CALIFOIWf(A
T-C
SELECT ENGLISH HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS
OF THE
NINTH AND TENTH CENTURIES
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
C. F. CLAY, MANAGER
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SELECT
ENGLISH HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS
OF THE NINTH AND TENTH CENTURIES
EDITED EY
F/ E. HARMER, B.A. (LOND.)
SOMETIME SCHOLAR OF GIRTON COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE
Cambridge :
at the University Press
1914
H3
Cambridge :
PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A. AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
PREFACE
MORE than ten years ago Maitland called attention to the need of a satisfactory edition of Anglo-Saxon charters, " those numerous ' land-books ' which must be re-edited if the first period of English history is ever to be well understood." Unfortunately, however, his appeal has not as yet met with any response.
Until facilities for a work of this magnitude are forth- coming something may be done by editions of selected texts. Hitherto very few of these documents have been published in a conveniently accessible form and with explanatory notes sufficient to make their contents intelligible; and it is no doubt largely due to this fact that their manifold interest is so little known. At the same time it has been shewn by The Crawford Charters (ed. Napier and Stevenson, Oxford, 1895) that a scholarly edition of even a small number of such texts is capable of rendering valuable assistance to the general study of the subject.
The twenty-three documents contained in this volume — most of which may be described as charters — cover a period of rather more than a century and a half, beginning from the early years of the ninth century. They are among the earliest English texts of their kind ; for, owing to the fact that the written covenant was of foreign (ecclesiastical) origin, the earliest charters — unlike the laws — appear to have been regularly composed in Latin. Indeed we have very few, if any, genuine English charters of the seventh or eighth cen- turies— certainly none preserved in contemporary MSS. — and even in later times Latin charters are far more numerous. This remark however applies properly only to grants of land or privileges. Wills are usually in English, though we have no genuine specimens earlier than the ninth century.
vi Preface
Classified according to their character seven of these documents (i, I n- vi, xvi, xxm) are grants of estates or privileges (rents, etc.) made by kings or landowners. One (xvn) is a lease, another (vui) a deed of exchange. Six (vn, xu-xv, xvni) may perhaps best be described as records of negotiations, the last being in the form of a letter. Five (n, x, xi, xx, xxi) are wills, including those of two kings, Alfred arid Eadred. One (xix) is a deed of manumission. The two remaining (ix, xxn) are dedicatory inscriptions in MSS. of the Gospels, relating to their origin or history.
Apart from their historical importance these documents possess also considerable linguistic interest. Seven of them (i, II, IV, V, VII, IX, x) are written in the Kentish dialect, of which they are probably the earliest specimens; one (ill) is in Mercian and one (xxn) in Northumbrian. The language of the rest is West Saxon, a dialect which seems eventually to have come into literary use in many parts of England. In -certain cases however the texts which have come down to us are clearly derived from older ones with different linguistic characteristics. Thus vi and vui shew evident traces of Kentish dialect, while Mercian features may be detected in Xll-xv.
There can be little doubt that, with one possible exception (xvi), all these documents are genuine records. In twelve cases (i-v, vn, ix, x, xvni, xix, xxn, xxm) either the original MSS. or contemporary copies have been preserved; the rest are known only from later, but fairly good, copies. It may be added that the Editor has spared no pains to obtain as accurate a text as possible. Except in two cases (ix and xxi) the MSS. have everywhere been submitted to careful and repeated examination, which has led to the correction of a number of erroneous readings found in previous editions.
H. MUNRO CHADWICK.
October, 1914.
EDITOK'S NOTE
fTlHE abbreviations found in the MSS have for the most -*- part been reproduced in these texts. The symbol j) is, however, expanded to Jjcet (except in x), and u- is written -um. The sign 7 has been retained wherever it occurs in the MSS. The punctuation has been modernised and capital letters have been introduced in accordance with modern usage. Letters which have been omitted in the MS, or which are no longer legible, are enclosed in [ ] ; letters written above or below the line are enclosed in x '. In passages where the text has been emended, the letters which have been supplied by the editor are printed in italics.
The editor desires to express her thanks to the staff of the University Library, Cambridge, to the staff of the British Museum, to the Librarian of Lambeth Palace, and to Mr C. W. Moule, late Librarian of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, for the kindness and courtesy shewn to her during the progress of her work. She would like to take this opportunity of thanking the Council of Girton College for the Research Studentship which made this work possible. Her thanks are also due to the staff of Girton College for their kindly interest, and especially to Miss B. S. Phillpotts, Fellow of Somerville College, formerly Librarian of Girton College, for valuable suggestions and advice. She is also indebted to Mr M. D. Forbes, Fellow of Clare College, for collating the texts (in and xvm) preserved
viii Editor's Note
in the Library of Canterbury Cathedral ; and to her father, Mr H. A. Harmer, for help in preparing the manuscript for press.
Above all, she wishes to express her indebtedness to Prof. Chadwick, to whose suggestion this work owes its in- ception and without whose help and guidance it could never have been completed. She has especially to thank Prof. Chadwick for help with translations, for much information embodied in the notes, and for extensive criticism and sug- gestions ; also for reading the manuscript and the proofs, and for supplying the Preface.
Her thanks are also due to the Syndics of the University Press for undertaking the publication of this book and to their staff for their great care and skill.
F. E. H.
September, 1914.
CONTENTS
PAGE
I. Grant of Land by Earl Oswulf to Canterbury Cathedral . 1
II. Will of the Keeve Abba 3
III. Grant of Land by Berhtwulf, King of the Mercians, to
Forthred 5
IV. Grant by Lufu to Canterbury Cathedral .... 7
V. Grants by Ealhburg and Eadweald and Ealhhere to Canter-
bury Cathedral 8
VI. Grant by Ealhburg to St Augustine's, Canterbury ... 9 VII. Agreement between Eadweald and Cynethryth with refer- ence to an Estate at Chart ...... 10
VIII. Exchange of Lands between Earl Aelfred and Aethelred,
Archbishop of Canterbury . . . . . . 11
IX. Record of the Presentation by Earl Aelfred of a copy of the
Gospels to Canterbury Cathedral 12
X. Earl Aelfred's Will . . . * 13
XI. King Alfred's Will 15
XII. Record of Negotiations between Aethelred, Earl of the
Mercians, and Berkeley Abbey 20
XIII. Record of Negotiations between Earl Aethelred and Aethel-
fled, and Werferth, Bishop of Worcester .... 22
XIV. Record of Negotiations between Werferth, Bishop of Wor-
cester, and the Priest Aethelwald ; with confirmation by
Earl Aethelred and the Mercian Council .... 24
XV. Record of Negotiations between Bishop Werferth and
Eadnoth, with regard to Land at Sodbury ... 25
XVI. Foundation of New Minster at Winchester by Edward the
Elder 27
XVII. Lease of Land by Denewulf, Bishop of Winchester . . 29
XVIII. Letter recording Negotiations with reference to the owner-
ship of Land at Fonthill 30
XIX. Manumission of a slave by King Aethelstan .... 32
XX. Earl Aethelwold's Will 33
XXI. King Eadred's Will 34
x Contents
PAGE
XXII. Entries in the Lindisfarne Gospels 36
XXIII. Grant of an Estate by Queen Eadgifu to Canterbury Cathe-
dral, with an account of its Previous History ... 37
TRANSLATIONS 39
NOTES 69
APPENDIX : Kentish, Mercian and Northumbrian Dialects . . .128
ADDENDA 133
INDEX NOMINUM 134
INDEX LOCORUM 137
INDEX RERUM 141
ABBREVIATIONS
O.E.T. = Sweet, Oldest English Texts. D.B. = Domesday Book, ed. Sir H. Ellis. Published by the
Record Commission, London, 1816. Kemble= Codex Diplomaticus Mvi Saxonici, ed. J. M. Kemble,
London, 1839—1848. Birch = Cartularium Saxonicum, ed. Walter de Gray Birch,
1885-93.
Earle= Handbook to the Landcharters, ed. Earle, 1888. Thorpe = Diploma tarium Anglicum Mvi Saxonici, ed. B. Thorpe,
London, 1865. Crawf. Ch. = Crawford Charters, ed. Napier & Stevenson : Anecdota
Oxoniensia, Medieval & Modern Series, Pt 7, 1895. Dugdale = Monasticon Anglicanum, ed. Sir William Dugdale. The references are to the revised edition published in 1846 by J. Caley, H. Ellis & B. Bandinel.
Wanley=H. Wanlei Librorum Vett. Septentrionalium Catalogus Historico-Criticus, 1705 (Hickes, Linguarum Vett. Sept. Thesaurus, vol. li.). Liebermann = F. Liebermann, Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen, Halle,
1898—1912. Brit. Mus. Facs. = Facsimiles of Ancient Charters in the British Museum,
ed E. A. Bond, 1873—1878. Ordn. Sur. Facs. = Ordnance Survey, Facsimiles of Anglo-Saxon MSS., ed.
W. B. Sanders, 1878-84. Ducange = Glossarium mediae et infimae Latinitatis, ed. Ducange.
i
GRANT OF LAND BY EARL OSWULF TO CANTERBURY CATHEDRAL
>R Ic Osuulf aldonnonn mid Godes gaefe ond BeornoryS min gemecca sellaS to Cantuarabyrg to Cristes cirican Saet lond aet 5 Stanhamstede, xx swuluncga, Gode allmehtgum 7 Sere halgon gesomnuncgae, fore hyhte 7 fore aedleane daes aecan 7 daes towardon lifes 7 fore uncerra saula hela 7 uncerra bearna. Ond mid micelre eadmodnisse biddaS daet wit moten bion on dem gemanon de daer Godes diowas siondan 7 da menn da Saer 10 hlafordas wseron 7 dara monna de hiora lond to daere cirican saldon ; ond daettae mon unce tide ymb tuaelf monad mon geuueordiae on godcundum godum 7 sec on aelmessan suae mon hiora doed.
Ic donne Ltulfred mid Godes gaefe arc. epis. das forecuae- 15 denan uuord fulliae, 7 bebeode daet mon ymb tuself monad hiora tid boega dus geuueordiae to anes daeges to Osuulfes tide ge mid godcundum godum ge mid aelmessan ge aec mid higna suesendum. Donne bebeode ic daet mon das ding selle ymb tuself monad of Liminum, de dis forecuaedevne' lond to limped, 20 of daem ilcan londe set Stanhamstede : cxx huaetenra hlafa 7 XXX clenra 7 an hrider dugunde 7 nil scgp 7 tua flicca 7 v goes 7 x hennfuglas 7 x pund caeses, gif hit fuguldaeg
I. The original MS. is preserved in the British Museum (MS. Cott. Aug. n. 79). A late transcript in MS. Lambeth, 1212, f. 406.
Facsimiles : Facsimiles of Ancient Charters in the British Museum, ed. E. A. Bond, 1873, I. pi. 15; W. Keller, Angelsachsische Palaeographie. Palaestra, XLIII. 1906, pi. 1.
Editions: Kemble (no. 226), Thorpe (p. .459), Earle (p. 79), Sweet (no. 37), Zupitza (Alt- und Mittelenglisches Ubungsbuch, 1912, no. XII.), Birch (no. 330), Kluge (Angelsdchsisches Lesebuch, 1902, p. 16), MacLean (Old and Middle English Reader, 1908, no. VIL).
H. 1
2 English Historical Documents
sie — gif hit donne festendaeg sie, selle mon uugge csesa, 7 fisces 7 butran 7 aegera daet mon begeotan maege — 7 xxx ombra godes uuelesces alod, det limped; to xv mittum, 7 mittan fume huniges odda tuggen uuines, sug hwaeder suae mon donne 5 begeotan maege. Ond of higna gemgnum godum daer aet ham, mon geselle cxx gesuflra hlafa to aelmessan for hiora saula suae mon aet hlaforda tidum doed. Ond das forecugdenan sugsenda all agefe mon dgm reogolwarde 7 he brytnig swae higum maest red sie 7 daem sawlum soelest. Aec mon daet
10 weax agaefe to cirican1 7 hiora sawlum nytt gedoe de hit man fore doed. Aec ic bebeode minum aefterfylgendum de daet lond hgbben aet Burnan daet hiae simle ymb XII monad foran to deere tide gegeorwien ten hund hlafa j swae feola sufla ; 7 dgt mon gedele to aelmessan aet dere tide fore mine sawle 7
15 Osuulfes 7 Beorndryde vaet Cristes cirican'; 7 him se reogol- weord on byrg gebeode foran to hwonne sio tid sie.
Aec ic bidde higon dette hie das godcundan god gedon aet dere tide fore hiora sawlum : daet gghwilc messepriost gesinge fore Osuulfes sawle twa messan, twa fore Beorndryde sawle ;
-20 7 aeghwilc diacon arede twa passione fore his sawle, twa for hire ; ond gghwilc Godes diow gesinge twa fiftig fore his sawle, twa fore hire ; daette ge fore uueorolde sien geblitsade mid dem weoroldcundum godum 7 hiora saula mid dem godcundum godum. Aec ic biddo higon daet ge me gemynen aet dere
25 tide mid suilce godcunde gode suilce iow cynlic dynce — ic de das gesettnesse sette gehueder for higna lufon ge deara saula de haer beforan hiora namon auuritene siondon. Valete in Domino.
Endorsed in a nearly contemporary hand :
3° pis is gesetnes [O]sulf[es 7] Biarndryde
In a hand of the l%th century, the date having been added later :
Anno DCCCVI Osulfus alderman dedit Stanhamstede ecclesie Christi tempore Wlfredi archiepiscopi. Anglice.
1 MS. ciricican.
Will of Abba 3
II
WILL OF THE REEVE ABBA
%4 Ic Abba geroefa cySe 7 writan hate hu min willa is j?aet mon ymb min serfe gedoe asfter minum daege.
^Erest ymb min lond J?e ic hsebbe, 7 me God lah, 7 ic set 5 minum hlafordum begset, is min willa gif me God bearnes unnan wille, Sset hit foe to londe aefter me 7 his bruce mid minum gemeccan ; 7 sioSSan swae forS min cynn Sa hwile ]>e God wille Saet Seara senig sie ]>e londes weorSe sie 7 land gehaldan cunne. Gif me Sonne gifeSe sie, Saet ic beam begeot- 10 an ne mege, )>onne is min willa baet hit hsebbe min wiif Sa hwile Se hia hit mid clennisse gehaldan wile. 7 min broSar Alchhere hire fultume 7 ]?set lond hire nytt gedoe ; 7 him man s§lle an half swulung an Ciollandene to habbanne 7 to brucanne, wiS San Se he Sy geornliocar hire Searfa bega 7 bewiotige ; 715 mon selle him to Sem londe nil oxan 7 II cy 7 L scgpa 7 aenne horn. Gif min wiif Sonne hia nylle mid clennisse swae gehal- dan, 7 hire liofre sie oSer hemed to niomanne, Sonne foen mine megas to 5em londe 7 hire agefen hire agen. Gif hire Sonne liofre sie (an)1 mynster to ganganne o<55a su5 to faranne, Sonne 10 agefen hie twaegen mine mggas Alchhere 7 AeSelw(old)2 hire twa Susenda 7 fon him to Sem londe ; 7 dgefe mon to Liminge L eawa 7 v cy fore hie. 7 mon selle to Folcanstane in mid minum lice x oxan 7 x cy 7 c eawa 7 c swina 7 higum an- sundran D pend', wiS San Se min wiif J>aer benuge innganges 25 swse mid minum lice swae sioSSan yferran dogre swae hwseder swae hire liofre sie. Gif higan Sonne oSSe hlaford J>aet nylle hire mynsterlifes geunnan, oSSa hia siolf nylle, 7 hire oSer Sing liofre sie, )>onne agefe mon ten hund pend' inn mid minum lice
II. Original MS. in the British Museum (MS. Cott. Aug. n. 64). Facsimile in Brit. Mus. Foes. n. 23.
Editions by Kemble (no. 235), Thorpe (p. 469), Earle (p. 108), Sweet (no. 41), Birch (no. 412), Kluge (p. 18).
1 Sic transcript in B. M. Facs. ; no longer visible in MS.
2 Last three letters from B. M. transcript.
1—2
4 English Historical Documents
me wiS legerstowe, 7 higum an sundran fif hund pend' fore
mine sawle.
7 ic bidde 7 bebeode swselc moun se Saet min lond hebbe
Saet he selce gere agefe Sein higum set Folcanstane L ambra 5 maltes 7 VI ambra gruta 7 III wega spices 7 ceses 7 CCCC hlafa
7 an hriSr 7 VI seep. 7 swaelc monn se Se to minum serfe foe,
Sonne gedele he selcum messepreoste binnan Cent mancus
goldes 7 selcum Godes Siowe pend' 7 to See Petre min wsergeld
twa Susenda. 7 FreoSomund foe to minum sweorde 7 agefe 10 Serset feower Susenda, 7 him mon forgefe Seran Sreotene hund
pending1.
7 gif mine broSar serfeweard gestrionen Se londes weorSe sie,
)>onne ann ic Sem londes. Gif hie ne gestrionen oSSa him sylfum
aelles hwaet sgle, sefter hiora dege ann ic his FreoSomunde gif 15 he Sonne lifes biS. Gif him elles hwaet saeleS, Sonne ann ic his
minra swsestarsuna swaelcum se hit geSian wile 7 him gifeSe
biS. 7 gif ]>aet gesele )>aet min cynn to San clane gewite Saet Ser
Seara nan ne sie Se londes weorSe sie, J?onne foe se hlaford to 7 Sa
higan set Kristes cirican 7 hit minum gaste nytt gedoen. An 20 Sas redenne ic hit Sider selle, Se se monn se Se Kristes cirican
hlaford sie, vse' min 7 minra erfewearda forespreoca 7 mund-
bora, 7 an his hlaforddome Ve' bian moten.
)jl Ic CiolnoS mid Godes gefe aercebiscop Sis write 7 Seafie 7
mid Cristes rode tacne hit festniae. 25 ^( Ic Beagmund pr Sis Seafie 7 write.
^ Ic Wserhard pr ab Sis Seafie 7 write.
^ Ic Abba geroefa Sis write 7 festnie mid Kristes rode tacne.
^ Ic AeSelhun pr Sis Seafie 7 write.
^ Ic Abba pr Sis Seafie 7 write. 30 ^( Ic Wigmund pr Sis write 7 Seafie.
>J4 Ic lof pr Sis Seafie 7 write.
^ Ic Osmund pr Sis Seafie 7 write.
)J< Ic Wealhhere diac Sis write 7 Seafie.
^1 Ic BadanoS diac Sis write 7 Seafie. 35 ^ Ic Heaberht diac Sis write 7 Seafie.
^ Ic NoSwulf subdiac Sis write 7 Seafie.
|J( Ic Wealhhere subdiac Sis write 7 Seafie.
1 Sic MS.
Grant by Berhtwulf 5
<% Ic Giohvulf subdiac Sis write 7 Seafie.
%<t HeregyS1 hafaS Sas wisan binemned ofer hire deg 7 ofer Abban Ssem higum et Cristes cirican of Ssem londe et Cealflocan : Saet is Sonne Sritig ombra alafl 7 Sreo hund hlafa, Seara biS fiftig hwitehlafa, an weg spices 7 ceses, an aid hriSer, feower weSras, 5 an suin, oStSe sex weSras, sex gosfuglas, ten hennfuglas, Sritig teapera, gif hit wintres deg sie, sester fulne huniges, sester fulne butran, sester fulne saltes. 7 HeregyS bibeadeS Sem mannum Se efter hire to londe foen, on Godes noman, Saet hie fulgere witen Sset hie tJiss gelgsten Se on Sissem ge write binem- 10 ned is Sem higum to Cristes cirican, '7 <5set sie simle to higna blodlese ymb twelf monaS agefenx. 7 se mann se to londe foe, agefe hire erfehonda XIII pund pendinga ; 7 hio forgifeS fiftene pund for Sy Se mon Sas feorme Sy soel gelaeste.
Endorsed in a contemporary hand : r5
Abban geroefan (a)rf(e)ged(a)l : his ge5inga to Kristes cirica(n).
In a hand of the 12th century :
Testamentum Abbe cuius uxor Henhith dedit Cheafloke conventui tempore Chelnothi. Anglice. 2°
In a hand of the 14^ century :
Anno DCCCOXXX°V°.
Ill
GRANT OF LAND BY BERHTWULF, KING OF THE
MERCIANS, TO FORTHRED 25
^2 IN nomine Domini. Ego Berchtwulf cyning sile ForSrede minum Segne nigen higida lond in Wudotune in ece erfe him to hiobbanne, 7 to siollanne Saem Se hit wille mis eaSmodre her- nisse him to geeornigan ofer his daeg ; CisseSebeorg, Feower-
III. MS. preserved in Canterbury Cathedral Library (Chart. Antiq. Cantuar. C. 1280).
Facsimiles : (1) Ordnance Survey, Facsimiles of Anglo-Saxon MSS., ed. W. B. Sanders (1878-84), I. pi. 8. (2) Palaeographical Society, Facsimiles ofMSS. and Inscriptions, ed. E. A. Bond and E. M. Thompson (1873-83), vol. II. pi. 24 (omitting p. 6, 11. 24-30),
Editions by Kemble (no. 243), Earle (p. 122), Sweet (no. 48), Birch (no. 452).
1 On the other side. 2 Four times on left-hand margin of text.
6 English Historical Documents
treowehyl, 7 Eanburgemere, Tihhanhyl, 7 ut bi Geht1 tu* higida lond in erfe ece. 7 he salde to londceape XXX man- cessan 7 nigen hund scill' wiS Saem londe him in ece erfe.
Ic Berhtwulf rex Sas mine gesaldnisse trymme 7 faestna in 5 Cristes rode tacne 7 in his Saere haligran •'•' a3 7 in his wotona gewitnisse.
Aerist SaeSryS regina Hunstan dux
CyneferS episc Eadwnlf
Alchhun epis BeornoS
10 Berchtred epis Wulfred
Deorlaf epis Mucel
Ceored epis Aldred
Wichred ab Wicga
Aldred ab Eadgar
15 Mucel dux Baldred
Hunbercht dux Werenberht
Burgred dux Eadred
Aesstan4 AeSelwulf prs
Cyneberht dux Heaberht prs
20 Sigred dux Ecghun
Alberht dux Ecgheard
Aldred dux BeornhaeS
Mucel dux Aldred.
7s we aec alle bibeodaS Se aet Sisse gewitnisse werun, on
25 Cristes noman 7 on his Saere haligran6, gif aenig monn Sas ure
gewitnisse incerre on owihte, Saet he aebbe 5aes aelmaehtgan7
Gode(s unhlisse(?) 7)* his Saere haligran up in (heo)fnum Saes
we him (ge)beod.n maege.
Endorsed in a hand of the 12th century: 3° Inutile.
1 MS. ut bigeht ; Sweet, utbigeht. 2 tu faint.
1 Sic MS. and B. ; Sweet, haligran a. The final a has a long shaft. There seems to be a dot between the second hieroglyphic and the -a.
4 The MS. apparently has Aesstan ; B., E., and Sweet, Aefstan. 8 Continued on the other side.
6 Final -n covered by the gum which sticks the MS. on to the page, but can still be detected.
7 In MS. the letters between -e- and -g- are run together ; B. aelmaehtigan ; transcript of both Facs. aelmaehtgan.
8 The words and letters enclosed in brackets are taken from the transcript in the Pal. Soc. Foes. They are no longer legible in MS.
Grant by Lufu
IV
GRANT BY LUFU TO CANTERBURY CATHEDRAL
^ Ic Lufa mid Godes gefe ancilla Dei wes soecende 7
smeagende ymb mine saulSearfe mid CeolnoSes sercebiscopes
geSeahte 7 Sara hiona et Cristes cirican. Willa ic gesellan of 5
Sem aerfe Se me God forgef 7 mine friond to gefultemedan glee
gere LX ambra maltes 7 CL hlafa, L hwitehlafa, cxx elmeshlafes1,
an hriSer, an suin, nil weSras, II wgga spices 7 ceses, Sein higum
to Cristes circcan for mine saule 7 minra frionda 7 mega Se me
to gode gefultumedan ; 7 Sgt sie simle to adsumsio Scae* Marie 10
ymb xn monaS. End sue eihwelc mon swe Sis lond hebbe
minra serbenumena Sis agefe 7 mittan fulne huniges, X goes,
xx henfuglas.
^ Ic CeolnoS mid Godes gefe ercebisc mid Cristes rode tacne
Sis festnie 7 write. 15
^ Beagmund pf geSafie 7 mid write.
^ BeornfriS pr geSafie 7 mid write.
%4 Wealhhere pr %4 SwiSberht diac
(^ Osmund pr ^( Beornheah diac
%4 Deimund pr ^( ^ESelmund diac 20
»J( ^ESelwald diac >J( Wighelm diac
^ Werbald diac ^ Lubo
^ SifreS diac %
%4 Ic Luba eaSmod Godes Siwen Sas forecwedenan god 7 Sas
elmessan gesette 7 gefestnie ob minem erfelande et Mundling- 25
ham Sem hiium to Cristes cirican. 7 ic bidde, 7 an Godes
IV. The original MS. is preserved in the British Museum (MS. Cott. Aug. IL 92).
Facsimiles : Brit. Mus. Foes. n. 22 ; Keller, Angelsachsische Palaeo- graphie, pi. 2.
Editions : Kemble (no. 231), Thorpe (p. 474), Earle (p. 105), Sweet (no. 40), Birch (no. 405), Kluge (p. 17).
1 The words czz elmeshlafes are written in the eleventh line of the charter after the second signature, with the reference mark ft., corresponding with if in the margin at the place where they are to be inserted.
2 No mark of contraction.
8 English Historical Documents
libgendes naman bebiade Saem men Se tfis land 7 Sis erbe hebbe
et Mundlingham, Set he Sas god forSleste o5 wiaralde ende.
Se man se Sis healdan wille 7 lesten Set ic beboden hebbe an
Sisem gewrite, se him seal'd' 7 gehealden sia hiabenlice bTed- 5 sung. Se his ferwerne oSSe hit agele, se him seald 7 gehealden
helle wite, bute he to fulre bote gecerran wille Gode 7 mannum.
Uene ualete.
Endorsed in a contemporary hand :
^ Lufe Jnncggewrit. 10 In hands of the 12th century :
(1) Luue mulier quedam dedit ecclesie Christi Munling- ham tempore CelnoS archiepiscopi.
(2) IX anno DCCC°xxxn° Luue mulier dedit familie ecciesie Christi Cantuariensi Munlingham tempore Chelnothi archi-
15 episcopi.
GRANTS (1) BY EALHBURG AND BAD WEALD, (2) BY EALHHERE, TO CANTERBURY CATHEDRAL
>J( Dis sindan geSinga Ealhburge 7 Eadwealdes et Sem lande 20 et Burnan, hwet man elce gere ob Sem lande to Cristes cirican Sem hiwum agiaban seel, for Ealhburge 7 for Ealdred 7 fore Eadweald 7 Ealawynne : XL ambra mealtes, 7 XL 7 cc hlaba, I wege cesa, I wege speces, I eald hriSer, mi weSras, X goes, XX henfugla, nil foSra weada. 7 ic Ealhburg bebiade Eadwealde 25 minem mege an Godes naman 7 an ealra his haligra Cet he Sis wel healde his dei 7 siSSan forS bebeode his erbum to healdenne Sa hwile Se hit cristen se. ^( 7 suelc mon se Set lond hebbe eghwylce sunnandege xx1 gesuflra hlafa to Sare2 cirican for
Ealdredes saule 7 for Ealhburge.
•
V. Original MS. in the British Museum (MS. Cott. Aug. n. 52).
Facsimile in Brit. Mus. Foes. n. 21.
Editions : Kemble (no. 229), Thorpe (p. 468), Earle (p. 104), Birch (no. 403), Sweet (no. 39), Kluge (p. 17).
1 Nearly illegible through rubbing ; 8., x. 4 Second letter indistinct, may be «.
Grant by Ealhburg 9
^( Dis is sia elmesse Se Ealhhere behead Ealawynne his doehter et Denglesham, et III sulungum : elce gere C pen to Cristes cirican Sem higum. 7 suelc mVn se Sisses landes brace, agebe Sis fiah an Godes gewitnesse 7 an ealra his haligra, 7 suilc man sue hit awege, Sonne se hit on his sawale, nas on Ses Se 5 hit don het.
Endorsed in a hand of the 12th century :
Donum Ealhbrege quod instituit donari de Burne familie ecclesie Christi. Item donum Ealhbere ad opus familie ecclesie Christi de terra de Denglesham. Anglice. I0
VI
GRANT BY EALHBURG TO ST AUGUSTINE'S, CANTERBURY
IN nomine Domini. Ealhburh hafa)?1 geset myd hyre freonda2 j?eahtunga J>set man selce gere agyfe )?am hywum to Scae Agustine8 of ham lande set Bradanburnan XL ambura mealtes 15 7 eald hrySer 7 mi weberas 7 XL 7 cc hlafes 7 ane waege spices 7 cyses 7 mi fo)>ro wudes 7 XX henfugla ; swylc man se J?set laud haebbe, ha Singe agyfe for Ealdredes saule 7 for Ealhburge. 7 )?a hiwan asingan aelce daege aefter hyra ferse baene4 sealm for hia, " Exaudiat te Dominus." Swae hwylc man swa bis 20 abrece, si he asceaden fram Gode 7 fram eallum hallgum 7 fram ban halgan were on bysum life 7 on ecnesse.
ponne synt her aefter )?ara manna naman to gewitnesse ]?isse gesetednesse, }>set is )>onne,
Drihtno]? a"r3B pr Beahmund Oada *5
7 Osmund prb' Cenheard Bearnfer)?
^J>elred pr Hyse Bearnhelm
Wynhere diacon Adda Ealdred
VI. This is an entry in a tenth (?) century hand on f. 74 b of a MS. of the Gospels (sixth century) preserved in the Library of Corp. Chr. Coll. Cambridge (C.C.C.C. 286).
Editions by Thorpe (p. 479), Birch (no. 501).
1 The second a has a form approximating to se. T., and B., hafmfi.
2 a with form approximating to se. T., and B., freonde.
3 Sic MS. B., Augustine. * Sic MS. B., fxint.
10 English Historical Documents
Ealhburh Wealdhelm Wighelm
Ealhwaru Dudde Wullaf
Hoshere Ofa Eadweald
Leofe Ofe
5 Gif hit Jxmne swa gegae)?, swa we1 na ne wyscaS, )?set hvvylc broc on becume Jmrh hae}>en folc o]?]?e hwylce oSre earfojmesse, j?8et hit man ne maege ]>ses geres gelsestan, agife on oj>rum geare be tweofealdum. Gif )>onne git ne maege, sylle on Sriddum geare be2 Sryfealdum. Gyf he ]?onne git ne maege ne nelle, agife 10 land 7 bee )>am hiwum to Scse Agustine.
YII
AGREEMENT BETWEEN EADWEALD AND CYNETHRYTH WITH REFERENCE TO AN ESTATE AT CHART
f%4 £)is is geSinge Eadwaldes Osheringes 7 CyneSrySe, ESel- 1 5 modes lafe aldormonnes, y mbe Set lond et Cert 5e hire ESelmod hire hlabard salde. Wes hit becueden Osbearte his broSar suna, gif he CyneSrySe oferlifde, 7 siSSan neniggra meihanda ma Ses cynnes ; ac hia hit atuge yfter hira dege swe hit him boem rehtlicast 7 elmestlicast were.
20 Donne hebfaS Eadwald 7 Cyne3 Sas wisan 5us fundene mid hira friandum. Gib Eadweald leng lifige Sonne CyneSryS, geselle et Sem londe et Cert x Susenda. Gif he gewite er Sonne hia, his barna sue hwelc sue lifes sie agefe Set feoh ond4 atee sue hit soelest sie for Sa hit begetan. Nis ESelmode enig 25 meghond neor Ses cynnes Sanne Eadwald, his modar his broSar dohtar ; mest cyn Set he Set lond hebbe 7 his beorn yfter him, 7 sue ateon sue him nytlicas[t] Synce for Sa Se hit mid reohte begetan.
VII. Original MS. in the British Museum (Cott. Aug. n. 19). Facsimile in Brit. Mus. foes. n. 19.
Editions by Kemble (no. 228), Thorpe (p. 465), Earle (p. 102), Birch (no. 404), Sweet (no. 38), Kluge (p. 16).
i Sic MS. B.,/e. 2 Sic MS. B., he.
3 No mark of contraction. 4 The d very small.
Earl Ad/red and Aethelred 11
%4 Ego CeolnoS mid Codes gefe ercebisc }>is mid Xps rode tacne
festnie 7 write.
^ Ego Selwald episc os
%4 Ego Whelm episc os ^ Ego BiarnnoS1 ardc os
f% Ego Osmund pr os ^( 5
lj( Ego ESelwald pf os ijl
^ Ego Biarnhelm pr os ^1
%4 Ego Biarnheah pr os <%4
^( Ego Eardulf pf os ^ Ego Cialbarht sbdc os
%4 Ego ESelmund pf abb os ijl Ego Wealdhelm sbdc os I0
^ Ego SefreS pr os ^ Ego Tirwald sbdc os
%4 Ego Biarnhelm pr os )J( Ego Oba mi os
^( Ego Eadgar pr aBb os ijl Ego Biarnhelm pr ab os
^( Ego Elfstan pf os ^ Ego Sigemund pf os
^( Ego Sigefre?5 pf os ^( Ego HerefreS pf os 15
($( Ego SigefreS ardc os ^ Ego Wynhelm arcct os
|J( ^( Ego Wunbeald os
%4 Ego Ealhstan ardc os ^( Ego Wermund os.
VIII
EXCHANGE OF LANDS BETWEEN EARL AELFRED AND to AETHELRED, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY
|J| IN nomine Domini. Ic ^Elfred dux 7 ^E?5ered arc. episc. 7 Sa higan set Cristes cirican habbaS Sas wisan areded ymb Set land an Certham : Set is Sonne Set Elfred efter his daege hasfS becweden Set land an Certham inn2 Sam higum to agenre sehte. 25 7 gif Set sio Set higan Sses landes senigem msenn unnan willen buton him sevlfum8, Sonne sellen hio hit ^llfredes bearne, oSSa his msega swelcum swa his willie4, an Sa gerad Se he wiS higan araede swoe an feoh swae an feorme swaeiSer he abiddan maege. 7 se arcepiscop selS ^Elfrede Saat land set Crogdene his dagas to 30 brucenne. 7 tJonne ^Elfrede forSsio"5 gebyrge 7 his beam Sses
VIII. MS. Lambeth 1212, p. 407 (late copy). Edition by Birch (no. 529).
1 Indistinct. 2 MS. jnn. » MS. Jevlfum.
4 Sio MS. B., willie. 5 MS.forffrid.
12 English Historical Documents
landes beSirfe, Sonne begete hio land, gif hio maege, aet swelcum hlafarde swae Sser Sonne sio 7 set higum. 7 gif aeniman aht eft sacie1 ymb Saet land an Certham, Sonne haefS ^Elfred ge'h'aldene Herewinne an2 aeghwelcre wihte Saes Se hio an geworden waes 5 Saes Se hio sevlf geSafigan wolde. 7 Saet waes an byrg gereht beforan Saem3 weotum Se hevro noman here benevSan awritene sindon.
^Edred arcepisc Earduulf ab
^Edelwald dux Ciolmund
'o Alfred dux Siguulf
Bihornhelm ab Eadmund 7 call' higan.
IX
RECORD OF THE PRESENTATION BY EARL AELFRED OF A COPY OF THE GOSPELS TO CANTERBURY CATHEDRAL
15 ffc ORATE pro Ceolheard pr, Niclas 7 Ealhhun 7 Wulfhelm aurifex4.
)J( In nomine Domini nostri Jhesu Christi. Ic Aelfred aldor- mon 7 Werburg8 min gefera begetan Sas6 bee aet haeSnum herge mid uncre claene feo, Saet Sonne waes mid claene golde.
20 7 5aet wit deodan for Godes lufan 7 for uncre saule Searf [e] 7, ond for Son Se wit nolSan Saet Sas halgan beoc lencg in Saere haeSenesse wunaden. 7 nu willaS heo gesellan inn to Cristes circan Gode to lofe 7 to wuldre 7 to weorSunga, 7 his Srowunga to Soncunga, 7 Saem godcundan geferscipe to brucen[ne]7 Se in
25 Cristes circan daeghwaemlice Godes lof raeraS, to Saam gerade Saet heo mon 4rede egliwelce monaSe for Aelfred 7 for Wer- burge 7 for AlhSrySe, heora saulum t6 ecum lecedome, Sa
IX. The original text is inscribed on f. 10 r. of a MS. of the Gospels (Codex Aureus) now preserved in the Royal Library at Stockholm.
Facsimile : J. 0. Westwood, Facsimiles of the Miniatures and Orna- ments of Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts, 1868, pi. II. (W.).
Editions : Birch (no. 634), Sweet (p. 174), Ordn. Sur. Foes. ill. p. viii. (text only).
1 MS. efsadie. 2 Sic MS. B., on. 3 MS. ifse.
* Invocation at the top of the page, in a different hand from what follows. 8 Sic W. Webburg B. 6 Sic W. das B. 7 End of line.
Earl AdJ red's Will 13
hwile <5e God gesegen haebbe 5set fulwiht aet Seosse stowe beon mote. EC swelce ic Aelfred dux 7 Werburg biddaS 7 halsiao" on Godes almaehtiges noman 7 on allra his haligra, oset nsenig mon seo to Son gedyrstig Ssette 5as halgan beoc dselle oSSe dSeode from Cristes circan, 5a hwile 5e fulwiht stondan mote1. 5 Aelfre[d] Werbur[g] AlhSryS eorum [filia]2.
EARL AELFRED S WILL
Xs~ Ic IjSlfred dux hatu writan 7 cytSan an Sissum gewrite
regi 7 allum his weotum 7 geweotan, 7 ec swylce 10 minum megum 7 minum gefeorum, )>a m§n ]>e ic mines grfes 7 mines boclondes seolest onn, 5gt is j?onne Werburg min wif 7 uncer gemene3 beam4. ^5 is )?onne et grestan an Sondenstede 7 on Selesdune xxxil hida 7 on Westarham XX hida 7 on Cloppaham XXX hida 7 on Leangafelda vi hida 7 on Horsalgge 15 X hida 7 on Netelam'styde' VI hida. Ic 5^re(i dux se^° Werburge 7 AlhdrySe uncum gemenum bearne, aefter minum dege, J?as lond mid cwice §rfe 7 mid earSe 7 mid allum Singum 5e to londum belimpaS ; 7 twa Jmsendu swina ic heom sello mid ]>em londum, gif hio6 hio gehaldeS mid ]?are clgnnisse ]>e 20 uncer wordgecweodu seondan. 7 hio gebrenge gt Sancte Petre min twa wergeld, gif iSet Godes willa seo )?gt heo ^ figreld age. Ond gfter Werburge dgge seo AlhtJrytJe )?a lond unbefliten on Sondemstyde 7 on Selesdune 7 on Leangafelda. Ond gif heo beam hgbbe, feo Sgt beam to 5§m londum gfter hire ; gif heo 25 beam ngbbe, feo Sonne an hire rehtfgderen sio neste hond to
X. Original MS. in the British Museum (Stowe Charter 20). Facsimile in Ordn. Sur. Foes. in. 20.
Editions by Kemble (no. 317), Thorpe (p. 480), Earle (p. 149), Sweet (no. 45), Birch (no. 558).
1 Lower part of last four words cut off by edge of page.
2 These names in right hand margin.
3 ge- is sometimes represented by f in this text. * MS. fi.
5 I have kept ^ in this text, since there is here a variation between J>Kt and pet, when the word is written in full.
9 Last letter indistinct ; may be t. S. hio, B. hit.
14 English Historical Documents
)>em londe ond to Sena grfe. 7 swa hwylc minra fgdrenmega swa Sgt sio ^ hine to San gehagige ^ he j?a oSoro lond begeotan mgge 7 wille, )?onne gebygcge he J?a lond gt hire mid halfe weorSe. Ond swe hwylc mon swa Sgt sio )?gt Ses londes bruce 5 ofer minne dgg on Cloppaham," Jjanne geselle he CO peninga gghwylce gere to Ceortesege for Ijjllfredes sawle to feorm- fultume1.
Ond ic sello l^Selwalde minum sunu in hida boclondes : n hida on Hwgtedune, [ane]s hides an Gatatune, 7 him sello
ro |?erto c swina ; 7 gif se cyning him geunnan wille )>gs folclondes to Sgm boclonde, ]x>nne hgbbe he 7 bruce ; gif hit )?gt ne sio, )?onne selle hio him swa hwaSer swa hio wille, swa Sgt lond an Horsalege, swe Sgt an Leangafelda. Onvd' ic sello Berhtsige minum mege £n hide boclondes on Lgncanfelda 7 )>erto C
15 swina. 7 geselle hio C swina to Cristes cirican for me 7 fer mine sawle, 7 c to Ceortesege ; 7 }?one ofergcan mon gedgle gind mynsterhamas to Godes ciricum in SuJ?regum 7 in Cgnt |?a hwile }>e hio lestan willgn. Ond ic sello Sigewulfe minum mege ofer Werburge dgg ]?gt lond an Netelhasmstyde ; ond
20 Sigulf geselle of Sem londe C pgninga to Cristes cirican ; ond eghwylc ]?ara grfewearda Ipe gfter him to Sgm londe foe, J?onne ageofen hio )?a ilcan elmessan to Cristes cirican for 5^redes sawle, )>a hwile )?e fulwiht sio, 7 hit man on Sgm londe begeotan mege. Ond ic sello Eadrede minum mege }?et lond on Fearn-
25 lege gfter ESelredes dgge, gif he hit to him geearnian wile ; 7 he geselle of Sem londe xxx omb[ras]2 comes gghwelce gere to Hrofescestre ; ond sio Sis lond gewriten 7 unbefliten gfter Eadredes dege in Aelfredes rehtmeodrencynn Sa hwile ]>e fulwihte3 sio on Angelcynnes ealonde.
