for a time.
' Poppig, ‘Reise in Chile,’ ete. ; Leipzig, 1835, vol. ii. p. 358. Klemm, C. G.
vol. i. p. 276.
a a
ee)
(or)
—
CHAPTER XIII.
CONCLUDING REMARKS.
It has been intimated that the present series of Essays affords
no sufficient foundation for a definite theory of the Rise and
Progress of Human Civilization in early times. Nor, indeed,
will any such foundation be ready for building upon, until a
great deal of preparatory work has been done. Still, the evi-
“dence which has here been brought together seems to tell dis-
tinctly for or against some widely circulated Kthnological
theories, and also to justify a certain amount of independent
generalization, and the results of the foregoing chapters in this
way may now be briefly summed up, with a few additional
remarks.
In the first place, the facts collected seem to favour the view
that the wide differences in the civilization and mental state of
the various races of mankind are rather differences of develop-
ment than of origin, rather of degree than of kind. Thus the
Gesture-Language is the same in principle, and similar in its
details, all over the world. The likeness in the formation both
of pure myths and of those crude theories which have been
described as “myths of observation,’ among races so dissi-
milar in the colour of their skins and the shape of their skulls,
tells in the same direction. And wherever the occurrence of
any art or knowledge in two places can be confidently ascribed
to independent invention, as, for instance, when we find the
dwellers in the ancient lake-habitations of Switzerland, and the
modern New Zealanders, adopting a like construction in their
362 CONCLUDING REMARKS.
curious fabrics of tied bundles of fibre, the similar step thus
made in different times and places tends to prove the similarity
of the minds that made it. Moreover, to take a somewhat
weaker line of argument, the uniformity with which like stages
in the development of art and science are found among the
most unlike races, may be adduced as evidence on the same
side, in spite of the constant difficulty in deciding whether any
particular development is due to independent invention, or to
transmission from some other people to those among whom it
is found. For if the similar thing has been produced in two
places by independent invention, then, as has just been said, it
is direct evidence of similarity of mind. And on the other ©
hand, if it was carried from the one place to the other, or from
a third to both, by mere transmission from people to people,
then the smallness of the change it has suffered in transplant-
ing is still evidence of the like nature of the soil wherever it
is found.
Considered both from this and other points of view, this uni-
form development of the lower civilization is a matter of great
interest. The state of things which is found is not mdeed that
one race does or knows exactly what another race does or
knows, but that similar stages of development recur in different
times and places. There is reason to suppose that our ances-
tors in remote times made fire with a machine much lke that
of the modern Esquimanx, and at a far later date they used the
bow and arrow, as so many savage tribes do still. The fore-
going chapters treating of the history of some early arts, of the
practice of sorcery, of curious customs and superstitions, are
indeed full of instances of the recurrence of like phenomena in
the remotest regions of the world. We might reasonably ex-
pect that men of like minds, when placed under widely diffe-
rent circumstances of country, climate, vegetable and animal
life, and so forth, should develope very various phenomena of
civilization, and we even know by evidence that they actually
do so; but nevertheless it strikingly illustrates the extent of
mental uniformity among mankind to notice that it is really
difficult to find, amcng a list of twenty items of art or kttow-
ledge, custom or superstition, taken at random from a descrip-
eee
CONCLUDING REMARKS. 303
tion of any uncivilized race, a single one to which something
closely analogous may not be found elsewhere among some
other race, unlike the first in physical characters, and living
thousands of miles off. It is taking a somewhat extreme case
to put the Australians to such a test, for they are perhaps the
most peculiar of the lower varieties of Man, yet among the
arts, beliefs, and customs, found among their tribes, there are
comparatively few that cannot be matched elsewhere. They
raise scars on their bodies like African tribes; they circumcise
like the Jews and Arabs; they bar marriage in the female line
like the Iroquois ; they drop out of their language the names of
plants and animals which have been used as the personal names
of dead men, and make new words to serve instead, like the
Abipones of South America; they bewitch their enemies with
locks of hair, and pretend to cure the sick by sucking out
stones through their skin, as is done in so many other regions.
It is true that among their weapons they have one of very
marked, perhaps even specific peculiarity, the boomerang, but
the rest of their armoury, the spear, the spear-thrower, the
club, the throwing-cudgel, are but varieties of mstruments
common elsewhere, and the same is true of their fire-drill, their
stone hatchet, their nets and baskets, their bark canoes and
rafts. And while among the Australians there are only a very
few exceptions to modify the general rule that whatever is
found in one place in the world may be matched more or less
closely elsewhere, piecemeal or as a whole, the proportion of
such exceptions is smaller, and consequently the uniformity of
development more strikingly marked, among most of the other
races of the world who have not risen above the lower levels of
culture.
