Transactions

of th(

Connecticut Academy of
Arts and Sciences

Volume XX

New Haven, Connecticut
1916

y

,y

0

OFFICERS FOR 1915-16

President
Hon. SIMEON E. BALDWIN

Vice-Presidents

Prof. ALEXANDER W. EVANS Pkof. CLIVE DAY

Prof. HANNS OERTEL

Secretary
Mr. GEORGE F. EATON

Treasurer
Mr. GEORGE PARMLY DAY

Librarian
Mr. ANDREW KpOGH

Committee on Publication
Hon. S. E. BALDWIN, Chairman Prof. A. W. EVANS

Prof. A. S. COOK Prof. CLIVE DAY

Prof. E. S. DANA Prof. H. OERTEL

Prof.-E. p. MORRIS Mr. ANDREW KEOGH

Mr. GEORGE F. EATON

354626

CONTENTS

Pages

Art. I. The Materials for the History of Dor

By George Dahl 1-J31

Art. IL New Spiders from New England, XI

By J. H. Emerton 133-144

Art. hi. Canadian Spiders, II . . By J. H. Emerton 145-160

Art. IV. The Historical Background of Chaucer's Knight

By Albert S. Cook 161-240

Art. V. Rural Economy in New England at the Beginning

OF the Nineteenth Century By Percy W. Bidwell 241-399

TRANSACTIONS OF THE

CONNECTICUT ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES

Incorpokated a. D. 1799

VOLUME 20, PAGES 1-131 MAY, 1915

The Materials for the
History of Dor

BY

GEORGE DAHL, PH.D.

Assistant Professor of Old Testament Literature,
Sclaool of Religion, Yale University

YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS

NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT

191.5

TRANSACTIONS OF THE

CONNECTICUT ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES

Incorporated A. D. 1799

VOLUME 20, PAGES 1-131 MAY, 1915

The Materials for the
History of Dor

BY

GEORGE DAHL, PH.D.

Assistant Professor of Old Testament Literature,
School of Religion, Yale University

YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS

NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT

1915

SOME OF THE ABBREVIATIONS USED.

Baed. (4): Baedeker, Palestine and Syria, 4th edit. 1906.

C.I.S.: Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum.

C.O.T.: E. Schrader, The Cuneiform Inscriptions and the Old

Testament, trans. O. C, Whitehouse, 1885.

Guer., Sam.: H. V. Guerin, Description de la Palestine, II Samarie,
1874-5.

K.H.A.T.: Kurzer Hand - Commentar zum Alien Testament (ed.

Marti).

O.S.: Onomastica Sacra, ed. Lagarde; 2nd ed. 1887.

P.E.F.Q.: Palestine Exploration Fund, Quarterly Statements.

R.: Rawlinson, The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia,

I-V (1861-84), rV' (2) (1891).

S.B.O.T.: Sacred Books of the Old Testament (ed. P. Haupt).

S.W.P.: Survey of Western Palestine. Palestine Exploration Fund.

Tab. Peut.: Tabula Peutingeriana (ed. E. Desjardins, 1869-74).

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Page

Topography of Dor 7

The Name Dor 16

The Name Naphath Dor 21

The Name Tantura 28

The Golenischeff Papyrus 34

Dor in Assyrian Literature 39

Dor in the Old Testament and the Apocrypha 41

The Eshmunazar Inscription and Dor 58

Early Greek Writers 62

History of Dor during the Greek, Maccabean and Romaji

periods 65

Dor in the Talmud 88

The Coins of Dor 90

From Claudius lolaus to Hierocles 94

The Bishops of Dor 102

Later Geographers 109

The Period of the Crusades 113

The Arab Geographers 121

The Visits of the Chevalier d'Arvieux 123

Later Visitors at Dor 130

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DOR AND ITS ENVIRONS.

FOREWORD.

There seems to be room for a careful and critical examination
of the sources for the history of the little-known city of Dor.
This work presents the results of an investigation which has
aimed to take into account all the extant literature bearing on
the subject. So far as possible the testimony of sources has been
carefull}^ sifted and weighed. It is to be hoped that the evidence
of excavations on the site of the city may sometime be available
to increase our knowledge gained from the literary remains.

To Professor C. C. Torrey of Yale University, my sincerest
appreciation and most grateful thanks are due for many helpful
suggestions and for inspiration gained through conference with
him. I wish also to extend my thanks to Professor W. Max
Miiller of the University of Pennsylvania for information regard-
ing the Egyptian form, D-ira. To Professor A. T. Clay of Yale
University I wish to acknowledge my indebtedness for assistance
in the preparation of the chapter on "Dor in Assyrian Literature."

TOPOGRAPHY OF DOR.

Beginning at the headland of Mount Carmel, the great Maritime
Plain of Palestine extends southwards for a distance of about one
hundred miles. This plain naturally divides into three portions'.
The north corner, lying between Mount Carmel and the Mediter-
ranean, begins as a narrow pass some two hundred yards wide be-
tween the Carmel headland and the sea, gradually broadening until
at its southern extremity, the Crocodile River (mod. Nahr el-
Zerka), it is eight miles wide. Its length from Carmel to the
Zerka is nearly twenty miles. From the Crocodile River the
second portion of the Maritime Plain, the Plain of Sharon, widen-
ing from eight miles to twelve, rolls southward some forty-four
miles to the Nahr Rubin and a line of low hills to the south of
Ramleh. To the south of the Plain of Sharon, the last division,
the Plain of Philistia, extends a distance of forty miles to the River
of Egypt (the Wady el-'Arish).

In the southern part of the first of these divisions lies the village
Tantura, successor to the ancient city of Dor". Tantura lies in
northern latitude' 32° 36' 35", in eastern longitude from Green-
wich 34° 54' 40". The ruins of Dor, known as el-Burj or Khiirbet
Tantura*, are located about one-half mile directly north of the
modern town. Dor proper lies therefore in latitude 32° 36' 50",
longitude 34° 54' 40". Its distance from the headland of Carmel
and from Haifa is about fourteen and one-half miles south. It is
about six and one-half miles south of 'AthlTt, which was the chief
city of the district during the Crusades\ Caesarea^ built by

' G.A.S., Hist. Geog., pp. 147 f.

2 C. R. Conder, in Hast. D.B. s. v. Dor, seems now inclined to reject
his earlier identification of Tantura with Dor {P.E.F.Q., 1874, p. 12; S.
W.P. Mem. II, p. 3). The location of the town, however, agrees so well
with the data at hand that nearly all writers accept the identification as
practically certain.

3 P.E.F., Map of Palestine, Sheet 7, I j ; Ptolemy (Nat. Hist. V, 15, 5)
locates Dor in 66° 80', 32° 40'.

'S.W.P. Mem., II, p. 7.

5 Then called Castellum Peregrinorum (Buhl, Geog., p. 211); P.E.F.Q.
1874, p. 12.
* Anciently ^rpdruvoq Uvpyog (G.A.S., Hist. Geog., pp. 186 ff.).

8 , , George Dahl,

Herod the Great in time to become the capital of the Roman prov-
ince of Judea, lies eight miles south of Dor\

Tanttira, the modern town, an unimportant village of a few hun-
dred Moslem inhabitants^, lies along the coast.* South of the vil-
lage stretches a fine open sandy beach; northwards the shore is
rocky as far as the JezTret el-Mukr\ To the east and southeast lies
a swamp\ A short distance to the south of the town is the Nahr
el-Dufleh% a stream some five to ten yards across and apparently
perennial; still farther south, on the way to Caesarea, one crosses
the Nahr el-Zerkfi, the Crocodile River of the ancients. In the
sea, opposite the town, are several small islands; these combine
with a slight curve in the beach to form a sort of harbor for the
small coasting craft. On the north this little bay is pratected by
a rocky point that juts out into the sea in the form of a promon-
tory*. North of this promontory is another ancient port; evidently
there was here a double harbor^ The buildings of the town itself
are for the most part mud cabins one story high, lying along the
beach^; stones taken from the ruins to the north have been used in
building the better houses". To the east is a square stone build-
ing'" used as a medafeh^ or *' guest house," for passing travelers.

' According to the Tab. Peut. the distance from Cesaria to Thora (sic) is
VIII (Roman miles); Eus. and Jerome (O.^. 283:3; 142:13-15) make it nine
Roman miles.

2 Baed. (4) (1906) p. 231 ; Enc. Bib. s. v.; S.W.P., Mem. II, p. 3; Buck-
ingham {Trav. in Pal., p. 123; so von Raumer, Paldstina (3), p. 154, in
1850) in 1823, estimated the population at 500 souls, with 40 or 50 dwellings;
Guerin (Sam. 2, 305 f.) in 1874 says 1200 inhabitants (but Guerin seems to
overestimate the population of several towns in this district). According
to the Population List of the Liva of 'Akka (reported by G. Schumacher,
P.E.F.Q., 1887, p. 181, no. 38) there were in 1887, 154 Moslem men between
16 and 60 years of age ; this would give an estimated total of about 770
souls ; the town at that time was growing {Ibid. p. 84),

3 S.W.P. Mem. II, p. 1 ; Buhl, Geog., p. 32 ; see map.

* Baed. (4), pp. 231 f ; Pal Expl. Map, Sheet 7; Buhl, Geog., p. 211.

5 G.A.S., Hist. Geog., Map VI, opp. p. 379, errs in making Wady el-Duf-
leh tributary to the Nahr el-Zerka. The Nahr el-Dufleh is also called Nahr
el-Karajeh {S.W.P. , Name Lists, p. 140).

« Guer., Sam. 2:305 f ; P.E.F.Q., (1887), p. 84 ; Ibid. (1873), p. 100.

' G.A.S., Hist. Geog. p. 130 ; see page 11 below.

