SPEECH

OP

HON. JOHN LETCHER, OF VIRGINIA,

ON

GOVERNMENT EXPENDITURES;

DELIVERED

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JUNE 12, 1858.

WASHINGTON:

PRINTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE.

1858.

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i

SPEECH

The House being in the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union —

Mr. LETCHER said:

Mr. CiiAmMAN: In the discussion which took place some days since between the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Sherman] and myself, I then stated to the committee that I would seek some suitable occasion between that time and the close of this session of Congress to present my views fully on the interesting subject of Government expendi- tures. His speech exhibited all the evidences of careful preparation, and is interspersed with ta- bles of figures that must have cost him immense labor in their construction. Without a moment's preparation, and without even the advantage of hearing the entire speech, I was called upon by several of my political friends to reply. Under, these circumstances, I entered into the debate, and amid constant interruptions from the gentleman himself, and several others, replied briefly to some of the leading positions which he had assumed. The speech, which was doubtless intended for general circulation, as a campaign document, pre- paratory to the elections that will take place this fall, demands, from its ability and ingenuity, a more elaborate reply than it was in my power then to make.

This speech, and others made in the latter part of this session, gives reason to believe that the questions which diVided parties in other days are again to be revived. Since the adjustment of the Kansas controversy, and its removal from the congressional Halls, gentlemen in this and the other end of the Capitol have directed their atten- tion to subjects of more practical importance and of more immediate interest to the people. In

the past two months our discussions have been mainly confined to questions within the range of legitimate congressional action. Questions of a financial character and bearing; the tariff and its revision; the disposition of the public lands and their proceeds; the comprehensive subject of in- ternal improvements; the best modeof raising rev- enue to defray the expenses of tlie Government,, and the purposes and objects to which it should be applied; and last, but by no means least in im- portance, our relations "with foreign Governments — these now furnish the topics for speeches and claim from us that consideration which has been toolong withheld from them, and too oftendirected to exciting sectional questions, mischievous in their tendency and I'uinous to the peace ,. pros- perity, and fraternity of the people who constitute the States and organized Territories of this great nation. These things indicate a return to the- policy of the earlier and better days of the Eepub^ lie — those days in which Repres©nt£btives af the people legislated practically within the limits of the Constitution ;>exhibiting that naaely patriotism which embraced the whole Union and its interests,, and repudiated all attempts to interfere with th«- rights and institutions of the States^ They re- cognized and acted upon the doctrine — -the Unioai of the States is secure so long as the rights of the- States are jespected. I trust most sincerely that these indications are not deceptive, and that they presage a calm and Kappy future,, when sectionat controversy and strife shall be banished from the national councils^

The bill now under consideration proposes a. loan of |15>000,000, which is absolutely necessary to ejFsgibte the Government to meet its obUgatioi^s

The gentleman from Ohio admits the necessity of the measure; admits that the Government must have the amount provided for in this bill, or the obligations incurred cannot be met as they ma- ture. Yet, strange to say, he avows his opposi- tion to the only feasible measure that has been or that can be presented to furnish the means required to sustain the credit of the Government ! After voting with a vast majority of his party friends to create this necessity — after a formal complaint that we would not increase the expenditures by voting 11,500,000 to the improvement of rivers and harbors in the Northwest — he now comes for- ward to resist the passage of a bill to furnish the means required to meet the appropriations made by the two Houses of Congress. The policy of that side of the House seems to be to vote expenditures, and then refuse the means to meet them — to impose burdens on the Government, and then repudiate all the measures proposed for its relief. I antici- pated such a result, and hence it was that I have on several occasions during the session proposed to ingraft upon the bills a section providing for a loan sufficient to cover the expenditures provided for in each. It is my deliberate opinion now that such a section should have been ingrafted upon all the appropriation bills, and then those who voted the expenditure would have been compelled to take the responsibility of providing the means to pay the sums appropriated. The flouse, how- ever, did not concur in this opinion, and hence it is that many of the most liberal voters for expend- 1 itures of money will now refuse to give their support to this bill. If it shall fail, these appro- priations must remain unsatisfied, until it shall please Congress to provide the necessary means. Neither the President nor the Secretary of the Treasury has authority or power to furnish the money for that purpose beyond the provision made by the Treasury note bill, and the accruing revenue from customs and lands.

The gentleman charges that on the 1st day of July last there was a surplus of |17,710,114 in the Treasury, and that Congress has already granted $20,000,000 of Treasury notes, making an ag- gregate sum of means of |37,710,114 in a single year, which, together with the current revenue, has all been expended by this profligate Adminis- tration. These facts, in his opinion, make out a clear and undeniable case of extravagance against the party in power. Accompany me in the inves- tigation of these facts, and we will ascertain the precise weight to be given to the charge.

The Secretary of the Treasury informs us in his annual report that the public debt amounted on the 1st of July lastrfo the sum p9,060,386 90, and since that time the sum of |3,895,232 39 of the debt has been redeemed. This sum, then, is to be deducted from the surplus in the Treasury at the date fixed by the gentleman from Ohio. Making this deduction, we have the sum of $13,814,881 61, instead of the sum with tirhich we are charged in the account as stated by him; or, in other words, an error within a fraction of $4,000,000. Now add the $20,000,000 of Treasury notes authorized by the act of this session, and we have the gross sum of $33,814,881 61, instead of $37,710,114. Deduct the amount contained in the deficiency bills, stated by the gentleman to be $11,201,708, and we shall then have a balance of $22,613,173 61.

Now, Mr. Chairman, I ask whether the pres- ent Administration can, with even a show of rea- son or justice, be held responsible, by its bitterest enemy, for the expenditure this year of a dollar beyond the amount of the deficiency bills, which we have passed? The remaining $22,613,173 61 is the unavoidable result of paying for the legisla- tion of the last Congress, of which the gentleman from Ohio was a leading member. The Speaker of the House in that Congress belonged to the Opposition. An Opposition majority controlled and directed the legislation. A Committee of Ways and Means, Opposition by two to one, reported the appropriation bills, and that Opposi- tion are responsible to the country for the expend- itures of the present fiscal year, expiring on the 30th day of this month.

