SOUTHEY'S
LIFE OF NELSON

BY THE SAME AUTHOR

THE LIFE OF NELSON

THE STORY OF H.M.S.
"VICTORY"

NELSON'S FLAG-SHIP

LIFE OF ADMIRAL SIR
JOHN LEAKE

SEA-KINGS OF BRITAIN

SPINDRIFT

REALMS OF MELODY

SOUTHEY'S

LIFE OF NELSON

EDITED WITH INTRODUCTION AND
CRITICAL NOTES

BY

GEOFFREY CALLENDER

M.A., F.R.IIist.S.

Professor of History and English, Royal Naval College,

Greenwich ; Vice-President of the Navy Records

Society ; Hon. Secretary of the Society

for Nautical Research

WITH TWELVE MAPS
AND PLANS

1922
LONDON : PUBLISHED BY J. M. DENT
AND SONS LTD., AND IN NEW YORK
BY E. P. DUTTON AND COMPANY

All rights reserved

PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

SOUTHEY .

Southey's " Nelson "
Bibliography .

Part I

Part II
Chap.
Chap.

Part III.
Chap.
Chap.
Chap.
Chap.

Part IV

Part
Part
Part

V

VI

VII
Chap.
Chap.

Part VIII

Part IX
Chap.
Chap.
Chap.
Chap.
Chap.

Appendix-
Index

. — Boyhood and Youth .

. — Early Services ....
I. During the War of American Independ(
II. Cruise of the Boreas

— Cruise of the " Agamemnon "

I. Lord Hood being Commander-in-Chief

II. Admiral Hotham being Commander-in-Chief
III. A Digression ....

IV. Sir John Jervis being Commander-in-Chief

. — St. Vincent and Teneriffe

. — The Battle of the Nile

. — Naples .....

. — The Baltic Campaign of i8oi
I. The Battle of Copenhagen
II. After the Battle ....

. — At Home .....

. — The Campaign of Trafalgar
I. The Blockade of Toulon

II. The Pursuit of Villeneuve
III. Dramatic Pause before the Catastrophe
IV. The Battle ....

V. The Death of Nelson .

—Questions .....

r>,9i)'A'Afi

LIST OF MAPS AND PLANS

The Siege of the North Pole, 1616-1909

Theatre of War in the West Indies, 1778-83

Western Mediterranean, 1793-96 ....

The Italian Campaign of 1795 ....

Jervis's Tactics at the Battle of St. Vincent

" Nelson's Patent Bridge for Boarding First-Rates

The French Position in Aboukir Bay

The Tactics of the Nile

The Fighting at the Nile

The Approaches to Copenhagen

The Fighting at Copenhagen .

The " Victory's " Part at Trafalgar

page

7

19

52

78

99
102
128
131
134
211

221
310

VI

INTRODUCTION

SOUTHEY

No more striking contrast could be devised by the ingenious
than tJuit which is afforded by the hfe of England's Admiral
and the life of his most famous biographer. Nelson's career
was varied, adventurous, exciting; Southey's monotonous,
sequestered, and serene. For the poet there were no single-
handed conflicts with boat-loads of assassins; no hair-
breadth escapes from fire and wounds and shipwreck; no
rescuing of royal families and re-establishment of dynasties ;
no destruction of fleets or overthrow of Emperors. The
greatest days in Southey's life were days when he first made
the acquaintance of one of the world's classics; received
the proofs of a magnum opus which was to rank him with
the Immortals; or met in the flesh some literary giant
whose work he had read and admired.

The main facts of his life can therefore be sketched in
rapid outline.

Born on 12th August, 1774, he was the son of a Bristol
linendraper \^ho came of good yeoman stock in the Quan-
tocks, and who married Margaret Hill, an accomplished
lady of gentle parentage. The drapery business unhappily
did not flourish; and Robert in infancy was transferred
from his parents' care to the household of Miss Elizabeth
Tyler, his mother's half-sister. This lady, who in many
essentials resembled David Copperfield's aunt, Miss Betsy
Trotwood, was prepared to play the part of fairy godmother
so long as her nephew allowed his career to be moulded by
her imperious hands. Robert's education from the first
was carefully conducted; and, after the rudiments of
knowledge had been acquired in Bristol and the neighbour-
hood, the future Poet Laureate, aged fourteen and a half,
went up to Westminster.

This ancient foundation still prided itself upon main-

vii

viii LIFE OF NELSON

taining in pristine vigour the flogging principles of the
famous Doctor Busby; and against these principles Robert
Southey, in the fourth year of his school-time, matched
himself in unequal strife. An article from his pen condemning
heartily the use of the rod as an inducement to study ap-
peared in a magazine run by the boys ; and its author, with
every accompaniment of ignominy, was as a consequence
expelled. Southey 's motives were honourable, even if his
defiance of authority was injudicious; and his aunt, who
could not pronounce the word " expulsion " without
shuddering, satisfied herself that her nephew's martyrdom
had been suffered for principles of which she might justly
be proud. The boy's uncle, the Rev. Herbert Hill, Chaplain
to the English factory at Lisbon, reached a similar con-
clusion, and very generously provided funds so that the
youthful anti-flagellant could continue his studies at Oxford.

Christ Church College, outraged in its tenderest feelings
by the news from Westminster, hurriedly closed its doors
with what to-day will be thought a ludicrous lack of dignity,
and Southey in the eighteenth year of his age matriculated
at Balliol.

It is unnecessary to take too seriously his own statement
that, of all the attractions that Oxford offered, he availed
himself only of swimming and boating, paying as little
regard to serious study as he had done at Westminster.
To such an omnivorous reader as Southey, the cut-and-
dried curricula of school and college must have seemed too
narrow and restricted; and one who had revelled in Beau-
mont and Fletcher before the age of eight could be trusted
ten years later to feed his mind on strong meats, though
they may not have been such as the dons recommended.

Michaelmas term, 1792, brought him into residence;
and in the summer term of 1794 there occurred a casual
interview which profoundly affected his outlook on life,
and to some extent shaped his whole career. A close friend
of his, Allen of University, brought round to his rooms at
Balliol a visitor from the Cam, a young man called Samuel
Taylor Coleridge. Southey himself was ripe for the meeting.
Deeply versed in all kinds of learning, widely read in many
subjects and many tongues, he was like a torch ready
primed to give light, and Coleridge with his faculty for

INTRODUCTION ix

inspiring others was the spark that set him aflame. The
two men talked the sun down and the night away, while
the deepest veins of philosophy were mined to fin-nish them
with material for fresh discourse. Southey's proposal to
complete the unfinished works of Ovid and Spenser now
seemed lacking in ambition. What was needed was to
refashion the world and restore the Golden Age.

In the long vacation the two dreamers met again near
Bristol and defined their plans, which included a model
republic based very largely on the teaching of Jean Jacques
Rousseau. Having furnished themselves with comely
wives, the founders were to shake the dust of England off
their feet, and in the beautiful valley of the Susquehanna
build up their commonwealth, where no right to private
property would be admitted, where all mundane tilings
would be shared in common, where the fields would make
merry with music and song, and where the barren hillsides
would blossom as the rose. Southey's friend, Lovell, cheer-
fully agreed to emigrate to the valley beautiful; and the
three liberators of a world enchained offered marriage to
three fair ladies, Mary, Sarah, and Edith, daughters of one
Fricker, a merchant.

The great scheme budded, but never bloomed. Money
was required, and none was forthcoming. Nor was this
the worst of the matter. Southey's aunt lost patience with
what she not unnaturally considered the fanaticism of her
nephew, and turned him remorselessly out of doors. The
whole affair formed a very painful episode; and the per-
manent estrangement from his benevolent godmother made
a greater chasm in the road which Southey travelled than
his expulsion from Westminster. Once more, however,
his uncle the Chaplain came to his assistance, and carried
him off for a trip to Portugal in order that the breath of a
new world might bring his spirit peace. On the eve of his
departure Southey was secretly married to Edith Fricker,
who bade him good-bye at the door of the church and under
her maiden name went back to live with her sisters.

The trip to Lisbon was of incalculable benefit to the young
poet, and he returned to England, aged twenty-three, with
a fervent rcsoh'e to settle down and earn an income suitable
for the maintenance of his wife. The next few years were

X LIFE OF NELSON

years of anxiety and disquiet. Southey wanted to adopt
the advice of the uncle whose kindness had twice been his
salvation; but a freedom of thought, which Coleridge had
encouraged, quite unfitted him for Holy Orders. He turned
from the Church to Medicine ; but the anatomy classes and
the dissecting-room nauseated him, and with an earnest
desire to persevere he turned his back on them. He went
up to London, took rooms in Gray's Inn, and with a wet
towel round his head endeavoured pluckily to qualify for
a legal career. But though libraries of all kinds had ever
held him captive, the books of the law enfranchised him.
He hated their style and he hated their contents, and could
not keep his eyes on the page. Very quickly the Inns of
Court closed their gates behind him, and his living was still
to seek. He accepted gratefully a private secretaryship
to no less a person than the Chancellor of the Exchequer for
Ireland. But Dublin Castle proved even less congenial
than deeds and indentures, and the boat that carried Southey
to Ireland very quickly brought him home again. It would
be a mistake to suppose that, like his father, he was un-
methodical. It would be a mistake to suppose that by
temperament he was unable to settle down to a profession.
He was careful, punctilious, and painstaking: he never
spared himself in the matter of toil. He worked so hard,
achieved so little, and worried his nerves so much, that
before long another visit to Portugal was necessary to restore
him to health. The truth is that no one who ever lived was
more completely the man of letters than Robert Southey.
Literature demanded not merely his leisure, but his whole
life and soul and strength.

This was definitely recognised at the time of his second
return from Lisbon ; and henceforth he resolved to dedicate
himself wholly to the work of authorship. There was not
more wealth to be derived from poetry in those days than
in these ; but the admiration of an old Oxford friend brought
him an annuity of £i6o, and Southey hoped to augment
this by literary hackwork, which would yet leave him time
for epics comparable with those of Dante, Tasso and Milton.
About this time too — the hour in which Nelson, with his
flag in the Victory, set sail for the blockade of Toulon —
Southey after hesitating between this berth and that came

INTRODUCTION xi

to an anchor in the Lake District. He was invited there by
Coleridge, who wrote from Greta Hall, Keswick; and Greta
Hall, Keswick, was found on inspection to comprise two
houses under one roof. Charmed by the scenery, and
gladdened by the joy of his wife's reunion with her sister,
Southey decided to take the spare half of the residence
and make it his permanent home. By the time that he
settled down Coleridge had departed to act as secretary
to Nelson's friend. Sir Alexander Ball, the Governor of
Malta; and Keswick knew this wayward genius no more.
In time Southey became the sole owner of the double man-
sion, making himself responsible for the care of Coleridge's
family in addition to his own.

At Greta Hall, Keswick, Southey resided for the remainder
of his life. An occasional visit to London or the Continent
only served to enhance the affection he felt for the lake
below him and the hills above. His children, whom he
idolised, filled his heart alternately with hopes and fears.
Their love for him gave new zest to his life ; and when three
of them, including his first-born son, died in infancy or
early youth, the cup of his sorrow overflowed. Such a
succession of tragedies bereft the poor mother first of her
reason and then of her life; and Southey himself, brave
as he was, was never the same man again. Li his later years
he ceased to write books, and at length found himself without
the heart, or even the mind, to read them. He fingered
their backs in a listless way, or rearranged them on the
shelves. Life had become a weariness to him ; and in March
1843, taking a last look at the country he loved, he closed
his eyes and fell asleep. On a dark and stormy day his body
was laid to rest in the beautiful churchyard of Crosthwaite
imder the shadow of Skiddaw.

Before taking stock of Southey's work, the reader will do
well to remember the influences that determined its character.

His aunt, with whom he spent some of liis most impres-
sionable years, was devoted to the theatre; and Robert
^^•as taken to see Sheridan played at an age when other boys
fed their imagination on fights with pirates, or scalp-himting
Indians, or packs of pursuing wolves. The pageantry of
the stage filled all his life with colour; and his efforts to
recall favourite snatches of dialogue sent him to the volumes

xii LIFE OF NELSON

of plays that stacked his aunt's bookshelves. By eight he
had sampled all the Elizabethan dramatists and his passion
for Shakespeare and the " Mermaid Tavern " group led
him by a natural transition to Spenser. Then was his spirit
uplifted indeed. When he opened the Faerie Queenc, his
feelings were those of a navigator entering undreamed-of
seas where all is new. Worshipping the " Poet's Poet "
with knightly adoration, he read the book and read it again,
and wept because there was no more. A stage had been
reached in this precocious youth's career. He was not yet
in his teens, but had already resolved to enrich the world
with an epic.

More authors than one, with an epic in view, have found
their chief difficulty in the choice of a fitting subject. But
while Southey was at Westminster his ideas began to take
shape. A copy of Picart's Religious Ceremonies was read by
stealth, and strongly impressed his imagination. At length
he determined to exhibit in a great heroic poem all the
more prominent forms of mythology which have swayed
the heart of mankind. The greatness of the theme required
years of contemplation ; and in the meantime his intellectual
development was given a new turn by Gibbon's Decline
and Fall. This book influenced his mind profoundly. It
uprooted some of his beliefs; cast others into the crucible
of doubt; and convinced him that his proper mission in
life was to write History on the imperial scale. For this a
new subject was needed.

Southey reached Westminster in 1788, and in the following
year the States-General assembled at Versailles. The great
upheaval that followed caused a very sharp division of
English thought. But when the would-be author of epics
and monumental chronicles reached Oxford, it seemed to
him that, by all sane men, there was only one tenable view
of things. Rousseau was the heaven-sent Prophet whose
teaching must liberate the world. All men had been born
free, and despotism had shackled them with chains. Tyrants
must be punished according to their deserts, and the peoples
labouring in bondage set free. The same generous impulse
that set the poet in sympathy with Coleridge's Susquehanna
project fired his bosom with a sense of indignant outrage
at what the Third Estate suffered from Monarchy.

INTRODUCTION xiii

In after years detractors attempted to prove that Southey
of Balliol had been a sans-culoiie, and had renounced his
allegiance to God as well as to Caesar. But there was not a
vestige of ground for such a reproach. Southey may have
been by conversion a Republican, but he was never an
atheist. Gibbon may have shaken his faith in revelation,
but he remained throughout his life an intensely religious
man; and of all the books that he read at Oxford, none
held him so much in thrall as Epictetus. " Look up to
God," said the Stoic philosopher, " and say to Him, ' Hence-
forth use me as Thou wilt. I am of one mind with Thee.
I am Thine. I deprecate nothing that seems right to Thee.
Where Thou wishest, lead me; and choose for me even the
garments that I shall wear.' " Such precepts struck an
echoing chord in Southey's heart, and helped to make him
what he was. But there was nothing in Epictetus to save
him from Pharisaical complacency; and he grew to be an
austere moralist, hating unrighteousness, but condemning
all those who failed to hft their spiritual being to the ethical
standards he had chosen for himself.

When the Susquehanna settlement failed, and Southey
accepted his uncle's offer to travel abroad, he found in
Portugal the subject he wanted for the historical work that
was to rival Gibbon's. From this time onwards to the end
of his hfe he collected with unflagging energy books and
documents and manuscripts on which his work was to be
based. In these he delved with patient scholarship, gar-
nering annually an amazing harvest of illustrative facts
and cited passages.

Nothing less like a " Lake Poet " can well be imagined
than Southey at work transcribing from his vellum-covered
quartos. But to say the truth, Southey's connection with
Cumberland was accidental rather than real. His relation-
ship with Coleridge brought him to Keswick at a time when
he was looking for a home and could find rest nowhere else.
He loved the seclusion that the place afforded him, but he
was no self-proclaimed apostle of nature and naturalism.
He knew Wordsworth, and the two occasionally exchanged
visits; but there does not appear to have been much cordi-
ality in the acquaintance, or any tendency to ripen. De
Quincey, while testifying to the prodigious scholarship of

xiv LIFE OF NELSON

his neighbour, describes Southey as reserved and academic.
But there is no dishonour in this. It was Southey 's mis-
fortune rather than his fault that Wordsworth eventually
made the Lake District sacred for poesy of a kind that the
historian of Portugal did not write. The proximity of such
a giant as Wordsworth might have converted Southey into
a mere imitator. Originality of thought and art are mas-
culine virtues, and Southey deserves credit for his inde-
pendence. However often he may be labelled a " Lake "
poet and then be dismissed as insignificant, the fact remains
that his mind had received its determining bent before he
visited Cumberland, and that his new environment was
powerless to change his predilections.

Among these a foremost place must be assigned to his
books, which he loved above all earthly possessions. Though
he never knew what it was to be rich, he always had more
books than he could easily accommodate. Like Erasmus,
he put the need of new volumes above necessity of food and
clothing. Friends knew his weakness, and welcomed a way
of showing their affection; booksellers sent him notice of
bargains, and enabled him to acquire Colgar's Irish Saints,
Ariosto's works, and Casaubon's Epistles without incurring
financial ruin. In Greta Hall the books overflowed from
room to room, stretched up to the ceihng, and lined the
passages. The Spanish and Portuguese collection was
probably the most remarkable ever assembled in England ;
but Southey was cathohc in his tastes and, like a true
bibliophile, lavished affection on handsome tomes in gilded
parchment which he took from the shelves to fondle awhile,
or open only to shut. At its greatest extent his library
included some fourteen thousand volumes; and yet all
had a place in his memory, and fresh acquisitions were
never allowed to dethrone old friends. Wordsworth did not
more surely draw his inspiration from wayside flowers,
nor Coleridge from opium, than Southey from his books.

With them I take delight in weal,

And seek relief in woe;
And while I understand and feel

How much to them I owe,
My cheeks have often been bedewed
With tears of thoughtful gratitude.

Southey owed more, then, to what he called the " mighty
minds of old " than to the society or the friendship of

INTRODUCTION xv

contemporary men of letters. He incurred Shelley's anger
by uninvited admonition; he trespassed on the patience
of sweet-natured Elia ; he invoked the passionate invective
of Byron. But on the other side of the account must be
set the names of Savage Landor and Sir Walter Scott. With
both of them Southey maintained a sweet and unbroken
communion. Landor gallantly offered to bear the cost of
publishing all the epics that his fellow-bard found time to
write; and it was on the urgent recommendation of the
author of Waverley that the Government appointed Southey
Poet Laureate.

But the sweetest influence in Southey's life was his own
family circle. His loving wife and adoring children made
known to him sources of happiness unrevealed by Epictetus.
The stoicism which had done duty in Oxford days melted in
the warmth of that divine faith first taught on the slopes of Oli-
vet and the coasts of Galilee. His austere regulations for the
proper conduct of life were forgotten when sickness invaded
the nursery; and the sententious pomposity which alienated
brother-scribes fell off him like a cloak when he romped with
the kiddies, or brought them home toys from his travels :

The Ark well-filled with all its numerous hives:

Noah and Shem and Ham and Japhet and their wives.

In the sunny Eden of Greta Hall his opinions, both
pohtical and religious, underwent a complete change.
Freedom of thought gave way to something like veneration
for the Fathers of the Church; and enthusiastic rapture
for the Tree of Liberty was replaced by a heartfelt loathing
for Napoleon Bonaparte.

Woe, woe to England! woe and endless shame,
If this heroic land

False to her feelings and unspotted fame
Hold out the olive to the Tyrant's hand!

Woe to the world if Bonaparte's throne
Be suffered still to stand !

For by what names shall Right and Wrong be known,
What new and courtly phrases must we feign
For Falsehood, Murder, and all monstrous crimes,
If that perfidious Corsican maintain

Still his detested reign;
And France, who yearns even now to break her chain,

Beneath his iron rule be left to groan?
No! by the innumerable dead
Whose blood has for his lust of power been shed

Death only can for his foul deeds atone!
That peace whirli Death and Judgment can bestow,

That peace be Bonaparte's . . . that alone!

xvi LIFE OF NELSON

It was this reversal of attitude that was hailed in many
quarters as apostasy, and invited the mocking raillery and
scathing satire of Byron. Southey, it must be admitted,
brought his fate on his own head. Intolerant in youth to
every opinion which he did not hold himself, he could hardly
in his grey hairs expect to recant without enduring perse-
cution. Yet he had the grace to perceive his own short-
comings and the wit to plead for their forgiveness. Look at
the Holly Tree, he writes. Near the ground its keen and
wrinkled leaves oppose a circling fence to repel and wound
all that approach unwarily; but nearer to Heaven the
prickles disappear and the leaves grow unarmed and barbless :

Thus, though abroad perchance I might appear

Harsh and austere,
To those who on my leisure would intrude

Reserved and rude;
Gentle at home amid my friends I'd be
Like the high leaves upon the Holly Tree.

If Southey had been blessed with a profusion of this
world's goods, he would still have been dragged in opposite
directions by his desire to write History and his desire to
write Epics. But the state of his exchequer left him little
freedom of choice; and the task of providing for Coleridge's
family in addition to his own forced him in his own despite
to use his pen for such things as would sell. In his young
days there was quite a brisk market for occasional verse;
and he turned out ballads at a guinea apiece with no more
scruple for the worth of his wares than a jingling troubadour.
Years afterwards, when the Quarterly was inaugurated as
a rival to the Edinburgh Review, he gladly accepted an
invitation to make regular contributions, and wrote ninety-
five articles at £ioo apiece, suffering in silence when his
copious sentences were trimmed by the editorial shears.
He would gladly have shaken from his sleeve the badge of
servitude; but there was hardly a year which brought
with it any promise but of penury and want. Southey
worked with his pen as manfully as any son of the soil with
pick and spade. " How many mouths," he once exclaimed
pathetically, "have I to feed from a single inkstand! "

But in all his years of underpaid and unremunerative
labour he never lost sight of his life's ambitions. He read
extensively, and made voluminous notes for histories of

INTRODUCTION xvii

" English Literature," of the " Monastic Orders," and of
"Portugal"; and he consecrated dearly-purchased hours
of leisure to the epic poems on which he confidently hoped
that his fame would rest secure. While still an Oxford
undergraduate he wrote his Joan of Arc, and this to his
joy was published by a Bristol bookseller within a year or
two of its composition. The poem, which was less a tribute
to the sainted maid of Domremy than to the spirit of free-
dom and fraternity that had reawakened in France, brought
him fifty pounds in solid cash, and sufficient encouragement
to persevere. Thalaha the Destroyer, which appeared in 1801,
and the Curse of Kehama, which appeared in 1810, fulfilled
in part the cycle of poetic mythologies which he had planned
in boyhood ; the former dealing with a Mohammedan theme,
the latter with an Hindu. To these were added Madoc, on
which great hopes were based, Roderick the Last of the Goths,
suggested by his love of Spanish lore, and the Vision of
Judgment, which appeared as a laureate's set task on the
death of George III.

Macaulay's verdict on Southey's epics has been often
quoted, but quoted wrongly, Macaulay did not say that in
half a century the whole series would be dead. He said,
" We doubt greatly whether they will be read fifty years
hence. But that, if they are read, they will be admired, we
have no doubt whatever." Such words rather suggest that
Southey's longer poems reached a wide circle in their own
day. But this was not the case. The great reading public
required no assistance from the Edinburgh Review in deciding
to avoid them. And one or two reasons for this callous treat-
ment are not hard to discover. The world's greatest epics deal
with simple stories, already widely known ; they are instinct
with passions and emotions common to the whole human
race. But Southey's epics are steeped in learning of an
exotic and unusual kind. They make no appeal to human
hearts, but soar out of range to lofty themes alien to this
world's sympathies. Nor is there any attempt to catch the
atmosphere of the Arabian desert, or paint the gardens and
bazaars of the Orient with realistic colour. The princes of
Ormuz and the rajahs of Hindustan are actuated by
impulses similar to those of English middle-class society.
]\Ioreover, the reader who is not prepared to study English

B

xviii LIFE OF NELSON

literature for its own sake is hardly likely to be set on fire
by Southey's intellectual eminence and moral ardour.

But if the poems were above the heads of the crowd,
they evoked genuine praise from the best-qualified judges.
Coleridge admired the " pastoral charm and wild streaming
lights of the Thalaha." Landor's generous tribute made
amends to Southey for years of disappointment. Sir Walter
Scott, by his own admission, read Madoc four times, liking
it better at each perusal; and Charles James Fox stayed
up until midnight, unable to put the book down. Modern
critics confirm these judgments, tracing the influence of
Southey's style on the nineteenth-century poets who
followed him, and regretting that the notable splendour
of his muse should lie buried beneath a century of neglect.
Even for the Vision of Judgmejit Professor Saintsbury finds
excuse. It failed, he maintains, not on any of the scores for
which Byron overwhelmed it with his irony. It failed partly
on account of its subject, and partly on account of its form.
It is difficult to write a good official panegyric in English;
it is practically impossible to write good English hexameters.
Southey, unconscious of his own limitations, attempted to
do both things at once.

With the best will in the world the author of Madoc was
never able to execute his other resolve, and enrich the world
with a noble monument of historical research. He did
complete his chronicles of the Peninsular War; but his
volumes in the hour of their publication were eclipsed by
those of Napier. His annals of " English Literature " and
of the " Monastic Orders " were delayed so long that they
never even took shape ; and his mighty scheme for the history
of Portugal, which no one so well as himself was qualified to
write, is known to-day only by the tremendous fragment
that deals with the story of Brazil.

But though the achievement of Gibbon remained without
a peer, in actual bulk its voluminousness was surpassed. A
complete bibliography of Southey's prose works would fill
a moderate-sized pamphlet. In 1803 he translated Amadis
de Gaul, in 1807 Palmerin of England, and in 1808 the Cid.
In the Book of the Church he described striking episodes in
ecclesiastical annals; and in the Colloquies (which roused
Macaulay's wrath) he reviewed the progress, the problems,

INTRODUCTION xix

and the prospects of society. He edited Specimens of Later
English Poets, and reprinted Malory's Morte D' Arthur. He
issued the collected works of Chatterton and Kirke White
with memoirs; he composed Letters from England sup-
posedly written by Don Manuel Espriclla; and he con-
tributed to Lardner's Encyclopaedia Lives of the British
Admirals. Translations, inscriptions, introductions, reminis-
cences, newspaper articles, and commonplace books came
splashing from his inkpot with a velocity unequalled
even by the Cataract of Lodore. And among these there
flashed out three sparkling gems of biography, the lives
of a poet, a prophet, and a paladin — Cowpcr, Wesley,
and Nelson.

Like Anthony Trollope, Southey wrote so much, and wrote
in such a business-like, methodical fashion, that it was
impossible for him to devote much time to the work of
recasting and polishing. There was always at least one
wolf at the door; and when payment was made at so much
a sheet there was little temptation to excise. But Southey,
if prolific, was never careless. He was an artist first, and a
breadwinner afterwards; and he never allowed himself to
pass a single clause that wore the look of slovenliness. He
wrote so much, so often and so long, that he evolved a style,
at once limpid and perspicuous, which fitted his own
requirements to a nicety. Some critics have gone so far as
to describe his prose as faultless ; but it would be truer per-
haps to call it inimitable. There are no tricks of expression,
no foibles, no mannerisms; just a pleasant flow of cultured
phrasing, which no parodist could caricature, no Byron
burlesque. It would be a mistake to press the resemblance
between the author of Kehama and the author of Cato,
though both wrote poetry which is left unread. But what
Dr. Johnson said of Addison may surely be repeated for
the guidance of latter-day authors, with the change of
the final name: "Whoever wishes to attain an English
style, familiar but not coarse, and elegant but not osten-
tatious, must give his days and nights to the volumes of
Robert Southey."

The list of these volumes may not at first commend
itself to those whose fancy dwells on trifles. Yet Southey,
like Lewis Carroll and Sir James Matthew Barric, out of

XX LIFE OF NELSON

the mouths of babes perfected praise. Not Hans Andersen
or the Brothers Grimm knew better how to take a gossamer
thread and turn it into a sohd staircase down which the
Fairies might ghde; and neither Ahce in Wonderland nor
Peter Pan can spoil our relish for The Three Bears.

It has been said by one of his kindest and most sym-
pathetic critics that " there is not perhaps any single work
of Southey's the loss of which would be felt by us as a
capital misfortune. . . . We could lose the History of
Brazil, or the Peninsular War, or the Life of Wesley, and
feel that if our possessions were diminished, we ourselves
in our inmost being had undergone no loss which might
not easily be endured. But he who has once come to know
Southey's voice as the voice of a friend, so dear, so brave,
so honest, so full of boyish glee, so full of manly tenderness,
feels that if he heard that voice no more a portion of his
life were gone. To make acquaintance with the man is better
than to study the subjects of his books." And the best
way to make the acquaintance of Southey is to seek him,
not in any of his formal compositions, but in the copious
harvest of his correspondence. His letters deserve to rank
beside Cowper's, and to be cherished with the same affection.
They show us one who was uncharitable only to strange
opinions; one who distributed his bounties with un-
grudging hand, and found that kindnesses, like perennial
flowers, multiply a hundredfold from the roots of those
already planted; one who accepted a life of drudgery with
a genial cheerfulness that made the drudgery itself as
bright as a window filled with varicoloured glass; one who
could not refuse the flattery of kindred hearts, but who had
strength to decline a baronetcy, a seat in the House of
Commons, and two thousand pounds a year for uncon-
genial work. Byron scoffingly professed himself ready to
acknowledge Sapphics as bad as the Laureate's if Nature
would only have endowed him with a tithe of the Laureate's
good looks. The gibe, though effective, was cheap, and went
astray; for Southey's handsome face reflected a, beauty
of soul more precious than metrical perfection.

" No, thank God," exclaims Thackeray (concluding his
Four Georges with an estimate of that last whom contem-
poraries flattered as the "First Gentleman in Europe"),

INTRODUCTION xxi

" we can tell of . . . some who merit indeed the title of
gentlemen, some who make our hearts beat when we hear
their names and whose memory we fondly salute when that
of yonder imperial manikin is tumbled into oblivion. I
will take men of my own profession of letters. I will take
Walter Scott, who loved the King, and who was his sword
and buckler, and championed him like the brave Highlander
in his own story, who fights round his craven chief. What a
good gentleman! What a friendly soul, what a generous
hand, what an amiable life was that of the noble Sir Walter !
I will take another man of letters, whose life I admire even
more — an English worthy, doing his duty for fifty noble
years of labour, day by day storing up learning, day by day
working for scant wages, most charitable out of his small
means, bravely faithful to the calling which he had chosen,
refusing to turn from his path for popular praise or prince's
favour — I mean Robert SoutJiey. We have left his old
political landmarks miles and miles behind; we protest
against his dogmatism; nay, we begin to forget it and his
politics. But I hope his life will not be forgotten, for it is
sublime in its simplicity, its energy, its honour, its affection.
In the combat between Time and Thalaba, I suspect the
former destroyer has conquered. Kehama's curse frightens
very few readers now. But Southey's private letters are
worth piles of epics and are sure to last among us as long
as kind hearts like to sympathise with goodness, and purity,
and upright life."

SOUTHEY'S " NELSON "

The first biography of Nelson appeared within a few months
of his death. It was compiled by an obscure person called
Harrison, of whom nothing is known beyond the fact that
he wrote at Lady Hamilton's dictation. The book, which
appeared in two octavo volumes, contained stories such
as that quoted on page 295 of this edition: " He looked at
her with tears in his eyes. ' Brave Emma! Good Emma!
If there were more Emmas, there would be more Nelsons.' "'

* Cp. also pp. 252-3.

xxii LIFE OF NELSON

The work was altogether unworthy of its theme, and merely
served to emphasise the need for a comprehensive and
authoritative memorial.

Happily, suitable editors were available in the persons of
Messrs. Clarke and Mc Arthur. The first named was Rector
of a Sussex parish and, on the outbreak of war with the
French Revolution, went to sea as a Naval Chaplain. He
served in the Channel fleet for a number of years, and made
quite a name for himself by his sermons, some of which
were afterwards printed. It is clear that he had distinct
literary gifts ; and earning the good opinion of his Captain,
whose word carried weight in royal circles, he was appointed
in 1799 Domestic Chaplain and Librarian to the Prince
Regent. He thereupon gave himself wholly to authorship,
his experience at sea suggesting subjects for his pen. In
1803 he published the Progress of Maritime Discovery, and
in 1805 Naufragia, a collection of notable shipwrecks. . He
subsequently attempted a life of the sailor-king James II.,
making use of papers in the royal possession. But long
before this he had made the acquaintance of John McArthur,
who gave a new turn to his literary activities.

McArthur entered the Navy as a Clerk, and early dis-
tinguished himself by his plucky conduct in the capture
of a prize. For this he was promoted at the early age of
twenty-four to be Purser, or (as we should say to-day)
Paymaster-Captain. He rose steadily in the estimation
of all under whom he served, putting the utmost keenness
into every kind of work he undertook. He was one of the
pioneers in the reformation of the signalling system; and
codified the procedure of naval courts martial in a " Manual "
which at once became a classic. When Lord Hood hoisted
his flag in the Victory and proceeded to the Mediterranean,^
McArthur was specially selected to act as his secretary,
and his organising genius and knowledge of three languages
served the Admiral in good stead. He probably received
direct from Admiral Hood his first knowledge of the Captain
of the Agamemnon ; and in the Corsican campaign - met
Nelson in the flesh and learned to know him well. Ten
years later he received the offer of his old privileged position
when the Victory carried Nelson's own flag; but by then

1 See below, p. 50. ^ See below, pp. 53-68.

INTRODUCTION xxiii

he was immersed in literary pursuits, and Iiad joined
forces with Clarke.

The work on which they were employed was a nautical
monthly called The Naval Chronicle. It was inaugurated
in 1799, and for nearly twenty years enjoyed a well-deserved
popularity. Both editors received doctoral degrees from
admiring universities; and Clarke, whose elegance of diction
proved an unfailing delight to his colleague, became in due
course a Canon of Windsor and a Fellow of the Royal
Society. The Naval Chronicle sustains to this day a unique
authority for all subjects dealt with in its pages; and is
eagerly hunted and highly prized. In 1806 it pointed, as
clearly as a signpost, to the authors best qualified to under-
take an adequate Life of Nelson.

No pains were spared in the preparation for this tre-
mendous work. McArthur with his customary zeal collected
the material, and Clarke invested the compilation with
literary grace. The work was completed in 1809; and the
seven hundred and seventy-five subscribers who had ordered
copies beforehand were satisfied that their money had been
well spent. The two handsome volumes in royal quarto
were embellished by a splendid series of engravings from
pictures specially painted at McArthur's command. Those
by Richard Westall, R.A., showed Nelson boarding a prize
in a gale. Nelson fighting the Spanish launch, and Nelson
wounded at Teneriffe. They were much admired at the time,
and have been frequently reproduced. To-day they seem
wildly theatrical and out of place in their surroundings.
The ship-pictures of Nicholas Pocock are infinitely better;
indeed, that of Copenhagen will give those unacquainted
with maritime warfare a better impression of what the
battle looked like than a library full of books.

The letterpress had even greater claims to distinction.
McArthur brought under contribution all the family papers
then available, and obtained access to the correspondence
which had passed between Nelson and his life-long friend
the Duke of Clarence, afterwards William IV. So many
letters were gathered together that it seemed to the editors
the wisest plan to give their narrative an epistolary basis.
But other invaluable documents were procured. With
commendable foresight McArthur had persuaded Nelson

xxiv LIFE OF NELSON

(when the two had worked together in Corsica) to supply
an autobiographical sketch of his earlier career ; and Doctor
Beatty, the surgeon of the Victory, was prevailed upon to
write all that he could remember of the Admiral's last
moments in the cockpit.

The book was great alike in conception and achievement,
and was not an unworthy memorial of the nation's hero.
And yet, in addition to the price (which was excessive),
the work suffered from other serious blemishes. It was
unscholarly, in the sense that doubtful and questionable
matter was accepted in an uncritical spirit and was inter-
spersed among documents of unchallenged authenticity.
Moreover, Dr. Clarke failed in his ambitious scheme of
telling Nelson's story in Nelson's own words. Novelists
like Smollett and Richardson, it is true, had utilised a series
of letters in which to unfold a romance; but then the
letters were all of them make-believe. Nelson's letters were
genuine, and bore no relation to an argument or plot.
Dr. Clarke might have discarded the letters altogether and
told the story in his own words ; or he might have retained
the letters and made them intelligible by notes and ex-
position. But he did neither one thing nor the other. He
left the letters to convey what they would ; and he mended
what he considered Nelson's faulty syntax, converting the
Admiral's whimsical turns of speech into a dignified and
ornate diction of a piece with his own. Finally, the
volumes were like elephants in bulk and unwieldiness. They
measured fourteen inches by eleven, and weighed very
nearly twenty-three pounds. They looked well enough on
a library table, but the keenest reader could not nurse
them for long.^

In 1810 Southey received these ponderous tomes, together
with Harrison's book. Dr. Beatty 's Authentic Narrative (now
published separately), and one or two other kindred works
that need not be specified. He unpacked the bundle, mastered
its contents, and proceeded to write one more essay for the
Quarterly,^ after the fashion familiar to all who have read
Macaulay's contributions to the Edinburgh. First came

1 An abridgment of the work, in a single octavo volume without the illustrations,
was publislied in 18 10.
=' Vol. III., pp. 218-62.

INTRODUCTION xxv

destructive criticism of the books under review, and then
a carefully constructed account of Nelson himself. The
essay closely resembled his other articles in the same maga-
zine. But to John Murray, the publisher of the Quarterly,
it afforded unusual satisfaction, and he suggested to the
Laureate that he should take this little vignette of Nelson,
and expand it into a book. The idea was agreeable to
Southey, and he set to work with a will. Always con-
scientious, he tossed his earlier effort aside and turned
again to a fresh perusal of the books which he had hastily
reviewed. To these he may have added one or two more
which an interest in the subject had made him curious to
see; but he made no elaborate preparations as for the
History of Portugal, because Murray insisted that the book
must be short. The result may be best described as an
attractive and palatable digest of Clarke and McArthur.
Southey began his labours in 1812, and completed them
in the following year. John Murray probably expected
that sales would be brisk, but he can hardly have anti-
cipated that his casual suggestion was to endow the
world with a classic.

Macaulay has asserted in his emphatic way that no writer
ever lived better qualified than Southey to write the life of
Nelson. The assertion is rather a sweeping one, and the
grounds on which Macaulay bases it can hardly be said to
lend it weight. Southey had but a meagre equipment for
a naval historian. In early boyhood he had seen Rodney
feted in the streets of Bristol on his return from the Battle
of the Saints; his younger brother Thomas was a naval
officer and fought at Copenhagen; and he himself had
traversed the Bay of Biscay on his journeys to Lisbon and
back. But his knowledge of the navy and naval ways was
almost as meagre as Wordsworth's; and there was little
reason why he should have acceded to Murray's request,
apart from his keenness to earn one hundred pounds. What
made for success in his undertaking was the wide range of
subjects which had employed his pen, and the diversity of
elements which he had transmuted into prose.

Of the success of the venture there can be no doubt.
The book was greeted with a sustained psean of praise. Sir
Humphry Davy, who was a personal friend and admirer

xxvi LIFE OF NELSON

both of Southey and of Nelson, declared that the work was
an " immortal monument raised by genius to valour."
Macaulay in a very dashing style turned out a phrase that
smacked of the sea: " It would not be easy to find," he said,
" an instance of a more exact hit between wind and water."
Even the merciless Byron exclaimed meekly enough that
the Life of Nelson was beautiful. The American Govern-
ment printed an edition on fine paper for every officer, and
on coarse paper for every rating in the navy of the United
States. The book, it was generally agreed, must have been
written out of the fulness of knowledge by one whom destiny
had shaped for this special end. These highly favourable
opinions have long gone unchallenged and may be thought
to have stood the test of time. Yet in Nelson's interest,
after the lapse of a century, they demand some scRitiny
and revision.

Southey's work, as already suggested, sprang like a rich
orchid from the rugous flank of dry-as-dust Clarke and
McArthur. So closely did the Laureate cling to these prime
authorities, that many a passage of his book is not now
intelligible without reference to the parent stock. McArthur
was an authority on naval lore, and his partner was no
mean exponent. Their narrative, though very often as
unintelligible as Sanskrit to the multitude, is, nautically
speaking, unexceptionable. Southey, as a rule, attempts
an easy paraphrase. But sometimes he misses the point
of an anecdote; sometimes he finds the jargon too much
for him. In the former case he blunders unwittingly; in
the latter he simply transcribes verbatim and leaves his
reader to look after himself. In short, where Clarke and
McArthur are at their best, Southey flies ahead with a fair
wind abaft ; but where Clarke and McArthur are ineffective
or incomprehensible, Southey makes heavy weather.

For such a period as the blockade of Toulon (1803-5), we
rely to-day on the memoirs of Nelson's chaplain. Rev. A. J.
Scott, and the physician. Dr. Leonard Gillespie. These,
however, were not available for Clarke and McArthur, who
could devise no better way of filling the void than with a
number of letters more or less relevant. A glance at Chap-
ter I. of Part IX. below will show how sla\dshly Southey
followed them. This is the more to be regretted because

INTRODUCTION xxvii

the most readable parts of his book are those in which
he breaks away from their leading-strings. Particularly
memorable is the touching passage in which he describes
Nelson's wound and death. Dr. Beatty's account had
proved longer than McArthur had bargained for, and its
pathos and intimacy had not commended themselves to
the statuesque dignity of Dr. Clarke. The blue pencil had
been freely used, and the twin editors had retained a mere
fragment of the original. But Southey recognised at once
the truth and beauty which his guides had rejected; and
taking the gracious little pamphlet bodily into his pages,
gave it a distinction which it might otherwise have missed.
Incidentally he conferred a benefit on himself; for few
are the readers who disdain to inspect the end of a book
before the beginning; and those who submit Southey 's
Nelson to such a test turn back to the title-page and
devour the whole.

It was no part of the Laureate's desire to rest satisfied
with a brief abstract of Clarke and McArthur. If he had
been given a free hand, he would have poured into the
composition illustrative material of every description from
his commonplace books and encyclopaedic researches' for
it was always a delight to him, when journeying along the
highroad of a literary theme, to dash, with the insatiable
curiosity of a dog, up every lane and byway. Had he pur-
sued his bent in the present case, the compilation might
well have run into eight or ten volumes; and such a Life
of Nelson, it is safe to affirm, would be less read to-day than
Clarke and Mc Arthur's. But from such a fate the work was
saved by John Murray's stringent injunction that the size
of the book must be small. Southey in self- despite was
compelled to conform, and after a little practice he grew
tractable and docile. But in the earlier pages he kicked
violently against the pricks of Murray's goad. In Part I.
he only just managed to rein his muse as she dashed off
tangentially to write up Polar Exploration: and in Part
III. he inserts without a shadow of excuse an entirely
superfluous history of Corsica.^

The bigoted intolerance of his judgment, especially in
regard to personalities, constitutes a more serious defect.

' See below, pp. 54 6o.

xxviii LIFE OF NELSON

His hatred and loathing for Napoleon burn him up like a
fire; if only the monster had been killed on his way to
Egypt, he says, " he would have escaped the perpetration
of those crimes which have incarnadined his soul with a
deeper dye than that of the purple for which he committed
them — those acts of perfidy, midnight murder, usurpation,
and remorseless tyranny which have consigned his name
to universal execration, now and for ever."^ There is some-
thing almost unmanly in such vapourings; something in
marked contrast to Nelson's bo5dsh eagerness " to try
Boney on a wind." - Yet Southey's denunciation of public
misdemeanours seem charitable when compared with his
domestic invectives. His wife's sister was the unhappy
woman whom Coleridge married and forsook. And by the
stern censor of Greta Hall Coleridge was never forgiven.
Wife-desertion seemed to Southey the blackest of atro-
cities; and as such he labelled it, wherever found. He did
not choose or care to consider the sad causes that separated
Lord and Lady Nelson. From Coleridge's behaviour he
formed his own conclusions; and leaning scornfully against
the pedestal of stoic self-control, he drew around him the
moral garments of propriety. Against Lady Hamilton no
words were too bad, no insinuations too vile. Without
waiting for an invitation, he cast the first stone ; and many
others, knowing him upright and believing him just, have
followed his unchristian example.

Southey's hatred of Napoleon (and all that Napoleon
stood for) exposed him to the ridicule of those who knew
how hotly he had in Balliol days supported the French
Revolution. But the Laureate's change of opinion was
more apparent than real. He welcomed the Girondins and
espoused their cause, because he believed that it would
enfranchise the masses and break the rod of their oppressor.
But when he saw how hideous was the tree that sprang
from the acorn of Liberty, and when he recognised in the
Corsican an hypertrophied growth of the despotism he
hated, he shifted his standpoint rather than his convictions.
In the Life of Nelson will be found, side by side with anti-
Jacobin outbursts, expressions of sympathy with those
who groaned under the heel of continental kingship.^

* See below, p. 124. * See below, p. 123. ^ See below, pp. 165-6, 192.

INTRODUCTION xxix

Soiitliey was not such a fool in politics as Macaulay would
have us believe. He confidently prophesied that inter-
ference in Spain would cause Napoleon's overthrow; and
he looked forward to the eventual spread of the democratic
ideal. It was this liberalism, so antagonistic to the beliefs
of the British Navy, which commended his Nelson to the
nineteenth-century reformers; and the nineteenth-century
reformers, applauding the justice of his views concerning
the Neapolitan monarchy, applauded also the injustice of
his views concerning the admiral whom he condemned.

The truth is that Southey lived too near to the Napoleonic
period to write a true or reliable history of it. Time and
again he assumes in his readers a fairly intimate acquaint-
ance with minor events on which the larger text-books of
to-day throw no light whatever; ^ and on problems of the
most debatable and puzzling kind, he lays down the law
without waiting for the necessary evidence or even recon-
ciling the scraps already collected.- His comments aroktoo
often those of a carping critic at a first performance, who
niggles at this and misunderstands that, and leaves the
theatre without for a moment suspecting that he has
misconstrued what posterity will salute as a masterpiece.

It was unfortunate for him that he should have been so
ill-instructed in all that appertained to his hero's profession.
Maritime strategy is an elusive subject on which few
specialists to-day will commit themselves; and those, like
Admiral Mahan, who have dared to do so have had their
theories torn to shreds. But Southey with his amazing
complacency found no necessary limitations to his powers,
and sat in judgment on the disposition and movements of
fleets as if they were as comprehensible to a well-read man
as the ethics of Aristotle or the prosody of Milton. Thou-
sands of those who have read his book have closed it with
the conviction that in 1805 Nelson was hoodwinked by
Napoleon and betrayed himself by pursuing Villeneuve
across the Atlantic to the Indies. In reality Southey was
the strategist misled; and those only have suffered betrayal
who have blindly followed him.

It is fortunately not on every page that strategic questions
arise. But Southey is quite as much out of his depth in the

' See below, pp. 80-7. ' See below, pp. 132-3, 291-2.

XXX LIFE OF NELSON

matter of naval tactics. In his account of the Battle of St.
Vincent he creates more dire confusion than Jervis effected
in the ranks of the Spaniards. At the Nile he attributes
the winning gambit not to Nelson at all, but to Captain
Foley. And at Trafalgar, the tactical masterpiece in all the
annals of maritime warfare, he leaves the English plans
severely alone, apparently by an oversight. Nelson, by the
confession of all who are competent to judge, was the greatest
genius that ever marshalled fleets or ever won battles at
sea. As a youth of twenty-five he was commended to the
Duke of Clarence by the exacting Lord Hood as the most
knowledgeable tactician in the fleet ; and this reputation he
continued to enjoy until Southey shattered it. Nelson
pored over such treatises as Clerk of Eldin and The
Manceuverer with unflagging and assiduous toil; and, half
a century before Moltke, he evolved a marine Kriegspicl
by means of which he taught his " band of brothers " how
to fight. But of this infinite capacity for taking pains there
is not so much as a hint in Southey's book. Instead, there
has grown from its pages a mischievous heresy that Eng-
land's greatest admiral owed his amazing success to a
rather brainless habit of rushing at his foe head down like
a maddened bull. This mischievous impression, so de-
rogatory to Nelson's intellect, found favour \\dth the
masses who knew less of sea-warfare even than Southey;
and to it may be traced much misdirected aim alike in
action and thought ever since.

But though a land-lubber in his ignorance of battles at
sea, Southey has been very generally congratulated for his
skill in avoiding any glaring mistakes in his terminology.
Even naval officers, it has often been said, can find no fault
in his use of nautical phrases; and some have thought that
he must surely have coaxed his brother Thomas, if not
actually to collaborate, at least to teach him the ropes.

Southey was not one who suffered from undue humility;
but he certainly cherished no illusions in regard to his
seamanship. He trod as delicately among sea-terms (on
his own confession) " as a cat among crockery." And this
is evident in every part of his work. Either he tells the
story in his own words, and avoids the smallest mention of
technicalities, or he props in front of him the ponderous

INTRODUCTION xxxi

tomes of Clarke and McArtlmr and borrows their narrative
without altering a word; brailing up and shivering the
driver and after sails, shooting away a cro'jeck yard, or,
with the enemy under his lee bow, signalling the van ships
to wear, and standing away to windward. There was little
enough reason why naval officers should complain; they
understood the language. The long-suffering ones were
the uninitiated; and they, never having read Messrs.
Clarke and McArthur, gave Southey credit for a practical
knowledge which he certainly never possessed.

Burdened, then, with so many drawbacks, wherein resides
the supreme merit of this acknowledged masterpiece? Not
surely in its superiority in point of style over its author's
other prose works. Southey told Sir Walter Scott that his
Nelson could not fail of being a good book; but he never
regarded it as surpassing his Wesley or his Cowper, and
would assuredly be disappointed to hear it rated above his
History of Brazil. At the same time he intuitively gauged
what it was that would make his book " sublime." It was
Nelson himself; Nelson who had caused everything to
succeed with which he was ever connected — Nelson, not
only the greatest conqueror of modern times, not only a
lover beside whom even Abelard, Paris, and Paolo wax pale,
but Nelson the human creature whom all his fellow-country-
men place first among those who have won their affection.

And what is it that has made Nelson, and will continue
to make him, the idol of successive generations? Not his
strategy, not his tactics, not even his love-romance: for
if it had been, Southey's volume, which mutilates them all,
would have failed, and the failure would have been great.
No: like Dr. Samuel Johnson, Nelson grips all hearts by
the beauty and force of his character.

England has produced many world-famous admirals;
patriots like Howard of Effingham, disciplinarians like
Jervis, tacticians like IMonk and Rodney, administrators
like Anson, reformers like Howe, conquerors like Blake,
knights-errant like Grenvillc, scientists like Davis, world-
circlers like Drake. But there is only one Nelson ; only one
who combined the virtues of all the rest and added thereto
that intangible something which we vaguely label charm.
No other admiral in his teens fought a polar-bear single-

xxxii LIFE OF NELSON

handed, or as a post-captain raced his middies to the main-
top. No other, Hke the majority of those for whom he
fought, was seasick whenever the wind grew wild. No
other, after boarding a ship through its windows, utiHsed
its deck as a bridge to capture the biggest craft afloat. No
other lost an eye and made less of his loss, or turned it to
gain with a telescope. No other lost his right arm and, in the
hour of its shattering, used his left to rescue drowning
men. No other, after months of neglect and affronts, pleaded
so pathetically for command of a cockle-boat. No other
caused the surging holiday crowds to kneel and kiss his
shadow as it passed.

" Determination," writes one of our greatest living poets,
" will always command respect, and genius reverence, and
kindness love. All these were in Nelson, together with much
passion, much wisdom, a great deal of nervous sensibility
and some vanity. There was also something wistful, mag-
netic and compelling which cannot be explained or ignored.
It does not get into books, it cannot be put into words, it
is simply mysterious, and very beautiful. It was this quality
in him which made his rough sea-captains shed tears when
he explained his plans to them. It was by this quality that
he bound men's hearts together, and gave to their virtue
purpose, and to their strength an aim." ^

When he crowned a life of patient service and sacrifice
by a death whose sweetness the narrow cockpit could not
mar, all true men and women desired in the stillness of their
homes to study the true lineaments of his character. It
was this that Southey's book enabled them to do ; and that
is the reason why its pages are as fresh to-day as in the hour
when they were written.

Between the character of Nelson and the character of
Southey there was an attraction which may be styled
magnetic. But the two had something else in common:
for Nelson, more than any British admiral since Raleigh,
had the gift of self-expression in prose. He inherited the
precious talent from his father, the Vicar of Burnham
Thorpe, whose whimsical muse finds fresh expression in
the outpourings of his favourite son. Not that Nelson ever
found time to write a book, or even compose a pamphlet.

• John Masefield.

INTRODUCTION xxxiii

But his was the pen of a ready writer; and of the number-
less letters which he sent to his friends hundreds happily
survive. In fact (if the tactics of Trafalgar be excluded) , it
may truthfully be said that since Southey's day the study
of Nelson has centred round the documents traceable to
his own hand. Between 1844 and 1846 a great scholar,
Sir Harris Nicolas, published three thousand five hundred
which he had patiently collected. They fill seven thick
volumes of small print, and constitute the noblest memorial
to the admiral's personality. No such assemblage of self-
revealing papers is available for the study of any other
English seaman ; and those who have read Nicolas's volumes
all through know Nelson better than they know their best
friends. Other letters have been discovered since the Dis-
patches and Letters were published; and a very important
collection, known till recently as the " Morrison Manu-
scripts," formed the backbone of Pettigrew's Memoirs of
Lord Nelson which appeared in 1849.

With such masses of new information it was inevitable
that sooner or later an attempt would be made to dethrone
Southey and provide the great reading public with a new
and up-to-date biography. The task was at length under-
taken by the great apostle and exponent of sea-power,
Admiral Mahan, of the United States Navy; and his
Nelson : the Embodiment of the Sea Power of Great Britain
appeared in 1897. Mahan enjoyed all the qualifications
which were denied to Southey. He was a distinguished
naval officer; he had handled battleships under sail; he
had applied himself exclusively to the science and art of
maritime warfare ; and he had a scholar's knowledge of the
Napoleonic epoch. Moreover, he left no document of Nicolas
unanalysed, no transcript of Pettigrew unread. As a result,
his book is one which the student of Nelson cannot afford
to ignore; but as a rival to Southey it is simply not to be_
named. With prolixity of iteration and verbose redund-
ancy, with philosophical reflections and repeated use of the
same illustrative material, the long phrases and clauses
and unpruned paragraphs lift the great little sailor so high
above us that he stands, like the figure in Trafalgar
Square, so far removed that the man in the street can
hardly discern his features.

1

xxxiv LIFE OF NELSON

" A peculiar austerity," wrote Macaulay', " marks almost
all Mr. Southey's judgments of men and actions. We are
far from blaming him for fixing on a high standard of morals
and for applying that standard to every case. But rigour
ought to be accompanied by discernment; and of discern-
ment Mr. Southey seems to be utterly destitute. His mode
of judging is monkish. It is exactly what we should expect
from a stern old Benedictine who had been preserved from
many ordinary frailties by the restraints of his situation."
When we remember how Southey was misled about Nelson's
conduct at Naples by such worthless witnesses as Captain
Foote and Miss Williams, we can only nod our agreement
as we read Macaulay's words. But after all, Southey only
went wrong in one chapter; whereas Mahan's whole book
is warped by the point of view. Lady Hamilton makes her
appearance, like the bad fairy with her curse, quite early
in the story, and flutters in and out from page to page
until the reader begins to feel that Nelson was born into the
world simply to be dogged by an evil ogress to whose wiles
he eventually succumbed. This false interpretation spoils a
marvellous array of facts, and leaves the Poet Laureate of
1805 in possession of the field.

To Southey, then, we owe an unfading portrait of the
greatest English seaman. But we owe him also another
debt which is insufficiently recognised. Before Waterloo
brought the war of that day to an end, he had created a
literary masterpiece with the Navy for its theme. Our
ancestors, in consequence, when they welcomed the peace,
knew what was due to the silent sailors who had cleared
the seas and returned to their homes without expecting
praise.

Only once during the Great War of our own time did the
main forces that covered the vitals of Germany turn their
backs in flight without hope or thought of entering the
arena again. And that was at Jutland. Yet the seamen,
who inherited Nelson's spirit and fought there as Nelson
would have had them fight, were greeted home-returning
like Hawke and Howe, with hisses and ironical cheers.

Let it be remembered, then, that on 21st October, 1805,
the opposing ships were constructed entirely of wood and
continued to float even when riddled with shot-holes. Being

BIBLIOGRAPHY xxxv

wind-propelled, they could not upon the day of battle move
at more than one or two knots. In plain English, when
vanquished they could neither hope to run away, nor yet
by sinking to bury their shame. Out of thirty-three ships
opposed to him Nelson captured twenty. At Jutland a
single salvo was sufhcient to destroy the mightiest vessel
afloat, and internal mechanism gave to the slowest ship power
to run in any direction. Nothing resembling Nelson's vic-
tory was therefore possible. But once more the destinies
of nations were at stake ; once more the ocean lists were set ;
and once more the sons of Nelson at the battle's end found
themselves alone upon the tumbling waves. Englishmen,
however, have been slow with their huzzas. They wait a
Southcy to lead the applause.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

In our day it is by no means an unheaixl-of thing for a popular book
to run through twelve impressions in as many years, or attract in
its author's lifetime as many as seventy' thousand purchasers. But
in Southey's day the book-buying public was more select. There
were no cheap illuminants to read by after the day's work was done;
and no Education Acts had, by their passage through Parliament,
made reading a national accomplishment. Southej^'s Nelson certainly
concjuered the world, but cannot be said to have taken it by storm.
First appearing in 1813, it was reprinted in the following j^ear;
but the second impression,' it is instructive to note, satisfied all
immediate requirements.

' I use the word " impression " advisedly in order to emphasise the resemblance
between this issue of the book and the earlier one; but there are, for all that,
in the second version some differences worth noting; in particular, tlio withdrawal
of the prophecy at the beginning of Part III. (below, p. 50); and the apology for
Hyde Parker's signal of recall at the Battle of Copenhagen (below, pp. 2^5-6).
Moreover, by way of appendix to the second volume the verses entitled Ulm and
Trafalgar were printed in full. Southcy had already quoted eight lines from the
poem on the title-page of the original edition — witliout, apparently, knowing for
certain that Canning was tlie autiior. In printing the entire " Monody " in his
second edition, he reminded his readers that the Imes were " written wliile the
event was yet recent and commonly attributed to a gentleman high in office and
distinguished no less by his public services than his transcendent abilities." This
second edition seems to be tlie rarest and hardest to come by nowadays; there is
no copy either at the British Museum, the Bodleian, the Royal United Service
Institution or the Admiralty Library.

xxxvi LIFE OF NELSON

The dress in which the work first made its bow will to modern
taste appear a little peculiar. The contents of the book, though
eminently modest in quantity, were submitted to the public in a
two-volume edition, the volumes being slim little tomes measuring
four inches by six and a half, and turning the scale at a figure
markedly in contrast with the ponderous quartos of Clarke and
McArthur.

It has been suggested that this format, which was repeated in
the 1 814 issue, may be accepted as a satisfactory explanation why
nearly twelve years were to elapse before there was any further call
for the book.i But there is nothing at all to support this reason-
ing; the work, as Southey suggested in his preface,^ was of a con-
venient size to carry in the pocket, and the duodecimo was quite a
fashionable vogue for the bookworms of that day.^

As the Pre-Raphaelites had to wait for recognition until Ruskin
came forth as their champion and their trumpeter, so the great
little life of the great little Admiral had to wait its real triumph
until Macaulay proclaimed it an essential factor in every self-
respecting Englishman's education. It was in January 1830 that
The Edinburgh Review printed the well-known essay, now referred
to as Southey. It had as its immediate subject the Poet Laureate's
Colloquies on Society ; but Macaulay laid under review all that
Southey had written, and with oracular impressiveness pronounced
The Life of Nelson " the most perfect and tlae most delightful of his
works." This verdict from their arbiter of excellence filled the men
of 1830 with penitence and amazement when they found that the
book was out of print. A promising market was thus opened; and,
treading on the heels of Macaulay 's essay, came a " Revised " or
" Fourth " edition of the book.

This important re-issue was christened " Number Twelve " in
Murray's " Family Library," a home-educating venture (like the
Encyclopjedias of our own day) which set forth all that was known
of Alexander and Napoleon, the British Artists and the British
Physicians, Cervantes and Cicero, Mutinies and State Trials, Demon-
ology. Witchcraft, Isaac Newton, Africa, Fairy Tales, Natural
Philosophy, and Ali Pasha. The whole in eighty duodecimo volumes
with bijou little woodcuts,'* at five shillings apiece, "to be sold
separately." The size of the fourth edition of Southey's Nelson was
thus the same as the first three, but instead of two volumes of 250
pages each, there was now only a single volume of 350. The book
forthwith penetrated into every English home, and became a
standard work of which fresh impressions followed each other at

1 The " Third" edition of the work appeared in 1825 ; but although on its
title-page it proclaims itself " new," it is in reality no more than a word-for-
word reprint of the second edition of 1814. The only copy of this book that I
have seen is in the Royal United Service Institution, to which it was " presented
by John Murray." My attention was called to it by Mr. W. G. Perrin,
the Admiralty Librarian.

^ Below, p. xliii.

•To the first volume alike of the 1813, 1814 and 1825 editions was prefixed
a little steel engraving after the pencil portrait of the Admiral done in
1800 by S. de Koster, and to the second volume some facsimiles of Nelson's
handwriting.

* The " Nelson " illustrations, including a portrait (after de Koster), were
drawn by George Cruikshank.

BIBLIOGRAPHY xxxvii

regular intervals. In 1844 the seventh appeared,' and in 1857 the
fourteenth.2 And from 1S57 to our own day the book has been
re-issued in a long array of shapes and sizes; their style propor-
tional to every length of purse, and their number past finding out.

Between the first issue of the book and the fourth or " new "
edition of 1830 several important works on naval historj^ and the
Nelson epoch made their appearance: James's Naval History (five
volumes), a painstaking chronicle completed in 1824; Brenton's
Naval History, by a well-known naval officer; Marshall's Royal
Naval Biography, a clumsy and inartistic production, but with
memoirs supplied by the subjects thereof ; 3 best of all, perhaps,
Ralfe's Naval Biography of Great Britain, issued (four volumes) in
1828 and recognised to-day as no mean authority. Here were books
which Southey doubtless bought and studied and packed away upon
his shelves. And then there were others, which clearly made a
deeper impression upon his mind because they concerned his own
masterpiece more nearly: a sensational work, veiled in anonymity,
styled Letters of Lord Nelson to Lady Hamilton,^ possibly genuine,
and by some critics attributed to the author of Harrison's Life; and
the invaluable Selection from the Public and Private Correspondence
of Vice-Admiral Collingwood, collected and edited by that admiral's
son-in-law.**

Armed with fresh information from these and other sources,
Southey set himself to revise the book which he had not touched
since 181 4. He did not, of course, re-write the entire work. Far
from it. Indeed, he left severely alone many passages that called
loudly for correction. But, where the new material seemed to him
important, he busied liimself with scissors and paste-pot, recasting
one chapter, amending another, and appending subsidiary illus-
trative matter in expanded paragraphs and footnotes. Some hasty
judgments, formed by him when first he wrote, seemed to him to
derive confirmation from the Nelson-Hamilton letters, and these
he quoted, perhaps rather too copiously, seeing that the authenticity
of the collection was not established. But on the other haiid, he
detected and set right some false conclusions and blunders, notably
his unwarranted strictures on Collingwood in connection with
Nelson's dying injunction, " Anchor, Hardy, anchor! "

' I mention the 1844 issue because, being labelled " seventh," it enabled me to
discover what I had long sought in vain, viz., the exact number of editions of the
book published during Southey's life. I have examined all of these, and append a
tabular view of them.

First .... 1813, original edition.

Second . . . 1814, much the same as 1813, but with

some important changes.

Third .... 1825, same as 1814.

Fourth . . . 1830, new and heavily revised edition.

Fifth .... 1831, same as 1830.

Sixth .... 1840, same as 1830.

* As far as I have been able to discover, the fourteenth edition of 1857 was the
earliest to adopt the octavo size. The first edition, however, was obtainable
in a large-paper issue, which resembled an octavo in outward appearance. The
Admiralty Library has a copy in this style.

^ See below, Note i, p. 133.

* Two vols., octavo, 1814.
' 1828.

xxxviii LIFE OF NELSON

From a copy of the thirteenth edition ^ in the British Museum, it
appears that Murray incorporated the very latest emendations from
Southey's hand some ten years after the author's death. But these
last alterations were quite ordinary corrigenda, and do not call for
special notice. The 1830 edition constitutes Southey's final verdict
on Nelson's life and character.

Recent editors of the biography, with commendable zeal and a
scholarly desire to reach the fountain-head, have almost without
exception made their transcripts from the first edition of 181 3.
Enough, however, has been said to show that present study, if it is
to be profitable, must centre round the particular issue which in-
corporates Southey's second thoughts. On the 1830 version, there-
fore, is based the present edition, which a few words will suffice to
characterise.

When we consider the absolute dependence of Britain on sea-
supremacy and maritime power, when we remember how this
country's rise to pre-eminence has been secured by sea-victories and
naval commanders, there is good reason to feel surprise at the
meagre harvest of first-class books having the Navy for their theme.
In 1805 the scarcity was still more pronounced; and, if we except
Campbell's Lives of the Admirals (1742-5) as lacldng almost all the
essentials of greatness, it would be hard to name any book except
Robinson Crusoe which would in that day have appealed with equal
force both to the literary critic and to the officers of the Navy and
Mercantile Marine.

Southey's Life of Nelson was the first work on naval history
since the Traffics and Discoveries of Richard Hakluyt to be
absorbed without question, comment, or challenge, into the elect
body of universal literature.

This fact is of all facts the most significant in connection with
this remarkable work. And yet in a twofold sense it is apt to be
overlooked. Students of history, noting Southey's false perspective,
his biased judgments, and misinterpretation of motives, are inclined
to turn impatiently to the pages of Mahan, forgetting entirely that
the " Nelson " whom we know to-day is almost as truly Southey's
creation as " Henry the Fifth " and " Richard the Third " are
Shakespeare's. On the other hand, students of English literature,
magnetically drawn to an acknowledged masterpiece on a subject
so much out of the regular beat as " naval history," are somewhat
prone to appraise the merits of the work without sufficiently often
reminding themselves that the book is not biography at all in the
twentieth-century use of the word, but an impressionistic sketch
by a prejudiced contemporary who completed his task before it
was possible to collect the material out of which a real biography
could be evolved.

The present edition, it is hoped, will assist both classes of readers
to approach the work with more profit than they could obtain
from any version that was not annotated. No attempt has been
made to supplement Southey's very inadequate material by an
abstract of what has been discovered since Southey fiimself died.
No attempt has been made to complete even the unfinished frag-
ments on St. Vincent or Trafalgar. Nothing has been added for

' 1853.

BIBLIOGRAPHY xxxix

the sake of making additions. The aim has been so to edit the book
that the author's judgments, when based on untrustworthy evidence,
may be impartiahy reconsidered, and some effort made to sift the
author's meaning from the clogging encumbrances of an obsolete
nautical jargon: in a word, to clear a highway for truth, and make
the rough passages plain.

The " New " or revised edition of 1830 has been followed verbatim.
But the text has been carefully collated with the editions of 1813,
1814 and 1825, and all the discrepancies made apparent in footnotes.
All four editions, when originally issued, divided their contents
with mechanical precision into nine portions, or " chapters," which
bore little, if any, relation to the course of Nelson's life. This
arrangement imposes a real obstacle to any earnest person desiring
to do his author justice. It has in consequence been dispensed with,
and in its place a scheme of subdi\ision adopted that attunes itself
more nearly to the natural breaks in the story; the needful references,
however, are given to show where Southey's chapters begin and
end. No other liberties have been taken beyond the modernising of
punctuation and paragraphs and the spelling <if proper names.

Undoubtedly the best and most interesting way to read The Life
of Nelson would be to approach it after a fairly close perusal of a
modern work on the same subject. Southcy has much to give, but
he yields it most readily to those who already have some store of
knowledge to exchange. In particular this edition is recommended
to those who are sufficiently versed in Nelsonian studies to advance
from secondary authorities to an original source, and sufficiently
interested in that source to enquire how far its verdicts stand un-
challenged before the findings of modern criticism. For those who
like to read slowly and meditate on what they read, and for those
also who are working together in groups, a number of questions
have been added at the end. They concern themselves, of course,
with only a tithe of the topics that might profitably be discussed ;
but they may be of assistance in paving the way to others more
valuable, and may even perhaps lead insensibly to a juster and
keener appreciation of the masterpiece on which they are based.

For the kind help which they have given me in my search after
the rather obscure details concerning the early liistory of Southey's
book, I desire to thank Mr. W. G. Perrin, the' Admiralty Librarian,
Mr. Francis Edwards, Mr. Gibson of the Bodleian, Mr. Sladen
of the British Museum, and in particular Dr. Richard Wilson of
Aldine House.

SOUTHEY^S DEDICATION

JOHN WILSON CROKER, ESQ.

LL.D., F.R.S.

SECRETARY TO THE ADMIRALTY

WHO

BY THE OFFICIAL SITUATION WHICH HE SO ABLY

FILLS IS QUALIFIED TO APPRECIATE

THEIR HISTORICAL ACCURACY

AND WHO

AS A MEMBER OF THE REPUBLIC OF LETTERS IS

EQUALLY QUALIFIED TO DECIDE UPON

THEIR LITERARY MERIT

THESE VOLUMES

ARE RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED
BY HIS FRIEND

THE AUTHOR

Bursting through the gloom
With radiant glory from thy trophied tomb.
The sacred splendour of thy deathless name
Shall grace and guard thy Country's martial fame.
Far-seen shall blaze the unextinguished ray,
A mighty beacon lighting Glory's way;
With living lustre this proud land adorn
And shine and save through ages yet unborn.

George Canning.

Quoted by Southey {without attribution) on the title-page of the First
Edition : cp. note on page xxxv, above.

SOUTHEY'S PREFACE

Many lives of Nelson have been written. One is yet wanting,
clear and concise enough to become a manual for the young
sailor, which he may carry about with him, till he has
treasured up the example in his memory and his heart.
In attempting such a work, I shall write the eulogy of our
great naval hero ; for the best eulogy of Nelson is the faith-
ful history of his actions; the best history, that which
shall relate them most perspicuously.

xliii

THE LIFE OF NELSON

PART I— BOYHOOD AND YOUTH

[SOUTHEY. CHAPTER I]

Horatio, son of Edmund and Catherine Nelson, was born
29th September, 1758, in the parsonage house of Burnham
Thorpe, a village in the county of Norfolk, of which his
father was Rector. The maiden name of his mother was
Suckling. Her grandmother was an elder sister of Sir Robert
Walpole, and this child was named after his godfather,
the first Lord Walpole. ^ Mrs. Nelson died in 1767, leaving
eight out of eleven children. Her brother. Captain Maurice
Suckling of the navy, visited the widower upon this event
and promised to take care of one of the boys. Three years
afterwards, when Horatio was only twelve years of age,
being at home during the Christmas hohdays, he read in
the county newspaper that his uncle was appointed to the
Raisoiinable,^ of sixty-four guns.^ " Do, William," said

' Southey is in error here. Nelson's godfather was the second Lord Walpole.

' Captured ships taken into the English service usually retained their original
names. Compare Temeraire.

' It is not perhaps untrue to say of all His Majesty's ships now, as in the past,
that they belong to two main classes:

I. Those that are built to take their place in the line of battle, i.e. Battleships.

II. Those that, whatever fighting they may see, are in their functions subsidiary
to the battleships.

Battleships again may be subdivided into four categories:
(a) The dominant type of the moment.
(6) Ships still serviceable, but inferior to the dominant type.

(c) Improvements on the dominant type.

(d) The very latest thing.

According to this classification we can tabulate side by side the ships of Nelson's
day and the ships of the Great War of 1914.

1914

Nelson's Day

(ft)

Pre- Dreadnought

Sixty-four

(a)

Dreadnought

Seventy-four

(c) Super-Dreadnought

Eighty or Ninety

(d) Hyper-super-Dreadnought ' Hundred !

The names of big ships in Nelson's day were derived from their armament.
To all big battleships of 1914 the epoch-making Dreadnought stood godmother.

I

2 LIFE OF NELSON

he to a brother who was a year and a half older than himself,
" write to my father and tell him that I should like to go
to sea with Uncle Maurice." Mr. Nelson was then at Bath,
whither he had gone for the recovery of his health. His
circumstances were straitened, and he had no prospect of
ever seeing them bettered. He knew that it was the wish
of providing for himself by which Horatio was chiefly
actuated, and did not oppose his resolution. He understood
also the boy's character, and had always said that, in
whatever station he might be placed, he would climb if
possible to the very top of the tree. Accordingly Captain
Suckling was written to, " What," said he in his answer,
" has poor Horatio done, who is so weak, that he, above all
the rest, should be sent to rough it out at sea? But let
him come; and the first time we go into action, a cannon-
ball may knock off his head, and provide for him at once."
It is manifest from these words that Horatio was not
the boy whom his uncle would have chosen to bring up in
his own profession. He was never of a strong body; and the
ague, which at that time was one of the most common
diseases in England, had greatly reduced his strength.
Yet he had already given proofs of that resolute heart and
nobleness of mind which during his whole career of labour
and of glory so eminently distinguished him. When a mere
child, he strayed a-birds'-nesting from his grandmother's
house in company with a cow-boy. The dinner-hour elapsed ;
he was absent, and could not be found; and the alarm of
the family became very great, for they apprehended that
he might have been carried off by gipsies. At length, after
search had been made for him in various directions, he was
discovered alone, sitting composedly by the side of a brook
which he could not get over. " I wonder, child," said the
old lady when she saw him, " that hunger and fear did
not drive you home." " Fear! grandmama," replied the
future hero, " I never saw fear. What is it? " Once, after
the winter holidays, when he and his brother William had
set off on horseback to return to school, they came back
because there had been a fall of snow; and William, who
did not much like the journey, said it was too deep for them
to venture on. " If that be the case," said the father, " you
certainly shall not go; but make another attempt, and I

BOYHOOD AND YOUTH 3

will leave it to your honour. If the road is dangerous, you
may return : but remember, boys, I leave it to your honour ! "
The snow was deep enough to have afforded them a reason-
able excuse; but Horatio was not to be prevailed upon to
turn back, " We must go on," said he. " Remember,
brother, it was left to our honour! " There were some
fine pears growing in the schoolmaster's garden, which the
boys regarded as lawful booty, and in the highest degree
tempting; but the boldest among them were afraid to
venture for the prize. Horatio volunteered upon this
service. He was lowered down at night from the bedroom
window by some sheets, plundered the tree, was drawn up
with the pears, and then distributed them among his school-
fellows without reserving any for himself. " He only took
them," he said, " because every other boy was afraid."

Early on a cold and dark spring morning Mr. Nelson's
servant arrived at this school (at North Walsham) with the
expected summons for Horatio to join his ship. The parting
from his brother William, who had been for so many years
his playmate and bedfellow, was a painful effort, and was
the beginning of those privations which are the sailor's lot
through life. He accompanied his father to London. The
Raisonnahle was lying in the Medway. He was put into the
Chatham stage, ^ and on its arrival was set down with the
rest of the passengers, and left to find his way on board
as he could. After wandering about in the cold without
being able to reach the ship, an officer observed the forlorn
appearance of the boy, questioned him; and, happening to
be acquainted with his uncle, took him home and gave him
some refreshments. When he got on board, Captain Suckling
was not in the ship, nor had any person been apprised of
the boy's coming. He paced the deck the whole remainder
of the day, without being noticed by any one; and it was
not till the second day that somebody, as he expressed it,
" took compassion on him." The pain which is felt when we
are first transplanted from our native soil, when the living
branch is cut from the parent tree, is one of the most poign-
ant which we have to endure through life. There are after-
griefs which wound more deeply, which leav^e behind them
scars never to be effaced, which bruise the spirit, and some-

The stage roach that ran regularly from London to Chatham.

4 LIFE OF NELSON

times break the heart: but never do we feel so keenly the
want of love, the necessity of being loved, and the sense of
utter desertion, as when we first leave the haven of home,
and are, as it were, pushed off upon the stream of Hfe. Added
to these feelings, the sea-boy has to endure physical hard-
ships, and the privation of every comfort, even of sleep.
Nelson had a feeble body and an affectionate heart, and
he remembered through life his first days of wretchedness
in the service.

The Raisonnahle, having been commissioned on account
of the dispute respecting the Falkland Islands,^ was paid
off 2 as soon as the difference with the court of Spain was
accommodated, and Captain Suckhng was removed to the
Triumph, seventy-four,^ then stationed as a guardship * in
the Thames. This was considered as too inactive a life for
a boy, and Nelson was therefore sent a voyage ^ to the West
Indies in a merchant-ship, commanded by Mr. John Rath-
bone, an excellent seaman, who had served as master's
mate ^ under Captain Suckling, in the Dreadnoughts He

' In 1770 the Spaniards made an unprovoked attack upon an English settle-
ment in the Falkland Isles. Public indignation in this country rose to fever heat
and a naval force was at once mobilised. The quarrel, however, was adjusted
without resorting to armed force.

^ When a man-of-war was not on active service she was laid up in one of the
harbours adjacent to a royal dockyard. When her services were required, she was
taken into commission and fitted out for a cruise. When the cruise was complete
she returned to the port where she was commissioned; and her company, receiving
their wages, dispersed. Thus a ship, when " paid off," closed a chapter in her life,
and rested awhile from her labours.

' See Note 3, p. i.

* A vessel of war appointed in general to superintend the maritime affairs in a
harbour, and in particular, by sending out her guard-boats every night, to see
that the ships which are not in commission have their proper watch kept.

' About June, 1771.

^ The work on board a man-of-war in Nelson's time was distributed by the
captain among a certain number of heads of departments, known as warrant
officers. Of these the " Master " was the most important. He was responsible for
the navigation of the ship; that is, he took her wherever she wanted to go, like
the pilot of a modern aeroplane. He was a mathematician of sound capacity,
and could construct hydrographical charts, and guide his vessel through storms
and sandbanks with unerring skill and resource. He was assisted by a certain
number of petty officers called quartermasters; but these men were able seamen,
they were promoted for merit, and seldom rose any higher. The officer qualifying
for a Master's warrant was known as " Master's Mate."

' This was the fifth vessel of her name. She has gone the way of nearly all
wooden ships; but live of her guns may still be seen at the edge of the pavement
in St. James's Square. They were brought home by Boscawen (called by the
adoring tars " Old Dreadnought "), whose brother. Lord Falmouth, lived at
No. 2. Nelson's uncle. Captain Suckling, on 21st October, 1757 (note the date),
also fought a very gallant action in this Dreadnought No. 5. Dreadnought No. i
was so christened by good Queen Bess just after the massacre of St. Bartholomew's
Eve. In her plucky way Elizabeth chose the name to signify the defiauce which
her trust in the navy emboldened her to fling at her foes.

BOYHOOD AND YOUTH 5

returned a practical seaman, but with a hatred of the king's
service and a saying then common among the sailors:
" Aft the most honour; forward the better man." ^ Rath-
bone had probably been disappointed and disgusted in the
navy; and, with no unfriendly intentions, warned Nelson
against a profession which he himself had found hopeless.
His uncle received him on board the Triumph on his
return,'- and discovering his dislike to the navy, took the
best means of reconciling him to it. He held it out as a
reward that, if he attended well to his navigation, he should
go in the cutter and decked long-boat, which was attached
to the commanding-officer's ship at Chatham.^ Thus he
became a good pilot, for vessels of that description, from
Chatham to the Tower and down the Swin Channel ^ to
the North Foreland, and acquired a confidence among rocks
and sands of which he often felt the value. -^

Nelson had not been many months on board the Triumph
when his love of enterprise was excited by hearing that two
ships were fitting out for a voyage of discovery toward the
North Pole.*^ In consequence of the difficulties which were

' Many of our nautical expressions date back to a time when the largest sailing
vessel afloat had only a single mast. This served, in addition to other duties,
as a convenient boundary-post between the sphere of those who held command
and the sphere of those who did not; even to this day the expression " before the
mast " survives as a description of those whose whole duty is obedience. In the
phrase here quoted " aft " and " forward " may be translated " commissioned
officers " and " subordinates." " Captains and lieutenants may get the decora-
tions, but where would the service be without the petty ofticers? " There is little
doubt tliat, by adopting such a sentiment thus early, Nelson learnt to treat the
foremast hand with a consideration whicli throughout his career was repaid by
something like idolatry.

* In July 177 z Xelsou was rated midshiimian of the Triumph; see Xotc lo, p. iz.

^ Every man-of-war had her retinue of ministering craft. Her smallest servitor
was the jolly-boat, and her biggest the long-boat or launch. The jolly-boat was
pulled by four-oars; the long-boat was a ship in miniature. The cutter was
something between the two, and was used for the conveyance of stores to the ship
and liberty men to the land.

* The mouth of the Thames has a submerged delta, whose depths are \cry
difficult to negotiate. The " Swin " is one of the chief avenues of traffic and leads
from the mouth of the Medway to the open sea.

■^ I'or example, at the battles of the Nile and Copenhagen.

° The first epoch of English .Arctic exploration opened in the reign of Elizabeth,
when men still tiiought it feasible to find a route to India by a circunmavigation
of North America. Tliis ejioch ended in 1616 wlien Batiin pronounced the '■ North-
West " project impracticable. The second epocli did not o|iei\ until the battle of
Waterloo had given the world the promise of a century of jieace. IJi'tween the
two ejiochs there were so few voyages to the frozen North that the exin^lifion in
which Nelson took so romantic a part figured more largely than wc can nowadays
clearly imderstand. It was in every sense of the word a pioneer venture; for,
instead of reviving the search for the " North- West I'assage," it had as its object
the investigation of the tvutli's frozen cap in the interests of science and truth.
To those who judge by results it may not seem to have beeu very successful, but
D

6 LIFE OF NELSON

expected on such a service, these vessels were to take out
effective men instead of the usual number of boys. This,
however, did not deter him from soHciting to be received,
and, by his uncle's interest, he was admitted as coxswain ^
under Captain Lutwidge, second in command. The voyage
was undertaken in compliance with an application from
the Royal Society. The Hon. Captain Constantine John
Phipps, eldest son of Lord Mulgrave, volunteered his services.
The Racehorse and Carcass bombs - were selected, as the
strongest ships, and therefore best adapted for such a
voyage; and they were taken into dock and strengthened,
to render them as secure as possible against the ice. Two
masters of Greenlandmen were employed as pilots for each
ship. No expedition was ever more carefully fitted out;
and the First Lord of the Admiralty, Lord Sandwich, with
a laudable solicitude, went on board himself, before their
departure, to see that everything had been completed to
the wish of the officers. The ships were provided with a
simple and excellent apparatus for distilling fresh from
salt water, the invention of Dr. Irving, who accompanied
the expedition. It consisted merely in fitting a tube to the
ship's kettle and applying a wet mop to the surface as the
vapour was passing.^ By these means from thirty-four
to forty gallons were produced every day.

They sailed from the Nore on the 4th of June.^ On the
6th of the following month they were in lat. 79° 56' 39";
long. 9° 43' 30" E. The next day, about the place where
most of the old discoverers had been stopped, the Racehorse
was beset with ice; but they hove her through with ice-

it undoubtedly increased men's knowledge of the path to the Pole and so helped
modestly to pave the way for Peary's triumph in 1909. Its real author was
Daines Barrington, brother of the famous admiral, though the Royal Society lent
his scheme its patronage.

1 The captain of a man-of-war had the right to choose certain personal attend-
ants without consulting the Navy Board. One of these attendants was nominally
selected to act as helmsman of his pinnace or gig.

' The bomb-vessel was a ship mounting bombardment guns, mortars and
weapons of the howitzer type. As her armament tended to make her self-
destructive, her designers rejected every element that did not make for tough-
ness and durability. She was ketch-rigged, mainmast and mizzen, so as to allow
plenty of rooin for the guns in her bows.

^ Raleigh invented a similar apparatus and used it with effect m the Islands
voyage of 1597. His cleverness, however, was regarded in those days as savouring
too much of witchcraft; and Doctor Irving's device for procuring water by the
condensation of steam was welcomed by Lord Sandwich's administration as a
brilliant novelty.

BOYHOOD AND YOUTH

anchors.' Captain Phipps continued ranging along the ice,
northward and westward, till the 24th ; he then tried to the
eastward. On the 30th he was in lat. 80° 13'; long. 18°
48' E. among the islands and in the ice, with no appearance
of an opening for the ships. The weather was exceedingly
ftne, mild, and unusually clear. Here they were becalmed
in a large bay, with three apparent openings between the
islands which formed it; but everywhere, as far as they
could see, surrounded
with ice. There was
not a breath of air, the
water was perfectly
smooth, the ice covered
with snow, low and
even, except a few
broken pieces, near the
edge ; and the pools of
water in the middle
of the ice-fields just
crusted over with young
ice. On the next day
the ice closed upon
them, and no opening
was to be seen any-
where, except a hole or
lake, as it might be
called, of about a mile
and a half in circumfer-
ence, where the ships lay fast to the ice with their ice-anchors.
From these ice-fields they filled their casks with water, which
was very pure and soft. The men were playing on the ice all
day; but the Greenland pilots, who were farther than they
had ever been before, and considered that the season was
far advancing, were alarmed at being thus beset.

The next day there was not the smallest opening. The
ships were within less than two lengths of each other,
separated by ice, and neither having room to turn. The
ice, which the day before had been flat and almost level
with the water's edge, was now in many places forced higher

' A bar of roiiivl ii'm tapered to a point and bent into tbc shape of a pot-hook.
The point is inserted in a hole in the ice, and the mooring hawser is attached to
the shorter arm of the hook.

THE SIEGE OF THE NORTH POLE, iGlG-HJOy

8 LIFE OF NELSON

than the mainyard by the pieces squeezing together. A day
of thick fog followed. It was succeeded by clear weather;
but the passage by which the ships had entered from the
westward was closed, and no open water was in sight either
in that or any other quarter. By the pilots' advice the
men were set to cut a passage and warp ^ through the small
openings to the westward. They sawed through pieces of
ice twelve feet thick; and this labour continued the whole
day, during which their utmost efforts did not move the
ships above three hundred yards; while they were driven,
together with the ice, far to the N.E. and E. by the current.
Sometimes a field of several acres square would be lifted up
between two larger islands, and incorporated with them;
and thus these larger pieces continued to grow by aggrega-
tion. Another day passed, and there seemed no proba-
biHty of getting the ships out, without a strong E. or N.E.
wind. The season was far advanced, and every hour lessened
the chance of extricating themselves.

Young as he was, Nelson was appointed to command one
of the boats which were sent out to explore a passage into
the open water. It was the means of savdng a boat belonging
to the Racehorse from a singular but imminent danger.
Some of the officers had fired at and wounded a walrus. As
no other animal has so human-like an expression in its
countenance, so also is there none that seems to possess *
more of the passions of humanity. The wounded animal
dived immediately, and brought up a number of its com-
panions; and they all joined in an attack upon the boat.
They wrested an oar from one of the men ; and it was with
the utmost difficulty that the crew could prevent them from ^
staving or upsetting her, till the Carcass's boat came up, \
and the walruses, finding their enemies thus reinforced,
dispersed. Young Nelson exposed himself in a more daring
manner. One night, during the mid-watch,^ he stole from

1 To change the position of a ship by pulling with a hawser attached to a ring-
bolt, a tree, a post, another ship, or, most commonly, an anchor.

' A ship, unlike a land institution, does not rest from her labours at night.
There is always work to be done. To make the incidence of service the same for
all, the twenty-four hours are divided into seven periods: five of four hours each
from 8 p.m. to 4 p.m., and two of two hours each (the " Dog Watches") from
4 p.m. to 8 p.m. The ship's company is divided into two working parties (the Port
Watch and the Starboard), who relieve each other alternately. The Middle Watch
or Midwatch (12 midnight to 4 a.m.) is the least-loved period of duty, but the
Dog Watches prevent two such penalties in succession.

BOYHOOD AND YOUTH 9

the ship with one of his comrades, taking advantage of a
rising fog, and set off over the ice in pursuit of a bear. It
was not long before they were missed. The fog thickened,
and Captain Lutwidge and his ofiicers became exceedingly
alarmed for their safety. Between three and four in the
morning the weather cleared, and the two adventurers
were seen, at a considerable distance from the ship, attacking
a huge bear. The signal for them to return was immediately
made. Nelson's comrade called upon him to obey it, but
in vain. His musket had flashed in the pan; ^ their ammu-
nition was expended ; and a chasm in the ice, which divided
him from the bear, probably preserved his life. " Never
mind," he cried; " do but let me get a blow at this devil
with the butt-end of my musket, and we shall have him."
Captain Lutwidge, however, seeing his danger, fired a gun,
which had the desired effect of frightening the beast; and
the boy then returned, somewhat afraid of the consequences
of his trespass. The captain reprimanded him sternly for
conduct so unworthy of the office which he filled, and
desired to know what motive he could have for hunting a
bear. " Sir," said he, pouting his lip, as he was wont to do
when agitated, " I wished to kill the bear, that I might
carry the skin to my father." ^

A party were now sent to an island, about twelve miles
off (named Walden's Island in the charts from the midship-
man who was entrusted with this service), to see where the
open water lay. They came back on the 6th ^ with informa-
tion that the ice, though close all about them, was open
to the westward round the point by which they came in.
They said also that upon the island tliey had had a fresh
east wind. This intelligence considerably abated the hopes
of the crew; for where they lay it had been almost calm,
and their main dependence had been upon the effect of an
easterly wind in clearing the bay. There was but one alter-
native; either to wait the event of the weather upon the

' The pan contained the priming-powder, and this, when ignited, was expected
to transmit a spark to the charge in the barrel. If it failed in what was expected
of it, there was nothing more than a " fiash in the pan " and the piece did not go ofi.

'■* " I chose Nelson in preference to the others because near beil-time in the
evening my father told nie stories of our hero of the day, and neither Fitt nor
Shakespeare lost an eye, or an arm, or fouglit with a huge white bear un the ice
to make himself interesting." — George iMeredith, The Adventiins of Harry
Richmond.

^ Of August.

10 LIFE OF NELSON

ships, or to betake themselves to the boats. The HkeHhood
that it might be necessary to sacrifice the ships had been
foreseen. The boats accordingly were adapted (both in
number and size) to transport in case of emergency the
whole crew, and there were Dutch whalers upon the coast
in which they could all be conveyed to Europe. As for
wintering where they were, that dreadful experiment had
been already tried too often. No time was to be lost. The
ships had driven into shoal water, having but fourteen
fathoms. Should they, or the ice to which they were fast,
take the ground, they must inevitably be lost: and at this
time they were driving fast toward some rocks on the N.E.
Captain Phipps sent for the officers of both ships, and told
them his intention of preparing the boats for going away.
They were immediately hoisted out, and the fitting begun.
Canvas bread-bags were made, in case it should be necessary
suddenly to desert the vessels ; and men were sent with the
lead and line ^ to the northward and eastward to sound
wherever they found cracks in the ice, that they might have
notice before the ice took the ground ; for, in that case, the
ships must instantly have been crushed or overset.

On the 7th of August they began to haul the boats over
the ice. Nelson having command of a four-oared cutter.
The men behaved excellently well, like true British seamen.
They seemed reconciled to the thought of leaving the ships,
and had full confidence in their officers. About noon the
ice appeared rather more open near the vessels; and as the
wind was easterly, though there was but little of it, the sails
were set, and they got about a mile to the westward. They
moved very slowly, and were not now nearly so far to the
westward as when they were first beset. However, all sail
was kept upon them, to force them through whenever the
ice slacked the least. Whatever exertions were made, it
could not be possible to get the boats to the water's edge
before the 14th ; and if the situation of the ships should not
alter by that time, it would not be justifiable to stay longer
by them. The commander therefore resolved to carry on
both attempts together, moving the boats constantly, and
taking every opportunity of getting the ships through. A

' The sounding apparatus; at this time consisting of a tapered cylinder of
lead, weighing 7, 14 or 28 pounds, attached to a line marked at regular intervals
to indicate in fathoms the depth of water.

BOYHOOD AND YOUTH ii

party was sent out next day to the westward to examine
the state of the ice. They returned with tidings that it was
very heavy and close, consisting chiefly of large fields. The
ships, however, moved something, and the ice itself was
drifting westward. There was a thick fog, so that it was
impossible to ascertain what advantage had been gained.
It continued on the 9th; but the ships were moved a little
through some very small openings. The mist cleared off in
the afternoon; and it was then perceived that they had
driven much more than could have been expected to the
westward, and that the ice itself had driven still farther.
In the course of the day they got past the boats, and took
them on board again. On the morrow the wind sprang up
to the N.N.E. All sail was set, and the ships forced their
way through a great deal of very heavy ice. They frequently
struck, and with such force that one stroke broke the
shank ^ of the Racehorse's best bower-anchor.- But the
vessels made way; and by noon they had cleared the ice,
and were out at sea. The next day they anchored in Smeer-
enberg Harbour, close to that island of which the western-
most point is called Hakluyt's Headland, in honour of
the great promoter and compiler of our English voyages
of discovery.

Here they remained a few days, that the men might rest
after their fatigue. No insect was to be seen in this dreary
country, nor any species of reptile; not even the common
earth-worm. Large bodies of ice called icebergs filled up
the valleys between high mountains, so dark as, when
contrasted with the snow, to appear black. The colour of
the ice was a lively light green. Opposite to the place where
they fixed their observatory was one of these icebergs,
above three hundred feet high. Its side towards the sea
was nearly perpendicular, and a stream of water issued from
it. Large pieces frequently broke off, and rolled down into
the sea. There was no thunder nor lightning during the
whole time they were in these latitudes. The sky was
generally loaded with hard white clouds, from which it was

' The bar or shaft of an anchor, at one end of which the stock is fixed and at
the other i-n'l the arms.

- Tl\e two chief anchors of a ship were put to bed right forward of a ship, and
on this account they were described as " bow "-ers. That on the starboard side
was the " best," that on the port the " small." They were both, however,
exactlv the same size.

12 LIFE OF NELSON

never entirely free even in the clearest weather. They
always knew when they were approaching the ice, long
before they saw it, by a bright appearance near the horizon,
which the Greenlandmen called the blink of the ice. The
season was now so far advanced that nothing more could
have been attempted, if indeed anything had been left
untried: but the summer had been unusually favourable,^
and they had carefully surveyed the wall of ice extending
for more than twenty degrees between the latitudes of 80°
and 81°, without the smallest appearance of any opening.
The ships were paid off shortly after their return to
England ; and Nelson was then placed ^ by his uncle with
Captain Farmer,^ in the Seahorse, of twenty guns,^ then
going out to the East Indies in the squadron under Sir
Edward Hughes.^ He was stationed in the foretop ^ at
watch and watch.' His good conduct attracted the atten-
tion of the master^ (afterwards Captain Surridge), in
whose watch ^ he was ; and, upon his recommendation,
the captain rated him as midshipman. 1° At this time his

^ Modern historians of this Arctic voyage agree in thinking that climatic
conditions could not possibly have been worse.

''About March 1774.

^ Chiefly remembered now for his heroic fight, when captain of the Quebec,
against the French frigate Surveillante, 6th October, 1779. See Cory's " A Ballad
for a Boy," in lonica.

* According to the classification given in Note 3, p. i, His Majesty's ships were
divided in Nelson's day into vessels intended for the line of battle and vessels
intended for other purposes. Of the latter the most important were the frigates,
or " eyes of the fleet "; ships that subordinated strength to speed like the light
cruisers of 1914. The largest frigate mounted fifty guns and the smallest only
twenty.

^ Admiral Mahan, the famous naval historian, considers that France produced
in the Bailli de Suffren an admiral of unmatched resource and superlative skill.
Sir Edward Hughes (1720-94) enjoys the reputation of having stood up to De
Suffren in five pitched battles off the coast of India (1782-3), and of having
supported the English flag throughout the series, not only against the scheming
of genius, but against the dead weight of superior forces.

° A mast could be elongated telescope-wise according to the strength of the
wind. The summit, whatever its height, was known as the " masthead." The
" top " was a platform, for fighters with snrall arms, surrounding the head of
that part of the mast which was built into the fabric of the hull.

' Alternate watches; see above, Note 2, p. 8.

' See above, Note 6, p. 4.

^ See above. Note 2, p. 8.

'" In Nelson's day the rule was that a youngster, unless the son of a naval officer,
could not go to sea until he was thirteen. After servuig as " volunteer " or
" cadet " for two years he was then rated midshipman: that is, by interpretation,
a seaman serving amidships. He continued in this status until six years' service
afloat entitled him to sit for his lieutenant's examination. In theory no midship-
man was more than nineteen years of age. In practice only too many failed to
pass for a commission, and the habitue of the midshipmen's berth was in
consequence not always quite so juvenile as he is painted.

Southey, however, goes wrong over this matter. Nelson was by this time over

BOYHOOD AND YOUTH 13

countenance was florid, and his appearance rather stout
and athletic ; but when he had been about eighteen months
in India he felt the effects of that climate, so perilous to
European constitutions. The disease baffled all power of
medicine. He was reduced almost to a skeleton; the use
of his limbs was for some time entirely lost; and the only
hope that remained was from a voyage home. Accordingly
he was brought home by Captain Pigot, in the Dolphin: ^
and had it not been for the attentive and careful kindness
of that officer on the way, Nelson would never have lived
to reach his native shores. He had formed an acquaintance
with Sir Charles Pole, Sir Thomas Troubridge, and other
distinguished officers, then, like himself, beginning their
career: he had left them pursuing that career in full enjoy-
ment of health and hope, and was returning from a country
in which all things were to him new and interesting, with a
body broken down by sickness, and spirits which had sunk
with his strength. Long afterwards, when the name of
Nelson was known as widely as that of England itself, he
spoke of the feelings which he at this time endured. " I felt
impressed," said he, " with a feeling that I should never
rise in my profession. My mind was staggered with a view
of the difficulties I had to surmount, and the little interest
I possessed. I could discover no means of reaching the
object of my ambition. After a long and gloomy reverie,
in which I almost wished rayself overboard, a sudden glow
of patriotism was kindled within me, and presented my
king and country as my patron. ' Well, then,' I exclaimed,
' I will be a hero! and, confiding in Providence, I will brave
every danger! ' "

Long afterwards Nelson loved to speak of the feelings
of that moment: and from that time, he often said, a
radiant orb was suspended in his mind's eye which urged

seventeen; and was not now rated midshipman for the first time. He had served
as midshipman of the Triumph and of the Carcass, and had been rated midship-
man on first joining the Dolphin in March 1774. On 5th April Farmer took the
rating from him and bestowed it on his own son, Nelson figuring as A.B. (able
seaman). There was no degradation in this; and as s<ion as tliere was a vacancy
(31st October, 1775) Farmer restored his rating as midsliipman. The midshipman
was in practice a private qualifying for a naval connnission by learning the
seaman's art. He was theoretically only higlier than an A.B., because the term
" midshipman " before it was applied to " young gentlemen " had been the
designation of a petty officer.

^ 14th March, 1776; the Dolphin paid off on 24th September in the same year.

14 LIFE OF NELSON

him onward to renown. The state of mind in which these
feehngs began is what the mystics mean by their season
of darkness and desertion. If the animal spirits fail, they
represent it as an actual temptation. The enthusiasm of
Nelson's nature had taken a different direction, but its
essence was the same. He knew to what the previous state
of dejection was to be attributed; that an enfeebled body
and a mind depressed had cast this shade over his soul:
but he always seemed willing to believe that the sunshine
which succeeded bore with it a prophetic glory, and that the
light which led him on was " light from heaven."