8 Buhl, Geog., p. 211 ; S W.P. Mem. II, p. 3.

9 P.E.F.Q., 1887, p. 84 ; Guer., Sam. 2:305.
^^ S.W.P. Mem. 11, i>. 3.

History of Dor. 9

Guerin' mentions two mosques, both partly in ruins in his time,
one of which contained several ancient granite columns. With the
increasing prosperity of the town, a number of good-looking gran-
aries have risen near the seashore'. There is a well northeast of
the village^ Many of the inhabitants are sailors and fishermen;
for the rest, the industries of the town are mainly agricultural and
pastoral. In the fields to the east and the south grain is raised,
part of which is exported in small coastwise sailing vessels*. As is
usually the case in Palestine, the property of the natives of Tantiira
consists chiefly in herds of cattle and goats\ The inhabitants share
the greedy avarice and the thieving propensities so universal in
that land*. On the whole, Tantura is a typical Palestinian coast
town.

A few minutes to the north of the modern village lie scattered
about the ruins of ancient Dor. These ruins^ consist of a mound
covered with debris, with a fallen tower to the south; the remains
of a double harbor and of a colonnaded building adjacent to the
more northerly port; a large cistern now called El-Hannaneh; and
an ancient causeway leading north and south to the east of the
town. Rock-cut tombs are also to be found in the neighborhood.

The most conspicuous object to former travellers was the ruined
tower, visible at every point from Carmel to Caesarea, perhaps
dating from the period of the Crusades^ which stood on a low
rocky promontory to the south of the mound. South of this pro-
montory, in the direction of the modern town, is a sandy beach and

1 Sam. 2:305 f. (1874-75); the Chevalier d'Arvieux, c. 1700 (in Labat, Merk-
wurdige Nachrichten, II. pp. 11-13), states that the inhabitants had no
mosques; so Buckingham {Trav. in Pal, p. 123) in 1821; writers after
Guerin (e.g., Pal. Ex. Fund. Mem., Baed., etc.) make no mention of a
mosque.

2 Schumacher in P.E.F.Q., 1887, p. 84.
^S.W.PMem.ll,p.S.

4 Sir C. Wilson, Picturesque Palestine, pp. 115 f.; S.W.P. Mem. II, pp. 3,
35; P.E.F.Q., 1887, p. 84.

5 Sir C. Wilson, ibid.

6 Van de Velde, Narrat. I, 338; Buckingham, Travels, p. 123; the Cheva-
lier d'Arvieux (in Labat, MerkwiXrdige Nachrichten, III, pp. 74-82).

' S.W.P. Mem. II, p. 7; Guer., Sam. 2:306 ff.
. 8 Murray, Handbook (1875), p. 358; Em. Bib. s. v. Dor; S.W.P. Mem. II,
p. 8; P.E.F.Q., 1873, pp. 99f.— It is easily possible that most of these ruins
are from a period later than that of the Crusades.

10 George Dahl,

bay. On the north the chief ruins of ancient Dor line the shore.
A deep moat separated the tower from the town. The height of
the tower was about 40 'feet; its top was 58.8 feet above the sea-
level. The tower formed the northeast corner of a square fortress;
the foundations of another corner tower can be seen near by.
The whole was built of rubble and small stones, faced with well-cut
stones about two feet six inches long and two feet high. The
mortar was very thickly laid around the stones, and contained
pieces of red pottery. The style and material of construction and a
pointed arch in the east wall would seem to indicate that the tower
was Crusading work. The foundations, however, are evidently
much older'. On the 15th of January, 1895, the tower collapsed,
leaving nothing of this important landmark but a heap of debris
and the foundations'. It is safe to assume that the tower stones
suitable for building purposes have long since been carried off to
near-by Tanttira or to other towns along the coast*.

The mound, covering the site of the city itself, is about two
hundred yards long, and comprises an area of several acres adjacent
to the sea*. Broken masonry and fragments of glass and pottery
cover it. Of the larger stones only a few pillar shafts remain, the
greater part of the fallen blocks having been dug up and removed.
The mound extends as far as the promontory on which the tower
stands. Its flat top is about twenty to thirty feet above the level
of the shore. On the edge of the mound near the sea, east of the
debris of the tower, the mutilated remains of a colonnade may be
seen. The bases and capitals are of a rude Byzantine character,
resembling those found east of the Jordan and elsewhere, M-hich
are dated as of the fifth century^ The shafts are three feet in
diameter. East of this colonnade is the moat mentioned above
near which a number of drums of columns lie scattered about
on the ground®. The city walls can no longer be clearly traced.

iGuer., Sam. 2:306.

2 Dr. G. Schumacher in P.E.F.Q., 1895, p. 113.

^P.E.F.Q., 1883, p. 99; ibid., 1887, p. 84.

^ P.E.F.Q., 1873, pp. 99 f; S.W.P. Mem. II, p. 8; Guerin {Sam. 3:308)
gives the dimensions of ancient Dor as 1800 meters long and about 670
meters wide; this evidently includes the various ruins, graves, etc., outside
the city proper.

' S.W.P. Mem. 11, p. S.

'Ibid.; Guer., Sam. 2:307.

History of Dor. 11

Like nearly all of the Syrian ports, Dor seems to have had a double
harbor, facing north and south, whose two basins insured protec-
tion against winds from all directions'. This is the only kind of
port practicable along the almost harborless coast. Both Sidon and
Tyre had double ports^ Here at Tanttira the tower promontory
separated the two harbors. The harbor south of the promontory
contains the ruins of artificial moles in the sea", built to increase the
size and security of the harbor. North of the promontory are the
remains of a more considerable port. In the sea here is a peculiar
scarped reef, through which a narrow passage has been cut to form
an entrance to the harbor. Apparently this passage was curved,
about fifty yards long with sides from eight to ten feet high. As
at Tyre, the entrance to this passage was probably closed at one
time by a chain or boom*. For the small boats of ancient times
this double harbor, protected as it was by the promontory and by
moles, offered fairly safe shelter.

Near the shore of the northern harbor a number of columns lie
on the ground, each about one foot six inches in diameter, with
simple square base^ The material of which these columns are
made is the same coarse limestone as that of which the tower was
built and is evidently taken from the quarries in the neighborhood.
They seem to be the remains of a building close to the water, per-
haps the temple of some maritime deity". Just north of these
columns there are four rock-cut tombs in the cliff\ One of these
tombs has two loculi, the second a square chamber, and the third
and fourth have three loculi each.

On the north harbor shore itself are three retaining walls, the
remains of a maritime building. The southern wall is built against
the north face® of the promontory on which the tower formerly

1 G.A.S., Hvit. Geog., p. 130.

- F. C. Eiselen, Sidon, p. 4; Hast., D.B. s.v. Zidonand Tyre.

3 Guer., Sam. 2:306; Murray, Handbook (1875) p. 358.

4 S.W.R Mem. H, pp. 8, 9; Baed. (4) pp. 231 ff.

5 P.E.F.Q., 1874, p. 12; S.W.P. Mem. II, p. 8; Guer., Sam. 2:307. These
columns were ten in number as reported by P. E. F. Survey and Guerin;
doubtless some have been taken away since then.

6P.£;.i^.g., 1874, p. 12.
'S.W.P. Mem. II, p. 8.

8 P.E.F.Q., 1873, pp. 99 f.; ibid., 1874, p. 12; S.W.P. Mem. II, p. 8; Guerin
{Sam. 2:307) describes these as the remains of two adjoining buildings.

12 George Dahl,

stood. The work seems to be Roman*. The walls are built of
perfectly-shaped blocks of coarse limestone, the stones measuring
five feet six inches in length, two feet six inches in breadth, and
two feet two inches in height. The total height of the walls is
about fifteen feet, the thickness six feet. The masonry is laid, like
brickwork, in alternate courses of headers and stretchers; an excel-
lent cement is used. North and south the original building
measured thirty paces; the side-walls are about eleven paces in
length, the northern projecting nearly to the water. In front of
this building there are a number of large flat slabs of the same size
as the stones in the walls. These formed the pavement of what
was apparently a wharP. In the water a small jetty is visible.
This large building was probably for the accommodation of sailors
and traders, used doubtless as a storehouse and a market^

Continuing north from this building one finds on the shore the
debris of several buildings. There are also a couple of small bays
protected from the west winds by small islands. In one of these
bays a long wall juts out into the water, evidently a pier of some
sort; on the shore is a wharf paved with large stones. These ruins
extend beyond the limits of the mound itself, making a total shore
line of some 1200 meters in length*.

The ruins of El-Hannaneh% an ancient cistern just east of the
causeway, are connected with the town by the remains of a road.
The cistern is built of stones measuring from two feet to three feet
six inches in length, and is about ten paces square. The interior
is lined with rubble coated with a hard white cement. The mortar
behind this cement is thickly bedded and contains large pieces of
pottery. There is a shallow round well of ashlar close to the north
wall of the cistern. The work, resembling as it does that of the

' P.E.F.Q., 1873, pp. 99f.

' At the present time, however, the level of the water is by no means
high enough to reach this wharf. (Ritter, Die Erdkunde, XVI, West.
Asien, p. 608). Guthe [Paldstina, p. 27) shows that even within historical
times a change in the relative level of the Palestinian coast and the Mediter-
ranean has taken place. He maintains that the land has gradually risen,
while the level of the water has at the same time been sinking.

3 Guer., Sam. 2:307; P.E.F.Q., 1874, p. 12.

* Guer., Sam. 2:307 f.; Murray {Handbook, 1875, p. 358) says one-half mile.

^Baed. (4), pp. 231 fif.; S.W.P. Mem. II, p. 9; P.E.F.Q., 1873, pp. 99f.;

written ioLli! "hydraulic machine," or "waterwheel."

Histor^y of Dor. 13

walls of Caesarea, probably belongs to the twelfth or thirteenth
century.

The causeway^, lying east of the town and running north and
south, is traceable here for about a quarter of a mile. This was
the great coast highroad to Egypt; here and there, as for example
at 'Ayun Heiderah, the ruts of the light chariot wheels are still
visible on the rock. At the time when this road was in general
use this region was doubtless covered with villages and as prosper-
ous as any other part of Palestine. On one side of the causeway,
just south of El-Hannaneh, there were nine'' granite columns; three
were planted perpendicularly touching one another; south of these
were three more, also touching; the remaining three were fallen and
scattered about. Their diameter was one foot six inches; they
were without base or capital, having only a simple fillet at the
upper end of the shaft ; they were partly sunk in rubbish. Inas-
much as the arrangement of these shafts is similar to that of some
of the milestones on Roman roads, it is quite likely that they had
been taken from an older building and used to mark the ninth
Roman mile from Caesarea*.