In the next place, the collections of facts relating to various
useful arts seem to justify the opinion that, in such practical
matters at least, the history of mankind has been on the whole
a history of progress. Over almost the whole world are found
traces of the former use of stone implements, now superseded
by metal; rude and laborious means of making fire have been
supplanted by easier and better processes; over large regions
of the earth the art of boiling in earthen or metal pots over the
364 CONCLUDING REMARKS.
fire has succeeded the ruder art of stone-boiling ; in three dis-
tant countries the art of writing sounds is found developing
itself out of mere picture-writing, and this phonetic writing has
superseded in several districts the use of quipus, or knotted
cords, as a means of record and communication. In the chap-
ter particularly devoted to evidence of progress, a number of
facts are stated which seem to be records of a forward develop-
ment in other arts, in times and places beyond the range of
history. On the other hand, though arts which flourish in
times of great refinement or luxury, and complex processes
which require a combination of skill or labour hard to get
together and liable to be easily disarranged, may often de-
generate, yet the more homely and usefiil the art, and the less
difficult the conditions for its exercise, the less likely it is to
disappear from the world, unless when superseded by some
better device. Races may and do leave off building temples
and monuments of sculptured stone, and fall off im the execu-
tion of masterpieces of metal-work and porcelain, but there is
no evidence of any tribe giving up the use of the spindle to
twist their thread by hand, or haying been in the habit of
working the fire-drill with a thong, and going back to the
clumsier practice of working it without, and it is even hard
to fancy such a thing happening. Since the Hottentots have
learnt, within the last two centuries or so, to smelt the iron ore
of their country, it is hard to imagine that anything short of
extirpating them or driving them into a country destitute of
iron, could make them go back to the Stone Age in which
their ancestors lived. Some facts are quoted which bear on
the possible degeneration of savage tribes when driven out into
the desert, or otherwise reduced to destitution, or losing their
old arts in the presence of a higher civilization, but there seems
ground for thinking that such degeneration has been rather of
a local than of a general character, and has rather affected the
fortunes of particular tribes than the development of the world
at large. Ido not think I have ever met with a single fact
which seems to me to justify the theory, of which Dr. von Mar-
tius is perhaps the leading advocate, that the ordinary condition
of the savage is the result of degeneration from a far higher
CONCLUDING REMARKS. 365
state. The chapter on “Images and Names,” which explains
the arts of Magic as the effects of an early mental condition
petrified into a series of mystic observances carried up into the
midst of a higher culture, is indeed in the strongest opposition
to the view that these superstitious practices are mutilated
remnants of a higher system of belief which prevailed in former
times, and this latter view is one of the strong points of the
theory of degeneration. So far as may be judged from the
scanty and defective evidence which has as yet been brought
forward, I venture to think the most: reasonable opinion to be
that the course of development of the lower civilization has
been on the whole in a forward direction, though interfered
with occasionally and locally by the résults of degrading and
destroying influences.
Granting the existence of this onward movement in the
lower levels of art and science, the question then arises, how any
particular piece of skill or knowledge has come into any parti-
cular place where it is found. Three ways are open, indepen-
dent invention, inheritance from ancestors in a distant region,
transmission from one race to another; but between these
three ways the choice is commonly a difficult one. Sometimes,
indeed, the first is evidently to be preferred. Thus, though the
floating gardens of Mexico and Cashmere are very similar de-
vices, it seems more likely that the Mexican chinampua was in-
vented on the spot than that the idea of it was imported from
a distant region. Though the wattled cloth of the Swiss lake-
dwellings is so similar in principle to that of New Zealand, it
is much easier to suppose it the result of separate invention
than of historical connexion. Though both the Egyptians and
Chinese came upon the expedient of making the picture of an
object stand for the sound which was the name of that object,
there is no reason to doubt their having done so independently.