His interest, however, was far better than he imagined.
During his absence Captain Suckling had been made Comp-
troller of the Navy ; ^ his health had materially improved
upon the voyage; and as soon as the Dolphin was paid
off he was appointed acting lieutenant in the Worcester,
sixty-four, Captain Mark Robinson, then going out with
convoy to Gibraltar. Soon after his return, on the 8th of
April, 1777,- he passed his examination for a lieutenancy.
Captain Suckling sat at the head of the board; and, when
the examination had ended in a manner highly honourable
to Nelson, rose from his seat, and introduced him to the
examining captains as his nephew. They expressed their
wonder that he had not informed them of this relationship
before. He replied that he did not wish the younker to be
favoured; he knew his nephew would pass a good exam-
ination,^ and he had not been deceived. The next day
Nelson received his commission as second lieutenant of the
Lowestoft frigate,* Captain William Locker, then fitting
out for Jamaica.

' To-day the whole of the sea-service is administered by the Board of Admiralty.
In Nelson's day the Admiralty confined its attention to the most important duties
only, and left the building and repair of ships and the mustering of men to the
" Navy Board," of which the " Comptroller " was chief. Captain Suckling, as
head of the Navy Office, exercised an influence at least as great as the First Lord
of the Admiralty.

* Nelson confirms this date in one of his letters. He was not often at fault,
but the date of the examination was the 9th inst.

* For a graphic description of a lieutenant's examination similar to that which
Nelson underwent, see Captain Marryat, Peter Simple, Chapter xxxix.

* See above, Note 4, p. 12.

PART II.— EARLY SERVICES

1777-93

CHAPTER I

DURING THE WAR OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE
(APRIL I777-JULY 1783)

This section requires a few words of introduction because Southey's
narrative presumes a knowledge of the history of the period which
the modern reader may not possess. Part I. ended with Nelson's
appointment to the Lowestoft frigate then fitting out for Jamaica.
There were at that time three naval stations on the other side of
the Atlantic, which we may describe in terms of modern geography
as (i) the Greater Antilles station; (2) the Lesser Antilles station;
and (3) the New York station. " The War of American Indepen-
dence " had already been in progress for two years when Nelson
received his commission; but up to this point the quarrel had been
conhned to England and her colonies. The year of Nelson's appoint-
ment to the Lowestoft was the year of Saratoga, the disaster to
British arms which persuaded the European Towers to intervene in
the struggle. In 1778 France entered the war on the side of the
Americans; in 177Q she was joined by Spain; and in the following
year by Holland. In 1780 also arose the " Armed Neutrality of the
North," a league of nations (Russia, Prussia, the " Empire," Den-
mark and Sweden) jointly organised to resist Britain's " Right
of Search."

Happily, so vast a coalition against this country could only be
made effective by the employment of naval force, and in home
waters England could still hold her own against the world. The
interest of the maritime war, therefore, centred round the three
transatlantic stations in which her foes did their utmost to work
her ruin, with the knowledge that the bulk of the Royal Navy would
be kept at home to guard an anxious people from the threat of
in\-ading armies.

The English admirals on the other side of the ocean did marvels
with the meagre forces at their disposal. In 1778 Barrington con-
ducted to admiration the St. Lucia campaign; in 1770 Byron,
thcHigh worsted by D'Estaing, fought with dashing gallantry at
Grenada; in 1780 Rodney redressed the balance by his superlative
skill off Martinique; in 1781, though failing to relieve Cornwallis at
Vorktown, Graves had much the best of the battle of the Chesa-
peake; and in 1782 Rodney and Hood won the greatest victory of
the war, when on 12th April off a group of islands called " The
Saints " they defeated and scattered the vainglorious fleet that
was sailing to occupy Jamaica.

15

i6 LIFE OF NELSON

Now Nelson appeared in West Indian waters before the French
came into the war; and yet in every successive year, with a lack
of fortune that looked persistent, he missed every battle of im-
portance and was debarred from participation in every notable
campaign. The Lowestoft, the Badger, the Hinchiubrook, the Janus,
and the Albemarle were all vessels of the frigate type; and Nelson,
whose steadfast ambition it was to command a ship of the battle
line, was perforce employed upon the minor duties which Southey
in this part describes.

To assist the reader through this bustling but confused period,
a chronological table is appended.

1777. April. Nelson appointed to the Lowestoft.

1778. July-Dec. In the flagship Brzs/o/.
December. Barrington's St. Lucia Campaign.
December. Nelson in command of the Badger.

1779. June. i^elson captain oi Hinchinbrook.
July. Byron's Battle off Grenada.

1780. January. Nelson employed in the San Juan expedition.
April. Appointed to the Janus.

April. Rodney's Martinique Campaign.

August. Nelson invalided home in the Lion.

(Then for nearly a year on half-pay, chiefly at Bath.)

1 78 1. August. Appointed to the Albemarle.
September. Battle of the Chesapeake.

October. Cornwallis's Surrender at Yorktown.
(date ?) Nelson visits Elsinore.

1782. 12th April. Battle of The Saints.

17th April. Nelson sails with a convoy to Canada.

July-Sept. Cruising. Falls in with French squadron which

he outwits.

October. Sails with a convoy to New York.

December. Sails with Lord Hood to the West Indies.

1783. Jan. -Sept. Congress of Versailles. End of War.
July. Nelson pays off the Albemarle.

[SOUTHEY. CHAPTER L— continued]

American, and French privateers ^ under American
colours, were at that time harassing our trade in the West
Indies. Even a frigate was not sufficiently active for Nelson,
and he repeatedly got appointed to the command of one of
the Lowestoft's tenders. During one of their cruises the
Lowestoft captured an American letter-of-marque.^ It was
blowing a gale, and a heavy sea running. The first lieu-
tenant being ordered to board the prize, went below to put
on his hanger. 3 It happened to be mislaid; and, while he

^ Men-of-war equipped by individuals to operate against the enemy's shipping.
^ Properly tlie licence issued to a privateer; here used of the privateer herself.
^ Short curved sword.

EARLY SERVICES 17

was seeking it, Captain Locker came on deck. Perceiving
the boat still alongside, and in danger every moment of
being swamped, and being extremely anxious that the
privateer should be instantly taken in charge, because he
feared that it would otherwise founder,* he exclaimed,
" Have I no officer in the ship who can board the prize? "
Nelson did not offer himself immediately, waiting, with
his usual sense of propriety, for the first lieutenant's return ;
but, hearing the Master volunteer, he jumped into the
boat, saying, " It is my turn now; and if I come back, it
is yours." The American, who had carried a heavy press
of sail 2 in hope of escaping, was so completely water-
logged ^ that the Lowestoft's boat went in on deck, and out
again with the sea."*

About this time he lost his uncle. Captain Locker," how-
ever, who had perceived the excellent qualities of Nelson,
and formed a friendship for him which continued during
his life, recommended him warmly to Sir Peter Parker,^
then commander-in-chief upon that station.'' In conse-
quence of this recommendation he was removed into the
Bristol flagship,^ and Lieutenant Cuthbert Collingwood,
who had long been in habits of great friendship with him,
succeeded him in the Lowestoft. Sir Peter Parker was the

' Mil with water and go to the bottom.

' As much sail as the state of the wind will allow a ship to carry.

^ Full of water, and yet, from the buoyancy of her cargo, continuing to float.

* The information contained in this paragraph was supplied in 1 799 by Nelson
himself to McArthur, who invited him to contribute a memoir of his early services
for publication in the Naval Chronicle. The facts, as stated by Nelson, are clear
enough: (i) The first lieutenant attempted to board the prize and failed; (2) the
second lieutenant (Nelson) then made trial and succeeded; (3) even such incidents
were not exciting enough, and he got transferred to a schooner, which cruised
with the Lowestoft and served her as a retriever serves a sportsman. Southcy
n^it only implies that Nelson left the Lowestoft before the capture of the American
privateer, but he seems to suggest that the first lieutenant's failure to capture
the prize was due to a rather superfluous sword-hunt. If this had been the case,
Nelson would merely have been guilty of theatrical bombast; whereas he earned
Captain Locker's undying regard by succeeding where a more experienced officer
had failed. (For Nelson's original statement, see Clarke and McArthur, Vol. I. p. 5,
and for Mc Arthur's comments, ibid, p. 16.)

'" Nelson's connection with Locker is the more interesting because the captain
of the Lowestoft was a favourite disciple of I-ord Hawkc. One may be forgiven for
supposing that he would be certain to convey something of the spirit of his own
great admiral to the greater admiral who was at tliis time only his disciple.

•The value of this recommendation lay in the fact that the Jamaica station in
those days was too far away to comnmnicate easily with iMigland, and the Com-
mander-in-Cinef had therefore the power to make aiipointments witliout reference
to the Admiralty. Compare Nelson's selection for tlie liadgcr and Ilinchinhrook.

' There were two naval stations in the West Indies; see Introductory Note to
this chapter. Here the Jamaica station is meant.

* The vessel that carries the admiral commanding the fleet.

i8 LIFE OF NELSON

friend of both, and thus it happened that whenever Nelson
got a step in rank, Colhngwood succeeded him. The former
soon became first Heutenant ; ^ and on the 8tli of December,
1778, was appointed commander of the Badger brig,^
Colhngwood taking his place in the Bristol.

While the Badger was lying in Montego Bay, Jamaica,
the Glasgow of twenty guns came in and anchored there,
and in two hours was in flames, the steward having set fire
to her while stealing rum out of the after-hold. Her crew
were leaping into the water, when Nelson came up in his
boats, made them throw their powder overboard, and
point their guns upward; and, by his presence of mind and
personal exertions, prevented the loss of life which would
otherwise have ensued. On the nth of June, 1779, he was
made post ^ into the Hinchinhrook, of twenty-eight guns,
an enemy's merchantman sheathed with wood which had
been taken into the service. Collingwood was then made
commander into the Badger. A short time after he left
the Lowestoft, that ship, with a small squadron, stormed the
fort of San Fernando de Omoa, on the south side of the
Bay of Honduras, and captured some register * ships which
were lying under its guns. Two hundred and fifty quintals
of quicksilver and three millions of piastres were the reward
of this enterprise: and it is characteristic of Nelson that
the chance by which he missed a share in such a prize is
never mentioned in any of his letters; nor is it likely that
it ever excited even a momentary feeling of vexation.

Nelson was fortunate in possessing good interest at the
time when it could be most serviceable to him. His promo-
tion had been almost as rapid as it could be; and, before
he had attained the age of twenty-one, he had gained that
rank which brought all the honours of the service within
his reach. No opportunity, indeed, had yet been given him
of distinguishing himself; but he was thoroughly master

1 At this time the officer next in rank to the captain, the term " commander "
being applied only to those who held independent control of a very small ship.

^A two-masted square-rigged ^ssel; properly a merchantman, but often
mounting guns and employed by me navy for duties analogous to those of a
T.B.D. to-day.

^ Became a captain. A /JosZ-captain was so called (between 1713-1824) to
distinguish him from a /?rtg-captatn; that is, an admiral's understudy.

* Every ship trading from Spain to America had to be " registered " on a list
kept by the Council of the Indies. " Treasure-ships " would have here been more
expressive.

III

n -i e .N -^

i

loo

'A ^

^i<s>^§s|

20 LIFE OF NELSON

of his profession, and his zeal and abihty were acknowledged
wherever he was known.

Count d'Estaing/ with a fleet of one hundred and twenty-
five sail, men-of-war and transports, and a reputed force of
five-and-twenty thousand men, threatened Jamaica from
St. Domingo.- Nelson offered his services to the Admiral
and to Governor General Dalling, and was appointed to
command the batteries of Fort Charles at Port Royal. Not
more than seven thousand men could be mustered for the
defence of the island, a number wholly inadequate to resist
the force which threatened them. Of this Nelson was so
well aware, that when he wrote to his friends in England,
he told them they must not be surprised to hear of his
learning to speak French. D'Estaing, however, was either
not aware of his own superiority, or not equal to the com-
mand with which he was entrusted. He attempted nothing
with his formidable armament, and General Dalling was
thus left to execute a project which he had formed against
the Spanish colonies.

This project was to take Fort San Juan on the river of
that name, which flows from Lake Nicaragua into the
Atlantic; make himself master of the lake itself, and of
the cities of Granada and Leon; and thus cut off the com-
munication of the Spaniards between their northern and
southern possessions in America. Here it is that a canal
between the two seas may most easily be formed, a work
more important in its consequences than any which has
ever yet been effected by human power. Lord George
Germaine, at that time secretary of state for the American
Department, approved the plan : and as discontents at that
time were known to prevail in the Nuevo Reyno, in Popayan,
and in Peru, the more sanguine part of the English began
to dream of acquiring an empire in one part of America
more extensive than that which they were on the point of
losing in another. General Dalling's plans were well formed ;
but the history and the nature of the country had not been
studied as accurately as its geography. The difficulties
which occurred in fitting out the expedition delayed it till

' Fresh from his victory over Byron at Grenada; see Introductory Note.
''The island known indifferently as Hayti, Hispaniola, or San Domingo;
at this time shared by Spaniards and French. See map.

EARLY SERVICES 21

the season was too far advanced; and the men were thus
sent to adventure themselves, not so much against an enemy
whom they would have beaten, as against a climate which
would do the enemy's work.

Early in the year 1780, five hundred men destined for
this service were convoyed by Nelson from Port Royal to
Cape Gracias a Dios, in Honduras. Not a native was to be
seen when they landed. They had been taught that the
English came with no other intent than that of enslaving
them and sending them to Jamaica, After a while, however,
one of them ventured down, confiding in his knowledge of
one of the party; and by his means the neighbouring tribes
were conciliated with presents, and brought in. The troops
were encamped on a swampy and unwholesome plain,
where they were joined by a party of the Seventy-ninth
Regiment, from Black River, who were already in a deplor-
able state of sickness. Having remained here a month they
proceeded, anchoring frequently, along the Mosquito shore,
to collect their Indian allies, who were to furnish proper
boats for the river, and to accompany them. They reached
the river San Juan, March 24th; and here, according to his
orders. Nelson's services were to terminate. But not a man
in the expedition had ever been up the river, or knew the
distance of any fortification from its mouth; and he, not
being one who would turn back when so much was to be
done, resolved to carry the soldiers up. About two hun-
dred, therefore, were embarked in the Mosquito shore craft
and in two of the Hinchinhrook's boats, and they began
their voyage.

It was the latter end of the dry season, the worst time
for such an expedition. The river was consequently low.
Indians were sent forward through narrow channels between
shoals and sand-banks, and the men were frequently obliged
to quit the boats and exert their utmost strength to drag
or thrust them along. This labour continued for several
days, when they came into deeper water. They had then
currents and rapids to contend with, which would have
been insurmountable but for the skill of the Indians in such
difticulties. The brunt of the labour was borne by them
and by the sailors, men never accustomed to stand aloof
when any exertion of strength or hardihood is required.

£

22 LIFE OF NELSON

The soldiers, less accustomed to rely upon themselves, were
of little use. But all equally endured the violent heat of
the sun, rendered more intense by being reflected from the
white shoals, while the high woods on both sides of the
river were frequently so close as to prevent any refreshing
circulation of air; and during the night all were equally
exposed to the heavy and unwholesome dews.

On the 9th of April they reached an island in the river,
called San Bartolomeo, which the Spaniards had fortified,
as an outpost, with a small semicircular battery, mounting
nine or ten swivels,^ and manned with sixteen or eighteen
men. It commanded the river in a rapid and difficult part
of the navigation. Nelson, at the head of a few of his sea-
men, leaped upon the beach. The ground upon which he
sprang was so muddy that he had some difficulty in extri-
cating himself, and lost his shoes. Bare-footed, however,
he advanced, and, in his own phrase, " hoarded the battery."
In this resolute attempt he was bravely supported by Des-
pard, at that time a captain in the army, afterward un-
happily known for his schemes of revolutionary treason. ^

The castle of San Juan is situated about sixteen miles
higher up. The stores and ammunition, however, were
landed a few miles below the castle, and the men had to
march through woods almost impassable. One of the men
was bitten under the eye by a snake, which darted upon
him from the bough of a tree. He was unable to proceed
from the violence of the pain: and when, after a short
while, some of his comrades were sent back to assist him,
he was dead, and the body already putrid. Nelson himself
narrowly escaped a similar fate. He had ordered his ham-
mock to be slung under some trees, being excessively fatigued,
and was sleeping, when a monitory lizard passed across his
face. The Indians happily observed the reptile, and knowing
what it indicated, awoke him. He started up, and found
one of the deadliest serpents of the country coiled up at
his feet. He suffered from poison of another kind; for,
drinking at a spring in which some boughs of the man-
chineel had been thrown, the effects were so severe, as, in

1 Guns turning on pivots.

^ After reaching the rank of colonel, he was in 1802 executed on a charge of
conspiring to kill the king and set up a republic.

EARLY SERVICES 23

the opinion of some of his friends, to inflict a lasting injury
upon his constitution.

The castle of San Juan is thirty-two miles below the
point where the river issues from the Lake of Nicaragua,
and sixty-nine from its mouth. Boats reach the sea from
thence in a day and a half; but their navigation back, even
when unladen, is the labour of nine days. The English
appeared before it on the nth, two days after they had
taken San Bartolomeo. Nelson's advice was that it should
instantly be carried by assault: but Nelson was not the
commander; and it was thought proper to observe all the
formalities of a siege. Ten days were wasted before this
could be commenced. It was a work more of fatigue than of
danger; but fatigue was more to be dreaded than the
enemy. The rains set in : and, could the garrison have held
out a little longer, disease would have rid them of their
invaders. Even the Indians sank under it, the victims of
unusual exertion and of their own excesses. The place
surrendered on the 24th. But victory procured to the
conquerors none of that relief which had been expected.
The castle was worse than a prison; and it contained
nothing which could contribute to the recovery of the sick
or the preservation of those who were yet unaffected. The
huts which served for hospitals were surrounded with
filth and with the putrefying hides of slaughtered cattle —
almost sufftcient of themselves to have engendered pesti-
lence: and when at last orders were given to erect a con-
venient hospital, the contagion had become so general, that
there were none who could work at it; for, besides the few
who were able to perform garrison duty, there were not
orderly men enough to assist the sick. Added to these evils
there was the want of all needful remedies; for, though
the expedition had been amply provided with hospital
stores, river-craft enough had not been procured for trans-
porting the requisite baggage; and when much was to be
left behind, provision for sickness was that which of all
things men in health would be most ready to leave. Now,
when these medicines were required, the river was swollen,
and so turbulent that its upward navigation was almost
impracticable. At length even the task of burying the dead
was more than the living could perform, and the bodies

24 LIFE OF NELSON

were tossed into the stream, or left for beasts of prey, and
for the galHnazos, those dreadful carrion birds, which do
not always wait for death before they begin their work.
Five months the English persisted in what may be called
this war against Nature. They then left a few men, who
seemed proof against the climate, to retain the castle till
the Spaniards should choose to retake it, and make them
prisoners. The rest abandoned their baleful conquest.
Eighteen hundred men were sent to different posts upon
this wretched expedition: not more than three hundred
and eighty ever returned. The Hinchinbrook' s complement
consisted of two hundred men; eighty-seven took to their
beds in one night; and of the whole crew not more than
ten survived.

[The transports' men all died, and some of the ships,
having none left to take care of them, sunk in the harbour:
but transport ships were not wanted, for the troops which
they had brought were no more. They had fallen, not by
the hand of an enemy, but by the deadly influence of the
climate.] ^

Nelson himself was saved by a timely removal. In a
few days after the commencement of the siege he was seized
with the prevailing dysentery. Meantime Captain Glover
(son of the author of Leonidas) died and Nelson was appointed
to succeed him in the Janus, of forty-four guns; Colling-
wood being then made post into the Hinchinbrook. He
returned to the harbour the day before San Juan surrendered,
and immediately sailed for Jamaica in the sloop - which
brought the news of his appointment. He was, however,
so greatly reduced by the disorder, that when they reached
Port Royal he was carried ashore in his cot; and finding
himself, after a partial amendment, unable to retain the
command of his new ship, he was compelled to ask leave '
to return to England, as the only means of recovery. Captain
(afterwards Admiral) Cornwallis took him home in the
Lion; and to his care and kindness Nelson believed himself
indebted for his fife. He went immediately to Bath, in a
miserable state; so helpless, that he was carried to and

* This paragraph does not occur in the first edition.

* Sloop-of-war, or corvette, a small vessel armed with ten or twelve guns;
speedy, but inferior in strength to a frigate, who stood to her as a light cruiser to-day
stands to a T.B.D.

EARLY SERVICES 25

from his bed ; and the act of moving him produced the most
violent pain. In three months ^ he was recovered, and
immediately hastened to London, and applied for employ-
ment. After an interval of about four months he was
appointed to the Albemarle of twenty-eight guns, a French
merchantman which had been purchased from the captors
for the king's service.

His health was not yet thoroughly re-established; and
while he was employed in getting his ship ready, he again
became so ill as hardly to be able to keep out of bed. Yet
in this state, still suffering from the fatal effect of a West 1/
Indian climate, as if, it might almost be supposed, he said,
to try his constitution, he was sent to the North Seas, and
kept there the whole winter.- The asperity with which
he mentioned this so many years afterwards evinces how
deeply he resented a mode of conduct equally cruel to the
individual and detrimental to the serviie. It was during
the Armed Neutrality; and when they anchored off Elsinore,
the Danish Admiral sent on board, desiring to be informed
what ships had arrived, and to have their force written
down. " The Albemarle," said Nelson to the messenger,
" is one of his Britannic Majesty's ships: you are at liberty,
sir, to count the gims as you go down the side: and you
may assure the Danish Admiral that, if necessary, they
shall all be well served."

During this voyage he gained a considerable knowledge
of the Danish coast, and its soundings; greatly to the
advantage of his country in after times. The Albemarle
was not a good ship, and was several times nearly overset,
in consequence of the masts having been made much too
long for her. On her return to England they were shortened,
and some other improvements made at Nelson's suggestion.
Still he always insisted that her first owners, the French,
had taught her to run away, as she was never a good sailer
except when going directly before the wind.

On their return to the Downs, while he was ashore visiting
the senior officer, there came on so heavy a gale, that almost
all the vessels drove, and a store-ship came athwarthawse

' Nelson's illness lasted from August 1780 to August 1781. Durinc most of
this period he resided at Bath. See Introdiirtory Note.

^ Of 1781, some fifteen months after his return from Jamaica.

26 LIFE OF NELSON

of the Albemarle.'^ Nelson feared she would drive on the
Goodwin Sands. He ran to the beach; but even the Deal
boatmen thought it impossible to get on board, such was
the violence of the storm. At length some of the most
intrepid offered to make the attempt for fifteen guineas;
and to the astonishment and fear of all the beholders, he
embarked during the height of the tempest. With great
difficulty and imminent danger he succeeded in reaching
her. She lost her bowsprit and foremast, but escaped further
injury. He was now ordered to Quebec: where, his surgeon
told him, he would certainly be laid up by the climate.
Many of his friends urged him to represent this to Admiral
Keppel: ^ but having received his orders from Lord Sand-
wich, there appeared to him an indelicacy in applying to
his successor to have them altered.

Accordingly he sailed for Canada.^ During her first
cruise on that station, the Albemarle captured a fishing
schooner,"* which contained, in her cargo, nearly all the
property that her master possessed, and the poor fellow
had a large family at home, anxiously expecting him.
Nelson employed him as a pilot in Boston Bay, then restored
him the schooner and cargo, and gave him a certificate to
secure him against being captured by any other vessel.
The man came off afterwards to the Albemarle, at the
hazard of his life, with a present of sheep, poultry, and fresh
provisions. A most valuable supply it proved; for the
scurvy ■' was raging on board. This was in the middle of
August, and the ship's company had not had a fresh meal
since the beginning of April. The certificate was preserved
at Boston in memory of an act of unusual generosity; and
now that the fame of Nelson has given interest to everything
connected with his name, it is regarded as a relic.

* Across the bows of the A Ibemarle.

^ In March 1782 Minorca was captured, and Lord North, who had held office
since the beginning of the war, immediately resigned. Lord Sandwich, the " First
Lord," retired with his leader, and was replaced by Admiral Keppel, who earlier
in the war had commanded the main fleet and, after engaging the enemy, had been
tried by court-martial in order to distract attention from the glaring faults of
Lord Sandwich's administration.

^ 17th April, 1782; five days after the battle of the Saints.

* A two-masted vessel, rigged fore and aft ; a two-masted vessel with square
sails is known as a brig. See above, Note 2, p. 18.

* A prostrating sickness that afflicts those who are deprived of wholesome food.
The disease played havoc in the squadron which accompanied Anson on his voyage
of circunuiavigation. See " Everyman's Library," Vol. 510.

EARLY SERVICES 27

The Albemarle had a narrow escape upon this cruise.
Four French sail of the hnc ^ and a frigate, which had come
out of Boston harbour, gave chase to her; and Nelson,
perceiving that they beat him in sailing, boldly ran among
the numerous shoals of St. George's Bank, confiding in his
own skill in pilotage. Captain Salter, in the St. Margaretta,
had escaped the French fleet, by a similar manoeuvre, not
long before. The frigate alone continued warily to pursue
him; but, as soon as he perceived that this enemy was
unsupported, he shortened sail and hove to ; - upon which
the Frenchman thought it advisable to give over the pursuit,
and sail in quest of his consorts.

At Quebec Nelson became acquainted with Alexander
Davison ; ^ by whose interference he was prevented from
making what would have been called an imprudent marriage.
The Albemarle was about to leave the station. Her captain
had taken leave of his friends and was gone down the river
to the place of anchorage; when the next morning, as
Davison was walking on the beach, to his surprise he saw
Nelson coming back in his boat. Upon enquiring the cause
of this reappearance. Nelson took his arm to walk towards
the town, and told him he found it utterly impossible to
leave Quebec without again seeing the woman whose
society had contributed so much to his happiness there,
and offering her his hand. " If you do," said his friend,
" your utter ruin must inevitably follow." " Then let
it follow," cried Nelson, " for I am resolved to do it."
" And I," replied Davison, " am resolved you shall
not." Nelson, however, upon this occasion, was less
resolute than his friend, and suffered himself to be led
back to the boat.

The Albemarle was under orders to convoy * a fleet of
transports ^ to New York. " A very pretty job," said her
captain, " at this late season of the year " (October was
far advanced), " for our sails are at this moment frozen to

' Ships strong enough to tako their place in the fighting line — i.e., what we
call " battleships."

^ Brought his ship to a standstill by making one set of sails pull against
another.

' Afterwards his prize-agent and business adviser.

* To conduct unarmed vessels through a danger zone and defend them in case
of attack. '

' Vessels carrj'ing troops.

28 LIFE OF NELSON

the yards." On his arrival at Sandy Hook/ he waited on
the commander-in-chief, Admiral Digby, who told him he
was come on a fine station for making prize-money. " Yes,
sir," Nelson made answer; "but the West Indies is the
station for honour."

Lord Hood, with a detachment of Rodney's victorious
fleet, was at that time at Sandy Hook. He had been intimate
with Captain Suckling; and Nelson, who was desirous of
nothing but honour, requested him to ask for the Albemarle,
that he might go to that station where it was most likely
to be obtained. Admiral Digby reluctantly parted with
him. His professional merit was already well known: and
Lord Hood, on introducing him to Prince William Henry,
as the Duke of Clarence- was then called, told the prince
if he wished to g.sk any questions respecting naval tactics,
Captain Nelson could give him as much information as any
officer in the fleet. The Duke, who, to his own honour,
became from that time the firm friend of Nelson, describes
him as appearing the merest boy of a captain he had ever
seen, dressed in a full laced uniform, an old-fashioned
waistcoat with long flaps, and his lank unpowdered hair
tied in a stiff Hessian tail of extraordinary length ; making,
altogether, so remarkable a figure, that, says the Duke, " I
had never seen anything like it before, nor could I imagine
who he was, nor what he came about. But his address and
conversation were irresistibly pleasing; and when he spoke
on professional subjects, it was with an enthusiasm that
showed he was no common being."

It was expected that the French would attempt some of
the passages between the Bahamas.^ And Lord Hood,
thinking of this, said to Nelson, " I suppose, sir, from the
length of time you were cruising among the Bahama Keys,
you must be a good pilot there." He replied, with that
constant readiness to render justice to every man, which

' New York harbour.

- Afterwards King William IV.

^ After their defeat by Rodney at the battle of the Saints the French ships
fled westwards in confusion. Those that assembled at San Domingo were anxious
to get home to France. The sailing loute led round the western end of Cuba and
so through the Florida Channel, i.e., the narrow passage between the coast of
North America and the extensive zone of Bahama coral keys {dotted on the map).
As it would take weeks to beat back against the Trades in the Caribbean, and as it
was easy to block the Florida Channel, the French were expected to grope their
way through the labyrinth of the Bahama shoals.

EARLY SERVICES 29

was so conspicuous in all his conduct through life, that he
was well acquainted with them himself, but that in that
respect his second lieutenant was far his superior.

The French got into Puerto Cabello on the coast of
Venezuela.' Nelson was cruising between that port and
La Guayra, under French colours, for the purpose of ob-
taining information; when a king's launch, belonging to
the Spaniards, passed near, and being hailed in French,
came alongside without suspicion, and answered all questions
that were asked concerning the number and force of the
enemy's ships. The crew, however, were not a little sur-
prised when they were taken on board, and found themselves
prisoners. One of the party went by the name of the Count
de Deux-Ponts. He was, however, a prince of the German
Empire, and brother to the heir of the Electorate of Bavaria.
His companions were French officers of distinction, and men
of science, who had been collecting specimens in the various
branches of natural history. Nelson having entertained
them with the best his table could afford, told them they
were at liberty to depart with their boat and all that it
contained: he only required them to promise that they
would consider themselves as prisoners, if the commander-
in-chief should refuse to acquiesce in their being thus liber-
ated— a circumstance which was not by any means likely
to happen.

Tidings soon arrived that the preliminaries of peace had
been signed; and tlic Albemarle returned to England, and
was paid off.^ Nelson's first business, after he got to
London, even before he went to see his relations, was to
attempt to get the wages due to his men for the various
ships in which they had served during the war. " The
disgust of seamen to the navy," he said, " was all owing
to the infernal plan of turning them over from ship to
ship; so that men could not be attached to the oihcers,
nor the officers care the least about the men." Yet he
himself was so beloved by his men, that his whole ship's
company offered, if he could get a ship, to enter for her
immediately. He was now, for the first time, presented at

' After the nnit at the Saints, Bougainville, who led the van of the French
fleet, carried his fugitives to the coast of \'enezuela.
^3rd July, 1783.

30 LIFE OF NELSON

court. After going through this ceremony, he dined with
his friend Davison at Lincoln's Inn. As soon as he entered
the chambers, he threw off what he called his iron-bound
coat ; and putting himself at ease in a dressing-gown, passed
the remainder of the day in talking over all that had
befallen them since they parted on the shore of the
River St. Lawrence.

CHAPTER II
The Cruise of the " Boreas," March I'/Sj^-December ijSj

AND

A Long Spell Ashore, December ij8j-Jamtary 1793

When the Albemarle brought her commission to a close Nelson was
put for a while on half pay, and took the opportunity of visiting
France. But in the spring of 1784 he received sailing orders to
return to West Indian seas. Peace duties there did not hold out
the expectation of much excitement; and yet the cruise served to
bring the captain of the Boreas very much before the public eye.

[SOUTHEY. CHAPTER II]

" I HAVE closed the war," said Nelson, in one of his letters,
" without a fortune; but there is not a speck in my char-
acter. True honour, I hope, predominates in my mind far
above riches." He did not apply for a ship, because he was
not wealthy enough to live on board in the manner which
was then become customary. Finding it, therefore, prudent
to economise on his half-pay during the peace, he went to
France, in company with Captain Macnamara, of the navy,
and took lodgings at St. Omer. The death of his favourite
sister, Anne, who died in consequence of going out of the j
ball-room at Bath when heated with dancing, affected his
father so much, that it had nearly occasioned him to return
in a few weeks. Time, however, and reason, and religion,
overcame this grief in the old man; and Nelson continued
at St. Omer long enough to fall in love with the daughter
of an English clergyman. This second attachment appears
to have been less ardent than the first; for, upon weighing
the evils of a straitened income to a married man, he thought
it better to leave France, assigning to his friends something
in his accounts as the cause. This prevented him from
accepting an invitation from the Count of Deux-Ponts to
visit him at Paris, couched in the handsomest terms of
acknowledgment for the treatment whicli he had received
on board the Albemarle.

31

32 LIFE OF NELSON

The self-constraint which Nelson exerted in subduing
this attachment made him naturally desire to be at sea;
and when, upon visiting Lord Howe at the Admiralty, he
was asked if he wished to be employed, he made answer
that he did. Accordingly, in March, he was appointed to
the Boreas, twenty-eight guns, going to the Leeward
Islands,^ as a cruiser,^ on the peace establishment. Lady
Hughes and her family went out with him to Admiral Sir
Richard Hughes, who commanded on that station. His
ship was full of young midshipmen, of whom there were not
less than thirty on board; and happy were they whose
lot it was to be placed with such a captain. If he perceived
that a boy was afraid at first going aloft, he would say to
him, in a friendly manner, " Well, sir, I am going a race
to the mast-head, and beg that I may meet you there."
The poor little fellow instantly began to climb, and got up
how he could, — Nelson never noticed in what manner;
but, when they met in the top, spoke cheerfully to him,
and would say how much any person was to be pitied who
fancied that getting up was either dangerous or difficult.
Every day he went into the schoolroom, to see that they
were pursuing their nautical studies; and at noon he was
always the first on deck with his quadrant.^ Whenever
he paid a visit of ceremony, some of these youths accom-
panied him; and when he went to dine with the governor
at Barbados, he took one of them in his hand, and pre-
sented him, saying, " Your Excellency must excuse me
for bringing one of my midshipmen. I make it a rule to
introduce them to all the good company I can, as they
have few to look up to, besides myself, during the time
they are at sea."

When Nelson arrived in the West Indies, he found him-
self senior captain, and consequently second in command
on that station. Satisfactory as this was, it soon involved

^ The technical way of describing in 1784 the " Lesser Antilles " station.

* A vessel cnmmissioned to beat backwards and forwards over the same stretch
of sea, almost invariably for the protection of trade. In 1784 the word was used
to define a particular frigate's occasional duty. To-day " cruiser " has rendered
the name " frigate " obsolete and betokens a certain class of ship).

"The quadrant, devised by John Davis in 1504, superseded all other nautical
devices for taking the height of the sun until 1737, when the Royal Navy sub-
stituted an instrument having its arc, not the fourth part, but tlie sixth part of a
circle. It was long, however, as this sentence shows, before the exacter term
" sextant " displaced the older word.

EARLY SERVICES 33

him in a dispute with the Admiral, which a man less zealous
for the service might have avoided. He found the Latona
in English Harbour, Antigua,' with a broad pendant
hoisted; and, upon enquiring the reason, was presented
with a written order from Sir R. Hughes, requiring and
directing him to obey the orders of Resident Commissioner ^
Moutray during the time he might have occasion to remain
there; the said Resident Commissioner being, in conse-
quence, authorised to hoist a broad pendant on board any
of his Majesty's sliips in that port that he might think
proper. Nelson was never at a loss how to act in any emer-
gency. " I know of no superior olhccrs," said he, " besides
tlie lords commissioners of the iVdmiralty, and my seniors
on the post-list." - Concluding, therefore, that it was not
consistent with the service for a Resident Commissioner,
who held only a civil situation, to hoist a broad pendant,
the moment that he had anchored he sent an order to the
captain of the Latona to strike it, and return it to the
dockyard. He went on shore the same day, dined with
the Commissioner, to show him that he was actuated by
no other motive than a sense of duty, and gave him the
first intelligence that his pendant had been struck. Sir
Richard sent an account of this to the Admiralty; but the
case could admit of no doubt, and Captain Nelson's conduct
was approved.

He displayed the same promptitude on another occasion.
While the Boreas, after the hurricane months ^ were over,
was riding at anchor in Nevis Roads, a French frigate
passed to leeward,* close along shore. Nelson had obtained
information that this ship was sent from Martinique, with
two general officers and some engineers on board, to make
a survey of our sugar-islands. This purpose he was deter-

' Tlie chief base of the Leeward Islands, or Lesser Antilles, station was English
Harbour on the south coast of the island of Antigua. At English Harbour was tlie
dockyard of the station, and the dockyard was at this time, like all other dock-
yards at home and abroad, controlled by a naval captain on half-pay, called tlie
Commissioner, or Resident Commissioner. No officer on half-pay could properly
wield any executive authority; but Sir Richard Hughes, an easy-tenipercil, amiable
man who preferred to live ashore at Barbados and practise his violni, gave the
dockyard Commissioner acting rank, second only to his own. .\ny captain less
spirited than Nelson W(nild certainly have saluted the I.atona's broad pendant,
for it symbolised the presence of a commodore.

- On active service: see above. Note 3, p. iS.

' June to October.

* Nelson was nearer the wind than the intruders. He therefore had the legs of
them and could overtake them if he desired.

34 LIFE OF NELSON

mined to prevent them from executing, and therefore he
gave orders to follow them. The next day he came up with
them at anchor in the roads of St. Eustatius, and anchored
at about two cables' ^ length on the frigate's quarter. -
Being afterwards invited by the Dutch governor to meet
the French officers at dinner, he seized that occasion of
assuring the French captain that, understanding it was
his intention to honour the British possessions with a visit,
he had taken the earliest opportunity in his power to accom-
pany him, in his Majesty's ship the Boreas, in order that
such attention might be paid to the officers of his Most
Christian Majesty as every Englishman in the islands would
be proud to show. The French, with equal courtesy, pro-
tested against giving him this trouble; especially, they
said, as they intended merely to cruise round the islands,
without landing on any. But Nelson, with the utmost
politeness, insisted upon paying them this compliment,
followed them close in spite of all their attempts to elude
his vigilance, and never lost sight of them; till, finding it
impossible either to deceive or escape him, they gave up
their treacherous purpose in despair, and beat up for
Martinique.

A business of more serious import soon engaged his
attention. The Americans were at this time trading with
our islands, taking advantage of the register '^ of their
ships, which had been issued while they were British
subjects. Nelson knew that, by the Navigation Act, no
foreigners, directly or indirectly, are permitted to carry
on any trade with these possessions. He knew, also, that
the Americans had made themselves foreigners with regard
to England; they had disregarded the ties of blood and
language, when they acquired the independence which
they had been led on to claim, unhappily for themselves,
before they were fit for it; and he was resolved that they
should derive no profit from those ties now. Foreigners

^ Six feet make one fathom; one hundred fathoms make one cable. Two cables,
therefore, meant four hundred yards, or about a quarter of a mile.

^ That part of a vessel's side from abaft the mainmast to the stern.

3 The Americans had so recently been British citizens that their ships were still
registered as British ships, and therefore by the Navigation Act were permitted
to trade with British possessions. The question for England's representatives in
the West Indies to decide was this: Shall we observe the letter of the Navigation
Act and allow the Americans to do as they like; or shall we have regard to the
spirit of the Act and exclude them as foreigners?

EARLY SERVICES 35

they had made themselves, and as foreigners they were to
be treated. " If once," said he, " they are admitted to any
kind of intercourse with our islands, the views of the
loyalists, in settling at Nova Scotia, are entirely done away ;
and when we are again embroiled in a French war, the
Americans will first become the carriers of these colonies,
and then have possession of them. Here they come, sell
their cargoes for ready money, go to Martinique, buy
molasses, and so round and round. The loyalist cannot do
this, and consequently must sell a little dearer. The re-
sidents here are Americans by connection and by interest,
and are inimical to Great Britain. They are as great rebels
as ever were in America, had they the power to show it."

In November, when the squadron, having arrived at
Barbados, was to separate, with no other orders than
those for examining anchorages, and the usual enquiries
concerning wood and water. Nelson asked his friend Colling-
wood, then captain of the Mediator, whose opinions he knew
upon the subject, to accompany him to the commander-
in-chief, whom he then respectfully asked whether they
were not to attend to the commerce of the country, and
see that the Navigation Act was respected — that appearing
to him to be the intent of keeping men-of-war upon this
station in time of peace? Sir Richard Hughes replied he
had no particular orders, neither had the Admiralty sent
him any acts of parliament. But Nelson made answer,
that the Navigation Act was included in the statutes of
the Admiralty, with which every captain was furnished,
and that act was directed to admirals, captains, etc., to
see it carried into execution. Sir Richard said he had never
seen the book. Upon this Nelson produced the statutes,
read the words of the act, and apparently convinced the
commander-in-chief that men-of-war, as he said, " were
sent abroad for some other purpose than to be made a
show of." Accordingly orders were given to enforce the
Navigation Act.

Major-General Sir Thomas Shirley was at this time
governor of the Leeward Islands; and when Nelson waited
on him, to inform him how he intended to act, and upon
what grounds, he replied that " old generals were not in
the habit of taking advice from young gentlemen." " Sir,"

o

6 LIFE OF NELSON

said the young officer, with that confidence in himself which
never carried him too far and ahvays was equal to the
occasion, " I am as old as the prime minister of England,
and think m37self as capable of commanding one of his
Majesty's ships as that minister is of governing the state."

He was resolved to do his duty, whatever might be the
opinion or conduct of others: and when he arrived upon
his station at St. Kitts, he sent away all the Americans,
not choosing to seize them before they had been well
apprised that the act would be carried into effect, lest it
might seem as if a trap had been laid for them. The Ameri-
cans, though they prudently decamped from St. Kitts,
were emboldened by the support they met with and resolved
to resist his orders, alleging that king's ships had no legal
power to seize them without having deputations from the
customs. The planters were to a man against him; the
governors and the presidents of the different islands, with
only a single exception, gave him no support: and the
Admiral, afraid to act on either side, yet wishing to oblige
the planters, sent him a note, advising him to be guided
by the wishes of the President of the Council.^

There was no danger in disregarding this, as it came
unofficially, and in the form of advice. But scarcely a
month after he had shown Sir Richard Hughes the law,
and, as he supposed, satisfied him concerning it, he received
an order from him, stating that he had now obtained good
advice upon the point, and the Americans were not to be
hindered from coming, and having free egress and regress,
if the governor chose to permit them. An order to the same
purport had been sent round to the different governors
and presidents; and General Shirley and others informed
him, in an authoritative manner, that they chose to admit
American ships, as the commander-in-chief had left the
decision to them. These persons, in his own words, he
soon "trimmed up, and silenced"; but it was a more
delicate business to deal with the Admiral. " I must either,"
said he, " disobey my orders or disobey acts of parliament.
I determined upon the former, trusting to the uprightness
of my intentions, and believing that my country w^ould
not let me be ruined for protecting her commerce." With

1 I.e. the governor of St. Kitts.

EARLY SERVICES 37

this determination he wrote to Sir Richard ; appealed again
to the plain, literal, unequivocal sense of the Navigation
Act; and in respectful language told him he felt it his duty
to decline obeying these orders till he had an opportunity
of seeing and conversing with him.

Sir Richard's first feeling was that of anger, and he
was about to supersede Nelson; but having mentioned the
affair to his captain, that officer told him he believed all
the squadron thought the orders illegal, and therefore did
not know how far they were bound to obey them. It was
impossible, therefore, to bring Nelson to a court-martial,
composed of men who agreed with him in opinion upon
the point in dispute; and luckily, though the Admiral
wanted vigour of mind to decide upon what was right, he
was not obstinate in wrong, and had even generosity enough
in his nature to thank Nelson afterwards for having shown
him his error.

Collingwood, in the Mediator, and his brother, Wilfred
Collingwood, in the Rattler, actively co-operated with
Nelson, The custom-houses were informed that after a
certain day all foreign vessels found in the ports would be
seized; and many were, in consequence, seized, and con-
demned in the Admiralty court. When the Boreas arrived
at Nevis, she found four American vessels deeply laden,
and what are called the Island colours flying — ^white, with
a red cross. They were ordered to hoist their proper flag,
and depart within eight-and-forty hours; but they refused
to obey, denying that they were Americans. Some of their
crews were then examined in Nelson's cabin, where the
judge of admiralty happened to be present. The case was
plain; they confessed that they were Americans, and
that the ships, hull and cargo, were wholly American pro-
perty; upon which he seized them. This raised a storm.
The planters, the custom-house, and the governor were
all against him. Subscriptions were opened, and presently
filled, for the purpose of carrying on the cause in behalf
of the American captains: and the Admiral, whose flag
was at that time in the roads, stood neutral. But the
Americans and their abettors were not content with defensive
law. The marines, whom he had sent to secure the ships,
had prevented some of the masters from going ashore;

38 LIFE OF NELSON

and those persons, by whose depositions it appeared that
the vessels and cargoes were American property, declared
that they had given their testimony under bodily fear, for
that a man with a drawn sword in his hand had stood over
them the whole time. A rascally lawyer, whom the party
employed, suggested this story; and as the sentry at the
cabin-door was a man with a drawn sword, the Americans
made no scruple of swearing to this ridiculous falsehood,
and commencing prosecutions against him accordingly.
They laid their damages at the enormous amount of £40,000 ;
and Nelson was obliged to keep close on board his own ship,
lest he should be arrested for a sum for which it would have
been impossible to find bail. The marshal frequently came
on board to arrest him, but was always prevented by the
address of the first lieutenant, Mr. Wallis. Had he been
taken, such was the temper of the people, that it was certain
he would have been cast for the whole sum. One of his
officers, one day, in speaking of the restraint which he was
thus compelled to suffer, happened to use the word pity!
" Pity! " exclaimed Nelson. " Pity! did you say? I shall
live, sir, to be envied! And to that point I shall always
direct my course."

Eight weeks he remained in this state of duresse. During
that time the trial respecting the detained ships came on
in the court of admiralty. He went on shore under a pro-
tection for the day from the judge: but, notwithstanding
this, the marshal was called upon to take that opportunity
of arresting him, and the merchants promised to indemnify
him for so doing. The judge, however, did his duty, and
threatened to send the marshal to prison if he attempted
to violate the protection of the court. Mr. Herbert, the
president of Nevis, behaved with singular generosity upon
this occasion. Though no man was a greater sufferer by the
measures which Nelson had pursued, he offered in court
to become his bail for £10,000, if he chose to suffer the
arrest. The lawyer whom he had chosen proved to be an
able as well as an honest man; and, notwithstanding the
opinions and pleadings of most of the counsel of the different
islands, who maintained that ships of war were not justified
in seizing American vessels without a deputation from the
customs, the law was so explicit, the case so clear, and

EARLY SERVICES 39

Nelson pleaded his own cause so well, that the lour ships
were condemned.

During the progress of this business he sent a nienKnial
home to the King: in consequence of which, orders were
issued that he should be defended at the expense of the
crown. And upon the representations which he made at
tlie same time to the secretary of state, and the sugges-
tions with which he accompanied it, the Register Act ^ was
framed. The sanction of government, and the approbation
of his conduct which it implied, were highly gratifying to
him. But he was offended, and not without just cause,
that the treasury should have transmitted thanks to the
commander-in-chief, for his activity and zeal in protecting
the commerce of Great Britain. " Had they known all,"
said he, " I do not think they would have bestowed thanks
in that quarter, and neglected me. I feel much hurt, that,
after the loss of health and risk of fortune, another should
be thanked for what I did against his orders. I either de-
served to be sent out of the service, or at least to have had
some little notice taken of what I had done. They have
thought it worthy of notice, and yet have neglected me.
If this is the reward for a faithful discharge of my
duty, I shall be careful, and never stand forward again.
But I have done my duty, and have nothing to accuse
myself of."

The anxiety which he had suffered from the harassing
uncertainties of law is apparent from these expressions.
He had, however, something to console him, for he was
at this time wooing the niece of his friend the president,
then in her eighteenth year, the widow of Dr. Nisbet a
physician. She had one child, a son, by name Josiah, who
was three years old. One day Mr. Herbert, who had
hastened, half-dressed, to receive Nelson, exclaimed, on
returning to his dressing-room, "Good God! if I did not
find that great little man, of whom everybody is so afraid,
playing in the next room, under the dining-table, with
Mrs. Nisbet's child! " A few days afterwards Mrs. Nisbet
herself was first introduced to him, and thanked him for
the partiality which he had shown to her little boy. Her

> Passed iii 1786, this law confined the privilege of trading under the Navigation
Act to vessels registered as British ships in British possessions.

40 LIFE OF NELSON

manners were mild and winning: and the captain, whose
heart was easily susceptible of attachment, found no such
imperious necessity for subduing his inclinations as had
twice before withheld him from marrying. They were
married on March ii, 1787; Prince Wilham Henry, who
had come out to the West Indies the preceding winter,
being present, by his own desire, to give away the bride.
Mr. Herbert, her uncle, was at this time so much displeased
with his only daughter, that he had resolved to disinherit
her, and leave his whole fortune, which was very great,
to his niece. But Nelson, whose nature was too noble to
let him profit by an act of injustice, interfered, and suc-
ceeded in reconciling the president to his child.

" Yesterday," said one of his naval friends, the day
after the wedding, " the navy lost one of its greatest orna-
ments, by Nelson's marriage. It is a national loss that
such an officer should marry. Had it not been for this,
Nelson would have become the greatest man in the service."
The man was rightly estimated. But he who delivered this
opinion did not understand the effect of domestic love and
duty upon a mind of the true heroic stamp.

" We are often separate," said Nelson, in a letter to Mrs./
Nisbet, a few months before their marriage; "but ourl
affections are not by any means on that account diminished. |
Our country has the first demand for our services; and
private convenience or happiness must ever give way to
the public good. Duty is the great business of a sea-officer;
all private considerations must give way to it, howevei
painful." " Have you not often heard," says he, in another
letter, " that salt water and absence always wash awaj
love ? Now I am such a heretic as not to believe that article
For, behold, every morning I have had six pails of salt
water poured upon my head, and instead of finding what
seamen say to be true, it goes on so contrary to the pre-
scription, that you must, perhaps, see me before the fixed
time." More frequently his correspondence breathed a
deeper strain. " To write letters to you," says he, " is the
next greatest pleasure I feel to receiving them from you.
What I experience when I read such as I am sure are the
pure sentiments of your heart, my poor pen cannot express ;
nor, indeed, would I give much for any pen or head which

EARLY SERVICES 41

could express feelings of that kind. Absent from you, I
feel no pleasure. It is you who are everything to me. Without
you, I care not for this world; for I have found, lately,
nothing in it but vexation and trouble. These are my
present sentiments. God Almighty grant they may never
change! Nor do I think they will. Indeed there is, as far
as human knowledge can judge, a moral certainty that they
cannot. For it must be real affection that brings us together;
not interest or compulsion." Such were the feelings, and
such the sense of duty, with which Nelson became a husband.
During his stay upon this station, he had ample oppor-
tunity of observing the scandalous practices of the con-
tractors, prize-agents, and other persons in the West Indies
connected with the naval service. When he was first left
with the command, and bills were brought him to sign for
money which was owing for goods purchased for the navy,
he required the original voucher, that he might examine
whether those goods had been really purchased at the
market price. But to produce vouchers would not have
been convenient, and therefore was not the custom. Upon
this Nelson wrote to Sir Charles Middleton,^ then comp-
troller of the navy, representing the abuses which were
likely to be practised in this manner. The answer which
he received seemed to imply that the old forms were thought
sufticient: and thus, having no alternative, he was com-
pelled, with his eyes open, to submit to a practice originating
in fraudulent intentions. Soon afterwards two Antigua
merchants informed him that they were privy to great
frauds which had been committed upon government in
various departments; at Antigua, to the amount of nearly
£500,000; at St. Lucia, £300,000; at Barbados, £250,000;
at Jamaica, upwards of a million. The informers were both
shrewd, sensible men of business; they did not affect to
be actuated by a sense of justice, but required a percentage
upon so much as government should actually recover
through their means. Nelson examined the books and
papers which they produced, and was conxanced that gov-
ernment had been most infamously plundered. Vouchers,
he found, in that country, were no check whatever. The
principle was that " a thing was always worth what it

' Known to-day as L<jrd Barhani.

42 LIFE OF NELSON

would bring"; and the merchants were in the habit of
signing vouchers for each other, without even the appear-
ance of looking at the articles. These accounts he sent
home to the different departments which had been de-
frauded. But the peculators were too powerful; and they
succeeded not merely in impeding inquiry, but even in
raising prejudices against Nelson at the Board of Admiralty,
which it was many years before he could subdue.

Owing, probably, to these prejudices, and the influence
of the peculators, he was treated, on his return to England,
in a manner which had nearly driven him from the service.
During the three years that the Boreas had remained upon
a station which is usually so fatal, not a single officer or
man of her whole complement had died. This almost un-
exampled instance of good health, though mostly, no doubt,
imputable to a healthy season, must, in some measure, also
be ascribed to the wise conduct of the captain. He never
suffered the ships to remain more than three or four weeks
at a time at any of the islands; and when the hurricane
months confined him to English Harbour, he encouraged
all kinds of useful amusements; music, dancing, and cud-
gelling ^ among the men ; theatricals among the officers ;
anything which could employ their attention, and keep
their spirits cheerful.

The Boreas arrived in England in June. Nelson, who had
many times been supposed to be consumptive when in the
West Indies, and perhaps was saved from consumption
by that climate, was still in a precarious state of health;
and the raw wet weather of one of our ungenial summers
brought on cold, and sore throat, and fever. Yet his vessel
was kept at the Nore till the end of June from the end of
November, serving as a slop and receiving ship.^

This unworthy treatment, which more probably pro-
ceeded from intention than from neglect, excited in Nelson
the strongest indignation. During the whole five months
he seldom or never quitted the ship, but carried on the
duty with strict and sullen attention. On the morning
when orders were received to prepare the Boreas for being

1 A duel or melee with wooden weapons, analogous to single-stick. The rough-
and-tumble horseplay which it occasioned made it a favourite diversion of seamen.

- A depot for seamen waiting to be assigned to a ship, and a store for clothes
and bedding, which were known in the service as " slops."

EARLY SERVICES 43

paid off, he expressed his joy to the senior officer in the
Mcdway, saying, " It will release me for cwr from an
ungrateful service, for it is my firm and unalterable deter-
mination never again to set my foot on board a king's ship.
Immediately after my arrival in town I shall wait on the
First Lord of the Admiralty, and resign my commission."
The officer to whom he thus communicated his intentions
behaved in the wisest and most friendly manner: for
finding it in vain to dissuade him in his present state of
feeling, he secretly interfered with the First Lord to save
him from a step so injurious to himself, little foreseeing
how deeply the welfare and honour of England were at that
moment at stake. This interference produced a letter from
Lord Howe, the day before the ship was paid off, intimating
a wish to see Captain Nelson as soon as he arrived in town :
when, being pleased with his conversation, and perfectly
convinced, by what was then explained to him of the
propriety of his conduct, he desired that he might present
him to the King on the first levee-day; and the gracious
manner in which Nelson was then received effectually
removed his resentment.

Prejudices had been, in like manner, excited against his
friend. Prince William Henry. " Nothing is wanted, sir,"
said Nelson, in one of his letters, " to make you the darling
of the English nation, but truth. Sorry I am to say, much
to the contrary has been dispersed." This was not flattery;
for Nelson was no flatterer. The letter in which this passage
occurs shows in how wise and noble a manner he dealt
with the Prince. One of his Royal Highness's officers had
applied for a court martial upon a point in which he was
unquestionably wrong. ^ His Royal Highness, however, while
he supported his own character and authority, prevented

' Lieutenant Isaac Schoniberg, first lieutenant of the P<^gasus, and in after
days author of iXaval Chronology (a valuable work in five volumes, publislied
1802), on 22nd Junuary, 1787, sent a boat ashore at luiglish Harbour, Antigua,
without informing his captain (Prince William Henry). His Royal Highness
commented upon the omission in the Public Oriler Book; and Mr. Schomberg,
taking this notification as a personal affront, instantly applied to Nelson for a
court martial. Nelson was indignant over tiie episode, because the arrest of
Schomberg, at tiiat individual's own desire, deprived the squadron of a useful
officer. A somewhat difficult situation was eventually ended by the graciousness
of the Prince in overlooking tlie subonlinate's offence and so renilcring the court
martial unnecessary. Tlie case, however, was a complicated one, and tlie mis-
understandings and misinterpretations it involved were not cleared up until
Nelson and the Prince reacheil home. All tlie letters and documents arising out
of the controversy are given in Nicolas, Vol. I. pp. 209-51.

44 LIFE OF NELSON

the trial, which must have been injurious to a brave and
deserving man. " Now that you ^ are parted," said Nelson,
" pardon me, my prince, when I presume to recommend
that he may stand in your royal favour as if he had never
sailed with you, and that at some future day you will serve
him. There only wants this to place your conduct in the
highest point of vaew. None of us are without failings.
His, was being rather too hasty: ^ but that, put in com-
petition with his being a good officer, will not, I am bold
to say, be taken in the scale against him. More able friends
than myself your Royal Highness may easily find, and of
more consequence in the state ; but one more attached and
affectionate is not so easily met with. Princes seldom,
very seldom, find a disinterested person to communicate
their thoughts to. I do not pretend to be that person. But
of this be assured, by a man who, I trust, never did a dis-
honourable act, that I am interested only that your Royal
Highness should be the greatest and best man this country
ever produced."

Encouraged by the conduct of Lord Howe, and by his
reception at court, Nelson renewed his attack upon the
peculators with fresh spirit. He had interviews with Mr.
Rose, Mr. Pitt, and Sir Charles Middleton, to all of whom
he satisfactorily proved his charges. In consequence, it
is said, these very extensive public frauds were at length
put in a proper train to be provided against in future. His
representations were attended to; and every step which
he recommended was adopted. The investigation was put
into a proper course, which ended in the detection and
punishment of some of the culprits. An immense saving
was made to government, and thus its attention was directed
to similar peculations in other parts of the colonies. But
it is said also, that no mark of commendation seems to have
been bestowed upon Nelson for his exertion. And it is
justly remarked ^ that the spirit of the navy cannot be
preserved so effectually by the liberal honours bestowed
on officers when they are worn out in the service, as by an
attention to those who, like Nelson at this part of his life,

^ Prince William and Lieutenant Schomberg. Nelson's letter was written at
Portsmouth when the trouble was ended.
- In demanding the court martial.
' Clarke and McArthur, Vol. I. p. 107. — Southey's Note.

EARLY SERVICES 45

have only their integrity and zeal to bring them into notice,
A junior officer, who had been left with the command
at Jamaica, received an additional allowance, for which
Nelson had applied in vain. Double pay was allowed to
every artificer and seaman employed in the naval yard.
Nelson had superintended the whole business of that yard
with the most rigid exactness, and he complained that he
was neglected. " It was most true," he said, " that the
trouble which he took to detect the fraudulent practices
then carried on, was no more than his duty; but he
little thought that the expenses attending his frequent
journeys to St. John's upon that duty (a distance of
twelve miles) would have fallen upon his pay as captain of
the Boreas."

Nevertheless, the sense of what he thought unworthy
usage did not diminish his zeal. " I," said he, " must still
buffet the waves in search of — ^what? Alas! That they
called honour is now thought of no more. My fortune, God
knows, has grown worse for the service. So much for serving
my country! But the devil, ever willing to tempt the
virtuous, has made me offer, if any ships should be sent to
destroy his Majesty of Morocco's ports, to be there; and
I have some reason to think, that, should any more come
of it, my humble services will be accepted. I have in-
variably laid down, and followed close, a plan of what ought
to be uppermost in the breast of an officer, — that it is much
better to serve an ungrateful country than to give up his
own fame. Posterity will do him justice. A uniform course
of honour and integrity seldom fails of bringing a man to
the goal of fame at last."

The design against the Barbary pirates, like all other
designs against them, was laid aside; and Nelson took
his wife to his father's parsonage,^ meaning only to pay
him a visit before they went to France; a project which
he had formed for the sake of acquiring a competent know-
ledge of the French language. But his father could not
bear to lose him thus unnecessarily. Mr. Nelson had long
been an invalid, suffering under paralytic and asthmatic
affections, which, for several hours after he rose in the

' At Christmas, 1787. Nelson continued to live at Burnhani Tliorpe until the
outbreak of war against the French Revolution in 1793.

46 LIFE OF NELSON

morning, scarcely permitted him to speak. ^ He had beenl
given over by his physicians, for this complaint, nearly forty \
years before his death; and was, for many of his latter \
years, obliged to spend all his winters at Bath. The sight
of his son, he declared, had given him new life. " But,
Horatio," said he, " it would have been better that I had
not been thus cheered, if I am so soon to be bereaved of
you again. Let me, my good son, see you whilst I can. My\
age and infirmities increase, and I shall not last long." \
To such an appeal there could be no reply. Nelson took
up his abode at the parsonage, and amused himself with
the sports and occupations of the country. Sometimes he
busied himself with farming the glebe; sometimes spent
the greater part of the day in the garden, where he would
dig as if for the mere pleasure of wearying himself. Some-
times he went a-birds'-nesting, like a boy: and in these
expeditions Mrs. Nelson always, by his express desire,
accompanied him. Coursing ^ was his favourite amuse-
ment. Shooting, as he practised it, was far too dangerous
for his companions: for he cairied his gun upon the full
cock, as if he were going to board an enemy ; and the moment
a bird rose, he let fly, without ever putting the fowling-
piece to his shoulder. It is not, therefore, extraordinary
that his having once shot a partridge should be remembered
by his family among the remarkable events of his life.

But his time did not pass away thus without some vex-
atious cares to ruffle it. The affair of the American ships
was not yet over, and he was again pestered with threats
of prosecution. " I have written them word/' said he,
" that I will have nothing to do with them, and they must
act as they think proper. Government, I suppose, will do
what is right, and not leave me in the lurch. We have
heard enough lately of the consequences of the Navigation
Act to this country. They may take my person; but if
sixpence would save me from a prosecution, I would not
give it."

It was his great ambition at this time to possess a pony;

^ An admirable portrait of Nelson's father is given in The A^elsons of Burnham
Thorpe, a record compiled from unpublished letters and notebooks by M. Eyre
Matcham.

^ The pack with which Nelson hunted was that of the famous " Coke of
Norfolk."

EARLY SERVICES 47

and having" resolved to purchase one, he went to a fair for
that purpose. During his absence two men abruptly entered
the parsonage, and enquired for him. Then they asked for
Mrs. Nelson; and, after they had made her repeatedly
declare that she was really and truly the captain's wife,
presented her with a writ, or notification, on the part of the
American captains, who now laid their damages at £20,000,
and they charged her to give it to her husband on his return.
Nelson having bought his pony, came home with it in high
spirits. He called out his wife to admire the purchase, and
listen to all its excellences: nor was it till his glee had in
some measure subsided that the paper could be presented
to him. His indignation was excessive: and in the appre-
hension that he should be exposed to the anxieties of the
suit, and the ruinous consequences which might ensue, he
exclaimed "This affront I did not deserve! But I'll be |
trifled with no longer. I will write immediately to the
Treasury; and if government will not support me, I am
resolved to leave the country." Accordingly, he informed
the Treasury, that if a satisfactory answer were not sent^
him by return of post, he should take refuge in France.'
To this he expected he should be driven, and for this he
arranged everything with his characteristic rapidity of
decision. It was settled that he should depart immediately,
and Mrs. Nelson follow under the care of his elder brother,
Maurice, ten days after him. But the answer which he
received from government quieted his fears. It stated that
Captain Nelson was a very good officer, and needed to be
under no apprehension, for he would assuredly be supported.
Here his disquietude upon this subject seems to have
ended. Still he was not at ease; he wanted employment,
and was mortified that his applications for it produced no
effect. " Not being a man of fortune," he said, " was a
crime which he was unable to get over, and therefore none
of the great cared about him." Repeatedly he requested
the Admiralty that they would not leave him to rust in
indolence. During the armament wliich was made upon
occasion of the dispute concerning Nootka Sound,' he

' In 1789 the Spaniards seLzed three ships belonging to English settlers in
Vancouver Island. War was in consequence narrowly averted. C/>. Manner's
Minor, \'ul. \'II. pp. 74-9.

48 LIFE OF NELSON

renewed his application: and his steady friend, Prince
WilHam, who had then been created Duke of Clarence,
recommended him to Lord Chatham. The failure of this
recommendation wounded him so keenly, that he again
thought of retiring from the service in disgust : a resolution
from which nothing but the urgent remonstrances of Lord
Hood induced him to resist. Hearing that the Raisonnahle,
in which he had commenced his career, was to be commis-
sioned, he asked for her. This also was in vain: and a
coolness ensued, on his part, toward Lord Hood, because
that excellent officer did not use his influence with Lord
Chatham upon this occasion. Lord Hood, however, had
certainly sufficient reasons for not interfering; for he ever
continued his steady friend.

In the winter of 1792, when we were on the eve of the
Revolutionary War, Nelson once more offered his services,
earnestly requested a ship, and added, that if their lordships
should be pleased to appoint him to a cockle-boat he should
feel satisfied. He was answered in the usual official form,
" Sir, I have received your letter of the 5th instant, ex-
pressing your readiness to serve, and have read the same
to my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty." On the 12th
of December he received this dry acknowledgment. The
fresh mortification did not, however, affect him long; for,
by the joint interest of the Duke and Lord Hood, he
was appointed, on the 30th of January following, to the
Agamemnon, of sixty-four guns.

PART III
THE CRUISE OF THE " AGAMEMNON "

As Southey ia this section leaves his reader very much in the dark
as to the passage of time, a short chronology is prefixed to each
chapter.

CHAPTER I

Lord Hood being Commander-in-Chief in the Mediterranean

1793. 2ist January. Execution of Louis XVI.

26th January. Nelson appointed to the Agamemnon.

June. Sails for Mediterranean.

i6th July. Arrives at Toulon.

September. At Naples.
22nd October. Engages La Melpomene, one of a squadron
of French frigates off the east end of
Sardinia.
November. At Tunis.
December. Corsican campaign begins.

1794. 19th February-

19th March. Siege and capture of Bastia.

June. With Lord Hood's fleet Nelson pursues

the French, who take refuge in Golfe
Juan Bay.
loth July. Loses right eye at Calvi.

[SOUTHEY. CHAPTER III]

" There are three things, young gentleman," said Nelson
to one of his midshipmen, " which you are constantly to
bear in mind. First, you must always implicitly obey
orders, without attempting to form any opinion of your
own respecting their propriety. Secondly, you must con-
sider every man your enemy who speaks ill of your king:
and, thirdly, you must hate a Frenchman as you do the
devil." With these feelings he engaged in the war. Josiah,
his son-in-law, went with him as a midshipman.

49

50 LIFE OF NELSON

The Agamemnon ^ was ordered to the Mediterranean,
under Lord Hood. The fleet arrived in those seas at a time
when the South of France would wilHngly have formed itself
into a separate republic, under the protection of England.
But good principles had beeli at that time perilously abused
by ignorant and profligate men ; and, in its fear and hatred
of democracy, the English Government abhorred whatever
was republican. 2 Lord Hood could not take advantage of
the fair occasion which presented itself, and which, if it
had been seized with vigour, might have ended in dividing
France; but he negotiated with the people of Toulon to
take possession provisionally of their port and city, which,
fatally for themselves, was done.^

Before the British fleet entered. Nelson was sent with
dispatches to Sir William Hamilton, our envoy at the court
of Naples. Sir William, after his first interview with him,
told Lady Hamilton he was about to introduce a little man
to her, who could not boast of being very handsome; but
such a man as, he believed, would one day astonish the
world. " I have never before," he continued, " entertained

* Nelson's first sail-of-the-line or battleship. She was only a sixty-four (see
Note 3, p. i), but Nelson loved her none the less for that. His ship's company
liked all but her name. They did not approve of classical titles. Belleroplwn they
called the " Bully Ruffian," Polyphemus the " Polly Infamous," and their own
Agamemnon, without meaning any disrespect, they corrupted into " Eggs and
Bacon."

' In his first edition Southey wrote: " the English Government leagued itself with
despotism — a miserable error, of which the consequences will long be to be deplored.
For had not England in an unhappy hour interfered, the rotten governments
of the Continent would then have fallen; and the continental nations, acquiring
a revolutionarj' impulse and strength at the same time as France, would now have
been the rivals of France instead of her prey."

Southey meant that the English Government (when it instructed Lord Hood
to occupy Toulon in the interests of Louis XVI. and Marie Antoinette) took a
step inimical to the best interests of the world. For without English help (he
argues) the monarchical principle would have gone down throughout Europe;
and the peoples, everywhere made free and enfranchised, would, like Spain in 1813
(when he was writing), have fought against the overweening tyranny of France
as exemplified in Napoleon. Contrariwise, if England had patronised the Re-
publican principle in the south of France, the enfranchisement of Europe would
liave come more quickly, for other states would have followed the example of
Spain, and united in one irresistible effort to break the rod of Napoleon's
oppression.

This rod, when Southey wrote in 1813, seemed still unbreakable: but when,
in the following year, a second edition of the book was called for. Napoleon was
vanquished and imprisoned in Elba, and the passage, in consequence, came under
the shears.

I"or Southey's pohtical opinions, see Introduction, pp. xxvii-xxix.

^ Though the harbour of Toulon was occupied by his fleet. Lord Hood was unable
to procure sufficient troops to garrison the town, and when the army of the
Revolution recaptured the place in December the most merciless vengeance was
meted out to its citizens. Nelson's mission to the King of Naples, mentioned in
the next paragraph, had for its object the loan of Neapolitan troops.

CRUISE OF THE "AGAMEMNON" 51

an officer at my house; but I am determined to brin^ him
here. Let him be put in the room prepared for Prince
Augustus." ^ Thus that acquaintance began which ended
in the destruction of Nelson's domestic happiness. It
seemed to threaten no such consequences at its commence-
ment.^ He spoke of Lady Hamilton, in a letter to his wife,
as a young woman of amiable manners, who did honour
to the station to which she had been raised ; and he remarked
that she had been exceedingly kind to Josiah. The activity
wth which the envoy exerted himself in procuring troops
from Naples, to assist in garrisoning Toulon, so delighted
him, that he is said to have exclaimed: " Sir William, you
are a man after my own heart! You do business in my
own way ": and then to have added, " I am now only a
captain; but I will, if I live, be at the top of the tree."
Here, also, that acquaintance with the Neapolitan court
commenced, which led to the only blot upon Nelson's
public character.^ The King,* who was sincere at that time
in his enmity to the French, called the English the saviours
of Italy, and of his dominions in particular. He paid the
most flattering attentions to Nelson, made him dine with
him, and seated him at his right hand.

Having accomplished this mission. Nelson received
orders to join Commodore Linzee at Tunis. ^ On the way,
five sail of the enemy were discovered off the coast of
Sardinia, and he chased them. They proved to be three
forty-four gun frigates with a corvette ^ of twenty-four, and

' (iporge III.'s ninth son.

^ " It seemed to threaten no such consequences at its commencement." The
reader should not fail to notice that these words make their accompaniment
of censorious commentary not only irrelevant but impertinent.

' It is a literary trick to intensify the evil side of a wrongdoer by the mention
of crimes which he has not yet committed. The reader should, therefore, be on his
guard against surli a passage as this; and refuse to allow his judgment to be
influenced until he has had the actual facts (which are only hinted at) submitted
to him in concrete form.

* Ferdinand IV. He married Maria Carolina, a sister of Marie Antoinette,
and was therefore vitally interested in the anti-Jacobin movement which was
stirring the south of France.

■■* The Dcy of Tunis was sheltering French ships, including a big man-of-war
(compare the Goeben and Breslau at Constantinople in 1914). Commodore Linzee's
task was to capture the enemy's vessels and remove a menace to British trade.
Nelson was sent to reinforce Linzee, who with three seventy-fours and a couple of
frigates had failetl so far in his efforts to intimidate the Dey. The missi'in in the
end was not successful; but it iiad the effect of taking Nelson away from Toulon,
where there was no honour to be gained.

" The French equivalent for a small frigate or sloop of war mounting all her
ordnance on the upper deck. In Southey's day the word was not to be found in
English maritime dictionaries.

52

LIFE OF NELSON

a brig ^ of twelve. The Agamemnon had only 345 men at
quarters, having landed part of her crew at Toulon, and
others being absent in prizes. He came near enough one
of the frigates to engage her, but at great disadvantage,
the Frenchman manoeuvring well, and sailing greatly
better, A running fight of three hours ensued; during
which the other ships, which were at some distance, made
all speed to come up. By this time the enemy was almost

H.H

CORSICA

2^d^

Minorca

C"'^-, ^J Former

English ha^c
S.Tieiro

CTassa-'^

WESTERN MEDITERRANEAN, 1 793-96

Explanation
Kingdom of Naples shaded.

A. Where Nelson fought the Melpomene.

B. Where Nelson captured the Sabina.

X

X H. Hothara's first battle.

•K HH. Hotham's second battle.

silenced, when a favourable change of wind enabled her to
get out of reach of the Agamemnon's guns; and that ship
had received so much damage in the rigging, that she
could not follow her. Nelson conceiving that this was but
the forerunner of a far more serious engagement, called his
officers together, and asked them if the ship was fit to go
into action against such a superior force, without some
small refit and refreshment for the men. Their answer was,

1 See Note 2, p. 18.

CRUISE OF THE "AGAMEMNON" 53

that she certainly was not. He then gave these orders,
" Veer the ship/ and lay her head to the westward. Let
some of the best men be employed in refitting the rigging,
and the carpenter in getting crows and capstan-bars ^ to
prevent our wounded spars from coming down: and get
the wine up for the people, with some bread, for it may be
half an hour good before we are again in action." But when
the French came up, their comrade made signals of distress,
and they all hoisted out their boats to go to her assistance,
leaving the Agamemnon unmolested.^

Nelson found Commodore Linzee at Tunis, where he had
been sent to expostulate with the Dey upon the impolicy
of his supporting the revolutionary government of France.
Nelson represented to him the atrocity of that government.
Such arguments were of little avail in Barbary: and when
the Dey was told that the French had put their sovereign
to death, he drily replied that " Nothing could be more
heinous; and yet, if historians told the truth, the English
had once done the same." This answer had doubtless been
suggested by the French about him. They had completely
gained the ascendancy, and all negotiation on our part
proved fruitless.

Shortly afterward Nelson was detached with a small
squadron, to co-operate with General Paoli ^ and the
Anti-Gallican party in Corsica.

' (Or wear the ship.) Turn the ship about by going off the wind. The
Agamemnon was not to beat a strategic retreat; but to put her helm up
and retire to a distance where, before re-engaging, she could conduct repairs
uninterrupted.

'The upper masts and yards of the Agamemnon were much injured. He
therefore ordered that these limbs of his ship should, as it were, be put in splints,
by binding them up with the crowbars or handspikes used for moving the guns
and weighing the anchor.

' The points to notice about this engagement are the following:

(a) Frigates like those that constituted the French flotilla ought to have been
able easily to elude a battleship like the Agamemnon. It argues amazing skill
on Nelson's part that he was able to bring one of them to action.

(b) The lucky hits made by Nelson's antagonist (whose name was La Melpomdne)
put the Agamemnon at a still greater disadvantage in the matter of sailing. The
other four ships of the French fli)tilla (with i::4 puns to his 64) had the chance of
delivering a massed attack, which Nelson cheerfully prepared to repel. However,
they eventually satisfied themselves with binding up the wounds of their
companion.

* Pasquale de Paoli, born in 1725, was brouglit up to believe that the rule
exerciseil over his island home by Genoa might one day be broken. At thirty
years of age he was appointed by his fellow-countrymen to lead them in their
struggle for freedom, and earned a European renown by the wisdom and modera-
tion of his leadership, .■\gainst Genoa alone, he would probably have worked
his way and established the cause of Corsican independence: but in 1768 the
G

54 LIFE OF NELSON

At this point Southey wanders off into a characteristic digression
which has for its subject " The History of Corsica." (See above, p.
xxvii). It sadly interrupts the story he is telling; and for that reason
should be ruthlessly cut. The reader, most anxious to master all the
facts of Nelson's life, will offer no violence to his conscience nor miss
one essential detail if he skips the next twelve paragraphs and
resumes the narrative at the words " About twenty years Paoli
remained in England."

^ Some thirty years before this time, the heroic patriotism
of the Corsicans, and of their leader, PaoH, had been the
admiration of England. The history of these brave people
is but a melancholy tale. The island which they inhabit
has been abundantly blessed by nature. It has many ex-
cellent harbours; and though the mal-aria, or pestilential
atmosphere, which is so deadly in many parts of Italy, and
of the Italian islands, prevails on the eastern coast, the
greater part of the country is mountainous and healthy.
It is about one hundred and fifty miles long, and from forty
to fifty broad; in circumference, some three hundred and
twenty: — a country large enough, and sufiiciently distant
from the nearest shores, to have subsisted as an independent
state, if the welfare and happiness of the human race had
ever been considered as the end and aim of policy.

^ The Moors, the Pisans, the kings of Aragon, and the
Genoese, successively attempted, and each for a time effected,
its conquest. The yoke of the Genoese continued longest,
and was the heaviest. These petty tyrants ruled with an
iron rod : and when at any time a patriot rose to resist their
oppressions, if they failed to subdue him by force, they
resorted to assassination. At the commencement of the
last century they quelled one revolt by the aid of German-
auxiliaries, whom the Emperor Charles VI. sent against a
people who had never offended him, and who were fight-
ing for whatever is most dear to man. In 1734 the war
was renewed; and Theodore, a Westphalian baron, then
appeared upon the stage.

^ In that age men were not accustomed to see adventurers
play for kingdoms, and Theodore became the common talk

impecunious Genoese sold their insurgent island to France. Paoli still for a year
held out against an army of 22,000 Frenchmen; but being at last obliged to
make his escape, sailed for England, where he was welcomed effusively. BosweU,
who had met him in Corsica, introduced him to Dr. Johnson, and Johnson,
forming the most favourable opinion of him, admitted him to terms of the
closest friendship.

CRUISE OF THE "AGAMEMNON" 55

of Europe. He had served in the French armies: and
having afterwards been noticed both by Ripperda and
Alberoni, their example, perhaps, inflamed a spirit as
ambitious and as unprincipled as their own. He employed
the whole of his means in raising money and procuring
arms: then wrote to the leaders of the Corsican patriots,
to offer them considerable assistance, if they would erect
Corsica into an independent kingdom, and elect him king.
When he landed among them, they were struck with his
stately person, his dignified manners, and imposing talents.
They believed the magnificent promises of foreign assistance
which he held out, and elected him king accordingly.

^ Had his means been as he represented them, they could
not have acted more wisely than in' thus at once fixing the
government of their country, and putting an end to those
rivalries among the leading families, which had so often
proved pernicious to the public weal. He struck money,
conferred titles, blocked up the fortified towns which were
held by the Genoese, and amused the people with promises
of assistance for about eight months. Then, perceiving that
they cooled in their affections towards him, in proportion
as their expectations were disappointed, he left the island,

-o^ under the plea of expediting himself the succours which he
had so long awaited. Such was his address, that he pre-
vailed upon several rich merchants in Holland, particularly
the Jews, to trust him with cannon and warlike stores to a
great amount. They shipped these under the charge of a
supercargo. Theodore returned with this supercargo to
Corsica, and put him to death on his arrival, as the shortest
way of settling the account. The remainder of his life was
a series of deserved afflictions. He threw in the stores
which he had thus fraudulently obtained. But he did not
dare to land; for Genoa had now called in the French to
their assistance^ and a price had been set upon his head.
His dreams of royalty were now at an end. He took refuge

^ in London, contracted debts, and was thrown into the
King's Bench. After lingering there many years, he was
released under an act of insolvency; in consequence of
which, he made over the kingdom of Corsica for the use of
his creditors, and died shortly after his deliverance.

^ The French, who have never acted a generous part in the

56 LIFE OF NELSON

history of the world, readily entered into the views of the
Genoese, which accorded with their own policy: for such
was their ascendancy at Genoa, that in subduing Corsica
for these allies, they were in fact subduing it for themselves.
They entered into the contest, therefore, with their usual
vigour, and their usual cruelty. It was in vain that the
Corsicans addressed a most affecting memorial to the court
of Versailles. That remorseless government persisted in its
flagitious project. They poured in troops; dressed a part
of them like the people of the country, by which means
they deceived and destroyed many of the patriots; cut
down the standing corn, the vines, and the olives; set fire
to the villages, and hung all the most able and active men
who fell into their hands. A war of this kind may be carried
on with success against a country so small and so thinly
peopled as Corsica. Having reduced the island to perfect
servitude, which they called Peace, the French withdrew
their forces.

^ As soon as they were gone, men, women, and boys
rose at once against their oppressors. The circumstances
of the times were now favourable to them; and some
British ships, acting as allies of Sardinia, bombarded Bastia
and San Fiorenzo, and delivered them into the hands of the
patriots. This service was long remembered with gratitude.
The impression made upon our own countrymen was less
favourable. They had witnessed the heart-burnings of
rival chiefs, and the dissensions among the patriots; and
perceiving the state of barbarism to which continual oppres-
sion and habits of lawless turbulence had reduced the
nation, did not recollect that the vices of the people were
owing to their unhappy circumstances, but that the virtues
which they displayed arose from their own nature. This
feeling, perhaps, influenced the British court, when, in
1746, Corsica offered to put herself under the protection of
Great Britain. An answer was returned, expressing satis-
faction at such a communication, hoping that the Corsicans
would preserve the same sentiments, but signifying also
that the present was not the time for such a measure.

^ These brave islanders then formed a government for
themselves, under two leaders, Gaffori and Matra, who had
the title of protectors. The latter is represented as a partisan

CRUISE OF THE " AGAMEMNON " 57

of Genoa, favouring the views of the oppressors of his
country by the most treasonable means. Gaffori was a
hero worthy of old times. His eloquence was long remem-
bered with admiration. A band of assassins was once
advancing against him. He heard of their approach, went
out to meet them; and, with a serene dignity, which over-
awed them, requested them to hear him. He then spake to
them so forcibly of the distresses of their country, her
intolerable wrongs, and the hopes and views of their brethren
in arms, that the very men who had been hired to murder
him, fell at his feet, implored his forgiveness, and joined his
banner. While he was besieging the Genoese in Corte, a
part of the garrison perceiving the nurse with his eldest son,
then an infant in arms, straying at a little distance from the
camp, suddenly sallied out and seized them. The use they
made of their persons was in conformity to their usual
execrable conduct. When Gaffori advanced to batter the
walls, they held up the child directly over that part of the
wall at which the guns were pointed. The Corsicans stopped :
but Gaffori stood at their head, and ordered them to continue
the fire. Providentially the child escaped, and lived to
relate, with becoming feeling, a fact so honourable to his
father. That father conducted the affairs of the island till
1753, when he was assassinated by some wretches, set on
(it is believed) by Genoa, but certainly pensioned by that
abominable government after the deed. He left the country
in such a state that it was enabled to continue the war
two years after his death without a leader. The Corsi-
cans then found one worthy of their cause in Pasquale
de Paoh.

^ Paoli's father was one of the patriots who effected their
escape from Corsica when the French reduced it to obedi-
ence. He retired to Naples, and brought up this his youngest
son in the Neapolitan service. The Corsicans heard of young
Paoli's abilities, and solicited him to come over to his native
country and take the command. He did not hesitate long.
His father, who was too far advanced in years to take an
"acti\'e part himself, encouraged him to go; and when they
separated, the old man fell on his neck, and kissed him, and
gave him his blessing. " My son," said he, " perhaps I may
never see you more; but in my mind I shall ever be present

58 LIFE OF NELSON

with you. Your design is great and noble; and I doubt not
but God will bless you in it. I shall devote to your cause
the little remainder of my life in offering up my prayers
for your success."

^ When Paoli assumed the command, he found all things
in confusion. He formed a democratical government, of
which he was chosen chief; restored the authority of the
laws; established a university; and took such measures,
both for repressing abuses and moulding the rising genera-
tion, that, if France had not interfered, upon its wicked
and detestable principle of usurpation, Corsica might at
this day have been as free and flourishing and happy a
commonwealth as any of the Grecian states in the days of
their prosperity.

^ The Genoese were at this time driven out of their
fortified towns, and must in a short time have been expelled.
France was indebted some millions of livres to Genoa. It
was not convenient to pay this money; so the French
minister proposed to the Genoese, that she should discharge
the debt by sending six battalions to serve in Corsica for
four years. The indignation which this conduct excited in
all generous hearts was forcibly expressed by Rousseau,
who, with all his errors, was seldom deficient in feeling for
the wrongs of humanity. " You Frenchmen," said he,
writing to one of that people, " are a thoroughly servile
nation, thoroughly sold to tyranny, thoroughly cruel and
relentless in persecuting the unhappy. If you knew of a
freeman at the other end of the world, I believe you would
go thither for the mere pleasure of extirpating him."

^The immediate object of the French happened to be
purely mercenary. They wanted to clear off their debts to
Genoa; and, as the presence of their troops in the island
effected this, they aimed at doing the people no further
mischief. Would that the conduct of England had been
at this time free from reproach! But a proclamation was
issued by the English government, after the Peace of Paris,
prohibiting any intercourse with the rebels of Corsica.
Paoli said he did not expect this from Great Britain. This
great man was deservedly proud of his country. " I defy
Rome, Sparta, or Thebes," he would say, " to show me
thirty years of such patriotism as Corsica can boast! "

CRUISE OF THE "AGAMEMNON" 59

Availing himself of the respite which the inactivity of the
French and the weakness of the Genoese allowed, he prose-
cuted his plans of civilising the people. He used to say,
that though he had an unspeakable pride in the prospect of
the fame to which he aspired ; yet, if he could but render his
countrymen happy, he could be content to be forgotten.
His own importance he never affected to undervalue. " We
are now to our country," said he, " like the prophet Elisha,
stretched over the dead child of the Shunamite, — eye
to eye, nose to nose, mouth to mouth. It begins to recover
warmth, and to re\'ive, I hope it will yet regain full health
and vigour."

|[ But when the four years were expired, France purchased
the sovereignty of Corsica from the Genoese for forty millions
of livres ; as if the Genoese had been entitled to sell it ; as
if any bargain and sale could justify one country in taking
possession of another against the will of the inhabitants,
and butchering all who opposed the usurpation! Among
the enormities which France has committed, this action
seems but as a speck. Yet the foulest murderer that ever
suffered by the hand of the executioner has infinitely less
guilt upon his soul than the statesman who concluded this
treaty, and the monarch who sanctioned and confirmed it.
A desperate and glorious resistance was made; but it was
in vain; no power interposed in behalf of these injured
islanders, and the French poured in as many troops as were
required. They offered to confirm Paoli in the supreme
authority, only on condition that he would hold it under
their government. His answer was, that " the rocks which
surrounded him should melt away before he would betray
a cause which he held in common with the poorest Corsican."
This people then set a price upon his head. During two
campaigns he kept them at bay. They overpowered him at
length. He was driven to the shore, and, having escaped on
shipboard, took refuge in England. It is said that Lord
Shelburne resigned his seat in the cabinet because the
ministry looked on, without attempting to prevent France
from succeeding in this abominable and important act of
aggrandisement. In one respect, however, our country
acted as became her. Paoli was welcomed with the honours
which he deserved; a pension of ;^i,200 was immediately

6o LIFE OF NELSON

granted him ; and provision was liberally made for his elder
brother and his nephew.

Above twenty years Paoli ^ remained in England, enjoy-
ing the friendship of the wise, and the admiration of the
good. But when the French Revolution began, it seemed
as if the restoration of Corsica was at hand. The whole
country, as if animated by one spirit, rose and demanded
liberty; and the national assembly passed a decree, recog-
nising the island as a department of France, and therefore
entitled to all the privileges of the new French consti-
tution. This satisfied the Corsicans, [which it ought not
to have done ; and Paoli, in whom the ardour of youth was
passed, seeing that his countrymen were contented, and
believing that they were about to enjoy a state of freedom,
naturally wished to return to his native country.] ^ He
resigned his pension in the year 1790, and appeared at the
bar of the assembly with the Corsican deputies, when they
took the oath of fidelity to France. But the course of events
in France soon dispelled those hopes of a new and better
order of things, which Paoli, in common with so many of
the friends of humankind, had indulged: and perceiving,
after the execution of the king, that a civil war was about
to ensue, of which no man could foresee the issue, he prepared
to break the connection between Corsica and the French
republic. The Convention, suspecting such a design, and
perhaps occasioning it by their suspicions, ordered him to
their bar. That way, he well knew, led to the guillotine;
and, returning a respectful answer, he declared that he would
never be found wanting in his duty, but pleaded age and
infirmity as a reason for disobeying the summons. Their
second order was more summary: and the French troops,
who were in Corsica, aided by those of the natives, who
were either influenced by hereditary party feelings, or who
were sincere in Jacobinism, took the field against him.
But the people were with him. He repaired to Corte, the
capital of the island, and was again invested with the
authority which he had held in the noonday of his fame.

1 If the reader has skipped the twelve preceding paragraphs, he should refer
to Note 4, p. 53, for the previous history of Paoli.

- In the first edition Southey omitted the words in brackets, saying simply :
" This satisfied the Corsicans and it satisfied Paoli too." The alteration was
made in the second edition of 1814.

CRUISE OF THE " AGAMEMNON " 6i

The Convention upon this denounced him as a rebel, and
set a price upon his head. It was not the first time that
France^ had proscribed PaoH,

Paoh now opened a correspondence with Lord Hood,
promising, if the Enghsh would make an attack upon San
Fiorenzo from the sea, he would, at the same time, attack
it by land. This promise he was unable to perform: and
Commodore Linzee, who, in rehance upon it, was sent
upon this service, was repulsed with some loss. Lord Hood,
who had now been compelled to evacuate Toulon, suspected
Paoli of intentionally deceiving him. This was an injurious
suspicion. Shortly afterwards he dispatched Lieutenant-
Colonel (afterward Sir John) Moore and Major Koehler to
confer with him upon a plan of operations. Sir Gilbert
Elliot 1 accompanied them: and it was agreed that, in
consideration of the succours both military and naval,
which his Britannic Majesty should afford for the purpose
of expelling the French, the island of Corsica should be
delivered into the immediate possession of his Majesty,
and bind itself to acquiesce in any settlement he might
approve of concerning its government and its future relation
with Great Britain. While this negotiation was going on,
Nelson cruised off the island with a small squadron, to
prevent the enemy from throwing in supplies. Close to
San Fiorenzo the French had a storehouse of flour, near
their only mill. He watched an opportunity, and landed
one hundred and twenty men, who threw the flour into the
sea, burnt the mill, and re-embarked before one thousand
men, who were sent against him, could occasion them the
loss of a single man. While he exerted himself thus, keeping
out all supplies, intercepting dispatches, attacking their
outposts and forts, and cutting out ^ vessels from the
bay, — a species of warfare which depresses the spirit of an
enemy even more than it injures them, because of the
sense of individual superiority which it indicates in the
assailants, — troops were landed, and San Fiorenzo was

> Representative of the Foreign Oft'ice. He had already acted as head of the
English Goveninient in Toulon, and on the conquest of Corsica was installed as
Viceroy. Thrown constantly with Nelson, he became one of his dearest friends,
and a constant correspondent when absence separated them. He eventually
becanje first Earl of Minto, and was Governor-General of India froni 1807 to 1814.

* To attack and capture a ship by armed forces in boats. Such assaults were
always dangerous anel sonietinies attended by desperate hazard.

62 LIFE OF NELSON

besieged. The French, finding themselves unable to main-
tain their post, sank one of their frigates, burnt another,
and retreated to Bastia. Lord Hood submitted to General
Dundas, who commanded the land forces, a plan for the
reduction of this place. The general declined co-operating,
thinking the attempt impracticable without a reinforce-
ment of two thousand men, which he expected from Gib-
raltar. Upon this Lord Hood determined to reduce it with
the naval force under his command; and leaving part of
his fleet off Toulon, he came with the rest to Bastia.

He showed a proper sense of respect for Nelson's services,
and of confidence in his talents, by taking care not to bring
with him any older captain. A few days before their arrival
Nelson had had what he called a brush with the enemy.
" If I had had with me five hundred troops," he said, " to
a certainty I should have stormed the town ; and I believe
it might have been carried. Armies go so slow, that seamen
think they never mean to get forward : but I dare say they
act on a surer principle, although we seldom fail." During
this partial action our army appeared upon the heights:
and having reconnoitred the place, returned to San Fiorenzo.
" What the General could have seen to make a retreat
necessary," said Nelson, " I cannot comprehend. A thousand
men would certainly take Bastia. With five hundred and
Agamemnon I would attempt it. My seamen are now what
British seamen ought to be — almost invincible. They really
mind shot no more than peas."

General Dundas had not the same confidence. " After
mature consideration," he said in a letter to Lord Hood,
" and a personal inspection for several days of all circum-
stances, local as well as others, I consider the siege of Bastia
with our present means and force to be a most visionary
and rash attempt, such as no officer would be justified in
undertaking." Lord Hood replied that nothing would be
more gratifying to his feelings than to have the whole
responsibility upon himself; and that he was ready and
willing to undertake the reduction of the place at his own
risk, with the force and means at present there. General
d'Aubant, who succeeded at this time to the command of
the army, coincided in opinion with his predecessor, and
did not think it right to furnish his lordship with a single

CRUISE OF THE "AGAMEMNON" 63

soldier, cannon, or any stores. Lord Hood could only obtain
a few artillery-men; and ordering on board that part of
the troops who, having been embarked as marines, were
borne on the ships' books as part of their respective com-
plements, he began the siege with eleven hundred and
eighty-three soldiers, artillery-men, and marines, and two
hundred and fifty sailors. " We are but few," said Nelson,
" but of the right sort; our General at San Fiorenzo
not giving us one of the five regiments he has there
lying idle."

These men were landed on the 4th of April, under
Lieutenant-Colonel Villettes and Nelson, who had now
acquired from the army the title of Brigadier. Guns were
dragged by the sailors up heights where it appeared almost
impossible to convey them — a work of the greatest diffi-
culty; and which Nelson said could never, in his opinion,
have been accomplished by any but British seamen. The
soldiers, though less dexterous in such service, because not
accustomed like sailors to habitual dexterity, behaved
with equal spirit. " Their zeal," said the Brigadier, " is
almost unexampled. There is not a man but considers
himself as personally interested in the event, and deserted
by the General. It has, I am persuaded, made them equal
to double their numbers." This is one proof, of many, that
for our soldiers to equal our seamen, it is only necessary
for them to be equally well commanded. They have the
same heart and soul, as well as the same flesh and blood.
Too much may, indeed, be exacted from them in a retreat;
but set their face toward a foe, and there is nothing
within the reach of human achievement which they
cannot perform.

The French had improved the leisure which our military
commander had allowed them; and before Lord Hood
commenced his operations, he had the mortification of
seeing that the enemy were every day erecting new works,
strengthening old ones, and rendering the attempt more
difficult. La Combe St. Michel, the commissioner from the
national convention, who was in the city, replied in these
terms to the summons of the British Admiral: " I have
hot shot for your ships, and bayonets for your tnjops.
When two-thirds of our men are killed, I will then trust to

64 LIFE OF NELSON

the generosity of the EngHsh." The siege, however, was
not sustained with the firmness which such a reply seemed
to augur. On the 19th of May a treaty of capitulation was
begun. That same evening the troops from San Fiorenzo
made their appearance on the hills; and, on the following
morning. General d'Aubant arrived with the whole army
to take possession of Bastia.

The event of the siege had justified the confidence of the
sailors; but they themselves excused the opinion of the
generals, when they saw what they had done. " I am all-
astonishment," said Nelson, " when I reflect on what wq
have achieved. One thousand regulars, fifteen hundred!
national guards, and a large party of Corsican troops, fouD
thousand in all, laying down their arms to twelve hundred
soldiers, marines and seamen! I always was of opinion,^
have ever acted up to it, and never had any reason to repent |
it, that one Englishman was equal to three Frenchmen. \
Had this been an English town, I am sure it would not have |
been taken by them." When it had been resolved to attack \
the place, the enemy were supposed to be far inferior in
number; and it was not till the whole had been arranged,
and the siege publicly undertaken, that Nelson received
certain information of the great superiority of the garrison.
This intelligence he kept secret, fearing lest, if so fair a
pretext were afforded, the attempt would be abandoned.
" My own honour," said he to his wife, " Lord Hood's
honour, and the honour of our country, must have been
sacrificed, had I mentioned what I knew. Therefore you will
believe what must have been my feelings during the whole
siege, when I had often proposals made to me to write to
Lord Hood to raise it." Those very persons, who thus
advised him, were rewarded for their conduct at the siege
of Bastia. Nelson, by whom it may truly be affirmed that
Bastia was taken, received no reward. Lord Hood's thanks
to him, both public and private, were, as he himself said,
the handsomest which man could give : but his signal merits
were not so mentioned in the dispatches as to make them
sufficiently known to the nation, nor to obtain for him from
government those honours to which they so amply entitled
him. This could only have arisen from the haste in which
the dispatches were written ; certainly not from any

CRUISE OF THE " AGAMEMNON " 65

deliberate purpose, for Lord Hood was uniformly his
steady and sincere friend.^

One of the Cartel's ships, ^ which carried the garrison of
Bastia to Toulon, brought back intelligence that the French
were about to sail from that port ; such exertions had they
made to repair the damage done at the evacuation, and to
fit out a fleet. The intelligence was speedily verified. Lord
Hood sailed in quest of them toward the islands of Hyeres.
The Agamemnon was with him. " I pray God," said Nelson,
writing to his wife, " that we may meet their fleet. If any
accident should happen to me, I am sure my conduct will
be such as will entitle you to the royal favour. Not that 1
have the least idea but I shall return to you, and full of
honour. If not, the Lord's will be done. My name shall
never be a disgrace to those who may belong to me. The
little I have I have given to you, except a small annuity.
I wish it was more; but I have never got a farthing dis-
honestly. It descends from clean hands. Whatever fate
awaits me, I pray God to bless you, and preserve you for
your son's sake."

With a mind thus prepared, and thus confident, his hopes
and wishes seemed on the point of being gratified, when
the enemy were discovered close under the land, near St.
Tropez. The wind fell, and prevented Lord Hood from
getting between them and the shore, as he designed. Boats
came out from Antibes and other places to their assistance,
and towed them within the shoals in Gourjean Roads, ^
where they were protected by the batteries on isles St.
Honore and St. Marguerite, and on Cape Garoue.* Here
the English Admiral planned a new mode of attack, meaning
to double on five of the nearest ships. But the wind again
died away, and it was found that they had anchored in
compact order, guarding the only passage for large ships.

' There is no reason to suppose that Lord Hood wrote his dispatch in undue
haste. He desired to avoid even the appearance of friction between navy and
army, and so refused, even in Nelson's interest, to make capital out of the un-
willingness of General Duiidas to undertake the siege. The dispatch is dated
24tli .Slay, five days after negotiations for surrender were begun.

' A ■' cartel-ship " was a vessel commissioned in time of war to exchange the
prisoners of any two hostile powers or carry a proposal from one to the other.
Such being her use, she was expressly forbidden to carry any implements of war
other than a single gun for signalling purposes. Southey probably niiscopied his
phrase from Clarke and Mc.\rthur's Life.

' English corruption of (iolfe Juan Roads.

♦ All three places are quite close to Golfe Juan and Antibes.

66 LIFE OF NELSON

There was no way of effecting this passage, except by towing
or warping ^ the vessels ; and this rendered the attempt
impracticable. For this time the enemy escaped. But
Nelson bore in mind the admirable plan of attack which
Lord Hood had devised, and there came a day when they
felt its tremendous effects.*

The Agamemnon was now dispatched to co-operate at the
siege of Calvi ^ with General Sir Charles Stuart ; an officer
who, unfortunately for his country, never had an adequate
field allotted him for the display of those eminent talents,
which were, to all who knew him, so conspicuous.* Nelson
had less responsibility here than at Bastia; and was acting
with a man after his own heart, who was never sparing of
himself, and slept every night in the advanced battery.
But the service was not less hard than that of the former
siege. " We will fag ourselves to death," said he to Lord
Hood, " before any blame shall lie at our doors. I trust
it will not be forgotten that twenty-five pieces of heavy
ordnance have been dragged to the different batteries,
mounted, and, all but three, fought by seamen, except one
artillery-man to point the guns.