East of this coast road and parallel to the sea stretches a rocky
ridge, forty to fifty feet high and some three hundred yards broad'.
This ridge, commencing in sand dunes about three miles southwest
of Mt. Carmel, gradually increases in regularity and hardness of
rock, until, between 'Athlit and Tantura, it is about fifty feet
high. Its southern limit is a few miles south of Caesarea. It
serves to separate the narrow coast plain, about a mile wide, in
which Dor is situated, from the inland plain to the east. The
ridge seems to have formed a protection against hostile incursions,
for the stone has been quarried in such manner as to leave a nar-
row crest on the summit, which makes a protecting wall of living
stone. In at least four places passages have been cut through the
ridge, and show traces of having been closed by gates. Numerous
tombs, dating probably from the early Christian centuries, have
been cut in the ridge.

' S.W.P. Mem. 11, p. 9; P.E.F.Q., 1874, p. 12.

^ Whether all these columns are still in place is questionable. Probably
part or all have been carried away.

3 O.S., 142:13-15; 283:3.

' S.W.P. Mem. II, p. 1; P.E.F.Q., 1873, p. 99; Guer., Sam. 2:308; van de
Velde, Narrat. 1:333; Buhl, Oeog. des alt. Pal., p. 32.

14 George Dahl,

Almost directly east of ancient Dor, near the ruins called
Dreihemeh', is one of the rock-cut passages, leading to the plain
to the east'. This is the most southern of the passages cut through
the ridge. It is apparently of considerable antiquity, with rock-
cut tombs and guard houses in the sides. The average breadth of
the passage is fifteen feet, its height ten feet and its length about
two hundred feet in all. Near the entrance to this cuttins: is a
semi-circular apse cut into the rock^ The radius of this apse is
thirteen feet five inches; two steps lead up from the present floor
to the surface of the rock. At each end and in the middle of the
semicircle are square holes, evidently intended for pillars. The
presence of a quarry to the west containing stones not quite broken
out of the rock lends weight to the suggestion that the work is an
unfinished basilica.

The whole ridge near Dor seems to have been extensively used
as a quarry for the ancient town. In some places considerable
quantities of stone have been removed. Here, too, was the princi-
pal necropolis of the city*. A large number of the tombs are still
preserved, though all have been plundered. Some of them are
single, while others contain a number of "kokim" or burial cham-
bers. In many of the kokim the stone has been left higher at one
end, to form a sort of stone pillow.

Between the modern city and the ruins of ancient Dor there has
been discovered a large and interesting tomb\ It is a chamber
fourteen and one-half feet wide by nineteen and one-half feet
long. There are on the left five kokIm, each measuring seven feet
by three feet; at the -back there are three, and at the right four.
In the four corners of the chamber are four smaller chambers, ap-
parently double kokim, for receiving two bodies each. The en-
trance to the tomb is a long passage descending by steps to the
door. The door is square, with an arch above it outside. On the
left of the entering passage is another koka, also measuring seven
by three feet. Bones and skulls were found in the tomb. In the

^ Arab. *| ff^v^ (diminutive form), meaning a small silver coin ; Greek

^S.W.P. Mem. II, p. 11.

» Dr. G. Schimiacher in P.E.F.Q., 1889, p. 191; is this the "excavation
resembling a small theater" mentioned by Murray {Handbook, 1875, p. 358)?
-'Guer., Sam. 2:308.
^S.W.P.Mem. II, p. 10.

History of Dor. 15

double corner koka at the back on the left there is a niche eighteen
inches high and nine inches across, probably intended for a lamp.
This tomb is of the same general type as the others found in the
neighborhood, and apparently dates from at least as early as the
beginning of the Christian era.

Among the more important ruins near Dor, Dreihemeh' deserves
mention. It lies east of the mound, commanding the entrance to
the rock-cut passage through the ridge\ There are here ruins of
buildings, several columns and a number of tombs. Guerin speaks
of an ancient well here, Bir Drimeh (i^x4> r^)' ^^* ^° ^^® rock,
square in shape, and with holes dug in its side to permit one to de-
scend to the bottom\ North of Dreihemeh lie the ruins and tombs
of Khurbet Heiderah*. There is here a shaft ten feet deep and
sixteen feet wide at the top, with a staircase and small recesses in
its side. At the springs called 'Ayun Heiderah^ there are deep
ruts in the stone three feet, three inches apart and about six inches
wide each, made, probably, by the carts of the Crusaders. Here
are also tombs cut in the rocky ridge. A foot-path crosses the
coast plain diagonally from Tantura to Kefr Lam", a small village
of mud hovels crowded within the walls of an ancient Crusading
fort; the distance is about two and one-half miles. Farther north
the village of Surafend', a small collection of mud cabins with
ruins to the north, stands upon the ridge.

"^S.W.P. Mem. II, p. 11; Guer., Sam. 2:309.

2 See p. 14.

^ Guerin {Sam. 2:309) finds in the name Drimeh the Greek name ApvfiSc of
Strabo {Geog. XVI, 2:28) and Josephus (B.J.L, 13:2; Ant. XIV. 13:3), de-
scribed as being the region adjacent to Mt. Carmel. The Greek word
signifies " oak-coppice." On the other hand, the form of the name as given
by the p.e.f. (see note 1, p. 14) is Dreihemeh, apparently a diminutive
form from the Greek Spaxfiv and denoting " a small silver coin." It is quite
possible that the Greek Apv/i6g has in popular use been changed to Dreihe-
meh as a form more easily understandable.

* S.W.P. Mem. II, p. 30; Guer., Sam. 2:308.

^ S.W.P. Mem. II, p. 6, HvtXx::*. =" declivity," "descent," or possibly
*' lion." {S.W.P., Name Lists, p. 140; Lane's Arab. Diet.)

6 Wilson, Pict. Pal, pp. 114 ff.; S.W.P. Mem. II, p. 3.

' S.W.P. Mem. II, p. 4; Ritter, Die Erdkunde, XVI, p. 113.

THE NAME DOR.

Dor appears in the Old Testament under the two forms : *1{<1*
and 111 '. In the Eshmunazar' inscription "^J^l is used. The
Assyrian* inscriptions witness to the form Du-'-ru (or Du-'u-ru) ;
the Egyptian Papyrus Golenischeff writes D-'ira*. Among Greek
writers Aa>pos and Atopa are the forms in which the name most fre-
quently occurs; but Awpa and Aovpa^ are also found. Pliny* uses
Doron (or Dorum), and the Tabula Peutingeriana' gives the name
as Thora. The form Awpos is found mainly in the earlier writers;
Awpa later becomes universal. Nevertheless Stephan of Byzantium,
writing as late as the fifth century A. D., prefers the older form
Awpos. The following authors give the name of this town as Awpos :
Scylax (c. 500 B. C), Apollodorus (c. 140 B. C), Alexander of
Ephesus (c. 50 B.C.) and Charax (c. 160 A. D.)". To this same
category belongs Pliny's Doron or Dorum". Ao>pa (variants Acopa
and Awpa), the second and later of these two forms, appears in 1
Mace. 15: 11, 13, 25; it is used by Artemidorus" (c. 100 B.C.), by
Claudius lolaus" (c. 50 A. D.), by Josephus, by Ptolemaus'*
(between 127 and 151 A. D.), in the Clementine Recognitiones"
(prob. c. 225 A. D.), by Eusebius (O. S. <*> 250*'), Jerome {ibid.
115"), Hierocles** (6th century ?), in the list of Bishops in Le Qiiien'',

'Josh. 17:11 ; 1 Kings 4:11.

» Josh. 11:2 ; 12:23 ; Jdg. 1:27 ; 1 Chron. 7:29.

3 Line 19 ; C.T.S.,I,S; Lidzbarski, Taf. IV*.

* II R. 53, no. 1, rev. line 40 ; ibid. no. 4, line 57.

' Muller, Asien u. Eur., p. 388.

« 1 Mace. 15:11, 13, 25.

' Polybius, Historiae, V : 66.

8 Natural History, 5:17.

' Ed. Desjardins, Segment IX.
'** The three last named in Steph. Byz. s.v. Mopo^.
» Nat. Hist. 5:17.
" Steph. Byz. s.v. Awpoc.

^^ Ibid.; for the corre«;t form of the name (i. e. lolaus), see C. Muller,
Fragm. Hist. Grace., IV, 362-364.
1* V, 15:5 = Ed. Didot, V, 14:3.
'* Clem. Recogn., IV: 1.
'* Synecdeme, ed. Parthy, p. 43.
" Oriens Christianus III, 574 flf. — of the 5th and early 6th centuries.

History of Dor. 17

by Geographus Raveiinas^ by Guido^, by Georgius Cyprius
(DIOOO)' and on coins*. To this list must be added Polybius (V:
Aovpa) and the Tabula Peutingeriana (" Thora ")^ First Macca-
bees makes Awpa an indeclinable noun; usually it is treated as a
neuter pluraF; occasionally it is regarded as a feminine singular\
How are we to account for the variations in the Greek form of
the name ? To the Hebrew *)J^*1 (or ■)i1) early Greek writers
would most naturally attach the masculine ending -o«, partly
influenced perhaps by the name of the Greek hero Doros^ Thus
the earlier Greek form of the town's name arose. As the Aramaic
language, however, began to supplant the Hebrew, the Aramaic
determinative ending K - " was added to the original name, giving
the form ^^111 (or ^^IK*!). The translator of 1 Maccabees was
well acquainted with the Aramaic language and therefore used Awpa
as an indeclinable noun. Most Greek writers, on the other hand,
would represent this ending either as a feminine singular or a neuter
plural form. There would naturally be no fixed rule for the accent
of the Greek form of this Aramaic name; and, as a matter of fact,
we find that in various writers and different manuscripts of the same
writer, the accents vary widely. Stephan of Byzantium'" prefers as
the ethnic form of the name of this town, AwpiViys. This form is
derivable from either Atupa or Atupos, as he proves by analogies
drawn from the ethnics of other towns. He mentions, however,

• Edd. Pinder et Parthey, pp. 89, 357.
'^ Geographica, §94.