30 Deos foresprec 7 J?as gewriotu J>e herbeufan awreotene stondaS, ic ^Elfred willio 7 wille ^ hio sion soSfgstlice forSweard getrymed me 7 minum grfeweardum. Gif Sgt Sonne God sellmghtig geteod habbe ond me J?e,t on lene geliS J?§t me gesibbra grfeweard forScymeS wepnedhades 7 acgnned weorSeS,
35 Sanne ann ic Sgm ofer minne dgg alles mines grfes to brucenne swa him leofust sio. And swa hwylc mon swa Sas god 7 ]?as
1 Accent over first m.
2 The first three letters indistinct ; then hole in MS. 3 Accent over w.
King Alfred's Will 15
geofe 7 has gewrioto 7 J?as word mid rehte haldan wille ond
gelestan, gehalde hine heofones cyning in Jnssum life ondwar-
dum 7 eac swa in ]?gra towardan life ; ond swa hwylc mon
swa hio wonie 7 breoce, gewonie him God almahtig his weorld-
are1 ond eaV swa his sawle are in eona eonum. 5
%4 Her sindon Saera manna naman awritene Se Seosse wisan
geweotan sindon.
^( Ic vESered ar. bisc. mid Saere halgan Cristes rode tacne Sas
word 7 Sas wisan fgstnie 7 write.
lj( ^Elfred dux ro
Ijl Beorhtwulf dux |J| Earduulfpf
%4 Beornhelm ab ^ BeornoS diac
|J| Earduulf ab ^ Wealdhelm diac
ffc Wserburg ffc Wine sb diac
Ijl SigfreS pr gg SaafreS 15
i% Beonheah pr >J( Ceolmund m
f% Beagstan pr ^( Eadmund in
£l Wulfheah ^ Eadwald in
^ ^ESelwulf pr ^l Siguulf m.
Endorsed in a contemporary hand : 20
pis is jglfredes grfegewrib.
In a hand of the I2th century :
Testatnentum Elfredi ducis. Anglice.
XI
KING ALFRED'S WILL 15
Ic ^Elfred cingc mid Godes gife 7 mid ge);eahtunge redes ercebisceopes 7 ealra Westseaxena witena gewitnesse, smeade ymbe minre sawle ]?earfe 7 ymbe min yrfe )?ast me God
XL MSS. (a) Liber Vitae : Register and Martyrology of New Minster and Hyde Abbey, Winchester (Brit. Mus. Stowe MS. 944) f. 29 6 ; in Birch's edition of this MS. (Hyde Register, Hants Record Society, 1892, pp. xvi., xvni.) the date is given as c. 1016-1020.
Facsimile in Ordn. Sur. Foes. in. 22.
Printed by O. Manning, The Will of King Alfred, Oxford, 1788 ; and by Kemble (no. 314), Thorpe (p. 484), and Earle (p. 144) from his text.
1 7 eac swa his weorldare, repeated, and a Hue drawn through for omission.
16 English Historical Documents
7 mine yldran forgeafon 7 ymbe "pset yrfe )>aet ASulf cingc min feeder us )?rim gebroSrum becwaeS, A)>elbolde 7 ^ESerede 7 me ; 7 swylc ure swylce lengest waere, J?aet se fenge to eallum. Ac bit gelamp )?aet ^EJ>elbold gefdr; 7 wyt Jtyered, mid ealra1 5 Westseaxena witena gewitnesse, uncerne dael oSfsestan ^E)?el- byrhte cingce uncrum maege on )?a geraedene ]?e he hit eft gedyde unc swa gewylde swa hit ]>& waes J?a wit hit him oSfaestan ; 7 he )?a swa dyde, ge j?aet yrfe, ge J>aet he mid uncre gemanan begeat, 7 J?aet he sylf gestrynde.
10 pa hit swa gelamp J?set ^E)?ered to feng, )?a basd ic hine beforan urum witum eallum ]>3st wyt )?aet yrfe gedaeldon 7 he me ageafe minne dael. pa saede he me J>set he naht eaSe ne mihte todselan for]?on he hsefde ful oft asr ongefangen; 7 he cwasS ]?aes J?e he on uncrum gemanan gebruce 7 gestrynde aefter
15 his dsege he nanum menn sel ne uSe }>onne me. 7 ic J?aes ]?a W83S wel ge]?afa. Ac hit gelamp ]?aet we ealle on haeSenum folce gebrocude waeron ; J>a spraece wyt ymbe uncre beam, J?set hy sumre are bej^orftan, saalde unc on )?am brocum swa unc sselde. pa waeron we on gemote aet Swinbeorgum, )?a gecwaedon
20 wit on Westseaxena witena gewitnesse J?aet swaSer uncer leng waere, )?aet he geuSe oSres bearnum }>ara landa )?e wyt sylfe begeaton 7 )>ara land[a] ]>e unc ASulf cingc forgeaf be ASelbolde lifiendum butan ]?am J?e he us J?rim gebroSrum gecwaeS. 7 ]?aes uncer segSer o]?rum his wedd sealde, swaSer uncer leng lifede,
25 )>aet se fenge aeg^er ge to lande ge to madmum 7 to eallum his aehtum butan )>am dasle ]>e uncer gehwaeSer his bearnum becwasS.
Ac hit gelamp )>aet ^ESered cingc gefor. pa ne cydde me nan mann nan yrfegewrit ne nane gewitnesse J>aet hit aenig oSer
30 waere butan swa wit2 on gewitnesse aer gecwaedon. pa gehyrde we nu manegu yrfegeflitu, nu )>a lasdde ic A)mlfes cinges yrfe- gewrit on ure gem6t aet Langandene 7 hit man araedde beforan eallum Westseaxena witum. pa hit araed waes, J?a baed ic hy
Also printed by Birch in Cart. Sax. (no. 553), and in the Hyde Register^ p. 74.
(b) Liber Monasterii de Hyda (R. S.), ed. E. Edwards, 1866, pp. 52, 62. See note on p. 91.
The text here is taken from (a).
1 MS. ealre ; K., T., and E., ealra. 2 Sic K., T., E. ; hit MS.
King Alfred's Will 17
ealle for minre lufan — 7 him min wedd bead J>set ic hyra nsefre menne ue oncuSe forjron J?e hy on riht sprsecon — 7 J>aet hyra nan ne wandode ne for minan lufan ne for minum ege J?aet hy ]?aet folcriht arehton, ]>y laes aenig man cweSe J>set ic mine msegcild oSSe yldran oSCe gingran mid wo fordemde. 7 hy J>a ealle to rihte 5 gerehton 7 cwsedon Jjaet hy nan rihtre riht ge)?encan ne mihtan ne on }>am yrfegewrite gehyran. "Nu hit eall agan is Jjseron1 08 ]?ine hand, )>onne j?u hit becweSe 7 sylle swa gesibre handa swa fremdre swaSer )?e leoire sy." 7 hi ealle me ]?a;s hyra wedd &ealdon 7 hyra handsetene )?set be hyra life hit nsenig mann 10 nsefre ne onwende on nane oSre wisan butan swa swa ic hit sylf gecweSe ajt )?am nyhstan d*ge.
Ic ^Elfred Westseaxena cinge mid Godes gyfe 7 mid )>isse gewitnesse, gecwet5e hu ic ymbe min yrfe wille aefter minum dyege. ^Erest ic an Eadwearde minum yldran suna )?aes landes 83t 15 Straetneat on Triconscire 7 Heortigtunes 7 )?a bocland ealle ]?e Leofheah hylt 7 )?set land aet Carumtune 7 set Cylfantune 7 set BurVhamrne 7 set Wedmor — 7 ic eom fyrmdig to J?am hiwum 83t Ceodre J^aet hy hine ceosan on "|?a gerad ]?e we asr gecweden haefdon — mid }?am lande set Ciwtune 7 )?am J>e )?39rto hyrat5. 20 7 ic him an j?aes2 landes set Cantuctuue 7 83t Bedewiadan 7 set Pefesigge 7 Hysseburnan 7 set Suttune 7 set Leodridan 7 set Aweltune.
7 ealle ]?a bocland ]?e ic on Cent hsebbe 7 aet |>am nySeran Hysseburuan 7 88t Cyseldene, agyfe man in to Wintanceastre on 25 )>a gerad ]?e hit min fseder ser gecwaeS, 7 J7aet min sundorfeoh ]?aet ic Ecgulfe oSfaste on ]?am neoSeran Hysseburnan.
7 )?am gingran minan suna }>aet land aet Eaderingtune 7 |?aet set Dene 7 )?set aet Meone 7 set Ambresbyrig 7 aet Deone 7 set Sturemynster3 7 aet Gifle 7 aet Crucern 7 aet Hwitancyrican 7 30 set AxanmuSaa 7 aet Branecescumbe 7 aet Columtune 7 aet Twyfyrde 7 set Mylenburnan 7 aet Exanmynster 7 set SuSes- wyrt5e 7 set Liwtune 7 )?a land }?e J?serto hyran, J>aet synd ealle ]?e ic ou Wealcynne hsebbe butan Triconscire.
7 minre yldstan dehter ]?aene ham set Welewe ; 7 J?aere 35 medemestan set Clearan 7 set Cendefer ; 7 )>aere gingestan }>one
1 Sic MS., is onjiaron K., T., B. a Sic MS. ; B.
3 Sic MS., B. Stureminster.
18 English Historical Documents
ham aet Welig 7 set ^Esctune 7 set Cippanhamrae. 7 ^Et5elme mines broSer suoa J>one ham set Ealdingburnan 7 set Cumtune 7 set Crundellan 7 set Beadingum 7 set Beadingahamme 7 set Burnham 7 set punresfelda 7 set ^Escengum. 7 Aj?elwolde 5 mines broftor suna J>one ham set Godelmingum 7 set Gyldeforda 7 set Stseningum. 7 OsferSe minum msege j?one ham set Beccanlea 7 aet HrySeranfelda 7 aet Diccelingum 7 set SuStune 7 aet Lullingmynster1 7 set Angemseringum 7 aet Felhhamme 7 )?a land J?e )?aerto hyran. 7 EalhswiSe )>one ham aet Lamb-
10 burnan 7 aet Waneting 7 aet ESandune.
7 minum twam sunum an Jmsend punda, segSrum fif hund punda. 7 minre yldstan dehter 7 )?sere medemestan 7 j?aere gingstan2 7 EalhswiSe, him feowrum feower hund punda, selcum an hund punda. 7 minra ealdormanna selcum an hund mang-
i5cusa; 7 ^E]?elme 7 ASelwolde3 7 OsferSe eac swa; 7 ^E)?erede ealdormenn an sweord on hundteontigum mancusum. 7 J?am mannum J?e me folgiaS, }>e ic nu on Eastertidum feoh sealde, twa hund punda agyfe man him 7 dsele man him betweoh, selcum swa him to gebyrian wille sefter j?sere wisan ]?e ic him
10 nu dselde. 7 }>ain ercebisceope C mancusa 7 Esne bisceope 7 WaerferSe bisceope 7 )?am aet Scireburnan. Eac swa gedsele for me 7 for minne faeder 7 for J>a frynd )>e he fore]?ingode 7 ic fore)?ingie, twa hund punda, fiftig maessepreostum ofer call min rice, fiftig earmurn Godes J^eowum, fiftig earmum ]?earfum,
25 fiftig to Jjsere cyrican J?e ic set reste. 7 ic nat naht gewislice hwseSer J>aes feos swa micel is, ne ic nat )>eah his mare sy, butan swa ic wene. Gyf4 hit mare sy, beo hit him eallum gemsene J?e ic feoh becweden haebbe ; 7 ic wille J^aet mine ealdormenn 7 mine j?enigmenn J?ser ealle mid syndan 7 J>is )?us gedselan.
30 fonne haefde ic aer on oSre wisan awriten ymbe mm yrfe ]?a ic haefde mare feoh 7 ma maga 7 haefde monegum mannum )?a gewritu ot5faest 7 on |?as ylcan gewitnesse hy waeron awritene. fonne haebbe ic nu forbaerxn'ed J?a ealdan ]?e ic geahsian mihte. Gif hyra hwylc funden biS, ne forstent )?set nabt, for]?am ic wille
35 J?aet hit nu )?us sy mid Godes fultume.
7 ic wille ]>& menn J?e )?a land habbaS, J?a word gelaestan J?e
1 Sic MS., B. Lullyngmynster. 2 Sic MS., gingstran K., T., E., B.
4 Sic MS., K., E., B. MSelwoUe. 4 Sic MS., B. gif.
King Alfred's Will 19
on mines faeder yrfegewrite standaS swa swa hy fyrmest magon. 7 ic wylle gif ic senigum menn aenig feoh unleanod haebbe, )?8et mine magas }>set huru geleanian. 7 ic wylle1 J?a menn }>e ic mine bocland becweden hsebbe, Tpset hy hit ne asyllan of minum cynne ofer heora daeg, ac ic wille [ofer] hyra daeg J?aet hit gange 5 on J?a nyhstan hand me butan hyra hwylc beam haebbe ; )>onne is me leofast J?83t hit gange on J?aet stryned on ]?a waepnedhealfe )?a hwile J?e aenig )raes wyrtSe sy. Min yldra faeder haefde gecweden his land on )?a sperehealfe nses on J>a spinlhealfe. ponne gif ic gesealde aenigre wifhanda J?aet he gestrynde, J?onne 10 forgyldan mine magas, 7 gif hy hit be )?an libbendan habban wyllan. Gif hit elles sy, gange hit ofer hyra daeg swa swa we aer gecweden ha?fdon. For)?on ic cweSe J?aet hi hit gyldan, forj?on hy foS to minum, J?e ic syllan mot swa wifhanda swa waapnedhanda swaSer ic wylle. 15
7 ic bidde on Godes naman 7 on his haligra )>aet rninra maga nan ne yrfewearda ne geswence nan naenig cyrelif J?ara }>e ic foregeald. 7 me Westseaxena witan to rihte gerehton )?aet ic hi mot laetan swa freo swa ]?eowe, swatSer ic wille. Ac ic for Godes lufan 7 for minre sawle )?earfe wylle )>aet hy syn 20 heora freolses wyrSe 7 hyra eyres. 7 ic on Godes lifiendes naman beode j?aet hy nan man ne brocie ne mid feos manunge ne mid nsenigum Jnngum Jjaet hy ne motan ceosan swylcne mann swylce hy wyllan. 7 ic wylle J?set man agyfe J?am hiwum aet Domrahamme hyra landbec2 7 hyra freols swylce hand to 25 ceosenne swylce him leofast sy, for me 7 for yElflaede 7 for J?a frynd ]>e heo forejringode 7 ic fore)?ingie. 7 sec man eac on cwicum ceape ymbe minre sawle }>earfe swa hit beon maege 7 swa hit eac gerysne sy 7 swa ge me forgyfan wyllan.
1 Sic MS., B. wille. a hyra landbec repeated in MS.
2—2
20 English Historical Documents
XII
f^1 SAECULI namque labentis tempera, sicut umbrae fugientes, 5 sic velociter tranant, varigque eventuum status in cogitationes hominum conscendunt. Ideo omnes firmas statutiones nostras litterarum ser'i'e confirmamus, ne posteris cadant ex memoria prgcedentium decreta patrum. Grecorum talibus exemplis statuta sunt, qui quod scire volunt litteris tradunt, ne ex
10 memoria labetur ; estque nobis necesse prsemeditandum in
fugabundis temporibus saeculi quomodo ad aeternam felicita-
tem pervenire vaJeamus ; quia cuncta qug videntur fugitiva sunt
et caduca, que, autem non videntur perhenniter sunt manentia.
For Ipsere wisan, ic ^ESelraed ealdorman, inbryrden'd're
15 Godes gefe gewelegod 7 gewlenced mid sume dajle Mercna rices, for Godes lufan 7 for alesnessa minra gylta 7 synna 7 for beuum abbodes 7 ]?a3re heorsedene set Berclea, 7 eac for ealre Merce — ic heo gefrVoge ecelice J?ses gafoles }>e hio nu get to cyninges handa ageofan sceolan of Sam daele ]?e ]>ser ungefreod
20 to lafe waes J>sere cyningfeorme, ge on hlutrum alatS, ge on beore, ge on hunige, ge hrySrum, ge on swynum, ge on sceapum. And }>8dt ic dyde for hiora godcundre gebedredenne 7 for)?an eac ]?e hio me hiora landes sumne dael in ece serfewerdnesse to forle- ortan, )?set is set Stoce1 tvvelf hida; 7 Sritig mancusa goldes hio
25 sealdan e&c me. 7 )?a3t ic ]?a3t mynster fram aeghwelcum gafo- lum gefreoge ]?e to J?iode hlafarde belimpeS, litles oSt5e micles, cuSes ge imcuSes, butan angilde wiS oSrum 7 fsestengewerce 7
XII. MSS. (a) Heming's Chartulary f. 50 (late llth century copy) preserved in the British Museum (Cott. Tib. A. xin.).
Editions by Hearne (Hemingi Chartularium Ecclesice Wigornensis, I. p. 103), Kemble (no. 313, boundaries in. p. 401), Thorpe (p. 129), Birch (no. 551).
(6) Also in Brit. Mus. MS. Cott. Vespas. A. v. f. 174 (16th century copy). Latin preamble and some of the signatures omitted.
The present text is taken from (a).
1 In margin, Stoc.
Earl Aethelred and Berkeley Abbey 21
fyrdsocue 7 brycggeweorce. 7 j?aet ic do mid ^Elfredes cyninges leafe 7 gewituesse 7 mid ealra Myrcna witena, godcundra hada 7 woroldcundra.
And nu aeft J>aet ilce land aet Stoce }>set is twelf hida, ic sylle1 Cynulfe, Ceoluhtes suna, in Sreora manna daeg, for 5 syxtigum mancesa claenes goldes, seghwelces Binges to freon, ge wiS cyning, ge wi3 ealdorman, ge wiS gerefan, seghwelces ]>eo- domes, lytles 7 micles, butau fyrdsocne 7 faestengeworce 7 brycggeweorce 7 angylde wit5 oSrum, 7 noht ut to wite. Ond we beodaS ]>set naenig mon on Ceoluhte2 gesib oSSe fremde hit 10 gereafige in amigum Singum, J?a hwyle ]?e he lyfie, forj?on ]?e he hit geearnode set Mercna hlafordum mid rihtre eadmodnysse.
Ond nu we beodaS in Godes ahnihtiges naman, }>aet Ses bufancwedena freodom J?3es mynstres set Berclea 7 eac sio geofu j?03s landes J?e we Cynulfe syllaS in Sreora manna [dseg], un- 15 bereafod )?orhwunige on ecnesse, on )?as gerad, }>zet aefter Cyne- wulfes 7 his erfewerda twega, }>set twelf hida land set Stoce butan aelcum wiSercwide sio agefen to Wigornacestre ]?am bisceopstole for JESelred ealdormon 7 for ealle Merce him to ecre aelmessan. Eac we biddaS 7 alsiaS in naman J?aere halgan 20 ]?rinesse ]>eet gif hwelc mon sio, J?aet he mid yfle wyllan oht J>83s abrecan wylle ]>e 6n }?isse cartan awriten is, wite he ]?onne Ipset he hit de ofer Godes est, 7 ofer ealra his haligra, 7 eac ofer monna godcundra hada 7 woroldcundra elces J?aera )?e senig riht ge)>encean cunne oS5e wylle ; 7 he hit gebete beforan J?am 25 heahsetle J?ses ecean deman butan he hit ser mid rihtre bote gebetan wille Gode 7 monnum.
Acta est autem hujus donationis munificentia anno dominice incarnationis DCCCLXXXin, Indictione autem 1, his testibus consentientibus et subscribentibus quorum hie infra nomina 30 notescunt.
>J( Ego Alfred rex hujus traditionis munificentiam signo sancte crucis adfirmo.
>J( Ego ^ESelred dux hanc meam donat.ionem signo sancte crucis inpono. 35
>J( Ego Wulfred eps consensi. ^ Ego WerferS eps consensi.
1 Altered from selle. '* Sic MS.
22 English Historical Documents
%4 Ego Deorlaf eps consensi.
^ Ego ^ESelferS dux consensi.
^ Ego Eardwulf consensi et subscripsi.
f% Ego ^ESelwold dux consensi. 5 ^ Ego EadnoS consensi et subscripsi.
%4 Ego Alfred consensi et subscripsi.
^ Ego ^ESelhun abb consensi et subscripsi.
%t Wigheard pr ijl WilferS
%4 Wighelrn >R Ecghun
10 ^ Luda )J( Acha.
Terra autem ista hiis circumcingitur terminibus. ^Erest of
Haeslwellan in Hsesldene, )xmne of Haesldene on Waldeswellan,
of Waldeswellan on Sweordesstan,of Sweordesstane in Eowcumb,
of Eowcumbe in Afene stream, of Afene stream eft lip J?aet in 15 HrYcgleage, )>onne of Hrycgleage j?aet on Penpau, of Penpau ]>set
in Saeferne stream. Of Hseslwellan eft J?set in leadgedelf, of lead-
gedelfe on mylepul, of mylenpulle in Afene stream.
XIII
RECORD OF NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN EARL AETHELRED AND AETHELFLED, AND WERFERTH, BISHOP OF WORCESTER
aBlmihtigan Gode, J>sere soSan annesse 7 Caere halgan Srynesse on heofonum, sie 16f 7 wuldor 7 daada ]?oncung ealra )?83ra goda ]>e he us forgifen hafaS. For Sses lufan set aarestan 25 ^ESeldred ealdorman 7 jESelfla3d, 7 for See Petres 7 Saere cyricean aet Weogemaceastre 7 eac for WaerferSes bpes bene heora freondas, hehtan bewyrcean ]>& burh ast Weogemaceastre eallum folce1 to gebeorge 7 eac j?aeron Godes 16f to araerenne. 7
XIII. MSS. (a) Brit. Mus. MS. Cott. Tib. A. XTII. f. 1 b (H.). Cf. p. 20, note. MS. now illegible in parts and the edges of the pages worn away.
Printed by Hearne (i. p. 3), Thorpe (p. 136).
(b) Brit. Mus. MS. Cott. Vesp. A. v. f. 1486.
Editions : Kemble (no. 1075), Birch (no. 579).
The present text is taken from (b).
1 MS./ote, H. folce.
Aethelred, AetJielfled, and Werferth 23
heo nu cytSaS on Godes gewitnesse, on )>isse be'c. )>aet heo willaS on aelcum )?aera gerihta J>e to heora hlaforddome gebyraS, o55e on ceapstowe o<55e on straete, ge binnan byrg ge butan, geunnan healfes Gode 7 S. Petre 7 }>sere cyrcean hlaforde, )%et ]>y arlicor on J?aere stowe beon maege, 7 eac }>y eaSr be suramum daele J?aes 5 heoredes helpon, 7 J>aet heora gemynde on ecnesse Sy faestlicor on Saere stowe seo 5a hwile 5e Godes hearsumnes on t5am mynstre beo.
On[d] WaerferS fc. 7 se heored habbaS gesetted J?aes godcund- nesse beforan Saere }>e him mon daeghwamlice deS, ge be heora life 10 ge aefter heora life : ]?aet Sonne aet eolcum uhtsonge 7 aet aelcum1 aefensonge 7 aet2 eolcum undernsonge3 "De profundis" Sone sealme, 5a hwile ]>e heo lifgeon, 7 aefter heora life "Laudate Dominuin " ; 7 aelce Saaternesdaege on S. Petres cyrcean Srittig sealma 7 heora maessan, aegSer ge for heo lifgende ge eac 15 forSgeleorde.
Ond )>onne4 cySeS Jtyelraed5 7 ^EJ^elflaed )?aet he willaS mid estfullan mode Sisses unnan Gode 7 See Petre on ^Elfredes cyninges gewitnesse 7 ealra Saera witena ?5e on Myrcna land syndon ; butan )?aet se waegnscilling 7 se seampending gonge to 20 Saes6 cyninges handa swa he ealning dyde aet Saltwic. Ah elles, ge landfeoh, ge fihtewite, ge stale, ge wohceapung, ge burhwealles sceatinge, ge a?lc ]?aera wonessa Se to aenigre bote gebyrie, }>aet hit age healf Saere cyrcean hlaford, Godes J>ances 7 See Petres, swa swa hit mon to ceapstowe gesette 7 on strsetum. 25 Ond wiSutan Sa ceapstowe, seo se b. his landes 7 ealra his gerihta wyrSe, swa hit s6r ure foregengan gesetton 7 gefreodan.
7 ^ESelraad 7 ^ESelflasd ?5is dydon on JSlfredes cyninges gewitnesse 7 on Myrcna witena Saera naman her be aeftan awritene standaS. 7 on Godes ealmihtiges naman halsiaS ealle 30 heora sefterfylgendan )?aet naenig mon Saes aelmaessan ne wanige ]>e heo for Godes lufan 7 See Petres to Saere cyricean geseald habbatS.
1 Sic MS., H. eolcum. 2 Sic MS., B. me.
3 MS. -song, H. -songe. 4 MS. /one, B. pone.
6 Sic MS., B. &f>elred. 6 Sic MS., B. d«s.
24 English Historical Documents
XIV
RECORD OF NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN WERFERTH, BISHOP OF WORCESTER, AND THE PRIEST AETHELWALD ; WITH CONFIRMATION BY EARL AETHELRED AND 5 THE MERCIAN COUNCIL
^ RIXIENDUM ussum Dryhtene J?em Helendan Criste, gfter Son ]>e agan was ehta hund wintra 7 syx 7 hundnigontig gfter his acennednesse, 7 J?y feowerteojmi gebormgere, )?a <5y gere gebeon ^E)>elred alderman alle Mercna weotan tosomne to Gleaweceastre,
10 biscopas 7 aldermen 7 alle his duguSe ; 7 5set dyde be ^Elfredes cyninges gewitnesse 7 leafe. 7 heo )?a )?ser smeadan hu heo ryhtlicast heora )?eodscipe aeg)?er ge for Gode ge for weorlde gehealdan mehton, 7 ec monige men ryhtan ge godcundra hada ge weorldcundra, ge on londum ge on m£ J?ara )?inga ]>e heo on
15 forhaldne weran.
Da cydde Werfero" biscop )?am weotum, )?8et him waere forneh call )>aet wudulond ongereafad }>e to Wuduceastre belomp, ]>set ^E|?elbald cyning gesalde to Weogernaceastre, him to ecre aelmessan, Wilferfte biscope to maestlonde 7 to wudulonde. 7
10 )>8et saede )?get hit waere sum genumen to Bislege, sum to ^Efeningum, sum to Scorranstane, sum to pornbyrig, ]?es ]>e he wende. pa cwaedan alle ]?a weotan J?aet mon u6e )?aere circan ryhtes swa wel swa oj^erre.
7 5a sona was ESelwald ]>ses wordes j^aet he no J?es rihtes
25 wiSsacan wolde, 7 ssede jwet Aldberht 7 Alhhun biscop weeron aer ymb ]>3st ilce ; 7 cwe5 )?aet he aelcre circan da his daela ryhtes uSe, 7 hit swa swi)?e mildelice ageaf )>am biscope. 7 heht his geneat, Ecglaf hatte, ridan mid Ceastersetna preVste Wulfhun hatte ; 7 he hine J?a gelsedde all Sa gemaaru swa he
30 him of ]?am aldan bocum raedde, hu hit ser ^E)>elbald cjming gemaerude 7 gesalde.
Da wilnede ^J?elwald swa }?eh to ]?am biscope 7 to ]?am higen, )?83t heo him mildemode alefdan ]>set he his moste brucan
XIV. MSS. (a) Brit. Mus. MS. Cott. Tib. A. xin. f. 43. Cf. p. 20, note.
Editions : Hearne (i. p. 93), Thorpe (p. 139).
(6) Brit. Mus. MS. Cott. Vesp. A. v. f. 170 (N.).
Editions : Kemble (no. 1073), Earle (p. 154), Birch (no. 574).
The present text is taken from (a).
Bishop Werferth and Eadnoth 25
6a hw[ile] 5e he waere, 7 heo Alhmund his sunu ; 7 heo hit woldcm habban on his laene 7 hina; 7 he naefre ne heora nowSer hiue bereafian wolde ]?8ere msestreddene ]>e he him alefed hsefde on Longanhrycge }>am tidum )?e hine God him salde. Ond he J?a ^belwald J>aet word gecwseS }>set hit aa haefde ofer ? Godes est, ]?e hit hsefde butan J>aere circan hlaforde ]>e he hit to ageaf butan Alhmunde ; 7 j^set J?onne on Sam geran1 be he heolde ba ilcan freondreddene be he heold wi5 5one biscop. Gif hit bonne geberie baet Alhmund swa 5a freondreddene haldan nolde, o55e hine mon oferricte baet he ne moste londes wyrSe beon, obSe 10 Sridda weud, gif him ser his ende geselde, )>aet |?onne )?aere circan hlafard fenge to his londe, swa hit Mercna weotan on )?am gemote gerahtan, 7 him 5a bee wisedon )>ses londes.
pis wses gedon on ^E|?elredes gewitnesse aldermonnes 7 on JEJ>elflsede 7 ^E]?ulfes aldermonnes 7 ^E|>elfer?5es aldermonnes 7 15 Alhhelmes aldermonnes 7 EadnoSes 7 ^Elfredes 7 WerfertJes 7 ^E)?elwaldes msessepreostes 7 his agenra maga JE)?elstanes 7 ^E|?elhunes 7 ec Alhmundes his agenes suna.
7 ]?us se Ceastersetna preost hit gerad 7 se JEtyelwaldes geneat mid hine. ^Erost on GemySlege2 7 )?anon on Roddan- 20 beorg silfne, )?anon on Smececumb, ]?anon on Sengetlege, ]>anon on Heardanlege, ]>sere is oSer noma Dryganleg, J?set swa on )?a lasssan Naegleslege, 7 swa to ^E]?elfer5es londe. pus him ge- wisede se ^EJ>elwaldes mo[n] )?a gemaeru swa him J>a aldan bee ryhtan 7 wisedon. *5
XV
RECORD OF NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN BISHOP WERFERTH AND EADNOTH, WITH REGARD TO LAND AT SODBURY
>J|3 IN usses Dryhtnes naman Haslendes Cristes. Ic WerferS bisceop cySe — swa me Alchun bisceop saegde 7 eac mine ge- 30
XV. MSS. (a) Brit. Mus. MS. Cott Tib. A. MIL f. 56. Cf. p. 20, note.
Editions by Hearne (i. 119), Kemble (no. 327), Thorpe (p. 166), Birch (no. 582) ; and in Essays in Anglo-Saxon Law, p. 335 ff.
(b) Brit. Mus. MS. Cott. Vesp. A. v. f. 176 b (N.) ; p. 27, 1L 5-12, and some of the signatures omitted.
The present text is taken from (a).
1 MS. onffageran. N. onfragearan. 2 N. Ginnefflege.
3 In margin, Soppanbyrig.
26 English Historical Documents
wrytu wisodon — )>aet Mired bisceop gesealde Eanbalde )>9et land set Soppanbyrg mid )ns bebode — 7 seoSSan Eanbald hit sealde Eastmunde — 7 him bebead Mired bisceop bebod on Godes ealmihtiges noman 7 on ]>ssre halgan )>rinesse, j?aet Sa hwile }>e 5 aenig man wsere on hira maegSe )?e godcundes hades beon walde 7 ]>ses wyrSe wsere, )>aet he )?onne fenge to )?am lande at Soppan- byrg ; gif h^ Sonne hwset elles geselde, )?set hit nsefre on laedu hand ne wende, ac hit seoSSan code to )>am bisceopstole to Weogornaceastre for heora ealra saule.
10 Ond he J?a Eastmund aar his ende bebead on Ipses lifgendan Godes noman ]?am men J?e to ]?am lande fenge, )?aet he )?onne on )>a ilcan wisan to fenge )?e Mired bisceop bebead ; gif he )?onne to j?an gedyrstig waBre ]>aet he J^aet abrs6ce, )?8et he wiste hine sVyldigne beforan Godes heahsetle ast ]>am miclan dome, pa
15 aefter Eastmundes forSsiSe bereafode seo masgS J?aes ilcan londes ge ]?a gastas )?ara forSgewitenra manna ge j?one bisceop 7 ]?a cirecean set Weogornaceastre. 7 Heaberht bisceop oft )?83S myngode oS5e ]>SBS landes basd, 7 seot53an Alchun bisceop foroft )?a hwile ]?e he woes, 7 eac ic WerferS bisceop oft his bsed ; 7 we
20 ne mihton to nanum rihte becuman 8§r ^ESelred wa3s Myrcna hlaford.
pa gesamnode he Mercna weotan to Saltwic ymbe maanig- fealde )>earfe ge Godes dasles ge worolde dseles, J?a spraac ic on ]>a magas mid J?y erfegewrite 7 wilnade me rihtes. pa beweddode
25 me EadnoS me. 7 ^Elfred 7 ^Elfstan j?8et hio oSer J>ara dydon, o53e hit me ageafon oSSe on hira maegSe )?one man funden ]>e to )?am hade fenge 7 to lande, 7 me weere gehearsum for Gode 7 for worolde. pa EadnoS, )>e ]?aat land haefde, gebead hit ealre1 |?33re maegSe, hwaaSer hit aanig swa gegan wolde, J>a waes aslc
30 J?a3s wordes )>aet him leofre waare J?33t he ]>ast land foreode, )?onne he ]>3eue had underfenge. pa gesohte he ^EtSelred 7 ^ESelflaade 7 eac ^ESelnoS urne ealra freond ; 7 heo ealle to me wilnodon J?33t ic hine laate a3t me }>set land begeotan him to agenre sehte, swelcum erfeweardum to syllenne swelce he wolde. 7 ic ]?a swa dyde,
35 ealles swySost for hiora bene ; 7 he eac me gesealde feowertig mancesa. 7 ic }>a. mid mira2 higna leafe aet Weogornaceastre him sealde )?83t lond on ece erfe 7 ]>& bee 7 J?a3t Eastmundes 1 Sic MS., B. ealra. 2 Sic MS., B. minra.
Foundation of New Minster 27
erfegewrit 7 eac ure agen raedengewrit ]>set wsere him to )ram gerade )net land to laeten ]?e mon aelce gere gesylle fiftene scillingas claenes feos to Tettanbyrg )>am bisceope 7 him eac J?one scrift healde1.
Ond ic EadnotS eac beode minum erfeweardum on Godes 5 selmihtiges naman )>aet heo naefre Jns feoh gelitliaen, ah sien A ]>sem bisceope mid rihte holde 7 J>aere heoraedene set Weogorna- ceastre.
God 33lmihtig )>a gehealde for baem lifum ]?e unne j?set J?eos geraednis stondon mote in ecnesse. 7 )NS syndon )>ara manna I0 naman J?e set ]>sere rednisse2 waeron 7 set gewitnysse ]>e her beneoSan awritene syndon. ^ Ic WaerferS bisceop mid minre agenre handa ]?as sylene
getrimme 7 gefaestnie.
Ijl BeornferS pr ^ Wigheard 1S
^ WerfriS pr % Wulfred
<%4 Berhthun pr ^ Cynehelm
^ Tidbald pr ^ Wulfhun
^ Oslac pr ^( Eardwulf
^ Berhthelm ( BeornferS. 20
XVI
FOUNDATION OF NEW MINSTER AT WINCHESTER BY EDWARD THE ELDER
^ IN nomine3 Domini. Ic Eadwerd cynig4 begeat set Denulfe biscepe 7 set 5sen hiwun on Winteceastre )?a Windcirican 7 t5aet 75
XVI. MSS. (a) Codex Wintoniensis (Brit. Mus. Addit. MS. 15,350), f. 8. According to Birch (Hyde Register ; p. 155) this charter was added later than the original writing of the body of the MS., which is assigned by Earle (p. 348) to the latter part of the twelfth century.
Editions by Kemble (no. 1087), Thorpe (p. 156), Birch (no. 605). Also in the Hyde Register, ed. Birch, p. 155 ff.
(6) A fragment of another copy beginning at p. 28, 1. 16, in the Hyde Register (Brit. Mus. Stowe MS. 944), f. 103. See note on p. 1 11 f.
Printed by Birch in his edition of this text (p. 155 f.) and in the Cart. Sax. (no. 1338).
1 MS. pone ne scrift ; Jxme. at end of line. N. pone scrift.
2 MS. pKrednisse. 3 An acute accent over every t in this text. 4 MS. crinig, K. cinig, T. kinig.
28 English Historical Documents
st^nne1 slapern 7 Saerto Sses landes be suSan Saere cirican 7 Saen slepern xxini gerda on lange, 7 on braede Sar hit bradest is fif geurda, 7 Saer hit unbradost is anne geurde, to Saen Saet ic Sa?r mynster on gestaSolode, for mine saule haelo 7 mines Saes arwyr- 5 #an2 fader ^Elfredes cyninges3. 7 ic let be ealra Westsexna witena geSeahte 7 leafe to biscepe 7 to J?an hiwun See Andreas cirican 7 Sone worSig Se Saerto gewnnen4 wes, in to Saere stowe on ece erfe, Saet hit nage nan man fram Saere stowe to daelanne8.
Donne is Sis se eaca Se eallra Westseaxna witan Saertoeacan ED me gebocodon on ece erfe :
^Erest suSrichte fron San beocfern6 to See Gregories cirican, Sonne from Ssere suSwesthyrnan7 See Gregories cirican xn geurda westrichte to Saere strete, Sonne richte nortS xni geurde to Saere norSstraete, Sonne eastrichte XLIII geurde 7 VI fet to Saere east- is strete, Sonne suS richte xx geurde 7 vi fet to Saere suSstrete, Sonne westrichte be Saere suSstrete to Saen lictune8 VII geurde 7 VI fet, Sonne richt norS v geurde. Donne is Saes ymbganges9 ealles frrio10 furlanges 7 Sreo metgeurda.
^ EaSwearS rex j% WitbrorS min
20 ^ EaldereS ff regis %4 DeormoS min
>J( PlemunS archiepc %4 Beorths[i]ge min
>J( Denewulf epc ^ Ocea min
%t Wilfserd epc ^( Adelstan min
%4 Wulfrige epc ^ Wulfhelm mm
75 ^ Asser epc ^ Alia min
^ Wighen epc %t Heorstan min
%t Eodmund epc ^ Wulfhelm min
^ Eadgar epc ^ Beorstan prb
>J( Wimund epc ^ Tata prb
30 ^ Brinhelm abbod ^( Brichtulf prb.
1 Accent between the fourth and fifth letter ; K. stsennene, T. stainene.
2 MS. arwyrdan. 3 MS. ci^ninges.
* The word looks like gmnnan in MS. ; gaunnan K., T., B.
6 Sic K. ; MS. twodsRlanne. 6 MS. beoffeern.
7 hyrnan underlined. 8 Underlined.
9 Underlined; MS. simbganges; K., T. imbganges.
10 MS. driu, the last letter in slightly darker ink.
Lease of Lcmd by Bishop Denewulf 29
XVII
LEASE OF LAND BY DENEWULF, BISHOP OF WINCHESTER
IN nomine Domini. Denewulf bisceop 7 J?a hiwan in Wintan- ceastre leton to" Beornulfa hiora landes xv hida aet Eblesburnan 5 wiS )?am gafole Se he wiS bisceop 7 wits hiwan ared1: Saet is XLV scitt. to haerfestes emnihte sie simZe agyfen2 on Sa gerad Saet hine nage nan man of to aceapienne ne his beam aefter his dege )?a [hjwile ]>e hi Sa gerihta forSbringan a magen; 7 eac aelce geare fultumien to J>aere cyriean bote }>e Set land to hyrS3 be 5em daele 10 be Set oSer fol[c] do, aelc be his landes meSe ; 7 ]>& cyricsceattes mid rihte agyfe, 7 fyrrfe4 7 brycge 7 festewgeweorc5 hewe swa mon ofer eall folc do. 7 Sis wes ged6n on Sara witena gewitnesse 7 Safun^re6 Se hiora naman her benioSau standafr7 awritene, Se geare Se wes agan fram Cristes acennesse twa winter 7 nigan 15 hund. 7 Set wes ge'do'n on J>aere maeran stowe on Wintanceastre. Bisceop lyfde Beornulfe his mege ]?aet he moste ]?a inberSan menn hamettan to Eblesburnan. Nu hebbe ic hi hamet — Lufe 7 hire Sreo beam 7 Luhan 7 his seax beam. Donne geasrendoddn me Sa hiwan on Wintauceastre Set J?a men mostan on J?an londe 20 wunien, haefde swa ic swa minra freonda swelce hit haefde. ponne wer<5n J>aer Sreo witeSeowe men burbaerde 7 Sreo Seowberde ; Sa me salde bisceop 7 ]>& hiwan to ryhtre aehta 7 hire team. Dis wes gedon Sa man )?a cyricean balgode aet Hysseburnan, on Sara manna gewitnessa j?e hira naman her beneoSan standao"8 : 25 ^Erest Denewulf bisceop9 And Wigea diac
And Tata prb And ^E)?elstan prb
And Beornstan prb And Eadwulf pr
XVII. Codex Wintoniensis (Brit Mus. Add. MS. 15,350), f. 61 b (12th century copy).
Editions by Kemble (no. 1079), Thorpe (p. 151), Birch (no. 599).
1 Sic MS., K. aned. 2 MS. simne agyfeff.
3 hyrS K., T., hynff MS. * MS./yrde.
6 MS. festergeweorc. " MS. SafurSe, K. qusere friife.
' MS. -ad. 8 MS. -at.
9 The first thirteen names in this list occupy three lines.
30 English Historical Documents
And Dyrewine pf And ^Edelstan pb
And Wulfhere Cidding And ^Elfstan pb
And Wulfstan pr And Wulfstan pb
And Eadulf cempa And Wigea pb
5 And Beorhtsige pr And Wulfric pb
And Windsige pr And Eahtan pb
And ^Elfsige pr And Winsige min
And Denewulf Bisceop1 And Wulfred min
And Tata pbr And Beorsige min
10 And Byrnstan pb And ^Elfsige min
And Eadstan Diac And Eadulf min
And ^EJ?elstan pb And Wulfhelm min
And Eadulf pb And Wulsige min.