The gentleman then proceeds to give us the items that are embraced in the deficiency bills passed at the present session , and charges that the extravagance of the Administration has rendered the passage of those deficiency bills necessary. He presents the following table of items, to which I invite the attention of the committee:

Sound dues by treaty with Denmark $333,011

Printing deficiency already passed 341,188

Balance of printing deficiency for this year (esti- mated) 600,000

Miscellaneous 373,318

Army deficiency 7,925,000

Post Office deficiency 1,469,173

$11,041,690

The first item charged against the present Ad- ministration, in the gentleman's table, is $333,011,

for the Sound dues, by treaty v/ith Denmark. This treaty was negotiated by the last Admin- istration, and, as no appropriation was made to meet its stipulations, the duty was devolved upon the present Congress of furnishing the money required to fulfill its provisions. Can it be pre- tended that this item furnishes evidence to prove the extravagance of the present Administration? Was it not our duty to execute that treaty fully, fairly, and justly, to the letter.? There cannot be two opinions on that point. The next item is the printing deficiency of p41,188. The legislation of the last Congress imposed upon the country the debt for printing, and the duty of paying this debt has been devolved upon us. Will the gen- tleman pretend that the Administration is in any sense, or to any extent, responsible for this ex- penditure? They had no agency in contracting the debt; but it came down to them as a burden imposed upon them by the Republican House, over which N. P. Banks* presided as Speaker. The next item is an " estimated" printing deficien- cy for this year of ^600,000, which, if it is to be provided for, is needed to pay the debts entailed upon us mainly by the last House. Why was the printing ordered by the Opposition ? Did they not know when it was ordered that it would have to be paid for, and as it was ordered by the Op- position— the gentleman's friends in the House — with what propriety can they now arraign us for providing the means to pay for it, if we shall be compelled to do so? Neither the Administration or its friends in this House can be held responsible for it. But will such a sum have to be paid ? I apprehend not, as our action shows that we have only appropriated in the sundry civil bill the sum of ^316,000 for this purpose. Here, then, is an- other error of the neat little sum of ^284,000— no great amount, to be sure, yet still worthy of a passing notice. Then we have an item, styled miscellaneous, of ^373,318, which is intended to pay off obligations imposed upon us by the legis- lation of the last Congress. It is under this head that we find the appropriations for custom-houses, marine hospitals, and other public buildings, which cover the ^' jobs and contracts" to which he refers. I cannot suppose that the gentleman de- signs to impute dishonesty to the officers of the Government in connection with the contracts for these buildings ordered by Congress. The con- tracts which have been made, were made by the Fillmore and Pierce administrations, and not by the present Administration . But for the Opposition

these buildings vv^ould not have been ordered by Congress, and I would really like to know what the gentleman from Galena [Mr. Washburne] . and from Detroit [Mr. Howard] and from Louis- ville [Mr. Marshall] and from Cleveland [Mr. Wade] think of this assault, coming from so dis- tinguished an Opposition leader. Let the gentle- man and his friends shoulder the responsibility which legitimately attaches to them for the neces- sity which demanded this appropriation. The Administration is in no just sense chargeable with it, and the country will so decide. Then we have the Army deficiency of $7,925,000, paraded as another evidence of extravagance and profligacy. Was this expenditure necessary? I maintain that it was; that the public sentiment of the people, without distinction of party, demanded that the laws should be enforced in Utah. The President has executed this order of the people, and has brought the Mormons into subjection to the law- ful authority of the Governm.ent. A prudent fore- cast, a wise statesmanship, have controlled and directed the entire policy of the President towards these misguided people; and peace, quiet, order, and "obedience to the laws have been secured with- out firing a gun or shedding a drop of human blood. Everywhere this result is hailed with sat- isfaction, and the sound, conservative men of the nation applauded the prudence , wisdom , firmness , and practical judgment which have been exhib- ited by the Administration in the happy adjust- ment of this difficult and dangerous question. Let the gentleman from Ohio and his party friends make the issue that the President has done wrong; that the measures which he has adopted have been unwise and injudicious; let them, if they see fit, charge that he has wasted the public money, and they will find us ready to meet them and try the issue before the people. The respect and af- fection of the people for law and order, their set- tled and determined hostility to everything that wears the appearance of open resistance to the authority of a Government to which we owe obe- dience, leaves no room for doubt as to their verdict whenever such issues shall be presented to them for their decision. We challenge the Opposition to these issues. Will they, dare they, meet us upon them ? If they think we have spent more money than is necessary, we call upon them to specify the items of expenditure that are, in their judg- ment, extravagant. Withhold in future your wholesale charges, and give us the details. In the name of the tax-paying milHons, 1 demand

6

this of you. This sum, however, has been ap- propriated to support the army in Utah, for the next year, and is therefore an advance — not a deficiency. The last item enumerated is, the defi- ciency for the Post Office Department, amounting to P, 469, 173. Was not this expenditure required to carry out the legislation of the last Congress ? New post routes were established, and mails could not be placed upon them without entailing expense upon the Treasury. To meet this expense we were compelled to provide the means in the defi- ciency bill, passed at the opening of the session. I imagine the gentleman, and nine tenths of his friends in both Houses, voted for the post-route bill; the execution of which made this expendi- ture unavoidable.