3 Ed. Gelzer, p. 51.

4 G. F. Hill, Coins of Phoen., pp. LXXV, 118.— Hecataeus (c. 500 B. C.) in
Steph. Byz. s. v. Aupog reads : fiera de ^ 7ra?.ai Acjpoc, vvv Se Aiopa KoAeirai. This
statement in its present form can hardly be original with Hecataeus. For
this change in the form of the name probably did not take place until
several centuries after Hecataeus wrote. The interpolator states the fact
as evident in his own time.

^ Ed. Desjardins, Seg. IX.

•^ Josephus usually ; Eusebius, O.S. (-) 280:40,* 283:3 ; the list of bishops in
Lequien.

' Jos., Ant. XIII, 7:3 in several MSS.; Clem. Recog. IV:1.

^ See Claudius lolaus in Steph. Byz. s.v. Acjpog.

? Possibly to distinguish the proper name Dor, as ** the walled city " (see
p. 19) from other cities to which the term '* dor" {= walled town) might be
applied. There was besides in the later Aramaic a tendency to use the
determinative ending freely.

^° S.vi Atjpoc.

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XX. 2 1915.

18 George Dalil,

the use by Pausanius of the ethnic Awpict?, the plural of AuypLevs^ as
though built on a form Awptov. On coins of Dor' the forms
AfiPITON and AQPEITfiN are found, corresponding to the forms
Awpirrj^ and AcupciTT/j. Thus we have witnesses for two forms of the
ethnic, viz. : AwptViys (or AwpciViTs)^ and Awptevs; of these the former
is the better attested.

The variation in the middle consonant in the Hebrew name Dor
finds its parallel in the case of En-dor. For in 1 Sam. 28: 7 En-dor
is written ^l*! J^Jf ; but in Ps. 83: 11 the form IN"! f^j; appears'.
In the name of the town Hammath-dor of Josh. 21 : 32 we have
the form ■)^j'^ . The transliteration of all these names in the
Greek Old Testament throws no light upon the question as to what
was originally the middle consonant*. Nor does the single occur-
rence of the name in Egyptian documents furnish any information
in this regard*. But the use of the form IJi^l in the Eshmunazar
inscription and of Du-'-ru (or Du-'u-ru) in the Assyrian inscrip-
tions' indicates that 'Aleph was originally the middle consonant.
1K*1 is doubtless, therefore, the older writing of the name. Both
forms are, however, correct. In the Hebrew language 'Aleph in
many cases early lost its consonantal value. The Biblical writers
were therefore at liberty to write either ■)^?*^ or "111 .

What does the word Dor mean ? Greek writers regarded the
Palestinian coast cities as Greek settlements; this is indicated by
the legends they give of the founding of these towns\ Oftentimes
basing their statements on mere chance resemblances in names,
they represent Greek gods or heroes as founders and thus surround

1 Hill, pp. LXXV, 113-118. The form AiiPIPITQN on one coin is due to
dittography.

' AupeiTTjg is the same as ^upirj/g, either ei or i having been used formerly
to represent the sound i.

' Another slight modification in the writing occurs in the "^1 f^V of
Josh. 17:11. The town Endor, however, probably does not belong here.
See below, pp. 51 f.

* The Peshitto version writes the name 9C5 . This may represent either of
the Hebrew forms.

' Prof. W. Max Miiller informs me that the Egyptian form D-ira (better
Da-ira) of the Papyrus Golenischeff does not show the 'Aleph. In this
form, furthermore, the vowels are worthless.

« See pp. 39 f .

' Steph. Byz., passim; Schur,, G.J.V., 2:55, 56.

^. History of Dor. 19

the cities with the nimbus of ancient Greek origin. The name Dor
is accounted for by this word-play method. Claudius lolaus'
declares : Kal rives {(TTopovai Awpov rbv nocctSwi/os olKLorrrjv avTrj<s ycyovcvat.
Evidently this is mere legend, invented to explain the name, and
has no basis beyond verbal similarity\

The Hebrew 111 means ordinarily ''period", "generation'".
In the verse Isaiah 38:12, however, it is translated "dwelling", or
"habitation"*. In Ps. 84:11 the corresponding verb *1^*1 signifies
"to dwell". The Hebrew noun is evidently related to that
other Hebrew noun *y\*^ , " circle" or " ball". The Hebrew nouns

and verb are doubtless connected with the Arabic verb J*> , to
"move in a circle", "go about", "surround". From this root is

G --

derived the Arabic noun Jj "house", "group of buildings around

a court ", related to \^0 " circle ", "circuit ".

The Assyrian sign for Du-ru is borrowed from the Sumerian,
where it is given the value BAD\ Du-ru signifies "wall" or
"fence", and then "rampart" or a "place or fortress surrounded
with a rampart " ^ It is a common and early Babylonian place
name\ Apparently the name Du-ru is related to the Hebrew *)11

and ^li*! and to the Arabic >t4>, ^l4> and ^^^^ ^ In all these forms
there is the idea of something round, a circle, hence in the case of
the nouns, a court, or a surrounding wall, a fortress or place sur-
rounded by a walP. A common Semitic root ^1*1 with the idea of

^ Steph. Byz. s.v. Awpof ; Miiller, Fragm. hist, graec. VI, 363.

^ So Schtir., loc. cit.; Guer., Sam. 2:310.

2 Brown, Driver and Briggs, Heb. Lex., s.v.

^ Ibid. ; Marti on the passage.

^ Strassmeier, Assyr. und Akkad. Worter of Cun. Inscr. of West. Asia,
vol. II, no. 2107 ; Ungnad in Beitr. z. Assyr., vol. VI, Heft 3, pp. 27, 28 ;
Delitzsch, Handworterbuch.

® Muss-Arnolt, Diet, of Assyr. Lang.; Delitzsch; Handworterbuch ; C.O.T.
on Dan. 3: 1 ; ibid. II, 224 ; Clay, Amiirru, p. 130.

' C.O.T. on Dan. 3: 1 ; Marti on Dan. 3: 1.

^ In the Aramaic of the Talmud, etc., we have the form J^*)^*^ ('o? , I'®?),
frora")?)*Ty, "to dwell" with the meaning "village" or "town". This
word likewise has the idea of something round (Levy, Neuhebr. Worter-
buch) and goes back to the same root as these other forms.

^ From the idea of a surrounding wall comes the meaning " court" and
then " dwelling ", as in the Hebrew.

20 George Dahl,

*' moving in a circle," '' surrounding," etc., is doubtless the basis
of the Hebrew, Arabic and Babylonian forms. The name Dor
undoubtedly antedates the Hebrew occupation of Palestine*. The
same element 'dor' occurs also in the town names "Endor" and
" Hammoth-Dor '". Evidently the name Dor in Palestine is the
same word as the Babylonian Du-ru, and like it signifies eventually
'* a place or fortress surrounded by a wall or rampart"'.

' It was not until a late period that the Hebrews secured possession of
Dor (Josh. 17: 11, 12). They certainly did not give the name to the city.

^ At the present time (see S.W.P. Mem. II, 294) there is a small village
Durah about ten miles due east from Bethel, i. e., northeast from Jerusa-
lem. Probably this name ought to be added to the list of Palestinian names
containing the element ' dor '.

^ Prof. Fritz Rommel {Onindriss, pp. 27 f.) propounds the ingenious but
far-fetched theory that the name Dor is derived from the name Teucri ;
these were, he holds, among the sea-peoples who invaded Palestine c. 1300
B. C. But it is only by doing violence to the laws of etymology that he can
obtain even the most insecure foothold for his hypothesis. The mere state-
ment of the equation he must make is enough to rule out his theory from
the realm of probabilities. This is the equation : Dor = Do'or = Dokor =
Takkar = Zakkalu = Teucri. A far cry from Dor to Teucri ! Hitzig (Fhil-
istder, pp. 135 flf.; cf. Schenkel, Bib. Lex. s.v. Dor) compares Dor with
Endor lying on the same parallel, and propounds the theory that the names
are Indogermanic and given by the Philistine settlers. Dor then would
mean "pass', "entrance", "door". Endor would be "the other" Dor.
The two would resemble the front and rear doors of a house. This theory
is too refined and lacks support. The town doubtless had the name Dor
long before the Philistine invasion. Hitzig's derivation of Dor from the
Sanskrit dvar is improbable.

THE NAME NAPHATH DOR.

The Old Testament seems to distinguish between Dor and
Naphath (or Naphoth) Dor. Whereas in Judg. 1:27 and in 1
Chron. 7:29 the simpler form "Dor" alone is used, the other
passages employ the compound name. Thus, in Josh. 11 : 2 the
name is given as 11*1 nl£3J » and in 1 Kings 4: 11 as ^^1 il^^ • In
Josh. 12:23 the reference is to Tjl rifi^*? *111; here the two names

- T :

are clearly distinct the one from the other. In the obscure phrase,
n5^n n*^b^' of Josh. 17: ll (end) it is probable that nfi^H (the
form of the word is corrupt) has reference to the preceding *1}<1 '.
The most likely explanation of the meaning of the word n£3^ is
the one which connects it with the old Semitic root CV\y " to be
high ". Thus in Arabic the verb is used for that which is *' long and
high" (/^^^y^ JLb Ij! ^yJ^i ^^)) and we find Yanuf (also written
Yaniifa, Taniif, etc.) as the ancient proper name of a mountainous
region in North Arabia; see Yaqtit s.v. Similarly the fourth stem

participle, ^-ftA^xt , signifies "high", "lofty ", and is used especially
of buildings or mountains, also as the proper name of a mountainous

district, a lofty fortress, and the like. The word for the overtop-

G -
ping hump of a camel, o*J , comes from this root; as does also the

form wftAJ , "surplus", used in the sense of "over and above".
Cp. alsokiLAJ, "His Eminence", used as the title of cardinals'.
In the Hebrew^ the original meaning, "be high", seems to have
been retained in the Cll^ H^* » "beautiful in elevation", of Psalm
48:3\ Parallel with this meaning, however, and almost entirely
supplanting it, arose the use of the verb, principally in the Hiphil,
to mean "move to and fro", "brandish". Doubtless this signifi-
cation of the root arose from the fact that the brandished object,

' See the discussion of the passage on pp. 45 ff .