The climate proved more destructive than the service;
for this was during the lion sun, as they there call our
season of the dog-days. Of two thousand men, above half
were sick, and the rest like so many phantoms. Nelson
described himself as the reed among the oaks, bowing
before the storm when they were laid low by it. " All the
prevailing disorders have attacked me," said he, " but I
have not strength enough for them to fasten on." The loss
from the enemy was not great ; but Nelson received a serious
injury. A shot struck the ground near him, and drove the
sand and small gravel into one of his eyes. He spoke of it
slightly at the time. Writing the same day to Lord Hood,

1 See Note i, p. 8.

* It was an accepted doctrine at this time that a fleet snugly berthed in a chosen
anchorage could successfully defy all the attempts of a superior fleet, either by
cunning or force, to dislodge it. Indeed, no one had done more to establish the
validity of the doctrine than the Admiral who now proposed to disprove it. Lord
Hood, however, believed that, if he had the breeze in his favour, he would be able
to mass his strength on the hostile vessels nearest to the wind, and leave their
companions (who were furthest away from it) helpless spectators of a struggle
in which their immobility would forbid them to participate.

''In Corsica.

^Lord Melville was fully sensible of these talents, and bore testimony to them
in the handsomest manner after Sir Charles's death. — Southey's Note.

CRUISE OF THE "AGAMEMNON" 67

he only said that he got a httle hurt that morning, not
much; and the next day, he said he should be able to
attend his duty in the evening. In fact, he suffered it to
confine him only one day; but the sight was lost.^

After the fall of Calvi, his services were, by a strange
omission, altogether overlooked; and his name was not
even mentioned in the list of wounded. This was no ways
imputable to the Admiral, for he sent home to government
Nelson's journal of the siege, that they might fully under-
stand the nature of his indefatigable and unequalled exer-
tions. If those exertions were not rewarded in the con-
spicuous manner which they deserved, the fault was in the
administration of the day, not in Lord Hood. Nelson felt
himself neglected. " One hundred and ten days," said he,
" I have been actually engaged at sea and on shore, against
the enemy; three actions against ships, two against Bastia
in my ship, four boat actions, and two villages taken, and
twelve sail of vessels burnt. I do not know that any one
has done more. I have had the comfort to be always
applauded by my commander-in-chief, but never to be
rewarded: and, what is more mortifying, for services in
which I have been wounded, others have been praised, who,
at the same time, were actually in bed, far from the scene
of action. They have not done me justice. But never mind,
I'll have a gazette of my own." How amply was this second-
sight of glory realised !

The health of his ship's company had now, in his own
words, been miserably torn to pieces by as hard service as
a ship's crew ever performed: one hundred and fifty were
in their beds when he left Calvi; of them he lost fifty, and
believed that the constitutions of the rest were entirely
destroyed. He was now sent with dispatches to Mr. Drake,
at Genoa, and had his first interview with the Doge. The
French had, at this time, taken possession of Vado Bay,
in the Genoese territory; and Nelson foresaw that, if their

1 " On the loth of Julj-, a shot having hit our battery, the splinters and stones
from it struck me with great violence in the face and breast. Although the blow
was so severe as to occasion a great flow of blood from my head, yet I most
fortunately escaped, having only my right eye nearly deprived of its sight. It
was cut down, but is so far recovered as for me to be able to distinguisli light from
darkness. As to all the pui-pose of use, it is gone. However, the blemish is nothing;
not to be perceived, unless told. The pupil is nearly the size of the blue part. . . .
I don't know the name." — Nelson to his Wike.

68 LIFE OF NELSON

thoughts were bent on the invasion of Italy, they would
accomplish it the ensuing spring. " The allied powers,"
he said, " were jealous of each other; and none but England
was hearty in the cause." His wish was for peace, on fair
terms, because England, he thought, was draining herself, to
maintain allies who would not fight for themselves.

CHAPTER II

Admiral Hotham fking Commander-in-Chief in the
Mediterranean

1794. 1 1 111 October. Lord liootl returns to En;4laiiii, making

over his fleet to Admiral Hotham.

1795. 13th, 14th March. Battle of the Gulf of Genoa.

1st June. Nelson made Colonel of Marines.

5th July. Sent to co-operate with General de Vins

on coast of Genoa.
6th, ytii July. On his way to Genoa discovers the main

French fleet, and retreating before

them draws them into the arms of

Hotham.
13th July. Battle of Ilyercs.

[SOUTHEY. CHAPTER III— continued]

Lord Hood had now returned to England, and the com-
mand devolved on Admiral Hotham.^ The affairs of the
Mediterranean wore at this time a gloomy aspect. The
arts, as well as the arms of the enemy, were gaining the
ascendancy there. Tuscany concluded peace, relying upon
the faith of France, which was, in fact, placing itself at her
mercy. Corsica was in danger. We had taken that island
for ourselves, annexed it formally to the crown of Great
Britain, and given it a constitution as free as our own.
This was done with the consent of the majority of the
inhabitants: and no transaction between two countries
was ever more fairly or legitimately conducted. ^ Yet our
conduct was unwise. The island is large enough to form
an independent state, and such we should have made it,
under our protection, as long as protection might be needed.

' Lord Hood returned to England to discuss the affairs of the Mediterranean
with the Board of .\dmiralty. He did not intend to be long absent, and made over
his fleet (temporarily, as it was thoufilU) to his sernud-ui-command. In the
conversations at Iiome, however, no a;4roenient could lie reached; and .Admiral
Hotham succeeded to one nf the most iinpnrtaiit naval commands, tiiough he was
patently lacking in the vital (lualitications rr(|uisitc for iiis Dirue.

*The arrangement deliancd Pauli fmm tlie \ icoroyalty of the island, and in
1796 he rctmned to England, to die tiiere in e.xile nine years later — a bitterly
disappointed man.

H 69

70 LIFE OF NELSON

The Corsicans would then have felt as a nation. But, when
one party had given up the country to England, the natural
consequence was, that the other looked to France. The
question proposed to the people was, to which would they
belong? Our language and our religion were against us;
our unaccommodating manners, it is to be feared, still more
so. The French were better politicians. Li intrigue they
have ever been unrivalled; and it now became apparent,
that, in spite of old wrongs, which ought never to have
been forgotten nor forgiven, their partisans were daily
acquiring strength. It is part of the policy of France, and
a wise policy it is, to impress upon other powers the opinion
of its strength, by lofty language, and by threatening before
it strikes; a system which, while it keeps up the spirit of
its allies, and perpetually stimulates their hopes, tends also
to dismay its enemies.

Corsica was now loudly threatened. The French, who
had not yet been taught to feel their own inferiority upon
the seas, braved us, in contempt, upon that element. They
had a superior fleet in the Mediterranean, and they sent it
out with express orders to seek the English and engage
them. Accordingly, the Toulon fleet, consisting of seventeen
ships of the line and five smaller vessels, put to sea. Admiral
Hotham received this information at Leghorn, and sailed
immediately in search of them. He had with him fourteen
sail of the line, and one Neapolitan seventy-four ;^ but
his ships were only half manned, containing but seven
thousand six hundred and fifty men, whereas the enemy
had sixteen thousand nine hundred. He soon came in sight
of them. A general action was expected; and Nelson, as
was his custom on such occasions, wrote a hasty letter to
his wife, as that which might possibly contain his last
farewell. " The lives of all," said he, " are in the hand of
Him who knows best whether to preserve mine or not.
My character and good name are in my own keeping."

But however confident the French government might be
of their naval superiority, the officers had no such feeling:
and after manceuvring for a day in sight of the English
fleet, they suffered themselves to be chased. One of their
ships, the Qa Ira, of eighty-four guns, carried away her main

1 The Tancredi, Captain Caracciolo.

CRUISE OF THE •' AGAMEMNON " 71

and fore topmasts. The Inconstant frigate fired at the
disabled ship, but received so many shot, that she was
obHged to leave her. Soon afterwards a French frigate took
the (Ta Ira in tow; and the Sans-Culottes, one hundred and
twenty, and the Jean Barras, seventy-four, kept about
gunshot distance on her weather bow. The Agamemnon
stood towards her, having no ship of the line to support her
within several miles. As she drew near, the ^a Ira hred her
stern guns so tmly, that not a shot missed some part of the
ship, and, latterly, the masts were struck by every shot. It
had been Nelson's intention not to fire before he touched her
stern; but seeing how impossible it was that he should be
supported, and how certainly the Agamemnon must be
severely cut up if her masts were disabled, he altered his
plan according to the occasion. As soon, therefore, as he
was within a hundred yards of her stern, he ordered the
helm to be put a-starboard, and the driver and after-sails
to be brailed up and shivered ; and, as the ship fell off, gave
the enemy her whole broadside. They instantly braced up
the after-yards, put the helm a-port, and stood after her
again. This manoeuvre he practised for two hours and a
quarter, never allowing the Ca Ira to get a single gun from
either side to bear on him ; and when the French fired their
after-guns now, it was no longer with coolness and precision,
for every shot went far ahead. By this time her sails were
hanging in tatters, her mizzen topmast, mizzen-topsail, and
cross] ack-yards shot away. But the frigate which had
her in tow hove in stays, and got her round. Both these
French ships now brought their guns to bear, and opened
their tire. The Agamemnon passed them within half pistol-
shot ; almost every shot passed over her, for the French had
elevated their guns for the rigging, and for distant firing,
and did not think of altering the elevation. As soon as the
Agamejnnon's after-gims ceased to bear, she hove in stays,
keeping a constant fire as she came round ; and being worked,
said Nelson, with as much exactness as if she had been
turning into Spithcad. On getting round, he saw that the
Sans-Culottes, which had wore, with many of the enemy's
ships, was under his lee bow, and standing to leeward. The
Admiral, at the same time, made the signal for the van ships
to join him. Upon this Nelson bore away, and prepared to

72 LIFE OF NELSON

set all sail ; and the enemy, having saved their ship, hauled
close to the wind, and opened upon him a distant and
ineffectual fire. Only seven of the Agamemnon's men were
hurt — a thing which Nelson himself remarked as wonderful.
Her sails and rigging were very much cut, and she had many
shots in her hull, and some between wind and water. The
(7a Ira lost one hundred and ten men that day, and was so cut
up that she could not get a topmast aloft during the night. '^
At daylight, on the following morning, the EngHsh ships
were taken aback with a fine breeze at N.W., while the
enemy's fleet kept the southerly wind. The body of their

^ Southey took his story of the Agamemnon's fight with the Qa Ira ahnost
verbatim from Nelson's accomit which had already been published from the
Admiral's own papers in Clarke and McArthur's Life. He did so because he had
insufficient acquaintance with seacraft to convert the story into ordinary prose.
To-day the work of literal translation is many times more difficult because the
naval language of our own era affords no parallels for the terminology of the
sailing marine. It must suffice, then, to give in non-technical language a brief
abstract of what occurred.

The French ships, refusing battle, were running as fast as they could in the
hopes of giving Hotham the slip. The English ships were pursuing on a parallel
line, with the Agamemnon well ahead. In the prevalent excitement the Qa Ira
collided with the Vicioire and was so much injured that she dropped behind. The
French admiral ordered one of his greyhounds to take the cripple in tow, and two
of his lustiest fighters to stand by and protect her. A swift vessel on the English
side immediately ran up to pomn"icl the Qa Ira, but, receiving many well-directed
blows, very soon discreetly retired. Nelson then seized the occasion to show what
he was made of. Altering course, he adroitly placed himself where the immense
body of the Qa Ira would not only protect him from her own guards, the Jean
Barras and the Sans-Culoites, but from her own murderous artillery that bristled
on either flank. In short, he utilised his pigmy stature to snuggle under his
adversary's stern.

If there had been no frigate towing the Qa Ira, Nelson would have brought
his little ship within stone's throw of the Frenchman and slain her by a mortal
thrust in her most vulnerable part. But as the Qa Ira was moving fairly rapidly
through the water; as she had more guns mounted in her stern than any English
ship could boast; and as Nelson could not possibly change his position without
increasing his danger, he suffered for a while without compensation. But only for
a while. Enduring blows while he ran forward, he then slewed round on his heel,
delivered a broadside which smashed through the Qa Ira's stern-windows, and
then working all his sails as easily as a pedestrian would twirl a walking-stick,
resumed his offenceless attitude of pursuit while his gunners loaded again. In short,
by a quick alternation of kick and carry on, he made the burden of existence
intolerable to the Frenchman, who bade the towing-frigate pull her round, so that
she also could wield her tiers of guns.

Nine commanders out of ten, sensing the new danger, would immediately have
halted. But Nelson purposely ran on so as to close the range, and had the satis-
faction of seeing the Qa Ira's shot fly harmlessly over his head. But it was time
to be gone, because the Jean Barras and the Sans-Culottes now stood by their
friend, with the towing-frigate to help them. Nelson, therefore, sheltered till
the last moment from his new opponents under the towering sides of the Qa Ira;
and then, pouring into the walls that had protected him a Parthian broadside, he
turned and made off at full speed. So amazed were the hostile quartette that not
one of them touched him.

Such was the state of the battle when Hotham, instead of speeding reinforce-
ments to capture the four vessels that Nelson had stopped, hoisted the signal
of recall.

CRUISE OF THE "AGAMEMNON" 73

fleet was about five miles distant; the Qa Ira, and the
Censcur, seventy-four, which had her in tow, about three
and a half. All sail was made to cut these ships off; and
as the French attempted to save them, a partial action was
brought on. The Agamemnon was again engaged with her
yesterday's antagonist ; but she had to fight on both sides
the ship at the same time. The Qa Ira and the Censeur
fought most gallantly. The first lost nearly three hundred
men, in addition to her former loss; the last, three hundred
and lifty. Both at length struck: and Lieutenant Andrews,
of the Agamem)wn, brother to the lady to whom Nelson
had become attached in France, and, in Nelson's own words,
" as gallant an officer as ever stepped a quarter-deck,"
hoisted English colours on board them both. The rest ot
the enemy's ships behaved very ill.

As soon as these vessels had struck, Nelson went to
Admiral Hotham, and proposed that the two prizes should
be left with the Illustrious and Courageux (which had been
crippled in the action) and with four frigates, and that the
rest of the fleet should pursue the enemy, and follow up the
advantage to the utmost.^ But his reply was, " We must
be contented. We have done very well." " Now," said
Nelson, " had w^e taken ten sail, and allowed the eleventh
to escape when it had been possible to have got at her, I
could never have called it well done.- Goodall ^ backed

' On the second day of the battle both fleets were running due west, that is,
in the direction of Toulon. The I'rench were showing a c lean pair of heels, even the
Qa Ira with the Censeur's help outdistancing pursuit. But both fleets were very
close inshore; and a land-breeze suddenly struck the linglish fleet and drove it
down upon the enemy. If this fresh motive-power had readied the French, their
escape could still have been effected. But they lay in a pocket of southerly wind,
and saw, to their consternation, the whole of Hotham's fleet miming with deailly
intent at their cripples. Valour prompted them to turn about, ami at the risk of
a general engagement endeavour to eflect a rescue. And thus it came about that
the two fleets approached one another from opposite directions. The English line
was successful in cutting off the two lame ducks; but, in doing so, put its head in
ciiancery. Vox while the Qa Ira and Censeur pounded away on one side, the main
body of the l-'rench fleet came surging up on tlic other.

Nelson would like to have singled out special champions to deal independently
with the Qa Ira and Censeur, and reversed the rest of the English line so that the
opposing fleets could proceed side by side and figlit it out to a finish. But Hotham
preferred to use caution, and to bring up the tail of iiis line in support of its some-
what battered head. By doing so he rendered absolutely certain the subjugation
of the two detaclied French ships, but allowed the rest of the enemy's line to draw
clear of his own and escape.

^ " I can, enlre nous," says Sir William Hamilton in a letter to Kelson, " per-
ceive that my old friend, Hotham, is not quite awake enougli for such a command
as that of the king's fleet in the Mediterranean, altliouph he appears the best
creature imaghiablc" — Sot'TnEv's Xote, Fourth lidition.

^ Vice-Admiral of Hotham's fleet.

74 LIFE OF NELSON

me. I got him to write to the Admiral. But it would not
do. We should have had such a day as, I believe, the annals
of England never produced." In this letter, the character
of Nelson fully manifests itself. " I wish," said he, " to be
an admiral, and in the command of the English fleet. I
'should very sopal'^ither do much, or be ruined. My dis-
position cannot beaY tame and slow measures. Sure I am,
had I commanded on the 14th, that either the whole French
fleet would have graced my triumph, or I should have been
in a confounded scraps." What the event would have been,
he knew from his prophetic feelings and his own conscious-
ness of power. And we also know it now, for Aboukir and
Trafalgar have told it.

The ^a Ira and Censeur probably defended themselves
with more obstinacy in this action from a persuasion that,
if they struck, no quarter would be given; because they
had fired red-hot shot, and had also a preparation, sent,
as they said, by the Convention from Paris, which seems
to have been of the nature of the Greek fire ; ^ for it became
liquid when it was discharged, and water would not extin-
guish its flames. This combustible was concealed with great
care in the captured ships. Like the red-hot shot, it had
been found useless in battle.

Admiral Hotham's action saved Corsica for the time;
but the victory had been incomplete, and the arrival at
Toulon of six sail of the line, two frigates, and two cutters
from Brest, gave the French a superiority which, had they
known how to use it, would materially have endangered
the British Mediterranean fleet. That fleet had been greatly
neglected at the Admiralty during Lord Chatham's ad-
ministration; and it did not, for some time, feel the bene-
ficial effect of his removal. Lord Hood had gone home to
represent the real state of affairs, and solicit reinforcements
adequate to the exigencies of the time, and the importance
of the scene of action. But that fatal error of under-pro-
portioning the force to the service; that ruinous economy,
which, by sparing a little, renders all that is spent useless,
infected the British councils; and Lord Hood, not being

' A preparation that ignited when brought into contact with the air, hke the
liquid fire used in the Great War against Germany. The secret of Greek Fire was
known to the Byzantine Emperors, who gave it its n»ne and used it with effect
in their wars against the Mohammedans.

CRUISE OF THE "AGAMEMNON" 75

able to obtain such reinforcements as he knew were necessary,
resigned the command. "Surely," said Nelson, "the people
at home have forgotten us." Another Neapolitan seventy-
four joined Admiral Hotham, and Nelson observed with
sorrow that this was matter of exultation to an English
fleet. When the store-sliips and victuallers from Gibraltar
arrived, their escape from the enemy was thought wonder-
ful; and yet, had they not escaped, "the game," said
Nelson, " was up here. At this moment our operations are
at a stand for want of ships to support tlic Austrians in
getting possession of the sea-coast of the King of Sardinia; ^
and behold, our Admiral docs not feel himself equal to show
himself, much less to give assistance in their operations."
It was reported that the French were again out with eighteen
or twenty sail. The combined British and Neapolitan were
but sixteen. Should the enemy be only eighteen. Nelson
made no doubt of a complete victory; but if they were
twenty, he said, it was not to be expected; and a battle,
without complete victory, would have been destruction,
because another mast was not to be got on that side Gib-
raltar.2 At length Admiral Man arrived with a squadron
from England. " What they can mean by sending him with
only five sail of the line," said Nelson, " is truly astonishing:
but all men are alike, and we in this country do not find any
amendment or alteration from the old board of Admiralty.
They should know that half the ships in the fleet require
to go to England; and that long ago they ought to have
reinforced us."

About this time Nelson was made Colonel of Marines —
a mark of approbation which he had long wished for rather
than expected. It came in good season, for his spirits were
oppressed by the thought that his services had not been
acknowledged as they deserved; ^ and it abated the resent-
ful feeling which would else have been excited by the answer
to an application to the War Office. During his four months'

' See map. The principal Sardinian liarbour on the mainland of Italy was Nice.

- It must be renieinhorcd that England had lost Minorca and hatl not yet
gained possession of Malta. Tlie Royal Navy had, therefore, no luiglish-controlled
dockyard in the western Mediterranean, and liad to put u]! witli what hosiiitality
cr.uld be exacted iroux such states as Naples and Tuscany. Neitiicr of these
countries had at their disposal naval stores suflicient for a tirsl-class fleet.

* In his dispatch on the battle of tlie Gulf of Genoa, .\diniral Hotham named
for special conunendation no one but his own llag-captain. " It is ilitliciilt," he
wrote, " to specify particular desert where enuilation was common to all."

76 LIFE OF NELSON

land service in Corsica, he had lost all his ship-furniture,
owing to the movements of a camp. Upon this he wrote
to the Secretary at War, briefly stating what his services on
shore had been, and saying, he trusted it was not asking an
improper thing to request that the same allowance might
be made to him which would be made to a land officer of his
rank, which, situated as he was, would be that of a Brigadier-
General. If this could not be accorded, he hoped that his
additional expenses would be paid him. The answer which
he received was, that " no pay had ever been issued under
the direction of the War Office to officers of the navy serving
with the army on shore."

He now entered upon a new line of service. The Austrian
and Sardinian armies, under General de Vins, required a
British squadron to co-operate with them in driving the
French from the Riviera di Genoa ; ^ and as Nelson had been
so much in the habit of soldiering, it was immediately fixed
that the Brigadier should go. He sailed from San Fiorenzo
on this destination; but fell in, off Cape del Mele,^ with the
enemy's fleet, who immediately gave his squadron chase. ^
The chase lasted four-and-twenty hours ; and, owing to the
fickleness of the wind, the British ships were sometimes
hard pressed. But the want of skill on the part of the French
gave Nelson many advantages. He bent his way back to
San Fiorenzo, where the fleet, which was in the midst of
watering and refitting, had, for seven hours, the mortifi-
cation of seeing him almost in possession of the enemy,
before the wind would allow them to put out to his assistance.
The French, however, at evening, went off, not choosing
to approach nearer the shore. ^

During the night. Admiral Hotham, by great exertions,
got under weigh; and, having sought the enemy four days,
came in sight of them on the fifth. ^ Baffling winds, and

' The coast of the Republic of Genoa; see map.

- Midway between Genoa and Nice; roughly, seventy miles from each.

' In addition to the Agamemnon (which, it must he remembered, was a very
diminutive man-of-war) Nelson had only six smaller vessels. The French were
seventeen strong in battleships alone, and compelled him by weight of numbers
to retreat.

* The French scouting was bad. They supposed that Hotham's fleet was cruising
near the Balearic Isles; and when Nelson, keeping just ahead of them, reached
the Britisli headquarters at San Fiorenzo, they realised somewhat tardily that he
was drawing them into a trap.

* Sduthey's date is wrong. The battle of Hyeres took place on 13th July.

CRUISE OF THE "AGAMEMNON" ^^

vexatious calms, so common in the Mediterranean, rendered
it impossible to close with them. Only a partial action could
be brought on, and then the hring made a perfect calm.
The French, being to windward, drew in-shore; and the
English fleet was becalmed six or seven miles to the west-
ward. L'Alcide, of seventy-four guns, struck; but before
she could be taken possession of, a box of combustibles in
her fore-top took fire, and the unhappy crew experienced
how far more perilous their inventions were to themselves
than to their enemies. So rapid was the conflagration,
that the French in their official account say, " The hull,
the masts, and sails, all seemed to take fire at the same
moment"; and though the English boats were put out
to the assistance of the poor wretches on board, not more
than two hundred could be saved. The Agamemnon, and
Captain Rowley, in the Cumberland, were just getting into
close action a second time, when the Admiral called them
off, the wind now blowing directly into the Gulf of Frejus,
where the enemy anchored after the evening closed.'

' The battle of Hyeres, though it might have been one of the decisive battles
of the world, hardly deserves iiiDre than the few contemptuous words that Southey
devotes to it. The French ships (twenty-three in number) were running north
hotly chased by the English, who were abf)Ut equal in strength. The weather
favoured the pursuit for a while, and the leading ships (including Nelson's and
Troubridge's) clung to the skirts of the fugitives. But then the wind capriciously
turned al^out and allowed the rearguard of the French to concentrate on their
tormentors. Notwitlistanding the fact that the French Alcide surrendered, and
the chances of a general engagement were every moment increashig, Admiral
Hothara, who refused to accept for a whole fleet risks which he would cheerfully
have run in a single ship, hoisted an agitated signal ordering his whole force
to retire.

The principal armies fighting against the French Republic at this time were
those of Austria and Sardinia, and these could join forces and fight shoulder to
shoulder in northern Italy. To reacli her opponents France brought pressure
to bear on the republic of Genoa, which was technically neutral but open to bribes.
If Hotham had only forced a decision ui either of his battles witli the l-'rench fleet,
it would not have been necessary to expend all liis energy in the blockade of
Toulon. And freed from the burden of watching Toulon, he could have paralysed
the Genoese coast and have prohibited Napoleon's invasion of Italy. The sending
of a small detached squadron under Nelson had no effect other tiian to emphasise
the fact that nothing but the main fleet could achieve wiiat the situation required.

CHAPTER III

A Digression from the Main Theme to the Italian
Campaign of 1795

15/A Jiily-^isi December

South Ev wrote the following section of his work while the great
war he described was still in progress and while the generation for
whom he wrote were still familiar with its details. He takes for
granted that his audience has the requisite knowledge to follow
him; and this knowledge few modern readers are likely to possess.*
Their lack of it is the more unfortunate because, in dealing with the
Italian campaign of 1795, Southej'^ is describing a phase of the war

llycrcs

/ //^^I'Oo-^^

-^■■^X(S'

the ITALIAN campaign OF 1 795

which has faded into nothing from contrast with Napoleon's brilliant
achievements on the same ground in 1 796 ; and he is describing that
part of Nelson's career which (for want of backing from his com-
mander-in-chief) afforded little or no opportunity for distinction.
As a consequence, the narrative at this point is decidedly difficult.
Indeed, it can only be interpreted in terms of physical and political
geography.

The accompanying diagram shows the north-west portion of the
Italian peninsula. The shaded area represents the main mass of

* Cp. above, p. xxix.
78

CRUISE OF THE " AGAMEMNON " 79

Alps and Apennines, the Bochetta Pass (immediately north of
Genoa) forming a gateway into the I 'lain of Lombardy between
the two. Lombardy in 1793 was divided between Sardinia, Austria,
Venice, and lesser states. In the diagram the dotted area cast of
the Ticino shows the district actually ]x)ssessed or virtually con-
trolled by Austria, who (as already stated) was at this time allied
with ( Treat Britain and Sardinia in opposition to France. The
boundaries of the various .states (to avoid confusion) have been
omitted except in the case of the Genoese Republic, whose border
(where the mountain edge does not define it) is marked by a
broken line.

It will be seen at once that this coastal state of Crcnoa formed
the key to the whole situation in the western Mediterranean. Not
only did it control the only easy gatewaj^ into the Plain of Lom-
bardy, but it interposed an almost complete barrier between England
and her friends.

This would have mattered little, perhaps, if Genoa had observed
a strict neut'ality, or if Austria had not had any Italian possessions.
But since Genoa was particularly susceptible to bribes, and since
France had disco^•ered in the Plain of Lombardy the best region in
which to strike a mortal blow at the Hapsburgs, the need of a
strong British fleet off the Riviera became a prime necessity.

The map shows clearly that, sa\'e for a Hannibal or a Napoleon,
the Alpine wall between France and Sardinia is impassable to
armies. But without actually robbing Genoa of her independence,
or (in other words) taking over the Bochetta Pass, the French
hoped, in return for adequate payment, to utilise the coastal road ;
and, in the neighbourhood of Savona, strike across the narrow-
mountain chain that separates it from Sardinia. Genoa accepted
the bribes of France, and allowed the Jacobin soldiers to use her
highroad as much as tliey liked; but to show that she was (at least
nominally) neutral, she extended the same sort of privilege to the
Austrians, allowing them also to enter her territory in order to
guard the passages that led from it into their own. When, there-
fore, Nelson took up his station off the Riviera, the French
and Austrian armies were already facing one another, the French
to the north of Oneglia, and the Austrians to the west of Vado
(see map).

The most vulnerable point in the French position was their
dependence upon ocean-borne supplies; and this gave Nelson a
chance of bringing pressure to bear upon them. But the blockade
of the hostile part of the coast, feasible in theory, broke down in
practice; because France drew upon neutral sliip])ing e\-en more
than on her own, and the multitude of small vessels that swarmed
along the Riviera could only have been rounded up by a considerable
flotilla, which Nelson asked for but did not receive.

He therefore advocated two alternative measures of great efficacy:

1. The occupation of San Rcmo so as to cut the French com-
munications with their base.

2. A descent upon Alassio, where they had assembled a vast
accumulation of supplies preparatory to an advance.

The first proposal was vetoed by Admiral Mothani, and the second
by Hyde Parker wIkj succeeded him.

8o LIFE OF NELSON

[SOUTH EY. CHAPTER III— continued]

Nelson now proceeded to liis station with eight sail of
frigates under his command. Arriving at Genoa, he had a
conference with Mr. Drake, the British envoy to that state ;
the result of which was, that the object of the British must
be to put an entire stop to all trade between Genoa, France,
and the places occupied by the French troops; for, unless
this trade were stopped, it would be scarcely possible for
the allied armies to hold their situation, and impossible
for them to make any progress in driving the enemy out
of the Riviera di Genoa. ^ Mr. Drake was of opinion, that
even Nice might fall for want of supplies, if the trade with
Genoa were cut off.

This sort of blockade Nelson could not carry on without
great risk to himself. A captain in the navy, as he repre-
sented to the envoy, is liable to prosecution for detention
and damages. This danger was increased by an order which
had then lately been issued; by which, when a neutral
ship was detained, a complete specification of her cargo
was directed to be sent to the secretary of the Admiralty,
and no legal process instituted against her tih the pleasure
of that board should be communicated. This was requiring
an impossibility. The cargoes of ships detained upon this
station, consisting chiefly of corn, would be spoiled long
before the orders of the Admiralty could be known; and
then, if they should happen to release the vessel, the owners
would look to the captain for damages. Even the only pre-
caution which could be taken against this danger involved
another danger not less to be apprehended. For, if the
captain should direct the cargo to be taken out, the freight
paid for, and the vessel released, the agent employed might
prove fraudulent, and become bankrupt; and in that case
the captain became responsible. Such things had happened.
Nelson therefore required, as the only means for carrying
on that service, which was judged essential to the common
cause, without exposing the officers to ruin, that the British

1 Mr. Drake advocated the blockade of the Genoese coast, so far as it was
occupied by the French, in order that the enemy, who depended on seaborne
supplies, should be starved out, or at least be thrown back on their own resources,
and compelled (like the Allies) to depend exclusively on land communications.
"The places occupied by the French troojis" is a diplomatic euphemism for
" Genoese territory upon which the French army were encamped."

CRUISE OF THE " AGAMEMNON " 8i

envoy should appoint agents to pay the freight, release the
vessels, sell the cargo, and hold the amount till process was
had upon it, government thus securing its officers. " I am
acting," said Nelson, " not only without the orders of my
commander-in-chief, but, in some measure, contrary to him.
However, I have not only the support of his Majesty's
ministers, both at Turin and Genoa, but a consciousness
that I am doing what is right and proper for the service of
our King and country. Political courage, in an officer abroad,
is as highly necessary as military courage."

This quality, which is as much rarer than military courage
as it is more valuable, and without which the soldier's
bravery is often of little avail. Nelson possessed in an
eminent degree. His representations were attended to as
they deserved.^ Admiral Hotham commended him for
what he had done; and the attention of government was
awakened to the injury which the cause of the allies con-
tinually suffered from the frauds of neutral vessels. " What
changes in my life of activity! " said this indefatigable
man. " Here I am; having commenced a co-operation with
an old Austrian General, almost fancying myself charging
at the head of a troop of horse! I do not write less than
from ten to twenty letters every day: which, with the
Austrian General and aides-de-camp, and my own little
squadron, fully employ my time. This I like; — active
service, or none." It was Nelson's mind which supported
his feeble body through these exertions. He was at this
time almost blind, and wrote with very great pain. " Poor
Agamemnon," he sometimes said, " was as nearly worn out
as her Captain: and both must soon be laid up to repair."

When Nelson first saw General de Vins, he thought him
an able man, who was willing to act with vigour. The
General charged his inactivity upon the Piedmontese and
NeapoHtans, whom, he said, nothing could induce to act;
and he concerted a plan with Nelson for embarking a part
of the Austrian army, and landing it in the rear of the
French. But the English Commodore soon began to suspect
that the Austrian General was little disposed to any active
operations. In the hope of spurring him on, he wrote to

1 Hotham issued the instructions, whicli Nelson hatl framed, as general orders
to the whole fleet.

82 LIFE OF NELSON

him, telling him that he had surveyed the coast to the
westward as far as Nice, and would undertake to embark
four or five thousand men with their arms and a few days'
provisions on board the squadron, and land them within
two miles of San Remo, with their field-pieces. Respecting
further provisions for the Austrian army, he would provide
convoys, that they should arrive in safety; and, if a re-
embarkation should be found necessary, he would cover it
with the squadron. The possession of San Remo, as head-
quarters for magazines of every kind, would enable the
Austrian general to turn his army to the eastward or
westward. The enemy at Oneglia would be cut off from
provisions, and men could be landed to attack that place
whenever it was judged necessary.

San Remo was the only place between Vado ^ and Ville-
franche '^ where the squadron could lie in safety, and
anchor in almost all winds. The bay was not as good as
Vado for large ships; but it had a mole, which Vado had
not, where all small vessels could lie, and load and unload
their cargoes. This bay being in possession of the allies,
Nice could be completely blockaded by sea.

General de Vins affecting, in his reply, to consider that
Nelson's proposal had no other end than that of obtaining
the Bay of San Remo as a station for the ships, told him,
what he well knew, and had expressed before, that Vado
Bay was a better anchorage; nevertheless if Monsieur le
Commandant Nelson was well assured that part of the fleet
could winter there, there was no risk to which he would
not expose himself with pleasure, for the sake of procuring
a safe station for the vessels of his Britannic Majesty.

Nelson soon assured the Austrian commander that this
was not the object of his memorial. He now began to suspect
that both the Austrian court and their General had other
ends in view than the cause of the allies. " This army," said
he, "is slow beyond all description; and I begin to think
that the Emperor is anxious to touch another four millions
of English m^oney. As for the German generals, war is their
trade, and peace is ruin to them. Therefore we cannot
expect that they should have any wish to finish the war.

' The port in which Nelson made contact with the Austrians.

' Forming with its neighbour Nice the French coastal headquarters.

CRUISE OF THE ' AGAMEMNON " S3

The politics of courts arc so mean, that private people would
be ashauied to act in the same way. All is trick and finesse,
to which the common cause is sacrificed. The general wants
a loop-hole. It has for some time appeared to me that he
means to go no further than his present position, and to
lay 1 the miscarriage of the enterprise against Nice (which
has always been held out as the great object of his army)
to the non-co-operation of the British fleet, and of the
Sardinians." ^

To prevent this plea, Nelson again addressed De Vins,
requesting only to know the time, and the number of troops
ready to embark; then he would, he said, dispatch a ship
to Admiral Hotham, requesting transports, having no doubt
of obtaining them, and trusting that the plan would be
successful to its fullest extent. Nelson thought at the time,
that if the whole fleet were offered him ^ for transports, he ^
would find some other excuse: and Mr. Drake, who was now
appointed to reside at the Austrian headquarters, enter-
tained the same idea of the General's sincerity. It was
not, however, put so clearly to the proof as it ought to have
been. He ^ replied, that as soon as Nelson could declare
himself ready with the vessels necessary for conveying
ten thousand men with their artillery and baggage, he
w^ould put the army in motion. But Nelson was not enabled
to do this. Admiral Hotham, who was highly meritorious
in leaving such a man so much at his own discretion, pur-
sued a cautious system, ill according with the bold and
comprehensive views of Nelson, who continually regretted
Lord Hood, saying that the nation had suffered much by
his resignation of the Mediterranean command. The plan
which had been concerted, he said, would astonish the
French, and perhaps the English.

There was no unity in the views of the allied powers, no
cordiality in their co-operation, no energy in their councils.
The neutral powers assisted France more effectually than
the allies assisted each other. The Genoese ports were at
this time filled with French privateers, wliich swarmed
out every night, and covered the gulf: and French vessels

' Attribute.

* Nice was properly a Sardinian jiort, and ils rescue cdiistituteil a first claim
upi^n the Imnour uf the Allies.

* General de Vins.

84 LIFE OF NELSON

were allowed to tow out of the port of Genoa itself, board
vessels which were coming in, and then return into the
mole. This was allowed without a remonstrance; while,
though Nelson abstained most carefully from offering any
offence to the Genoese territory or flag, complaints were so
repeatedly made against his squadron, that, he says, it
seemed a trial who should be tired first; they of com-
plaining, or he of answering their complaints.

But the question of neutrality was soon at an end.^ An
Austrian commissary was travelling from Genoa towards
Vado. It was known that he was to sleep at Voltri, and that
he had £10,000 with him, a booty which the French minister
in that city and the captain of a French frigate in that
port considered as far more important than the word of
honour of the one, the duties of the other, and the laws of
neutrality. The boats of the frigate went out with some
privateers, landed, robbed the commissary, and brought
back the money to Genoa. The next day men publicly en-
listed in that city for the French army. Seven hundred
men were embarked, with seven thousand stand of arms,
on board the frigates and other vessels, who were to land
between Voltri and Savona. There a detachment from the
French army was to join them, and the Genoese peasantry
were to be invited to insurrection, — a measure for which
everything had been prepared.

The night of the 13th was fixed for the sailing of this
expedition. The Austrians called loudly for Nelson to
prevent it; and he, on the evening of the 13th, arrived at
Genoa. His presence checked the plan.'- The frigate, knowing
her deserts, got within the merchant-ships in the inner
mole; and the Genoese government did not now even de-
mand of Nelson respect to the neutral port, knowing that
they had allowed, if not connived at, a flagrant breach of
neutrality, and expecting the answer which he was prepared
to return, that it was useless and impossible for him to
respect it longer.^

1 Nelson arrived off the coast in the middle of July; the events which Southey
is about to describe occurred in the middle of November.

- Nelson laid the Agamemnon across the entrance to the harbour, so that the
expedition was debarred from setting out.

^ In drawing the Agamoiiiion across tlic harbour mouth, Nelsim had, in a
technical sense, blockaded Genoa, and so committed a breach of neutrality.
Yet the Genoese Government, who had not hesitated to vex him with incessant

CRUISE OF THE " AGAMEMNON " 85

But though this movement produced the immediate
effect which was designed, it led to ill consequences, which
Nelson foresaw, but, for want of sufficient force, was unable
to prevent. His squadron was too small for the service
which it had to perform.^ He required two seventy-fours,
and eight or ten frigates and sloops ; but when he demanded
this reinforcement. Admiral Hotham had left the command.
Sir Hyde Parker succeeded till the new commander should
arrive; and he immediately reduced it almost to nothing,
leaving him only one frigate and a brig. This was a fatal
error. While the Austrian and Sardinian troops, whether
from the imbecility or the treachery of their leaders, re-
mained inactive, the French were ^ preparing for the in-
vasion of Italy. Not many days before Nelson was thus
summoned to Genoa, he chased a large convoy into Alassio.
Twelve vessels he had formerly destroyed in that port,
though two thousand French troops occupied the town.
This former attack had made them take new measures of
defence; and there were now above one hundred sail of
victuallers, gun-boats, and ships of war.^ Nelson repre-
sented to the Admiral how important it was to destroy these
vessels; and offered, with his squadron of frigates, and the
Culloden and Courageux, to lead himself in the Agamemnon,
and take or destroy the whole. The attempt was not per-
mitted: but it was Nelson's belief, that, if it had been made,
it would have prevented the attack upon the Austrian
army, which took place almost immediately afterwards.

General de Vins demanded satisfaction of the Genoese
government for the seizure of his commissary; and then,

protests on much sleiulerer grounds, were on this occasion silent because their
own violation of international law had been so ostentatiously flagrant.

The ronrhiding words of the jniragraph are slightly ambiguous. Nelson (Southey
means) would certainly have h.ul a very c(jgent answer ready if the Genoese had
been brazen enougli to register a formal complaint.

What Nt^lsoii, however, actually intended to say (if the Genoese had remon-
strated) was diplomatically more adroit and corrert : " If the Genoese (Government
have not the power to prevent these expeditions sailing from their ports, I ronreive
it to be my obvious duty to stand by and assist them." (Nirnlas, \'i/l. II. p. loi.)

' He was kept at Genoa in the very hour wIkmi the I'rench w(uh' assaulting the
Austrian army at Loano, 24th November. Had he possesseil a stronger fleet,
he might, so to speak, have been in botii jilaces at once. As it was, his presence
at Genoa had the effect of keeping the Bochetta open for the flying .\ustrians;
see below.

- Had been.

* Southey's words hardly emphasise sufficiently the fact that .Alassio was now
the French advanced base, and that the ilestrucliMiu)f the stores which they had
accumulated there would etTectually check their advance.
I

86 LIFE OF NELSON

without waiting for their reply, took possession of some
empty magazines of the French, and pushed his sentinels
to the very gates of Genoa. Had he done so at first, he
would have found the magazines full; but, timid as the
measure was, and useless as it was to the cause of the allies,
it was in character with the whole of the Austrian General's
conduct : and it is no small proof of the dexterity with which
he served the enemy, that in such circumstances he could
so act with Genoa as to contrive to put himself in the wrong.

Nelson was at this time, according to his own expression,
placed in a cleft-stick. Mr. Drake, the Austrian minister,
and the Austrian General, all joined in requiring him not to
leave Genoa. If he left that port unguarded, they said, not
only the imperial troops of San Pier d 'Arena and Voltri
would be lost, but the French plan for taking post between
Voltri and Savona would certainly succeed ; if the Austrians
should be worsted in the advanced posts, the retreat of the
Bochetta would be cut off; and, if this happened, the loss
of the army would be imputed to him, for having left Genoa.
On the other hand, he knew, that if he were not at Pietra,^
the enemy's gun-boats would harass the left flank of the
Austrians, who, if they were defeated, as was to be expected
from the spirit of all their operations, would, very prob-
ably, lay their defeat to the want of assistance from the
Agamemnon.

Had the force for which Nelson applied been given him,
he could have attended to both objects; and had he been
permitted to attack the convoy in Alassio, he would have
disconcerted the plans of the French, in spite of the Austrian
General. He had foreseen the danger, and pointed out how
it might be prevented ; but the means of preventing it were
withheld. The attack was made as he foresaw; and the
gun-boats brought their fire to bear upon the Austrians.
It so happened, however, that the left flank, which was
exposed to them, was the only part of the army that behaved
well. This division stood its ground till the centre and the
right wing fled, and then retreated in a soldierlike manner.

General de Vins gave up the command in the middle of
the battle, 2 pleading ill-health. " From that moment,"

^ Loano.

^ General de Vins was succeeded by General Wallis about the time that Nelson
was summoned to Genoa.

CRUISE OF THE "AGAMEMNON" 87

says Nelson, " not a soldier stayed at his post. It was the
devil take the hindmost. Many thousands ran away who
had never seen the enemy; some of them thirty miles from
the advanced posts. Had I not, though I own against my
inclination, been kept at Genoa, from eight to ten thousand
men would have been taken prisoners, and, amongst the
number. General de Vins himself: but, by this means, the
pass of the Bochetta was kept open. The purser of the ship,
who was at Vado, ran with the Austrians eighteen miles
without stopping; the men without arms, officers without
soldiers, women without assistance. The oldest officer, say
they, never heard of so complete a defeat, and certainly
without any reason. Thus has ended my campaign. We
have established the French Republic; which, but for us,
I verily believe, would never have been settled by such a
volatile, changeable people. I hate a Frenchman. They are
equally objects of my detestation, whether royalists or
republicans. In some points, I believe, the latter are the
best." Nelson had a lieutenant and two midshipmen taken
at Vado. They told him, in their letter, that few of the
French soldiers were more than three or four and twenty
years old, a great many not more than fourteen, and all
were nearly naked. They were sure, they said, his barge's
crew could have beat a hundred of them ; and that, had he
himself seen them, he would not have thought, if the world
had been covered with such people, that they could liave
beaten the Austrian army.

The defeat of General de Vins gave the enemy possession
of the Genoese coast from Savona to Voltri ; and it deprived
the Austrians of their direct communication with the
English fleet. The Agamemnon, therefore, could no longer
be useful on this station, and Nelson sailed for Leghorn to
refit. When his ship went into dock, there was not a mast,
yard, sail, or any part of the rigging, but what stood in need
of repair, having been cut to pieces with shot. The hull
was so damaged, that it had for some time been secured by
cables, which were served or thrapped ^ round it.

' A mistake for " frapping," the act of crossing and drawing together the
several parts of a tackle or other roniplication of roiics wliich liave already been
straightened t(j tlieir utuiost extent; coini^are ti)e bracing up of a drum.

CHAPTER IV

Admiral Sir John Jervis being Commander-in-Chief in the
Mediterranean

1795. 2Qth November.

1796. January.
January.

27th March.

28th April.
31st May.

nth June.
28th June,
loth July.

nth August.
1 8th September,
5th October.

19th October.
December.

19th December.

Jervis reaches San Fiorenzo Bay, Corsica.
Jervis institutes a strict blockade of Toulon.
Nelson, after refitting at Leghorn, joins Jervis.
Bonaparte begins his first Italian campaign.
Jervis appoints Nelson a Commodore,

second class.
Sardinia retires from the war.
Nelson captures Bonaparte's maps, plans,

and literature.
Nelson shifts from A gamemnon into Captain.
Bonaparte seizes Leghorn.
Nelson captures Elba to facilitate the

blockade of Leghorn.
Jervis appoints him a Commodore, first class.
Nelson captures Capraja.
Spain makes an alliance with France,

rendering the western Mediterranean

untenable by the British fleet.
Nelson completes the evacuation of Corsica,

and
at Gibraltar shifts his broad pendant from

Captain to La Minerve frigate, to super-
intend evacuation of Elba.
Captures Spanish frigate La Sabina off

Carthagena.

[SOUTHEY. CHAPTER /F]

Sir John Jervis had now arrived to take the command
of the Mediterranean fleet. The Agamemnon having, as
her Captain said, been made as fit for sea as a rotten ship
could be, Nelson sailed from Leghorn, ^ and joined the
admiral in Fiorenzo Bay. " I found him," said he, " anxious
to know many things, which I was a good deal surprised
to find had not been communicated to him by others in the
fleet. And it would appear that he was so well satisfied
with my opinion of what is likely to happen and the means

^ Chief port of Tuscany. See above. Note 2, p. 75.

CRUISE OF THE "AGAMEMNON" 89

of prevention to be taken, that he had no reserve with me
respecting his information and ideas of what is hkely to be
done." The manner in which Nelson was received is said
to have excited some envy. One captain observed to him,
" You did just as you pleased in Lord Hood's time, the same
in Admiral Hotham's, and now again with Sir John Jervis.
It makes no difference to you who is commander-in-chief."
A higher compliment could not have been paid to any
commander-in-chief than to say of him that he understood
the merits of Nelson, and left him, as far as possible, to act
upon his own judgment.

Sir John Jervis offered him the Si. George, ninety, or the
Zealous, seventy-four, and asked if he should have any
objection to serve under him with his flag.^ He replied,
that if the Agamemnon were ordered home, and his flag
were not arrived, he should, on many accounts, wish to
return to England: still, if the war continued, he should
be very proud of hoisting his flag under Sir John's com-
mand. " We cannot spare you," said Sir John, " either as
captain or admiral." Accordingly, he resumed his station
in the Gulf of Genoa.

The French had not followed up their successes in that
quarter with their usual celerity. Scherer, who commanded
there, owed his advancement to any other cause than his
merit. 2 He was a favourite of the Directory; but, for the
present, through the influence of Barras, he was removed
from a command for which his incapacity was afterwards
clearly proved, and Bonaparte was appointed to succeed
him.^ Bonaparte had given indications of his military
talents at Toulon, and of his remorseless nature at Paris :^
but the extent, either of his ability or his wickedness, was
at this time known to none, and, perhaps, not even suspected
by himself..

Nelson supposed, from the information which he had
obtained, that one column of the French army would
take possession of Spezia; either penetrating through the

' Jervis asked Nelson if lie would f)bligiiigly rontinue to serve with the Mediter-
ranean fleet wlicn he was promoted from captain to admiral.

- " Schi'rer, who mminanded there, was one of tlie few l'"reneh generals dnrinj;
the Revolution wlio owed their advancement to otlier causes than merit." — I-'irst
Edition.

* This substitution was really the work of Carnot.

* Venf-Emiaire, when he cleared the streets with a " whiff of grape-shut."

90 LIFE OF NELSON

Genoese territory, or proceeding coastways in light vessels;
our ships of war not being able to approach the coast
because of the shallowness of the water. To prevent this,
he said, two things were necessary, — the possession of
Vado Bay, and the taking of Spezia. If either of these
points were secured, Italy would be safe from any attack
of the French by sea. General Beaulieu, who had now
superseded De Vins in the command of the allied Austrian
and Sardinian army, sent his nephew and aide-de-camp
to communicate with Nelson, and enquire whether he could
anchor in any other place than Vado Bay. Nelson replied
that Vado was the only place where the British fleet could
lie in safety: but all places would suit his squadron; and
wherever the General came down to the sea-coast, there he
should find it. The Austrian repeatedly asked, if there was
not a risk of losing the squadron ; and was constantly answered
that if these ships should be lost, the Admiral would find
others. But all plans of co-operation with the Austrians
were soon frustrated by the battle of Montenotte. Beaulieu
ordered an attack to be made upon the post of Voltri. It
was made twelve hours before the time which he had fixed,
and before he arrived to direct it. In consequence, the
French were enabled to effect their retreat, and fall back
to Montenotte; thus giving the troops there a decisive
superiority in number over the division which attacked
them. This drew on the defeat of the Austrians. Bona-
parte, with a celerity which had never before been witnessed
in modern war, pursued his advantages ; and, in the course
of a fortnight, dictated to the court of Turin terms of peace,
or rather of submission, by which all the strongest places
of Piedmont were put into his hands.

On one occasion, and only on one. Nelson was able to
impede the progress of this new conqueror. Six vessels,
laden with cannon and ordnance-stores for the siege of Man-
tua, sailed from Toulon for San Pier d'Arena.^ Assisted by
Captain Cockburn, in the Meleager, lie drove them under a
battery, pursued them, silenced the batteries, and captured
the whole. Military books, plans, and maps of Italy, with
the different points marked upon them where former battles
had been fought, sent by tlie Directory for Bonaparte's

' A little to the west of Genoa.

CRUISE OF THE " AGAMEMNON " 91

use, were found in the convoy. The loss of this artillery
was one of the chief causes which compelled the French
to raise the siege of Mantua. But there was too much
treachery, and too much imbecility, both in the councils
and armies of the allied powers, for Austria to improve this
momentary success. Bonaparte perceived that the con-
quest of all Italy was within his reach. Treaties, and the
rights of neutral or of friendly powers, were as little regarded
by him as by tlie government for which he acted. In open
contempt of both, he entered Tuscany and took possession
of Leghorn. In consequence of this movement. Nelson
blockaded that port, and landed a British force in the Isle
of Elba, to secure Porto Ferrajo.^ Soon afterwards he took
the Island of Capraja, which had formerly belonged to
Corsica, being less than forty miles distant from it; a
distance, however, short as it was, which enabled the
Genoese to retain it, after their infamous sale of Corsica to
France. Genoa had now taken part with France. Its govern-
ment had long covertly assisted the French, and now
wilhngly yielded to the first compulsory menace which
required them to exclude the English from their ports.
Capraja was seized, in consequence: but this act of vigour
was not followed up as it ought to have been. England
at that time depended too much upon the feeble govern-
ments of the Continent, and too little upon itself. It was
cetcrmined by the British cabinet to evacuate Corsica, as
soon as Spain should form an offensive alliance with France.
This event, which, from the moment that Spain had been
compelled to make peace, ^ was clearly foreseen, had now
taken place; and orders for the evacuation of the island
were immediately sent out. It was impolitic to annex this
island to the British dominions; but, having done so, it
was disgraceful thus to abandon it. The disgrace would
have been spared, and every advantage which could have
been derived from the possession of the island secured,

' The harljiMir of Elba.

-Spain, a member of tlie first allianre against liie FreiK h RevDhitioii, with-
drew in Julv 1795. She did not rhange sides and sign an offensive and defensive
alliance with I'ranec till October lyql^f, but her inclinations and disposition were
well known beforehand. The numerical stnMi;;th of her fleet, and the al)setKe in
the western Mediterranean of a British naval dockyard, made her coming union
with the Jacobin forces a signal for recaslini; British i>lans. It was obviously
impossible for Jervis to hlock.ide Toulon and cover Corsica if a Spanisli fleet
were wailing behind him to stab him in the back.

92 LIFE OF NELSON

if the people had at first been left to form a government
for themselves, and protected by us in the enjoyment of
their independence.

The Viceroy, Sir Gilbert Elliot, deeply felt the impolicy
and ignominy of this evacuation. The fleet also was ordered
to leave the Mediterranean. This resolution was so contrary
to the last instructions which had been received, that Nelson
exclaimed: "Do his Majesty's ministers know their own
minds? They at home," said he, " do not know what this
fleet is capable of performing — anything and everything.
Much as I shall rejoice to see England, I lament our present
orders in sackcloth and ashes, so dishonourable to the
dignity of England, whose fleets are equal to meet the world
in arms : and of all the fleets I ever saw, I never beheld one,
in point of officers and men, equal to Sir John Jervis's, who
is a commander-in-chief able to lead them to glory."

Sir Gilbert Elliott believed that the great body of the
Corsicans were perfectly satisfied, as they had good reason
to be, with the British government, sensible of its advantages
and attached to it. However this may have been, when
they found that the English intended to evacuate the
island, they naturally and necessarily sent to make their
peace with the French. The partisans of France found none
to oppose them. A committee of thirty took upon them
the government of Bastia, and sequestrated all the British
property. Armed Corsicans mounted guard at every place,
and a plan was laid for seizing the Viceroy.

Nelson, who was appointed to superintend the evacuation,
frustrated these projects. At a time when everyone else
despaired of saving stores, cannon, provisions, or property
of any kind, and a privateer was moored across the mole-
head to prevent all boats from passing, he sent word to
the committee, that if the slightest opposition were made
to the embarkment and removal of British property, he
would batter the town down. The privateer pointed her
guns at the officer who carried this message, and muskets
were levelled against his boats from the mole-head. Upon
this. Captain Sutton, of the Egmont, pulling out his watch,
gave them a quarter of an hour to deliberate upon their
answer. In five minutes after the expiration of that time,
the ships, he said, would open their fire. Upon this the

CRUISE OF THE "AGAMEMNON" 93

very sentinels scampered off, and every vessel came out of
the mole. A ship-owner complained to the Commodore
that the municipality refused to let him take his goods out
of the custom house. Nelson directed him to say that,
unless they were instantly delivered, he would open his lire.
The committee turned pale, and, without answering a word,
gave him the keys. Their last attempt was to levy a duty
upon the things that were re-embarked. He sent them
word, that he would pay them a disagreeable visit if there
were any more complaints. The committee then finding
that they had to deal with a man who knew his own power,
and was determined to make the British name respected,
desisted from the insolent conduct which they had assumed ;
and it was acknowledged that Bastia never had been so
quiet and orderly since the English were in possession oi
it. This was on the 14th of October. During the five follow-
ing days the work of embarkation was carried on, the private
property was saved, and public stores to the amount of
£200,000. The French, favoured by the Spanish fleet,
which was at that time within twelve leagues of Bastia,
pushed over troops from Leghorn, who landed near Cape
Corse on the i8th; and, on the twentieth, at one in the
morning, entered the citadel, an hour only after the British
had spiked the guns and evacuated it. Nelson embarked
at daybreak, being the last person who left the shore ; having
thus, as he said, seen the first and the last of Corsica.
Provoked at the conduct of the municipality, and the dis-
position which the populace had shown to profit by the
confusion, he turned toward the shore as he stepped into
his boat, and exclaimed, " Now, John Corse, follow the
natural bent of your detestable character — plunder and
revenge." This, however, was not Nelson's deliberate opinion
of the people of Corsica; he knew that their vices were
the natural consequences of internal anarchy and foreign
oppression, such as the same causes would produce in any
people : and when he saw, that of all those who took leave
of the Viceroy, there was not one who parted from him with-
out tears, he acknowledged, that they manifestly acted
not from dislike of the Enghsh, but from fear of the French.
England then might, with more reason, rei)roach her own
rulers for pusillanimity, than the Corsicans for ingratitude.

94 LIFE OF NELSON

Having thus ably effected this humiHating service,
Nelson ^ was ordered to hoist his broad pendant ^ on board
the Minerve frigate, Captain George Cockburn, and, with
the Blanche under his command, proceed to Porto Ferrajo,
and superintend the evacuation of that place also. On
his way, he fell in with two Spanish frigates, the Sabina
and the Coxs. The Minerve engaged the former, which
was commanded by Don Jacopo Stuart, a descendant of the
Duke of Berwick. After an action of three hours, during
which the Spaniards lost one hundred and sixty-four men,
the Sabina struck. The Spanish captain, who was the only
surviving officer, had hardly been conveyed on board the
Minerve, when another enemy's frigate came up, com-
pelled her to cast off the prize, and brought her a second
time to action. After half an hour's trial of strength, this
new antagonist wore and hauled off. But a Spanish squadron
of two ships of the line and two frigates came in sight.
The Blanche, from which the Ceres had got off, was far
to windward, and the Minerve escaped only by the anxiety
of the enemy to recover their own ship. As soon as Nelson
reached Porto Ferrajo, he sent his prisoner in a flag of truce
to Carthagena, having returned him his sword. This he
did in honour of the gallantry which Don Jacopo had dis-
played, and not without some feeling of respect for his
ancestry. " I felt it," said he, " consonant to the dignity
of my country, and I always act as I feel right, without
regard to custom. He was reputed the best ofhcer in Spain,
and his men were worthy of such a commander." By the
same flag of truce he sent back all the Spanish prisoners
at Porto Ferrajo; in exchange for whom he received his
own men who had been taken in the prize.

General de Burgh, who commanded at the Isle of Elba,
did not think himself authorised to abandon the place till
he had received specific instructions from England to that
effect; professing that he was unable to decide between
the contradictory orders of Government, or to guess at
what their present intentions might be : but he said his only
motive for urging delay in this measure arose from a desire
that his own conduct might be properly sanctioned, not

* After rejoining Sir John Jervis's fleet, which, in obedience to orders, had fallen
back upon (iibraltar.

- A swallow-tailed banner, the distinctive mark of a commodore.

CRUISE OF THE " AGAMEMNON " 95

from any opinion that Porto Ferrajo ought to be retained.
But Naples having made peace, Sir J. Jervis considered his
business with Italy as concluded; and the protection of
Portugal was the point to which he was now instructed
to attend. Nelson, therefore, whose orders were perfectly
clear and explicit, withdrew the whole naval establishment
from that station, leaving the transports victualled, and so
arranged, that all the troops and stores could be embarked
in three days. He was now about to leave the Mediterranean,
^Ir. Drake, who had been our minister at Genoa, expressed
to him, on this occasion, the very high opinion which the
allies entertained of his conspicuous merit; adding, that it
was impossible for any one, who had the honour of co-
operating with him, not to admire the activity, talents,
and zeal, which he had so eminently and constantly dis-
played. In fact, during this long course of services in the
Mediterranean, the whole of his conduct had exhibited the
same zeal, the same indefatigable energy, the same intuitive
judgment, the same prompt and unerring decision, which
characterised his after-career of glory. His name was as
yet hardly known to the English public ; but it was feared
and respected throughout Italy. A letter came to him,
directed " Horatio Nelson, Genoa "; and the writer, when
he was asked how he could direct it so vaguely, replied,
" Sir, there is but one tloratio Nelson in the world." At
Genoa, in particular, where he had so long been stationed,
and where the nature of his duty first led him to continual
disputes with the government, and afterwards compelled
him to stop the trade of the port, he was equally respected
by the Doge and by the people : for, while he maintained the
rights and interests of Great Britain with becoming firm-
ness, he tempered the exercise of power with courtesy and
humanity, wherever duty would permit. " Had all my
actions," said he, writing at this time to his wife, " been
gazetted, not one fortnight would have passed, during the
whole war, without a letter from me. One day or other
I will have a long gazette to myself. I feel that such an
opportunity will be given me. T cannot, if I am in the field
of glory, be kept out of sight : wherever there is anything
to be done, there Providence is sure to direct my steps."
These hopes and anticipations were soon to be fuUilled.

PART IV
THE BATTLE OF ST. VINCENT, 14th Fehruary, 1797

AND

THE REVERSE AT TENERIFFE, 24th July, 1797

The Rattle of St. Vincent forms one of the most remarkable sea
victories in the annals of the world. The historian selecting it for
his theme would have to explain:

(a) The trend of events which led up to it, and the new political
situation which so decisive an encounter created.

{b) The sea strategy that drew together on the Atlantic coast of
Spain two fleets which had in the first instance been mobilised for
service in the Mediterranean.

(c) The training and discipline whereby Jervis had converted the
ships at his disposal into a fighting fleet of unexampled efficiency.

{d) The reasons that induced him with fifteen sail to accept battle
with a force nearly double his strength.

(e) The tactics whereby he routed his opponents.

Southey deals with none of these points except the last, and of
the last he knows so little that he would have t>een better advised
to omit it altogether. In brushing aside the larger issues he was
justified, no doubt, by the nature of his theme. His task was to
write a biography of Nelson, and the Battle of St. Vincent supplied
him with brilliantly picturesque material in the capture by his hero
of the San Nicolas and San Josef. To the conquest of these two
ships, however, he devotes his narrative with zeal so whole-hearted
that the modern reader is apt to overlook the fact that he is deliber-
ately neglecting every other aspect of the struggle and almost every
other name but Nelson's own.

[SOUTHEY. CHAPTER IV .—continued]

Nelson's mind had long been irritated and depressed by
the fear that a general action would take place before he
could join the fleet. At length he sailed from Porto Ferrajo
with a convoy ^ for Gibraltar : and having reached that
place, proceeded to the westward in search of the Admiral.
Off the mouth of the Straits he fell in with the Spanish
fleet; and on the 13th of February, reaching the station
off Cape St. Vincent, communicated this intelligence to
Sir John Jervis. He was now directed to shift his broad

' Non-combatant ships accepting his protection.
96

ST. VINCENT AND TENERIFFE 97

pendant on board the Captain, seventy-four (Captain
K. VV. Miller), and, before sunset, the signal was made to
prepare for action, and to keep, during the night, in close order.

At daybreak the enemy were in sight. The British force
consisted of two ships of one hundred guns, two of ninety-
eight, two of ninety, eight of seventy-four, and one sixty-
four: fifteen of the line in all; with four frigates, a sloop,
and a cutter. The Spaniards had one four-decker, of one
hundred and thirty-six guns ; ^ six three-deckers, of one
hundred and twelve; two eighty-fours; eighteen seventy-
fours : in all, twenty-seven ships of the line, with ten frigates
and a brig. Their admiral, Don Joseph de Cordova, had
learnt from an American, on the 5th, that the English had
only nine ships, which was indeed the case when his informer
had seen them ; for a reinforcement of hve ships from Eng-
land under Admiral Parker had not then joined, and the
CiUloden had parted company. Upon this information,
the Spanish commander, instead of going into Cadiz, as
was his intention when he sailed from Carthagena, deter-
mined to seek an enemy so inferior in force; and relying,
with fatal confidence, upon the American account, he
suffered his ships to remain too far dispersed, and in
some disorder.

When the morning of the 14th broke and discovered the
English fleet, a fog for some time concealed their number.
That fleet had heard their signal-guns during the night, the
weather being fine, though thick and hazy; soon after day-
light they were seen very much scattered, while the British
ships were in a compact little body. The look-out ship of
the Spaniards fancying that her signal was disregarded,
because so little notice seemed to be taken of it, made
another signal that the English force consisted of ft)rty
sail of the line. The Captain afterwards said he did this
to rouse the Admiral: it had the effect of perplexing him,
and alarming the whole fleet. 2 The absurdity of such an act

' The Soitti^siina Trinidad, the only foiir-deckcr ever built.

-That Don Josef de Cordova met an American captain and Rave implicit
credence to misleading information received from him, and that his <>wn lool\-<iut
captain cndeavouretl to rouse him from his complacent torpor by a signal tiiat
did very much more harm than good, are stories which Malum omitted from his
biograpiiy perhaps because they seemed almost too lively to be true. They have,
however, received complete confirmation from the papers of Earl Spencer, First
Lord of the Admiralty, which have recently been echted by Sir Julian Corbett
for the Navy Kecords Society (\'ol. XLVI. pp. 35<>-7)-

98 LIFE OF NELSON

shows what was the state of the Spanish navy under that
miserable government, by wliich Spain was so long oppressed
and degraded, and finally betrayed. In reality, the general
incapacity of the naval officers was so well-known, that in
a pasquinade, which about this time appeared at Madrid,
wherein the different orders of the state were advertised
for sale, the greater part of the sea-officers, with all their
equipments, were offered as a gift : and it was added, that
any person who would please to take them should receive
a handsome gratuity. When the probability that Spain
would take part in the war, as an ally of France, was first
contemplated. Nelson said that their fleet, if it were no
better than when it acted in alliance with us, would " soon
be done for."

Before the enemy could form a regular order of battle,
Sir J. Jervis, by carrying a press of sail, came up with
them, passed through their fleet, then tacked, and thus
cut off nine of their ships from the main body.^ These
ships attempted to form on the larboard tack, either with
a design of passing through the British line, or to leeward
of it, and thus rejoining their friends.- Only one of them

1 In his St. Vincent dispatch Jervis wrote: " By carrying a press of sail, I was
fortunate in getting in with the enemy's fleet at half past eleven o'clock, before
it had time to connect and form a regular order of battle. Such a moment was not
to be lost ; and confident in the skill, valour, and discipline of the oflicers and men
I had the happiness to command, and judging that the honour of His Majesty's
arms, and the circumstances of the war in those seas, required a considerable
degree of enterprise, I felt myself justified in departing from the regular system;
and, passing through their fleet in a line formed with the utmost celerity, [I] tacked
and thereby separated one-third from the main body."

When the enemy were discovered, they were sailing before a westerly wind in
the direction of Cadiz. They were not in the least prepared for a sudden emergency,
and had fallen into two disconnected squadrons, the lesser being farthest from the
wind. Jervis approaching from the north — that is, at right angles to the enemy's
front — ran the risk of annihilation if he continued on his course, because his ships
were bound to expose themselves singly to the concentrated Spanish broadsides.
The " regular system " of which Jervis speaks required that he should re-align
his force on a front extending from west to east so that it might be parallel to the
foe. Jervis, however, accepted a big risk ; and, using his battle-fleet like a rapier,
lunged through the main body of the Spaniards at the point of intersection between
their separate squadrons. Once through the gap, his fleet, aclhig like a fence or
barricade, had nine Spanish ships on its eastern side and eighteen on its western.

Thus the first round of the battle was won; and as the two dislocated portions
of the foe turned themselves about (the eighteen to avoid collisions, and the nine,
if possible, to rejoin their friends), Jer\'is signalled the head of his line to curl
itself into the shape of the capital letter J, so as at one and the same time to thwart
the sidling tactics of the smaller Spanish squadron, and to follow hard upon the
heels of the larger (see diagram).

- It is somewhat strange that Southey should have troubled himself over the
smaller Spanish squadron, because, whatever part it played in the actual battle,
its history has little connection with his own narrative. His meaning, however,
is fairly clear. The nine vessels, which had been heading towards Cadiz, now altered

ST. VINCENT AND TENERIFFE

99

TuCaJtz

mnd

succeeded in this attempt; and that only because she was
so covered with smoke that her intention was not dis-
covered till she had reached the rear.* The others were so
warmly received, that
they put about, took
to flight, and did not
appear again in the
action till its close.

The Admiral was
now able to direct his
attention to the
enemy's main body,
which was still superior
in number to his whole
fleet, and greatly so in
weight of metal. He
made signal to tack in
succession.'- Nelson,
whose station was in
the rear of the British
line, perceived that the
Spaniards were bear
ing up before the wind,
with an intention of
forming their line, go-
ing large, and join-
ing their separated
ships; or else, of getting off without an engagement. To
prevent either of these schemes, he disobeyed the signal
without a moment's hesitation, and ordered his ship to be
wore.^ This at once brought him into action with the

Wuui

^k Opar

■As

JEKVIS S TACTICS AT THE BATTLE OF
ST. VINCENT

rourse so that they had tho breeze to the left of them. Their obviou? intention
was to join their friends, either by clearing a r<jad through Jervis's line (uiililcily),
or by passing along his western front to a meeting-place further north.

' The tail of the English fleet.

- Xot a second time. Southey here repeats what he has already said, perhaps
in order to throw into greater rehef Nelson's treatment of the signal in question.
This, if obeyed, would have kept him in his original place until the ship next ahi-ud
went about.

^ Nelson, wlio was last but two in Jervis's line, saw that the leading ships of tiie
larger Spanish squadron were preparing to alter course (" bearing up "), so that
ihey might round the tail of the British fleet, and run before the whid (" going
large") with the military object of joining their nine ships to leeward, or the
\iilgar object of making goud their escape. Tu spoil their little game, he left the
line without permission and Hung himself unaided in front of them.

100 LIFE OF NELSON

Santissima Trinidad, one hundred and thirty-six, the San
Josef, one hundred and twelve, the Salvador del Mundo,
one hundred and twelve, the San Nicolas, eighty, the San
Isidro, seventy-four, another seventy-four, and another
first-rate. Troubridge, in the Culloden,^ immediately joined,
and most nobly supported him: and for nearly an hour
did the Culloden and Captain maintain what Nelson called
" this apparently, but not really, unequal contest." Such
was the advantage of skill and discipline, and the confidence
which brave men derive from them. The Blenheim, then
passing between them and the enemy, gave them a respite,
and poured in her fire upon the Spaniards. ^ The Salvador
del Mundo and San Isidro dropped astern, and were fired
into, in a masterly style, by the Excellent, Captain Colling-
wood.^ The San Isidro struck: and Nelson thought that
the Salvador struck also. " But Collingwood," says he,
" disdaining the parade of taking possession of beaten
enemies, most gallantly pushed up, with every sail set,
to save his old friend and messmate, who was, to appear-
ance, in a critical situation." For the Captain was at this
time actually fired upon by three first-rates, by the San
Nicolas, and by a seventy-four, within about pistol-shot
of that vessel. The Blenheim was ahead, the Culloden
crippled and astern. Collingwood ranged up, and hauling
up his mainsail just astern, passed within ten feet of the
San Nicolas, giving her a most tremendous fire, then passed
on for the Santissima Trinidad. The San Nicolas luffing
up, the San Josef fell on board her, and Nelson resumed
his station abreast of them, and close alongside. The
Captain was now incapable of further service, either in the
line or in chase. She had lost her foretop-mast. Not a sail,
shroud, or rope was left, and her wheel was shot away.
Nelson, therefore, directed Captain Miller * to put the helm

* Troubridge was the leader of the English line. His opportune arrival shows
that Jervis's signal to tack in succession had already had the intended effect of
bringing the nose of his fleet on the enemy's traces.

^ The Blenheim {Captain T. L. Frederick) was next astern of Troubridge in the
Culloden.

^ Collingwood in the Excellent had the rearmost ship in the British line. In
answer to a signal from Jervis, he also wore round as Nelson had done to carry
assistance where it was needed.

* As Commodore (first class) Nelson had a captain under him. Miller after-
wards commanded the Theseus at the Battle of the Nile, and was killed on board
his ship by the accidental explosion of a shell when he was assisting Sir Sidney
Smith to defend Acre.

ST. VINCENT AND TENERIFFE loi

a-starboaid/ and, calling for the boarders, ordered liicni
to board.

Captain Berry, who had lately been Nelson's hrst lieuten-
ant,- was the first man who leaped into the enemy's mizzcn
chains.'^ Miller, when in the very act of going, was ordered
by Nelson to remain. Berry was supported from the sprit-
sail-yard,'* which locked in the San Nicolas's main rigging.
A soldier of the Sixty-ninth broke the upper quarter-
gallery window, and jumped in, followed by the Com-
modore himself, and by others as fast as possible. The
cabin doors were fastened, and the Spanish officers fired
their pistols at them through the window. The doors
were soon forced, and the Spanish Brigadier fell while
retreating to the quarter-deck. Nelson pushed on, and
found Berry in possession of the poop, and the Spanish
ensign hauling down.^ He passed on to the forecastle,
where he met two or three Spanish officers, and received
their swords. The English were now in full possession of
every part of the ship when a fire of pistols and musketry
opened upon them from the Admiral's stern-gallery ^ of the
San Josef. Nelson having placed sentinels at the different
ladders, and ordered Captain Miller to send more men into
the prize,' gave orders for boarding that ship from the San

' By putting the helm a-starboard, Nelson caused the Captain to collide with
the San Xicolas, which was on his port bow.

" And was now a volunteer on board the Captain.

'The " chains" of a sailing-ship were wooden platforms that projected from
her sides like shelves or ledges. Their use was to extend the shrouds or rigging
that afforded support to the masts. The name was derived from the links of iron
that held them in position.

* The spritsail was the canvas set under the bowsprit. The yard that extended
it, having fouled the main-rigging of the San Nicolas, served as a bridge whereby
reinforcements for Berry boartled the Spanish vessel.

' The officers' quarters in an old man-of-war were right aft ; and, though
encumbered by guns and other obstacles to comfort, were nicely lighted by stern
and quarter (side) windows. Nelson, following the soldier who liad smashed a way
through the glass, found himself in tlie room immediately under the San Xicnlas's
poop. The Spaniards tried to imprison him by closing the door whicli led to the
quarter-deck; but by this delay they allowed Berry to work his will above, while
reinforcements joined the Commodore, through the broken window, and enabled
him to break down the door.

" .-^ balcony built outside the body of the ship, where the admiral could take
the air. The position formed a favourable one for Spanish snipers bent on picking
off the officers who had boarded the San Nicolas.

' If the assailants combined speed with an clement of surprise it was not so
difficult to carry a man-of-war by boarding as it might at first sight appear, for
the majority of her company were down below standing to thi-ir guns and rould
oidy rearli the point of danger by the narrow ladders or hatciiways. Tiie boarders,
in short, had only to master the upper deck, and then overawe the men below.
In order to rol) the h'nglish of their prize, sharpslmoters in the Sun Jusef!; stem-
walk were now attempting, by small-arm fire, to expel from the San .\icolas
K

NELSON S PATENT BRIDGE FOR BOARDING FIRST-RATES

Explanation
M Main Mast.
F Fore Mast.
Mi Mizzen Mast.

A Where Nelson boarded the San Nicolas.
B Where Berry boarded the San Nicolas.
C Where reinforcements for Berry boarded the San Nicolas.
D Where Nelson boarded the San Josef.

[The broken line shows Nelson's route from the quarter-deck of the Captain
to the quarter-deck of the San Josef.]

ST. VINCENT AND TENERIFFE 103

Nicolas. It was done in an instant, he himself leading the
way, and exclaiming — "Westminster Abbey or victory!"
Berry assisted him into the main chains; and at that
moment a Spanish oi^cer looked over the quarter-deck-rail,
and said they surrendered. It was not long before he was
on the quarter-deck, where the Spanish Captain presented
to him his sword, and told him the Admiral was below,
dying of his wounds. There, on the quarter-deck of an
enemy's first-rate, he received the swords of the officers;
giving them, as they were delivered, one by one, to William
Fearney, one of his old Agamemnons, who, with the utmost
coolness, put them under his arm [" bundling them up,"
in the lively expression of Collingwood, " with as much
composure as he would have made a faggot, though twenty-
two sail of their line were still within gun-shot."] ^ One
of his sailors came up, and, with an Englishman's feeling,
took him by the hand, saying, he might not soon have such
another place to do it in, and he was heartily glad to see
him there. Twenty-four of the Captain's men were killed,
and fifty-six wounded; a fourth part of the loss sustained
by the whole squadron falling upon this ship. Nelson
received only a few bruises.

The Spaniards had still eighteen or nineteen ships which
had suffered little or no injury. That part of the fleet which
had been separated from the main body in the morning
was now coming up, and Sir John Jervis made signal to
bring to.- His ships could not have formed without aban-
doning those which they had captured, and running to
leeward. The Captain was lying a perfect wreck on board
her two prizes; and many of the other vessels were so
shattered in their masts and rigging as to be wholly un-
manageable.^ The Spanish Admiral meantime, according

her handfvil of invaders. Xelson, wlio was un the forecastle of the !>an Xicolas,
detected the danger, and immediately deciiled to remove it by capturing the
San Josef herself. P'or this purpose he required fresh hands from his own ship,
so that they might guard the hatchways of the San Nicolas while he flew at
higher game.

' The passage in brackets does not occur in the first, second or third editi(jn.
Cp. G. L. Newnham Collingwood, Correspondence and Memoir of I ord Calling-
wood, p. 39.

- To check the course of a ship by trimming the sails in sucii a mamier that
they ciiunteract one another and keep her nearly stationary.

' This miintf'lligiblc paragr.ajih Soutlicy took almost verbatim from C'l.irke and
MrArtlinr's I ife, which c]uotes, as its authority, the Naval ( hntniile (\'ol. 1\'.
p. 37). Tucker's Memoirs of the Earl of St. Vince>il (Vol. I. p. 261) states the ilirect

104 LIFE OF NELSON

to his official account, being altogether undecided in his
own opinion respecting the state of the fleet, enquired of
his captains whether it was proper to renew the action.
Nine of them answered explicitly, that it was not; others
replied, that it was expedient to delay the business. The
Pelayo and the Principe Conquistador ^ were the only ships
that were for fighting.

As soon as the action was discontinued. Nelson went
on board the Admiral's ship. Sir John Jervis received him /
on the quarter-deck, took him in his arms, and said he
could not sufficiently thank him. For this victory the
commander-in-chief was rewarded with the title of Earl
St. Vincent. 2 Nelson, who, before the action was known

opposite, affirming emphatically that Jervis " formed " [i.e., the regular line of
battle) for the very reasons which Southey gives as motives wliy he refrained from
doing so. The situation is easily visualised. The wind was still west, and the
Spanish prizes together with Nelson's damaged ship lay to leeward of Jervis's
main body, who were scattered and in no sort of order. At such a moment the
smaller squadron of Spanish ships which had hitherto taken no part in the tight
appeared to windward of the battlefield. Their main intention no doubt was to
join forces with Don Josef de Cordova, but their position gave them the oppor-
tunity either of re-engaging Jervis, or of rescuing their captured compatriots,
or of wreaking vengeance on the disabled Captain. Jervis accordingly, to
guard against such eventualities, formed line on the starboard tack, as is proved
by the Victory's log.

1 There was a Principe de Asturias in tlie Spanish fleet and a Conquistador,
but no such vessel as that here named.

* In the oflicial letter of Sir John Jervis Nelson was not mentioned. It is said
that the admiral had seen an instance of the ill-consequence of such selections
after Lord Howe's victory, and therefore would not name any individual, thinking
it proper to speak to the public only in terms of general approbation. His private
letter to the First Lord of the Admiralty was, with his consent, published, for the
first time, in a lAfe of Nelson by Mr. Harrison. Here it is said, that " Commodore
Nelson, who was in the rear, on the starboard tack, took the lead on the larboard,
and contributed very much to the fortune of the day." It is also said that he
boarded the two Spanish ships successively; but tiie fact that Nelson wore without
orders, and thus planned as well as accomplished the victory, is not explicitly
stated. Perhaps it was thought proper to pass over this part of his conduct in
silence as a splendid fault ; but such an example is not dangerous. The author of
the work in which this letter was first made public protests against those over-
zealous friends " who would make the action rather appear as Nelson's battle,
than that of the illustrious commander-in-chief, who derives from it so deservedly
his title. No man," he says, " ever less needed, or less desired, to strip a single
leaf from the honoured wreath of any other hero, with the vain hope of augment-
ing his own, than the immortal Nelson. No man ever more merited the whole
of that which a generous nation unanimously presented to Sir J. Jervis, than the
Earl St. Vincent." Certainly Eai'l St. Vincent well deserved the reward which he
received. But it is not detracting from his merit to say that Nelson is fully entitled
to as much fame from this action as the Commander-in-Chief; not because the
brunt of the action fell upon him; not because he was engaged with all the four
ships which were taken, and took two of them (it may almost be said) with his own
hand; but because the decisive movement which enabled him to perform all this,
and by which the action became a victory, was executed in neglect of orders,
upon his own judgment, and at his peril. Earl St. Vincent deserved his earldom:
but it is not to the honour of those by whom titles were distributed in those days
that Nelson never obtained the rank of earl for either of those victories which he

ST. VINCENT AND TENERIFFE 105

in England, had been advanced to the rank of Rear-Admiral,

had the. Order of the Bath given him. The sword of the
Spanish Rear-Admiral, which Sir John Jervis insisted upon
his keeping, he presented to the mayor and corporation
of Norwich, saying that he knew no place where it could
give him or his family more pleasure to have it kept than
in the capital city of the county where he was born. The
freedom of that city was voted him on this occasion. But
of all the numerous congratulations which he received,
none could have affected him with deeper delight than that
which came from his venerable father. " I thank my God,"
said this excellent man, " with all the power of a grateful
soul, for the mercies he has most graciously bestowed on
me in preserving you. Not only my few acquaintance here,
but the people in general, met me at every corner with such
handsome words, that I was obliged to retire from the
public eye. The height of glory to which your professional
judgment, united with a proper degree of bravery, guarded
by Providence, has raised you, few sons, my dear child,
attain to, and fewer fathers live to see. Tears of joy have
involuntarily trickled down my furrowed cheeks. Who
could stand the force of such general congratulation? The
name and services of Nelson have sounded through this
city of Bath — from the common ballad-singer to the public
theatre." The good old man concluded by telling him that
the field of glory, in which he had so long been conspicuous,
was still open, and by giving him his blessing.

Sir Horatio, who had now hoisted his flag as Rear-Admiral
of the Blue,^ was sent to bring away the troops from Porto
Ferrajo; - having performed this, he shifted his flag to the

lived to enjoy, though the one was the most complete and glorious in the annals
of naval history, and the other the most important in its consequences of any
which was achieved during the wiiole war. — Southey's Note.

' Tlie following was the order of precedence among flag-officers: Admiral of the
White; Ailmiral of the Blue; Vice-Adniiral of the Red; Vice-.Admiral of the
White; Vice-Adrairal of the Blue; Rear-Admiral of the Red; Rear-Admiral of
the Wliitc; Rear-Admiral of the Blue.

An admiral flew his flag at the main-mast, a vice-admiral at the fore, and a
rear-admiral at the mizzen. All ships wore an " ensign " similar in colour to the
flag of the admiral in whose division they were placed. At Trafalgar Nelson set
aside all colour distinctions, and by using the white ensign to the exclusion of
others set a fashion which is followed to this day.

" On his previous visit to Porto Ferrajo (see above, p. 94), Nelson found the
general commanding the garrison unwilling to evacuate the place. .\s he had no
means of compelling him to do so, he had now again to set out for Elba. Fortu-
nately, he was not obliged to journey the whole way. l"or transports had already
taken tlie troops on board, and he met them sixty miles to the westward of Corsica.

io6 LIFE OF NELSON

Theseus.^ That ship had taken part in the mutiny ^ in
England, and being just arrived from home, some danger
was apprehended from the temper of the men. This was
one reason why Nelson was removed to her. He had not
been on board many weeks before a paper, signed in the
name of all the ship's company, was dropped on the quarter-
deck, containing these words: "Success attend Admiral
Nelson! God bless Captain Miller! We thank them for
the officers they have placed over us. We are happy and
comfortable, and will shed every drop of blood in our veins
to support them; and the name of the Theseus shall be
immortalised as high as her captain's." ^ Wherever Nelson
commanded, the men soon became attached to him. In
ten days' time he would have restored the most mutinous
ship in the navy to order. Whenever an officer fails to win
the affections of those who are under his command, he may
be assured that the fault is chiefly in himself.

While Sir Horatio was in the Theseus, he was employed
in the command of the inner squadron at the blockade of
Cadiz. During this service, the most perilous action occurred
in which he was ever engaged.'* Making a night attack
upon the Spanish gun-boats, his barge was attacked by an
armed launch, under their commander, Don Miguel Tre-
goyen, carrying twenty-six men. Nelson had with him only
his ten bargemen, Captain Fremantle, and his coxswain
John Sykes, an old and faithful follower, who twice saved
the life of his Admiral by parrying the blows that were
aimed at him, and, at last, actually interposed his own
head to receive the blow of a Spanish sabre, which he could
not by any other means avert. Thus dearly was Nelson
beloved. This was a desperate service — hand to hand with
swords; and Nelson always considered that his personal

^ Because the Captain was worn out By her exertions at St. Vincent and her
voyage towards Elba.

■^ The Great Mutiny of the fleet took place in the spring of 1797.

^ An odd little mistake on Southey's part. What the ship's company wrote was,
" The name of the Theseus shall be immortalised as high as the Captain's."

* The Spanish ships that escaped from the stricken field of St. Vincent fled for
refuge into Cadiz. There Jervis blockaded them. His ships of the line had to keep
their distance to avoid the perilous shoals, but a flotilla of small craft kept watch
on the harbour-mouth, and these composed the " inner" (inshore) squadron of
which Southey speaks. On 3rd July, at Jervis's order, some English mortar
vessels bombarded the town, and one of these being disabled was attacked
by Spanish gunboats. Nelson sped to the rescue with what craft he could
assemble, and risked his life in a hand-to-hand struggle for which his delicate
frame unfitted him.

ST. VINCENT AND TENERIFFE 107

courage was more conspicuous on this occasion than on
any other during his whole Ufe. Notwithstanding the great
disproportion of numbers, eighteen of the enemy were
killed, all the rest wounded, and their launch taken. Nelson
would have asked for a lieutenancy for Sykes, if he had
served long enough. His manner and conduct, he observed,
were so entirely above his situation, that Nature certainly
intended him for a gentleman. But though he recovered
from the dangerous wound which he received in this act
of heroic attachment, he did not live to profit by the
gratitude and friendship of his commander.

Twelve days after this rencontre,^ Nelson sailed at the
head of an expedition against Teneriffe.^ A report had
prevailed a few months before that the Viceroy of Mexico,
with the treasure ships, had put into that island. This had
led Nelson to meditate the plan of an attack upon it, which
he communicated to Earl St. Vincent. He was perfectly
aware of the difficulties of the attempt. " I do not," said
he, "reckon myself equal to Blake :^ but, if I recollect
right, he was more obliged to the wind coming off the land,
than to any exertions of his own. The approach by sea
to the anchoring-place is under very high land, passing
three valleys. Therefore the wind is either in from the sea,
or squally with calms from the mountains." And he per-
ceived, that if the Spanish ships were won, the object would
still be frustrated, if the wind did not come off shore. The
land force, he thought, would render success certain; and
there were the troops from Elba, with all necessary stores
and artillery, already embarked. " But here," said he,
" soldiers must be consulted; and I know, from experience,
they have not the same boldness in undertaking a political
measure that we have. We look to the benefit of our country,
and risk our own fame every day to serve her. A soldier
obeys his orders, and no more." Nelson's experience at
Corsica justified him in this harsh opinion. He did not live
to see the glorious days of the British Army under Wellington.
The army from Elba, consisting of three thousand seven
hundred men, would do the business, he said, in three days,

' isth July, 1707. One of the Canary IsLnuls.

■••'Ihe cmwning event in Blake's career was the destruction of^the Spanish
galleons in Santa Cruz Bay, TeneritTe, in 1657. Sec Lord Clarendon, History vf
the Great Rebellion, Bk. XV. 5j 53-7.

io8 LIFE OF NELSON

probably in much less time; and he would undertake, with
a very small squadron, to perform the naval part; for,
though the shore was not easy of access, the transports
might run in and land the troops in one day.

The report concerning the Viceroy was unfounded. But
a homeward-bound Manilla ship put into Santa Cruz at this
time, and the expedition was determined upon. It was not
fitted out upon the scale which Nelson had proposed. Four
ships of the line,^ three frigates, and the Fox cutter, formed
the squadron; and he was allowed to choose such ships
and officers as he thought proper. No troops were embarked ;
the seamen and marines of the squadron being thought
sufficient. His orders were to make a vigorous attack; but
on no account to land in person, unless his presence should
be absolutely necessary. The plan was, that the boats
should land in the night, between the fort on the N.E. side of
Santa Cruz bay and the town, make themselves masters of
that fort, and then send a summons to the Governor.

By midnight, the three frigates, having the force on board
which was intended for this debarkation, approached within
three miles of the place. But owing to a strong gale of wind
in the offing, and a strong current against them in-shore,
they were not able to get within a mile of the landing-place
before daybreak; and then they were seen, and their
intention discovered. Troubridge and Bowen, with Captain
Oldfield of the marines, went upon this to consult with the
Admiral what was to be done; and it was resolved that
they should attempt to get possession of the heights above
the fort. The frigates accordingly landed their men; and
Nelson stood in with the line-of-battle ships, meaning to
batter the fort for the purpose of distracting the attention
of the garrison. A calm and contrary current hindered him
from getting within a league of the shore ; and the heights
were by this time so secured, and manned with such a force,
as to be judged impracticable.

Thus foiled in his plans by circumstances of wind and tide,
he still considered it a point of honour that some attempt
should be made. This was on the twenty-second of July.
He re-embarked his men that night, got the ships on the
twenty-fourth to anchor about two miles north of the town,

' One was a fifty-gun ship and should count as a frigate rather than a battleship.

ST. VINCENT AND TENERIFFE 109

and made show as if he intended to attack the heights.
At six in the evening, signal was made for the boats to
prepare to proceed on the service as previously ordered.

When this was done, Nelson addressed a letter to the
commander-in-chief — the last which was ever written with
his right hand. " I shall not," said he, " enter on the subject,
why we are not in possession of Santa Cruz. Your partiality
will give credit that all has hitherto been done which was
possible; but without effect. This night I, humble as I am,
command the whole destined to land under the batteries
of the town; and, to-morrow, my head will probably be
crowned either with laurel or cypress, I have only to recom-
mend Josiah Nisbet ^ to you and my country. The Duke
of Clarence, should I fall, will, I am confident, take a lively
interest for my son-in-law, on his name being mentioned."
Perfectly aware how desperate a service this was likely to
prove, before he left the Theseus he called Lieutenant Nisbet,
who had the watch on deck,- into the cabin, that he might
assist in arranging and burning his mother's letters. Per-
ceiving that the young man was armed, he earnestly begged
him to remain behind. " Should we bothfall, Josiah," said
he, "what would become of your poor mother! The care
of the Theseus falls to you. Stay, therefore, and take charge
of her," Nisbet replied: " Sir, the ship must take care of
herself. I will go with you to-night, if I never go again."

He met his captains at supper on board the Seahorse,
Captain Fremantle, whose wife, whom he had lately
married in the Mediterranean, presided at table. At eleven
o'clock, the boats, containing between six and seven hundred
men, with one hundred and eighty on board the Fox cutter,
and from seventy to eighty in a boat which had been taken
the day before, proceeded in six divisions toward the town,
conducted by all the captains of the squadron, except
Fremantle and Bowen, who attended with Nelson to
regulate and lead the way to the attack. They were to
land on the mole, and thence hasten, as fast as possible,
into the great square; then form, and proceed, as should
be found expedient. They were not discovered till about
half-past one o'clock, when, being within half gun-shot
of the landing-place, Nelson directed the boats to cast off

' His stepson. ' Who for the time being had charge of the ship.

no LIFE OF NELSON

from each other, give a huzza, and push for the shore.
But the Spaniards were exceedingly well prepared. The
alarm-bells answered the huzza, and a fire of thirty or
forty pieces of cannon, with musketry from one end of
the town to the other, opened upon the invaders. Nothing
however, could check the intrepidity with which they
advanced. The night was exceedingly dark. Most of the
boats missed the mole, and went on shore through a raging
surf, which stove all to the left of it. The Admiral, Fre-
mantle, Thompson, Bowen, and four or five other boats,
found the mole. They stormed it instantly, and carried it,
though it was defended, as they imagined, by four or five
hundred men. Its guns, which were six- and- twenty pounders,
were spiked; but such a heavy fire of musketry and grape
was kept up from the citadel and the houses at the head
of the mole, that the assailants could not advance, and nearly
all of them were killed or wounded.

In the act of stepping out of the boat. Nelson received
a shot through the right elbow, and fell; but, as he fell, he
caught the sword, which he had just drawn, in his left hand,
determined never to part with it while he lived, for it had
belonged to his uncle. Captain Suckling, and he valued it
like a relic. Nisbet, who was close to him, placed him at
the bottom of the boat, and laid his hat over the shattered
arm, lest the sight of the blood, which gushed out in great
abundance, should increase his faintness. He then examined
the wound, and taking some silk handkerchiefs from his
neck, bound them round tight above the lacerated vessels.
Had it not been for this presence of mind in his son-in-law.
Nelson must have perished. One of his bargemen, by name
Lovel, tore his shirt into shreds, and made a sling with them
for the broken limb. They then collected five other seamen,
by whose assistance they succeeded, at length, in getting
the boat afloat; for it had grounded with the falling tide.
Nisbet took one of the oars, and ordered the steersman to
go close under the guns of the battery, that they might be
safe from its tremendous fire. Hearing his voice. Nelson
roused himself, and desired to be lifted up in the boat, that
he might look about him. Nisbet raised him up ; but nothing
could be seen, except the firing of the guns on shore, and what
could be discerned by their flashes upon the stormy sea.

ST. VINCENT AND TENERIFFE iii

In a few minutes, a general shriek was heard from the crew
of the Fox, which had received a shot under water, and
went down. Ninety-sev^en mien were lost in her; eighty-
three were saved, many by Nelson himself, whose exertions
on this occasion greatly increased the pain and danger of
his wound. The first ship which the boat could reach
happened to be the Seahorse; but nothing could induce
him to go on board, though he was assured that if they
attempted to row to another ship, it might be at the risk
of his life. " I had rather suffer death," he replied, " than
alarm Mrs. Fremantle, by letting her see me in this state,
when I can give her no tidings whatever of her husband."
They pushed on for tlie Theseus. When they came along-
side, he peremptorily refused all assistance in getting on
board, so impatient was he that the boat should return,
in hopes that it might save a few more from the Fox. He
desired to have only a single rope thrown over the side,
which he twisted round his left hand, saying, " Let me
alone : I have yet my legs left and one arm. Tell the surgeon
to make haste and get his instruments. I know I must lose
my right arm, so the sooner it is off the better." ' The
spirit which he displayed in jumping up the ship's side
astonished everybody.

Fremantle had been severely wounded in the right arm,
soon after the Admiral. He was fortunate enough to find
a boat on the beach, and got instantly to his ship. Thomp-
son was wounded : Bowen ^ killed, to the great regret of
Nelson; as was also one of his own officers. Lieutenant
Weatherhead, who had followed him from the Agamemnon,
and whom he greatly and deservedly esteemed.

' During the Peace of Amiens, when Nelson was passing through Salisbury,
and reeei\ed there with those acclamations which followed him e\'erywhere, he
recognised among the crowd a man who had assisted at the amputation, and
attended him afterwards. He beckoned him up the stairs at the Council-house,
shook hands with him, and made him a present, in remembrance of his services
at tiiat time. The man tocjk from his bosom a piece of lace, whicii he had torn
from the sleeve of the amputated limb, saying he had preserved and would
preserve it to the last moment, in memory of his old commander. — Southe y's Note.

- Captain Bowen's gold seals and chain and sword were preserved in the
town-house at Teneriffe; his watch and other valuables had been made booty of
by the populace. In 1810, the magistrates of tlie island sent these memori.als of
the dead to his brother, Commissioner Bowen, saying iliat they conceiveil it would
be gratifying to his feelings to receive them, and that as the two nations were now
united in a cause which did equal honour to both, they did not wish to retain a
trophy which could remind them that they had ever been opposed to each other
— Suval Chronicle \'u]. .\.\1\'. p. 3^3. Soutiiey's Note, Fourth I'dition.)

112 LIFE OF NELSON

Troubridge, meantime, fortunately for his party, missed
the mole in the darkness, but pushed on shore under the
batteries, close to the south end of the citadel. Captain
Waller of the Emerald, and two or three other boats, landed
at the same time. The surf was so high that many others
put back. The boats were instantly filled with water, and
stove against the rocks; and most of the ammunition
in the men's pouches was wetted. Having collected a few
men, they pushed on to the great square, hoping there to
find the Admiral and the rest of the force. The ladders
were all lost, so that they could make no immediate at-
tempt on the citadel; but they sent a sergeant with two
of the townspeople to summon it. This messenger never
returned; and Troubridge having waited about an hour,
in painful expectation of his friends, marched to join
Captains Hood ^ and Miller, who had effected their landing
to the south-west. They then endeavoured to procure
some intelligence of the Admiral and the rest of the officers,
but without success. By daybreak they had gathered
together about eighty marines, eighty pikemen, and one
hundred and eighty small-arm seamen; all the survivors
of those who had made good their landing. They obtained
some ammunition from the prisoners whom they had taken,
and marched on, to try what could be done at the citadel
without ladders. They found all the streets commanded by
field-pieces, and several thousand Spaniards, with about a
hundred French, under arms, approaching by every avenue.

Finding himself without provisions, the powder wet, and
no possibility of obtaining either stores or reinforcements
from the ships, the boats being lost, Troubridge, with
great presence of mind, sent Captain Samuel Hood ^ with

1 A cousin of the great Lord Hood, under whom he had served at Toulon.
(See above, pp. 50-68.)

Alexander Hood
temp. Charles H.

, \

I !

Alexander Samuel

I ■ i

Samuel 1

1 Samuel Alexander

Sir Samuel Hood Admiral Admira

born 1763 Lord Hood Lord Bridport

(bearer of
Troubridge's
flag of truce)

ST. VINCENT AND TENERIFFE 113

a flag of truce to the Governor, to say he was prepared to
burn the town, and would instantly set fire to it, if the
Spaniards approached one inch nearer. This, however, if
he were compelled to do it, he should do with regret, for he
had no wish to injure the inhabitants: and he was ready to
treat upon these terms,— that the British troops should
re-embark, with all their arms, of every kind, and take their
own boats, if they were saved, or be provided with such
others as might be wanting: they, on their part, engaging
that the squadron should not molest the town, nor any of
the Canary Islands : all prisoners on both sides to be given
up. When these terms were proposed, the Governor made
answer, that the English ought to surrender as prisoners
of war: but Captain Hood replied, he was instructed to
say, that if the terms were not accepted in live minutes.
Captain Troubridge would set the town on fire, and attack
the Spaniards at the point of the bayonet.

Satisfied with his success, which was indeed sufficiently
complete, and respecting like a brave and honourable man
the gallantry of his enemy, the Spaniard acceded to the
proposal, found boats to re-embark them, their own having
all been dashed to pieces in landing, and before they parted
gave every man a loaf and a pint of wine. " And here,"
says Nelson in his journal, "it is right we should notice
the noble and generous conduct of Don Juan Antonio
Gutierrez, the Spanish Governor. The monient the terms
were agreed to, he directed our wounded men to be received
into the hospitals, and all our people to be supplied with
the best provisions that could be procured; and made it
known that the ships were at liberty to send on shore, and
purchase whatever refreshments they were in want of during
the time they might be off the island." A youth, by name
Don Bernardo Collagon, stripped himself of his shirt, to
make bandages for one of those Englishmen, against whom
not an hour before, he had been engaged in battle. Nelson
wrote to thank the Governor for the humanity which he had
displayed. Presents were interchanged between them. Sir
Horatio offered to take charge of his despatches for the
Spanish government; and thus actuall}' became the first
messenger to Spain of his own defi^at.