On this branch of the subject I prove that the gentleman from Ohio has committed several very extraordinary errors — unintentional I doubt not, but yet such errors as clearly demonstrate that implicit reliance should not be placed upon his calculations. The first error consists in charging the Administration with the surplus in the Treas- ury on the 1st of July last, and withholding from it credit for the amount of the public debt, which it has paid out of it since that date. The second error consists in fixing the Sound dues, by treaty with Denmark, at ^333,011, when the true sum is $408,731 44. The third error consists in estimat- ing the balance of the printing deficiency for the year ending the 30th of this month at $600,000, while the civil appropriation bill -shows that it is only $316,000. The fourth error consists in fixing the amount of the deficiency bills passed at this session at $11,041,690, when it should have been |9,704,209 89 for the first, and $341,189 58 for the printing bill, and $408,731 44 for the trea- ty with Denmark, making, in the aggregate, $10,454,130 91. R.ather serious errors in a speech which was designed to be used as a text-book by the Opposition in their war upon the Administra- tion !

I now come to his estimate of the expenditures for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1859. He makes a most startling exhibit, and works out an aggregate of expenditures for the next year of $92,143,202. And how is this monstrous result ascertained ? In the first place, he informs us that the Secretary of the Treasury estimates the ex- penditures for the year named at $74,064,755, and then he adds the following items, amounting to $18,089,547: Three new regiments ^'4,289,547

Probable Post Office deficiencies over amount

appropriated 2,500,06D

Public buildings 1,700,000

Private bills, (estimated) 1,000,000

Printing deficiency 600,000

Army deficiency, (estimated to be the same as

last year) 8,000,000

Not one cent has been appropriated for the three new regiments — the President having ascer- tained that they would not be needed for the ser- vice in Utah. In the regular Post Office appro- priation bill we have appropriated for the Post Office Department, for the year 1859, the sum of $3,500,000, which exceeds the regular appropria- tion for the present year, by the sum of $1 ,000,000- The Post Office Department drew from the Treas- ury, for the year ending June 30, 1858, $3,969,173. Suppose the Department should require the same amount for the year 1859, as we have provided in the regular appropriation bill for $3,500,000,, we would only be called upon for the additional sum of $469,173. This, then, is an error of up- wards of $2,000,000 in his estimate in regard to this single item. The regular appropriation bill contains all the sums necessary for public build- ings, amounting to $3,104,600; and this, there fore J is likewise an erroneous estimate. We have been charged once by the gentleman with the printing deficiency of $600,000 in the expenditures of 1858; but, for some reason that he has not chosen to assign, he again charges us with it in the expend- itures of the year 1859. And, finally, he esti- mates that the Army deficiency for the year 1859 will amount to the round sum of $8,000,000. All these are conjectures, and, so far as their accura- cy can be tested by existing facts, they are shown to be of the most unreliable character. That the gentleman himself is not satisfied with them is clearly manifest from his declaration that they "way be over-estimated. '^ I submit it to him to say, whether, from the facts now before him, he is not entirely satisfied that they are greatly " over-estimated.'"

The gentleman then proceeds thus:

" Now, this sum of ^92,000,000 does not include any of the following items of expenditure, and I wish gentlemen to add those, upon their own estimate, to this aggregate : For protecting works commenced on our numerous rivers and harbors, the lowest estimate of which is $1,500,000; and then there is your Calendar of one thousand private bills demanding your attention. There is the pension bill for the old soldiers of the war of 1812, proposed by the gen- tleman from Tennessee, [Mr. Savage,] requiring. $8,000,000 per annum. There are the ten new war steamers, proposed by my friend from Virginia, [Mr. Bocock,] f 2,500,000. The

French spoliation bilJ, urged so forcibly by the gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. Davis,] which, if passed, will require $5,000,000. The duties to be refunded on goods destroyed by fire— I do not know how much. Commutation to the heirs of revolutionary soldiers— T do not know how much. Claims growing out of Indian wars in Oregon and Washington, urged by the Delegate from Oregon, and certi- fied by an executive officer, $5,000,000. Then we have the Pacific railroad, a foretaste of the cost of which we have had in $1,000,000 expended already in the publication of the report of the surveys."

But two of the measures enumerated in this formidable list by the gentleman from Ohio have received the sanction of Congress — the addition of seven steamers for the Navy, and for that purpose an appropriation of ^1,200,000 has been embraced in the regular naval bill; and the amount neces- sary to pay the private claims allowed by Con- gress. What sum will be required for this latter purpose cannot now be determined, but I imagine it will exceed his estimate of $1,000,000. The bill to refund duties on goods destroyed by fire was defeated in the House before the gentleman's speech was delivered. Bear in mind the fact, that none of these measures have been recommended by the Departments or the President.

Having thus noticed the gentleman's estimate, 1 now desire to inquire whether he is not in favor of all the measures he has refejfed to, and wheth- er he is not ready to give each and all his cordial and hearty approval ? Are .not his political asso- ciates, or, at any rate, an overwhelming majority of them, in favor of all these measures, and are they not ready, to cast their votes in aid of their passage ? Whatever may be the gentleman's in- dividual position, I apprehend there can be little, if any, doubt as to the position of the larger por- tion of his political friends.

I now come to the estimates of the Secretary of the Treasury, and to the recommendations of the Committee of Ways and Means, made to Con- gress at the present session: The Secretary estimates that of the appropriations for 1858,

there will be expended during 1859 $16,586,588 35

Permanent and indefinite ap- propriations $7,165,224 49

Add for collection of revenue

from customs 1,150,000 00

8,315,224 49

Recommendations for the year

1859, as reported by the Com- mittee of Ways and Means. .52,295,048 22 All other appropriations (esti- mated) at the present ses- sion. 3,000,000 00

Of this sum there will be ex- pended during the year 1860.15,000,000 00

40,295,048 22

$65,196,861 OfJ

When the gentleman from Ohio made his esti- mate of $92,000,000 as the expenditures for the year 1859, he was sadly mistaken in his calcula- tions. Against his conjectural estimates I now oppose conjectural estimates of the Secretary of the Treasury; and it is palpable that the gentle- man has been mistaken to the extent of only about $27,000,000. Is it to be wondered at that, with such errors as I have pointed out, the shrewd ed- itor of the New York Tribune, in his issue of the 3d of this month, in noticing the gentle- man's speech, should have said: "We should have liked it much better if it had worn no party aspeclf and had been undeniably nonpartisan in its scope and bearings.''"