' Dozy, Supplement avx Dictionnaires Arabes, 738.

'B.D.B., Heb. Lex., 1,11 C^^y

^ So Engl. Rev. Version, Briggs, Baethgen, Duhm (who connects it with
KaAMOKo/MVTi = Fair-hill). Wellhausen, however, characterizes the word as
*' suspicious ", having " no appropriate meaning which can be established".

22 ^ George Dahl,

whether spear or offering, was held 07i high in the act of brandish-
ing or waving it. Related to the sense of the verb is the meaning
of the noun ilfi^ « "sieve", which is a "brandishing instrument",
being held high and waved to and fro. Thus in the Hebrew two
distinct meanings of the root fl^J developed together, one contain-
ing the idea of height, the other that of brandishing.

In the Aramaic' the verb comes to mean "wave, blow, fan",
corresponding to the "brandish" of the Hebrew. The Aramaic
noun rii^ denotes "tree-top" "bough". There is here an evident
fusion of the two meanings of the Hebrew, for the ideas of height
and moving to and fro are both applicable to the top branches of a
tree. But of the noun CY)^ in the direct sense of " height" we find
no trace in the Aramaic language.

The Syriac ^aJ has in like manner partially obscured the direct
sense of "height," though it has retained suggestions of the idea.
Thus in the Syriac of Ex. 20:25; Deut. 23:26, etc., the Afel of
the verb signifies "lift up". The Ethpeel is used in the sense "to
be brandished ". The Ettafal form is evidently to be interpreted
with the idea of elevation in the passage': "The hammers of the
Evil One, which were lifted up (oa^ZZJ) against them, did not
shatter them". Brockelmann also cites P. Lagarde's Analecta
Syriaca 2:146, 24 for the use of the Ettafal to mean "surrexit"

(rose)'. The noun l«QJ has among other meanings that of " nutus
manus". This beckoning with the hand is a motion evidently con-
nected with the verb idea "to brandish". All this evidence shows
that the Syriac has partially retained the idea of "height" origi-
nally contained in the word.

From the foregoing discussion it is evident that the primitive
sense of the root fll^ contained in the Arabic, viz., " be high ", has
been partially retained in Hebrew, Aramaic, and Syriac. In the
North Semitic dialect used at Dor, however, this original signifi-
cance of the root seems to have been preserved, at least so far as
the name of the heights inland from the coast city is concerned.
A feminine nominal form T^^y from the middle weak root fllJ

^ Levy, Neuhehr. u. Chald. Worterbvch.
' Ephraemi Syri (Overbeck), 115, 19 f.

2 1 have not the volume at hand to verify this reference. Payne Smith
has failed to mention this passage.
^B.D.B., JETeb. Lea;., p. 632.

History of Dor. 23

would seem to be the basis for the construct singular form ri£)^ and
for the construct plural HlS^ ^- The reference in the passages cited
would then be to the "height" or "heights" of Dor% probably in
the hilly and rolling country east of the town proper'. The pres-
ence of guard houses cut in the sides of the passage through the
ridge near Dreihemeh* would indicate that a garrison was kept
there. Without doubt the strategic heights behind the city were
also fortified ; in connection with this outpost of the harbor town a
settlement would naturally grow up^ To this settlement on the
heights, and to the district in which it lay, the name ^N"! T)^^
seems to have been given. The use of the name in the Old Testa-
ment, and the occurrence of the plural HlDJ > suggest that a con-
siderable territory was included in the term. In the D0"1 DDL^
( = "High Heavens") district of Sidon, referred to on the stones of
the temple of Esmiin excavated near that city, there seems to be a
sort of parallel to the terra *)X*1 Dfi^ • This "High Heavens" of
the Sidonian inscription seems to be the designation of a district or
suburb of the city located, like Naphath Dor, in the hilly region to
the East\ The existence of a town on the mainland at Tyre, called
IlaAatTvpos^ and the presence of similar off-shoots from the city
proper in the case of many of the coast towns, add strong confirma-
tion to our explanation of the origin of the name Naphath Dor.

Opposed to this interpretation of the name is Symmachus'^ ren-
dering of n£3<3 as 17 irapaXva. In Joshua 11 : 2 he renders "111 illS^D^

^ The long vowel t in the first syllable of the construct indicates that the
root of the noun is middle weak ; cf. HDCN)*^ i" B.D.B., p. 928. For jl£3^

- T VT

see below.

^ A.R.V., "height"; A.V., ** region, coast, border, country". G.A.S.
{Hist. Oeog., p. 654) defines the word as "elevation, raised land".

3 Ges., Thes., 331 says : " Excelsum fortasse promontorium ". "Promon-
torium" is improbable, especially in view of the il5^"']73 of 1 Kings 4: 11,
which implies a larger area than the slight promontory at Dor. The
Carmel promontory would scarcely be referred to in that passage.

^ See page 14.

^ The ruins of Dreihemeh itself prove that such suburbs of Dor actually
existed.

« C. C. Torrey in Jour. Am. Orient. Sac. XXIII, pp. 164 ff. ; Cp. XXIV, p.
215 ; XXIX, pp. 192 f.; Eiselen, Sidow, pp. 144 f.

' Hast., D.B., s.v. Tyre ; Ene. Bib. s.v.

^ F. Field, Origenis Hexapla, in locis.

24 George Dahl,

D^P as Kttt CIS ry]v TzapaXiav Aotp oltto Sva-fiiov. Similarly he translates
^'\1 n^p "111 of Josh. 12:23, (Awp) t^s TvapaXias; and ni^^l?^
n^^rt of Josh. 17:11 is interpreted, kol at rpet? TrapaXiai. Where
did Symmachus get his rj -n-apaXta ? In a comparison of the Hebrew
and old Greek texts of Josh. 11:2, 3 a possible answer is to be
found\ The D*'P ("on the West") of these verses is inexactly
rendered in the Greek both times as els tovs vapaXtovs. This phrase
in verse 2 immediately follows Nac^e^Swp (B, <f}€vaeS8(op) . It may be
that Symmachns' els rrjv irapaXUav immediately preceding Dor was
suggested to him by the almost equivalent eU rovs irapaXCovs imme-
diately following Dor in the old Greek. That he may have been
influenced by the Greek in this manner is shown to be quite possi-
ble by his procedure in verse 3. Here he follows the example of
the Greek in disregarding the 1 of the '"JOKHI and reads: koX airo
Sv(rfxu>v Tov *Ap.oppalov. It seems quite possible, therefore, that we
owe Symmachus' mistranslation of ri£3^ as rj -n-apaXia to the inaccu-
rate rendering of D^D by the Greek. It is also possible that Sym-
machus was influenced in his rendering by the fact that the Dor
known in his day was actually situated iv rrj TrapaXLa. In any case he
is apparently the first to propound the theory that the name means
irapaXux, and Stands almost alone in his interpretation. The proba-
bility remains that the name Jl^J does not refer to the coast town,
but to the strategically far more important heights above the
town. With this hypothesis the form of the name agrees.

In all the versions and translations the name ilQ^ seems to have
proved a stumbling-block. The Vulgate, with a different render-
ing each time the name occurs, is completely at a loss. In Josh.
11:2 it reads "in regionihus Dor iuxta mare "^ ; in Josh. 12 : 23, " et
provinciae Dor"; in Josh. 17:11, "et tertia pars urhis Napheth^'' \
and in 1 Kings 4:11, "omnis Nephat J)or''\ The Targum^ evi-
dently comes from the same source as Jerome's Vulgate renderings
"regionibus" and "provinciae", for it represents JlQ^ in Josh.
11:2; 12:23 and 1 Kings 4:11 by the construct plural ^5*73

* For the Hebrew and Greek texts see the discussion of the passage on pp.
41 ff.

2 Like the Greek the Latin here fails to understand the phrase Q^;^ .

3 Walton's Polyglot.

History of Dor. 25

(=Bezirk, Kreis') ; in Josh. 17:11 the absolute pD^^D NH^H
occurs. This native Jewish tradition cannot be relied upon in its
interpretation of the meaning of the word Naphath; it is valuable,
however, in that it indicates that T^^^ must signify a district
("Bezirk, Kreis ") adjoining Dor.

In the Peshitto of Joshua 11:2; 12 : 23 ; 1 Kings 4: 11 the name
is reproduced with no attempt at interpretation as 'o? ^-^ . The
form ^^-aJ represents a Hebrew segholate noun. But from a middle
weak root tV\^ no such segholate form is permissible. The penulti-
mate vowel of nfiJ ' construct T\^^ > must of necessitv be lone: and

T T -T *■ *^

its omission in the Syriac is therefore incorrect. It is quite proba-
ble that the Septuagint renderings Na<^c^8<op, Na<^€88(up, Nac^eSwp,
Nat^e^a, ^evi/eSSw/a, etc. (with € in the second syllable)" with good
reason suggested to the Syriac punctuator' that the form was
a Hebrew segholate noun of the qatl type. Hence he used the
equivalent Syriac form qHeV.

In its ^©1 ^-5^ in Joshua 17:11, the Peshitto departs from pre-

cedent in regard to the word Naphath, in that an attempt is made
to translate the troublesome nQ-iH TS^f^^ of that verse. The
numeral "three" before nS^H must have seemed to demand a

rendering of the noun. This t^©! is the plural of l^©! which
is defined* as meaning primarily "angulus"; metaphorically it may

^ Levy, Neuhehr. u. Chald. Worterbuch, s.v.; Dalman, Aram. u. Neuhebr.
Worterbuch.

