OF THE UNIVERSITY P OF ^

THE

SANGLI STATE.

'*^ -^i-yr.*-

- Rao BAK^iDUR D/ B. PARASNIS,

HAPPY VALE, SATARA.

BOMBAY:

Lakshmi Art Printing Works,

Sankli Street, Byculla. I917.

(All J ights Rese ^d).

Printed by N. V. Ghumre at the LAKSHMI ART PRINTING WORKS,

97B. Sankli Street, Byculla, Bombay, and

Published by Rao Bahadur D. 8. Parasnis, Happy Vale. Satara.

SHRIMANT

CH NTAMANRAO

ALIAS

APPASAHEB PATWARDHAN,

CHIEF OF SANGLI,

. - THIS BOOK

IS

WITH KIND PERMISSION

DEDICATED.

ivi843165

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V

FOREWORD.

This little book contains only a short sketch of the history of the Sangli State which represents the senior branch of the celebrated family of the Patwardhans. It is chiefly based on the authentic old records as well as the published correspondence of the Duke of Wellington, Sir Mountstuart Elphinstone, Sir Thomas Munro and others, who were so largely instrumental in establishing the British Raj in the Deccan, and who rendered valuable support to this historical family of the Patwardhans, whose glorious deeds on the battle-field and deep attachment to the Briti.sh Throne are too well-known to need mention.

If this brief narrative succeed in awakening interest in the lovers of the Maratha history, it will have achieved the object with which it is presented to the public.

I am greatly indebted to Shrimant Bapusaheb Patwardhan, B.A., LL.B., Bar-at-law, for kindly giving me the benefit of his valuable suggestions, and also I have to thank Rao Bahadur M, K. Kumthekar, State Karbhari, Sangli, for his friendly advice.

D. B. P.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER PAGE

I. The SANGLI State ( Short History) . . 1-66

II. Genealogy 67

\

APPENDICES.

APPENDIX PAGE

I. Memorandum of Terms settled with the Pat- wardhan family by Major-General Wellesley in A.D. 1803 I

II. The Agreement of Pandharpur between the British Government and the Patwardhan Jahagirdars 3

III. Tieaty between the Hon'ble East India Co.

and Chintamanrao Appasaheb Patwardhan, Chief of Sangli, concluded on the 15th May 1819 5

IV. The Articles of Stipulation on the Transfer

of Lands to the amount of Rs. 1,35,000 in lieu of contingent of 450 required by the Tainat Jabta, dated Beejapur, I2th December 1820 . 8

V. General Information about the Sangli State . 10

VI. A short account of Ganpati-Devasthan at

Sangli 14

ILLUSTRATIONS.

PAGE

Shrimant Chintamanrao Appasaheb . Frontispiece^

Govind Hari Patwardhan .... 4

Chintamanrao Appasaheb Patwardhan . . il

Maratha Army under Parasharam Bhau

Patwardhan l8

General Wellesley 26

Death of Dhondia Waugh . . . .32 The Entrance to the Sangli Palace. . . 38 A Reward for Loyalty. . . • . 57 •

Facsimile of Sir M. Elphinstone's letter to

Chintamanrao 58

Dhimdirao Tatyasaheb Patwardhan . . 64 Shrimant Madhaorao Raosaheb . . .66

A pp. PAGE

A River Scene at Sangli 10

The Temples at Sangli 14

THE PATWARDHANS.

"The family of Pursheram Bhow are the most ancient friends that the British Government have in the Mahratta Empire. Pursheram Bhow had under his command a body of British troops during the former war against Tippoo. His sons and relations, the present Chiefs of that family, served in the same army, and there gained a knowledge and respect for the valour and discipline of a British army, which v\'as the first cause of their joining me in the campaign of 1800 against Dhoondiah Waugh."

"The Patwardhan family, connected, as I have above mentioned, as they are with the British Government, are certainly the most respectable of all the Peshwah's subjects properly so called. They are the support of the system of order which exists on the Company's frontier, and on the frontiers of Mysore; and they are a check to the nest of free- hooters . . . and to the numerous polygars who inhabit the countries watered by the Kistna, MaU poorba and Gutpurba."

— Letter from General Arflmr Wellesley to Lieut-Col. Close, dated the 2iird February 1804.

'-^

y

THE

SANGLI STATE.

V

^

THE Sangli State lies in the Southern Maratha Country and forms part of the historical possessions of the Patwar- dhans, who were, in the words of the Duke of Wellington, ' staunch allies of the British Government,' and ' the support of the system of order that existed on the Company's iifontier,' exactly a century ago. The Chief of Sangli is a member of this historical family of the Patwardhans, who originally came from the Konkan in the early part of the l8th century and rose to distinction under the Peshwas of Poona. The founder of the family was one Harbhat, son of Bajambhat, a resident of Kotawada, a small village in the Ratnagiri District. He was born in A.D. 1655 and spent his boyhood at his village in the study of the Vedas. Striken with poverty, as he was, he had to leave his native place for Pula, a famous shrine near Chiplun, to perform devout austerities in

order to invoke the blessings of the god Ganpati. Twelve years later, it is said, he obtained the fruit of his devotional aus- terities and received a divine assurance of success and prosperity in his life. Leaving the Konkan he crossed the Ghats and since that day his fortune was ever on the ascen- dant. The fame of his piety and virtues^ attracted the notice of Naro Mahadeo, the able minister of Ghorpade Senapati, who invited him to Kapsi and appointed him his Kiilopadhaya, i.e., family-priest— an office which was then highly prized by the Brah- mins and is still held in honour and respect by his descendant, the Chief of Sangli. Naro Mahadeo, who became subsequently the illustrious founder of the Ichalkaranji State, was a great statesman of those days and wielded considerable influence in the Mara- tha kingdom. Balaji Vishwanath, the first Peshwa, sought his relationship and offered his daughter Anubai to his son Venkatrao. The marriage was performed with great pomp at Satara in A.D. 1713. This event brought Harbhat, the family-priest of Naro Mahadeo, prominently to the notice of Balaji Vishwanath, who was deeply impressed with his Vedic learning, shrewd common-sense, and saintly virtues, and developed a strong liking for him.

The further details of Harbhat's re- lations with the Peshwa and his sons are unfortunately not available ; but it is quite evident that he had been sufficiently in- troduced in the household of the Peshwas and was highly respected by them. Harbhat died in A.D. 1750 at Poona, and his name ^;was commemorated by his son, Govind Hari, who founded ' Haripur,' a small village near Sangli, on the banks of the river Krishna. Harbhat had seven sons, viz., I Krishna-bhat, 2 Balambhat, 3 Trimbak- pant, 4Govindpant, 5 Mahadeobhat, 6 Ram- chandrapant, and 7 Bhaskarpant. Of these Trimbak, Govind and Ramchandra rose to great distinction in the Maratha Empire on account of their valour and courage and won the favour of the Peshwas, Bajirao and his son Balaji, who appointed them military commanders. They collected large armies and conquered extensive territory and push- ed forward the southern boundary of the Maratha Empire to the Tungbhadra on the Mysore frontier. Their descendants also proved themselves worthy sons of their worthy fathers and maintained their martial spirit and heroic reputation. They were rewarded with Jahagirs and Inams; and the present Chiefs of Sangli, Jamkhandi, Miraj, and Kurundwad, who are their lineal descen-

dants,enjoy only a small part of their original Jahagir which once comprised the whole fertile tract between the Krishna and the Tungbhadra, known as the Karnatic Country. The Chief of the Sangli State is the direct descendant of Govind Hari, who entered the Peshwa's service in A.D. 1719, and on account of his superior talents and high^^ character, was subsequently appointed an accountant to Indroji Kadam, a renowned shiledar or cavalry officer under Bajirao I, who had amassed such a large fortune by his conquests that, it is said, he used to put on silver shoes to the horses in his cavalry. Shortly after the death of this vain-glorious Maratha nobleman in A.D. 1741, Govind Hari succeeded to the command of his famous cavalry. Being a gallant and capable sol- dier, he distinguished himself in several expeditions under Balaji Bajirao, who raised him to the position of a Jahagirdar and conferred upon him a military Saranjam with the honour of a palanquin. Govind Hari, along with his son Gopalrao, and his brother Ramchandra Hari, rendered valuable services to the Peshwas in their campaigns against Hyder, the Nizam, and other opponents of the Maratha power, and fully established their ascendancy in South- ern India. Ramchandra Hari also fought

GOVIND HARI PATWARDHAN, (AD. 1741 — 1771.)

bravely in the battle of Bassien, and died at Shivrajpur in Northern India in A.D. 1740, leaving behind him an only son, Parasharam Ramchandra, who was only ten years old. Govind Hari took great interest in this promising young lad and gave him military training under his direct supervision with the excellent result that the young subaltern soon turned out a great warrior and played an important part in the Maratha politics during the latter part of the i8th century. The name of Parasharam Bhau is written in gold letters in the annals of the Maratha history and his glorious achievements in the Maratha battle-field are worthy of a great national hero.

It is not necessary here to describe in detail the successful operations performed by Govind Hari and his son Gopalrao, in the eventful reign of Balaji Bajirao and that of his son Madhaorao I, as they were chiefly associated in almost all their mili- tary undertakings. For bravery and skill they were inferior to none. In the battles with Damaji Gaikwad at Satara, with the Nizam at Tandulja, with the Nawab of Savanur, and with Hyder in the Karnatic, they displayed rare courage and resource- fulness. Their exploits were of a superior order and were highly testified to by the

Peshvvas, who from time to time bestowed upon them the grants of Mangalwedha, Miraj, Dodwad, and other places.

In the beginning of the reign of Madhao- rao I, the state of the Poona Darbar was far from satisfactory, frequent disputes occuring between the young Peshwa and his ambitious uncle Raghunathrao and thus disturbing the peace of Maharashtra for a time. In this critical period, Govind Hari, however, remained faithful and loyal to his master, and supported the cause of the 3^oung Peshwa, who was exceedingly grati- fied at his fidelity and devotion and in recog- nition of his services conferred upon him in A.D. 1764 a military Saranjam of Rs. 25,41,900 for the expenses of the cavalryj which was assigned in the following manner: —

4,600 Sowars to Govind Hari. 2,400 Sowars to Parasharam Ram-

chandra. 1,000 Sowars to Nilkanth Trimbak.

The grant of the Saranjam was issued in the name of Govind Hari as being the head of the family.

Govind Hari established the capital of his Jahagir at Miraj and resided there till his death. His elder son Gopalrao, who had greatly distinguished himself in the

battle of Halsingi with Hyder's army, died at Miraj, on the 17th January A.D. 1771, which event accelerated the death of his veteran father on the 2ist November of the same year. Govind Hari left behind him 3 sons, Wamanrao, Pandurangrao and Gangadharrao, who inherited their father's military talents and were already trained in military duties. The eldest son, Waman- rao, succeeded to the Jahagir of Govind Hari and was invested by the Peshwa with the dress of honour in A.D. 1772. Wamanrao was a promising young hero and had already made his mark in the battle of Motitalao, by exhibiting remarkable courage and dash in inflicting a crushing defeat on Hyder, the inveterate foe of the Marathas. Unfor- tunately, however, his life was cut short by the cruel hand of death on the 2nd October A.D. 1775 at Warangaon, on the banks of the river Tapti, where he had encamped with the Peshwa's army on his northward march. This sad event spread a gloom over the Patwardhan family, but the accession of his brother Pandurangrao to the Jahagir soon raised new hopes destined only to last for a short time.

Scarcely had he succeeded to the com- mand of the Patwardhan army, when Pandurangrao was called up to undertake

8

the formidable task of opposing Hyder, who had advanced with the declared intention of taking possession of the whole Maratha country south of the Krishna. He had already occupied the whole of the Peshwa's districts south of the Tungbhadra including Bellary and Gooty and carried his conquest to the gates of Savanur. The Peshwa's ministers at Poona selected Pandurangrao and his cousin Konherrao, cavalry officers of great distinction, who had served gallant- ly in many a successful battle, to achieve the task of repulsing and punishing Hyder. They undertook this military expedition with great eagerness and vigour, and pro- ceeded with their forces to put down the powerful enemy. They were joined in the Karnatic by Krishnarao Pause with his artillery and by Shivrao Ghorpade with a select body of horse. They pushed forward towards Bankapur where Hyder had taken a strong position. They meditated an organised and forcible attack on the enemy and concentrated their army at Handigol near Kundgol, where the enemy was ade- quately prepared to face them.