I propose to examine into the estimates of the Secretary of the Treasury a little further, to show that he has exhibited sound judgment and practi- cal knowledge of the duties of his office: The annual estimates of appropriations sub- mitted are.; $50,312,943 13

Other estimates referred to the Committee of Ways and Means at various times during the session 3,909,917 91

$54,222,861 04

55,295,048 22

So much for the estimates of the Secretary. Now, I present the regular appropriations for the service of the year 1859, amounting to the sum of $53,458,233 22:

Pension $769,500 00

Indian, regular 1,338,104 49

" supplemental 959,957 86

" deficiency 339,595 00

Consular and diplomatic 912,120 00

Military Academy 182,804 00

Naval 14,508,354 23

Sundry civil 5,557,148 07

Legislative, executive, and judicial 6,134,093 61

Army 17,145,806 46

Mail steamer 960,750 00

Post Office 3,500,000 Oft

Collecting revenues from imports j^enncneni, addition al 1 ,150,000 00

To which add :

Treasury notes 1858 . . . $20,000 00

Manufacture of arms.. " ... 360,000 00 Expenses investigating

committees " ... 35,000 00

$53,458,233

8

Treaty with Denmark, " ... 408,731 00

Deficiency in printing,

&c « ... 341,189 58

Deficiency for the year « ... 9,704,209 89

Deaf, dufnb, and blind, District of Columbia, » ... 3,000 00

Expenses investigating committees " ... 12,000 00

Clerks in Oregon to re- gister and receiver... " ... 7,000 00

Ilunning Texas bound- ary line 1859... 80,000 00

Incident to the loan of $20,000,000 5,000 00

10,976,130 91

$64,434,364 13 Estimate : Other appropriations, bills not printed and indefinite, including all private bills 3,565,635 87

$68,000,000 00

Thus we find that the expenditures for the year ending June 30, 1859, amount to the sum of $68,000,000, instead of $92,000,000, as estimated by the gentleman from Ohio. If the wishes of the President and Cabinet, and a large majority of the Democratic members of Congress, could have pre- vailed, the expenditures would have fallen below this sum. The result, however, demonstrates most conclusively that the conjectural estimates of the gentleman from Ohio were not within mil- lions of the true amount, and should cause the people to distrust all theoretical and imaginative calculations on subjects of so much importance to their welfare.

And, in this connecton, permit me to express my cordial approval of the sentiments embodied by the President in his annual message, in which he declares that —

"An overflowing Treasury has led to habits of prodigal- ity and extravagance in our legislation. It has induced Congress to make large appropriations to objects for which they never would have provided had it been necessary to raise the amount of revenue required to meet them by increased taxation or by loans. We are now compelled to pause in our career, and to scrutnizie our expenditure with the utmost vigilance ; and in performing this duty, I pledge my cooperation to the extent of my constitutional compe- tency.

" It ought to be observed at the same time that true pub- lic economy does not consist in withholding the means ne- cessary to accomplish important national objects imrusted to us by the Constitution, and especially such as may be necessary for the common defense. In the present crisis of the country it is our duty to confine our appropriations TO objects of this character, unless in cases where justice to individuals may demand a different course. In all cases care ought to be taken that the money granted by Congress phall be faithfully and economically applied.

" Under the Federal Constitution, ' every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it becomes a law,' be approved and signed by the President; and, if not approved, 'he shall return it with his objections to that House in which it originated.' In order to perform this high and responsible duty, sufficient time must be allowed the President to read and examine every bill presented to him for approval. Unless this be afforded, the Constitution becomes a dead letter in this particular ; and even worse, it becomes a means of deception. Our constituents, seeing the President's approval and signature attached to each act of Congress, are induced to believe that he has actually performed this duty, Avhen, in truth, noth- ing is, in many cases, more unfounded.

*' From the practice of Congress, such an examination of each bill as the Constitution requires has been rendered im- possible. The most important business of each session is generally crowded into its last hours, and the alternative presented to the President is either to violate the constitu- tional duty which he owes to the people, and approve bills which, for want of time, it is impossible he should have ex- amined, or, by his refusal to do this, subject the country and individuals to great loss and inconvenience.

" Besides, a practice has grown up of late years to legis- late in appropriation bills at the last hour of the session on new and important subjects. This practice constrains the President either to suffer measures to become laws which he does not approve, or to incur the risk of stopping the wheels of the Government by vetoing an appropriation bill. Form- erly, such bills were confined to specific appropriations for carrying into effect existing laws and the well-established policy of the country, and little time was then required by the President for th^jr examination."

Conservative men of all parties have expressed their approbation of these sentiments, and it should be cause of gratulation with all that the President has adhered to them with so much firm- ness and courage. His course at this session has saved millions of dollars that would have been uselessly expended. It has given to the country cleaner appropriation bills than we have hereto- fore had during ntiy service in Congress. He has in this respect inaugurated a policy that will in- sure results important to sound legislation, and of lasting benefit to the people. It is a practical measure, well calculated to bring about a much- needed economy in public expenditures. For it he deserves the thanks of the people, and they will be gratefully accorded.

So true a friend to economy has the President shown himself, and so anxious is he to secure it in his administration of the Government, that he has again, this day, in a special message, endeav- ored to impress upon Congress his views on this interesting subject. Who can fail to indorse these sentirnents in his special message.? Who can hesitate to accord to them his entire approval.? " Adversitv teaches useful lessons to nations as well as

individuals. The habit of extravagant expenditures, fos- tered by a large surplus in the Treasury, must now be cor- rected, or the country will be involved in serious financial difficulties.