2 It appears that the e in the second syllable was the vowel used by the
Greek translator to indicate the short construct vowel ^ of jH^J . Com-

- T

pare the rendering Pa/xe6 (L) for JIJ^'H of Josh. 13: 26— see also Josh. 19:8. —

- T

Only in ^sipaS^cjp of I Kings 4:11 (A) do we find a in the second syllable.

^ It is quite certain that the Syriac translator or translators also used the
Greek for comparison. Inasmuch as the Hebrew text was unpointed, it
was quite natural for the punctuator to adopt in case of doubt the vowels
supplied by the Greek.

* In Payne Smith's Thesaurus Syriacus 909£waJ is not given at all. This
omission should be supplied, and the word listed under both I^aJ and wsoJ ^
with the observation that the Syriac punctuation is due to a mistake. —
Another evident oversight in Payne Smith is the omission of any reference
to the town name 909.

= Payne Smith, Thes. Syr. I, Col. 1093, under root ]c"| .

26 George Dahl,

signify " plagae caeli ", and is used " de 7 terrae zonis sive clima-
tibus"; the word is also employed in the sense of " prineipes ".

Quite a difference in meaning between JlQJ , "height" and ^-©l ,
*'anguli"! The probable explanation of ^©1 is the following: In
the Hebrew the word for "corner" is H-^D • the plural is HJlS •
The r\\(fl^ preceding n£3^n would seem to the translator to indi-
cate that the latter was pluraP. Evidently the Syriac translator
interpreted the singular T\^^ in the unpointed Hebrew text as the
plural ri^3 , by the easy transposition of ^ and £3 • This H^Q

would then in the Syriac be translated ^-cl , "angles" or "cor-
ners". In the ^€W€.hho}p of Josh. 11: 2; 12: 23 (B text) the transla-
tor may have found warrant for transposing the first two conso-
nants. Moreover, the five towns he mentions in this verse (i. e.
Bethshean, Jibleam, En-dor, Taanach and Megiddo — Dor is omitted
in the Syriac), might easily have seemed to him, with his probably
rather hazy idea of the relative positions of the places, to form a

rough triangle, a "three corners" (rr'®!)'^- This supposedly tri-
angular shape of the district might have confirmed his faith in the
correctness of his rendering. But when Dor is substituted, as it
should be, for Endor", this argument from the shape of the district
would be weakened. The interpretation of Naphath as "height",
we must conclude, best fits the facts and the verses in which the
name occurs.

The peculiar and probably impossible form Jl^^H in r\^^\(^
r\^^'n (in the Hebrew of Joshua 17: 11) requires some explanation.
Evidently ri£3^ is in the construct state in the other instances where
it is used (viz. in Joshua 11:2; 12:23; 1 Kings 4: 11), and is there-
fore to be translated "height of" or "heights of" Dor. As will
be shown in the discussion of the verse, JlS^ in Josh. 17:11 was
likewise originally a construct form. It seems probable, that is,
that we have to do with a marginal gloss, ri§^ HJlt^'p^ ' whose
purpose it was to record a variant and superior reading of the
name of the third city in the enumeration: Ij^l ri£3^ instead of

1 See the discussion of Joshua 17: 11 on pp. 45 ff.

' Cp. Trinacria.

3 See the discussion of Joshua 17: 11.

History of Dor. 27

simply IKl . When the gloss strayed into the text, the H became
of necessity the article, and was attached to the following word, while
n5^ was pointed as a segholate noun (Jl^J ' with the first vowel
becoming 7 in the pause). But no such form would be possible
from the root f11^ , nor does there seem to be any way of account-
ing for the form, other than the one just suggested. The proposal
to pronounce the name as plural, jlb^jl ^ is quite fruitless. The
supposed segholate noun jl^J! should be omitted from our Hebrew
lexicons.

^ Budde, HolzlDger, Kittel, et al.

THE NAME TANTURA.
The name of the modern town is given by travelers under the
three forms: Tantura\ Arabic 'isylajJa^, Tartura% Arabic Sn^Jo,

o 9

and Tortura*, Arabic, 'i^^ylo . In reality these are variant forms
of the same name^ ; the letters r and n belong to the same organ and
are therefore, especially in borrowed words, easily interchanged.
The words tantur, tartur and tortiir (also tontur) all denote a
pointed or peaked cap, formerly worn by the Bedouin of Egypt,
and still in use among the dervishes of Egypt and Syria. They
also signify the horn of bone or metal used as part of the head-dress
by Maronite and Druse women in Syria\

Dozy derives the word from the verb /-^)-^ , "gloriatus fuit"

or "in altum sustulit, elevavit." But ^y^ does not seem to be a
native Arabic verb at all, and FraenkeF rightly rejects this deriva-

tion. It is, on the contrary, extremely probable that /J^y^ is a

denominative verb from the noun N*-bwb . In the Arabic language,
therefore, no derivation can be discovered for the nominal form.
In all probability the word is quite foreign to the language and has

1 Van de Velde, Narrat. 1:333 (1854); Wilson, Lands of the Bible, 11:249 ;
Wilson, Picturesque Pal., pp. 114 ff.; Guerin, Sam. 2:305 f.; S.W.P. Mem.
II, p. 3 ; G. A. Smith, Hist. Geog., p. 128 ; Baedeker (4), pp. 231 f.

2 P.E.F.Q., 1887, p. 181, no. 38. Guerin writes Kycli* .

3 Chevalier d'Arvieux (c. 1700) in Labat, Merkwiirdige Nachrichten, part
II, pp. 11-13 ; Buckingham, Trav. in Pal, p. 123 (1821).

'^ Pococke, Description of the East, II, p. 57 (1745); Irby and Mangles,
Travels in Egypt, etc., p. 59 (1844); Munk, Palestine, p. 59(1845)— this writer
says the town is called by the Arabs Ras-el-hedjl (i. e. " head of the plain ").
— Instead of the feminine ending H , the three names are sometimes given
with the masc. s.

'^ Dozy, Vetements, pp. 262 ff., Suppl. 11:36 ; Fraenkel, Aramdische Fremd-
worter, p. 53 ; P.E.F.Q., 1896, p. 171 ; S.W.P., Name Lists, pp. 141, 117 ;
Arabic Dictionaries.

^ Dozy, loc. cit.

' Loc, cit.

History of Dor. 29

been borrowed from without. This fact doubtless accounts for the
variations we find in the writing, both in its use as a common noun
and as a designation of ancient Dor.

Fleischer', followed by FraenkeP and Jastrow^ suggests that the
Aramaic ^p*)D^ a plural noun meaning "Kopfbedeckungen, Miit-

zen", is connected with the Arabic \y^y^ (and its variants) of

Dozy^ He finds no Aramaic origin for PtO'^D • Fraenkel raises

the question whether it be a genuine Aramaic word at all. Levy*

suggests "teretes'", Jastrow **turritum" (capitis ornamentum), as

the Latin original of the Aramaic word.

,, «'
Thus the Arabic )y^y^ and the Aramaic f^p^D . both signifying

head-covering or cap, stand isolated in their respective languages

and yet in apparent connexion one with the other. Both seem to

be borrowed, and the original must be sought in some language

with which the people of Syria and Arabia came into contact. The

conquest of these lands by Alexander opened the way for Greek

influence upon the native languages, and the Roman settlers after

Pompey brought in many Latin words ; in either the Greek or the

Latin, then, the original word is probably to be sought.

The Latin "tentorium" (English "tent" — in Middle Latin it is

also used to signify an "umbrella"^) seems to be the most probable

original of both (x^Aqj^ and pp*lD • In borrowed words the ten-
dency is to conform at first rather closely to the original form ; later
the word is changed to accommodate it more nearly to the language
into which it is taken. The Aramaic form as borrowed from the
Latin " tentorium" was probably IICDJD > the "ium " as usual drop-
ping off. Metathesis in borrowed words is very common and fol-

^ In his supplementary notes in J. Levy, Neuhehrdischesund Chalddisches
Wiyrterbuch, Vol. II, p. 210 (1879).

* Die Aram. Fremdworter im Arab., p. 53 (1886).

3 Diet, of the Targumim, etc., p. 552b (1903).

^ Jastrow vocalizes p^*)^ .

^ S. Krauss {Griech. u. Latein. Lehnworter im Talmud, etc., II, pp. 271 ff.)
questions, but without sufficient reason, this definition of ptO*ttD •

^ Neuhebr. u. Chald. Worterbuch, s.v.

"' Plural of adj. teres, "rounded off"; fig. "smooth".

8 Du Cange, Glossarium, m,ediae et ivfimae Latinitatis, s.v.

I

30 George Dahl,

lows no fixed laws\ Consequently the transposition of ^ and *) in
this word resulting in the form PpltO is not an unusual phe-
nomenon. The ending m was later regarded as plural.

In the Arabic a somewhat similar process took place. The oldest

form of the noun is very likely .JoX^d ? practically a transliteration
of tentor(ium). Next the n assimilated to the r of the last syllable
and the form^- U U came into being. Last of all the vowel of the
penultimate syllable was assimilated to the ' of the ultima, and the
form *Jowb was the result. This last is the most typically Arabic

form of the three". This explanation of the probable history of the
word is confirmed by the fact that at the time Dozy wrote (in 1845)
the word was in different stages of its development in various coun-
tries'. In Syria the form tantoura was used; in Egypt, tartour;
and in Algiers, tortora. This illustrates also the fact that in Syria
each of these forms was used at one time or another, and probably
more than one form was in accepted use at the same time. It
explains, too, the persistence or recurrence of the older form Tan-
tfira in the name of the modern town, although Tortura is appar-
ently the more recent version of the name. These various forms of
the word seem to be used interchangeably, now one, now another,
being in current use.

The derivation from the Latin *' tentorium" thus takes into
account the various' changing forms tanttir, tartur and torttir.
Levy's suggestion* that f^p^lD is derived from the rather far-
fetched "teretes", as well as Jastrow's^ proposal of *'turritum"
must be rejected. The derivation from "tentorium" has also this
superiority to the other suggestions — we can see that the name

' E. g. aKv<l>oc becomes in the Talmud }<pD1D (S. Krauss, Griech. u. Lat.,
etc., I, pp. 113 ff.). Cp. also Syr. NT''l")p from Kalddpiov, Arab.

from ^T^ ' jj**.iL«4> from jjaaJsJc-* {fJ-era^a), ^^jOx\ from apaivLKov, and

many others.