" Hyder prepared such a force," writes Colonel Wilks, " as he deemed sufficient to repel this meditated attack, and conferred the command on Mahommed Ali, who was

also invested with authority over the troops at Bankapur. This skilful officer came up with the Marathas at a place called Saunsee, and found them drawn up to offer him battle. He made his dispositions and commenced the action with his cavalry, by a feint in which he was repulsed in apparent disorder. The Marathas pursued with precipitation in the confidence that the fortune of the day had already decided in their favour; when suddenly the fugitives received through the intervals a powerful reserve; and at the same instant, a tremen- dous fire of grape and musquetry poured in on the flank of the pursuers, from an ambush previously prepared. The slaughter w^as serious and the confusion irretrievable. Mahommed Ali made a determined charge at the head of his cavalry, and completed the rout. The pursuit was continued for nine miles from the field of battle; and the capture of two out of the four Chiefs, with a considerable number of subordinate officers, and three thousand horses secured for the service of the State attested the decisive result of this combat."

The two Maratha Chiefs, mentioned above as killed in the action, were Kon- herrao and Jiwaba Jadhao, and the two that surrendered and were captured, were

2

10

Pandurangrao andShivrao Ghorpade. The Marathas fought with dauntless courage in the action, but fortune did not favour their tactics and they sustained a severe defeat. Hyder carried away Pandurangrao and other prisoners triumphantly to his capital at Seringapatam and put them into con- finement. The treatment meted out to Pandurangrao was far from being honour- able and humane, though Hyder apparently made a show of his regard for the Maratha hero by preparing silver chains for him. The latter did not survive long to bear the insults and dishonour of the prison-life at Seringapatam. He died on the 4th Novem- ber A.D. 1777. The defeat of the Marathas at the fierce battle of Saunsi was a great blow to the Patwardhan family, but it served to stir up the Marathas to take revenge on Hyder, and the subsequent invasions led by Parasharam Bhau reduced the power of Hyder and Tipu and the Maratha conquest was carried beyond the banks of the Tungbhadra.

On the capture of Pandurangrao by Hyder Ali, the Poona ministers sent their condolences and sympathies to the members of the Patwardhan family, and recognised Hariharrao, the eldest son of Pandurangrao, as the successor to the Jahagir and presented

II

him with a dress of honour on the 1st October A.D. 1778. Owing to the minority of Harihar- rao, the leadership of the family naturally devolved on Parasharam Bhau as the senior member of the family. It is needless to say that he rose to the occasion and performed his duty towards his family and his country in a manner noble and deserving. He took a prominent part in almost all the important operations of the Poona Darbar, especially in the invasions against Hyder and Tipu, and scored brilliant victories over them. He revived the military prestige of the family and earned for himself an everlasting fame. Soon after the death of Pandurangrao, another calamity befell the family. His son Hariharrao, who had been brought up with parental care by Parasharam Bhau, succumbed to a short illness in A.D. 1782. However, little disheartened, Parasharam Bhau put forward the claims of Chinta- manrao, the second son of Pandurangrao, and secured for him from the Poona Darbar the Saranjam Jahagir on the 6th February A.D. 1783 and managed it with due care on his behalf. Chintamanrao, only a boy of nine years at the time, was greatly attached to his uncle Parasharam Bhau, who took keen interest in his welfare and showed due respect to his position,

12

as indeed was befitting the representa- tive of the senior branch of the family, in whose name the Jahagir stood. The young Chief became afterwards the famous Chintamanrao Appasaheb, the founder of Sangli, and the history of that State really dates from him.

It may be mentioned that before the accession of Chintamanrao to the Jahagir of the Patwardhans, the Maratha affairs at Poona were in a most critical condition. The Peshwa,Sawai Madhaorao, being merely a child, the administration was conducted by Nana Phadanvis and other ministers in his name at Purandhar. Raghunathrao and his partisans were intriguing against the Poona Darbar, and constant hostilities were carried on with great vigour on all sides. The Raja of Kolhapur had actually entered into alliance with Raghunathrao in con- junction with Hyder Ali of Mysore. The Nizam was seeking an opportunity to prowl on the Maratha territory. The English had already espoused the cause of Raghu- nathrao and had undertaken an invasion against Poona. At such a critical moment the Patwardhans remained, be it said to their credit, loyal to the Poona Darbar, and supported the cause of Sawai Madhaorao, which fact alone contributed to embitter

13

the feelings of Raghunathrao against them. But his enmity was not so dangerous as the vindictiveness of his son Bajirao II, the last Peshwa, who, on assuming the powers later on, actually worked the destruction of the Patwardhans and tried to take revenge upon them.

In spite of all these difficulties, however, Parasharam Bhau behaved very wisely and resolutely and bore a very conspicuous part in the glorious defence of the Maratha Empire. Chintamanrao, who was guided by him, followed his example and remained faithful to his master. Parasharam Bhau played a prominent part in the first Maratha War with the English and the success of the operations against General Goddard in A.D. 1779 was attributed, in a great measure, to his skill and bravery. The knowledge and experience gained by Parasharam Bhau on this occasion made a favourable impres- sion upon his mind as to the perseverence, unity and discipline of the English army, which chiefly induced him to co-operate with them in their great campaign against Tipu in A.D. 1790.

The first important event in the life of Chintamanrao was the combined movement of the three allies : the Marathas, the Nizam and the English, against Tipu, who had

14

greatly harassed them and had become a source of constant danger to their power. By the treaty of Salbai in A.D. 1782, the Marathas had become the friends and allies of the English and readily united in their joint action. The triple alliance was signed by the Peshwa at Poona on the 1st June A.D. 1790, and Parasharam Bhau was selected by Nana Phadanvis to take up the command of the Maratha forces. A British detachment under Captain Little was also sent from Bombay in order to join them up and act under the instructions of Parasharam Bhau, — an uni- que honour so richly deserved by that renowned Brahmin General. The campaign assumed a greater magnitude than was ex- pected, owing to the significant fact that the Governor-General, Lord Cornwallis, took upon himself the chief command of the Madras army and vigorously proceeded to Mysore to give Tipu a crushing blow.

Chintamanrao, who was only seventeen years of age at this time, took considerable interest in this campaign, and with the spirit of a proud Maratha soldier, ordered his cavalry to be ready to join his uncle Parasharam Bhau. It may be mentioned here that the three Patwardhan Chiefs, who held the military Saranjam in their names, fixed their own camps separately from

15

each other according to the convenience of their respective armies. Chintamanrao, the senior Chief, remained at Miraj, which was selected by Govind Hari as the head quarters of his army; Parasharam Bhau preferred Tasgaon ; and Raghunathrao Nilkanth chose Kurundwad. This arrange- ment was made only with a view to locate their large armies comfortably at three different places, where they could get abun- dant supplies and ample water, and further to serve the purpose of military defence. But all the Chiefs were practically un- divided and entertained most affectionate and sympathetic feelings for each other. For all intents and purposes they were united and always ready for the service of their nation.*

The total number of their cavalry according to the Saranjam grant was 8,000, but Parasharam Bhau added 7,000 more for the prosecution of the late Karnatic War, for the expenses of which a territory of Rupees 14 lacs was assigned separately.

* The remarks made by Major Dirom, the Deputy Adjutant General in this campaign, about these Maratha Chiefs are worth quoting. He says : —

" The Chiefs themselves and all the Marathas in their suite, and indeed all their people were remarkably plain but neat in their appearances, mild in their aspect, humane in their disposition, polite and unaffected in their address. They distinguished themselves by obedience to their Chiefs, and attachment to their country,"

I6

Besides these, there were some artillery and infantry regiments.

The English detachment under Cap- tain Little arrived near Miraj by the end of June A.D. 1790 and encamped at Kumtha awaiting further orders for march. Chinta- manrao, the senior Chief of the Patwar- dhans, who was the first to receive the English army in his territory, showed con- siderable attention to them and reviewed their parade with curiosity. A Military Officer who was present with the English army at Kumtha has noted this incident in his diary : —

" 1st of July : — Coompta. In the after- noon a fine youth of about 17 attended by an elephant and some cavalry, came to look at our parade ; on which occasion a wish was expressed that our allies would give us more frequent proofs of confidence in the British detachment."

The British Commander paid a visit of ceremony to the Bhau's camp on the 9th July A.D. 1790, and was received with due respect by Chintamanrao and Bhau. The following English officers were present at this interview and received costly pre- sents of dresses of honour from the Pat- wardhan Chiefs: —

I. Captain John Little, Commander.

2. Captain McDonald.

3. Captain Thompson.

4. Mr. Uhthoff.

5. Lieut. Boden.

6. Lieut. Ross,

7. Mr. Crusoe (Doctor).

8. Sayed Ali.

The return visit was paid by Chinta- manrao and Bhau on the nth July A.D. 1790. This is described by the Military Officer as follows : —

'^ nth July: — This afternoon the Bhow returned Captain Little's visit in state. He was attended by five elephants, and about 500 cavalry, very well mounted ; and of genuine old Maratha class of horse: our line turned out to receive him; and the artillery saluted him with 17 guns. The principal person in his suite was Chinta- manrao, a fine youth of 17, his kinsman ; and commanding the Meritch contingent of cavalry. The presents made by our'Comman- der on this occasion amounted in value to about three thousand five hundred rupees."

The united forces of the Patwardhans and the British started on the 2nd August on their expedition against Tipu. They marched in the following order: —

(I) Bini ( Advance-Guard ) on the extreme left.

3

i8

(2) The British detachment on his

left.

(3) Chintamanrao with the Miraj

division on the left of the British.

(4) Parasharam Bhau in person with

his division on the left of Chintamanrao.

(5) Some Commanders of lesser

distinction on the left of the whole.

The following interesting description comes from the pen of the same officer and is dated on the 14th of September when the allied armies were nearing Dharwar : —

"This day we were accommodated with the first fair display of the Bhow's force ; which was now estimated at 15,000 horse, and 3,000 foot, of various descriptions ; Arabs and Sindians, and Rohilas, and some half-disciplined Hindusthanies, with mus- kets. The spectacle had certainly an imposing and magnificent effect; exhibiting a better equipped and more formidable body of cavalry, than that for which we had given them credit. The night view of the Maratha camp filling the hollow in our rear, and extending upwards, along the surrounding acclivities, was singularly splendid ; blazing with innumerable fires."

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19

Chintamanrao was extremely anxious to take an active part in this memorable campaign and actually accompanied the Maratha army for a few stages. But un- fortunately he fell seriously ill and had to return to his capital. Parasharam Bhau writes on the llth August A.D. 179O: "It is creditable that Chintamanrao wishes to be present on the campaign. But this is rainy season. His constitution is very weak. There is no knowing what will happen. 1, therefore, advise that he should remain at home until Diwali (October) and then act according as circumstances may permit." Chintamanrao had no other alternative but to submit to the wishes of his uncle and give up his idea of going to the war. He, however, sent his favourite horse with Para- sharam Bhau, who was foremost with the noubat (drums), fired with enthusiasm to per- form magnificent deeds on the battle-field.

