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AT UR. ANA-CHAMPAIGN

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FIELDIANA
Anthropology

Published by Field Museum of Natural History

New Series, No. 5

THE SPECK COLLECTION

OF MONTAGNAIS MATERIAL CULTURE

FROM THE LOWER ST. LAWRENCE DRAINAGE, QUEBEC

JAMES W. VANSTONE

October 29, 1982
Publication 1337

THE SPECK COLLECTION

OF MONTAGNAIS MATERIAL CULTURE

FROM THE LOWER ST. LAWRENCE DRAINAGE, QUEBEC

FIELDIANA
Anthropology

Published by Field Museum of Natural History

New Series, No. 5

THE SPECK COLLECTION

OF MONTAGNAIS MATERIAL CULTURE

FROM THE LOWER ST. LAWRENCE DRAINAGE, QUEBEC

JAMES W. VANSTONE

Curator, North American Archaeohgy and Ethnology
Fiehi Museum of Natural History

Accepted for publication December 11, 1981
October 29, 1982
Publication 1337

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 82-82518

ISSN 0071-4739
PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

CONTENTS

I. Historical Background 1

Introduction 1

Frank G. Speck and Field Museum 3

II. The Collection 4

Introduction 4

Subsistence 5

Tools, utensils, and containers 7

Clothing, bedding, and personal adornment 14

Travel and transportation 18

Games and toys 19

Charms and religious objects 19

111. Conclusions 21

Acknowledgments 23

Literature Cited 24

Appendix 25

Illustrations 29-63

I

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
Introduction'

In historic times, the Montagnais-Naskapi have inhabited the entire
Quebec-Labrador Peninsula, with the exception of coastal areas to the north
and northeast. They speak dialects of the Cree language which belongs to the
Algonquian language family.

The designation Montagnais-Naskapi encompasses three major groupings
whose territories correspond to major drainage patterns on the Quebec-
Labrador Peninsula. The Montagnais occupied the drainage of the St. Lawrence
River, while to the north the Naskapi inhabited country which drains into
Ungava Bay and the north Atlantic Ocean. The third group, the Mistassini,
lived along rivers and lakes which drain into James and Hudson bays (fig. 1).
Traditionally, all the Montagnais-Naskapi lived by hunting, trapping, and
fishing, but their material culture and subsistence patterns reflected the differ-
ing distribution of natural resources in the three major drainage systems. It is,
however, impossible to draw precise boundaries between the three groups
since the pattern of seasonal movements in all groups brought about frequent
mterchange of peoples between neighboring bands. The Montagnais-Naskapi
have apparently always traveled widely, maintaining contacts with bands in
widely separated areas of the Quebec-Labrador Peninsula.

Since the ethnographic materials described and illustrated in this study were,
with few exceptions, collected among the Montagnais, these introductory com-
ments concerning subsistence and European contact will be confined to that
group. However, they also apply, in large measure, to the Mistassini.

The Montagnais of the St. Lawrence region inhabited an environment which
contained a wider variety of food resources than were available in any other
part of the Montagnais-Naskapi area and the Indians exploited most of them.
This was particularly true before the Montagnais were pushed north by Euro-
pean settlement in the 17th century. Important land animals were moose,
caribou, black bear, beaver, porcupine, fox, hare, marten, and squirrel. Also
available were a variety of waterfowl and fish including eels, salmon, pike,
carp, sturgeon, whitefish, and smelt. Wild berries of many varieties were
gathered and maple trees were tapped for their sap.

During the fall large numbers of eels were caught in stone weirs or speared

' Most of this section has been summarized from Rogers & Leacock (1981).

1

2 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

with leisters. The eels were dried and, along with porcupine and beaver meat,
were an important source of food until the snow was sufficiently deep in late
winter so that moose could be tracked and killed with spears. It was almost
impossible to get close enough to these animals, if the snow cover was light, to
kill them with a bow and arrow. Moose meat was smoke-dried for storage. Also
in winter, beaver were sometimes caught in nets set through holes in the ice
near their houses. However, it was not until the breakup of the river in spring
that these animals were taken in large numbers.

With the coming of spring, deadfalls and snares were set for bears, although
occasionally these animals were killed with spears while hibernating in winter.
Hares were caught in nets, snared, or shot with arrows. Porcupines were also
snared, as were a variety of small mammals, particularly when other food was
scarce. Large numbers of fish were taken in nets or with hooks to be smoked
and stored for winter use.

During the 16th and 17th centuries, the presence of European ships on the St.
Lawrence River encouraged the Montagnais bands of the interior to move to-
ward that waterway. By the 1600s there are many references to Montagnais
living east of the Lake St. John area and during the 1700s, Indians were living
permanently in southeast Quebec.

In the 18th and 19th centuries, there was an increase in the number and size
of white settlements along the St. Lawrence. Some of these settlers, in addition
to agriculture, undertook extensive trapping. At the same time, trading posts
were established in the central interior of the Quebec-Labrador Peninsula.
These two developments encouraged the Montagnais to move away from the
coast. Trapping became the most important feature of the Montagnais economy
and led to the development of trading post bands — groups of Indians who
traded at a particular post and whose seasonal movements included time spent
at the post. Nevertheless, the Montagnais retained their patterns of seasonal
movement throughout the 19th and into the 20th century, thus frustrating the
efforts of both Hudson's Bay Company traders and missionaries who attempted
to persuade the Indians to settle in one place so that trading and missionizing
would be easier. However, like hunters and gatherers elsewhere in North
America, the Montagnais eventually became sufficiently dependent on Euro-
pean goods so that their seasonal movements were increasingly centered
around frequent visits to trading posts. By the middle of the 20th century, the
trading post bands in the Montagnais area, as well as elsewhere in the region
occupied by Montagnais-Naskapi, were being replaced by large, permanent
Indian settlements where government services were available and where the
Indians spent the greater part of their time.

Although much important early information concerning the Montagnais is
found in the writings of 17th century Jesuit missionaries (and in a few pub-
lished sources), serious ethnographic research in the area dates from 1908,
when Frank G. Speck of the University of Pennsylvania began investigations
among the Indians of Lake St. John, later extending his work to neighboring
groups. Speck's research continued until 1932. During his many seasons of field
work he made ethnographic collections for numerous institutions, including
the University Museum, University of Pennsylvania, the American Museum of
Natural History, the Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, the
National Museum of Canada, the Danish National Museum, and Field Museum

VANSTONE: SPECK COLLECTION 3

of Natural History. A large private collection was purchased after his death by
the Royal Ontario Museum.

Frank G. Speck and Field Museum

In the summer of 1926, following completion of his graduate studies at the
University of California, Berkeley, William Duncan Strong joined the staff of
Field Museum as Assistant Curator of North American Ethnology and Ar-
chaeology (Field Museum, Department of Anthropology, correspondence files,
Strong to Laufer, May 10, 1926; Laufer to Strong, May 17, 1926). He was as-
signed to accompany the Rawson-MacMillan Subarctic Expedition to northern
Labrador and anticipated a departure in June 1927. Hoping to spend at least part
of the winter of 1927-1928 among the Naskapi Indians living in the interior
south of Ungava Bay, Strong wrote to Frank G. Speck at the University of
Pennsylvania in March 1927 requesting a list of sources to read and suggestions
concerning possible research problems. He also hoped to arrange a meeting
with Speck in Philadelphia before departing for Labrador (Field Museum acces-
sion [FMA] 1734, Office of the Registrar, Strong to Speck, March 30, 1927).

In his answer, Speck encouraged Strong to make the trip to Philadelphia,
noting that it would be difficult "to do justice to your inquiries" by corre-
spondence. He also mentioned that he was about to leave for the Lake St. John
area and queried Strong as to whether Field Museum might be interested in
obtaining a representative ethnographic collection from the Montagnais of
southern Quebec (FMA 1734, Speck to Strong, April 5, 1927). In his reply,
Strong reiterated his intention to come to Philadelphia in June and encouraged
Speck to write to Field Museum's director, D. C. Davies, concerning the possi-
bility of making a collection for that institution, noting that a collection from
southern Quebec would nicely complement the one he hoped to make in the
north (FMA 1734, Strong to Speck, April 7, 1927).

Speck wrote on April 9, noting that his departure for the field would be on the
13th and that he was sufficiently encouraged by Strong's remarks to suggest,
since time was too short for correspondence, that Strong speak to Davies about
the collection that Speck proposed to make. Such a collection, he pointed out,
could be made for less than $300 and would consist of about 100 specimens,
including "hunting utensils, domestic wares, costume parts, and specimens
exhibiting decorative techniques." Because he expected to stay in the Lake St.
John area for only about two weeks, this collection would be, of necessity,
"modest," but nevertheless an indication of what might be obtained on sub-
sequent trips. Speck urged Strong to drop him a short note at a Quebec City
address indicating the director's response (FMA 1734, Speck to Strong, April 9,
1927).

This terminates the Speck-Strong correspondence preserved in Field
Museum's files, and it is not known whether the museum's new curator actually
managed the trip to Philadelphia before the Rawson-MacMillan Expedition
departed for Labrador on June 25. He did, however, immediately inform Bert-
hold Laufer, Chief Curator of Anthropology at Field Museum, about the corre-
spondence, and Laufer wrote to Speck on April 13 at the Quebec City address
urging him to make the collection and then report to the director after returning
to Philadelphia, submitting a list of the collection and the asking price. Laufer

4 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

was enthusiastic about the proposed collection and felt sure that the director
would approve (FMA 1734, Laufer to Speck, April 13, 1927).