XVIII
15 LETTER RECORDING NEGOTIATIONS WITH REFERENCE TO THE OWNERSHIP OF LAND AT FONTHILL
f% LEOF, ic Se cy5e hu hit waes ymb Sset lond set Funtial ?Ja fif hida 6e -^EtSelm Higa ymb spycS. Da Helmstan Sa undaede gedyde 5aet he JEtSeredes belt for'stael', Sa ongon Higa him
20 specan sona on mid oSran onspecendan j wolde him oSflitan Saet lond. Da sohte he me 7 baed me Saet ic him waere forespeca, forSon ic his haefde aer onfongen aet biscopes honda ser he Sa undsede ^gedyde7. Da spaac ic him fore j Singade him to ^Elfrede cinge. Da, God forgelde his saule, 5a lyfde he Sset he moste
25 beon ryhtes wyrSe for mire forspaece 7 ryhtrace wiS ^ESelm ymb Saet lond. Da het he hie seman, Sa waes ic Sara monna sum Se Saerto genemned waeran, 7 Wihtbord 7 .lElfric2 — waes 5a hraelSen — 7 Byrhthelm 7 Wulfhun 5es blaca aet Sumortune 7 Strica 7 Ubba 7 ma monna Sonne ic nu genemnan maege. Da reahte
XVIII. The original MS. is preserved in Canterbury Cathedral Library (Chart. Antiq. Cantuar. C. 1282).
Facsimile in Ordn. Sur. Facs. I. pi. xm.
Editions by Kemble (no. 328), Thorpe (p. 169), Birch (no. 591), Earle (p. 162) ; and in Essays in Anglo-Saxon Law, p. 338 ff'.
1 A second set of signatures, arranged in two columns, begins here.
2 Written over another word, parts of the letters of which are faintly visible.
Letter concerning Land at Fonthill 31
heora aesSer his spell, Sa Suhte us eallan Sset Helmstan moste
O J. '
gan forS mid Son bocon 7 geagnigean him Sset lond, Saet he hit haefde swa yESeldryS hit Osulfe on seht gesealde wiS gemedan feo, 7 heo cwaeS to Osulfe Saet heo hit ahte him wel to syllanne forSon hit waes hire morgengif'u Sa heo a3[re]st to ASulfe com. 5 7 Helmstan Sis eal on Son aSe befeng. 7 Alfred cing Sa Osulfe his hondsetene sealde, Sa he Saet lond set yESeldrySe bohte, Saet hit swa stondan moste, 7 Eadweard his 7 ^ESelnaS his 7 Deormod his 7 selces Sara monna Se mon Sa habban wolde. Da we hie set Weardoran nu semdan, Sa bser mon Sa boc forS 7 raedde hie ; 10 Sa stod seo hondseten eal Saeron. Da Suhte us eallan Se a3t Saere some waeran, Sset Helmstan1 wsere aSe Sses Se near.
Da naes ^ESelm na full ice geSafa aer we eodan in to cinge 7 saedan call hu we hit reahtan 7 be hwy we hit reahtan; 7 ^ESelm stod self Sserinne mid. 7 cing stod — Swoh 'his' honda — aet 15 Weardoran innan Son bure. Da he Saet gedon haefde, Sa ascade he ^ESelm hwy hit him ryht ne Suhte Saet we him gereaht haefdan, cwaeS Saet he nan ryhtre geSencan ne meahte Sonne he Sone aS agifan moste gif he meahte. Da cwaeS ic Saet he wolde cunnigan 7 baed Sone cing Saet he hit audagade; 7 he Sa swa dyde. 7 he 20 gelsedde Sa to Son andagan Sone aS be fulla[n. j]2 baed me Saet ic him fultemade 7 cwaeS Saet him waere leofre Saet he [Saet land
me se]2alde Sonne se aS forburste oSSe hit aefr aede3. Da
cwaeS ic Sset ic him wolde fylstan to ryhte, 7 naefre to nanan wo, on ]?a gerada Se he his me uSe; 7 he me Saet on wedde gesealde. 25
7 we ridan Sa to Son andagan; ic 7 Wihtbord rad mid me 7 Byrhthelm rad Sider mid ^ESelme. 7 we gehyrdan ealle Saet he Sone aS be fulan ageaf. Da we cwsedan4 ealle Saet hit waere geendodu spsec Sa se dom waes gefylled. 7 leof, hwonne Ids engu spaec geendedu gif mon ne maeg nowSer ne mid feo ne mid 30 aSa geendigan ? OSSe gif mon selcne dom wile onwendan Se ^Elfred cing gesette, hwonne habbe we Sonne gemotad ? 7 he me Sa boc Sa ageaf swa he me on Son wedde aer geseald haefde, sona swa se aS agifen was. 7 ic him gehet Saet he moste Ses londes brucan Sa hwile Se he lifde, gif he hine wolde butan bysmore gehealdan. 35
1 Over erasure. 2 Hole in MS.
3 Hole in MS. There is room for about twelve letters between r and ».
4 Sic MS., B. cw&don.
32 English Historical Documents
Da onufan Saet ymban oSer healf gear nat ic hweSer Se ymb tua, Sa forstael he Sa unlaedan oxan set Funtial, Se he mid ealle fore forwearS, 7 draf to Cytlid; 7 hine mon Sserset aparade. 7 his speremon ahredde Sa sporwreclas. Da he fleah, Sa torypte 5 hine an breber ofer Saet uebb ; 5a he aetsacan wolde, Sa ssede him mon Saet to tacne. Da swaf Eanulf Penearding on — waes gerefa — Sa genom eal Sset yrfe him on Saet he ahte to Tyssebyrig. vDa' ascade ic hine hwy he svva dyde, Sa cwaeS he Sset he wsere Seof. 7 mon gerehte Sset yrfe cinge forSon he vvses einges mon. 7
10 Ordlaf feng to his londe; forSon hit wses his Isen Sset he on sset, he ne meahte na his forwyrcan. 7 tu hine hete Sa flyman.
Da gesohte1 vhe' Sines fseder lie 7 brohte insigle to me, 7 ic waes set Cippanhomme mit te. Da ageaf ic Saet insigle Se. 7 Su him forgeafe his eard 7 Sa are Se he get on gebogen haefS. 7 ic
15 feng to minan londe 7 sealde hit Son biscope Sa on Sine gewit- nesse 7 SiVra weotena Sa fif hida wiS Son londe set Lidgeard wiS fif hidan. 7 biscop 7 eal hi wan forgeafan me Sa feower; 7 an was teoSinglond. Donne, leof, is me micel neodSearf Saet hit mote stondan swa hit nu gedon is 7 gefyrn wses. Gif hit elles-
20 hwset biS, Sonne sceal ic 7 wylle beon gebealden on Son Se Se to aslmessan ryht SincS.
Endorsed :
%4 7 JESelm Higa code of Sam geflite Sa cing waes aet Worge- mynster on Ordlafes gewitnesse 7 on OsferSes 7 on Oddan 7 on
25 Wihtbordes 7 on ^Elfstanes Sys blerian 7 on ^ESelnoSes.
cyng gefreode Eadelm forraSe )>ses Se he seraest2 cyng waes; Sses waes on gewitnesse ^Elt'heah maessepreost 7 se hired
XIX. The original text is inscribed on p. 15 b of a MS. of the Gospels (Reg. I. B. vii.) in the British Museum.
Facsimile in the Catalogue, of Ancient MSS. in the British Museum, LL. pi. 16.
Editions by Wanley (p. 181), followed by Thorpe (p. 622) ; Birch (no. 639).
1 MS. gesahte. a Sic MS., serett W., T., B.
Earl Aethelwold's Will 33
7 ^Elfric se gerefa 7 WufnoS Hwita 7 Eanstan prafost 7 Byrnstan msessepreost. Se }>e Sset onwende, hsebbe he Godes1 unmiltse 7 ealles Saes haligdpmes Se ic on Angelcyn begeat mid Godes miltse. 7 ic an San bearnan )?ses ilcan Sses ic )>an faeder an.
XX 5
EARL AETHELWOLD'S WILL
HER geswutelad )?set Eadred cing geuj?e J?aet land set Wilig ]?a twelf hida to scrudfultume ]?am hirede into Ealdan Mynstre2.
Leof, ^E]?elwold ealdarman cy)? his Ie6fan cynehlaforde Eadred cynge hu ic wille ymbe J?a landare }>e ic aet mine 10 hlaforde geearnode. JErest Gode 7 J>aere halgan stowe set )>am bisceopstole set Wintanceastre, )?am bisceope 7 )?am hiwum, )>aet land aet Wilig )?a twelf hida to scrudfultume, Jjset hi me on heora gebeddredenne hsebben, swa swa ic him to gelyfe. 7 )?am cinge minne hseregeatwa: feower sweord 7 feower spaera 15 7 feower scyldas 7 feower beagas, twegen on hundtwelftigum mancosun 7 twegen on hundeahtatigum, 7 feower8 hors 7 twa sylfrene fata. 7 minum breSer Eadrice ]?8et land set Oceburnan 7 aet jEscesdune 7 set Cegham 7 set Wessingatune. 7 ^E]?elstane minse breSer )?et land set Bradanwsetere 7 )?et aat Niwautiine. 20 7 ^Elfsige mine broSorsuna4 )?et land set Carcel. 7 ^Elfstanes suna mines broj?or j?set land set Cleran. 7 eall )?aet yrfe )?se ic hsebbe on Isenelandum8, )?onne wylle6 ic j?set ]?a3t sie gedeled for mine sawle swa swa ic nu J?am freondum saede )?ae ic to sprsec.
XX. Codex Wintoniensis (Brit. Mus. Add. MS. 15,350), f. 87 (12th cen- tury copy).
Editions: Kemble (no. 1173), Thorpe (p. 499), Earle (p. 360), Birch (no. 819).
1 Sic MS., B. godcs. 2 This sentence in red ink.
3 Sic K., T.SE. ; feorwer MS. 4 MS. breSer suna. 6 MS. Isenelendum. 6 Sic MS., B. wille.
H.
34 English Historical Documents
XXI
KING EADREDS WILL
IN nomine Domini. Dis is Eadredes cinges cwide : baet is J?senne aerest J>aet he [an] in to J>sere stowe J?aer he wile J>aet his lie reste, 5 twegra gyldenra roda, and twegra gyldenhiltra sweorda, and feower hund punda. psenne an he in to Winteceastre to Ealden Mynstre breora Aama1, baet is J?senne Duntune and Domerham2 and Calne. paenne an he in to Niwan Mynstre )>reora hama, ]?aet is haenne Hwerwyl and Andeferas and Clearas; and to
10 Nunnanmynstre3, Scealdeburnan and paecham4 and Bradanford. paenne an he to Nunnanmynstre to Ceastre Jmtiga punda, and Jmtiga to Wiltune, and Jmtiga to Sceaftesbirig5.
paenne an he his sawla to anliesnesse and his deodscipe6 to J>earfe, sixtyne hund punda, to J?an Saet hi rnege magan hunger7
'5 and haej?enne here him fram aceapian gif hie bejmrfen8. psenne fo se ercebiscop set Cristes cirican to feower hund pundun, Cantwarum and Sujmguin and Suthseaxum and Bearrucscire to fultume9; and gif J>an biscop hwaet tide, bgenne beo baet feoh on J?an mynstre, on bara witena gewitnesse Se on ]?8ere scire beon.
20 And fo ^Elfsige, biscop to )?am biscopstole to Winteceastre, to feower hund pundun, twa hund to Hamtunscire, and to Wiltun- scire an hund, and ojjer to Dorsaeton; and gif him hwaet tide, beo hit — swa hit hser bufan cwiS — on )?ara witena gewitenesse Se on Ipsere scire beon. paenne fo Dunstan abbod to twam hund
25 pundun, and healde aet Glaestingabirig Surnorsaeton and Defenun; and gif him hwaet tide, beo hit swa hit her bufan cwiS. paenne fo jiElfsige biscop to twam hund pundum )>e J?aer ofer is, and
XXI. This text is preserved in the Liber Monasterii de Hyda, a MS. in the Library of the Earl of Macclesfield, at Shirburn Castle, Oxfordshire.
Edition by Edwards (Liber Monasterii de Jfyda, p. 153ff.) ; followed by Birch (no. 912).
1 Sic E. for MS. }>ama.
2 Here the scribe had first written 7 Andeferas, bat this name is crossed with a red line, and Dromerham substituted, E. 3 E. Nunanmynstre.
4 E./>tBt/iam. 6 E. Sceafnesbirig. 6 E. deodscipe.
7 Sic E. for MS. hugor. 8 Sic E. for MS. bej>unfen. 9 Sic E. for MS. fultune.
King Eadretfs Will 35
healde aet Jjaem biscopstole on Winteceastre, swilcre scire swilcre )?earf sie. paenne fo Oscytel biscop to feower hund pundun, and healde hit [set] 5aem biscopstole aet Dorceastre Myrcum1, swa hit her bufan cwiS*. paenne hsef]?3 Wulfhelm biscop Sset feower hund punda. panne wime4 man tweritig hund mancusa goldes 5 and gemynetige to mancusan; and fo se ercebiscop to anum dsele, to o]?rum ^Elfsige biscop, to Jmddan Oscytel biscop, and gedselen geond ]?a biscopricea, Gode to willan and minre sawle to anliesnesse.
psenne an ic minre meder J?aes landes set Ambresbyrig and i° set Waneting and set Basingum, and ealra minra boclanda )>e ic [on] SuSeseaxum hsebbe and on SuSrigum and on Cent, and ealra J>aera }>e hio ser haefde. paenne an ic 5am ercebiscop twa hund mancusa goldes, beo hundtwelftigum. And selcan minra leodbiscopa hundtwelftiga mancusa goldes. And aelcan minra J5 ealdormanna hundtwentig mancusa goldes. And selcan gesettan discSegne and gesettan hraeglSene and gesettan biriele, hund- eahtatig mancusa goldis. And selcan minra msessepreosta ]?e ic gesette haebbe in to minum reliquium, fiftyg mancusa goldes, and fif pund penenga. And selcan J?sera o)?erra preosta fif pund. 2° And selcan gesettan5 stigweard )?ritig mancusa goldes and ealcan men preostAades6 }>e ge)?eodad wses si^an ic to anwalde feng, and selcan J?aera }>e7 is on minnum hirede, si swilcre note nyt swilc he sy, buton he sy lit in bynde8 to )>am cynestolum. ? j^— - .
ponne wille ic Saet man nime to aslcan J>issa hama twelf'S aalmesmen, and gif hwset hera aenigan getide, sette man J?ser o]?erne to; and stande )>is eal ]?a hwile ]>e Cristendom beo, Gode to lofe, and minra sawle aeleisnesse; and gif J?is hwa don9 nelle, ]?onne gange ]>aet land in )?aer min lie rest.
1 E. Myrcumme. 2 E. cwife. 3 MS. inserts w before Wulfhelm.
4 Sic E. for MS. minre. 6 MS. repeats settan, E.
e Sic E. for MS. preostes. 7 MS. pa.
8 Sic E. 9 E. done.
3—2
36 English Historical Documents
XXII
ENTRIES IN THE LINDISFARNE GOSPELS
(I) Prayer for the authors of the work.
DE1 lifigende God gemyne Su EadfriS 7 IjJSilwald 7 BillfriS 7 5 Aldred pecca?: Sas feowero miS Gode ymbweson2 Sas b<5c.
(II) Dedication of the work.
ffc s EadfriS biscop4 Lindisfearnensis secclesise, he Sis boc avr&t aet frvma Gode 7 See CvSberhte 7 allvm Ssem halgvm 'gimaenelice' Sa Se in eolonde sint. 7 ESilvald Lindisfearneolondinga vbisc'
10 hit vta giSryde 7 gibelde, sva he vel cuSg. 7 BillfriS se oncrg, he gismioSade Sa gihrino Sa Se vtan 6n sint, 7 hit gihrinade miS golde 7 in iS gimmvm, £c miS svlfre5 ofgylded faconleas feh. 7* Aldred pVbr indignus 7 misserrimus7 m'i'S Godes fvltvmg 7 Sci CvSberhtes hit ofg!6esade 6n englisc 7 hine gihamadi miS Ssem
15 Sriim dselv, Mathevs dse"! Gode 7 See CvSberhti, Marc dse"! Saem bisc, 7 Lvcas dael Saem hiorode, 7 aeht" ora seolfres9 miS to inldde. 7 Sci10 Joh. dsel f. hine seolfne, \i. fe his savle', 7 feover dra seolfres9 miS, Gode 7 Sci CvSberti; ]?8ette he haBbbe ondfong Serb Godes railsae on heofnv, seel 7 sibb on eorSo, forSgeong 7
20 giSyngo, visdom 7 snyttro Serh Sci CvSberhtes earnvnga.
^ EadfriS, OeSilvald, BillfriS, Aldred hoc evange Do 7 CvSberhto constrvxert t ornavervnt.
XXII. These entries are inscribed on f. 88 and f. 208 respectively of the Lindisfarne Gospels (MS. Cott. Nero D. iv.) preserved in the British Museum. For date see note on p. 123.
Facsimile (u. only) in Catal. of Ancient MSS. in the Brit. Mus. n. pi. 9.
Editions by Bouterwek (Die vier Evangelien in Alt-Nordhumbrischer Sprache, 1857, pp. 260, 265), Waring (Lindisfarne and Rushworth Gospels, Surtees Society, 1865, vol. iv. p. 174), Skeat ( The Gospel according to St John> in Anglo-Saxon and Northumbrian versions, 1878, p. 188), Birch (no. 631).
1 This invocation is written in black ink. u is written over the line above e.
2 o written above the line, between w and e.
3 This entry in red ink. 4 b above p. 5 u above v.
6 Followed by ic, partially erased and still legible.
7 In margin, Alfredi natvs Aldredvs uocor bonse mvlieris filivs eximivs loquor^ Above mvlieris; .i. Tilw.
3 v above line after t. 9 v above o. 10 No sign of contraction.
Grant by Queen Eadgifu 37
XXIII
GRANT OF AN ESTATE BY QUEEN EADGIFU TO CANTER- BURY CATHEDRAL, WITH ACCOUNT OF ITS PREVIOUS HISTORY
^ EADGIFU cyj> )?am arc. bisc. 7 Cristes cyrcean hyrede hu hire 5 land com set Culingon. pset is }>set hire laefde hire faeder land 7 bo"c, swa he mid rihte beget 7 him his yldran laefdon. Hit gelamp ]?aet hire faeder aborgude xxx punda aet Godan 7 betaehte him baet land baes feos to anwedde; 7 he hit haefde VII winter, pa gelamp, einb ba tid, baet man beonn ealle Cantware to wigge ro to Holme, pa nolde Sigelm hire feeder to wigge faron mid nanes mannes scette unagifnum; 7 agef ba Godan xxx punda 7 becwaeb Eadgife his dehter land, 7 boc sealde.
pa he on wigge afeallen waes, ba setsoc Goda baes feos aegiftes 7 baes landes wyrnde o3 baes on syxtan geare. pa spraec hit 15 faestlice Byrhsige Dyrincg swa lange o5 ba witan be ba wseron gerehton Eadgife J^aet heo sceolde hire feeder hand geclaensian be swa myclan feo; 7 heo ]?a3s a)? laedde on ealre J>eode gewitnesse to ^Eglesforda, 7 J^aer gecla3nsude hire faeder ]?83S asgifbes be XXX punda a)>e. pa gyt heo ne moste landes brucan asr hire frynd 20 fundon aet Eadwearde cyncge ]>set he him ]?8et land forbead, swa he aeniges brucan wolde; 7 he hit swa alet.
pa gelamp on fyrste J?33t se cynincg Godan oncuj^e swa swy|>e swa him man aetrehte bee 7 land, ealle |?a ]>e he ahte; 7 se cynincg hine J?a 7 ealle his are, mid bocum 7 landum, forgeaf 25 Eadgife to ateonne swa swa heo wolde. pa cwaeS heo J?aet heo ne dorste for Gode him swa leanian swa he hire to geearnud haefde, 7 agef him ealle his land, buton twam sulungum aet Osterlande; 7 nolde ]?a bee agifan ser heo wyste hu getriwlice he hi aet landum healdan wolde. 30
XXIII. Original MS. in British Museum (Stowe Charter 28).
Facsimile in Ordn. Sur. Facs. in. pi. xxix.
Editions by Kemble (no. 499), Thorpe (p. 201), Birch (no. 1064), Sweet (Anglo-Saxon Reader, 1908, p. 54); and in Essays in Anglo-Saxon Law, p. 342 ff.
38 English Historical Documents
pa gewat Eadweard cyncg 7 fencg ^E]?elstan to rice, pa Godan sael )mhte, )>a gesohte he )>one kynincg ^E^elstan1, 7 baed }>aet he him ge)nngude wi)? Eadgife his boca edgift. 7 se cyncg )>a swa dyde. 7 heo him ealle agef buton Osterlandes bee; 7 he 5 )>a boc unnendre handa hire to let 7 ]?ara o]?erra mid eaSmettum ge)>ancude; 7 ufenan )?aet, twelfa sum, hire a]? sealde, for geborenne 7 ungeborenne, )?8et ]?is aefre gesett spsec wsere. 7 )?is waes gedon on -*EJ?elstanes kynincges gewitnesse 7 his wytena set Hamme wij? Laewe. 7 Eadgifu haefde land mid bocum )>ara twegea
10 cyninga dagas hire suna.
pa Eadrgd geendude 7 man Eadgife berypte selcere are, J>a namon Godan twegen suna, Leofstan 7 Leofric, on Eadgife )?as twa forespecenen land aet Culingon 7 aet Osterlande, 7 ssedon |?am cilde Eadwige, ]>e )>a gecoren wses, ]>sst hy rihtur hiora
15 waeren )>onne hire, paet ]?a swa waas o|? Eadgar astijmde. 7 he '7' his wytan gerehton J>aet hy manfull reaflac gedon haefden, 7 hi hire hire are gerehton 7 agefon. pa nam Eadgifu, be J>aes cynincges leafe 7 gewitnesse 7 ealra his bisceopa, ]?a bee, 7 land betsehte in to Cristes cyrcean, mid hire agenum handum
20 upon ]?one altare lede, )>an hyrede on ecnesse to are 7 hire sawle to reste ; 7 cwae)? ]?83t Crist sylf mid eallum heofonlicum masgne )>ane awyrgde on ecnesse ]>e ]?as gife aefre awende 6\>}>e gewanude. pus com J>eos ar in to Cristes cyrcean hyrede. Endorsed :
25 (1) Quomodo Ediua Regina recuperavit Culinge quam postea dedit conventui ecclesie Christi Cantuarie.
(2) Eadgyua Regina. (3) Anno ML. (4) Anglice.
1 Sic MS., B. &J>selstan.
I OSWULF, earl by God's grace, and Beornthryth my wife, give to Almighty God and to the holy congregation at Christ Church, Canterbury, the estate at Stanstead, amounting to twenty ploughlands, in the hope, and for the reward, of the eternal and future life, and for the salvation of our own souls and those of our children. And with great humility we pray that we may be in the fellowship of those who are God's servants there, and of those who have been lords there, and of those who have given their lands to the church ; and that our anniversary may be celebrated every year with religious offices, and also with the distribution of alms, as theirs are.
Now I Wulfred, by God's grace archbishop, confirm these aforesaid words, and enjoin that the anniversary of them both be thus celebrated every year on one day, on Oswulf's anniversary, both with religious offices and with almsgiving and also with a banquet of the community. Moreover I command that the following things be paid annually from Lympne, to which the aforesaid estate belongs, [on behalf] of that same land at Stanstead : one hundred and twenty wheaten loaves, and thirty fine(?) loaves, one fullgrown bullock, four sheep, two flitches, five geese, ten hens, and ten pounds of cheese, if it be a " flesh- day " — if, however, it be a fast-day, they are to give a wey of cheese, and of fish, butter and eggs, as much as they can procure — and thirty "ambers" of good Welsh ale, which amounts to fifteen mittan, and a mitta full of honey, or two of wine, whichever they can get at the time. And from the common provisions of the community at the monastery itself, one hundred and twenty gesufl loaves are to be given as charity for the good of their souls, as is done at the anniversaries of lords. And all the above-mentioned provisions are to be given to the provost, and he is to distribute them as may be most
40 Etiglish Historical Documents
advantageous to the brethren and most efficacious for the souls of Oswulf and Beornthryth. Furthermore, the wax is to be given for use in the church, in order that the souls of those for whose sake this is done may be benefited. Moreover, I enjoin on my successors who have the estate at Bourn, that they annually prepare beforehand, for the anniversary, one thousand loaves and as many sufla ; and let these be dis- tributed as doles at Christ Church on the anniversary, on behalf of my soul, and those of Oswulf and Beornthryth ; and for the benefit of those [for whom this charity is intended], the provost is to proclaim in the city when the anniversary is to take place.
Also, I pray the community that they perform the following religious offices at that time on behalf of their souls : that every priest sing two masses for Oswulf's soul and two for Beornthryth's ; and every deacon read two " passions " for his soul and two for hers ; and every servant of God sing two "fifties" for his soul and two for hers; that ye may be blessed with worldly benefits in the sight of the world, just as their souls are blessed with the religious benefits. Also I pray the community that ye remember me on this anniversary with such divine service as rnay seem to you becoming — I who have confirmed this agreement, both for love of the community and of the souls of those whose names are written above. Valete in Domino.
Endorsed :
This is the arrangement made by Oswulf and Beornthryth.
II
I, REEVE ABBA, declare and command to be written what are my wishes as to the disposal of my property after my time.
In the first place, with regard to the land which I have, and God gave me, and I received from my lords, it is my desire that if God will give me a child, he shall have the land after me, and enjoy it with my wife ; and similarly, that after him my descendants [shall continue to hold it], as long as it is God's
Will of Abba 41
will that there be any of them able and qualified to hold land. If, however, it is my lot not to have a child, then I desire that my wife shall have it as long as she is willing to keep it with- out marrying again. And my brother Alchhere is to give her his support and to see that she has the profits from the land ; and he is to be given half a ploughland at Chillenden for his possession and use, in order that he may the more zealously attend to and look after her needs ; and with the land are to be given him four oxen, two cows, fifty sheep, and a horn. If, however, my wife is not willing to remain unwedded, and prefers to contract another marriage, then my kinsmen are to take the land and to give her own property to her. Again, if she prefers to enter a convent or to journey south, then my two kinsmen Alchhere and Aethelwold are to give her two thousand, and to take possession of the land; and fifty ewes and five cows are to be given to Lyminge on her behalf. And at my funeral, ten oxen, ten cows, one hundred ewes, and one hundred swine are to be given to Folkestone, and to the community severally, five hundred pence, in order that my wife may have the privilege of entering there, either at my funeral, or at a later day, whichever she may prefer. If, however, the community or their head will not grant her admittance into the convent, or if she herself does not desire it, but prefers some other course, then one thousand pence are to be given at my funeral for my resting-place, and to the community severally, five hundred pence on behalf of my soul.
And whosoever may have this land of mine, I pray and command him to give annually to the community at Folke- stone fifty "ambers" of malt, six "ambers" of meal, three weys of lard and cheese, four hundred loaves, one bullock and six sheep. And whosoever may succeed to my property is to distribute to every priest in Kent a mancus of gold, and to every servant of God a penny, and to St Peter my wergeld of two thousand. And Freothomund is to have my sword, and he is to give four thousand for it, and of this sum, thirteen hundred pence are to be given back to him.
And if my brothers have an heir capable of holding land, then I give the land to him. If they have no heir, or if any-
42 English Historical Documents
thing happens to him (or them), after their death I give it to Freothomund, if he be alive at the time. If anything happens to him, then I give it to whichever of my sisters' sons is willing to receive it and succeeds in getting it. And if it come to pass that my family dies out so utterly that there be none of them able to hold land, then let the community at Christ Church and their lord take it, and procure by means of it benefits for my soul. On this condition I give it to them, that whoever is head of Christ Church shall be the advocate and patron of myself and my heirs, and that we may be under his protection.
I Ceolnoth, archbishop by God's grace, consent to this in writing and confirm it with Christ's cross
Heregyth has specified the following terms for the com- munity at Christ Church [with regard to payments] from the estate at Challock, after her death and Abba's : namely, thirty "ambers" of ale, three hundred loaves, fifty of which shall be white loaves, a wey of lard and cheese, a fullgrown bullock, four sheep and a pig, or six sheep, six geese, ten hens, thirty tapers if it is in winter, a "sester" full of honey, a "sester" full of butter and a "sester" full of salt. And Heregyth enjoins, in the name of God, upon those persons who succeed to the estate after her, that they be very careful to carry out what is stipulated in this document for the community at Christ Church, and that payment always be made annually, when the community are bled. And whosoever succeeds to the estate is to give to her adminis- trator (?) thirteen pounds in silver ; and she remits fifteen pounds in order that this food-rent may be the better provided.
Endorsed :
The distribution of the Reeve Abba's property and his covenant [with the community] at Christ Church.
Ill
IN nomine Domini. I King Berhtwulf give to my thegn Forthred an estate of nine hides at Wootton for him to have as a perpetual heritage, and to give after his time to whoever is willing to earn it from him by humble obedience: Cissefte-
Grant by Lufu 43
beorg, Feowertreowehyl, Eanburgemere, Tihhanhyl, and out along
the Geht(?) an estate of. hides as a perpetual heritage. And
he gave as the price of the land, thirty mancuses and nine hundred shillings, in consideration of the fact that he was to hold the land as a perpetual heritage.
I King Berhtwulf confirm and ratify this my gift with the sign of Christ's cross and in the... of His saints (?) and in the presence of his council
And likewise all we who have been witnesses of this, enjoin in the name of Christ and of His saints (?), that if any man change in any point this our witness, that he have the... of Almighty God and of His saints (?) in heaven
IV
I LUFU, by God's grace ancilla Dei, have been enquiring and deliberating about the good of my soul, with the advice of Archbishop Ceolnoth and the community at Christ Church. I desire to give annually to the community at Christ Church, from the inheritance which God has given me, and my friends have helped me [to secure], sixty "ambers" of malt, one hundred and fifty loaves, fifty white loaves, one hundred and twenty " alms-loaves," a bullock, a pig, four sheep, and two weys of lard and cheese, on behalf of my soul and of the souls of my friends and relatives who generously helped me [to secure my property] ; and let this always be given annually on the Feast of the Assumption. And in like manner, whosoever of my heirs shall hold this estate is to give these things, together with a mitta full of honey, ten geese and twenty hens.
I Ceolnoth, archbishop by God's grace, confirm this in writing with the sign of Christ's cross
I Lufu, the humble handmaid of God, appoint and confirm the above-mentioned benefactions and offerings from my inheritance at Mongeham in favour of the community at Christ Church. And I pray, and in the name of the living God enjoin upon the man who has this land and property at Mongeham, to continue these benefactions until the end of the
44 English Historical Documents
world. He who is willing to observe and perform what I have commanded in this document, to him be given and continued the blessing of heaven. He who refuses or neglects this, to him be given and continued the torment of hell, unless he be willing to have recourse to full compensation to God and to men. Uene ualete.
Endorsed :
Lufu's deed.
THIS is the agreement between Ealhburg and Eadweald with regard to the land at Bourn, as to what is to be given annually from the estate to the community at Christ Church, on behalf of Ealhburg and Ealdred and Eadweald and Ealawyn : [namely] forty "ambers" of malt, two hundred and forty loaves, a wey of cheese, a wey of lard, a fullgrown bullock, four sheep, ten geese, twenty hens and four " fothers " of wood. And I Ealhburg enjoin upon my kinsman Eadweald in the name of God and of all His saints, that he observe this duly during his lifetime, and command his heirs to observe it afterwards, so long as Christianity endures. And whoever has the land [is to give] twenty gesufl loaves to the church, every Sunday, for the souls of Ealdred and Ealhburg.
This is the pious charge which Ealhhere has enjoined upon his daughter Ealawyn, with regard to three ploughlands at Finglesham : one hundred pence [are to be given] annually to the community at Christ Church. And whosoever has posses- sion of this land is to give this money in the sight of God and of all His saints, and whosoever fails to perform this, be it on his soul, and not on the soul of him who has commanded it to be done.
VI
IN nomine Domini. Ealhburg has arranged, with the advice of her friends, that there shall be given annually to the com- munity at St Augustine's from the estate at Brabourne forty "ambers" of malt, a fullgrown bullock, four sheep, two hundred
Eadweald and Cynethryih 45
and forty loaves, a wey of lard and cheese, four "fathers" of wood and twenty hens ; whosoever has the estate is to give these things for the souls of Ealdred and Ealhburg. And the community are to sing daily after their "verse" the psalm "Exaudiat te Dominus" on her behalf. Whosoever shall violate this, may he be cut off from God and from all the saints and from the company of the holy(?) in this life and in eternity.
Here follow the names of the persons who witnessed this agreement, namely Drihtnoth
If, however, it should come to pass, as we hope it will not, that any panic should arise through a heathen invasion or any other calamity, so that this cannot be provided that year, then twice the amount must be given in the following year. Then if it still cannot be paid, three times the amount must be given in the third year. Then if he still cannot or will not [pay it], land and title-deeds are to be given to the community at St Augustine's.
VII
THIS is the agreement between Eadweald Oshering and Cynethryth, widow of Earl Aethelmod, with regard to the land at Chart which Aethelmod her lord gave her. It was bequeathed to Osberht, his brother's son, if he survived Cynethryth, but afterwards to no other member of the family ; but she should arrange for its disposal after their time, as might be for them both most just and most charitable.
Now Eadweald and Cynethryth have devised the following arrangements with the help of their friends. If Eadweald live longer than Cynethryth, he is to give for the estate at Chart ten thousand. If he die before her, whichever of his children is alive is to pay the money and dispose of the estate in what- ever way is best for those who have acquired it. There is no one nearer of kin to Aethelmod than Eadweald, whose mother [was] his brother's daughter ; it is most natural that he should have the land, and his children after him, and [that they] should dispose of it in whatever way may seem to them most beneficial to those who lawfully acquired it.
46 English Historical Documents
VIII
IN nomine Domini. I, Earl Aelfred, and Archbishop Aethelred, and the community at Christ Church, have de- cided upon the following arrangements as to the estate at Chartham : that is, Aelfred has bequeathed the estate at Chartham after his time to the community, as their own property. And if it come to pass that the community desire to grant the estate to any other person than themselves, they are to give it to Aelfred's child, or to whichever of his kinsmen may desire it, on condition that he makes terms with the community either for a rent in money or a food-rent, which- ever he may succeed in gaining their consent to. And the archbishop gives to Aelfred the estate at Croydon, for his use during his lifetime. And when Aelfred dies and his child needs the land, then she is to acquire the land, if she can, from the community and whoever may at that time be their lord. And if anyone in the future raise any dispute about the estate at Chartham, [it is to be made clear that] Aelfred has upheld Herewyn in every particular of their agreement in so far as she herself would consent thereto. And this declaration was made in the city, before the councillors whose names are written below.
IX
IN nomine Domini nostri Jhesu Christi. I, Earl Aelfred, and Werburg my wife, have acquired these books from a heathen army with our true money, that is, with pure gold. And this we have done for the love of God and for the good of our souls, and because we were not willing that these holy books should remain any longer in heathen hands. And we now desire to give them to Christ Church, for the praise and glory and worship of God, and as a tbankoffering for His Passion, and for the use of the religious community who daily celebrate God's praise in Christ Church, on condition that they are read every month for Aelfred and for Werburg and for
Earl Aelfred's Witt 47
Alhthryth, to the eternal salvation of their souls, as long as God shall provide for the continuance of Christianity in this place. Likewise I, Earl Aelfred, and Werburg, pray and entreat in the name of God Almighty and of all His saints, that no one be so presumptuous as to give away these holy books, or to remove them from Christ Church, so long as Christianity shall endure.
IN this document I, Earl Aelfred, give instructions that [the names of] those persons to whom I am most anxious to grant my property and bookland, namely my wife Werburg and the child of us both, be made known in writing to King Aelfred and to all his councillors and advisers, and likewise to my kinsmen and intimate friends. Now this comprises, in the first place, thirty-two hides at Sanderstead and Selsdon, twenty hides at Westerham, thirty hides at Clapham, six hides at Longfield (?), ten hides at Horsley, and six hides at Nettlestead. I, Earl Aelfred, give these estates, after my time, to Werburg and to Alhthryth, the child of us both, with live stock and with produce and with everything pertaining thereto ; and I give them two thousand swine with the estates, if she remains unmarried in accordance with our verbal agreements. And she is to take to St Peter's my two wergelds, if it be God's will that she be able to make the journey. And after Werburg's time, the estates at Sanderstead and Selsdon and Longfield (?) are to go, without dispute, to Alhthryth. And if she have a child, the child is to succeed to these estates after her ; if she have no child, then the next of kin descended from her direct paternal ancestry is to have the land and the stock. And whosoever among my kinsmen on my father's side shall chance (?) to have the power and the inclination to acquire the other estates, he is to buy these estates from her at half their value. And whosoever shall have the use of the land at Clapham after my time, is to give annually two hundred pence as rent to Chertsey on behalf of Aelfred's soul.
And I give to my son Aethelwald three hides of bookland :
48 English Historical Documents
two hides at Waddon and one hide at Gatton, and with it one hundred swine ; and if the king will grant hirn the folkland as well as the bookland, then let him have it and enjoy it; if that may not be, then she is to give him whichever she pleases, either the estate at Horsley or that at Longfield(?). And I give to my kinsman Berhtsige a hide of bookland at Lingfield, and with it one hundred swine. And.she is to give one hundred swine to Christ Church for me and for my soul, and one hundred to Chertsey ; and the rest are to be distributed among religious houses attached to God's churches in Surrey and in Kent as long as they shall last(?). And I give to my kinsman Sigewulf the estate at Nettlestead after Werburg's time ; and Sigewulf is to give one hundred pence to Christ Church from the estate ; and each of his successors who has the land after hirn is to make the same pious gift to Christ Church on behalf of Aelfred's soul, so long as Christianity exists, and the money can be got out of the estate. And I give to my kinsman Eadred the land at Farley after Aethelred's time, if he is willing to earn it from him ; and he is to give annually from the estate thirty " ambers " of corn to Rochester ; and after Eadred's lifetime, this land is to be assigned without dispute to Aelfred's direct maternal relatives, so long as Christianity exists in England.
I, Aelfred, desire and wish that this declaration with the various articles specified above in writing be forthwith faithfully confirmed on behalf of (?) me and my heirs. If, however, Almighty God has ordained, and shall grant me as a gift, that a nearer heir shall be born to me on the male side, then to him I give all my property after my lifetime, to use as may be most agreeable to him. And whosoever will duly observe and perform the benefactions and gifts that I have spoken and written about, may the King of Heaven preserve him in this present life and also in the life to come ; and whosoever shall impair or violate them, may Almighty God impair his worldly welfare and also the welfare of his soul for ever and ever.
Here follow the names of the persons who have witnessed these arrangements.
I, Archbishop Aethelred, confirm these words and these
King Alfreds Will 49
arrangements in writing with the sign of Christ's holy cross
Endorsed:
This is Aelfred's will.
XI
I KING ALFRED by the grace of God, and with the advice of Archbishop Aethelred, and the cognisance of all the West Saxon council, have been deliberating about the good of my soul, and about the inheritance which God and my ancestors granted to me, and about the inheritance which my father, King Aethelwulf, bequeathed to us three brothers, to Aethel- bald, Aethelred and myself; [with the proviso that] whichever of us lived longest was to succeed to everything. But it came to pass that Aethelbald died; and Aethelred and I, with the cognisance of all the West Saxon council, gave our share in trust to our kinsman, King Aethelberht, on condition that he restored it to us in the state in which it was when we entrusted it to him ; and he did so, [leaving to us] the inheritance [be- longing to us jointly], and what he had acquired by the use of our share, and what he had himself acquired.
When it came to pass that Aethelred became king, I prayed him, in the presence of the whole of our council, that the pro- perty should be divided between us, and that he would give me my share. Then he told me that he could not easily divide it, for he had many times already attempted to do so (?) ; and he added that there was no one to whom he would rather give it after his time than to me — both the property of which he was in possession, but which by right belonged to both of us, and also the property which he had himself acquired. And with this I was at that time well content. But it came to pass that we were all harassed with the heathen invasion ; then we discussed our children's future — how they would need some maintenance, whatever might happen to us through these disasters. When we were assembled at Swanborough (?), we agreed, with the cognisance of the West Saxon council, that whichever of us survived the other, was to give to the other's children the H. 4
60 English Historical Documents
lands which we had ourselves acquired, and the lands which King Aethelwulf gave us in the lifetime of Aethelbald, except- ing those which he had settled on us three brothers jointly. And we both gave each other security, that whichever of us lived the longer, should succeed both to lands and to valuables and to all his estate, with the exception of that portion which either had bequeathed to his children.
But it came to pass that King Aethelred died. Then no one informed me that any testament had been made or wit- nessed, beside the one to which we had formerly, before witnesses, agreed. When now we heard of many suits about the inheritance, I produced King Aethelwulf's will in our assembly at Langandene, and it was read before all the West Saxon council. When it was read, I prayed them all for love of me — offering them surety that I would never bear a grudge against any of them on account of any conscientious expression of opinion — that none of them for love or fear of me should hesitate to declare what was the national law in such a case, lest any man should say that I had wronged my kinsfolk, whether of the older or younger generation. Then they all duly declared and stated that they could not devise a more just title, nor find one in the will. " Now everything therein has passed into thy possession, do thou bequeath and give it to kinsman or to stranger, whichever is most agreeable to thee." And they all gave me their surety and their sign-manual, that no man, so long as they lived, should ever make any change in the arrangements which I should decide upon at my last day.
I Alfred, King of the West Saxons, by the grace of God, and with the cognisance of the persons mentioned above, declare what are my wishes concerning the disposal of my property after my lifetime. In the first place, I give to Edward my elder son, the estate at Strcetneat in Triconscir, and Hartland (?), and all the booklands held by Leofheah, and the estates at Carhampton, Kilton (?/, Burnham and Wedmore — and I request of the com- munity at Cheddar that they choose him, on the terms which we have already agreed upon — with the estate at Chewton and those belonging thereto. And I give him the estates at Cantuctun, Bed win, Pewsey, Hurstbourne, Sutton, Leatherhead, and Alton.
King Alfreds Witt 51
And all the booklands which I have in Kent, and at the lower Hurstbourne, and at Chiseldon, are to be given to Win- chester on the conditions laid down by my father, together with my private property at the lower Hurstbourne which I have entrusted to Ecgulf.
And to my younger son the estates at Arreton(?), Dean, Meon, Amesbury, Dean(?), Sturminster, Yeovil, Crewkerne, ^^.^ Whitchurch, Axmouth, Branscombe, Cullompton, Twyford, /J *f&\ Milborne, Exminster, Sutheswyrth and Luton, and the lands l^Qfa belonging thereto, namely all that I have among the Welsh except Triconscir.