The further actions of this army have been described at some length by English historians, especially by Captain E. Moor in his "Narrative of the Operations of Captain Little's detachment and of the Maratha Army commanded by Parasharam Bhow," and it is not necessary here to relate them. It is, however, noteworthy that the Patwar- dhans rendered most valuable services to

20

the British army in this campaign, and parti- cularly on the occasion when the provisions of Lord Cornwallis and General Meadows were exhausted at Seringapatam and they were confronted with the most serious out- look. At such a critical moment, " the Mara- thas," writes Capt. Moor, " proved to be the most important friends that fortune ever sent to their relief, since they took the field in Hindusthan." These unparalleled services of Parasharam Bhau were highly appreciated by the British Generals, and when the original documents are published, they will throw a flood of new light on this brilliant part of the services performed by the Marathas in this campaign. After several notable engagements and sieges the war was finally concluded on the 19th March A.D. 1792 by a peace with Tipu, who agreed to cede to the Allies, from the country adjacent to theirs, one half of the dominion possessed by him before the war, and a pay- ment of three crores and thirty lacs of rupees. By these terms the Marathas ac- quired a large territory, their boundary extending to Harihar on the Tungbhadra; over which the Patwardhans practically held their sway till the end of the i8th century.

The greatest and the most important battle in which Chintamanrao figured for

21

the first time, was that of Kharda, which was fought between the Nizam and the Marathas in A.D. 1/95. On this occasion, the armies of all the Maratha Chiefs, small and great, had been collected together; and it has been truly observed that this was the last battlefield where such a large number 6f Maratha warriors had assembled under the Peshwa's banner. Parasharam Bhau was appointed Commander-in-Chief of the whole army and Chintamanrao and other Patwar- dhans accompanied him with their cavalry. In this consorted action the Marathas dis- played the greatest activity and vigilence, and though their Commander-in-Chief was severely wounded in the first attack, they rallied forth with great courage and enthu- siasm, and compelled the Nizam to come to terms. Parasharam Bhau had a narrow escape from death at the hands of Lalkhan, a brave Pathan in the Nizam's army; but Haripant Baba, son Of Parasharam Bhau, came to his rescue and instantly attacked the Pathan with his sword killing him on the spot. On this occasion Chintamanrao rendered most tiniely help to his uncle and attended his wounds. It is said that it was one of the cherished boasts of Chintaman- rao during his life, that he was present in the glorious field of Kharda to serve his

22

uncle. Having concluded a most profitable treaty with the Nizam, the victorious armies of the Marathas returned to Poona with great triumph and joy, and the Peshwa rewarded the services of the Commander-in-Chief, Parasharam Bhau, by granting him a Chow- ghada* and costly presents. On this occasion Chintamanrao also received a valuable dress and pearl-necklace from the Peshwa.

The yearA.D.1795 witnessed the sad event of the death of Sawai Madhavrao Peshwa, who, in a temporary fit, threw himself down from a window in the Shanwar Palace at Poona and received fatal wounds. A series of plots and counter-plots ensued, which placed the Poona administration in a state of great chaos. Bajirao, the son of Raghunathrao, aspired to the Gadi; but Nana Phadanvis and the Patwardhans opposed his succession. Bajirao, however, secured the aid of Doulatrao Scindia and put Nana into confinement and installed himself as the Peshwa. Owing to the in- trigues at Poona, the central authority became extremely weak and the country fell an easy prey to freebooters and marau- ders. The Patwardhans had, therefore, to protect their possessions from this

* Honour of native drums, for expenses of which Wathar, a village of Rs. 5,000 in the Satara District, was given in Inam.

•23

new danger and also to defend themselves from the attacks of neighbouring Chiefs. In these struggles, the Raja of Kolhapur, who had been actually engaged in recovering his lost country, overran and pillaged the Jahagir of Parasharam Bhau and burnt his beautiful palace at Tasgaon. Incensed at this Parasharam Bhau drew his sword against the Raja, who was aided in his de- predations by that notorious rebel, Chatur- sing. In one of the encounters with the Raja's troops, Parasharam Bhau was defeat- ed and mortally wounded at Pattankudi, a place near Chikodi. Ramchandrarao Appa Saheb, the eldest son of the deceased, took revenge upon the Raja of Kolhapur with the aid of Scindia and laid siege to his capi- tal, with the result that the Patwardhans had to suffer ultimately from the attacks and depredations of their own helpers, as well as from the plunderers and marauders like Dhondia Waugh and others, who had sprung up from the debris of the fallen kingdom of Tipu.

Chintamanrao, who had been all along watching the tides of the troubled waters, tried to hold his own with drawn sword. He had, indeed, to demonstrate his power by wielding it on more than a single occasion ; and the story of his first

24

exploit is no less interesting than it is creditable to the dignity of his family.

Before describing the exploits of Chin- tamanrao, it is necessary to acquaint the readers with Dhondia Waugh, a daring and bold adventurer, who played a dramatic part in the military history of Southern India in A.D. 18OG. The story of Dhoondia or Dhondia Waugh and his adventures is surely romantic enough to form an appro- priate theme for Sir Walter Scott to write a novel. Dhondia Waugh, originally a Maratha by caste, was a daring freebooter whom Tipu had captured and thrown into prison. He was first employed as a trooper under Bishnu Pandit in the regime of Hyder; and by his superior intelligence and daring, he rose to the position of a Shiledar (cavalry officer) in the Mysore army. He left Tipu's service at an early period of Lord Cornwallis' campaign. He collected a few followers and entered into the neigh- bourhood of Dharwar, where he took shelter under the Desai of Laxr^eshwar and commenced plundering village after village and levying heavy contributions upon the people. He took Haveri, Savanur, and several other places ravaging the country, and soon became ^ source of danger to the Marathas. Parasharaija Bhau sent a con-

25

siderable force to suppress him in A.D. 1793. Being overpowered by the Marathas, he again fled into Tipu's dominion, and under the show of devotion to his late master, promised to recover from the Marathas the Savanur territory on certain conditions.

Tipu, recognising the ability of Dhondia as a warrior, instead of putting him to death for his past offences, induced him to become a Mahommedan, and appointed him to a military command. But Dhondia subsequently incurred the displeasure of his sovereign and was again imprisoned. He did not regain his liberty until the fall of Seringapatam in A.D. 1799, when he was set free along with other captives. As soon as he was liberated, he gathered round him a band of Tipu's fine soldiery and began a system of raiding and exactions, accom- panied by deeds of violence and cruelty. He seized some places in the neighbourhood of Bednore and advanced northward into the Maratha country. He raised such a powerful revolt that it became necessary for the authorities in the Karnatic to check him with a strong hand. Dhondopant Gokhale, Sir-Suhhedar or the Peshwa's Governor in the Karnatic, once attacked him by surprise and plundered his camp, but Dhondia fled away to the shelter of the Kolhapur Raja, and

26

kept watching for an opportunity for taking revenge upon Dhondopant, as he had taken a vow either to sacrifice his life or '*to dye his moustaches in the heart's blood of Dhondopant Gokhale."

The rising of Dhondia being strengthen- ed by the growing disaffection of malcon- tents and freebooters soon caused great alarm in the mind of General Wellesley, who had been recently appointed as Commander of the forces in Mysore to restore tranquility and peace in the conquered country. He wrote to the Governor-General, Marquis Wellesley, warning him that Dhondia was a despicable enemy and that he was one against whom they had been obliged to make formidable preparations to oppose him. It was absolutely necessary to the peace of Canara and Malabar that he should be put down. But as Dhondia had taken refuge in the Peshwas's territory, it became neces- sary to co-operate with the Marathas in this campaign. "The destruction of this man," remarked General Wellesley, "is absolutely necessary for our tranquility; and nothing will be more easy if the Mara- thas are really disposed to enter into our plan. If they are not, it will be a matter of difficulty and it may become a question whether the whole power of the Company

27

ought not to be turned to this object." Wellesley at once decided to take the field against Dhondia and started with two brigades of cavalry and three of infantry. The Marathas having suffered greatly from the depredations of Dhondia on former occasions were ready to co-operate with the General, who had already obtained the authority of the Peshwa to pursue the bri- gand into the Maratha territory, if necessary. General Wellesley invited the Maratha Chiefs to join him with their forces, and the Patwardhans accordingly proceeded to the Karnatic to strike a blow against Dhondia. The Peshwa issued orders to Dhondopant Gokhale to put down the general insurrection of Dhondia Waugh and sent reinforcements to help him. Chintamanrao Patwardhan, who was anxi- ously awaiting an opportunity to show his martial spirit, marched at once with his cavalry in the direction of Kittur, where the enemy had taken a strong position. Dhondopant Gokhale with his two young nephews, Appaji Ganesh and Bapuji Ganesh, joined Chintamanrao with their select band of men. A furious affray took place between them at a place called *Dawangi Nala ' near Kittur, where the Marathas attacked Dhondia Waugh and fought very bravely.

28

But the enemy had laid an ambush in a wood to entrap Dhondopant Gokhale, where he was caught with his few followers while separated from the main army and killed along with his young nephew, Appaji Ganesh, who had been captured in the previous engagement. It is said that Dhondia literally fulfilled his vow by colouring his moustaches in the blood of Dhondopant Gokhale!

Chintamanrao at once made a dash upon the enemy with his handful of men and fought desparately like a brave hero, till the last man was dispersed from the field. His heroic conduct on this memorable occasion could scarcely be surpassed. He received three serious wounds in the action, but thanks to his determined resistance, the enemy fled away, and Chintamanrao was able to take refuge with Bapu Gokhale and other Marathas in the fort of Halyal, where they were welcomed and protected by a British detachment garrisoned there.

The bravery and heroism displayed by Chintamanrao in the encounter with Dhondia Waugh became a subject of general admiration, and congratulatory letters were received by the young hero from General Wellesley, the Peshwa, and the other Patwardhan Chiefs, which bear

29

excellent testimony to the gallant perform- ance of Chintamanrao. General Wellesley writes to Chintamanrao from camp Haveri on the 4th July A.D. l8oo: "I learnt with great pleasure the news of your encounter with Dhondia Waugh in which Dhondopant Gokhale was killed and you displayed greatest valour and heroism and reached Halyal safely with Bapu Gokhale. The Almighty is alone powerful to make us victorious. The Peshwa and the Company having now firmly united by mutual friend- ship, I am coming with a strong force to put down the enemy. I hope you have collected the scattered forces and revived their lost spirit. As I consider you my friend, I write to ask you to let me know the number of men you possess and hold yourself in readiness in a fortified place with them."

The Peshwa Bajirao, in his letter of the nth August A.D. 1800, expressed his great satisfaction at the heroic conduct of Chinta- manrao in the battle with Dhondia Waugh and his safe arrival to Halyal, as well as his sympathy with Bapu Gokhale for the loss of his uncle and brother. Ramchandrapant Appa Saheb, son of Parasharam Bhau, who had seen many a battle being himself a soldier of no mean repute, wrote thus to

3^

Chintamanrao on the 13th July A.D. 1800 : " You showed wonderful heroism, worthy of a member of the warlike family of Patwar- dhans. You should, however, bear in mind that the Sardars (the commanders of the army) should never take a front and expose themselves to the enemy."