2 The form tontura also cited by Dozy (loc. cit.) is simply a variant form in
which the assimilation of the vowel ' preceded that of the consonant » .

3 Dozy, Vetements, pp. 262 ff. ^

4 Page 29.

5 Ibid.

History of Dor. 31

might quite easily be applied to a head-covering. The peaked
cap known under the name of tantur bears some resemblance
to a tent both in shape and in the open space within ; like a tent it
is a covering. The Middle Latin use of the word "tentorium " to
denote " umbrella " is a suggestive parallel.

Through what channels did this w^ord make its way into the Ara-
maic and the Arabic respectively ? The Aramaic-speaking peoples
came into immediate contact with the Roman legions and colonists.
In all probability they took over their 1^£0-5^ directly from the
Romans, later changing the form to TtO^lO • The Arabs, however,
did not usually come into such direct relations with the Greek and
Roman settlers; it is a fact that most of their Greek and Roman
loan-words seem to have come by way of the Aramaic. It is
furthermore most improbable that the same word should have been
borrowed independently both by the Aramaic and the Arabic. The
most probable explanation is, therefore, that the Arabs took over
the word from the Aramaic-speaking peoples of Syria; these in
their turn had borrowed it from the Romans.

The question of how this name came to be applied to the modern
village, successor to ancient Dor, must be considered. Two other
instances of the use of tantur as a proper name suggest a possible
answer. Tantur Fer'on is the name given by natives to a tomb
just outside Jerusalem which is distinguished by a pointed peak*.
A natural mound outside Acre, said to have been used as a redoubt
in a siege of that city, bears the designation "Tell el-Tantur"
("Mound of the Peak'y. There was probably here at one time
some sort of a peaked or pointed structure from which this name
was derived. Is it not probable that in both these cases the name
Tantur was applied because of a real or fancied resemblance to the
peaked cap or horn (tantur)?

The application of the name Tantura either to the ruins or to the
town' was made in a similar waj'. Until January 15th, 1895 (when

^ This tomb is otherwise known as ''Absalom's Pillar"; (Fleischer zu
Seetzen's Reisen IV, 256 ; S.W.P., Name Lists, p. 319).

2 S.W.P., Name Lists, pp. 117, Ul.

2 It is quite possible that the ruins were called Tantura before the town
received that name, perhaps even before the modern town came into being.
The name does not seem to go back very far.

32 George Dahl,

it collapsed)^ the most striking feature in the neighborhood of
Tantiira was a high tower, partly in ruins, situated on a rocky-
promontory north of the present town. This was clearly visible at
every point from Carmel to Caesarea\ The tower was called
el-Burj or Khirbet Tantura, and in shape resembled somewhat the
peaked cap or horn (tanttir). Doubtless this, the most character-
istic and dominating feature of the vicinity, gave to the place its
name, Tantura. With the changes in the name of the peaked cap
itself to tartur and torttir^, the name of the ruins and town changed
accordingly.

The ancient name of the town may have played a part in fixing
the modern name Tantura*. There is a marked resemblance in
sound between Tantura (or Tarttira or Tortura) and Dora, the usual
Greek form of the ancient name. In the Semitic languages the
dentals d and t sometimes pass over into one another', so that Dora
might become Tora'. In fact the Tabula Peutingeriana^ actually
gives the name as Thora, which is equivalent to Tora. This would
indicate that at a very early period (4th Cent. A. D.?) the name was
sometimes pronounced with emphatic t. That the distinction
between <> and io is not always strictly observed in this very town
is proved by the fact that Dr. Barth plainly heard the natives pro-
nounce the name of the town as Dandora®. It appears quite prob-

1 Schumacher in P.E.F.Q., 1895, p. 113. A. W. Cook, Palestine, 2:173
(1901) refers to the tower as though it were still standing. Baed. (4) (1906),
pp. 231 f . makes the same error.

« Murray, Handbook (1875), p. 358; P.E.F.Q., 1873, pp. 99 f.; Baed. (4)
(1906), p. 231.

3 See p. 30.

"* The theory of Gesenius {Thes. 331) that Tar^ura or Tortura is to be inter-
preted k«t> ^^ , "moDs Dorae", is not at all probable. So Riehm, Hand-

worterbuch I, 285.

5 Wright, Comp. Gram., p. 53; Gesenius-Buhl, under "j , \^ , J^ ; Lane
1819. In Turkish both 0 and lo can be pronounced either as d or t (Zenker,
Turk. -Arab.- Per s. Handworterbuch, pp. 418, 588.

^ Cf . i^'UnJ = (T-a) OnptaKo. (Fraenkel, Aram. Fremdw., p. 240). See also

Ewald, Ausfiihrliches Lehrbuch (1870), §47 C.

' Ed. Desjardins, Seg. IX. The Tabula Pent, is probably of the 4th Cent.
A.D.

sRitter, Erdkiiiide XVI, 607-612; Riehm, Handworterbuch I, 283. In
Germany the Saxons in like manner often substitute d for t.

History of Dor. 33

able, therefore, that the initial consonant of Dora was, occasionally
at least, changed to emphatic t, giving the form Tora. When later
the tantur-shaped ruined tower became the dominant feature of the
landscape, the chance resemblance between the words Tora and
tantur may have suggested to some native punster the appropriate-
ness of applying the name Tantiira to the ruins of Tora. Subse-
quently the inhabitants of the native tow^n adopted the new name* —

The feminine ending of S^^h^io is doubtless derived from the Ara-
maic determinative ending ^{T '.

^ Compare the adoption of the reproachful term ''Christians" by the
early church.
2 Supra, p. 17.

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XX. 3 1915.

►

THE GOLENISCHEFF PAPYRUS.

In that important and interesting document, named after its pur-
chaser and first publisher the Golenischeff Papyrus^, discovered in
1891 at Khibeh in upper Egypt, mention is made of the town of
Dor. Hrihor, the High Priest of Amon, although not called King,
seems to be in control at Thebes at the time (c. 1100 B. C.)'' the
events narrated in this document occurred; while Kesubenebded
(Smendes), afterward the first king of the 21st dynasty, rules the
Delta from his seat at Tanis. In response to an oracle, Hrihor
despatches an official named Wenamon to Byblos to procure cedar
from Lebanon for the construction of a new sacred barge for
Amon. In addition to a meager supply of money and presents the
messenger is given an image of the God, called " Amon-of-the-
Way ", which is to serve as a passport with the kings on his
journey. Having encountered extraordinary difficulties in the ful-
fillment of his task, Wenamon upon his return makes out a long
report of the mishaps that had interfered with the success of his
mission. The Golenischeff Papyrus contains Wenamon's authentic
report.

As first issued by Golenischeff the Papyrus seemed to indicate
that the greater part of Wenamon's transactions, including the pur-
chase of timber, took place at Dor\ According to the improved
arrangement of the Papyrus fragments by Erman*, however, the
major part of this story has Byblos as its scene of action.

On the 16th day of the 11th month, in the Stli year (probably of
Ramses XII) Wenamon left Thebes. At Tanis he was kindly

' Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, vol. IV, pp. 274 ff.; Hist, of Egypt,
pp. 513 ff.; W. M. Miiller, Asien. iind Eur., pp. 388 f.; Mit. Vorderasiat.
Ges. (1900), pp. 30 ff.; Maspero, Struggle of the Nations, p. 470 (note).

- Breasted gives the date as the "fifth year of the last of the Ramessids
(= Ramses XII, 1118-1090 B.C.), when he is but the shadow of a king";
Miiller dates Hri-hor "nicht spater als 1050, wahrscheinlich etwas friiher".

3 On the basis of this incorrect arrangement Guthe in 1908 {Paldstina, pp.
74 f.) argues that in Wenamon's time the neighborhood of Dor was thickly
wooded. Inasmuch as Erman had rearranged the fragments of the
Papyrus in 1900 Guthe need not have made this error.

4 In Zeit. fiir Agypt. Sprache (1900) no. 38, pp. 1 ff. ; Breasted, Miiller and
other scholars follow Erman's improvement in the order of fragments.

History of Dor. 35

received by the ruling Nesubenebded, and sent on his way in a ship
under the command of a Syrian captain. To quote from Wena-
mon's own account': "Nesubenebded and Tentamon sent me with
the ship-captain, Mengebet, and I descended into the great Syrian
(H'-rw) sea, in the fourth month of the third season, on the first
day. I arrived at Dor a city of Thekel (T'-k'-r'), and Bedel
(B'-dy-r')^, its king, caused to be brought forth for me much bread,
a jar of wine, and a joint of beef.

"Then a man of my ship fled, having stolen:

— (vessels) of gold (amounting to) 5 deben

4 vessels of silver, amounting to 20 deben

A sack of silver 11 deben

(Total of what) he (stole) 5 deben of gold

31 deben of silver.
(About 1^ lbs. of gold and about 7| lbs. of silver — Breasted.)

" In the morning then I rose and went to the abode of the prince,
and I said to him : ' I have been robbed in thy harbor. Since thou
art the king of this land, thou art therefore its investigator, who
should search for my money. For the money belongs to Amon-Re,
King of Gods, the lord of the lands; it belongs to Nesubenebded,
and it belongs to Hrihor, my lord, and the other magnates of
EgyP^; it belongs also to Weret (Wrty), and to MekmeP
(M-k'-m-rw), and to Zakar-Baal (T'-k'-rw-B-'-r')*, the prince of
Byblos^'."

"He said to me: * To thy honor and thy excellence! but behold
I know nothing of this complaint which thou hast lodged with me.
If the thief belonged to my land, he who went on board (Lit.,
descended into) thy ship, that he might steal thy treasure, I would
repay it to thee from my treasury, till they find thy thief by name ;
but the thief who robbed thee belongs to thy ship. Tarry a few
days here with me and I will seek him'."