Speck wasted no time in making the collection for Field Museum. Slightly
more than two weeks after leaving for southern Quebec, he was back in
Philadelphia and writing to Laufer enclosing a bill of lading for a shipment of
specimens to the Chief Curator of Anthropology (FMA 1734, Speck to Laufer,
April 28, 1927). Then followed a somewhat frantic correspondence between
Speck and Laufer and Speck and the director, Davies, necessitated, apparently,
by the fact that the ethnographer had violated sacrosanct museum procedures
by dealing directly with the Chief Curator of Anthropology rather than the
director of the museum. Of more serious consequence, the collection had been
addressed to Laufer personally rather than to the museum and this caused the
shipment to be held up by customs (FMA 1734, Laufer to Speck [2], April 29,
1927; telegram. Speck to Laufer, May 2, 1927; Speck to Laufer, May 3; Speck to
Davies, May 3; Speck to Davies, June 10; Davies to Speck, June 14; Speck to
Laufer, June 19; Field Museum, Department of Anthropology correspondence
files. Speck to Laufer, June 10; Laufer to Speck, June 13). Speck's asking price for
the collection, including a birch bark canoe that had not yet been shipped, was
$395. Finally, on June 30, Laufer recommended to the director that the collection
be purchased for that amount (FMA 1734, Laufer to Davies, June 30, 1927).
Davies reduced this amount to $300, suggesting that the canoe not be included.
Speck, who had left for the field again in mid-July and possibly wearied by the
entanglements, found this arrangement acceptable (FMA 1734, Davies to Speck,
July 8; Speck to Davies, July 24).

In his letter of July 24 to Davies, written in Bersimis, Quebec, Speck, in
addition to accepting the financial arrangements for his collection, informed the
director that he had made another small collection from bands east of Lake St.
John. This he offered to the museum to fill in some of the gaps in his earlier
collection (FMA 1734, Speck to Davies, July 24). Although there is no corre-
spondence concerning the mechanics of this proposed transaction, the speci-
mens, numbering 16, were received by the museum on September 17, 1927, and
two days later Laufer wrote to Speck that the collection was acceptable and that
a check for $25 would be mailed in a few days (Field Museum, Department of
Anthropology correspondence files, Laufer to Speck, September 19, 1927).

II

THE COLLECTION

Introduction

In the catalog of the Department of Anthropology at Field Museum of Natural
History, the Speck collection of ethnographic specimens from the Montagnais of
southern Quebec (Accessions 1734, 1739) is assigned 166 numbers representing
170 specimens. Paired objects such as moccasins, mittens, and snowshoes have
one number and are counted as single specimens. At the time this study was
begun, all specimens were located in storage or on exhibition (see Appendix).

The present condition of the Speck Montagnais collection is good, there being
very few damaged specimens. Some of the cloth clothing has faded as a result of
the lighting in exhibition cases, and a few cloth and skin specimens have been
damaged by insects. Since many specimens appear never to have been used, it

VANSTONE: SPECK COLLECTION 5

is likely that they were made specifically for the collector, presumably in imita-
tion of items of material culture no longer in use at the time of Speck's fieldwork
and perhaps known to the maker only indirectly as part of his or her cultural
heritage (Hallowell, 1951, p. 70).

With the collection, Speck submitted a map of Quebec-Labrador, probably
similar to his published version (Speck, 1935, fig. 1, p. 14), showing band
locations; it has since disappeared. Also submitted were a list of specimens and
six photographs, two of which are reproduced in this study. The list contains
very brief comments concerning the use of some items. When such information
is included in the following pages without other documentation, it should be
understood to have been derived from this list.

All the specimens in accession 1734 were collected among the St. John Mon-
tagnais in April 1927, with the exception of 10 items from the Kiskisink settle-
ment, which grouped itself with the St. John band; one item from the Natas-
quan band and six from the Chicoutimi band, both neighbors of the Lake St.
John people; and a woman's costume attributed to the Mistassini Indians at
Lake Mistassini. Speck believed that the specimens in this collection repre-
sented most of the classes of objects used by the southern bands. It was to
supplement this collection, however, that he offered the museum the 16 speci-
mens making up Accession 1739, which he obtained during a field trip in
August 1927. Only two of these are from the Lake St. John band, the remaining
being from the Natasquan (13) and Barren Ground (2) bands.

All specimens in both accessions not from the Lake St. John area are so
identified in the text and the appendix. The collection must be considered all
the more remarkable for the fact that the bulk of it was obtained in a period of
approximately two weeks. This surely attests to the many good contacts and
excellent rapport that the ethnographer had established in the Lake St. John area
since beginning his fieldwork in 1908. Speck also occasionally purchased
specimens from traders who were aware of his requirements in advance of his
field trips (Deschenes, 1981, p. 208).

Objects in the Speck Montagnais collection are described within the follow-
ing use categories: subsistence, utensils, containers and tools, clothing, bed-
ding, and personal adornment, travel and transportation, games and toys, and
charms and religious objects. The brief descriptions of artifact types which
follow should be read while examining the accompanying photographs and
drawings. For comparisons 1 have relied heavily on Speck's many publications
relating to his Montagnais-Naskapi research and on Rogers (1967). Other
ethnographic accounts are, of course, also cited when relevant.

Subsistence

Although the Montagnais depended entirely on hunting, trapping, and
fishing for their livelihood, the number of artifacts in the Speck collection as-
sociated with these activities is relatively small, consisting entirely of devices
for the capture of game and fish. At the time Speck made his collection, steel
traps were used extensively, and although information concerning traditional
trapping techniques almost certainly could have been obtained, the devices
themselves would have been difficult to include in a museum collection except
as models.

The collection contains a heavy s^^ear for killing caribou in the water, presum-

6 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

ably from a canoe. The point, made of moose antler and with a single large barb,
tapers toward the proximal end which is inserted into a hole in the long wooden
shaft. At the distal end the shaft is split slightly and notched to receive strips of
moose hide lashing which extend up onto and around the proximal end of the
point (fig. 2).

Shorter, lighter versions of this spear were used for taking beaver and the
collection contains the shaft of a model beaver spear; the point is missing. The
shaft is round and 60.2 cm in length with a slit in the distal end into which the
point would have been fitted. Narrow creases in the wood indicate that the
point was held in place with sinew. A small bone spear point, made from a rib,
has a single barb and resembles the larger one associated with the caribou
spear. It may have been part of a model like the one just described (fig. 3i).

The stave of a toy boio was made with a crooked knife from a single piece of
birchwood and lacks backing. Both the back and front are slightly convex and
the sides are flat. Paired V-shaped notches at the sides are cut near the end of
each horn for attachment of the bow string which is made of commercial two-
ply cord (fig. 31). Associated with this bow is a toy arrow, the shaft of which is
circular in cross section and made of birchwood. The proximal end of the shaft
is flattened on opposite sides and a notch is cut in the end at right angles to the
flattened surfaces; there are no feathers. This type of arrow, which would have
been used primarily for game birds such as ptarmigan and spruce grouse, had
no attached point. The distal end of the shaft widens to form an enlarged
striking surface (fig. 3m). In the past, the neighboring Mistassini Indians used
the bow and arrow for hunting caribou as well as a variety of small game
animals and birds (Rogers, 1967, p. 67). Small bows and arrows were used in a
divination game for predicting the number of otters to be killed on a future hunt
(Speck, 1930, pp. 429-430, fig. 109; 1935, p. 198). A label in Speck's handwriting
attached to the bow indicates that it was collected at the Kiskisink settlement.

Fishing equipment in the Speck collection includes seven fish hooks, five of
which have wooden shanks and bone points. The shank is split at the distal end
for insertion of the point at about a 30 degree angle. Commercial two-ply twine
was used to bind the split area of the shank and more twine was secured about
the center of the point and then about the shank. There is a knob at the proximal
end of the shank to which is fastened a short piece of caribou skin which served
as a leader (fig. 3g). Two metal fish hooks are also composite in design. Large
commercial steel hooks are lashed to iron spikes with heavy twine. Lighter
twine binds the point of the hook to the distal end of the shank. At the proximal
ends of both specimens are leaders consisting of short strips of moose hide to
which are attached lengths of two-ply twine fish line (fig. 3b).

Hooks of both types were baited with minnows and used with set lines.
Muskellunge, pike, and other large fish swallowed the hook which then caught
in the stomach rather than in the mouth or gills. Fish hooks with wooden
shanks were used by the neighboring Mistassini and are described and illus-
trated by Rogers (1967, p. 88, pi. XIV-A).

A single gill net is in very fragile condition, and its total length cannot be
determined with certainty, although it appears to be at least 35 m long and 40
cm wide. The meshes are square and approximately 5 cm on a side. The net is
made from light twine knotted with a weaver's knot. The selvage lines, placed
along the top and bottom edges, are of a heavier twine than that used for the
mesh. The manner in which the selvage lines are attached to the net is described

VANSTONE: SPECK COLLECTION 7

in some detail for Mistassini nets by Rogers (1967, pp. 85-86). According to
Speck's notes, a net of this type was "for general purposes" but it would seem to
be too light for taking large fish.

In making a net of this type, a wooden netting needle was used. The single
specimen in the Speck collection is flat, pointed at one end, and concave at the
other; it is made of birchwood. A portion of the center has been removed,
leaving a needle-like spike of wood extending from the center of the needle
almost to the tip. A section of netting twine is attached (fig. 3e).

The mesh of a net was held to a constant size with the aid of a mesh gauge, one
of which occurs in the collection. It is a thin, rectangular piece of birchwood
with beveled edges and a short handle (fig. 3h).

The collection contains two wooden net floats, both of which are intended for
use with summer nets. Each is approximately circular in cross section and
notched at one end (fig. 3c-d). Floats were attached to the selvage line of the net
with twine. Similar floats are described and illustrated for the Mistassini by
Rogers (1967, p. 86, fig. 49). There are two beach pebble net sinkers, one of gray
limestone and the other of granitic material (fig. 3k). A piece of twine is attached
about the center of each sinker; the other end would be attached to the bottom
selvage line.