But the more difficult it is to account for observed facts in
this way, and the more necessary it becomes to have recourse
to theories of inheritance or transmission to explain them, the
greater is their value in the eyes of the Ethnologist. Wherever
he can judge that the existence of similar phenomena in the
eulture of distant peoples cannot be fairly accounted for, except
366 CONCLUDING REMARKS.
by supposing that there has been a connexion by blood or by
intercourse between them, then he has before him evidence
bearing upon the history of civilization and on the history of
mankind, evidence which shows that such movements as have
introduced guns, axes, books, into America in historic times,
have also taken place in unhistoric times among tribes whose
ancestors have left them no chronicles of past ages. Thus the
appearing of the Malay smelting-furnace in Madagascar, and
of the outrigger canoe in Hast Australia and the Andaman Is-
lands, may be appealed to as evidence of historical connexion.
And it is possible that the Ethnographer may some day feel
himself justified in giving to this kind of argument a far wider
range, that he may clatm, for instance, for the bow and arrow
a common origin wherever it is found, that is, over the whole
world with perhaps no exception but part of Polynesia, and
part or the whole of Australia. So, noticing that the distr-
bution of the potter’s art in North America is not sporadic, as
if a tribe here and a tribe there had wanted it and invented
it, but that it rises northwards in a compact field from Mexico
among the tribes Hast of the Rocky Mountains, he may
argue that it spread from a single source, and is at once a re-
sult and a proof of the transmission of civilization. Indeed, it
seems as though the recurrence of similar groups in the inven-
tories of instruments and works of the lower races, so remark-
able both in the presence of like things and the comparative
absence of unlike ones, might come to supply, in a more ad-
vanced state of Kthnography, the materials for an indefinite
series of arguments bearing on the early history of man.
It is not to be denied, however, that there is usually a large
element of uncertainty in inferences of this kind taken alone,
and it is only in special cases that summary generalizations
from such evidence can as yet be admitted. Indeed, its proper
place is rather as accompanying the argument from language,
mythology, and customs, than as standing by itself. Thus the
appearance, just referred to, of the Malay blast-furnace in
Madagascar has to be viewed in connexion with the affinity in
language between Madagascar and the islands of the Hastern
Archipelago. Putting the two things together, we may assume
i i ee
€
CONCLUDING REMARKS. 367
that the connexion with Madagascar dates from a time since
the introduction of iron-smelting in a part of the great Malayo-
Polynesian district, and belongs to that particular group of is-
lands near the Eastern coast of Asia where this immense step
in material civilization was made. Again, the philological re-
searches of Buschmann, which have brought into view traces
of the Aztec language up into the heart of North America,
fifteen hundred miles and more north of the City of Mexico,
join with several other lines of evidence in bringing far distant
parts of the population of the continent into historical con-
nexion, and in showing, at least, that such communication
between its different peoples as may have spread the art of
pottery from a single locality is not matter of mere speculation.
It is in this way that it will probably be found most expedient
to use fragmentary arguments from the distribution of the arts
and sciences of savage tribes, in Ethnological districts where
a way has been already opened by more certain methods.
In its bearmg on the History of Mankind, the tendency of
modern research in the region of Comparative Mythology is
not to be mistaken. ‘The number of myths recorded as found
in different countries, where it is hardly conceivable that they
should have grown independently, goes on steadily increasing
from year to year, each one furnishing a new clue by which
common descent or intercourse is to be traced. Such evidence,
as fast as it is brought before the public, is received with the
most lively interest; and not only is its value fully admitted,
but there may even be observed a tendency to use it with too
much confidence in proof of common descent, without enough
consideration of what we know of the way in which Mythology
really travels from race to race. ‘The cause of the occurrence
of a myth, or of a whole family of myths, may be, and no doubt
often is, mere intercourse, which has as little to do with com-
mon descent as the connexion which has planted the stories
of the Arabian Nights among the Malays of Borneo, and the
legends of Buddha among the Chinese. On the other hand,
the argument from similar customs has received, as a whole,
comparatively little attention, but it is not without importance.
Two or three, at least, of the customs remarked upon in the
368 CONCLUDING REMARKS.
present volume, in the group including the cure by sucking,
the couvade, and others, such as the wide-spread superstitions
connected with sneezing, on which Mr. Haliburton gave a lec-
ture, in 1863, at Halifax, Nova Scotia,| may be adduced as
facts for the occurrence of which in distant times and places
it is hard to account on any other hypothesis than that of deep-
lying connexion, by blood or intercourse, among races which
history, and even philology, only knows as isolated sections of
the population of the world.