It is impossible to narrate here the further stirring details of the successful operations of General Wellesley, which led to the final conquest of Dhondia Waugh and the annihilation of his army. Suffice to say that Chintamanrao and others of Bhau's family did yeomen's service to General Wellesley, which chiefly contribut- ed to the glorious success achieved by that eminent personage. Chintamanrao was received by General Wellesley in his tent on Tuesday, the 25th July A.D. 1800, and a salute of 13 guns was fired in his honour on his alighting at the tent. Chintamanrao writes: "The meeting was as cordial and hospitable as that which took place between Lord Cornwallis and Parasharam Bhau at Seringapatam on a former occasion." In this interview, it appears, General Wel- lesley arrived at definite plans of pursuing Dhondia, who, for several weeks, had skil- fully eluded the combined pursuit of the Bri- tish and Maratha forces. General Wellesley

31

stormed Dambal on the 26th July; and on the 30th, by a forced march of twenty miles, he captured the whole of his effects and six guns. This was a severe blow to the enemy, whose men began to desert in large numbers. Wellesley formed three separate columns and hunted him day and night, marching from twenty to thirty miles every day. "The Marathas," he writes, "will be on the look-out between me and Stevenson, and me and Dharwar, and thus we shall sweep along the whole line from Dharwar to the river, and Dhondia must either go into jungle, or he must go to the south of Dhar- war into the open country." His foresight proved to be correct. Dhondia crossed the Malaprabha into the Nizam's territory; the English force, being heavily equipped, could not ford the river in time to catch him. On the 7th of September General Wellesley wrote to Chintamanrao asking him to take the necessary steps and measures of pre- cautions to cut off Dhondia's escape from the clutches of the armies of the Marathas, Nizam-ud-dowla, Stevenson and himself ; and it is significant that within three days since the above letter was penned, General Wel- lesley gained complete victory over Dhondia Waugh at Konagal, where his party of 5,000 horse was routed and destroyed. Dhondia

32

resisted himself manfully but was cut down by General Wellesley's Dragoons on the loth September A.D. l8oo, and thus ended the dramatic career of the *King of the Two Worlds' — such was the imposing title Dhondia had assumed for himself. It was really fortunate for the 'King of the Two Worlds' that he died a hero's death; scarcely his royalty would have saved him from a rope. His body was identified and picked up from amongst the slain and was brought into the camp of General Wellesley on a gun-carriage belonging to the 19th Dragoons. It is mentioned in Marathi chronicles that General Wellesley took away the blood- stained moustaches of Dhondia Waugh to England as a trophy of this signal victory.* The short campaign against Dhondia was thus happily terminated, and the glori- ous victory won by General Wellesley, was highly appreciated by the Company's officers as well as the Maratha Chiefs, who were relieved from their hard and tiresome

* Along with this anecdote, an incident of General Wellesley's kind heartedness deserves to be noted here. After the battle against Dhondia was over, a beautiful boy of four years old was found and brought to General Wellesley's tent. His name was Salabat Khan, and he proved to be no other than Dhondia's favourite son. General Wellesley not only offered him protection but he took him under his personal care and paid out £400 from his own pocket for the expenses of his future maintenance and education when he left for Europe, The boy grew up an intelligent and handsome youth, and was employed in the service of the Eaja of Mysore where he died of cholera in a.d. 1822,

33

services. Chintamanrao and his manager Balkrishna Bhau, as well as other members of the Patwardhan family, remained with the British army till the end of the campaign. They do not appear to have taken actual part in the final action, as they were pushed forward with their cavalry along with the Moghals' in one body between Wellesley's and Stevenson*s corps. But they did ex- cellent work in the pursuit and destruction of the fleeing enemy. Chintamanrao took leave of General Wellesley at Irkalgad near Bahadurbenda, where he offered his warmest thanks to him for his cordial help, which was highly valued in return. " We have," writes General Wellesley on the 15th September, " derived most essential advantages in the last contest from the assistance of the family of Parasharam Bhau; that if they had been as lukewarm, or, I may say, as hostile in the cause of those more imme- diately connected with the Peshwa, the result would probably not have been so successful as it has turned out." The rising of Dhondia Waugh was really a serious affair which had threatened the peace of Southern India, and had it not been checked as effectively as it was, it would have assumed a serious aspect. "Had you and your regicide army been out of the way," 5

34

wrote Sir Thomas Munro, the famous soldier and statesman, to General Wellesley, " Dhondia would undoubtedly have become an independent and powerful prince, and the founder of a new dynasty of cruel and trea- cherous Sultans." The signal victory over such a formidable enemy, therefore, naturally raised the fame of General Wellesley and restored tranquility in Southern India.

After the war was over, the question of settlement of the conquered territories came up before General Wellesley. It was as perplexing as it was difficult. The country overrun and ravaged by Dhondia was originally under the Peshwa's rule, but virtually it was in the possession of the Patwardhans, to whom it was assigned "as a payment for expenses in the former Mysore War." The Peshwa was not well inclined towards the Patwardhans for reasons already mentioned above; on the contrary he evinced a spirit of hatred and revenge for them. Daulatrao Scindia was all powerful at Poona and through his influ- ence with the Peshwa, he nearly succeeded in securing for himself the Patwardhanjahagir. But General Wellesley supported the cause of the Patwardhans by defending their rights and actually handing over the territories to them. Not only through

>

35

friendship and attachment towards the Patwardhans formed by their association, not only through personal admiration and regard for their military qualities and high character, not only through feelings of gratitude and generosity for the valuable services rendered by them in the last cam- paign, but also for sound political reasons and for the real interest of the Company as well as of the Peshwa, he advocated this course which proved to be just and wise. He strongly protested against the idea of allowing Scindia to extend his rule to these provinces. " I should think it a misfortune," writes General Wellesley on the 13th August A.D. 1800, '' if he ( Scindia ) were to succeed in that object. If the Bhau's family retain possession of these provinces, and we can establish them firmly, we shall be quiet; and we ought to be contented. When I talk of the Bhau's family retaining possession of these provinces, I mention them because they have had them hitherto, and are attached to us, and under our influence." General Wellesley again writes in another letter on the 26th August: — "Scindia's influence at Poona is too great for us ; and I see plainly, that we shall not be able to curb him wthout going to war. There was never such an opportunity for it as the present moment ;

36

and probably by bringing forward and by establishing in their ancient posses- sion the Bhow's family under our pro- tection, we should counterbalance Scindia and secure our own tranquility for a great length of time. * -^ ^ If we allow Scindia to be our neighbour; or if the country goes to any other through his in- fluence, we must expect worse than what has passed — thieves of all kinds, new Dhondias, and probably Dhondia himself again. If we take the country ourselves, I do not expect much tranquility." Such a firm attitude of General Wellesley weighed highly in favour of the Patwardhans; and the Peshwa, at least for a time, manifested a disposition to be reconciled with the family of Bhau and withdrew his pretensions.

It may be mentioned here that the term * Bhau's family,' used by General Wellesley in his despatches and correspondence, included not only his sons but his nephews and cousins also — notably Chintamanrao, the future Chief of Sangli.* Upto this time (A.D. 1800)

* " The Patwardhans have four bodies of troops, nearly of the same strength and description as Gokhale's ; and they are situated for the present in the neighbourhood of the Krishna. One commanded by Appa Saheb, another by Baba Saheb, and another by Dada Saheb, being three brothers and sons of Parasharam Ehau, and a fourth by Chintamanrao, who is the son of Parasharam Bhau's brother, and is

in fact the head of the family."

— Aethub Wellesley to Lieut-Genl* Stuart. 2nd December a.d. 1802.

37

the Patwardhans were not divided. But with the proverbial policy of a paternal uncle, Gangadharrao, uncle of Chintamanrao, appropriated for himself considerable pro- perty during the latter's minority. While Chintamanrao was engaged in the campaign against Dhondia Waugh, he further tried to usurp some of his Jahagir. This led to family dissensions and feuds amongst Patwardhans, and ultimately to their sepa- rate divisions and shares, which brought into existence the present States of Sangli and Miraj. The seeds of dissensions sown at one place spread subsequently to other branches of the Patwardhans, which were likewise divided later on into separate shares, forming Jamkhandi, Kurundwad and the lapsed Jahagirs of Tasgaon, Chinchani, Soni, Kagwad and others. The account of these feuds needs no mention here, and it must be admitted that it reflects little credit on the persons concerned and only goes to show how selfishness, jealousy and ill-feel- ing had taken the place of patriotism, self-sacrifice and high sense of duty, — the noble qualities of the Parwardhans.

Disgusted with the quarrelsome dis- position of his uncle Gangadharrao, Chin- tamanrao left his own palace at Miraj and moved to a rural place, called the 'Ganpati

38

Mala/ a distance of a few miles, where he lived for some days, entirely trusting for his welfare in the God Ganpati, whose image he had taken with him. Through the intervention of friends and relations a compromise was finally arrived at, and some portion of the Jahagir, together with the fort of Miraj, was given to Gangadharrao; and with the remaining, Chintamanrao established himself at Sangli, an unimpor- tant and small village on the banks of the Krishna, in A.D. 1801. This has since been transformed into a flourishing town and capital of the Sangli State.

The dawn of the 19th century is memorial for political events of the highest importance that took place at Poona. The political disputes for power between the ambitious leaders of the Maratha confe- deracy, Scindia and Holker, led to the deposal of the Peshwa, who, in A.D. 1802, fled from his capital and threw himself on the mercy of the Bombay Government. By the treaty of Bassein, he accepted the subsidiary alliance with the British and was restored to his Musnud with their help. For this task General Wellesley was selected by the Governor-General as the fittest per- son, who, with the cordial co-operation of the Patwardhans, succeeded in moving

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Mala/ a distance of a few miles, where he lived for some days, entirely trusting for his welfare in the God Ganpati, whose image he had taken with him. Through the intervention of friends and relations a compromise was finally arrived at, and some portion of the Jahagir, together with the fort of Miraj, was given to Gangadharrao ; anH Chintamanrao

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the ambitious leaders of the Maratha confe- deracy, Scindia and Holker, led to the deposal of the Peshwa, who, in A.D. l802, fled from his capital and threw hi on the mercy of the Bombay Governm'jiii. By the treaty of Basscin, he accepted the subsidiar3' alliance with the British and was restored to his Musnud with their help. For this task General Wellesley was selected by the Governor-General as the fittest per- son, who, with the cordial co-operation

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39

his army from Mysore to Poona with the least difficulty. The confidence and respect entertained by the Patwardhans for General Wellesley and the firm reliance of the inhabitants in his justice and protection, acted as a charm and contributed largely to the success. General Wellesley induced all the Patwardhans to join in this memorable march with their armies, for the purpose of re-establishing the Peshwa's power at Poona, and promised them British influence on their behalf to restore the confidence of their sovereign and to support their interests, which excited their zeal and activity. The encouraging letters written by General Wellesley to Chintamanrao on this occasion are most interesting, and the assurances given therein are recorded in his famous despatches. The notable services rendered by Chinta- manrao and his cousins will ever remain shining in the annals of the British history and will reflect great glory and honour on their noble character. *'The friendship then established," writes General Wellesley, "and the friendly terms on which I was with those Chiefs in the beginning of last year, enabled me to bring them forward to Poona to re-establish the Pashwa on his Musnud. * * * This service ought

40

never to be forgotten by the British Government, as it is a well-known fact, that if the Chiefs of the Patwardhan family had done so little in the cause of His Highness, the success of the march to Poona would have been a matter of doubt, and if they had opposed the advance, it must have been relinquished under the orders of His Excellency the Governor-General."

It must be said to the credit of General Wellesley that he did his utmost to restore friendly relations of the Peshwa with the Patwardhans and to safeguard their interests. [See Appendix I.]

Neither Chintamanrao nor the other Patwardhans took any active part in the war against Scindia and Bhosla of Nagpur, which is known as the second Maratha War. They remained neutral in the contest. This neutrality, however, served the most important object of the Company, viz., of maintaining peace in their territory in Southern India; nor was it inconsistent with the spirit of the times and the circumstances which the shrewd General fully appreciated. "When I considered the circumstances," writes General Wellesley, "under which that war commenced, the nature of the Maratha

41

character, the fact that for a Maratha to suppose the allies would be successful, was to relinquish every idea of national pride, and to lose the recollection of their former triumphs, I am not astonished that these Chiefs should have kept aloof." Further more. General Wellesley, who, it appears, was in constant correspondence with Chin- tamanrao, while informing him of the glorious victory of Gawilgad and the sub- sequent treaties with Bhosla and Scindia, writes to him on the 15th January A.D. 1804, in a most generous and friendly way, "I am now returning to the Deccan with my army. I hope you have not for- gotten my friendship. Had you taken part in this campaign with me, it would have given me greatest satisfaction and joy. But your remaining neutral has in no way dis- pleased me. As long as you keep friendly relations with the Peshwa and serve him, I assure you that the Company Sirkar will never interfere with your affairs. Please always consider me your friend."