A flat, narrow, and roughly worked piece of birchwood, concave at either
end, served as a reel for fishing line. A length of two-ply twine is wrapped
around the reel (fig. 3f).

Tools, Utensils, and Containers

Wood-working tools in the Speck collection are represented by three crooked
knives, all with wooden handles and metal blades made from large kitchen
knives. The hallmarks of English makers of cutlery occur on two blades. The
faces of the blades within the bend and along the length of the same side are
sharpened. The handles form approximately half the total length and are made
of birchwood. Two handles have a pronounced curve at the proximal end. One
of these, hafted for a right-handed individual, has a shallow slot cut along one
side of the handle to hold the proximal end of the blade, which is lashed in place
with cord (fig. 4e). Another knife, for a left-handed individual, has a slit in the
distal end of the handle into which the blade is inserted and lashed with cord
(fig. 4d). The third knife has a handle which comes to an asymmetrical point at
the proximal end and has a long slit for the blade, which is held in place with
metal rivets (fig. 4a). The manufacture and use of the crooked knife among the
Lake St. John and Mistassini Indians is described by Lips (1947, pp. 50-51) and
Rodgers (1967, pp. 45-46, fig. 16, plate VIII-A).

Crooked knives were sharpened on whetstones, fine-grained beach pebbles of
which there are two in the collection (fig. 3j). A snub-nosed scraper of white
quartz is retouched at the distal end (fig. 3a).

Aids are described as wood-working tools because, according to Rogers
(1967, p. 47), they were used by the Mistassini to make holes in snowshoe
frames for the selvage thongs. However, they were certainly also used for mak-
ing holes in hides. Of the three awls in the Speck collection, two have circular
wooden handles into one end of which metal points are inserted. The point of
the largest specimen appears to have been made from a small file (fig. 4f), while
that of the smaller is made from a sharpened nail (fig. 4c). The third awl, with a

8 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

point made from a small file or file fragment, has a bone handle (fig. 4b). Two of
these specimens are from Kiskisink.

For skinning beaver and other animals, a bone skinning tool was used. Of the
four specimens in the Speck collection, one, collected in the Kiskisink settle-
ment, is made from a transversally cut bear's leg bone beveled at the working
edge (fig. 4i). The other three are moose leg bones, two of which are cut trans-
versally and have beveled, serrated working edges (fig. 4h); the third also has a
beveled edge but is not cut (fig. 4g). Although these particular specimens are
undecorated. Speck (1930, p. 449; 1935, pp. 216-217) notes that similar im-
plements had ceremonial associations and were thus sometimes carved or per-
forated according to motifs received in dreams. Game and fur-bearing animals
were believed to derive satisfaction from having their pelts removed with leg-
bone skinning tools (Speck, 1935, pp. 216-217).

Three two-handed scrapers made from caribou leg bones were used for re-
moving the hair from caribou and moose skins, a process described in some
detail by Speck (1937, pp. 350-351). Part of one side of the central portion of the
bone is removed and one or both sides sharpened (fig. 5g-h). One of these
scrapers (fig. 5g) was collected among members of the Natasquan band who
occupied territory to the east of Lake St. John.

A large knife or cleaver is made from the leg bone of a moose. The bone is split
in half at the distal end and has a beveled edge. Attached to this specimen is a
shoulder strap of moose hide which is inserted through a hole approximately 5
cm from the proximal end (fig. 5a). According to Speck's notes, this knife was
made to demonstrate what is done in the bush when metal knives are lost or no
metal is available.

A knife sheath, probably for an instrument with a metal blade, is made from a
single piece of moose skin. A fringe of the same material has been sewn into the
seam and there is a loop at the proximal end for attachment to a belt (fig. 5d).

A pick made from a bear bone is crudely sharpened at one end (fig. 5b). Speck
indicates that it was used to punch holes in meat which was to be smoked and
preserved for making pemmican. Such holes open up the meat, allowing the
smoke to penetrate.

Four birch bark containers, all from the Chicoutimi band which utilized
territory to the east of the Lake St. John Band, are described as eating dishes.
Each is made from a single piece of bark and has sides that slope outward to an
oval or round rim. The rims of all four dishes are separate pieces of wood,
probably birch, secured, in three cases, to the tops of the containers with spruce
or larch root which was also used to stitch the corners. At intervals on the rim of
one of these dishes, four pieces of red cloth, approximately 9 cm in length, have
been woven into the root lashing as decoration (fig. 6). The rim of the fourth
vessel is tied on with twine and this specimen has been extensively repaired
with both twine and roots. One dish has heart-shaped etched designs on all
four sides (fig. 7), a decorative technique that will be discussed in more detail
when covered baskets are described. The four vessels range in height from 12 to
20 cm, and in diameter from 36 cm to approximately 49 cm.

Two trays consist of three rectangular pieces of birch bark tied together with
string. To prevent splitting, sticks the width of each end were split in half and
secured on either side of the ends with spruce root (fig. 8). According to Speck,
meat obtained through dream instructions was placed on these trays at the time
of feasts. Rogers (1967, pp. 34-35) describes similar trays used by the Mistassini

VANSTONE: SPECK COLLECTION 9

and he notes that they may have been used only for feast food. When not in use,
these trays were rolled into a cylinder and tied.

There are three wooden spoons in the Speck collection, two of which have oval
bowls and slightly curved handles (fig. 9b-c). The third has a round bowl and a
handle that is sharply curved at the end (fig. 9a). These are described as having
been used by hunters at a grease feast at which a bear is eaten and the guests
bring their own spoons. Such spoons would thus appear to have more ceremo-
nial than utilitarian significance. Although Speck (1930, p. 446) notes that such
spoons were always dyed a dark color, these have not been dyed. Rogers (1967,
p. 33, fig. 3, pi. IIIA) also describes and illustrates such spoons for the Mis-
tassini.

A small drinking cup of wood has a flaring base and is wrapped with sinew
(fig. 5e).

Two pot hooks of alder twigs are bent at one end to form a loop and lashed
with spruce root. At the other end a hook is formed by a small branch (fig. 5c).

The collection contains three covered birch bark baskets, each made from a
single piece of folded and sewn bark with a rectangular bottom and sides that
taper inward slightly. The dark inner surface of the bark, which is peeled in
spring, faces outward. A separate rim of birchwood is lashed to the outer edge
of the bark with spruce root. A tight-fitting lid consists of a flat, oval top and a
vertically placed, recessed rim approximately 3.5 cm wide lashed to the top with
spruce root (figs. 10-12). The largest specimen has a narrow cloth carrying strap
(fig. 12). The method of construction of this form of basket is described in detail
by Speck (1937) and Lips (1947, pp. 51-59). A fourth basket is similar in con-
struction to those just described, but is much smaller and narrower and has no
lid (fig. 9n).

A characteristic feature of these baskets is the presence of etched designs on
tops and sides. The primary method of producing this ornamentation is by
laying cut-out birch bark design patterns on the surface and scraping away the
dark inner bark everywhere except where the design has been traced with the
point of a knife. The positive design thus stands out dark against a light back-
ground (Speck, 1937, p. 71). Ornamentation on the three covered baskets con-
sists exclusively of stylized floral designs. All sides of the two larger specimens
are decorated (figs. 11-12), while on the smaller, the two ends have been left
undecorated (fig. 10).

A different technique has been used to decorate the small, uncovered basket.
Negative designs are produced by scraping them into the dark coating of the
inner bark so that they are shown a lighter color than the surrounding bark
(Speck, 1937, p. 72). On one side of this basket are what appear to be a series of
crude floral designs and on the other a crude representation of a canoe with two
occupants (fig. 9n).

Also decorated with positive etched patterns are two comb cases, each a single
folded length of bark sewn across two sides with spruce root. Both have suspen-
sion cords of moose skin, with small triangular tabs of bark at the ends, which
served as cleaners for the combs (Speck, 1937, p. 65). The smaller tab is deco-
rated with the figure of a beaver on one side and a bear on the other (fig. 5f).
The larger tab has two fish on one side and a pattern of cross-hatched lines on
the other (fig. 91). A rectangular birch bark case of unknown use is sewn with
twine at intervals on two sides and has a loop of the same material at the open
end. It is decorated on both sides with identical floral designs (fig. 9m).

10 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

The collection contains a set of four birch bark cut-out patterns of floral motifs
(fig. 13) used on one of the illustrated covered baskets (fig. 12). Another set of
nine patterns, which includes human forms, a fish, a canoe, and floral stencils,
is described by Speck as having been used for bead and silk work (fig. 14).
However, one of the patterns, that of a fish, was used on a previously described
comb case (fig. 91).

Speck (1935, pp. 190-191) has noted that for the Montagnais, the symbolic
pictorial representation of a plant or animal was equivalent to the actual plant or
animal and those portrayed were believed to come under the control of the
individual human spirit. Dreams played a major part in suggesting the re-
lationship between specific animals or plants and an individual. The spirit was
strengthened by having its dream promptings obeyed and success in sub-
sistence activities was thereby assured.

An undecorated birch bark container is a large berry pail that may be un-
finished. Like the previously described baskets, it is made from a single folded
and sewn piece of bark with the outer surface facing inside. The sewing has
been done with string and there is a large, rectangular patch on one side; there
is no rim (fig. 15). A similar but finished specimen with a flat lid is illustrated by
Speck (1930, p. 441, fig. 115). Such baskets might also have been used for storing
dried and pounded fish.

A cylindrical container of birch bark is a case for beaver scent or castoreum that
was carried on trapping excursions by hunters. This type of container was also
sometimes used for matches (Speck, 1937, p. 63, pi. XXI, group A). The rolled
piece of bark is morticed in place and the bottom is a section of wood held in
place with small tacks. The mouth is closed by a wooden plug (fig. 5i).

A grease container made from the bladder sac of an otter was for cold bear
grease that hunters carried with them to add to their food. The drinking of
animal grease was also believed to induce dreaming and was thus an important
element in the practice of magic (Speck, 1935, pp. 180-181). This specimen is in
very poor condition and its original size and shape cannot be determined.