And to my eldest daughter the residence at Wellow ; and to the second, those at Clere and Candover; and to the youngest the residences at Wellow (?), Ashton and Chippen- ham. And to Aethelm, my brother's son, the residences at Aldingbourne, Compton, Crondall, Seeding, Beddingham, Burn- ham, Thunderfield and Eashing. And to Aethelwold, my brother's son, the residences at Godalming, Guildford and Steyning. And to my kinsman Osferth those at Beckley, Rotherfield, Ditchling, Sutton, Lyminster(?), Augmering and Felpham, and the lands belonging thereto. And to Ealhswith the residences at Lambourn, Wantage and Edington.
And to my two sons one thousand pounds, five hundred pounds to each. And to my eldest daughter and to the second and to the youngest and to Ealhswith, four hundred pounds to the four of them, one hundred pounds to each. And to each of my earls one hundred mancuses; and the same also to Aethelhelm, Aethelwold and Osferth ; and to Earl Aethelred a sword worth one hundred mancuses. And to the men who serve me, to whom I have made gifts this Easter, two hundred pounds are to be given and divided between them, to each as much as will fall to him according to the proportion in which I have just made my distribution. And one hundred mancuses to the archbishop and to Bishop Esne and to Bishop Werferth and to the Bishop of Sherborne. Likewise, two hundred pounds are to be distributed for me and for my father and for the friends for whom he interceded and I intercede — fifty to priests throughout my realm, fifty to poor servants of God, fifty to the
4—2
52 English Historical Documents
distressed poor, fifty to the church in which I shall rest. I do not know for certain whether there is as much money as this, nor do I know whether there is more, but I think that there is. If there is more, it is to be shared between all those to whom I have bequeathed money; and I desire that my earls and officials should all be present at the time (?), and divide it between them in the manner aforesaid.
Now I had made other arrangements in writing concerning my inheritance, when I had more money and more kinsmen, and had committed the documents to many men, with whose cognisance they had been drawn up. I have now burnt the old ones which I could hear of. If any of these is found, it shall be of no value, since these are the arrangements which I now desire should stand, with God's help.
And I desire that those persons who have the estates, should follow the directions contained in my father's will, to the best of their ability. And if I have money owing to any man, I wish my kinsmen to pay it in any case. And I desire that those persons to whom I have bequeathed my bookland, should not alienate it from my family after their death, but that after their time it should pass to my nearest of kin, unless any of them have children ; then I should prefer that it should pass to the child born on the male side so long as there be any capable of holding it. My grandfather bequeathed his land in the male line and not in the female line. If, then, I have given to any woman what he acquired, and my kinsmen wish to have it in the lifetime [of the holders], they are to buy it back. If not, let it be dealt with after their time as we have already arranged. It is for this reason that I say that they must pay for it, because they are succeeding to property of mine which I may give to male or female, whichever I please.
And I pray in the name of God and of His saints that none of my kinsmen or legatees oppress any of the dependents for whom I have paid. Now the West Saxon council have duly declared to me that I may leave them bond or free, whichever I will. But I desire, for the love of God and for the good of my soul, that they be entitled to their freedom and their choice. And I enjoin in the name of the living God, that no man
Earl Aethelred and Berkeley Abbey 53
put pressure upon them either by pecuniary exactions, or by any other means, so as to prevent them from choosing whatsoever man they will. And I desire that the community at Damerbam be given their charters, and liberty to choose whatever lord they think best, for my sake and for Aelflaed, and for the friends for whom she interceded and I intercede. And for the good of my soul let such provision be made in live stock, as is feasible, and also becoming, and as ye are willing to grant me.
XII
. . .FOR this cause, I Earl Aethelred, by the inspiration of God's grace endowed and enriched with a portion of the realm of the Mercians, for the love of God and for the remission of my sins and otfences, and because of the entreaties of the abbot and com- munity at Berkeley, and also on behalf of the whole of Mercia — I grant them remission for ever of the tribute which they are still obliged to pay to the king, namely from that portion of the king's feorm which was still left unexempted, in clear ale, and in beer, in honey, bullocks, swine and sheep. And I have done this in return for their religious intercession and also because they have relinquished to me, as a perpetual inheritance, a portion of their land, namely twelve hides at Stoke ; and they have also given me thirty mancuses of gold. And I free (?) the monastery from every due pertaining to the lord of the nation, small or great, known or unknown, except simple compensation to others, and the construction of fortresses, and military service, and the construction of bridges. And I do this with the leave and cognisance of King Alfred, and of the whole of the Mercian council, both ecclesiastical and lay.
And further, I now give this estate of twelve hides at Stoke, to Cynulf, son of Ceoluht, for three lives, in return for sixty maucuses of pure gold — to be free from every due both to king and earl and reeve, from every service small or great, except military service and the construction of fortresses and bridges and simple compensation to others, and nothing is to go out by way of wite. And we enjoin that no man, whether kinsman or stranger, in any way rob Ceoluht of it, as long as he lives,
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because he has earned it from the lords of the Mercians by due humility.
And we now command in the name of Almighty God, that the above-mentioned immunities of the monastery at Berkeley and also the gift of the land which we give to Cynulf for three lives, remain inviolate for ever, on this condition, that after the death of Cynulf and the two successors to his property, the estate of twelve hides at Stoke be given without dispute to the bishopric at Worcester, as a perpetual gift on behalf of Earl Aethelred and of all the Mercians. Moreover, we pray and entreat in the name of the Holy Trinity that if there be any man who, with evil purpose, desires to violate anything which is written in this charter, he is to know that he is acting contrary to the will of God and of all His saints and also of every man, whether of ecclesiastical or lay rank, who is able or willing to recognise any just claim (?) ; and that he shall make amends for it before the throne of the eternal Judge, unless he is willing to make due reparation beforehand to God and to men....
Terra autem ista hiis circumcingitur terminibus. First from Hceslwelle to Hcesldene, then from Hcesldene to Waldeswelle, from Waldeswelle to Sweordesstan, from Sweordesstan to Eowcumb, from Eowcumb to the river Avon, again from the river Avon up to Hricgleag, then from Hricgleag to Penpole, then from Penpole to the river Severn. Again from Hceslwelle to the lead-mine, from the lead-mine to the mill-pool, from the mill-pool to the river Avon.
XIII
To Almighty God, the True Unity and Holy Trinity in Heaven, be praise and glory and thanksgiving for all the benefits that He has bestowed upon us. For Whose love in the first place, and for love of St Peter and of the church at Worcester, and also through the entreaty of Bishop Werferth their friend, Earl Aethelred and Aethelfled have ordered the fortifications at Worcester to be constructed for the protection of all the inhabitants, and also that the worship of God may be
Aethelred, Aethelfled and Werferth 55
celebrated therein [with security]. And they now declare in the sight of God, in this charter, that of all the rights pertaining to their sovereignty, both in market and in street) within the fortifications and without, they desire to give half to God and to St Peter and to the lord of the church, that the foundation may be more honourably maintained, and that the community may, in some measure, the more easily be helped, and that their memory may be, for ever, more steadfastly [preserved] in that place, for as long as obedience to God shall be found in the monastery.
And Bishop Werferth and the community have appointed the following divine offices before the one which is performed daily, both during their lifetime and after their death: that at nocturns and at vespers and at tierce, the psalm " De pro- fundis" [is always to be sung] as long as they shall live, and after their death "Laudate Dominum"; and every Saturday in St Peter's church, thirty psalms and a mass on their behalf [are to be sung] both during their lifetime and also after their death.
And now Aethelred and Aethelfled declare that they desire with willing heart to give these dues to God and St Peter, with the cognisance of King Alfred and of all the councillors in the realm of the Mercians; but the wcegnscilling and the seampending are to go to the king as they always have done at Droitwich. But the rest, both the landfeoh, and fines for fighting and for theft, and wohceapung, and burhweallessceating, and all those crimes which involve the payment of compensation, — the lord of the church is to have half, for the sake of God and of St Peter, in the same way as we have laid down in the case of the market- place and the streets. And outside the market, the bishop is to be entitled to his land and to all his dues, as was established in times past by the exemptions of our predecessors.
And Aethelred and Aethelfled have done this with the cognisance of King Alfred and of the Mercian councillors whose names are written hereafter. And they entreat of all their suc- cessors, in the name of Almighty God, that no man impair this pious gift, which they, for the love of God and St Peter, have given to the church.
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XIV
IN the reign of our Lord Christ the Saviour, when eight hundred and ninety-six years had passed since His birth, and in the fourteenth Indiction, — in that year Earl Aethelred summoned together at Gloucester all the Mercian council, the bishops and the earls and all his nobility ; and this he did with the cognisance and leave of King Alfred. And then they deliberated there how they could most justly govern their people, both in spiritual and temporal matters, and also do justice to many men, both clerical and lay, with regard to lands and other things in which they had been wronged.
Then Bishop Werferth informed the council that he had been robbed of nearly all the woodland belonging to Wood- chester, which King Aethelbald had given to Worcester, [handing it over] to Bishop Wilferth for mastland and wood- land, and as a perpetual gift for the good of his own soul. And Werferth said that part of it had been abstracted at Bisley, part at Avening, part at Scorranstan and part at Thornbury, as far as he knew. Then all the council declared that justice should be done to that church as well as to [any] other.
Thereupon, Aethelwald said that he would not dispute the claim, and stated that Aldberht and Bishop Alhhun had formerly been occupied with this very matter; and he added that he was always ready to accede to the claims of every church to the best of his ability (?), and so very generously restored it to the bishop. And he ordered his geneat, whose name was Ecglaf, to ride with a priest from Worcester, Wulfhun by name; and Ecglaf led Wulfhun along all the boundaries, as Wulfhun read out from the old charters, how they had been determined of old by the grant of King Aethelbald.
Then, however, Aethelwald requested of the bishop and the community, that they would graciously allow him to have the use of the land as long as he lived, and also Alhmund his son; and they would hold it on lease of the bishop and the community ; and neither he nor his son would ever deprive the bishop of the swine-pasture at Longridge, which he had granted him for as long as God should give it to him.
Bishop Werferth and Eadnoth 57
And Aethelwald then declared that whosoever held this land would hold it under God's displeasure, except it be the lord of the church, to whom he had given it, with a reservation in favour of Alhmund ; and this reservation, moreover, was to stand only for as long as Alhmund maintained the friendship which his father had had with the bishop. If, however, it should come to pass that Alhmund would not maintain this friendship, or if there should be proved against him a charge which disqualified him from holding land, or thirdly, if he died before [his father], then the lord of the church should take possession of his estate, as the Mercian council declared in this assembly, and as the charters of the estate directed him (or them).
This was done with the cognisance of Earl Aethelred and of Aethelfled, and of Earl Aethelwulf, Earl Aethelferth, Earl Alhhelm, Eadnoth, Alfred and Werferth, and of the priest Aethelwald, and his own kinsmen Aethelstan and Aethelhun, and also of Alhmund his own son.
And the following are the boundaries that the priest from Worcester rode over, and Aethelwald's geneat with him. First to Gemythleg, and then to Rodborough itself, then to SmececurnJb, then to Sengetleg, then to Heardanleg, otherwise called Dry- ganleg, and so to the lesser Nceglesleg and then to Aethelferth's land. In this manner, Aethelwald's man shewed him the boundaries, as the old charters directed and indicated to him.
XV
IN the name of our Lord the Saviour Christ. I Bishop Werferth declare — as I learnt from Bishop Alhhun and also as my charters informed me, — that Bishop Milred gave the estate at Sodbury to Eanbald with this injunction, — and Eanbald subsequently gave the estate to Eastinund — that is to say, Bishop Milred laid this injunction upon him, in the name of Almighty God and of the Holy Trinity, that so long as there was any man in their family who was willing to take holy orders, and qualified to do so, he should succeed to the estate at Sodbury; but that if it turned out otherwise, the estate should never pass to a layman, but should subsequently revert
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to the bishop's see at Worcester, on behalf of the souls of all of them.
Now Eastmund before he died gave command in the name of the living God, that the man who succeeded to the estate should succeed thereto on the condition laid down by Bishop Milred; but if he were so presumptuous as to violate it, he should know that he would be found guilty before God's throne at the Great Judgment. Then after Eastmund's death, his family robbed of, this very estate both the spirits of the departed, and also the bishop and the church of Worcester. And Bishop Heaberht often brought this to remembrance and even asked for the estate, and so afterwards did Bishop Alhhun, very often, as long as he lived, and I too, Bishop Werferth, have often demanded its restoration ; but we could not obtain any justice until Aethelred became lord of the Mercians.
When he summoned the Mercian council to Droitwich to deal with many necessary matters, both spiritual and temporal, I made a claim against that family, adducing the testament and demanding justice. Then Eadnoth and Aelfred and Aelfstan gave me security that they would either give me back the estate or find within their family a man who would take orders with the estate, and be obedient to me in both ecclesiastical and secular concerns. When Eadnoth, who had the estate, said he would give it to any member of the family who might be willing to acquire it on this condition, each replied that he would rather forego the property than take orders. Then Eadnoth went to Aethelred and Aethelfled and also to Aethelnoth, the friend of us all ; and they all entreated me to allow him to acquire the estate from me for his own pro- perty, to give to whatsoever heir he pleased. And I did so, chiefly because of their entreaty ; and he also gave me forty mancuses. Then, with the leave of my community at Worcester, I gave him the estate as a perpetual heritage, together with the charters, and Eastmund's testament, and also our own written agreement that the estate should be made over to him on condition that fifteen shillings of good money should be given every year to the bishop at Tetbury, and also that the penance should be carried out(?).
Foundation of New Minster 59
And I Eadnoth, for my part, enjoin upon my successors, in the name of God Almighty, that they never curtail this money, but be always duly faithful to the bishop and to the community at Worcester.
May God Almighty preserve both in this life and in the life to come, those who consent that this agreement shall endure^to all eternity. And the names which are written below, are those of the men who were present and witnessed this agreement.
XVI
IN nomine Domini. I King Edward have acquired from Bishop Denewulf and from the community at Winchester the "Wind "-church and the stone dormitory, and, in addition, a certain portion of the land lying south of the church and the dormitory, measuring twenty-four rods in length, and in breadth five rods at its broadest part, and one rod at its narrowest part, to the end that I might found a monastery thereon, for the salvation of my own soul and [of the soul] of my venerable father King Alfred. And with the advice and leave of all the West Saxon council, I have handed over to the bishop and the community St Andrew's Church and the glebe which had been granted thereto, as a perpetual heritage for that foundation, so that no man be ever permitted to alienate it from that place.
Moreover, the council of all Wessex have, in addition, con- veyed to me by charter the following estate, as a perpetual heritage :
First southward from the refectory to St Gregory's Church, then from the south-west corner of St Gregory's Church twelve rods westward to the street, then thirteen rods due north to the north street, then forty-three rods, six feet eastward to the east street, then twenty rods, six feet southward to the south street, then seven rods, six feet westward along the south street to the cemetery, then five rods due north. The circumference of the whole amounts, therefore, to three furlongs, three yards.
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XVII
IN nomine Domini. Bishop Denewulf and the community at Winchester have let to Beornwulf fifteen hides of their land at Ebbesbourne at the rent which he has settled with the bishop and the community : that is, forty-five shillings are always to be paid at the autumnal equinox, on condition that no one be permitted by offering a higher rent to turn him out, or his children after his time, so long as ever they can produce the dues ; and they are also to contribute every year to the repair of the church to which the estate belongs, in the proportion that the rest of the population do, each according to the extent of his property ; and he shall duly pay the church-scots and perform (?) military service and the construction of bridges and fortresses, as is done throughout the whole nation. And this was done with the cognisance and permission of the councillors whose names are written below, in the nine hundred and second year after Christ's birth and in the famous foundation at Winchester.
The bishop gave permission to his kinsman Beornwulf to take into his service (?) the persons born on the estate at Ebbesbourne. I have now taken them into my service (?) — Lufu and her three children and Luha and his six children. Now the community at Winchester had begged from me that these persons might remain on the estate, whether I had it or any of my friends. Moreover there were on it three penal serfs of peasant birth and three persons of servile birth ; these the bishop and the community gave me as my rightful property, with their offspring. This was done when the church at Hurstbourne was consecrated, with the cognisance of the men whose names stand written below.
XVIII
SIRE, I will inform thee what has taken place with regard to the estate of five hides at Fonthill, about which Aethelm Higa has a suit. When Helmstan committed the crime of stealing Aethelred's belt, Higa, together with other claimants,
Letter concerning land at Fonthill 61
proceeded forthwith to make a claim against him, desiring to obtain the estate from him by litigation. Then Helmstan came to me and begged me to be his advocate, because I had stood sponsor to him before he committed that crime. Then I pleaded and interceded for him with King Alfred. Then, may God reward his soul ! the king gave him leave to avail himself of the protection of the law against Aethelm, with regard to the estate, because of my advocacy and the correct account [which I had given of the history of the estate]. Then he commanded that an arbitration should be made between them, and I was one of the persons who were nominated for this purpose, together with Wihtbord and Aelfric, who was at that time keeper of the wardrobe, and Byrhthelm, and Wulfhun the Black (?) from Somerton, Strica, and Ubba and more men than I can name now. When both of them had stated their cases, we all decided that Helmstan might come forward with the title-deeds and claim the estate as his own, his claim to the possession of it being that Aetheldryth had made it over to Oswulf for a fair price, and that Aetheldryth had told Oswulf that it was fully in her power to sell it to him, because it had been her "morning-gift" when she first came to Athulf. And Helmstan included all this in his oath. And when Oswulf had bought the land from Aetheldryth, King Alfred had given him his sign-manual that the sale should hold good, and so had Eadweard and Aethelnoth and Deormod and all those men whose signatures they then wished to have. Now when we were arbitrating between them at this time at Wardour, the deed was produced and read ; then all the signatures were to be found there. Then all those of us who were at the arbi- tration decided that Helmstan should now be allowed to produce the oath.
But Aethelm did not wholly assent to this, until we went in to the king, and told him fully the decision to which we had come, and the reasons for it; and Aethelm himself was there standing with us. And the king stood washing his hands within the chamber at Wardour. When he had finished, he asked Aethelm why our decision did not seem to him just, adding that he could not imagine anything more just than that Helmstan
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should produce the oath if he could. Then I said that he wished to make the attempt, and prayed the king to appoint a day ; and he did so. Then on the appointed day Helmstan produced the oath in full. And he had begged me to support him, saying that he would rather give me the land than that the oath should
fail or. Then I said that I was willing to help him in a
just cause (but never in an unjust one), on condition that he gave me the estate; and he engaged to do this.
Then, on the appointed day we rode [thither] ; and Wihtbord rode with me, and Byrhthelm rode there with Aethelm. And we all heard him produce the oath in full. Then we all said that the suit was settled, when the [king's] decision had been carried out. And, Sire, when will any suit be settled, if it cannot be settled either with money or with an oath ? And if every decision which King Alfred gave is to be set aside, when shall we be done with negotiating ? Then as soon as the oath had been produced, Helmstan gave me the title-deed, as he had previously engaged to do. And I promised him that he might have the use of the land during his lifetime, if he was willing to keep himself out of disgrace.
Then a year and a half, or perhaps two years afterwards, Helmstan stole the stray (?) oxen at Fonthill, thereby utterly ruining himself, and drove them to Chicklade; and he was caught there. And the man who tracked him rescued the cattle that had been driven off(?). As he fled, a bramble scratched him all over the face ; and when he wished to deny the charge, this was brought forward as evidence against him. When Eanulf Penearding, who was reeve, intervened, he took from him all the property which he owned at Tisbury. When I asked him why he did this, he replied that Helmstan was a thief. And the property was confiscated to the king, because he was the king's man. And Ordlaf took his land ; for since the land which Helmstan occupied was held on lease from him, he could not forfeit it. And then thou didst declare him an outlaw.
Then Helmstan made his way to thy father's body, and brought a signet to me, when I was at Chippenham with thee. Then I gave thee the signet. And thou didst give him back his
Earl Aethelwoltfs Will 63
home and rights, and the estates to which he has now returned (?). But I took possession of my land, and then, with thy cogni- sance and that of thy council, gave it, namely five hides, to the bishop, in exchange for the estate of five hides at Lyddiard. And the bishop and the whole community gave me four hides [free of tithe] ; but one was subject to tithe. Now, Sire, it is very necessary for me that both our recent proceedings and those of old should be ratified. If not, then I must and will be content with whatever voluntary gift is, in thy opinion, just.
Endorsed :
And Aethelm Higa withdrew from this suit, when the king was at Warminster (?), with the cognisance of Ordlaf and Osferth and Odda and Wihtbord and Aelfstan the Bald and Aethelnoth.
XIX
KING AETHELSTAN freed Eadelm immediately after he be- came king ; the witnesses of this were Aelfheah the priest, the community, Reeve Aelfric, Wulfnoth the White, Provost Eanstan and Byrnstan the priest. May he who seeks to invalidate this incur the wrath of God and of all the relics which I obtained in England (?) by God's mercy. And I grant the children the same [boon] as I grant to the father.
XX
HERE it is stated that King Eadred gave the estate of twelve hides at Wiley to the community at Old Minster for the provision of clothing.
Sire, I, Earl Aethelwold, declare to my dear and royal lord King Eadred, what are my wishes with regard to the estates which I have acquired from my lord. In the first place [I give] to God and to the holy foundation — the bishop and the commu- nity— at the episcopal see of Winchester the twelve hides of land at Wiley for the provision of clothing, so that they may remember me in their prayers, as I believe that they will. And to the king my heriot: four swords, four spears, four shields, four
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bracelets, two worth one hundred and twenty mancuses, and two worth eighty mancuses, four horses and two silver cups. And to my brother Eadric the estates at Ogbourn, Ashdown, Cheam, and Washington. And to my brother Aethelstan the estates at Broadwater and Newton. And to Aelfsige, my brother's son, the estate at Carcel. And to the son of my brother Aelfstan the estate at Clere. And I desire that a dis- tribution of all the property which I hold on lease be made for the good of my soul, according to the directions which I have just given to the friends to whom I have been speaking.
XXI
IN nomine Domini. This is King Eadred's will. In the first place, he presents to the foundation wherein he desires that his body shall rest, two golden crosses and two swords with hilts of gold, and four hundred pounds. Item, he gives to Old Minster at Winchester three estates, namely Downton, Damerham and Calne. Item, he gives to New Minster three estates, namely Wherwell, Andover and Clere ; and to Nunnaminster, Shal- bourne, Thatcham and Bradford. Item, he gives to Nunna- minster at Winchester thirty pounds, and thirty to Wilton, and thirty to Shaftesbury.
Item, he gives sixteen hundred pounds for the redemption of his soul, and for the good of his people, that they may be able to purchase for themselves relief from want and from the heathen army, if they need [to do so]. Of this the Archbishop at Christ Church is to receive four hundred pounds, for the relief of the people of Kent and Surrey and Sussex and Berkshire ; and if anything happen to the bishop, the money shall remain in the monastery, in the charge of the members of the council who are in that county. And Aelfsige, bishop of the see of Winchester, is to receive four hundred pounds, two hundred for Hampshire and one hundred each for Wiltshire and Dorsetshire ; and if anything happen to him, it shall remain — as in a similar case mentioned above — in the charge of the members of the council who are in that county. Item, Abbot Dunstan is to receive two hundred pounds and
King Eadred's Will 66
to keep it at Glastonbury for the people of Somerset and Devon ; and if anything happen to him, arrangements similar to those above shall be made. Item, Bishop Aelfsige is to receive the two hundred pounds left over, and keep [the money] at the episcopal see at Winchester, for whichever shire may need it. Item, Bishop Oscytel is to receive four hundred pounds and keep it at the episcopal see at Dorchester for the Mercians, in accordance with the arrangement described above. Now Bishop Wulfhelm has that sum of four hundred pounds (?). Item, gold to the amount of two thousand mancuses is to be taken and coined into mancuses ; and the archbishop is to receive one portion, and Bishop Aelfsige a second, and Bishop Oscytel a third, and they are to distribute them throughout the bishoprics for the sake of God and for the redemption of my soul.
Item, I give to my mother the estates at Amesbury and Wantage and Basing, and all the booklands which I have in Sussex, Surrey and Kent, and all those which she has previously had. Item, I give to the archbishop two hundred mancuses of gold, reckoning the hundred at a hundred and twenty. And to each of my bishops one hundred and twenty mancuses of gold. And to each of my earls one hundred and twenty mancuses of gold. And to each [duly] appointed seneschal, chamberlain and butler, eighty mancuses of gold. And to each of my chaplains, whom I have put in charge of my relics, fifty mancuses of gold and five pounds in silver. And five pounds to each of the other priests. And thirty mancuses of gold to each [duly] appointed steward, and to every ecclesiastic who has been appointed (?) since I succeeded to the throne, and to every member of my household, in whatever capacity he be employed, unless he be to the royal palaces.
Item, I desire that twelve almsmen be chosen on each of the estates mentioned above, and if anything happen to any of them, another is to be appointed in his place ; and all this is to hold good so long as Christianity endures, to the glory of God and the redemption of my soul ; and if any one refuses to carry it out, his estate is to revert to the place where my body shall rest.
H.
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XXII
(I) THOU Living God, be Thou mindful of Eadfrith, Aethelwald, Billfrith and Aldred peccatorem : these four have, with God's help, been engaged upon this book.
(II) Eadfrith, Bishop of Lindisfarne, wrote this book, at the first, in honour of God and St Cuthbert and all the saints in common who are on the island. And Aethelwald, Bishop of Lindisfarne, bound it on the outside and covered (?) it, as he was well able to do. And Billfrith, the anchorite, wrought the ornaments upon the outside and adorned it, this unalloyed metal gilded over, with gold and gems and also with silver (?). And Aldred, presbyter indignus et miserrimus, with the help of God and St Cuthbert, wrote an English gloss above, and obtained for himself a home (?) with the three parts ; [he glossed] Matthew's part for God and St Cuthbert, Mark's part for the bishop, and Luke's for the community, paying, in addition, eight " ores " of silver for his admission (?). And St John's part [he glossed] for himself, namely, for the good of his soul, #ftd has offered to God and St Cuthbert four " ores " of silver besides ; that he may receive admission in Heaven through God's mercy, and have happiness and peace upon earth, promotion and honour, wisdom and prudence, through the merits of St Cuthbert, Eadfrith, Aethelwald, Billfrith, Aldred hoc evangeliarium Deo et Cuthberhto construxerunt vel ornaverunt.
XXIII
EADGIFU informs the archbishop and the community at Christ Church how her estate at Cooling came [into her hands]. The fact is that her father left her the estate and the title-deed having lawfully come into possession of them, as an inheritance from his ancestors. It came to pass that her father borrowed thirty pounds from Goda, and handed the estate over to him as security for the money; and Goda had it for seven years. When it befel, about that time, that all the Kentish troops were summoned to battle at "Holm," her father Sigelm was not
Grant by Queen Eadgifu 67
willing to go to battle leaving any man's money unpaid; and he paid Goda thirty pounds and bequeathed the estate to his daughter Eadgifu, giving her the title-deed.
When Sigelm had fallen in battle, Goda denied that the money had been repaid him and refused [to restore] the estate until six years later. Then Byrhtsige Dyring protested con- stantly, until the council of that time directed Eadgifu to clear her father by [an oath equivalent in value to] the sum involved ; and she thereupon produced the oath at Aylesford in the presence of the whole assembly, and there cleared her father with respect to the repayment by an oath of thirty pounds. Even then she could not get possession of the estate until her friends induced King Edward to declare that Goda must restore the estate, if he wished to hold any land at all; and so he relinquished it.
Then, in course of time, it came to pass that the king became so indignant with Goda, that all the deeds and lands which he possessed were declared forfeit; and then the king gave him and all his property, with deeds and with lands, to Eadgifu, to deal with as she pleased. Then she said that she dared not, for fear of God, requite him as he had deserved of her, but she restored to him all his lands, with the exception of two ploughlands at Osterland', but she refused to give back the title-deeds until she knew how faithfully he would behave towards her, with regard to the lands.
Then King Edward died and Aethelstan succeeded to the throne. When Goda thought he had a favourable opportunity, he made his way to King Aethelstan and begged that he would intercede for him with Eadgifu for the return of the title-deeds. And then the king did so. And she restored them all except the title-deed of Osterland; and he willingly aban- doned that deed to her, and humbly thanked her for the rest ; and moreover, with eleven others, he swore to her an oath, on behalf of those living and those yet to come, that this suit should be for ever settled. And this was done with the cognisance of King Aethelstan and his councillors at Hamsey, near Lewes. And Eadgifu had the estate together with the title-deeds during the lifetime of the two kings who were her sons.
5—2
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When Eadred died and Eadgifu was despoiled of all her pro- perty, two of Goda's sons, Leofstan and Leofric, took from Eadgifu these two above-mentioned estates at Cooling and at Osterland and told the young prince Eadwig, who had then been proclaimed king, that they had a juster claim to them than she. Matters stood thus until Eadgar obtained full power (?). And he and his council declared that Goda's sons had committed wicked robbery, and declaring that the property was hers, restored it to her. Then Eadgifu, with the leave and cognisance of the king and all his bishops, took the deeds and gave the estates to Christ Church, and with her own hands laid them upon the altar for the perpetual benefit of the community and for the repose of her soul ; declaring that Christ Himself with all the heavenly host would curse to all eternity any man who should ever divert or curtail this gift. Such was the manner in which this benefaction came to the community of Christ Church.
NOTES
THIS document is erroneously described as the Will of Oswulf in Dr Birch's Cartularium Saxonicum. That Oswulf did make a will is clear from the account given in B. 445 of the proceedings at an assembly of clergy and laity held at Canterbury in 844. The subject of discussion was a claim made by a certain Aethelwulf to the in- heritance of Oswulf. Disputes as to the disposal of Oswulf's property had arisen after his death, and had been referred to a synod at Acleah in 810; it was then decreed that Oswulf's will should stand. By 844 his estates had come into the possession of the Kentish monasteries of Christ Church, Folkestone, Dover and Lyminge, and Aethelwulf put forward a claim to this property on the ground that his father Aethelheah had purchased it. After Archbishop Ceolnoth and the community at Christ Church had been questioned about the decree of the synod at Acleah, thirty members of the four communities concerned defended their claim by an oath. It was finally decided that the provisions of Oswulf's will were to hold good and that all litigation should cease, under penalty of excommunication.
Haddan and Stubbs (Councils, in. p. 568) seem to consider that the subject of this litigation was Oswulf's grant to Christ Church of the Stanstead estate. But a comparison of this grant with the account of Oswulf's will given in the document described above, shews that this is not the case. The passage is as follows : Et hoc [Oswulf\ cor am beatae memoriae W If redo Archiepiscopo, coramque abbatis Wernotho atque Feolgeldo...nec non saepe cor am sociis suis et arnicis fidissimis, qualiter post discessionem suam circa hereditatem tuam imposterum agere voluisse, id est, ut post dies uxoris suae et JUii ejus Eardwlfi, filiae quoque suae Ealfthrythae, ad Ecclesiis Dei omnia dare Deo et sanctis ejus sibi in sempiternam hereditatem sub eorum testimonia dare praecepit, sicut in altera kartula ma/nifeste et
70 English Historical Documents
lucide comprobatur. This altera kartula, in which Oswulf bequeathed his property to his wife and children, with reversion to various churches, is evidently lost.
There seems no reason for doubting that this grant of the Stanstead estate to Christ Church was to take effect during Oswulf's lifetime. His request that the anniversary of himself and his wife may be celebrated annually is not opposed to such an interpretation, since this honour was frequently accorded by monasteries to their benefactors. The record of a similar grant by Oswulf to a monastery is still extant (B. 289). Coenwulf of Mercia, in 798, grants land in Kent to Oswulf duel et ministro meo in exchange for another estate, also in Kent. Oswulf thereupon gives his newly-acquired estate to the monastery of Lyminge, for the salvation of his soul and that of his wife Beornthryth, on condition that their anniversary be cele- brated annually with masses and prayers and a refection of the community. There is nothing in this grant to suggest that the gift was not to take effect during the lifetime of the donor.
Date. If both parts of this document date from the same occasion, this agreement must have been drawn up between Wulf red's acces- sion to the archiepiscopate in 805 and the synod of Acleah in 810, when it was decreed that Oswulf's will should stand. The date 806 of the endorsement seems quite reasonable and may possibly be correct. A somewhat different view is taken by Keller (Angelsdch- sische Palaeographie. Palaestra XLIII. 1906, p. 1), who suggests that the confirmation by Wulfred may have been added later, possibly in 810, after the synod of Acleah.
Dialect. Kentish. See Appendix.
p. I, 1. 4. Osuulf aldormonn is said to have been Dux atque Princeps Provincial Orientalis Cantiae (B. 445). He appears for the first time in 798, which was probably the year in which Coen- wulf of Mercia gave the kingdom of Kent to his brother Cuthred. Oswulf exchanges land with Coenwulf and gives his newly-acquired estate to the monastery at Lyminge (B. 289). He signs Kentish charters in 801, 804, 805 (B. 303, 316, 319). He also witnesses a grant by Coenwulf and Cuthred to the Reeve Aethelnoth (B. 318), which is to be dated after 805. Oswulf must have died before 810, the year of the synod at Acleah (see above).
1. 5. to Cantuarabyrg to Cristes cirican. to Cantuarabyrg ap- pears to be locative; cf. p. 7, 1. 5ff. : willa ic gesellan...ftem higum to Cristes circcan. The monastery of Christ Church, Canterbury, was
Grant by Earl Oswulf 71
founded by St Augustine as a residence for himself and his suc- cessors. (Bede, Hist. Eccles. i. c. 33.) It is uncertain whether the monastery originally contained both monks and clerks, or only monks. Bede says nothing on this subject and stories current later are untrustworthy, since they are obviously coloured by the controversies between the monastic and the secular clergy (cf. Chron. ann. 995 E.). In any case this monastery seems to have shared in the decline in English monachism which characterised the eighth century, and by the beginning of the ninth, monastic discipline seems at Christ Church to have been almost extinct. In a charter of 813 (B. 342) on the occasion of the rebuilding of the monastery, Archbishop Wulfred speaks of the inmates as priests, deacons and clerks (cf. p. 2, 1. 18ff., of the present text). Haddan and Stubbs (op. cit. in. 576) observe that the inmates of the monastery seem to be in a condition far more resembling that of canons than of monks. The only rules of monastic discipline mentioned by Wulfred as incumbent upon the community, are attendance in church at the canonical hours and the use of a common refectory and dormitory.
1. 6. cet Stanhamstede. Stanstead, Kent. This gift to Christ Church was confirmed in 844, the year in which it was decreed that Oswulf's will should stand (B. 446).
xx swuluncga. sulung is a term used only in Kent to de- note the amount of land which a team of oxen could plough in a year. It is evidently derived from O.E. xulh, 'plough,' which is cognate with Lat. sulcus, ' furrow.' At the beginning of the ninth century, the sulung seems to have been equivalent to two hides (B. 321, 341). But the size of the Kentish hide was doubled between 850 and 950, and in charters of the tenth century, the sulung is equated with one hide (B. 1295).
1. 9 IF. bidders dcet ivit moten bion on dem gemanon de doer Godes diowas siondan. The violent change of construction from the nominative in de daer Godes diowas siondan 7 da menn, to the genitive in dara monna de, makes the translation of this sentence difficult, although the meaning is fairly clear, on dem gemanon... siondan, lit. 'in that fellowship who are God's servants,' etc., i.e. 'in the fellowship of those who are,' etc.
The nature of the request made by Oswulf is somewhat obscure. A possible interpretation is that he is petitioning that he and his wife may be buried among the inmates of Christ Church ; but the unusual wording of the request is somewhat against this interpreta-
72 English Historical Documents
tion. May not this be, as Lingard (Anglo-Saxon Church, n. p. 63 ff.) suggested, an early example of the wide-spread custom of admitting laymen to the privileges and spiritual benefits to which professed members of a monastery were entitled 1 If this supposition is correct, the phrase discussed above would mean, ' that we may be admitted to membership with those who are God's servants there,' etc.
There are many instances of the practice of admitting to con- fraternity persons who were not inmates of the monastery, both in England and on the Continent. Bede requested of the bishop and monks of Lindisfarne, at whose request he had written his prose life of St Cuthbert, that prayers and masses might be offered for his soul, and his name enrolled among theirs (Bede, Prcef. ad Vitam S. Cuthberti, ed. Giles, iv. p. 206). In 929, King Aethelstan was accorded rights of confraternity at St Gallen (cf. Memorials of St Dunstan, ed. Stubbs, R.S. p. Ixxv, note 8). A memorandum of the admission of Cnut to confraternity at Christ Church, written in a volume of Gospels, is quoted by Wanley (p. 181). Another instance of the same practice dates from the reign of Edward the Confessor, when a certain Oswulf and his wife made gifts of land and money to the monks, on being admitted to confraternity at St Albans (K. 945).
The benefits to which lay-members or familiares were entitled are enumerated in a grant of a letter of fraternity in the Newminster Cartulary (ed. Stevenson, Surtees Society, 1876, p. 120). They were to have commune beneficium domus nostrae in missis et matutinis, in elemosinis et oracionibus, et in omnibus beneficiis quae in ea fient usque infinem saeculi plenarie sicud nobis ipsis. Their names were written, together with those of professed members and benefactors of the monastery, in the Liber Vitae, which was placed upon the altar, that the priest might remember them during Mass. An extant list of this kind is the well-known Durham Liber Vitae. In order that their anniversary might be suitably commemorated, the date of their death was noted in a calendar.
If this explanation of the request made by Oswulf is the correct one, the grant to Christ Church of the Stanstead estate is probably to be regarded in the nature of an admission fee. A parallel instance is quoted by Ducange (s.v.fraternitas) where a certain Arbertus and his wife bestow an estate on the monastery of St Andrew, Vienne, on their admission to confraternity. A similar instance is found among the records of the Welsh monastery of St Cadoc (cf. Seebohm Tribal System in Wales, p. 212).
Grant by Earl O&iculf 73
1. 15. Uulfred. Archbishop of Canterbury, 805—832.
1. 19 ff. f)onne bebeode ic daet mon das ding selle...a;t Stanham- stede. The revenues derived from the land at Stanstead would probably be applied to the general purposes of the monastery. A certain proportion of the produce was, however, set aside to provide a feast for the community on the anniversary of their benefactors.
Food-rents paid to religious houses were usually measured by the amount of provisions required to support the community for one day. The amount specified by Wulfred appears to have been three or four times the quantity described as cene dcegfeorme for Christ Church in the middle of the tenth century (B. 1010); it was perhaps 'three days' Jeorm' Wulfred directs that these payments from the estate at Stanstead are to be collected at Lympne (Liminum). The official responsible would probably be the archbishop's reeve.
1. 23. gif hit fuguldaeg sie. fuguldceg is not recognised by Bosworth-Toller, but from the fact that it is contrasted with festendceg, it evidently means a day on which poultry, and pre- sumably meat, might be eaten.
p. 2, 1. 1. uugge ccesa. The earliest evidence as to the weight of the Anglo-Saxon wceg is supplied by the Historia Monasterii de Abingdon (ed. Stevenson, R.S., 1858, I. p. 345), which states that in the tenth century the pondus, or wey, contained twenty-two stone. The fact that this amount is called the pondus Abbendunense suggests that other standards may have been in use. In the tenth century, a wey of cheese lasted the community at Abingdon five days.
1. 2 f. XXX ombra godes uuelesces alod, det limped to XV mit- tum. The capacity of the amber, which was used both as a liquid and as a dry measure, is altogether unknown. According to the Register of Richmond of 1280, twenty-four ambers of salt were equal to twelve London quarters of eight bushels, so that an amber con- tained four bushels in the thirteenth century (cf. Liebermann, Die Gesetze der AngelsacJisen, n. p. 383). Kelham1 states that the amber contained five bushels. Robertson (Historical Essays, i. p. 68) com- putes that, by the lower standard, the thirty ambers of ale, specified by Wulfred, would contain six hundred imperial gallons. According to Robertson, the ordinary daily allowance of a monk at Abingdon was a gallon of ale. The amount consumed at festivals would, of course, be much greater, but even so, the proportion of liquid seems 1 Cited by Eobertson.
74 English Historical Documents
incredibly large. It seems hardly possible that, in the ninth century, the amber could have been a measure of four bushels1. The amber seems originally to have been an adaptation of the Roman amphora, which was equivalent to about six gallons. In the ninth century, the amber may have approached more nearly to the Roman standard. It is to be remembered that the sester seems in several passages to be equivalent to the Roman sextarius (cf. note on p. 79).
The difference between the several kinds of ale mentioned in Anglo-Saxon literature is never specified. ' Welsh ale ' is first men- tioned in the Laws of Ine (c. 70, 1). Prof. Liebermann (op. cit. n. p. 312) suggests that in this case 'Welsh ale' may have been the product of districts cultivated by the Celts. In later times, the term must have merely denoted some particular kind of ale.
1. 6. CXX gesuflra hlafa. gesufl is obviously connected with sufl (cf. p. 2, 1. 13), the term applied to anything eaten with bread, such as cheese, bacon, beans or whey. Zupitza and Kluge in their glossaries give gesufl, 'zur Zukost gehorig.' Or were the gesuflra hlafa loaves supplied with sufll
1. 8. d£m reogolwarde : lit. 'guardian of the (monastic) rule.' He was so called because the discipline of the monastery was in his hands, subject, of course, to the authority of the abbot. To the reogolward, or provost, was given in later times the title of ' prior.' In the Cathedral monastery of Christ Church, the Archbishop of Canterbury occupied the place of Abbot.
L 9 ff. mon Aaet weax agcpfe to cirican. . .doeA. Was this wax for the general use of the church, or was it the wax required for some special ceremony connected with the anniversary ? A tax called leohtgesceot was levied, in the reigns of Aethelred II and Cnut, for the provision of lights for ecclesiastical purposes ; cf. Laws of Cnut, I. 12: and leohtgesceot }>riwa on geare . . .healfpenigwurft wexes cet cdcere hide. Voluntary gifts for the illumination of the church were also recommended as a pious duty by Wulfstan in his homilies.
1. 11 f. daet lond...aet Human. Perhaps the estate aet Burnan recovered for Christ Church by Archbishop Aethelred in 805
1 Another consideration makes it difficult to believe that the amber con- tained as much as four bushels. The monthly allowance given to each earm Engliscmon maintained by King Aethelstan was to consist of an amber of meal, a shank of bacon and a ram worth four pence (Aethelstan, n. i. 1). It seems quite incredible that these persons should have been given forty-eight bushels of meal every year. On the amount of barley and other grain consumed annually, see Maitland, Domesday Book and Beyond, p. 436 ff.