The total loss of the English, in killed, wounded, and

114 LIFE OF NELSON

drowned, amounted to two hundred and fifty. Nelson
made no mention of his own wound in his official dispatches.
But in a private letter to Lord St. Vincent, — the first which
he wrote with his left hand, — he shows himself to have been
deeply affected by the failure of this enterprise. " I am
become," he said, " a burthen to my friends, and useless
to my country: but by my last letter you will perceive my
anxiety for the promotion of my son-in-law, Josiah Nisbet.
When I leave your command, I become dead to the world:
' I go hence, and am no more seen.' If from poor Bowen's
loss you think it proper to oblige me, I rest confident you
will do it. The boy is under obligations to me; but he
repaid me, by bringing me from the mole of Santa Cruz. I
hope you will be able to give me a frigate, to convey the
remains of my carcase to England." " A left-handed
admiral," he said in a subsequent letter, " will never again
be considered as useful. Therefore the sooner I get to a
very humble cottage the better, and make room for a sounder
man to serve the state." His first letter to Lady Nelson
was written under the same opinion, but in a more cheerful
strain. " It was the chance of war," said he, " and I have
great reason to be thankful: and I know it will add much
to your pleasure to find that Josiah, under God's providence,
was principally instrumental in saving my life. I shall not
be surprised if I am neglected and forgotten: probably I
shall no longer be considered as useful: however, I shall
feel rich if I continue to enjoy your affection. I beg neither
you nor my father will think much of this mishap. My mind
has long been made up to such an event."

His son-in-law, according to his wish, was immediately
promoted ; ^ and honours enough to heal his wounded spirit
awaited him in England. Letters were addressed to him
by the First Lord of the Admiralty, and by his steady friend,
the Duke of Clarence, to congratulate him on his return,
covered as he was with glory. He assured the Duke, in his
reply, that not a scrap of that ardour, with which he had
hitherto served his king, had been shot away. The freedom
of the cities of Bristol and London were transmitted to

' He was given a<mniaiid of the Dulphin (hospital sliip) with the rank of master,
and presently transferred to the Bonne Citoyemic, sloop-of-war. At the time ot
his appointment he was seventeen years of age.

ST. VINCENT AND TENERIFFE 115

him. He was invested with the Order of the Bath; and
received a pension of £1000 a year. The memorial which,
as a matter of form, he was called upon to present on this
occasion, exhibited an extraordinary catalof^iie of services
performed during tlie war. It stated, that he had been in
four actions with the fleets of the enemy, and in three
actions with boats employed in cutting out of harbour, in
destroying vessels, and in taking three towns : he had served
on shore with the army four months, and commanded the
batteries at the sieges of Bastia and Calvi: he had assisted
at the capture of seven sail of the line, six frigates, four
corvettes, and eleven privateers: taken and destroyed
near fifty sail of merchant vessels: and actually been
engaged against the enemy upwards of a hundred and twenty
times; in which service he had lost his right eye and right
arm, and been severely wounded and bruised in his body.

His sufferings from the lost limb were long and painful.
A nerve had been taken up in one of the ligatures at the
time of the operation; and the ligature, according to the
practice of the French surgeons, was of silk, instead of waxed
thread; this produced a constant irritation and discharge;
and the ends of the ligature being pulled every day, in hopes
of bringing it away, occasioned fresh agony. He had scarcely
any intermission of pain, day or night, for three months
after his return to England. Lady Nelson, at his earnest
request, attended the dressing of his arm, till she had
acquired sufficient resolution and skill to dress it herself.
One night, during this state of suffering, after a day of
constant pain, Nelson retired early to bed, in hope of
enjoying some respite by means of laudanum. He was at
that time lodging in Bond Street; and the family were soon
disturbed by a mob knocking loudly and violently at the
door. The news of Duncan's victory ^ had been made
public, and the house was not illuminated. But when the
mob were told that Admiral Nelson lay there in bed, badly
wounded, the foremost of them made answer, " You shall
hear no more from us to-night; " and in fact, the feeling of
respect and sympathy was communicated from one to
another with such effect that, under the confusion of such
a night, the house was not molested again.

' The Battle uf Cainpcrdowii, iitli Octobir, 1797.

ii6 LIFE OF NELSON

About the end of November, after a night of sound sleep,
he found the arm nearly free from pain. The surgeon was
immediately sent for to examine it; and the ligature came
away with the slightest touch. From that time it began to
heal. As soon as he thought his health established, he
sent the following form of thanksgiving to the minister of
St. George's, Hanover Square: " An officer desires to return
thanks to Almighty God for his perfect recovery from a severe
wound, and also for the many mercies bestowed on him."

Not having been in England till now, since he lost his
eye, he went to receive a year's pay, as smart money; but
could not obtain payment, because he had neglected to
bring a certificate from a surgeon that the sight was actually
destroyed. A little irritated that this form should be insisted
upon, because, though the fact was not apparent, he thought
it was sufficiently notorious, he procured a certificate, at
the same time, for the loss of his arm ; saying, they might
just as well doubt one as the other. This put him in good
humour with himself, and with the clerk who had offended
him. On his return to the office, the clerk, finding it was
only the annual pay of a captain, observed, he thought it
had been more. " Oh! " replied Nelson, " this is only for
an eye. In a few days I shall come for an arm; and in a
little time longer, God knows, most probably for a leg."
Accordingly he soon afterwards went; and with perfect
good humour exhibited the certificate of the loss of his arm.

PART V

THE BATTLE OF THE NILE

isi August, 1798

[SOUTHEY. CHAPTER V]

Early in the year 1798, Sir Horatio Nelson hoisted his
flag in the Vanguard, and was ordered to rejoin Earl St.
Vincent. Upon his departure, his father addressed him
with that affectionate solemnity by which all his letters
were distinguished. " I trust in the Lord," said he, " that
He will prosper your going out and your coming in. I
earnestly desired once more to see you, and that wish has
been heard. If I should presume to say, I hope to see you
again, the question would be readily asked, ' How old art
thou?' Vale! vale! Domme, vale!" It is said that a
gloomy foreboding hung on the spirits of Lady Nelson at
their parting. This could have arisen only from the dread
of losing him by the chance of war. Any apprehension of
losing his affections could hardly have existed; for all
his correspondence to this time shows that he thought
himself happy in his marriage; and his private character
had hitherto been as spotless as his public conduct.^ One
of the last things he said to her was, that his own ambition
was satisfied, but that he went to raise her to that rank in
which he had long wished to see her.

Immediately on his rejoining the fleet, he was dispatched
to the Mediterranean with a small squadron, in order to
ascertain, if possible, the object of the great expedition
which at that time was fitting out, under Bonaparte, at
Toulon. The defeat of this armament, whatever might be
its destination, was deemed by the British government
an object paramount to every other; and Earl St. Vincent
was directed, if he thought it necessary, to take his whole
force into the Mediterranean ; to relinquish, for that purpose,

See above, Note 3, p 15.
L 117

ii8 LIFE OF NELSON

the blockade of the Spanish fleet, as a thing of inferior
moment; but, if he should deem a detachment sufficient,
" I think it almost unnecessary," said the First Lord of the
Admiralty in his secret instructions, " to suggest to you the
propriety of putting it under Sir Horatio Nelson." It is
to the honour of Earl St. Vincent, that he had already made
the same choice. ^ This appointment to a service in which
so much honour might be acquired gave great offence to
the senior admirals of the fleet. Sir William Parker, who
was a very excellent officer and as gallant a man as any in
the navy, and Sir John Orde, who on all occasions of service
had acquitted himself with great honour, each wrote to
Lord Spencer, complaining that so marked a preference
should have been given to a junior of the same fleet. This
resentment is what most men in a like case would feel;
and if the preference thus given to Nelson had not originated
in a clear perception that (as his friend Collingwood said of
him a little while before) " his spirit was equal to all under-
takings and his resources fitted to all occasions," an injustice
would have been done to them by his appointment. But
if the services were conducted with undeviating respect to
seniority, the naval and military character would soon be
brought down to the dead level of mediocrity. ^

1 The situation was not quite so simple as Southey would give us to understand.
Pitt was anxious to build up a new coalition against France, and with that end
in view made overtures to Austria. Austria replied that her previous campaigning
against France had been ruined by the English withdrawal from the Mediterranean
(see above, pp. 91-2), and made any further assistance conditional on the navy's
instant return. No one was more anxious for this than Earl St. Vincent, but the
blockade of the Spanish fleet kept him on the wrong side of the Straits. It was
in an endeavour to lure his opponents out to a second and conclusive action that
he sanctioned the bombardment of Cadiz which led to Nelson's hand-to-hand
action with the Spanish gunboat (see above, p. 106), and it was with the same
purpose that he ordered the raid on Santa Cruz in Teneriffe. By the time that
Nelson returned to his flag, the extensive preparations in Toulon (as affecting his
own position outside Cadiz) demanded iirvestigation ; and, before the Admiralty
revealed to him what Pitt's new plans required, he dispatched the man he trusted
most to discover what was afoot. Anon came word from London that the navy
must demonstrate in the Mediterranean to secure Austria's adherence to the
Second Coalition; and Earl Spencer, the First Lord, gave him the choice of leaving
someone at Cadiz and going himself, or staying at Cadiz and sending a substitute.
St. Vincent, who of course knew nothing of Bonaparte's dream of conquering
the Orient, thereupon resolved to reinforce Nelson, and so was instrumental in
matching, one against the other, the greatest soldier and sailor of all time.

' In the first, second and third editions of his book Southey omitted all reference
to Sir John Orde and Sir William Parker, and after the words " it is to the honour
of Earl St. Vincent that he had already made the same choice," concluded his para-
graph thus: " The British government at this time, with a becoming spirit, gave
orders that any port in the Mediterranean should be considered as hostile, where
the governor or chief magistrate should refuse to let our ships of war procure
supplies of provisions, or of any article which they might require."

THE BATTLE OF THE NILE 119

The armament at Toulon consisted of thirteen ships of
tlie hne, seven forty-gun frigates, with twenty-four smaller
vessels of war, and nearly two hundred transports. Mr.
Udney, our consul at Leghorn, was the first person who
procured certain intelligence of the enemy's design against
Malta; and, from his own sagacity, foresaw that Egypt
must be their after object. Nelson sailed from Gibraltar on
the 9th of May, with the Vanguard, Orion, and Alexander,
seventy-fours; the Caroline, Flora, Emerald, and Terpsi-
cliore, frigates; and the Bonne Citoyenne, sloop of war; to
watch this formidable armament. On the 19th, when they
were in the Gulf of Lions, a gale came on from the N.W.
It moderated so much on the 20th, as to enable them to get
their top-gallant masts and yards aloft. After dark, it
again began to blow strong : but the ships had been prepared
for a gale, and therefore Nelson's mind was easy. Shortly
after ^ midnight, however, his main topmast went over the
side, and the mizzen topmast soon afterward. The night
was so tempestuous, that it was impossible for any signal
either to be seen or heard ; and Nelson determined, as soon
as it should be daybreak, to wear, and scud before the gale.
But at half-past three the foremast went in three pieces,
and the bowsprit was found to be sprung in three places.
When day broke they succeeded in wearing the ship with a
remnant of the spritsail. This was hardly to have been
expected. The Vanguard was at that time twenty-five
leagues south of the islands of Hyeres, with her head lying
to the N.E. and if she had not wore,- the ship must have
drifted to Corsica. Captain Ball, in the Alexander, took her
in tow, to carry her into the Sardinian harbour of San
Pietro.^ Nelson, apprehensive that this attempt might
endanger both vessels, ordered him to cast off: but that
excellent officer, with a spirit like his connnandcr's, replied
he was confident he could save the Vanguard, and by God's
help he would do it. There had been a previous coolness
between these great men ; but from this time Nelson became
fully sensible of the extraordinary talents of Captain Ball,
and a sincere friendship subsisted between them during the

' Many modern editions print " before " instead of " after."
' If she had not been brought before the wind.
* See luap, p. 5.;.

120 LIFE OF NELSON

remainder of their lives. ^ " I ought not," said the Admiral,
writing to his wife, — " I ought not to call what has happened
to the Vanguard by the cold name of accident. I believe
firmly it was the Almighty's goodness, to check my consum-
mate vanity. I hope it has made me a better officer, as I
feel confident it has made me a better man. Figure to
yourself, on Sunday evening, at sunset, a vain man walking
in his cabin, with a squadron around him, who looked up
to their chief to lead them to glory, and in whom their chief
placed the firmest reliance that the proudest ships of equal
numbers belonging to France would have lowered their
flags. Figure to yourself, on Monday morning, when the
sun rose, this proud man, his ship dismasted, his fleet dis-
persed, and himself in such distress, that the meanest
frigate out of France would have been an unwelcome guest."
Nelson had indeed more reason to refuse the cold name of
accident to this tempest than he was then aware of; for
on that very day the French fleet sailed from Toulon, ^ and
must have passed within a few leagues of his little squad-
ron, which was thus preserved by the thick weather that
came on.

[The British government at this time, with a becoming
spirit, gave orders that any port in the Mediterranean
should be considered as hostile, where the governor, or
chief magistrate, should refuse to let our ships of war
procure supplies of provisions, or of any article which
they might require.

In these orders the ports of Sardinia were excepted.] ^
The continental possessions of the King of Sardinia were at
this time completely at the mercy of the French, and that
prince was now discovering, when too late, that the terms
to which he had consented, for the purpose of escaping
immediate danger, necessarily involved the loss of the
dominions which they were intended to preserve. The
citadel of Turin was now occupied by French troops; and

^ The account of the storm, with the injuries it inflicted upon the Vanguard,
and the efforts of her company to set the spritsail and put her before the wind,
is taken out of a letter from Nelson to Earl St. \'incent quoted by Clarke and
McArthur, Vol. II. p. 59.

- Bonaparte sailed from Toulon on 19th May.

' In the first, second and third editions Southey wrote, " In the orders of the
British government to consider all ports as hostile where the British ships should
be refused supplies, the ports of Sardinia were excepted." See above, Note 2
p. 118.

THE RATTLE OF THE NILE 121

his wretched court feared to afford the common rights of
humanity to British ships, lest it should give the French
occasion to seize on the remainder of his dominions — a
measure for which it was certain they would soon make a
pretext, if they did not find one. Nelson was informed
that he could not be permitted to enter the port of St.
Pietro. Regardless of this interdict, which, under his cir-
cumstances, it would have been an act of suicidal folly
to have regarded, he anchored in the harbour: and, by the
exertions of Sir James Saumarez,^ Captain Ball,- and
Captain Berry ,^ the Vanguard was refitted in four days.
Months would have been employed in refitting her in
England.'* Nelson, with that proper sense of merit, wherever
it was found, which proved at once the goodness and the
greatness of his character, especially recommended to Earl
St. Vincent the carpenter of the Alexander, under whose
directions the ship had been repaired; stating that he was
an old and faithful servant of the crown, who had been
nearly thirty years a warrant Carpenter ; ^ and begging
most earnestly that the commander-in-chief would recom-
mend him to the particular notice of the Board of Admiralty.
He did not leave the harbour without expressing his sense,
of the treatment which he had received there, in a letter to
the Viceroy of Sardinia. " Sir," it said, " having, by a gale
of wind, sustained some trifling damages, I anchored a
small part of his Majesty's fleet under my orders off this
island, and was surprised to hear, by an officer sent by the
governor, that admittance was to be refused to the flag of
his Britannic Majesty into this port. When I reflect, that
my most gracious sovereign is the oldest, I believe, and
certainly the most faithful ally which the King of Sardinia
ever had, I could feel the sorrow which it must have been
to his Majesty to have given such an order; and also for

' Of the Orion. From Nelson's letters we leani that it was Saumarez who
discovered in an hour of need the anchorage at San Pietro.

^ Of the A lexander.

^ His flag-captain.

* This is not Southey's verdict on the merits of the home dockyards, but a
further quotation from Nelson's letter to his wife.

'Who iiad for nearly thirty years held a "Carpenter's" warrant; that is,
serveil as wairant officer responsible for the upkeep of one of His Majesty's ships
and tiic repair of her fabric. To-day the word " Shipwright " replaces the oUler
word, which at the outbreak of the Great War of 1914 had grown obsolete and
misleading.

122 LIFE OF NELSON

your Excellency, who had to direct its execution. I can-
not but look at the African shore, where the followers of
Mohammed are performing the part of the good Samaritan,
which I look for in vain at St. Peter's, where it is said the
Christian religion is professed."

The delay which was thus occasioned was useful to him
in many respects. It enabled him to complete his supply
of water, and to receive a reinforcement, which Earl St.
Vincent, being himself reinforced from England, was
enabled to send him.^ It consisted of the best ships of his
fleet: the Culloden, seventy-four, Captain T. Troubridge;
Goliath, seventy-four. Captain T. Foley ; Minotaur, seventy-
four. Captain T. Louis ; Defence, seventy-four. Captain John
Peyton; Bellerophon, seventy-four. Captain H. D. E. Darby;
Majestic, seventy-four, Captain G. B. Westcott; Zealous,
seventy-four, Captain S. Hood; Swiftsure, seventy-four,
Captain B. Hallowell; Theseus, seventy-four. Captain R. W.
Miller; Audacious, seventy-four. Captain Davidge Gould.
The Leander, fifty. Captain T. B. Thompson, was afterward
added. These ships were made ready for the service as soon
as Earl St. Vincent received advice from England that he
was to be reinforced. As soon as the reinforcement was
seen from the mast-head of the Admiral's ship, off Cadiz
Bay, signal was immediately made to Captain Troubridge
to put to sea; and he was out of sight before the ships
from home cast anchor in the British station. Troubridge
took with him no instructions to Nelson as to the course
he was to steer, nor any certain account of the enemy's
destination. Everything was left to his own judgment.
Unfortunately, the frigates had been separated from him
in the tempest, and had not been able to rejoin. They sought
him unsuccessfully in the Bay of Naples, where they obtained
no tidings of his course; and he sailed without them."^

The first news of the enemy's armament was, that it
had surprised Malta.' Nelson formed a plan for attacking
it while at anchor at Gozo; but on the 22nd of June in-

1 This was the contingent, referred to in a previous note, which was intended
to win converts to the Second Coalition by demonstrating in the Mediterranean.

- As in a literal sense they were the " eyes of the fleet," their absence had the
effect of blindfolding Nelson in his task of searching for Bonaparte's fleet.

3 At that time belonging to the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem, one of the
old crusading brotherhoods which had survived under the patronage of one
European potentate or another as a bulwark against Turkish aggression.

THE BATTLE OF THE NILE 123

telligcnce reached him that the French had left that island
on the i6th, the day after their arrival.^ It was clear that
their destination was eastward — he thought for Egypt —
and for Egypt, therefore, he made all sail. Had the frigates
been with him he could scarcely have failed to gain informa-
tion of the enemy. For want of them, he only spoke three
vessels on the way. Two came from Alexandria, one from
the Archipelago; and neither of them had seen anything
of the French. He arrived off Alexandria on the 28th, and
the enemy were not there, neither was there any account
of them; but the governor was endeavouring to put the
city in a state of defence, having received advice from
Leghorn that the French expedition was intended against
Egypt, after it had taken Malta. Nelson then shaped
his course ^ to the northward, for Caramania,^ and steered
from thence along the southern side of Candia,"* carrying a
press of sail, both night and day, with a contrary wind. It
would have been his delight, he said, to have tried Bona-
parte on a wind.'^ It would have been the delight of Europe,
too, and the blessing of the world, if that fleet had been
overtaken with its General on board. But of the myriads
and millions of human beings who would have been preserved
by that day's victory there is not one to whom such essential
benefit would have resulted as to Bonaparte himself. It
would have spared him his defeat at Acre — his only dis-
grace; for to have been defeated by Nelson upon the seas
would not have been disgraceful. It would have spared
him all his after enormities. Hitherto his career had been
glorious; the baneful principles of his heart had never yet

* This intelligence was false. Bonaparte did not leave Malta until 19th inst.,
and was only three days' sailing ahead; not a week, as Nelson supposed.

^ But for the false intelligence commented upon in the previous note, Nelson
would probably have waited longer at .Alexandria. .And had he done so, the
arrival of the French would have saved him from all the agony of the ensuing
search.

^ The Turkish name for what St. Paul knew as Pamphylia and Cilicia.

* Crete.

' To Lady Nelsom

Syracuse, 20th July, 1798.

I have not been able to find the French fleet, to my great nKirtitication, or the
event I can scarcely doubt. We have been off Malta, to Alexandria in Egypt,
Syria, into .\sia, and are returned here without success. However, no person will
say that it has been for want of activity. I yet live in hopes of meeting these
fellows; but it would have been my delight to have tried Bonaparte on a wind;
for he conunands the fleet as well as the army. Glory is my object, and that alone.
God .Almighty bless you. — Horatio Nelso-n.

124 LIFE OF NELSON

passed his lips. History would have represented him as a
soldier of fortune, who had faithfully served the cause in
which he engaged : and whose career had been distinguished
by a series of successes unexampled in modern times. A
romantic obscurity would have hung over the expedition
to Egypt, and he would have escaped the perpetration of
those crimes which have incarnadined his soul with a deeper
dye than that of the purple for which he committed them;
those acts of perfidy, midnight murder,^ usurpation, and
remorseless tyranny, which have consigned his name to
universal execration, now and for ever.

Conceiving that when an officer is not successful in his
plans it is absolutely necessary that he should explain the
motives upon which they were founded. Nelson wrote at
this time an account and vindication of his conduct for
having carried the fleet to Egypt. The objection which
he anticipated was that he ought not to have made so
long a voyage without more certain information. " My
answer," said he, "is ready — Who was I to get it from?
The governments of Naples and Sicily either knew not, or
chose to keep me in ignorance. Was I to wait patiently
until I heard certain accounts? If Egypt were their object,
before I could hear of them they would have been in India.
To do nothing was disgraceful. Therefore I made use of
my understanding. I am before your lordships' ^ judg-
ment; and if, under all circumstances, it is decided that I
am wrong, I ought, for the sake of our country, to be super-
seded ; for at this moment, when I know the French are not
in Alexandria, I hold the same opinion as off Cape Passaro,^
— that, under all circumstances, I was right in steering for
Alexandria; and by that opinion I must stand or fall."
Captain Ball, to whom he showed this paper, told him he
should recommend a friend never to begin a defence of his
conduct before he was accused of error: he might give the
fullest reasons for what he had done, expressed in such
terms as would evince that he had acted from the strongest
conviction of being right ; and of course he must expect that

^ An allusion to the mock trial and judicial murder of the Due D'Enghien on
the night of 20th March, 1804.

^ The justification was to have been sent to the Lords of the Admiralty.

^ Nelson had sighted Cape Passaro, the southernmost point of Sicily (see map,
p. 32), on 22nd June.

THE BATTLE OF THE NILE 125

the public would view it in the same light. ^ Captain Ball
judged rightly of the public, whose first impulses, though
from want of sufficient information they must frequently
be erroneous, are generally founded upon just feelings.
But the public are easily misled, and there are always
persons ready to mislead them. Nelson had not yet attained
that fame which compels envy to be silent; and when it
was known in England that he had returned after an un-
successful pursuit, it was said that he deserved impeach-
ment: and Earl St. Vincent was severely censured for
having sent so young an officer upon so important a service.
Baffled in his pursuit, he returned to Sicily. The Neapo-
litan ministry had determined to give his squadron no
assistance, being resolved to do nothing which could pos-
sibly endanger their peace with the French Directory. By
means, however, of Lady Hamilton's influence at court,
he procured secret orders to the Sicilian governors; and,
under those orders, obtained everything which he wanted
at Syracuse — a timely supply; without which, he always
said, he could not have recommenced his pursuit with any
hope of success.^ " It is an old saying," said he, in his letter,
" that the devil's children have the devil's luck. I cannot
to this moment learn, beyond vague conjecture, where the

^ The actual words of Captain Ball's letter are as follow: " I was particularly
struck with the clear and accurate style, as well as with the candour of the state-
ment in your letter. But / felt a regret thai your too anxious zeal should make you
start an idea that your judgment was impeachable because you have not yet fallen
in with the French fleet ; as it implicates a doubt, and may induce suspicion, that
you are not perfectly satisfied with your oivn conduct. I should recommend a friend
never to begin a defence of his conduct before he is accused of error. He may give
the fullest reasons for what he has done, cx|)ressed in such terms as will evince tliat
he acted from the strongest conviction of being right; and of course, he must
expect that the public will view it in the same light." (Clarke and McArthur,
Vol. II., pp. 68-9.)

By omitting the italicised passage Southey somewhat obscures Captain Ball's
argument. " If you appear dissatisfied with your decision, you will give the man
in the street good ground for doubting your capacity."

' Some critics have thrown doubt upon the value of Lady Hamilton's services
on this occasion. Nelson, however, was in a better position to realise what he owed
to her than anyone else, and to the end of his life he retained a \-ivid and ever
present sense of gratitude to one whom he rcganlcd as his partner in the victory
of the Nile. A few hours only before lie met his glorious death at Trafalgar he called
Captains Blackwood and Hardy into his cabin to witness a coilicil to his will. In
this he set forth as a last request that his country would support Lady Hamilton
in a manner becoming to her rank and dignity, because " the British fleet, under
my command, could never have returned tlie second time to Egypt, liad not Lady
Hamilton's influence with the Queen of Naples caused letters to be wrote to the
Governor of Syracuse, that he was to encourage the fleet's being supplied with
everytiiing, should they put into any port in Sicily. We put into Syracuse, and
received every supply; went to Egyjit, and destroyed tlie rrencii fleet." See
below, p. 304.

126 LIFE OF NELSON

French fleet are gone to: and having gone a round of six
hundred leagues at this season of the year, with an expedi-
tion ^ incredible, here I am, as ignorant of the situation of
the enemy as I was twenty-seven days ago. Every moment
I have to regret the frigates having left me. Had one-half
of them been with me, I could not have wanted information.
Should the French be so strongly secured in port that I
cannot get at them, I shall immediately shift my flag into
some other ship, and send the Vanguard to Naples to be
refitted; for hardly any person but myself would have
continued on service so long in such a wretched state."
Vexed, however, and disappointed as he was, Nelson, with
the true spirit of a hero, was still full of hope. " Thanks
to your exertions," said he, writing to Sir W. and Lady
Hamilton, "we have victualled and watered: and surely,
watering at the fountain of Arethusa,^ we must have
victory. We shall sail with the first breeze ; and be assured
I will return either crowned with laurel, or covered with
cypress." Earl St. Vincent he assured that if the French
were above water he would find them out. He still held
his opinion that they were bound for Egypt: " but," said
he to the First Lord of the Admiralty, " be they bound to
the Antipodes, your lordship may rely that I will not lose
a moment in bringing them to action."

On the 25th of July he sailed from Syracuse for the
Morea.^ Anxious beyond measure, and irritated that the
enemy should so long have eluded him, the tediousness of
the nights made him impatient ; and the officer of the watch
was repeatedly called on to let him know the hour, and
convince him, who measured time by his own eagerness,
that it was not yet daybreak. The squadron made the
Gulf of Koron on the 28th. Troubridge entered the port,
and returned with intelligence that the French had been
seen about four weeks before steering to the S.E. from
Candia. Nelson then determined immediately to return to
Alexandria: and the British fleet accordingly, with every
sail set, stood once more for the coast of Egypt. On the ist

* Speed.

* The " Fountain," into which (according to the fable) Artemis converted the
nymph Arethusa, is situated in the island of Ortygia which defines and circum-
scribes the harbour of Syracuse.

^ Or Peloponnese.

THE BATTLE OF THE NILE 127

of August, about ten in the morning, they came in sight of
Alexandria. The port had been vacant and soHtary when
they saw it last ; it was now crowded with ships ; and they
perceived, with exultation, that the tricoloured flag was
flying upon the walls. At four in the afternoon. Captain
Hood, in the Zealous, made the signal for the enemy's fleet.
For many preceding days Nelson had hardly taken either
sleep or food. He now ordered his dinner to be served, while
preparations were making for battle ; and when his officers
rose from table, and went to their separate stations, he
said to them, " Before this time to-morrow I shall have
gained a peerage, or Westminster Abbey."

The French, steering direct for Candia, had made an
angular passage for Alexandria; whereas Nelson, in pur-
suit of them, made straight for that place, and thus materi-
ally shortened the distance. The comparative smallness of
his force made it necessary to sail in close order, and it
covered a less space than it would have done if the frigates
had been with him. The weather also was constantly hazy.
These circumstances prevented the English from discover-
ing the enemy on the way to Egypt, though it appeared,
upon examining the journals of the French officers taken
in the action, that the two fleets must actually have crossed
on the night of the twenty-second of June. During the
return to Syracuse, the chances of falling in with them
were fewer. ^

Why Bonaparte, having effected his landing, should
not have suffered the fleet to return, has never yet been
explained. 2 Thus much is certain, that it was detained
by his command; though, with his accustomed falsehood,
he accused Admiral Brueys, after that officer's death, of
having lingered on the coast, contrary to orders. The
French fleet arrived at Alexandria on the ist of July; and
Brueys, not being able to enter the port, which time and
neglect had ruined, moored his ships in Aboukir Bay, in a

' In this paragraph Soutliey is, of course, referring to Nelson's previous visit
to Egypt which at the time had seemed so fruitless.

* On 3r(l July Bonaparte, who knew of n<j reason for supposing that the fleet
that hail brought him to Egypt was in the smallest danger, and wiio was only too
ghi.l in a distant land to have the ships of Erance at his back, ordered Brueys, if
he thought the position defensible, to anchor in Aboukir Bay. Subsequently he
changed his mind and sent Brueys an order to withdraw, but the altered mandate
did not reach the admiral before Nelson delivered his attack.

1 I

128

LIFE OF NELSON

strong and compact line of battle; the headmost vessel,
according to his own account, being as close as possible

pv^EplUEKES OR
1 ^a^lson's IV

BRllEyS

POSIT I OK

NileMoutIv,

c^N^lsorLS
IsLatid

THE FRENCH POSITION IN ABOUKIR BAY

to a shoal on the N.W., and the rest of the fleet forming a
kind of curve along the line of deep water, so as not to be
turned by any means in the S.W. By Bonaparte's desire
he had offered a reward of 10,000 livres to any pilot of the

THE BATTLE OF THE NILE 129

country who w(nild carry the squadron in; but none could
be found who would venture to take charge of a single vessel
drawing more than twenty feet. He had therefore made
the best of his situation, and chosen the strongest position
which he could possibly take in an open road. The com-
missary of the fleet said they were moored in such a manner
as to bid defiance to a force more than double their own.
This presumption could not then be thought unreasonable.
Admiral Barrington, when moored in a similar manner off
St. Lucia, in the year 1778, beat off the Comte d'Estaing
in three several attacks, though his force was inferior by
almost one third to that which assailed it.^ Here the
advantage in numbers, both in ships, guns and men, was
in favour of the French. They had thirteen ships of the
line and four frigates, carrying eleven hundred and ninety-
six guns, and eleven thousand two hundred and thirty
men. The English had the same number of ships of the
line, and one fifty-gun ship, carrying ten hundred and
twelve guns, and eight thousand and sixty -eight men.
The English ships were all seventy-fours: the French
had three eighty -gun ships, and one three-decker of
one hundred and twenty.

During the whole pursuit, it had been Nelson's practice,
whenever circumstances would permit, to have his captains
on board the Vanguard, and explain to them his own ideas
of the different and best modes of attack, and such plans
as he proposed to execute on falling in with the enemy,
whatever their situation might be. There is no possible
position, it is said, which he did not take into calculation.
His officers were thus fully acquainted with his principles

' Battles at sea in the sailing era were, like battles to-day, fought by fleets in
motion. Admiral Barrington, however, during the War of American Independence
(see above, pp. 15-16), having ca])tured the French island of St. Lucia, managed
to retain it by a kind of tactical inunobility. Learning of the approach of a superior
French fleet, he anchored himself in the Grand Cul de Sac, with his shii>s stretching
from one side of the bay to the other, his flanks being protected by batteries
ashore. D'Estaing attempted to fight in the regulatic^n manner, but found his
movements impeded and his assault ineffective. Four years later Hood followed
Barrington's example amid surroundings more richly picturesque. There is little
doubt that French maritime opinion was deeply impressed by these examples,
and that Brueys in consequence prided himself on the strength of the position
which he had selected in Aboukir Bay. But Nelson, who had learnt at first hand
from Lord Hood what that master of tactics intended in Golfe Juan (see above,
Note J, p. 66), did not intend to fight in motion as D'Estaing had done at St.
Lucia and De Grasse had done at St. Kitts. He proposed in overmastering strength
to anchor snugly by the side of his foes and fight them standing still.

130 LIFE OF NELSON

of tactics; and such was his confidence in their abilities,
that the only thing determined upon, in case they should
find the French at anchor, was for the ships to form as most
convenient for their mutual support,^ and to anchor by
the stern. 2

" First gain the victory," he said, " and then make the
best use of it you can." ^

The moment he perceived the position of the French,
that intuitive genius with which Nelson was endowed
displayed itself; and it instantly struck him, that where
there was room for an enemy's ship to swing, there was
room for one of ours to anchor.* The plan which he in-
tended to pursue, therefore, was to keep entirely on the
outer side of the French line, and station his ships, as far
as he was able, one on the outer bow, and another on the

1 Nelson had made all his officers fully conversant with his ideas, and left them
a wide latitude in executing his wishes. In fact, the only points upon which he
insisted beforehand were mutual support, etc.

^ Ships anchor as a rule by the bows. But Nelson desired that each unit of his
fleet, after worsting one antagonist, should move against another. And so he
adopted an arrangement whereby every ship could go ahead by the simple device
of paying out cable.

^ This speech is taken from The Voyage up the Mediterranean by the Chaplain of
the Swiftsure. It has no relation to what comes immediately before, or to what
follows immediately after. It refers to Nelson's general scheme of operations which
required that all his ships should concentrate on the enemy's van until that part
was destroyed and victory assured.

* Southey makes terribly heavy weather in this paragraph, not having any
reliable knowledge as to: (i) What Nelson intended to do; (2) What Nelson
actually did; (3) What tactical plans had been employed by his predecessors.

He begins by quoting one of the best accounts of the battle, the Authentic
Narrative of Sir Edward Berry, an octavo pamphlet (with map) published before
the end of 1798. " The position of the enemy," wrote Nelson's flag-captain,
" presented the most formidable obstacles (i.e. to the plan already projected).
But the Admiral viewed these with the eye of a seaman determined on attack,
and it instantly struck his eager and penetrating mind that where there was room
for an enemy's ship to swing, there was room for one of ours to anchor."

What do these words mean? If the reader will examine the diagram, he will
see that the essence of Nelson's plan was to mass his entire fleet upon one half
only of the enemy's line. He proposed to match a pair of English ships with
every vessel in Brueys' van; and it was therefore necessary for half of his captains
to pass to rearward of the French formation. To prevent just such a thing from
happening, Brueys had wisely drawn his flanks as near to the shallows as he dared.

Nelson, as Southey learned from Berry's Narrative, had coached his captains
beforehand in what he intended to do: and it remained for hun to decide whether,
in view of Brueys' dispositions, it would be necessary or not to modify his scheme.
If Brueys had been anchored stern and bow, it is arguable that Nelson would have
signalled his ships to fight on the outer side only. But Brueys had anchored in the
ordinary way, i.e. from the bows; and his vessels were therefore at liberty to
swing in a circle round their anchor-buoys. In other words, Nelson saw at a glance
that, however near the French might be to the shoals, they had allowed themselves
plenty of elbow-room; and he therefore accepted the tremendous risk of keeping
to his original resolution, and thrusting half his ships through the perilous defile
that separated Brueys' left wing from the shallows.

THE BATTLE OF THE NILE

131

outer quarter, of each of the enemy's.^ This plan of doubhng
on the enemy's ships was projected by Lord Hood, when

THE TACTICS OF THK NILE

1. How battles were usually fought in Nelson's clay. The white ships, having
the advantage of the wind, are attacking. (a.. a.. a) First Position, running
down; (b..b..b) Second Position, bringing bi'oadsides to bear.

2. How Nelson (white) proposed to fight the French, if he was so fortunate as
to find them at anclior.

3. Brueys' position in Aboukir Bay, the shoals A and b (in his belief) rendering
surh an attack, as Nelson contemplated, impossible. The broad arrow shows the
perilous defile through which Nelson's ships squeezed a way to victory.

he designed to attack the French fleet at their anchorage in
Gourjean Road. Lord Hood found it impossible to make
the attempt; but the thought was not lost upon Nelson,

' This sentence flatly contradicts the sentence that goes before. If Nelson
decided to put all to the touch and risk his ships among the shallows, how can he
possibly have meant to limit hostilities to the outer side of the enemy's line?

There was certainly no confusion in Nelson's arrangements. The confusion
existed only in the mind of Southcy, wiio was puzzled by contradictory evidence
and found himself unable to reconcile conflicthig opinions. Sec below, Note i,
P- 133-

132 LIFE OF NELSON

who acknowledged himself, on this occasion, indebted for
it to his old and excellent commander. Captain Berry, when
he comprehended the scope of the design, exclaimed with
transport, " If we succeed, what will the world say! "
" There is no ' if ' in the case," replied the Admiral. " That
we shall succeed is certain. Who may live to tell the story
is a very different question." ^

As the squadron advanced, they were assailed by a
shower of shot and shells from the batteries on the island,
and the enemy opened a steady fire from the starboard side
of their whole line, within half gunshot distance, full into
the bows of our van ships. ^ It was received in silence.
The men on board every ship were employed aloft ^ in furling
sails, and below ^ in tending the braces,* and making
ready for anchoring. A miserable sight for the French ; who,
with all their skill, and all their courage, and all their ad-
vantages of numbers and situation, were upon that element
on which, when the hour of trial comes, a Frenchman has
no hope. Admiral Brueys was a brave and able man; yet
the indelible character of his country broke out in one of his
letters, wherein he delivered it as his private opinion that the
English had missed him, because, not being superior in force,
they did not think it prudent to try their strength with him.^
The moment was now come in which he was to be undeceived.

A French brig was instructed to decoy the English, by
manoeuvring so as to tempt them toward a shoal lying off
the island of Bequieres ; but Nelson either knew the danger,
or suspected some deceit; and the lure was unsuccessful.
Captain Foley led the way in the Goliath, outsailing the
Zealous,^ which for some minutes disputed this post of

1 This story gave great offence to Captain Berry, who stoutly asserted that no
such conversation ever occurred. As Southey did not delete the passage, Sir
Harris Nicolas published a repudiation from Lady Berry in the Dispatches and
Letters of Lord Nelson, Vol. III. p. 65.

^ For the direction of the English approach and the convergence of the French
fire upon the head of Nelson's line, see diagram, p. 128.

^ The words " aloft " and " below " do not refer to the hull of a ship. What
the passage means is that some hands were lying out on the yards and others
working on deck.

* Ropes fastened to either end of a yard to fix or change its position.

' This letter, which was written to the Minister of Marine on T2th July, was
among those intercepted by Nelson himself. The phrase to which Southey refers
runs as follows: " et que ne se trouvant pas en nombre siipcrieur, Us n'auront pas
juge d-propos de sc mesurer avec nous."

° The captain of the Zealous was Captain Hood, Troubridge's ambassador
at Santa Cruz (see above, pp. 112-13).

THE BATTLE OF THE NILE 133

honour with him. He had long conceived that if the enemy
were moored in hne of battle in with the land, the best
plan of attack would be to lead between them and the
shore, because the French guns on that side were not likely
to be manned, nor even ready for action.^ Intending,
therefore, to fix himself on the inner bow of the Guerrier,
he kept as near the edge of the bank as the depth of water
would admit; but his anchor hung, and having opened his
fire, he drifted to the second ship, the Conquer ant, before it
was clear; then anchored by the stern, inside of her, and in
ten minutes shot away her mast. Hood, in the Zealous,
perceiving this, took the station which the Goliath intended
to have occupied, and totally disabled the Guerrier in twelve
minutes. The third ship which doubled the enemy's van
was the Orion, Sir J. Saumarez.^ She passed to windward
of the Zealous, and opened her larboard guns as long as they
bore on the Guerrier ; then passing inside the Goliath, sank
a frigate which annoyed her, hauled round toward the

' In this sentence Southey does grievous wrong to Nelson by giving to Captain
Foley the credit for the tactical surprise that won the battle. Foley, it is true,
was the first to round the tip of the enemy's left wing, and anchor among the
shoals; but in doing so he was only giving visible expression to the idea that
Nelson evolved.

The claim put forward on Foley's behalf first appeared in a note to the volume
of The Annual Register for 1798, and was doubtless extracted thence by Clarke
and McArthur, from whom Southey copied it. There is little evidence now avail-
able on the point, but it would appear that the claim originated with Foley himself
or with his friends. It certainly takes its most explicit shape in Marshall's Naval
Biography (18:13. Vol. I. p. 365), a book best described as a series of memoirs
contributed by the subjects thereof or by their families.

The claim rests on the slenderest basis, and is flatly denied by the consentient
statements of Nelson's second-in-command. Nelson's own flag-captain, and Sir
Samuel Hood of the Zealous. The evidence of the first-mentioned officer is almost
conclusive by itself, for he tells us that he did not agree with Nelson's figliting
device and protested against it in advance. (Ross, Life of Saumarez, \'ol. I.
pp. 228-9.)

Doubtless Folev's claim was honestly made, and if there were a little more
testhnony it might be possible to prove that Nelson, after ordering his ships to
penetrate to the inner side of the enemy's line, left them at liberty to reach their
fighting station in any manner they pleased. If P'oley was expected to pierce
the enemy's arrav between the first French ship and the second (as the Audacious
did), and' if he preferrctl the riskier but more effective path between the firsi
French ship and the shoals, then there was sufficient reason on his part f<jr claim-
ing some originality, although it is demonstrably clear, froni what Berry says,
that there was no course of action adopted in the fight which Nelson had not
discussed beforehand. See also above, p. 129.

Nelson's main idea in fighting on the side of the shoals was to put the enemy
between two fires; but his resolution was strengthened by a firm belief that the
French would be unprepared for battle on their shoreward side. This belief was
based on his knowledge of the battle of the Saints (12th April, 1782), when Rodney,
accepting battle on one side of the French fleet, broke through and fought them
on the other. And this knowledge he derived from his " master of naval tactics,"
Rodney's second at the Saints — Lx)rd Hood.

* Nelson's second-in-command.
M

134

LIFE OF NELSON

French line, and anchoring inside, between the fifth and
sixth ships from the Guerrier, took her station on the lar-
board bow of the Franklin, and the quarter of the Peuple
Souverain, receiving and returning the fire of both. The

English

(FoLEV)
intended DOS Ulan

actuaf posdion

3 7.ea(ons

(tlOOD)

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(SAUAV\KEZ)

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(Miller)

{FCaqsRip)

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( Louis)

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(DARBy)

iODereace

(Peyton)

! I Majestic

t\yESTCOTT;

12 Swiftfiurc

(HALLOWELL)

l5AU;Can<icr
(BALL)

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ipm^

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12...-,/^- 12

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■■-11

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pReMCH

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6 (Zonqu^rarU
C Serl^use

(Fn^ale)

D FranAfia

E PcupfeSouvcrom

F Sportiof^

G Aqullon

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KTonnoar

MGuiUaume
TeU

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O Ulorc

{Frujahi}

P Josdice

THE FIGHTING AT THE NILE

sun was now nearly down. The Audacious, Captain Gould,
pouring a heavy fire into the Guerrier and the Cotigiterant,
fixed herself on the larboard bow of the latter; and when
that ship struck, passed on to the Peuple Souverain. The
Theseus, Captain Miller, followed, brought down the

THE BATTLE OF THE NILE 135

Giterrier's remaining main and mizzcn masts, then anchored
inside of the Spartiatc, the third in the French hne.

While these advanced ships doubled the French line, the
Va]iguard was the hrst that anchored on the outer side of
the enemy, within half pistol-shot of their third ship, the
Spartiate. Nelson had six colours flying in different parts of
his rigging, lest they should be shot away; — that they should
be struck, no British admiral considers as a possibility.
He veered half a cable, ^ and instantly opened a tremendous
fire; under cover of which the other four ships of his divi-
sion, the Minotaur, Bellerophon, Defence, and Majestic,
sailed on ahead of the Admiral. In a few minutes, every
man stationed at the first six guns in the forepart of the
Vanguard's deck was killed or wounded: these guns were
three times cleared. Captain Louis, in the Minotaur,
anchored just ahead, and took off the fire of the Aquilon,
fourth in the enemy's line. The Bellerophon (Captain Darby)
passed ahead, and dropped her stern anchor on the star-
board bow of the Orient, seventh in the line, Brueys' own
ship, of one hundred and twenty guns, whose difference of
force was in proportion of more than seven to three, and
whose weight of ball, from the lower deck alone, exceeded
that from the whole broadside of the Bellerophon. Captain
Peyton, in the Defe^ice, took his station ahead of the Mino-
taur, and engaged the Franklin, the sixth in the line; by
which judicious movement the British line remained un-
broken. ^ The Majestic (Captain Westcott) got entangled
with the main rigging of one of the French ships astern of
the Orient, and suffered dreadfully from that three-decker's
fire. But she swung clear, and closely engaging the Heureux,
the ninth ship on the starboard bow, received also the
fire of the Tonnant, which was the eighth in the line. The
other four ships of the British squadron, having been
detached previous to the discovery of the French, were
at a considerable distance when the action began. It
commenced at half after six. About seven night closed,
and there was no other light than that from the fire of
the contending fleets.

' Nelson dropped anchor, and then paid out cable astern until the I'angtiard
assumed the position he required. Half a cable equals loo yards.

- This phrase, which Soutliey took direct from Clarke and McArthur, is not
particularly illuminating.

136 LIFE OF NELSON

Troubridge, in the Culloden, then foremost of the re-
maining ships, was two leagues astern. He came on sound-
ing, as the others had done. As he advanced, the increasing
darkness increased the difficulty of the navigation; and
suddenly, after having found eleven fathoms water, before
the lead could be hove again he was fast aground ; nor could
all his own exertions, joined to those of the Leander and the
Mutine brig, which came to his assistance, get him off in
time to bear a part in the action. His ship, however, served
as a beacon to the Alexander and Swiftsure, which would
else, from the course which they were holding, have gone
considerably farther on the reef, and must inevitably have
been lost. These ships entered the bay, and took their
stations, in the darkness, in a manner still spoken of with
admiration by all who remember it.

Captain Hallowell, in the Swiftsure, as he was bearing
down, fell in with what seemed to be a strange sail. Nelson
had directed his ships to hoist four lights horizontally at
the mizzen-peak ^ as soon as it became dark ; and this
vessel had no such distinction. Hallowell, however, with
great judgment, ordered his men not to fire. If she was an
enemy, he said, she was in too disabled a state to escape;
but, from her sails being loose, and the way in which her
head was, it was probable she might be an English ship.
It was the Bellerophon, overpowered by the huge Orient.
Her lights had gone overboard. Nearly two hundred of
her crew were killed or wounded. All her masts and cables
had been shot away, and she was drifting out of the line,
toward the lee side of the bay.- Her station, at this im-
portant time, was occupied by the Swiftsure, which opened
a steady fire on the quarter of the Franklin and the bows
of the French Admiral. At the same instant Captain Ball,
with the Alexander, passed under his stern, ^ and anchored
within side on his larboard quarter, raking him, and keeping
up a severe fire of musketry upon his decks. The last ship
which arrived to complete the destruction of the enemy was
the Leander. Captain Thompson, finding that nothing

1 Unlike the mainsail and foresail, which were square, the mizzen was set
fore and aft. Its yard pointed upward abaft the mast, and the outer end or
summit was known as the " peak." From its eminence it was an ideal place for
visibility, and had been utilised for signals from time immemorial.

' Or the eastern side of the bay, the wind being slightlj' to the west of north.

^ Under the stern of Admiral Brueys' flagship.

THE BATTLE OF THE NILE 137

could be done that night to get off the Cullodcn, advanced
witli the intention of anchoring athvvaithawse of the Orieyit.
The Franklin was so near her ahead, that there was not
room for him to pass clear of the two. He therefore took
his station athwarthawse ^ of the latter, in such a position
as to rake - both. /

The two first ships of the French line had been dismasted /
within a quarter of an hour after the commencement of the /
action ; and the others had in that time suffered so severely
that victory was already certain. The third, fourth, and i
fifth were taken possession of at half-past eight. Mean- I
time Nelson received a severe wound on the head from a
piece of langridge shot.^ Captain Berry caught him in
his arms as he was falling. The great effusion of blood
occasioned an apprehension that the wound was mortal. 1
Nelson himself thought so. A large flap of the skin of the !
forehead, cut from the bone, had fallen over one eye: and
the other being blind, he was in total darkness. When he
was carried down, the surgeon, — in the midst of a scene
scarcely to be conceived by those who have never seen a
cockpit in time of action, and the heroism which is displayed
amid its horrors, — with a natural and pardonable eagerness,
quitted the poor fellow then under his hands, that he might
instantly attend the Admiral. "No!" said Nelson, "I
will take my turn with my brave fellows." Nor would he
suffer his own wound to be examined till every man wlio
had been previously wounded was properly attended to.
Fully believing that the wound was mortal, and that he was
about to die, as he had ever desired, in battle and in victory,
he called the Chaplain, and desired him to deliver what he
supposed to be his dying remembrance to Lady Nelson.
He then sent for Captain Louis on board from the Minotaur,
that he might thank him personally for the great assistance
which he had rendered to the Vanguard: and ever mindful
of those who deserved to be his friends, appointed Captain
Hardy from the brig to the command of his own ship, Captain
Berry having to go home with the news of the victory.

' Across the bows r)f.

^ To cannonade a ship so that the shots, instead of striking her upon the broad-
side where her guns can reply, range along her decks from end to end, with
devastating effect.

' Scrap iron usetl instead of shot. It was much aiifccted by the French, with
whom the destruction of sails was always a prime object.

138 LIFE OF NELSON

When the surgeon came in due time to examine his wound
(for it was in vain to entreat him to let it be examined
sooner), tlie most anxious silence prevailed; and the joy
of the wounded men, and of the whole crew, when they
heard that the hurt was merely superficial, gave Nelson
deeper pleasure than the unexpected assurance that his life
was in no danger. The surgeon requested, and as far as he
could, ordered him to remain quiet. But Nelson could not
rest. He called for his secretary, Mr. Campbell, to write the
dispatches. Campbell had himself been wounded; and was
so affected at the blind and suffering state of the Admiral
that he was unable to write. The Chaplain was then sent
for; but, before he came. Nelson, with his characteristic
eagerness, took the pen, and contrived to trace a few words,
marking his devout sense of the success which had already
been obtained. He was now left alone; when suddenly
a cry was heard on the deck, that the Orient was on fire.
In the confusion he found his way up, unassisted and un-
noticed; and, to the astonishment of every one, appeared
on the quarter-deck, where he immediately gave order that
the boats should be sent to the relief of the enemy.

It was soon after nine that the fire on board the Orient
broke out. Brueys was dead. He had received three wounds,
yet would not leave his post. A fourth cut him almost in
two. He desired not to be carried below, but to be left to
die upon deck. The flames soon mastered his ship. Her
sides had just been painted; and the oil-jars, and paint-
bucket, were lying on the poop. By the prodigious light
of this conflagration, the situation of the two fleets could
now be perceived, the colours of both being clearly dis-
tinguishable. About ten o'clock the ship blew up, with a
shock which was felt to the very bottom of every vessel.
Many of her officers and men jumped overboard, some
clinging to the spars and pieces of wreck with which the sea
was strewn, others swimming to escape from the destruction
which they momently dreaded. Some were picked up by our
boats; and some even in the heat and fury of the action
were dragged into the lower ports of the nearest British
ships by the British sailors. The greater part of her crew,
however, stood the danger till the last, and continued to
fire from the lower deck. This tremendous explosion was

THE BATTLE OF THE NILE 139

followed by a silence not less awful. The firing immediately
ceased on both sides; and the lirst sound which broke the
silence was the dash of her shattered masts and yards
falling into the water from the vast height to which they
had been exploded. It is upon record, that a battle between
two armies was once broken off by an earthquake. Such an
event would be felt like a miracle. But no incident in war,
produced by human means, has ever equalled the sublimity
of this co-instantaneous pause, and all its circumstances.

About seventy of the Orient's crew were saved by the
English boats. Among the many hundreds who perished,
were the Commodore, Casabianca, and his son, a brave
boy only ten years old. ^ They were seen floating on a
shattered mast when the ship blew up. She had money on
board (the plunder of Malta) to the amount of £600,000
sterling. The masses of burning wreck, which were scattered
by the explosion, excited for some moments apprehensions
in the English which they had never felt from any other
danger. Two large pieces fell into the main and fore-tops
of the Swiftsurc without injuring any person. A port-fire ^
also fell into the main royal ^ of the Alexander; the fire
which it occasioned was speedily extinguished. Captain
Ball had provided, as far as human foresight could provide,
against any such danger. All the shrouds and sails of his
ship, not absolutely necessary for its immediate manage-
ment, were thoroughly wetted, and so rolled up, that they
were as hard and as little inflammable as so many solid
cylinders.'*

The firing recommenced with the ships to leeward of the
centre, and continued till about three. At daybreak, the
Guillaumc Tell and the Gc'ncrenx,^ the two rear ships of the
enemy, were the only French ships of the line which had
their colours flying. They cut their cables in the forenoon,

* The poem by Felicia Hemans, so oft derided, is fictitious in every particular
save that both father and son met their death.

' A paper tul>e, alxjut sixteen inches long, fdled with a composition of mealed
powder, sulphur, and nitre, rammed luodcratcly liard, and used instead of match
to fire the guns.

^ The uppermost sail set upon the mainmast. Below it were the main course,
the main topsail, and main topgallant.

* " At ten, the enemy's ship th.it was on fire blew up. Witli the explosion our
jib and main roval were set on fire. Hut cutting away tlie jib-boom and heaving
the royal overboard, tiie fire was lurkily extinguished." — Log of the Alexander.

' The Genercux was the last sliip but one in tlic enemy's line, and the Giiillauiiie
Tell (with the flag of .\dmiral Villeneuve) was last but two.

140 LIFE OF NELSON

not having been engaged, and stood out to sea, and two
frigates ^ with them. The Zealous pursued; but as there
was no other ship in a condition to support Captain Hood,
he was recalled. It was generally believed by the officers,
that if Nelson had not been wounded, not one of these ships
could have escaped. The four certainly could not, if the
CitUoden had got into action: and if the frigates belonging
to the squadron had been present, not one of the enemy's
fleet would have left Aboukir Bay. These four vessels,
however, were all that escaped; and the victory was the
most complete and glorious in the annals of naval history.
" Victory," said Nelson, " is not a name strong enough for
such a scene "; he called it " a conquest." Of thirteen sail
of the line nine were taken and two burned. Of the four
frigates, one was sunk. Another, the Artc'mise, was burned
in a villainous manner by her captain, M. Estandlet, who,
having fired a broadside at the Theseus, struck his colours,
then set fire to the ship, and escaped with most of his crew
to shore. The British loss, in killed and wounded, amounted
to eight hundred and ninety-five. Westcott was the only
captain who fell. Three thousand one hundred and five
of the French, including the wounded, were sent on shore
by cartel, and five thousand two hundred and twenty-
five perished.

As soon as the conquest was completed. Nelson sent orders
through the fleet to return thanksgiving in every ship for
the victory with which Almighty God had blessed his
Majesty's arms. The French at Rosetta, who with miserable
fear beheld the engagement, were at a loss to understand
the stillness of the fleet during the performance of this
solemn duty ; but it seemed to affect many of the prisoners,
officers as well as men: and graceless and godless as the
officers were, some of them remarked, that it was no wonder
such order was preserved in the British navy, when the
minds of our men could be impressed with such sentiments
after so great a victory, and at a moment of such confusion.
The French at Rosetta, seeing their four ships sail out of
the bay unmolested, endeavoured to persuade themselves
that they were in possession of the place of battle. But it
was in vain thus to attempt, against their own secret and

* The Diane and Justice (see plan, p. 134).

THE BATTLE OF THE NILE 141

certain conviction, to deceive themselves: and even if they
could have succeeded in this, the bonfires which the Arabs
kindled along the whole coast, and over the country, for the
three following nights, would soon have undeceived thcni.
Thousands of Arabs and Egyptians lined the shore, and
covered the house-tops, during the action, rejoicing in the
destruction which had overtaken their invaders. Long
after the battle, innumerable bodies were seen floating
about the bay, in spite of all the exertions which were made
to sink them, as well from fear of pestilence as from the
loathing and horror which the sight occasioned. [Great
numbers were cast up upon the Isle of Bequieres (Nelson's
Island, as it has since been called), and our sailors raised
mounds of sand over them. Even after an interval of nearly
three years Dr. Clarke saw them, and assisted in interring
heaps of human bodies, which, having been thrown up by
the sea, where there were no jackals to devour them, pre-
sented a sight loathsome to humanity.] ^ The shore, for
an extent of four leagues, was covered with wreck ; and the
Arabs found employment for many days in burning on the
beach the fragments which were cast up, for the sake of the
iron. 2 Part of the Orient's main-mast was picked up by the
Swiftsure. Captain Hallowell ordered his carpenter to make
a coffin of it ; the iron, as well as the wood, was taken from
the wreck of the same ship. It was finished as well and
handsomely as the workman's skill and materials would
permit ; and Hallowell then sent it to the Admiral with the
following letter: — "Sir, I have taken the liberty of present-
ing you a coffin made from the main-mast of I'Oricnt, that
when you have finished your military career in this world,
you may be buried in one of your trophies. But that that
period may be far distant is the earnest wish of your sincere
friend, Benjamin Hallowell." An offering so strange, and
yet so suited to the occasion, was received by Nelson in the
spirit with which it was sent. As if he felt it good for him,
now that he was at the summit of his wishes, to have death
before his eyes, he ordered the coffin to be placed upright

' The passage witliin brackets is not found in the first, second and third editions.

* During his long sulisequent cruise off .Mexandria, Captain Hallowell kept his
crew employed and amused in fishing up the small anchors in the road, wliich,
witli the iron found on the tnasts, was afterwards sold at Rh<jdes, and the produce
applied to purchase vegetables and tobacco for the ship's company. — Southey's
Note, Fourth Edition.

142 LIFE OF NELSON

in his cabin. Such a piece of furniture, however, was more
suitable to his own feehngs than to tliose of his guests and
attendants; and an old favourite servant entreated him so
earnestly to let it be removed, that at length he consented
to have the coffin carried below; but he gave strict orders
that it should be safely stowed, and reserved for the purpose
for which its brave and worthy donor had designed it.

The victory was complete; but Nelson could not pursue
it as he would have done, for want of means. Had he been
provided with small craft, nothing could have prevented
the destruction of the storeships and transports in the port
of Alexandria. Four bomb-vessels would at that time have
burned the whole in a few hours. " Were I to die this
moment," said he in his dispatches to the Admiralty, " want
of frigates would be found stamped on my heart ! No words
of mine can express what I have suffered, and am suffering,
for want of them." He had also to bear up against great
bodily suffering. The blow had so shaken his head, that
from its constant and violent aching, and the perpetual
sickness which accompanied the pain, he could scarcely
persuade himself that the skull was not fractured. Had it
not been for Troubridge, Ball, Hood, and Hallowell, he
declared that he should have sunk under the fatigue of
refitting the squadron. " All," he said, " had done well;
but these officers were his supporters."

But, amidst his sufferings and exertions, Nelson could
yet think of all the consequences of his victory; and that
no advantage from it might be lost, he dispatched an officer
overland to India, with letters to the governor of Bombay,
informing him of the arrival of the French in Egypt, the
total destruction of their fleet, and the consequent pre-
servation of India from any attempt against it on the part
of this formidable armament. " He knew that Bombay,"
he said, " was their first object, if they could get there;
but he trusted that Almighty God would overthrow in
Egypt these pests of the human race. Bonaparte had never
yet had to contend with an English officer, and he would
endeavour to make him respect us." This dispatch he sent
upon his own responsibility, with letters of credit upon the
East India Company, addressed to the British consuls,
vice-consuls, and merchants on his route; Nelson saying,

THE BATTLE OF THE NILE 143

" that if he liad done wrong, he lioped tlie bills would be
paid, and he would repay the Company: for, as an English-
man, he should be proud that it had been inpiis power to
put our settlements on their guard." The information
which by this means reached India was of great importance.
Orders had just been received for defensive preparations
upon a scale proportionate to the apprehended danger;
and the extraordinary expenses which would otlierwise
have been incurred were thus prevented.

Nelson was now at the summit of glory. Congratulations,
rewards, and honours were showered upon him by all the
states, and princes, and powers to whom his victory gave
a respite. The first communication of this nature which he
received was from the Turkish Sultan; who, as soon as the
invasion of Egypt was known, had called upon " all true
believers to take arms against those swinish infidels the
French, that they might deliver these blessed habitations
from their accursed hands"; and who had ordered his
" pashas to turn night into day in their efforts to take
vengeance." The present of "his Imperial Majesty, the
powerful, formidable, and most magnificent Grand Sei-
gnior," was a pelisse of sables with broad sleeves valued
at five thousand dollars; and a diamond aigrette ^ valued
at eighteen thousand, the most honourable badge among
the Turks, and in this instance more especially honourable,
because it was taken from one of the royal turbans. " If
it were worth a million," said Nelson to his wife, " my
pleasure would be to see it in your possession." The Sultan
also sent, in a spirit worthy of imitation, a purse of two
thousand sequins, to be distributed among the wounded.
The mother of the Sultan sent him a box, set with diamonds,
valued at one thousand pounds. The Czar Paul, in whom
the better part of his strangely compounded nature at this
time predominated, presented him with his portrait, set
in diamonds, in a gold box, accompanied with a letter of
congratulation, written by his own hand. The King of
Sardinia also wrote to him, and sent a gold box, set with

' CalU'il the ClicliiiKk. Tliis iiuist interesting trophy, which Nelson ever after-
wanls WDic in liis li.it, is still preserved in the Royal United Serviro Mnseuni,
Whitcliall, l'3\hibit No. 3041. Here also are to be found the dianioiul-hilted sworcl
presented by the City of Lontlon, Exhibit No. 3031 (see below, p. i|5); and the
main royal mast-head of the Orient, Exhibit No. 2199.

144 LIFE OF NELSON

diamonds. Honours in profusion were awaiting him at
Naples. In his own country the king granted these honour-
able augmentations to his armorial ensign : a chief undulated
argent; thereon waves of the sea; from which a palm tree
issuant, between a disabled ship on the dexter, and a ruinous
battery on the sinister, all proper: and for his crest, on a
naval crown, or, the chelingk, or plume, presented to him
by the Turk, with the motto, Palmam qui meruit ferat}
And to his supporters, being a sailor on the dexter, and a
lion on the sinister, were given these honourable augmen-
tations: a palm branch in the sailor's hand, and another
in the paw of the lion, both proper; with a tricoloured flag
and staff in the lion's mouth. He was created Baron Nelson
of the Nile, and of Burnham Thorpe, with a pension of
£2000 for his own life, and those of his two immediate
successors. When the grant was moved in the House of
Commons, General Walpole expressed an opinion that a
higher degree of rank ought to be conferred. ^ Mr. Pitt made
answer, that he thought it needless to enter into that ques-
tion. " Admiral Nelson's fame," he said, " would be co-
equal with the British name; and it would be remembered
that he had obtained the greatest naval victory on record,
when no man would think of asking whether he had been
created a baron, a viscount, or an earl." It was strange
that, in the very act of conferring a title, the minister should

' It has been erroneously said that the motto was selected by the King. It was
fixed on by Lord Grenville, and taken from an ode of Jortin's. The application
was singularly fortunate; and the ode itself breathes a spirit, in which no man
ev-er more truly sympathised than Nelson:

Conciirrant paribus cum ratibus rates,
Spectent numina ponti, et
Palmam qui meruit ferat.

Southey's Note.
If ships compete

With ships of equal rate,
If Water Gods preside
To arbitrate,
Then he who best deserves it wins the palm.

-This opinion was universal; and much ingenuity was exercised by the public
in an effort to discover an adequate reason why nothing higher than a barony
was conferred. Captain Berry, the bearer of Nelson's dispatches, has left it on
record that, when he reached London, he found Mr. Pitt imbued with the notion
that the victory was to be ascribed not to any skill on the Admiral's part, but to
tlie accidental destruction of the enemy's flagship. This, however, was not the
reason for the Government's lack of generosity. Nelson was not Commander-
in-Chief in the Mediterranean, but only detached by St. Vincent in charge of a
squadron; and the Admiralty could find no precedent for exalting to a higher
grade in the peerage one who did not exercise an independent command.

THE BATTLE OF THE NILE 145

have excused himself for not having conferred a higher one,
by representing all titles, on such an occasion, as nugatory
and superfluous. True, indeed, whatever title had been
bestowed, whether viscount, earl, marquis, duke, or prince
if our laws had so permitted, he who received it would have
been Nelson still. That name he had ennobled beyond all
addition of nobility. It was the name by which England
loved him, France feared him, Italy, Egypt, and Turkey
celebrated him : and by which he will continue to be known
while the present kingdoms and languages of the world
endure, and as long as their history after them shall be held
in remembrance. It depended upon the degree of rank what
should be the fashion of his coronet, in what page of the red
book his name was to be inserted, and what precedency
should be allowed his lady in the drawing-room and at the
ball. That Nelson's honours were affected thus far, and no
further, might be conceded to Mr. Pitt and his colleagues in
administration. But the degree of rank which they thought
proper to allot was the measure of their gratitude,^ though
not of his services. This Nelson felt ; and this he expressed,
with indignation, among his friends.

Whatever may have been the motives of the ministry,
and whatever the formalities with which they excused their
conduct to themselves, the importance and magnitude of
the victory were universally acknowledged. A grant of
£10,000 was voted to Nelson by the East India Company;
the Turkish Company presented him with a piece of plate;
the City of London presented a sword to him, and to each
of his captains; gold medals were distributed to the cap-
tains : and the first lieutenants of all the ships were
promoted, as had been done after Lord Howe's victory. -
Nelson was exceedingly anxious that the Captain and First

^ Mr. Windham must be exempted from this well-deserved censure. Ho, whose
fate it seems to have been almost always to think and feel more generously than
those with whom he acted, declared, when he contended against his own party
for Lortl Wellington's peerage, that he always thought Lord Nelson had been
inadequately rewarded. The case was the more flagrant, because an earldom
had so lately been granted for the battle of St. V^incent; an action which could
never be compared with the battle of the Nile, if the very different manner in
which it was rewarded did not necessarily force a comparison; especially when
the part which Nelson bore in it was considered. — Lords Duncan and St. Vincent
hatl each a pensi(jn of £i,ooo from the Irish (iovernment. This was nut grantetl
to Nelson, in consequence of the Union ; though, surely, it woulil be more becoming
to increase the British grant, than to save a thousand a year by the Union in
sucli cases. — Southey's Note.

' The glorious First of June, 1794.

146 LIFE OF NELSON

Lieutenant of the Culloden should not be passed over because
of their misfortune. To Troubridge himself he said, " Let
us rejoice that the ship which got on shore was commanded
by an officer whose character is so thoroughly established."
To the Admiralty he stated that Captain Troubridge's
conduct was as fully entitled to praise as that of any one
officer in the squadron, and as highly deserving of reward.
" It was Troubridge," said he, " who equipped the squadron
so soon at Syracuse : it was Troubridge who exerted himself
for me after the action: it was Troubridge who saved the
Culloden, when none that I know in the service would have
attempted it." The gold medal, therefore, by the king's
express desire, was given to Captain Troubridge " for his
services both before and since, and for the great and wonder-
ful exertion which he made at the time of the action, in
saving and getting off his ship." The private letter from
the Admiralty to Nelson informed him, that the first lieu-
tenants of all the ships engaged were to be promoted. Nelson
instantly wrote to the commander-in-chief. " I sincerely
hope," said he, " this is not intended to exclude the first
lieutenant of the Culloden, — For Heaven's sake, — for my
sake, — if it be so, get it altered. Our dear friend Troubridge
has endured enough. His sufferings were, in every respect,
more than any of us." To the Admiralty he wrote in terms
equally warm. " I hope, and believe, the word engaged is
not intended to exclude the Culloden. The merit of that
ship, and her gallant captain, are too well-known to benefit
by anything I could say. Her misfortune was great in
getting aground, while her more fortunate companions
were in the full tide of happiness. No: I am confident that
my good Lord Spencer will never add misery to misfortune.
Captain Troubridge on shore is superior to captains afloat.
In the midst of his great misfortunes he made those signals
which prevented certainly the Alexander and Swiftsure
from running on the shoals. I beg your pardon for writing
on a subject which, I verily believe, has never entered your
lordship's head; but my heart, as it ought to be, is warm
to my gallant friends." Thus feelingly alive was Nelson
to the claims, and interests, and feelings of others. The
Admiralty replied, that the exception was necessary, as
the ship had not been in action: but they desired the

THE BATTLE OF THE NILE 147

commander-in-chief to promote the lieutenant upon the
first vacancy which should occur.

Nelson, in remembrance of an old and uninterrupted
friendship, appointed Alexander Davison sole prize agent
for the captured ships : upon which Davison ordered medals
to be struck in gold, for the captains; in silver, for the
lieutenants and warrant officers; in gilt metal, for the petty
ofticers; and in copper, for the seamen and marines. Tlie
cost of this act of liberality amounted nearly to ^^2000. It
is worthy of record on another account; for some of the
gallant men, who received no other honorary badge of their
conduct on that memorable day than this copper medal
from a private individual, years afterwards, when they died
upon a foreign station, made it their last request, that the
medals might carefully be sent home to their respective
friends. So sensible are brave men of honour, in whatever
rank they may be placed.

Three of the frigates, whose presence would have been so
essential a few weeks sooner, joined the squadron on the
twelfth day after the action. The fourth joined a few
days after them. Nelson thus received dispatches, which
rendered it necessary for him to return to Naples. Before
he left Egypt he burned three of the prizes. They could
not have been fitted for a passage to Gibraltar in less than
a month, and that at a great expense, and with the loss of
the service of at least two sail of the line. " I rest assured,"
he said to the Admiralty, " that they will be paid for, and
have held out that assurance to the squadron. For if an
admiral, after a victory, is to look after the captured ships,
and not to the distressing of the enemy, very dearly, indeed,
must the nation pay for the prizes. I trust that £60,000
will be deemed a very moderate sum for them: and when
the services, time, and men, with the expense of fitting the
three ships for a voyage to England, are considered, govern-
ment will save nearly as much as they are valued at. Paying
for prizes," he continued, " is no new idea of mine, and
would often prove an amazing sa\dng to the state, even
without taking into calculation what the nation loses by
the attention of admirals to the property of the captors;
an attention absolutely necessary, as a recompense for the
exertions of the officers and men. An admiral may be amply

148 LIFE OF NELSON

rewarded by his own feelings, and by the approbation of
his superiors; but what reward have the inferior officers
and men, but the value of the prizes? If an admiral takes
that from them, on any consideration, he cannot expect
to be well supported." To Earl St, Vincent he said, " If he
could have been sure that government would have paid a
reasonable value for them, he would have ordered two of
the other prizes to be burnt; for they would cost more in
refitting, and by the loss of ships attending them, than they
were worth."

Having sent the six remaining prizes forward, under Sir
James Saumarez, Nelson left Captain Hood (in the Zealous)
off Alexandria, with the Swiftsure, Goliath, Alcmene, Zealous,
and E^nerald, and stood out to sea himself on the seventeenth
day after the battle. ^

' " Some French officers, during the blockade of Alexandria, were sent off to
Captain Hallowell to offer a supply of vegetables, and observe, of course, the state
of the blockading squadron. They were received with all possible civility. In the
course of conversation after dinner one of them remarked that we had made use
of unfair weapons during the action, by which probably the Orient was burnt;
and that General Bonaparte had expressed great indignation at it. In proof of
this assertion he stated that in the late gunboat attacks, their camp had twice
been set on fire by balls of unextinguishable matter which were fired from one of
the English boats. Captain Hallowell instantly ordered the gunner to bring up
some of those balls, and asked him from whence he had them. To the confusion
of the accusers he related that they were found on board of the Spartiate, one of
the ships captured on the ist of August. As these balls were distinguished by
particular marks, though in other respects alike, the Captain ordered an experi-
ment to be made, in order to ascertain the nature of them. The next morning,"
says Mr. Willyams, " I accompanied Mr. Parr, the gunner, to the island; the first
we tried proved to be a fire-ball, but of what materials composed we could not
ascertain. As it did not explode (which at first we apprehended), we rolled it into
the sea, where it continued to burn under water; a black pitchy substance
exuding from it till only an iron skeleton of a shell remained. The whole had been
carefully crusted over with a substance that gave it the appearance of a perfect
shell. On setting fire to the fusee of the other, which was differently marked, it
burst into many pieces. Though somewhat alarmed, fortunately none of us were
hurt. People account differently for the fire that happened on board of the French
admiral, but why may it not have arisen from some of these fire-balls left, perhaps
carelessly, on the poop, or cabin, when it first broke out ? and what confirms my
opinion on this head is, that several pieces of such shells were found sticking in
the Bellerophon, which she most probably received from the first fire of L'Orient."
Willyams's Voyages in the Mediterranean, p. 145. — Southey's Note, Fourth Edition.

PART VI
NAPLES

In the following division of his work Southey, because he did not
trouble to sift existing evidence, conamittod himself to falsehoods,
believing them to be the truth. He acted with transparent and
fearless honesty of purpose, but as a versatile man of letters rather
than as a workmanlike historian. Unhappily his groundless asper-
sions have blackened Nelson's character, and spattered the Admiral's
reputation with foul spots that time has not yet erased. Before
examining his narrative, therefore, we shall do well to take a brief
survey of what research has since revealed: for only by so doing
can we inoculate ourselves against contamination from his virulent
perversion of facts.

After the Battle of the Nile Nelson, who needed refreshment
both for himself and his fleet, resorted again to the Kingdom of
Naples, where he was received no longer with half-hearted hos-
nitality, but with triumphant and boisterous exliibitions of joy.
He did not expect to make a long visit; but history had already
made a habit of centring round him, and for the next twelve-
month Naples drew the eyes of the world.

Since Napoleon's irruption into Italy in 1796, the peninsula had
yielded more and more to the forces of the French Revolution.
Trees of Liberty had been planted in the northern states before
Nelson lost his arm at Teneriffe; and six months before the victory
of Aboukir the Jacobins, entering Rome, had established a republic,
and carried olf to France the aged and decrepit i'ope Pius VI. to
die in miserable captivity. Naples alone upheld the cause of kings;
and into Naples there spread from the Roman Republic the doctrines
that had sent to the guillotine Louis XVI. and Marie Antoinette.

On the other hand, Pitt's new coalition against France was nearly
complete. Not only was Austria buckling on her armour again;
but the Russians were preparing to enter the arena, and the Turks
as well. It was inevitable that Naples should join this combination
for the defence of royalism ; and to organise her army she borrowed
from Vienna the services of Mack, who to-day is chiefly remembered
for having surrendered to Napoleon at Ulm, but who was at the
time believed to be a capable officer. It was a difficult task, how-
ever, for the Neapolitans to decide what military wisdom required.
The more cautious line of conduct inclined them to wait until the
Austro-Russian armies moved south to their assistance. But a
bolder initiative might carry them into Rome itself, and enable
them to extend their territorial possessions. If they struck too soon,
they might be worsted before their allies took tlie held ; if they
waited too long, the Frenchmen might attempt to subdue them
N 149

150 LIFE OF NELSON

before their friends could intervene. The situation was one in which
weak men temporise; and no immediate decision was reached.

Nelson, returning from Egypt, infused new spirit into the Nea-
politan court. He exhorted the king and queen not to sit still until
the evil hour approached, but to grapple the red menace while it
was still afar off and drive it wholly from their doors. He had no
means of judging the quality of the Neapolitan troops. He counted
their numbers and, finding them sufficient, formulated a simple plan
that promised complete success. King Ferdinand's soldiers under
General Mack were to advance northward against the Jacobin front,
while the British Navy was to capture Leghorn and cut the enemy's
communications.

His fleet achieved its purpose at Leghorn, but the Neapolitan
troops showed no aptitude at all except for running away. They
retreated precipitately before an army of inferior strength; and,
racing in panic to their own borders, drew the Frenchmen after
them. The home-bred Jacobins rose in a body to welcome the
republican invaders, and the tlirone of Naples in that hour tottered
to its fall. For King Ferdinand and Queen Maria Carolina the only
hope lay in flight; and as all land avenues were blocked against
them, they turned in despair to the sea. The Jacobins watched them
with suspicious eyes, but Nelson was too clever for the Jacobins.
Magnificently seconded ashore by Sir WiUiam and Lady Hamilton,
he rescued the inmates of the royal palace, and carried them,
together with their goods and chattels, in safety to Palermo. A new
court and a new capital were there set up, while the Neapohtan
insurgents and their French allies converted Naples, now vacated
by royalty, into the " Parthenopeian " or (as Nelson loved to call it)
the "Vesuvian" Republic.

The best hopes for an eventual "Restoration" of monarchy were
ba£«.?d by the exiled king and queen on the might of the British
fleet. But Nelson, though his desire to help them further was
endorsed by instructions to that effect from home, could not at once
devote himself whole-heartedly to their cause. As Admiral, his
sphere was not a single realm, but the whole of the Mediterranean.
Napoleon's fleet had been destro5?ed at the Nile: but Napoleon's
army and Napoleon's self still stood at bay in the Levant; and it
was morally certain that at an early date new French and Spanish
fleets would combine in an attempt to put themselves into touch
with him. Meanwhile between Toulon and Alexandria lay Napo-
leon's garrison in the island of Malta commanding at its narrowest
point the ocean highway to Egypt.

Here then, apart from the downfall of Naples and the helpless
cries from Sicily, was a situation perplexing enough. At any moment
it might be necessary for the victor of the Nile to wrestle again in
diminished strength with the navies of the Jacobin powers.

Nelson took a comprehensive view of his responsibilities. He
assumed a central position at Palermo where he could keep his
fingers on the pulse of things, or (in other words) collect the little
grains of intelligence that slowly drifted there; and from Palermo
he exercised what may best be described as a double process of
"blockade." One squadron he detached, under Captain Ball, with
threats of famine to force Malta to capitulate ; and a second, under

NAPLES 151

Troubridge, he ordered to the Bay of Naples to starve the Jacobi ns
into submission. With both these squadrons he kept closely in
touch, so that he could at the approach of the Franco-Spanish fleet
reassemble them at the point of danger.

Blockade, especially when uninterrupted, is a very compelling
method of warfare. But if it operates surely, it operates slowly;
and the King and Queen of Naples grew weary of waiting, an d
turned their hands to another instrument which seemed to promis e
them a quicker recovery of their kingdom. The Neapolitans in the
mass, though indolently accepting the Jacobin upheaval, were at hear t
devotedly attached to the Church, and almost as devotedly attached
to the Crown. It was resolved, therefore, to appeal through an
eminent ecclesiastic to their deep-rooted sentiments; and, at Fer-
dinand's request, his Eminence Cardinal Ruffo crossed the Straits
of Messina into Italy, and inaugurated an anti-Jacobin campaign.
His success was instantaneous; thousands of warriors flocked to
his banner, and the "Army of the Faith" moved northwards from
Cakibria, driving the "infldels" before them. A contingent of
Russians and a handful of Turks crossed the Adriatic in timely
fashion and swelled the flowing tide.

While these events were in progress, a French fleet, under Bruix,
numbering no less than twenty-six of the line, set out from Brest,
eluded pursuit, and entered the Mediterranean; almost immediately
afterwards there followed a Spanish fleet, under Masaredo, number-
ing as many as seventeen sail; and these powerful scpiadrons
succeeded in their preliminary aim by uniting at Carthagena.
Nelson, who had no more than a dozen big ships, immediately
called up his reserves — Ball from INIalta, and Troubridge from
Naples. In view, however, of Ruffo's success, he replaced Trou-
bridge's fleet by a group of little ships, part English and part
Neapolitan, which he entrusted to Captain Foote of the frigate
Seahorse. This flotilla, which continued to co-operate with the
Cardinal, could show a clean pair of heels to the heavy Franco-
Spanish ships if, instead of sailing as expected for Egypt, they
moved directly into the Bay of Naples in support of the Vesuvian
Republic.

Had the Franco-Spanish fleet come boldly on, it is impossible to
doubt but that Nelson, in spite of his marked inferiority, would
have reaped a glorious harvest of laurels. But the armada, finding
a lion in its path, deemed discretion the better part of valour and
retired. Indeed, the utter barrenness of its futile cruising has passed
into a proverb. The danger that had loomed so darkly thus passed
away like a thunder-cloud, leaving Nelson at liberty, if he would,
to listen to fresh entreaties from the court at Falermo.

The land campaign by now had reached a critical stage. The
"Army of the Faith," surging forwards irresistibly, had driven their
foe in rout from the field, and then penned him into the city of
Naples. But at such a moment Cardinal Ruffo, who knew that his
sovereigns reserved for themselves the right of making peace, took
the liberty of exceeding his instructions by admitting the Jacobin
leaders to a parley. The court of Palermo, greatly perturbed, there-
fore implored Lord Nelson to throw his sword into the scale, and from
a commanding position in Naples Bay compel the enemy to surrender.

152 LIFE OF NELSON

Nelson set out at once, and learnt on his way that the rebels had
obtained an armistice or cessation of hostilities. He argued that
this could only mean that the Cardinal was already discussing terms
of peace. He urged his fleet forward, and as he entered Naples Bay
saw flags of truce flying, not only ashore, but in his own flotilla
under Captain Foote. He could discern no reason why, at the
particular moment when they had forced the enemy into a corner,
the "Army of the Faith" should cease to fight. But the reasons
for the blunder did not interest him greatly; his sole concern was
how the error could be remedied. Now he knew that, by the laws
of warfare, an armistice is terminable on either side when due
notice to that effect has been given; and flying into the heart of
things with his customary zeal, he annulled by signal the flag of
truce, and gave notice that hostilities would at once be resumed.

At this point Captain Foote came aboard, and informed him more
exactly of the state of affairs. The enemy, he said, had taken their
last stand in three strong fortresses. The French, at the heart of
the city, held the castle of St. Elmo, and the native insurgents were
in the sea-washed forts of Uovo and Nuovo. Cardinal Ruffo, though
he held a master position on the land side, presided over a force
wliich he could ill control, and whose murderous propensities made
him anxious to bring his duties to a close. Not only had he enter-
tained a flag of truce and granted an armistice, but upon a promise
of the rebels to evacuate the two sea-forts he had run counter to
the stringent injunctions of his sovereigns and agreed to a treat)^
of peace. This capitulation, to which Foote among others had
already affixed his name, treated the insurgents as if they were on
the same footing as belligerents. They were to march out with all
the honours of war, flags flying, drums beating, and weapons bared ;
they were to carry with them all their property, and they were to
be transported in vessels over sea to harbours that would welcome
them. Not without reason had the king and queen forbidden Ruffo
to listen to a parley ! His terms were absurdly generous, and no one
was more impressed by the fact than the rebels themselves. They
had asked for an armistice, not (as Ruffo feared) to make stouter
their defences; but in the hopes that the Franco-Spanish fleet,
which Nelson by now had scared away, would at the twelfth hour
come and rescue them. In the treaty of peace or capitulation they
asked on principle for more than they hoped to obtain; and they
insisted on transport oversea because they knew that their fellow-
countrymen would tear them to pieces if they committed themselves
to the streets. When the Cardinal granted all their desires they
felt in their bones (like true Neapolitans) that his moderation
covered a calculated treachery, and therefore they were not waiting
to receive the honours of war, but were already stealing away in
boats under cover of the flag of truce.

It was the sea alone that gave Forts Uovo and Nuovo any status
as bargainers. The appearance, that is to say, of the Franco-Spanish
fleet would undoubtedly have relieved them of all their fears, and
the likelihood of the Franco-Spanish fleet's appearance is the only
excuse that can legitimately be offered for Ruffo's treaty of peace.
But the arrival of Nelson completely destroyed the hopes of the
insurgents, and showing Ruffo the folly of his own haste, reminded

NAPLES 153

liim of liis sovereign's iajuuctioii not to iittciupt to nuike terms
by himself.

The new intelligence received from Footc made no difference to
Nelson's resolution. He informed both parties to the treaty of peace
that its teriBS could only be carried into effect when they had been
confirmed by the court of Palermo. He also announced that at
the expiry of his ultimatum hostilities would at once be recom-
menced. If Ruffo's army refused to co-operate, the British blue-
jackets would come ashore and act as soldiers. Now as the whole
gist of the capitulation laj^ in the clause that allowed insurgents
to escape by sea, it was ridiculous for anyone to question Nelson's
right to have the treaty of peace made regular. But the resumption
of hostilities was another tiling. The Cardinal's heart sank when he
tliought of the scenes of butchery and carnage which he had already
witnessed. He implored the British Admiral to let the armistice
run its course; and Nelson, believing that the very presence of his
ships would bring the Neapolitans to a humbler frame of mind,
agreed to defer the employment of his broadsides. Ruffo then,
behind the Admiral's back, gave the rebels permission to escape by
land; an offer which, from the perils ashore, they regarded as an
idle taunt. Their only hope was to get away by sea; and when
Nelson told them that he held them in the hollow of his hand, and
that he expected them without a second's loss of time to surrender
unconditionall}^ they proceeded to do so as meekly as lambs, and
came on board his ships without a protest.

There were one or two, however, who did not come; desperate
men who preferred to face murder in the mountains rather than
meet again at sea their former friends. Among these was Francesco
Ca,racciolo, who as Captain of the Tancredi had fought beside
Nelson in the days of Hotham's command. He had risen to high
rank through the favour of his sovereigns; and, Vv^hen the court
fled for refuge to Palermo, had attended them in the role of prince
and with the rank of commodore. When, however, the fortunes of
royalty seemed to him to sink to their lowest ebb, he had excused
himself from further attendance, and with Ferdinand's permission
repaired to Naples to safeguard his own interests. He had made up
his mind that the cause of kings was dead; and, though a thousand
claims upon his gratitude should have kept his loj-alty from decay,
he had thrown in his lot with the Jacobins, and been put in charge
of the revolutionary flotilla. In this capacity he had ftrccl into the
Neapolitan ship La Minerva, killing and wounding his old comrades
in arms. On the arrival of the British he had succeeded in escaping
to the hills; but was caught by the royalists and brought before
Ruffo, who handed him over to Nelson, now acting as Commander-
in-Cliief of the Neapolitan fleet.

Those who would criticise what follows should first acquaint
themselves (and Southey did not) with legal procedure at sea; for
a naval court-martial differs not only from civil jurisdiction, but
from militarj' practice as well.

The first thing necessary is that there should be some officer of
high standing to whom the sovereign has delegated the power of
sanctioning a trial. It is the duty of this officer, when he has satis-
fied himself that the evidence is truly found and likely to convict.

154 LIFE OF NELSON

to summon a court martial, appointing a president thereof, together
with a judge advocate to instruct the court in procedure, and a
provost-marshal to guard the prisoner's person. The president
will select not less than four and not more than eight additional
members who, with himself, will try the case. There will be no
counsel for the defence, and no counsel for the prosecution; the
members of the court will act both as judge and jury. The judge
advocate will see that all necessary documents are at hand, and
will produce such witnesses as the court may require. The prisoner
can object to the constitution of the court, but cannot enforce his
objections. He can also object to the nature of the evidence and
the witnesses called, but on both heads must submit himself to the
president's decisions. Proceedings are public until a judgment has
been given, whereupon the court is cleared. If the charge is proved,
then the members determine how the prisoner shall be punished,
being guided in their award by precedent. The judgment of the
court is final, and needs no confirmation. It is not even necessary
to send to the convening authority any intimation of judgment or
award; but this is almost invariably done, because the convening
authority is generally the admiral whose staff will see that the
sentence is put into effect. In the case of corporal punishment,
detention, or loss of status, the convening authority can mitigate
or even annul the sentence; but if the award is death, he cannot
interfere. The amount of time intervening between judgment and
execution will depend on circumstances; in a death sentence, for
example, on the recommendation to mercy. If such a recommenda-
tion be preferred, then the convening authority will forward it to
the sovereign and stay execution till an answer is returned.

When Caracciolo, as a naval officer in the employment of King
Ferdinand, was sent afloat by the Cardinal's order. Nelson, as in
duty bound, sanctioned a trial by court martial. This was his
routine duty as convening authority, and would not have been
referred to him if he had not been appointed by Ferdinand Nea-
politan Commander-in-Chief. Count Thurn, a Neapolitan captain,
was nominated president of the court, and as the law forbade him
to institute proceedings ashore, but allowed any ship to serve as
tribunal, he chose the Foiidroyant (Nelson's flagship) because it
wore an air of neutrality. Caracciolo raised no demur at the con-
stitution of the court, but requested that he might be tiied by
British officers rather than Neapolitans. The court considered the
request, but rejected it.

Evidence was adduced to show that the prisoner had deserted to
the enemy, and with mutinous intent persuaded others to take up
arms against their lawful sovereign. Caracciolo pleaded not guilty,
and endeavoured to prove that in what he had done he had been
acting under compulsion, the Jacobins constraining him to adopt
an attitude foreign to all that he felt. It was a reasonable line of
argument, but one extremely difficult to substantiate. All available
evidence tended to show that the prisoner had been given a free
hand by the Jacobins, and could at any time have returned to his
allegiance. The court consisted of five members. Each in turn was
asked to give his verdict orally, beginning with the youngest. Two
out of five were merciful, but three condemned; and, by immemorial

NAPLES 155

usage, judgment went by the majority. The court was then cleared,
and all English spectators withdrew. The prisoner was condemned
on both counts. He was found guilty of desertion, for which the
punishment at that time was death by hanging; and he was found
guilty of armed rebellion, for which the punishment was the same.
Caracciolo bore himself pluckily, but the members of the court had
no option left them, and sentenced him to an ignominous death.

Nelson was informed of the verdict. Although he was the con-
vening authority he had no power to revise the finding of the court,
or change the method of execution. If the sentence had been
accompanied by a recommendation to mercy, it would have been
his duty to fonvard the recommendation to King Ferdinand. But
as there was no such recommendation, there was nothing further
that he or any other man could do.

Caracciolo was informed that he would die at nightfall, execution
being delayed for half a day so that the necessary preparations
might be made. According to immemorial custom, the condemned
man was taken on board the ship where his crime had been com-
mitted; and at the appointed hour the signal was hoisted on board
the Foudroyant that all hands should assemble throughout the fleet
to witness punishment. At two bells a gun was fired, the drums
rolled, and the company of La Minerva drew to the yard-arm the
body of the conspirator who had fired into their ship.

There still remained between Ferdinand and his throne the French
in the Castle of St. Elmo, and in addition to these there were isolated
garrisons at Capua and Gaeta. Nelson forthwith landed his seamen
under Troubridge and very quickly disposed of the last elements
of opposition. Thus Jacobinism was uprooted and rebellion sup-
pressed, and the king came to his own again.

This consummation was, of course, very differently regarded by
the two parties to the conflict. The Neapolitan sovereigns showed
their gratitude by conferring upon Nelson a dukedom, together with
a rich landed estate in Sicily. The First Eord wrote to the Admiral,
"the intentions and motives by which all your measures have been
governed have been as pure and good as their success has been
complete." 1

But among the Jacobins there was weeping and gnashing of
teeth; mournful sounds which still re-echo through the pages of
Miss lielen Maria Williams. This obscure authoress, an English-
Avoman by birth, migrated to France at the age of twenty-six to
li\'e with a sister who had married a Huguenot. Within a few
months of her arrival in her new home the States General assembled
at Versailles, and the French Revolution broke out. Miss Williams
gained the friendship of Madame I^oland and forthwith became an
ardent republican. Her education had been imperfect, her private
life was not without blemish, and the excesses of sansculottism
worked like madness in her brain. She may have been honest and
warmhearted, but she gathered her information froni tainted sources,
and wrote fervent narratives and frenzied memoirs which it would
be temperate to describe as mere travesties of truth. To her way
of thinking, every opponent of Jeicobinism was an enemy of the
human race; and her account of Nelson's behaviour at Naples is

* Sir Harris Nicolas, Dispatches and Letters of Lord Nelson, Vol. IV. p. 115, etc.

156 LIFE OF NELSON

instructive only as showing liow wide of the mark partisanship may
carry a reckless writer.

A cop3^ of the book in which she described the Neapolitan pro-
ceedings ' is treasured in the British Museum 2 on account of the
annotations made therein by the Admiral whom she so vilely
calumniated.

For sheer wanton acerbity even MissWilliams must yield to Captain
Foote, of the Seahorse. Captain Foote, as we have seen, commanded
Nelson's flotilla in Naples Bay, and by an error of judgment affixed
his name to Ruffo's treaty with the rebels. His wrong-headedness
was freely forgiven by Nelson, who charitably believed that his
subordinate had been tricked by the Cardinal's duplicity. Foote
appears to have appreciated the indulgence shown to him, and in
the period immediately following his trespass wrote to Nelson in
terms of affectionate gratitude. But seven years later, when the
saviour of the State had laid down his life at Trafalgar, Foote read
an early Nelsonian biography (the wretched compilation of Har-
rison) which disclosed the fact that Nelson in a hasty moment had
described Ruffo's treaty as "infamous." P"oote accepted this epithet
as applicable to himself, and in 1807 published a Vindication of his
conduct, which nobody had ever impugned. In this worthless and
egotistical pamphlet he threw restraint to the winds, and seared
the name and fame of his benefactor with vitriolic diatribes.

It is abundantly clear, then, that for a true view of Nelson's
conduct at Naples we must look at things otherwise than through
the jaundiced eyes of Captain Foote and Miss Williams. And yet
these are the main authorities on whom Southey reUed for his own
account of what occurred.

And Southey's account, it is not too much to sa3^ has been
accepted cither in whole or in part by all successive writers.

Some of their libellous insinuations have been already met in the
foregoing narrative. It will be sufficient merely to summarise the
more important of the charges that remain.

(a) Accusation. Nelson had no power to override Cardinal Ruffo,
and never produced any document which entitled him to interfere.

Ansiver. Nelson was sent direct from the court of Palermo to
take matters out of Ruffo's hands. If he exercised wider powers
than the Neapolitan sovereigns intended, why did they create him
a duke ?

{b) Accusation. Cardinal Ruffo, Captain Foote and others on the
one side, and the insurgents in Forts Uovo and Nuovo on the other,
had signed and sealed a treaty of peace, which was inviolable and
sacrosanct.

Answer. Neither Cardinal Ruffo nor any one else had the power
to make a treaty of peace. That prerogative was reserved to them-
selves by the Neapolitan sovereigns, to whom Nelson insisted that
the capitulation should be referred. The insurgents had cause for
disappointment; but this would have been avoided if they had
insisted on examining the Cardinal's credentials.

(c) Accusation. Even if Ruffo was unauthorised as a peacemaker,
his treaty became effective as soon as its terms had been carried

* Sketches of the State of Manners and Opinions in the French Republic (1801).

^Additional MSS. 34391.

NAPLES 157

out; and as these were in process of execution before the British
fleet arrived, Nelson very clearly came too late to suspend their
complete fulfilment.

Answer. This is in legal parlance a "nice point." The treaty or
capitulation amounted to a bargain whereby Ruifo was to receive
the two marine forts and the rebels were to receive safe-conduct
over-sea. When Nelson arrived some of the rebels were already
embarked in boats, so that at first glance it looks as if the
treaty had been made effective. But the insurgents who had
embarked were (on Kuffo's own showing) dishonest fellows who
stole out of the forts before the pourparlers were complete.^

There is, of course, all the difference in the world between an
annistice (cessation of hostilities) and a capitulation (terms of
surrender). Ruffo had agreed to both before Nelson arrived; and,
as we have seen, succeeded in coaxing Nelson to accept the armis-
tice, i.e. postpone resumption of hostilities. He brought trouble on
his head by concluding a capitulation in direct disobedience to his
sovereign's commands, and to clear himself endeavoured to make
it appear that it was the capitulation and not the armistice which
Nelson promised to observe. In this disingenuous line of conduct
he achieved some success owing to an almost universal ignorance
or unfamiliarity with the exact meaning of these technical terms.2

{d) Acciisafion. Nothing will ever exonerate Nelson for with-
drawing mercy from Caracciolo, an aged man, whose back was bent
with years a.nd infirmity.

A nsivcr. Caracciolo at the time of his death was forty-seven years
of age and in the prime of life.

{e) Accusation. In permitting Caracciolo to be put to death
within a few hours of his condemnation, Nelson showed an im-
placable and unpardonable ferocity.

Ajiswcr. If Caracciolo had been guilty of any other crime, and
had committed his offence in time of peace, Nelson's whole attitude
would be quite inexplicable. But a traitor and mutineer caught
red-handed in the act, by immemorial usage, dies in time of war
when sentence has been delivered .3

"The intentions and motives b}?^ which your measures have been
governed have been as pure and good as their success has been com-
plete." These words of Earl Spencer, deliberately chosen, when
events were fresh in his mind, acquire new meaning when all the
evidence since available has been dissected and re-examined. And
yet when the mud thrown at Nelson's name has been dutifully
scraped away, there are seen to be stains below the mud that are
ineffaceable. Why is it tliat Englishmen who approach the story
with unbiased minds do not take up the cudgels in righteous heat

' " Ella in buono fede aspettava I'cffeto di detta capitolazioiic, quantunquc
per precipitazioiie nell' uscire dal castello non furoiio gli articoli puntualinciitc
usservati."

- Doinenico Sacchinelli, Memoric storiche sulla vita del Cardinale Fabrizio Ruffo.
A full bibliography of Italian sources will be found at the close of Kaples in i/gq,
by Constance H. D. Giglioli.

^ l-'or the opposite point of view quite recently put bv tiie \'ere Harmswortli
IVofossor of Naval History at Cambridge, see CamliriUi^t- .Modern History, Vol.
\ III. p. 658. Cp. also Admiral Sii' Cyprian Bridge's reply, United Service Magazine,
October 1905.

158

LIFE OF NELSON

on behalf of their greatest admiral ? Three explanations suggest
themselves.

In the first place, though Nelson's public life at Naples was free
from blame, his private life was marred by sin. It was at this time
that he fell passionately in love with Lady Hamilton, the wife of
the British Ambassador. Much may be said in extenuation of his
fault; but so long as sin is reckoned sinful, his absolution in this
world must remain incomplete.

In the second place the shadowy Franco-Spanish fleet, that
remained unseen and yet amplified the drama by its "alarums and
excursions," provided additional occasion for stumbling. Allowance
for its proximity had to enter every calculation, and no reckoner,
of course, was more nearly concerned than the British Commander-
in-Chief. Now Nelson was in charge of only a detachment of Earl
St. Vincent's fleet ; and when at this time Earl St. Vincent went
home, the Admiralty made choice of Lord Keith as his successor.
Lord Keith, puzzled to know what plans were actuating a Franco-
Spanish navy of nearly fifty ships, reached the conclusion that
Minorca was in peril, and summoned Nelson from Naples to defend
it. Nelson decided that Minorca was in no sort of danger, and
refused to conform to the summons. Much may be said in
extenuation of his fault ; but he was guilty of deliberate and
direct disobedience, and the Admiralty in consequence sharply
reprimanded him.

Now mankind in the mass is censorious, but censorious without
bothering about canons of criticism. Let it be granted that during
the Neapolitan business Nelson was cherishing an infatuation for
Lady Hamilton; and let it be granted that at the close of the
Neapolitan business he was reprimanded by the Admiralty. Then
those who love to leap to sudden conclusions put two and two
together and make whatever total they please. Nelson, they argue,
refused to obey Lord Keith because he could not tear himself from
Lady Hamilton's side. Nelson was reprimanded by the Admiralty
because he broke the treaty that Ruft'o had sanctioned. Nelson
put Caracciolo to death because Lad}^ Hamilton, like a second
Salome, gained his favour by the way she danced the tarantella.

There is no end to nonsense of this kind and no possible manner
of answering it. Nelson was devoted heart and soul to Lady
Hamilton. She had helped him to water the fleet that thwarted
Bonaparte; she had nursed him back to health when he came back
wounded from the Nile. She had enabled him to complete his plans
for carrying the royal family to Palermo; and in all his efforts to
restore the throne she had acted as interpreter, intermediary, and
amanuensis. But there is not so much as a vestige of evidence to
prove that she ever influenced his public conduct in thought, or
word, or deed. When Nelson was engaged in state affairs, he
allowed nothing (not even those he loved best) to come between
him and his goal.