A needle case made from the leg bone of a lynx has a wooden bottom inserted
flush with the edge of the bone, and a stopper of the same material (fig. 9k).

Among the most highly decorated items in the Speck collection are six roll-up
sewing bags used by women to hold needles, thread or sinew, and other sewing
materials. All are approximately rectangular in shape and have three pockets or
compartments. Since each is quite distinctive, they will be described sepa-
rately.

The most elaborately decorated bag has strips of white fox fur sewn on cotton
lining to form the lower half of each pocket, while the upper halves are of
alternate strips of red and black wool felt. The back is of blue patterned cotton
cloth and the entire bag is trimmed with purple cotton tape. A non-functional
white button is sewn in the center of each pocket and loops of seed beads in a
variety of colors are sewn along the edges with additional beaded decoration on
the upper halves of the pockets (fig. 16b).

A smaller and less ornate bag also has strips of white fox fur ornamenting the
lower halves of the pockets, much of which has deteriorated, revealing a cotton
lining underneath. The upper halves of the pockets are alternating black, red,
and blue strips of wool felt and the specimen is trimmed on the sides with
purple cotton tape; the upper and lower edges have narrow strips of light green

VANSTONE: SPECK COLLECTION 11

tape and the back is a single strip of black wool felt. There are loops of seed
beads sewn to each side and beaded designs on the upper halves of the pockets
(fig- 17c).

Perhaps the most attractive of the roll-up bags, and certainly the one in the
best condition, has heavy wool felt pockets covered with strips of loon and
grebe feathers, the latter covering the center pocket. The upper and lower pock-
ets have beaded strips of red wool felt at the openings while the middle pocket
has a beaded strip of black felt in the same position. At the upper end is a
section of blue felt with a beaded cross in the center and a series of short strands
of beads around the edges. The binding is gray cotton tape to which are fas-
tened short alternating strips of red and yellow beads and loops of blue and
yellow beads; the back is of blue wool felt (fig. 18c).

The upper and lower pockets of the fourth roll-up bag are ornamented with
strips of deteriorating dog skin and the center pocket has a strip of mink skin.
The lining is of black printed cotton cloth. Outer edges of the bag as well as the
edges of the pockets are bound with blue and gray cotton tape and decorated
with loops of seed beads. At the upper end is a semi-circular section of pat-
terned wool felt cloth, in the center of which is a stylized floral design in orange,
green, clear, and two shades of yellow seed beads; the backing is of brown
cotton cloth (fig. 17b).

The four roll-up bags that have just been described were collected among the
Natasquan band. The remaining two bags, from Lake St. John, are made en-
tirely from cloth. In excellent condition is a bag of black and red wool felt
ornamented with embroidered floral designs in pastel colors. The edges are
bound in blue and green cotton tape. There are rows of widely spaced pink and
red seed beads around the inner edge of the binding and around the pockets. A
loop of green silk is attached at the upper end (fig. 18b).

Less ornate is a bag of black and red wool felt ornamented with geometrically
cut strips of purple, blue, and orange silk. The binding is of dark red cotton tape
and there is a moose skin loop on the back near the top (fig. 18a).

A gun case of heavy black wool felt is ornamented with a strip of serrated light
brown cotton cloth sewn into the seam on the lower side. At the opening are
strips of red and green wool felt and a strip of red cotton tape feather stitched
with yellow yam; a similar set of strips occurs at the center of the case. At the
distal end a tassel of red, blue, green, and purple strips of silk and wool felt is
sewn into the seam (fig. 19c).

Before the acquisition of breech-loading firearms, the Montagnais-Naskapi,
like other Indians, used muzzle-loading percussion guns. These required the
carrying oi shot pouches, of which there are are five in the Speck collection. The
size of the shot pouch was determined by the size of a hunter's fist, since he
would be reaching in for a hand-full of shot (Speck, 1935, p. 213).

Two pouches, both of which appear to have seen considerable use, are made
of black wool felt, the seams being bound with cotton tape. Buttons are pro-
vided to fasten the flaps. One pouch, from Kiskisink, has a shoulder strap of the
same material as the pouch (fig. 20b), while the strap on the second is made of
moose skin. This pouch has a smaller pouch sewn to the front just below the
flap, which was probably intended for percussion caps (fig. 21b).

Another pouch of black felt has edges bound with red and white striped
cotton tape. Along the lower edge of the flap is a row of red, yellow, white, and
blue seed beads. Below the flap is a crude beaded floral design utilizing beads

12 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

of the same colors. The strap, which is short, is made from a narrow strip of
moose skin (fig. 21c).

The most elaborate shot pouch is made of wool felt with seams and edges
bound in cotton tape. Along the inner edge of the binding are two rows of
silk-wrapped cording and narrowly spaced blue yam stitching. There is a broad
shoulder strap of the same materials and the flap is held in place with a white
glass button. Embroidered floral ornaments in yellow, blue, and purple thread
occur on the front of the pouch, on the flap, and along the strap where there is
also silk-wrapped cording (fig. 16a).

The fifth pouch is somewhat different, being made of heavy wool felt with
seams bound with red cotton tape. On the inner edge of the binding are two
rows of purple silk-wrapped cording. Instead of a shoulder strap, there are two
loops for attachment to a belt. On the front is a floral design in red, white, blue,
and green seed beads (fig. 20a).

Speck (1935, pp. 213-215) notes that the period during which shot pouches
were used most extensively corresponded with the availability, at posts of the
Hudson's Bay Company, of beads and a variety of cloth fabric of different
colors. Thus the pouches, which were made by women, became one of the most
important vehicles for Montagnais artistic expression. As with other decorated
objects made and used by these Indians, the designs on shot pouches served as
the means by which the spirits of individual owners achieved control over game
animals.

Also associated with percussion firearms were cap pouches, which were large
enough for the insertion of two fingers (Speck, 1935, p. 213). The collection
contains three, all of which are highly decorated. One is made of red wool felt
with green cotton tape binding and a strap of the same material. There is light
blue cording around the inner edge of the binding. The flap closes with a snap
and the front is ornamented with embroidered floral designs in blue, purple,
and yellow cotton thread (fig. 22d). Another specimen made of red wool felt has
a blue tape binding, a strap of moose skin, and a stylized floral design on the
front in blue, yellow, red, and white beads (fig. 17a). The third cap pouch is
made of wool felt and the trim is of red silk. The flap is held in place with a glass
button and there is a simple floral ornament in red and green seed beads on the
front. Around the edges and on the flap are rows of widely spaced blue and
green beads (fig. 22f).

A large powder horn from Kiskisink is closed at the distal end with a piece of
wood carved with circles and a cross, held in place with a pair of nails. At the
proximal end is a wooden plug wrapped in a piece of cloth. The strap is a piece
of heavy wool felt edged on both sides with cotton cloth (fig. 21a).

The Speck collection contains nine tobacco pouches. Two of these are of the
roll-up variety, consisting of two rectangular pieces of skin, one much longer
than the other, sewn together on three sides. The larger piece serves as a flap
when the pouch is rolled. One of these pouches is made from the skin of a
moose leg with the hair on. It is tied with a narrow moose skin strap at the end
of which is a fastener-pipe cleaner made from a loon's beak (fig. 22b). The other
roll-up pouch is from Kiskisink and is made of muskrat skin. It is in extremely
poor condition, ties with a strip of cotton cloth, and lacks a fastener.

The remaining seven tobacco pouches are rectangular in shape and close with
semi-circular flaps. One pouch, made from the skin of a moose's leg with the
hair on, has a moose skin strap attached to the center of the flap and is or-

VANSTONE: SPECK COLLECTION 13

namented with a short, single row of multicolored seed beads on one side (fig.
20f ). Another is made of tanned moose skin edged with green cotton tape and a
tie of the same material. There are beaded tloral designs on the flap and the
front and a row of yellow and white beads on the sides and around the edge of
the flap (fig. 20d). A small pouch made of mink skin with cotton lining is
decorated on the tlap with a cross in red and blue beads. On the sides and
around the edge of the flap is a single row of beads of the same color (fig. 20c).

Two pouches from the neighboring Chicoutimi band are made of imported
sealskin. The largest of these is edged with dark green cotton tape and or-
namented with floral designs in red, pink, white, and yellow beads on the flap
and on the back. Around the edges are small loops of red beads (fig. 22a). The
second sealskin pouch has a floral ornament in green, yellow, blue, red, and
white beads on the tlap and on the back, where there is also a beaded wheel-like
design. Around the edge of the tlap are small loops of yellow and white beads
(fig. 20e).

Two pouches were collected among the Natasquan band. One, in very poor
condition, is made from the skin of a loon's neck sewn on a piece of multicol-
ored cotton cloth. The opening is edged with yellow cotton tape, and the sides
and tlap with purple tape. On the flap is a small, stylized floral design in blue
beads. On the sides, flap, and opening are small loops of red, white, blue, and
pink beads (fig. 22e). The other Natasquan pouch is made of muskrat skin
edged with blue cotton tape. Sewn on the binding is a row of green beads,
while around the edges are small loops of red beads (fig. 22c).

Tobacco pouches, particularly the roll-up variety, were frequently closed with
the aid of fasteners which also served as pipe cleaners. There are 13 of these in
the Speck collection and they are quite similar, consisting of a narrow piece of
bone tapered or pointed at one end with a suspension hole at the other. Usually
the neck constricts and there is a series of notches around the suspension hole.
Another characteristic is parallel or crossed incised lines below the suspension
hole. Typical examples are illustrated (fig. 9e,g,i-j). An unusual fastener is
made from a bird bone sharpened at one end (fig. 9f). The two most carefully
made specimens are from the Natasquan band (fig. 9e,i).