On the whole, it does not seem to be an unreasonable, or
even an over-sanguine view, that the mass of analogies in Art
and Knowledge, Mythology and Custom, confused and indis-
tinct as they at present are, may already be taken to indicate
that the civilizations of many races, whose history even the
evidence of Language has not succeeded in bringing into con-
nexion, have really grown up under one another’s influences,
or derived common material from a common source. But that
such lines of argument should ever be found to converge in the
last instance towards a single point, so as to enable the student
to infer from reasoning on a basis of observed facts that the
civilization of the whole world has its origin in one parent
stock, is, in the present state of our knowledge, rather a theo-
retical possibility than a state of things of which even the most
dim and distant view is to be obtained.
On another subject, on which it would not be prudent to
offer a definite opinion, a few words may nevertheless be said.
Every attempt to trace back the early history of civilization
tends, however remotely, towards an ultimate limit—the pri-
mary condition of the human race, as regards their knowledge
of the laws of nature and their power of modifying the outer
world for their own ends. Such lines of investigation as go
back from the Bronze or Iron Ages to the time of the use of
implements of stone, from the higher to the lower methods of
fire-making, from the boat to the raft, from the use of the spin-
dle to the art of hand-twisting, and so on, seem to enable the
student to see back through the history of human culture to a
state of art and science somewhat resembling that of the savage
1 ¢ Anthropological Review,’ Nov. 1863, p. 491.
a ee
CONCLUDING REMARKS. 369
tribes of modern times. It is useful to work back to this
point, at least as a temporary resting-place in the argument,
seeing that a state of things really known to exist is generally
more convenient to reason upon than a purely theoretical one.
But if we may judge that the present condition of savage tribes
is the complex result of not only a long but an eventful history,
in which development of culture may have been more or less
interfered with by degradation caused by war, disease, oppres-
sion, and other mishaps, it does not seem likely that any tribe
known to modern observers should be anything like a fair
representative of primary conditions. Still, positive evidence
of anything lower than the known state of savages is scarce
in the extreme. If indeed we may feel certain that the men
whose tools and weapons are found in the Drift Beds, in the
Bone Caves, and in the Shell-Heaps of Denmark, were not in
the habit of grinding the edges of any of their stone imple-
ments, such a state of things may be instanced as evidence of
a condition of one of the useful arts lying below anything that
has been observed among the lowest savage tribes. Even if it
should be established that a few isolated specimens of ground
implements occur among the thousands of unground ones be-
longing to this lowest division of the Stone Age, its general
character, as consisting almost exclusively of unground imple-
ments, would remain nearly as distinct as ever from anything
recorded among tribes known to travellers or historians.
To turn to a very different department of culture, some of
the facts belonging to the history of custom and superstition
may for the last time be referred to, as perhaps having their
common root in a mental condition underlying anything to be
met with now. The remarkable custom of the Cowvade, which
in several distant regions of the world appears a mere dark
superstitious mystery, finds an intelligible explanation among
the South American tribes who consciously believe that dif-
ferent persons are not necessarily separate beings, as we take
them to be, but that there is such a physical connexion between
father and son, that the diet of the one affects the health of
‘the other. The early fusion of objective and subjective rela-
tions in the mind, of the effects of which in superstitious prac-
2B
370 CONCLUDING REMARKS.
tices handed down from age to age so much has been said in
this book, may perhaps not be fully or exactly represented in
the mental state of any living tribe of men.
There have been indeed few more important movements in
the course of the history of mankind, than this change of opi-
nion as to the nature and relations of what is in the mind and
what is out of it. To say nothing of its vast effects upon
Ethics and Religion, the whole course of Science, and of Art,
of which Science is a principal element, have been deeply in-
fluenced by this mental change. Man’s views of the difference
between imagination and reality, of the nature of cause and
effect, of the connexion between himself and the external world,
and of the parts of the external world among themselves, have
been entirely altered by it. To the times before this movement
had gone too far, belong the developments of Mythology, so
puzzling to later ages which had risen to a higher mental
state, and had then thrown down the ladder they had climbed
by. The modern deciphering of ancient myths has been per-
haps more valuable than any direct examination of savage
races, in giving us the means of realizing that early state of
mind in which there is scarcely any distinct barrier between
fact and fancy,—to which whatever is similaris the same. If
the clouds are driven across the sky like cows from their pas-
ture, they are not merely compared to cows, but are thought
and talked of as though they really were cows; if the sun
travels along its course like a glittering chariot, forthwith the
wheels and the driver and the horses are there ; while by treat-
ing a name as though it necessarily represented a person, it
becomes possible to evolve out of the contemplation of nature
those wonderful stories in which even the earth, the sea, and
the sky, combine with their natural attributes a kind of half-
human personality. The opinion that dreams and phantasms
have an objective existence out of the mind that perceives
them, and that when two ideas are associated in a man’s mind
the objects to which those ideas belong must have a corre-
sponding physical connexion, are views over which the long
course of observation and study of nature has brought a vast
change. These things belong to that early condition of the
ee
or
CONCLUDING REMARKS. 37]
human mind, from which, to say nothing of the special views
of metaphysicians and leaders in science, the ordinary ideas of
Man and Nature held by educated men differ so widely. How-
ever far these ideas may in their turn be left behind, the growth
which can be traced within the range of our own observation
and inference, is one of no scant measure. It may bear com-
parison with one of the great changes in the mental life of the
individual man, perhaps rather with the expansion and fixing
of the mind which accompanies the passage from infancy into
youth, than with the later steps from youth into manhood, or
from manhood into old age.