A strategic problem quite suddenly arose. Lord Keith believed
that Minorca was in peril. Nelson knew that it was not. Lord Keith
was wrong, and Nelson was right. What the occasion required was
correctness of judgment; and for that Nelson was reprimanded.
The Lords of the Admiralty pulled the mote from his eye, but failed

NAPLES 159

to discern the beam in their own. Their decision to subordinate
the greater man to the less was more reprehensible than an act of
technical disobedience from the victor of the Nile.

But there is a third reason why the great admiral's conduct at
Naples still meets with disapproval. When the present editor's
Life of Nelson was published in 191 2, it evoked in the outspoken
pages of the English Review an article objecting to its treatment
of Caracciolo. The article was entitled " Blind Guides," a term of
reproach for those who dress in the garb of patriotism and lead their
disciples into the ditch of error. Its argument may be epitomised
not unfairly as follows.

The liistory of the nineteenth century contains no more glorious
page than that wJiich recounts the overthrow of the ancient kingdom
of Naples. The Bourbon dynasty was the most corrupt in the world;
its government was rendered abominable by every loathsome shape
that lust, oppression, outrage and atrocity can assume. " The
negation of God," Mr. Gladstone called it. So foul a thing should
have earned the contempt of every free-born lover of justice. Yet
what do we find ? Not only is this unspeakable infamy restored and
blessed by Nelson, but the British Admiral draws a noose round the
neck of the saviour who would have wrought his people deliverance.

Such a line of reasoning serves at least to remind us how difficult
it is in examining past ages to tear from one's eyes the veil of the
age to which oneself belongs. Nelson died years before Englishmen
learnt to pray for the regeneration of Italy. The need of his day
was to stem the flood of Jacobinism; and in fighting for the cause
of England's allies, he was fighting for the cause which England
championed. To condemn Nelson for supporting King "Bomba's"
predecessors is to condemn England and condemn ourselves.

A really great Italian like Savanarola, who brought his death
upon himself by intermeddling with politics, earns sympathy, pity
and admiration, because he had spent all his life in the bold denun-
ciation of spiritual wickedness in high places. But no process of
reasoning can make Caracciolo a martyr. If the King and Queen
of Naples were wicked tyrants, he supported their despotism his
whole life through, until the hour when their fortunes declined.
In the days of sunshine he shared their prosperity, and when the
dark clouds gathered he deserted them. He fired into the ships
which carried the flag that had made him what he was; and, for
a paltry handful of this world's goods, betrayed his master and
killed his friends.

TIME TABLE

179S. ist August. Battle of the Nile.

22nd September. Nelson arrives at Naples.

October. Minorcii surrenders to Admiral Duckworth.
22nd November. Nelson sails against Leghorn, which sur-
renders on 28th.
2ist-23rd December. Embarks the Nea])olitan royal family and
transfers them to Palermo.

i6o

LIFE OF NELSON

1799. April.

8th June.
15th June.
2ist June.
24th June.

25th June.
26th June.

30th June,
loth July.
12th July.
13th July.

31st July.
31st August.

1800. 20th January.
I 8th February.
30th March,
loth June.

17th July.
15th September
6th November,
loth November.

20th November.

Admiral Bruix sails from Brest for the
Mediterranean. Nelson promoted to be
Rear- Admiral of the Red.

Transfers his flag from Vaiiguard to
Foiidroyant.

Lord Keith succeeds Earl St. Vincent in
the Mediterranean command.

Nelson embarks Sir William and Lady
Hamilton and proceeds to Naples.

Arrives in the Bay and cancels the flag of
truce. Receives news of the " Capitu-
lation."

Receives a visit from Cardinal Ruffo, and
refuses to ratify the Capitulation.

Nelson agrees to observe the armistice;
Cardinal Ruffo forwards Nelson's terms
to Forts Uovo and Nuovo, which sur-
render unconditionally.

Caracciolo court-martialled and executed.

Ferdinand IV. restored to his throne.

The French in St. Elmo castle surrender.

Nelson summoned by Lord Keith to
defend Corsica.

Capua and Gaeta surrender to Troubridge.

Nelson created Duke of Bronte by the
King of Naples.

Joins Lord Keith at Leghorn,

Captures Lc Genercux.

Foiidroyant captures Guillaiune Tell.

Nelson sails for Leghorn with Queen of

Naples and Sir William and Lady

Hamilton.
Leaves Leghorn en route for Vienna.
. Malta surrenders to Captain Ball.
Nelson lands at Yarmouth.
Attends the Lord Mayor's banquet and

receives a presentation sword.
Takes his seat in the House of Peers.

[SOUTHEY. CHAPTER VI]

Nelson's health had suffered greatly while he was in the
Agamcnmon. " My complaint," he said, " is as if a girth
were buckled taut over my breast; and my endeavour in
the night is to get it loose." After the battle of Cape St.
Vincent he felt a little rest to be so essential to his recovery,
that he declared he would not continue to serve longer
than the ensuing summer, unless it should be absolutely-
necessary: for, in his own strong language, he had then

NAPLES i6i

been four years and nine months without one moment's
repose for body or mind. A few months' intermission of
labour he had obtained — not of rest, for it was purchased
with the loss of a limb ; and the greater part of the time had
been a season of constant pain. As soon as his shattered
frame had sufficiently recovered for him to resume his
duties, he was called to services of greater importance than
any on which he had hitherto been employed, and they
brought with them commensurate fatigue and care. The
anxiety which he endured during his long pursuit of the
enemy was rather changed in its direction, than abated by
their defeat; and this constant wakefulness of thought,
added to the effect of his wound, and the exertions from
which it was not possible for one of so ardent and wide-
reaching a mind to spare himself, nearly proved fatal. On
his way back to Italy he was seized with fever. For eighteen
hours his life was despaired of ; and even when the disorder
took a favourable turn and he was so far recovered as again
to appear on deck, he himself thought that his end was
approaching — such was the weakness to which the fever
and cough had reduced him. Writing to Earl St. Vincent,
on the passage, he said to him, " I never expect, my dear
lord, to see your face again. It may please God that this
will be the finish to that fever of anxiety which I have
endured from the middle of June. But be that as it pleases
His goodness. I am resigned to His will."

The kindest attentions of the warmest friendship were
awaiting him at Naples. " Come here," said Sir William
Hamilton, " for God's sake, my dear friend, as soon as the
service will permit you. A pleasant apartment is ready
for you in my house, and Emma is looking out for the
softest pillows to repose the few wearied limbs you have
left." Happy would it have been for Nelson if warm and
careful friendship had been all that awaited him there ! He
himself saw at that time the character of the Neapolitan
court, as it first struck an Englishman, in its true light;
and, when he was on the way, he declared that he detested
the voyage to Naples, and that nothing but necessity could
have forced him to it. But never was any hero, on his
return from victory, welcomed with more heartfelt joy.
Before the battle of Aboukir the court of Naples had been

i62 LIFE OF NELSON

trembling for its existence. The language which the Direc-
tory held towards it was well described by Sir William
Hamilton, as being exactly the language of a highwayman.
The Neapolitans were told that Benevento ^ might be added
to their dominions, provided they would pay a large sum
sufficient to satisfy the Directory; and they were warned,
that if the proposal was refused or even if there were any
delay in accepting it, the French would revolutionise all
Italy. The joy, therefore, of the court at Nelson's success
was in proportion to the dismay from which that success
relieved them. The Queen was a daughter of Maria Theresa,
and sister of Marie Antoinette. Had she been the wisest
and gentlest of her sex, it would not have been possible for
her to have regarded the French without hatred and horror ;
and the progress of revolutionary opinions, while it per-
petually reminded her of her sister's fate, excited no
unreasonable apprehensions for her own. Her feelings,
naturally ardent, and little accustomed to restraint, were
excited to the highest pitch when the news of the victory
arrived. Lady Hamilton, her constant friend and favourite,
who was present, says, "It is not possible to describe her
transports. She wept, she kissed her husband, her childr'en,
walked frantically about the room, burst into tears again,
and again kissed and embraced every person near her;
exclaiming, ' O brave Nelson ! O God ! bless and protect
our brave deliverer! O Nelson! Nelson! what do we not
owe you! O conqueror — saviour of Italy! O that my
swollen heart could now tell him personally what we owe
to him.' " She herself wrote to the Neapolitan ambassador
at London upon the occasion in terms which show the
fulness of her joy and the height of the hopes which it had
excited. " I wish I could give wings," said she, " to the
bearer of the news, and, at the same time, to our most
sincere gratitude. The whole of the sea-coast of Italy is /
saved; and this is owing alone to the generous English.
This battle, or, to speak more correctly, this total defeat
of the regicide squadron, was obtained by the valour of
this brave admiral, seconded by a navy which is the terror
of its enemies. The victory is so complete, that I can still
scarcely believe it; and i^ it were not the brave English

* A small alien principality in the very heart of their possessions.

NAPLES 163

nation, which is accustomed to perform prodigies by sea,
I could not persuade myself that it had happened. It would
have moved you to have seen all my children, boys and
girls, hanging on my neck, and crying for joy at the happy
news. Recommend the hero to his master. He has filled
the whole of Italy with admiration of the English. Great
hopes were entertained of some advantages being gained by
his bravery, but no one could look for so total a destruction.
All here are drunk with joy."

Such being the feelings of the royal family, it may well be
supposed with what delight, and with what honours. Nelson
would be welcomed. Early on the 22nd of September, " the
poor wretched Vanguard," as he called his shattered vessel,^
appeared in sight of Naples. The Culloden and Alexander
had preceded her by some days, and given notice of her
approach. Many hundred boats and barges were ready to
go forth and meet him, with music and streamers, and
every demonstration of joy and triumph. Sir William and
Lady Hamilton led the way in their state barge. They
had seen Nelson only for a few days, four years ago, but
they then perceived in him that heroic spirit which was now
so fully and gloriously manifested to the world. Emma
Lady Hamilton, who from this time so greatly influenced
his future life, was a woman whose personal accomplish-
ments have seldom been equalled, and whose powers of
mind were not less fascinating than her person. She was
passionately attached to the Queen: and by her influence
the British fleet had obtained those supplies at Syracuse,
without which, Nelson always asserted, the battle of Abou-
kir could not have been fought. During the long interval
whicli passed before any tidings were received, her anxiety
had been hardly less than that of Nelson himself, while
pursuing an enemy of whom he could obtain no informa-
tion: and when the tidings were brought her by a joyful
bearer, open-mouthed, its effect was such that she fell like
one who had been shot. She and Sir William had literally
been made ill by their hopes and fears and joy at a catas-
trophe so far exceeding all that they had dared to hope
for. Their admiration for the hero necessarily produced
a degree of proportionate gratitude and affection; and

> Sir Harris Nicolas, Dispatches and Letters of Lord Kelson, Vol. 111. \i. 130.

i64 LIFE OF NELSON

when their barge came alongside the Vanguard, at the
sight of Nelson, Lady Hamilton sprang up the ship's side,
and exclaiming, "O God! is it possible!" fell into his
arms, more, he says, like one dead than alive. He described
the meeting as " terribly affecting." ^ These friends had
scarcely recovered from their tears, when the King, who
went out to meet him three leagues in the royal barge, came
on board and took him by the hand, calling him his deliverer
and preserver. ^5pm all the boats around he was saluted
with the same appellations. The multitude who surrounded
him when he landed repeated the same enthusiastic cries;
and the lazzaroni ^ displayed their joy by holding up birds
in cages, and giving them their liberty as he passed.

His birthday, which occurred a week after his arrival,
was celebrated with one of the most splendid fetes ever
beheld at Naples. But, notwithstanding the splendour
with which he was encircled, and the flattering honours
with which all ranks welcomed him, Nelson was fully sen-
sible of the depravity, as well as weakness, of those by whom
he was surrounded. " What precious moments," said
he, " the courts of Naples and Vienna are losing! Three
months would liberate Italy ! But this court is so enervated
that the happy moment will be lost. I am very unwell;
and their miserable conduct is not likely to cool my irritable
temper. It is a country of fiddlers and poets, whores and
scoundrels." This sense of their ruinous weakness he always
retained; nor was he ever blind to the mingled folly and
treachery of the Neapolitan ministers, and the compli-
cation of iniquities under which the country groaned. But
he insensibly, under the influence of Lady Hamilton, formed
an affection for the court, to whose misgovernment the
miserable condition of the country was so greatly to be
imputed. [By the kindness of her nature, as well as by her
attractions, she had won his heart. Earl St. Vincent, writing
to her at this time, says, " Ten thousand most grateful
thanks are due to your ladyship for restoring the health
of our invaluable friend Nelson, on whose life the fate of

' " Alongside came my honoured friends. The scene in the boat was terribly
affecting. Up flew her ladyship, and e.xclaiming, ' O God, is it possible ? ' she
fell into my arm more dead than ahve." — Dispatches and Letters, Vol. III. p. 130.
It will be noticed that Nelson uses the word " arm " in the singular. Southey for
the moment had forgotten Teneriffe.

* Beggars.

NAPLES 165

the remaining governments in Europe, whose system has
not been deranged by these devils, depends. Pray do not
let your fascinating NeapoHtan dames approach too near
him, for he is made of flesh and blood, and cannot resist
their temptations." But this was addressed to the very
person from whom he was in danger.] ^

The state of Naples may be described in few words. The
King was one of the Spanish Bourbons. As the Caesars
have shown us to what wickedness the moral nature of
princes may be perverted, so in this family the degrada-
tion to which their intellectual nature can be reduced has
been not less conspicuously evinced. Ferdinand,^ like the
rest of his race, was passionately fond of field sports,^ and
cared for nothing else. His queen had all the vices of the
house of Austria, with little to mitigate, and nothing to
ennoble them. Provided she could have her pleasures, and
the King his sports, they cared not in what manner the
revenue was raised or administered. Of course a system
of favouritism existed at court, and the vilest and most
impudent corruption prevailed in every department of
state, and in every branch of administration, from the
highest to the lowest. It is only the institutions of Christ-
ianity, and the vicinity of better regulated states, which

^ The passage in brackets does not occur in the first, second, and third editions.

- Ferdinand I\'., great-grandson of Philip V., first Bourbon King of Spain.

' Sir WiUiam Hamilton's letters give the history of one of this sovereign's
campaigns against the wolves and boars. " Our first chaise has not succeeded. The
king would direct how we should beat the wood, and began at the wrong end,
by which the wolves ancl boars escaped. The king's face is very long at this
moment, but, I dare say, to-morrow's good sport will shorten it again." — " No
sport again! He has no other comfort to-day, than having killed a wild cat, ami
his face is a yard long. However, his Majesty has vowed vengeance on the boars
to-morrow, and will go according to his own fancy; and I dare say there will be
a terrible slaughter." — " To-day has been so thoroughly bad that we have not
been able to stir out, and the king, of course, in bad humour." — " The king has
killed twenty-one boars to-day, and is quite happy." — " Wc have had a miserable
(old day, but good sport. I killed two boars and a doe; the king nineteen boars,
two stags, two does, and a porcupine. He is happy beyond expression." — " Only
think of his not being satisfied with killing more than thirty yesterday! He saiil
if the wind had favoured him, he should have killed sixty at least." — " The knig
has killed eighty-one animals of one sort or other to-day, and amongst them a
wolf and some stags. He fell asleep in the coach: and waking, told me he had
been dreaming of shooting. One would have thought he had shed blood enough."
— ■" It is a long-faced day with the king. We went far: tiie weather was bad;
and, after all, met with little or no game. Yesterday, when we brought home
all we killed, it filled the house completely, and to-day they are obliged to white-
wash the walls tt) take away the blood. There were more th.in four hundred boars,
deer, stags and all. To-morrow we are to liave another slaughter; and not a woril
of reason or common sense do 1 meet with the whole day, till I retire tcj my volumes
of the old Gentleman's Magazine, which just keeps my mind from starving."
— Southey's Note, Fourth Edition.
O

i66 LIFE OF NELSON

prevent kingdoms, under such circumstances of misrule,
from sinking into a barbarism like that of Turkey. A sense
of better things was kept alive in some of the Neapolitans
by literature, and by their intercourse with happier countries.
These persons naturally looked to France at the commence-
ment of the revolution, and, during all the horrors of that
revolution, still cherished a hope, that by the aid of France
they might be enabled to establish a new order of things in
Naples. They were grievously mistaken in supposing that
the principles of liberty would ever be supported by France,
but they were not mistaken in believing that no government
could be worse than their own; and, therefore, they con-
sidered any change as desirable. In this opinion men of the
most different characters agreed. Many of the nobles, who
were not in favour, wished for a revolution, that they might
obtain the ascendancy to which they thought themselves
entitled; men of desperate fortunes desired it in the hope
of enriching themselves; knaves and intriguers sold them-
selves to the French, to promote it; and a few enlightened
men and true lovers of their country joined in the same
cause, from the purest and noblest motives. All these were
confounded under the common name of Jacobins; and the
Jacobins of the continental kingdoms were regarded by the
English with more hatred than they deserved. They were
classed with Philippe Egalite, Marat, and Hebert ; — whereas
they deserved rather to be ranked, if not with Locke, and
Sidney, and Russell, at least with Argyle and Monmouth,
and those who, having the same object as the prime movers
of our own revolution, failed in their premature, but not
unworthy attempt.

No circumstances could be more unfavourable to the
best interests of Europe than those which placed England
in strict alliance with the superannuated and abominable
governments of the continent. The subjects of those govern-
ments who wished for freedom thus became enemies to
England, and dupes and agents of France. They looked
to their own grinding grievances, and did not see the danger
with which the liberties of the world were threatened.
England, on the other hand, saw the danger in its true
magnitude, but was blind to these grievances, and found
herself compelled to support systems which had formerly

NAPLES 167

been equally the object of her abhorrence and her contempt.
This was the state of Nelson's mind. He knew that there
could be no peace for Europe till the pride of France was
humbled, and her strength broken; and he regarded all
those who were the friends of France as traitors to the
common cause as well as to their own individual sovereigns.
There are situations in which the most opposite and hostile
parties may mean equally well, and yet act equally wrong.
The court of Naples, unconscious of committing any crime
by continuing the system of misrule to which they had
succeeded, conceived that, in maintaining things as they
were, they were maintaining their own rights, and pre-
serving the people from such horrors as had been perpetrated
in France. The Neapolitan revolutionists thought that,
without a total change of system, any relief from the present
evils was impossible, and they believed themselves justified
in bringing about that change by any means. Both parties
knew that it was the fixed intention of the French to
revolutionise Naples. The revolutionists supposed that it
was for the purpose of establishing a free government.
The court, and all disinterested persons, were perfectly
aware that the enemy had no other object than conquest
and plunder.

The battle of the Nile shook the power of France. Her
most successful general, and her finest army, were blocked
up in Egypt — -hopeless, as it appeared, of return; and the
government was in the hands of men without talents, with-
out character, and di\dded among themselves. Austria,
whom Bonaparte had terrified into a peace, ^ at a time
when constancy on her part would probably have led to
his destruction, took advantage of the crisis to renew the
war. Russia also was preparing to enter the field with
unbroken forces ; led by a general "^ whose extraordinary
mihtary genius would have entitled him to a high and
honourable rank in history, if it had not been sullied by all
the ferocity of a barbarian. Naples, seeing its destruction
at hand, and thinking that the only means of averting it
was by meeting the danger, after long vacillations, which
were produced by the fears and weakness and treachery of
its council, agreed at last to join this new coalition with a

' Campo Forniio, 17th October, 1797. ^ Suvaroff.

i68 LIFE OF NELSON

numerical force of eighty thousand men. Nelson told the
King, in plain terms, that he had his choice: either to
advance, trusting to God for his blessing on a just cause,
and prepared to die sword in hand — or to remain quiet, and
be kicked out of his kingdom: one of these things must
happen. The King made answer, he would go on, and trust
in God and Nelson; and Nelson, who would else have
returned to Egypt for the purpose of destroying the French
shipping in Alexandria, gave up his intention at the desire
of the Neapolitan court, and resolved to remain on that
station, in the hope that he might be useful to the move-
ments of the army. He suspected also, with reason, that
the continuance of his fleet was so earnestly requested because
the royal family thought their persons would be safer, in case
of any mishap, under the British flag than under their own.
His first object was the recovery of Malta; an island
which the King of Naples pretended to claim. The Maltese,
whom the villainous knights of their order had betrayed
to France, had taken up arms against their rapacious in-
vaders with a spirit and unanimity worthy the highest
praise. They blockaded the French garrison by land, and
a small squadron, under Captain Ball, began to blockade
them by sea, on the 12th of October. Twelve days after-
wards Nelson arrived. " It is as I suspected," he says;
" the ministers at Naples know nothing of the situation
of the island. Not a house or bastion of the town is in
possession of the islanders: and the Marquess de Niza tells
us they want anus, victuals, and support. He does not
know that any Neapolitan officers are in the island ; perhaps,
although I have their names, none are arrived; and it is
very certain, by the marquess's account, that no supplies
have been sent by the governors of Syracuse or Messina."
The little island of Gozo, dependent upon Malta, which had
also been seized and garrisoned by the French, capitulated
soon after his arrival, and was taken possession of by the
British, in the name of his Sicilian Majesty, — a power
who had no better claim to it than France. Having seen
this effected, and reinforced Captain Ball, he left that
able officer to perform a most arduous and important
part, and returned himself to co-operate with the intended
movements of the Neapolitans.

NAPLES 169

General Mack was at the head of the NcapoHtan troops.
All that is now doubtful concerning this man is, whether
he was a coward or a traitor. At that time he was assidu-
ously extolled as a most consummate commander, to whom
Europe might look for deliverance : and when he was intro-
duced by the King and Queen to the British Admiral, the
Queen said to him, "Be to us by land. General, what my
hero Nelson has been by sea." Mack, on his part, did not
fail to praise the force which he was appointed to command,
" It was," he said, " the finest army in Europe." Nelson
agreed with him that there could not be finer men: but
when the General, at a review, so directed the operations
of a mock fight, that, by an unhappy blunder, his own
troops were surrounded instead of those of the enemy, he
turned to his friends and exclaimed, with bitterness, that
the fellow did not understand his business. Another cir-
cumstance, not less characteristic, confirmed Nelson in his
judgment. " General Mack," said he, in one of his letters,
"cannot move without five carriages! I have formed my
opinion. I heartily pray I may be mistaken."

While Mack, at the head of thirty-two thousand men,
marched into the Roman state, five thousand Neapolitans
were embarked on board the British and Portuguese
squadron, to take possession of Leghorn. This was effected
without opposition; and the Grand Duke of Tuscany,
whose neutrality had been so outrageously violated by the
French,^ was better satisfied with the measure than some
of the Neapolitans themselves. Naselli, their general, refused
to seize the French vessels at Leghorn, because he, and the
Duke di Sangro who was ambassador at the Tuscan court,
maintained that the King of Naples was not at war with
France. " What ! " said Nelson, " has not the King received,
as a conquest made by him, the republican flag taken at
Gozo? Is not his own flag flying there, and at Malta, not
only by his permission, but by his order? Is not his flag
shot at every day by the French, and their shot returned
from batteries which bear that flag? Are not two frigates
and a corvette placed under my orders ready to fight the
French, meet them where they may? Has not the King
sent publicly from Naples, guns, mortars, etc., with officers

' See above, p. 91.

170 LIFE OF NELSON

and artillery, against the French in Malta? If these acts
are not tantamount to any written paper, I give up all
knowledge of what is war."

This reasoning was of less avail than argument ^ ad-
dressed to the General's fears. Nelson told him that if he
permitted the many hundred French who were then in the
mole to remain neutral till they had a fair opportunity of
being active, they had one sure resource, if all other schemes
failed, which was to set one vessel on fire; the mole would
be destroyed, probably the town also; and the port ruined
for twenty years. This representation made Naselli agree
to the half measure of laying an embargo on the vessels.
Among them were a great number of French privateers,
some of which were of such force as to threaten the greatest
mischief to our commerce, and about seventy sail of vessels
belonging to the Ligurian republic (as Genoa was now
called) laden with corn and ready to sail for Genoa and
France, where their arrival would have expedited the
entrance of more French troops into Italy.

" The General," said Nelson, " saw, I believe, the con-
sequence of permitting these vessels to depart in the same
light as myself. But there is this difference between us.
He prudently, and certainly safely, waits the orders of his
court, taking no responsibility upon himself. I act from
the circumstances of the moment, as I feel may be most
advantageous for the cause which I serve, taking all respon-
sibility on myself."

It was in vain to hope for anything vigorous or manly
from such men as Nelson was compelled to act with. The
crews of the French ships and their allies were ordered to
depart in two days. Four days elapsed, and nobody obeyed
the order, nor, in spite of the representations of the British
minister, Mr. Windham, were any means taken to enforce
it. " The true Neapolitan shuffle," as Nelson called it, took
place on all occasions. After an absence of ten days he
returned to Naples; and receiving intelligence there from
Mr. Windham that the privateers were at last to be dis-
armed, the corn landed, and the crews sent away, he ex-
pressed his satisfaction at the news in characteristic language,
saying, " So far I am content. The enemy will be distressed;

^ " An argument," first edition.

NAPLES 171

and. thank God, I shall get no money. The world, I know,
think that money is our god; and now they will be unde-
ceived as far as relates to us. Down, down with the French!
is my constant prayer."

Odes, sonnets, and congratulatory poems of every des-
cription were poured in upon Nelson, on his arrival at
Naples. An Irish Franciscan, who was one of the poets,
not being content with panegyric upon this occasion,
ventured upon a flight of prophecy, and predicted that
Lord Nelson would take Rome with his ships. His lordship
reminded Father M'Cormick that ships could not ascend
the Tiber: but the father, who had probably forgotten this
circumstance, met the objection with a bold front, and
declared he saw that it would come to pass notwithstanding.

Rejoicings of this kind were of short duration. The King
of Naples was with the army, which had entered Rome;
but the castle of St. Angelo was held by the French, and
thirteen thousand French were strongly posted in the
Roman states at Castallana. Mack had marched against
them with twenty thousand men. Nelson saw that the
event was doubtful; or rather that there could be very
little hope of the result. But the immediate fate of Naples,
as he well knew, hung upon the issue. " If Mack is defeated,"
said he, "in fourteen days this country is lost. For the
Emperor has not yet moved his army, and Naples has not
the power of resisting the enemy. It was not a case of
choice, but of necessity, which induced the King to march
out of his kingdom, and not wait till the French had col-
lected a force sufficient to drive him out of it in a week."
He had no reliance upon the Neapolitan officers, who, as he
described them, seemed frightened at a drawn sword or a
loaded gun ; and he was perfectly aware of the consequences
which the sluggish movements and deceitful policy of the
Austrians were likely to bring down upon themselves and
all their continental allies.

" A delayed war on the part of the Emperor," said he,
writing to the British minister at Vienna, " will be destruc-
tive to this monarchy of Naples; and, of course, to the
newly-acquired dominions of the Emperor in Italy. ^ Had

' By the peace of Campo Formio Austria had received from Napoleon the
possessions _of Venice.

172 LIFE OF NELSON

the war commenced in September or October, all Italy
would, at this moment, have been liberated. This month ^
is worse than the last: the next will render the contest
doubtful ; and, in six months, when the Neapolitan republic
will be organised, armed, and with its numerous resources
called forth, the Emperor will not only be defeated in Italy,^
but will totter on his throne at Vienna. " Down, down with
the French!" ought to be written in the council-room of
every country in the world: and may Almighty God give
right thoughts to every sovereign, is my constant prayer! "

His perfect foresight of the immediate event was clearly
shown in this letter, when he desired the Ambassador to
assure the Empress (who was a daughter of the house of
Naples) that, notwithstanding the councils which had
shaken the throne of her father and mother, he would
remain there, ready to save their persons, and her brothers
and sisters; and that he had also left ships at Leghorn to
save the lives of the Grand Duke and her sister. " For all,"
said he, "must be a republic, if the Emperor does not act
with expedition and vigour."

His fears were soon verified. " The Neapolitan officers,"
said Nelson, " did not lose much honour, for, God knows,
they had not much to lose. But they lost all they had."
General St. Philip commanded the right wing of nineteen
thousand men. He fell in with three thousand of the enemy;
and, as soon as he came near enough, deserted to them.
One of his men had virtue enough to level a musket at
him, and shot him through the arm; but the wound was
not sufficient to prevent him from joining with the French
in pursuit of his own countrymen. Cannon, tents, baggage,
and military chest, were all forsaken by the runaways,
though they lost only forty men : for the French having put
them to flight, and got possession of everything, did not
pursue an army of more than three times their own number.
The main body of the Neapolitans, under Mack, did not
behave better. The King returned to Naples, where every
day brought with it tidings of some new disgrace from the
army, and the discovery of some new treachery at home;
till,' four days after his return, the General sent him advice

' December, 1798.

-What Nelson actually wrote was: " I will suffer to have my head cut off,
if the Emperor is not only defeated in Italy, but," etc. (Nicolas, Vol. III. p. 194.)

NAPLES 173

that there was no prospect of stopping,' the progress of the
enemy, and that the royal family must look to their own
personal safety.

The state of the public mind at Naples was such, at this
time, that neither the British minister, nor the British
Admiral, thought it prudent to appear at court. Their
motions were watched; and the revolutionists had even
formed a plan for seizing and detaining them as hostages,
to prevent an}^ attack on the city after the French should
liave taken possession of it. A letter, which Nelson addressed
at this time to the First Lord of the Admiralty, shows in
what manner he contemplated the possible issue of the
storm. It was in these words, " My dear lord, there is an
old saying, that when things are at the worst they must
mend. Now the mind of man cannot fancy things worse
than they are here. But, thank God! my health is better,
my mind never firmer, and my heart in the right trim to
comfort, relieve, and protect those whom it is my duty to
afford assistance to. Pray, my lord, assure our gracious
sovereign, that while I live, I will support his glory; and
that, if I fall, it shall be in a manner worthy of your lord-
ship's faithful and obliged Nelson. I must not write more.
Every word may be a text for a long letter."

Meantime Lady Hamilton arranged everything for the
removal of the royal family. This was conducted, on her
part, with the greatest address, and without suspicion,
because she had been in habits of constant correspondence
with the Queen. It was known that the removal could
not be effected without danger; for the mob, and especially
the lazzaroni, were attached to the King: and as, at this
time, they felt a natural presumption in their own numbers
and strength, they insisted that he should not leave Naples,
Several persons fell victims to their fury. Among others was
a messenger from Vienna, whose body was dragged under
the windows of the palace in the King's sight. The King
and Queen spoke to the mob, and pacified them; but it
would not have been safe, while the^^ were in this agitated
state, to have embarked the effects of the royal family
openly. Lady Hamilton, like a heroine of modern romance,
explored, with no little danger, a subterraneous passage,
leading from the palace to the seaside. Through this passage

174 LIFE OF NELSON

the royal treasure, the choicest pieces of painting and
sculpture, and other property, to the amount of two millions
and a half, were conveyed to the shore, and stowed safely
on board the EngHsh ships. On the night of the 21st, ^
at half-past eight. Nelson landed, brought out the whole
royal family, embarked them in three barges, and carried
them safely, through a tremendous sea, to the Vanguard.
Notice was then immediately given to the British mer-
chants, that they should be received on board any ship in
the squadron. Their property had previously been em-
barked in transports. Two days were passed in the bay,
for the purpose of taking such persons on board as required
an asylum; and, on the night of the 23rd, the fleet sailed.
The next day a more violent storm arose than Nelson had
ever before encountered. On the 25th the youngest of the
princes was taken ill, and died in Lady Hamilton's arms.
During this whole trying season Lady Hamilton waited
upon the royal family with the zeal of the most devoted
servant, at a time when, except one man, no person belong-
ing to the court assisted them.

On the morning of the 26th the royal family were landed
at Palermo. It was soon seen that their flight had not been
premature. Prince Pignatelli, who had been left as Vicar-
General and Viceroy, with orders to defend the kingdom to
the last rock in Calabria, sent plenipotentiaries to the
French camp before Capua ; and they, for the sake of saving
the capital, signed an armistice, by which the greater part
of the kingdom was given up to the enemy: a cession that
necessarily led to the loss of the whole. This was on the
loth of January. The French advanced towards Naples.
Mack, under pretext of taking shelter from the fury of
the lazzaroni, fled to the French general Championnet, who
sent him under an escort to Milan; but, as France hoped
for further services from this wretched traitor, it was thought
prudent to treat him apparently as a prisoner of war. The
Neapolitan army disappeared in a few days. Of the men,
some following their officers, deserted to the enemy; the
greater part took the opportunity of disbanding themselves.
The lazzaroni proved true to their country. They attacked
the enemy's advanced posts, drove them in, and were not

' 2ist December, 1798.

NAPLES 175

dispirited by the mvirderoiis defeat which they suffered
from the main body. Plying into the city, they continued
to defend it, even after the French had planted their artillery
in the principal streets. Had there been a man of genius
to have directed their enthusiasm, or had there been any
correspondent feelings in the higher ranks, Naples might
have set a glorious example to Europe, and have proved
the grave of every Frenchman who entered it.

But the vices of the government had extinguished all
other patriotism than that of a rabble, who had no other
virtue than that sort of loyalty which was like the fidelity
of a dog to its master. This fidelity the French and their
adherents counteracted by another kind of devotion. The
priests affirmed that St. Januarius had declared in favour
of the revolution.^ The miracle of his blood was performed
with the usual success and more than usual effect, on the
very evening when, after two days of desperate fighting,
the French obtained possession of Naples. A French guard
of honour was stationed at his church. Championnet gave
" Respect for St, Januarius! " as the word for the army;
and the next day Te Deum was sung by the archbishop
in the cathedral; and the inhabitants were invited to
attend the ceremony, and join in thanksgiving for the
glorious entry of the French; who, it was said, being under
the peculiar protection of Providence, had regenerated the
Neapolitans, and were come to estabhsh and consolidate
their happiness.

It seems to have been Nelson's opinion that the Austrian
cabinet regarded the conquest of Naples with complacency,
and that its measures were directed so as designedly not
to prevent the French from overrunning it. That cabinet
was assuredly capable of any folly and of any baseness;
and it is not improbable that, at this time, calculating upon
the success of the new coalition,- it indulged in a dream of
adding extensively to its former Italian possessions, and there-
fore left the few remaining powers of Italy to be overthrown,
as a means which would facilitate its own ambitious views.

* The blood of St. Januarius, patron saint of Naples, preserved in phials,
was held by the Neapolitans in great veneration. lu critical moments it was
consulted like the Delphic oracle; and, if found to have passed from a solid to
a liquid state, was accepted as a portent fraught with tremendous consequence.

•The "Second Coalition" against France, formed at the beginning of 1799,
comprised Great Britain, Austria, Russia, Turkey and Portugal.

176 LIFE OF NELSON

The King of Sardinia, finding it impossible longer to endure
the exactions of France and the insults of the French
commissary, went to Leghorn, embarked on board a Danish
frigate, and sailed under British protection to Sardinia,
that part of his dominions which the maritime supremacy
of England rendered a secure asylum. On his arrival he
published a protest against the conduct of France, declaring
upon the faith and word of a king that he had never in-
fringed, even in the slightest degree, the treaties which he
had made with the French Republic. Tuscany was soon
occupied by French troops, a fate which bolder policy
might, perhaps, have failed to avert, but which its weak
and timid neutrality rendered inevitable. Nelson began
to fear even for Sicily. " Oh, my dear sir," said he, writing
to Commodore Duckworth, " one thousand English troops
would save Messina, and I fear General Stuart cannot give
me men to save this most important island! " But his
representations were not lost upon Sir Charles Stuart.
This officer hastened immediately from Minorca with a
thousand men, assisted in the measures of defence which
were taken, and did not return before he had satisfied
himself that, if the Neapolitans were excluded from the
management of affairs and the spirit of the peasantry pro-
perly directed, Sicily was safe. Before his coming, Nelson had
offered the King, if no resources should arrive, to defend
Messina with the ship's company of an English man-of-war.

Russia had now entered into the war. Corfu surrendered
to a Russian and Turkish fieet, acting now, for the first time,
in strange confederacy; yet against a power which was
certainly the common and worst enemy of both. Troubridge
having given up the blockade of Alexandria to Sir Sidney
Smith, joined Nelson, bringing with him a considerable
addition of strength; and in himself, what Nelson valued
more, a man, upon whose sagacity, indefatigable zeal, and
inexhaustible resources, he could place full reliance. Trou-
bridge was entrusted to commence the operations against
the French in the Bay of Naples.

Meantime Cardinal Ruffo, a man of questionable character
but of a temper fitted for such times, having landed in
Calabria, raised what he called a Christian army, com-
posed of the best and the vilest materials: loyal peasants,

NAPLES 177

enthusiastic priests and friars, galley slaves, the emptying
of the jails, and banditti. The islands in the Bay of Naples
were joyfully delivered up by the inhabitants, who were in
a state of famine already from the effect of this baleful
revolution. Troubridge distributed among them all his
flour; and Nelson pressed the Sicilian court incessantly for
supplies; teUing them, that £10,000 given away in pro-
visions would, at this time, purchase a kingdom. Money,
he was told, they had not to give; and the wisdom and
integrity which might have supplied its want were not to
be found. " There is nothing," said he, " which I propose,
that is not, as far as orders go, implicitly complied with;
but the execution is dreadful, and almost makes me mad.
i\Iy desire to serve their Majesties faithfully, as is my duty,
has been such that I am almost blind and worn out; and
cannot, in my present state, hold much longer."

Before any government can be overthrown by the consent
of the people, the government must be intolerably oppres-
sive, or the people thoroughly corrupted. Bad as the misrule
at Naples had been, its consequences had been felt far less
there than in Sicily; and the peasantry had that attach-
ment to the soil which gives birth to so many of the noblest
as well as of the happiest feelings. In all the islands the
people were perfectly frantic with joy when they saw the
Neapolitan colours hoisted. At Procida, Troubridge could
not procure even a rag of the tricoloured flag to lay at the
King's feet. It was rent into ten thousand pieces by the
inhabitants and entirely destroyed. " The horrid treat-
ment of the French," he said, " had made them mad." It
exasperated the ferocity of a character which neither the
laws nor the religion under which they lived tended to
mitigate. Their hatred was especially directed against
the Neapolitan revolutionists; and the fishermen, in con-
cert among themselves, chose each his own victim, whom
he would stiletto when the day of vengeance should arrive.
The head of one was sent off one morning to Troubridge,
with his basket of grapes for breakfast; and a note from
the Italian who had, what he called, the glory of presenting
it, saying, he had killed the man as he was running away,
and begging his Excellency to accept the head, and consider
it as a proof of the writer's attachment to the crown.

178 LIFE OF NELSON

With the first successes of the court, the work of punish-
ment began. The judge at Ischia said it was necessary to
have a bishop to degrade the traitorous priests before he
could execute them: upon which Troubridge advised him
to hang them first, and send them to him afterwards, if he
did not think that degradation sufficient. This was said
with the straightforward feehng of a sailor, who cared as
little for canon-law as he knew about it: but when he
discovered that the judge's orders were to go through the
business in a summary manner, under his sanction, he told
him at once, that could not be, for the prisoners were not
British subjects; and he declined having anything to do
with it. There were manifestly persons about the court,
who, while they thirsted for the pleasure of vengeance, were
devising how to throw the odium of it upon the English.
They wanted to employ an English man-of-war to carry
the priests to Palermo for degradation, and then bring
them back for execution; and they applied to Troubridge
for a hangman, which he indignantly refused. He, mean-
time, was almost heart-broken by the situation in which
he found himself. He had promised relief to the islanders,
relying upon the Queen's promise to him. He had distributed
the whole of his private stock. There was plenty of grain
at Palermo and in its neighbourhood, and yet none was
sent to him. The enemy, he complained, had more interest
there than the King; and the distress for bread, which he
witnessed, was such, he said, that it would move even a
Frenchman to pity.

Nelson's [heart, too, was at this time ashore. " To tell
you," he says, writing to Lady Hamilton, " how dreary
and uncomfortable the Vanguard appears, is only telling
you what it is to go from the pleasantest society to a solitary
cell; or from the dearest friends to no friends. I am now
perfectly the great man, — not a creature near me. From
my heart I wish myself the little man again. You and
good Sir William have spoiled me for any place but
with you."

His] ^ mind was not in a happier state respecting public
affairs. " As to politics," said he, " at this time they are
my abomination. The ministers of kings and princes are

' The passage within brackets does not occur in the first edition.

NAPLES 179

as great scoundrels as ever lived. The brother of the Em-
peror is just going to marry the great Something of Russia,^
and it is more than expected that a kingdom is to be found
for him in Italy, and that the King of Naples will be sacri-
ficed." Had there been a wise and manly spirit in the Italian
states, or had the conduct of Austria been directed by
anything like a principle of honour, a more favourable
opportunity could not have been desired for restoring
order and prosperity in Europe than the misconduct of
the French Directory at this time afforded. But Nelson
perceived selfishness and knavery wherever he looked; and
even the pleasure of seeing a cause prosper, in which he
was so zealously engaged, was poisoned by his sense of the
rascality of those with whom he was compelled to act.

At this juncture intelligence arrived that the French
fleet had escaped from Brest, under cover of a fog, passed
Cadiz unseen by Lord Keith's squadron, in hazy weather,
and entered the Mediterranean. It was said to consist of
twenty-four sail of the line, six frigates, and three sloops.
The object of the French was to liberate the Spanish fleet,
form a junction with them, act against Minorca ^ and
Sicily, and overpower our naval force in the Mediterranean,
by falling in with detached squadrons, and thus destroying
it in detail. When they arrived off Carthagena, they re-
quested the Spanish ships to make sail and join; but the
Spaniards replied, they had not men to man them. To
this it was answered, that the French had men enough on
board for that purpose. But the Spaniards seem to have
been apprehensive of delivering up their ships thus entirely
into the power of such allies, and refused to come out. The
fleet from Cadiz, however, consisting of from seventeen to
twenty sail of the line, got out, under Masaredo, a man who
then bore an honourable name, which he has since rendered
infamous by betraying his country.^ They met with a
violent storm off the coast of Oran, which dismasted
many of their ships, and so effectually disabled them

^ Joseph, brother of Francis II., in October 1799 married Alexandra, daughter
of Czar Paul.

- Minorca had surrendered to Duckworth in October 1798. See Table of Events,
P- 159-

^ Southey calls Masaredo a traitor because in 1808, when the Spaniards were
rising against their oppressors, he accepted the office of Minister of Marine under
Joseph Bonaparte.

i8o LIFE OF NELSON

as to prevent the junction, and frustrate a well-planned
expedition.^

Before this occurred, and while the junction was as
probable as it would have been formidable. Nelson was in
a state of the greatest anxiety. " What a state am I in! "
said he to Earl St. Vincent. " If I go, I risk, and more than
risk, Sicily; for we know, from experience, that more
depends upon opinion than upon acts themselves; and as
I stay, my heart is breaking." His first business was to
summon Troubridge to join him with all the ships of the
line under his command, and a frigate, if possible. Then
hearing that the French had entered the Mediterranean,
and expecting them at Palermo, where he had only his own
ship; — ^with that single ship he prepared to make all the
resistance possible. Troubridge having joined him, he left
Captain E. J. Foote, of the Seahorse, to command the smaller
vessels in the Bay of Naples, and sailed with six' ships ; one
a Portuguese, and a Portuguese corvette; telling Earl St.
Vincent that the squadron should never fall into the hands
of the enemy. " And before we are destroyed," said he,
" I have little doubt but they will have their wings so com-
pletely clipped, that they may be easily overtaken."

It was just at this time that he received from Captain
Hallowell the present of the coffin. Such a present was
regarded by the men with natural astonishment. One of
his old shipmates in the Agamemnon said, " We shall have
hot work of it indeed ! You see the Admiral intends to fight
till he is killed : and there he is to be buried." Nelson placed
it upright against the bulkhead of his cabin, behind his
chair, where he sat at dinner. The gift suited him at this
time. It is said that he was disappointed in the son-in-law
whom he had loved so dearly from his childhood, and who
had saved his life at Teneriffe: ^ and it is certain that he
had now formed an infatuated attachment for Lady Hamil-
ton, which totally weaned his affections from his wife.^
Further than this, there is no reason to believe that this most
unfortunate attachment was criminal: but this was crim-

' Southey's account of Bruix's abortive cruise is incorrect in details, and gives
the reader the impression that its movements were well known at a time when
they were puzzling both friends and foes.

^ See Nelson's letter to Earl St. Vincent of 5th June, 1799 (Dispatches and
I dters. Vol. III. p. 375).

^ Not until his return to England in the following year. See below, p. 259.

NAPLES i8i

inality enough, and it brought with it its punishment.
Nelson was dissatisfied with himself; and, therefore, weary
of the world. This feeling he now frequently expressed.
" There is no true happiness in this life," said he, " and in
my present state I could quit it with a smile." And in a
letter to his old friend Davison he said, " Believe me, my
only wish is to sink with honour into the grave ; and when
that shall please God, I shall meet death with a smile. Not
that I am insensible to the honours and riches my king and
country have heaped upon me, — so much more than any
officer could deserve. Yet am I ready to quit this world of
trouble, and envy none but those of the estate six feet by two."
Well had it been for Nelson if he had made no other
sacrifices to this unhappy attachment than his peace of
mind; but it led to the only blot upon his public character.^
While he sailed from Palermo, with the intention of col-
lecting his whole force, and keeping off Maritimo,^ either
to receive reinforcements there, if the French were bound
upwards, or to hasten to Minorca, if that should be their
destination. Captain Foote, in the Seahorse, with the Nea-
politan frigates and some small vessels under his command,
was left to act with a land force consisting of a few regular
troops, of four different nations, and with the armed rabble
which Cardinal Ruffo called the Christian Army. His direc-
tions were to co-operate to the utmost of his power with
the royalists, at whose head Ruffo had been placed, and
he had no other instructions whatever. Ruffo advancing,
without any plan, but relying upon the enemy's want of
numbers (which prevented them from attempting to act
upon the offensive) and ready to take advantage of any
accident which might occur, approached Naples. Fort St.
Elmo, which commands the town, was wholly garrisoned
by the French troops; the castles of Uovo and Nuovo,
which commanded the anchorage, were chiefly defended
by Neapolitan revolutionists, the powerful men among them
having taken shelter there. If these castles were taken,
the reduction of Fort St. Elmo would be greatly expedited.
They were strong places, and there was reason to apprehend
that the French fleet might arrive to relieve them. Ruffo

' For this unfair and mischievous imputation there remains not so much as a
shred of evidence.

' See above, map, p. 52.
P

i82 LIFE OF NELSON

proposed to the garrison to capitulate, on condition that
their persons and property should be guaranteed, and that
they should, at their own option, either be sent to Toulon,
or remain at Naples, without being molested either in their
persons or families. This capitulation was accepted. It
was signed by the Cardinal, and the Russian and Turkish
commanders; and, lastly, by Captain Foote, as commander
of the British force. About six- and- thirty hours afterwards,
Nelson arrived in the bay, with a force which had joined
him during his cruise, consisting of seventeen sail of the
line, with seventeen hundred troops on board, and the
Prince Royal of Naples in the Admiral's ship. A flag of
truce was flying on the castles, and on board the Seahorse.
Nelson made a signal to annul the treaty ; ^ declaring that
he would grant rebels no other terms than those of uncon-
ditional submission. 2 The Cardinal objected to this: nor
could all the arguments of Nelson, Sir W. Hamilton, and
Lady Hamilton, who took an active part in the conference,^
convince him that a treaty of such a nature, solemnly
concluded, could honourably be set aside.* He retired at
last, silenced by Nelson's authority, -"^ but not convinced.

1 Nelson did nothing of the kind. The flag of truce informed him that his own
side had agreed to a cessation of hostiUties, and he signalled the customary
intimation that he intended in due course " to break the armistice."

For further details, see Introduction to this chapter.

2 When he had been informed by Foote how matters stood, Nelson insisted
that Ruffo's vmauthorised capitulation must be confirmed by the sovereign before
it was put into effect. The insurgents had still the option of seeking confirmation
or of resuming hostilities. Neither alternative afforded them, however, the
smallest measure of hope. It was wholly improbable that the king would confirm
the treaty; and they were little likely to succeed in battle against Nelson when
they had failed against Cardinal Ruffo. Ashore there awaited them a hideous
fate at the hands of their murderous compatriots. Oversea at Palermo the treat-
ment accorded them might possibly be kinder. All they could obtain from Nelson
was the curt advice to submit to their rightful king; and bowing to his demand
for " unconditional surrender " they accepted a temporary asylum in his ships.

^ The negotiations at Naples required an intimate knowledge of Itahan,
idiomatic and vernacular. Nelson had no acquaintance with the language himself;
and gratefully accepted the assistance of Sir William and Lady Hamilton, who
relieved one another in the arduous duties of interpreter and scribe.

* It should be noticed that in this sentence Southey supports a wily Itahan
of whose character he knew absolutel}' nothing in preference to England's
representative, who in every pubhc transaction of his life showed himself the very
soul of honour.

^ He was not silenced. When Nelson found that he was no match for the
cardinal in conversation, he excused himself from further talk and put his own
" opinion " in writing as follows: " Rear-Admiral Lord Nelson arrived with the
British fleet, the 24th of June, in the Bay of Naples, and found a treaty entered
into with the rebels which, in his opinion, cannot be carried into execution with-
out the approbation of his Sicilian Majesty. Foudroyant, 26th of June, 1799."
[Dispatches and Letters, Vol. III. p. 388.)

NAPLES 183

Captain Foote was sent out of the bay ;^ and the garrisons,
taken out of the castles imder pretence of carrying the
treaty into effect, were dehvered over as rebels to the
vengeance of the Sicilian court. — A deplorable transaction ! ^
A stain \ipon the memory of Nelson, and the honour of
England ! To palliate it would be in vain ; to justify it would
be wicked ; there is no alternative, for one who will not make
himself a participator in guilt, but to record the disgraceful
story ^ with sorrow and with shame.

Prince Francesco Caraccioli,* a younger branch of one of
the noblest Neapolitan families, escaped from one of these
castles before it capitulated. He was at the head of the
marine, and was nearly seventy years of age, bearing a
high character both for professional and personal merit,

' Footc, being in command of Nelson's fastest frigate, was sent to Palermo
with dispatches. Southey's insinuation is unwortliy of his tlieme.

" Southey here accuses Nelson of Machiavellian devilry, utterly oblivious to
the fact that such an accusation directly contradicts his previous statement that
the Admiral insisted on " unconditional surrender." The insurgents were addressed
from the Foudroyant as follows:

" 25th June, 1799-
" Rear- Admiral Lord Nelson, K.B., commander of his Britannic Majesty's
fleet in the Bay of Naples, acquaints the rebellious subjects of his Sicilian Majesty
in the castles of Uovo and Nuovo that he will not permit them to embark or quit
those places. They must surrender themselves to his Majesty's royal mercy."
(Dispatches and Letters, Vol. III. p. 386.)

In the face of this document and the " opinion " delivered in writing to Ruffe,
how vile it is to say that Nelson cheated the insurgents out of sanctuary by a
dishonest pretence of carrying the capitulation into eSect!

On Southey's part truly a " deplorable transaction "!

' In one of his letters to Lady Hamilton, written a few months before this fatal
transaction, Nelson says, speaking of the Queen, " I declare to God, my whole
study is how best to meet her approbation." — Southey's Note, Fourth Edition.

This note is of deep interest as illustrating Southey's bias in all that concerns
the relations of Nelson and Lady Hamilton. He insinuates that the Admiral,
forgetting what the honour of England demanded, enslaved liimself first to a
beautiful woman and then at her bidding obsequiously put himself at the disposal
of the Queen of Naples. " A few months before," Southey carelessly remarks.
What arc the actual dates?

Nelson returned to Naples from the Battle of the Nile at the end of September
1798. After a rest he set out in October to put tilings in train for the conquest of
Malta, and it was while he was reconnoitring the island that he wrote to Lady
Hamilton the words here quoted (24th October, 1798). Not only were they uttered
eight solid months before the events with which Southey groups them, but they
were uttered before Nelson had fallen under the spell of Lady Hamilton's charm.

The letter in tiuestion, which is too long to quote in full, sets forth the Admiral's
excuses for not leaving his post and coming to Naples (where the royal family
then were), and gives his reasons for thinking that the British fleet, if centrally
placed, would serve most efltcaciously the purposes of the Queen as well as the
interests of the rest of Europe (Nicolas, Vol. III. pp. i-j-j-s).

In twisting a single sentence out of its context to lend substance to his insinua-
tions, Southey is not merely tampering with, but deliberately falsifying the
evidence.

* His name was Caracciolo.

i84 LIFE OF NELSON

He had accompanied the court to Sicily; but when the
revolutionary government, or Parthcnopaean Republic as it
was called, issued an edict, ordering all absent Neapolitans
to return on pain of confiscation of their property, he
solicited and obtained permission of the King to return, his
estates being very great. It is said that the King, when he
granted him this permission, warned him not to take any
part in politics; expressing at the same time his own per-
suasion that he should recover his kingdom. But neither
the King, nor he himself, ought to have imagined that,
in such times, a man of such reputation would be permitted
to remain inactive; and it soon appeared that Caraccioli
was again in command of the navy, and serving under
the republic against his late sovereign. The sailors reported
that he was forced to act thus: and this was believed,
till it was seen that he directed ably the offensive operations
of the revolutionists, and did not avail himself of oppor-
tunities for escaping when they offered. When the recovery
of Naples was evidently near, he applied to Cardinal Ruffo,
and to the Duke of Calvirrano, for protection; expressing
his hope that the few days during which he had been forced
to obey the French would not outweigh forty years of
faithful services. But, perhaps not receiving such assur-
ances as he wished, and knowing too well the temper of the
Sicilian court, he endeavoured to secrete himself, and a
price was set upon his head. More unfortunately for others
than for himself, he was brought in alive, having been
discovered in the disguise of a peasant, and carried one
morning on board Lord Nelson's ship, with his hands tied
behind him.

Caraccioli was well known to the British officers, and
had been ever highly esteemed by all who knew him.
Captain Hardy ordered him immediately to be unbound,
and to be treated with all those attentions which he felt
due to a man who, when last on board the Fondroyant,'^
had been received as an admiral and a prince. Sir William
and Lady Hamilton were in the ship; but Nelson, it is
affirmed, saw no one except his own officers during the

* The Foudroyant, which was brought out to reinforce Nelson, did not join his
flag until 6th June. By that time Caracciolo had deserted Palermo and gone over
to the enemy. The prisoner cannot possibly, therefore, have been on board the
ship before.

NAPLES 185

tragedy which ensued.^ His own determination was made;
and he issued an order to the Neapohtan commodore, Count
Thurn, to assemble a court martial of Neapolitan officers,
on board the British flagship, proceed immediately to try
the prisoner, and report to him, if the charges were proved,
what punishment he ought to suffer. These proceedings
were as rapid as possible, Caraccioli was brought on board
at nine in the forenoon, and the trial begun at ten. It
lasted two hours. He averred in his defence that he had
acted under compulsion, having been compelled to serve
as a common soldier, till he consented to take command
of the fleet. This, the apologists of Lord Nelson say, he
failed in proving. They forget that the possibility of proving
it was not allowed him ; for he was brought to trial within
an hour after he was legally in arrest; and how, in that
time, was he to collect his witnesses? ^ He was found
guilty, and sentenced to death; and Nelson gave orders
that the sentence should be carried into effect that evening,
at five o'clock, on board the Sicilian frigate. La Minerva, by
hanging him at the fore yard-arm till sunset; when the
body was to be cut down and thrown into the sea.^ Carac-
cioli requested Lieutenant Parkinson, under whose custody
he was placed, to intercede with Lord Nelson for a second
trial, — for this, among other reasons, that Count Thurn,

* As Nelson saw no one except his own officers from the time that Caracciolo
came on board until the hour of the execution, how wilful of Southey to drag in
by the hair the person of Lady Hamilton! She was carried by the Foudroyaiit in
an official capacity, and could hardly be dropped overboard, as Jonah was, simply
because a Neapolitan prisoner was being tried.

Southey, it must be remembered, was attempting to persuade his readers that
Nelson and Lady Hamilton were re-enacting on a ship's deck the tragedy of
Antipas and Herotl Philip's wife.

'^ Southey is judging the case by what he knew of legal procedure before
civilian tribunals. In a naval court-martial there was no reason why the inquiry
(for such it was) should be postponed or delayed. The prisoner couUl call for what
papers or witnesses he required, and the court (open to the public) was bound to
produce them. Proceedings continued so long as examiners or examinee had
anything left to say. Professional men bred to the law are copious in their talk,
if not actually long-winded; professional men bred to the sea are exactly the
reverse. The salient points of the case were already well known; and it did not
take the court very long to adjudicate on Caracciolo's plea that he had acted
under compulsion.

^ By describing the nature of Caracciolo's punishment immediately after the
Words " Nelson gave orders," Soutiiey helps his reader to forget that the sentence
was passed by the Neapolitan court-martial; and makes it appear that the
severity of the awarel was due to the English Admiral. I'"or Sciuthey's version read:
" He was fountl guilty, and sentenced to be hanged at the fore yard-arm of the
Sicilian frigate I. a Minerva. Nelson gave orders that the sentence should be
carried into effect at five o'clock that evening, and that at sunset the body should
be cut down and thrown into the sea."

i86 LIFE OF NELSON

who presided at the court martial, was notoriously his
personal enemy. ^ Nelson made answer, that the prisoner
had been fairly tried by the officers of his own country,
and he could not interfere : forgetting that, if he felt himself
justified in ordering the trial and the execution, no human
being could ever have questioned the propriety of his inter-
fering on the side of mercy. ^ Caraccioli then entreated that
he might be shot. " I am an old man, sir," said he. "I
leave no family to lament me, and therefore cannot be
supposed to be very anxious about prolonging m.y life.
But the disgrace of being hanged is dreadful to me." When
this was repeated to Nelson, he only told the lieutenant, with
much agitation, to go and attend his duty.^ As a last hope,
Caraccioli asked the lieutenant if he thought an application
to Lady Hamilton would be beneficial? Parkinson went
to seek her. She was not to be seen on this occasion. But
she was present at the execution. She had the most devoted
attachment to the Neapolitan court ; and the hatred which
she felt against those whom she regarded as its enemies
made her at this time forget what was due to the character
of her sex as well as of her country.*

Here also, a faithful historian is called upon to pronounce
a severe and unqualified condemnation of Nelson's conduct.
Had he the authority of his Sicilian Majesty for proceeding

1 It was customary in naval courts martial for the captain of the ship in which
the crime was committed to preside at the trial, unless he was deemed of rank
too exalted for the status of the prisoner or was required to give evidence before
the court. The prisoner was entitled to challenge the suitability of any of his
judges, but the eventual decision lay with the bench, whose general sense of fair
play went from generation to generation unimpugned. Caracciolo, through the
weakness of his human nature, was snatching at any straw that might prolong
his earthly life.

* The sweet reasonableness of this sentiment is dispelled when we remember
that, as Commander-in-Chief of the British and Neapolitan fleets. Nelson was
obliged to summon a court martial, and see that its judgment was carried into
effect, but was forbidden to interfere with a death-sentence unless it was
accompanied by a recommendation to mercy.

' Here again it must be remembered that hanging was the prescribed punish-
ment for the crimes of which Caracciolo had been found guilty. There was no pre-
cedent for departing from the customary code; no reason or excuse for tampering
with it.

^ These vile insinuations are absolutely groundless. Lady Hamilton had no
part or lot in the apprehension, trial, or judgment of Caracciolo. She was a
passenger in the Foudroyant, but (as Southey admits) remained inaccessible
while proceedings lasted. Caracciolo was conveyed to La Minerva for execution;
and there is neither jot nor tittle of evidence to suggest that Lady Hamilton
witnessed his death. Even by those who disliked her, and they were very few,
she was admitted to be tender-hearted to a fault; and if there is any crime in
supporting enthusiastically the cause of England's allies, it had not been discovered
by English hearts in 1799.

NAPLES 187

as he did? If so, why was not that authority produced?
If not, why were the proceedings hurried on without it?
Why was the trial precipitated, so that it was impossible
for the prisoner, if he had been innocent, to provide the
witnesses who might have proved him so? Why was a
second trial refused, when the known animosity of the
president of the court against the prisoner was considered ?
Why was the execution hastened, so as to preclude any
appeal for mercy, and render the prerogative of mercy
useless? — Doubtless, the British Admiral seemed to himself
to be acting under a rigid sense of justice ; but, to all other
persons, it was obvious that he was influenced by an in-
fatuated attachment ^ — a baneful passion which destroyed
his domestic happiness, and now, in a second instance, -
stained ineffaceably his public character.^

The body was carried out to a considerable distance, and

' The sting of all this rhetorical questioning resides in its tail. Nelson (so runs
Southey's argument) was in love with Lady Hamilton; and therefore presmnablv
allowed all his actions to be governed by her whim. The affection of the paii
was a guilty affection; and therefore presumably all that sprang from it must
have been culpable. Lady Hamilton was a passenger on board the Foudroyant,
antl therefore Caracciolo was wrongfully executed.

It seems strange that anyone should ever have been misled by such puerile
reasoning.

''The first was his insistence that the rebel forts should make unconditional
surrender.

^ It has already been stated (above, p. .xxii.) that McArthur, one of the joint
authors whom Southey as a rule followed so closely, was himself the most eminent
living authority on naval court martial procedure. All that McArthur says on the
subject of Caracciolo's trial and e.xecution should, therefore, be most carefully
weighed by the fair-minded (Vol. II. pp. 184-7). A few sentences will ser\'e to show
how widely Southey parted from his guide. " During the trial, which lasted from
ten o'clock to twelve, the Ward Room of the Foudroyant was open, as is customary,
to everyone who chose to enter. Some account of what passed has therefore been
preserved. Everything appeared to be fairly and honourably conducted to such
of the English officers who understood Italian. Caraccioli was repeatedly asked
questions best calculated to clear those aspersions that had been attached to his
character. . . .

" Caraccioli in vain attempted to prove his innocence. His answers were vague
and supported by no evidence whatever — the last efforts of a man striving to save
his life. The court was then cleared, and sentence of tleatli passed on the prisoner.
On its being transmitted by the president to Lord Nelson, his lordship immediately
issued the following order for its being carried into execution on the same
evening. . . .

" It has been objected to the fairness of the whole proceedings against Caraccioli,
and to the justice of Lord Nelson in sanctioning their execution, that Count Thurn
(who presided at the trial) was an inveterate enemy of the Sicihan connnodore,
and was not generally considered as possessing suflicient magnanimity to cause
his private feelings to give way to public duty. But if it could be made to appear
that Lord Nelson was aware of the private and secret politics of the Sicilian Navy,
they who urge this objection should recollect that he, who was incapable of pos-
sessing the feelings imputed to Count Thurn, would be the last man to suspect
another, particularly a loyal officer, of dishonourable conduct in the discharge
of public diity, and that ho had sent Caraccioli to the only competent tribunal
to which he could be connnitted, '

i88 LIFE OF NELSON

sunk in the bay, with three double-headed shot, weighing
two hundred and fifty pounds,^ tied to its legs. Between
two and three weeks afterwards, when the King was on
board the Foudroyant, a Neapolitan fisherman came to the
ship, and solemnly declared that Caraccioli had risen from
the bottom of the sea, and was coming, as fast as he could,
to Naples, swimming half out of the water. Such an account
was listened to like a tale of idle credulity. The day being
fair. Nelson, to please the King, stood out to sea; but the
ship had not proceeded far before a body was distinctly
seen, upright in the water, and approaching them. It was
soon recognised to be, indeed, the corpse of Caraccioli,
which had risen, and floated, while the great weights at-
tached to the legs kept the body in position like that of
a living man. A fact so extraordinary astonished the King,
and perhaps excited some feeling of superstitious fear, akin
to regret. He gave permission for the body to be taken on
shore, and receive Christian burial. It produced no better
effect. Naples exhibited more dreadful scenes than it had
witnessed in the days of Masaniello.^ After the mob had
had their fill of blood and plunder, the reins were given to
justice — if that can be called justice which annuls its own
stipulations, looks to the naked facts alone, disregarding
all motives and all circumstances; and without consider-
ing character, or science, or sex, or youth, sacrifices its
victims, not for the public weal, but for the gratification
of greedy vengeance.

The castles of St. Elmo, Gaeta, and Capua, remained to
be subdued. On the land side there was no danger that
the French in these garrisons should be relieved, for Suvarof
was now beginning to drive the enemy before him. But
Nelson thought his presence necessary in the Bay of Naples :
and when Lord Keith, having received intelligence that
the French and Spanish fleets had formed a junction and
sailed for Carthagena, ordered him to repair to Minorca with
the whole or the greater part of his force, he sent Admiral
Duckworth with a small part only. This was a dilemma
which he had foreseen. " Should such an order come at

' " One hundred and fifty pounds." — Clarke and Mc Arthur.
- Leader of a famous Neapolitan uprising, which took place in the year 1647,
and was marked by scenes of appalling bloodshed and ferocity.

NAPLES 189

this moment," he said in a letter previously written to the
Admiralty, " it would be a case for some consideration,
whether Minorca is to be risked, or the two kingdoms of
Naples and Sicily. I rather think my decision would be
to risk the former," And, after he had acted upon this
opinion, he wrote in these terms to the Duke of Clarence,
with whose high notions of obedience he was well acquainted,
" I am well aware of the consequences of disobeying my
orders; but as I have often before risked my life for the
good cause, so I, with cheerfulness, did my commission:
for, although a military tribunal may think me criminal,
the world will approve of my conduct. And I regard not my
own safety, when the honour of my King is at stake."

Nelson was right in his judgment. No attempt was made
upon Minorca: and the expulsion of the French from
Naples may rather be said to have been effected, than
accelerated, by the English and Portuguese of the allied
fleet, acting upon shore, under Troubridge. The French
commandant at St. Elmo, relying upon the strength of the
place and the nature of the force which attacked it, had
insulted Captain Foote in the grossest terms; but citoyen
Mejean was soon taught better manners, when Troubridge,
in spite of every obstacle, opened five batteries upon the
fort. He was informed, that none of his letters, witli the
insolent printed words at the top, " Liberie, Egalite, Guerre
aux Tyrans, etc.," would be received; but that, if he wrote
like a soldier and a gentleman, he should be answered in
the same style. The Frenchman then began to flatter his
antagonist upon the hienfaisance and humanite, which, he
said, were the least of the many virtues which distinguished
Monsieur Troubridge. Monsieur Troubridgc's hienfaisaiice
was, at this time, thinking of mining the fort. " If we
can accomplish that," said he, " I am a strong advocate to
send them, hostages and all, to Old Nick, and surprise him
with a group of nobility and republicans. Meantime,"
he added, " it was some satisfaction to perceive that the
shells fell well, and broke some of their shins." Finally,
to complete his character, Mejean offered to surrender for
150,000 ducats. Great Britain, perhaps, has made but
too little use of this kind of artillery, which Frant-e has
found so effectual towards subjugating the continent. But

igo LIFE OF NELSON

Troubridgc had the prey within his reach; and in the
course of a few days his last battery, " after much trouble
and palaver," as he said, " brought the vagabonds to
their senses."

Troubridge had more difficulties to overcome in this
siege from the character of the Neapolitans who pretended
to assist him and whom he made useful, than even from
the strength of the place and the skill of the French.
" Such damned cowards and villains," he declared, " he
had never seen before." The men at the advanced posts
carried on what he called " a diabolical good understand-
ing " with the enemy, and the workmen would sometimes
take fright and run away. " I make the best I can," said
he, " of the degenerate race I have to deal with. The whole
means of guns, ammunition, pioneers, etc., with all materials,
rest with them. With fair promises to the men, and threats
of instant death if I find any one erring, a little spur has
been given." Nelson said of him, with truth, upon this
occasion, that he was a first-rate general. " I find, sir,"
said he afterwards in a letter to the Duke of Clarence, " that
General Koehler ^ does not approve of such irregular
proceedings as naval officers attacking and defending
fortifications. We have but one idea, — to get close along-
side. None but a sailor would have placed a battery only
one hundred and eighty yards from the castle of St. Elmo;
a soldier must have gone according to art, and the rvv
way. My brave Troubridge went straight on, for we had
no time to spare."

Troubridge then proceeded to Capua, and took the com-
mand of the motley besieging force. One thousand of the
best men in the fleet were sent to assist in the siege. Just
at this time Nelson received a peremptory order from Lord
Keith to sail with the whole of his force for the protection
of Minorca; or, at least, to retain no more than was ab-
solutely necessary at Sicily. " You will easily conceive my
feelings," said he, in communicating this to Earl St. Vin-
cent; " but my mind, as your lordship knows, was perfectly
prepared for this order; and it is now, more than ever, made
up. At this moment I will not part with a single ship. As
I cannot do that without drawing a hundred and twenty

^ See above, p. 6i.

NAPLES 191

men from each ship now at the siege of Capua. I am fully
aware of the act I have committed; but I am prepared for
any fate which may await my disobedience. Capua and
Gaeta will soon fall; and the moment the scoundrels of
French are out of this kingdom I shall send eight or nine
ships of the line to Minorca. I have done what I thought
right. Others may think differently. But it will be my con-
solation that I have gained a kingdom, seated a faithful
ally of his Majesty hrmly on his throne, and restored
happiness to millions."

At Capua Troubridge had the same difficulties as at
St. Elmo; and being farther from Naples, and from the
fleet, was less able to overcome them. The powder was so
bad that he suspected treachery : and when he asked Nelson
to spare him forty casks from the ships, he told him it would
be necessary that some Englishmen should accompany it,
or they would steal one-half, and change the other. " All
the men you see," said he, " gentle and simple, are such
notorious villains, that it is misery to be with them." Capua,
however, soon fell. Gaeta immediately afterwards sur-
rendered to Captain Louis of the Minotaur. Here the
commanding officer acted more unlike a Frenchman,
Captain Louis said, than any one he had ever met ; meaning
that he acted like a man of honour. He required, however,
that the garrison should carry away their horses, and other
pillaged property: to which Nelson replied, "That no
property which they did not bring with them into the
country could be theirs; and that the greatest care should
be taken to prevent them from carrying it away." " I am
sorry," said he to Captain Louis, " that you have entered
into any altercation. There is no way of dealing with a
Frenchman but to knock him down. To be civil to them is
only to be laughed at, when they are enemies."

The whole kingdom of Naples was thus delivered by
Nelson from the French. The Admiralty, however, thought
it expedient to censure him for disobeying Lord Keith's
orders, and thus hazarding Minorca, without, as it appeared
to them, any sufficient reason; and also for having landed
seamen for the siege of Capua, to form part of an army
employed in operations at a distance from the coast : where,
in case of defeat, they might have been prevented from

192 LIFE OF NELSON

returning to their ships; and they enjoined him "not to
employ the seamen in hkc manner in future." This repri-
mand was issued before the event was known; though,
indeed, the event would not affect the principle upon which
it proceeded. When Nelson communicated the tidings of
his complete success, he said, in his public letter, " that it
would not be the less acceptable for having been principally
brought about by British sailors." His judgment in thus
employing them had been justified by the result: and his
joy was evidently heightened by the gratification of a pro-
fessional and becoming pride. To the First Lord he said,
at the same time, " I certainly, from having only a left
hand, cannot enter into details which may explain the
motives that actuated my conduct. My principle is, to
assist in driving the French to the devil, and in restoring
peace and happiness to mankind. I feel that I am fitter
to do the action than to describe it." He then added, that
he would take care of Minorca.

In expelling the French from Naples, Nelson had, with
characteristic zeal and ability, discharged his duty. But he
deceived himself when he imagined that he had seated
Ferdinand firmly on his throne, and that he had restored
happiness to millions. These objects might have been
accomplished if it had been possible to inspire virtue and
wisdom into a vicious and infatuated court. And if Nelson's
eyes had not been, as it were, spell-bound by that unhappy
attachment, which had now completely mastered him, he
would have seen things as they were; and might, perhaps,
have awakened the Sicilian court to a sense of their interest,
if not of their duty. That court employed itself in a miser-
able round of folly and festivity, while the prisons of Naples
were filled with groans, and the scaffolds streamed with
blood. St. Januarius was solemnly removed from his rank
as patron saint of the kingdom, having been convicted of
Jacobinism; and St. Antonio as solemnly installed in his
place. The King, instead of re-establishing order at Naples
by his presence, speedily returned to Palermo, to indulge
in his favourite amusements.

Nelson, and the ambassador's family, accompanied the
court ; and Troubridge remained, groaning over the villainy
and frivolity of those with whom he was compelled to deal.

NAPLES 193

A party of officers applied to him for a passage to Palermo,
to sec the procession of St. Rosaha. He recommended them
to exercise their troops, and not behave hke children. It
was grief enough for him that the court should be busied
in these follies, and Nelson involved in them. " I dread, my
lord," said he, " all the feasting, etc., at Palermo. I am
sure your health will be hurt. If so, all their saints will be
damned by the navy. The King would be better employed
digesting a good government. Everything gives way to
their pleasures. The money spent at Palermo gives discon-
tent here. Fifty thousand people arc unemployed, trade
discouraged, manufactures at a stand. It is the interest of
many here to keep the King away. They all dread reform.
Their villainies are so deeply rooted, that if some method
is not taken to dig them out, this government cannot hold
together. Out of twenty millions of ducats, collected as
the revenue, only thirteen millions reach the treasury; and
the King pays four ducats where he should pay one. He is
surrounded by thieves; and none of them have honour or
honesty enough to tell him the real and true state of things."
In another letter he expressed his sense of the miserable
state of Naples. " There are upwards of forty thousand
families," said he, " who have relations confined. If some
act of oblivion is not passed, there will be no end of per-
secution; for the people of this country have no idea of
anything but revenge, and to gain a point would swear ten
thousand false oaths. Constant efforts are made to get a
man taken up, in order to rob him. The confiscated property
does not reach the King's treasury. — All thieves! It is
selling for nothing. His own people, whom he employs,
are buying it up, and the vagabonds pocket the whole. I
should not be surprised to hear that they brought a bill
of expenses against him for the sale."

The Sicilian court, however, were at this time duly
sensible of the services which had been rendered them by
the British fleet, and their gratitude to Nelson was shown
with proper and princely munificence. They gave him the
dukedom and domain of Bronte, worth about ^^3000 a
year. It was some days before he could be persuaded to
accept it. The argument which finally prevailed is said to
have been suggested by the Queen, and urged, at her request,

194 LIFE OF NELSON

by Lady Hamilton upon her knees. " He considered his
own honour too much," she said, " if he persisted in refusing
what the King and Queen felt to be absolutely necessary
for the preservation of theirs." The King himself, also, is
said to have addressed him in words which show that tlie
sense of rank will sometimes confer virtue upon those who
seem to be most unworthy of the lot to which they have
been born. " Lord Nelson, do you wish that your name
alone should pass with honour to posterity; and that I,
Ferdinand Bourbon, should appear ungrateful? " He
gave him also, when the dukedom was accepted, a diamond-
hilted sword, which his father, Charles HL of Spain, had
given him on his accession to the throne of the two Sicilies.
Nelson said, " The reward was magnificent, and worthy of
a king, and he was determined that the inhabitants on the
domain should be the happiest in all his Sicilian Majesty's
dominions. — Yet," said he, speaking of these and the other
remunerations which were made him for his services, " these
presents, rich as they are, do not elevate me. My pride is
that, at Constantinople, from the Grand Seignior to the
lowest Turk, the name of Nelson is familiar in their mouths ;
and in this country I am everything which a grateful
monarch and people can call me." Nelson, however, had a
pardonable pride in the outward and visible signs of honour,
which he had so fairly won. He was fond of his Sicilian
title. The signification, perhaps, pleased him. Duke of
Thunder was what in Dahomey would be called a strorig
name. It was to a sailor's taste; and certainly to no man
could it ever be more applicable. But a simple offering,
which he received not long afterwards, from the island, of
Zante, affected him with a deeper and finer feeling. The
Greeks of that little community sent him a golden-headed
sword and a truncheon, set round with all the diamonds
that the island could furnish, in a single row. They thanked
him " for having, by his victory, preserved that part of
Greece from the horrors of anarchy; and prayed that his
exploits might accelerate the day, in which, amidst the
glory and peace of thrones, the miseries of the human race
would cease." This unexpected tribute touched Nelson to
the heart. " No officer," he said, " had ever received from
any country a higher acknowledgment of his services."

NAPLES 195

The French still occupied the Roman states; from which,
accordinp^ to their own admission, they had extorted in
jewels, plate, specie, and requisitions of every kind, to the
enormous amount of eight millions sterling. Yet they
affected to appear as deliverers among the people whom
they were thus cruelly plundering; and they distributed
portraits of Bonaparte, with the blasphemous inscription
— " This is the true likeness of the holy saviour of the
world! " The people, detesting the impiety, and groaning
beneath the exactions of these perfidious robbers, were ready
to join any regular force that should come to their assistance.
But they dreaded Cardinal Ruffo's rabble, and declared
they would resist him as a banditti, who came only for the
purpose of pillage. Nelson perceived that no object was
now so essential for the tranquillity of Naples as the recovery
of Rome; which in the present state of things, when Suvarof
was driving the French before him, would complete the
deliverance of Italy. He applied, therefore, to Sir James
St. Clair Erskine, who in the absence of General Fox com-
manded at Minorca, to assist in this great object with
twelve hundred men. " The held of glory," said he, " is a
large one, and was never more open to any one than at
this moment to you. Rome would throw open her gates
and receive you as her deliverer; and the Pope would owe
his restoration to a heretic." But Sir James Erskine looked
only at the difficulties of the undertaking. " Twelve hundred
men," he thought, " would be too small a force to be com-
mitted in such an enterprise; for Civita Vecchia was a
regular fortress; the local situation and climate also were
such, that even if this force w^ere adequate, it would be
proper to delay the expedition till October. General Fox,
too, was soon expected; and during his absence, and under
existing circumstances, he did not feel justified in sending
away such a detachment."

What this General thought it imprudent to attempt.
Nelson and Troubridge effected without his assistance, by
a small detachment from the fleet. Troubridge first sent
Captain Hallowell to Civita Vecchia, to offer the garrison
there, and at Castle St. Angelo, the same terms which had
been granted to Gaeta. Hallowell perceived, by the over-
strained civility of the officers who came off to him and the

196 LIFE OF NELSON

compliments which they paid to the Enghsh nation, that
they were sensible of their own weakness, and their inability
to offer any effectual resistance. But the French know that,
while they are in a condition to serve their government,
they can rely upon it for every possible exertion in their
support; and this reliance gives them hope and confidence
to the last. Upon Hallowell's report, Troubridge, who had
now been made Sir Thomas for his services, sent Captain
Louis with a squadron, to enforce the terms which he had
offered; and, as soon as he could leave Naples, he himself
followed. The French, who had no longer any hope from
the fate of arms, relied upon their skill in negotiation, and
proposed terms to Troubridge with that effrontery which
characterises their public proceedings ; but which is as often
successful as it is impudent. They had a man of the right
stamp to deal with. Their ambassador at Rome began by
saying that the Roman territory was the property of the
French by right of conquest. The British Commodore
settled that point by replying, " It is mine by reconquest."
A capitulation was soon concluded for all the Roman states,
and Captain Louis rowed up the Tiber in his barge, hoisted
English colours on the Capitol, and acted, for the time, as
governor of Rome. The prophecy of the Irish poet was
thus accomplished, and the friar reaped the fruits: for
Nelson, who was struck with the oddity of the circumstance,
and not a little pleased with it, obtained preferment for
him from the King of Sicily, and recommended him to
the Pope.

Having thus completed his work upon the continent of
Italy, Nelson's whole attention was directed towards Malta;
where Captain Ball, with most inadequate means, was
besieging the French garrison. Never was any officer en-
gaged in a more anxious and painful service. The smallest
reinforcement from France would, at any moment, have
turned the scale against him; and had it not been for his
consummate ability, and the love and veneration with
which the Maltese regarded him, Malta must have remained
in the hands of the enemy. Men, money, food; all things
were wanting. The garrison consisted of five thousand
troops; the besieging force of five hundred English and
Portuguese marines and about fifteen hundred armed

NAPLES 197

peasants. Long and repeatedly did Nelson solicit troops
to effect the reduction of this important place. " It has
been no fault of the navy," said he, " that Malta has not
been attacked by land. But wc have neither the means
ourselves, nor influence with those who have." The same
causes of demurral existed which prevented British troops
from assisting in the expulsion of the French from Rome.
Sir James Erskine was expecting General Fox. He could
not act without orders; and not having, like Nelson, that
lively spring of hope within him, which partakes enough
of the nature of faith to work miracles in war, he thought
it " evident that unless a respectable land force, in numbers
sufficient to undertake the siege of such a garrison, in one
of the strongest places of Europe, and supplied with pro-
portionate artillery and stores, were sent against it, no
reasonable hope could be entertained of its surrender."

Nelson groaned over the spirit of over-reasoning caution,
and unreasoning obedience. "My heart," said he, "is
almost broken. If the enemy gets supplies in, we may bid
adieu to Malta. All the force we can collect would then be
of little use against the strongest place in Europe. To say
that an officer is never, for any object, to alter his orders,
is what I cannot comprehend. The circumstances of this
war so often vary, that an officer has almost every moment
to consider, ' What would my superiors direct, did they know
what is passing under my nose? ' But, sir," said he, writing
to the Duke of Clarence, " I find few think as I do. To
obey orders is all perfection. To serve my king and to
destroy the French, I consider as the great order of all,
from which little ones spring: and if one of these militate
against it (for who can tell exactly at a distance?) I go
back, and obey the great order and object, to down, — down
with the damned French villains! — My blood boils at the
name of Frenchman! "

At length, General Fox arrived at Minorca, and, at
length, permitted Colonel Graham to go to Malta, but with
means miserably limited. In fact, the expedition was at
a stand for want of money; when Troubridge, arriving
at Messina, to co-operate in it, and finding this fresh delay,
immediately offered all that he could command of his own.
" I procured him, my lord," said he to Nelson, " fifteen
Q

198 LIFE OF NELSON

thousand of my cobs. Every farthing and every atom of
me shall be devoted to the cause." — " \Miat can this mean? "
said Nelson, when he learned that Colonel Graham was
ordered not to incur any expense for stores, or any articles
except provisions! " The cause cannot stand still for want
of a little money. If nobody will pay it, I will sell Bronte,
and the Emperor of Russia's box." And he actually pledged
Bronte for £6600 if there should be any difficulty about
paying the bills. The long-delayed expedition was thus,
at last, sent forth. But Troubridge little imagined in what
scenes of misery he was to bear his part. He looked to Sicily
for supplies. It was the interest, as well as the duty, of the
Sicilian government to use every exertion for furnishing
them ; and Nelson and the British Ambassador were on the
spot to press upon them the necessity of exertion. But,
though Nelson saw with what a knavish crew the Sicilian
court was surrounded, he was blind to the vices of the
court itself; and resigning himself wholly to Lady Hamil-
ton's influence, never even suspected the crooked policy
which it was remorselessly pursuing. The Maltese and the
British in Malta severely felt it. Troubridge, who had the
truest affection for Nelson, knew his infatuation and feared
that it might prove injurious to his character, as well as
fatal to an enterprise which had begun so well, and had
been carried on so patiently. " My lord," said he, writing
to him from the siege, " we are dying off fast for want.
I learn that Sir WiUiam Hamilton says Prince Luzzi refused
corn some time ago, and Sir WiUiam does not think it worth
while making another application. If that be the case, I
wish he commanded this distressing scene instead of me.
Puglia had an immense harvest; near thirty sail left
Messina, before I did, to load corn. Will they let us have
any? If not, a short time will decide the business. The
German interest prevails. I wish I was at your lordship's
elbow for an hour. All, all will be thrown on you! I will
parry the blow as much as in my power. I foresee much
mischief brewing. God bless your lordship ! I am miserable
I cannot assist your operations more. Many happy returns
of the day to you — it was the first of the New Year — I
never spent so miserable a one. I am not very tender-
hearted; but really the distress here would even move a

NAPLES 199

Neapolitan." Soon afterwards he wrote, " I have this day
saved thirty thousand people from starving; but with this
day my ability ceases. As the government arc bent on
starving us, I sec no alternative but to leave these poor
unhappy people to perish, without our being witnesses of
their distress. I curse the day I ever served the Neapolitan
government. We have characters, my lord, to lose; these
people have none. Do not suffer their infamous conduct
to fall on us. Our country is just, but severe. Such is the
fever of my brain this minute, that I assure you, on my
honour, if the Palermo traitors were here, I would shoot
them first, and then myself. Girgenti is full of corn. The
money is ready to pay for it. We do not ask it as a gift.
Oh! could you see the horrid distress I daily experience,
something would be done. Some engine is at work against
us at Naples; and I believe I hit on the proper person.
If you complain, he will be immediately promoted, agree-
ably to the Neapolitan custom. All I write to you is known
at the Queen's. For my own part, I look upon the Neapoli-
tans as the worst of intriguing enemies. Every hour shows
me their infamy and duplicity. I pray your lordship be
cautious; your honest, open manner of acting will be made
a handle of. When I see you, and tell of their infamous
tricks, you will be as much surprised as I am. The whole
will fall on you."

Nelson was not, and could not be, insensible to the dis-
tress which his friend so earnestly represented. He begged,
almost on his knees, he said, small supplies of money and
corn, to keep the Maltese from starving. And when the
court granted a small supply, protesting their poverty, he
believed their protestations, and was satisfied with their
professions, instead of insisting that the restrictions upon
the exportation of corn should be withdrawn. The anxiety,
however, which he endured, affected him so deeply that he
said it had broken his spirit for ever. Happily all that
Troubridgc, with so much reason, foreboded, did not come
to pass. For Captain Ball, with more decision than Nelson
himself would have shown at that time and upon that
occasion, ventured upon a resolute measure, for which his
name would deserve always to be held in veneration by the
Maltese, even if it had no other claims to the love and

200 LIFE OF NELSON

reverence of a grateful people. Finding it hopeless longer
to look for succour or common humanity from the deceitful
and infatuated court of Sicily, which persisted in prohibit-
ing by sanguinary edicts the exportation of supplies, at his
own risk he sent his first lieutenant to the port of Girgenti,
with orders to seize and bring with him to Malta the ships
which were there lying laden with corn; of the number of
which he had received accurate information. These orders
were executed, to the great delight and advantage of the
ship-owners and proprietors; the necessity of raising the
siege was removed, and Captain Ball waited, in calmness,
for the consequences to himself. The Neapolitan govern-
ment complained to the English ambassador, and the
complaint was communicated to Nelson, who, in return,
requested Sir William Hamilton would fully and plainly
state that the act ought not to be considered as any intended
disrespect to his Sicilian Majesty, but as of the most ab-
solute and imperious necessity; the alternative being either
of abandoning Malta to the French, or of anticipating the
King's orders for carrying the com in those vessels to Malta.
" I trust," he added, " that the government of the country
will never again force any of our royal master's ser-
vants to so unpleasant an alternative." Thus ended the
complaint of the Neapolitan court. " The sole result
was," says Mr. Coleridge,^ " that the governor of Malta
became an especial object of its hatred, its fear, and
its respect."

Nelson himself, at the beginning of February,- sailed
for that island. On the way he fell in with a French squadron
bound for its relief, and consisting of the Genereux, seventy-
four, three frigates, and a corvette. One of these frigates
and the line of-battle ship were taken : the others escaped,
but failed in their purpose of reaching La Valette.^ This
success was peculiarly gratifying to Nelson for many
reasons. During some months he had acted as commander-
in-chief in the Mediterranean, while Lord Keith was in
England. Lord Keith was now returned; and Nelson had,
upon his own plan, and at his own risk, left him, to sail
for Malta, " for which," said he, " if I had not succeeded,
I might have been broke; and if I had not acted thus,

' See above, Introduction, p. xi. * 1800. ^ Valet ta.

NAPLES 201

the Genereux never would have been taken." ' This ship
was one of those which had escaped from Aboukir. Two
frigates, and the GuiUaume Tell, eighty-six, were all that
now remained of the fleet which Bonaparte had conducted
to Egypt. The GuiUaume Tell was at this time closely
watched in the harbour of La Valette: and shortly after-
wards, attempting to make her escape from thence, was
taken after an action, in which greater skill was never dis-
played by British ships, nor greater gallantry by an enemy.
She was taken by the Foudroyant, Lion and Penelope
frigates. Nelson, rejoicing at what he called this glorious
finish to the whole French Mediterranean fleet, rejoiced
also that he was not present to have taken a sprig of these
brave men's laurels. " They are," said he, " and I glory
in them, my children. They served in my school; and all
of us caught our professional zeal and fire from the great
and good Earl St. Vincent. What a pleasure, what happi-
ness, to have the Nile fleet all taken, under my orders and
regulations! " The two frigates still remained in La Valette.
Before its surrender they stole out. One was taken in the
attempt; the other was the only ship of the whole fleet
which escaped capture or destruction.

Letters were found on board the GuiUaume Tell showing
that the French were now become hopeless of preserving
the conquest which they had so foully acquired. Troubridge
and his brother officers were anxious that Nelson should
have the honour of signing the capitulation. They told
him, that they absolutely, as far as they dared, insisted on
his staying to do this; but their earnest and affectionate
entreaties were vain. Sir William Hamilton had just been
superseded: Nelson had no feeling of cordiality towards
Lord Keith; and thinking that, after Earl St. Vincent, no
man had so good a claim to the command in the IMediter-
ranean as himself, he applied for permission to return to
England; telhng the First Lord of the Admiralty that his

' Once more Southej- gets his facts all wrong. Lord Keith left the Mediterranean
in the summer of 1799 and returned at the beginning of the new year. On i6th
January Nelson joined him at Leghorn, and sailed under his command to Malta.
On arrival there, Keith blockaded the capital and sent Nelson with specific in-
structions to intercept the relieving force that was expected any moment from
France. Nelson ignored Keith's instructions, took the steps that seemed best to
him, and captureti the Genereux as the text relates. A more detailed account most
amusingly told will be found in XeLvninn Reminiscences, by Lieutenant G. S.
Parsons, R.N.

202 LIFE OF NELSON

spirit could not submit patiently, and that he was a broken-
hearted man.'

From the time of his return from Egypt, amid all the
honours which were showered upon him, he had suffered
many mortifications. Sir Sidney Smith had been sent to
Egypt, with orders to take under his command the squadron
which Nelson had left there. Sir Sidney appears to have
thought that this command was to be independent of
Nelson: and Nelson himself thinking so, determined to
return, saying to Earl St. Vincent, " I do feel, for I am a
man, that it is impossible for me to serve in these seas with
a squadron under a junior officer." Earl St. Vincent seems
to have dissuaded him from this resolution. Some heart-
burnings, however, still remained, and some incautious
expressions of Sir Sidney's were noticed by him in terms
of evident displeasure. But this did not continue long, as
no man bore more willing testimony than Nelson to the
admirable defence of Acre. He differed from Sir Sidney as
to the policy which ought to be pursued towards the French
in Egypt; ^ and strictly commanded him, in the strongest
language, not, on any pretence, to permit a single French-
man to leave the country, saying, that he considered it
nothing short of madness to permit that band of thieves to
return to Europe. " No," said he, " to Egypt they went
with their own consent, and there they shall remain, while
Nelson commands this squadron. For never, never, will
he consent to the return of one ship or Frenchman. I wish
them to perish in Egypt, and give an aw^ful lesson to the
world of the justice of the Almighty."

If Nelson had not thoroughly understood the character
of the enemy against whom he was engaged, their conduct
in Egypt would have disclosed it. After the battle of the
Nile he had landed all his prisoners, upon a solemn engage-
ment, made between Troubridge on one side and Captain
Barre on the other, that none of them should serve till
regularly exchanged. They were no sooner on shore, than
part of them were drafted into the different regiments, and
the remainder formed into a corps, called the nautic legion.

' Dispatches and I etters, \o\. W . pp. 224-5.

^ Smith had issued passports allowing certain of Napoleon's following to return
to Europe, and these passports Nelson refused to recognise.

NAPLES 203

This occasioned Captain Hallo\vcll to say that the French
had forfeited all claim to respect from us. " The army of
Bonaparte," said he, " are entirely destitute of every
principle of honour. They have always acted like licentious
thieves." Bonaparte's escape ^ was the more regretted by
Nelson, because, if he had had sufficient force, he thought
it would certainly have been prevented. He wished to
keep ships upon the watch to intercept anything coming
from Egypt. But the Admiralty calculated upon the assist-
ance of the Russian fleet, which failed when it was most
wanted. The ships which should have been thus employed
were then required for more pressing services; and the
bloody Corsican was thus enabled to reach Europe in safety;
there to become the guilty instniment of a wider-spreading
destruction than any with which the world had ever before
been visited.

Nelson had other causes of chagrin. Earl St. Vincent,
for whom he felt such high respect, and whom Sir John
Orde had challenged for having nominated Nelson instead of
himself to the command of the Nile squadron,^ laid claim
to prize-money, as commander-in-chief, after he had quitted
the station. The point was contested, and decided against
him. Nelson, perhaps, felt this the more, because his own
feelings, with regard to money, were so different. An opinion
had been given by Dr. Lawrence, which would have ex-
cluded the junior Flag Officers from prize-money. When
this was made known to him, his reply was in these words,
" Notwithstanding Dr. Lawrence's opinion, I do not believe
I have any right to exclude the junior Flag Officers. And if
I have, I desire that no such claim may be made : no, not
if it were sixty times the sum, — and, poor as I am, I were
never to see prize-money."

A ship could not be spared to convey him to England.

' .Vfter spreading false reports about his plans, Napoleon, on 22nd August,
1799, embarked in a frigate; and, leaving behind him his army in Egypt, set out
with some of his inarslials for France. The voyage lasted no less than six weeks;
but the frigate, proviticntially evading all Britisli craft, at length reached Frejus
on 9th October, and set the adventurous Corsican ashore.

-Sir John Orde commented upon Nelson's appointment at the time with so
much \igour and freedom that St. \incent, with customary triiculence, sent his
subordinate home. On arriving in London, Onle ilemanded a court-martial, which
the Admiralty refused. He waited until St. \'incent's return, and then called his
superior out. liy the King's command the two duellists were kept apart, and in
sums of £5000 were bound over to keep the peace. See also abo\e. Part. V. p. 118
and note.

204 LIFE OF NELSON

He therefore travelled through Germany to Hamburg, in
company with his inseparable friends, Sir William and
Lady Hamilton. The Queen of Naples went with them to
Vienna. While they were at Leghorn, upon a report that
the French were approaching (for through the fohy of weak
courts and the treachery of venal cabinets, they had now
recovered their ascendancy in Italy) the people rose tumultu-
ously, and would fain have persuaded Nelson to lead them
against the enemy. Public honours, and yet more gratifying
testimonials of public admiration, awaited Nelson wherever
he went. The Prince of Esterhazy entertained him in a
style of Hungarian magnificence — a hundred grenadiers,
each six feet in height, constantly waiting at table. At
Magdeburg, the master of the hotel where he was enter-
tained contrived to show him for money; admitting the
curious to mount a ladder, and peep at him through a small
window, A wine merchant at Hamburg, who was about
seventy years of age, requested to speak with Lady Hamil-
ton, and told her he had some Rhenish wine of the vintage
of 1625, which had been in his own possession more than
half a century. He had preserved it for some extraordinary
occasion; and that which had now amved was far beyond
any that he could ever have expected. His request was
that her ladyship would prevail upon Lord Nelson to accept
six dozen of this incomparable wine. Part of it would then
have the honour to flow into the heart's blood of that
immortal hero; and this thought would make him happy
during the remainder of his life. Nelson, when this singular
request was reported to him, went into the room, and taking
the worthy old gentleman kindly by the hand, consented
to receive six bottles, provided the donor would dine with
him next day. Twelve were sent; and Nelson, saying that
he hoped yet to win half a dozen more great victories,
promised to lay by six bottles of his Hamburg friend's
wine, for the purpose of drinking one after each, A German
pastor, between seventy and eighty years of age, travelled
forty miles, with the Bible of his parish church, to request
that Nelson would write his name on the first leaf of it. He
called him the saviour of the Christian world. The old
man's hope deceived him. There was no Nelson upon shore,
or Europe would have been saved; but, in his foresight

NAPLES 205

of the horrors with which all Germany and all Christendom
were threatened by France, the pastor could not possibly
have apprehended more than has actually taken place.

[SOUTHEY. CHAPTER VII]

Nelson was welcomed in England with every mark of
popular honour. At Yarmouth, where he landed, every
ship in the harbour hoisted her colours. The mayor and
corporation waited upon him with the freedom of the
town, and accompanied him in procession to church, with
all the naval officers on shore and the principal inhabitants.
Bonfires and illuminations concluded the day; and, on the
morrow, the volunteer cavalry drew up and saluted him as
he departed, and followed the carriage to the borders of
the county. At Ipswich, the people came out to meet him,
drew him a mile into the to^^^ra, and three miles out. When
he was in the Agamemnon, he wished to represent this place
in parliament, and some of his friends had consulted the
leading men of the corporation. The result was not success-
ful; and Nelson, observing that he would endeavour to
find out a preferable path into parliament, said there might
come a time when the people of Ipswich would think it an
honour to have had him for their representative. In London,
he was feasted by the city, drawn by the populace from
Ludgate Hill to Guildhall, and received the thanks of the
Common Council for his great victory, and a golden-hilted
sword studded with diamonds.

Nelson had every earthly blessing, except domestic happi-
ness. He had forfeited that for ever. Before he had been
three months in England he separated from Lady Nelson.
Some of his last words to her were, " I call God to witness,
there is nothing in you, or your conduct, that I wish other-
wise." This was the consequence of his infatuated attach-
ment to Lady Hamilton. It had before caused a quarrel
with his son-in-law, and occasioned remonstrances from his
truest friends ; which produced no other effect than that of
making him displeased with them, and more dissatisfied
with himself. 1

' The discussion of this highly contentious paragraph, held over for the time
being, will be found in Part VIII., Note 3, p 259.

PART VII

THE BALTIC CAMPAIGN OF 1801

CHAPTER I

THE BATTLE OF COPENHAGEN

2nd April, 1801

[SOUTHEY. CHAPTER VII— continued]

The Addington administration was just at this time ^
formed; and Nelson, who had soHcited employment,- and
been made Vice-Admiral of the Blue, was sent to the Baltic,
as second in command, under Sir Hyde Parker, by Earl St.
Vincent, the new First Lord of the Admiralty. The three
northern courts had formed a confederacy for making Eng-
land resign her naval rights.^ Of these courts, Russia was
guided by the passions of its Emperor, Paul, a man not
without fits of generosity, and some natural goodness, but
subject to the wildest humours of caprice, and crazed by
the possession of greater power than can ever be safely, or
perhaps innocently, possessed by weak humanity. Denmark
was French at heart, ready to co-operate in all the views
of France, to recognise all her usurpations, and obey all

^ March 1801.

* Nelson, who happily for himself and his country never allowed himself to be
drawn into the game of politics, showed a strange lack of discernment in judging
party men. Addington, he always admitted, was his favourite minister; and to
the new premier he wrote, " I am your admiral."

It was not, however, from any preference for Addington over Pitt that he at
this time offered his services. What had brought him home from the Mediter-
ranean was a combination of ill-health with a rooted dislike for serving under
Lord Keith. The air of England quickly drove away all ailments, bodily and
mental; and he at once professed himself ready to go anj'where, and do anj'thing,
in any capacity whatsoever.

' The Armed Neutrality of the North (formed December 1800) comprised Russia,
Prussia (whom Southey omits), Sweden, and Denmark (which included Norway).
The object of the alliance, as in 1780 (see above, p. 15), was to resist Britain's
interference with neutral trade in time of war. The best weapon in Britain's
armoury was " Blockade," but this could only be made effective by the harassing
necessities of the " Right of Search." The foundation of the league may be
attributed less to the grievances of neutrals than to the importunity of Bona-
parte and the pressure he brought to bear on the northern powers.

2c6

THE BALTIC CAMPAIGN 207

her injunctions. Sweden, under a king whose principles
were right, and whose feehngs were generous, but who had
a taint of hereditary insanity, acted in acquiescence with
the dictates of two powers whom it feared to offend.