" Under any foriti of government extravagance in ex- penditure must be the natural consequence when those who authorize the expenditure feel noresponsibiltyin providing the means of payment. Such had been for a number of years our condition previously to the late monetary revul- sion in the country. Fortunately, at least for the cause of public economy, the case is now reversed; and to the ex- tent of the appropriations, whatever these may be, in- grafted on the different appropriation bills, as well as those made by private bills, oVer and above the estimates of the different Departments, it will be necessary for Congress to provide the means of payment before their adjournment. Without this, the Treasury will be exhausted before the ]stof January, and the public credit will be seriously im- paired. This disgrace must not fall upon the country."

The gentleman, then, charges that the expend- itures now are extravagant beyond all precedent, and that they are wholly inexcusable upon any fair ground. Before proceeding to reply to the views which he presents in this part of his argu- ment, I desire to call attention to some historical facts that are important in this connection, and which are indispensabfe to a correct judgment upon the issues he has tendered.

And first, as to the number of States and or- ganized Territories, and their area, in 1815; and the number of States and Terrilories, and their area, in 1858. At the former period we had eigh- teen States, covering an area of 504,412 square miles, and five organized Territories, (exclusive of the District of Columbia,) covering an area of of 254,452 square miles. In 1858 we have thirty- two States, covering an area of 1,602,000 square miles, six organized Territories, (exclusive of the District of Columbia,) covering an area of 1,401,000 square miles. Besides this, we have the Mesilla valley, embracing 78,000 square miles, and Indian Territory, embracing 187,000 square miles. In 1815, therefore, the States and Territo- ries covered 759,864 square miles, while in 1858 they cover 3,268,000 square miles, an area four times and one third larger now than in 1815.

In 1815 the strength of our Army was 10,000 men, while in 1858 its strength is 17,984 men.

In 1815 the Navy comprised 968 officers, of all grades, (including marines.) In 1858 the officers had increased to 1,336. In 1815 the number of men cannot be ascertained, but from the best evi- dence that can be obtained, the number was about 5,370. Now the number is 8,500. In 1816 we had 52 vessels, carrying 1,119 guns; 25 vessels with no armament; 4 bombs, and 11 gun-boats —

making 92. In 1858 we have 10 ships-of-the-line, carrying 872 guns; 10 frigates carrying 500 guns; 21 sloopg-of-war, carrying 426 guns; 3 brigs, car- rying 16 guns; 1 schooner, carrying 3 guns; 8 screw steamers of the first class, carrying 268 guns; 6 of the second class, carrying 89 guns; 2 of the third class, carrying 11 guns; 3 side-wheel steamers of the firstclass, carrying 24 guns; 1 of the second class, carrying 6 guns; 2 of the third class, carrying 6 guns— making a total of 2,221 guns. Besides these there are two tenders for the screw-steamers, and one tender for the side-wheel steamers, and five permanent store and receiving ships.

Captain Wright, of the engineer department, to whom I applied for information on the subject of fortifications, says:

" I am not aware of any records in this office giving the number of fortifications in the United States in 1815, and believe it would be a work of much labor and time to ascer- tain with certainty what the number was. Many of the works bearing the name of forts were merely improvised field works or batteries; while others, like those on Statin Island, for the defense of the entrance to theharbor of New York, were State works."

As to the number of fortifications in 1858, Cap- tain Wright says:

" There are at the present time, under the charge of the engineer department, fifty-six distinct permanent works of fortifications on the Ariantic, Gulf, and Pacific coasts, and on the northern lake frontier, which are either completed or in course of construction. In addition to these, appro- priations were made at the last regular session of Congress for ten additional works, on which little or nothing has been done toward the commencement."

The number of light-houses and light vessels prior to 1815 was 49. In 1858 lights of all kinds, including beacon lights and light-vessels, existing and authorized to be built, number 602. About 33 have not been finished, but are in the course of construction.

In 1815 we had99 collectors of the revenue, and 77 surveyors, and in 1821 we had 631 inferior of- ficers in the revenue service. In 1858 the number of collectors is 116, and the number of surveyors 110— making 226. The number of inferior officers employed in the collection of the revenue is 3,088.

The number of land offices in 1815 was 19. The number in 1858 is 86.

The expenditure for the Indian service in 1815 amounted to pil,750. The same service now requires an expenditure of ^4,158,430 39.

in 1815 the number of pensioners was estimated at 1,400, and the amount paid to them was

10

|98,000. At this time the number has increased to 13,186, and |1 ,365,717 54 is now required for their payment.

These facts, thus presented, clearly show the condition and extent of our territory, the larger j portion of which has been acquired since 1815, the period at which the gentleman sums up the annual expenditures on the third page of his | speech. Since that time we have acquired the i

Floridas, Texas, New Mexico, and California,'

' ' ' I

and the Gadsden purchase. Under these circum- j stances, no fair or just comparison in regard to the | expenditures can be instituted between the years ^ 1815 and 1858. It would be about as fair and wise to institute a comparison lietween the expendi- ■ tures of a child and those of the full-grown man. I

The gentleman is a recognized leader of his party, and to this position he is fairly entitled by j his intelligence and character. He was a mem- ber of the last Congress, and I desire, as he is now preaching economy, to call his attention to some of the legislation of that Congress, in which he participated, and for which he and his party, so far as the House is concerrfedjare responsible, to a great extent at least. 1

The submarine telegraph bill appropriated l|70,000 per annum to that scheme until the inter- ! est on the investment should reach six per cent., ! and then f50,000 for twenty -five years. The com- pany had the use of two of our best vessels and their crews. But six Democrats voted for the bill.

On the proposition to pay $186,765 85 for i books for members of Congress, only eleven Dem- j ocrats voted for it.