INDEX.
Abipones, 140, 146, 290, etc.
Adobe, 99.
Holian flutes, living, 177.
Africa, Beast-Fables of,
Stone Age in, 219-22.
Alnajah of Ethiopia, 216.
Alphabets and Syllabaria, 101-5: Fin-
ger-alphabet, 17.
America, connexion of its civilization
with that of the Old World, 206, 275,
331-60.
American chroniclers, 250.
Andaman Islanders, 160.
Archimedes, his burning mirrors, 248.
Architecture, evidence of progress in,
166.
Ark, 323.
Arrow-heads, stone, 208, 210, 221.
Articulation of deaf-mutes, 70-5.
Arts, transmission of, 167, etc., 365.
Aryan race, their use of metal, 212;
their fire apparatus, 241, 254.
Astrology, 132.
Aubin, M., on phonetic characters of
Mexicans, 94-6.
Australians, 141, 144, 176, 200, 261,
280, 363, ete.
Axes, stone, 199.
10-2, 355;
Bakalahari, 184.
Baking in hollow trees, ant-hills, pits,
260.
Balsam of Judea, 217.
Bamboo, fire produced from, 237.
Barbecue, 261.
Basques, 297.
Beast-Fables in EKurope and Africa,
10-2, 355; Lion and Mouse, 342.
Bee-hunting, Australian method of, 176.
Bellows for iron-smelting, 167.
Bewitching, by images, 118-20, 125 ;
by earth-cutting, 120; by names,
124-6 ; by locks of hair, parings of
nails, leavings of food, ete. 127-30;
by symbolic charms, 130, 133; by
‘wishing,’ 133; by the evil eye, 134.
Bible, tales derived from, 329-31.
Bird-trap, rudimentary, 169.
Blast-pump for iron-smelting, in East
and Madagascar, 167-9, 366.
Boats, remains of, on mountains, etc.,
320-4.
Boats and rafts, 162.
Boiling, 261-9 ; with hot stones, 262-7;
vessels for, 267-9.
Bolas, 176.
Bone-caves, 196, 312; stone imple-
ments of, 196.
Bones burnt for fuel, 183.
Boomerang, 175, 186, 363.
Bread-fruit paste, 179.
Bridge of Dead, 349-52.
Bronze Age in America, 205; in Asia,
206.
Bucaneers, 261.
Bucaning, 260.
Burial in carroes, etc., 352.
Burning-lens, 247.
Burning-mirror, 248-51.
Bushmen, 184.
Calculation by stones, 163.
Calendars of N. A. Indians, 91; of
Mexicans, 92, 332. .
Caliban, 245.
Celts, stone, 198-201.
vee America, ruined cities of, 181,
205.
Charms, 130.
Cherokees, their syllabarium, 104.
Chinampas, 171.
China, aboriginal tribes of, 207, 294.
Chinese, their clan-names, 278; their
phonetic writing, 99-101.
Chocolate, 177.
Christy, Mr. H., his exploration of bone-
caves of Périgord, 196 ; finding stone-
implements in North Africa, 221.
Churn worked with cord, 240.
Circumcision : — with stone knives
among Jews, 214-8; Rabbinical law
as to instrument, 215; among Alna-
jah in Ethiopia, 216; in Fiji islands,
216; in Australia, 218.
374 INDEX.
Cistercians, their gesture-language, 40-2.
Civilization, progress of, 2, 118, 136,
148, 150, etc., 197, 292, 296, 363,
371; decline of, 180-7, 364.
Clan-names : — in China, 278; Salen
wet!
is