The Danish navy, at this time, consisted of twenty-three
ships of the hue, with about thirty-one frigates and smaller
vessels, exclusive of guard-ships. The Swedes had eighteen
ships of the line, fourteen frigates and sloops, seventy-four
galleys and smaller vessels, besides gun-boats; and this
force was in a far better state of equipment than the Danish.
The Russians had eighty-two sail of the line and forty
frigates. Of these there were forty-seven sail of the line
at Kronstadt, Revel, Petersburg, and Archangel: but the
Russian fleet was ill manned, ill officered, and ill equipped.
Such a combination under the influence of France would
soon have been formidable: and never did the British
cabinet display more decision than in instantly preparing
to crush it. They erred, however, in permitting any petty
consideration to prevent them from appointing Nelson to
the command. The public properly murmured at seeing it
entrusted to another: and he himself said to Earl St. Vin-
cent, that, circumstanced as he was, this expedition would
probably be the last service that he should ever perform.
The Earl in reply, besought him, for God's sake, not to suffer
himself to be carried away b}?' any sudden impulse.^

The season happened to be unusually favourable. So
mild a winter had not been known in the Baltic for many
years. When Nelson joined the fleet at Yarmouth, he
found the Admiral " a little nervous about dark nights and
fields of ice." " But we must brace up," said he. " These
are not times for nervous systems. I hope ^ we shall
give our northern enemies that hailstorm of bullets, which
gives our dear country the dominion of the sea. We have
it, and all the devils in the north cannot take it from us, if

' The ministry desired, if possible, to avoid warlike measures, and therefore
sent Parker to employ peaceful persuasion. Nelson was included in the fleet's
equipment, so that a thunderbolt could be hurled upon the recalcitrant Danes
if Parker's mission failed.

-.Souther here quotes from two different letters, and amalgamates the quota-
tions. To St. \iiicent, on ist March, Nelson wrote, "... Our friend here is
a little nervous about dark nights and fields of ice. But wc must brace up; these
;ire not times for nervous systems . . .; " and to Sir Edward Berry, on 9th March,
■' 1 hof-e we shall be able as usua to get so close to our enemies that our shot
cannot miss their object, and that we shall again give our northern enemies, etc'

2o8 LIFE OF NELSON

our wooden walls have fair play." Before the fleet left
Yarmouth, it was sufficiently known that its destination
was against Denmark. Some Danes, who belonged to the
Amazon frigate, went to Captain Riou, and telling him what
they had heard, begged that he would get them exchanged
into a ship bound on some other destination. " They had
no wish," they said, " to quit the British service; but they
entreated that they might not be forced to fight against
their own country." There was not in our whole navy a
man who had a higher and more chivalrous sense of duty
than Riou. Tears came into his eyes while the men were
speaking. Without making any reply, he instantly ordered
his boat, and did not return to the Amazon till he could
tell them that their wish was effected.

The fleet sailed on the 12th of March. Mr. Vansittart
sailed in it, the British cabinet still hoping to obtain its
end by negotiation.^ It was well for England that Sir Hyde
Parker placed a fuller confidence in Nelson than the govern-
ment seems to have done at this most important crisis.
Her enemies might well have been astonished at learning
that any other man should for a moment have been thought
of for the command. But so little deference was paid, even
at this time, to his intuitive and all-commanding genius,
that when the fleet had reached its first rendezvous, at the
entrance of the Cattegat, he had received no official com-
munication whatever of the intended operations. His own
mind had been made up upon them with its accustomed
decision. " All I have gathered of our first plans," said
he, "I disapprove most exceedingly. Honour may arise
from them; good cannot. I hear we are likely to anchor
outside of Kronborg Castle, instead of Copenhagen, which
would give weight to our negotiation. A Danish minister
would think twice before he would put his name to war with
England, when the next moment he would probably see
his master's fleet in flames, and his capital in ruins. The Dane
should see our flag every moment he lifted up his head."

Mr. Vansittart left the fleet at the Scaw ^ and preceded
it in a frigate,^ with a flag of truce. Precious time was lost

1 Nicholas Vansittart, afterwards Lord Bexley. His instructions were to give
Denmark forty-eight hours in which to withdraw from the Armed Neutrality.
- The most northerly point of Jutland.
' The Blanche.

THE BALTIC CAMPAIGN 209

by this delay, which was to be purchased by the dearest
blood of Britain and Denmark. According to the Danes
themselves, the inteUigcnce that a British licet was seen off
the Sound produced a much more general alarm in Copen-
hagen than its actual arrival in the Roads; for their means
of defence were, at that time, in such a state, that they
could hardly hope to resist, still less to repel, an enemy.
On the 2ist ^ Nelson had a long conference with Sir Hyde;
and the next day addressed a letter to him, worthy of
himself and of the occasion. Mr. Vansittart's report had
then been received. It represented the Danish government
as in the highest degree hostile; and their state of prepara-
tion as exceeding what our cabinet had supposed possible:
for Denmark had profited, with all activity, of the leisure
which had so impoliticly been given her. " The more I have
reflected," said Nelson to his commander, " the more I am
confirmed in opinion, that not a moment should be lost in
attacking the enemy. They will every day and every hour
be stronger. We shall never be so good a match for them
as at this moment. The only consideration is how to get
at them with the least risk to our ships. Here you are, with
almost the safety, certainly with the honour, of England,
more entrusted to you than ever yet fell to the lot of any
British officer. On your decision depends whether our
country shall be degraded in the eyes of Europe, or whether
she shall rear her head higher than ever. Again, I do repeat,
never did our country depend so much upon the success of
any fleet as on this. How best to honour her and abate
the pride of her enemies, must be the subject of your
deepest consideration."

Supposing him to force the passage of the Sound, Nelson
thought some damage might be done among the masts and
yards; though, perhaps, not one of them but would be
serviceable again. " If the wind be fair," said he, " and
you determine to attack the ships and Crown Islands,- you
must expect the natural issue of such a battle — ships crip-
pled, and, perhaps, one or two lost; for the wind which
carries you in, will most probably not bring out a crippled
ship. This mode I call taking the bull by the horns. It,

> Of March.

- The Trekroner (" three crowns ") battery at the entrance to Copenhagen.

210 LIFE OF NELSON

however, will not prevent the Revel ships, or the Swedes,
from joining the Danes; and to prevent this is, in my
humble opinion, a measure absolutely necessary; and still
to attack Copenhagen. "^ For this he proposed two modes.
One was, to pass Kronborg, taking the risk of danger ; take
the deepest and straightest channel along the Middle
Grounds; and then coming down the Garbar, or King's
Channel, attack the Danish line of floating batteries and
ships, as might be found convenient.^ This would prevent
a junction,^ and might give an opportunity of bombarding
Copenhagen. Or to take the passage of the Belt,^ which
might be accomplished in four or five days; and then the
attack by Dragor ^ might be made, and the junction of the
Russians prevented. Supposing them through the Belt,
he proposed that a detachment of the fleet should be sent
to destroy the Russian squadron at Revel; and that the
business at Copenhagen should be attempted with the
remainder. " The measure," he said, " might be thought
bold: but the boldest measures are the safest."

The pilots, as men who had nothing but safety to think
of, were terrified by the formidable report of the batteries
of Elsinore, and the tremendous preparations which our
negotiators, who were now returned from their fruitless
mission, had witnessed. They, therefore, persuaded Sir
Hyde to prefer the passage of the Belt. " Let it be by the
Sound, by the Belt, or anyhow," cried Nelson, " only lose

' I.e. — " The approach to Copenhagen through the Sound is defended not only
by ships of war, but by the ' Three Crowns ' battery. If we make use of a northerly
wind and grapple these defences, we may perhaps prevail; but we shall be badly
mauled in the process, and Ue at the mercy of Swedes and Russians when they
come to the succour of their ally. Copenhagen must, of course, be assaulted, but
it should be assaulted in a manner which will secure us from a flank attack,
and enable us to withdraw from the jaws of death when our purpose has been
achieved."

^ The city of Copenhagen is built partly on the large island of Zealand, partly
on the small island of Amag. Opposite the island of Amag lies the island of Salt-
holm; and the channel that divides the one from the other is bifurcated by a
sandbank called the Middle Ground. Nelson proposed to pass to the eastward
of the Middle Ground, and then return, with a south wind, to the west of it.
In the eastward channel (Outer Deep) the British fleet, as it manoeuvred for
position, would be secure from the enemy's fire; and in the westward channel
(King's Deep), where the Danish ships were moored, the same wind that gave
it the impetus to attack would lend new strength to its wings when the battle was
over. (See map.)

' Of a Russo-Swedish fleet with that of the Danes: for the British ships would
straddle the route by which the allies of Denmark would approach Copenhagen.

« The Great Belt.

' See map.

212 LIFE OF NELSON

not an hour! " On the 26th, they sailed for the Belt.*
Such was the habitual reserve of Sir Hyde, that his own
captain, the captain of the fleet, did not know which course
he had resolved to take till the fleet were getting under
way. When Captain Domett was thus apprised of it, he
felt it his duty to represent to the Admiral his belief that
if that course were persevered in, the ultimate object would
be totally defeated: it was liable to long delays and to
accidents of ships grounding; in the whole fleet there were
only one captain and one pilot who knew anything of this
formidable passage (as it was then deemed) and their know-
ledge was very slight ; their instructions did not authorise
them to attempt it ; supposing them safe through the Belts,
the heavy ships could not come over the Grounds to attack
Copenhagen ; and light vessels would have no effect on such
a line of defence as had been prepared against them. Domett
urged these reasons so forcibly that Sir Hyde's opinion was
shaken, and he consented to bring the fleet to, and send for
Nelson on board. There can be little doubt but that the
expedition would have failed, if Captain Domett had not
thus timely and earnestly given his advice. Nelson entirely
agreed with him ; and it was finally determined to take
the passage of the Sound, — and the fleet returned to its
former anchorage.^

The next day was more idly expended in dispatching
a flag of truce to the governor of Kronborg Castle, to ask
whether he had received orders to fire at the British fleet;
as the Admiral must consider the first gun to be a declara-
tion of war on the part of Denmark. A soldier-like and
becoming answer was returned to this formality. The
governor said that the British minister had not been sent
away from Copenhagen, but had obtained a passport at
his own demand. He himself, as a soldier, could not meddle
with politics; but he was not at liberty to suffer a fleet, of

1 In the first edition this paragraph concluded as follows: " On the 26th they
sailed for the Belt, but after a few hours, this resolution was changed, and the
fleet returned to its former anchorage. The difficulty of the course is said to have
been one reason; Nelson's advice another." The alteration was made in the
second edition.

^ Parker's flag flew in the London. The captain of the London was Otway,
afterward Admiral Sir Robert Walter Otway, Bart., G.C.B. Domett was " Captain
of the Fleet," or Chief of Staff. In Ralfe's Naval Biography (1828) it is stated that
it was Otway who prevailed upon Hj'de Parker to change his plans. Nicolas
(Vol. IV. p. 301, note) confirms this.

THE BALTIC CAMPAIGN 213

which the intention was not yet known, to approach the
guns of the castle which he had the honour to command :
and he requested, if the British Admiral should think proper
to make any proposals to the King of Denmark, that he
might be apprisecl of it before the fleet approached nearer.
During this intercourse, a Dane, who came on board the
commander's ship, having occasion to express his business
in writing, found the pen^ blunt ; and holding it up, sar-
castically said, " If your guns are not better pointed than
your pens, you will make little impression on Copenhagen! "

On that day intelligence reached the Admiral of the loss
of one of his fleet, the Invincible, seventy-four, wrecked on
a sandbank, as she was coming out of Yarmouth: four
hundred of her men perished in her. Nelson, who was now
appointed to lead the van, shifted his flag to the Elephant
(Captain Foley), a lighter ship than the St. George, and,
therefore, fitter for the expected operations. The two
following days were calm. Orders had been given to pass
the Sound as soon as the wind would permit; and, on the
afternoon of the 29th, the ships were cleared for action
with an alacrity characteristic of British seamen. At day-
break, on the 30th, it blew a topsail breeze ^ from N.W.
The signal was made, and the fleet moved on in order of
battle; Nelson's division in the van. Sir Hyde's in the
centre, and Admiral Graves's in the rear.

Great actions, whether military or naval, have generally
given celebrity to the scenes from whence they are denom-
inated ; and thus petty villages and capes and bays, known
only to the coasting trader, become associated with mighty
deeds, and their names are made conspicuous in the history
of the world. Here, however, the scene was every way
worthy of the drama. The political importance of the
Sound is such, that grand objects are not needed there to
impress the imagination. Yet is the channel full of grand
and interesting objects, both of art and nature. This
passage, which Denmark had so long considered as the key
of the Baltic, is, in its narrowest part, about three miles
wide; and here the city of Elsinore is situated, except

* No pens except quills were used at this time.

' In light breezes a sailing-ship set all the canvas pcjssible — top-gallants, royals,
staysails, and studding-sails. But when the wind increased, canvas was shortened;
anci in a stiffish breeze nothing was set abu\c the topsails.
R

214 LIFE OF NELSON

Copenhagen the most flourishing of the Danish towns.
Every vessel which passes lowers her top-gallant sails, and
pays toll at Elsinore; a toll which is believed to have had
its origin in the consent of the traders to that sea, Denmark
taking upon itself the charge of constructing lighthouses
and erecting signals, to mark the shoals and rocks from
the Cattegat to the Baltic : and they, on their part, agreeing
that all ships should pass this way, in order that all might
pay their shares; none from that time using the passage of
the Belt, because it was not fitting that they, who enjoyed
the benefit of the beacons in dark and stormy weather,
should evade contributing to them in fair seasons and
summer nights. Of late years about ten thousand vessels
had annually paid this contribution in time of peace. Ad-
joining Elsinore, and at the edge of the peninsular promon-
tory upon the nearest point of land to the Swedish coast,
stands Kronborg Castle, built after Tycho Brahe's ^ design;
a magnificent pile — at once a palace, and fortress, and
state-prison, with its spires and towers, and battlements,
and batteries. On the left of the strait is the old Swedish
city of Helsingborg ; at the foot, and on the side of a hill.
To the north of Helsingborg the shores are steep and rocky ;
they lower to the south; and the distant spires of Land-
scrona, Lund, and Malmoe are seen in the flat country.
The Danish shores consist partly of ridges of sand; but
more frequently they are diversified with corn-fields,
meadows, slopes, and are covered with rich wood, and
villages, and villas, and summer palaces belonging to the
king and the nobility, and denoting the vicinity of a great
capital. The isles of Huen, Saltholm, and Amag appear
in the widening channel; and at the distance of twenty
miles from Elsinore stands Copenhagen in full view; the
best city of the north, and one of the finest capitals of
Europe ; visible, with its stately spires, far off. Amid these
magnificent objects there are some which possess a peculiar
interest for the recollections which they call forth. The isle
of Huen, a lovely domain, about six miles in circumference,
had been the munificent gift of Frederick IL to Tycho
Brahe. It has higher shores than the near coast of Zealand,

' One of the world's greatest astroiioiiiers. He built on the island of Huen a
magnificent castle and observatory called Uranienborg. He died in 1601.

THE BALTIC CAMPAIGN 215

or than the Swedish coast in that part. Here most of his
discoveries were made; and here the ruins are to be seen
of his observatory, and of the mansion where he was visited
by princes; and where, with a princely spirit, he received
and entertained ah comers from all parts, and promoted
science by his Hberahty, as well as by his labours. Elsinorc
is a name familiar to English ears, being inseparably asso-
ciated with Hamlet, and one of the noblest works of human
genius. Kronborg had been the scene of deeper tragedy.
Here Queen Matilda was confined, the victim of a foul
and murderous court intrigue. Here, amid heart-breaking
griefs, she found consolation in nursing her infant. Here
she took her everlasting leave of that infant, when, by the
interference of England, her own deliverance was obtained;
and as the ship bore her away from a country where the
venial indiscretions of youth and unsuspicious gaiety had
been so cruelly punished, upon those towers she fixed her
eyes, and stood upon the deck, obstinately gazing toward
them till the last speck had disappeared.^

The Sound being the only frequented entrance to the
Baltic, the great Mediterranean of the North, few parts of
the sea display so frequent a navigation. In the height of
the season not fewer than a hundred vessels pass every four-
and-twenty hours, for many weeks in succession. But never
had so busy or so splendid a scene been exhibited there as
on this day, when the British fleet prepared to force that
passage, where, till now, all ships had vailed - their topsails
to the flag of Denmark. The whole force consisted of fifty-
one sail of various descriptions; of which sixteen were
of the line. The greater part of the bomb and gun vessels '
took their stations off Kronborg Castle, to cover the fleet;
while others on the larboard were ready to engage the
Swedish shore. The Danes, having improved every moment
which ill-timed negotiation and baffling weather gave them,
had lined their shores with batteries; and as soon as the
Monarch, which was the leading ship, came abreast of them,

* Sister of George III. She married Christian VII. of Denmark in 1766, was
imprisoned at Kronborg in 1772, and in the same year was released on the
intervention of (Ireat Britain.

' An old-fashioned word for let fall or bend, as in submission. To lower topsails
was the approved method of sahiting a superior jiower at sea.

^ These vessels, mounting weapons of the howitzer type, were particularly
suitable for dealing with land defences.

2i6 LIFE OF NELSON

a fire was opened from about a tiundred pieces of cannon
and mortars. Our light vessels immediately, in return,
opened their fire upon the castle. Here was all the pompous
circumstance, and exciting reality of war, without its
effects; for this ostentatious display was but a bloodless
prelude to the wide and sweeping destruction which was
soon to follow. The enemies' shot fell near enough to splash
the water on board our ships. Not relying upon any for-
bearance of the Swedes, they meant to have kept the mid
channel ; but, when they perceived that not a shot was fired
from Helsingborg, and that no batteries were to be seen on
the Swedish shore, they inclined to that side, so as com-
pletely to get out of reach of the Danish guns. The unin-
terrupted blaze which was kept up from them till the fleet
had passed, served only to exhilarate our sailors, and afford
them matter for jest, as the shot fell in showers a full cable's
length short of its destined aim. A few rounds were returned
from some of our leading ships, till they perceived its in-
utility. This, however, occasioned the only bloodshed of
the day, some of our men being killed and wounded by the
bursting of a gun. As soon as the main body had passed,
the gun vessels followed, desisting from their bombard-
ment, which had been as innocent as that of the enemy;
and, about mid-day, the whole fleet anchored between the
Island of Huen and Copenhagen. Sir Hyde, with Nelson,
Admiral Graves, some of the senior captains, and the com-
manding officers of the artillery and the troops, then pro-
ceeded in a lugger,^ to reconnoitre the enemy's means of
defence; a formidable line of ships, radeaus, pontoons,
galleys, fire-ships, and gun-boats,- flanked and supported
by extensive batteries, and occupying, from one extreme
point to the other, an extent of nearly four miles.

A council of war was held in the afternoon. It was appar-
ent that the Danes could not be attacked without great
difficulty and risk; and some of the members of the council

^A light vessel with square sails; very easy to manage, and very speedy;
most useful for reconnoitring work.

'The meaning of these words must not be unduly pressed. Radeau (Anglice
raft) was not a word used in the British marine; and though the nautical diction-
aries of the period give a deftnition of " pontoon " and compare it to a barge or
lighter, they dismiss it as a Mediterranean craft little seen in the north of Europe.
What tlie bancs relied on were dismasted vessels or hulks, which they treated
less like ships than like floating forts, akin to the batteries whose line of fire
they prolonged.

THE BALTIC CAMPAIGN 217

spoke of the number of the Swedes and the Russians whom
tlicy should afterwards have to engage, as a consideration
which ought to be borne in mind. Nelson, who kept pacing
the cabin, impatient as lie ever was of anything which
savoured of irresolution, repeatedly said, " The more
numerous the better. I wish they were twice as many.
The easier the victory, depend on it." The plan upon which
he had determined, if ever it should be his fortune to bring
a Baltic fleet to action, was, to attack the head of their
line, and confuse their movements. " Close with a French-
man," he used to say, " but outmanoeuvre a Russian." He
offered his services for the attack, requiring ten sail of the
line, and the whole of the smaller craft. Sir Hyde gave him
two more line of battle ships than he asked, and left every-
thing to his judgment.

The enemy's force was not the only, nor the greatest,
obstacle with which the British fleet had to contend. There
was another to be overcome before they could come in
contact with it. The channel was little known, and ex-
tremely intricate; all the buoys had been removed; and
the Danes considered this difficulty as almost insuperable,
thinking the channel impracticable for so large a fleet.
Nelson himself saw the soundings made, and the buoys
laid down, boating it upon this exhausting service, day and
night, till it was effected. When this was done, he thanked
God for having enabled him to get through this dihicult
part of his duty. " It had worn him down," he said, " and
was infinitely more grievous to him than any resistance
which he could experience from the enemy."

At the first council of war, opinions inclined to an attack
from the eastward.^ But the next day, the wind being
southerly, after a second examination of the Danish posi-
tion, it was determined to attack from the south, approach-
ing in the manner which Nelson had suggested in liis lirst
thoughts. On the morning of the ist of April the whole
fleet remo\Td to an anchorage within two leagues of the
town, and off the N.W. end of the Middle Ground; a shoal
lying exactly before the town, at about three-quarters of a

* For " eastward " read " northward." Tlie entrance to the harbour does
face roughly east; but what the Council of War hail to decide was whether to go
straight ahead from their position to the north of the town, or, adopting Xelson's
plan, and moving from the south, to take the Danish defences in reverse.

2i8 LIFE OF NELSON

mile's distance, and extending along its whole sea-front.
The King's Channel, where there is deep water, is between
this shoal and the town; and here the Danes had arranged
their line of defence, as near the shore as possible ; nineteen
ships and floating batteries, flanked, at the end nearest the
town, by the Crown Batteries, which were two artificial
islands at the mouth of the harbour, most formidable
works; the larger one having by the Danish account sixty-
six guns, but, as Nelson believed, eighty-eight. The fleet
having anchored. Nelson, with Riou, in the Amazon, made
his last examination of the ground ; and, about one o'clock,
returning to his own ship, threw out the signal to weigh.
It was received with a shout throughout the whole division.
They weighed with a light and favourable wind. The narrow
channel between the Island of Saltholm and the Middle
Ground had been accurately buoyed. The small craft
pointed out the course distinctly. Riou led the way. The
whole division coasted along the outer edge of the shoal,
doubled its farther extremity, and anchored there off
Dragor Point, ^ just as the darkness closed — the headmost
of the enemy's line not being more than two miles distant.
The signal to prepare for action had been made early in the
evening: and as his own anchor dropped, Nelson called
out, " I will fight them the moment I have a fair wind."
It had been agreed that Sir Hyde, with the remaining ships,
should weigh on the following morning at the same time as
Nelson, to menace the Crown Batteries (on his side) and
the four ships of the line which lay at the entrance of the
arsenal ; and to cover our own disabled ships as they came
out of action.

The Danes, meantime, had not been idle. No sooner did
the guns of Kronburg make it known to the whole city
that all negotiation was at an end, that the British fleet
was passing the Sound, and that the dispute between the
two crowns must now be decided by arms, than a spirit
displayed itself most honourable to the Danish character.
All ranks offered themselves to the service of their country;
the university furnished a corps of twelve hundred youths,
the flower of Denmark. It was one of those emergencies
in which little drilling or discipline is necessary to render

1 Not quite so far south.

THE BALTIC CAMPAIGN 219

courage available; they had nothing to learn but how to
manage the guns, and day and night were employed in
practising them. When the movements of Nelson's squadron
were perceived, it was known when and where the attack
was to be expected, and the line of defence was manned
indiscriminately by soldiers, sailors, and citizens. Had not
the whole attention of the Danes been directed to strengthen
their own means of defence, they might most materially
have annoyed the invading squadron, and, perhaps, frus-
trated the impending attack. For the British ships were
crowded in an anchoring ground of little extent; it was
calm, so that mortar-boats might have acted against them
to the utmost advantage; and they were within range of
shells from Amag Island. A few fell among them; but the
enemy soon ceased to fire. It was learned afterwards that,
fortunately for the fleet, the bed of the mortar had given
way; and the Danes either could not get it replaced, or,
in the darkness, lost the direction.

This was an awful night for Copenhagen, far more so than
for the British fleet, where the men were accustomed to
battle and victory, and had none of those objects before
their eyes which render death terrible. Nelson sat down to
table with a large party of his officers. He was, as he was
ever wont to be when on the eve of action, in high spirits,
and drank to a leading wind, and to the success of the
morrow. After supper they returned to their respective
ships, except Riou, who remained to arrange the order of
battle with Nelson and Foley, and to draw up instructions.
Hardy, meantime, went in a small boat to examine the
channel between them and the enemy, approaching so
near, that he sounded round their leading ship with a pole,
lest the noise of throwing the lead should discover him.
The incessant fatigue of body, as well as mind, which Nelson
had undergone during the last three days, had so exhausted
him, that he was earnestly urged to go to his cot; and his
old servant, Allen, using that kind of authority which long
and affectionate services entitled and enabled him to assume
on such occasions, insisted upon his complying. The cot
was placed on the floor, and he continued to dictate from it.
About eleven Hard}' ret\u"ned, and reported the practi-
cability of the channel and the depth of water up to the

220 LIFE OF NELSON

enemy's line. About one, the orders were completed; and
half-a-dozen clerks, in the foremost cabin, proceeded to
transcribe them; Nelson frequently calling out to them
from his cot to hasten their work, for the wind was becoming
fair. Instead of attempting to get a few hours' sleep, he was
constantly receiving reports on this important point. At
daybreak it was announced as becoming perfectly fair.
The clerks finished their work about six. Nelson, who was
already up, breakfasted, and made signal for all captains.
The land forces, and five hundred seamen under Captain
Fremantle and the Hon. Colonel Stewart,^ were to storm
the Crown Battery as soon as its fire should be silenced:
and Riou ^ — whom Nelson had never seen till this expedi-
tion, but whose worth he had instantly perceived and
appreciated as it deserved — had the Blanche and Alcmene
frigates, the Dart and Arrow sloops, and the Zephyr and
Otter fire-ships, given him, with a special command to act
as circumstances might require. Every other ship had its
station appointed.

Between eight and nine, the pilots and masters were
ordered on board the Admiral's ship. The pilots were mostly
men who had been mates in Baltic traders; and their
hesitation about the bearing of the east end of the shoal,
and the exact line of deep water, gave ominous warning of
how little their knowledge was to be trusted. The signal
for action had been made. The wind was fair. Not a moment
to be lost. Nelson urged them to be steady, — to be resolute,
and to decide : but they wanted the only ground for steadi-
ness and decision in such cases; and Nelson had reason to
regret that he had not trusted to Hardy's single report.
This was one of the most painful moments of his life; and
he always spoke of it with bitterness. " I experienced in
the Sound," said he, " the misery of having the honour of
our country entrusted to a set of pilots, who have no other
thought than to keep the ships clear of danger, and their
own silly heads clear of shot. Everybody knows what I

' This gallant officer throughout the Battle of Copenhagen was present on the
quarter-deck of the Elephant. He was subsequently asked by Messrs. Clarke and
McArthur to contribute to their life of Nelson, ami in response to the invitation
wrote what must certainly be considered the best contemporary narrative extant.
Southey quite rightly admired the composition and transferred it almost bodily
to his own work thinly draped in the veil of paraphrase,

^ Of the A mazon frigate.

222 LIFE OF NELSON

must have suffered : and if any merit attaches itself to me,
it was for combating the dangers of the shallows in dehance
of them." At length Mr. Briarly,^ the master of the Bellona,
declared that he was prepared to lead the fleet. His judg-
ment was acceded to by the rest. They returned to their
ships; and, at half-past nine, the signal was made to weigh
in succession.

Captain Murray, in the Edgar, led the way.^ The Agamem-
non was next in order; but on the first attempt to leave
her anchorage, she could not weather the edge of the shoal ;
and Nelson had the grief to see his old ship, in which he
had performed so many years' gallant services, immovably
aground, at a moment when her help was so greatly re-
quired. Signal was then made for the Polyphemus :^ and
this change in the order of saihng was executed with the
utmost promptitude. Yet so much delay had thus been
unavoidably occasioned, that the Edgar was for some time
unsupported :* and the Polyphemus, whose place should
have been at the end of the enemy's line, where their strength
was the greatest, could get no further than the beginning,
owing to the difficulty of the channel: there she occupied,
indeed, an efficient station, but one where her presence
was less required.^ The Isis followed, with better fortune,
and took her own berth. The Bellona (Sir Thomas Boulden

' Alexander Briarly, Master of the Bellona.

* Nelson's proposed order of sailing was as follows: Edgar, Agamemnon, Ardent,
Glattun, Isis, Bellona, Elephant (flag), Ganges, Monarch, Defiance, Russell,
Polyphemus.

The Edgar was to anchor opposite number five in the enemy's line, and the
remainder (with the exception of the Isis and Agamemnon) were to pass on the
disengaged side of the Edgar and of those that took station ahead of her.

The hrst four ships of the enemy's line were to be engaged by the first three
English in passing, and afterwards hammered into surrender by the Isis and
Agamemnon.

* Last in the prescribed order, to take the Agamemnon's place and second the
efforts of the Isis to subdue the fust four of the Danish ships.

* There does not seem any real warrant for this remark. The Danes opened
fire on the Edgar at 10.50; and the Ardent, according to her log, came to her
sister's help and replied to the Danes at 11 o'clock. See bel<5w, Note 3, p. 223.

* By " end " of the line Southey means " northern end," where the fire of the
ships was heavily reinforced by the immense ordnance of the Trekroner batteries.
As, however, the Polyphemus was ordered into the Agamemnon's place, it is clear
that she was not balked by the narrowness of the channel, but took station as
required. Her log-book registers the occurrence quite clearly:

H.M. .... 10.48 a.m.

Signal . . . .269

By whom made . . Elephant

To whom addressed . . Polyphemwi

SigniftcatioQ . . . Take station astern of the Isis

THE BALTIC CAMPAIGN 223

Thompson) kept too close on the starboard slioal,' and
grounded abreast of the outer ship of the enemy.- This
was the more vexatious, inasmuch as the wind was fair,
the room ample, and three ships ^ had led the way. The
Russell, following the Bellona, grounded in like manner.'*
Both were within reach of shot •J' but their absence from
their intended stations was severely felt. Each ship had
been ordered to pass her leader on the starboard side,
because the water was supposed to shoal on the larboard
shore. ^ Nelson, who came next after these two ships,
thought they had kept too far on the starboard direction,
and made signal for them to close with the enemy, not
knoxdng that they were aground. But, when he perceived
that they did not obey the signal, he ordered the Elephant's
helm to starboard, and went within" these ships; thus
quitting the appointed order of sailing, and guiding those
which were to follow. The greater part of the fleet were
probably, by this act of promptitude on his part, saved from
going on shore. Each ship, as she arrived nearly opposite
to her appointed station, let her anchor go by the stern,

' The Middle Ground.

- By " outer " ship Smithey means the " southernmost." The comment,
however, as the plan will show, is not quite accurate.

^Five! Southey has forgotten the Ardent and Glatton, both of whom took
station without mishap. For this reason they are not mentioned in the earlier
part of Colonel Stewart's narrative, which Southey uncritically follows. " After
engaging from the south end of the enemy's line," says the log of the Glalton,
" we anchored precisely in our station abreast of the Danish Commodore." See
also above, Note 4, p. 222.

* The Russcil, according to the prescribed arrangement, was last but one in
the order of sailing. Her log shows clearly what happenetl. '" At 10.15 weighed
and matle sail per signal after the Defiance. At 10.30 made more sail, our head-
most ships being engaged with the enemy. At 10.40 the .Admiral made the signal
for the fleet to engage closer. At 11 o'clock our leader opened fire on the enemy.
At five minutes after opened ours on the two southernmost floating batteries.
Lost sight of our leader in the smoke, but soon after, seeing a siiip's masthead
in the same direction which we were coming up with, lowered our topsails on the
cap. At a quarter past eleven ceased tiring (one of our tnvn ships passing us), and
when the smoke cleared away found ourselves directly in the Bellona's wake."

The Russell, in short, had, from sheer keenness, set canvas enough to develop
a speed that took her ahead not only of her own leader (the Defiance), but of the
Monarch, Ganges, and Elephant.

' " They were, however, within range of shot, and continued to fire with much
spirit upon such of the enemy's ships as tliey could reach." (Colonel Stewart's
narrative.)

" This is flat nonsense. On the larboard (left) side of the channel were the
Danish ships; on the starboard side were the shoals of the Middle Ground. Every
ship passed on tlie disengaged side of those already in acti(jn for obvious reasons.
The Isis was busy anchoring under a heavy iuc when the Helluna ilrew level with
her, and it is conceivable that imder such circumstances tlie Belh>mi alloweil her
sister too nmch elbow-room.

' To larboard of.

224

LIFE OF NELSON

and presented her broadside to the Danes. The distance
between each was about half a cable. ^ The action was
fought nearly at the distance of a cable's length from the
enemy.- This, which rendered its continuance so long,
was owing to the ignorance and consequent indecision of
the pilots. In pursuance of the same error which had led
the Bellona and the Russell aground, they, when the lead
was at a quarter less five,^ refused to approach nearer, in
dread of shoahng their water on the larboard shore : a fear
altogether erroneous, for the water deepened up to the
very side of the enemy's line.*

At five minutes after ten the action began. The first
half of our fleet was engaged in about half-an-hour f and,
by half -past eleven, the battle became general. The plan
of the attack had been complete : but seldom has any plan
been more disconcerted by untoward accidents. Of twelve
ships of the line, one was entirely useless, and two others
in a situation where they could not render half the service
which was required of them. Of the squadron of gun-brigs,
only one could get into action ; the rest were prevented, by
baffling currents, from weathering the eastern end of the

' One hundred yards.

^ The Enghsh captains loved to fight at the closest possible range. CoUingwood
and Ti'oubridge used to instruct their men not to discharge a gun until they could
see the whites of their enemies' eyes.

* The lead-line had a piece of black leather to indicate three fathoms, and a
piece of white rag to indicate five, but nothing to indicate four. The seaman
heaving the lead from the main-chains would chant aloud confidently, " By the
mark three," or " By the mark five "; but between these depths he would have
to make an estimate thus:

Estimate Sing Out

3i fathoms ..... " And a quarter three ! "

And a half th.ree! "

it

4

4i

4*

4i

" A quarter less four! "
" By the dip four! "
" And a quarter four! "
" And a half four! "
" A quarter less five! "

* The nervousness of the pilots (i.e., lest the ship for which they were I'esponsible
should come to grief) may possibly account for the range, which could, however,
be closed by the signal " Engage the enemy more closely! "

But the nervousness of the pilots does not explain why the Bellona grounded
on the starboard side of the channel. Southey is confusing two points which are
really quite separate. A quotation from the Russell's log has shown how that
ship lost her bearings in the screen of smoke: and it may well have been that the
Bellona felt the need of her Master (Mr. Briarly), whom she had lent to the Edgar
to pilot the fleet.

' This does not quite agree with the Edgar's log. " At ten, weighed with the
squadron and led through the King's Channel. At a quarter before eleven the
Danes opened a very heavy fire on us. At eleven came to anchor in seven fathom
water and opened fire on the enemy."

THE BALTIC CAMPAIGN 225

shoal; and only two of the bomb-vessels could reach their
station on the Middle Ground, and open their mortars on
the arsenal, firing over both fleets. Riou took the vacant
station against the Crown Battery with his frigates;
attempting, with that unequal force, a service in which
three sail of the line had been directed to assist.'

Nelson's agitation had been extreme when he saw himself,
before the action began, deprived of a fourth part of his
ships of the line; but no sooner was he in battle, where his
squadron was received with the fire of more than a thousand
guns, than, as if that artillery like music had driven away
all care and painful thoughts, his countenance brightened;
and, as a bystander describes him, his conversation became
joyous, animated, elevated, and delightful. The com-
mander-in-chief, meantime, near enough to the scene of
action to know the unfavourable accidents which had so
materially weakened Nelson, and yet too distant to know
the real state of the contending parties, suffered the most
dreadful anxiety. To get to his assistance was impossible;
both wind and current were against him. Fear for the
event, in such circumstances, would naturally preponderate
in the bravest mind; and at one o'clock, perceiving that,
after three hours' endurance, the enemy's fire was un-
slackened, he began to despair of success.-

" I will make the signal of recall," said he to his captain,
" for Nelson's sake. If he is in a condition to continue the
action successfully, he will disregard it; if he is not, it will
be an excuse for his retreat, and no blame can be imputed
to him." Captain Domett urged him at least to delay the
signal, till he could communicate with Nelson; but, in Sir
Hyde's opinion, the danger was too pressing for delay.
" The fire," he said, " was too hot for Nelson to oppose.
A retreat he thought must be made. He was aware of the
consequences to his own personal reputation, but it would
be cowardly in him to leave Nelson to bear the whole
shame of the failure, if shame it should be deemed." Under

' Nelson had given Riou a free hand; and Riou very pluckily opposed ills
small craft to the Trekroner batteries, which owing to the accidents to Agamemiton,
Bellona and Russell, would otherwise have gone unmarked.

^ In the first edition this paragraph concluded, " And at one o'clock, perceiving
that, after three hours' cnduraiirc, the enemy's tire was unslackened, he began to
despair of success; and thinkins; it became him to save what he could from the
hopeless contest, he made signal for retreat."

226 LIFE OF NELSON

a mistaken judgment, therefore, but with this disinterested
and generous feehng, he made the signal for retreat.^

Nelson was at this time,^ in all the excitement of action,
pacing the quarter-deck. A shot through the mainmast
knocked the splinters about; and he observed to one of his
officers, with a smile, " It is warm work; and this day may
be the last to any of us at a moment ": and then stopping
short at the gangway, added, with emotion, " But mark
you! I would not be elsewhere for thousands." About this
time the signal lieutenant called out, that Number Thirty-
nine (the signal for discontinuing the action) was thrown
out by the commander-in-chief. He continued to walk the
deck, and appeared to take no notice of it. The signal
officer met him at the next turn, and asked if he should
repeat it. " No," he replied; " acknowledge it. "^ Pre-
sently he called after him to know if the signal for close
action was still hoisted ;^ and being answered in the
affirmative, said, " Mind you keep it so." He now paced
the deck, moving the stump of his lost arm in a manner
which always indicated great emotion.^ " Do you know,"
said he to Mr. Ferguson, " what is shown on board the

' This paragraph, which first occurs in the second edition, was accompanied
by the following note (Vol. II. p. 125) : " I have great pleasure in rendering this
justice to Sir Hyde Parker's reasoning. The fact is here stated upon the highest
and most unquestionable authority."

Mr. David Hannay has pointed out in an interesting article that Southey's
"unquestionable authority" was his own brother Thomas, who was present
at the battle and a close friend of Domett, Sir Hyde Parker's captain of the fleet.

■•' " Now," first edition.

^ To ■' acknowledge " a signal is to hoist a flag showing that you have received
the message and understood its meaning; to " repeat " it is to re-hoist the signal
itself, thereby transmitting it as an order to those who arc serving under you.

« No. 16.

' " The Admiral is working his fin {the st«mp of his right arm). Do not cross
his hawse, I advise you! " {Nelsonian Reminiscences, Lieutenant G. S. Parsons.)
Compare also Robert Browning:

Here's to Nelson's memory !

'Tis the second time that I, at sea.

Right ofi Cape Trafalgar here.

Have drunk it deep in British beer.

Nelson for ever — any time

Am I his to command in prose or rhyme !

Give of Nelson only a touch,

And I save it, be it little or much:

Here's one our Captain gives, and so

Down at the word, by George, shall it go!

He says that at Greenwich they point the beholder

To Nelson's coat, " still with tar on the shoulder:

For he used to lean with one shoulder digging.

Jigging, as it were, and zig-zag-zigging

Up against the mizzen-rigging! "

THE BALTIC CAMPAIGN 227

commander-iii-cliief ? Number thirty-nine! " Mr. Ferguson
asked what that meant. " Why, to leave off action ! " Then,
shrugging up his shoulders, he repeated the words, " Leave
off action! Now, damn me if I do! You know, Foley,"
turning to the captain, " I have only one eye, — I have a
right to be bhnd sometimes: " — and then, putting the glass
to his bhnd eye, in that mood of mind which sports with
bitterness, he exclaimed, " I really do not see the signal! "
Presently he exclaimed, "Damn the signal! Keep mine
for closer battle flying! That's the way I answer such
signals! Nail mine to the mast! " ^ Admiral Graves, who
was so situated that he could not discern what was done
on board the Elephant, disobeyed Sir Hyde's signal in like
manner: whether by fortunate mistake, or by a like brave
intention, has not been made known.'- The other ships of
the line, looking only to Nelson, continued the action. The
signal, however, saved Riou's little squadron, but did not
save its heroic leader. This squadron, which was nearest

' Sir Jiihu I.augliton, R.N., in his l.ije of Nelson (published 1895), extracted
all the point fmni this well-known story by an attempt to prove that there was
a preconcerted understanding between Parker and Nelson, so as to facilitate
withilrawal if the Danes proved too strong. Nelson " judged it right to continue;
and the little pantomime was only a joke, which Foley probably understood as
well as he did." (See also the article '" Nelson " in the Dictionary of National
Biography.)

It is not to be doubted, as Sir Joim Laughton maintains, that Otway (Parker's
flag-captain) set out from the London to tell Nelson that the signal was permissive
in character. But as is clearly shown in Otway's life (Ralfe's Naval Biography),
he arrived too late. " Captain Otway fortunately reached his destination in
safety; but, before he got on board, the signal to leave off action was made. It
was, however, disregarded by Nelson."

In addition to this circumstantial evidence, we have the testimony of Colonel
Stewart on which Southcy's narrative is based; and more recently (1900) an
interesting letter from Ailniiral c;ra\cs to his brother has been published by the
Navy Records Society (\'ol. XVIII. pp. 101-3). This last sets the matter at rest
f'jr ever. " Sir Hyde," writes Nelson's second, " made the signal to discontinue
the action before we had been at it two hovirs. But our little Hero gloriously said,
' I will not move till we arc crowned with victory, or that the Conunander-in-Chicf
sends an officer to order me away! ' And he was right, for if we had discontinued
the action before the enemy struck, we should all ha\e got aground and have been
destroyed."

' Southcy's narrative differs here in one or two respects from Colonel Stewart's,
which is perhaps worth quoting. " After a turn or two he said to mc in a quick
manner, 'Do you know what's shown on board of the conunander-in-chief ?
No. 39!' On asking him what that meant, he answered, 'Why, to leave off
action! ' ' Lea\e oif action! ' he repeated, and then added with a siuug, ' Now,
danm me if 1 do.' He also observed, I believe to t aptain Foley, " \\>\i know,
I'olcy, 1 have only one eye — I liave a right to be blind sometimes'; and then,
ii'ith an archness peculiar to his character, lie e.xclaimeil, ' I really do not see the
signal.' This remarkable signal was, tiierefore, only a<knowledged on board the
Elephant, not rci)eatc(l. Admiral tiraves did the latter, not being able to dis-
tinguish the Elephant's conduct. (But) I'itiior by a (urtunate accident, or
intentionally No. lO was not displaced."

228 LIFE OF NELSON

the commander-in-chief, obeyed, and hauled off. It had
suffered severely in its most unequal contest. For a long
time the Amazon had been firing, enveloped in smoke,
when Riou desired his men to stand fast, and let the smoke
clear off, that they might see what they were about. A
fatal order; for the Danes then got clear sight of her from
the batteries, and pointed their guns with such tremendous
effect, that nothing but the signal for retreat saved this
frigate from destruction. " What will Nelson think of us? "
was Riou's mournful exclamation, when he unwillingly drew
off. He had been wounded in the head by a splinter, and
was sitting on a gun, encouraging his men, when, just as
the Amazon showed her stern to the Trekroner Battery, his
clerk was killed by his side; and another shot swept away
several marines, who were hauling in the main-brace.
"Come, then, my boys!" cried Riou; "let us die all
together! " The words had scarcely been uttered, before a
raking shot cut him in two. Except it had been Nelson him-
self, the British navy could not have suffered a severer loss.^
The action continued along the line with unabated vigour
on our side, and with the most determined resolution on the
part of the Danes. They fought to great advantage, because
most of the vessels in their line of defence were without
masts. The few which had any standing had their topmasts
struck, and the hulls could not be seen at intervals. The
Isis must have been destroyed by the superior weight of
her enemy's fire, if Captain Inman, in the Desirc'e frigate,
had not judiciously taken a situation which enabled him to
rake the Dane, and if the Polyphemus had not also relieved
her. Both in the Bellona and the Isis many men were lost
by the bursting of their guns. The former ship was about
forty years old, and these guns were believed to be the same
which she had first taken to sea. They were, probably,
originally faulty, for the fragments were full of little air-
holes. The Bellona lost seventy-five men; the Isis, one

^ Brave hearts! to Britain's pride
Once so faithful and so true,
On the deck of fame that died
With the gallant good Riou:
Soft sigh the winds of lieaven o'er their grave!
While the billow mournful rolls
And the mermaid's song condoles,
Singing glory to the souls

Of the brave! Campbell.

THE BALTIC CAMPAIGN 229

hundred and ten; the Monarch, two hundred and ten.
She was, more than any other Hne of battle ship, exposed
to the great battery: and supporting at the same time the
united fire of the Holstein and the Zealand, her loss this day
exceeded that of any single ship during the whole war.^
Amid the tremendous carnage in this vessel, some of the
men displayed a singular instance of coolness; the pork
and peas happened to be in the kettle; a shot knocked
its contents about; they picked up the pieces, and ate and
fought at the same time.

The Prince Royal had taken his station upon one of the
batteries, from whence he beheld the action, and issued his
orders. Denmark had never been engaged in so arduous
a contest, and never did the Danes more nobly display
their national courage, a courage not more unhappily than
impoliticly exerted in subserviency to the interest of France.
Captain Thura, of the Indfodstratten, fell early in the action;
and all his officers, except one lieutenant and one marine
officer, were either killed or wounded. In the confusion,
the colours were either struck or shot away; but she was
moored athwart one of the batteries in such a situation,
that the British made no attempt to board her; and a boat
was dispatched to the Prince, to inform him of her situation.
He turned to those about him, and said, " Gentlemen,
Thura is killed; which of you will take the command? "
Schroedersee, a captain who had lately resigned on account
of extreme ill-health, answered in a feeble voice, " I will! "
and hastened on board. The crew, perceiving a new com-
mander coming alongside, hoisted their colours again, and
fired a broadside. Schroedersee, when he came on deck,
found himself surrounded by the dead and wounded, and
called to those in the boat to get quickly on board. A ball
struck him at that moment. A lieutenant, who had accom-
panied him, then took the command, and continued to figlit
the ship. A youth of seventeen, by name Villemoes, parti-
cularly distinguished himself on this memorable day. He
had volunteered to take the command of a floating battery;
which was a raft, consisting merely of a number of beams
nailed together, with a flooring to support the guns. It was

' This is too sweeping a stateniciit. .At Trafalgar the Rcdotitable lost 522 out
of 643.
S

230 LIFE OF NELSON

square, with a breastwork full of port-holes, and without
masts, carrying twenty-four guns, and one hundred and
twenty men. With this he got under the stern of the Ele-
phant, below the reach of the stern-chasers; and, under a
heavy fire of small arms from the marines, fought his raft,
till the truce was announced, with such skill, as well as
courage, as to excite Nelson's warmest admiration.

Between one and two the fire of the Danes slackened.
About two it ceased from the greater part of their line, and
some of their lighter ships were adrift. It was, however,
difficult to take possession of those which struck, because
the batteries on Amag Island protected them ; and because
an irregular fire was kept up from the ships themselves as
the boats approached. This arose from the nature of the
action. The crew^s were continually reinforced from the
shore; and fresh men coming on board, did not inquire
whether the flag had been struck, or, perhaps, did not heed
it; many or most of them never having been engaged in
war before, knowing nothing, therefore, of its laws, and
thinking only of defending their country to the last ex-
tremity. The Dannebrog fired upon the Elephant's boats in
this manner, though her commodore had removed her pen-
dant and deserted her ; though she had struck ; and though
she was in flames. After she had been abandoned by the
commodore, Braun fought her till he lost his right hand,
and then Captain Lemming took the command. This un-
expected renewal of her fire made the Elephant and Glatton
renew theirs, till she was not only silenced, but nearly every
man in the praams,^ ahead and astern of her, was killed.
When the smoke of their guns died away, she was seen
drifting in flames before the wind; those of her crew who
remained alive and able to exert themselves throwing
themselves out at her port-holes. Captain Bertie of the
Ardent sent his launch to their assistance, and saved
three-and-twenty of them.

Captain Rothe commanded the Nyborg praam; and, per-
ceiving that she could not much longer be kept afloat,
made for the inner road. As he passed the line, he found
the Aggershuiis praam in a more miserable condition than

^ A cavalry transport. There were three such in the Danish fleet, but none of
them took station ahead or astern of the Dannebrog.

THE BALTIC CAMPAIGN 231

his own; her masts had all gone by the board, and she was
on the point of sinking. Rothe made fast a cable to her
stern, and towed her off. But he could get her no farther
than a shoal called Stubbcn, when she sank; and soon after
he had worked the Nyborg up to the landing-place, that
vessel also sank to her gunwale. Never did any vessel come
out of action in a more dreadful plight. The stump of her
foremast was the only stick standing; her cabin had been
stove in ; every gun, except a single one, was dismounted ; and
her deck was covered with shattered limbs and dead bodies.
By half-past two the action had ceased along that part
of the line which was astern of the Elephant, but not with
the ships ahead and the Crown Batteries. Nelson, seeing
the manner in which his boats were fired upon, when they
went to take possession of the prizes, became angry, and
said he must either send on shore to have this irregular
proceeding stopped, or send a fire-ship and burn them.
Half the shot from the Trekroner, and from the batteries
at Amag, at this time, struck the surrendered ships, four of
which had got close together; and the fire of the English,
in return, was equally or even more destructive to these
poor devoted Danes. Nelson, who was as humane as he was
brave, was shocked at this massacre — for such he called
it: and with a presence of mind peculiar to himself, and
never more signally displayed than now, he retired into
the stern-gallery and wrote thus to the Crown Prince,
" Vice-Admiral Lord Nelson has been commanded to spare
Denmark when she no longer resists. The line of defence
which covered her shores has struck to the British flag:
but if the firing is continued on the part of Denmark, he
must set on fire all the prizes that he has taken, without
having the power of saving the men who have so nobly
defended them. The brave Danes are the brothers, and
should never be the enemies, of the English. "' A wafer

* The actual letter which still survives in the Danish archives runs as follows:

" To the brothers of Englishmen, the Danes.

" Lord Nelson has directions to spare Denmark when no longer resisting, but if
the firing is continued on the part of Denmark Lord Nelson will be obliged to set
on fire all the floating batteries he has taken, without having the power of saving
the brave Danes who have defended them.

" Dated on board His Britannic Majesty's ship Elephant, Copenhagen Roads,
April 2nd, 1801.

" Nelson and BKONTii, vice-admiral under the command of Admiral Sir Hyde
Parker."

232 LIFE OF NELSON

was given him; but he ordered a candle to be brought
from the cockpit, and sealed the letter with wax, affixing
a larger seal than he ordinarily used. " This," said he, " is
no time to appear hurried and informal." Captain Sir
Frederic Thesiger,^ who acted as his aide-de-camp, carried
this letter with a flag of truce. Meantime the iire of the
ships ahead, and the approach of the Ramillies and Defence
from Sir Hyde's division, which had now worked near enough
to alarm the enemy, though not to injure them, silenced
the remainder of the Danish line to the eastward of the
Trekroner."^ That battery, however, continued its fire.
This formidable work, owing to the want of the ships which
had been destined to attack it, and the inadequate force
of Riou's little squadron, was comparatively uninjured.
Towards the close of the action it had been manned with
nearly fifteen hundred men; and the intention of storming
it, for which every preparation had been made, was aban-
doned as impracticable.

During Thesiger's absence. Nelson sent for Fremantle
from the Ganges, and consulted with him and Foley, whether
it was advisable to advance, with those ships which had
sustained least damage, against the yet uninjured part of
the Danish line.^ They were decidedly of opinion, that the
best thing which could be done was, while the wind con-
tinued fair, to remove the fleet out of the intricate channel,
from which it had to retreat. In somewhat more than half
an hour after Thesiger had been dispatched, the Danish
Adjutant-General Lindholm came, bearing a flag of truce,
upon which the Trekroner ceased to fire, and the action
closed, after four hours' continuance. He brought an in-
quiry from the Prince, " What was the object of Nelson's
note? " The British Admiral wrote in reply, " Lord Nelson's
object in sending the flag of truce was humanity: he there-
fore consents that hostilities shall cease, and that the
wounded Danes may be taken on shore. And Lord Nelson
will take his prisoners out of the vessels, and burn or carry
off his prizes as he shall think fit. Lord Nelson, with humble

' Thesiger had a good knowledge of the Danish language.

* It would be better to say " ahead of the Elephant."

' A separate squadron of the Danish fleet numbering seven ships [Elcphanten,
Mars, Dannemark, Trekroner, Iris, Sarpcn, Nidelven) had been detached to assist
the Crown Batteries on their northern side in defending the fairway that led
into Copenhagen.

THE BALTIC CAMPAIGN 233

duty to his Ro^^al Highness the Prince, will consider this the
greatest victory he lias ever gained, if it may be the cause
of a happy reconciliation and union between his own most
gracious sovereign and his Majesty the King of Denmark." ^
Sir Frederic Thesiger was dispatched a second time with
the reply; and the Danish adjutant-general was referred
to the commander-in-chief for a conference upon this over-
ture. Lindholm, assenting to this, proceeded to the London,
which was riding at anchor full four miles off; and Nelson,
losing not one of the critical moments which he had thus
gained, made signal for his leading ships to weigh in suc-
cession. They had the shoal to clear, they were much
crippled, and their course was immediately under the guns
of the Trekroner.

The Monarch led the way. This ship had received six-
and-twenty shot between wind and water. She had not a
shroud standing. There was a double-headed shot in the
heart of her foremast, and the slightest wind would have
sent every mast over her side.^ The imminent danger from
which Nelson had extricated himself soon became apparent.
The Monarch touched immediately upon a shoal, over which
she was pushed by the Ganges taking her amidships. The
Glatton went clear; but the other two, the Defiance and
the Elephant, grounded about a mile from the Trekroner,
and there remained fixed, for many hours, in spite of all the

1 " Lord Nelson's object in sending on shore a flag (jf truce is humanity, there-
ore consents that hostilities shall cease till Lord Nelson can take his prisoners
out of the prizes; and he consents to land all the wounded Danes and to burn or
remove his prizes. Lord Nelson with humble duty to His Royal Highness begs
leave to say that he will ever esteem it the greatest Victory he has ever gain'd if
this flag of truce may be the happy forerunner of a lasting and happy Union
between my most Gracious Sovereign and His Majesty the King of Denmark.

"Nelson axd Bronte,

" Elephant, April 2nd, 1801."
(From the origuial in the Danish Archives.)

It was the custom for the purser to take the Admiral's rough draft and convert
it into grammatical English. Mr. Thomas VVallis, purser of the Elephant, who
stood by Nelson as the scribbling was done on the casing of the rubber head,
by force of habit corrected the Admiral's style; and it was Wallis's corrected
version that Southey printed. Hut it was his own hasty holograph, and not a
fair copy, that Nelson sent ashore.

^ It Would ii.ive been well if the fleet, before they went under the batteries,
had loft their S[)are spars moored out of reach of shot. Many would have been
saved whicli were destroyed lying on the booms, and the hint done by tiieir
splinters would have been saved also. Small craft cfjuld liave towed them up
when they were required: and, after such an action, so many must necessarily
be wanted, that, if those which were not in use were wounded, it might have
rendered it impossible to relit the ships. — Southev's Note.

234 LIFE OF NELSON

exertions of their wearied crews. The Desiree frigate also,
at the other end of the Hne, having gone toward the close
of the action to assist the Bello?ia, became fast on the
same shoal.

Nelson left the Elephant, soon after she took the ground,
to follow Lindholm. The heat of action was over, and that
kind of feeling, which the surrounding scene of havoc was
so well fitted to produce, pressed heavily upon his exhausted
spirits. The sky had suddenly become overcast. White
flags were waving from the mastheads of so many shattered
ships. The slaughter had ceased; but the grief was to
come; for the account of the dead was not yet made up,
and no man could tell for what friends he might have to
mourn. The very silence which follows the cessation of such
a battle becomes a weight upon the heart at first, rather
than a relief; and though the work of mutual destruction
was at an end, the Dannehrog was, at this time, drifting
about in flames. Presently she blew up; while our boats,
which had put off in all directions to assist her, were en-
deavouring to pick up her devoted crew, few of whom could
be saved. The fate of these men, after the gallantry which
they had displayed, particularly affected Nelson; for
there was nothing in this action of that indignation against
the enemy, and that impression of retributive justice, which
at the Nile had given a sterner temper to his mind, and a
sense of austere delight, in beholding the vengeance of
which he was the appointed minister. The Danes were
an honourable foe. They were of English mould as well
as EngHsh blood; and now that the battle had ceased, he
regarded them rather as brethren than as enemies. There
was another reflection also, which mingled with these
melancholy thoughts, and predisposed him to receive them.
He was not here master of his own movements, as at Egypt.
He had won the day by disobeying his orders; and in so
far as he had been successful, had convicted the commander-
in-chief of an error in judgment. " Well," said he, as he
left the Elephant, " I have fought contrary to orders, and I
shall perhaps be hanged. Never mind: let them! "

This was the language of a man who, while he is giving
utterance to an uneasy thought, clothes it half in jest,
because he half repents that it has been disclosed. His

THE BALTIC CAMPAIGN 235

services had been too eminent on that day, his judgment
too conspicuous, his success too signal, for any commander,
however jealous of his own authority, or envious of another's
merits, to express anything but satisfaction and gratitude:
which Sir Hyde heartily felt, and sincerely expressed. It
was speedily agreed that there should be a suspension of
hostilities for four-and-twcnty hours; that all the prizes
should be surrendered, and the wounded Danes carried on
shore. There was a pressing necessity for this: for the
Danes, either from too much confidence in the strength of
their position, and the difficulty of the channel; or sup-
posing that the wounded might be carried on shore during
the action, which was found totally impracticable; or,
perhaps, from the confusion which the attack excited —
had provided no surgeons : so that, when our men boarded
the captured ships, they found many of the mangled and
mutilated Danes bleeding to death for want of proper
assistance — a scene, of all others, the most shocking to a
brave man's feelings.^

' The outstanding problem of the Battle of Copenhagen is concerned with
Nelson's employment of a flag of truce. Hardly was the last shot of the conflict
fired before Niebuhr, the famous historian, impugned the British Admiral's
conduct; and from that hour to this there have been doubting Thomases who
have questioned Nelson's own estimate that the victory of the Baltic was greater
than that of the Nile. The arguments of hostile critics, which have really arisen
out of a confusion of thought, may be epitomised as follows:

(i) When Nelson attempted to conduct his fleet out of the King's Deep some of
its prime factors ran aground.

(2) These would undoubtedly have been destroyed if the Trekroncr had not
been silenced by a flag of truce.

(3) Therefore, Nelson's object in sending a flag of truce ashore was to silence
the i)anish batteries while he removed his vessels from a death-trap.

Now it is undoubtedly true that some of Nelson's best ships (including the
Elephant) ran aground in retiring from the King's Deep; and it is undoubtedly
true that, if the Trekroner had been flring, these ships would have been destroyed.
But because the Trekroner had ceased to fire, they could move about with safety;
and the Trekroner had ceased to fire, because the Danes of their free will had
agreed to Nelson's demand, that without further let or hindrance on their part
he should carry away, not his ships, but tlieir own.

How had they been induced to make this concession?

After more than three hours of battle their ships had signified in the usual
fashion that they could sustahi the struggle no longer.

Nelson thereupon would have boarded them as prizes; but was unable to do
so because the Amag batteries, or fresh recruits from shore (it is uncertain which),
reopened fire upon his boarding-parties.

Nelson might, on his part, legitimately have poured in fresh broadsides; but,
as the ships opposed to him had hauled down their colours, such a course of action
was utterly repugnant to him. There was, however, another alternative.

He could send down fireships, which would speak in a language common to all
men; but which, before completing the victory, would warn able-bodied defenders
to escape in boats to the shore. His own fleet coukl then join in a massed attack
upon the Trekroner.

Now as the Danes could sustain the struggle no longer, it might seem to them

236

LIFE OF NELSON

preferable that their ships should perish on the battlefield rather than be carried
off to adorn a victor's triumph. On the other hand, to Nelson it seemed infinitely
better to seize rather than destroy the fruits of conquest. In other words, the
threat of fireships was as much a menace to himself as to his enemies.

But he found an argument to his purpose none the less. Though the able-
bodied could escape from the Danish hulks, the wounded would certainly fail
to do so. In a flash of thought, therefore, he saw that he could take possession of
his prizes by putting upon Denmark tlie care of its own wounded. If resistance
continues, so ran his message, the Danes will be responsible for the lives of those
who are burnt to death in the coming holocaust.

The Danes accepted the responsibility, and ordered firing to cease.

Now it has been m"ged by eminent historians that in this line of action Nelson
was employing an unworthy ruse de guerre. He coiild not, it has been urged, have
burnt the Danish fleet, because its removal would have exposed him to the fire
of the Amag batteries. But this is to misapprehend the whole situation. The
Danish fleet had been stationed in the Iving's Deep to cover the city from the
terror of bombardment. Wlien the fleet was removed, tlae English bomb-vessels
could move inshore and pour their hail of projectiles into tlie city.

But putting this aside, we are told that Nelson would never have given effect
to his menace, because the laws of humanity would have held him back. This is a
more forcible argument. But does his unwillingness to burn the Danish fleet con-
stitute an adequate reason why he should not threaten to do so ? The accidental
destruction of the Danish flagship by fire lent terror to the mere suggestion. And
if, by a timely use of bluff, he restrained his adversaries from violating the laws of
warfare, he was surelj' more than justified in the course which he pursued.

CHAPTER II

AFTER THE BATTLE
[SOUTHEY. CHAPTER VII— continued]

The boats of Sir Hyde's division were actively employed
all night in bringing out the prizes, and in getting afloat
the ships which were on shore. At daybreak, Nelson, who
had slept in his own ship, the 5^. George, rowed to the
Elephant; and his delight at finding her afloat seemed to
give him new life. There he took a hasty breakfast, praising
the men for their exertions, and then pushed off to the
prizes which had not yet been removed. The Zealand,
seventy-four, the last which struck, had drifted on the
shoal under the Trekroner; and relying, as it seems, upon
the protection which that battery might have afforded,
refused to acknowledge herself captured; saying, that
though it was true her flag was not to be seen, her pendant
was still flying. Nelson ordered one of our brigs and three
long-boats to approach her, and rowed up himself to one
of the enemy's ships, to communicate with the commodore.
This officer proved to be an old acquaintance, whom he had
known in the West Indies : so he invited himself on board ;
and, with that urbanity, as well as decision, which always
characterised him, urged his claim to the Zealand so well,
that it was admitted. The men from the boats lashed a
cable round her bowsprit, and the gun -vessel towed her
away. It is affirmed, and probably with truth, that the
Danes felt more pain at beholding this, than at all their
misfortunes on the preceding day: and one of the officers,
Commodore Stein Bille,^ went to the Trekroner battery,
and asked the commander why he had not sunk the Zealand,
rather than suffer her thus to be carried off by the enemy?
This was, indeed, a mournful day for Copenhagen! It
was Good Friday; but the general agitation, and the mourn-
ing which was in every house, made all distinction of days

* Captain of tho Dannemark; cp. Note 3, p. 232.
237

238 LIFE OF NELSON

be forgotten. There were, at that hour, thousands in that
city, who felt, and more, perhaps, who needed, the con-
solations of Christianity; but few or none who could be
calm enough to think of its observances. The English
were actively employed in refitting their own ships, securing
the prizes, and distributing the prisoners; the Danes, in
carrying on shore and disposing of the wounded and the
dead. It had been a murderous action. Our loss, in killed
and wounded, was nine hundred and fifty-three. Part of
this slaughter might have been spared. The commanding
officer of the troops on board one of our ships asked where
his men should be stationed? He was told that they could
be of no use ; that they were not near enough for musketry ;
and were not wanted at the guns; they had, therefore,
better go below. This, he said, was impossible. It would
be a disgrace that could never be wiped away. They were,
therefore, drawn up upon the gangway, to satisfy this cruel
point of honour; and there, without the possibility of
annoying the enemy, they were mowed down! The loss
of the Danes, including prisoners, amounted to about six
thousand. 1 The negotiations, meantime, went on; and it
was agreed that Nelson should have an interview with the
Prince the following day. Hardy and Fremantle landed
with him. This was a thing as unexampled as the other
circumstances of the battle. A strong guard was appointed
to escort him to the palace, as much for the purpose of
security as of honour. The populace, according to the
British account, showed a mixture of admiration, curiosity,
and displeasure, at beholding that man in the midst of them
who had inflicted such wounds upon Denmark. But there
were neither acclamations nor murmurs. " The people,"
says a Dane, " did not degrade themselves with the former,
nor disgrace themselves with the latter. The Admiral was
received as one brave enemy ever ought to receive another.
He was received with respect." The preliminaries of the
negotiation were adjusted at this interview. During the
repast which followed. Nelson, with all the sincerity of his
character, bore willing testimony to the valour of his foes.
He told the Prince that he had been in a hundred and five

^ Mr. Jon Stefansson in a letter to The Times (i8th January, 1917) put the
figures at 375 killed, 670 wounded, and 1779 prisoners.

THE BALTIC CAMPAIGN 239

engagements, but that this was the most tremendous of all.
" The French," he said, " fought bravely; but they could
not have stood for one hour the fight which the Danes had
supported for four." He requested that Villemoes might
be introduced to him; and, shaking hands with the youth,
told the Prince that he ought to be made an admiral. The
Prince replied, " If, my lord, I am to make all my brave
officers admirals, I should have no captains or lieutenants
in my service."

The sympathy of the Danes for their countrymen, who
had bled in their defence, was not weakened by distance of
time or place in this instance. Things needful for the service,
or the comfort of the wounded, were sent in profusion to
the hospitals, till the superintendents gave pubhc notice
that they could receive no more. On the third day after
the action, the dead were buried in the naval churchyard.
The ceremony was made as public and as solemn as the
occasion required. Such a procession had never before
been seen in that, or, perhaps, in any other city. A public
monument was erected upon the spot where the slain were
gathered together. A subscription was opened on the day
of the funeral for the relief of the sufferers, and collections
in aid of it made throughout all the churches in the king-
dom. This appeal to the feelings of the people was made
with circumstances which gave it full effect. A monument
was raised in the midst of the church, surmounted by the
Danish colours. Young maidens, dressed in white, stood
round it, with either one who had been wounded in the
battle, or the widow and orphans of some one who had fallen.
A suitable oration was delivered from the pulpit, and pat-
riotic hymns and songs were afterwards performed. Medals
were distributed to all the officers, and to the men who had
distinguished themselves. Poets and painters vied with
each other in celebrating a battle which, disastrous as it
was, had yet been honourable to their country. Some,
with pardonable sophistry, represented the advantage of
the day as on their own side. One writer discovered a more
curious, but less disputable ground of satisfaction, in the
reflection, that Nelson, as may be inferred from his name,
was of Danish descent, and his actions, therefore, the Dane
argued, were attributable to Danish valour.

240 LIFE OF NELSON

The negotiation was continued during the five following
days; and, in that interval, the prizes were disposed of in a
manner which was little approved by Nelson. Six line-of-
battle ships and eight praams had been taken. Of these
the Holstein, sixty-four, was the only one which was sent
home. The Zealand was a finer ship: but the Zealand, and
all the others, were burned, and their brass cannon sunk
with the hulls in such shoal water, that, when the fleet
returned from Revel, they found the Danes, with craft over
the wrecks, employed in getting the guns up again. Nelson,
though he forbore from any public expression of displeasure
at seeing the proofs and trophies of his victory destroyed,
did not forget to represent to the Admiralty the case of those
who were thus deprived of their prize-money. " Whether,"
said he to Earl St. Vincent, " Sir Hyde Parker may mention
the subject to you, I know not; for he is rich and does not
want it: nor is it, you will believe me, any desire to get a
few hundred pounds that actuates me to address this letter
to you; but justice to the brave officers and men who
fought on that day. It is true our opponents were in hulks
and floats, only adapted for the position they were in ; but
that made our battle so much the harder, and victory so
much the more difficult to obtain. Believe me, I have
weighed all circumstances; and, in my conscience, I think
that the King should send a gracious message to the House
of Commons for a gift to this fleet: for what must be the
natural feelings of the officers and men belonging to it, to
see their rich commander-in-chief burn all the fruits of their
victory, — which if fitted up and sent to England (as many
of them might have been by dismanthng part of our fleet)
would have sold for a good round sum."

On the 9th Nelson landed again, to conclude the terms
of the armistice. During its continuance the armed ships
and vessels of Denmark were to remain in their then actual
situation, as to armament, equipment, and hostile position;
and the treaty of Armed Neutrality, as far as related to the
co-operation of Denmark, was suspended. The prisoners
were to be sent on shore; an acknowledgment being given
for them, and for the wounded also, that they might be
carried to Great Britain's credit in the account of war, in
case hostilities should be renewed. The British fleet was

THE BALTIC CAMPAIGN 241

allowed to provide itself with all things requisite for the
health and comfort of its men. A difficulty arose respecting
the duration of the armistice. The Danish commissioners
fairly stated their fears of Russia; and Nelson, with that
frankness which sound policy and the sense of power seem
often to require as well as justify in diplomacy, told them,
his reason for demanding a long term was, that he might
have time to act against the Russian fleet, and then return
to Copenhagen. Neither party would yield upon this point;
and one of the Danes hinted at the renewal of hostilities.
" Renew hostilities! " cried Nelson to one of his friends,
— for he understood French enough to comprehend what
was said, though not to answer it in the same language;
— " tell him we are ready at a moment ! Ready to bombard
this very night! " The conference, however, proceeded
amicably on both sides; and as the commissioners could
not agree upon this head, they broke up, leaving Nelson to
settle it with the Prince. A levee was held forthwith in one
of the state rooms ; a scene well suited for such a consulta-
tion : for all these rooms had been stripped of their furniture
in fear of a bombardment. To a bombardment also Nelson
was looking at this time. Fatigue and anxiety and vexation
at the dilatory measures of the Commander-in-Chief com-
bined to make him irritable; and as he was on the way to
the Prince's dining-room, he whispered to the officer on whose
arm he was leaning, " Though I have only one eye, I can
see that all this will burn well." After dinner he was closeted
with the Prince ; and they agreed that the armistice should
continue fourteen weeks; and that, at its termination,
fourteen days' notice should be given before the recom-
mencement of hostilities.

An official account of the battle was published by Olfert
Fischer, the Danish Commander-in-Chief, in which it was
asserted that our force was greatly superior; nevertheless,
that two of our ships of the line had struck ; that the others
were so weakened, and especially Lord Nelson's own ship,
as to fire only single shots for an hour before the end of the
action; and that this hero himself, in the middle and very
heat of the conflict, sent a flag of truce on shore, to propose
a cessation of hostilities. For the truth of this account the
Dane appealed to the Prince, and all those who, like him,

242 LIFE OF NELSON

had been eye-witnesses of the scene. Nelson was exceed-
ingly indignant at such a statement, and addressed a letter,
in confutation of it, to the Adjutant-General Lindholm;
thinking this incumbent upon him, for the information of
the Prince, since his Royal Highness had been appealed to
as a witness: "Otherwise," said he, "had Commodore
Fischer confined himself to his own veracity, I should have
treated his official letter with the contempt it deserved
and allowed the world to appreciate the merits of the two
contending officers." After pointing out and detecting
some of the misstatements in the account, he proceeds,
"As to his nonsense about victory, his Royal Highness will
not much credit him. I sank, burnt, captured, or drove into
the harbour, the whole line of defence to the southward of
the Crown Islands. He says he is told that two British ships
struck. Why did he not take possession of them? I took
possession of his as fast as they struck. The reason is clear,
that he did not believe it. He must have known the falsity
of the report. He states, that the ship in which I had the
honour to hoist my flag fired latterly only single guns. It is
true: for steady and cool were my brave fellows, and did
not wish to throw away a single shot. He seems to exult
that I sent on shore a flag of truce. You know, and his
Royal Highness knows, that the guns fired from the shore
could only fire through the Danish ships which had sur-
rendered; and that, if I fired at the shore, it could only be
in the same manner. God forbid that I should destroy an
unresisting Dane! When they became my prisoners, I
became their protector."

This letter was written in terms of great asperity against
the Danish commander. Lindholm replied in a manner
every way honourable to himself. He vindicated the
commodore in some points, and excused him in others;
reminding Nelson that every commander-in-chief was liable
to receive incorrect reports. With a natural desire to repre-
sent the action in the most favourable light to Denmark,
he took into the comparative strength of the two parties
the ships which were aground, and which could not get into
action; and omitted the Trekroner and the batteries upon
Amag Island. He disclaimed all idea of claiming as a
victory, " what, to every intent and purpose," said he,

THE BALTIC CAMPAIGN 243

" was a defeat, — but not an inglorious one. As to your
lordship's motive for sending a flag of truce, it never can
be misconstrued; and your subsequent conduct has suffi-
ciently shown that humanity is always the companion of
true valour. You have done more ; you have shown yourself
a friend to the re-establishment of peace and good harmony
between this country and Great Britain. It is, therefore,
with the sincerest esteem I shall always feel myself attached
to your lordship." Thus handsomely winding up his reply,
he soothed and contented Nelson; who, drawing up a
memorandum of the comparative force of the two parties,
for his own satisfaction, assured Lindholm, that if the
commodore's statement had been in the same manly and
honourable strain, he would have been the last man to have
noticed any little inaccuracies which might get into a
commander-in-chief's public letter.^

For the battle of Copenhagen, Nelson was raised to the
rank of viscount— an inadequate mark of reward for
services so splendid and of such paramount importance to
the dearest interests of England. There was, however,
some prudence in dealing out honours to him step by
step: had he lived long enough, he would have fought his
way up to a dukedom.

[SOUTHEY. CHAPTER VIII]

When Nelson informed Earl vSt. Vincent that the armistice
had been concluded, he told him also, without reserve,
his own discontent at the dilatoriness and indecision which
he witnessed, and could not remedy. " No man," said he,
" but those who are on the spot, can tell what I have gone
through, and do suffer. I make no scruple in saying, that
I would have been at Revel ^ fourteen days ago ! that,
without this armistice, the fleet would never have gone,

* Nelson wrote his rather intemperate letter not to the offending Fischer,
but to Lindholm, whom he had known before the battle, and whose acquaintance
he had renewed under the flag of truce. The protest was intended primarily
for the Crown Prince and probably reached its destination; but it was carefully
kept by him from the cognisance of the Danish Commander-in-Chief; and with
Lindholm's gracefully worded reply Nelson's anger was appeased, and the incident
ended. Fischer, of course, was only attempting to save his credit in the eyes of
his countrymen.

^ At the entrance to the Gulf of Finland.

244 LIFE OF NELSON

but by order of the Admiralty: and with it, I dare say, we
shall not go this week. I wanted Sir Hyde to let me, at
least, go and cruise off Carlscrona,^ to prevent the Revel
ships from getting in. I said I would not go to Revel to take
any of those laurels which I was sure he would reap there.
Think of me, my dear lord; — and if I have deserved well,
let me return: if ill, for Heaven's sake supersede me, — for
1 cannot exist in this state."

Fatigue, incessant anxiety, and a climate little suited to
one of a tender constitution, which had now for many years
been accustomed to more genial latitudes, made him at
this time seriously determine upon returning home. " If
the northern business were not settled," he said, " they
must send more admirals; for the keen air of the north had
cut him to the heart." He felt the want of activity and
decision in the Commander-in-Chief more keenly; and this
affected his spirits, and, consequently, his health, more
than the inclemency of the Baltic. Soon after the armistice
was signed. Sir Hyde proceeded to the eastward, with such
ships as were fit for service, lea\dng Nelson to follow, with
the rest, as soon as those which had received slight damages
should be repaired, and the rest sent to England. In passing
between the Isles of Amag and Saltholm, most of the ships
touched the ground, and some of them stuck fast for a
while. No serious injury, however, was sustained. It was
intended to act against the Russians first, before the breaking
up of the frost should enable them to leave Revel; but
learning on the way that the Swedes had put to sea to effect
a junction with them. Sir Hyde altered his course, in hopes
of intercepting this part of the enemy's force. Nelson had,
at this time, provided for the more pressing emergencies
of the ser\'ice, and prepared, on the i8th, to follow the
fleet. The 5^. George drew too much water to pass the
channel between the isles without being lightened. The
guns were therefore taken out, and put on board an American
vessel. A contrary wind, however, prevented Nelson from
moving; and on that same evening while he was thus
delayed, information reached him of the relative situation
of the Swedish and British fleets, and the probability of an

' On the mainland north of Bornholm (see map) and in the latitude of
Helsingborg.

THE BALTIC CAMPAIGN 245

action. The fleet was nearly ten leagues distant, and both
wind and current contrary; but it was not possible that
Nelson could wait for a favourable season under such an
expectation. He ordered his boat immediately, and stepped
into it. Night was setting in, — one of the cold, spring nights
of the north, and it was discovered, soon after they had
left the ship, that in their haste they had forgotten to
provide him with a boat-cloak. He, however, forbade them
to return for one; and when one of his companions offered
his own great-coat, and urged him to make use of it, he
replied, " I thank you very much, — but, to tell you the
truth, my anxiety keeps me sufhciently warm at present."
" Do you think," said he presently, " that our fleet has
quitted Bornholm? If it has, we must follow it to Carls-
crona." About midnight he reached it, and once more got
on board the Elephant. On the following morning the Swedes
were discovered. As soon, however, as they perceived the
English approaching, they retired, and took shelter in Carls-
crona, behind the batteries of the island, at the entrance
of that port. Sir Hyde sent in a flag of truce, stating that
Denmark had concluded an armistice, and requiring an
explicit declaration from the court of Sweden, " Whether
it would adhere to, or abandon the hostile measures which
it had taken against the rights and interests of Great
Britain? " The commander, Vice-Admiral Cronstadt,
replied that he could not answer a question which did not
come within the particular circle of his duty; but that
the King was then at Malmoe,^ and would soon be at Carls-
crona. Gustavus shortly afteiwards arrived, and an answer
was then returned to this effect: that his Swedish Majesty
would not, for a moment, fail to fulfil, with fidelity and
sincerity, the engagements he had entered into with his
allies; but he would not refuse to listen to equitable pro-
posals made by deputies furnished with proper authority
by the King of Great Britain to the united northern powers.
Satisfied with this answer, and \\'ith the known disposition
of the Swedish court. Sir Hyde sailed for the Gulf of Fin-
land. But he had not proceeded far before a dispatch
boat from the Russian ambassador at Copenhagen arrived,
bringing intelligence of the death of the Emperor Paul ; and

' See map, p. 211.

246 LIFE OF NELSON

that his successor Alexander had accepted the offer made
by England to his father, of terminating the dispute by a
convention. The British Admiral was therefore required to
desist from all further hostilities.

It was Nelson's maxim, that, to negotiate with effect,
force should be at hand and in a situation to act. The fleet,
having been reinforced from England, amounted to eighteen
sail of the line ; and the wind was fair for Revel. There he
would have sailed immediately to place himself between
that division of the Russian fleet and the squadron at
Kronstadt, in case this offer should prove insincere. Sir
Hyde, on the other hand, believed that the death of Paul
had effected all which was necessary. The manner of that
death,^ indeed, rendered it apparent that a change of
policy would take place in the cabinet of Petersburg. But
Nelson never trusted anything to the uncertain events of
time, which could possibly be secured by promptitude or
resolution. It was not, therefore, without severe mortifi-
cation, that he saw the commander-in-chief return to the
coast of Zealand, and anchor in Kioge Bay, there to wait
patiently for what might happen.

There the fleet remained, till dispatches arrived from
home, on the 5th of May, recalling Sir Hyde, and appointing
Nelson commander-in-chief.

Nelson wrote to Earl St. Vincent that he was unable to
hold this honourable station. Admiral Graves also was so
ill, as to be confined to his bed; and he entreated that some
person might come out and take the command. " I will
endeavour," said he, " to do my best while I remain: but,
my dear lord, I shall either soon go to Heaven, I hope, or
must rest quiet for a time. If Sir Hyde were gone, I would
now be under sail." On the day when this was written, he
received news of his appointment. Not a moment was now
lost. His first signal, as commander-in-chief, was to hoist
in all launches, and prepare to weigh: and on the seventh
he sailed from Kioge. Part of his fleet was left at Bornholm
to watch the Swedes, from whom he required and obtained
an assurance that the British trade in the Cattegat and
in the Baltic should not be molested; and saying how

* Paul was strangled on 23rd March by a band of conspirators, who made his
son Alexander king in his stead.

THE BALTIC CAMPAIGN 247

unpleasant it would be to him if anything should happen
which might, for a moment, disturb the returning harmony
between Sweden and Great Britain, he apprised them that
he was not directed to abstain from hostilities should he
meet with the Swedish fleet at sea. Meantime, he himself,
with ten sail of the line, two frigates, a brig, and a schooner,
made for the Gulf of Finland.

Paul, in one of the freaks of his tyranny, had seized upon
all the British effects in Russia, and even considered British
subjects as his prisoners. " I will have all the English
shipping and property restored," said Nelson, " but I will
do nothing violently, — neither commit the affairs of my
country, nor suffer Russia to mix the affairs of Denmark
or Sweden with the detention of our ships." The wind was
fair, and carried him in four days to Revel Roads. But the
Bay had been clear of firm ice on the 29th of April, while
the English were lying idly at Kioge, The Russians had
cut through the ice in the mole six feet thick, and their
whole squadron had sailed for Kronstadt on the third.
Before that time it had lain at the mercy of the English.
" Nothing," Nelson said, " if it had been right to make the
attack, could have saved one ship of them in two hours
after our entering the bay."

It so happened that there was no cause to regret the
opportunity which had been, lost, and Nelson immediately
put the intentions of Russia to the proof. He sent on shore
to say that he came with friendly views, and was ready to
return a salute. On their part the salute was delayed, till
a message was sent to them to inquire for what reason,
and the officer, whose neglect had occasioned the delay,
was put under arrest. Nelson wrote to the Emperor, pro-
posing to wait on him personally, and congratulate him on
his accession, and urged the immediate release of British
subjects and restoration of British property.

The answer arrived on the i6th. Nelson, meantime,
had exchanged visits with the governor, and the most
friendly intercourse had subsisted between the ships and
the shore. Alexander's ministers, in their reply, expressed
their surprise at the arrival of a British fleet in a Russian
port and their wish that it should return. They professed,
on the part of Russia, the most friendly disposition towards

248 LIFE OF NELSON

Great Britain; but declined the personal visit of Lord
Nelson, unless he came in a single ship. There was a sus-
picion implied in this, which stung Nelson: and he said
the Russian ministers would never have written thus if
their fleet had been at Revel. He wrote an immediate reply,
expressing what he felt. He told the court of Petersburg
that the word of a British admiral, when given in explana-
tion of any part of his conduct, was as sacred as that of
any sovereign's in Europe. And he repeated, " that, under
other circumstances, it would have been his anxious wish
to have paid his personal respects to the Emperor, and
signed with his own hand the act of amity between the
two countries." Having dispatched this, he stood out to
sea immediately, leaving a brig to bring off the provisions
which had been contracted for, and to settle the accounts.
" I hope all is right," said he, writing to our ambassador at
Berlin. " But seamen are bad negotiators; for we put to
issue in five minutes what diplomatic forms would be five
months doing."

On his way down the Baltic, however, he met the Russian
Admiral Tchitchagof, whom the Emperor, in reply to Sir
Hyde's overtures, had sent to communicate personally
with the British Commander-in-Chief. The reply was such
as had been wished and expected: and these negotiators
going, seaman-like, straight to their object, satisfied each
other of the friendly intentions of their respective govern-
ments. Nelson then anchored off Rostock :^ and there he
received an answer to his last dispatch from Revel, in which
the Russian court expressed their regret that there should
have been any misconception between them; informed
him that the British vessels which Paul had detained were
ordered to be liberated, and invited him to Petersburg in
whatever mode might be most agreeable to himself. Other
honours awaited him. The Duke of Mecklenburg Strelitz,
the Queen's brother,- came to visit him on board his ship;
and towns of the inland parts of Mecklenburg sent deputa-
tions, with their public books of record, that they might
have the name of Nelson in them written by his own hand.

From Rostock the fleet returned to Kioge Bay. Nelson

^ See map.

^ Charlotte, Queen-Consort of George III., was the daughter of Karl I., Grand-
Duke of Mecklenburg.

THE BALTIC CAMPAIGN 249

saw that the temper of the Danes towards England was
such as naturally arose from the chastisement which they
had so recently received. " In this nation," said he, " we
shall not be forgiven for having the upper hand of them.
I only thank God we have, or they would try to humble
us to the dust." He saw also that the Danish cabinet was
completely subservient to France. A French officer was at
this time the companion and counsellor of the Crown Prince;
and things were done in such open violation of the armistice
that Nelson thought a second infliction of vengeance would
soon be necessary. He wrote to the Admiralty, requesting
a clear and explicit reply to his inquiry, " Whether the
commander-in-chief was at liberty to hold the language
becoming a British admiral? " — "Which, very probably,"
said he, " if I am here, will break the armistice, and set
Copenhagen in a blaze. I see everything which is dirty and
mean going on, and the Prince Royal at the head of it.
Ships have been masted, guns taken on board, floating
batteries prepared, and, except hauling out and completing
their rigging, everything is done in defiance of the treaty-
My heart burns at seeing the word of a Prince, nearly allied
to our good King, so falsified. But his conduct is such, that
he will lose his kingdom if he goes on; for Jacobins rule
in Denmark. I have made no representations yet, as it
would be useless to do so until I have the power of cor-
rection. All I beg, in the name of the future commander-
in-chief is, that the orders may be clear; for enough is done
to break twenty treaties, if it should be wished, or to make
the Prince Royal humble himself before British generosity."
Nelson was not deceived in his judgment of the Danish
cabinet, but the battle of Copenhagen had crippled its
power. The death of the Czar Paul had broken the con-
federacy: and that cabinet, therefore, was compelled to
defer, till a more convenient season, the indulgence of its
enmity towards Great Britain. Soon afterwards Admiral
Sir Charles Maurice Pole arrived to take the command.
The business, military and political, had by that time been
so far completed, that the presence of the British fleet soon
became no longer necessary. Sir Charles, however, made
the short time of his command memorable, by passing the
Great Belt, for the first time, with line-of- battle ships;

250 LIFE OF NELSON

working through the channel against adverse winds. When
Nelson left the fleet, this speedy termination of the expedi-
tion, though confidently expected, was not certain; and
he, in his unwillingness to weaken the British force, thought
at one time of traversing Jutland in his boat, by the canal,
to Tonning on the Eider, and finding his way home from
thence.^ This intention was not executed. But he returned
in a brig, declining to accept a frigate; which few admirals
would have done ; especially if, like him, they suffered from
sea-sickness in a small vessel. On his arrival at Yarmouth,
the first thing he did was to visit the hospital, and see the
men who had been wounded in the late battle — that
victory, which had added new glory to the name of Nelson,
and which was of more importance even than the battle of
the Nile to the honour, the strength, and security of England.

' In Nelson's day a short canal brought Kiel Bay into connection with the River
Eider, which reached the North Sea at Tonning (see map). When Southey speaks
of Jutland, he, of course, includes the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, which
were not ravished from Denmark till the war with Germany in 1864.

PART VIII

AT HOME

isl July, i8oi — i8lh May, 1803

[SOUTHEY. CHAPTER VIII.— continued]

The feelings of Nelson's friends, upon the news of his great
victory of Copenhagen, were highly described by Sir William
Hamilton in a letter to him. " We can only expect," he says,
" what we know well, and often said before, that Nelson
was, is, and to the last will ever be, the first. Emma did not
know whether she was on her head or heels, — in such a
hurry to tell your great news, that she could utter nothing
but tears of joy and tenderness. I went to Davison, and
found him still in bed, having had a severe fit of the gout,
and with your letter, which he had just received and he
cried like a child : but what was very extraordinary, assured
me that, from the instant he had read your letter, all pain
had left him, and that he felt himself able to get up and
walk about. Your brother, Mrs. Nelson, and Horace dined
with us. Your brother was more extraordinary than ever.
He w^ould get up suddenly and cut a caper; rubbing his
hands every time that the thought of your fresh laurels
came into his head. In short, except myself (and your
lordship knows that I have some phlegm) all the company,
which was considerable after dinner, were mad with joy.
But I am sure that no one really rejoiced more at heart
than I did. I have lived too long to have ecstasies! But
with calm reflection, I felt for my friend having got to the
very summit of glory! the ne plus uliral that he has had
another opportunity of rendering his country the most
important service, and manifesting again his judgment,
his intrepidity, and his humanity." ^

' This first paragraph of Part \I1I. dois not occur in the first, second and third
editions.

252 LIFE OF NELSON

He had not been many weeks on shore before he was
called upon to undertake a service, for which no Nelson
was required. Bonaparte, who was now First Consul, and
in reality sole ruler, of France, was making preparations,
upon a great scale, for invading England. But his schemes
in the Baltic had been baffled; fleets could not be created
as they were wanted; and his armies, therefore, were to
come over in gun-boats and such small craft as could be
rapidly built or collected for the occasion. From the former
governments of France such threats have only been matter
of insult and policy. In Bonaparte they were sincere; for
this adventurer, intoxicated with success, already began
to imagine that all things were to be submitted to his fortune.
We had not at that time proved the superiority of our
soldiers over the French; and the unreflecting multitude
were not to be persuaded that an invasion could only be
effected by numerous and powerful fleets.^ A general
alarm was excited; and, in condescension to this unworthy
feehng, Nelson was appointed to a command, ^ extending
from Orfordness ^ to Beachy Head, on both shores ; — a sort
of service, he said, for which he felt no other ability than
what might be found in his zeal.

To this service, however, such as it was, he applied with
his wonted alacrity; [though in no cheerful frame of mind.
To Lady Hamilton, his only female correspondent, he says
at this time, " I am not in very good spirits; and except
that our country demands all our services and abilities to
bring about an honourable peace, nothing should prevent
my being the bearer of my own letter. But, my dear friend,
I know you are so true and loyal an Englishwoman, that
you would hate those who would not stand forth in defence
of our King, laws, religion, and all that is dear to us. It is
your sex that makes us go forth, and seem to tell us, ' None
but the brave deserve the fair ' ; — and if we fall, we still
live in the hearts of those females. It is your sex that re-
wards us, it is your sex who cherish our memories; and

^ I.e. " And the unreflecting multitude were easily persuaded that an invasion
could be effected without the aid of numerous and powerful fleets."

_ 'On his return from the Baltic he landed (ist July) at Yarmouth, and after
visiting the hospitals proceeded to London. On the 24th he received this special
command; and three days later hoisted his flag in the Unite frigate, transferring
it to the Medusa in August.

' On the coast of Suffolk.

AT HOME 253

you, my dear honoured friend, are, believe me, the first,
the best of your sex. I have been the world around, and
in every corner of it, and never yet saw your equal, or even
one who could be put in comparison with you. You know
how to reward virtue, honour, and courage, and. never
ask if it is placed in a prince, duke, lord, or peasant."] ^
Ha\-ing hoisted his flag in the Medusa frigate, he went to
reconnoitre Boulogne ; the point from which it was supposed
the great attempt would be made, and which the French,
in fear of an attack themselves, were fortifying with all
care. He approached near enough to sink two of their
floating batteries, and to destroy a few gun-boats which
were without the pier. What damage was done within
could not be ascertained. " Boulogne," he said, " was
certainly not a very pleasant place that morning: — but,"
he added, " it is not my wish to injure the poor inhabitants;
and the town is spared as much as the nature of the service
will admit." Enough was done to show the enemy that
they could not, with impunity, come outside their own
ports. Nelson was satisfied by what he saw, that they
meant to make an attempt from this place, but that it was
impracticable; for the least wind at W.N.W. and they
were lost. The ports of Flushing and Flanders were better
points. There we could not tell by our eyes what means
of transport were provided. From thence, therefore, if it
came forth at all, the expedition w^ould come. "And what
a forlorn undertaking! " said he. " Consider cross-tides,
etc. As for rowing, that is impossible. It is perfectly right
to be prepared for a mad government; but with the active
force which has been given me, I may pronounce it almost
impracticable," -

That force had been got together with an alacrity which
has seldom been equalled. On the twenty-eighth of July,
we were, in Nelson's own words, literally at the foundation
of our fabric of defence: and twelve days afterwards we
were so prepared on the enemy's coast, that he did not

' The passage within brackets does not occur in the first, second, and third
editions.

^ Nelson seems at the time of his appointment to have taken the invasion
threat seriously. He estimated that 40,000 men would be employed and that
about 500 light craft would be required for their transport. After a brief study of
the problem he discovered that tlie craft at Boulogne numbered no more than
sixty; and from this moment he pronounced the enemy's scheme ridiculous.

254 LIFE OF NELSON

believe they could get three miles from their ports. The
Medusa, returning to our own shores, anchored in the
rolling ground off Harwich; and, when Nelson wished to
get to the Nore in her, the wind rendered it impossible to
proceed there by the usual channel. In haste to be at the
Nore, remembering that he had been a tolerable pilot for
the mouth of the Thames in his younger days, and thinking
it necessary that he should know all that could be known
of the navigation, he requested the maritime surveyor of
the coast, Mr. Spence, to get him into the Swin, by any
channel: for neither the pilots which he had on board, nor
the Harwich ones, would take charge of the ship. No vessel
drawing more than fourteen feet had ever before ventured
over the Naze. Mr. Spence, however, who had surveyed the
channel, carried her safely through. The channel has since
been called Nelson's, though he himself wished it to be named
after the Medusa. His name needed no new memorial.^

Nelson's eye was upon Flushing.- " To take possession
of that place," he said, " would be a week's expedition for
four or five thousand troops." This, however, required a
consultation with the Admiralty; and that something might
be done meantime, he resolved upon attacking the flotilla
in the mouth of Boulogne harbour. This resolution was
made in deference to the opinion of others, and to the
public feeling which was so preposterously excited. He
himself scrupled not to assert that the French army would
never embark at Boulogne for the invasion of England;
and he owned that this boat-warfare was not exactly con-
genial to his feelings. Into Helvoetsluys or Flushing he
should be happy to lead, if government turned their thoughts
that way. " While I serve," said he, " I will do it actively,
and to the very best of my abilities. I require nursing like
a child," he added. " My mind carries me beyond my
strength, and will do me up. But such is my nature."

The attack was made ^ by the boats of the squadron in

' An easterly wind kept Nelson imprisoned at Harwich; and to the south of
him the flats that extend seaward from the Naze cut him off from the entrance
to the Thames. With the wind wliere it was, he could make head to the south-
ward, and so he took his frigate boldly over the Sands, picking a hazardous course
which from that day to this has been called the " Medusa Channel."

^ No sooner had Nelson decided that the French invasion scheme was imprac-
ticable than he desired to punish its originators for their insolence in forming it.

* i6th August, 1801.

AT HOME 255

five divisions, under Captains Somerville, Parker, Cotgrave,
Jones and Conn. The previous essay had taught the French
the weak parts of their position ; and they omitted no means
of strengthening it, and of guarding against the expected
attempt. The boats put off about half-an-hour before
midnight; but, owing to the darkness, and tide and half-
tide,^ which must always make night attacks so uncertain
on the coasts of the Channel, the divisions separated. One
could not arrive at all; another not till near daybreak.
The others made their attack gallantly; but the enemy
were fully prepared. Every vessel was defended by long
poles, headed with iron spikes projecting from their sides;
strong nettings were braced up to their lower yards; they
were moored by the bottom to the shore ; ^ they were
strongly manned with soldiers and protected by land
batteries; and the shore was hned with troops. Many were
taken possession of; and, though they could not have been
brought out, would have been burned, had not the French
resorted to a mode of offence, which they have often used,
but which no other people have ever been wicked enough
to employ. The moment the firing ceased on board one of
their own vessels they fired upon it from the shore, perfectly
regardless of their own men.

The commander of one of the French divisions acted like
a generous enemy. He hailed the boats as they approached,
and cried out in English, " Let me advise you, my brave
Englishmen, to keep your distance. You can do nothing
here; and it is only uselessly shedding the blood of brave
men to make the attempt." The French official account
boasted of the victory. " The combat," it said, " took
place in sight of both countries; it was the first of the kind,
and the historian would have cause to make this remark."

* Where the tide ebbs and flows in a normal way a seaman can make the
necessary allowances; but where roadsteads are affected by the interaction of
watcr-voliiincs retained by river estuaries and extra channels, calculations are
always liable to go astray.

' In the former editions I had stated, upon what appeared authentic informa-
tion, that tlie boats were chained one to another. Nelson himself believed this.
Hut I have been assured that it was not the case, by M. de Bercet, wlio, when I
had tlie jjleasure of seeing him in 1825, was (and I hope still is) Commandant of
Ht)ulogne. The word of tins brave and loyal soldier is as little to be <loubtod as
his worth. He is the last survivor of Charette's band; and his own memoirs, could
he be persuaded to write them (a duty wliicii he owes to his country as well as to
himself) would form a redeeming episode in the history of the French Revolution.
— Southey's Note, Fourth Edition.

256 LIFE OF NELSON

They guessed our loss at four or five hundred. It amounted
to one hundred and seventy-two. In his private letters
to the Admiralty Nelson affirmed that, had our force arrived
as he intended, it was not all the chains in France which
could have prevented our men from bringing off the whole
of the vessels. There had been no error committed, and
never did Englishmen display more courage. Upon this
point Nelson was fully satisfied; but he said he should
never bring himself again to allow any attack, wherein he
was not personally concerned ; ^ and that his mind suffered
more than if he had had a leg shot off in the affair. He
grieved particularly for Captain Parker, an excellent officer,
to whom he was greatly attached, and who had an aged
father looking to him for assistance. His thigh was shattered
in the action; and the wound proved mortal, after some
weeks of suffering and manly resignation. During this
interval, Nelson's anxiety was very great. " Dear Parker
is my child," said he; " for I found him in distress." And
when he received the tidings of his death, he replied, " You
will judge of my feehngs. God's will be done. I beg that
his hair may be cut off and given me. It shall be buried in
my grave. Poor Mr. Parker! What a son has he lost! If
I M'ere to say I was content, I should lie; but I shall
endeavour to submit with all the fortitude in my power.
His loss has made a wound in my heart, which time will
hardly heal."

[" You ask me, my dear friend," he says to Lady Hamil-
ton, " if I am going on more expeditions. And even if I
was to forfeit your friendship, which is dearer to me than
all the world, I can tell you nothing. For, I go out.^ I see
the enemy, and can get at them, it is my duty: and you
would naturally hate me, if I kept back one moment. I
long to pay them, for their tricks t'other day, the debt of
a drubbing, which surely I'll pay: but when, where, or how,
it is impossible, your own good sense must tell you, for me
or mortal man to say." — Yet] ^ he now wished to be re-
lieved from this service. The country, he said, had attached

' " He should never bring himself to accept responsibility for an attack
without leading it himself in person."

* Sir Harris Nicolas inserts an " If " at this point (Vol. IV. p. 473).

' The passage within brackets does not occur in the first, second, and third
editions.

AT HOME 257

a confidence to his name, which he had submitted to, and
therefore had cheerfully repaired to the station. But this
boat business, though it might be part of a great plan of
invasion, could never be the only one, and he did not think
it was a command for a vice-admiral.^ It was not that he
wanted a more lucrative situation ; for, seriously indisposed
as he was, and low-spirited from private considerations, he
did not know, if the Mediterranean were vacant, that he
should be equal to undertake it.