The appropriation of $100,000 for the Capitol dome was voted for by both parties, and there- fore each party is responsible to the extent of the support given to it.

The bill creating a Lieutenant General, and increasing the pay of the officers and men in the Army, was passed by the last Congress, and was most cordially supported by the Opposition party in this House.

During the Thirty-Fourth Congress, $16,022 was appropriated to pay per diem and mileage to Archer, Fouke, Turney, Reeder, Milliken, and Bennett, for contesting the seats of members re- turned to that Congress; and in all those cases the contests were decided against them. The yeas and nays show that the Opposition are responsi- ble for this expenditure.

During the same Congress river and harbor bills, footing up the sum of $745,000, were passed

by the Opposition and vetoed by President Pierce, greatly to the annoyance of the gentleman and his party. At the first session of the same Congress appropriations amounting to $3,189,739 were passed for forty-one custom-houses, court-houses, post officers, and marine hospitals. Of this num- ber, only eleven were recommended by the Ad- ministration. At the third session of the same Congress, appropriations for the same purpose were made to thirty-one buildings of a like kind, amounting to $2,084,000, only four of which had the recommendation of the Administration.

During the same Congress appropriations amounting to the sum of $2,270,000 were made for the extension of the Capitol, the dome, and works of art. It was out of this appropriation for theCapitolextension,if lam rightly informed, that desks were purchased at ninety dollars each, and chairs at seventy dollars each, for the new hall of the House of Representatives.

The appropriations for the several items of the contingent fund for the House of Representa- tives for the Thirty-Third Congress amounted to $903,100 56. The appropriations for the same objects for the Thirty-Fourth Congress ran up, under the action of the Opposition in this House, who had the majority, to the sum of $1,087,770. showing an incVease in this branch of expenditure of $184,669 44.

At the last session of the Thirty-Fourth Con- gress the Senate returned to this House the sun- dry civil bill with one hundred and three amend- ments, covering appropriations to the amount of $3,771,816 45. It came to this House on the last night of the session, when we had no opportunity even to read the amendments in the House. On the recommendation of the Committee of Ways and Means, the House rejected all the amend- ments, and the bill and amendments thus rejected went to a committee of conference, who reported the next morning that the Senate should recede from amendments covering $713,256 01, and that the House should recede from its disagreement as to the residue. When the reading of the amend- ments was called for, Speaker Banks decided that they could not be read, and the House was brought to a vote on the adoption of the conference report — and thus, without any knowledge of what they were doing, the members voted away $3,058,560 44 of the public money, by 87 yeas to 67 nays. Of the eighty-seven yeas, fifty-eight belonged to the Opposition.

If I had the time, I would refer to some of the

11

votes on the Senate's amendments to the sundry- civil bill at the present session. For the custom- house and marine hospital amendments; for the amendment directing the payment to the State of Maine of usurious interest on money borrowed to carry on the Aroostook virar; for the amend- ment appropriating to Gales & Seaton, |340,000 for the publication of the American State Papers; and other amendments that might be enumerated, a decided majority of the yeas came from the Op- position side of the House.

The gentleman complains that our foreign in- tercourse expenses have run up to an enormous figure. The gentleman evidently does not under- stand the subject. It will be recollected that awards paid under treaties and other payments of a like character are embraced in this expenditure. By way of illustration, I take the year ending June 30, 1849, when the appropriation for this object was $6,908,996 72, made under a Democratic Ad- ministration, and the year ending June 30, 1853, made under sin Opposition Administration, when the appropriation was $950,871 30. In the for- mer year $6,565,354 79, was used to fulfill treaty stipulations with the Mexican Republic, the King of the Two Sicilies, and the Republic of Peru, leaving a balance of $343,641 93. In the latter year only $297,155 57 was required to pay awards, leaving a balance of $653,715 73 for foreign inter- course proper — almost double the amount used for this purpose, in 1849. How will the gentle- man explain this increase under Opposition rule?

Sweeping charges of extravagance, such as the gentleman has indulged in, do not strike my mind as the most satisfactory mode of discussing this question. If the charges are well founded, it is an exceedingly easy matter for gentlemen to de- signate the items in the annual appropriations that are not justified by a proper regard for economy. If you are for reform, present your measures, let them be examined, and, if they are wise and just, you can rely upon our support to aid in their pas- sage. If you are in earnest, you will do this; but, until it shall be done, you cannot cor^vince the people of your sincerity. Cease your denuncia- tions, give us the details, bring forward your measures of retrenchment and reform, and thus furnish practical evidence of your disposition to remedy what you consider existing evils in the Administration of the Government and in our sys- tem of legislation.

Another question which has attracted a large share of public attention is the proper disposition

to be made of the public lands. It is undeniably true that the Opposition in the North and North- west, as a party, are committed to the policy of railroad grants. In the Thirty-Fourth Congress, when the Opposition had undisputed control in this House, the House Committee on Public Lands reported seven bills, makinggrants of alter- nate sections of land, six sections in width on each side of the respective roads, to the States of Iowa, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Wisconsin, Mich- igan, and Mississippi, covering thirteen million six hundred and eighty-six thousand three hun- dred and four acres. A like grant was also made to the Territory of Minnesota, which passed the Senate by ayes 32, noes 10. Of the ayes, twenty-one were Democrats, nine Republicans, and two Fillmore-Americans. The ten who voted in the negative were all Democrats. When this bill came to the House, it was amended by a grant for Alabama, and as amended was passed by yeas 87, nays 60. Of the yeas sixty were Republicans, eighteen Democrats, and nine Fill- more-Americans; of the nays, twenty-two were Republicans, twenty-eight Democrats, and ten Fillmore-Americans. If I had time I would refer to the votes on such bills on other occa- sions to show that the Opposition cannot be relied upon to husband the public lands, and so to man- age them that they may be a source of revenue to the Government. In my view, such disposi- tions of the public lands are wrong in principle, unjust to the old States, and of mischievous pol- icy. "Such grants build up monopolies, and mo- nopolies are always prejudicial to individual in- terests and the equal rights of all.