A pouch, apparently made from a whole loon skin, is in such poor condition
that its form cannot be determined with certainty. It is roughly rectangular in
shape but narrows toward the opening which is edged with red cotton tape.
There is a narrow flap and a shoulder strap of tanned moose skin.

Four specimens which do not belong in this section are described here for
convenience sake, since they do not readily fit into other sections either. One
specimen is a crudely shaped piece of curved wood which is described as a hook
for drying clothes in a tent. It has two suspension holes at the proximal end (fig.
9d).

An improvised pipe made from a piece of rolled birch bark tied with a short
section of rawhide line is an important implement in bear hunting (fig. 9h).
After an animal is killed, the hunters gather about it and smoke. Out of respect,
the bear is also given a smoke with a pipe like this one (Speck, 1935, pp.
100-101).

The collection also contains a narrow moose skin H}ic with a loop at one end
and approximately 3 m 30 cm in length. It may have been used for lashing
equipment to a toboggan. A specimen oi ghic has apparently been made from
rendered sturgeon fat.

14 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

Clothing, Bedding, and Personal Adornment

Skin clothing, with the exception of mittens and footgear, had largely dis-
appeared among the Montagnais many years prior to Speck's fieldwork, but
traditional or contact-traditional styles were still made utilizing various types
and colors of cloth.

Among the neighboring Mistassini Indians, Speck collected a complete wom-
an's costume consisting of a cloth dress, sleeves, sash, leggings, and head band.
This costume, or one very similar to it, is shown in a photograph made by Speck
(fig. 23) which resembles photographs reproduced with a description in his
publication on the Mistassini (1930, fig. 123, p. 453, fig. 124, p. 454). Since this
style of dress was no longer worn at the time of Speck's fieldwork, the costume
was undoubtedly made for the collector.

The sleeveless dress is made from two pieces of purple wool felt sewn to-
gether at the sides. The square-cut lower edge, sleeve openings, and V-shaped
neck opening are edged with red cotton tape. Two short lengths of the same
material are sewn to the lower edge of the neck opening. Sections of the front of
this dress are faded as the result of lighting in an exhibition case. Separate
sleeves of the same material and with the same edging are each made from a
single piece of cloth. They are wide at the shoulders, overlapping the arm
spaces of the dress, and narrow at the cuffs. They were tied across the shoulders
by a rectangular strip of cloth (fig. 24a, d).

The sash, which was fastened around the waist, consists of three sewn pieces
of purple wool felt with edging similar to the previously described garments
and with a red silk tie at either end. (fig. 24e).

The leggings, which do not appear to be those worn by the young woman in
the photograph, are each made from a single piece of red wool felt, into the
seam of which is sewn a fringed strip of green felt. The bottoms and tops are
edged with pink cotton tape. There is a strip of blue cotton tape at the top and a
pattern of feather stitched yellow thread just above the edging at the bottom.
These leggings, which reached from the ankles to just above the knees, narrow
slightly at the distal end where there are thongs which slip over the feet. There
are also thongs at the proximal end which are threaded through the edging and
could be drawn tight and tied (fig. 24b).

This woman's costume is completed with an oval head band of purple wool
felt edged with light purple silk. A strip of red cotton tape is sewn down the
center of one side and there are silk ties, one red and one purple, at each end
(fig. 24c).

In addition to those just described, there are four pairs oi leggings in the Speck
collection, two of which are identified as having been worn by women. One of
these is made of a single piece of purple wool felt edged with green cotton tape.
Just inside the edge are rows of orange, purple, and green silk-wrapped cord-
ing. The seam is sewn so as to leave a narrow flap at the outside of the leg on
either side. These leggings narrow near the ankle where there is a red silk tie. At
the proximal end is a strip of red and white cotton tape, presumably to tie the
leggings to garters since they are too short for the tie to reach to a belt (fig. 19a).
The second pair of women's leggings is made of a single piece of red wool felt
edged with green cotton tape. The seam is sewn so as to leave a narrow flap at
the distal end just above the point where the leggings narrow at the ankle. A
strip of purple silk is sewn to the edge at this point as a tie (fig. 25c).

VANSTONE: SPECK COLLECTION 15

A longer pair of leggings made of black cotton cloth with a patterned cotton
lining were, according to Speck's notes, worn by a man. They are edged with
red and blue cotton tape. Two rows of silk-wrapped cording, green on one side
and orange on the other, are sewn along the inside of the edging, and there is a
wavy line decoration in orange and blue cording at the ankle. This decoration is
separated from the rest of the leggings by a strip of blue cotton tape. As in the
previously described specimen, the scam is sewn so as to leave a flap just above
the narrow ankle region where a tie of blue cotton tape is sewn. At the proximal
ends are strips, not visible in the photograph, of moose skin for fastening the
leggings to a belt (fig. 25b).

A pair of short leggings from the Natasquan band is made of white duffel
with strips of red and green wool felt sewn at the seam which runs down the
side of the leg. There is a strap of duffel to go around the foot and a triangular
piece of the same material is sewn so as to extend over the instep. The upper
end of these leggings is edged with a strip of plaid cotton cloth. Just below the
edge is a decorative band of blue cotton cloth with geometric designs in purple
and black. The lower edge is decorated with feather stitched red yarn (fig. 25a).
According to Speck's notes, this type of legging was adapted by eastern bands
of Montagnais as a result of contact with Eskimos.

A narrow strip of moose skin approximately 166 cm long is identified as a belt
for holding up a man's leggings. This suggests that the longer leggings which
could be fastened to a belt were worn by men, although Rogers (1967, p. 52)
maintains that Mistassini men's and women's leggings were of equal length.

Short leggings that reached to or just above the knees, and were presumably
worn by women, were held in place by garters. The collection contains one pair
made of narrow, oval strips of heavy wool felt edged with light blue cotton
tape. Down the center of one side is a simple design in blue cording on one
garter and green on the other. At either end is a short length of moose skin to
serve as a tie (fig. 26b).

A man's breech cloth consists of two rectangular pieces of purple wool felt
sewn together so that the seam is in the center. Around the edges on one side is
a border of red and yellow cotton tape. At one end is a simple floral design in
pale yellow silk-wrapped cording (fig. 19b).

The pattern of a man's moose skin jacket which opens down the front consists
of a single back piece and two front pieces which are sewn down the sides of the
garment and at the shoulders. Each sleeve consists of two pieces, a large piece
and a narrow, V-shaped section. The major sleeve seam, into which is sewn a
narrow strip of moose skin, is under the arm. The seams connecting the front
and back pieces also have this strip sewn into them. The collar is a separate
piece of skin and another narrow section is inserted between the front and back
pieces and the collar. Down the front are five red buttons which are inserted
into holes reinforced with red thread. A sixth is on the opposite side at the collar
and there are single similar but non-functional buttons on each cuff. The gar-
ment is sewn with fine twine (fig. 27).

The primary decorative element of this specimen is binding of red cotton tape
which extends around the lower edge, up both sides of the front opening, and
around the collar. Strips of red wool felt are sewn into the seams which join the
sleeves to the front and back pieces and around the edges of the cuffs. A strip of
red tape is sewn around each sleeve 6 cm from the edge of the cuff. Along the
lower edge of these strips is feather stitching in light blue yam. Similar stitch-

16 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

ing in yellow yam extends around the inside of the binding on the lower edge
and up the right side of the front. Around the inside of the binding on the collar
is the same stitching in white yarn.

Speck describes the embroidered ornaments in blue, red, and yellow cotton
thread on either lapel as stylized flowers, but says nothing about their
significance. On the left arm near the shoulder is a butterfly-shaped ornament
of red wool felt outlined in blue yarn with a small rosette design of the same
material in the center. It is described as simply a "decoration" (fig. 28). Speck
further noted that the jacket was worn by a hunter and the red binding has
"symbolic value, i.e. game." He noted the similarity between this binding and
the painted red seams on Naskapi garments from the northern interior.

A man's luit is made from a strip of lynx fur sewn to a heavy cotton lining. On
the top is an ornament made from a piece of a woodchuck's tail which, accord-
ing to Speck, serves as a charm worn by the hunter when he goes out to cut
birch bark for making a canoe.

A neck warmer is made from a lynx tail. It has moose skin ties at either end
(fig. 26e). Also made from a piece of a lynx's tail and similarly shaped but
smaller is a pair of wrist warmers, one of which is missing from the collection.
The single tie is a piece of twine (fig. 29b).

The collection contains two pairs of mittens. One pair is made of tanned
moose skin consisting of five pieces: one each for the palm and back of the
hand, one each for the inside and outside of the thumb, and one for the cuff
which is made from a rectangular strip of beaver fur. There are identical em-
broidered floral designs in red, green, yellow, purple, and pink cotton thread in
the center of the back of each mitten (fig. 29c). A much more utilitarian pair of
mittens from Kiskisink, showing signs of considerable wear, is made of canvas
with a lining of heavy black wool cloth. They consist of four pieces, one each for
the palm and back of the hand, and one each for the inside and outside of the
thumb; there is no cuff.

There are two pairs of moccasins in the Speck collection. One pair is made of
tanned caribou skin and shows signs of considerable wear. The bottom is a
single piece and has a T-shaped heel seam. There is no toe seam, the bottom
being gathered where it joins the tongue. This is the so-called "puckered" style
which Rogers (1967, pp. 54-55) describes for the Mistassini and which is also
described by Lips (1947, pp. 46-49) for the Lake St. John and Mistassini bands.
The tongue is a U-shaped inset; the top, a rectangular strip of heavy patterned
wool felt sewn to the upper edge of the bottom. A long strip of caribou skin was
inserted through holes cut in the upper edge of the bottom, the ends emerging
on either side of the tongue. This thong was wrapped around the wearer's ankle
to hold the top of the moccasin in place.