Will of Abba 75
(B. 319). The community had been deprived of this estate, which was evidently at Bishop's Bourn, near Barham, Kent, and it was now restored to them by a synodal decree.
1. 13. swaefeola sufla. See note on p. 2, 1. 6. The word still sur- vives in northern dialects with the same meaning as in Anglo-Saxon, ie. anything eaten with bread, cf. Wright, Dialect Dictionary, s.v. sowl. According to the priest Werhard (B. 402) Archbishop Wulfred gave directions in his will that doles should be distributed annually on his anniversary ; to each poor man was to be given a loaf and cheese, or bacon and a penny.
1. 15 f. him se reogolweord on byrg gebeode. . .sie. gebeode must be taken with on byrg, i.e. 'make a public proclamation to the city'; him seems to refer to the people for whom the doles are intended. We get this sense from aelmessan in 1. 14.
1. 18. messepriost. The word preost has quite a general meaning and can denote a member of any of the seven orders of the priest- hood ; but mcessepreost is only used to denote those qualified to perform the sacrifice of the mass.
1. 20. aeghvnlc diacon arede two, passions fore his sawle. A ' deacon ' was a member of the sixth order of the priesthood and ranked immediately below the mcessepreost. The word passione is not recorded by B.-T. It corresponds to L. passio, used in the special sense of passages in the Gospels narrating Christ's Passion (cf. Ducange, s.v. passio). The intercessory use of these passages seems not to be mentioned elsewhere.
1. 21. gghwilc Godes diow gesinge two, fiftig fore his sawle. Godes \eowas denotes the whole of the clergy, both secular and regular. In this context the term refers to every member of the community not included in the foregoing. A. fiftig was one of the three sections into which the Psalms were divided. Plummer (Hist. Eccles. Bedae, II. 137) gives many instances of the use of the psalter and of particular psalms, as a form of intercession for the living or dead ; cf. also p. 9, 1. 19 f., and p. 23, 1. 9ff.
II
Date. The date of A.D. 835 is assigned to this will in an endorsement in a hand of the fourteenth century. This date seems perfectly reasonable, although the grounds on which it is based are unknown. The will must be dated after 833, since Archbishop
76 English Historical Documents
Ceolnoth appears among the signatories. The list of witnesses cor- responds very closely with the list of ecclesiastics signing Kentish charters of 838 and 839 (B. 419, 426). The date of the will is before 839, since by that year Nothwulf, who signs as subdeacon, had become a deacon (B. 426).
Dialect. Kentish. See Appendix.
p. 3, 1. 3. Abba geroefa is otherwise unknown.
1. 13. Alchhere. See note on 1. 21.
}>cet lond hire nytt gedoe : lit. ' make the land profitable to her,' i.e. 'see that she gets the profits.'
1. 14. an half swulung an Ciollandene, i.e. Chillenden, near Eastry, Kent. For note on sulung see p. 71.
1. 16. mon selle him to Bern londe II 1 1 oxan. Four oxen would be the usual equipment of a half swulung, since the plough seems to have been commonly drawn by a team of eight oxen.
7 cenne horn. Bequests of horns are sometimes found in Anglo- Saxon wills. Aethelstan, son of Aethelred II, bequeathed to Winchester ]>one drenchom ]>e ic cer at }>am hirede gebohte on Ealdan Mynstre (K. 722).
1. 19. hire agefen hire agen. Her own property included, perhaps, the land at Challock (p. 5, 1. 3).
1. 20. suS tofaranne, i.e. to go on pilgrimage to Rome.
L 21. twnegen mine m§gas Alchhere 7 Aeftelwold. It is tempting to identify Alchhere with the Kentish earl of that name. (See note on p. 83.) But this identification is perhaps too hazardous, since Alchhere is not an uncommon name in charters of the ninth century. Moreover, if Earl Alchhere was his kinsman. Abba must have been a Kentish noble, whereas his wergeld would lead us to believe that he was a ceorl (cf. p. 4, 1. 8 and note).
1. 22. fan him to ftem londe must mean ' let them take possession of the land.' This use of him with fon is unusual ; him is perhaps reflexive.
to Liminge. According to Canterbury tradition, the monastery at Lyminge, Kent, was founded, soon after 633, by Aethelberg, daughter of Aethelberht, King of Kent, and widow of Edwin, King of the Northumbrians. Bede (Hist. Eccles. n. 20) and the Chronicle (ann. 633 E.) mention the return of Aethelberg to Kent after the death of Edwin, but say nothing of her life during her widow- hood. The tract on the Saints of England (Die Heiligen Englands, ed. Liebermann, p. 1), and Thomas of Elmham (ed. Hardwick, R.S.,
' Will of Abba 77
p. 177) state that Eadbald, who was then King of Kent, gave to his sister Aethelberg land at Lyminge, on which she built a monastery and where she was afterwards buried. The community at Lyminge appears to have included both monks and nuns (cf. Miss Eckenstein, Women under Monasticism, p. 84). Cuthberht, Archbishop of Canterbury, had been Abbot of Lyminge (B. 160, 161). The monastery, which had suffered greatly during the Danish invasions, was in 964 suppressed, and its lands and possessions given to Christ Church (Dugdale, Monasticon Anglicanum, I. 452).
1. 23. to Folcanstane. This monastery is said to have been founded by Eanswith, daughter of Eadbald, King of Kent. Eanswith is not mentioned by Bede, or in the Chronicle, and of her life nothing certain is known. The foundation of the monastery at Folkestone is ascribed to her in an Anglo-Saxon fragment dealing with St Mildred's Minster in Thanet (Cockayne, Leechdoms, R.S., in. p. 422). The tract on the Saints (p. 1) states that she was buried at Folkestone. The monastery was destroyed or deserted during the Danish invasions. A charter of King Aethelstan (B. 660), dated 927, gives to Christ Church, Canterbury, the land at Folkestone ubi quondam fuit monas- terium et abbatia sanctarum virginum, ubi etiam sepulta est Sancta Eanswitha, for the reconstruction of the monastery which had been destroyed by pagani. According to Capgrave, the site was swallowed up by the sea, and the relics of St Eanswith transferred to the church of St Peter (Eckenstein, op. cit. p. 83).
1. 25. D pend', sc. pendinga. This is the first instance in Anglo- Saxon charters of the use of the word pending, though it is found also in the Laws of Inc. The Anglo-Saxon penny was the universal silver coin.
1. 27. Gif higan ftonne oSSe hla/ord. The meaning of hlaford in this context is not clear. It may refer (1) to the Archbishop of Canterbury, cf. p. 4, 11. 18, 21, (2) to a patron or lay abbot of the convent, (3) to the head of the community, who, however, in this case, was probably an abbess.
p. 4, 1. 3. ic bidde 7 bebeode swale monn se ftcet min lond hebbe. swvdc is attracted into the sentence beginning with se and is in the nominative instead of the dative, the case which bebeodan usually governs.
1. 7. odeum messepreoste binnan Cent mancus goldes. The mancus, the only gold coin of the Saxon period, was always equated with thirty pence. It was similar in weight (70 grains)
78 English Historical Documents
to a half-sovereign (60 grains). The earliest of these coins dates from the time of Offa ; in addition to the legend Offa Rex, it bears also a long Arabic inscription and is clearly copied from a Moham- medan coin. The name, too, is Arabic in origin and represents the Arabic man-kush, lit. 'stamped.' Cf. Chadwick, op. cit. p. 10 ff. For messepreost and Codes <Siow (1. 8) see note on p. 75.
1. 8. 7 to See Petre min wcergeld two, fiusenda. From the fact that this payment is mentioned in connection with benefactions in Kent, it is possible that some lo'cal church or monastery is meant. According to a late and legendary life of St Eanswith (Hardy, Catalogue of Materials, I. p. 228 ff.) Eadbald of Kent built a church at Folkestone and dedicated it to St Peter. An instance of the payment of a wergeld to a monastery occurs in a charter of Earl Godwin (Thorpe, p. 349) in a passage which is unfortunately corrupt: 7 se abbot ccende ]>cet Cnut cing gelogode 5a halig...e...ra eama wergeld wees into See Augustine unawendedlice fiam Godes }>yowan bi to libbanne. But cf. p. 13, 1. 21 f., where See Petre almost certainly means St Peter's, Rome.
The only monetary unit mentioned in this document, beside the mancus, is the penny. It seems likely therefore that the wergeld of Abba was two thousand pence or one hundred Kentish shillings, the wergeld of the Kentish ceorl. The only other possibility is that the word trymsa is to be supplied ; two thousand trymsas, or three hundred Kentish shillings, was the wergeld of the Kentish noble. It is difficult to determine to which class Abba belonged. Very little can be deduced as to the size of his estate from the amount of the charges imposed by him. The food-rent to be paid to Folkestone seems to be somewhat larger than the charges imposed by Ealhburh (p. 8, 1. 22 ff., p. 9, 1. 15ff.), who certainly belonged to the nobility of Kent. But Abba appears to be disposing of the whole of his property, whereas in other cases, as in Oswulf's grant, the arrange- ments for the payment of a food-rent refer only to one single estate. Ealhburh made at least two such grants of food-rents. On the whole, it seems more probable that Abba was a ceorl. He certainly had a considerable amount of money and live-stock at his disposal, but there are indications that the social position of the Kentish ceorl was higher than that of the ceorl in Wessex (cf. Chadwick, Anglo- Saxon Institutions, p. 22, footnote, and p. 113). It is inconceivable that a ceorl should have held bocland and made a will, except in Kent.
Will of Abba 79
1. 9 ff. Freo'&omund foe tominum sweorde... pending. The reason for this transaction is altogether obscure. Freothomund had apparently only the right of pre-emption. It is to be noted that the amount at which the sword is valued is extraordinarily high.
1. 1 3 f . him sylfum celles hwcet sgle. It is uncertain whether him sylfum refers to the brothers, or to their heir or heirs.
1. 1 5 ff. ftonne ann ic his minra swcestarsuna swcelcum . . .gifefte bi<5. swcestarsuna is apparently a compound noun ; it is not clear whether swcestar is to be regarded as sing, or plur. The verb geftian is other- wise unknown. Sweet (O.E.T. p. 631) conjectures that it means 'receive,' 'accept.' 7 him gifefte 6i5 may mean (1) 'and it shall be granted him,' (2) 'and succeeds in getting it.'
1. 20 ff. se monn se Se Kristes cirican hlaford sie, se min...fore- spreoca. Kristes cirican hlaford, probably the Archbishop of Canter- bury. During the Anglo-Saxon period, every man had to be under the protection of a lord. There appears to have been a certain power of choice ; Abba seems to be transferring his allegiance.
p. 5, 1. 3. et Cealflocan. Challock, Kent.
1. 5 f. feower we&ras, an suin, oSSe sex weftras. In Anglo-Saxon times a pig was worth two sheep, so that four sheep and a pig would be equivalent in value to six sheep.
1. 7. sesterfulne huniges. The sester was used both as a dry and as a liquid measure. According to Domesday Book, there were in the eleventh century sesters of different capacities. The sester of honey was measured ad mensuram burgi (Gloucester), ad mensuram regis, and cum majori mensura (D.B. I. 162, 166, 238). The capacity of the sester seems to have varied also during the Anglo-Saxon period. According to Leechdoms (ed. Cockayne, in. p. 92) se sester (of honey, soap or vinegar) sceal wegan twa pund be sylfyrgewyht. In this case the sester seems to correspond to the Roman sextarius, which was equal to nearly a pint, or perhaps to the sextarius of the ecclesiastical Roman standard, which seems to have been slightly larger1. A sester of the same capacity was in use in the middle of the eleventh century. A certain Tova arranged, between 1049 and 1052, to pay annually to the Abbey of St Albans as the rent of an estate unum sextarium mellis triginta duarum unciarum (K. 950). A different standard is indicated by another passage in Leechdoms (n. 298), which states that xv pund wcetres ga]> to sestre. In the
1 According to Robertson (op. cit. p. 2 footnote), the Roman sextarius of honey weighed thirty ounces. See also ibid. p. 69.
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tenth century, a sester of still greater capacity seems to have been in use. The Historia Monasterii de Abingdon (ed. Stevenson, R. S., I. 346) states that on feast days Aethelwold allowed the monks a sextarius of mead at dinner between six, and the same amount at supper between twelve.
A sester of much greater capacity than the Roman sextarius has been in use throughout Western Europe. In the fourteenth century, the sester of London was a measure containing four gallons, according to Fleta. In Germany the sester is a measure of grain of twelve bushels, a measure of liquids of sixteen quarts. The Welsh hestatur contains two Winchester bushels. It cannot be determined whether the fourteenth century sester of four gallons goes back to Anglo-Saxon times, or whether it was adopted later. In any case, the sester of honey mentioned by Heregyth was probably a consider- able quantity. In medieval times, before the introduction of sugar, there was an enormous consumption of honey, which was used for sweetening purposes, as well as for brewing mead. This is illustrated by a passage in the Welsh Laws (Seebohm, The Tribal System in Wales, p. 139) specifying the food-rents due from a certain district. Among the items is a quantity of honey amounting to thirty-two grenneit, each grenn being a load for two men on a pole.
1. 11 f. to higna blodlese. A short Latin tract on bloodletting, De Minutione Sanguinis sive de Phlebotomia, has been ascribed to Bede (ed. Giles, vi. p. 349). This tract lays down which are the right days for bleeding and warns against the letting of blood on certain unlucky days.
1. 12 ff. se mann se to londe foe...fty soel gelceste. Heregyth has imposed on this estate a food-rent to be paid annually to Christ Church by her successors. She now stipulates that the person who succeeds to this property is to pay twenty-eight pounds to her erfehond; but of this she remits fifteen pounds, in consideration of the fact that a food-rent has to be paid. It is difficult to see why the transaction should be described in this way. We may compare the arrangement made by Abba for the purchase of his sword by Freothomund in p. 4, 1. 9 ff. above.
Who the erfehond was, is not clear. Hond is sometimes used in compounds in the sense of 'person inheriting,' cf. meghond (p. 10, 11. 17, 25). If this were its force here, erfehond would be equivalent to erfetoeard, i.e. heir. But this is scarcely possible, since the successor to the property is already indicated in the words, se monn se to londe
Grant by Berhtwvlf 81
foe. B.-T. suggests 'administrator.' It seems likely that someone would be appointed to arrange for the disposal of the personal estate, and for the payment of bequests, but there is hardly suffi- cient evidence to enable us to decide this point.
Ill
Date. Birch dates this charter 'A.D. 848 or later,' presumably because Florence of Worcester states that Alhhun (cf. 1. 9) became Bishop of Worcester in that year. It would seem, however, that the date of the present text falls between Dec. 25th, 845 (i.a 844, since the year began on Dec. 25th), the date of the last signature (B. 450) of Alhhun's predecessor Heaberht, and Nov. 8th, 845, when an exchange of lands (B. 448) was witnessed by Alhhun and by Tunberht, the successor of Cyneferth (1. 8) in the see of Lichfield.
Dialect. See Appendix.
1. 26. Berchtwulf cyning. King of the Mercians c. 839 — 852. Forthred is otherwise unknown.
1. 27. nigen higida lond in Wudotune. Dr Birch suggests Wootton, Gloucestershire ; but there are several other places of this name in the territory of the Mercian kingdom. The other localities mentioned are likewise still unidentified.
1. 28. to hiobbanne 7 to siollanne. These forms have not been satisfactorily explained. With the latter we may compare Late North, seolla, sealla ; cf. Biilbring, Altenglisches Elementarbuch, i. p. 101 f.
1. 29 f. Cisse^ebeorg...ut hi Geht. These are presumably points on the boundary of the estate. Geht is possibly the name of a river, though Sweet in his Glossary (O.E.T. p. 637) takes Utbigeht as a proper noun.
p. 6, 1. 1. tu higida lond. This can hardly be ' an estate of two hides,' since, in that case, we should expect tu to be inflected. Is it possible that tu may have arisen through some misunderstanding of iii. 1 The objection to this is that the MS. appears to be the original document.
1. 2. xxx mancessan 7 nigen hund scilV : i.e. thirty mancuses in gold, and the rest in silver.
1. 5. in his <5aere haligran •'•/a, cf. 1. 25 and 1. 27 below. Sievers (Angelsdc/ts. Gramm. § 304, n. 2) seems to regard haligran as an isolated gen. plur., but is it not more probable that the
H. 6
82 English Historical Documents
explanation is to be found in a misunderstanding of some Latin formula ?
The hieroglyphics following haligran are unexplained. They can hardly be a later insertion to fill a blank space, since they are in exactly the same ink as the rest of the text.
1. 8 ff. Cyneferft episcopus, Bishop of Lichfield ; Alhhun of Worcester, Berchtred of Lindsey, Ceolred of Leicester. A certain Deorlaf was Bishop of Hereford c. 862 — c. 886, but cannot, of course, be identified with the Deorlaf of this text, whose see is unknown.
L 15. Mucel dux, cf. Mucel dux, 1. 23 below. Mr Stevenson (Asser'8 Life of King Alfred, p. 229 f.) suggests that the younger of these, who were probably father and son, may well have been the father-in-law of King Alfred. Prof. Stenton (The Early History of Abingdon Abbey, p. 26 footnote) identifies the elder Mucel with the Mucel Esning who received ten hides at Crowle, when the monastery at Hanbury obtained certain exemptions from King Wiglaf (B. 416). See Appendix.
IV
Date. This charter is assigned to 832 in an endorsement in a hand of the twelfth century. From a comparison of the names of the witnesses with those of other Kentish charters, the correct date would appear to be somewhat later. Werbald, who signs a charter of 843 (B. 442) as subdiacon appears as diacon among the witnesses of Lufu's grant, which must therefore have been drawn up after 843. The date cannot be later than 863, since in that year Aethelwald and Sifreth, who were both deacons at the time of Lufu's grant, sign a Kentish charter of Aethelberht (B. 507) as priest and archdeacon respectively.
Dialect. Kentish. See Appendix.
p. 7, 1. 3. Lufa for Lufu ; see Appendix.
ancilla Dei, cf. Godes ftiwen, 1. 24. This phrase is sometimes used of nuns, and this may be its meaning here ; or it may mean simply 'religious woman.' It was perhaps not unusual for women to lead a religious and celibate life outside a convent. Aethelstan frequently makes grants of land to religiosae feminae who may or may not have been cloistered nuns. Cf. J. L. Andre, ' Widows and Yowesses,' Archaeological Journal, 1892, p. 69 ff.
Grants to Canterbury Cathedral 83
1. 4. CeolndSes cercebiscopes, Archbishop of Canterbury 833 — 870.
1. 7. elmeshlafes does not occur elsewhere. It probably means 'bread given as alms.'
1. 9 f. $e me to gode gefultumedan. to seems here to be an adverb, cf. 1. 6 above : mine friond to gefultemedan ; in that case, gode is perhaps instrumental, i.e. 'generously/ cf. Beowulf, 11. 20, 956. There is also a possibility that to gode gefultumedan may mean * helped me in a good course.'
to adsumsio Scce Marie. August 15th.
1. 25. ob minem erfelande et Mundlingham, i.e. Mongeham, near Deal, Kent. The curious form minem is unexplained, cf. p. 8, 1. 25, and cenigem, p. 11, 1. 26.
Date. This charter bears no date, but is assigned to 'about A.D. 831 ' by Kemble, Thorpe and Sweet. From its linguistic characteristics, it would seem to belong to the same period as Lufu's grant (IV), and the agreement between Eadweald and Cynethryth (VII), the former of whom was probably identical with the Eadweald of the present text. If the Ealhhere mentioned in p. 9, 1. 1, is to be identi6ed with the Kentish earl of that name, the charter must have been drawn up before 853, the year in which Earl Ealhhere died.
Dialect. See Appendix.
p. 8, 1. 19. Dts sindan geftinga. The plural (geftinga for earlier -u) is used here (as elsewhere) in specifying the terms of an agreement.
Ealhburge 7 Eadwealdes. Ealhburg was perhaps the wife of Ealdred (1. 21 below). From the fact that Ealh- occurs in both names, we may perhaps infer that she was a member of the family to which Ealhhere belonged. All these persons seem to have belonged to the Kentish nobility, since Eadweald, the kinsman of Ealhburg, was also the grand-nephew of Aethelmod (p. 10, 1. 25), and Aethelmod was, in all probability, the Earl of Kent of that name (see note on p. 86).
1. 20. et Burnan. Identified by Dr Birch with Bishop's Bourn, Kent. ' Bourn ' is, however, a common element in Kentish place-names.
1. 25. minem mege. See note above.
p. 9, 1. 1. Ealhhere was probably a near relative of Ealhburg and therefore a member of the Kentish nobility. He was perhaps identical
6—2
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with the earl of this name who signs Kentish charters from 841 to 850 (B. 417, 437, 442, 449, 460). He appears to have been Earl of West Kent. In 851, Earl Ealhhere, with Aethelstan of Kent, defeated the Danes at Sandwich. Two years later, he led the forces of Kent in a battle against the Danes and was there killed (cf. Chron. ann. 851, 853 A, 852 E).
1. 2. et ^)englesham. Finglesham, near Deal, Kent.
VI
Date. Thorpe assigned this charter, which bears no date, to A.D. 860. It is printed in the Cartularium Saxonicum with charters of that year, but Dr Birch (B. 501, footnote) seems in- clined to date it some twenty or thirty years earlier. He remarks upon its obvious connection with the other grant of Ealhburg (V), to which Kemble assigned the date of 'about 831,' but which probably belongs to a considerably later period (see p. 83).
Dr Birch adduces as evidence for the date of this charter the fact that the signature of ' Drihtnoth, pr. abbot of St Augustine's,' occurs again in 833 (B. 411). But there is no evidence to shew that the Drihtnoth abbas who signed this charter was connected with St Augustine's, Canterbury. According to Thome's Chronicle of St Augustine's (c. v. 2) a certain Diernodus was abbot of that monastery from 844 to 864. This grant of Ealhburg is included by Thorne among the donations to the monastery during the abbacy of Diernodus, and Wanley (p. 151) suggested that this name might be a corruption of Drithnothus, for Dryhtnoth, the name which heads the list of signatories to this grant. If so the document is to be assigned to the period 844 — 864. This date is fully borne out by a comparison of the signatures with those of contemporary Kentish charters. The priest Osmund (1. 26) whose signature is mentioned by Dr Birch as evidence for an earlier date, signs a Kentish charter (B. 516) as late as 867.
The Chronologia Augustinensis prefixed to the Chronicle of Thomas of Elmham has the entry : Ethburga dedit redditum de Braburne under the year 850. This we may probably accept as indicating approximately the date of the grant, though scarcely the exact date, as the dates given in this table differ in many instances, by a year or two, from the accepted chronology of the period. The reference to the hafyen folc in p. 10, 1. 6, would have
Grant by Ealhburg 85
had special significance between 850 and 860, when Kent suffered greatly from inroads of the Danes.
Dialect. This text is preserved only in a later copy. The use of y for i, and such forms as tvudes (1. 17), }>cene (1. 19) are charac- teristic of a later stage of the language. The only distinctively Kentish form is hia in 1. 20.
1. 13. Ealhburh. Probably the person of this name who arranged for the payment of a similar food-rent from an estate at Bourn (V).
1. 14. to Scce Agustine. This monastery was founded by Augus- tine and Aethelberht, King of Kent, and dedicated to SS. Peter and Paul. It was intended by Augustine to serve as a place of burial for himself and his successors, and for the Kings of Kent (Bede, I. c. 23). In course of time it came to be known as St Augustine's.
1.15. cet Bradanburnan. Brabourne, Kent. It is curious that in a Kentish charter of 863 (B. 507) the phrase ah aquilone et ab oriente Eadwealdes bocland to Bradeburnan occurs in the boundaries of an estate at Mersham, Kent. This Eadweald was perhaps Ealhburg's kinsman (cf. p. 8, 1. 24).
XL ambura mealtes. It is to be noted that the items correspond exactly with those of Ealhburg's other grant (V), except that the ' ten geese ' are here omitted.
1. 19. cefter hyraferse. The termfers, L. versus, was applied to sentences from the Scriptures, most often from the Psalms, which were said at various stages of the hour-offices, and especially follow- ing the ' responsory ' after a lesson ; cf . Benedictine Rule (ed. Grein, Bibl. der Angelsdchs. Prosa n.), xi. 10, singan o]>re syx sealmas mid \rirn antefenum and fers cefter ]>am. It was also applied more particularly to the sentence following the short antiphon or 're- sponsory,' which was sung between the Epistle and the Gospel in the office of Mass (Century Dictionary, s.v. verse).
}>cene sealm...1 Exaudiat te Dominus.' Ps. xx.
1. 22. }>an halgan were. We may perhaps compare North. halgawaras, haligwaras, 'holy people,' 'saints' (B.-T.).
p. 10, 1. 5 f. }>cet hwylc broc on becume ]mrh hcetyen folc. The reference is probably to the Danish ravages in Kent between 850 and 860. Earl Ealhhere, who with Aethelstan of Kent defeated the Danes off Sandwich, and who was killed in 853 in a battle in Thanet, was possibly a near relative of Ealhburg (see note on p. 83). In 851, the Danes for the first time remained over the winter in Thanet; they first wintered in Sheppey in 855.
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VII
Date. The date 831, assigned by Kemble to this charter, is quite impossible, if the Earl Aethelmod mentioned in 1. 15 is to be identified with the Kentish earl of that name who died in 859. There can be little doubt that this identification is correct, since King Aethelwulf, in 843, granted an estate at Chart to his minister Aethelmod (B. 442). This agreement must have been drawn up after 859, as Cynethryth was a widow at the time. It must be dated some years later, if Seferth subdiacon who signs a Kentish charter (B. 507) of 863, is the Seferth presbyter who appears here among the signatories. On the other hand, the date cannot be later than 870, the year of the death of Archbishop Ceolnoth, who was one of the witnesses.
Dialect. Kentish. See Appendix.
1. 14 f. f)is is geftinge Eadwaldes Osheringes. Oshering, 'son of Oshere.' Eadwald Oshering is probably the Bad weald who was a kinsman of Ealhburg (p. 8, 1. 24). A certain Eadweald signs a grant of King Aethelberht in 858 (B. 496), and the record of a grant of land by Eadweald to St Augustine's, Canterbury, is to be found at the end of a charter of 863 (B. 507). These may both refer to the same person; he is otherwise unknown.
Eftelmodes aldormonnes. See above. He is probably the Aethel- mod minister to whom King Aethelwulf gave an estate at Chart in 843 (B. 442), and who signs a Kentish charter of Aethelwulf in 845 (B. 449). Aethelmod was earl of one of the divisions of Kent, probably West Kent, from 853 to 859. He signs Kentish charters as Aethelmod duxin 853 and 858 (B. 467, 496). A charter (B. 497) recording a grant by Aethelmod to Plegred is dated 859. This date is certainly wrong1, but the charter seems otherwise to be authentic. Aethelmod must have died about this time, since his successor Dryhtwald appears in 860.
1. 15. et Cert. Chart, near Ashford, Kent.
1. 17. neniggra meihanda. This is perhaps to be emended to nenig(g]re, D. sing. fern, agreeing with meihanda, which is a feminine noun, although it here refers to persons of either sex. meihand, cf. 1. 25, is compounded of mceg, kinsman, and hond, used in the sense of 'person inheriting.' See note on p. 101.
1 The charter is signed by Bang Aethelwulf, who died in 858.
Earl Aelfred and Aethelred 87
1. 18 f. sioe hit him boem rehtlicast...were, i.e. for Aethelmod and Cynethryth.
1. 20. Cyne. Perhaps an abbreviation in common use. It can hardly be merely a scribal contraction, since there is no mark of contraction in the MS.
1. 21 f. Gib Eadweald leng lifige...X Susenda, i.e. 10,000 pence. Eadweald had simply the right of pre-emption. The money was presumably to be used to purchase spiritual benefits for the souls of Aethelmod and Cynethryth. A somewhat similar arrangement was made by the Reeve Aethelnoth (B. 318).
1. 22. Gif he gewitc er ftonne hia, his barna...begetan. This is to be done on the death of Cynethryth, if she survives Eadweald.
VIII
Date. This charter bears no date. Two middle English ver- sions in Canterbury chartularies (cf. B. 530), the earlier of which dates from the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century, are dated 87 11. This date seems perfectly reasonable and is probably correct for the negotiations recorded in the text.
p. 11, 1. 22. Alfred dux. See IX. and X. and note on p. 88. Aethelred, Archbishop of Canterbury, 870 — 889.
1. 24. an Certham. Chartham, Kent.
1. 28 f. 5e he... ar cede swce an feoh swae an feorme. Land was often leased in consideration of a rent in money, cf. p. 29, 1. 4ff. ; sometimes for a food-rent, cf. B. 622. For an instance of a single payment in return for a lease of land, cf. p. 21, 1. 4ff.
1. 30. cet Crogdene. Croydon, Surrey.
p. 12, 1. 3ff. ftonne hcefS jElfred gehaldene ffereunnne...ge$qfigan wolde. Herewyn is otherwise unknown. Was she the daughter of Earl Aelfred, referred to in p. 11, 11. 27, 31, above? From Earl Aelf red's Will (X) and the entry in the Codex Aureus (IX) it appears that he had a daughter called Alhthryth. His wife's name was Werburg.
an ceghwelcre toihte ftces 8e hio an geworden wees. There are numerous examples of the impersonal use of geweorftan, 'to agree,' governing the accusative (hio) ; but no instances with an, referring to the subject of agreement, are recorded by B.-T.
1 I am indebted for this information to the Rev. C. E. Woodruff.
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IX
1. 17. Aelfred aldormon is undoubtedly the earl of this name, whose will is to be found on p. 13ff.
1. 18. Sos bee. The use of the plural is somewhat surprising. Is it to be explained by the fact that the Codex Aureus is a volume of Gospels? If so, bee stands for Cristes bee, i.e. the four Gospels, cf. Aelfric, On the Old and New Testament (ed. Grein, Bibl. der Angelsdch. Prosa I. p. 12): Feotver Cristes bee sindon be Criste sylfum aivritene. An }>ara awrat Matheus. Or are we to suppose that the Codex Aureus was only one of a number of books recovered by Earl Aelfred, and presented by him to Christ Church ?
cet haeftnum herge. Doubtless from one of the Danish armies by which England was ravaged about this time.
p. 13, 1. 1. Sa hurile fie God gesegen haebbe fleet . . .mote. This use of seon is peculiar; it can hardly mean anything else than 'foresee,' 'provide.'
1. 5. fta hwile Se fulvnht stondan mote. The same phrase occurs in Earl Aelfred's Will, p. 14, 11. 23, 28.
Date. Between King Alfred's accession (871) and Archbishop Aethelred's death (889).
Dialect. See Appendix.
1. 9. Alfred dux. dux is the usual equivalent for ealdorman in Latin charters, and sometimes, as here, in Anglo-Saxon documents. Aelfred was probably Earl of Surrey ; he had estates both in Surrey and in Kent. He must have received this earldom some time after 853, when Huda, Earl of Surrey, was killed in a battle in Thanet against the Danes (Chron. ann. 853 A, 852 E).
1. 10. allum his weotum 7 geweotan. geweotan is probably of wider signification than weotum, the term regularly applied to the king's councillors.
1. 12. mines boclondes. bocland was land held by boc or charter, as opposed tofolcland, land held in accordance with national custom. Grants of bocland appear after the introduction of Christianity, at first only for the endowment of churches and monasteries. There are no grants of bocland to laymen, except for ecclesiastical purposes, until the second half of the eighth century. Land held by
Earl Aelfred's Witt 89
hoc was privileged and exempt from many of the burdens which lay uponfolcland.
1. 13 ff. Sanderstead, Selsdon, Clapham, and Horsley, Surrey; Westerham, and Nettlestead, Kent. Leangafelda is usually identified with Longfield, Kent. This identification is possibly correct, but the name cannot etymologically be connected with O.E. lang.
1. 18. mid allum fiingum fte to londum belimpaft. to londum perhaps means estates in general, and not merely those mentioned in the preceding lines.
1.2 If. 7 hio gebrenge §t Sancte Petre...fftreld age. The reference seems to be to St Peter's, Rome1. It is scarcely likely that min twa wergeld means ' twice my wergeld ' ; the more natural meaning is 'my two wergelds.' According to the NorMeoda Lagu and the document called Be Myrcna Lage, the king had a double wergeld. Beside the sum which went to his relations, a similar amount was paid to his dependents. In the former document, the wergeld of the aetheling, or member of the royal family, is stated to be 15,000 trymsas, just half that of the king. It seems, therefore, that the king's wergeld was doubled in virtue of his office; and such may also have been the case with the earl. The amount of the earl's wergeld is unfortunately never stated in the Kentish or West Saxon laws. According to the Northleoda Lagu, the wergeld of the earl (earldorman) was 8000 trymsas, but this represents Scandinavian custom. We know that occasionally, at least, West Saxon earls were members of the royal family.
1. 26. sio neste hond. See note on p. 101.
p. 14, 1. 2 f. j? hine to San gehagige . . .wille. B.-T. gives the meaning of gehagian* as 'to please,' by analogy with onhagian, 'to be within one's power,' and translates 'whoever it be that is ready to take the other lands.'
1.6. to Ceortesege...tofeormfultume. The monastery at Chertsey was founded by Erconwald, Bishop of London, before 675 or 676 (Bede, Hist. Eccles. iv. 6). It is said to have been destroyed during the Danish invasions in the latter part of the ninth century. If the date 884 assigned to this event in a Chertsey chronicle (cf. Dugdale,
1 We may perhaps compare the opening lines of B. 192, a charter dated 762 : Ego Dunwald minister, dum adviveret, inclitse memorise regis Ethelberti, nunc vero pecuniam illiuf pro animse ejus salute ad limina apostolorum Roma cum aliis perferre desiderans.
2 This word occurs again in B. 566 : Stnne an hio hit ff&m hiwum to Win- tanceastre after hire dsege into h&re beddarn sat Sam bisceopstole, mid ticelcan yrfe twelcan hi Senne to gehagaff.
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op. cit. i. 422) is correct, it would seem probable that Earl Aelf red's Will belongs to the early years of Alfred's reign1.
Only one instance of the word feormfultum is recorded by B.-T. Another is quoted by Prof. Napier, Contributions to Old English Lexicography (Phil. Soc. Trans. 1906), p. 286, in the following passage from a Bury St Edmund's document : Her stent 5a for- warde fie jE]>eric worhte wift ]>an abbode on Niwentune, ]>cet is III sceppe mealtes, 7 heal/' sceppe hwcete, an slcegryfter, V seep — Leofstan abbod doft to }ris fermfultum an sceppe malt 7 /// hund hlafe i VI flicce 7 o<5er VI tofyllincge into }>an ealdanfyrme ; where fermfultum means 'a contribution of provisions.' We may com- pare the charges imposed on various Kentish estates in favour of monasteries (p. 1, 1. 21 ff. ; p. 3, 1. 22ff. ; p. 8, 1. 22ff. etc.). In Earl Aelfred's Will money payments take the place of payments in kind.
1. 8. Jjfoelwalde minum sunu. Probably the Aethelwald dux who witnessed the exchange of land between Earl Aelfred and Archbishop Aethelred (p. 12, 1. 9). He may possibly have been the Earl Aethelwald, whose death is recorded in the Chronicle ann. 888, and who is said by the chronicler Aethelward to have been Earl of Kent.
1. 9. on Hwgtedune. This is probably Waddon, near Coulsdon, Surrey. The place is not mentioned in D.B., but it appears in 1127 as Wadonam, in a charter of Henry I to the Abbey of Bermondsey (Dugdale, op. cit. v. 97). The modern form Waddon occurs at the beginning of the fourteenth century (Feudal Aids, 1316), and is the one most usually found. The spelling Whatedone (Surrey Fines, Surrey Archaeological Society, pp. 64, 156) also occurs, while the form Whaddon is not unusual.
an Gatatune, Gatton, about eight miles from Waddon.
1.10. gifse cyning him geunnan wille . . .boclonde. Thefolclond mentioned here was perhaps an estate of cyninges folcland granted to Aelfred for his lifetime (cf. Chadwick, op. cit. p. 171 footnote, p. 367). The question whether Aethelwald should be allowed to hold this estate would naturally be for the king to decide. Maitland (Domesday Book and Beyond, p. 246), and many others, explain Aelfred's doubt upon this point by the assumption that Aethelwald was of questionable legitimacy. But the fact that Alhthryth is
1 If the date 884 is right, the chronicler is clearly wrong in saying that the monastery was destroyed tempore Ethelredi regisjilii regis Ethelwulfi.
King Alfred's Will 91
described as ' the child of us both ' is not sufficient to prove this, though we may perhaps infer from it that Werburg was not Aelfred's first wife. Maitland says that ' we can see that [Aelfred] does not feel called upon to do very much for this son of his.' May not the explanation be that Aelfred considered that his son was already sufficiently provided for ? Aethelwald may have been Earl of Kent. (See note on p. 14, 1. 8, above.)
1. 14. on Lgncanfelda. Probably Lingtield, Surrey.
1. 15. geselle hio C swina. It is not clear whether hio refers to Werburg or to Alhthryth.
1. 16ff. }>one ofergcan mon ged§le...willgn. ]>one qfergcan, what remains of the original stock of swine after the bequests already enumerated have been paid. Does \>a hwile ]>e hio lestan will%n refer to the mynsterhamas, i.e. ' as long as they shall endure,' or ' as long as they are willing to render certain services ' (?) ; or can it refer to the pigs, and mean ' as far as they will go ' ?
1. 24ff. ic sello Eadrede . . .gif he hit to him geearnian wile, on Fearnlege, probably Farley, near Sanderstead, Surrey. For the phrase gif he hit to him geearnian wile, cf. p. 5, L 28 f. ; to him must mean 'from Aethelred.' Aelfred is willing that Aethelred should leave his land to Eadred, if he is satisfied with his conduct.
1. 27. to Hrofescestre. The church at Rochester was founded by Aethelberht, King of Kent, and dedicated to St Andrew. Aethelberht made Rochester a bishop's see, and Justus became its first bishop (Bede, Hist. Eccles. n. c. 3).
1. 29. fulwihte. This nominative form with -e is curious.
1. 30. f)eos foresprec 7 ]>as gewriotu. Does this mean 'this declaration and the writing of it,' or does it mean 'the preface ajid the various articles which follow ' ?
1. 33. me, }>gt on lene gelift. The verb geleon is not recorded in the dictionaries. It evidently means 'to give, lend,' cf. leon, < *llohan, and Gothic leihwan.
XI
The earliest known copy of King Alfred's Will is to be found in the Hyde Register, and dates from the beginning of the eleventh century. See p. 15. A later version is included among the documents in the Liber Monasterii de Hyda, which was compiled some time after 1354 and which is written in a hand of the close
92 English Historical Documents
of the fourteenth or the beginning of the fifteenth century (cf. Edwards, Liber de Hyda, p. xix ff.). This latter text is full of inaccuracies and corrupt spellings ; the scribe frequently writes ri for Anglo-Saxon ji. The Liber de Hyda also contains a Latin and a Middle English version of the will, both of which abound with mistranslations of the Anglo-Saxon ; some passages, indeed, are quite unintelligible. There is a very close connection between the two later versions, the same mistakes being common to both.
Date. Kemble, followed by Earle and Birch, assigned to this will the date A.D. 880 — 885. Mr Stevenson (op. cit. p. Ixvii) points out that the latter date is due to the erroneous identification of the Bishop Esne mentioned here with Esne, Bishop of Hereford, whose death was assigned by Bishop Godwin to 885, but who really died in 787 or 788. The will cannot be earlier than 873, the year in which Bishop Werferth succeeded to the see of Worcester. It must have been drawn up before 889, since Archbishop Aethelred died in that year.
p. 15, 1. 26. Ic Alfred cingc mid Godes gife, cf. p. 17, 1. 13. The most natural way of translating this phrase would be to take mid Godes gife with JElfred cingc and to translate ' I Alfred, by God's grace king.' In some of Alfred's Latin charters, the king styles himself Ego jElfred gratia Dei Saxonum rex (cf. B. 550, 564). Another example of the same usage occurs in the opening clause of the Laws of Ine : Ic Ine, mid Godes gife Westseaxena kyning, mid ge}>eahte 7 mid lare Cenredes mines feeder, etc. But in King Alfred's Will, the phrases mid Godes gife and mid ge]>eahtunge jE}>eredes ercebis- ceopes seem to be parallel, and unless the 7 which joins them is due to a scribal error, we are bound to take them together. In that case, we must suppose that by Alfred's time the original meaning of the phrase mid Godes gife had been forgotten, and that its use had become merely conventional.
jE]>eredes ercebisceopes. Archbishop of Canterbury, 870 — 889.
p. 16, 1. 1. ymbe ]>cet yrfe ]>cet Aftulf cingc... us \rirn gebroftrum becwoeft. This part of Alfred's inheritance receives special mention because it had been the subject of agreements made at different times between the sons of Aethelwulf. These are described in the lines following.
It is to be noted that Aethelberht is excluded from this particular portion of the inheritance of Aethelwulf. Aethelberht may have been the eldest of the four brothers. He became King of Kent
King Alfred's Will 93
during the lifetime of his father, perhaps as early as 853, if the grant of Aethelwulf to Ealdhere (B. 467) which is signed by Aethelberht as rex is rightly assigned to that year. After the death of Aethelwulf, Aethelbald and Aethelberht appear to have ruled over their respective kingdoms independently of one another.
1. 4. Ac hit gelamp }>cet Jfyelbold gefdr. Aethelbald died in 860, and Aethelberht then added Wessex to his kingdom of Kent, Surrey, Sussex and Essex. Aethelbald must have had possession during his lifetime of the property which belonged to himself and his two brothers conjointly. After his death it was handed over to his successor.
mid ealra Westseaxena witena getvitnesse. It is questionable whether the emendation to ealra is really necessary, as confusion of -re and -ra is not rare; cf. neniggra, p. 10, 1. 17 and note.