In 1848, the Opposition raised the cry of extrav- agance against the Democratic party, and in the then existing condition of the public mind, suc- ceeded in obtaining possession of the Govern- ment. Taylor and Fillmore were elected to the Presidency and Vice Presidency of the United States, and entered upon the discharge of their duties on the 4th of March, 1849. They came into pov/er avowing their purpose to retrench ex- penditures and reform abuses which were alleged to exist under the Administration of their prede- cessors; and the people were induced to believe that these great results would be attained. Du- ring the administration of Mr. Polk, the duty of carrying on the war with Mexico devolved upon him, and, as a necessary consequence, the annual expenditures were much larger than, under other circumstances, they would have been. In the

12

four years his expenditures amounting (exclusive of the public debt) to ^165,381,026 58— being an annual average expenditure of $41,345,256 59. In the four years of Taylor and Fillmore the ex- penditures (exclusive of the public debt) amoun- ted to p65,683,650 48 — being an annual average expenditure of $41,420,912 62. The Whig ad- ministration, therefore, of Taylor and Fillmore, cost the people $75,656 04 a year more, in a time of profound peace, than the Democratic adminis- tration of Folk, cost them in a time of war. If such was the result in that instance, may we not reasonably anticipate a like result if the Opposi- tion shall succeed in the next presidential strug- gle.^ The same men who elected Taylor and Fill- more now constitute the body of the Opposition arrayed against the present eminently patriotic Administration.

It is known to this committee that during my entire service in this body I have labored zealously to reduce expenditures. So decided has been my public action on this subject that it has sub- jected me to the fierce denunciations of agents and all others interested in large expenditures of the public money. Indeed, many of my political as- sociates in the House, whose views upon this subjected are more liberal than my own, not un- frequently complain of the course which a sense of duty to those I represent constrains me to pur- sue. While I have resisted all appropriations for custom-house, marine hospital, court-house, post office, territorial and District buildings which are now dotted over this District, the States, and Ter- ritories, and in the construction of which millions of dollars have been most profligately dissipated, the Opposition in this House at the last session of the last Congress succeeded in appropriating for these objects no less a sum than $5,445,651 48. The appropriations for these objects alone, during the Thirty-Fourth Congress, amounted to the monstrous sum of $8,633,390 48 ! ! The country will be astonished to learn that for the Capitol extension, the dome, and a few works of art, $4,970,000 have been appropriated since 1852. An enormous amount has also been appropriated to the aqueduct, that can only be told in millions. I have resisted all these things to the extent of my feeble ability, but who of the Opposition has come to my aid ? Now and then, some one of them has raised his voice in opposition, but it is undeniable that an overwhelming majority of that party has voted for them. The nineteenth amendment of the Senate to the civil bill at this session made appro-

priations for eleven custom-houses, in different parts of the country, and on agreeing to that amendment the vote was — yeas 50, (Democrats, 18; Opposition, 32;) nays 73, (Democrats, 51; Opposition, 22.) I have resisted the increase of salaries, and the multiplication of officers and Gov- ernment employes; and have, in all fair and hon- orable modes, endeavored to reduce the expendi- tures to the lowest practicable amount consistent with a proper regard to the public interest and an effective administration of the Government.

Such has been my course as a Representative of the people, and I now tender to the gentleman my cordial cooperation in all wise, just, and proper measures which he or his friends may propose for the reformation of abuses or the reduction of expenditures. I think the expenditures may be curtailed without detriment to the public service; that the number of officers may be diminished and many salaries reduced without prejudice or em- barrassment to the prompt, intelligent, and faith- ful disposition of the public business. The gen- tleman will find this side of the House ready to second all efforts he may make to this end, and all he has to do is to introduce his measures at the earliest practicable moment. He has been rather dilatory heretofoi-e, considering the magni- tude and importance of the work before him, but still there is ample time during the next session to accomplish all that may be needed to inaugu- rate his reign of economy.

There is still another point — the " endless jobs I and contracts," to which the gentleman has re- ! ferred. What those "jobs and contracts" are I ! have no means of knowing, and the gentleman has not informed me. For all "jobs and contracts" that were to let, I imagine at least one bidder could have been found among the Republicans in the last Congress. The results of the investigation at the close of the last session showed very con- clusively that some of the Republicans kept an eye open to " the main chance," and that they were the recipients of such plunder as was to be appro- priated and enjoyed. Suspicion attached to no member of the Pemocratic party in that House.

I heard this remark, in regard to "jobs and contracts," with no small degree of surprise, from the gentleman from Ohio; and I am sure, from my knowledge of him, that, in his moments of calm reflection, he will see the injustice be has done to the officers of the Government.

In this connection, permit me to say that the Democratic party passed the tariff bill of 1857 —

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A measure of vast interest and innportance to all sections of the country. At the present session an investigation into the mode of its passage was ordered, and it is a source of pride and pleasure to find that not a member of the Democratic party of either the House or the Senate could be found who was even suspected of being influenced in his action upon this measure by pecuniary or other improper considerations.

I have heard it said often and again in the House , during the present session, vote for expenditures, and thus create the necessity for a revival of the doctrine of protection for " protection's sake." The Opposition, aided by a fraction of the Dem- ocratic party, have acted upon this principle, and have accordingly voted for numerous items of ex- penditure not recommended, either by the Presi- dent or the heads of the Departments. Complaint has succeeded complaint that a high protective policy has not been recommended by the Admin- istration. If it had been recommended and suc- cessfully carried out by legislation, what practical end could it have accomplished? Our exports have fallen off more than twenty per cent, and our imports have fallen off more than fifty per cent, as compared with last year, as the following facts demonstrate most conclusively.