Decoration on this specimen consists of embroidered floral designs in blue,
red, yellow, and white cotton thread in the center of the tongue and two bands
of orange silk-wrapped cording around the edges. The top is edged with red
cotton tape (fig. 30a).

The second pair of moccasins, from Kiskisink, is made of tanned moose skin
and lack tops. Like the previously described pair, these are "puckered" style
moccasins and the bottoms have been extensively patched. There is no decora-
tion on the tongue, but the upper edge of the bottom is edged with a light
textured, multicolored cotton cloth (fig. 30b).

VANSTONE: SPECK COLLECTION 17

A pair of badly deteriorated winter boots is made of caribou skin with the hair
on, taken from the region of the hock. The lower or foot portion of the boot
consists of three pieces of skin, one fitting around the back and sewn down both
sides of the foot, a second fitting over the instep and across the toes, and a third
serving as the sole of the boot. The upper portion consists of four narrow,
rectangular pieces of skin sewn together horizontally. The strips have been cut
so that there is a fringe of white hair at the lower edge of each one. At the
proximal end of the boot a narrow loop of tanned skin has been sewn to enclose
a braided drawstring. This pair of boots appears to resemble somewhat the
"leg-skin boots" described by Rogers (1967, pp. 58-59) as being worn by the
Mistassini in spring for protection from melt water. However, the boots he
describes usually reached only to the ankle while these clearly extend to the
knees (fig. 30c).

Among the Mistassini, infants under a year were generally kept in what
Rogers (1967, pp. 62-63) calls a "moss bag" and Speck (1930, fig. 105, p. 417)
illustrates as a "baby sack." The collection contains a single baby sack, a rec-
tangular piece of fawn skin rounded at the lower end and lined with green
cotton cloth. This specimen, which seems small, may be a model. Lengths of
moose skin line are sewn to the long sides and rounded distal end at approxi-
mately 4 cm intervals forming a series of loops. Another length of line is in-
serted through the loops so that the sides can be drawn together after the infant
was placed in the sack. At the top is a rectangular strip of green cotton cloth to
which are sewn a pair of moose skin loops for the adjustment of a tumpline (fig.
29d).

Associated with the baby sack is an irregularly shaped wrapper made from a
number of tanned skins, probably from unborn animals. At irregular intervals
along the edges are short ties of the same material. An infant would be wrapped
in such a wrapper before being placed in the baby sack.

The manufacture of woven hare skin blankets by Indians of the Mistassini and
Lake St. John bands is described in detail by Speck (1930, pp. 451-454), Lips
(1947, pp. 42, 44), and Rogers (1967, p. 64, fig. 8, p. 40). Speck (1930, p. 454)
notes that 100 skins were required for a blanket, while Rogers (1967, p. 64) states
that a large blanket to be used by three people might comprise twice that many
skins. These blankets were woven of narrow, twisted strips of hare skin on a
three-pole frame by a coil netting technique in which the strip of skin was
conveyed by a wooden or bone needle. The Speck collection contains two
examples. The smaller, in poor condition, measures approximately 165 by 145
cm. The larger measures 220 by 152 cm and has short cloth ties at the four
comers. It may have been worn as a robe.

According to Rogers (1967, p. 66), both men and women among the Mis-
tassini wore their hair long and thick. If bear grease was being eaten, some was
likely to be rubbed on the hair, as this was believed to increase the hair's
blackness and glossiness. The Speck collection contains two objects from the
Natasquan band identified as brushes which were used to comb the hair and
possibly also to brush in grease. Both consist of narrow, tapered pieces of
wood around the distal ends of which sections of a porcupine's tail have been
wrapped and lashed with sinew. The handles of both specimens, one round
and the other deeply notched, are painted with red pigment (fig. 29e-f). The
brush with the notched handle has a twine wrist strap.

18 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

Travel and Transportation

Two styles of netted siiowshocs are represented in the Speck collection by a
single pair each. Both pairs have birchwood frames and babiche netting. One
pair, from Kiskisink, is constructed in the "swallow tail" style (Davidson, 1937,
pp. 67-68, fig. 27c) in which the ends of the frame form a tail. Although David-
son describes this style in his chapter on snowshoes with two-piece frames, this
specimen has a frame consisting of a single piece of wood, the ends of which are
lashed together with babiche at the tail. There are two slightly curved cross bars
which are morticed into the frame. The harnesses are made of clothes line and
the wearer's heel rested on a rectangular piece of tanned caribou skin which is
folded over the opening and sewn into the netting. One shoe has a large area of
broken netting in the center which has been repaired with twine (fig. 31a).

According to Rogers (1967, pp. 91-92), swallow-tail snowshoes were used by
the Mistassini at the time of his fieldwork in the early 1950s and were worn by
both men and women. Men used them during November and December and
again in the spring when the snow was heavy. During mid-winter they were
used by men only on well-packed trails. Women used them all winter. The
snowshoes of this type that Rogers describes had a one-piece frame like the pair
in the Speck collection. According to Speck's notes, the swallow-tail style was
the typical form among eastern Montagnais bands.

The second pair of snowshoes, from the Natasquan band, is an example of the
"round end" style (Davidson, 1937, pp. 67-68, fig. 27b). The frame consists of
two pieces spliced on each side between the two slightly curved cross bars.
There are no harnesses (fig. 31b).

The manufacture of snowshoes among the Lake St. John and Mistassini In-
dians has been described in considerable detail by Lips (1947, pp. 69-77) and
Rogers (1967, pp. 91-101). The webbing was laced with a needle, of which there
are six in the collection, one made of wood and five of bone. These needles are
pointed at both ends and have a hole in the center. All are approximately the
length of the illustrated specimens (fig. 32d,i). A spreader was used to hold the
toe hole open while the center section of the shoe was being laced. The collec-
tion contains a single specimen from the Natasquan band which is a narrow,
thin piece of birchwood with a notch at each end (fig. 32e).

A pair of boy's skis is crudely made from two thin pieces of birchwood which
turn up slightly at the front. The bindings are narrow strips of tanned caribou
skin (fig. 33). Skis, of course, were not used aboriginally by the Montagnais or
any other North American Indian group and these appear to have been made in
imitation of those worn by Euro-Canadians in the area.

The collection contains two tiimpliucs which, among the Mistassini, were
used primarily during the summer to carry canoes and supplies and to pack
game (Rogers, 1967, p. 114). Both specimens are made of tanned moose skin.
The longest is 655 cm in length and consists of three pieces: two narrow strips of
approximately the same length and a wider lenticular shaped piece sewn in the
center with twine. This wider section, which would pass across the forehead
when the tumpline was in use, is 6 cm wide in the center. The second tumpline
is slightly more than half as long as the previously described specimen and is
made from one piece of skin which widens in the center to a width of 3.5 cm
(fig. 32j).

An oval piece of birch bark is identified as a head protector to be worn across

VANSTONE: SPECK COLLECTION 19

the forehead under the tumpline. On the outer surface, which is the inner
surface of the bark, are positive etched designs showing a bear and a beaver
(fig. 26c).

Closely resembling a tumpline is the ceremonial game carrying string, which
was an important item in the religious equipment of hunters and was related to
the placation of game animals. Such "strings" and their significance are de-
scribed by Rogers (1967, p. 114) and, in considerable detail, by Speck (1935, pp.
203-212) and Speck and Hyde (1921). The collection contains a single example
made of two pieces of tanned moose skin 233 cm long which widens in the
center to a width of 3 cm. The two pieces are sewn together with twine at the
center of the widened section. At intervals along the entire length are sewn
strips of red wool felt and short pieces of silk-wrapped cording which sym-
bolize game (fig. 32k).

Games and Toys

A variant of the cup and pin game consists of a bundle of cedar twigs wrapped
in string. At the proximal end is fastened a length of twine to which is attached
a wooden pin which tapers to a point at its distal end (fig. 29a). This game was
used in gambling and simply for amusement. It also was associated with in-
creasing luck in hunting (Speck, 1935, pp. 198-199; Tanner, 1979, p. 129).

A European-derived spinning top of birchwood from the Barren Ground
band is wrapped with a narrow strip of tanned caribou skin at the pointed end
(fig. 32h). Like some other Montagnais "toys," including the toy bow and arrow
described in the section on subsistence, this one was used in divination games
as well as being an amusement for children. Spectators were asked to express
"wishes" and the individual indicated by the top when it stopped spinning
would receive his or her wish (Speck, 1930, p. 433).

A doll is made from strips of tanned moose skin stuffed with moss or grass
and stitched together with thread. Features are indicated with dark red cotton
thread. A hat and dress are made of red wool felt, and strips of blue tape are
sewn around the arms and waist. Short lengths of blue and clear seed beads are
sewn on the hat. A length of clear beads circles the waist. Short lengths of blue
and clear beads strung on purple thread (fig. 32g) are attached to the waist.

Charms and Religious Objects

The consulting of oracles so as to determine where and when to hunt and to
know the future with reference to the weather, illness, and personal matters was
extremely important to the Lake St. John Montagnais. It is a subject that has
been discussed in considerable detail by Speck (1935, pp. 138-147). A more
recent discussion of the subject, with a different interpretation, is found in
Tanner (1979, ch. 6).

Scapulimancy with the bones of a variety of animals, especially beaver and
hare, along with the three examples of burned scapulae in the collection, appar-
ently those of sheep, are described and illustrated by Speck (1935, pp. 144-145).
These scapulae were burned and interpreted by an informant at Speck's re-
quest. The pattern of lines on the first scapula (fig. 32b) were said to denote the
approach of trouble; those on the second (fig. 32a), the return of good fortune
after bad luck; and the third (fig. 32c) a sign of good luck in the form of mone-

20 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

tary gain. The latter two scapulae have broken in the burned areas since they
were illustrated by Speck (1935, p. 145, fig. 14b-c).