The neutrality observed by the Patwar- dhans in the war against Scindia and Bhosla added to the displeasure of the Peshwa, who, on the conclusion of peace, acting on the pretence of rewarding the services of those who had actually fought

42

while punishing those who had failed to do so, put the Patwardhans in the second cate- gory, and ordered thejr possessions to be con- fiscated and handed over to Bapu Gokhale for the support of his troops. General Wellesley protested against the Peshwa's action in the strongest terms possible and convinced the Governor-General of the advisability of protecting the Patwardhans from the Peshwa's oppression and guarantee- ing their possessions as long as they served him with fidelity. The proposals made by General Wellesley were most reasonable and sound, and were approved of by the Governor-General, who, with a view to settle the disputes between the Peshwa and the Southern Jahagirdars, once for all, appointed a special officer, Mr. E. Strachey, and instructed him to fully enquire into the matter and bring about the proposed settle- ment. But owing to several reasons the scheme was never carried out, and the disputes continued till the end of the Peshwa's rule in A.D. l8l8.

After the conclusion of general peace, the British Government maintained a policy of non-interference, and the Patwardhans kept up a semi-independent position, at- tending the Peshwa's requisitions when it suited them to do so. Chintamanrao, it

- 43

may be stated, served the Peshwa on more than one occasion, though he was much engrossed by family disputes which were still pending. In A.D. i8o8, his uncle Ganga- dharrao offered a Nazarana to the Peshwa and secured his sanction to the Miraj division exempting him from feudal allegiance to Ghintamanrao, which caused him much annoyance and dissatisfaction and led him to violence. This unsatisfactory state of affairs went on till A.D. l8il, when the Honourable Mr. Mountstuart Elphinstone, the Resident at Poona, strongly urged the necessity of settling the disputes between the Peshwa and the Southern Jahagirdars, and with their approval and consent, submitted to the Peshwa the terms to be offered to Patwardhan Chiefs, which terms were agreed to by him. In A.D. l8l2, Mr. Elphinstone accompanied the Peshwa to Pandharpur and concluded an agreement with the Patwardhans who were specially called there to signify their assent. The terms proposed in this agreement were almost identical with those of Generar Wellesley and were based on principles of justice and sound policy, aiming at the preserva- tion of peace in the country. Chin- tamanrao and the other Patwardhans accepted them, and for a while the matter

44

appeared to have been amicably settled. But in A.D. 1817, the Peshwa's attitude towards the British Government became doubtful and Mr. Elphinstone placed before him certain demands, including a special article relating to the treaty of Pandharpur with the Patwardhans, which not only confirmed their position but also made a new provision to secure them their rights. This article was most obnoxious to the Peshwa, who, however, with some hesitation and reluctance, accorded his consent to it.

In A.D. 1817 the Peshwa broke up the friendly relations with the British Govern- ment by making a sudden attack on the Poona Residency, which led to open hosti- lities between the British and the Marathas, and ultimately to the downfall of the Pesh- wa's sovereignty. As soon as Mr. Elphinstone saw that the clouds of war were gathering close round Poona, he lost no time in taking proper precautions to enlist the sympathies of the Maratha Chiefs, to whom he wrote friendly letters advising them not to join the Peshwa but to remain silent, in which case he promised them protection and guarantee for their territory and position. The Patwardhan Jahagirdars, though they were friendly to the British, were in fact the feudatories of the Peshwa, and as

45

such were in duty bound to render mili- tary service to him, which was made compulsory by the treaty of Pandharpur in A.D. 1812 through the intervention of Mr. Elphinstone. The Patwardhans, there- fore, could not leave the Peshwa's standard immediately, though they responded to the call of Mr. Elphinstone by sending their Vakils to the Resident and manifested their friendly feelings. As soon as war was declared against the Peshwa, Mr. Elphin- stone was directed by the Governor-General Marquis of Hastings to co-operate with General Smith in the operations against the Marathas in the Deccan, and was vested with full powers to deal with any emergency that might arise. The work of settlement of the Southern Jahagir- dars, therefore, devolved upon another political officer. General Munro, whose noble qualities of head and heart had already won for him the reputation of a great statesman. He was entrusted with the task of subduing the Peshwa's terri- tories in the Karnatic and dealing with the Southern Jahagirdars in a friendly manner. No sooner did he accept the political charge, than Mr. Elphinstone suggested him ' to treat the country under the Peshwa and Gokhale as hostile, and

46

the other Jahagirdars should be treated as friendly.' It will suflfice to say that General Munro performed his task in a- most generous and liberal spirit, and succeeded in reconciling the Jahagirdars by propos- ing the most liberal arid friendly terms. He assured the Patwardhans that * their situa- tion would riot be worse but better than formerly/ and induced them to quit the standard of the Peshwa and to remain neutral. " The Patwardhans," writes General Munro to Elphinstone on the 23rd April A.D. 1818, " have often stated, through their Vakeels, the impossibility of their acting against Bajirao. I have told them that all that was required was, that they should quit his standard, return with their troops to their Jagheers, and remain there. Their doing this is as much as can be looked for at present. Their neutrality is of great importance, as it withdraws from the service of Bajirao a very considerable portion of his army." On the 26th April A.D. 1818 Munro writes in a tone of confidence: "The Jagheerdars will give no opposition that can affect the tranquility of the country. They will enter into long discussioris, and debate upon every trifling point; but they will submit to what we require, if we only act openly and fairly. The Patwardhans

47

should, I think, have the possessions they were entitled to by the terms of Punderpore, with some addition, from a tenth to a fifth, according to circumstances. Their principal Vakeels should also have some provision." Such a favourable change in the attitude of the Patwardhans is, no doubt, most significant, and is entirely due to the superior diplomacy and tact of General Munro, who induced them to submit to the British suzerainty. General Munro, before handing over the charge of his office of the Political Resident and Collector in the Southern Maratha States to Mr. Chaplin, an, able Madras Civilian, reported to the Government that, ''though the Patwardhans have not exactly complied with what was required, they have, I think, done all that could have been expected, and appear to be entitled to the continuance of their Jehagirs."

Chintamanrao, who entertained rather high notions of dignity and independence of his position, could not at first grasp the political change brought about by the Peshwa's transactions at Poona. He wondered for a while, that Mr. Elphinstone, who himself advised him from time to time to show fidelity to the Peshwa and asked him to send his military force to check the

48

Pindaris as recently as October A.D. 1817, should now remonstrate with him for joining the Peshwa's standard. The poli- tical situation at this critical juncture was most perplexing. On such occasions even administrators and politicians become too confounded to find their way out of the confusion that generally preceeds the order. The revolution that took place at Poona was of great consequence and the establishment of ths British supremacy in the Deccan without bloodshed was a stroke of masterly diplomacy and poli- tical wisdom. General Munro and Mr. Elphinstone had fully understood the oriental nature and *the habits of indepen- dence in which the Chiefs had lived.' They were sanguine about their good-will towards the British, but they were unable to gratify their keen sense of dignity and self-respect without reducing their independent position of an ally to that of a feudal chief. Chinta- manrao took objection to the new terms offered to him by Mr. Chaplin, the British representative in the Karnatic, under a plea that apparently sounds like sophistry. " He expressed his surprise," writes Mr. Cole- brook, the biographer of Elphinstone, "that a Government which had guaranteed his possessions provided that he rendered

49

faithful services to the Peshwa, should now desire to transfer his services to itself. 'It is nowhere contended/ he said, 'in the terms of Pandharpur that in the event of disagreement between the Peshwa and the British Government, I am to serve the latter.' He, therefore, contended that the British guarantee still held good, and in- sisted that a letter should at once be sent to him by the Commissioner, pledging the Government to its former guarantee."

Chintamanrao and the other Patwar- dhans showed no real attachment to the Peshwa, but they were rather zealous for the continuance of the office of the Peshwa even though divested of all real power. Accord- ing to the oriental habits they cared more for the forms and ceremonies and considered it a disgrace to abandon them, " The easiest way," wrote General Munro to Mr. Elphin- stone on the 23rd April A.D. 1818, " of subdu- ing these prejudices and of rendering them useful feudatories, would be for the Company to take upon itself the office of Peshwa, and to issue all public acts as coming from the Pundit Purdhan, as under the late Govern- ment. Investiture might be received, according to custom, from the Rajah of Sattarah. The Company acting as the Pundit Purdhan, would hold an office which, 7

50

as in the case of that of the Dewanee in Bengal, would take from it none of its sovereign powers; and its governing the country under this ancient title, would, I believe, reconcile the Jagheerdars to the change of masters, and induce them to employ their troops willingly at the call of the British Government." When an ac- complished statesman like General Munro* thought it prudent to respect the senti- ments and prejudices of these Jahagirdars and even suggested that the office of the Peshwa should be taken upon by the East India Company to satisfy them, it is no wonder, that the Jahagirdars should, in their turn, look to the British as their real benefactors, and readily accept the new conditions and transfer their allegiance to them.f

* It is said of Munro that " the population which he subjugated by arms, he managed with such address, equity, and wisdom, that he established an empire over their hearts and feelings."

t The Chiefs and Princes in the Deccan though they acknowledged the British supremacy were for a time in a confused state and it re- quired some time to settle their private as well as political affairs. Chintamanrao, as has been already mentioned, agreed to the terms of the treaty proposed by Mr. Elphinstone, yet he declined to serve the British Government with his quota of horse. He was i:ather proud and haughty by nature, and would never go back on his word. The British Government taking a proper and lenient view of his conduct, allowed him to cede territory of the annual income of Rs. 1,35,000 in commutation of service. It took some time to settle the details of this transaction which was of a rather delicate nature. Mr, Chaplin, the Commissioner under Mr. Elphinstone was tired of

51

Chintamanrao took some time in dis- cussing the new terms offered to him, but submitted in the end. He entered into an agreement with the British Governmet in May A.D. 1819. This happy termination of the negociations with Chintamanrao was chiefly due to the personal communication of Mr. Elphinstone and to his sweet reasoning ting- ed with diplomatic pressure, which acted as a magic and restored cordial relations bet- ween them. "Chintamanrao," writes Elphin- stone on the lOth of May 1819 from Belgaum, ''after much bullying, has had a long inter- view this evening. He is generally con- siderate in his language, and almost always compliant in essentials. He, however, fought many hard battles with the writer about the proper position of 'ifs' and 'andsM" But he further writes from Nawalgund on the i8th of May: "Our intercourse completely restored his (Chin- tamanrao's) good humour, and had latterly the appearance of perfect cordiality and satisfaction, which, though it may not be lasting, I have no doubt was perfectly sincere." It may be mentioned here that the cordial relations between Mr. Elphin-

Chintamanrao's arguments and letters ' many yards in length ' and his 'occasional philippics,' and had to take certain harsh steps, which, though they were rather unpleasant to Chintamanrao for a while, eventually secured for him permanant peace and protection.

52

stone and Chintamanrao lasted to the end and their mutual correspondence was of a most friendly nature.

On the downfall of the Peshwa, Mr. Elphinstone introduced the British rule in the Deccan which commenced the new era of peace and prosperity. It restored perfect tranquility in the Deccan in such a short time, that it surpassed even Mr. Elphinstone's expectation. The res- toration of the Raja of Satara to the ancient throne of Shiwaji and the maintenance of the Patwardhan Jahagirs convinced the people of the magnanimity and justice of the British Government, which impressed them favourably and earned their good- will— the strongest support of government. Chintamanrao perceived the change in its proper light and began to appreciate the new situation. He admired the wise policy of Mr. Elphinstone and cultivated genuine friendship with him. On Mr. Elphinstone's assuming the exhalted office of the Governor of Bombay, Chintamanrao paid him several visits and was in constant communication with him. Gifted with talents of the highest order Elphinstone readilyperceived what was needed for the good of the people under his rule, and he considered education to be the best means for the advancement of the

53

moral and intellectual condition of the people of India that would alone enable them to understand and appreciate the aim of a beneficent government. With this view he laid the foundation of native education in Western India and conferred the greatest boon on the people of this presidency. He took several measures to stimulate the cause of education and request- ed the enlightened Chiefs like Chintamanrao to interest themselves in that noble cause. Mr. Elphinstone presented Chintaman- rao in A.D. 1822 with a copy of the first Marathi book Panchopakhyan, saying "the printed book will be a wonder to you!" It may be mentioned here that this was the first Marathi book that was ever printed in types in Bombay. Two similar books, Vidur-Nitl and Sinhasan Battishi, were also presented by Mr. Elphin- stone to Chintamanrao in A.D. 1823 and 1825 respectively. These efforts in the cause of education were greatly admired by Chinta- manrao. When the noble Governor left the shores of Bombay, the Princes, Chiefs, Jahagirdas and the public in general presented a farewell address to him, in which Chintamanrao had also his share. The sentiments of gratitude and admiration for that eminent personage expressed in that

54

address fully echoed the feelings of the Maratha Jahagirdars at the time.* This change in the conduct of the Maratha Jahagirdars was solely due to the respect and attention shown to them by the British Government.