Exports from the port of New York, from Janu- ay to May inclusive, in the year 1857, amounted to 146,460,641; for 1858, $36,516,465.

Importations of foreign goods, including specie, from January to May inclusive, at the port of New York, for the year 1857, amounted to f 105,590,501 ; for 1858, $51,668,192.

Our revenue is mainly derived from imports; and if the importations fall off the receipts of the Government must be reduced in a corresponding ratio. Under the recent revulsion, which pros- trated commerce, trade, and business, the impor- tations were necessarily reduced to so great an extent that the revenue from that source fell great- ly short of the sum which, under ordinary cir- cumstances, would have flown into the Treasury; and hence the necessity of borrowing an amount of money sufficient to supply the deficiency until the finan^ial^torm" should blow over, and com- merce, trade, and business of all kinds should again resume their wonted activity. That time is coming, and by the month of August or Sep- tember we shall in all probability have a pretty lively trade, and it will continue to improve to the first of the next year.

But says the gentleman from Ohio and his friend

from Rhode Island, [Mr. Durfee,] something must be done for the manufacturers. The tariff of last year must be overthrown and substituted by a measure more highly protective — a measure something like that of 1842. The manufacturers of cottons, woolens, and the iron and coal inter- ests of the nation imperatively require a change that will give them greater protection. From the complaints made by the gentleman from Rhode Island we would be naturally brought to the con- clusion that the manufacturing interest was the only one that had been affected by the financial storm that has swept over the country. But it is not so. All other interests have suffered and are as greatly depressed. In the South, the East, and the West, all business is seriously depressed, and they could with as much propriety demand from the Federal Government relief from their pecu- niary embarrassments. If the tariff of 1857 pros- trated the iron and coal interests and the cotton and woolen interests in the North, what has caused the embarrassment and depression in these and all other branches of industry and trade in the other sections of the Union ? I do not propose to enter into a general discussion of this subject at the present time. I will content myself with a few facts in regard to the production of iron in our own country, to show that, whatever embar- rassment may now attend this interest, it is not justly attributable to our tariff legislation in the last Congress.

In 1809, the production of iron of all kinds in our country was about 50,000 tons. In 1820, owing' to the war, it ran down to about 10,000^ tons. Between the years 1820 and 1826 it rose steadily until it reached 100,000 tons. In 1828, it rose to 110,000 tons; in 1830, to 190,000 tons; in 1833, to 210,000 tons. In this year the compro- mise tariff measure was adopted, under the oper- ations of which the duties were regularly reduced each year. Between the years 1833 and 1840 the production steadily increased, until in the latter year it reached 310,000 tons. In 1842 it dropped down to 240,000 tons. Between the years 1842 and 1846, after the railroad fever had broken out in our country, it rose to 775,000 tons. The pro- duction continued to increase until, in 1848, it reached 800,000 tons. In 1849, it sunk to 640,000 tons; in 1850, to 560,000 tons; and continued to fall until, in 1852, it had reached 500,000 tons. In 1853 it rose rapidly to 650,000 tons; in 1854, to 800,000 tons; and continued to rise until, in 1855, it reached 1,000,000 .tons. If the theory

14

of gentlemen now contended for be true, I call upon them to explain how it was that, under the operation of the tarifFof 1846, the production sunk from 800,000 tons in 1848 (two years after the bill was passed) to 500,000 tons in 1852; and, again, I call upon them to explain how (under the oper- ation of the same tariff) the production rose, in the short space of three years, from 500,000 tons in 1852 to 1,000,000 tons in 1855? These facts are important, and eminently deserve considera- tion. In my view, they demonstate conclusively the fallacy of the Opposition theory , which charges depression of the iron interest to the tariff legisla- tion of the last Congress. The revulsion through which we are now passing is justly chargeable to individual imprudence, and not to Governmental action. We live in an age of the world charac- terized most strongly by individual and social ex- travagance. Extravagance has its punishmentin poverty; and our commercial, mechanical, agri- cultural, and manufacturing interests, as well as all other interests in the country, are suffering that punishment which imprudence in expenditure has broughtupon them. Economy, energy, industry, and a determined spirit will relieve us from our pecuniary trials, and restore to us that prosperity which has been so suddenly lost, and the loss of which has been acccompanied by so much physi- cal suffering and anguish of mind.

The Democratic party and the country demand a stable policy on this subject. The Government must raise its revenue mainly by duties on im- ports, and those duties should be fairly imposed with reference to the amount of revenue which may be needed to carry on its operations, due re- gard being had to economy in expenditure. All

the interests of the nation and all sections should be considered in adjusting the details of the meas- ure, to the end that equal and exact justice may be done. This is all the South asks, and surely it is entitled to it. ^

The " ultra protectionists'' dememd more. They demand legislation for specified branches of indus- try, and would burden all other interests to secure it. This species of legislation we are inflexibly opposed to, because we see and feel its injustice, and know that it must end in the creation of sec- tional jealousies, prejudicial to that harmony and cordiality which is so greatly to be cherished, and so important to our progress as a nation. The excessively and oppressively protective tariff of 1828 produced results that shook the nation to its center, and at one time seriously imperiled the existence of the Union. Patriotism, however, triumphed, and the measure of 1833 was passed, which gave peace to our distracted country. A high degree of prosperity followed, but the pro- tectionists were not satisfied, and, to carry out their ultra views, passed the tariff of 1842. So much dissatisfaction resulted from it, that it was found necessary to repeal it in 1846. The latter measure remained in full force and effect until, in 1857, it was ascertained that it raised more reve- nue than was needed for an economical adminis- tration of the Government. We thus see that^ high tariffs, adopted with more reference to pro- tection than revenue, have been short-lived, and eminently mischievous to the public peace in theij operations and results.

Give us, then, something fair, just, and equal and our prosperity and progress as a nation wi[ be secured.

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