1. 8. ge \cet yrfe. The joint inheritance of Aethelred and Alfred.
ge ])cet he mid uncre gemanan begeat. mid uncre gemanan seems to mean ' by means of our joint property.' The use of gemana with this concrete meaning is not recognised by B.-T., but it is supported by the occurrence of the phrase him to gemanan in the will of Aelfgyfu (Thorpe, p. 554), where it can hardly mean anything else: And ic ann...\oes landces cet Mundingwillce 7 cet JBeorh..., jElfwerdce 7 ^E^elwcerdce 7 jElfwarce, him to gemanan hira dceg.
1. 10. pa hit swa gelamp }>cet JE]>ered to feng. Aethelred became king in 866.
1. 1 2 f . Ipa scede he me }xet he naht eafte . . . ongefangen. The meaning of this sentence is not clear. It may simply refer to the difficulty of making a fair division of the estates, in which case for]>on he hoefde ful oft cer ongefangen may be translated 'for he had already many times attempted to do so.' If this was more than a pretext to make Alfred waive his claim, it may mean that Aethelred had attempted to make a hypothetical division of the property in the past, perhaps with a view to inducing Aethelberht to part with it. This inter- pretation of the passage raises the difficulty that although onfon does sometimes mean ' to try, undertake,' it occurs only with a noun object. Its most usual meaning is ' to take, receive.' If that is its meaning here, the sentence must be translated ' since he had often received additions to it.'
1. 13. he cwctft ]>ces ]>e he on uncrum gemanan gebruce 7 gestrynde. }>ces is genitive, governed by gebruce. The whole sentence is clearly parallel to 11. 8, 9 above. 7 gestrynde probably means, as in 1. 9, ' what he had by his own means acquired.'
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1. 16ff. Ac hit gelamp...swa unc scelde. In 866, the year of Aethelred's accession, the most important of the Scandinavian invasions of this country took place. The invaders, led by the sons of Ragnarr Lothbrok, defeated and killed the two rival kings of Northumbria who had united against them. They then made an attack on Mercia, and compelled Burgred of Mercia to come to terms. The presence of the Scandinavians in England must have brought home to Aethelred and Alfred the necessity of making some provision for their children, of whom no mention had been made in the previous agreement. The second agreement was probably made in the interval between Alfred's marriage, which took place, according to Asser (cap. 29), in 868, and the death of Aethelred in 871.
1. 19. cet Swinbeorgum. This place has been identified by the Rev. H. G. Tomkins (Academy, 24 May, 1884, p. 368) with Swan- borough Tump between Woodborough and Pewsey, Wilts.1
1. 22. }>ara landa }>e unc ASulf cingc forgeaf be Aftelbolde lifien- dum. Aethelwulf made over Wessex to Aethelbald on his depar- ture to Rome in 855. This provision for Aethelred and Alfred was possibly made at the same time.
1. 28. pa ne cydde me nan mann nan yrfegewrit ne none ge- witnesse.-.wcKre. The nouns yrfegewrit and gewitnesse, which are properly the subject of the dependent clause ]>cet...wcere, are brought into the principal clause as direct object of the verb, and replaced in the dependent clause by the impersonal hit.
1. 30. pa gehyrde we nu manegu yrfegeflitu. This would seem to suggest either that Alfred had kept back some part of the property which he had promised to make over to the children of Aethelred, or else that there was some dispute concerning the joint property which now lawfully belonged to Alfred, the sole survivor of the three brothers. Possibly one of Aethelred's sons may have de- manded a more adequate portion of his father's possessions. At a later date, when Edward became king on Alfred's death, Aethel- wold (cf. p. 99) took up arms (Chron. ann. 901), probably with a view to asserting his own claim to the throne, to which, according to modern ideas of strict hereditary succession, he certainly had a greater right.
1. 31. A}wlfes cinges yrfegewrit. The will of King Aethelwulf
1 The references given by Dr Birch (B. 553 footnote) to Mr Tomkins' articles in the Academy are incorrect.
King Alfred's Witt 95
is no longer extant, but Asser (cap. 16) has preserved some details which are clearly taken from it. His account of Aethelwulf's directions for the disposal of his property, is given only in general terms : et regni inter Jilios sitos, duos scilicet seniores, et propriae hereditatis inter Jilios et filiam et etiam propinquos, pecuniarum, quae post se superessent, inter animam et Jilios et etiam nobUes suos, divisionem ordinabiliter literis mandari procuravit.
1. 32. cet Langandene. This place has been identified by the Rev. H. G. Tomkins (Academy, 13 June, 1885) with Long Dean, about three miles from Swanborough Tump. I have not suc- ceeded in finding this on the 6-in. Ordnance Map. Thonon on landscore to Langandene occurs in a list of boundaries of an estate near Totnes, Devon, in a charter of Eadwig (B. 952).
p. 17, 1. 4. \>y Ices cenig man cwefte }>cet ic mine mcegcild...mid wo fordemde. mcegcild, lit. ' young kinsmen,' probably refers more particularly to Alfred's nephews. Perhaps such rumours were already afloat, cf. p. 16, 1. 30, above, and note.
1. 15. Eadwearde minum yldran suna. Edward the Elder, who succeeded his father.
1. 16. Strcetneat on Triconscire, cf. 1. 34 below. Stubbs (Constit. Hist. I. § 45) identified Triconscir with the Trigerscire hundred of the Pipe Roll of 1130, and the modern hundred of Trigg, in Cornwall, the district north of and including Bodmin. If, however, Strcetneat is to be identified with St Neot, to the north-west of Lisceard, Triconscir must have embraced a larger area. Strcetneat is usually identified with Stratton, Cornwall, but the two names can hardly be identical.
Heortigtunes. Identified by Manning, followed by the other editors, with Hardington, Somerset. Earlier forms of Hardington, e.g. Herdinton (Rot. Hund.) and Hardintone (D.B.), are against this derivation. There is a place-name Hertitone in D.B., identified in the Victoria County History with the modern hundred of Hartland, in Devonshire. This appears as Hertiland in Rot. Hund. Is this the Heortigtun of King Alfred's Will 1
1. 17f. cet Cylfantune. Identified by Dr Birch (Hyde Register, p. 203) with Chelvy, near Bristol, and by Edwards with Chilton, Somerset. But if the identifications in the V.C.H. are correct, these go back to D.B. Calviche and Childetone respectively, neither of which can be connected with O.E. Cylfantun. Is this perhaps to be identified with D.B. Chilvetune, now Kilton, Somerset?
96 English Historical Documents
Carhampton, Burnham, Wedmore, Cheddar (Somerset).
1. 18. ic eomfyrmdig to \>am hiwum cet Ceodre ]>cet liy /tine ceosan, ie. as their lord. }>a hiwan is frequently used to denote the inmates of a religious house. The only evidence for the existence of a monastery at Cheddar is a reference in a charter attributed to Edgar (B. 1219, 1220), which is stigmatised as spurious by Kemble. The Anglo-Saxon version of this charter states that Eadward cyning gesealde }>cet land eel Cumbtune 7 cet Bananwlle \an hiwon cet Ceodre. The corresponding passage in the Latin version has familis famulabusque Domini on Ceodre degentibus. In a later passage in the will (p. 19, 1. 24) reference is made to }>am hiwum cet Domrahamme, who, like the hiwan' at Cheddar, are accorded the privilege of choosing their lord. Nothing, however, is known of a religious house at Damerham.
But does ]>a hiwan necessarily denote members of a religious community? The term is used in the Chronicle ann. 757 E with reference to the king's household. The charter of Edgar referred to above is dated from the royal palace at Cheddar. This sedes regalia is also mentioned in a grant of Edwy (B. 966). Eadred had a ham at Damerham (p. 34, 1. 7).
1. 20. cet Ciwtune 7 ]>am }>e ]>certo kyrafi, i.e. Chewton Mendip, Somerset. This must refer to lands, the revenues of which went to the king and were collected by the king's reeve at Chewton. (v. 1. 2 Iff. cet Cantuctune. This site has not been identified. It is obviously in the neighbourhood of the Quantock Hills.
Bedwin and Pewsey (Wilts.), Leatherhead (Surrey), Sutton (Hants, or Surrey), Alton (Hants.), or Alton Priors (Wilts.). 7 Hysse- burnan, Hurstbourne Tarrant, Hants, cet }>am ny^eran Hysseburnan, 1. 24 and 1. 27 below, is Hurstbourne Priors, which is farther down the ' burn,' a branch of the Test, from which both places take their name. According to Stevens (History of St Mary Bourne, 1888, p. 2) these two villages are still called Up and Down Hurstbourne, the local pronunciation being Uphusband and Downhusband. They appear in D.B. as Esseburne and Eisseburne. The usual form of the name in documents of the twelfth and thirteenth century is Husse- burne, but Hurseburne is found as early as 1285 (Charter Roll 13 Edw. I, mem. 27). Hurst- seems to be a still later innovation.
1. 25. cet Cyseldene. Chiseldon, Wilts.
agyfe man in to Wintanceastre gecwceft, i.e. to the Cathe- dral at Winchester, which had been built by Cenwalh, King of
King Alfred's Witt 97
the West Saxons, and the consecration of which is recorded in the Chronicle ann. 648 F. After the beginning of the tenth century it was often called the Old Minster, to distinguish it from the New Minster built by Edward the Elder.
In three charters of very doubtful authenticity in the Codex Wintoniensis (B. 565, 592, 594) it is stated that Aethelwulf had arranged that Alfred should have the estates at Chiseldon and Hurstbourne on condition that he left them after his death to Winchester.
1. 26. 7 }>cet min sundorfeoh. Perhaps the live-stock belonging to Alfred on this estate.
1. 28. }>am gingran minan suna. Aethelweard, of whom very little is known. Asser (cap. 75) speaks of his progress in learning. An entry in Florence of Worcester, which is not found in any existing MS. of the Chronicle, states that the Clito Aethelweard, brother of King Edward, died on October 16th, 922, and was buried at Winchester (Stevenson, op. cit. p. 299).
cet Eaderingtune. Identified by Manning and others with Adrington, Som., which I have not succeeded in finding. IB Eaderingtun perhaps to be connected with D.B. Adrintone (l. 39ft), mentioned in the Hampshire Survey as having been royal demesne T.R.E., and identified in the V.C.H. (i. p. 457) with Arreton, in the Isle of Wight?
1. 29. cet Dene. In Asser's Life of King Alfred (cap. 79. 7) the author states that he first saw the king in the villa regia quae dicitur Dene. This place, which is identified by Mr Stevenson (op. cit. p. 312) with Dean (East Dean and West Dean), near East- bourne, Sussex, is no doubt the cet Dene of this will.
cet Deone is perhaps Dean, near Salisbury, on the borders of Hampshire and Wiltshire. This appears as Dene in D.B. (i. 38 &,. cf. V.C.H. Hants, i. p. 453) and in Testa de Nevill. The name is,, however, written Deone in the fourteenth century (Feudal Aids, v. pp. 216, 228).
L 29 ff. Meon, Twyford (Hants); Amesbury (Wilts); Stur- minster (Dorset); Yeovil, Crewkerne and Milborne (Somerset); Axmouth, Branscombe, Cullompton, Exminster (Devon); Whit- church (Hants, Devon or Somerset).
1. 32. cet SuSeawyrSe. Is this perhaps D.B. (Devon) Sutreworde (i. Ill b), which is identified in the Transactions of the Devonshire
H. 7
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Association, 1897, vol. xxix. p. 236, with Lustleigh in Teignbridge -^ hundred ?
Hjy* 1. 33. cet Liwtune . . .on Wealcynne...butan Triconscire. Luton in Broadhembury, or Luton, near Dawlish, Devon, on Wealcynne, the Welsh of Cornwall and Devon. For the position of Triconscir, see note on p. 95.
1. 35. minre yldstan dehter. Aethelfled, wife of Aethelred, Earl of the Mercians. See note on p. 106.
}>csne ham cet Welewe. Wellow, Somerset. The word ham as opposed to land (1. 15, above and passim) seems to lay special stress on the idea of residence and to denote more particularly the dwelling of the owner of the estate. The nearest Modern English equivalent is perhaps ' residence.'
\>cere medemestan. Aethelgifu, who became a nun. Asser (cap. 98) states that Alfred made her abbess of the monastery which he had founded at Shaftesbury.
1. 36. cet Clearan. Kingsclere, Hants.
cet Cendefer. There are three parishes of this name in Hamp- shire, Brown Candover, Chilton Candover, and Preston Candover.
}>cere gingestan. Aelfthryth, who married Baldwin II of Flan- ders, the son of Alfred's step-mother Judith. A charter still extant (B. 661) records a grant made by Aelfthryth and her two sons to the Abbey of St Peter, Ghent, of land at Lewisham, Greenwich and Woolwich.
p. 18, 1. 1. cet Welig. Identified by Dr Birch with Wiley, Wilts ; but this is written Wilig in Earl Aethelwold's Will, p. 33, 1. 13. There is a place-name Welige in D.B. Hants, identified in the V.C.H. (i. p. 517) with Wellow in the Isle of Wight.
The two places following are Ashton-Keynes and Chippenham, Wilts.
L 1. ^Efielme mines broker suna. Perhaps to be identified with Aethelhelm, Earl of Wiltshire, who according to the Chronicle (ann. 887 A), Icedde Wessraxna celinessan 7 JElfredes cyninges to Rome. He was one of the three earls who defeated the Danes at Buttington (Chron. ann. 894 A). The Chronicle records his death ann. 898 A.
1. 2ff. Aldingbourne, Beeding and Beddingham, Sussex; TJiunderfield and Bashing, Surrey ; Compton, Sussex or Surrey ; Crondall, Hants.
1. 4 ff. cet Burnham. This place has not yet been satisfactorily
King Alfreds Will 99
identified. Manning suggested Barnham (D.B. £erneha(m)), near Chichester, Sussex.
A]>elwolde mines broQor suna. He was perhaps the son of Aethelred. After his unsuccessful rising against Edward the Elder (see note on p. 94) he fled to the Scandinavians settled in East Anglia and induced them to support him. Edward then ravaged East Anglia, and in the battle of the 'Holm' (cf. p. 37, 1. 1 1 and note) Aethelwold was killed (Chron. ann. 901, 904, 905 A).
Godalming and Guildford, Surrey ; Steyning, Sussex.
1. 6. Osferfte minum mcege. His exact relationship to Alfred is unknown. It is to be noted that his name begins with the stem Os-, which is also found in the name of Alfred's mother Osbiirh and of her father Oslac. Pauli (Konig Aelfred, p. 288) suggested that Osferth may have been a member of the Hampshire family to which they belonged. Osferth signs charters of Edward the Elder and Aethelstan as propinquus regis and dux (cf. B. 620, 663, 669, etc.).
1. 7 f. Beckley, Rotherfield, Ditchling, Angmering, Felpham and Sutton, Sussex.
1. 8. cet Lullingmynster. Manning and others identify this with Lullington, Sussex. But it is clearly to be identified with D.B. Lolinminstre ; this, according to the V.C.H. Sussex (i. 4286), is Leominster or Lyminster, Sussex.
1. 9. Jfalhswifie, the wife of Alfred. According to Asser (cap. 29) she was the daughter of Aethelred, Gainorum comes, and of Eadburh, who belonged to the royal family of Mercia. The district or people under Aethelred's rule are otherwise un- known. The death of Ealhswith is recorded in the Chronicle ann. 905 A.
cet Lambburnan. Lambourn, Berks.
1. 10. cet Waneting. Wantage, Berks, the birthplace of Alfred according to Asser (cap. 1, 3). It occurs again in the will of King Eadred (p. 35, 1. 11).
cet Eftandune. This was the site of Alfred's great victory over the whole of the Danish army under Guthrum in May, 878. It is most probably to be identified with Edington, Wilts., though various other identifications have been proposed (cf. Stevenson, op. cit. p. 273 ff.).
1. 11. an \usend punda. The Anglo-Saxon pund was a pound of silver. It contained 240 (silver) pence, the weight of each being approximately a pennyweight.
7—2
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1. 14. an hund mangcusa. See note on p. 77. 1. 15. Jfyerede ecddormenn. See note on p. 103. 1. 16 f. ]>am mannum ]>e me folgiaft. folgiaft, lit. 'serve,' i.e. 'form iny court.' Asser (cap. 100) describes the rotation of service observed by* Alfred's personal attendants. They were in attend- ance on the king for one month out of every three ; the other two they spent upon their own estates. Asser also says that Alfred set apart a certain proportion of his revenue for the members of his court, and this probably formed the substance of the gifts mentioned in the will.
1. 20. Esne bisceope. This name does not occur in lists of bishops of the time; there are, however, many gaps in the records of the episcopal succession during Alfred's reign. Esne was probably one of the bishops whose names have not been recorded. He may have been bishop of one of the southern sees, possibly of Selsey, the his- tory of which is a blank between 862 and 904. There is, however, also the possibility that he was one of the bishops of the Danelaw, and that he had been ejected from his see by the Danes.
1. 21. WcerferSe bisceope. Werferth was Bishop of Worcester from 873 to 915. According to Asser (cap. 77) he was one of Alfred's literary assistants, and it was at the king's suggestion that he translated the Dialogues of Pope Gregory the Great into Anglo-Saxon.
}>am cet Scireburnan. It is curious that Esne and Werferth should be mentioned by name, while the name of the Bishop of Sherborne is omitted. Are we justified in supposing that the gifts to the two former were of a more personal character 1 It is to be remembered that two of Alfred's brothers were buried at Sherborne (Chron. ann. 860 A) ; this would probably account for his interest in that church. Edgar made a grant of land to St Mary's, Sher- borne, for me sylfne 7 for mine yldran the thar restat cet Scirburnan, Athelbold cing 7 ^Ethelbyrht cyng (B. 1308). Asser, Bishop of Sherborne, appears to have been a personal friend of Alfred, but the will may have been drawn up before his succession to that see, the date of which is unfortunately unknown. A Bishop Wulfsige, who may have been Asser's predecessor, signs a Worcester charter dated 889 (B. 561) which Mr Stevenson is inclined to think is genuine; cf. Stevenson, op. cit. p. Ixvi.
L 23 f. fiftig mcesgepreo8tum...Godes }>eotoum. See notes on p. 75.
King Alfred's Witt 101
1. 25. fiftig to beere cyrican }>e ic cet reste. The Hyde Register (p. 5) states that Alfred was buried in the Cathedral or Old Minster at Winchester, and that after the completion of New Minster, Edward the Elder removed his father's remains from the Cathedral to the new church. William of Malmesbury (i. 134 f.), who is followed by the Liber de Hyda, gives the following reason for this re-inter- ment : pro deliramento canonicorum, dicentium regies manes, re- sunipto catiavere, noctibus per domos oberrare. In 1110, when the New Minster was transferred to Hyde, Alfred's remains were again removed and buried in Hyde Abbey.
1. 29. )xet . . .mine }>enigmenn boer ealle mid syndan, Le. the officials referred to in 1. 16 f. above. syndan must be the 3 pi. Opt. of the verb 'to be,' but the form seems not to occur else- where in this sense. The sentence admits of two interpretations :
(1) that they should all be present at the time of distribution;
(2) that they should all have their part in it.
1. 32. on as ylcan geuritnesse. This seems to refer back to the monegum mannum in the preceding clause.
p. 19, 1. 1. on mines feeder yrfegewrite, cf. p. 16, 1. 31, above and note.
1. 2. gif ic cenigum menn cenig feoh unleanod hcebbe. . . .geleanian. Directions for the payment of debts are sometimes found in Anglo- Saxon wills. They seem to shew that a man's debts were at this time considered to be cancelled by his death, and could not legally be demanded from those who succeeded to his property (cf. Pollock and Maitland, Hist, of English Law, n. p. 258).
1. 3 ff. ic wylle ba menn...asyllan of minum cynne ofer heora dceg. A passage in Alfred's Laws (cap. 41 ; cf. Liebermann, op. cit. II. 325) states that bookland is not to be alienated, if it has been stipulated that it should remain in the family of those who first acquired it. The earliest charters containing a condition limiting the succession to an estate to members of the family of the grantee, date from the reign of Offa of Mercia (B. 230, 244, 254).
1. 5. ]>cet hit gauge on ba nyhstan hand me. hand is used to denote the person inheriting, cf. sio neste hond (p. 13, 1. 26), on Icudu hand (p. 26, 1. 7). Another instance occurs in the will of Leofwine (Crawford Charters, ix. 1. 9) : )xet god witte sylle hit on ba hand be hire cefre betst gehyre on uncer beg a cynne. Hand is used in compounds with the same force ; cf. cenigre wifhanda (1. 10, below),
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swa tuifhanda swa wcepnedhanda (1. 14), meghond (p. 10, 11. 17, 25), erfehond (p. 5, 1. 13).
1. 8. min yldra feeder. Ecgberht, King of the West Saxons, 802—839. His will is not extant.
1. 9. on )>a sperehealfe nces on }>a spinlhealfe. Grimm (Deutsche Rechtsalter tiimer, i. pp. 225, 236) gives many instances of the use of ' spear,' with the meaning ' man,' ' male line,' in contrast with ' spindle,' the symbol of the woman. See also Archceologia, xxxvu. p. 83 ff.
1. 11. 7 gif hy hit be -]pan libbendan habban wyllan. hy, i.e. mine mag as ; be }>an libbendan, pi., referring to cenigre wifhanda in 1. 10. The 7 seems to have been wrongly inserted.
1. 16. }xet minra mag a nan. . .ne geswence nan ncenig cyrelif\>ara \e ic foregeald. cyrelif seems to mean (1) 'a state of dependence on a lord whom one has chosen,' (2) 'a dependent (or community of dependents) who has the right to choose his lord ' (cf. B.-T. Suppt, s.v. cyrelif}. In this passage, it is used with the latter meaning. The persons referred to must be men who, from poverty or some other cause, had given themselves up to Alfred, while he, in return, discharged their obligations. That they had parted with their freedom is shewn by his statement that it is in his power to decide whether they are to be bond or free.
1. 24. \am hiwum cet Domrahamme. Damerham, Wilts. There is no mention of a religious house at Damerham in Dugdale's Mona&ticon Anglicanum or in Dr Birch's Fasti Monastici (see note on p. 17, 1. 18, above). King Edmund gave an estate at Damerham to his wife Aethelfled cet Domrahamme, on condition that she left it after her death to the Abbey of Glastonbury (B. 817). This land was bequeathed by Aethelfled to Glastonbury in her will (K. 685) and remained in the possession of the abbey until the dissolution of the monasteries. Eadred also had a ham at Damerham (p. 34, 1. 7).
1. 25. hyra freols swylce hand to ceosenne. hand is used here in the sense of lord (cf. O.E. mund}.
1. 26. for JSlftcede. Aelflaed is otherwise unknown. She was evidently a near relative of King Alfred, since she interceded in prayer for the persons for whom he interceded. She may have been the wife of one of his brothers. The name of Aethelberht's wife is not recorded. A person named Wulfthryth signs a charter of Aethelred (B. 520) in 868 as regina. She is otherwise unknown,
Earl Aethelred and Berkeley Abbey 103
and the charter is found only in the Codex Wintoniensis, which contains many spurious documents. But even if this charter is genuine, Aethelred may have married again before his death in 871.
1. 27 f. sec man...ymbe minre sawle ]>earfe. If the text is not corrupt, sec must be 2 sing. Imper. used for 3 sing. Opt. The allusion is to the practice of making gifts of live stock to monasteries in return for spiritual benefits, cf. Earl Aelf red's Will, p. 14, 1. 15, and passim.
XII
Dialect. See Appendix.
p. 20, 1. 14. Ic jEfielrced ealdorman...mid sume dale Mercna rices. The famous Earl of the Mercians who married Aethelfled, daughter of King Alfred. Aethelred appears to have held the office of earl already under Burgred of Mercia (B. 537). When English Mercia became subject to Alfred after the death of Ceolwulf , which probably took place 878 — 879, Aethelred retained the title of earl. He and Aethelfled seem, however, to have enjoyed a semi-royal position ; they are described in B. 608 as Afyrcna hlafordas. In some of his charters, as in the present text, Aethelred states that he is acting with Alfred's leave and cognisance ; others (B. 552, 557) contain no mention of the king's consent. The death of Aethelred is recorded in the Chronicle arm. 910 C, 912 A.
1. 17. abbodes 7 Ipcere heorcedtne cut Berclea. The date and cir- cumstances of the foundation of this abbey are unknown. Tilhere, who signs Hwiccian charters as abbas as early as 759 (B. 187, 218) and who became Bishop of Worcester, is said by tradition to have been Abbot of Berkeley (Dugdale, op. cit. i. 568). It is to be noted also that Aethelhun, Abbot of Berkeley (p. 22, 1. 7), succeeded in 915 to the see of Worcester. The abbey was certainly in existence in 807, when Ceolburg, Abbess of Berkeley, died (Chron. and Flor. Wig. ann. 805). It appears to have been destroyed before the Conquest, cf. D.B. (Glouc.) I. 164 : Gueda mater Heraldi tenuit Udecestre (Woodchester). Goduin emit ab Azor et dedit suae uxori ut inde viveret donee ad Berclielai maneret ; nolebat enim de ipso manerio aliquid comedere, pro destructione abbatice. This would seem to suggest that Earl Godwin had had a share in the destruction of the abbey ; cf. Freeman, Norman Conqitest, II. Note E.
for ealre Merce. The usual phrase is for eatte Merce, cf. p. 21,
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1. 19, below. Is ealre here a mistake, or is Merc D. sing, of Mearc, i.e. the March, Mercia? The word is not recorded as a proper name in B.-T.
1. 18tf. }>ces gafoles . . .}>cere cyningfeorme . . .on sceapum. This is not the only case in which the payment of cyningfeorm is mentioned among burdens from which privileged bocland was exempt (cf. B. 370, 450). The cyningfeorm may perhaps be best described as a species of land-tax. It seems usually to have been paid in kind, although it was sometimes (cf. B. 309) commuted for money. In B. 273 we are told that the following items had been paid to the royal official as cyningfeorm from an estate of sixty hides at Westbury in Gloucestershire ; two barrels of clear ale, a comb of mild ale and of Welsh ale, seven bullocks, six sheep, forty cheeses and six lang )>ero, thirty ambers of corn and four ambers of meal. We may compare the payments specified in Nos. I, II, IV, V and VI from various Kentish estates to religious houses. The origin of the impost known as cyningfeorm is lost in antiquity. According to Maitland (op. cit. p. 236 ff.) it was a tax paid by free landowners in commutation of the king's right to quarter himself and his retinue on his subjects. Parallels to such a system are to be found in Wales as well as in Germany and the North (cf. Liebermann, op. cit. u. 420). So far, however, as our evidence goes, it would seem that the persons from whom this payment was exacted were tenants on the king's folcland rather than ' free landowners.'
1. 24. cet Stoce twelf hida, i.e. Stoke Bishop, Glos. This estate seems to have been part of the inheritance of Aethelric, son of Aethelmund, who in 804 bequeathed to his mother Ceolburg, after- wards abbess of Berkeley, forty-three hides cut Westmynster (the monastery at Westbury) 7 cet Stoce, for her lifetime, with reversion to Worcester (B. 313, 314). The manor of Westbury, including Stoke Bishop, was in the hands of the Bishop of Worcester at the time of the Domesday Survey (D.B. i. 1646).
L 25. fram cnghwelcumgafolum. . .ge uncuftes. The nature of the payment and services due to the king may be inferred from certain charters of Berhtwulf and other Mercian kings of the ninth century (cf. B. 443, 450, 454, 488), which specify with some detail the burdens from which the estates mentioned in them are exempted. Among these burdens are included the entertainment of messengers, the maintenance of fcestingmen and of royal servants, especially huntsmen and falconers, and the keeping of horses, falcons and dogs.
105
1. 27. butan angilde wi5 ofirum, cf. p. 21, 1. 9: angylde oftrum 7 noht ut to wite. angilde is the simple compensation that the person wronged is entitled to receive when a crime has been committed (cf. Maitland, op. cit. p. 274 if.). Some crimes involved the payment of more than simple compensation (cf. B.-T. s.v. twigilde, }>rigilde). In addition to the compensation paid to the person wronged, a wite or fine was paid to the king. When, however, it is stated that an estate is to be exempt from all burdens except angilde, no tvite need be paid from that estate when a crime has been committed, i.e. (presumably) the possessor of the estate was to keep such fines for himself, as one of the rights which he had acquired.
fcestengewerce 7 fyrdsocne 7 brycggeweorce. The obligation of military service and of contributing to the construction and repair of bridges and fortresses was a universal burden, immunity from which was very rarely granted.
p. 21, 1. 5. ic sylle Cynulfe...in ftreora manna dceg. See notes on pp. 87. 112.
1. 6. ceghwelces }>inges to freon. The same phrase occurs in a charter of Bishop Werferth (B. 560) : 7 heo hit haebben eghwces to freon butun agefen elce gere ftreo mittan hwcetes to ciricsceatte ; cf. also B. 909, K. 675, 676.
1. 10. on Ceoluhte. Is this a mistake for Cynulfo ? Cf. 1. 5, above.
1. 18. to Wigornacestre }>am bisceopstole. See note on p. 106.
p. 22, 1. 11. Terra autem ista hiis circumcingitur terminibus. The boundaries here given are not easy to identify, since most of the names have disappeared. It seems tolerably certain that the boundary line from the river Avon through Hricgleag and Pen,pau (probably Penpole) to the river Severn (1. 14ff.) forms the eastern boundary of the present tithing of Shirehampton, near Bristol, and the southern boundary of the parish of Henbury. Kerslake in a paper in the Antiquarian Magazine, vol. in. p. 279 ff., maintains that the estate here defined corresponds to the modern parish of Henbury. If his contention is correct, it is curious that the estate should be said to be at Stoke and not at Henbury, since there is no evidence to shew that Henbury was ever regarded as part of Stoke. It is much more likely that the twelve hides at Stoke are to be found in the tithings of Stoke Bishop and Shirehampton, as was suggested by the Rev. C. S. Taylor in a paper on the Pre-Domesday Hide of Gloucester (Trans, of Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeo- logical Society, xvm. p. 297 ff.).
106 English Historical Documents
XIII
Date. This charter was evidently issued after the marriage of Aethelred and Aethelfled, which seems to have taken place soon after 884 (see note on 1. 25, below). The date of the charter cannot be later than the death of King Alfred, the latest date for which is 901, the exact year being uncertain. See note on p. 110.
Dialect. See Appendix.
1. 25. jflfoeldred ealdorman 7 JZftelflced. See note on p. 103. The marriage of Aethelred and Aethelfled would seem to have taken place after 884, since the signature of Aethelfled is not found in two charters of Aethelred dating from 883 and 884 (XII and B. 552). She first appears in a charter dated 880 (B. 547), which, if the indiction is correct, must be corrected to 887. After the death of Aethelred, Aethelfled seems to have succeeded to her husband's power except in the south-east of Mercia. She took an active part in the struggle against the Danes. Her death is recorded in the Chronicle ann. 918 C.
for See Petres 7 ftcere cyricean cet Weogernaceastre, i.e. the church of St Peter, to which a monastery was attached. The bishopric of the Hwicce, later known as the bishopric of Worcester, was founded towards the end of the seventh century. St Peter's seems to have been regarded as the cathedral church until the time of Bishop Oswald, who transferred the bishop's seat to the rival foundation dedicated to St Mary. Stubbs, in a paper in the Archaeological Journal (xix. p. 236 ff.), argued that the community at St Peter's was probably, from the middle of the eighth century onwards, a college of secular priests.
1. 2G. Wcerferftes ^bpes. See note on p. 100.
1. 27. hehtan bewyrcean ]>a burh,..eallum }>cem folce to gebeorge. The building and strengthening of strongholds was probably the most important feature of Alfred's policy in his struggle against the Danes. Asser (cap. 91) describes the king's efforts to induce his bishops and earls to construct fortifications (arces, castella) arid their reluctance to adopt this mode of defence. It is stated in B. 577 that in 898 a conference was held at Celchyth between Alfred, Plegmund, Aethelred and Aethelfled concerning the fortification of London (de instauracione urbis Lundonie). Alfred's policy was completed by his son and daughter (Aethelfled), who built a line of fortresses to secure the country that they had wou from the Danes.
Bishop Werferth and Aethdwald 107
p. 23, 1. 4. }>cere cyrcean hlaforde, i.e. the Bishop of Worcester.
1. 12 f. ' De profundis' fione sealme, Ps. cxxx. Laudate Dominum, Ps. cxlvii. or cxlviii.
1. 14. ftrittig sealma. For the intercessory use of the Psalter, cf. p. 2, 1. 21, and note.
1. 20. butan }>cet se wcegnscilling 7 se seampending...ait Saltmic. Identified by Dr Birch with Droitwich (D.B. Wich), Worcestershire, where the salt-works were of very great importance at the time of the Domesday Survey. It is clear from a charter of Earl Aethelred dated 884 (B. 552), in which a certain Aethelwulf is granted leave to have six salt-pans sine aliquo tribute dominatoris gentis...sive ducum judicumve et prcesidum, id est statione sive inoneratione plaustrorum, that the king had the right to levy toll on the waggons as they stood at the salt-pans, and upon the loads being placed in them. From the present charter it appears that the toll amounted to a shilling on every waggon, and a penny on every load ; cf. Kemble, Saxons in England, n. p. 70 ff.
1. 22. landfeoh. According to Kemble (op. cit. p. 329), 'a recognitory rent for land.'
fihteivite. A fine payable to the king in all cases of man- slaughter. According to West-Saxon law, the fihtewite amounted to 120 shillings (Ine, 6).
stale. In cases of theft, a fine amounting in Wessex to 60 shillings was paid to the king (Ine, 7, 10, 46, 53).
wohceapung. Explained by Kemble (pp. cit. p. 329) as ' buying or selling contrary to the rules of the market.'
1. 23. burhwealles sceatinge. This word is not known. B.-T. suggest an emendation to scea]>ung.
XIV
Dialect. See Appendix.
p. 24, 1. 8. 5y feowerteo}>an gebonngere, cf. p. 21, 1. 28: anno dominice incarnationis DCCCLXXXIII, Indictione autem 1. The term indictio was applied to constantly recurring cycles of fifteen years. For purposes of dating, however, it was applied to any particular year in each cycle. This method of fixing the year is said to have had its origin in the Roman practice of announcing by public notice (indictio) the tribute due from public lands, which was newly assessed every fifteen years. Under this system,
108 English Historical Documents
the year began on September 1st; cf. Earle, Land Charters, p. xxxv.
It is to be noted that, if carried back to the beginning of the Christian era, the first indiction would begin not in A.D. 1, but in B.C. 3. Hence to find the place of any year in the indiction, add 3 to the year in the era of the Incarnation and divide by 15 ; the remainder gives the indiction.
1. 9. jE]>elred alderman. See note on p. 103.
1. 14. ge on londum...]>e heo on forhaldne weran. Plummer (Life and Times of Alfred the Great, p. 13) translates 'in respect of lands [wrongfully] withheld from them,' taking }>e heo as nomina- tive referring to lond and ]>ing (but cf. Beow. 2381). He suggests that this action of the council may have been necessitated by the confusion caused by the inroads of the Danes between 892 and 895.
1. 16. Werferft biscop. See note on p. 100.
1. 17 ff. }>fet wudulond...\e to Wuduceastre belomp....to mcest- londe 7 to wudulonde, i.e. Woodchester, Gloucestershire. Heming's chartulary contains copies of what was perhaps the original grant of Aethelbald of Mercia to Bishop Wilferth (cf. B. 164). Wilferth was Bishop of Worcester 717 — 743.
1. 20 f. Bisley, Avening and Thornbury, Glos. Scorranstan has not been identified.
1. 25. Alhhun biscop, the predecessor of Werferth. He seems to have succeeded to the bishopric of Worcester in 845 (cf. p. 81) ; he died in 872.
1. 26. ]>cet he celcre circan dd his dcda ryhtes ufte. Is dd to be taken with his dcela, i.e. ' in all cases where he was concerned ' ; or could his dcela mean 'within his means,' 'to the best of his ability ' ?
1. 28. his geneat, Ecglaf hatte. The geneat was, in general, apparently, a member of the free peasant class, who had a holding and paid to his lord both food-rent and services. One of his duties was to ride on his lord's errands (Rectitudines 2).
mid Ceastersetna preoste. ceaster denotes a Roman fortified post, whether small or great. In the Saxon period many of these places came to be centres of administration, partly, no doubt, owing to the protection which their walls still afforded. By itself, the word is used now only of Chester on the Dee and of The Chesters in Northumberland. In the Chronicle, however, we find the word applied also to York and Winchester, cf. ann. 685, 762, 779 E and
Bishop Werferth and Eadnoth 109
964 A. In this context, the allusion may be to Woodchester, but it is more probable that the ceaster is Worcester ; cf. B. 386 : He rod ftcet he wees et Ceastre, i.e. Worcester. If this is so, Ceaster -setna preost would literally mean, ' priest of the inhabitants of Worcester,' i.e. of the monastic community and their dependents.
1. 29. 7 he hine }>a gelcedde all 3<z gemceru. In this passage gelcfdde seems to take two accusatives, a usage which is not recognised by B.-T.
p. 25, 1. 1. heo Alhmund. For the construction, cf. wyt sE^ered, p. 16, 1. 4.
1. 4. on Longanhrycge. Longridge, Gloucestershire. ]>e hine God him salde. hine seems to refer to Longanhrycg. 1. 6. ]xere circan Maforde. The Bishop of Worcester. 1. 7. on Sam geran ]>e is emended by Kemble in a footnote to on Sa gerad ]>e. But is the emendation really necessary 1 It is much simpler to emend }>a to }>d and to translate ' for as long as.' 1. 10. oSSe hine mon oferricte }>cet he ne moste londes wyrfte beon. In Anglo-Saxon law, a man guilty of certain crimes forfeited his land to the king, cf. Iiie, 51 : Gif gestiScund mon landagende forsitte Jierd, geselle CXX scill : 7 ]>olie his landes. Other crimes involving the confiscation of the criminal's estates were fighting in the king's house (Ine, 6), plotting against the king's life (Alfred, 4) and theft, cf. p. 32, 1. 1 ff. Instances of forfeiture for crime are to be found in charters; cf. K. 1307, where a certain Leofric forfeited his land impie vivendo, /we est rebellando meis militibv^s in mea expeditione ac rapinis insuetis et adulteriis rnultisque aliis nefariis sceleribus.
\. 20 ff. JErost on Gemyftlege. This list of boundaries differs in several respects from those given in the grant of King Aethelbald referred to above (see note on p. 24, 1. 17). on Roddanbeorg silfne, i.e. possibly Rodborough Hill, between Woodchester and Stroud. Nceglesleg was probably in the vicinity of Nailsworth, between Woodchester and Avening. The other localities are still unidentified.
XV
Date. See note on p. 26, 1. 22, below. For dialect, see Appendix.
1. 29. Werferth bisceop. See note on p. 100. For Alchun, see note on p. 108. Milred (p. 26, LI) was Bishop of Worcester 743 — 775.
p. 26, 1. 1. Eanbald is otherwise unknown. Eastmund (1. 3)
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was perhaps the priest of that name who was present at the Synod at Clovesho in 824 (B. 379).
1. 2. Soppanbyrg. Sodbury, Gloucestershire.
1. 17. Heaberht bisceop. Bishop of Worcester, 822 — 845.
1. 20. der dZ'Selred wees Myrcna hlaford. See note on p. 103.
1. 22. pa gesamnode he Mercna weotan to Saltwic, i.e. Droitwich, Worcestershire. A grant (B. 557), dating from a meeting of the Mercian council at Saltwic in 888, is signed by Bishop Werferth, and by JUadnolpus and sElfredus (cf. 1. 25). If this is the meeting referred to in the text, the agreement between Werferth and Eadnoth cannot have been made before 888. It would seem, how- ever, to have been made at a considerably later date, if the evidence of the signatures of Eadnoth, Aelfred and Aelfstan in other Mercian charters is to be trusted. Eadnoth and Aelfred usually sign together (cf. XII, XIV). Eadnoth signs for the last time in 903 (B. 603), or possibly in 904, if that is the correct date for B. 607. The signa- ture of Aelfstan first appears in 904 (B. 608). Are we justified in inferring from this that the meeting of the council at which Eadnoth, Aelfred and Aelfstan were present is to be dated 903 — 904 ?
1. 32. jflftelnofi. Possibly the Earl of Somerset who fought against the Danes at Buttington (Chron. ann. 894).
p. 27, 1. 3. to Tettanbyrg Ipam bisceope, i.e. Tetbury, Gloucester- shire. According to the Calendar of lands granted to Worcester (B. 1320) this estate had been given to the bishopric by Offa.
7 him eac }>one serif t healde, cf. serif t ihalden, f to carry out the penance imposed' (O.E. Homilies, ed. Morris, i. 9, 31). Or does serif t healde mean ' make his confession ' 1 (Cf. B.-T. s.v. serif t.)
XVI
Date. The transactions recorded in this document probably took place soon after the accession of Edward the Elder. The vexed question of the date of his accession, whether 899, 900 or 901, is discussed by Plummer, Two Saxon Chronicles, II. p. 112.
1. 24. Denulfe biscepe 7 cet ftcen hiwun on Winteceastre, i.e. the community at the Old Minster. See note on p. 97. Denewulf was Bishop of Winchester, 879—909.
1. 25. }>a Windcirican 7 5Ve< stctnne slapern. The curious name Windcirice has not been satisfactorily explained.
According to the Liber de Hyda (p. 51) Alfred, in the last year of his reign, imparted to Grimbald his intention of building a new
Foundation of New Minster 111
monastery at Winchester, and purchased land for a chapel and dormitory. A later passage (p. 80) in the same work states that Edward determined to carry out his father's project, which had been frustrated by his death, and that he purchased the chapel and dormitory which Alfred had ordered to be built. It is tempting to connect these with the Windcirice and 'stone dormitory' of this charter. But the statements in the Liber de Hyda with regard to the chapel and dormitory, which find no mention in the account given in the Hyde Register (p. 4 ff.), may have been founded on the present text, the latter part of which is quoted there in a very corrupt form.
p. 28, 1. 2. XXIII I gerda on lange. The gierd, ' rod,' ' pole' or 'perch,' as a measure of land, varied according to Maitland (op. cit. p. 370 ff.) from twelve to twenty-four feet. The figures given in this charter are unfortunately not sutficient to enable us to deter- mine its length here, but a careful investigation of the locality might perhaps settle the question.
1. 3ff. to Seen Scet ic...jElfredes cyninges. This monastery was the New Minster at Winchester, so called to distinguish it from the Cathedral or Old Minster. Its consecration is recorded in the Chronicle ann. 903 F.