Sir Join Malcolm succeeded Sir Mount- stuart Elphinstone as Governor of Bombay in A.D. 1827. He knew Chintamanrao since A.D. 1803 when he had accompanied Gene- ral Wellesley to Poona to reinstate the Peshwa Bajirao 11. His relations with Chintamanrao being friendly and cordial, he always took great personal interest in him and his State. He had invited Chinta- manrao to see the new Sanatorium at Maha- bleshwar in A.D. 1830 and paid a visit to

* The following extract from the address is striking : —

''Until you became Comniissioner in the Deccan and Governor of Bombay, never had we been enabled to appreciate correctly the invaluable benefits which the British dominion is calculated to diffuse through the whole of India. But having beheld with admiration, for so long a period, the affable encouraging manners, the freedom from prejudice, the consideration at all times evinced for the interests and welfare of the people of this country, the regard shown to their ancient customs and laws; the constant endeavours to extend amongst them the inestimable advantages of intellectual and moral improvements, the commanding abilities applied to ensure permanent ameliorations in the condition of all classes, and to promote their prosperity on the soundest principles, by which your private and public conduct has been so pre-eminently distinguished has led us to consider the British influence and government as the most important and desirable blessing which the Supreme Being could have bestowed on our native laud."

55

Sangli in the same year. It is interesting to note that Chintamanrao was the first Maratha Chief who paid a farewell visit to Sir John Malcolm at Bombay in A.D. 1831 and saw a steamship in his company which was then introduced into the Bombay harbour. The Earl of Clare, who succeeded to the Governorship of Bombay, paid a visit to Sangli in A.D. 1833, and formed a very high opinion about Chintamanrao and his administration. He cultivated friendly relations with him, which were kept up by almost all the succeeding Governors.

Chintamanrao was a most trusted friend of the Government and deservedly won their confidence and respect. He rendered most valuable services to the British Government when in need or in difficulty, and received their approbation on several occasions. In A.D. 1830, when disturbances arose in Kittur, he promptly despatched his military force, under his commander Nilkantharao, to suppress the ringleader Raya Sangoli, for which he was thanked by Mr. J. Nisbet Sar ( chief )- Collector and Political Agent in the Karnatic. In A.D. 1838, when troubles arose in Persia he offered himself to go to that country to help the British, but his offer was declined with thanks by Mr. Dunlop who

56

praised his martial spirit and loyalty. In A.D. 1839, when the AfghanWar was declared, Chintamanrao expressed his desire to go to the frontier and co-operate with the British army, for which he received thanks from the Governor-General, who, noticing the keen interest of this Maratha Chief in military matters, arranged to send the war news to him. Sir James Rivett-Carnac, Governor of Bombay, informed Chintamanrao, on the 1st November A.D. 1839, of the successful entry of British army under Sir John Keane into the fortress of Ghazni and the defeat of Dost Mahommed at Bala Hissar. In A.D. 1842, Sir George Arthur, the then Governer of Bombay, communicated to Chintamanrao the happy news of the restoration of the Gates of Somnath from the tomb of Mahom- med of Ghazni, which Lord Ellenborough intended to return to that ancient and sacred temple with grand ceremony.*

The greatest and the most important aid that Chintamanrao rendered to the British Government was in A.D. 1844 when a serious outbreak took place in the Kolhapur State which is known as the ^Samangadache hand' or revolt of Samangad. On this occasion Chintamanrao displayed his fidelity and

* The idea was never carried out and tlie Sandalwood Gates rested for many years in the fort of Agra. They were found afterwards to be spurious.

out

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promptly des-

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ng them

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only be faintly represented \y >rd

of Government/ On the 6th I/ecember

A.D. 1844, Sir George Arthur, the Governor

of Bombay, highly — ^^^" -d Chintamanrao

for his valuable ^^n^ conveve*

to him the

the Cuuri oi

recognition whicu met v/itu tneir a^jpuva*

The Court of Directors were pleased to

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to Chintamanrao "in Kstlroony of their

f f :spc\ t f(> ■ nis hi:;i • ■

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great ceremony al

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the military officers, on the 15th N'ovember

A.D. ] , ?nt

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•0 Chintamanrao. inc ceremony haa a

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^ his martial spirit and i In

A.D. 1839, when the Afghan War was declare i, Chintamanrao expressed his desire to go to the frontier and co-operate with the British army, for which he received thanks from the Governor-General, who, noticing the keen interest of this Maratha Chief in military matters, arranged to send the war news to hira. Sir James Rivett-Carnac, Governor of

^ ■ ' :5y, informed Ciii" " '' 'nr

. ,^ , . iiber A.D. 1839, ot u.,. . . . of

British army under Sir John Keane into the fortress of Ghazni and the defeat of Dost Mahommed at Bala Hissar. In A.D. 1842, Sir George Arthur, the then G<^verner

of Bombay, communicated to CI

the happy news of the restorai.v/.- Gates of Somnath from the tomb of Mahoui- med of Ghazni, which Lord Ellenborough intended to return to that ancient and sacred temple with grand ceremony.*

The greatest and the most importan i aiu that Chintamanrao rendered to the British Government was in A.D. 1844 when a serious outbreak took place in the Kolhapur State which is known as the 'Samangadachehand' or revolt of Samangad. On this occasion Chintamanrao displayed his fidelity and

^las never caiTied o. ' " V ■ "

~ in tbe furt of A.

Brii

57

devotion to the British, by promptly des- patching his military force to the aid of the British authorities, thus rendering them most timely and valuable services. "These services," writes Mr. H. L. Anderson, 'can only be faintly represented by the record of Government.' On the 6th December A.D. 1844, Sir George Arthur, the Governor of Bombay, highly eulogised Chintamanrao for his valuable assistance and conveyed to him the sincere thanks of Government. He strongly recommended his name to the Court of Directors for some higher recognition which met with their approval. The Court of Directors were pleased to forward a valuable sword as a present to Chintamanrao "in testimony of their respect for his high character, and in acknowledgement of his unswerving fidelity and attachment to the British nation." The sword was presented to Chintamanrao with great ceremony at Belgaum by Col. Reeves, the Political Agent, in the presence of all the military officers, on the 15th November A.D. 1846. It was an unprecedented event which gratified the nobility and gentry in the Deccan. The presentation ceremony was performed according to the oriental fashion and a military salute was given to Chintamanrao. The ceremony had a

8

58

further significance in that it manifested a genuine desire on the part of the British Government to recognise the lo^^alty and attachment of the Indian Chiefs, and to show their appreciation of their good administration and their sincere friendship. Chintamanrao was highly gratified by this unique honour. He was showered with congratulations from his distinguished European and Indian friends, that showed the esteem and respect in which he was held by them at that time. Among the eminent persons who congratulated Chintamanrao were Sir Mountstuart Elphinstone, the Earl of Clare, Sir George Arthur ( Governor of Bombay), L. R. Reid (officiating Governor of Bombay), Marquess of Tweeddale ( Gov- ernor of Madras), Col. Outram, (Resident at Satara ) Col. Meadows Taylor, (the well- known author of Tara, Seeta and Noble Queen) and many others. Amongst the Indians included the famous Maharani of Gwalior, H. H. Baizabai Saheb, and all the Maratha Chiefs and men of light and lead- ing in the Deccan. It is impossible to quote all the letters here. The following which came from Sir Mountstuart Elphin- stone is most interesting : —

" To my esteemed friend

Chintamun Row Putwurdhun.

I have just had the pleasure of- receiving your friendly letter dated the 3d of June, and I am much

A--IiO U I

r

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FACSIMILE OF SIR M. ELPHINSTONE'S LETTER TO CHINTAMANRAO.

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59

gratified by the proof it affords of your remembrance, as well as by the good account it gives of your own health and prosperity.

I congratulate you on the signal mark you have received of the favor and approbation of the Court of Directors. It is an appropriate testimonial to your former services in co-operation with the Company's troops in the field and an evidence of their sense of your high character in a general view and their recollection of the long attachment of your distinguished family to the British Nation.

The public marks of consideration with which the gift of the Court of Directors was presented to you must have been particularly acceptable, as showing the estimation in which your high rank and per- sonal qualities were held by the Hon'ble the Gover- nor of Bombay and by the officers in authority in your immediate neighbourhood.

As the habits of this country and the manner in which my letter will be transmitted prevents my conforming to the usual mode of address, I must beg you to dispense with forms and to believe me, with much esteem and regard,

Your sincere friend,

M. ELPHINSTONE.

Hookwood-Limpsfield, July 13th 1848."

Chintamanrao ruled the Sangli State under the British regime from A.D, 1818 to A.D. 1851. He was an able and competent ruler. He possessed all the traits of a soldier-prince, being frank, genial and ri- gorously impartial. ''The keynote of his

60

administration," writes the well-informed author of the Sangli Notes, ''was to keep his subjects contented. His was a comprehen- sive and versatile mind and there was no subject affecting the well-being of the State which did not attract his attention. He took considerable interest in mining opera- tions, particularly, gold mining in Kapalgad Hills, which he encouraged. In one of his tours he found marble stones at Vervi in the Shirhatti Taluka. He set about exploring for it and for other stones in Shirhatti. In 1835 he issued orders reserving the right of the State in respect of gold, silver and precious stones, while allowing free oppor- tunity to all to explore for litho stones, manganese, and other minerals. He made successful efforts to introduce a silk indus- try in the State. He introduced the Mau- ritious sugarcane in the State. He co- operated with Government in the supres- sion of Thagee. He granted lands for reli- gious and charitable purposes to all creeds without distinction for their faiths. He subscribed liberally for the famine-stricken people whether in Ireland or in India or other places."

The description of Chintamanrao's character given by Captain West is most interesting and graphic. He writes: "To

6i

the last he (Chintamanrao) had a some- what overweening sense of his own dig- nity and importance, and kept up a state beyond his means, but his faults were for the most part of a noble nature, and he inspired respect in all with whom he had to deal. His 'great superiority, morally and intellectually, to all the other Sirdars of the Southern Maratha Country,' was generally acknowledged, and his frankness of manner and intelligence struck all who were brought into contact with him. He was a liberal landlord, and always showed himself solicitous to secure the comfort of his subjects, with which view he con- structed numerous tanks, wells and other works of irrigation. He also took great interest in horticulture and prided himself much on the beauty of his gardens and the number of exotic plants he had intro- duced into the country. He prided himself especially as being a soldier, but he was in later years a most bigoted conserver of all Hindoo prejudices."

Mr. Townsend, who was for many years the Political Agent in the Karnatic and knew Chintamanrao intimately, pays a very high tribute to his virtues. He writes on the 22nd October A.D. 1851 : "His character was marked by an integrity of a high order,

62

by a desire to do absolutely equal-handed justice between man and man, and by whole- hearted affection both for the rich and the poor. Owing to these qualities, I had from the first a feeling of high regard for him and a genuine and sincere friendship sprung up between us. Those who entertained a high respect for the Maharaj (Chintamanrao) did so on account of his manifold virtues. He possessed great wealth and power, but his greatness was due solely to his virtues. He always considered that the Jahagir was a trust with him for the good of the people. How he discharged the trust can best be known by the prosperity of his Jahagir."*

Chintamanrao was a patron of arts and letters. He had in his service Bhiwa Sutar,

* Mr Townsend a^ain paid a glowing tribute to the memory of Chintamanrao in his letter to his son Dhiindirao Tatyasaheb dated the 21st January I860:—

" When your respected father Chintamanrao Appasaheb of happy memory lived, he was feared for his valour in war, and respected for his justice in peace : he was the faithful ally of the British Govern- ment, and the companion in war of the great Lord Wellesley, whose friendship he acquired when he incurred a wound in battle with the disturber of peace, Dhondjee Wagh, He treated his raiyats with justice and kindness, and through India no estates were more happily managed than those of Sangli's. His fame was extended every- where, and the Governor, Lord Clare, when he visited the place, wrote a letter stating his admiration of the excellent manner in which everything was conducted. Afterwards when in the year A.D. 1838, the English Government was engaged in war with the Pathans and an army was sent to Kabool, Chintamanrao Appasaheb offered to join the army with a body of sowars, and obtained the thanks of the Governor-General for his loyal offer."