[He was offended with the Admiralty for refusing him
leave to go to town when he had solicited. In reply to a
friendly letter from Troubridge he says, " I am at this
moment as firmly of opinion as ever that Lord St. Vincent
and yourself should have allowed of my coming to town
for my own affairs, for every one knows I left it without
a thought for myself." His letters at this time breathe
an angry feeling toward Troubridge, who was now become,
he said, one of his lords and masters. " I have a letter from
him," he says, " recommending me to wear flannel shirts.
Does he care for me? no: but never mind. They shall
work hard to get me again. The cold has settled in my
bowels. I wish the Admiralty had my complaint : but
they have no bowels, at least for me. I dare say Master
Troubridge has grown fat. I know I am grown lean with
my complaint, which, but for their indifference about my
health, could never have happened; or, at least, I should
have got well long ago in a warm room with a good fire and
sincere friend." In the same tone of bitterness, he com-
plained that he was not able to promote those whom he
thought deserving. " Troubridge," he says, " has so com-
pletely prevented my ever mentioning anybody's service,
that I am become a cipher, and he has gained a victory over
Nelson's spirit. I am kept here, for what? He may be able
to tell, I cannot. But long it cannot, shall not be." An
end was put to this uncomfortable state of mind when,
fortunately (on that account) for him as well as happily

* Nelson felt the repulse of his captains at Boulogne, because the attack he
had projected was in a sense unnecessary. So long as the English flotilla held
tho narrow seas, nu troopships could e\cr hope to cross. Tliorefore, in his opinion
the French activity was merely a blind, or part of a larger scheme in which a fleet
of big ships was intended to come and scatter the English flotilla. H this latter
surmise was correct, then he desired to hoist his flag in a ship of the line and seek
the big fleet and annihilate it.

258 LIFE OF NELSON

for the nation,] ^ the peace ^ of Amiens ^ was, just at this
time, signed.

Nelson rejoiced that the experiment was made, but was
well aware that it was an experiment. He saw what he
called the misery of peace, unless the utmost vigilance and
prudence were exerted: and he expressed, in bitter terms,
his proper indignation at the manner in which the mob of
London welcomed the French general, who brought the ratifi-
cation: saying, "that theymade him ashamed of his country."

He had purchased a house and estate at Merton,^ in
Surrey; meaning to pass his days there in the society of
Sir William and Lady Hamilton.

[He had indulged in pleasant dreams when looking on
to this as his place of residence and rest. " To be sure,"
he says, " we shall employ the tradespeople of our village
in preference to any others, in what we want for common
use, and give them every encouragement to be kind and
attentive to us." — "Have we a nice church at Merton?
We will set an example of goodness to the under-parish-
ioners. I admire the pigs and poultry. Sheep are certainly
most beneficial to eat off the grass. Do you get paid for
them, and take care that they are kept on the premises all
night, for that is the time they do good to the land. They
should be folded. Is your head man a good person, and true
to our interest ? I intend to have a farming-book. I expect
that all animals will increase where you are, for I never
expect that you will suffer any to be killed. No person can
take amiss our not visiting. The answer from me will always
be very civil thanks, but that I wish to live retired. We
shall have our sea-friends; and I know Sir William thinks
they are the best."] ^

1 The paragraph within brackets does not occur in the first, second, and third
editions.

^ " Just at this time the peace," first, second, and third editions.

^ The final treat}' of peace was not signed until 25th March, 1802; but pre-
liminaries were agreed to, and hostilities ceased, in October 1801.

* The house, which Nelson visited for the first time on 22nd October, 1801, has
long since been pulled down and its site built over. The place has been absorbed
into and may virtually be considered a part of Wimbledon. To judge from
engravings, " Merton" itself must have been a rather hideous stucco building;
but it stood in well-wooded grounds, watered by a tributary of the Wandle,
which Lady Hamilton playfully rechristened " The Nile." There was certainly
no place on earth where the Admiral was ever so happy, and during his last
years at sea his thoughts perpetually flew back to it.

^ The passage within brackets does not occur in the first, second, and third
editions.

AT HOME 259

This place he had never seen till he was now welcomed
there by the friends to whom he had so passionately devoted
himself, and who were not less sincerely attached to him.
The place, and everything which Lady Hamilton had done
to it, delighted him; and he declared that the longest liver
should possess it all. [Here he amused himself with angling
in the Wandle, having been a good fly-fisher in former days,
and learning now to practise with his left hand,^ what he
could no longer pursue as a solitary diversion.] ^ [His
pensions for his victories, and for the loss of his eye and
arm, amounted with his half-pay to about £3,400 a year.
From this he gave £1,800 to Lady Nelson, £200 to a brother's
widow and £150 for the education of his children; and he
paid £500 interest for borrowed money; so that Nelson
was comparatively a poor man; and though much of the
pecuniary embarrassment which he endured was occasioned
by the separation from his wife ^ — even if that cause had
not existed, his income would not have been sufficient

1 This is mentioned on the authority and by the desire of Sir Humphrey
Davy {Salvionia, p. 6), whose name I write with the respect to which it is so
justly entitled; and calling to mind the time when we were in habits of daily and
intimate intercourse with affectionate regret. — Southey's Note, Third Edition.

' The passage within brackets does not occur in the first, second, and third
editions.

^ The real tragedy of Nelson's life was not so much his meeting with Lady
Hamilton at Naples, as his marriage in haste with Frances Nisbet. Lady Nelson
was a kind, affectionate soul, nice-looking, genteel, and always beautifully
dressed. She was wrapped up in her son by her first marriage, the Josiah Nisbet
who behaved so well at Teneriffe; and she got on excellently with Nelson's father,
whose companion she was when her husband went to the wars. But there is
enough correspondence extant to show that she did not easily make friends, and
rather repelled the other members of the Nelson family. She was not lacking in
sympathy; but was far more interested in herself than in anyone else. She liked
fine clothes and comfortable quarters, and she exacted, perhaps a little too
persistently, respect for her position and consideration for her rank. She had
unhappily the faults of a self-centred woman without the counter-attractions either
of wistfuiness or charm. Nelson treated her with homage, veneration antl respect,
and she bore herself as if she were the partner of his life, rather than the queen of
his heart. When those lightning-strokes of genius which men call St. Vincent and
the Nile sent the workl into ecstasies. Lady Nelson with complete composure kept
her head. " I sincerely hope, my dear husband," she wrote to him after his first
triumph, "that all these wonderful and desperate actions — such as boarding
ships — you will leave to others. With the protection of a Supreme Being you
have acquired a character or name which all hands agree cannot be greater.
Therefore rest satisfied."

Contrast with these sentiments the letter of a comparative stranger after the
battle of the Nile. " Joy, joy, joy to you, brave, gallant, immortalised Nelson!
May that great God Whose cause you so valiantly support, protect and bless you
to the end of your brilliant career! Such a race surely never was run. My heart
is absolutely bursting with different sensations of joy, of gratitude, of pride, of
every emotion that ever warmed the bosom of a British woman on hearing of her
country's glory, and all produced by my dear, my good friend. . . . This moment
the guns are firing, illuminations are preparing, your gallant name is echoed from
street to street, and every Briton feels his obligations to you weighing him

26o LIFE OF NELSON

for the rank which he held, and the claims which would
necessarily be made upon his bounty.] ^

The depression of spirits under which he had long laboured
arose from the state of his circumstances, and partly from
the other disquietudes in which his connection with Lady
Hamilton had involved him; a connection which it was
not possible his father could behold without sorrow and

1 The passage within brackets does not occur in the first edition.

down. I am half mad, and I feel I have written you a strange letter. But you'll
excuse it."

Thus wrote Lady Spencer, the wife of the noble Earl who presided with dignity
and decorum over tlie Board of Admiralty.

Now it may be urged that Lady Spencer and Lady Nelson felt exactly the same
electric thrill, but that Lady Spencer could turn her emotion into words and
Lady Nelson could not. If this is true, and it may be so, no dishonour attaches
to Lady Nelson. But sound reasoning will not deter the doom of tragedy. What
Lady Nelson utterly lacked, the victor of the Nile most required. He loved
appreciation, he adored flattery; he worshipped those who sang his praise. So
infectious was his own enthusiasm tliat he lit as with a torch the answering spark
in others. But his " Fanny " looked on his enthusiasms with sonrething almost
like jealousy, and in comparison with others was cold, restrained, undemon-
strative, and irresponsive.

The drifting apart of an ill-mated pair was unhappily hastened by Josiah. It
has already been seen how Nelson after Teneriffe secured for his stepson an
independent command. The custom of the service then allowed such early
promotion ; but it was bad for all but the steadiest youths, and in Josiah's case
it proved fatal. The young man got into serious trouble, and roused the wrath of
Earl St. Vincent. Nelson, who was inclined to be over-indulgent for more reasons
than one, was at last unable to overlook the boy's delinquencies and took him to
task. Josiah became insolent and revengeful. It was always difficult for Nelson
with only one arm to climb up the side of a ship, and Josiah expressed the hope
that he would slip and break his neck. (Letter in the possession of Lieut. -
Commander P. K. Kekewich, R.N.) He then wrote his mother slanderous
letters in which he traduced his stepfather's character and put the worst con-
struction on his intimacy with Lady Hamilton. Lady Nelson had to choose
between her husband and her son, and decided to put implicit credence in all Josiah
said. When Nelson reached home in the summer of 1800, and all England turned
out to greet the victor of the Nile, Lady Nelson was conspicuous by her absence.

In after days when Sir Harris Nicolas was compiling his monumental collection
of Nelson's Dispatches and Letters, he wrote to Mr. Haslewood (the Admiral's
solicitor), asking him if he could throw any light on the final severance. Mr.
Haslewood replied, " In the winter of 1800-1 I was breakfasting with Lord and
Lady Nelson at their lodgings in Arlington Street, and a cheerful conversation
was passing on indifferent subjects when Lord Nelson spoke of something that
had been done or said by ' dear Lady Hamilton. ' Upon which Lady Nelson rose
from her chair and exclaimed with much vehemence, ' I am sick of hearing of
" dear Lady Hamilton," and am resolved that you shall give up either her or me! '
Lord Nelson with perfect calmness said, ' Take care, Fanny, what you say. I
love you sincerely; but I cannot forget my obligations to Lady Hamilton or
speak of her otherwise than with affection and admiration! ' Without one sooth-
ing word or gesture, but muttering something about her mind being made up.
Lady Nelson left the room, and shortly after drove from the house. They never
lived together afterwards. I believe that Lord Nelson took a formal leave of her
ladyship before joining the fleet under Sir Hyde Parker, but that to the day of
her husband's glorious death she never made any apology for her abrupt and
ungentle conduct above related, or any overture towards a reconciliation."

Messrs. Clarke and McArthur, whose life of the Admiral (1809) was patronised
by Lady Nelson, state (perhaps on her authority) that before sailing to the Baltic
Nelson said to her, " I call God to witness there is nothing in you or your conduct

AT HOME 261

displeasure. Mr. Nelson, however, was soon persuaded that
the attachment, which Lady Nelson regarded with natural
jealousy and resentment, did not in reality pass the bounds
of ardent and romantic admiration; a passion which the
manners and accomplishments of Lady Hamilton, fas-
cinating as they were, would not have been able to excite,
if they had not been accompanied by more uncommon
intellectual endowments and a character which, both in its
strength and its weakness, resembled his own.^ It did not,

* This "is a kinder and more correct estimate than that which has since been
formed by people who have had more information than Southey and less reason
to be unkind. Lord Rosebery, writing in 1903, dismissed Lady Hamilton as a
'■ vulgar adventuress" {United Service Magazine, No. 923). Yet the fastidious
poet Hayley, when he wrote to ask if she knew how many pictures Romney had
painted of her, made use of the expression, " You were not only his model but
his inspirer, and he truly and gratefully said that he owed a great part of his
felicity as painter to the angelic kindness and intelligence with which you used to
animate his diffident and tremulous spirits to the grandest efforts of art." (17th
May, 1804.)

Innumerable are the books that have been written about the woman to whom
Romney and Nelson admitted so profound a debt. Among these, the reader
desiring further enlightenment should certainly select Nelson's Friendships, by
Hilda Gamlin, and Emma Lady Hamilton, by Walter Sichel.

that I wish otherwise." We may well believe this; for the words are characteristic,
and suggest a desire for mutual forgiveness. But nothing save recrimination ensued.
Nelson then set out for Plymouth, and on his way penned the following epistle:

My dear Fanny, Southampton, 13th January, 1801.

We are arrived and heartily tired; and with kindest regards to my father and
all the family, Believe me your affectionate

Nelson.

This fresh overture evoked no reply; but Nelson was not to be frustrated by
silence. On 12th February he hoisted his flag in the St. George, and six days later
received orders to proceed to Spithead en route for the Baltic. On 21st he reached
Portsmouth, obtained leave of absence to settle his private affairs, hastened to
London for " one word more," and found that Lady Nelson had shut up the
house and gone away without leaving an address. This, of course, was the end.

Now it is quite in keeping with all that is known of Lady Nelson that she should
prefer to dictate to her husband whom he should choose as his friends rather than
draw him gently back to her side by the comforts of love and forgiveness. But
that is no reason why she should forfeit the sympathy of those who read her
husband's biography. Where the worldly-wise have erred, they have erred, not
in the measure, but in the nature, of the sympathy tliey have felt and expressed.
And it is Southey who has led them astray. He has said too little or else too much.
He has said enough to show that Nelson lived apart from his wife; and his readers,
left at liberty to conceive what they pleased, have shuddered, like the authoress
of John Halifax, Gentleman, at imaginary wickednesses of which Nelson was in-
capable. Lady Nelson is to be pitied because she lost the love of one whom she
never truly understood; and because she preferred to cherish her injured pride
and self-esteem rather than tread the flinty road of reconciliation in search of the
treasure she had lost.

Nelson has borne and will probably continue to bear the whole blame for the
tragedy that ruined his home. \'et the tears were his as well as hers; and the
faults not undivided. He looked for forgiveness and fountl none; she found
misdemeanours where none had been committed. He offered her himself and she
closed the door upon him; he sent her sixteen hundred a year to maintain her
estate, and in a businesslike fashion she signed the receipts.
U

262 LIFE OF NELSON

therefore, require much explanation to reconcile ^ him to
his son — an event the more essential to Nelson's happiness
because a few months afterwards the good old man died at
the age of seventy-nine. ^

Soon after the conclusion of peace, tidings arrived of our
final and decisive successes in Egypt: ' in consequence of
which, the Common Council voted their thanks to the army
and navy for bringing the campaign to so glorious a con-
clusion. When Nelson, after the action of Cape St. Vincent,
had been entertained at a City feast, he had observed to
the Lord Mayor that " if the City continued its generosity,
the navy would ruin them in gifts." To which the Lord
Mayor replied, putting his hand upon the Admiral's shoulder,
" Do you find victories and we will find rewards." Nelson,
as he said, had kept his word — had doubly fulfilled his part
of the contract — but no thanks had been voted for the
battle of Copenhagen; and feeling that he and his com-
panions in that day's glory had a fair and honourable claim
to this reward, he took the present opportunity of addressing
a letter to the Lord Mayor, complaining of the omission
and the injustice. " The smallest services," said he, " ren-
dered by the army or navy to the country, have been always
noticed by the great city of London, with one exception — •
the glorious second of April — a day when the greatest
dangers of navigation were overcome, and the Danish
force, which they thought impregnable, totally taken or
destroyed by the consummate skill of our commanders,
and by the undaunted bravery of as gallant a band as ever
defended the rights of this country. For myself, if I were
only personally concerned, I should bear the stigma, at-
tempted to be now first placed upon my brow, with humility. \
But, my lord, I am the natural guardian of the fame of the
officers of the navy, army, and marines, who fought and so
profusely bled, under my command, on that day. Again,
I disclaim for myself more merit than naturally falls to a
successful commander; but when I am called upon to
speak of the merits of the captains of His Majesty's ships,

1 This word is unfortunate as it suggests that there had been a quarrel: whereas
the mutual affection of father and son had not for a moment been disturbed.

* 26th April, 1802.

' The French armies which Napoleon took to the East and deserted after the
Nile agreed to surrender and evacuate Egypt on condition that the English
transported them home.

AT HOME 263/

and of the officers and men, whether seamen, marines, or
soldiers, whom I that day had the happiness to command,
I then say, that never was the glory of this country upheld
with more determined bravery than on that occasion. And,,
if I may be allowed to give an opinion as a Briton, then I
say that more important service was never rendered to our
King and country. It is my duty, my lord, to prove to the
brave fellows, my companions in danger, that I have not
failed, at every proper place, to represent, as well as I am
able, their bravery and meritorious conduct."

Another honour of greater import was withheld from the
conquerors. The King had given medals to those captains
who were engaged in the battles of the First of June, of
Cape St. Vincent, of Camperdown, and of the Nile. Then
came the victory at Copenhagen, which Nelson truly called
the most difficult achievement, the hardest fought battle,
the most glorious result that ever graced the annals of our
country. He, of course, expected the medal; and, in writing
to Earl St. Vincent, said, " He longed to have it, and would
not give it up to be made an Enghsh duke." The medal,
however, was not given. " For what reason," says Nelson,
" Lord St. Vincent best knows " ^ — words plainly im-
plying a suspicion that it was withheld by some feeling of
jealousy; and that suspicion estranged him, during the
remaining part of his life, from one who had at one
time been essentially, as well as sincerely, his friend,
and of whose professional abilities he ever entertained
the highest opinion.

* The lack of recognition for the victory of Copenhagen seems to have been
due to a rather ludicrous desire on the part of the Ministry to prevent giving
offence to those of Sir Hyde Parker's fleet who had not actually participated in
the battle; to which motive they added a timorous feeling that they might
possibly also give umbrage to Denmark, who was now no longer a foe.

PART IX

THE CAMPAIGN OF TRAFALGAR

1803-5

CHAPTER I

THE BLOCKADE OF TOULON
[SOUTHEY. CHAPTER VIII.— continued]

The happiness which Nelson enjoyed in the society of his
chosen friends was of no long continuance. Sir William
Hamilton, who was far advanced in years, died early in
1803; ^ [a mild, amiable, accomplished man, who has thus
in a letter described his own philosophy. " My study of
antiquities," he says, " has kept me in constant thought of
the perpetual fluctuation of everything. The whole art is
really to live all the days of our life ; and not with anxious
care disturb the sweetest hour that life affords, — which is
the present. Admire the Creator, and all His works, to us
incomprehensible; and do all' the good you can upon earth:
and take the chance of eternity without dismay."] ^ He
expired in his wife's arms, holding Nelson by the hand;
and almost in his last words left her to his protection;
requesting him that he would see justice done her by the
government, as he knew what she had done for her country.
He left him her portrait in enamel, calling him his dearest
friend; the most virtuous, loyal, and truly brave character
he had ever known. The codicil, containing this bequest,
concluded with these words, " God bless him, and shame
fall on those who do not say ' Amen.' " Sir William's pension
of £1,200 a year ceased with his death. Nelson applied to
Mr. Addington in Lady Hamilton's behalf, stating the
important service which she had rendered to the fleet at

1 6th April.

' The passage in brackets does not occur in the first, second, and third editions.

264

THE CAMPAIGN OF TRAFALGAR 265

Syracuse: and Mr. Addington, it is said, acknowledged
that she had a just claim upon the gratitude of the country.
This barren acknowledgment was all that was obtained:
but a sum, equal to the pension which her husband had
enjoyed, was settled on her by Nelson, and paid in monthly
payments during his life. A few weeks after this event,
the war was renewed; and, the day after his Majesty's
message to parhament, Nelson departed to take the com-
mand of the Mediterranean fleet. ^ [The war, he thought,
could not be long; just enough to make him independent
in pecuniary matters.] ^

He took his station immediately off Toulon; and there,
with incessant vigilance, waited for the coming out of the
enemy. [The expectation of acquiring a competent fortune
did not last long. " Somehow," he says, " my mind is not
sharp enough for prize-money. Lord Keith would have
made £20,000, and I have not made £6,000." More than
once he says that the prizes taken in the Mediterranean had
not paid his expenses, and once he expresses himself as if
it were a consolation to think that some ball might soon
close all his accounts with this world of care and vexation.
At this time the widow of his brother, being then blind
and advanced in years, was distressed for money, and about

' When Southe)' wrote this last section of his work, the menace of Napoleon's
invasion scheme was still so vivid a memory in men's minds that he did not think
it necessary to frame his picture in a setting of contemporaneous history. To-day,
in order to understand his narrative, we need to recall the main facts of the
political situation.

The Peace of Amiens in 1802 had been signed and sealed merely to be broken.
Napoleon, bent on universal overlordship, was treating Holland as a subject
nation; and England, who had undertaken to evacuate Malta, retained her hold
upon it as the only rein whereby to curb his insolence. Napoleon attempted to
browbeat her; and England amazed him by declaring war (i6th May, 1803).
Napoleon gathered the " Army of England" along the coast that faces the white
cliffs of Dover, and certainly succeeded in instilling into the hearts of the people
he hated a very real sense of fear. His legions around Boulogne numbered close
upon 150,000 soldiers; and these, according to his own mendacious statement,
could be embarked in boats to cross the "' ditch " in a couple of hours at most.

The English seamen, who did not share the nervousness of their land-dwelling
countrymen, prayed that Napoleon would be foolish enough to launch his troops
in boats and put to sea. With small craft of every kind they swarmed about him,
ready always to leap upon him and in that moment strike him dead. All this
Napoleon thoroughly understood, and in order to rid himself of the unpleasant
attentions of the English flotilla, he required the French fleets at Toulon and
Brest to unite and sweep the Channel. Without being admitted into his plans,
however, the Lords of the Admiralty thwarted him. They sent Admiral Corn-
wallis to blockade Brest, and Nelson to blockade Toulon. And so long as the
French Mediterranean fleet was held a prisoner in its own port and was prevented
from joining the fleet at Brest, the shores of England remained inviolable.

' The passage in brackets does not occur in the first, second, and third editions.

266 LIFE OF NELSON

to sell her plate. He wrote to Lady Hamilton, requesting
of her to find out what her debts were, and saying that, if
the amount was within his power, he would certainly pay
it and rather pinch himself than that she should want.
Before he had finished the letter, an account arrived that a
sum was payable to him for some neutral taken four years
before, which enabled him to do this without being the
poorer : and he seems to have felt at the moment that what
was thus disposed of by a cheerful giver, shall be paid to
him again. One from whom he had looked for very different
conduct had compared his own wealth in no becoming
manner with Nelson's limited means, " I know," said he
to Lady Hamilton, " the full extent of the obligation I
owe him, and he may be useful to me again ; but I can never
forget his unkindness to 3^ou. But, I guess many reasons
influenced his conduct in bragging of his riches and my
honourable poverty; but, as I have often said, and with
honest pride, what I have is my own. It never cost the
widow a tear, or the nation a farthing. I got what I have
with my pure blood from the enemies of my country. Our
house, my own Emma, is built upon a solid foundation;
and will last to us, when his house and lands may belong
to others than his children,"

His hope was that peace might soon be made, or that
he should be relieved from his command, and retire to
Merton, where at that distance he was planning and direct-
ing improvements. On his birthday he writes, " This
day, my dearest Emma, I consider as more fortunate than
common days, as by my coming into this world it has
brought me so intimately acquainted with you. I well know
that you will keep it, and have my dear Horatia to drink
my health. Forty-six years of toil and trouble! How few
more the common lot of mankind leads us to expect! and
therefore it is almost time to think of spending the last few
years in peace and quietness." It is painful to think that
this language was not addressed to his wife, but to one
with whom he promised himself " many, many happy
years, when that impediment," as he calls her, " shall be
removed, if God pleased"; and they might be surrounded
by their children's children .]i

1 The passage in brackets does not occur in the first, second, and third editions.

THE CAMPAIGN OF TRAFALGAR 267

When he had been fourteen months off Toulon, he received
a vote of thanks from the city of London for his skill and
perseverance in blockading that port, so as to prevent the
French from putting to sea. Nelson had not forgotten the
wrong which the city had done to the Baltic fleet by their
omission, and did not lose the opportunity which this vote
afforded of recurring to that point. " I do assure your
lordship," said he, in his answer to the Lord Mayor, " that
there is not that man breathing who sets a higher value
upon the thanks of his fellow-citizens of London than myself;
but I should feel as much ashamed to receive them for a
particular service (marked in the resolution) if I felt that I
did not come within that line of service, as I should feel
hurt at having a great victory passed over without notice.
I beg to inform your lordship that the port of Toulon has
never been blockaded by me. Quite the reverse. Every
opportunity has been offered the enemy to put to sea. For
it is there that we hope to realise the hopes and expectations
of our country." Nelson then remarked that the junior
Flag Officers of his fleet had been omitted in this vote of
thanks ; and his surprise at the omission was expressed with
more asperity, perhaps, than an offence, so entirely and
manifestly unintentional, deserved. But it arose from that
generous regard for the feelings as well as interests of all
who were under his command, which made him as much
beloved in the fleets of Britain, as he was dreaded in those
of the enemy.

Never was any commander more beloved. He governed
men by their reason and their affections. They knew that
he was incapable of caprice or tyranny; and they obeyed
him with alacrity and joy, because he possessed their con-
fidence as well as their love. " Our Nel," they used to say,
"is as brave as a lion, and as gentle as a lamb." Severe
discipline he detested, though he had been bred in a severe
school. He never inflicted corporal punishment if it were
possible to avoid it, and when compelled to enforce it, he,
who was familiar with wounds and death, suffered like a
woman. In his whole life Nelson was never known to act
unkindly towards an officer. If he was asked to prosecute
one for ill behaviour, he used to answer, that there was no
occasion for him to ruin a poor devil, who was sufficiently

268 LIFE OF NELSON

his own enemy to ruin himself. But in Nelson there was
more than the easiness and humanity of a happy nature.
He did not merely abstain from injury; his was an active
and watchful benevolence, ever desirous not only to render
justice, but to do good. During the peace, he had spoken
in parliament upon the abuses respecting prize-money;
and had submitted plans to government for more easily
manning the navy and preventing desertion from it, by
bettering the condition of the seamen. He proposed that
their certificates should be registered; ^ and that every
man who had served, with a good character, five years in
war, should receive a bounty of two guineas annually after
that time, and of four guineas after eight years. " This,"
he said, " might, at first sight, appear an enormous sum
for the state to pay; but the average life of seamen is, from
hard service, finished at forty-five: he cannot, therefore,
enjoy the annuity many years; and the interest of the
money saved by their not deserting would go far to pay the
whole expense."

To his midshipmen he ever showed the most winning
kindness, encouraging the diffident, tempering the hasty,
counselhng and befriending both. " Recollect," he used
to say, " that you must be a seaman to be an officer; and
also, that you cannot be a good officer without being a
gentleman." A lieutenant wrote to him to say that he
was dissatisfied with his captain. Nelson's answer was in
that spirit of perfect wisdom and perfect goodness which
regulated his whole conduct toward those who were under
his command. " I have just received your letter; and I
am truly sorry that any difference should arise between
your captain, who has the reputation of being one of the
bright officers of the service, and yourself, a very young
man, and a very young officer, who must naturally have

1 The seamen were not paid what was due to them by regular wages on a fixed
pay-day. They received at the end of their ship's commission a ticket or certificate
on which was inscribed the amount of money to which they were entitled. This
paper-coinage could only be converted into hard cash at the Ticket Office in
London; and the seamen, rather than be bothered to apply themselves, would
often part with their paper at a heavy discount to Jews and other speculators.
This exchange led to such extensive frauds by the forging of sham certificates
that the Ticket Office wearied the genuine applicant by compelling him to prove
who he was. Nelson proposed the issue to all seamen of identification papers,
which would not only enable them to obtain their dues, but serve by way of
testimonial to character when they sought other forms of employment.

THE CAMPAIGN OF TRAFALGAR 269

much to learn. Therefore the chance is, that you are per-
fectly wrong in the disagreement. However, as your present
situation must be very disagreeable, I will certainly take
an early opportunity of removing 3^ou, provided your
conduct to your present captain be such that another
may not refuse to receive you."

The gentleness and benignity of his disposition never
made him forget what was due to discipline. Being on one
occasion applied to, to save a young officer from a court
martial, which he had provoked by his misconduct, his
reply was, " That he would do everything in his power to
oblige so gallant and good an officer as Sir John Warren,"
in whose name the intercession had been made. " But
what," he added, " would he do if he were here? — Exactly
what I have done, and am still wilhng to do. The young
man must write such a letter of contrition as would be an
acknowledgment of his great fault; and, with a sincere
promise, if his captain will intercede to prevent the im-
pending court martial, never to so misbehave again. On
his captain's enclosing me such a letter, with a request to
cancel the order for the trial, I might be induced to do it:
but the letters and reprimand will be given in the public
order-book of the fleet, and read to all the officers. The
young man has pushed himself forward to notice, and he
must take the consequence. It was upon the quarter-deck,
in the face of the ship's company, that he treated his captain
with contempt; and I am in duty bound to support the
authority and consequence of every officer under my com-
mand. A poor ignorant seaman is for ever punished for
contempt to his superiors."

A dispute occurred in the fleet, while it was off Toulon,
which called forth Nelson's zeal for the rights and interests
of the navy. Some young artillery officers, serving on
board the bomb vessels, refused to let their men perform
any other duty but what related to the mortars. They
wished to have it established that their corps was not
subject to the Captain's authority. The same pretensions
were made in the Channel fleet about the same time, and the
artillery rested their claims to separate and independent
authority on board, upon a clause in the act, which they
interpreted in their favour. Nelson took up the subject

270 LIFE OF NELSON

with all the earnestness which its importance deserved.
" There is no real happiness in this world," said he, writing
to Earl St. Vincent as First Lord. " With all content, and
smiles aromid me, up start these artillery boys (I under-
stand they are not beyond that age) and set us at defiance ;
speaking in the most disrespectful manner of the navy,
and its commanders. I know you, my dear lord, so well,
that, with your quickness, the matter would have been
settled, and perhaps some of them been broke. I am perhaps
more patient; but I do assure you, not less resolved, if
my plan of conciliation is not attended to. You and I are
on the eve of quitting the theatre of our exploits; but we
hold it due to our successors, never, whilst we have a tongue
to speak, or a hand to write, to allow the navy to be, in the
smallest degree, injured in its discipline by our conduct."
To Troubridge he wrote in the same spirit, " It is the old
history, trying to do away the act of parliament. But I
trust they will never succeed; for, when they do, farewell
to our naval superiority. We should be prettily commanded !
Let them once gain the step of being independent of the
navy on board a ship, and they will soon have the other,
and command us. But, thank God! my dear Troubridge,
the King himself cannot do away the act of parliament.
Although my career is nearly run, yet it would embitter
my future days, and expiring moments, to hear of our navy
being sacrificed to the army." As the surest way of pre-
venting such disputes, he suggested that the navy should
have its own corps of artillery; and a corps of marine
artillery was accordingly established. ^

Instead of lessening the power of the commander. Nelson
would have wished to see it increased. It was absolutely
necessary, he thought, that merit should be rewarded at
the moment, and that the officers of the fleet should look
up to the commander-in-chief for their reward. He himself
was never more happy than when he could promote those
who were deserving of promotion. Many were the services
which he thus rendered unsolicited: and frequently the
officer, in whose behalf he had interested himself with the
Admiralty, did not know to whose friendly interference he
was indebted for his good fortune. He used to say, " I wish

> The Royal Marine Artillery was established in August 1804.

THE CAMPAIGN OF TRAFALGAR 271

it to appear as a God-send." The love which he bore the
navy made him promote the interests, and honour the
memory, of all who had added to its glories. " The near
relations of brother officers," he said, " he considered as
legacies to the service." Upon mention being made to him
of a son of Rodney, by the Duke of Clarence, his reply was,
" I agree with your Ro57'al Highness most entirely that the
son of a Rodney ought to be the protege of every person in
the kingdom, and particularly of the sea officers. Had I
known that there had been this claimant, some of my own
lieutenants must have given way to such a name, and he
should have been placed in the Victory. She is full, and I
liave twenty on my list; but, whatever numbers I have,
the name of Rodney must cut many of them out." Such
was the proper sense which Nelson felt of what was due to
splendid services and illustrious names. His feehngs toward
the brave men who had served with him are shown by a
note in his diary, which was probably not intended for
any other eye than his own. " Nov. 7. I had the comfort
of making an old Agamemnon, George Jones, a gunner into
the Chameleon brig."

When Nelson took the command, it was expected that
the Mediterranean would be an active scene. Nelson well
understood the character of the perfidious Corsican who
was now sole tyrant of France; and knowing that he was
as ready to attack his friends as his enemies, knew, there-
fore, that nothing could be more uncertain than the direction
of the fleet from Toulon, whenever it should put to sea.
" It had as many destinations," he said, " as there were
countries." The momentous revolutions of the last ten
years had given him ample matter for reflection, as well
as opportunities for observation. The film was cleared
from his eyes; and now, when the French no longer went
abroad with the cry of Liberty and Equality, he saw that
the oppression and misrule of the powers which had been
opposed to them had been the main causes of their success,
and that those causes would still prepare the way before
them. Even in Sicily, where, if it had been possible longer
to blind himself, Nelson would willingly have seen no evil;
he perceived that the people wished for a change, and
acknowledged that they had reason to wish for it. In Sardinia

272 LIFE OF NELSON

the same burden of misgovernment was felt ; and the people,
like the Sicilians, were impoverished by a government so
utterly incompetent to perform its first and most essential
duties, that it did not protect its own coasts from the Bar-
bary pirates. He would fain have had us purchase this
island (the finest in the Mediterranean) from its sovereign,
who did not receive £5,000 a year from it after its wretched
establishment was paid. There was reason to think that
France was preparing to possess herself of this important
point, which afforded our fleet facilities for watching
Toulon, not to be obtained elsewhere. An expedition was
preparing at Corsica for the purpose; and all the Sardes,
who had taken part with revolutionary France, were ordered
to assemble there. It was certain that, if the attack were
made, it would succeed. Nelson thought that the only
means to prevent Sardinia from becoming French was to
make it English, and that half a million would give the
King a rich price, and England a cheap purchase. A better
and therefore a wiser policy would have been to exert our
influence in removing the abuses of the government. For
foreign dominion is always, in some degree, an evil; and
allegiance neither can nor ought to be made a thing of
bargain and sale. Sardinia, like Sicily and Corsica, is
large enough to form a separate state. Let us hope that
these islands may one day be made free and independent.
Freedom and independence will bring with them industry
and prosperity; and wherever these are found, arts
and letters will flourish, and the improvement of the
human race proceed.

The proposed attack was postponed. Views of wider
ambition were opening upon Bonaparte, who now almost
undisguisedly aspired to make himself master of the con-
tinent of Europe; and Austria was preparing for another
struggle, to be conducted as weakly and terminated as
miserably as the former.^ Spain, too, was once more to be
involved in war by the policy of France: that perfidious
government having in view the double object of employing
the Spanish resources against England, and exhausting

' The allusions are to Mack's surrender at Ulm on 20th October, 1805, and to
the defeat of the Austro-Russian forces at Austerlitz on 2nd December in the
same year.

THE CAMPAIGN OF TRAFALGAR 273

them, in order to render Spain herself finally its prey.^
Nelson, who knew that England and the Peninsula ought
to be in alliance, for the common interest of both, frequently
expressed his hopes that Spain might resume her natural
rank among the nations. " We ought," he said, " by mutual
consent, to be the very best friends, and both to be ever
hostile to France." But he saw that Bonaparte was medi-
tating the destruction of Spain ; and that, while the wretched
court of Madrid professed to remain neutral, the appearances
of neutrality were scarcely preserved. An order of the
year 1771, excluding British ships of war from the Spanish
ports, was revived, and put in force ; while French privateers,
from these very ports, annoyed the British trade, carried
their prizes in, and sold them even at Barcelona. Nelson
complained of this to the Captain-General of Catalonia,
informing him that he claimed for every British ship or
squadron the right of lying, as long as it pleased, in the
ports of Spain, while that right was allowed to other powers.
To the British ambassador he said, " I am willing to make
large allowances for the miserable situation Spain has
placed herself in ; but there is a certain line, beyond which
I cannot submit to be treated with disrespect. We have
given up French vessels taken within gun-shot of the Spanish
shore, and yet French vessels are permitted to attack our
ships from the Spanish shore. Your excellency may assure
the Spanish government that in whatever place the Spani-
ards allow the French to attack us, in that place I shall
order the French to be attacked."

During this state of things, to which the weakness of
Spain, and not her will, consented, the enemy's fleet did
not venture to put to sea. Nelson watched it with unre-
mitting and almost unexampled perseverance. The station
off Toulon he called his home. " We are in the right fighting
trim," said he. " Let them come as soon as they please.
I never saw a fleet altogether so well officered and manned.
Would to God the ships were half as good ! The finest ones
in the service would soon be destroyed by such terrible
weather. I know well enough that, if I were to go into

* Spain joined France in October 1804, and declared war against England
shortly afterwards. Months earlier she had betrayed where her sympathies lay;
and by opening her ports to the shipping of France she had already torn to shreds
her pretence of neutrality.

274 LIFE OF NELSON

Malta, I should save the ships during this bad season: but
if I am to watch the French, I must be at sea; and, if at
sea, must have bad weather : and if the ships are not fit to
stand bad weather, they are useless." Then only he was
satisfied, and at ease, when he had the enemy in view. Mr.
Elliot, our minister at Naples, seems, at this time, to have
proposed to send a confidential Frenchman to him with
information. " I should be very happy," he replied, " to
receive authentic intelligence of the destination of the
French squadron, their route, and time of sailing. Anything
short of this is useless; and I assure your Excellency, that
I would not, upon any consideration, have a Frenchman
in the fleet, except as a prisoner. I put no confidence in
them. You think yours good; the Queen thinks the same.
I believe they are all alike. Whatever information you can
get me I shall be very thankful for; but not a Frenchman
comes here. Forgive me, but my mother hated the French."
M. Latouche Treville, who had commanded at Boulogne,^
commanded now at Toulon. " He was sent for on purpose,"
said Nelson, " as he heat me at Boulogne, to beat me again:
but he seems very loath to try." One day,^ while the main
body of our fleet was out of sight of land, Rear-Admiral
Campbell, reconnoitring with the Canopus, Donegal, and
Amazon, stood in close to the port; and M. Latouche,
taking advantage of a breeze which sprang up, pushed out
with four ships of the line and three heavy frigates, and
chased him about four leagues. The Frenchman, delighted
at having found himself in so novel a situation, published
a boastful account; aflirming that he had given chase to
the whole British fleet, and that Nelson had fled before
him! ^ Nelson thought it due to the Admiralty to send
home a copy of the Victory's log upon this occasion. "As
for himself," he said, " if his character was not established
by that time for not being apt to run away, it was not
worth his while to put the world right." — " If this fleet
gets fairly up with M. Latouche," said he to one of his

^ See above, pp. 252-6.

' 24th May, 1804.

* As Nelson himself with the bulk of his ships was far out of sight, Admiral
Campbell restrained the pugnacity of the Donegal, who was prepared to fight the
whole French fleet by herself, and led his little force to join the main body, hoping
to deliver the French into Nelson's hands. He was commended by the Admiral
for his sagacity.

THE CAMPAIGN OF TRAFALGAR 275

correspondents, " his letter, with all his ingenuity, must
be different from his last. We had fancied that we chased
him into Toulon; for, blind as I am, I could see his water
line, when he clued his topsails up, shutting in Sepet. But
from the time of his meeting Captain Hawker, in the Isis,^
I never heard of his acting otherwise than as a poltroon and
a liar. Contempt is the best mode of treating such a mis-
creant," In spite, however, of contempt, the impudence of
this Frenchman half angered him. He said to his brother,
" You will have seen Latouche's letter; how he chased me,
and how I ran. I keep it: and if I take him, by God he
shall eat it."

Nelson, who used to say that in sea-affairs nothing is
impossible, and nothing improbable, feared the more that
this Frenchman might get out and elude his vigilance;
because he was so especially desirous of catching him, and
administering to him his own lying letter in a sandwich.
M. Latouche, however, escaped him in another way. He
died, 2 according to the French papers in consequence of
walking so often up to the signal-post upon Sepet, to watch
the British fleet. " I always pronounced that would be his
death," said Nelson. " If he had come out and fought me,
it would, at least, have added ten years to my life." The
patience with which he had watched Toulon, he spoke of,
truly, as a perseverance at sea which had never been sur-
passed. From May 1803 to August 1805 he himself went
out of his ship but three times; each of those times was
upon the King's service and neither time of absence exceeded
an hour. [In 1804 the Swift cutter going out with dispatches

> The frigate Iris {sic) met Latouche-Treville in the frigate Hermione off Sandy
Hook on 7th June, 1780. After a close action, lasting one hour and twenty
minutes, the French frigate made off under all the sail she could carry. The Iris
pursued for three-quarters of an hour, but was then compelled to desist on account
of injuries to her rigging. Latouche-Treville thereupon informed his countrymen
that he had attacked the Iris and would have taken her, but that her superior
speed enabled her to take refuge in New York.

Nelson, of course, was on the far side of the Atlantic during the American War
(see above, pp. 16-30), and may have recalled the incident from his memory. He
may even have remembered the correct name of the English frigate; but his
original letter to Captain Sutton of the Amphion, here quoted, exists only in
Clarke and McArthur's transcript (Vol. 11. p. 367), which may very well have been
faulty. If the original letter could be found it might possibly throw Ught on the
obscure phrase, " shutting in Sepet," which has never been accurately explained;
though it probably means no more than that Nelson had ocular proof that his
opponent had snuggled safely behind the harbour defences.

- i8th August, 1804. He was succeeded in his command by \'ice-.-\diniral
Villeneuve.

276 LIFE OF NELSON

was taken/ and all the dispatches and letters fell into the
hands of the enemy. " A very pretty piece of work! " says
Nelson, " I am not surprised at the capture, but am very
much so that any dispatches should be sent in a vessel with
twenty-three men, not equal to cope with any row-boat
privateer. The loss of the Hindustan was great enough ; ^
but for importance it is lost ^ in comparison to the probable
knowledge the enemy will obtain of our connections with
foreign countries.^ Foreigners for ever say (and it is true),
' We dare not trust England. One way or other we are
sure to be committed.' " In a subsequent letter, he says,
speaking of the same capture, " I find, my dearest Emma,
that your picture is very much admired by the French
Consul at Barcelona; and that he has not sent it to be
admired, which I am sure it would be, by Bonaparte. They
pretend that there were three pictures taken. I wish I had
them. But they are all gone as irretrievably as the dis-
patches ; unless we may read them in a book, as we printed
their correspondence from Egypt. ^ But from us what
can they find out? That I love you most dearly, and hate
the French most damnably. Dr. Scott went to Barcelona
to try to get the private letters; but I fancy they are all
gone to Paris. The Swedish and American Consuls told
him that the French Consul had your picture and read
your letters : and, the Doctor thinks, one of them probably
read the letters. By the master's account of the cutter, I
would not have trusted an old pair of shoes in her. He tells
me she did not sail, but was a good sea-boat. I hope Mr.
Marsden will not trust any more of my private letters in

^ Sent out from England to carry Admiralty dispatches to Nelson. She had
only eight four-pounders, and relied entirely on her speed. She was overhauled
by the French xebec L'Esperance and captured on 3rd April, 1804. Her com-
mander, William Martin Leake, defended his ship with great gallantry and
managed to sink his dispatches before he laid down his life {cp. James, Naval
History, Vol. III. p. 263).

" The Hindustan, with stores for Nelson, was accidentally destroyed by fire in
Rosas Bay on 2nd April, 1804. Her captain was honourably acquitted of all
blame, and the court martial complimented him for his skill in smothering the
fire twelve leagues from shore and saving the lives of all his company. (Nicolas,
Vol. v. p. 503.)

^ Insignificant.

* From the Swift's dispatches, which Nelson wrongly believed that the enemy
had secured.

' " Unless we read them in a book as the French may have read those which
were captured by us during the Egyptian campaign " — i.e.. Copies of Original
I etters from the Army of General Bonaparte in Egypt Intercepted by the Fleet under
the Command of Admiral Lord Nelson. London, 8vo. 1798.

THE CAMPAIGN OF TRAFALGAR 277

such a conveyance. If they choose to trust the affairs of
the pubhc in such a thing, I cannot help it."

While he was on this station]/ the weather had been so
unusually severe, that he said the Mediterranean seemed
altered. It was his rule never to contend with the gales;
but either run to the southward to escape their violence,
or furl all the sails, and make the ships as easy as possible.
The men, though he said flesh and blood could hardly
stand it, continued in excellent health, which he ascribed,
in great measure, to a plentiful supply of lemons and onions.
For himself, he thought he could only last till the battle
was over. One battle more it was his hope that he might
fight. " However," said he, " whatever happens, I have
run a glorious race." [" A few months' rest," he says, " I
must have very soon. If I am in my grave, what arc the
mines of Peru to me? But to say the truth, I have no idea
of killing myself. I may, with care, live yet to do good
service to the state. My cough is very bad, and my side,
where I was struck on the 14th of February,^ is very much
swelled; at times a lump as large as my fist, brought on
occasionally by violent coughing. But I hope and believe
my lungs are yet safe."] ^ He was afraid of blindness ,*
and this was the only evil which he could not contemplate
without unhappiness. More alarming symptoms he regarded
with less apprehension, describing his own " shattered car-
case " as in the worst plight of any in the fleet: and he
says, " I have felt the blood gushing up the left side of
my head: and, the moment it covers the brain, I am fast
asleep." The fleet was in worse trim than the men, but
when he compared it with the enemy's, it was with a right
English feeling. " The French fleet yesterday," said he in
one of his letters, " was to appearance in high feather, and
as fine as paint could make them. But when they may
sail, or where they may go, I am very sorry to say is a
secret I am not acquainted with. Our weather-beaten

• The passage in brackets does not occur in the first, second, and third editions.
^ In a letter to Sir Gilbert Elliot immediately after the battle of St. Vincent

Nelson wrote, " Amongst the slightly wounded is myself, but it is only a contusion
and of no consequence, unless an inllammation takes place in my bowels, which
is the part injured." (Nicolas, Vol. II. p. 350.)

' The passage in brackets does not occur in the first, second, and third editions.

* The nerves of the eyes are so closely connected that the injury which Nelson
received in Corsica was causing intense pain in his " one good eye " and beginning
seriously to impair his powers of vision.

X

278 LIFE OF NELSON

ships, I have no fear, will make their sides like a plum-
pudding." [" Yesterday," he says, on another occasion,
" a Rear- Admiral and seven sail of ships put their nose
outside the harbour. If they go on playing this game, some
day we shall lay salt upon their tails."] ^

Hostilities at length commenced between Great Britain
and Spain. That country, whose miserable government
made her subservient to France, was once more destined
to lavish her resources and her blood in furtherance of the
designs of a perfidious ally. The immediate occasion of the
war was the seizure of four treasure-ships by the English.
The act was perfectly justifiable; for those treasures were
intended to furnish means for France. But the circum-
stances which attended it were as unhappy as they were
unforeseen. Four frigates had been dispatched to intercept
them. They met with an equal force. Resistance, therefore,
became a point of honour on the part of the Spaniards,
and one of their ships soon blew up, with all on board.
Had a stronger squadron been sent, this deplorable catas-
trophe might have been spared: a catastrophe which
excited not more indignation in Spain, than it did grief in
those who were its unwilling instruments, in the English
government, and in the Enghsh people. ^ On the 5th of
October ^ this unhappy affair occurred, and Nelson was
not apprised of it till the 12th of the ensuing month. He
had, indeed, sufficient mortification at the breaking out of
this Spanish war; an event which, it might reasonably

1 The passage in brackets does not occur in the first, second, and third editions.

' The point that Southey touches here is a favourite topic with students of
international law. Was Great Britain justified in chastising the Spaniards before
she had announced her intention of doing so? As a matter of English naval
usage, a blow at the Spanish treasure previous to a formal declaration of war
had been our regular procedure ever since Drake set the fashion in 1585.

In the present instance Commodore Moore, with his broad pendant in the
Indefatigable, had three other frigates in company when he disposed of the four
home-coming galleons from Monte Video. Southey argues that if the English
frigates had been more numerous, the Spaniards would have surrendered to
superior force and no blood would have been spilled. But such reasoning, though
attractive, is logically unsound.

If Moore had the right to capture the Spanish squadron with forty ships, he
had an equal right to capture it with four. A tire broke out on board the Mercedes,
and it was through the fire that the explosion occurred. This accident was not the
fault of the English Government; and it was they who gave Moore his orders.
They were justified in giving them by the constant aggressiveness of a power
which enjoyed all the immunities of a neutral. The destruction of the Mercedes
was the fortune of war; and when fortune is cruel, pity is universal. That really
is all that need be said.

' 1804.

THE CAMPAIGN OF TRAFALGAR 279

liavc been supposed, would amply enrich the officers of the
Mediterranean fleet, and repay them for the severe and
unremitting duty on which they had been so long employed.
But of this harvest they were deprived ; for Sir John Orde
was sent with a small squadron, and a separate command,
to Cadiz. Nelson's feelings were never wounded so deeply
as now. " I had thought," said he, writing in the first flow
and freshness of indignation; " I fancied, — but nay; it
must have been a dream, an idle dream; — yet, I confess it,
I did fancy that I had done my country service; and thus
they use me! — ^And under what circumstances, and with
what pointed aggravation ! — Yet, if I know my own thoughts
it is not for myself, or on my own account chiefly, that I
feel the sting and the disappointment. No! it is for my
brave officers: for my noble-minded friends and comrades.
Such a gallant set of fellows ! Such a band of brothers ! My
heart swells at the thought of them."^

1 As a regular thing, the Mediterranean command extended backwards into
the Atlantic as far as Cape St. Vincent. Not only that, but the stretch of sea
between Cape St. Vincent and the Strait of Gibraltar was considered the ricliest
prize-making station in the whole wide world. To rob the Mediterranean fleet of
its avenue to wealth was hard; but to hand over the avenue to Sir John Orde,
whom Nelson considered his bite noir (cp. above, pp. ii8 and -03), was not only
hard, but injudicious and unkind.

CHAPTER II

THE PURSUIT OF VILLENEUVE

iSth January — igth August, 1805

[SOUTHEY. CHAPTER V 1 1 1 .—continued]

War between Spain and England was now declared; and
on the i8th of January/ the Toulon fleet, having the
Spaniards to co-operate with them, put to sea. ^ Nelson

1 1805.

• Nelson's rigid blockade of Toulon, balanced as it was by Cornwallis's still
more rigid blockade of Brest, had convinced Napoleon that he would have to
modify his scheme for uniting these squadrons and sweeping the Channel. By
sheer compulsion he dragged Spain into the war; and the consequent acquisition
of Carthagena, Cadiz and Ferrol (with the fleets they contained) certainly im-
proved his chances of success. Not content with these additions, he prepared a
new French squadron at Rochefort; while the subjection of Holland put at his
disposal the Dutch fleet in the Texel. With such a remarkable range of possi-
bilities, he convinced himself that the sceptre of the seas was in his grasp. But
he still required to concentrate the squadrons enumerated, or as many as time
and fortune would allow.

Remembering Nelson's precipitate rush round the Mediterranean when his
own expedition sailed for Egypt in 1798, he persuaded himself that the surrep-
titious departure of seven Napoleonic fleets would set the various contingents of
the British Navy playing an extended game of " Blind Man's Buff ": and in the
resulting confusion he believed it possible that his own squadrons might happily
unite and co-operate with him at Boulogne.

His likeliest scheme would have left each Franco-Spanish unit free to " escape "
when occasion offered. But against this procedure there was the obvious objection
that all detachments ought to reach the rendezvous at the same moment. His
programme underwent various changes while its details were being hammered
out; but the consummation which Napoleon dreamed of took eventually some
such shape as the following. The Toulon fleet, evading Nelson, would raise the
blockade both of Carthagena and Cadiz, and, thus strengthened, sail for the secret
rendezvous. The Brest fleet, if it could elude Cornwallis, would pick up the
Spanish contingent at Ferrol, and sail for the same place. These two fleets,
Napoleon hoped, would find there the Rochefort squadron awaiting them, and
the grand armada, sweeping round the British Isles, would join the Dutch fleet
in the North Sea, and convey across the Strait of Dover the army for the conquest
of England.

The secret rendezvous (which Napoleon deliberately set at a distance from
Britain) was the French island of Martinique. There was little enough reason to
suppose that such a hiding-place would be suspected. But as in six weeks a
search-party could easily cross the Atlantic, Napoleon (to make security doubly
sure) told the Toulon fleet to curtail its stay in the West Indies. If in forty days
there was no sign of the Brest contingent, the Mediterranean ships were to return
to the coast of Spain, release the fleet at Corunna- Ferrol, and, raising the blockade
of Brest, bring a sufficient force up Channel to achieve the grand purpose.

On paper the scheme looked rather attractive. But in reality it was the creation
of a landsman who knew little or nothing of sea-campaigning. Even if every

280

THE CAMPAIGN OF TRAFALGAR 281

was at anchor off the coast of Sardinia,' where the Madalena
Islands form one of the finest harbours in the world,- when,
at three in the afternoon of the 19th, the Active and Sea-
horse frigates brought this long-hoped-for intelligence.
They had been close to the enemy at ten on the preceding
night, but lost sight of them in about four hours.

The fleet immediately unmoored and weighed, and at
six in the evening ran through the strait between Biche and
Sardinia : ^ a passage so narrow that the ships could only
pass one at a time, each following the stern lights of its
leader. From the position of the enemy, when they were last
seen, it was inferred that they must be bound round the
southern end of Sardinia.^ Signal was made the next
morning to prepare for battle. Bad weather came on,
baffling the one fleet in its object, and the other in its pur-
suit. Nelson beat about the Sicilian seas for ten days,
without obtaining any other information of the enemy
than that one of their ships had put into Ajaccio, dismasted;
and having seen that Sardinia, Naples, and Sicily were
safe, believing Egypt to be their destination, for Egypt he
ran. The disappointment and distress which he had experi-
enced in his former pursuits of the French through the
same seas were now renewed. But Nelson, while he endured

detail had worked to perfection, and every Franco-Spanish unit got clear away to
Martinique, the effect would not have been the dispersal of the British contingents,
but their concentration in the mouth of the English Channel. Here they wuukl
quietly have awaited the pleasure of destroying Napoleon's armada when it
returned in utter weariness from its double passage across the Atlantic. Nelson,
it is true, had rushed from place to place during the campaign of 1798; but if
on the present occasion he did so again, and (unlike other British Admirals)
disobeyed the injunction to retire on home waters, the probabilities were strong
that he would run the allied fleet to earth, and hack it to pieces with Egyptian
relish as he had done aforetime at the Nile.

' Nelson's blockade was not quite so close as Cornwallis's, because his fleet was
too small for the task confronting it. To have sent away a detachment (however
small) for purposes of refitting would have rendered impotent the fraction that
stayed with his flag. He preferred, before all things, to keep his ships together;
and therefore, when one could no longer keep the sea, he took his whole force
into harbour. This necessary withdrawal he excused to himself by the hope that
it would coax the mouse from its hole; and, by keeping his frigates in front of
Toulon, he believed himself able to spring on his prey almost as soon as it stirred.
Compare his remarks in his letter to the Lord Mayor; above, p. -67.

' The principal advantage of the anchorage was its double entrance. With a
fairway to the east of him and another to the west, Nelson was little likely, which-
ever way the wind might blow, to be imprisoned by fuul weather. The islands are
otf the north-east corner of Sardinia. See above, map, p. 5:!.

' That is to say, the eastern exit.

* Nelson thought at this time (the wind being west) that the enemy were
projecting fresh mischief in the Levant. He had, of course, no acquaintance with
Napoleon's actual designs.

282 LIFE OF NELSON

these anxious and unhappy feehngs, was still consoled by
the same confidence as on the former occasion — that,
though his judgment might be erroneous, under all cir-
cumstances he was right in having formed it. "I have
consulted no man," said he to the Admiralty. " Therefore
the whole blame of ignorance in forming my judgment
must rest with me. I would allow no man to take from me
an atom of my glory had I fallen in with the French fleet;
nor do I desire any man to partake any of the responsibility.
All is mine, right or wrong." Then stating the grounds
upon which he had proceeded, he added, " At this moment
of sorrow, I still feel that I have acted right." In the same
spirit he said to Sir Alexander Ball,^ " When I call to
remembrance all the circumstances, I approve, if nobody
else does, of my own conduct."

Baffled thus, he bore up for Malta, and met intelligence
from Naples that the French, having been dispersed in a
gale, had put back to Toulon. From the same quarter
he learned that a great number of saddles and muskets
had been embarked; and this confirmed him in his opinion
that Egypt was their destination. That they should have
put back in consequence of storms, which he had weathered,
gave him a consoling sense of British superiority. " Tliese
gentlemen," said he, " are not accustomed to a Gulf of
Lions gale. We have buffeted them for one-and-twenty
months, and not carried away a spar." He, however, who
had so often braved these gales, was now, though not
mastered by them, vexatiously thwarted and impeded ; and
on February 27, he was compelled to anchor in Pula Bay,
in the Gulf of Cagliari. From the 21st of January the fleet
had remained ready for battle, without a bulkhead up,-
night or day. He anchored here that he might not be driven
to leeward.^ As soon as the weather moderated he put to
sea again; and, after again beating about against contrary
winds, another gale drove him to anchor in the Gulf of
Palmas, on the 8th of March. This he made his rendezvous.
He knew that the French troops still remained embarked,

^ Captain Ball had been knighted in 1801.

" Bulkheads were wooden partitions erected to subdivide the deck space into
separate rooms and cabins. When battle was imminent, the risk of splinters
made them dangerous; and they were in consequence taken down and stowed
in the hold.

^ That is, to the east again; the wind being squally at N.W.

THE CAMPAIGN OF TRAFALGAR 283

and, wishing to lead them into a bcUef that he was stationed
upon the Spanish coast, he made his appearance off Barce-
lona with that intent.

About the end of the month, he began to fear that the
plan of the expedition was abandoned; and, sailing once
more towards his old station off Toulon, on the 4th of April,
he met the Phcehe, with news that Villeneuve had put to
sea on the last of March ^ with eleven ships of the line,
seven frigates, and two brigs. When last seen, they were
steering toward the coast of Africa. Nelson first covered
the channel between Sardinia and Barbary, so as to satisfy
himself that Villeneuve was not taking the same route for
Egypt which Gantheaume had taken before him, when he
attempted to carry reinforcements thither.'-^ Certain of
this, he bore up on the 7th for Palermo, lest the French
should pass to the north of Corsica, ^ and he dispatched
cruisers in all directions. On the nth, he felt assured that
they were not gone down •* the Mediterranean ; and sending
off frigates to Gibraltar, to Lisbon, and to Admiral Corn-
waUis who commanded the squadron off Brest, he endea-
voured to get to the westward, beating against westerly
winds. After five days, a neutral gave intelligence that the
French had been seen off Cape de Gatte '" on the 7th. It
was soon after ascertained that they had passed the Straits
of Gibraltar on the day following; and Nelson, knowing
that they might already be half way to Ireland, or to
Jamaica, exclaimed that he was miserable. One gleam of
comfort only came across him in the reflection, that his
vigilance had rendered it impossible for them to undertake
any expedition in the Mediterranean.

Eight days after this certain intelligence had been ob-
tained, he described his state of mind thus forcibly, in
writing to the governor of Malta, " My good fortune, my
dear Ball, seems flown away. I cannot get a fair wdnd or
even a side wind. Dead foul! — Dead foul! — But my mind

' Villeneuve put to sea, not on the last day of March, but on the last day
but one.

" In April 1801 Gantheaume had sailed via Leghorn and the Strait of Messina
to carry to Egypt reinforcements for the array which Napoleon had left behind
him there.

' With a view to reaching the eastern Mediterranean by way of the Strait of
Messina.

* Into the Levant.

' To the westward of Carthagena.

284 LIFE OF NELSON

is fully made up what to do when I leave the Straits, sup-
posing there is no certain account of the enemy's destina-
tion. I believe this ill-luck will go near to kill me; but as
these are times for exertion, I must not be cast down,
whatever I may feel." In spite of every exertion which
could be made by all the zeal and all the skill of British
seamen, he did not get in sight of Gibraltar till the 30th of
April; and the wind was then so adverse, that it was im-
possible to pass the Gut. He anchored in Mazari Bay, on
the Barbary shore; obtained supplies from Tetuan; and
when, on the 5th, a breeze from the eastward sprang up at
last, sailed once more, hoping to hear of the enemy from
Sir John Orde (who commanded off Cadiz) or from Lisbon.
" If nothing is heard of them," said he to the Admiralty,
" I shall probably think the rumours which have been
spread are true, that their object is the West Indies: and,
in that case, I think it my duty to follow them, — or to the
Antipodes, should I believe that to be their destination."
At the time when this resolution was taken, the physician
of the fleet had ordered him to return to England before
the hot months.

Nelson had formed his judgment ^ of their destination,
and made up his mind accordingly, when Donald Campbell,
at that time an admiral in the Portuguese service, the same
person who had given important tidings to Earl St. Vincent
of the movements of that fleet from which he won his title,
a second time gave timely and momentous intelligence to
the flag of his country. He went on board the Victory, and
communicated to Nelson his certain knowledge that the
combined Spanish and French fleets were bound for the
West Indies. 2

^ It should be noted that Nelson had, by his genius for sea-strategy, thus early
divined the most secret item of Napoleon's privy plan. The following must have
been his train of thought:

(a) The Toulon fleet, we have proved, has not gone into the eastern Medi-
terranean, and England has nothing at stake in the western.

(b) The enemy were seen at Gibraltar a month ago, and in the interim no
news has come from the English squadrons that stretch from Cadiz to the
Channel. Villeneuve has therefore not gone north.

(c) It is unlikely that he is bound at the present moment for the Cape of
Good Hope and the south.

(d) Therefore the rumour (otherwise worthless) that the Toulon fleet is
bound for the West Indies is probably correct.

^ When Nelson reached the West Indies, he received positive information as
to Villeneuve's whereabouts from the general officer commanding-in-chief in the
Leeward Isles. The authority was unimpeachable; and yet^the intelligence was

THE CAMPAIGN OF TRAFALGAR 285

Hitherto all tilings had favoured the enemy. While the
British commander was beating up against strong southerly
and westerly gales, they had wind to their wish from the
N.E.; and had done in nine days what he was a whole
month in accomplishing. Villcncuve, finding the Spaniards
at Carthagena were not in a state of equipment to join him,
dared not wait, but hastened on to Cadiz. Sir John Orde
necessarily retired at his approach.^ Admiral Gravina,
with six Spanish ships of the line and two French, came
out to him, and they sailed without a moment's loss of
time. They had about three thousand French troops on
board, and fifteen hundred Spanish: six hundred were
under orders, expecting them at Martinique, and one
thousand at Guadeloupe. General Lauriston commanded
the troops. The combined fleet now consisted of eighteen
sail of the line, six forty-four-gun frigates, one of twenty-six
guns, three corvettes, and a brig. They were joined after-
wards by two new French line-of-battle ships and one
forty-four. 2 Nelson pursued them with ten sail of the line
and three frigates. " Take you a Frenchman apiece," said
he to his captains, " and leave me the Spaniards. When I
haul down my colours, I expect you to do the same, — and
not till then."

The enemy had five-and-thirty days' start; but he cal-
culated that he should gain eight or ten days upon them

entirely false. The reader should therefore guard against a natural inclination to
accept the statement in the text as final and conclusive.

When Nelson was at Gibraltar, he certainly saw Admiral Donald Campbell and
received from him (according to Captain Hargood of the Belleisle) " important
information as to tlie destination of the French squadron." But there is nothing
in the Nelson papers to confirm Hargood's statement ; and there is unimpeachable
evidence to show that, four days after his interview with Campbell, Nelson still
retained an open mind on the matter. The truth is that when a small man holds
the same opinion as a great man and the great man listens to what the small man
says, the small man attaches to the interview more importance than the interview
will bear. "It was myself," he grandiloquently informs his friends, " who put
that notion into his head."

Campbell's statement was but as a grain of dust in the scales that Nelson was
balancing.

' Sir John Orde fell back on Cornwallis at Brest according to prearrangeil
plans (see above, Note 2, p. 280). With only five ships he could not compete with
the odils against him. If, however, he had clung to \'illtMieuvc's skirts, he might liave
discovered where the Allies were going, and so robbed Nelson of si>me of his glory.

-The first ships to evade the English and start for iMartini(}ue were the sliips
from Rochefort. They set sail on January 11, and reached their destination on
2oth February. But after five weeks of waiting they returned home again, thereby
lending the problena that confronted their foes an element of mystification. The
two battleships and the frigate mentioned here were a second contingent from
the same port.

286 LIFE OF NELSON

by his exertions.^ May 15th he made Madeira, and on
June 4th reached Barbados,- whither he had sent dispatches
before him: and where he found Admiral Cochrane,^ with
two ships, part of our squadron in those seas being at
Jamaica. He found here also accounts that the combined
fleets had been seen from St. Lucia on the 28th,^ standing
to the southward, and that Tobago and Trinidad were
their objects. This Nelson doubted; but he was alone in
his opinion, and yielded it with these foreboding v/ords,
" If your intelligence proves false, you lose me the French
fleet." 5 Sir WilHam Myers ^ offered to embark here with
two thousand troops. They were taken on board, and the
next morning he sailed for Tobago. Here accident con-
firmed the false intelligence which had, whether from
intention or error, misled him. A merchant at Tobago, in
the general alarm, not knowing whether this fleet was
friend or foe, sent out a schooner to reconnoitre, and
acquaint him by signal. The signal which he had chosen
happened to be the very one which had been appointed by
Colonel Shipley of the Engineers to signify that the enemy
were at Trinidad ; and as this was at the close of day, there
was no opportunity of discovering the mistake. An American
brig was met with about the same time, the master of which,
with that propensity to deceive the English and assist the
French in any manner which has been but too common
among his countrymen, afhrmed that he had been boarded
off Grenada a few days before by the French, who were
standing towards the Bocas ' of Trinidad. This fresh
intelligence removed all doubts. The ships were cleared
for action before daylight, and Nelson entered the Bay of
Paria on the 7th, hoping and expecting to make the mouths
of the Orinoco as famous in the annals of the British Navy

^ Villeneuve crossed the Atlantic in tliii^ty-four days, and Nelson in twenty-four.

^ See above, map, p. 19.

^ Admiral Sir Alexander Cochrane, G.C.B., uncle of the famous seaman, the
Earl of Dundonald, had been sent to the West Indies with half-a-dozen ships to
protect British interests from the waspish attentions of the Rochefort squadron
(see above, Note 2, p. 285). When the Rochefort squadron returned to its base,
Cochrane remained as a safeguard to Jamaica and the Leeward Isles; but the
paucity of his ships rendered him powerless in the face of such a force asVilleneuve's.

* Of May. This was the positive intelligence of General Brereton (Commander-
in-Chief of the forces in the Leeward Isles) mentioned above in Note 2, p. .184.

' Villeneuve was still at Martinique when Nelson spoke these fateful words.

' Commander of the troops at Barbados.

' Islands off the north-west point of Trinidad.

THE CAMPAIGN OF TRAFALGAR 287

as those of the Nile. Not an enemy was there; and it was
discovered that accident and artihce had combined to lead
him so far to leeward that there could have been little hope
of fetching to windward of Grenada for any other fleet.
Nelson, however, with skill and exertions never exceeded,
and almost unexampled, bore for that island.^

Advices met him on the way, that the combined fleets
having captured the Diamond Rock,^ were then at Martin-
ique, on the 4th, ^ and were expected to sail that night for
the attack of Grenada. On the 9th Nelson arrived off that
island; and there learned that they had passed to leeward
of Antigua the preceding day, and taken a homeward-
bound convoy. Had it not been for false information, upon
which Nelson had acted reluctantly, and in opposition to
his own judgment, he would have been off Port Ro3^al ■*
just as they were leaving it, and the battle would have
been fought on the spot where Rodney defeated De Grasse.^
This he remembered in his vexation: but he had saved
the colonies, and above two hundred ships laden for Europe,
which would else have fallen into the enemy's hands; and
he had the satisfaction of knowing that the mere terror of
his name had effected this, and had put to flight the allied
( nemies, whose force nearly doubled that before which they
fled. That they were flying back to Europe he believed,
and for Europe he steered in pursuit on the 13th, hav-
ing disembarked the troops at Antigua, and taking with
him the Spartiate, seventy-four; the only addition to the
squadron with which he was pursuing so superior a force.
Five days afterwards the Amazon brought intelligence that

* It must be understood that Nelson at this time knew nothing of the projected
rally of Franco-Spanish fleets at Martinique. He supposed that \'illeneuve had
come to the West Indies (as the I-'rench admirals had done in the American War,
1778-83) in order to plunder convoys and capture islands. In this conjecture he
was not wholly incorrect, as \'illeneuvc, in his days of waiting for the fleet from
Brest, had orders to do the maxinmm of mischief to British property. North of
Tobago came the English island of Grenada, and thither Nelson sped, still sup-
posing that the French were south of St. Lucia {cp. map above, p. ig). His
anxiety for the moment was lest the Easterly Trades {cp. above. Part II. pp. 15
and i()] should prevent him from attacking the enemy when found.

- A splintered pinnacle or islet standing out of the sea near the entrance to
Fort Royal, Martinique. It had been seized by a handful of bluejackets, wlio had
christened it H.M. Sloop Diamond Rock, and witli a gun w two had held it against
all French efforts to dislodge them.

' Of June.

' Fort Royal, the French naval base at Martinique.

° The battle of the Saints, 12th April, 1782.

288 LIFE OF NELSON

she had spoke a schooner who had seen them, on the evening
of the 15th, steering to tlie N. ; and, by computation, eighty-
seven leagues off. Nelson's diary at this time denotes his
great anxiety, and his perpetual and all-observing vigilance.
— " June 21. Midnight, nearly calm, saw three planks,
which I think came from the French fleet. Very miserable,
which is very foolish." On the 17th of July he came in
sight of Cape St. Vincent, and steered for Gibraltar. —
" July i8th," his diary says, " Cape Spartel in sight, but
no French fleet, nor any information about them. How
sorrowful this makes me! but I cannot help myself." The
next day he anchored at Gibraltar; and on the 20th, says
he, " I went on shore for the first time since i6th June,
1803; and from having my foot out of the Victory, two
years, wanting ten days."

Here he communicated with his old friend Collingwood;
who, having been detached with a squadron, when the
disappearance of the combined fleets and of Nelson in their
pursuit, was known in England, had taken his station off
Cadiz. 1 He ^ thought that Ireland was the enemy's ulti-
mate object; that they would now liberate the Ferrol
squadron, which was blocked up by Sir Robert Calder;
call for the Rochefort ships, and then appear off Ushant
with three- or four-and-thirty sail; there to be joined by
the Brest fleet. With this great force he supposed they
would make for Ireland, — the real mark and bent of all
their operations: and their flight to the West Indies, he
thought, had been merely undertaken to take off Nelson's
force, ^ which was the great impediment to their under-
taking.

Collingwood was gifted with great political penetration.
As yet, however, all was conjecture concerning the enemy;
and Nelson, having victualled and watered at Tetuan,

1 Replacing Sir John Orde, who (it will be remembered) had at Villeneuve's
approach fallen back on the Channel.

^ Collingwood. The letter which he wrote to Nelson (for Nelson refused to
stop and talk) is printed in full in Correspondence and Memoir of Lord Collingwood,
G. L. Newnham Collingwood, p. 109.

^ " I have considered the invasion of Ireland as the real mark and butt of all
their operations. Their flight to the West Indies was to take off the naval force,
which proved the great impediment to their undertaking."

These words of Collingwood, when exactly quoted, will not bear out Southey's
construction that Villeneuve crossed the Atlantic in order to draw Nelson after
him. The force that covered Ireland was not Nelson's squadron, but the Grand
Fleet under Cornwallis.

THE CAMPAIGN OF TRAFALGAR 289

stood for Ceuta ^ on the 24th, still without information of
their course. Next day intelligence arrived that the Ciirieux
brig 2 had seen them on the 19th, standing to the north-
ward. He proceeded off Cape St. Vincent, rather cruising
for intelligence than knowing whither to betake himself:
and here a case occurred that more than any other event
in real history resembles those whimsical proofs of sagacity
which Voltaire, in his Zadig, has borrowed from the
Orientals.^ One of our frigates spoke an American, who,
a little to the westward of the Azores, had fallen in wdth
an armed vessel, appearing to be a dismasted privateer,
deserted by her crew, which had been run on board by
another ship, and had been set fire to; but the fire had
gone out. A log-book and a few seamen's jackets were
found in the cabin; and these were brought to Nelson.
The log-book closed with these words, " Two large vessels
in the W.N.W.": and this led him to conclude that the
vessel had been an Enghsh privateer, cruising off the
Western Islands. But there was in this book a scrap of
dirty paper, filled with figures. Nelson, immediately upon
seeing it, observed, that the figures were written by a
Frenchman; and, after studying this for a while, said, " I
can explain the whole. The jackets are of French manu-
facture, and prove that the privateer was in possession of
the enemy. She had been chased and taken by the two ships
that were seen in the W.N.W. The prize-master, going on
board in a hurry, forgot to take with him his reckoning.
There is none in the log-book; and the dirty paper contains
her work for the number of days since the privateer last
left Corvo, with an unaccounted-for run, which I take
to have been the chase, in his endeavour to find out her
situation by back reckonings. By some mismanagement,
I conclude, she was run on board of by one of the enemy's
ships, and dismasted. Not hking delay (for I am satisfied
that those two ships were the advanced ones of the French

' Ceuta and Gibraltar are wliat tlioaucicuts called the two " Pillars of Hercules,"
the rocky doorposts of the Mediterranean. Nelson sought between them for scraps
of evidence that would show whether Villeneuve was returning to his starting-
place.

' This information (if delivered in this form) was quite false. The Curieux had
sighted the combined fleet, but on the 19th of June, not July. For the adventures
of this brig see next chapter.

' Zadig, in Voltaire's romance, was gifted with great powers of divination.

290 LIFE OF NELSON

squadron), and fancying we were close at their heels, they
set fire to the vessel, and abandoned her in a hurry. If this
explanation be correct, I infer from it, that they are gone
more to the northward; and more to the northward I will
look for them." ^ This course accordingly he held, but
still without success. Still persevering, and still disappointed,
he returned near enough to Cadiz to ascertain that they
were not there; traversed the Bay of Biscay; and then,
as a last hope, stood over for the north-west coast of Ireland,
against adverse winds, till, on the evening of the 12th of
August, he learned that they had not been heard of there.
Frustrated thus in all his hopes, after a pursuit, to which,
for its extent, rapidity, and perseverance, no parallel
can be produced, he judged it best to reinforce the Channel
fleet with his squadron, lest the enemy, as CoUingwood
apprehended, should bear down upon Brest with their
whole collected force. On the 15th he joined Admiral Corn-
wallis off Ushant. No news had yet been obtained of the
enemy; and on the same evening he received orders to
proceed, with the Victory and Superb,^ to Portsmouth.

1 Southey transcribed this rather intricate story from Clarke and McArthur
(Vol. II. pp. 417-18) with rather less than his usual care. The language of
navigation is, to the lay mind, always obscure; and when obsolete terminology is
employed and copyist's errors left uncorrected, the modern reader may well
confess himself defeated.

What Nelson required to know was Villeneuve's position. Scraps of evidence
were laid before him in the shape of an abandoned privateer, injured by collision,
and partly destroyed by fire; a neglected log-book that closed with the words
" Two large vessels in the W.N.W. ! "; a piece of paper with calculations inde-
cipherable by English and Americans; and a few seamen's jackets of unfamiliar
cut. Almost immediately he converted the broken bits of imagery into a complete
picture, and a picture which told him exactly what he wanted to know.

An English privateer had been cruising off the Azores, when she sighted two
French vessels to windward. She made off as quickly as she could; but her two
enemies overhauled her, boarded her, and carried her off with them. The prize-
master, in taking charge, had no reliable data as to his position; and in conse-
quence had made no immediate entry of his own in the privateer's log; but,
since leaving the Azores, had jotted down on a piece of paper his changes of
course, etc., so that he could work out a correct position and eventually enter it
in the book. He was prevented, however, from doing so by an accident. One of
the French ships had collided with the prize and gravely injured her. Some reason
or other rendered repairs out of the question. The prize-crew in consequence had
been removed; the privateer had been set on fire, and the two French ships had
made off. Why? Because they realised that Nelson's fleet was on their traces,
and might at any moment spring upon them.

The tell-tale figures gave the cUrection and course of the two French ships, who
were part of the fleet returning from the Indies.

Villeneuve was to the north of him, and northward Nelson turned.

- The plucky way in which this ship accompanied Nelson all the way to
Trinidad and back again, though her very timbers groaned aloud for want of
repair, has been immortalised by Sir Henry Newbolt in his poem " The Old
Superb,"

THE CAMPAIGN OF TRAFALGAR 291

This chapter serves to iHuslrate in a very striking way the im-
possibihty of appreciating at their proper worth historical events in
the hour of their unfolding. INIighty transactions, like lofty buildings,
can best be seen at a distance. Southcy examines Nelson's pursuit
of Villcneuve, and finds in it matter which excites in turn his
sympatliy and pity. I-fc calls attention to the constant disappoint-
ment and failure; the futile searchings, the vexatious gropings in
the darkness of ignorance. He contrasts with Nelson's uncertainty
a chance guess of Collingwood's and llnds therein the evidence of
great political penetration; and then, as if he had said too much,
he reminds his readers that, though the subject of his biography
had been unhappily led astray, he had for all that " saved the
colonies and above two hundred ships " and displayed in his pursuit
a " rapidity " and " perseverance " without parallel.

It never occurred to Southey that he was sitting in judgment on
the maritime strategy of England and France and plumbing depths
which he was powerless to fathom. It never occurred to him that
his compunction was uncalled for and his sympathy out of place.
It never occurred to him that Nelson's transatlantic cruise set the
crown on a great career.

Neipoleon desired that his several fleets should combine at a secret
rendezvous; and, returning therefrom, occupy the Channel, in order
to cover his invasion of England. The choice of Martinique as a
trysting-place fulfilled a double purpose. It was the last spot, in
his opinion, that the English would suspect, if they had the wit to
guess what was afoot; and the withdrawal thither of his fleets
from their customarj'^ stations could not fail, he thought, to set
his enemies scattering in all directions.

The British admirals as a body no doubt were mystified by the
behaviour of their opponents; but they knew exactly where their
duty called them; and, when a French contingent disappeared, they
cpiietly fell back on the Brest blockade, and with their reinforce-
nients enabled Cornwallis to bid defiance to any Franco-Spanish
fleet that dared set a course for Boulogne.

But Nelson behaved differently from everyone else, and solved
the enigma which Napoleon thought insoluble. Though the flat-
bottomed boats were ready at Boulogne to embark the legions that
were to conquer England; though Napoleon announced that, as
soon as Villcneuve arrived, he should cross the Channel and occupy
London; and though the boldest Londoners trembled at the doom
that overshadowed them; Nelson turned his back alike on Britons
and Boulogne and made sail across the wide Atlantic. If Villcneuve
had actually gone to Boulogne, then Nelson's reputaticjn was ruined
for ever. But if, for some reason then to Britons unintelligible,
\'illeneuve also was crossing the Atlantic, then the strategic intuition
that carried Nelson after him eclipses completely the display of
genius he had given in the ceimpaign that preceded the Nile.

To-day Southey's picture still lives in the nation's memory,
because people arc imable to put aside what none of their ancestors
possessed — the knowledge of where \'illencuve was going, and what
he was attempting to do. The facts, therefore, that need emphasis
are these:

On 4th April, 1805, Nelson learnt that the Toulon fleet had

292 LIFE OF NELSON

escaped; and on 19th August he landed in England. In the interval
of time that separates these dates he did not once catch so much
as a glimpse of Villeneuve's ships. And yet, strategically blindfold,
he had followed them across the world and back again, never faltering
in his pursuit, never more than a day or two astern. Napoleon's
rendezvous was no rendezvous; Napoleon's schemes were mere
worthless imaginings; when the greatest Admiral in the world's
history laid them bare as fast as they were hidden.

A combination of fleets, Napoleon said, would safeguard the
Channel, and enable him to cross. Such a combination of fleets
was actually effected, for when Gravina joined Villeneuve they had
at their disposal twenty sail of the line. Yet Nelson, with a storm-
beaten group of ten, including the rickety Superb, drove his ad-
versaries in panic and confusion before him, as a lion puts cattle
to flight.

For years after Southey completed his book it was an accepted
tradition that the battle of Trafalgar saved England from invasion.
But it was in the hour in which Nelson completed his chase and
came home for a few days' rest that Napoleon abandoned his scheme
of conquest and marched away from Boulogne. That confession
of failure is the completest gauge of Nelson's great success.

Quite recently Thomas Hardy in The Dynasts has repeated
Southey's strategic blunder, and asserted in a new form the time-
honoured heresy that Nelson was led astray.

CHAPTER III

DRAMATIC PAUSE BEFORE THE CATASTROPHE

igih August — gth October

[SOU THEY. CHAPTER IX]

At Portsmouth Nelson, at length, found news of the com-
bined fleet. Sir Robert Calder, who had been sent out to
intercept their return, had fallen in with them on the 22nd
of July, sixty leagues west of Cape Finis terre.^ Their force
consisted of twenty sail of the line, three fifty-gun ships,
five frigates, and two brigs: his, of fifteen line-of-battle
ships, two frigates, a cutter, and a lugger. After an action
of four hours, he had captured an eighty-four and a seventy-
four, and then thought it necessary to bring-to the squadron,
for the purpose of securing their prizes. The hostile fleets
remained in sight of each other till the 26th, when the
enemy bore away.^ The capture of two ships from so
superior a force would have been considered as no incon-
siderable \'ictory a few years earlier; but Nelson had intro-
duced a new era in our naval history; and the nation felt,
respecting this action, as he had felt on a somewhat similar
occasion.^ They regretted that Nelson, with his eleven

'■ Just before Nelson left the West Indies, he dispatched the Curieux brig to
carry home his news. The Curieux overtook Villeneuve on Kjth June (see above,
Note 2, p. -89); and, making a memorandum of his latitude and longitude, sped
to England brimful of information. Lord Barham, the octogenarian but energetic
First Lard, roused out of bed in the early hours, at once discerned where the
combined fleet was making for, and sent Calder at Ferrol tidings and reinforce-
ments which enabled him to grapple with Villeneuvc's fleet as it reached its
journey's end.

Calder was not " sent out " from England to the coast of Spain; but " sent
out " from his station further seawards so as to fight the fleet in front of him
without interruption from the fleet behind.

' Calder's battle was fought in a fog and hardly anyone could know what was
actually going on. In the end, two of the Spanish ships fell to leeward and, as
the text relates, were captured. Calder seems to have been genuinely anxious to
continue the battle, but to have been unable to regain contact with the enemy.
In his dispatch he emphasised the difficulty of his position with the Ferrol fleet
in his rear; and people, with human fallibility, jumped to the conclusion that
this was the real reason why he had not renewed the engagement. In consequence
he was summoned home to stand his trial by court martial.

' Hotham's action in the Gulf of Genoa, see above, pp. 70-74.
Y 293

294 LIFE OF NELSON

ships, had not been in Sir Robert Calder's place; and their
disappointment was generally and loudly expressed.

Frustrated as his own hopes had been, Nelson had yet
the high satisfaction of knowing that his judgment had
never been more conspicuously approved, and that he had
rendered essential service to his country by driving the
enemy from those islands where they expected there could
be no force capable of opposing them. The West India
merchants in London, as men whose interests were more
immediately benefited, appointed a deputation to express
their thanks for his great and judicious exertions.

It was now his intention to rest awhile from his labours,
and recruit himself after all his fatigues and cares in the
society of those whom he loved. All his stores were brought
up from the Victory; and he found in his house at Merton
the enjoyment which he had anticipated.

Many days had not elapsed before Captain Blackwood,
on his way to London with dispatches, called on him at five
in the morning. Nelson, who was already dressed, exclaimed,
the moment he saw him, " I am sure you bring me news
of the French and Spanish fleets! I think I shall yet have
to beat them! " They had refitted at Vigo, after the inde-
cisive action with Sir Robert Calder; then proceeded to
Ferrol, brought out the squadron from thence, and with it
entered Cadiz in safety. " Depend on it, Blackwood," he
repeatedly said, " I shall yet give M. Villeneuve a drubbing."
But, when Blackwood had left him, he wanted resolution
to declare his wishes to Lady Hamilton and his sisters, and
endeavoured to drive away the thought. He had done
enough, he said, — " Let the man trudge it who has lost
his budget! " His countenance belied his lips; and as he
was pacing one of the walks in the garden, which he used
to call the quarter-deck. Lady Hamilton came up to him,
and told him she saw he was uneasy. He smiled, and said,
" No, he was as happy as possible; he was surrounded by
his family; his health was better since he had been on shore,
and he would not give sixpence to call the King his uncle."
She replied, that she did not believe him ; that she knew he
was longing to get at the combined fleets; that he con-
sidered them as his own property; that he would be miser-
able if any man but himself did the business; and that he

THE CAMPAIGN OF TRAFALGAR 295

ought to have them as the price and reward of his two
years' long watching and his hard chase. " Nelson," said
she, " however we may lament your absence, offer your
services. They will be accepted, and you will gain a quiet
heart by it. You will have a glorious victory, and then
you may return here, and be happy." He looked at her
with tears in his eyes: — " Brave Emma! — Good Emma! —
If there were more Emmas there would be more Nelsons."
His services were as willingly accepted as they were
offered ; and Lord Barham, giving him the list of the navy,
desired him to choose his own officers. " Choose yourself,
my lord," was his reply, " The same spirit actuates the
whole profession. You cannot choose wrong." Lord Barham
then desired him to say what ships, and how many, he
would wish, in addition to the fleet which he was going to
command, and said they should follow him as soon as each
was ready. No appointment was ever more in unison with
the feelings and judgment of the whole nation. They, like
Lady Hamilton, thought that the destruction of the com-
bined fleets ought properly to be Nelson's work; that he,
who had been

Half around the sea-girt ball,
The hunter of the recreant Gaul,'

ought to reap the spoils of the chase which he had watched
so long, and so perse veringly pursued.

Unremitting exertions were made to equip the ships
which he had chosen, and especially to refit the Victory,
which was once more to bear his flag. Before he left London
he called at his upholsterer's, where the coffin which Captain
Hallowcll had given him was deposited; and desired that
its history might be engraven upon the lid, saying that it
was highly probable he might want it on his return. He
seemed, indeed, to have been impressed with an expectation

' This quotation is from Sours of Trafalgar, by the Right Hon. J. W. Croker,
M.P. (1805). Cp. " Dedication" above, p. xh.

High then the monumental pile
Erect for Nelson of the Nile,
Of Trafalgar, and Vincent's heights,
For Nelson of the hundred fights —

For him alike on shore and surge
Of proud Iberia's power the scourge,
And half around the sea-girt ball
The hunter of the recreant Gaul.

296 LIFE OF NELSON

that he should fall in the battle. In a letter to his brother,
written immediately after his return, he had said " We
must not talk of Sir Robert Calder's battle. I might not
have done so much with my small force. If I had fallen in
with them, you might probably have been a lord before I
wished; for I know they meant to make a dead set at the
Victory." Nelson had once regarded the prospect of death
with gloomy satisfaction. It was when he anticipated the
upbraidings of his wife, and the displeasure of his venerable
father. The state of his feelings now was expressed in his
private journal in these words: — " Friday night (September
13) , at half-past ten, I drove from dear, dear Merton ; where
I left all which I hold dear in this world, to go to serve my
King and country. May the great God, whom I adore, enable
me to fulfil the expectations of my country! And if it is
His good pleasure that I should return, my thanks will
never cease being offered up to the throne of His mercy.
If it is His good providence to cut short my days upon earth,
I bow with the greatest submission; relying that He will
protect those so dear to me, whom I may leave behind!
His will be done. Amen! Amen! Amen! "

Early on the following morning he reached Portsmouth;
and having dispatched his business on shore, endeavoured
to elude the populace by taking a by-way to the beach.
But a crowd collected in his train, pressing forward, to
obtain a sight of his face. Many were in tears, and many
knelt down before him, and blessed him as he passed.
England has had many heroes; but never one who so
entirely possessed the love of his fellow-countrymen as
Nelson. All men knew that his heart was as humane as it
was fearless; that there was not in his nature the slightest
alloy of selfishness or cupidity; but that, with perfect and
entire devotion, he served his country with all his heart,
and with all his soul, and with all his strength; and, there-
fore, they loved him as truly and as fervently as he loved
England. They pressed upon the parapet, to gaze after
him when his barge pushed off, and he was returning their
cheers by waving his hat. The sentinels, who endeavoured
to prevent them from trespassing upon this ground, were
wedged among the crowd; and an officer, who, not very
prudently upon such an occasion, ordered them to drive

THE CAMPAIGN OF TRAFALGAR 297

the people down with their bayonets, was compelled speedily
to retreat; for the people woidd not be debarred from
gazing, till the last moment, upon the hero — the darling
hero of England !

He arrived off Cadiz on the 29tli of September — his birth-
day. Fearing that, if the enemy knew his force, they might
be deterred from venturing to sea, he kept out of sight of
land, desired Collingwood to fire no salute, and hoist no
colours; and wrote to Gibraltar, to request that the force
of the fleet might not be inserted there in the Gazelle. His
reception in the Mediterranean fleet was as gratifying as
the farewell of his countrymen at Portsmouth. The officers
who came on board to welcome him, forgot his rank as
commander, in their joy at seeing him again.

On the day of his arrival, Villcneuvc received orders to
put to sea the first opportunity.^ Villeneuve, however,
hesitated, when he heard that Nelson had resumed the
command. He called a council of war; and their deter-
mination was, that it would not be expedient to leave
Cadiz unless they had reason to believe themselves stronger
by one-third than the British force. In the public measures
of this country secrecy is seldom practicable, and seldomer
attempted. Here, however, by the precautions of Nelson,
and the wise measures of the Admiralty, the enemy were
for once kept in ignorance; for as the ships appointed to
reinforce the Mediterranean fleet were dispatched singly,
each as soon as it was ready, — their collected number was
not stated in the newspapers, and their arrival was not
known to the enemy. But the enemy knew that Admiral
Louis, with six sail, had been detached for stores and water
to Gibraltar. Accident also contributed to make the French
Admiral doubt whether Nelson himself had actually taken
the command. An American, lately arrived from England,
maintained that it was impossible, — for he had seen him
only a few days before in London; and, at that time, there
was no rumour of his going again to sea.

The station which Nelson had chosen was some fifty or
sixty miles to the west of Cadiz, near Cape St. Mary's. At

' Napoleon, who had abandoned his invasion scheme, and was unaware of
Nelson's proximity to Cadiz, desired Villeneuve's help in the Mediterranean,
where fresh business was already afoot.

298 LIFE OF NELSON

this distance he hoped to decoy the enemy out, while he
guarded against the danger of being caught with a westerly
wind near Cadiz, and driven within the Straits. The blockade
of the port was rigorously enforced, in hopes that the
combined fleet might be forced to sea by want. The Danish
vessels, therefore, which were carrying provisions from the
French ports in the bay, under the name of Danish property,
to all the little ports from Ayamonte ^ to Algegiras, from
whence they were conveyed in coasting boats to Cadiz,
were seized. Without this proper exertion of power, the
blockade would have been rendered nugatory, by the
advantage thus taken of the neutral flag. The supplies
from France were thus effectually cut off. There was now
every indication that the enemy would speedily venture
out. Officers and men were in the highest spirits at the
prospect of giving them a decisive blow; such, indeed, as
would put an end to all further contest upon the seas.
Theatrical amusements were performed every evening in
most of the ships; and God save the King was the hymn
with which the sports concluded. " I verily believe," said
Nelson (writing on the 6th of October), " that the country
will soon be put to some expense on my account; either a
monument, or a new pension and honours; for I have not
the smallest doubt but that a very few days, almost hours,
will put us in battle. The success no man can ensure: but
for the fighting them, if they can be got at, I pledge myself.
The sooner the better. I don't like to have these things
upon my mind."

At this time he was not without some cause of anxiety.
He was in want of frigates — " the eyes of the fleet," as he
always called them — to the want of which the enemy
before were indebted for their escape, and Bonaparte for
his arrival in Egypt. He had only twenty-three ships.
Others were on the way — but they might come too late;
and, though Nelson never doubted of victory, mere victory
was not what he looked to. He wanted to annihilate the
enemy's fleet. The Carthagena squadron might effect a
junction with this fleet on the one side; and on the other
it was to be expected that a similar attempt would be made
by the French from Brest; in either case a formidable

1 Midway between Cadiz and Cape St. Vincent.

THE CAMPAIGN OF TRAFALGAR 299

contingency to be apprehended by the blockading force.
The Rochefort squadron did push out, and had nearly
caught the Agamemnon and I'Aimahle, on their way to
reinforce the British Admiral. Yet Nelson at this time
weakened his own fleet. He had the unpleasant task to
perform of sending home Sir Robert Calder, whose conduct
was to be made the subject of a court martial, in conse-
quence of the general dissatisfaction which had been felt
and expressed at his imperfect victory. Sir Robert Calder
and Sir John Orde ^ Nelson believed to be the only two
enemies whom he had ever had in his profession — and,
from that sensitive delicacy which distinguished him, this
made him the more scrupulously anxious to show every
possible mark of respect and kindness to Sir Robert. He
wished to detain him till after the expected action; when
the services which he might perform, and the triumphant
joy which would be excited, would leave nothing to be
apprehended from an inquiry into the previous engage-
ment. Sir Robert, however, whose situation was very
painful, did not choose to delay a trial, from the result of
which he confidently expected a complete justification:
and Nelson, instead of sending him home in a frigate,
insisted on his returning in his own ninety-gun ship; ill as
such a ship could at that time be spared. Nothing could be
more honourable than the feeling by which Nelson was
influenced. But at such a crisis, it ought not to have
been indulged.

On the 9th Nelson sent Collingwood what he called, in
his diary, " The Nelson Touch." - " I send you," said he,
" my plan of attack, as far as a man dare venture to guess
at the very uncertain position the enemy may be found in;
but it is to place you perfectly at ease respecting my inten-
tions, and to give full scope to your judgment for carrying
them into effect. We can, my dear Coll, have no little

' Sir Robert Calder, who was flag-captain to Jervis at St. Vincent, had publicly
criticised Nelson's disobedience during that battle in leaving his place witliout
orders; Sir John Orde had, as already noted, protested against the selection of
an officer subordinate to himself for the command of the fleet which won the
victory of the Nile.

* The original "Memorandum," filling two slieets or eight pages of quarto
size, written throughout in Nelson's hand and amended by his chaplain, Dr.
A. J. Scott, is one of the treasures of the British Museum. It may be obtained
in pamphlet form at tlie Museum bookstalls, and will be found in Sir Harris
Nicolas's seventh volume, pp. 89-92.

300 LIFE OF NELSON

jealousies. We have only one great object in view, that of
annihilating our enemies, and getting a glorious peace for
our country. No man has more confidence in another than
I have in you; and no man will render your services more
justice than your very old friend. Nelson and Bronte."
The order of sailing was to be the order of battle : the fleet
in two lines, with an advanced squadron of eight of the
fastest sailing two-deckers.^ The second in command,
having the entire direction of his line, was to break through
the enemy, about the twelfth ship from their rear; he ^
would lead through the centre, and the advanced squadron
was to cut off three or four ahead of the centre. This plan
was to be adapted to the strength of the enemy, so that
they should always be one-fourth superior to those whom
they cut off. Nelson said, " That his admirals and captains,
knowing his precise object to be that of a close and decisive
action, would supply any deficiency of signals, and act
accordingly. In case signals cannot be seen or clearly
understood, no captain can do wrong if he places his ship
alongside that of an enemy." ^ One of the last orders of
this admirable man was that the name and family of every
officer, seaman, and marine, who might be killed or wounded
in action, should be, as soon as possible, returned to him,
in order to be transmitted to the chairman of the patriotic
fund, that the case might be taken into consideration, for
the benefit of the sufferer, or his family.

1 On the day of battle Nelson had not so many ships as he had anticipated.
He was therefore obliged to abandon the idea of the advanced squadron of eight.

" Nelson.

^ Since the death of Nelson no question connected with his thought and work
has caused so much discussion as the " Tactics of Trafalgar." Indeed, an official
judgment on the issues involved was not made known until the Government
issued a Blue Book on the subject in October 191 3.

But of such discussion Southey knew nothing. In his allusion to Nelson's
" Memorandum " he mentions that its chief tactical innovation was the employ-
ment of two separate and independent fleets, and with that he dismisses the topic.
Nor is there any need to supplement here his casual reference; for strange as it
must appear to modern readers, Southey makes no attempt to describe Trafalgar
as he describes the Baltic and the Nile. Not only does he tell us nothing of the
adventures of CoUingwood's force, but he does not even describe what happened
to the ships under Nelson's own command. From this point onward he has no
eyes except for the Victory and the hero whom she carried through death to
immortality.

Those who would pursue the subject at large are advised to turn to the Blue
Book in question, Cd. 7120, and to the " Documents and Books " which it tabu-
lates on page v. Those who prefer the material predigested will find an epitome in
the second Appendix to the present editor's Sea Kings of Britain, Vol. III.

CHAPTER IV

THE BATTLE

ic)ih-2ist Odohcy

[SOUTHEY. CHAPTER IX.— continued]

About lialf past nine in the morning of the 19th/ the
Mars, being the nearest to the fleet of the ships which
formed the hne of communication with the frigates in-
shore, repeated the signal that the enemy were coming
out of port. The wind was at this time very Hglit, with
partial breezes, mostly from the S.S.W. Nelson ordered
the signal to be made for a chase in the south-east quarter.
About two, the repeating ships announced that the enemy
were at sea.^ All night the British fleet continued under
all sail, steering to the south-east.^ At daybreak they were
in the entrance of the Straits, but the enemy were not in
sight. About seven, one of the frigates made signal that
the enemy were bearing north.* Upon this the Victory hove
to; ^ and shortly afterwards Nelson made sail again to the
northward. In the afternoon the wind blew fresh from
the south-west, and the English began to fear that the foe
might be forced to return to port. A little before sunset,
however, Blackwood, in the Euryaliis, telegraphed, tliat

' Saturday.

^ At eight on Saturday morning the enemy began to hoist their topsails, and
this news reached Nelson, who was fifty miles away, in an hour and a half. But
almost as soon as the Franco-Spanish fleet put itself in motion, the wind fell to
nothing and there was a dead calm. The tidings which Nelson received at 2 o'clock
(sent off by the frigates shortly after midday) was to the effect that nine of the
enemy were out of harbour. But these ships, the only ones that put to sea
on Saturday, were obliged 10 anchor where they were and wait till Sunday for
the rest.

* Nelson knew, almost as well as if he had been told, that Villeneu\e was
making for the Mediterranean.

* This does not mean that the enemy were moving in a northerly direction,
but that the British frigates (who lay between Nelson and Cadiz) sighted the
vanguard of the Franco-Spanish fleet to the north of them.

^ Came to a stop. Nelson had already succeeded in his first object and cut off
his foe from the Straits.

301

302 LIFE OF NELSON

they appeared determined to go to the westward/ " And
that," said the Admiral, in his diary, "they shall not do,
if it is in the power of Nelson and Bronte to prevent them."
Nelson had signified to Blackwood that he depended upon
him to keep sight of the enemy. ^ They were observed so
well, that all their motions were made known to him ; and
as they wore twice, he inferred that they were aiming to
keep the port of Cadiz open, and would retreat there as
soon as they saw the British fleet : ^ for this reason he was
very careful not to approach near enough to be seen by
them during the night.

At daybreak the combined fleets were distinctly seen
from the Victory's deck, formed in a close line-of-battle
ahead, on the starboard tack, about twelve miles to leeward,
and standing to the south. ^ Our fleet consisted of twenty-
seven sail of the line, and four frigates; theirs of thirty-
three, and seven large frigates. Their superiority was
greater in size, and weight of metal, than in numbers. They
had four thousand troops on board; and the best riflemen
who could be procured, many of them Tyrolese, were dis-
persed through the ships. Little did the Tyrolese, and little did
the Spaniards, at that day, imagine what horrors the wicked
tyrant whom they served was preparing for their country.