1. 6. See Andreas cirican. A church dedicated to St Andrew is mentioned by Milner (History of Winchester ; p. 308) in his ' list of churches extracted from Bishop Orlton's register, about the year 1340.' It was situated in Gar-strete, now Trafalgar Street.
1. 11. jErest sufiric/tte fron ftan beodcern. It seems impossible to determine the exact position of this land acquired by Edward for his new monastery, no trace of which remains. New Minster seems to have been situated to the north of the Cathedral, which has been rebuilt at least twice, once in 963 by Bishop Aethelwold, and again in 1079, when it was built on new foundations by Bishop Walkelin, the old church being subsequently pulled down (cf. Annales de Wintonia (R.S.), pp. 32, 37)1.
We may, however, conjecture that the 'north street' (1. 14) was the main street of the city, running as now from east to west, or rather east-north-east to west-.south-west. The ' east street ' (1. 14) may have been the present Colebrook Street, but this is extremely doubtful. These streets are not mentioned, at least
1 According to the Victoria County Histoi-y of Hampshire (v. p. 2) New Minster was situated close to the site of the present St Maurice Church.
112 English Historical Documents
under their Anglo-Saxon names, in the two Surveys of Winchester, usually known as the Winton Domesday, which were made in the early years of the twelfth century.
1. 12. See Gregories cirican. The position of this church is not known. It is mentioned by the biographers of St Dunstan (cf . Stubbs, Memorials of St Dunstan, pp. 15, 261), who is said to have entered St Gregory's Church in company with Bishop Aelfheah, when return- ing from the consecration of a church near the west gate of the city. Trussell, a local historian, mentions St Gregory's in a list of ' churches which had fallen into ruins, and which were probably in existence in the fourteenth century ' (Milner, op. cit. p. 308).
1. 19 ff. The list of signatures in the fragment of this charter in the Hyde Register is considerably longer than the one here given. It contains seventeen additional names, comprising two priests, two deacons, and thirteen persons of rank not specified. The names of witnesses in the present charter are shewn to be extremely corrupt. The most important of these corruptions are Eaftwearft (Eadweard), EaldereS (Aethelweard), PlemunS (Plegmund), Wilfcerd (Wilferth), Wvlfrige (Wulfsige), Wighen (Wighelm) and Eodmund (Ceolmund).
The sees represented in this list are Canterbury, Winchester, Worcester (?), London, Sherborne, Selsey(?), Rochester and Hereford. Wimund appears to have been bishop of one of the Mercian sees.
XVII
p. 29, 1. 4. Deneivulf bisceop 7 }>a hiwan in Wintanceastre. See note on p. 110.
1. 5. leton to Eeornulfa hiora landes X V hida cet Eblesburnan, i.e. Ebbesbourne Wake, Wilts. Beornulf (cf. 1. 17, below) is other- wise unknown.
From early times it was customary for churches to let estates to private individuals, usually for one or more lives (cf. Maitland, op. cit. p. 302 f. ). The word Icen was commonly used to denote lands leased by the owner to others. In some cases it is stated that the man who receives the Icen has paid a sum of money for this conces- sion ; in others, he engages to pay an annual rent. See note on p. 87.
1. 6. «n5 ]>am gafole.. .to hcerfestes emnihte sie simle agyfen, i.e. on September 24th. A similar stipulation is made iu another grant by Denewulf (B. 617) : cdce geare to hcerfestes emnihte ftreo pund to gafole
Lease of Land by Bishop Denewulf 113
7 cyresceattas 7 cyresceatweorc 7 }>enne \ce& nud bi$, his men beon gearuwe ge to ripe ge to huntofte.
1. 9. celce geare fultumien to }>cere cyrican bole... be his landes mefte. The duty of contributing to the repair of churches is enjoined in the Laws of Cnut (n. 65, 1) : To cyricbote sceal eall folc Jylstan mid rihte. In a passage in the Laws of Edmund (i. 5) the bishop is required to keep the churches on his own estates in good repair, and to induce the king to do the same for those churches which are not on church lands (cf. Liebermann, op. cit. n. 536). The upkeep of churches was one of the three purposes to which the revenue from tithes was devoted (Laws of Aethelred, vin. 6 ; cf. vii. a, 2, 3).
1.11. ]>a cyricsceattes mid rihte agyfe. The cyricsceatt was a tax which from early times was paid to the church on St Martin's Day (November llth). On an estate of three hides belonging to Worcester Cathedral, the ciricsceatt amounted, in 889, to three mittan of wheat (B. 560), while 2 modii de mundo grano were paid from an estate of two hides in 962 (B. 1087).
}Lenil>\e(Saxons, II. p. 490) suggested that the payment of ciricsceatt was enforced, at first, chiefly from lands under the lordship of the church. The passages in the Laws of Ine and Aethelstan (Ine, 4, 61 ; Aethelstan, i. 4), where the tax is mentioned, are not conclusive upon this point. But by the middle of the tenth century it appears as a general tax on all lands (Edmund, i. 2; Edgar, n. 2; Cnut, i. 10). The penalty incurred by neglect to pay the ciricsceatt consisted of a fine of 60 shillings, increased under Aethelred II to 120 shillings, and in addition the twelvefold payment of the tax (Ine, 4 ; Aethelred, vin. 11; Cnut, i. 10).
1.12. ~i fyrde 7 brycge -j festengeweorc hewe. See note on p. 105. Prof. Liebermann (op. cit. n. 331) takes hewe as equivalent to heawet in which case the verb will apply properly only to the second and third of the objects. His statement, however, that this verb (neces- sarily) implies a construction of wood seems to me to go somewhat beyond what the evidence warrants ; cf. the Old English Version of. Bede's Ecclesiastical History, iv. 11 (E.E.T.S. p. 296).
1. 22. Sreo untefteowe men burbcerde -j ftreo fteowberde, i.e. Sreo [men] Seowberde. Prof. Liebermann (op. cit. n. p. 694) takes both groups as imte^eowe men, a suggestion which seems hardly necessary.
The witefteowe men burbcerde must have been persons of the free labouring class, who had been reduced to slavery as a punishment
H. 8
114 English Historical Documents
for crime, or from inability to pay the fines incurred by violation of the law.
1.24. cet Hysseburnan. Hurstbourne, Hants. See note on p. 96.
p. 30, 1. 8. A second list of signatures begins here. Do the two lists refer respectively to the different transactions recorded in the text, which took place on two different occasions ? Or has one of the lists been taken from some other charter? It is to be noted that Wigea diaconus of the first list appears as priest in the second.
XVIII
Date. Thorpe assigned this document, which bears no date, to 900 — 924, the duration of the reign of Edward the Elder. Middendorff (Altenglisches Flurnamenbuch, p. 134) and Liebermann (op. cit. II. 566) date it 'about 907,' I do not know upon what grounds.
1. 17. Leof, ic fle cyfle...cet Funtial, i.e. Fonthill, Wilts. The person addressed appears to be King Edward the Elder. The date of his accession, for which Thorpe (see above) accepts the date 900, is uncertain. Seep. 110.
1.19. fla ongon Higa him specan. Brunner (Rechtsgeschichte der Urkunde, p. 205, footnote) suggests that Aethelm Higa may have claimed this estate as heir of Aetheldryth (p. 31, 1. 3).
1. 24 ff. fleet he moste beon ryhtes wyr$e...ymb fleet lond. Is wiS ^Eflelm to be taken with ryhtes wyrfle, i.e. 'gave him leave to avail himself of the protection of the law against Aethelm/ etc. ? Or is it to be taken with ryhtrace, i.e. ' to avail himself of the protection of the law, because of my advocacy and the correct account which I had given, as against Aethelm, of the history of the estate ' ?
1. 27. hrcelflen. See note on p. 122.
1. 28. 3Rt Sumortune. Probably Somerton, Somerset.
p. 31, 1. 5. hire morgengifu fla heo ce\re\st to Aflutfe com. The morgengifu. was a gift regularly made by the husband to his wife on the morning after their marriage ; cf. Liebermann, op. cit. p. 588, and the references there given.
1. 10. cet Weardoran. Wardour, Wilts.
1. 12. fleet Helmstan wcere afle flees fle near, i.e. that Helmstan should now proceed to produce a number of ' oath-helpers ' prepared to swear to the truth of his own oath (1. 6 above). For the phrase afle near, cf. LI. Hen. 64. 6, and Liebermann, op. cit. n. 310. This suit is regarded by J. L. Laughlin in his essay on ' The Anglo-Saxon
Letter concerning Land at Fonthitt 115
Legal Procedure' in Essays in Anglo-Saxon Law, 1876, p. 244 f. as a compromise conducted after the manner of the regular legal procedure.
1. 29. Sa se dom wees gefylled, i.e. the king's decision that Helmstan should produce the oath if he could (1. 18 f. above).
p. 32, 1. 3. to Cytlid is not regarded as a proper name by Earle and Dr Birch, but there can scarcely be any doubt that the reference is to Chicklade, Wilts., about three miles south of Fonthill. It is uncertain whether this is D.B. Chigelei (cf. Domesday Book for Wiltshire, ed. W. H. Jones, 1865, p. 206). Later forms are Ciklet (T. de Nevill), Chicklaude (Feudal Aids), Chyclet (Rot. Hund.), and Cheklade (Cal. Inquis. post Mortem). These forms rather suggest that Cytlid should be emended to Cyclid ; the confusion of c and t is not rare.
1. 6 f. Penearding . . .to Tyssebyrig, i.e. Tisbury, Wilts. Pen- eard(ing) is perhaps to be regarded as a (Celtic) place-name.
1. 8 f . Sa cwceS he ftcet he wcere fieof...mon. The penalty for certain crimes, including theft (cf. p. 109), was the confiscation of the bookland of the criminal to the king. We may compare a passage in a charter of Aethelred II dated 995 (K. 692), describing how an estate cet Dumaltune was confiscated in consequence of theft. Other instances are enumerated in Essays in Anglo-Saxon Law, pp. 65, 66. See also Cnut, n. 13, 77.
1. 10 f. Ordlaf Jeng to his londe...forwyrcan. See Laughlin, op. cit. p. 250 f., and Liebermann, op. cit. n. p. 564. For Icen see note on p. 112. The signature of Ordlaf dux is found in charters of Alfred and Edward the Elder. See note on 1. 14 below.
1. 12 ff. •Ba gesohte he fiines feeder lic...-j 5w him forgeafe his eard. The meaning of this passage is altogether obscure. A curious passage in the Laws of Ine (cap. 53) states that when a man has received a stolen slave from a man who has since died, he is to take the slave to the grave of the dead man, and there prove by an oath of sixty hides that the dead man had sold the slave to him.
1. 13. OKt Cippanhomme. Chippenham, Wilts.
1. 14 f. icfeng to minan londe.. .cet Lidgeard. Probably Lyddiard, Wilts. According to a charter in the Codex Wintoniensis, dated 900 (B. 590), Bishop Denewulf granted ten hides of land cet Lidgerd to Ordlaf comes in exchange for ten hides at FuntgeaU. Mr Stevenson (E.H.R. xin. p. 73, footnote) thinks this charter suspicious. It is tempting to suggest that Ordlaf, the owner of the estate cet Lidgerd,
8—2
116 English Historical Documents
was the author of this letter, but the fact that he is mentioned in the third person in L 10 presents rather a serious difficulty in the way of this explanation.
XIX
The volume of Latin Gospels in which this memorandum is inscribed, formerly belonged, according to Wanley (p. 181), to Christ Church, Canterbury. It is assigned by Sir E. Maunde Thompson (Catal. of Anc. MSS. in the Brit. Mus. u. p. 19) to the eighth century; the Anglo-Saxon entry is in a tenth century hand.
Almost all the records of manumission extant are written in the margins or on blank spaces of Gospels and missals. From these records it appears that the ceremony often took place at the high altar, but sometimes at the church door, and that a memorandum of the act and of the witnesses was then made in some book belonging to the church ; cf. Kemble, Saxons in England, I. p. 224.
1. 28. jESelstan cyng . . .cercest cyng wees. There is unfortunately some doubt as to the year of Aethelstan's accession ; cf. Plummer, Chron. n. p. 132 f., where the date 924 is preferred.
p. 33, 1. 3. Dalles ftces haligdomes $e ic on Angelcyn begeat. The use of on with the accusative in such a case as this is rare. Possibly the correct translation of on Angelcyn begeat may rather be 'brought into England,' or 'procured for the use of the English.' Aethelstan is known to have brought many relics from the Continent. The introductory note to a list of relics (B. 693) said to have been given by Aethelstan to St Peter's, Exeter, states that the king sent messengers over the sea to seek out and purchase relics. According to William of Malmesbury (Gesta Pontificum, R.S. pp. 186, 200, 398) Aethelstan gave to Malmesbury Abbey many relics from Normandy and Brittany, and also made similar gifts to the abbeys of Milton and Michelney.
XX
Date. The date assigned to this will by Earle and Dr Birch is A.D. 946 — 955, the duration of the reign of Eadred. It is pointed out by Napier and Stevenson (Crawford Charters, p. 74 footnote) that estates at Aysshedoune and cet Wassingatune were confirmed or granted to Eadric by Eadred in 947 (B. 828, 834). If these were
Earl Aethelwoltfs Will 117
identical with two of the estates bequeathed by Aethelwold to Eadric (1. 19 below), the will must have been executed between the acces- sion of Eadred in 946 and the confirmation of the estates to Eadric in 947.
1. 7. The first sentence has been added, possibly by the scribe who drew up the Codex.
1. 9. Leof, dfyelwold ealdarman. Thorpe and Dr Birch take leqf as a prenomen. Earle rightly explains it as ' an epistolary address to the king,' meaning 'Sire, my lord ' (cf. p. 30, L 17), a usage not uncommon in Anglo-Saxon wills, many of which are addressed to the king. These documents also contain parallels to the sudden change from the third to the first person in 11. 9 — 11 (cf. K. 694, 721).
Aethelstan, the brother of Aethelwold mentioned in 1. 19, is generally thought to be Aethelstan Half-King, Earl of East Anglia. Aethelwold was, therefore, probably a member of the royal family (cf. Crawf. Ch. pp. 74, 82 f.). He signs from 931 to 946. His death may have taken place in the latter year. See note on date (above).
1. llf. ]>cere halgan 8towe...hiicum. The Cathedral or Old Minster at Winchester. See note on p. 97.
I. 13. \<El land cet WUig...to scrudfultume, i.e. Wiley, Wilts. This was probably land, the produce or rent of which was used to defray the cost of clothing.
1. 15. ]>am cinge minne hceregeatwa. This is one of the earliest references to the heriot in Anglo-Saxon wills. It was customary from very early times for a man to leave to his lord horses, armour and weapons, which, in theory at least, he had received from him. Beowulf begs Hrothgar to send back to Hygelac his coat of mail, which had formerly belonged to Hrethel, the father of Hygelac (Beow. 11. 452 — 455). Besides the usual articles of military equip- ment, land, ships, dogs, horns, cups and bracelets are included in the heriots mentioned in Anglo-Saxon wills (B. 812, 1008, 1132, 1174, 1288; Crawf. Ch. x.). In Cnut's Laws (n. 71) the heriot of an earl consists of eight horses, four saddled and four unsaddled, four helmets, four coats of mail, eight spears, eight shields, four swords and two hundred mancuses of gold.
1. ISf. minum brewer Eadrice. Probably the earl of this name who signs regularly from 942 to 948, and once in 949 (B. 875).
Ogbourn, Wilts ; Cheam, Surrey. Mr Stevenson (op. cit. p. 235) points out that the name ^Escesdun still survives in
118 English Historical Documents
Ashdown Park, in the manor of Ashbury, Berks. In a note in the chartulary following Eadred's grant to Eadric of land at Aysshedoune (B. 828, see above), it is stated that this estate, which was then called Aysshebury, was subsequently given by Eadric to the Abbey of Glastonbury.
1. 9. cet Wessingatune is identified by Dr Birch with Wasing, Berks. ; but the earlier forms of this name, as given by Skeat (Place-names of Berkshire, p. 70), e.g. Wausynge (Feudal Aids), Wawesenge (T. de Nevill) and Walsinge (D.B.) make this identi- fication impossible.
Aethelwold's estate cet Wessingatune is probably to be identified with the land cet Wassingatune or Wasingatune granted to Eadric in 947 (see above). This place-name occurs again in two charters attributed to Edgar as cet Wasingatune (B. 1125) and in Wassenga- tune in Sudsexon (B. 1297). This is clearly Washington, Sussex, which appears in D.B. as Wasingetune, in Feudal Aids as Wassington and in Inquis. Non. as Wassyngton. Earle's alternative suggestion of Wiston, Sussex, is shewn to be impossible by the forms Wystneston (Inquis. Non.), Wysteneston (Feudal Aids), and Wistanestun (D.B.). These clearly go back to O.E. * Wigstanestun.
1. 19 f. jflfyelstane mince brefier. The form mince, cf. mine, 1. 21, in place of minum is remarkable.
There were two earls named Aethelstan in the first half of the tenth century. Aethelstan, Earl of East Anglia, called ' Half- King ' because of his great power, who signs from 923 to 956, was probably the brother of Aethelwold. At some time after 956, he resigned his power and became a monk at Glastonbury1.
Broadwater, Sussex, cet Niwantune is possibly Newton, Wilts.
1. 21 f. jElfsige mine brofiorsuna. Napier and Stevenson (Craw/. Ch. p. 83 footnote) seem to include j931fsige among the brothers of Aethelwold. In that case, the passage must be emended differently. -<Elfsige is probably the earl of that name who signs in 956, 957 and 958.
cet Carcel. This place has not been identified.
jElfstanes suna mines brolpor. Probably the ^Elfstan dux who
1 According to Napier and Stevenson (op. cit. p. 82 f.) the signature of Aethelstan occurs also in 957 and 958. Both names occur together in B. 987, dated 957, which can hardly be trustworthy, since it bears the name of King Eadred. 1 have not succeeded in finding any charter of 958, signed by both earls.
King Eadred's Witt 119
signs from 930 to 934. Since the bequest is made not to him, but to his son, we may perhaps conclude that he was dead at this time.
1. 22. cet Cleran. Kingsclere, Hants; cf. p. 17, 1. 36 and p. 34, 1. 9.
1. 22 S. eall Ipcet yrfe ]HK ic hcebbe on Icenela/ndum.. .for mine sawle. The term Icenland first appears in the middle of the tenth century, and denotes lands let out on lease by the owner to others. See note on Icen, p. 112.
Does this mean that the estates held by Aethelwold on lease were to be transferred to religious houses or persons nominated by them 1 Or was' the church now to become the owner of estates belonging to Aethelwold which had been leased to others?
XXI
The Anglo-Saxon text of this will is followed in the Liber de Hyda by Latin and Middle English versions, which, like the later versions of King Alfred's Will, contain many corrupt spellings and mistranslations. See note on p. 91.
Date. Dr Birch dates this will ' before 23rd November A.D. 955,' the day of Eadred's death. The mention of Aelfsige, Bishop of Winchester, shews that the date cannot be earlier than 951. Plummer (Chron. n. ix.) is inclined to assign to the end of 954, or the beginning of 955, the transference to York of Oscytel, who was still presiding over the see of Dorchester (p. 35, 1. 2) ; but since the exact date is uncertain, the will must be dated 951 — 955.
p. 34, 1. 4. in to ]>cere stowe ]xer he wile }>cet his lie reste. Eadred was buried in the Old Minster at Winchester ; cf. Chronicle ann. 955 D.
1. 7 ff. Down ton, Damerham and Calne (Wilts.) ; Wherwell, Andover and Kingsclere (Hants).
1. 10. to Nunnanmynstre, cf. 1. 11 below : to Nunnanmynstre to Ceastre. The nunnery at Winchester, often called Nunnaminster, was founded by Ealhswith, wife of King Alfred, perhaps with the co-operation of her husband, and completed by Edward the Elder. It became greatly impoverished and was refounded by Bishop Aethelwold (cf. Chron. ann. 963 E). For the use of Ceaster, meaning Winchester, see note on p. 108.
Shal bourne and Bradford (Wilts.).
and pcecham. Edwards, followed by Dr Birch, has ]>cet ham, which can hardly be right, pcecham, now Thatcham, Berks., is
120 English Historical Documents
mentioned in the will of Earl Aelfheah (B. 1174) who bequeathed land there to his lord King Edgar. According to D.B. (i. 56 b) Taceham was held in demesne by Edward the Confessor. Later forms of the name, according to Skeat (Place-names of Berkshire, p. 59), are Thachame (Tax. Eccles. 1291) and Taceham (Rot. Chart.).
1. 12. to Wiltune. Wilton, Wilts. According to Dugdale (pp. cit. ii. p. 315) the nunnery here was founded soon after 802 by St Alburga, widow of Weohstan, Earl of Wiltshire, and half-sister of King Egbert, on the site of a chantry of secular priests established at Wilton by her husband in 773. King Alfred is said to have built a new nunnery on the site of the royal palace at Wilton, to which he transferred the nuns from the older foundation.
to Sceaftesbirig. Shaftesbury, Dorset. See note on p. 98.
1. 14. to ]>an ficet hi mege magan hung or and hce]>enne here him fram aceapian. If the text is right, magan hungor, ' hunger of the stomach.'
The policy of buying off the Danes appears to have been adopted as early as the reign of Alfred (cf. Chron. ann. 865, 872, 876), though the Chronicle (ann. 991) wrongly assigns the first payment of tribute to the Danes to the reign of Aethelred II.
1. 1 6. se ercebiscop cet Cristes cirican. Oda, who was transferred from Ramsbury to Canterbury in 942, and died in 958 (Stubbs, Memorials of St Dunstan, p. xcivf.).
1. 20 f. JElfsige biscop...to Winteceastre. Aelfsige was Bishop of Winchester from 951 to 958, when he was transferred to Canterbury, in succession to Oda. He died soon afterwards on a journey to Rome, scir (1. 24) may possibly mean a group of counties (cf. 11. 21, 22).
1. 24. Dunstan abbod...and healde cet Glcestingabirig. Dunstan became Abbot of Glastonbury in 946. He had previously under- taken the restoration of the abbey, which had fallen into decay. Dunstan was an intimate friend of King Eadred. His power was eclipsed during the reign of Eadwig and reached its zenith under Edgar. In 957 Dunstan succeeded to the see of Worcester and in 958 to that of London (cf. Plummer, Chron. p. 153); in 959 he became Archbishop of Canterbury. He died in 988.
p. 35, 1. 2. Oscytel biscop ...cet Dorceastre. Oscy tel became Bishop of Dorchester in 950, according to Stubbs (Registrum Sacrum). He was subsequently transferred to York, probably in 954, or early in 955. His death is recorded in the Chronicle ann. 971 B.
King Eadred's Will 121
1. 4. poenne hceflp Wulfhelm biscop ftatt feower hund punda. The only bishop of this name living at the time was Wulfhelm, Bishop of Wells, 938 — 955. Is it possible that the w preceding his name in the MS. is an abbreviation for Wellensis, and has become displaced 1
Scet feower hund punda seems to refer to the four hundred pounds bequeathed to Oscytel (1. 2). We may perhaps infer that the money had been lent or entrusted to Wulfhelm, to be handed over to Oscytel on Eadred's death.
1. 5. nime man twentig hund mancusa goldes and gemynetige to mancusan. The verb gemynetigan is not recorded by B.-T., but there seems no reason to doubt that gemynetige is a genuine form. The term mancus (cf. p. 77) is here used both for the weight and the coin. There are only five of the latter in existence, but the mention of so large a number in this will seems to point to the existence of an extensive gold coinage.
1. 10. minre meder. Eadgifu, the third wife of Edward the Elder. See No. XXIII and notes.
1. 10 f. Amesbury, Wilts, and Wantage, Berks; both these estates are mentioned in King Alfred's will, cf. p. 17, 1. 29 and p. 18, 1. 10. Basing, Hants.
1. 1 3 f . two, hund mancusa goldes, beo hundtuxlftigum. This instance of the use of the duodecimal hundred is probably to be regarded as a relic of an ancient English system of reckoning. We may compare O.N. hundraS, 120. The duodecimal or 'great' hundred is supposed to have existed by the side of the decimal hundred in Germanic (Streitberg, Urgerm. Gramm. § 168). There is, however, a possibility that its use in King Eadred's Will may be due to Scandinavian influence.
1. 16 f. odcan gesettan discftegne. This is the only passage which gives us any information as to the relative importance of the members of the royal household.
The first genuine reference in the charters to the office of discftegn, 'seneschal,' L. discifer, dapifer (cf. Wright- Wiilcker, Vocabularies 126, 38), dates from the reign of Aethelstan, one of whose charters is witnessed by Wulfhelm discifer regis (B. 659). Charters of Eadwig and Edgar are witnessed by royal disciferi. See note on 1. 21 below. Reference is sometimes made to the seneschals of members of the royal family other than the king, cf. JEfic ]>ara celpelinga discsten (K. 693) ; jElmere minen discSene
122 English Historical Documents
(Will of Aethelstan Aetheling, K. 722) ; Lofwine c&elinges discfien (K. 1302).
gesettan hrceglSene. Larson (The King's Household in England before the Norman Conquest, p. 128) remarks that the title of hrtegtSegn, which is applied elsewhere to monastic officials, is a somewhat unusual one for a high official of the court. From the amount of the legacy bequeathed by the king to the holder of this office, it would seem that the position was one of considerable importance. Larson suggests that the term hrceglftegn may here be applied to the official usually designated burftegn, ' chamberlain ' (K. 489, 503, 572). It is not unlikely that the keeper of the royal apartments had charge of the royal wardrobe also.
gesettan biriele. The signature of a royal cupbearer, Lat. pincerna, occurs in a charter of A.D. 777 — 779 (B. 232) which may be genuine. Another early charter bearing the signature of a pincerna is dated 809 (B. 328). This office was held by Oslac, the father of Alfred's mother Osburh (Asser, cap. 2).
1. 20. fif pund penenga. It is tempting to suggest that pund is a scribal error for hund, as each of the other legacies is less than the preceding one.
1. 21. celcan gesettan stigweard. This seems to be the earliest known occurrence of the word stigweard. It is evident from the comparatively small amount bequeathed to Eadred's stewards that this office was inferior to that of the discftegn. The two titles seem, however, to have been used without much discrimination. In a tenth century gloss we find discoforus, discifer vel stiweard ( Vocab. 223. 7); while in Aelfric's Vocabulary ( Vocab. 126. 38) discifer vel discoforus is glossed by disc]>egn. The disciferi who sign charters of Eadwig must have been officials of considerable importance, since their signatures occur between those of the duces and the ministri (cf. B. 941, 1035). It seems more likely that their office was that of di&cSegn than of stigweard. Larson (op. cit. p. 172) suggests that the title of stigweard may have been applied to the seneschals of persons of less exalted rank. Towards the end of the Saxon period, a certain Leofgivu bequeaths land to her three stewards (K. 931). This title is mentioned several times in the Chronicle (ann. 1093, 1096, 1120). It seems gradually to have superseded that of disdSegn.
1. 22. ealcan men preosthades }>e ge]>eodad wees. A verb ge]>eodian seems not to be recorded. Edwards translates : ' every
Entries in the Lindisfarne Gospels 123
priest that was associated,' etc., apparently taking gdpeodad as the past part, of ge\eodan.
1. 24. buton he sy lit in bynde to }>am cynestolum. This passage seems to be corrupt. An obvious emendation is inbyrde (' serf born on the royal estates ' (?)) for in bynde, but lit presents difficulties. Edwards translates : 'unless he be little bounden to the throne.'
XXII
Dialect. See Appendix.
Date. The Latin text of the Lindisfarne Gospels dates from the end of the seventh, or the beginning of the eighth, century, if the account given by Aldred of the circumstances connected with its preparation is correct1. The Anglo-Saxon interlinear gloss and these two Anglo-Saxon entries are assigned by Sir E. Maunde Thompson (Catal. of MSS. in the Brit. Mus. II. p. 16) to the tenth century, and by Skeat (Gospel of St John in the Anglo-Saxon and Northumbrian Versions, p. ix) to the latter half of that century.
p. 36, 1. 7. Eadfri8...avrdt cet frvma. frvma, with loss of n after a, as regularly in Northumbrian. The reference is to the Latin text. Eadfrith was Bishop of Lindisfarne from 698 to 721. Bede dedicated to him his prose life of St Cuthbert, which he had written at the request of the bishop and the community.
1. 8. See Cvfiberhte, the famous saint and patron of the monks of Lindisfarne. The exact date of his birth is not known, but he entered the monastery of Melrose, of which he subsequently became provost, apparently about the year 651, while still a young man. In 664 he was made provost of Lindisfarne, and held this office for twelve years. He then retired to the island of Fame, where he remained until his death in 687, except for a short interval from 684 to 686, during which he presided over the see of Lindisfarne. The shrine containing the body of the saint accompanied the monks on their wanderings after their flight before the Danes in 875. From 883 to 990 it rested at Chester-le-Street, from whence it was subsequently removed to Durham.
1. 9. Eftilvald, Lindisfearneolondinga bisc, the successor of Eadfrith. The date of his consecration is given by Plummer (Baedae Hist. Eccles. n. p. 297) as 721. He died in 740.
1 Prof. E. A. S. Macalister (Essays and Studies presented to William Ridgeway, 1913, p. 299 f.) suggests that the MS. is really an Irish MS. of the ninth century and that Aldred's statements are erroneous.
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1. 10. hit via giftryde. This is wrongly connected by B.-T., and by Prof. Cook in his Glossary of the Old Northumbrian Gospels, with an infinitive (ge)]>ryccan. Prof. Napier in his Contributions to Old English Lexicography (Phil. Soc. Trans., 1906, p. 328) takes giftryde as preterite of an infinitive (gi)}rryn, ' to press, or bind.' It occurs again in the Anglo-Saxon gloss (St Matthew, ed. Skeat, p. 3, 1. 7), where geSryde vel avrat glosses expraesit. The past participle getiryd is recorded once. The form a-]>ryd is also found and glosses ex- pressum and expilatam (cf. Napier, I.e.).
gibelde. The derivation and meaning of gibelde are altogether obscure. Skeat suggested ' covered.' According to the New English Dictionary, quoted by Skeat, 'bield,' which is connected with W.S. bieldan, Angl. bqldan and Goth, batyjan, 'to make bold,' has in Scotch the meaning ' cover, cover over.' If this was the meaning of gibelde in Northumbrian it would give an intelligible sense. Prof. Cook in his Glossary has gibelda, (?) cover.
Billfrift se oncr§. This name occurs in the list of anchorites in the Durham Liber Vitae (Sweet, O.E.T. p. 155, 1. 54).
1. 1 1 f . 7 hit gihrinade miS golde 7 miS gimmvm §c miS svlfre of- gylded faconleas jeh. In three passages in the interlinear Anglo- Saxon gloss (Matthew xii. 44 ; xxiii. 29 ; Luke xxi. 5) gihrinan glosses Lat. ornare. This meaning is not recorded by B.-T. gihrino in 1. 11 probably means 'ornaments.' In Mark xiii. 2 vide has omnes magnas aedificationes is glossed gesih }>as miclo gehrino vel glencas.
Skeat translates this passage : ' and adorned it with gold and also with gems, overlaid with silver, unalloyed metal,' apparently regarding faconleas feh as an uninflected dative, in apposition with svlfre. An examination of the gloss suggests that the case-system had by this time broken down ; cf . to Seem hcelend, under hrofminum (Luke vii.). The simplest translation perhaps would be : ' also with silvergilt, unalloyed metal.'
1. 13. Aldred psbr...hit of'gloesade on englisc. The identity of Aldred, son of Aelfred and Tilwyn, who wrote the Anglo-Saxon interlinear gloss in this volume of Gospels, is uncertain1. Aldred is sometimes identified with Aldred the Provost, to whom four collects inserted in the Durham Ritual have been attributed. But according
1 Bouterwek (op. cit. p. xlvii) suggested that the marginal note .i. Tilw was to be expanded to i.e. Tilwyn, an explanation which seems to have been generally accepted.
Grant by Queen Eadgifu 125
to Sir E. Maunde Thompson (op. tit. p. 16) an examination of the handwriting has shewn this identification to be unfounded. Dr O'Conor (Bibliotheca MS. Stowensis, 1818-19, n. p. 180) suggested that Aldred may be the bishop of that name who pre- sided over the see of Chester-le-Street from 957 to 968.
1. 14. hine gihamadi miS Seem <5riim dcdv. Various interpreta- tions have been proposed for gihamadi, which does not occur else- where. Skeat (The Gospel according to St John in Anglo-Saxon and Northumbrian Versions, 1878, p. ix, note 1), followed by B.-T., translated ' made himself familiar with the three parts,' i.e. revised the gloss to the first three Gospels, which had been written under his supervision, the gloss to St John being his own work. The assumption that the Anglo-Saxon gloss is the work of more than one scribe is based on the fact that the first part, as far as John v. 10, is written in black ink, while the rest, together with certain corrections of the first part, is written in red ink. There are also variations in the handwriting. But Sir E. Maunde Thompson (op. cit. p. 16 f.) concludes that these variations are not more extensive than we should expect in the course of a work taken up by the same writer at different times, and considers that the whole gloss is the work of Aldred. He translates hine gihamadi, ' made for himself a home (in the monastery),' and explains the antithesis between ' the three parts ' and ' St John's part ' as being a distinction between ' work done for a home on earth, and work done to merit heaven.' Skeat, at a later date (St Matthew, in Anglo-Saxon and Northumbrian Versions, 1887, p. vii), thought that this explanation might be correct. Prof. Cook gives gihamiga, 'establish in a home.'
1. 16. ceht ora seolfres mift to inldde. The 'ore' was a standard of weight introduced by the Scandinavian invaders in the ninth and tenth centuries (O.N. eyrir). Originally the silver equivalent of the Roman aureus (whence the name), the eyrir varied from one period to another. In England it was sometimes reckoned to contain sixteen, sometimes twenty, pence.
XXIII
A Latin version of this document (B. 1065) has an additional paragraph at the beginning, stating that Eadgifu in 961 gave certain estates, including Culinges, to Canterbury Cathedral. This version is followed by a confirmation by Aethelred II.
126 English Historical Documents
Date. The date 1050 in an endorsement assigned by Mr Sanders to the thirteenth century is obviously impossible. A grant by Queen Eadgifu to Christ Church of the estates of Cooling and Osterland (among others) is entered in the Chronicle of Gervase of Canterbury quoted by Dugdale (op. cit. i. 96) under the year 960. This may be the date of the present document, which, in any case, must be later than the accession of Edgar (cf. p. 38, 1. 15 and note)1.
p. 37, 1. 5f. Eadgifu, the third wife of Edward the Elder, and the mother of Edmund and Eadred. The latter bequeathed to her extensive estates ; cf. p. 35, 1. 10 ff.
hu hire land com cet Culingon, i.e. Cooling, Kent. Is hire dat. or gen. sing. ?
1. 1 0 f . pa gelamp ...to Holme. This doubtless refers to the battle cet }>am Holme between the Kentish troops and the Danes ; cf. Chron. ann. 902 C. According to the fuller account given in the Chronicle ann. 905 A, Edward the Elder made an expedition against the Danes of East Anglia, who had been induced by Aethelwold to invade Mercia. When the order to concentrate for the homeward march was given, the Kentish troops disobeyed and were cut off by the Danes.
Plummer in his Index suggests that the site of the battle is to be identified with Holme, near Swaffham, Norfolk. But according to the Chronicle (ann. 905 A), the district harried by Edward lay betwuh dicum 7 Wusan...o8 8a fennas norfi. This would seem to point to some site between Huntingdon and Newmarket.
1. 11. Sigelm hire feeder. One of the two earls of Kent slain in the battle at the 'Holm' (cf. 1. 14 below). He signs a Kentish charter of 889 (B. 562) as dux. In 898 King Alfred gave an estate at Fearnleag to meo fideli duce Sigilmo (B. 576). This estate appears among those given by Eadgifu to Christ Church in 960 (see above).
1. 16. Byrhsige Dyrincg. Possibly to be identified with Beorhtsige minister, who witnessed the above-mentioned grant to Sigelm. In the Latin version he is described as quidam propinquus meus.
1 The account of the history of the estates given in the Latin version, which is dated 961, is addressed to Archbishop Oda, and the community at Christ Church. It is to be noted that the death of Oda is entered under the year 961 in the F MS. of the Chronicle. Stubbs (Memorials of St Dunstan, p. xcii ff.) and Plummer (Chron. n. p. 153 f.) consider that this date is erroneous, and conclude that Oda died in 958.
Grant by Queen Eadgifu 127
1. 17 f. }>cet }wo sceolde . . .be swa my dan feo, i.e. that she should produce a number of ' oath-helpers ' to swear to the truth of her own oath that the money had been repaid. The value of the combined oath of these persons was to be thirty pounds. The legal procedure is discussed by Laughlin, op. cit. pp. 250, 342.
1. 19. to jEglesforda. Aylesford, Kent.
1.23. pa gelamp...Godan oncutye. Probably after the marriage of Edward and Eadgifu. Edward died in 924 or 925 (cf. p. 38, 1. 1).
1. 28 f. buton twam sulungum cet Osterlande. For sulung see note on p. 71. Osterland has not been identified.
p. 38, 1. 8. cet Hamme wi]> Lcewe ; cf. Latin version, Hamme juxta Laswes; now Hamsey, a few miles north of Lewes, Sussex. This place appears in D.B. as Hame, in Testa de Nevill and Inquis. Nonarum as Hammes. According to Testa de Nevill, WUlelmus de Say tenet XIIII feoda militum in Hammes de eodem honore. Mr Round (Sussex Archaeological Collections, XLIV. p. 141) considers that the place subsequently became known as Hamsey from the family of Say.
1. 9 f. }>ara twegea cyninga...hire suna. Edmund and Eadred. The latter died in 955 and was succeeded by Eadwig (cf. 1. 14 below).
1. 15. o}> Eadgar astfyude. The exact meaning is uncertain. B.-T. gives astiSian, ' to become strong, grow up,' and compares gestiftian, which has the same meaning. From the context, how- ever, asttyude would seem rather to mean 'came to power, succeeded to the throne,' or perhaps ' increased in power ' (through becoming king of the whole nation). The Latin version has usque ad tempora Eadgari reyis. Edgar succeeded to the throne of Wessex on the death of Eadwig in 959. He had become king of the Mercians and Northumbrians in 957.
APPENDIX
KENTISH, MERCIAN AND NORTHUMBRIAN DIALECTS
I. Kentish.
1. The most striking feature of this dialect is the complete confusion between #j and I ; e is used for ~ie in all positions ; e.g. Etiel- (p. 10, 14, 15, 24), gefestnie (p. 7, 25), weg (p. 5, 5), and, on the other hand, & (or ae, %) is sometimes used for I ; e.g. swaslc (p. 4, 3, 6, 16), wiles (p. 4, 14), selle (p. 3, 14), fa^Z/" (p. 1, 12, 16, 20). This confusion is most prominent in V and VII, where e is universal. In I and II, which are earlier in date, and possibly influenced by Mercian orthography, se {ae, $) is frequently used, though in many cases incorrectly; e.g. gsefe (p. 1, 4, 15), -cuaedenan, -cu^denan (p. 1, 15, 20; p. 2, 7), haer (p. 2, 27).
2. The use of e for y, characteristic of later Kentish, seems not to occur in these charters ; but the sounds must have been confused about the middle of the ninth century, since we find -styde (for -stede) in X, as well as in a Latin charter of Aethel- berht dating from 862 (Sweet, O.E.T. 29). So also yfter for after in VII (p. 10, 18).
3. eo and io are confused, io predominating; e.g. ftiowas (p. 1, 10), CiokioS (p. 4, 23).
4. Delabialisation appears
(a) In diphthongs. The earliest example occurs in II : hia (p. 3, 17); others are wiaralde (p. 8, 2), hiabenlice (p. 8, 4), bebiade (p. 8, 24).
(6) In simple vowels in unaccented syllables; e.g. geornliocar (p. 3, 15), broftar (p. 10, 25), Lufa, Luba (p. 7, 3, 24) beside Lubo (for earlier Lufu).
Appendix 129
5. The preservation of ot, as in all non-West Saxon dialects, is found ; e.g. doeft (p. 1, 14), geroefa (p. 3, 3), goes (p. 7, 12; 8, 23), doehter (p. 9, 1); cf. also soelest (p. 2, 9; 10, 24), boem (p. 10, 19).
6. a/o-umlaut of i occurs
(a) Before velar consonants ; e.g. geornliocar (p. 3, 15).
(b) Before nasals; e.g. niomanne (p. 3, 18).
7. There is no trace of palatal diphthongisation due to a preceding palatal consonant; cf. gere (p. 4, 4), ceses (p. 7, 8).
These charters contain also certain archaic features :
(a) The archaic ending -ae, -se appears sometimes in I, in final syllables; e.g. geuueorctiw (p. 1, 13),fulliae (16).
(b) Archaic orthography is seen in the use of u for p in I; e.g. Uulfred (p. 1, 15), tusdj '(p. 1, 16).
(c) A curious feature of the later Kentish charters (IV V, VII) is that b is not infrequently written instead of f following archaic orthography; e.g. hiabenlice (p. 8, 4), Luba (p. 7, 24), agebe (p. 9, 3), ob (p. 8, 20).
IX and X contain features characteristic of the Kentish dialect :
1. e is used for H, though not universally; e.g. dege (p. 13, 18), gemene (p. 13, 13).
2. y is used for e (cf. p. 128); e.g. Sondemstyde (p. 13, 24): Sondenstede (p. 13, 13).
3. The occurrence of labial umlaut is also to be noted; e.g. gewriotu(p. 14, 30; 15, 1), begeotan (p. 14, 2, 23), awreotene (p. 14, 30).
A peculiarity of these texts is the use of eo for Kentish ce, W.S. e; e.g. gefeorum (p. 13, 11), seolest (p. 13, 12), beoc (p. 12 21).
In IX we find the curious form deodan (p. 12, 20), where W.S., Kent., and Vesp. Psalter have dydon. The eo in deodan is due, presumably, to labial umlaut of e; cf. dede in the Martyrology fragment (Sweet, O.E.T. p. 178, 36), which is generally considered to be East Saxon. This is probably an instance, not of Late Kentish confusion of y and e (cf. p. 128), but of the preservation of an older form; cf. O.H.G. teta. H. 9
130 English Historical Documents
Sweet (O.E.T. 45) considers the dialect of X to be that of Surrey. It is to be noted that Aelfred was probably Earl of Surrey (cf. p. 88).