63

the well-known sculpturist, whose beautiful work in marble, the image of the god Ganpati at Sangli, is a notable example of his highly developed art. It is a remarkable coincidence that the Indian artist was supplied with a marble stone through the assistance of Sir James Rivett-Carnac, Governor of Bombay, in A.D. 1841, who showed considerable in- terest in the native arts of this country. The other noteworthy artist that was brought by Chintamanrao to Sangli was Kumari, who introduced the art of making beautiful brass and silver pots, for which Sangli is still famous. The famous dramatist, Vishnupant Bhave, who may be styled the father of the Marathi drama, was a resident of Sangli, and was patronised by Chinta- manrao. On account of these and many other fine qualities, Chintamanrao was considered to be an accomplished and popular ruler. Partly owing to the his- torical greatness of his family — he being the last representative of the Maratha Chiefs who had actually seen the battle- field and taken part in the Maratha politics, and partly on account of his upright and high character, he was held in very great respect, and was looked upon as the leader of the Maratha aristocracy. Though proud and unbending in his character, he possessed

64

good nature and good sense, and was at once courteous and dignified in manners, which made him popular with all, Europeans and Indians alike. He died on the 15th July A.D. 1851, full of glory and honour, and his memory is still cherished by the people of Sangli with honour and respect.

Chintamanrao was not very happy in his domestic life. In A.D. 1826, he met with a great affliction in the death of his son Ganpatrao, whose widow adopted Vinayak- rao Bhausaheb. The adoption was sanc- tioned in A.D. 1834 by the Court of Direc- tors as a special mark of favour for Chinta- manrao's loyalty and excellent govern- ment. This adopted son by the widowed daughter-in-law of Chintamanrao, was not, however, destined to be the heir of his grand- father, as a son named Dhundirao Tatya- saheb was born to the latter in A.D. 1838,* who eventually succeeded to Chintaman- rao in A.D. 1851.

* On this occasion Chintamanrao received a congratulatory letter from Sir M. Elphiustone, which is very interesting. Sir Elphinstone writes on the 12th July A.D. 1839 :—

" I have had the honour to receive your letter announcing the birth of a son, an event on which I beg to offer you my warmest congratulations. I hope he will prove as distinguished a commander as his father and will help to keep up the well earned reputation of the family of Patwardhan." He further adds : — " I hope you retain your health, that your State continues to flourish, and that you take as much pleasure as ever in the improvements at Sangli and the inven- tions in which you used to be interested."

'aod ;an(l

1

DHUNDIRAO TATYASAHEB PATWARDHAN,

SECOND CHIEF OF SANGLI.

(AD. 1851 — 1901.)

fciit ■ ' '^^Wik *JgB^.iS.±. wL

-3 I

64

good nature and good sense, and was at once courteous and dignified in manners, which made him popular with all, Europeans and Indians alike. He died on the 15th July A.D. 1851, full of glory and honour, and his memory is still cherished by the people of Sangli with honour and respect.

Chintamanrao was not very happy in his domestic life. In A.D. 1826, he met with a great affliction in the death of his son Ganpatrao, whose widow adopted Vinayak- rao Bhausaheb. The adoption was sanc- tioned in A.D. 1834 by the Court of Direc- tors as a special mark of favour for Chinta- manrao's loyalty and excellent govern- ment. This adopted son by the widowed daughter-in-law of Chintamanrao, was not, however, destined to be the heir of his grand- father, as a son named Dhundirao Tatya- saheb was born to the latter in A.D. 1838,* who eventually succeeded to Chintaman- rao in A.D. 1851.

* On this occasion Chintamanrao received a congratulatory letter from Sir M. Elphinstone, which is very interesting. Sir Elphinstone mites on the 12th July A.D. 1839 :—

" I have had the honour to receive your letter announcing the birth of a son, an event on which I beg to offer you my warmest congratulations. I hope he will prove as distinguished a commander as his father and will help to keep up the well earned reputation of the family of Patwardhan." He fiirther adds : — " I hope you retain your health, that your State continues to flourish, and that you take as much pleasui-e as ever in the improvements at Sangli and the inven- tions in which you used to be interested."

y

i>iii,^!>!y3-!'ff'»jT;iwj«<it-i;:a!ar<""a';

DHUNDIRAO TATYASAHEB PATWARDHAN,

SECOND CHIEF OF SANGLI.

(A.D. 1851 — 1901.)

65

DhundiraoTatyasaheb attained majority in A.D. 1857 when he was formally invested with powers. He too, like his father, ren- dered substantial services to the British Government during the Mutiny of A.D. 1857 and received the thanks of Government through Lord Elphinstone, the Governor of Bombay, which were conveyed to him in an open Darbar by Colonel Jacob (afterwards Sir Lee Grand Jacob). Dhundi- rao Tatyasaheb ruled over the Sangli State for a period of about 40 years. During that period he was fortunate enough to receive kindly help and guidance from the British Government. Dhundirao died on I2th December A.D. 1901, without issue, and the State came under British management. The duty of selecting an heir to the Chief- ship having devolved upon the Government, they supported the claims of Vinayakrao Bhausaheb, the great-grandson of the first mentioned Vinayakrao, adopted son of the widowed daughter-in-law of Chintamanrao, the first Chief of Sangli. He was re-named Chintamanrao Appasaheb and was formally invested with full powers of administration on the 2nd June, A.D. 1910.

Chintamanrao Appasaheb, v/ho has received his education at the Rajkumar College, Rajkot, is an enlightened and 9

66

intelligent Chief. He has been devoting his personal attention to every branch of the administration with considerable success and trying to maintain a high standard of efficiency in it. Every action of his is marked with earnestness to improve the State and to make his subjects happy and prosperous. He has been blessed with two sons and a daughter.

67

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intelligent Chief. He has been devoting his personal attention to every branch of the administration with considerable success arid trying to maintain a high standard of efficiency in it. Every actio.n of his is marked with earnestness to improve the State and to make his subjects happy and prosperous. He has been blessed with two sons and a daughter.

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APF*ENDIX I.

Memorandum of Terms settled with th^

Patwardhan family by Major-General

WeUesley in A.D. 1805.

ist. — It is needless to mention the ancient friend- ship which has subsisted between the servants of the Company and the Sirdars of the Patwardhan family. This has been manifested by many acts of kindness on both sides, and the Company's Government are fully satisfied of the zeal of the Sirdars of the Patwardhan [family] in every affair in which the interests of the Company have been joined with those of Pundit Purdhaun, Major-General Wellesley, therefore, has no scruplfe in declaring that the Company's Government will recommend the Sirdars of the Patwardhan family to Shree Munt Bajeerao. as he has no doubt whatever that the services of these Sirdars will be of the naiute and extent to warrant a recomhiendation of the strongest kind.

2ndly. — The object of the Company's army in this coimtry is to assist Shree Munt Bajeerao ; and Major-General Wellesley has no hesitation in promis- ing that the Company's friendship shall remain inviolate towards those Sirdars who assist its armies in His Highness's cause.

3rdly. — It must be obvious to every well-judging man that in the present crisis of the Mahratta affairs the first object must be to restore Bajeerao to the

exercise of his legal power; till that is effected everything else must be postponed, and to attempt to effect any other object would be to throw away time which is precious, and probably to risk the attainment of the main object of the Company and of the Patwardhan family.

After that will be effected, it will not be difficult to satisfy the Sirdars of the Patwardhan family ; and there can be no doubt but that Shree Munt Bajeerao, to whom the cause of these Sirdars will be recommended in the strong manner to which Major-General Wellesley is convinced their services will entitle them, will satisfy their claims and reward their services.

APPENDIX II.

The Agreement of Pandharpur between

the British Government and the

Patwardhan Jahagirdars.

ARTICLE I.

The British Government engages that no notice shall be taken of past offences by His Highness the Peishwa, and also that the Jaghiredars shall not be molested by the revival of old claims of pecuniary nature or otherwise. On the other hand, the Jaghire- dars promise never to revive any former claims on His Highness the Peishwa.

ARTICLE 2. The Jaghiredars engage to restore promptly all usurped lands without exception, and to relinquish all revenues which they enjoy without sunnuds. Their sunnuds to be examined for this purpose, and any grounds they may offer for mitigation to be hereafter investigated. Under this article all lands which are held in kamavis are to be restored to the Peishwa.

ARTICLE 3. The Jaghiredars engage to serve His Highness the Peishwa according to the former practice of the Mahratta Empire, as laid down in the Tynat zabitas.

ARTICLE 4. The Jaghiredars are to carry on no hostilities whatever, unless authorized by His Highness the

Peishwa; and should any occasion arise for private wars among themselves, they promise to submit their disputes to the Peishwa, and to abide by His High- ness's decision.

ARTICLE 5. The British Government pledges itself that the Jaghiredars shall retain undisturbed possession of their Sunnudee lands as long as they serve His High- ness the Peishwa with fidelity, and also promises to use its influence to induce His Highness to restore them to favour, and to treat theni with due considera- tion, on the same terms.

ARTICLE 6.

His Highness the Peishwa has entrusted all the negociations affecting the preceding questions to the British Resident, who has been instructed by the Right Honourable the Governor General to carry them into effect, and to see that they are punctually observed.

(Sd.) M. ELPHINSTONE,

Resident at Poona.

(A true translation).

(Sd.) R. CLOSE, Assistant Resident.

APPENDIX III.

Treaty between the Hon'ble East India Co.

and Chintamanrao Appasaheb Patwardhan,

Chief of Sangli, concluded on

the I5th May I8I9.

ARTICLE I.

In the Arabic year 1213 a settlement was con- cluded, and a letter and memorandum on the part of the British Government were despatched from Punder- pore. In the 3rd Article of that memorandum it is written that you are to serve the Peishwa according to the ancient custom of the Mahratta Empire, as it appears in your Taynat zabita. With reference to that agreement it has now been settled that you shall serve with (450 horse) one-fourth of the contingent of troops, for the maintenance of which you now hold lands ; or that in lieu of such service you shall pay to the government in ready money at the rate of Rupees 300 a horse, the amount of the allowance of that number, or that you shall relinquish an equivalent in land, whereupon you having agreed to give up the amount of the allowances in land, you will now make over the said land to the government according to a separate Schedule.

ARTICLJE 2.

As long as you remain faithful and true to government your lands shall be continued to you without interruption. This stipulation was contained in the 5th Article of the Terms of Punderpore and is

hereby confirmed. A Sunnud to this effect, issued by the Most Noble the Governor General, will be made over to you,

ARTICLE 3.

You shall on no account entertain troops for the purpose of engaging in a contest with any person whatever. In the event of any cause of dispute arising, you must not resort yourself to extreme measures, but must refer the question to Government for consideration: it will then be impartially adjusted, and you must abide by the decision. This Article corresponds with the fourth clause of the Terms of Punderpore, which is hereby confirmed.

ARTICLE 4- You will attend to the prosperity of the ryots of your jaghire, to the strict administration of justice, and the effectual suppression of robberies, murders, arsons and other crimes. This Article is an essential condition of the present agreement: you must there- fore indispensably maintain the good order of your country.