Soon after daylight Nelson came upon deck. The 2ist of
October was a festival in his family, because on that day ^
his uncle. Captain Suckling, in the Dreadnought, with two
other line-of-battle ships, had beaten off a French squadron
of four sail of the line, and three frigates. Nelson, with that
sort of superstition from which few persons are entirely

' This was only a momentary impression. Villeneuve's course, if he could make
it, lay due south. It must be remembered that at this time, thanks to Nelson's
care, no English craft except the signalling ships were visible.

^ During the pitchy blackness of Sunday night. Blackwood tells us that his
difficult task was greatly facilitated by the glow of lamps from the enemy's stern
cabin windows.

^ When the enemy's fleet wore, they went about in the opposite direction; so
that after twice wearing they would resume their original course. To the British,
whose one desire was to strike, these movements natiurally suggested a wriggling
apprehensiveness. But Villeneuve, who knew that every moment was precious
after the English frigates had laid him under observation, was merely dressing
his line in the night watches so as to reach the JNIediterranean in good order at the
earliest possible moment.

* The ships of the combined fleet were separated one from another by short
intervals, and were advancing to the southward with the wind to the right of
them, with their keels in one and the same straight line, and about twelve miles
to the eastward of Nelson's fleet, who enjoyed the advantage of the weather berth.

* 1757. the year before Nelson was born.

THE CAMPAIGN OF TRAFALCxAR 303

exempt, had more than once expressed his persuasi(3n that
this was to be the day of his battle also; and he was well
pleased at seeing his prediction about to be verified. The
wind was now from the west, light breezes, with a long
heavy swell. Signal was made to bear down upon the
enemy in two lines; and the fleet set all sail. Collingwood,
in the Royal Sovereign, led the lee line ^ of thirteen ships ;
the Victory led the weather line of fourteen. ^ Having seen
that all w^as as it should be, Nelson retired to his cabin,
and wrote the following prayer:

" May the great God, whom I worship, grant to my
country, and for the benefit of Europe in general, a great
and glorious victory, and may no misconduct in any one
tarnish it; and may humanity after victory be the pre-
dominant feature in the British fleet ! For myself individu-
ally, I commit my life to Him that made me ; and may His
blessing alight on my endeavours for serving my country
faithfully! To Him I resign myself, and the just cause
which is entrusted to me to defend. Amen ! Amen ! Amen ! "

Having thus discharged his devotional duties, he annexed,
in the same diary, the following remarkable writing:

" October 21, 1805. — Then in sight of the combined fleets of
France and Spain, distant about ten miles.

" Whereas the eminent services of Emma Hamilton,
widow of the Right Honourable Sir William Hamilton, have
been of the very greatest service to my King and country,
to my knowledge, without ever receiving any reward from
either our King or country.

" First, that she obtained the King of Spain's letter, in
1796, to his brother, the King of Naples, acquainting him
of his intention to declare war against England; from
which letter the ministry sent out orders to the then Sir
John Jcrvis to strike a stroke, if opportunity offered, against
either the arsenals of Spain or her fleets. That neither of
these was done is not the fault of Lady Hamilton; the
opportunity might have been offered.

' The wind was a little to the north of west; and, as the two English squadrons
were sailiiiR parallel to one another, Collingwood's (the more southerly) was to
leeward of Nelson's.

- CoUiugwood had fifteen ships, and Nelson twelve.

304 LIFE OF NELSON

" Secondly, the British fleet under my command could
never have returned the second time to Egypt, had not
Lady Hamilton's influence with the Queen of Naples caused
letters to be wrote to the Governor of Syracuse that he
was to encourage the fleet's being supplied with everything,
should they put into any port in Sicily. We put into Syracuse
and received every supply, went to Egypt and destroyed
the French fleet.

" Could I have rewarded these services I would not now
call upon my country; but as that has not been in my
power, I leave Emma Lady Hamilton therefore a legacy
to my King and country, that they will give her an ample
provision to maintain her rank in life.

" I also leave to the beneficence of my country my adopted
daughter, Horatia Nelson Thomson; and I desire she will
use in future the name of Nelson only.

" These are the only favours I ask of my King and country
at this moment when I am going to fight their battle. May
God bless my King and country, and all those I hold dear!
My relations it is needless to mention ; they will, of course,
be amply provided for.

" NELSON AND BRONTE.

,, j^.. ( Henry Blackwood.

Witness, I J ^_ Hardy." ^

1 It is a naatter of common knowledge and a matter for deep and lasting regret
that Government deliberately declined to carry out the wishes here expressed.
Lady Hamilton believed that the fault lay with Nelson's eldest brother, who took
no steps in the matter until he had secured, for himself and his heirs, an earldom,
an annuity of £5000, and a grant of £120,000 with which to purchase an estate. A
careful examination of facts and figures, however, lends little support to this view.

Captain Hardy brought home the codicil and handed it safely to Nelson's
brother on 6th December. At that time Mr. Pitt was lying seriously ill; and not
unnaturally the newly-made Earl for a while- postponed action. In January 1806
the Prime Minister died; and on 15th February Earl Nelson (according to his
own account, Pettigrew, Vol. II. p. 626) surrendered the document to Pitt's
successor, Lord Grenville, who commended him for so doing. By that time an
annuity of £2000 had already been made to Lady Nelson: but the more copious
grants for the endowment of the earldom were not proposed until 28tli March,
nor ratified till May (Cobbett's Parliamentary Debates, Vol. VI. p. 564).

Attempts have been inade, especially by Sir John Laughton, R.N. {The Nelson
Memorial), to prove that the services enumerated in the codicil were not actually
performed by Lady Hamilton. Even if this were true — and the opinion was not
shared either by Mr. Canning, Mr. Rose, or even by Lord Grenville — the fact
remains that Government in confining their generosity to those who bore the
Admiral's name were ignoring, not Lady Hamilton's claim, but Nelson's dying
wishes.

The reasons for their decision can at best be made the subject for conjecture.
Some, indeed, have stated very confidently that the scheme miscarried owing to
the King's disapproval, and that Pitt, who alone would have dared to run counter
to the royal wishes, was not there to see justice done. But, on the other hand, it

THE CAMPAIGN OF TRAFALGAR 305

The child of whom tliis writing speaks was bcHcvcd to be
his daughter, and so, indeed, he called her the last time that
he pronounced her name. She was then about five years
old, living at Merton, under Lady Hamilton's care. The
last minutes which Nelson passed at Merton were employed
in praying over this child, as she lay sleeping. A portrait
of Lady Hamilton hung in his cabin : and no Catholic ever
beheld the picture of his patron saint with devouter rever-
ence. The undisguised and romantic passion with which he
regarded it amounted almost to superstition; and when
the portrait was now taken down, in clearing for action,
he desired the men who removed it to " take care of his
guardian angel." In this manner he frequently spoke of it,
as if he believed there was a virtue in the image. He wore
a miniature of her also next his heart.

Blackwood went on board the Victory about six. He found
him in good spirits, but very calm ; not in that exhilaration
which he had felt upon entering into battle at Aboukir and
Copenhagen. He knew that his own life would be parti-
cularly aimed at, and seems to have looked for death with
almost as stoic an expectation as for victory. His whole
attention was fixed upon the enemy. They tacked to the
northward, and formed their line on the larboard tack;
thus bringing the shoals of Trafalgar and San Pedro under
the lee of the British, and keeping the port of Cadiz open
for themselves.^ This was judiciously done: and Nelson,

must be remembered that Lady Hamilton (before leaving her ungrateful native
land to die obscurely at Calais) made her last appeal in the days, not of George
III., but of the Prince Regent.

The reply she received runs as follows:
.Madam Whitehall, 6ih March, 1813.

It is very painful to me to acquaint your Ladyship that after full communica-
tion with Lord Liverpool on the subject of your memorial ... I am unable to
encourage your hopes that the object of it can be accomplished. His Lordship
sincerely regrets the embarrassments which you have described, but on comparing
them with representations now before him of difficulty and distress in many other
quarters, and upon view of the circumstance with which they are attended, he
finds it impossible so to administer the scanty means of relief and assistance
which, under the authority of the Prince Regent, are at his disposal as to satisfy
his own sense of justice to others and at the same time give ef!ect to your Lady-
ship's application. I have the honour to be. Madam,

Your Ladyship's obedient servant,

SlDMOUTH.

' Nelson was rushing down upon the allied fleet in two separate squadrons
moving parallel to one another. Villcneuve suspected a massed attack upon the
rear, and an intention to cut liim off from Ca<liz. By turning about, he hoped to
keep the door of Cadiz open, and to receive the impact of the enemy with his
leading ships, so that the remainder could in time move up to their support.

3o6 LIFE OF NELSON

aware of all the advantages which it gave them, made
signal to prepare to anchor. ^

Villeneiive was a skilful seaman, worthy of serving a
better master, and a better cause. His plan of defence was
as well conceived, and as original, as the plan of attack.
He formed the fleet in a double line; every alternate ship
being about a cable's length to windward of her second
ahead and astern.^ Nelson, certain of a triumphant issue
to the day, asked Blackwood what he should consider as
a victory. That officer answered, that, considering the
handsome way in which battle was offered by the enemy,
their apparent determination for a fair trial of strength,
and the situation of the land, he thought it would be a
glorious result if fourteen were captured. He replied, " I
shall not be satisfied with less than twenty." Soon after-
wards he asked him, if he did not think there was a signal
wanting. Captain Blackwood made answer that he thought
the whole fleet seemed very clearly to understand what
they were about. These words were scarcely spoken before
that signal was made, which will be remembered as long
as the language, or even the memory, of England shall
endure — Nelson's last signal — " England expects every
MAN WILL DO HIS duty! " ^ It was received throughout
the fleet with a shout of answering acclamation, made
sublime by the spirit which it breathed, and the feeling
which it expressed. " Now," said Lord Nelson, " I can do
no more. We must trust to the great Disposer of all events,
and the justice of our cause. I thank God for this great
opportunity of doing my duty,"

He wore that day, as usual, his Admiral's frock coat,

1 Villeneuve signalled his fleet to tack at 8.0 a.m. Nelson warned his ships
that he might want them to anchor, but his warning was not signalled until
noon.

^ Villeneuve showed sound sense in reversing his line; but that is all there is
to be said. Southey's lavish praise is out of place; for he has not expounded the
merits of Nelson's tactical scheme, and the reduplication of the enemy's line was
the accidental result of a hurried change of disposition.

\Southey got the signal wrong in every edition. In the first he wrote, " England
expects every man to do his duty." The actual words were " England expects
that every man will do his duty " (Cd. 7120, p. 102). The signal was made at
11.48, eight minutes after Collingwood opened fire, and a quarter of an hour before
the Victory fired her first broadside. There were, altogether, twelve hoists;
because " duty," being Nelson's own selected word, was not then in the Vocab-
ulary (numeral code). " England (253) expects (269) that (863) every (261)
man (471) will (958) do (220) his (370) d (4) u (21) t (19) y (24)."

THE CAMPAIGN OF TRAFALGAR 307

bearing on the left breast four stars ^ of tlie different orders
with which he was invested. Ornaments which rendered
him so conspicuous a mark for the enemy were beheld with
ominous apprehensions by his officers. It was known that
there were riflemen on board the French ships ; and it could
not be doubted but that his hfe would be particularly aimed
at. They communicated their fears to each other ; and
the surgeon, Mr. Beatty, ^ spoke to the chaplain, Dr. Scott,
and to Mr. Scott the public secretary, desiring that some
person^ would entreat him to change his dress, or cover the
stars. But they knew that such a request would highly
displease him. " In honour I gained them," he had said
when such a thing had been hinted to him formerly, " and
in honour I will die with them." Mr. Beatty, however,
would not have been deterred by any fear of exciting his
displeasure from speaking to him himself upon a subject
in which the weal of England, as well as the life of Nelson,
was concerned, — but he was ordered from the deck before
he could find an opportunity. This was a point upon which
Nelson's officers knew that it was hopeless to remonstrate
or reason with him; but both Blackwood, and his own
captain. Hardy, represented to him how advantageous to
the fleet it would be for him to keep out of action as long
as possible; and he consented at last to let the Leviathan
and the Tcme'raire, which were sailing abreast of the Victory,
be ordered to pass ahead. Yet even here the last infirmity
of this noble mind was indulged, for these ships could not
pass ahead if the Victory continued to carry all her sail;
and so far was Nelson from shortening sail, that it was
evident he took pleasure in pressing on, and rendering it
impossible for them to obey his own orders. A long swell
was setting into the bay of Cadiz. Our ships, crowding all
sail, moved majestically before it, with light winds from
the south-west.^ The sun shone on the sails of the enemy;
and their well-formed line, with their numerous three-
deckers, made an appearance which any other assailants
would have thought formidable. But the British sailors

'The Order of the Bath (English), the Order of San Ferdinand (Neapolitan),
the Order of San Joachim (Sanlinian), and tiie Order of the Crescent (Turkish).

' In this part of the work I have chictly been indebted to this gentleman's
Narrative of I ord Xclson's Death, a document as interesting as it is authentic.
— SouTiiEY's Note.

3 N.W. or W.N.W.

3o8 LIFE OF NELSON

only admired the beauty and the splendour of the spectacle ;
and, in full confidence of winning what they saw, remarked
to each other, what a fine sight yonder ships would make
at Spithead!

The French Admiral, from the Bucentaure, beheld the
new manner in which his enemy was advancing — Nelson
and Collingwood each leading his line; and pointing them
out to his officers, he is said to have exclaimed, that such
conduct could not fail to be successful. Yet Villeneuve had
made his own dispositions with the utmost skill, and the
fleets under his command waited for the attack with perfect
coolness. Ten minutes before twelve they opened their
fire. Eight or nine of the ships immediately ahead of the
Victory, and across her bows, fired single guns at her, to
ascertain whether she was yet within their range. As soon
as Nelson perceived that their shot passed over him, he
desired Blackwood, and Captain Prowse of the Sirius, to
repair to their respective frigates ; and, on their way, to tell
all the captains of the line-of-battle ships that he depended
on their exertions; and that if by the prescribed mode of
attack they found it impracticable to get into action im-
mediately, they might adopt whatever they thought best,
provided it led them quickly and closely alongside an
enemy. As they were standing on the front of the poop,
Blackwood took him by the hand, saying he hoped soon to
return and find him in possession of twenty prizes. He
replied, " God bless you, Blackwood. I shall never see
you ^ again."

Nelson's column was steered about two points^ more to
the north than Collingwood's, in order to cut off the enemy's
escape into Cadiz: ^ the lee line, therefore, was first
engaged. " See," cried Nelson, pointing to the Royal Sover-
eign, as she steered right for the centre of the enemy's line,
cut through it astern of the Santa Ana, three-decker, and

* " Speak to you."

• A point is h of a complete turn or revolution. The line of Nelson's advance
made with the line of Collingwood's advance an angle of 22 J°.

^ The accepted view to-day is that this northerly movement was intended to
puzzle and confuse the enemy, whose attention Nelson desired to divert from
Collingwood's attack.

That Southey and others deduced from the tactical " Memorandum " motives
which it was never intended to convey only goes to prove (what is now very
generally admitted) that Nelson's plans for his own squadron were as puzzling
to his friends as to his enemies.

THE CAMPAIGN OF TRAFALGAR 309

engaged her at the muzzle of her guns on the starboard
side, " See how that noble fellow, Colling wood, carries his
ship into action!" Colhngwood, delighted at being first
in the heat of the fire, and knowing the feelings of his com-
mander and old friend, turned to his captain, and exclaimed,
" Rotherham, what would Nelson give to be here! " Both
these brave ofhcers, perhaps, at this moment thought of
Nelson with gratitude, for a circumstance which had
occurred on the preceding day. Admiral Colhngwood,
with some of the captains, having gone on board the Victoty,
to receive instructions. Nelson inquired of him where his
Captain was and was told in reply that they were not upon
good terms with each other. " Terms ! " said Nelson. " Good
terms with each other! " Immediately he sent a boat for
Captain Rotherham; led him, as soon as he arrived, to
Colhngwood; and saying, " Look; yonder arc the enemy! "
bade them shake hands like Englishmen.^

The enemy continued to fire a gun at a time at the Victory,
till they saw that a shot had passed through her maintop-
gallant sail. Then they opened their broadsides, aiming
chiefly at her rigging, in the hope of disabling her before
she could close with them. Nelson, as usual, had hoisted
several flags, lest one should be shot away. The enemy
showed no colours till late in the action, when they began
to feel the necessity of having them to strike. ^ For this
reason, the Santissima Trinidad, Nelson's old acquaintance
as he used to call her, was distinguishable only by her
four decks; and to the bow of this opponent he ordered the
Victory to be steered. Meantime an incessant raking fire
was kept up upon the Victory. The Admiral's secretary was
one of the first who fell; he was killed by a cannon-shot
while conversing witli Hardy. Captain Adair of the marines,
with the help of a sailor, endeavoured to remove the body

' I have never been able to discover any confirmation of this story, which is
inherently improbable. Collingwood was adored by his officers; he and Rotherham
were fast friends, and had been dining together on board the Victory only a short
time before (Nicolas, Vol. VII. p. 57).

* This is a curious mistake. Southcy is confusing the word " flag " as used
ashore witli the word as used at sea. The combined fleet, like the British, had
their coliurs hoisted; but the Admirals commanding (\'illeneuve, Gravina, Alava,
and the rest) did not fly the banners indicative of their rank until the battle began
in earnest. Their object was to confuse Nelson, who (they rightly guessed) would
have designs upon them. The Santissima Trinidad, however, could not hide her
bulk, and showed Nelson where one Flag Officer might be found.
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THE " victory's " PART AT TRAFALGAR

THE CAMPAIGN OF TRAFALGAR 311

from Nelson's sight, who had a great regard for Mr. Scott.
But he anxiously asked, " Is that poor Scott that's gone? "
and being informed that it was indeed so, exclaimed:
" Poor fellow! " Presently, a double-headed shot ^ struck
a party of marines who were drawn up on the poop, and
killed eight of them: upon which Nelson immediately
desired Captain Adair to disperse his men round the ship,
that they might not suffer so much from being together.
A few minutes afterwards a shot struck the fore-brace
bitts ^ on the quarter-deck, and passed between Nelson
and Hardy, a splinter from the bitt tearing off Hardy's
buckle and bruising his foot. Both stopped, and looked
anxiously at each other; each supposed the other to be
wounded. Nelson then smiled, and said, " This is too
warm work. Hardy, to last long." ^

The Victory had not yet returned a single gun. Fifty
of her men had been by this time killed or wounded,
and her maintopmast, with all her studding sails * and
her booms,'' shot away. Nelson declared that, in all his
battles, he had seen nothing which surpassed the cool
courage of his crew on this occasion. At four minutes after
twelve, she opened her fire from both sides of her deck. It
was not possible to break the enemy's line without running
on board one of their ships. Hardy informed him of this,
and asked him which he would prefer. Nelson replied,
" Take your choice. Hardy, it does not signify much." ^
The master was ordered to put the helm to port, and the
Victory ran on board the Redout able, "^ just as her tiller

' This is still preserved at the Royal United Service Institution Museum,
Whitehall, Exhibit 2021.

" The fore-braces were ropes attached to the ends of the yard which spread
the foresail. When not being used to alter the position of the yard, they were
made fast to their " bitts," a framework of upright timbers bolted securely to
the deck.

' Nelson was still deliberately choosing the point at which he should break
the allied line. The galling enfilade that the enemy poured into the Victory made
it perilous to protract the agony much longer.

* Lateral extensions of the ordinary sails to increase their wind-surface in
light airs.

• " Their booms," first, second and third editions.

" " It does not signify which." — Beatty's Narrative.

' The narrative is at this point rather misleading. The combined fleet had
braced itself to withstand the shock of the attack, and the line looked unpierce-
able. The I'ictory, however, shouldered her way between the Bucciitaun (Vil-
leneuve's flagshii)) and the Redoutahte; and as she did so, she fired into both
her foes with desolating unanswerable force. Once through the line her principal
antagonist for a while was the Neptune, who had moved to leeward of her friends

312 LIFE OF NELSON

ropes were shot away.^ The French ship received her with
a broadside ; then instantly let down her lower deck ports,
for fear of being boarded through them, and never after-
wards fired a great gun during the action.^ Her tops, like
those of all the enemy's ships, were filled with riflemen.
Nelson never placed musketry in his tops. He had a strong
dislike to the practice; not merely because it endangers
setting fire to the sails, but also because it is a murderous
sort of warfare, by which individuals may suffer and a
commander now and then be picked off, but which never
can decide the fate of a general engagement.

Captain Harvey, in the Temeraire, fell on board the
RedoutaUe on the other side. Another enemy was in like
manner on board the Temeraire ; ^ so that these four ships
formed as compact a tier as if they had been moored together,
their heads lying all the same way. The lieutenants of the
Victory, seeing this, depressed their guns of the middle and
lower decks, and fired with a diminished charge, lest the
shot should pass through, and injure the Temeraire. And
because there was danger that the Redoutahle might take
fire from the lower-deck guns, the muzzles of which touched
her side when they were run out, the fireman of each gun
stood ready with a bucket of water; which, as soon as the
gun was discharged, he dashed into the hole made by the
shot. An incessant fire was kept up from the Victory from
both sides; her larboard guns playing upon the Bucentaure
and the huge Santissima Trinidad.^

in order to greet Nelson with a raking fire (see map) ; but, ten minutes after she
had broken the allied line, the Victory put up her helm, and the resulting movement
brought her down upon the Redoutable, with whom she was quickly locked in
fierce embrace.

1 From the rudder-head the tiUer passed through the stern of the ship into the
gun-room. Attached to its fore end were actuating ropes that led upwards to
the drum of the steering-wheel under the break of the poop. These ropes, when
they reached the upper deck, were exposed to the enemy's fire ; and though the
tiller could, after special tackle had been fitted, be worked from the gun-room,
the loss of the tiUer-ropes was extremely serious and marked a moment which
all would remember.

^ Here again subsequent information has proved to us that Southey's facts
were wrong. Captain Lucas of the Redoutable was specialising in small arms, and
hoped to capture the Victory by clearing her upper deck with musketry and
hand-grenades {cp. Nelson's capture of San Nicolas and San Josef at St. Vincent).
He closed his gunports because he did not intend to employ artillery, and was
holding his gunners in reserve so as to reinforce his upper works and board
the enemy.

* The Fotigueux (Spitfire).

* Except, of course, when an English vessel intervened; see plan.

CHAPTER V

THE DEATH OF NELSON
[SOUTHEY. CHAPTER I X .—continued]

It had been part of Nelson's prayer, that the British fleet
might be distinguished by humanity in the victory which
he expected. Setting an example himself, he twice gave
orders to cease firing upon the Redoutahle, supposing that
she had struck because her great guns were silent; for, as
she carried no flag, there was no means of instantly ascer-
taining the fact. From this ship, which he had thus twice
spared, he received his death. ^ A ball fired from her mizzen-
top, which, in the then situation of the two vessels, was not
more than fifteen yards from that part of the deck where he
was standing, struck the epaulette on his left shoulder,
about a quarter after one, just in the heat of action. He fell
upon his face, on the spot which was covered with his poor
secretary's blood. Hardy, who was a few steps from him,
turning round, saw three men raising him up. " They have
done for me at last. Hardy," said he. " I hope not," cried
Hardy, "Yes!" he replied; "my backbone is shot
through." Yet even now, not for a moment losing his
presence of mind, he observed, as they were carrying him
down the ladder, that the tiller ropes, which had been shot
away, were not yet replaced, and ordered that new ones
should be rove immediately. Then, that he might not be
seen by the crew, he took out his handkerchief, and covered
his face and his stars. Had he but concealed these badges
of honour from the enemy, England, perhaps, would not
have had cause to receive with sorrow the news of the
battle of Trafalgar.

' The gunners of the Victory ceased firing from time to time because it seemed
to them uusportsmanhke to pour their broadsides into a vessel that, with her
ordnance at least, made no reply. But the Redoutable, though silent below, was
pugnacious enough above (see Note j, p. 31-'), and it was in accordance with lier
set scheme to clear the Victory's upper deck that her sharpshooters levelled their
pieces at Nelson. The gi^eat attenii^t of the plucky French vessel to carry her
opponent by boarding took place quite a long time after the " fatal wound."

314 LIFE OF NELSON

The cockpit was crowded with wounded and dying men;
over whose bodies he was with some difficulty conveyed,
and laid upon a pallet in the midshipmen's berth. It was
soon perceived, upon examination, that the wound was
mortal. This, however, was concealed from all except
Captain Hardy, the Chaplain, and the medical attendants.
He himself being certain, from the sensation in his back
and the gush of blood he felt momently within his breast,
that no human care could avail him, insisted that the
Surgeon should leave him, and attend to those to whom he
might be useful; "for," said he, "you can do nothing
for me." All that could be done was to fan him with paper,
and frequently to give him lemonade to alleviate his intense
thirst. He was in great pain, and expressed much anxiety
for the event of the action, which now began to declare
itself. As often as a ship struck, the crew of the Victory
hurrahed; and at every hurrah, a visible expression of
joy gleamed in the eyes, and marked the countenance of
the dying hero. But he became impatient to see Captain
Hardy ; and as that officer, though often sent for, could not
leave the deck, Nelson feared that some fatal cause pre-
vented him, and repeatedly cried, " Will no one bring
Hardy to me? He must be killed! He is surely dead! "

An hour and ten minutes elapsed from the time when
Nelson received his wound, before Hardy could come to
him. They shook hands in silence ; Hardy in vain struggling
to suppress the feelings of that most painful and yet sub-
limest moment. " Well, Hardy," said Nelson, " how goes
the day with us? " "Very well," replied Hardy; "ten
ships have struck, but five of the van have tacked, and
show an intention to bear down upon the Victory. I have
called two or three of our fresh ships round, and have no
doubt of giving them a drubbing." " I hope," said Nelson,
" none of our ships have struck? " Hardy answered there
was no fear of that. Then, and not till then, Nelson spoke
of himself. " I am a dead man. Hardy," said he: "I am
going fast. It will be all over with me soon. Come nearer
to me. Let my dear Lady Hamilton have my hair, and all
other things belonging to me." Hardy observed that he
hoped Mr. Beatty could yet hold out some prospect of life.
" Oh no! " he replied: " it is impossible. My back is shot

THE CAMPAIGN OF TRAFALGAR 315

throiif^h. Bcatty will tell you so." Captain Hardy then,
once more, shook hands with him; and, with a heart almost
bursting, hastened upon deck.

By this time all feeling below the breast was gone; and
Nelson, having made the surgeon ascertain this, said to
him, " You know I am gone. I know it. I feel something
rising in my breast," — putting his hand on his left side, —
" which tells me so." And upon Beatty's inquiring whether
his pain was very great, he replied, " So great, that he
wished he was dead. Yet," said he, in a lower voice, " one
would like to live a little longer too! " And after a few
minutes, in the same undertone, he added, " What would
become of poor Lady Hamilton, if she knew my situation! "
Next to his country she occupied his thoughts. Captain
Hardy, some fifty minutes after he had left the cockpit,
returned ; and, again taking the hand of his dying friend and
commander, congratulated him on having gained a com-
plete victory. How many of the enemy were taken he did
not know, as it was impossible to perceive them distinctly;
but fourteen or fifteen at least, " That's well," cried Nelson,
" but I bargained for twenty." And then, in a stronger
voice, he said, "Anchor, Hardy; anchor." Hardy, upon
this, hinted that Admiral Collingwood would take upon
himself the direction of affairs. " Not while I live, Hardy,"
said the dying Nelson, ineffectually endeavouring to raise
himself from the bed. " Do you anchor! " His previous order
for preparing to anchor had shown how clearly he foresaw
the necessity of this. Presently, calling Hardy back, he
said to him in a low voice, " Don't throw me overboard ";
and he desired that he might be buried by his parents,
unless it should please the King to order otherwise. Then
reverting to private feelings, " Take care of my dear Lady
Hamilton, Hardy. Take care of poor Lady Hamilton. —
Kiss me. Hardy," said he. Hardy knelt down and kissed
his cheek: and Nelson said, " Now I am satisfied. Thank
God I have done my duty." Hardy stood over him in
silence for a moment or two, then knelt again and kissed
his forehead. "Who is that?" said Nelson; and being
informed, he replied, " God bless you. Hardy." And Hardy
then left him — for ever.

Nelson now desired to be turned upon his right side, and

3i6 LIFE OF NELSON

said, " I wish I had not left the deck; for I shall soon be
gone." Death was, indeed, rapidly approaching. He said
to the chaplain, " Doctor, I have not been a great sinner " :
and after a short pause, " Remember that I leave Lady
Hamilton and my daughter Horatia ^ as a legacy to my
country." His articulation now became difficult; but he
was distinctly heard to say, " Thank God, I have done my
duty." These words he repeatedly pronounced; and they
were the last words which he uttered./ He expired at thirty
minutes after four, — three hours and a quarter after he had
received his wound.

Within a quarter of an hour after Nelson was wounded,
above fifty of the Victory's men fell by the enemy's mus-
ketry. They, however, on their part, were not idle ; and it
was not long before there were only two Frenchmen left
alive in the mizzen-top of the Redoutable. One of them was
the man who had given the fatal wound. He did not live
to boast of what he had done. An old quarter-master had
seen him fire; and easily recognised him, because he wore
a glazed cocked hat and a white frock. This quarter-master
and two midshipmen, Mr. Colhngwood and Mr. Pollard,
were the only persons left in the Victory's poop. The two
midshipmen kept firing at the top, and he supplied them
with cartridges. One of the Frenchmen, attempting to
make his escape down the rigging, was shot by Mr. Pollard,
and fell on the poop. But the old quarter-master, as he
cried out, " That's he — that's he," and pointed at the
other who was coming forward to fire again, received a shot
in his mouth and fell dead. Both the midshipmen then
fired at the same time, and the fellow dropped in the top.
When they took possession of the prize, they went into the
mizzen-top and found him dead, with one ball through his
head, and another through his breast.

The Redoutable struck within twenty minutes after the
fatal shot had been fired from her. During that time she
had been twice on fire, — in her fore-chains and in her fore-
castle. The French, as they had done in other battles,
made use in this of fire-balls and other combustibles; im-
plements of destruction which other nations, from a sense

^ In the codicil to his will Nelson says, " I also leave to the beneficence of my
country my adopted daughter Horatia Nelson Thompson; and I desire she will
in future use the name of Nelson only."

THE CAMPAIGN OF TRAFALGAR 317

of honour and humanity, have laid aside; which add to the
sufferings of the wounded without dctermininj^' tlie issue
of the combat; which none but the cruel would employ
and which never can be successful against the brave. Once
they succeeded in setting fire, from the Redoutahle, to some
ropes and canvas on the Victory's booms. The cry ran
through the ship, and reached the cockpit: but even this
dreadful cry produced no confusion. The men displayed
that perfect self-possession in danger by which English
seamen are characterised. They extinguished the flames on
board their own ship, and then hastened to extinguish them
in the enemy, by throwing buckets of water from the gang-
way. When the Redoutahle had struck, it was not practic-
able to board her from the Victory; for, though tlie two
ships touched, the upper works of both fell in so much, that
there was a great space between their gangways; and she
could not be boarded from the lower or middle decks, be-
cause her ports v/ere down. Some of our men went to
Lieutenant Quilliam, and offered to swim under her bows,
and get up there; but it was thought unfit to hazard brave
lives in this manner.

What our men would have done from gallantry, some of
the crew of the Saiitissima Trinidad did to save themselves.
Unable to stand the tremendous fire of the Victory, whose
larboard guns played against tWs great four-decker, and
not knowing how else to escape them, nor where else to
betake themselves for protection, many of them leaped
overboard, and swam to the Victory; and were actually
helped up her sides by the English during the action. The
Spaniards began the battle with less vivacity than their
unworthy allies, but they continued it with greater firmness.
The Argonaida and Bahama were defended till they had
each lost about four hundred men; the San Juan Neponm-
ceno lost three hundred and fifty. Often as the superiority
of British courage has been proved against France upon
the seas, it was never more conspicuous than in this decisive
conflict. Five of our ships were engaged muzzle to muzzle
with five of the French. In all five the Frenchmen lowered
their lower-deck ports, and deserted their guns; while our
men continued deliberately to load and fire, till they had
made the victory secure.

3i8 LIFE OF NELSON

Once, amidst his sufferings, Nelson had expressed a wish
that he were dead ; but immediately the spirit subdued the
pains of death, and he wished to live a little longer —
doubtless that he might hear the completion of the victory
which he had seen so gloriously begun. That consolation —
that joy — that triumph, was afforded him. He lived to
know that the victory was decisive ; and the last guns which
were fired at the flying enemy were heard a minute or two
before he expired.

The ships which were thus flying were four of the enemy's
van, all French, under Rear-Admiral Dumanoir. They had
borne no part in the action; and now, when they were
seeking safety in flight, they fired not only into the Victory
and Royal Sovereign as they passed, but poured their broad-
sides into the Spanish captured ships, and they were seen
to back their topsails, for the purpose of firing with more
precision. The indignation of the Spaniards at this de-
testable cruelty from their allies, for whom they had fought
so bravely, and so profusely bled, may well be conceived.
It was such, that when, two days after the action, seven
of the ships which had escaped into Cadiz came out, in
hopes of retaking some of the disabled prizes, the prisoners,
in the Argonauta, in a body, offered their services to the
British prize-master, to man the guns against any of the
French ships: saying, that if a Spanish ship came alongside,
they would quietly go below; but they requested that
they might be allowed to fight the French, in resentment
for the murderous usage which they had suffered at their
hands. Such was their earnestness, and such the implicit
confidence which could be placed in Spanish honour, that
the offer was accepted, and they were actually stationed
at the lower-deck guns. Dumanoir and his squadron were
not more fortunate than the fleet from whose destruction
they fled. They fell in with Sir Richard Strachan, who was
cruising for the Rochefort squadron, and were all taken.
In the better days of France, if such a crime could then
have been committed, it would have received an exemplary
punishment from the French government. Under Bona-
parte, it was sure of impunity, and, perhaps, might be
thought deserving of reward. But, if the Spanish court
had been independent, it would have become us to have

THE CAMPAIGN OF TRAFALGAR 319

delivered Dumanoir and his captains up to Spain, that tlicy
might have been brought to trial, and hanged in sight of
the remains of the Spanish fleet. ^

The total British loss in the battle of Trafalgar amounted
to one thousand five hundred and eighty-seven. Twenty
of the enemy struck. But it was not possible to anchor the
fleet, as Nelson had enjoined.^ A gale came on from the
south-west. Some of the prizes went down, some went on
shore; one effected its escape into Cadiz; others were
destroyed; four only were saved, and those by the greatest

^ In Uiis rather unfortunate paragraph Southcy deserts the excellent authority
of Dr. Beatty, and includes some tittle-tattle from Gibraltar, which seems to
have been acceptable to him, because (as he wrote) Englishmen and Spaniards
were combining against the French in the Peninsula.

The allied van, consisting of ten ships under Dumanoir, were by the ingenuity
of Nelson's tactics left out of the battle altogether. They were ahead of the
Bucentaure and Santissima Trinidad, and could not participate in the affray unless
they turned themselves about. Repeated signals were made to them to do so,
and after a while Dumanoir was able to obey. But the process of altering course
consumed much time; and in the process the ten ships separated into two inde-
pendent, and consequently useless, squadrons. Of the five with Dumanoir one
was made prize as she passed the scene of action; but the other four eventually
escaped, only to be captured ten days later, as the text relates, by Sir Richard
Strachan.

This group may be regarded as the weather squadron; for its units, having
tacked, kept to seaward of the battlefield. The other squadron, being to leeward,
was more deeply involved. Three of its vessels succeeded in reinforcing Gravina,
and of these the Heros eventually reached Cadiz; but the Intrcpide and San
A ugitstino, entering the lists in the hour of Britain's triumph, yielded to superior
numbers and the hard necessity of war.

- In the former editions it was saitl that " unhappily the fleet did not anchor,"
implying an opinion that Nelson's orders ought to have been followed by his
successor. From the recently-published Correspondence and Memoir of Ford
Collingwood, it appears that this was not practicable, and that if it had been
practicable, and had been done, the consequences, from the state of the weather
(which Nelson could not foresee), would, in all likelihood, have been more disas-
trous than they were.

Having thus referred to Lord Collingwood's Life, I may be allowed to say
that the publication of that volume is, indeed, a national good; it ought to be in
every officer's cabin, and in every statesman's cabinet. — Southey's Note, Fourth
Edition.

In his first edition Southey wrote:

" Twenty of the enemy struck. Unhappily the fleet did not anchor, as Nelson,
almost with his dying breath, had enjoined."

Ncwnham Collingwood's defence of his father-in-law was occasioned, not by
Southey's statement, but by James's amplification of it in his Naval History,
Vol. IV. Unhappily the world has not followed Southey's advice about reading
these memoirs, and the belief that some remissness on Collingwood's part led to
the loss of the prizes is a lielief that still prevails. The technical evidence adduced
in Collingwood's biography, by its very completeness, makes quotation dii'ticult;
but everyone who has read it admits, with Southcy, tiiat it is quite unanswerable.
James completed his History in 1824, and its sententious, dogmatic and prejudiced
pages were described by the impeccable Edinburgh Review as approaching " as
nearly to perfection ... as any historical work ever did." Collingwood's
Memoir, published in 1828, advanced the first of a series of damning indict-
ments, which have been levelled against it ever since.

320 LIFE OF NELSON

exertions.^ The wounded Spaniards were sent ashore, an
assurance being given that they should not serve till regularly
exchanged; and the Spaniards, with a generous feeling,
which would not, perhaps, have been found in any other
people, offered the use of their hospitals for our wounded,
pledging the honour of Spain that they should be carefully
attended there. When the storm, after the action, drove
some of the prizes upon the coast, they declared that the
English, who were thus thrown into their hands, should not
be considered as prisoners of war; and the Spanish soldiers
gave up their own beds to their shipwrecked enemies. ^
The Spanish Vice-Admiral, Alava, died of his wounds.^
Villeneuve was sent to England, and permitted to return
to France. The French government say that he destroyed
himself on the way to Paris, dreading the consequences of
a court martial. But there is every reason to believe that
the tyrant, who never acknowledged the loss of the battle
of Trafalgar, added Villeneuve to the numerous victims of
his murderous policy.*

It is almost superfluous to add that all the honours which
a grateful country could bestow were heaped upon the
memory of Nelson. His brother was made an earl, with a
grant of £6,000 a year; ;£io,ooo were voted to each of his
sisters: and £100,000 for the purchase of an estate.^ A
pubhc funeral was decreed, and a public monument. Statues
and monuments also were voted by most of our principal

* Eighteen of the enemy were accounted for on the day of battle, and four
were subsequently taken by Sir Richard Strachan. Total twenty-two. Then outside
Cadiz, on 23rd October, the Rayo added one to the list of captures, and two that
had escaped and came out again were wrecked. Total twenty-five. From this
figure we must deduct three, because one prize slipped through the English fingers,
and two were recaptured in the melee on the 23rd. Of the gross figure, four-
teen found a grave on the battlefield and eight (including Strachan's four) were
eventually carried home.

'^ Here and elsewhere the careful reader will observe the tenderness of Southey
for the inhabitants of the land which he knew and loved so well, and from which
he drew the inspiration for many of his works in poetry and prose.

^ Gravina, the Spanish Admiral, died of his wounds; Alava, the Vice-Admiral,
survived for many years.

* The Admiral, who was staying at the Hotel de la Patrie at Rennes, was
found in bed on the morning of 22nd April, 1806, with a knife in his heart. His
door was locked on the inside; and his servant averred that for some days his
master's manner had been so strange that he had taken it upon himself to unload
the Admiral's pistols. The same witness gave evidence that Villeneuve had applied
to Napoleon for an interview and had been refused. On the whole, then, there is
1 ittle enough reason to believe that the unhappy victim died by any hand but his
own.

' " Trafalgar," Downton, near Salisbury.

THE CAMPAIGN OF TRAFALGAR 321

cities. The leaden coffin in which he was brought home was
cut in pieces, which were distributed as rehcs of Saint
Nelson — so the gunner of the Victory called them — and
when, at his interment, his flag was about to be lowered
into the grave, the sailors who assisted at the ceremony
with one accord rent it in pieces, that each might preserve
a fragment while he lived.

The death of Nelson was felt in England as something
more than a public calamity. Men started at the intelligence
and turned pale, as if they had heard of the loss of a dear
friend. An object of our admiration and affection, of our
pride and of our hopes, was suddenly taken from us; and
it seemed as if we had never, till then, known how deeply
we loved and reverenced him. What the country had lost
in its great naval hero — the greatest of our own and of all
former times — was scarcely taken into the account of grief.
So perfectly, indeed, had he performed his part, that the
maritime war, after the battle of Trafalgar, was considered
at an end. The fleets of the enemy were not merely defeated,
but destroyed. New navies must be built, and a new race
of seamen reared for them, before the possibility of their
invading our shores could again be contemplated. It was
not, therefore, from any selfish reflection upon the magnitude
of our loss that we mourned for him. The general sorrow
was of a higher character. The people of England grieved
that funeral ceremonies, and public monuments, and post-
humous rewards were all which they could now bestow
upon him, whom the King, the legislature, and the nation
would have alike delighted to honour; whom every tongue
would have blessed ; whose presence in every village through
which he might have passed would have wakened the church
bells, have given school-boys a holiday, have drawn children
from their sports to gaze upon him, and " old men from the
chimney corner " to look upon Nelson ere they died. The
victory of Trafalgar was celebrated, indeed, with the usual
forms of rejoicing, but they were without joy. For such
already was the glory of the British navy, through Nelson's
surpassing genius, that it scarcely seemed to receive any
addition from the most signal victory that ever was achieved
upon the seas. And the destruction of this mighty fleet, by
which all the maritime schemes of France were totally

322 LIFE OF NELSON

frustrated, hardly appeared to add to our security or
strength; for, while Nelson was living, to watch the com-
bined squadrons of the enemy, we felt ourselves as secure
as now, when they were no longer in existence.

There was reason to suppose, from the appearances upon
opening the body, that, in the course of nature, he might
have attained, like his father, to a good old age. Yet he
cannot be said to have fallen prematurely whose work was
done; nor ought he to be lamented, who died so full of
honours, and at the height of human fame. The most tri-
umphant death is that of the martyr; the most awful that
of the martyred patriot ; the most splendid that of the hero
in the hour of victory. And if the chariot and the horses of
fire had been vouchsafed for Nelson's translation, he could
scarcely have departed in a brighter blaze of glory. He has
left us, not indeed his mantle of inspiration, but a name and
an example, which are at this hour inspiring thousands of
the youth of England: a name which is our pride, and an
example which will continue to be our shield and our
strength. Thus it is that the spirits of the great and the
wise continue to live and to act after them; verifying, in
this sense, the language of the old mythologist.

Tot fj.h Salfj-ov^s elai, Ai6j iJ.iy6,\ov Sia /3oi'Xas,
'EffdXol, iTTLxOivLoi, (pvXaKes dvijruv dvdpdnruv.^

* The quotation is from Hesiod's Works and Days, and may be turned into
English as follows:

To His elect, while still their bodies sleep,
God gives a spirit incorruptible,
That they may walk on earth and still inspire
The feeble sons of men, whose need He knows.

Finis

APPENDIX

QUESTIONS ON PART I

1. How far is it just to say that this part is less a chapter of
biography than a narrative of polar exploration ?

2. At what age did Nelson become a midshipman, and at what
age a lieutenant ? How many years of his life are reviewed in this
part, and how were they spent ? Make a chronology with the aid
of the notes.

3. Read carefully Note 2, p. 8; and then explain why Nelson in
the middle watch needed a mist, under cover of which to stalk his
bear. (N.B. — The expedition reached lat. 80° N. on loth June and
^\•as released from the ice-pack on loth August.)

4. This part is largely an account of Nelson's training and edu-
cation. Show what were the chief causes that contributed to make
him the practical seaman he was when he passed his lieutenant's
examination.

5. Which do you prefer — the story of Nelson and the bear, or
the stories of Nelson's infancy as told on pp. 2-3 ? The storj' of the
bear is undoubtedly true. What of the story of the grandmamma, or
the legend of the pears ? ^^'ould you admire Nelson any the less if
these could be proved untrue }

QUESTIONS ON PART II

1. Select from this part examples to illustrate (a) Nelson's human
sympathy and thoughtful kindness for others; {b) his prompt
resource in sudden emergencies; (c) his readiness to sacrifice on the
altar of duty even his chosen career and all hopes of advancement;
{(l) his tenacity of purpose; [e) his tactfulness in dealing with a
difficult situation; {/) his charm of manner; {g) his magnanimity.

2. What other qualities in him have you already noticed in
addition to those mentioned in Question I ?

3. It has been said that Southey was always too prone to forsake

324 LIFE OF NELSON

the thread of a story if a congenial topic presented itself. Is there
anything in Part II. to support this contention?

4. "Admirals all they said their say;

The echoes are ringing still." — Newbolt.

Select from this part sayings of Nelson which in your opinion
deserve to be had in remembrance.

5. Name the two most eminent people with whom Nelson was
brought into contact between 1777 and 1787. What opinions did
they express concerning him ?

6. You may have begun your study of Nelson by supposing that
such a hero very soon attained honour and glory. Work out from
the dates given in Parts I. and II. and from the date of Trafalgar
which you already know:

[a) What age he was when he died.

[b) How many years of his life the narrative has so far covered.

7. Three of Nelson's lifelong friends and companions in arms were
Troubridge, CoUingwood, and Cornwallis. Explain the circumstances
under which he first made the acquaintance of each.

8. Explain the views which Southey, in common with other men
of 1812, held with regard to the making of an Isthmian Canal.

QUESTIONS ON PART III

1. In 1905 a small work appeared under the title The True Account
of Nelson's Famous Signal. Its author by citations from contem-
porary documents endeavoured to show that Nelson could not have
put his glass to his blind eye at Copenhagen, for the simple reason
that he saw as well with one eye as with the other. How far are you
prepared to accept this argument, and how far is your view of the
Admiral's appearance affected by what you have read ?

2. Draw from your imagination some kind of a plan to illustrate
Nelson's duel with the fa Ira.

3. Give Southey 's opinions as expressed in this part with regard
to:

{a) Napoleon.

(6) The monarchies of Europe, 1794-96.

{c) The French Revolution.

4. How far are Southey's opinions as expressed in this part enter-
tained by thoughtful people to-day ?

5. Compose a speech supposed to have been delivered by Adiniral
Sir John Jervis to the ship's company of the Agamemnon (when

APPENDIX 325

that ship at last left the Mediterranean command) calling attention
to the variety and value of her exploits.

6. Write an imaginary letter from Nelson to his wife contrasting
the character of Admiral Hotham with that of Admiral Lord Hood.

QUESTIONS ON PART IV

1. Admiral of the Fleet Earl Beatty, in his Jutland dispatch,
speaks of Hood as bringing his squadron into action "in a most
inspiring manner, worthy of his great naval ancestors."

How far does this chapter lend weight to the remark that naval
valour is hereditary in the family of Hood ?

2. Turn to Nelson's enumeration of his services on pp. 1 14-15.
Arrange them in the form of a list, and write against each (or
against as many as you can) such particulars as your memory retains.

3. Imagine yourself to be Lieutenant Josiah Nisbet, K.N., and
write to your mother an account of what occurred on the night of
24th July, 1797.

4. Which was the more important event — the battle of St. Vincent
or that attack on Teneriffe ? Of which docs Southcy write the better
account ?

5. Draw a plan of your own devising to show what happened in
the Bay of Santa Cruz.

6. Write a little leaderette, supposed to be taken from The Times
of 25th November, 1797, and having for its theme the unique
character of Nelson's bravery.

7. What evidence docs this part supply of the estimation in which
Nelson was held by the ordinary seamen ?

8. Who was the Duke of Clarence, and what were the circum-
stances that had made him so completely Nelson's friend ?

9. What sort of picture does Southey draw of the state of the
Spanish navy ? Suggest any reason that woukl (in our own coimtry's
interest) have made it advisable to censor his story of the Madrid
pasquinade ?

10. Describe the part that Troubridge played in the attack upon
Santa Cruz.

11. Write a brief report (supposedly from Nelson to Admiral the
Earl of St. Vincent) recommending Sykes for a lieutenancy and
giving reasons for the recommendation.

12. The story of Sir Richard Grenville's last fight tells us that the
2 A

326 LIFE OF NELSON

Spaniards made gallant antagonists. How far is this view endorsed
by the story of Nelson's attack on Teneriffe ?

13. Admiral Jervis, Admiral Parker, and Captains Collingwood,
Frederick and Troubridge all played remarkable parts at the battle
of St. Vincent. Why does popular opinion ascribe the credit almost
exclusively to Nelson ?

QUESTIONS ON PART V

1. Write in Nelson's name a letter to Captain Benjamin Hallo-
well, thanking him for his memento mori. Endeavour to imitate,
as far as you can, the Admiral's whimsical turn of phrase.

2. Imagine yourself to be a seaman of the Vanguard wounded in
the early part of the fight. Write, as an eye-witness would do, what
happened when Nelson was brought down into the cockpit.

3. Explain (with the help of a diagram) the claim put forward
by Southey on behalf of Captain Foley of the Goliath, and show
how such a claim robs Nelson of his hardly- won renown.

4. Nelson was fond of calling those who fought with him at the
Nile his "band of brothers." Turn to Shakespeare's Henry V.
(Act IV. Sc. iii.) and rewrite the King's speech, beginning with the
words "Then shall our names," substituting those of Nelson's
captains without spoiling the metre.

5. Draw a plan of the Mediterranean, inserting a red line to
illustrate Nelson's cruising track in the year 1798.

6. Write from memory a list of the presentations made to Nelson
after the battle of the Nile.

7. Compose a speech, supposed to have been delivered by William
Pitt in the House of Commons, proposing the grant of a peerage to
Admiral Nelson and a pension of /2000.

8. Wliich do you prefer, Mrs. Hemans' Casablanca or Southey's
description of the destruction of the Orient ? Give reasons for your
preference.

9. Wliat were frigates used for ? If Nelson had possessed as many
as he required in 1798, how would the history of the world have
been changed ?

ID. What was the substance of Captain Ball's advice to Nelson,
and what were the circumstances under which it was offered ?

II. Upon what grounds did Nelson base his contention that,
without the help of Troubridge and Lady Hamilton, he could
never have won the battle of the Nile ?

APPENDIX 327

12. Explain: INIizzen-peak, rake, braces, laiigridgc, uthwart-
hawse, port-fire, to wear, carpenter.

13. "Where there is room for an enemy's ship to swing, there is
room for one of ours to anchor."

Collect from this part half-a-dozen pithy sayings of Nelson which,
like the one quoted, deserve to be treasured in the memory.

QUESTIONS ON PART VI

1. Write a letter from Sir William Hamilton to his nephew and
heir, Charles Grenville, describing the escape of King Ferdinand and
Queen Maria Carolina from Naples to Palermo.

2. Describe in a word or two, as play\vrights do in their Dramatis
PersoncB, the following characters: Mcjean, Mack, I^ius VI., Cliam-
pionhet, Ruffo, Masaredo.

3. While Nelson was staying at Naples, he sat for his portrait to
an artist called Guzzardi. The finished picture, which differs widely
from the pleasing canvases of Beechey, Romney, and Abbott, shows
a face pinched with care and anxiety. Can you suggest any reasons
for this ?

4. Do you consider the trial and execution of Caracciulo justi-
fiable ? State the grounds for your opinion.

5. Explain the meaning of the words "armistice" and "capitu-
lation," and show clearly what stage had been reached in the
negotiations between Cardinal Ruffo and the insurgent fortresses
when Nelson dropped anchor in Naples Bay.

6. Criticise the sources from which Southey derived the material
on which, in this chapter, he based his attack on Nelson's conduct.

7. Write a leading article, such as would appear in an outspoken
magazine of to-day, on the appointment of Lord Keith to the
Mediterranean command in place of the victor of the Nile.

8. Was England right or wrong to befriend, in 1799, a state whose
cruelty and corruption brought it half a century later to an un-
regretted overthrow ?

9. Contrast Southey's treatment of Nelson in this chapter with
his treatment of Sir Thomas Troubridge. Point your remarks with
appropriate quotations.

10. Summarise the work done by the British fleet from the time
of Nelson's arrival in Naples to the hour of his return to England.

11. Write an imaginary letter from Nelson in London to liis
friend Captain Ball in Malta describing his journey home.

128 LIFE OF NELSON

QUESTIONS ON PART VII

1. Wliat new information about Nelson's character and habits
have you gleaned from these last chapters ?

2. Describe a court martial on Captain Robert D. Fancourt (of
the Agamemnon) for his failure to bring his ship into the firing line.

3. "I feel very sorry for Sir Hyde, but no wise man would ever
have gone with Nelson or over him, as he was sure to be in the
background in every case."

Discuss the justice of this saying of Lady Malmesbury's.

4. Compose a leading article for The Times of loth July, 1801,
estimating the political effects of Nelson's Baltic campaign upon
the Northern powers.

5. Explain the meaning of: Vail, topsail breeze, a quarter less
five; and the significance of signals 16 and 39.

6. Quote from memory the order in which Nelson desired his
ships to enter battle; and show how far this order was changed
or upset.

7. With the aid of your imagination describe in detail the scene
on board the Elephant:

{a) ^Vhen Nelson was writing his first letter to the Crown

Prince; or
(6) When Sir Hyde Parker broke at the London's masthead

the signal of recall.

8. Reproduce from memory as closely as you can the letter which
Nelson wrote to Sir Hyde Parker while they were still in the
Cattegat.

9. Draw a plan of part of the Sound, showing Copenhagen, Amag
Island, Saltholm, and the Middle Ground; and show how Nelson
approached the Danish fleet, and where he dropped anchor on the
night of ist April.

10. In what manner did Nelson's eventual plan of attack resemble
his earlier proposal to pass through the Great Belt ?

1 1 . Give as many reasons as you can for thinking that the chapter
in which he describes the battle of Copenhagen is Southey's best
effort up to this point.

12. Quote from memory any notable sa3angs of Nelson from the
time he left England for the Baltic to the time of his return.

13. In the character of Olfert Kofod, a Danish fisherman, describe
the scene at the jetty when Nelson came ashore to visit the Crown

APPENDIX 329

Prince. Afterwards (if possible) compare your own pen-picture with
a reproduction of Thomas Davidson's painting.

14. Read Campbell's Battle of the Baltic and then criticise it:
{a) as a patriotic poem,

(6) as a picture of the battle.

15. Why did not the Admiralty reprimand Nelson for disobeying
Sir Hyde Parker as they had done in the case of Lord Keith ? What
other example of "inspired disobedience" can you furnish from
Nelson's career ?

16. Write a letter, supposedly from Nelson, enclosing a contri-
bution to Riou's monument, and drawing the attention of the
public to the splendour of the frigate-captain's services.

QUESTIONS ON PART VIII

1. Write a letter from the Admiral to his father (Rev. Edmund
Nelson), inviting him to come and stay at Merton, and expatiating
upon its comforts and delights.

2. Wliat evidence does this chapter contain of Nelson's liberality
and care for the afflicted ?

3. Nelson, while he was at homo, by no means settled down
entirely in one place. In addition to London, he visited Oxford
(where he received an honorary D.C.L.), Blenheim, Hereford, and
Worcester.

What reason can you offer by way of explanation for Southey's
lack of interest in the Admiral's home life ?

4. What steps would have to be taken by the enemies of England
before they could successfully invade this country ?

5. Nearly every inn that fronts the sea between Orfordness and
Beachy Head has a suite of rooms which it claims to have put at
Nelson's disposal during the autumn of i8or.

What credit would you attach to these claims ? In the character
of Jonathan Oldbuck write a report to the Society of Antiquaries
upon the authenticity of the claims of the "Three Cups" at Harwich
which you have investigated for yourself.

QUESTIONS ON PART IX

I. Attempt to write down from memory the entry that Nelson
made in his journal on leaving Merton for the last time.

z. Quote in their own words the seamen's character of "Admiral

330 LIFE OF NELSON

Nel." and support the truth of their words by examples selected
from any part of this book.

3. To what extent should Nelson's disappointment with his own
performance be our guide in estimating the value of his pursuit of
Villeneuve ?

4. Describe Nelson's departure from Portsmouth for his last battle
as if you had seen it with your own eyes.

5. Write a caustic leading article for The Times of ist June, 1809,
dealing with M. Latouche-Treville's report (received via Paris) that
he had been in pursuit of Nelson's fleet.

6. In what sense is it true to say that a battle with Villeneuve in
June 1805 on the spot where Rodney defeated de Grasse would
have been a less effective illustration of Nelson's genius than the
events that actually occurred ?

7. Give any reasons that you may have for preferring Chapter III.
of this section to Chapter II.

8. Describe with the help of a diagram what Napoleon expected
his fleets to do after they had joined at Martinique; and explain
why it was that he did not dare to cross the Channel before his
projected armada arrived.

9. Suppose yourself to be the fortunate possessor of a couple of
pages from Nelson's diary at the time when he was blockading
Toulon. With the help of your imagination write down what you
can remember of them.

10. Write some verses in the manner of Mr. Croker's Songs of
Trafalgar in commemoration of any episode in Nelson's career.

11. Compose a memorandum as from the ship's company of
H.M.S. Arrow (dated 7th November, 1804), imploring Lord Nelson
not to send you home in spite of your vessel's defects.

12. Draw a sketch-map of western Europe showing where Napo-
leon's numerous fleets were based at the beginning of 1805, and
inserting the names of the British admirals who were maintaining
the blockade.

13. Set Southey's appreciation of Nelson in Chapter III. §7 of this
part beside his detraction in Part VI. (see above, pp. 186-7), and
ask yourself whether the two characters thus drawn by him are
reconcilable, or mutually destructive.

14. Give in the form of an extract from his Memoirs Napoleon's
reasons for breaking camp at Boulogne in August 1805.

15. Quote from memory any notable entries made by Nelson in
his diary during his pursuit of Villeneuve.

APPENDIX 331

16. Draw a plan to show the position of the Victovy and the ships
immediately around her at the moment when the Redoutable
lowered her flag.

17. Compose a dialogue between Nelson and Captain Blackwood
of the Enryalns frigate tluring the last hours that these friends
were together.

18. Write down from memory:

[a) Nelson's last prayer.

[b) Southey's last paragraph.

19. Draw an enlarged map of the Spanish coast between Cadiz
and Gibraltar, and by dotted lines show the movements of the
British and combined fleets before the battle of Trafalgar began.

20. Reproduce, if possible word for word, the letter that Nelson
wrote to the lieutenant who was dissatisfied with his captain.

INDEX

AcRrr, loo n., 123, 202

AOair, Captain, 309, 311

Addingtoii, Henry, Lord Sidmouth, 206 and n.,

264, 265, 305
Addison, Joseph, xix
Adveiilurfi 0/ Harry liichinond, 9
Ajaccio, 281

Alava, 309 n., 320 and n.
Alberoni, 55

Alexander I., Czar, 246, 247
Alexandria, 123 and n., 126, 127, 141 n., 148,

150, 168, 176
Amaiiis de Gaul, xviii
Ainag Island, 210 >t., 214, 219, 230, 231, 242,

244
American Independence, War of, 15, 129 n.
Amiens, Peace of, iii n., 258, 265 n.
Andersen, Hans, xx
Anson, xxxi, 26 n.
Antibes, 65 and n.
Antigua, 33 and n., 41, 287
Antipas, 185

Arethusa, Fountain of, 126 and n.
Argyle, Ninth Earl of, 166
Aristotle, xxix

Anned Neutrality of 1780, 15, 25
Aniied Neutrality of 1800, 206 n., 208 n., 240
"Army of the Faith" 151, 152
Augustus, Prince, 51
Austerlitz, 272 n.
Azores, 289, 290 n.

Baffin, 5 n.

Ball, Sir Alexander, xi, iig, 121 and «., 124,

125 and n., 136, 139 and n., 142, 150, 151,

160, 168, 196, 199, 200, 282 and >i.
Ballad for a Boy, 12 >i.
Barbados, 32, 33 n., 33, 286 and >i.
Barcelona, 273, 276, 283
Barham, Lord, 41, 44, 293 «., 295
Barras, 89

Barrie, Sir J. M., xix, xx
Harrington, Admiral, 15, 129 and «.
Bastia, 49, 56, 62, 63, O4, 65, 66, 92, 93, 115
Bath, i6, 24, 25 It., 31, 46.
Battles:

Camperdown, 115 and ti., 263

Chesapeake, 16

Copenhagen, xxv, xxxv, 5, 206, 208, 209
and n., 210 and 11., 212, 232 n., 235 n.,
251, 262, 263, 305

First of June, 145 11., 263

Grand Cul de Sac, 129 ».

Grenada, 16

Gulf of Genoa, 69

Hyeres, 69, 76 n., 77 ».

Jutland, xxxiv, xxxv

Nile, XXX, 117-148, 125 "•> '27 and n., 129,
131, 145 «., 158, 159, 161, 163, 167, 183 >t.,
201, 234, 235 II., 259, 281 II., 291 «., 300 n.,
305

Saints, the, xxv, 15, 16-26 >i., 28 «., 92 n.,
133 II., 287 II.

1'. at ties — continued
St. Vincent, xxx, xxxviii, 96-116, 145 w. ,

160
Tcneriffe, 96
Trafalgar, xxx, xxxviii, 156, 229 «., 291 «.,

300 II., 305, 313, 319, 321
Beatty, Doctor, xxiv, 307, 314, 315, 319 «.
Belt, Great, 210 and 11., 212 and »»., 214
Bequidres, 128, 132, 141
Bercet, M. de, 255

BcriT, Sir Edward, 101 and «., 103, 121 and n.,
130 II., 132 and n., 133 n., 137, 144 «., 207
and n.
Berwick, Duke of, 94
Bexlcy, Lord, 208 n.
liibliiif^ruphy:

.liinnal Register (1798), 133 n.

.iiilhi-nlic Narrative, Dr. Beatty, xxiv, xxvii,

307 n., 311 n.
Authentic Narrative, Kear-.Adniiral Sir

Edward Berry, 130 it.
Cambridge Modern History, Vol. \'III.,

157 «.
Cobbclt's Parliamentary Debates, Vol. VI.,

304 n.
Correspondence and Memoir of Lord Colling-

ivood, G. L. N. CoUingwood, xxxvii, 103 n.,

319 n.
Dictionary of National Biography, 227 >i.
Dispatches and Letters of Lord Nelson, Sir

Harris Nicolas, xxxiii, 43 n., 85 n., 132 n.,

155 and n., 163 «., 164 n., 172 11., 180 ;i.,

182 »., 183 )!., 202 «., 212 n., 256, 260,

276, 299 »., 309
Dynasts, The, Tliuinas Hardy, 291 n.
Emma, Lady Hamilton, Walter Sichel, 261 n.
English Review, Vol. XIV., No. 2, 159
Letters of Lord Nelson to Lady Hamilton,

xxxvii, 252-3, 256, 258, 266, 276
Life of Nelson, Geoffrey Callender, 159
Life of Nelson, Clarke and McArthur, xxii,

xxiii, xxv, xxvi, xxvii, xxxi, 1711., 44".,

65 n., 72 n., 103 »., 120 n., 125 >i., 133 11.,

135 «., 187 n., 188 n., 220 n., 260, 275 (i.,

290 «.
Life of Nelson, Harrison, xxi, xxiv, 104 «.,

156, 252-3, 294-5
Life of Saumarez, Sir John Ross, 133 n.
Memoirs of Lord Nelson, T. J. Pettigrew,

xxxiii, 304 n.
Memoirs of the Earl of St. I 'incent, Jcdediah

Tucker, 103 n.
Memorie storiche sulla vita del Cardinale

Kuffo, Domenico Sacchiiulli, 157 n.
Morrison Manuscripts, xxxiii
Naples in 1799, Constance Giglioli, 157 n.
Naval Biography, James Kalfe, xxxvii,

212 (I., 227 >i.
Naval Biography of Great Britain, John

Marshall, xxxvii, 133 )i.
Naval Chronicle, Clarke and Mc.^rthur, xxiii,

17, 103 M.
Naval Chronology, Isaac Schomberg, 43 »i.

333

334

LIFE OF NELSON

Bibliography — continued
\aval History, Capt. Edward Brenton,

xxxvii
Xaval History, William James, xxxvii,

276 n., 319 n.
Xavy Records Society, Vols. XVIII. and

XLVI., 97 n., 227 n.
Xelsoii, the. Embodiment of the Sea Power 0/

Great Britain, Admiral JMahan, xxxiii
Xclsonian Reminiscences, Lieut. G. S.

Parsons, R.N., 201 n., 226 n.
Xelson Memorial, Sir John Laughton, 304 n.
Xelson's Friendships, Hilda Gamlin, 261 n.
Xelsons of Burnham Thorpe, M. Eyre

Matcham, 46
Sea Kings of Britain, Geoflfrey Callender,

300 n.
Sketches of the State of Manners and Opinions
in the French Republic, Helen Maria
Williams, xxxiv, 156 n.
Songs of Trafalgar, J. W. Croker, 295 n.
Trafalgar Blue Book (Cd. 7120), 300 n.
Treatise of the Principles and Practice of
Naval Courts Martial, John McArthur,
xxii, 187 n.
Ulm and Trafalgar, George Canning, xxxv n.,

xlii
Voyages in the Mediterranean, Willyams,

148 n.
Voyage up the Mediterranean, Chaplain of
the Swtftsure, 130 n.
Biscay, Bay of, xxv, 290
Blackwood, Captain Henry, 125 n., 294, 301,

302 n., 303, 304, 305, 306, 307, 308
Blake, xxxi, 107 and n.
Bochetta Pass, 79, 85 n., 86, 87
Bomba, King, 159
Book of the Church, xviii
Bomholm, 244 n., 245, 246
Boscawen, 4 n.
Boswell, 54 n.

Boulogne, 253, 265 n., 274, 280 n., 291 n.
Bowen, Capt., 108, 109, no, in and n.
Bowen, Rear-x\dmiral James, in n,
Brazil, History of, xx, xxxi
Brereton, General, 286 n.
Briarly, Alexander, 222 n., 224 n.
Bronte, Duke of, 160, 193, 198, 231 «., 233 n.,

300, 302, 304
Browning, Robert, 226 n.
Brueys, Admiral, 127 and n., 129 n., 130 n.,

132 and n., 135, 136 n., 138
Bniix, Admiral, 151, i5o, 180 n.
Bumham Thorpe, i, 45 n., 144
Byron, Admiral John, 15

Byron, Lord, xv, xvi, xviii, xix, xx, xxvi,
20 n.

Cagliari, 282

Calabria, 151, 174, 176

Calder, Sir Robert, 288, 293 and «., 294, 296,

299 and n.
Calvi, 49, 66, 67, iig
Calvirrano, Duke of, 184
Campbell, Rear-.\dmiral D., 274 and «., 284,

285 n.
Campo Formio, Peace of, 167 n., 171 n.
Candia, 123 and n., 126, 127
Canning, xxxv, xlii, 304 n.
Capua, 155, 160, 174, 188, 190, 191
Caracciolo, Francesco, 70, 153, 154, 155, 157,

158, 159, 160, 183 and «., 184 and »., 185

and n., 186 and n., 187 n., 188
Carlscrona, 244, 245
Camot, 89 n.

Carroll, Lewis, xix, xx

" Cartel's ship," 65, 140

Casablanca, 139

Castellana, 171

Cataract of LoJore, xix

Cato, Addison's, xix

Ceuta, 289 and n.

Championnet, 174, 175

Charles III. of Spain, 194

Charles VI., Emperor, 54

Chatham, Lord, 48, 74

Chatterton, xix

Chelingk, 143 and n., 144

" Christian Army," 176, 181

Christian VII. of Denmark, 213, 215 n., 233

and )!., 245
Cid, The, xviii
Clarence, Duke of, xxiii, xxx, 28 and »;., 40,

43, 44 «., 48, 109, 114, 189, 190, 197, 271
Clarke, Rev. Dr. James S., xxii, xxiii, xxiv,

141
Clerk of Eldin, xxx

Cochrane, Admiral Alexander, 286 and n.
Cockbum, Admiral Sir George, 90, 94
Coke of Norfolk, 46 n.
Coleridge, viii-ix, xi, xii, xiii, xviii, xxviii,

200
CoUingwood, Lord, 17, 18, 24, 35, 37, 100 and

n., 103 and n., 224, 288 and n., 290, 291 n.,

297, 299, 300 n., 303 and «., 306 »., 308 and

n., 309 and n., 315, 319 n.
Colloquies, xviii, xxxvi
Cordova, Don Joseph de, 97
ComwalUs, Admiral Hon. Wm., 15, 24, 265,

280 n., 283, 285 n., 288 n., 290, 291 n.
Corsica, xxvii, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60,

61, 64, 69, 70, 74, 88, gi, 92, 93, 160, 272,

277 n., 283
Corunna-Ferrol, 280 n.
Council of the Indies, 18 n.
Cowper, Life of, xix, xxxi
Cowper's Letters, xx, xxxi
Croker, Rt. Hon. J. W., xli, 295 n.
Cronstadt, Vice-.\dmiral, 245, 246, 247
Crown Batteries, 218, 220, 225
Cruikshank, George, xxxvi ,

Cuba, 28 n.
Curse of Kehama, xvii, xix, xxi

d'.\ubant, General, 62, 64

Darby, Captain H. D. E., 122, 135

Davis, John, xxxi, 32 n.

Davison, .Alexander, 27, 30, 147, 181, 251

Davy, Sir Humphrey, xxv, 259 n.

Decline and Fall, xii, xui

De Grasse, 129 n., 287

De Koster, xxxvi

Denmark, Crown Prince of, 243 n., 249

Denmark, King of, see Christian VII.

De Quincey, xiii-xiv

Despard, 22

d'Estaing, Count, 15, 18, 129 and n.

Deux Fonts, Count de, 29, 31

de Vins, General, 69, 76, 81, 82, 83 and »., 85,

86, 87, 90
Diamond Rock, 287
Digby, Admiral Robert, 28
Directory, The, 162, 179
Dog Watches, 8 n.

Domett, Captain, 212 and n., 225, 226 n.
Drake, Sir Francis, xxxi, 278 n.
Due d'Enghien, 124 n.
Duckworth, Admiral, 159, 176, 179 «., 188
" Duke of Thunder," 194
Dumanoir, Rear-Admiral, 318, 319 and n.

INDEX

335

Duncan, 115, 145 n.
nuiulas. General, 62, 6^, 65 11.
Dundoiiakl, Earl of, 5/), 286 ».
" Duly," 306 ;j.

J'.dinburph Rn'irw, xvi. xvii, xxiv, xxxvi, 319 /i.

luiith Soutlicy, iff InicUer

l'"galit6, Philippe, 166

Elba, 50 )i., 88, 91, Q4, 106 «., 107

Elliot, Sir Gilbert, 61 and n., 92, 274, 277 n.

Elsinore, 16, 25, 210, 213, 214, 215

" England expects ever)' man will do his duty,"

'*^ 306 and »f.

English Harbour, 33 »., 43, 43 n.

Epictetus, xiii, xv

Epistles, Casaubon's, xix

Erskine, Sir James St. Clair, 175, 197

Espriella, Don Manuel, xix

Esterhazy, Prince of, 204

Falkland Islands, 4 and n.

Fanny, see Nelson, P'rances Viscountess

P'armer, Captain, 12, 13 n.

Ferdinand IV., King of Naples, 50 «., 51 «.,
150, 151, 153, 154, 155, 160, 164, 165, 168,
169, 171-3, 176-7, 179, 182 n., 183 n., 184,
186, 188, 192, 193, 194, 196, 200, 303

Ferrol, 280 n., 293 n., 294

Finland, Gulf of, 243 n., 247

Foley, Captain Thomas, xxx, 122, 132, 133 n.,
213, 219, 227 and n., 232

Foote, Captain, xxxiv, 150, 152, 153, 156, 180,
181, 182 and )[., 183 and »., i8g

Four Georges, xx, xxi

Fox, Charles James, xviii

Francis II., Emperor, 171, 179 and n.

Frederick, Captain T. L., 100 n.

Frederick II., 214

Fremantle, Captain, 106, 109, no, in, 220,
232, 238

Fremantle, Mrs., 109, in

French Revolution, xxviii, 45 u., 60, 149, 155

Fricker, Edith (Southey's wife), ix, xv

Frock-coat, Nelson's, 306

Gaffori, 56, 57

Gallinazos, 24

Gantheaume, 283 and it.

George III., 43, 203, 240, 245, 304 n., 305 n.,

321
George IV., xx, xxii, 305 and n.
Clerniainc, Lord George, 20
Gibbon, Edward, xviii
Gillespie, Dr. Leonard, xxvi
Girondins, xxviii
Glover, Captain, 24
" God Save the King," 298
Golfe Juan, see Gourjean
Good.all, Vice-Admiral, 73
Gould, Capt. Davidge, 122, 134
Gourjean Roads, 49, 65, 129 11., 131
Graham, Colonel, 197, 198
Graves, .\dmiral, 15, 216, 227 and «., 246
Gravina, Admiral, 285, 292 n., 309 »., 319 n.,

320 n.
Grenada, 15, 20 n., 286, 287 and n.
Grenville, Lord, xxxi, 304 n.
Grimm's Fairy Tales, xx
Gulf of Finland, 245
Gustavus IV., 245

Hallowell, Captain Benjamin, 122, 136, 141
and «., 142, 148 >!., 180, 195, 196, 203, 295

Hamilton, Emma Lady, xxi, xxviii, xxxiv,
50, 51, 125 and n., 126, 150, 158, 160, 161,

162, 163, 164, 173, 174, 178, 180, 182 and «.,
183 It., 184, 185 «., 186 and It., 187 It., 194,
198, 204, 205, 232 It., 251, 252, 256, 258-9,
260 «., 261 and II., 264, 2()6, 276, 294, 295,
303, 304 and It., 305 and n., 314, 315, 316

llatnillori. Sir William, 50, 73 «., 126, 150, lOo,
161, 162, 163, 165, 172, 173, 178, 182 and ».,
184, 198, 200, 201, 204, 251, 258-9, 264

Hamlet, 215

Hardy, Captain, 125 it., 137, 184, 219, 220, 238,
304 and n., 306, 309, 311, 313, 314, 315

Hardy, Thomas, 291 n.

Hargood, Captain, 285 n.

Harvey, Captain l!liab, 312

Hawke, xxxiv, 17 n.

Haylev, 261 it.

Heber't, 166

Helvoetsluys, 254

Herod Philip, 185 it.

Hill, Margaret, vii

Hill, Rev. Herbert, viii-x

History of the Great Rebellion, 107 n.

Hootl, .\dniiral Viscount, xxii, xxx, 15, 16,
28, 48, 50 and n., 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66 and 11.,
67, 69 and n., 74, 83, 89, 129 «., 131

Hood, Capt. Samuel, 112 and it., 113, 122, 127,
132 n., 133 and n., 140, 142, 148

Horatia, see Thompson, Horatia .Nelson

Hotham, Admiral, 69 and n., 70, 72 n., 73 and
"i 74. 75 and «., 76, 77 it., 79, 81 and »., 83,
85> 8g, 153, 293 n.

Howard of Effingham, xxxi

Howe, xxxi, xxxiv, 32, 43, 44, 145

Hughes, Admiral Sir Richard, 32, 33 and )/.,
35.36,37

Hughes, Lady, 32

Inman, Captain, 228
lonica, 12 n.

Irish Saints, Colgar's, xiv
Irving, Dr., 6 and n.
Isle St. Honore, 65
Isle Ste. Marguerite, 65

Jacobins, 60, 79, 91, 149, 150-1, 153-5, I59.

166, 192, 249
Jamaica, 14, 15, 17 n., 20, 21, 24, 25 n., 41, 45,

283, 286 and n.
James II., xxii
Joan 0/ Arc, xvii
John Halifax, Gentleman, 261
Johnson, Dr., xix, xxxi, 54 «.
Jortin, 144 n.

Joseph Bonaparte, 179 and n.
Josiah, see Nisbet

Keith, Lord, 158, 160, 179, 190, 191, 200-1

and n., 206 n., 265
Keppel, Admiral, 26 and n.
King's Deep, 210 »>., 235 »i., 236 n.
Kioge Bay, 246, 247
Kirke White, xix

Knights of St. John of Jenisalcm, 122 »i.
Kronborg Castle, 208, 210, 212, 214, 213 and n.,

218
Kronstadt, 207, 246

Lamb, Charles, xv
Landor, W. S., xv, xviii
Landscrona, 214
Latouche-Tr^ville, 274, 275 >i.
La Valette, 200, 201
Lazzaroni, 164, 173, 174
Leake, William Nlartin, 276 n.

336

LIFE OF NELSON

Leghorn, 87, 88, 91, 93, 150, 159, 160, 169, 172,

176, 201 »., 204, 283 n.
Leonidas, 24

Lessor Antilles station, 15, 32 «., 33 n.
Letters from England, xix
Lincoln's Inn, 30
Lindholm, Danish Adjutant-General, 232, 233,

234, 242, 243 and II.
Linzec, Commodore, 51 and »., 53, 61
Liverpool, Lord, 305 ;;.
Lives of the Admirals, Campbell's, xxxviii
Lives of the British Admirals, Southey's, xix
Locke, 166

Loclver, Captain William, 14, 17 and n.
Louis, Captain T., 122, 135, 137, 191, ig5, 297
Louis XVL, 50 n., 149
Lucas, Captain, 312 n.
Lutvvidge, Captain, 6, g

McArthur, John, xxii-xxiii

Macaulay, xvii, xviii, xxiv, xxv, xxvi, xxix,

xxxiv, xxxvi
Mack, General, 149, 150, 169, 170, 171, 172,

174, 272 n.
M'Connick, Father, 171
Madalena Islands, 281
Madeira, 286
Modoc, xvii, xviii
Mahan, xxix, xxxiii, xxxiv, xxxviii, 12 n.,

97 n.
Man, Admiral Robert, 75
Manceuverer, The, 30
Marat, 166
Maria Carolina, Oueen of Naples, 51 «., 125,

150, 151, 159, 160, 162, 165, 169, 173, 178,

183 n., 193, 194, 204, 304
Marie Antoinette, 50 n., 149, 162
Mariner's Mirror, 47
Marryat, Captain, 14 ».
Marsden, William, 276
Martinique, 15, 33, 34, 35, 280 «., 281, 285 and

n., 287 and «., 291 ;i.
Masaniello, 18S
Masaredo, 151, 179, 179 n.
Masefield, John, xxxii
Massacre of St. Bartholomew, 4 ji.
Matcham, M. Eyre, 46
Matilda, Queen, 215
Mazari Bay, 284

Mecklenburg Strelitz, Duke of, 248
Mejean, Citoyen, 189
Melville, Lord, 66 n.
Memorandum, Nelson's, 299 n., 308 n.
Meredith, George, 9
Merton, 258, 266, 294, 296, 305
Messina, Straits of, 151, 168, 176, 197, 198,

283 n., 284
Middleton, Sir Charles, see Barham, Lord
Miller, Capt. R. W., 97, 100 n., loi, 105, 112,

122, 134
Milton, xxix
Minorca, 26 «., 75, 158, 159, 176 /;., 181, 1S8,

189, igo, 191, 192, 193, 197
Minto, Earl of, see Elliot, Sir Gilbert
Monastic Orders, xiii, x\'iii
Monk, xxxi
Monmouth, 166
Monody, Canning's, xxxv
Montego Bay, Jamaica, 18
Moore, Commodore, 278 ».
Moore, Sir John, 61
Morie d' Arthur, xix

Moutray, Resident Commissioner, 33 and n.
Murray, John, xxv, xxvii, xxxvi, xxxviii

Mutiny, Great, 105 n.
Myers, Sir William, 286

Napier, Sir William, xviii

Napoleon, xv, xxviii-xxix, 50 n., S8-91, 117,
120, 123-4, 1-7 3"d n., 128, 148 «., 149, 150,
158, 167, 171 n., 195, 201, 202 n., 203 and «.,
206 «., 252, 262 n., 265 «., 276 and n., 280 «.,
281 w., 283-4, 291 «., 292 «., 297-8, 318

Naufragia, Dr. Clarke's, xxii

Navigation Act, 34 and n., 35, 37, 39 «., 46

Navy Board, 6 «., 14 h.

Navy Office, 14 n.

Nelson, Frances Viscountess, xxviii, 39-40,
45. 46, 47, 114. 115, 117, 123 "•, 137, 143, 205,
259-60, 261 and n., 304 n.

Nelson, Horatio Viscount: bom at Burnham
Thorpe, i ; captain's servant to his uncle
Maurice Suckling, 3 ; from whom he receives
a nautical education, 4-5; accompanies an
expedition to the Arctic, 5-12; receives a
commission, 14; and is appointed to the
Lowestoft, 14; boards a prize in a storm,
16-17; appointed to his first ship, Badger,
18; rescues the crew of a burning ship, 18;
made post into the Hinchinbrook, 18; escorts
an expedition to Nicaragua, 20-4; meets
Lord Hood and becomes his disciple, 28;
and puts down illegal trading in the West
Indies, 32-42; on half-pay, 17S7-93, 42-8;
receives command of his first battleship,
Agamemnon, 48; sails with Lord Hood to
the Mediterranean, 50; fights La Melpojiiene
and four other ships, 51-3; distinguishes
himself in the conquest of Corsica, 53-68;
loses the sight of his light eye, 66-7 ; conducts
an audacious duel with the fa Ira, 70-4;
takes part in the battle of Hyeres, 76-7;
sees prolonged service off the coast of Genoa,
80-91 ; superintends evacuation of Corsica,
92-3; captures La Sabina, 94; greatly dis-
tinguishes himself at the battle of St. Vincent,
96-104; receives his flag and the Order of
the Bath, 105; fights a hand-to-hand en-
counter with a Spanish launch, 106; conducts
an expedition to Santa Cruz, 108-13; and
loses his right arm, 1 10-16; given an in-
dependent command in the Mediterranean,
117-18; unravels the secret of Napoleon's
Eastern campaign, 119-27; and annihilates
his fleet at the battle of the Nile, 127-42;
created a peer, 144-5; co-operates with
Naples against France, 161-73; carries
the king and queen into safety in Sicily,
173-4; returns to Naples and cancels the
flag of truce, 181-2; receives surrender of
insurgent fortresses, 183: convenes a court
martial on Caracciolo, 183-5 ; and as con-
vening authority executes sentence, 186-8;
restores Ferdinand IV. to the throne, 188,
191; summoned by Lord Keith to defend
Corsica and declines to obey, 188-9; created
Duke of Bronte, 193-4; captures Le Ge'n^-
rcux, 200; and Guillaume Tell, 201; returns
home by land with the Hamiltons, 203-4;
lands at Yarmouth and is rapturously re-
ceived, 205; in the Baltic campaign of 1801,
206; acts as second to Sir Hyde Parker,
206-8; but secures the real command for
himself, 209-17; utterly defeats the Danes
at Copenhagen, 217-35; and by skilful
diplomacy obtains from them all that
England requires, 237-49; attacks the
Boulogne flotilla, 252-6; purchases Merton
and enjoys a spell ashore, 258-65 ; at the

INDEX

337

outbreak of the Napoleonic war receives
command of the Mediterranean, 265; and
for two years enforces the blockade of
Toulon, 267-79; chases Villeneuve to the
West Indies, 280-7; and back, 287-90;
pays his last visit to Morton and London,
294-6; venerated by the I'ortsnuiuth nmb,
296; annihilates the Franco-Spanish flool
at Trafalgar, 297-312; but is mortally
wounded, 313-15; and dies in the cockpit
of thi- Victory, 316

Nelson, Maurice, 47

Nelson, Rev. Edmund, ;xxxii, i, 2, 117

Nelson, Rev. William, 1-3, 251, 304 ».

" Nelson Touch," the, 299

Ncwbolt, Sir Henry, 290 n.

Nicknames, ships', 50 n.

Niebuhr, 235 ».

Nisbet, Josiah, 39, 49, 51, 109 and it., no, 114
and >!., 259-60

Nootka Sound, 47

Nore, 6, 42, 254

North, Lord, 26 n.

Nova Scotia, 35

Nuovo, Fort, 152, 156, 160, 181, 183 ».

Oldfield, Captain, io8

Orde, Admiral Sir John, ii8 and «., 203 and

«., 279 n., 284, 285 and n., 299 and n.
Otway, Admiral Sir R. W., Bart., 212 «., 227 n.

Palermo, 150-1, 153, 156, 158-g, 174, 178,

180-1, 182 II., 183 »., 184 n., 192-3, 199, 283
Palmcrin of Englaiul, xviii
Paoli, Pasquale de, 53 and n., 54 and «., 57-9,

60 and )!., 61, 69 n.
Parker, Admiral Sir Hyde, xxxv, 79, 85, 97,

206, 207 n., 208, 209, 210, 212 and n., 225,

226 n., 227 and n., 231 n., 232, 235, 237, 240,

244-6, 248, 263
Parker, Captain, 255-6
Parker, Sir Peter, 17
Parker, Sir William, 118 and n.
Parsons, Lieutenant G. S., 201 n.
" Parthenopeian Republic," 150, 184
Paul, Czar, 143, 179 n., 198, 206, 245-7
Peary, 6 n.

Pcnimular War, Southcy's, xviii, xx
Peyton, Captain John, 122, 135
Phipps, Captain, 6, 7, 10
Pignalelli, Prince, 174
Pitt, William, 9, 44, 118 n., 144 and »., 145,

149, 206 n., 304 n.
Pius VI., Pope, 149, :95, 196
Pocock, Nicholas, xxiii
Pole, Admiral Sir Charles Maurice, 13, 249
Port Royal, 20-21, 24, 287
Porto Ferrajo, 91, 94-5, 105 and >/.
Portugal, History of , Southcy's, xvii, xviii, x.w
Prc-Raphaelitcs, xxxvi
Progress of Maritime Discovery, Dr. Clarke's,

xxii
Puerto Cabello, 29
Pula Bay, 282

Quadrant, 32 and it.
Quarterly Rcvieiv, xvi, xxiv, xxv
Quebec, 26, 27
Quilliam, Lieutenant, 317

R.ileigh, Sir W.iltcr, xxxii, 6 «.
Rathbone, John, 4, 5
Register .^ct, 39

Religious Ceremonies, Picart's, xii
Richardson, Samuel, xxiv

" Right of Search," 15, 206 »i.

Riou, Captain, 208, 218-20, 225 and it., 227-8,

232
Ripperda, 55

Riviera di Genoa, 79-80, 96
Rohinson Crusoe, xxxviii
Rochofort, 280 «., 285 «., 286 )(., 299, 318
Rodi-ricli the Last of the Goths, xvii
Rodnev, xxv, xxxi, 15, 28 and «., 133 «., 271,

287'
Roland, Madame, 155
Romney, 261 n.
Rosebery, Lord, 261 n.
Rosetta, 140

Rotherham, Captain, 309 and n.
Rousseau, ix, xii, 58
Rowley, Captain, 77
Royal Society, 5 n.
Ruffo, Cardinal, 151-3, 156-8, 160, 176, 181-2,

182 n., 183 n., 184, 195
Ruskin, xxxvi
Russell, Lord William, 166

St. Angclo, Castle of, 171, 195

St. .Antonio, 192

St. FMmo, Castle, 152, 155, 160, 181, 18S, 189,
190

St. Eustatius, Roads of, 34

St. Januarius, 175 and n., 192

St. Kitts, 36 and n., 129 n.

St. Lucia, 41, 129 and n., 286, 287 n.

" St. Nelson," 321

St. Omer, 31

St. Vincent, Earl, xxxi, 88, 89, 91 »., 92, 94 «.,
95. 96, 98 and «., 99, 100 ;«., 103 and n.,
104 and n., 106 «., 107, 113, 117, 118 and n. ,
122, 125, 144 n., 145 n., 148, 158, 160, 161,
164, 180 and »., 190, 201, 202, 203 and n.,
207 and n., 240, 242, 246, 257, 263, 270,
277 It., 284, 299 n, 303, 312 II.

Saltholm, 210 »., 214, 218, 244

San Bartolomeo, 22, 23

San Domingo, 20 and »., 28 n.

San Fiorenzo, 56, 61, 62, 63, 64, 76 and n., 88

San Juan, Castle of, 22, 23, 24

San Remo, 79, 82

Sandwich, Lord, 6 and n., 26 and n.

Sangro, Duke di, 169

Santa Cruz, 107 n., 108, 109, 118 11., 132 n.

Saratoga, 15

Saumarez, .^dnairal Lord dc, 121 and n., 133
and It., 148

Savona, 84, 86, 87

Savonarola, 159

Scherer, 89

Schombcrg, Isaac, 43 ;i., 44 n.

Schroedersee, 229

Scott, Doctor, xxvi, 276, 299 «., 307, 314

Scott, Mr., 307, 311

Scott, Sir Walter, xv, xviii, xxi, xxxi

Sextant, 32 11.

Shakespeare, xxxviii, 9

Shelburnc, Lord, 59

Shelley, xv

Ships:

.Sgamemnon, xxii, 48, 49, 50 and n., 52, 53
and «., 62, 65, 71, 72 and 11., 73, 76 11., 77,
81, 84 n., 85. 86, 87, 88, 89, 160, 180, 205,
222 and )!., 225 »., 271, 299
Aimable, 299

Albemarle, 16, 25, 26 and »i., 27, 28, 29, 31
.■llcmeiie, 148, 220
.■ilcxaiiiler, 119, 136, 139, 146, 163
.linazon, 208, 218, 220 »., 328, 374, 2S7
.imphion, 275 /(.

338

LIFE OF NELSON

Ships — continued
Aquilon, 135

Anient, 222 »., 223 «., 230
Ar^onauia, 317
Arrow, 220

Audacious, 122, 133 n., 134
Badger, 16, 17 »., i8
Belleisle, 285 n.

Bellerophon, 122, 135, 136, 148 «.
Bcllona, 222 and M., 223 and «., 224 and ».,

225 n., 228, 234
BlancJie, 94, 208 n., 220
Blenheim, 100 and m.
Boreas, 31, 32, 33, 34, 37, 42
Bristol, 16, 17, i8

Bucentaure, 308, 311 «., 312, 319 ».
fa Ira, 70, 72 and «., 73 and «., 74
Canopus, 274
Captain, 88, 97, 100, loi «., 103, 104 ».,

io5 n.
Carcass, 6, 8, 13 n.
Censeur, 73 and »., 74
Conguirant, 133, 134
Courageux, 73, 85
Culloden, 85, 97, 100 and «., 122, 136, 137,

140, 146, 163
Curieux, 289 and n., 293 n.
Dannebrog, 230 and )[., 232 n., 234, 236 ».
Defence, 122, 135, 232
Defiance, 222 »., 223 «., 233
D^sirde, 228, 234
Diamond Rock, 287 n.
Diane, 140 «.

Dolphin, 13 and w., 14, 114 »;.
Dreadnought, i »., 4 and h., 302
Edgar, 222 and »., 224 n.
Elephant, 213, 220 »., 222 «., 223 and ;i.,

227 and n., 230, 231 and «., 232, 233 and

«., 234, 237, 245
Emerald, 112, 119, 148
Euryalus, 301
Excellent, 100 and n.
Foudroyant, 154, 155, 160, 182 n., 183 n.,

184 and n., 185 n., 186 w., 187 n., 188, 201
Fougueux (Spitfire), 312 n.
Fox, 108, 109, III
Franklin, 134, 135, 136, 137
Ganges, 222 n., 223 »., 232, 233
Gdn7reux, 139 and n., 160, 200, 201 and n.
Glatton, 222 «., 223 n., 230, 233
Goliath, 122, 132, 133, 148
Guerrier, 133, 134, 135
Guillaume Tell, 139 and »., 160, 201
Hermione, 275
HSros, 319

Hinchinbrook, 16, 17 «., 18, 21, 24
Illustrious, 73
Inconstant, 71
Intrdpide, 319 n.
Invincible, 213
/m, 232 M., 275 n.
/sf's, 222 and )i., 228, 275
/ea« Barras, 71, 72 n.
Justice, 140 H.
Latona, 33 and w.
Leander, 122, 136
Leviathan, 307
LtoH, i6, 24, 201
London, 227 »., 212 «., 233
Lowestoft, 14, 15, 16, 17 and n., 18
Majestic, 122, 135
JVfars, 232 n., 301
Mediator, 35, 37
Medusa, 253
Meleager, 90

Ships — continued

Melpomene, 49, 52, 53 n.

Mincrve, 88, 94, 153, 155, 185 and »., 186 n.

Minotaur, 122, 135, 137, 191

Monarch, 215, 222 «., 223 »., 229, 233

Mutine, 136

Neptune, 311 «.

0m7i<, 135, 136, 137, 13S, 139, 141, 143 n.,
148 ».

Orion, 119, 121 »»., 133

Pegasus, 43 «.

Penelope, 201

Peuple Souverain, 134

Polyphemus, 222 and »., 228

Quebec, 12 ».

Racehorse, 6, 8, 11

Raisonnable, i and n., 3, 4, 48

Ramillies, 232

Rattler, 37

Redoutable, 229 n., 311 and n., 312 and «.,
313 and n., 316, 317

Royal Sovereign, 303, 308, 318

Russell, 222 n., 223 and «., 224 and «., 225 »,

Sabina, 52, 88, 94

S/. George, 8g, 213, 237, 244, 261 n.

Salvador del Muiido, 100

San Augustino, 319 )^.

San Isidro, 100

Sa;r Josef, 96, 100, loi and «., 103 »., 312 «.

Srt« Juan Neponiuceno, 317

San Nicolas, 96, 100, loi and «., 103 n., 312 ».

Sans-Culottes, 71, 72 «.

Santa Ana, 308

Santissima Trinidad, 97, 100, 309 and «.,
312, 317, 319 ".

Seahorse, 12, 109, iii, 151, 156, 180, iSi,
182, 281

Sirius, 308

Spartiate, 135, 148 n., 287

Superb, 290, 291 «.

Sji)!/;, 275, 276 n.

Swiftsure, 122, 130 n., 136, 139, 141, 146, 148

Tdmiraire, i n., 312

Theseus, 100 «., io6andM., 109, iii, 122, 134,
140

Tonnant, 135

Triumph, 4, 5 and »., 13 n.

Vanguard, 117, 119, 120 and n., 121 and n.,
126, 129, 135 and »., 137, 160, 163, 164,
174, 178

Victory, 233, 271, 284, 288, 290, 294, 296,
300 »., 301, 302, 303, 305, 306 n., 307,
308, 309 and «., 311 and n., 312 and ».,
313 n., 314, 316, 317, 318, 321

Zealand, 229, 237, 240

Zealous, 8g, 122, 127, 132 and n., 133 and n.,
140, 148
Shirley, Major-Gen. Sir Thomas, 35, 36 and n,
Sidmouth, Viscount, see Addington
Sidney, Algernon, 166
Simple, Peter, 14 n.
Smeerenberg Harbour, 11
Smith, Sir Sidney, 100 n., 176, 202 and n.
Smollett, xxiv

Sound, 209, 210 and n., 212, 213, 215, 218, 220
Southey, Criticism of, xvii-xxi, xxv-xxxi,

xxxiii-xxxix, i, 12 «., 50 n., 51 n., 54, 65 ».,

72, 76, 78, 79, 84 n., 85 «., 87 n., 96, 97 ».,

98 n., 99 »., 103 «., 104-5 "•) io5 »., 108 n.,

118 «., 127 M., 130 n., 131 w., 132 »., 133 «.,

135 »., 149, 153, 156, 164 n., 179 «., 180 n.,

182 n., 183 n., 185 n., 186 n., 187 n., 201,

206 »., 220 n., 223 n., 233 n., 261 n., 306 n.,

308 n., 309 n., 319 n.
Southey, Essay on (Macaulay), xxxvi

INDEX

339

Southey's connection witli Spain, ix, x, xiii,

318, 320
Southey, Thomas, xxv, xxx, 226 ».
Specimens of Later English Ports, xix
Spencc, Mr., Maritime Sui"veyor, 254
Spencer, Countess, 260
Spencer, liarl, 97 ti., 114, 118 and 11., 12(1, 146,

155. 1S7. 173. 201
States General, 155

Stewart, Hon. Colonel, 220, 223 n., 227 n.
Strachan, Sir Richard, 319 and «., 320 and n.
Stuart, Don Jacopo, 04
Stuart, General Sir Charles, 66, 176
Suckling, Capt. Maurice, 1, 2, 3, 4 and n , 14

and n., 28, no, 308
Suffren, Bailli dc, 12 n.
Suvaroff, 167, 188, 195
Swill Channel, 5 and n., 254
Sykes, John, 106
Syracuse, 125, 126 and n., 163, i68

Tactics of Trafalgar, 300 n.

Tenerifle, 96-116, 107 »., 164 n, 180, 259

Texel, 280 n.

Thackeray, xx, xxi

Thalaba the Destroyer, xvii, xviii, xxi

Thesiger, Captahi Sir Frederic, 232 and h., 233

Thompson, Horatia Nelson, 266, 304, 316 n.

Thompson, Sir Thomas Boulden, no, iii, 122,

136, 222-3
Thura, Captain, 229
Thura, Count, 154, 185, 187 n.
Ticket Office, 268 n.
Tobago, 286, 287 II.
Toulon, 50 It., 51, 52, 61-2, 65, 73 »!., 77 ».,

88, 117, 120, 150, 182, 265, 266, 267, 271-3,

273, 280 n., 282 n., 284 n., 291 n.
Traffics and Discoveries, xxxviii
Trees of Liberty, 149
Tregoyen, Don Miguel, 106
Trekroner, 209 and n., 210 n., 222 »., 225 n,,

228, 231, 232 n., 233, 235 n., 237, 242
Trinidad, 286 and n., 290 n.
TroUope, Anthony, xix
Troubridge, Admiral Sir Thomas, 13, 100 and

n., 108, 112, 113, 122, 126, 132 )!., 136,

142, 146, 151, 155, 160, 176-8, iSo, 189-92,

195-g, 201-2, 224 n., 257, 270
Tunis, Day of, 51 n.

Turin, 90, 120

Tuscany, 6g, 91, 176

Tuscany, Grand Duke of, log, 172

Tycho Brahe, 214

Tyler, Elizabeth, vii-ix, xii

Ulm, 149, 27- "•

Ulm aiid Trafalgar, xxxv

Uovo, 152, 156, 160, 181, 183 n.

Uranienburg, 214 n.

Ushant, 288, 290

Vado Bay, 67, 79 and «., 82, 84, 87, 90

Valetta, 200 n.

Vansittart, Mr., 208 and n., 209

Vendcmiaire, 89 n.

" Vcsuvian Republic," 150-1

Victory's log, 274

Vigo, 294

Villemoes, 229, 239

Villeneuve, xxix, 139 «., 275 n., 283 and n.,

284 n., 285 and n., 286 «., 287 n., 288 n.

290 «., 291 »., 292 n., 293 »., 294, 297, 301 n.

302 n., 305 n., 306 and »., 308, 309 n., 311 n.

320 and H.
Vision of Judgment, xvii-xviii
Voltaire, 289

Walden's Island, 9

Wallis, General, 86 11.

Walpole, Lord, i and 11.

Walpole, Sir Robert, i

Wandle, 258, 259

Waterloo, 5 n.

Wellington, 145 11.

Wesley, Life of, Southey's, xix, xx, xxxi

Westall, Richard, R.A., xxiii

Westcott, Captain G. B., 122, 135. 140

William IV., see Clarence, Duke of

Williams, Miss Helen Maria, xxxiv, 155, 156

Windham, Mr., 145 n., 170, 171

Wordsworth, xiii-xiv, xxv

Works and Days, 322

Yarmouth, 160, 205, 207, 208, 213, 249

Zaiiig, 289 and n.
Zante, 194
Zealand, 210 n., 214

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