II. Mercian.
Charter III is usually regarded as early Mercian. Another example of the same dialect is to be found in the form of a note and endorsements added to a Latin charter of Wiglaf of Mercia (B. 416):
f)es friodom waes bigeten aet Wiglafe cyninge mid &aem tuentigum hida aet Iddeshale, end &aes londes friodom aet Haeccaham mid fty ten hida londe aet Felda bi Weoduman, end Mucele Esninge ftaet ten hida lond aet Croglea.
Bis is Heanbirige friodom, se waes bigeten mid &y londe aet Iddeshale ~j aet Heanbyrig ten hida ftaes londes j aet Felda ten hida on Beansetum. j biscop gesalde Sigrede aldormenn sex hund scillinga on golde. j Mucele aldormenn ten hida lond set Croglea.
The chief Mercian characteristics are:
1. o for a before nasals ; e.g. lond (p. 5, 27).
2. a before I followed by a consonant remains unbroken ; e.g. salde (p. 6, 2).
3. t-umlaut of ea before r followed by a consonant is e; e.g. erfe (p. 6, 2).
4. t-umlaut of ea before h is ae ; e.g. aelmaehtgan (p. 6,
26).
5. t-umlaut of ea is e; e.g. hernisse (p. 5, 28).
6. e for He (Gmc e)', e.g. werun (p. 6, 24).
7. Monophthongisation through following guttural or palatal; e.g. -ber(c)ht. Note « from eea (W.S. ea) in aec (p. 6, 24).
8. The Merc, (and North.) form mift is found (p. 5, 28). Note i. For hiobbanne, siollanne, sile, see note on p. 81. Note ii. higida (p. 5, 27) is an archaic form.
Note Hi. trymme (p. 6, 4) seems to be an instance of a con- junctive form used as the indicative, as in West Saxon. It is, however, to be noted that isolated cases of the old indicative ending -u survive in later charters (B. 560, 636). But faestna
Appendix 131
(p. 6, 4) can hardly be explained in the same way; it seems rather to be a formation by analogy from 2 and 3 Sing. Indie.
Note iv. Is wotona (p. 6, 5) for uriotona, owing to the influence of w ; or have we to do with a scribal error, as sug- gested by Sweet ?
Charters XII, XIII, XIV and XV contain traces of Mercian dialect, the most important of which are as follows :
1. 5? (Gmc e) has become e; e.g. Werferft (p. 24, 16), -setna (p. 24, 28).
2. a appears as o before nasals ; but the evidence is not entirely consistent. In XIV there are 17 examples of o, 2 of a; in XIII 14 examples of o, 9 of a; in XII and XV a pre- dominates.
3. a remains unbroken before I followed by a consonant, but examples of ea are also found. In XIV there are 25 a: 2 ea\ in XV 5 a: 12 ea; in XII 2 a: 8 ea\ in XIII no examples of a, 11 of ea.
4. i-umlaut of ea (from breaking of a before r followed by a consonant) is e, «; e.g. erfe- (p. 21, 17), Mercna (p. 26, 22), syrfe- (p. 20, 23).
5. i-umlaut of ea (Gmc aw) is e; e.g. alesnessa (p. 20, 16), ale/dan (p. 24, 34).
6. Absence of diphthongisation of 2e after g is seen in geran (p. 25, 7).
7. Monophthongisation (through following guttural or palatal) is found in -gewerce (p. 20, 27), Berhthun (p. 27, 17). Beside these we have the diphthongisation preserved (probably through W.S. influence) in geweorce (p. 21, 1); and also the later (W .S.) geworce (p. 21, 8) with monophthongisation through influence of preceding w.
8. Labial umlaut of e, i occurs not only before u, but also before a; e.g. geofu (p. 21, 14), begeotan (p. 26, 33), weotan (p. 24, 9).
9. Corresponding to W.S. &lc (Kent, elc), we have eolc (p. 23, 11) as well as &lc\ cf. Vesp. Ps. ylc.
10. The form }>orh- (p. 21, 16) occurs, as in the Vesp. Psalter, corresponding to W.S., Kent, fturh, North, frerh.
9—2
132 English Historical Documents
11. Traces of the reduplicating preterite are preserved in forleortan (p. 20, 23), heht (p. 24, 28).
12. Other Mercian forms are walde (p. 26, 5), wyr&e (p. 26,6). Note. No. XIV presents e for H in several cases; e.g.
Helendan (p. 24, 1), cweft (p. 24, 26), and in one case, geberie (p. 25, 9), e for y. The former cases might be due to carelessness in transcribing e for £. Or are we to suppose that the original scribe or one of his copyists was a Kentishman ?
III. Northumbrian.
XXII contains certain Northumbrian characteristics:
1. Loss of final -n; e.g.frvma (1. 7).
2. The form eorfto (1. 18); cf. Sievers § 276, 5.
3. Monophthongisation in feht(o) (1. 15), -berhte (1. 7), gc(l. 11).
4. a before I followed by a consonant (as in Mercian); e.g. Aldred (1. 12), allvm (1. 7).
5. eo for ea in eolond (1. 8).
6. Note may also be taken of mift (cf. p. 130), &erh (cf. p. 131), the ending in feowero (1. 4), the -eo- in seolfne (1. 16), the (North.) palatalisation infor&geong (1. 18), and the unusual form ymbweson (1. 4).
The Dedication is also distinguished by the following orthographical peculiarities1 :
(a) g, & are written for e\ milsse (1. I8),fultvm$ (1. 12).
(6) gi- occurs for ge-, as frequently in the gloss to the last chapters (ch. xx, 23 to the end) of St John's Gospel. Bulbring (Anglia, Beiblatt xii, p. 142 ff.) suggests that this is to be explained by the supposition that the glossator, in writing this part of the gloss, made use of a copy in which the archaic gi- was preserved.
Fiichsel (Anglia xxiv, p. 1 ff.) offers a similar explanation for the writing of -i for other vowels in final syllables; e.g. gihamadi (1. 13), Cvdberhti (1. 14), Sci (1. 19). He supposes that the old etymological -i was kept in the copy of these chapters used by the glossator, who, being ignorant of its origin, incorrectly substituted -i for 'other vowels.
1 The letter u (sometimes used also for w) has in some cases a peculiar shape (printed v in the text).
ADDENDA.
1. p. 4, 1. 9 ff., and p. 79. Mr F. W. Stokoe has suggested to me that this transaction is to be explained by the wide-spread belief that it is unlucky to make a gift of a knife or other cutting instrument without receiving some present in return; cf. Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, ed. J. Hastings, 1913, vol. vi, p. 202, and the references there given.
2. p. 20, 1. 24 ff. The translation of this passage presents difficulties. Is it possible that J>&t here means 'further,' 'then'? If we suppose that 7 has been wrongly inserted, />ast must mean 'in order that,' and gefreoge must be subjunctive. But can fiset be used alone in a final sense? Another alternative is to suppose that p&t has been wrongly inserted by the copyist, and to take gefreoge as Pres. Indie.
3. p. 78. In a paper read by Mr J. Allan at a meeting of the Eoyal Numismatic Society (Athenaeum, Jan. 3, 1914, p. 18), it is stated that 'although the value of Offa's dinar must have been about that of a mancus of silver, it must be called a dinar and not a mancus, which was a money of account.' Prof. Liebermann (A rchiv fiir das Studium der Neueren Sprachen und Litera- turen, vol. cxxxi, p. 153) points out that in Alfred's time, at any rate, mancus denoted a gold coin. In Bishop Werferth's translation of Pope Gregory's Dialogues, aureos and solidos are translated by mancussum (cf. Grein, Bibl. der Angelsachs. Prosa, vol. v, p. 63 ff.). From a passage in the same work (p. 65), where aureos ita fulgentes tamquam ex igni producti is translated : mancessas 7 />a wseron swa lixende, swa swa hi wteron on }>a ylcan tid of fyre ut atogene, it is clear that the translator understood by the term mancus a gold coin, and not 'money of account' or an equivalent weight of silver.
INDEX NOMINUM.
Clarendon figures refer to pages; plain figures to lines of text.
Abba, Beeve, 3, 3; 4, 27; 6, 3, 16;
76, 78, 8O .Elfheah, Bp of Winchester, 112
— pr., 32, 27 .Elflaed, 19, 26; 1O2 Alfred, King. See Alfred
— Earl, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 87 ft'.
— 22, 6; 25, 16; 26, 25; 11O .filfric, Keeve, 33, 1
— 30, 27
JSlfsige, Bp of Winchester, 34, 20, 27; 119, 12O
— 33, 21; 118 yElfstan, 33, 21; 118 f.
— "Ses bleria,' 32, 25
— 26, 25; HO ^Elfthryth, d. of King Alfred, 98 ^Jthelbald, King of Wessex, 16, 2, 4,
22; 93, 94
— King of Mercia, 24, 18, 30; 1O8, 1O9
JSthelberg, 76 f.
^Ethelberht, King of Kent, 76, 85
— King of Wessex, 16, 5; 82, 86, 92 f., 102
^Etheldryth, w. of Aethelwulf, 31, 3, 7;
114
/Ethelferth, Earl, 22, 2; 25, 15 -Ethelfled, d. of King Alfred, 22, 25;
23, 17, 28; 26, 15; 26, 31; 98,
1O3, 1O6
— 'aet Domrahamme,' 1O2 yEtheltnfu, d. of King Alfred, 98 JDthelhelm, nephew of King Alfred,
18, 1, 15; 98
— Earl of Wiltshire, 98
— Higa, 3O, 18 fif. ; 31, 13 ft.; 32, 23; 114
2Ethelhun, Abbot of Berkeley, 22, 7;
1O3
-Ethelm. See ^Ethelhelm /Etholmod, Earl, 1O, 14 II. ; 83, 86,
87 -Ethelnoth, Beeve, 7O, 87
— 26, 32; 110
— 31, 8; 32, 25
^thelred, King of Wessex, 16, 2, 4, 10, 23; 93, 94, 1O2
— Earl of the Mercians, 18, 15 ; 2O, 14; 21, 19, 34; 22, 25; 23, 17, 28; 24, 9; 25, 14; 26, 20, 31; 98, 1O3, 1O6, 1O7
— Archbishop of Canterbury, 11, 22; 12, 8; 15, 8, 26; 74, 87, 92
— Gainorum comes, 99
— kinsman of Earl Aelfred, 14, 25; 91
— 30, 19
JEthelric, son of Aethelmund," 1O4 ^thelstan 'Half-King,' 33, 19; 117, 118
— King of England, 32, 28; 38, Iff.; 72, 74, 77, 82, 116
— nnder-king of Kent, 84
— Aetheling, 76
— kinsman of Aethelwold, 25, 17 JSthelweard, son of King Alfred, 97,
112
yEthelwold, nephew of King Alfred, 18, 4, 15; 94, 99, 126
— Bp of Winchester, SO, 119
— Earl, 33, 117ff.
— son of Earl Aelfred, 14, 8; 9O
— Earl of Kent, 12,9; 9O
— kinsman of Reeve Abba, 3, 21
— deacon, 7, 21; 82
— Bp of Lindisfarne, 36, 3 ff. ; 123
— priest, 24, 24 ff.; 25, 5ff. ^thelwulf, King of Wessex, 16, 1, 22,
31 ; 86, 92 f ., 94 f.
— husband of Aetheldryth, 31, 5
— son of Aethelheah, 69 Alburga, St, 12O
Alchhere, brother of Abba, 3, 13, 21 ;
76 Alchun, Bp of Worcester, 6, 9; 24,
25; 25, 30; 26, 18; 81, 1O8 Aldberht, 24, 25
Index Nominum
135
Aldrcd, priest, 39, 4ff. ; 124 f.
Alfred, King of Weasex, 15 fif. ; 21,1, 32; 28, 28; 24, 10; 28, 5; 8O, 23; 81, 31; 91 if., 1O6, HOf., 119 — father of Aldred, 86 n., 124
Alhhelm, Earl, 26, 16
Alhmund, son of Aethelwold, 25, 1 ff.
Alhthryth, d. of Earl Aelfred, 12, 27;
13, 6, 17, 23; 87
Asser, Bp of Sherborne, 28, 25 ; 1OO Athulf. See Aethelwulf Augustine, St, 71, 85
Beagmund pr., 4, 25; 7, 16
Bede, 72, 76, 123
Beornheah, 7, 19; 11, 8; 16, 16
Beornhelm, abbot, 11, 13; 12, 11;
16, 12 Beornthryth, wife of Earl Oswulf, 1,
4; a, 15, 19; 7Of. Beornulf, kinsman of Bp Denewulf,
29, 5, 17; 112 Berchtred, Bp of Lindsey, 6, 10 Ber(c)htwulf, King of Mercia, 6, 26;
6, 4; 81, 104
Berhtsige, kinsman of Earl Aelfred,
14, 13
Billfrith, 36, 3ff.; 124 Burgred, King of Mercia, 94, 1O3 Byrhsige Dyrincg, 37, 16; 126 Byrhthelru, 8O, 29; 31, 27 Byrnstan pr., 33, 1
Cenwalh, King of Wessex, 97 Ceolwulf, King of Mercia, 1O3 Ceolburg, Abbess of Berkeley, 1O3,
104
Ceolheard pr., 12, 15 Ceolmund, Bp of Rochester, 112 Ceolnoth, Abp of Canterbury, 4, 23;
7, 4, 14; 11, 1; 69, 76, 88, 86
Geolred, Bp of Leicester, 6, 12 Ceolaht, father of Cynulf, 21, 5, 10;
1O6
Cnut, King of England, 72, 74 Coenwulf, King of Mercia, 7O Cuthberht, Abp of Canterbury, 77 Cuthbert, St, 36, 7 ff. ; 72, 123 Cuthred, King of Kent, 7O Cyneferth, Bp of Lichfield, 6, 8; 81 Cynethryth, widow of Aethelmod, 1O,
14 ff.; 83, 86, 87 Cynewulf, .son of Ceoluht, 21, 5, 15,
16; 105
Denewulf, Bp of Winchester, 27, 24;
28, 22; 29, 4; 11O Deorlaf, Bp of Hereford, 22, 1; 82
— Bp, 6, 11; 82
Deormod, 31, 8 Diernodus, 84 Drihtnoth, 9, 25; 84 Dunstan, 84, 24; 112, 12O
Eadbald, King of Kent, 11 Eadburh, mother of Ealhawitb, 99 Eadelm, 32, 28 Eadfrith, Bp of Lindisfarne, 36, 3 ff. ;
123 Eadgar, King of England, 38, 15 ;
96, 126, 127
- Bp of Hereford, 28, 28 Eadgifu, 37 f., 121, 126 ff. Eadmund, 12, 11; 15, 17 Eadnoth, 22, 5; 25, 16; 26, 25 ff.;
27, 5; HO
Eadred, King, 33, 7, 10; 84 f.; 88, 11; 96, 116 f., 119 ff., 127
— kinsman of Earl Aelfred, 14, 24, 28
Eadric, brother of Earl Aethelwold,
33, 18; 116, 117 Eadw(e)ald, 8, 19 ff.; 1O, 3, 14 ff.;
16, 18; 83, 85, 86, 87 Eadweard, King. See Edward the
Elder
- 31, 8
Eadwig, King, 38, 14; 96, 127 Ealdereth. See Aethelweard Ealdred, 8, 21, 29; 9, 18, 28; 83 Ealfthrytha, d. of Earl Oswulf, 69 Ealhburg, 8, 19 ff. ; 9, 13 ff . ; 1O, 1 ;
78, 83, 84, 85, 86 Ealhhere, 9. 1 ; 83 ff . Ealhhun, 12, 15 Ealhswith, w. of King Alfred, 18, 9,
13; 99, 119 Eanbald, 26, If.; 1O9 Eanstan prafost, 33, 1 Eanswith, St, 77, 78 Eanulf Penearding, 38, 6; 115 Eardwulf, s. of Beornthryth, 69
— abbot, 12, 8; 15, 13 Eastmund, 26, 3, 10, 15, 37 ; 1O9 f. Ecgberht, King of Wessex, 1O2 Ecglaf, 24, 28; 1O8
Ecgulf, 17, 27
Edmund, King, 1O2, 126, 127
Edward the Elder, King, 17, 15; 27,
24; 37, 21; 38, 1; 95, 99, HO,
112, 114, 119, 126 Eodmund. See Ceolmund Esne, Bp of Hereford, 92
— Bp, 18, 20; 92, 1OO Ethilwald. See JLthelwald
Forthred, 5, 26 ; 81 Freothomund, 4, 9, 14; 79, 8O
136
English Historical Documents
Gods, 37. 8ft.; 38,2, 12 Godwin, Earl, 78, 1O3 Grimbald, HO
Heaberht, Bp of Worcester, 26, 17 ;
81, 11O
Helrastan, 3O, 18; 31, 1, 6, 12; 114 Heming, 2O, 1O8 Heregyth, 6, 2, 8; SO Herewyn, 12, 4; 87 Higa. See JBthelhelm Higa Huda. Earl of Surrey, 88
Justus, Bp of Rochester, 91
Leofheah, 17, 17
Leofric, 38, 12
Leofstan, 38, 12
Lufu, 7, 3ff. ; 8, 9, 11; 82, 83
— 20, 18 Luha, 29, 19
Milred, Bp of Worcester, 26, 1, 3, 12 ;
1O9 Mucel, 6, 15; 82
— 6, 24; 82
Niclas, 12, 15 Nothwulf, 4, 36; 76
Oda, Archbishop of Canterbury, 12O,
126
Odda, 32, 24
Ofta, King of Mercia, 78, 1O1 Ordlaf, 32, 10,24; 116 Osberht, 1O, 16 Osburh, 99, 122 Oscytel, Bp of Dorchester, 35, 2, 7;
119, 120 f. Osferth, kinsman of King Alfred, 18,
6, 15; 99
— 32, 24 Oslac, 99, 122
Osmund, 4, 32; 7,19; 9,26; 11,5;
84
Oswald, Bp of Worcester, 1O6 Oswulf, Earl, 1, 4, 17; 2, 15, 19;
69ft., 78
— 72
— 31, 3, 4, 6
Plemunth. See Plegmund Plegmund, Abp of Canterbury, 28, 21; 1O6, 112
Saethryth, regina, 6, 7 Sefreth, pr., 11, 11; 86 Sigefreth diac., 7, 23; 82
— archdeacon, 11, 16; 82
— pr., 11, 15; 15, 15 Sigelm, Earl, 37, 11; 126 Siguulf, 12, 10; 15, 19
— kinsman of Earl Aelfred, 14, 18, 20
Strica, 3O, 29
Tilhere, Bp of Worcester, 1O3 Tilwyn, 36, note 7; 124 footnote Tova, 79 Tunberht, Bp of Lichfield, 81
Ubba, 3O, 30
Weobstan, Earl of Wiltshire, 12O
Werbald, diac., 7, 22; 82
Werburg, w. of Earl Aelfred, 12, 18,
26; 13, 2ft.; 14, 19; 15, 14; 87,
91 Werferth, Bp of Worcester, 18, 21;
21, 37; 22, 26; 23, 9; 24, 16;
25, 16, 29; 26, 19; 27, 13; 92,
10O 1O5
— pr., 27, 16
Werhard, kinsman of Wulfred, 75
— pr., 4, 26
Wigea, 29, 26; 3O, 4; 114 Wighelm, Bp of Selsey(?), 28, 26;
112
Wighen. See Wighelm Wiglaf, King of Mercia, 82 Wihtbord, 3O, 27; 31, 26; 32, 25 Wilfserd. See Wilferth Wilferth, Bp of Worcester, 24, 19;
112
— (? for Werferth, Bp of Worcester), 28,23; 112
Wimund, Bp, 28, 29; 112 Wulfhelm, Bp of Wells, 36, 4; 121
— aurifex, 12, 15 Wulfhun, pr., 24, 29
— "Ses blaca,' 3O, 29 Wulfnoth Hwita, 33, 1
Wulfred, Abp of Canterbury, 1, 15;
69, 7O, 71, 73, 76
- Bp, 21, 36 Wulfrige. See Wulfsige Wulfsige, Bp of Sherborne, 1OO
— Bp of London, 28, 24; 112 Wulfthryth, regina, 1O2
INDEX LOCORUM.
Abingdon, Abbey of, 73, 8O
Acleah, Synod at, 69 f.
jEfeningum, to (Avening, Glos.), 24,
21 ; 1O8, 1O9
(Aylesford, Kent), 37, 19 , set (Bashing, Surrey), 18,
4
^Escesdun, 33, 19; 117 f. M»ctun (Ashton-Keynes, Wilts.), 18,
1 Afen (the Kiver Avon, Glos.), 22, 14,
17; 105
Albans, St, Abbey of, 72, 79 Aldingbourne, Sussex. See Raiding-
burnan
Alton, Hants, or Wilts. See Aweltun Ambresbyrig, set (Amesbury, Wilts.),
17, 29; 35, 10
Andeferas (Andover, Hants.), 34, 9 Angemseringum, set (Angmering, Sus- sex), 18, 8 Arreton, I. of Wight. See Eadering-
tun
Ashdown, Berks, 117 f. Ashton-Keynes, Wilts. See JEsctun Avening, Glos. See Mfeningum Aweltun (Alton, Hants, or Wilts.), 17,
23 Axanmuffan, set (Axmouth, Devon),
17, 31
Aylesford, Kent. See JEglesford
Barnham, Sussex, 99
Basingum, set (Basing, Hants.), 36,
11 Beadingahamm (Beddingham, Sussex),
18, 3
Beadingum, set (Seeding, Sussex), 18,
3
Bearrucscir, 34, 17 Beccanlea, set (Beckley, Sussex), 18,
7
Beddingham, Sussex. See Beadinga- hamm Bedewindan, stt (Bedwin, Wilts.), 17,
21
Beeding, Sussex. See Beadingum Bercleah (Berkeley, Glos.), 2Of.,
1O3 f.
Bermondsey, Abbey of, 9O Bishop's Bourn, Kent. See Burnan Bislege, to (Bisley, Glos.), 24, 20 Bradanburnan, set (Brabourne, Kent), 9, 15; 85
Bradanford, to (Bradford, Wilts.), 34, 10
Bradanwsetere, set (Broadwater, Sus- sex), 33, 20
Branecescumb (Branscombe, Devon), 17, 31
Broadwater, Sussex. See Bradanwse- tere
Burnan, set (Bishop's Bourn, Kent), 2, 12; 74 f. - set, 8, 20; 9,8; 83
Burnham, 18, 4; 98 f.
Burnhamm (Burnham, Som.), 17, 18
Buttington, Montgomery, 98, 11O
Cadoc, St, Monastery of, 72 Caln(-e?) (Calne, Wilts.), 34, 8 Candover, Hants. See Cendefer Canterbury, Abps of. See Augustine, Cuthberht, Wulfred, Ceolnoth, M- thelred, Plegmund, Oda, Dunstan
— Chartularies, 87
— Christ Church, 1, 2, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 14, 34, 37, 38, 69, 7O, 71, 72, 73, 74, 77, 79, 8O, 116, 126
— St Augustine's, 9, 15; 1O, 10; 84, 85, 86
— Synod at, 69 Cantuctun, 17, 21; 96 Carcel, 33, 21; 118
Carumtun (Carhampton, Som.), 17,
17 Cealfloca (Challock, Kent), 6, 3, 19;
76, 79
Ceaster, 34, 11; 1O8 f. Cegham (Cheatn, Surrey), 33, 19 Celchyth, 1O6 Cendefer (Candover, Hants.), 17, 36;
98
Cent, 4, 7; 14, 17; 17, 24; 30, 12 Ceodre, set (Cheddar, Som.), 17, 19;
96 Ceorteseg (Chertsey, Surrey), 14, 6,
16; 89
Cert (Chart, Kent), 1O, 15, 22; 86 Certham (Chartham, Kent), 11, 24 f.;
12, 3; 87
Challock, Kent. See Cealfloca Chart, Kent. See Cert Chartham, Kent. See Certham Cheam, Surrey. See Ceyham Cheddar, Somerset. See Ceodre Chertsey, Surrey. See Ceorteseg
138
English Historical Documents
Chewton-Mendip, Som. See Ciwtun Chicklade, Wilts. See Cytlid Chillenden, Kent. See Ciollandene Chippenham, Wilts. See Cippan-
hamm
Chiseldon, Wilts. See Cyseldene Christ Church, Canterbury. See Can- terbury Ciollandene, set (Chillenden, Kent), 8,
14 Cippanhamm (Chippenham, Wilts.),
18, 1; 32, 13 Ciaseffebeorg, 6, 29; 81 Ciwtun (Chewton-Mendip, Som.), 17,
20; 96
Clapham, Surrey. See Cloppaham Clearas (Kingsclere, Hants.), 17, 36;
33, 22; 34, 9 Clovesho, Synod at, 1 1O Cloppaham (Clapham, Surrey), 13, 15;
14,5 Columtune, set (Cullompton, Devon),
17, 31
Compton, Surrey. See Cumtun Cooling, Kent. See Culingon Crewkerne, Som. See Crucern Crogdene, set (Croydon, Surrey), 11,
30; 87
Crondall, Hants. See Crundellan Crowle, Worcs., 82 Croydon, Surrey. See Crogdene Crucern (Crewkerne, Som.), 17, 30 Crundellan, set (Crondall, Hants.), 18,
3 Culingon, set (Cooling, Kent), 87, 6;
38, 13, 25; 126
Cullompton, Devon. See Columtune Cumtun (Compton, Surrey?), 18, 2 Cylfantune, set (?Kilton, Som.), 17,
17; 96 f. Cyseldene, set (Chiseldon, Wilts.), 17,
25; 96 f. Cytlid (Chicklade, Wilts.), 32, 3 ; 115
Damerham, Wilts. See Domra- hamm
Dean (East and West), Sussex. See Dene
Dean, nr Salisbury. See Deon
Defene, 34, 25
Dene, set (East and West Dean, Sus- sex), 17, 29; 97
Deon (?Dean, nr Salisbury), 17, 29; 97
Diccelingum, set (Ditchling, Sussex),
18, 7
Domrahamm (Damerham, Wilts.), 19,
25; 34, 7; 96, 1O2 Dorceaster (Dorchester, Oxon.), 36, 3;
12O
Dors ate, 34, 22 Dover, Monastery at, 69 Downton, Wilts. See Duntun Droitwich, Worcs. See Saltwic Dryganleg, Glos., 25, 22 Duntun(-e?) (Downton, Wilts.), 34, 7
Eaderingtun (?Arreton, Is. of Wight),
17, 28; 97
Ealda Mynster. See Winchester Ealdingburnan, set (Aldingbourne,
Sussex), 18, 2 Eanburgemere, 6, 1 Bashing, Surrey. See Mtcmgum, Eblesburnan, set (Ebbesbourne Wake,
Wilts.), 29, 5, 18 Edington, Wilts. See E&andune Eowcumb, 22, 13, 14 E&andune, set (Edington, Wilts.), 18,
10; 99 Exanmynster, set (Exminster, Devon),
17, 32
Exeter, St Peter's, 116
Fearnleag (Farley, Kent or Surrey),
126 Fearnlege, on (Farley, Surrey?), 14,
24; 91 Felhhamm (Felpham, Sussex), 18, 8;
99
Feowertreowehyl, 5, 29 f. Finglesham, Kent. See Qenglesham Folcanstane, to (Folkestone, Kent),
Monastery at, 3, 23; 4, 4; 69, 77 — St Peter's Church, 78 Funtial (Fonthill, Wilts.), 3O, 17; 32,
2
Gallen, St, Monastery of, 72
Gatatun (Gatton, Surrey), 14, 9
Geht, 6, 1; 81
Gemyfflege, on, Glos., 26, 20; 1O9
Ghent, St Peter's, 98
Gift (Yeovil, Somerset), 17, 30
Glsestingabirig, set (Glastonbury,
Som.), 34, 25; 1O2, 118, 12O Gleaweceaster (Gloucester), 24, 9 Godelmingum, set (Godalming, Surrey),
18, 5 Greenwich, Kent, 98
Gyldeford (Guildford, Surrey), 18, 5
Hsesldene, in, 22, 12
Hseslwelle, 22, 12, 16
Hamm (Hamsey, Sussex), 38, 8; 127
Hamtunscir, 34, 21
Hanbury, Worcs., 82
Hartland, Devon. See Heortifitun
Heardanlege, on, Glos., 26, 22
Henbury, Glos., 1O5
Index Locorum
139
Heortigtun (?Hartland, Devon), 17,
16; 95
Holm, 37, 11; 99, 126 Horsalege, on (Horsley, Surrey), 13,
15; 14, 13 Hrofescester (Rochester, Kent), 14,
27; 91
Hrycgleag, Glos., 22, 15; 1O5 Hryiferanfelda, set (Rotherfield, Sus- sex), 18, 7
Hurstbourne, Hants. See Hysseburna Hwerun/l (Wherwell, Hants.), 34, 9 Hwe,tedune, on (Waddon, Surrey), 14,
9; 9O Hwitancyrican, set (Whitchurch,
Hants.?), 17, 30; 97 Hyde Abbey. See Winchester Hysseburna (Hurstbourne, Hants.),
17, 22 ff.; 29, 24; 96
Kilton, Somerset. See Cylfantune Kingsclere, Hants. See Clearas
Lsewe (Lewes, Sussex), 38, 9; 127 Lambburna (Lambourn, Berks.), 18,
9
Langandene, set, 16, 32; 96 Leangafelda, on (?Longfield, Kent),
13, 15, 24; 14, 13; 89 Leatherhead, Surrey. See Leodridan Le,ncanfelda, on (?Lingfield, Surrey),
14, 14; 91
Leodridan, set (Leatherhead, Surrey),
17, 22
Leominster, Sussex. See Lulling-
mynster
Lewes, Sussex. See Leewe Lewisham, Kent, 98 Lidgeard (Lyddiard, Wilts.), 32, 16;
115 Liminge (Lyminge, Kent), 3, 22; 69,
70, 76 f. Liminum, of (Lympne, Kent), 1, 20;
78 Lindisfarne, Bishops of. See Cuth-
bert, Eadfrith, .Ethelwald
— Gospels, 36
— Monastery at, 86, 72, 123 Lingfield, Surrey. See Lqncanfelda Liwtun (Luton, Devon), 17, 33; 98 Longanhrycge, on (Longridge, Glos.),
25, 4; 1O9
Longfield, Kent. See Leangafelda Longridge, Glos. See Longanhrycge Lullingmynster (Leominster, Sussex),
18, 8 ; 99
Lullington, Sussex, 99 Lustleigh, Devon, 98 Lyddiard, Wilts. See Lidgeard Lyminge, Kent. See Liminge
Lympne, Kent. See Liminum
Malmesbury, Abbey of, 116 Meon (Meon, Hants.), 17, 29 Michelney, Abbey of, 116 Milborne, Som. See Mylenburnan Milton, Abbey of, 116 Mongeham, Kent. See Mundlingham Mundlingham (Mongeham, Kent), 7,
25; 8, 2, 11, 14 Mylenburnan, set (Milborne, Som.),
17, 32
Nsegleslege, on, Glos., 25, 23; 1O9 Nailsworth, Glos., 1O9 Netelamstede, on (Nettlestead, Kent),
13, 16; 14, 19 New Minster. See Winchester Newton, Wilts. See Niwanttine Niwantune, set (Newton, Wilts.?), 33,
20 Nunnaminster. See Winchester
Oceburnan, set (Ogbourn, Wilts.), 33,
18
Old Minster. See Winchester Osterland, Kent(?), 37, 29; 38, 4,
13; 126, 127
Pefesigge, set (Pewsey, Wilts.), 17, 22 Penpau (Penpole, Glos.), 22, 15; 1O5
Rochester, Kent. See Hrofescester Roddanbeorg (Rodborough, Glos.), 26,
20; 1O9
Rome, 76, 89, 94 Rotherfield, Sussex. See Hryfferan-
felda
Ssefern (the River Severn), 22, 16 ;
1O5 Saltwic (Droitwich, Worcs.), 23, 21 ;
26, 22; 1O7, 11O
Sanderstead, Surrey. See Sondenstede Sceaftesbirig, to (Shaftesbury, Dorset),
34, 12; 98 Scealdeburnan, ace. (?) (Shalbourne,
Wilts.), 34, 10 Scireburnan, set (Sherborne, Dorset),
18, 21; 100
— St Mary's, 1OO Scorranstane, to, Glos., 24, 21; 1O8 Selesdun (Selsdon, Surrey), 13, 14,
24
Selsey, Bishopric of, 1OO Sengetlege, on, 26, 21 Shaftesbury, Dorset. See Sceaftet-
birig Shalbourne, Wilts. See Scealdeburnan
140
English Historical Documents
Sherborne, Dorset. See Scireburnan Shirehampton, Glos., 1O6 Smececumb, on, 26, 21 Sodbury, Glos. See Soppanbyrg Somerton, Somerset. See Sumortun Sondenstf.de, on (Sanderstead, Surrey),
13, 13, 24 Soppanbyrg, set (Sodbury, Glos.), 26,
2, 6 Stseningum, set (Steyning, Sussex), 18,
6 Stanhamstede (Stanstead, Kent), 1, 6,
21; 2, 33; 69 ff.
Steyning, Sussex. See Stseningum Stoc (Stoke Bishop, Glos.), 2O, 24;
21, 4, 17; 1O4 Strsetneat, 17, 16; 96 Sturemynster,set (Sturminster, Dorset),
17, 30
SumorsKte, 34, 25 Sumortun (Somerton, Som. ), 3O, 28 SuSeswyrSe, set 17, 32 ; 97 f. Sufirige, 14, 17; 34, 17; 36, 12 Suthseaxe, 34, 17; 36, 12 Sufftun (Sutton, Sussex), 18, 7 Suttun (Sutton, Hants, or Surrey), 17,
22 Swinbeorgum, set (! Swanborough,
Wilts.), 16, 19; 04 Sweordesstan, 22, 13
Tettanbyrg, to (Tetbury, Glos.), 27,
3; 110 Jjeecham (Thatcham, Berks.), 34, 10;
nef.
Thanet, 86, 88
Thatcham, Berks. See Jysecham
•Benglesham (Finglesham, Kent), 9, 2,
10 fiombyrig, to (Thornbury, Glos.), 24,
21 Jjunresfeld (Thunderfield, Surrey), 18,
4
Tihhanhyl, 6, 1
Tisbury, Wilts. See Tyssebyrig Triconscir (?Trigg, Cornwall), 17, 16,
34; 96 Twyfyrde, set (Twyford, Hants.), 17,
32 Tyssebyrig, to (Tisbury, Wilts.), 32,
7
Waddon, Surrey. See Hw$tedune Waldeswellan, on, 22, 12, 13 Waneting (Wantage, Berks.), 18, 10; 36, ll; 99, 121
Wardour, Wilts. See Weardoran Warminster, Wilts. See Worgemynster Washington, Sussex. See Wessmga- tun
Wasing, Berks., 118
Wealcynn, 17, 34; 98
Weardoran, ant (Wardour, Wilts.), 31,
10, 16
Wedmor (Wedmore, Som.), 17, 18 Welewe, set (Wellow, Som.), 17, 35 Welig (? Wellow, I. of Wight), 18, 1;
98
Weogernaceaster. See Worcester Wellow. See Welewe, Welig Wessingatun (Washington, Sussex),
33, 19; 116, 118 Westarham (Westerham, Kent), 13,
14
Westbury, Glos., 1O4 Wherwell, Hants. See Hwerwyl Whitchurch. See Hwitancyrican Wigornaceaster. See Worcester Wilig (Wiley, Wilts.), 33, 7, 13; 98,
117 Wiltun (Wilton, Wilts.), 34, 12;
12O
Wiltunscir, 34, 21 Winchester, Bishopric at, 33, 12;
35, 1
— Bishops of. See Denewulf, .Elf- sige, .33thelwold
— Cathedral or Old Minster, 17, 25 ; 27, 25; 29, 4; 33, 8, 12; 34, 6; 76, 97, 101 11O, 111, 112, 117, 119
— Hyde Abbey, 1O1
— New Minster, 27 f.; 84, 8; 97, 101, 110 ff.
— Nunnaminster, 34, 10 f.; 119
— St Andrew's, 28, 6; 111
— St Gregory's, 28, 11, 12; 112
— Windcirice, 27, 25; 11O Wiston, Sussex, 118 Woodchester, Glos. See Wuduceaster Woolwich, Kent, 98
Worcester, Bishopric at, 21, 18; 26, 8; 1O6, 11O
— Bishops of. See Wilferth, Milred, Tilhere, Heaberht, Alchun, Werferth, Dunstan, Oswald
— Fortifications, 22 f.
— Market dues, 23
— St Mary's, 1O6
— St Peter's, 22, 25; 23, 14; 26, 17, 36; 1O6, 113
Worgemynnter (? Warminster, Wilts.),
32, 23
Wudotun, 6, 27; 81 Wuduceatter (Woodchester, Glouc. ),
24, 17; 1O8
Yeovil, Somerset. See Gift York, 108
INDEX RERUM.
ale, 73 f.
amber, 2, 2; 4, 4; 6, 4; 7, 7, and
passim ; 73 f. amphora, 74 iinc ilia Dei, 7, 3; 82 angilde, 2O, 27; 21, 9; 1O5 anniversary, celebration of, 1, 12, 15 f.;
2, 7; 7O, 73, 74 arbitration, 3O, 26; 116
biriele, 35, 17; 122
bloodletting, 8O
boclond, 14, 8ff.; 17, 16, 24; 78,
88, GO, 104
bookland, alienation of, 19, 3ff.; 1O1 bridges, construction of, 1O6, 113
Ceaster, 1O8 ceorl, 78 cheese, 73
Church, repair of, 113 Church services, 23, 9 ff. circan hlaford, 1, 11; 4, 18 ff.; 23, 4, 24; 26, 6, 12; 77, 79, 1O7, 1O9
clerks, 71
Codex Aureus, 12, 88 Codex Wintoniensis , 27, 29, 33, 97,
1O3 commendation, 4, 20 f.; 17, 19; 19,
23 ff., 79 confiscation, for crime, 26, 10; 32,
8f.; 1O9, 115
confraternity, admission to, 72 cyningfeorm, 2O, 20; 1O4 cyrelif, 19, 17 ; 1O2 cyricsceatt, 29, 11; 113
Danes, ravages of the, 85, 88, 94, 108, 12O
deacon, 2, 20, and passim; 75 debts, payment of, 1O1 discSegn, 36, 17; 121 f. Durham Liber Vitae, 72 dux, 88
elmeshlafes, 7, 7; 83 erf e hand, 6, 13; 8Of.
fsestengeweorc, 2O, 27 ; 29, 12 ; 1O6,
106, 113 feorm, 6, 14; 11, 29; 73, 87
feormfultum, 14, 6; 9O fers, 9, 19 ; 86
fiftig, 2, 21; 76 fihtewite, 23, 22 ; 1O7 folclond, 14, 10; 88, 9O, 1O4 foodrent, 73, 78, 8O. See/com fortifications, 22, 27; 1O6. See
fsestengeweorc fuguldag, 1, 24; 73
gufol, 20, 18, 25; 29, 6; 1O4, 112
gebonnger, 24, 8; 1O7 f.
geleon, 14, 33; 91
gemyntigan, 35, 6; 121
geneat, 24, 28; 1O8
gesuji, 2, 6; 8, 28; 74
gibeide, 36, '.); 124
'gierd, 28, 2; 111
gihamadi, 36, 13 ; 124
gihrinan, 36, 10; 124
giffryde, 36, 9; 124
Godes ffeou; 2, 21 and passim; 76
ham, 17, 35 and passim; 98
hand, 13, 26; 1O1, 1O2
heriot, 33, 15; 117
honey, 2, 4; 5, 7; 7, 12; 2O, 21;
79 f.
horn, 3, 17; 76 household, king's, 1OO, 121 f. hrasglfen, SO, 27; 36, 17; 122 hundred, great, 121 Hyde Register, 27, 91, 1O1
indiction, 1O7 f.
intercession for dead, 18, 22 ; 19, 27; 76
lam, 26, 2; 87, 112
Isenelandum, 33, 23; 119
landfeoh, 23, 22; 1O7
leohtgesceot, 74
Liber de Hyda, 16, 34, 91, 1O1
Liber Vitae, 72
Lindisfarne Gospels, 36, 123
m&ssepreost, 2, 18, andposstm; 76 mancus, 4, 7 etc.; 77 f., 121 manumission, 32 f., 116 meghond, 1O, 17, 25 ; 86, 1O2 mi'tta, 2, 3; 7, 12; 73, 1O5, 113 monachism, dech'ne in, 71
oath, 31,6, 12; 37,18; 38,6; 114,
127 ore, 36, 15; 125
142
English Historical Documents
passione, 2, 20; 76
payments in kind. See food-rent
pending, 3, 25, andpomm; 77, 78
pig, value of, 79
preost, 75
prior, 74
Psalter, intercessory use of, 2, 21 ; 9,
19; 23, 9fiV, 76 pund, 18, 11, and passim; 99
relics, 33, 3; 36, 19; lie
reogolweard, 2, 15 ff.; 74
saltworks, 1O7
stilling, 6, 3; 27, 3; 78, 81
seampending, 23, 20; 1O7
service, military, 21, 1 ; 29, 12 ;
1O5
setter, 6, 7; 74, 79 f. sextarius, 74, 79 sheep, value of, 79
slavery, 19, 16 f.; 29, 22; 32 f., 1O2,
113, 116, 116 spinlhealf, 19, 9; 1O2 sperehealf, 19, 9; 1O2 stigweard, 36, 21; 122 sujl, 2, 13; 74, 75 sulung, 1, 6; 3, 14; 9, 2; 71, 7« sword, value of, 18, 16; 79
theft, punishment of, 1O7. See con- fiscation
wseg, 2, 1, and passim; 73
wsegnscilling, 23, 20; 1O7
wax, 2, 10; 74
Welsh ale, 2, 3; 74
wergeld, 4, 8; 13, 22; 79, 78, 89
wifhand, 19, 10 ; 1O1
wills, 3ff., 13ft., 15 ff., 33, 34 f.
wine, 2, 4
wite, 21, 9; 1O5
wohceapung, 23, 22; 1O7
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SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY
Return this material to the library
from which it was borrowed.
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