Divination was also practiced with other animal bones. The collection con-
tains two beaver pelvic bones that were used in divination by touch. To learn the
outcome of the next hunt, the hunter held the bone over his head and at-
tempted, without looking, to put his finger in the oval opening (Speck, 1935,
pp. 160-161; Tanner, 1979, p. 128). A beaver's patella, of which there is a single
specimen in the collection, was used in a form of moving divination. The bone
was placed on a hot stove or stone and a question was asked, usually with
reference to the possibility of success in a coming beaver hunt. If the bone
trembled, success was assured, but game would be scarce if the bone did not
move (Speck, 1935, pp. 162-163). A single pair of otter's feet was used in a
tossing-up divination, usually with reference to otter hunting. The two feet,
placed facing each other palm to palm, were tossed into the air. If they came
down with the feet facing up, it was considered good, while the reverse was
believed to indicate bad luck. A moderate amount of good luck could be ex-
pected if one foot came down one way and the other the opposite way (Speck,
1935, pp. 165-167).

Placation of the spirits of game animals was also an important element in
Montagnais religion. The collection contains two black bear skulls, one of which
is lashed to a piece of wood with narrow strips of caribou skin (fig. 26d). In the
Lake St. John area, as well as elsewhere among the Montagnais-Naskapi, the
skulls of slain bears were placed in trees. The animals were believed to derive
spiritual satisfaction from this procedure and Speck (1935, pp. 102-103, pi. 7)
notes that it may be a form of tree burial in which bears, like people, are
recognized as being immortal.

Also associated with respect for a bear's spirit is the removal of an animal's
tongue sinew which was taken from the carcass by the killer. To do so was
believed not only to placate the bear's spirit, but to be a way of announcing the
killing of the animal to the hunter's family without mentioning it by name.

Although the hunting of bears was surrounded with more ritual than that of
any other animal, there were ritual responsibilities toward others as well. The
skulls of beavers were elevated (Speck, 1935, p. 114) and the collection contains
three beaver mandibles which were taken from bushes where they had been
placed to placate the spirits of slain beavers. The loon was an important bird of
omen to the hunter and his cries were considered to be an indication of the
coming direction and force of the wind (Speck, 1935, p. 126). To placate slain
birds, the loon's skull, of which there is one in the collection, was placed in a
bush with the mandible set perpendicularly in the nasal opening (fig. 35).

Two specimens in the collection were associated with attempts to control the
wind. A moose astragalus buzzer with an attached string of babiche was operated
to make the wind rise (fig. 32f). A fragment of dried woodchuck scalp was thrown
into a lake to make the wind go down.

When a hunter had begun to think about securing game animals, his will
could be strengthened and his chances of success increased through drumming
and singing (Speck, 1935, p. 169). The collection contains a single circular drum
with two heads. The body of the drum consists of a strip of wood approximately
36 cm long and 6 cm wide, the ends of which are lashed together with sinew.
There are four hoops, each approximately 1 cm square in cross section with an
inside diameter slightly greater than the body of the instrument. The ends of

VANSTONE: SPECK COLLECTION 21

the hoops are joined by a lap-splice held with sinew and small wooden pegs. The
heads appear to have been made from pieces of thinly scraped caribou skin.

To assemble the drum the piece of skin was wrapped around one of the hoops
which was then slipped over the body of the drum. A second hoop was slipped
over the body from the same side in order to secure the first hoop. The same
procedure was followed for the head on the other side. The two outside hoops
have been lashed together across the body of the drum with babiche. There is
no suspension cord. The wooden drum stick has a widened, notched end (fig.
34).

A similar drum is described by Rogers (1967, p. 122) for the Mistassini. Speck
(1935, p. 170, pi. ix, lower) states that all Montagnais-Naskapi drums have a
"snare" attachment consisting of a length of sinew stretched tightly across the
head to which short sections of caribou bone or goose quills are tied; this drum
does not have such an attachment.

The Montagnais-Naskapi believed that taking a sweat bath, like drumming,
strengthened the will and "reinforced the soul spirit" of the individual (Speck,
1935, p. 212). The collection contains a model bathhouse from the Barren Ground
band which is described in Speck's notes as being the "scene of a shaman's
efforts." It consists of four narrow sticks of wood set in a wooden base and
slanting toward one another at the top. Another strip is bent to circle the four at
the top and lashed to them. This framework is covered with a strip of tanned
caribou skin, the ends of which are sewn together with sinew (fig. 26a). The
bathhouses of the Lake St. John Montagnais, the Mistassini, and the Naskapi of
northern Labrador are all described as being dome-shaped and formed of poles
thrust in the ground to form a circular enclosure (Speck, 1935, p. 212; Rogers,
1967, p. 14; Turner, 1894, p. 299). Rather than a bathhouse as Speck indicates,
this specimen may be a model of a "shaking tent," a specially constructed lodge
in which a shaman conversed with spirits (E. S. Rogers, personal communica-
tion).

A bundle of narrow bark strips is described simply as "willow hark medicine."
According to Speck (1917, p. 315), the bark of the red willow was scraped and
steeped to make a mash that was put in a bandage on the head for a headache. It
was also dried and smoked as a substitute for tobacco.

Ill
CONCLUSIONS

Like some other northern peoples, especially the Eskimos, but unlike most
North American Indian groups, the Montagnais retained much of their tradi-
tional material culture until relatively recently. This has occurred in spite of the
fact that the Montagnais have experienced direct contact with Europeans for
more than 300 years. There are certainly few other areas in all of North America
where a collection like the one described in this study could have been obtained
in the late 1920s. As Rogers (1967, p. 124) has suggested for the Mistassini, the
retention of traditional manufactures by northern forest dwellers may be attrib-
uted, in part, to their involvement in the fur trade which, until very recently,
required that the Indians continue to use the land in a manner that was at least
peripherally related to traditional methods of utilization. At best, however, this
can only be a partial explanation since other northern forest dwellers, the
Athapaskan Indians of interior Alaska and the Mackenzie drainage of Canada

22 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

for example, lost most of their traditional material culture at a relatively early
date.

The primary purpose of this study has been simply to place on record a
previously unpublished collection of material culture from the Lake St. John
Montagnais and neighboring groups, a collection which, unlike most of those
in American museums, was made by a professional anthropologist with con-
siderable experience in the area where he was collecting. Unfortunately, the
correspondence between Speck and Field Museum discussed in the introduc-
tion provides no information concerning his method of collecting and this
raises certain problems which will be discussed presently. Nevertheless, it is
clear that he collected with a purpose, intending to provide the museum with as
complete a type collection as it was possible to obtain given the limitations of
time and money. The data which he provided with the collection, although not
as detailed as might be desired, is also in marked contrast to that which accom-
panies most museum collections made during the first 30 years of the present
century.

In addition to its inherent interest as a type collection representing Monta-
gnais material culture in the 1920s, the assemblage acquired by Speck for Field
Museum provides an opportunity to focus on changing Montagnais technology
under the growing impact of Euro-Canadians and the exotic materials that were
made available to the native inhabitants.

With reference to the Eskimos of western Alaska, Oswalt (1972) has defined
four categories, or clusters, of material objects that reflect the presence or ab-
sence of historical introductions in collections of material culture and thus serve
as a rough measure of technological change. They are as follows:

Eskimo continuities — Traditional Eskimo material culture.

Western imports — Objects of western European culture imported directly and
accepted into the inventory of Eskimo material culture.

Eskimo-derived forms — Objects manufactured locally by Eskimos and modeled
after aboriginal types, but made with imported materials.

Western-derived forms — Locally manufactured items modeled after foreign
forms using local or imported material or a combination of the two.

Oswalt applies these categories to the contemporary Eskimo culture of
southwestern Alaska, but similar examples of technological change can be
found in the Speck Montagnais collection, suggesting the extent to which it too
was subject to external influences.

Montagnais continuities — These are items of traditional Montagnais material
culture and they number more than 50 items. Many have been modified to a
limited extent by the use of materials foreign to the environment such as twine
lashings and cloth bindings. In assessing the significance of the number and
variety of Montagnais continuities, it is necessary to recognize that many of the
items in this category were probably made at the request of the collector. There
is nothing in Speck's notes to indicate which, if any, artifacts were made for
him, but many appear to be newly manufactured and show no indication of
use. Presumably, these are items which were no longer part of the material
culture inventory at the time of Speck's fieldwork. Since he does not identify
such objects or comment on the persons who made them, a question naturally
arises as to the accuracy of such manufactures. Were they, in fact, made by

VANSTONE: SPECK COLLECTION 23

individuals who had firsthand famiHarity with the old material culture or are
they simply someone's uninformed approximation of the old forms? Consider-
ing Speck's experience among the Indians with whom he worked, there is
certainly a better chance that these are accurate representations than if the
collector was new to the area and without the knowledge of who would or
would not make good material culture informants. Nevertheless, the presence
of such items in the collection makes it difficult to determine with certainty the
degree of retention of traditional material culture at the time of Speck's
fieldwork.

Western imports — Although the collector could be expected to ignore the pres-
ence of western imports, some, such as muzzle-loading firearms and tobacco,
can be inferred. Other imports, like twine, glass beads, and wool and cotton
cloth, are clearly present.

Montagnais-derived forms — There are nine items in this category, with the
woman's costume counted as one. With the exception of the composite metal
fish hooks, the gill net of light twine, and the metal awl blades, all specimens in
this category are items of clothing. Information concerning the exact nature of
traditional Montagnais clothing is scarce and it may be that the almost complete
replacement of animal skins by commercial cloth has resulted in changes that
would place these specimens only marginally in this category.

Western-derived forms — Most of the 12 items in this category are related to
smoking and the use of firearms. Thus, although such items as shot and cap
pouches and tobacco pouches and fasteners are clearly western-derived, they
have undoubtedly been integral parts of Montagnais material culture for a very
long time. The same is true of the crooked knife which, by definition, requires a
metal blade but which may have been in the Montagnais material culture in-
ventory long before the Indians had direct contact with Europeans.