ARTICLE 5. You will continue all rights within our jaghire, whether belonging to the State or to individuals, ail doomallee, surinjam, and enam villages and lands, all wurshasuns (or annual pensions), dhurmadaos (or charitable allowances), dewasthans (or religious establishments), rozeenah (daily-stipends), khyrats (alms to Mahomedans), nemnooks (or assignments on the revenue), &c., and if in any particular instance any interruption shall have been offered to a grant not annulled by government, such grant shall likewise

be made good without hindrance to the proprietor. No complaints on this head are to be suffered to reach the government.

ARTICLE 6.

If any offenders from your jaghire lands shall come into those of the government, you will represent the affairs, and they shall, on inquiry, be delivered up to you; and should any offenders against the government, or criminals belonging to its territory seek refuge in your country, they will be pursued by the government officers ; and you will afford every assistance in delivering up such offenders.

ARTICLE 7.

The British Government will maintain your rank and dignity as it was maintained under His Highness the Peishwa. It will attend to any of your representa- tions, and will decide equitably upon them ; you shall in no respect suffer injury, but will of course be supported as far as it is just.

ARTICLE 8.

Any villages, lands, or other possessions belong- ing to your surinjam or enam situated within the lands of government shall be continued without obstruction as they have heretofore been continued.

Appendix iv.

The Articles of Stipulatibn on the Transfer

of Lands to the amount of Rs. 1,55,000

in lieu of contingent of 450 required by

the Tainat Jabta, dated Beejapur,

I2th December 1820.

The giving up of Shahapur, which was desirable from its proximity to the cantonment of Belgaum, being objected to by Chintamanrao, it is engaged as follows: —

ARTICLE I. There shall be no spirit-dealing in Shapore.

ARTICLE 2.

There shall be no mint or coinage in Shapore, to tjrevent objections regarding the currency.

ARTICLE 3- No equivalent to be required from the British Government on account of these two items.

ARTICLE 4.

The Collector will fix villages in the neighbour- hood of Belgaum, with the exception of Shapore, to be given up to the amount of Rupees 10,775-1-6 required to complete the sum of Rupees 1,35,000. Villages to be given up which contain toddy trees; in order to prevent futui-e collusion, and the Neninook or village payments to be deducted in the estimation of their value.

ARTICLE 5.

The large petta of Shapore near the cantonment shall aid in the supply of coolies and bullocks that may be required for military purposes.

ARTICLE 6.

The Collector of Dharwar will deliver over all the lands held under attachment, which are to be relinquished on security being furnished for such other lands being given (by three instalments of one month each ) as shall be found requisite to complete the necessary sum, (Rupees 1,35,000), the deductions on account of police and Nemnook expenditure being included in the calculation.

ARTICLE 7.

The revenues of the relinquished lands are entered according to the data furnished from the Collector's office at Dharwar; and the Vakeel having represented that the revenues may be found to be somewhat greater on examination, it is stipulated that, should such be the case, there will be a pro- portional deduction made in the lands remaining to be transferred to the Company in the Shapore Mehal.

APPENDIX V.

General Information about the Sangli State.

The Sangli State is divided into six Talukas which are very widely scattered and spread over four Districts of the Bombay Presidency, extending from the Bhima in the north to the Tungbhadra on the south. The names of the Talukas are as follows : —

I.	Miraj-Frant	... 35 villas
2.	Shirhatti	... 73
3.	Shahapur	... 57
4.	Mangalwedha ...	... 32
5-	Terdal...	... 17
6.	Kuchi ...	... 30

The total area of the State is i, 1 12 square miles and the population according to the Census of A.D. 1911 is 2,27,280. The gross revenue of the State on the average of the last five years is Rs. 10,30,598.

The Sangli State does not pay annual tribute to Government. It has once for all ceded to Govern- ment in A.D. 1 821 a territory yielding an annual revenue of Rs. 1,35,000 in commutation of service.

The general aspect of the country except the two Talukas, Shahapur and Shirhatti, is monotonous in the extreme, the scenery being typical of the Deccan plateau, treeless and flat. Shahapur is rough and well wooded and the aspect is more picturesque than in any other Taluka. In Shirhatti monotony is again the prevailing note, broken on the north-east border of the Taluka by rugged, treeless hills.

II

The water-supply is ample and the water is close to the surface in Mangalwedha, Kuchi and Shahapur. It is fairly good in Miraj-Prant and Terdal but is very deficient in the black soil portion of Shirhatti.

The climate though hot is not unhealthy. The hottest subdivision is Mangalwedha. Next in the order of heat comes Miraj-Prant, Terdal, Kuchi, Shir- hatti and Shahapur. In the rainy season the climate is everywhere pleasant, except perhaps in Shahapur, where the rainfall is heavy and constant. In the cold season the air is dry and the nights cool. The rainfall is heavy in Shahapur. In other parts it is moderate.

The whole of the State with the exception of a few Inam villages has been brought under the operation of the Revision Survey. There are in all 41 Inam Suran- jam villages in this State. Survey Settlement has been introduced into all of these with the exception of nine, and one of the four inakta villages in the Shahapur Taluka, The rest enjoy the benefits of a Survey Settlement. The Land Revenue demand according to the Jamabandi of the year A.D. 1915-16 amounted to Rs. 6,85,334 as against Rs. 6,81,868 in the previous year.

There is no Military Force in the State except the Police. The total strength of the Police force in the State is 455 foot Police and 35 Sowars or mounted Police. The total expenditure on account of the force is about Rs. 76,000.

There is one Central Jail at Sangli and seven lock-ups at Taluka stations, including those at Mhaisal and Dodwad. The Central Jail is situated in the old fort at Sangli. The building is well ventilated and well kept. The number of prisoners in the jail was 143 in A.D. 1915-16.

12

The number of the Primary and Secondary Schools of all descriptions is 175 with 8,551 pupils attending them. The percentage of pupils receiving instructions at these Institutions to the entire population is 4'2. The total expenditure on education amounted in the year 1915-16 to Rs. 65,251.

There are 17 Libraries in the State.

There are six Municipalities in the State. Their income and expenditure amounted to Rs. 52,868 and Rs. 42,313 respectively. Out of these six, those of Sangli and Shahapur enjoy the right of election while the rest have their councillors nominated by the State. The privilege of electing half of its members has been recently conferred on the Mangal- wedha Municipality. The Municipalities of Sangli and Rabkavi also enjoy the honour and privilege of a non-ofiicial President nominated by the State.

Sangli has a flourishing trade in jaggery, tur- meric, ghee, tobacco, cotton and chillies. The improve- ment in the local trade is principally due to the opening of the Sangli State Railway and to the facilities given to the traders by the State. The other trade centres in the State are Rabkavi and Shahapur which export cotton, piece-goods and coloured cotton and silk yarn.

Sangli is noted for its copper and brass pots. It is also known for ornaments and other articles of gold, silver and steel. Shahapur and Rabkavi had long since been known for the fast colours of their cotton and silk goods. These colours have been, however, giving way before cheap ones. The traders have, however, latterly begun to realise the great injury these new colours have done to the good name of the

13

place. They, therefore, feel the necessity of doing something to improve the colours in point of dura- bility, and they have been making endeavours to retrieve the lost ground in point of their credit.

Terdal and Hangandi make copper and brass wares of the larger size and of household use. Coun- try blankets are manufactured at Shirhatti and in the adjoining villages. Kavatha-Mahankal produces felts and rough woollen carpets. Marihal and Balekundri in Shahapur Taluka and Bannikop in Shirhatti Taluka have small factories of glass bangles. Belhatti in the Shirhatti Taluka makes articles of soft stone which is found in the quarries in its neighbourhood.

The Chief of Sangli, Shrimant Chintamanrao Dhundirao, alias Appasaheb Patwardhan, is a Chitpawan Brahmin. He is 27 years old and is married. He has two sons and a daughter by name Shrimati Indumati Taisaheb who is 4 years old. The name of the eldest son is Madhavrao Rao Saheb, who is born on the 7th of March 191 5.

The Chief has a younger brother, by name Kumar Shrimant Vithalrao Bapusaheb. He has passed the B.A. examination of the Cambridge University and also the LL.B. examination of the same University. He has passed the final examination for the Bar. He has thus finished his education in England and has returned to India.

APPENDIX VI.

A short account of Ganpati-Dcvasthan at Sangli.

"The Ganpati Sansthan owes its existence to Chintamanrao Appasaheb, the founder of the Sangli State. The story runs that disputes regarding the division of the Miraj Jaghir had arisen between Chintamanrao and his uncle Ganpatrao of Miraj which finally culminated in a rupture, Chintamanrao leaving Miraj and going to a Mala outside the town. On leaving his house he took with him only the image of Ganpati seated on a lion. This image which is made of copper is still worshipped daily in the present Ganpati temple at Sangli. Appasaheb then determined to proceed to Poona to get these disputes settled, and before starting made a vow to Ganpati that if he succeeded in getting his proper share of the Jahagir he would do everything in his power to honour the god and would establish him in his Mala. Finally Appasaheb succeeded in getting his proper share and made Sangli the Chief town of his State, settling there in the year l8o8 A.D.

As soon as Appasaheb had established himself in Sangli, he set himself to fulfil his vow and at first established and installed the god in the Mala outside Miraj. He then commenced the building of a splendid home for his favourite deity in his own town. A popular contribution amounting to Rs. 24,000 was raised from the different Talukas for the building of the temple in the year 1813 A.D. and the work

15

has gone steadily on ever since and although over two lakhs of rupees have been expended the temple is still incomplete.

The temple was planned to consist of five separate temples, that of Ganpati itself being in the centre flanked by those of Samba, Surya Narayan, Chin- tamaneshwari and Laxmi Narayan. The arrangement being known as the Ganpati Panchayatan. After the main portion of the temple was built, the image of Shri Ganpati was installed in the temple in the year A.D. 1843. The other gods of the four temples being installed the next year. The expenditure incurred on account of the installation ceremony of Shri Ganpati and other four gods amounted to Rs. 19,808.

The revenue of the Sansthan is derived from the villages of Sangli and Sangli-wadi which are its exclusive property. They were given as inam to Ganpati in the year A.D. 1818 by the late Appasaheb, The present land revenue demand of the two villages amounts respectively to Rs. 18,125 and Rs. 9,6l2 exclusive of local funds. Besides these amounts, Rs. 18,165 are realized from different Talukas in the State.

Besides the land revenue proper this Sansthan has an income of about Rs. 6,000 as Sayar revenue derived from Sangli and Sangli-wadi. Thus the total income of the Sansthan is about Rs. 51,000,

The Administration of the Sansthan has always been in the hands of the ruling Chief who was assisted in his work by an officer called the Huzur Karkun. Appasaheb entrusted the management of this Sansthan to his son Ganpatrao, popularly known as Raosaheb, in the year 1819. A.D. Ganpatrao died

I6

in the year 1826 A.D. and consequently Appasaheb had to resume the management of the Sansthan into his own hands. Appasaheb died in the year 185T and Tatyasaheb was then only a minor. Conse- quently the Sansthan was managed by the Karbhari appointed by the British Government till the year 1859. When the late Chief was restored to his powers, he managed the State as its Muktiyar Karbhari till the time of his death which took place on the I2th of December 1901. He used to draw Rs. 150 a month from the Sansthan. Since his death this Sansthan has been managed by the Ganpati Manager under the orders of the Administrator till A.D. 1910 and since then of the Chief.

The Sansthan contributes to the welfare of the two villages from which it derives so much income. It retains its own local funds and contributes Rs. 3,000 towards the Sangli Municipality and bears i of the cost of the Dispensary at Sangli. It pays further contributions to the State on account of the Police charges for the Inam villages, and for the criminal and civil cases arising therefrom. It further contri- butes towards the local primary schools and bears all the cost of repairs to the roads lying within the Sansthan limits, but outside Municipal limits, and | of the cost of repairs to roads within the latter limits.

The Ganpati Festival is the most important of all. It begins on the 1st day of Bhadrapada and ends on the 5th. During this festival a number of Brahmins, Gosawis, etc., are sumptuously fed and charities distributed to the poor.""^

* Notes on the Sangli State by Captain I5urke.

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