Oswalt (1972, p. 89) believes that the vitality of Eskimo material culture is
most clearly revealed in the category of Eskimo-derived forms, since integrating
new materials into aboriginal forms assures their continuity. This observation
may not be strictly applicable when applied to the Montagnais since at the time
Speck made the collection described in this study, their material culture was
more completely intact than that of most Alaskan Eskimos even as early as the
end of the 19th century. Nevertheless, it is clear from the previous artifact
descriptions that the Lake St. John Montagnais and their neighbors were fully
aware of the advantage of using exotic materials in the manufacture of both
Montagnais-derived and western-derived artifact types.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Any study of material culture depends, for its usefulness, on the quality of its
illustrations. The excellent photographs in this publication are the work of Mr.
Ron Testa and the drawings were made by Mr. Zbigniew Jastrzebski. For a
careful and critical reading of an early draft of this study, I am grateful to Dr.
Edward S. Rogers, Department of Ethnology, Royal Ontario Museum. Textile
identifications were made with the skillful assistance of Mrs. Krista Thurman,
Curator of Textiles, The Art Institute of Chicago. The manuscript was typed by
Mrs. Sylvia P. Schueppert.

24 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

LITERATURE CITED
Davidson, D. S. 1937. Snowshoes. Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society, 6.

Deschenes, J. G. 1981. La contribution de Frank G. Speck a ranthropologie des Amerin-
diens du Quebec. Recherches des Amerindiennes au Quebec, XI (3): 205-220.

Hallowell, a. I. 1951. Frank Gouldsmith Speck, 1881-1950. American Anthropologist,
53 (1): 67-87.

Lips, J. E. 1947. Notes on Montagnais-Naskapi economy. Ethnos, 12: 1-78.

Oswalt, W. H. 1972. The Eskimos of western Alaska. In Oswalt, Wendell H., ed.,
Alaskan Native Material Culture. University of Alaska Museum, Fairbanks.

Rogers, E. S. 1967. The material culture of the Mistassini. Bull. 218, National Museum of
Canada.

Rogers, E. S., and E. B. Leacock. 1981. Montagnais-Naskapi, pp. 169-189. In Helm,
June, ed.. Handbook of North American Indians, 6: The Subarctic. Smithsonian In-
stitution, Washington, D. C.

Speck, F. G. 1917. Medicine practices of the northeastern Algonquians, pp. 303-321. In
Hodge, F. W., ed.. Proceedings of the Nineteenth International Congress of Ameri-
canists. Washington, D. C.

. 1930. Mistassini notes. Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, In-
dian Notes, 7: 409-457.

1935. Naskapi. The savage hunters of the Labrador Peninsula. University of

Oklahoma Press, Norman.

1937. Montagnais art in birchbark, a circumpolar trait. Museum of the American

Indian, Heye Foundation, Indian Notes and Monographs, 11: 45-125.

Speck, F. G., and G. G. Heye. 1921. Hunting charms of the Montagnais and the Mis-
tassini. Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, Indian Notes and Mono-
graphs, misc. series 13: 1-19.

Tanner, A. 1979. Bringing Home Animals — Religious Ideology and Mode of Production

of the Mistassini Cree Hunters. St. Martin's Press, New York.
Turner, L. M. 1894. Ethnology of the Ungava district, Hudson Bay territory, pp. 159-350.

In Eleventh Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, D. C.

APPENDIX

The Speck Montagnais Collection
(Accessions 1734, 1739)

Following is a list of the Speck Montagnais specimens described in this study.
It is a complete list of the collection as it appears in the catalog of the Depart-
ment of Anthropology, Field Museum of Natural History, since all specimens
were located. Where museum catalog numbers are preceded by an asterisk (*),
the specimens are not illustrated here. Identifications given here are invariably
those provided by the collector.

Subsistence

176455

caribou spear

* 176456

model beaver spear

176368

spear point(?)

176388,1

toy bow (Kiskisink)

176388,2

toy arrow (Kiskisink)

n76372

fish hook with wooden shank and

*1 76373

fish hook with wooden shank and

*176374

fish hook with wooden shank and

176375

fish hook with wooden shank and

*176376

fish hook with wooden shank and

* 176389

composite metal fish hook

176390

composite metal fish hook

*1 76377

gill net

176369

netting needle

176370

mesh gauge

176380

summer net float

176381

summer net float

*176378

net sinker

176379

net sinker

176371

reel

Tools, Utensils,

and Containers

176415

crooked knife

176416

crooked knife

176417

crooked knife

176433

whetstone

♦176434

whetstone

176435

scraper

176418

awl (Kiskisink)

176419

awl (Kiskisink)

176420

awl

176421

skinning tool (Kiskisink)

176422

skinning tool

bone point
bone point
bone point
bone point
bone point

25

26

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

*176423 skinning tool

176424 skinning tool

176425 two-handed scraper
*176426 two-handed scraper

176479 two-handed scraper (Natasquan)
176356 knife or cleaver

176315 knife sheath

176:?91 pick

*176325 eating dish (Chicoutimi)

176326 eating dish (Chicoutimi)

176327 eating dish (Chicoutimi)
*176328 eating dish (Chicoutimi)

176333,1-2 tray (2)

176382 spoon

176480 spoon

176481 spoon

176383 drinking cup

176384 pot hook
*176385 pot hook

176329 covered birch bark basket

176330 covered birch bark basket

176331 covered birch bark basket

176332 open basket

176320 comb case

176321 comb case
176458 case

176436 set of birch bark cut-out patterns

176437 set of birch bark cut-out patterns
176324 unfinished(?) berry pail

176322 case for beaver scent
*176457 grease container

176323 needle case

176470 roll-up sewing bag (Natasquan)

176471 roll-up sewing bag (Natasquan)

176472 roll-up sewing bag (Natasquan)

176473 roll-up sewing bag (Natasquan)

176351 roll-up sewing bag

176352 roll-up sewing bag
176319 gun case

176343 shot pouch

176350 shot pouch (Kiskisink)

176342 shot pouch

176344 shot pouch

176345 shot pouch

176347 cap pouch

176348 cap pouch

176349 cap pouch

176353 powder horn (Kiskisink)

176336 tobacco pouch

*176338 tobacco pouch (Kiskisink)

176337 tobacco pouch

176346 tobacco pouch
176341 tobacco pouch

176339 tobacco pouch (Chicoutimi)

176340 tobacco pouch (Chicoutimi)

176474 tobacco pouch (Natasquan)

176475 tobacco pouch (Natasquan)

*176357 pipe cleaner and tobacco pouch fastener

•■176358 pipe cleaner and tobacco pouch fastener

176359 pipe cleaner and tobacco pouch fastener

*176360 pipe cleaner and tobacco pouch fastener

VANSTONE: SPECK COLLECTION

27

*1 76361
»176362
•176363
♦176364

176365
*176366

176367

176484

176485
•176460

176386

176459
•176462
•176355

Clothing, Bedding

176406

176408

176407

176410/1-2

176409

176411,1-2

176412,1-2

176393,1-2

176476,1-2

•176395
176402,1-2
176394
176392

•176396
176405
176404

•176397,1-2
176398
176399,1-2
176403,1-2
176400,1-2
176401

•176463

•176453

•176454
176477
176478

pipe cleaner and tobacco
pipe cleaner and tobacco
pipe cleaner and tobacco
pipe cleaner and tobacco
pipe cleaner and tobacco
pipe cleaner and tobacco
pipe cleaner and tobacco
pipe cleaner and tobacco
pipe cleaner and tobacco
loon skin pouch
hook for drying clothes
improvised pipe
moose skin line
specimen of glue

and Personal Adornment

dress (Mistassini)

sleeves (Mistassini)

sash (Mistassini)

leggings (Mistassini)

head band (Mistassini)

leggings

leggings

leggings

leggings (Natasquan)

belt

garters

breech cloth

jacket

hat

neck warmer

wrist warmer

mittens

mittens

moccasins

moccasins (Kiskisink)

boots

baby sack, model(?)

wrapper for baby sack

blanket

blanket

brush (Natasquan)

brush (Natasquan)

pouch fastener

pouch fastener

pouch fastener

pouch fastener

pouch fastener

pouch fastener

pouch fastener

pouch fastener (Natasquan)

pouch fastener (Natasquan)

Travel and Transportation

176414 snowshoes (Kiskisink)

176413 snowshoes (Natasquan)

176427 snowshoe needle

176428 snowshoe needle
•176429 snowshoe needle
•176430 snowshoe needle
•176431 snowshoe needle
•176432 snowshoe needle

176483 snowshoe spreader (Natasquan)

176335 pair of boy's skis

176317 tumpline

•176318 tumpline

176319 head protector

176334 ceremonial game carrying string

Games and Toys

176387 cup and pin game

28

FIELDIANA; ANTHROPOLOGY

176482 top (Barren Ground)

176354 doll

Charms and Religious Objects

176446 scapula used in divination

176447 scapula used in divination

176448 scapula used in divination
*176450 beaver pelvis used in divination
*176465 beaver pelvis used in divination
*176451 beaver patella used in divination
* 176449, 1-2 otter feet used in divination

176441 bear skull tied to piece of wood

*176442 bear skull

*176440 bear tongue sinew

*176443,l-3 beaver mandibles

n76444 loon skull

176445 moose astragalus buzzer

*176452 fragment of dried woodchuck scalp

176439,1-2 drum and drum stick

176469 model of bathhouse (Barren Ground)

*176438 willow bark medicine

Figure 1

29

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32

Figure 5
33

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37

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41

Figure 14

42

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Figure 15

43

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Figure 16
44

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Figure 20

48

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Field Museum of Natural History
Roosevelt Road at Lake Shore Drive
Chicago, Illinois 60605-2496
Telephone: (312) 922-9410

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