^Breasted, Ancient Records, TV, pp. 278-9; op. Erman in Zeit. fur
Agypt. Sprache, no. 38, pp. 6 ff .

^ Miiller {As. und Eur,, p. 388) transliterates the name Bi-d-ira.
- ^ There is here given first the Egyptians who sent the valuables, and then
the Syrians to whom it was to be paid.

* This indicates the locality where Wenamon expects to buy the timber.

36 George Dahl,

'* When I had spent nine days moored in his harbor, I went to
him and said to him : ' Behold, thou hast not found my money
(therefore let me depart) with the ship-captain and with those
who go . . .'" (four lines are lost here and an uncertain amount
more.)

(Some twenty-three additional lines are missing here) "... the
sea. He said to me: 'Be silent . . . '" (three lines containing but
a few broken words; among them a reference to searching for the
thieves. The journey from Dor to Tyre is somewhere in these
lacunae.)

On his way from Tyre to Byblos, Wenamon in some way meets
some of the Thekel with a bag (?) of silver weighing 30 deben.
He seized this as security for the 31 deben of silver he had lost.
Four months and 12 days after his departure from Thebes, he
arrives at Byblos. Having come in an ordinary merchant ship
without rich gifts, Wenamon is ordered by Zakar-Baal to leave.
But after 19 days one of the noble youths attendant upon Zakar-
Baal falls into a prophetic ecstasy and demands that Wenamon be
summoned and treated with honor. The king in conversation with
Wenamon asserts his independence of Egypt and requires Wena-
mon to send to Egypt for part payment of the timber he wishes to
secure. After the return of Wenamon's messenger with gold and
silver and other valuables, the desired logs are delivered by the
king. Upon promising to pay the balance Wenamon is permitted
to embark. But to his despair he discovers eleven Thekel (Tak-
kara) ships outside the harbor, waiting to arrest him, doubtless
because of his seizure of silver from the Thekel he had met between
Tyre and Byblos. Zakar-Baal on the following day calls the
Thekel fleet to an interview, during which Wenamon embarks and
escapes. Contrary winds, however, drive him to Cyprus (Alasa),
where he barely escapes being killed by the populace. He manages
to secure an audience with the Queen and is protected by her. The
report here breaks off and we do not know how Wenamon finally
managed to reach Egypt.

The Thekel (or Takkari), whom Wenamon finds settled at Dor,
had begun entering Syria under Ramses HI (1198-1167 B. C.) 80
years or more before. In his eighth year Ramses met and deci-
sively routed in Syria by land and sea a number of maritime
tribes who had made common cause with the invading Libyans.

History of Dor. 37

According to the Medinet Habu inscriptions', these tribes consisted
of the Peleset (Pw-r'-s'-t), the Thekel (T'-k-k'-r'), the Shekelesh
(S'-k-rw-s'), the Denyen (D'-y-n-yw) and the Weshesh (W-s'-s').
Papyrus Harris^ adds to this list the Sherden. These sea-peoples
seem to have come from the coast and islands of Asia Minor^
Miiller* rejects the etymological identification of the name Takkari
with Teucri^ on the ground that the double k makes this impos-
sible. Maspero' and Breasted" are inclined to see in them the
Siculi (or Sikeli).

Apparently these invading tribes received only a temporary set-
back in their defeat by Ramses III. In the reference in Wena-
mon's account to the presence of Takkari at Dor we have proof
that within less than a hundred years Ramses' temporarily defeated
opponents have firmly established themselves in Syria^ Their
realm seems to have extended along the entire coast from Carmel to
the Egyptian border. In the north were the Takkari; farther
south were settled the Philistines and the remaining tribe8^
Whether they came as a genuine " Yolkerwanderung " ", or simply
as mercenaries and robbers" who afterward settled tlown to agri-
cultural and commercial life, there is hardly suflicient evidence to
decide.

Under the weak successors of Ramses III these tribes seem to
have established their complete independence. It has been shown
that the Egyptian messenger, Wenamon, is treated with scant cere-

' Breasted, Anc. Rec, IV, pp. 36 ff.; Muller, As. u. Eur., pp. 359 flf.

2 Breasted, Anc, Rec, IV, § 403.

3 Muller, As. u. Eur., pp. 360 f.; ibid., Mit. Vorderasiat. Ges., V(1900), p.
4; Hommel, Orundriss, pp. 27 f.; G. A. Smith, Hist. Geog., p. 197.

4 Mit. V. A. Ges., V (1900), p. 1.

5 Hommel, Grundriss, pp. 27 f .
^ Struggle, p. 464.

' Anc. Rec, IV, p. 33.

^ Maspero's theory {Struggle, p. 470) that Ramses III planted his captive
Pulusati, etc., along this coast to safeguard the Egyptian frontier is improb-
able and lacks confirmation. More probably he was unable to keep them
back.

^ Paton, Early Hist, of Pal. and Syria, p. 148; W.M.M. in Mit. V. A.
Ges. (1900), p. 1 ; Ed. Meyer, in Enc Bib. Ill, 3735.
^0 So Breasted, IV, p. 33 ; Ed. Meyer, 1. c.
» W.M.M., As. u. Eur., p. 360.

38 George Dahl,

mony both at Dor and at By bios*. The king of Dor pays little
attention to the complaint about the robbery, and later the Takkari
fleet has no hesitation in pursuing Wenamon.

Dor seems to be at this period a town of some importance. A
fleet is maintained and the king carries himself with apparent dig-
nity and confidence. He seems to have very little fear before the
accredited representative of Egypt. The tribal name of the inhabi-
tants of Dor (i. e. Takkara) does not again appear either in the Old
Testament or in other literature'. Probably they were absorbed
into one stock with the more important and powerful Philistines'.

* We must, however, make due allowance for the probability that Wena-
mon's story is colored by his desire to justify his failure to fulfill his mis-
sion. By picturing the kings as unfriendly he would more easily excuse
his failure.

« Unless "alu Zak-ka-lu-u" of 4R34, No. 2 refers to them. See below,
pp. 39 f .

3 Erman, Zeit. fur Agypt. Sprache, 38: 1 ff.

DOR IK ASSYRIAN LITERATURE.

The town Dor is mentioned, together with other cities of Syria,
in an Assyrian geographical list (2R53, No. 1, Rev.). Unfortu-
nately this list is only a fragment and we are unable to determine
its exact context. Probably it is the enumeration of conquests or
tributary cities of some Assyrian ruler\ The transliteration of
lines 35 to 41 follows^:

line 35 *'"Di-mas-ka (Damascus;

^'"Kar-ni-ni (?)

'^^"Ha-ma-at-(ti) (Haraath)

'^•"Ha-ta-rik-(ka) (Hadrach)

^' " Man-su-a-te (Mansuat)

line 40 ^'"Du-'-ru (Dor)

^^"Su-bat, ^^"Ha-ma-a-tu (Zoba; Chamath)
Dor is written :

Again in a similar fragmentary list of Syrian cities, whose exact
purport is unknown, Dor occurs, this time between Damascus and
Megiddo (2R53, No. 4)':

line 55 ^^"Sa-me-ri-na (Samaria)

*^"Di-mas-ka (Damascus)

''^"Du-'-ru (Dor)

''^"Ma-gi-du-u (Megiddo)

^^ " Man-su-a-tu (Mansuat)

line 60 ^^" Si-mir-ra (Zemur)'

Here again Dor is written with medial ' (= ji^ ).

' G. Rawlinson {Anc. Monarchies II, p. 397 f.) evidently with this list and
the one next to be discussed in mind, names Tiglath-Pileser III as the ruler
in question ; he adds that " Dor was even thought of sufficient consequence
to receive an Assyrian governor ". The information contained in the two
references to the town does not furnish material on which to base either of
his deductions.

2 Following Schrader's transliteration in Keilinschriften und Geschichts-
forschung, p. 122.

^ Ibid., p. 121.

'* The balance of the fragment (lines 61, 62) is broken off.

40 George Dalil,

As in Josh. 12:23; 17:11; Judg. 1:27; 1 Chron. 7:29; Doris
mentioned in this latter list in close connection with Megiddo. It
would seem that these cities were connected in a way that led
naturally to their being mentioned together. The fact that Dor
appears in the list with these other cities of northern Syria makes it
practically certain that the city is the one we are discussing, and
not some other of the numerous cities with that name. The writ-
ing with a medial breathing * corresponds to the more cor-
rect *)K*1. Apparently Dor is at the time of this inscription
(sometime before 605 B. C.) a town of enough importance to be
worth enumerating among the principal cities of the West. The
town is not unknown in the land of Assyria.

HommeP is inclined to identify the city Zakkalfi (Zak-ka-lu-6) of
4R34, No. 2 with Dor. This document is a letter written by a
high Babylonian official to an Assyrian\ In it mention is twice
(lines 41, 45) made of " ^^"Zak-ka-lu-u," where one of them had
waited (in vain ?) a whole day for the other. The identification of
Dor w^ith Zak-ka-lu-ii is, however, very precarious. The name as
we have it in Egyptian references^ is written with simple k (3) and
not as here, with k (p). Furthermore, we have no evidence that Dor
was ever called Zakkara or the " Zakkalite town." Hommel's con-
tention^ that the name Dor is derived from Takkar might, if true,
indicate that Dor is the town referred to in this letter; but it has
been shown that his derivation of the name lacks all semblance of
probability. Until we find good evidence that Dor was also called
Zakkara or "the Zakkalite town", we must omit 4R34, No. 2 from
the list of references to Dor in Assyrian or Babylonian literature.

^ Geschichte, pp. 433 f . ; Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology,
(1895) 17:203; Anc. Heb. Trad., pp. 233 f.

2 Tiele {Bab-Assyr. Geschichte, p. 145), however, holds that the letter is
from an Assyrian to a Babylonian prince.

3 Breasted, Anc. Rec. IV, p. 278 (T'-k'-r), pp. 36 ff. (T'-k-k'-r'); Muller, As.
u. Eur,, p. 388 ; Hommel, Grundriss, pp. 27 ff.

^ Grundriss, I. c. ; see above p. 20.

I'i

DOR IN THE OLD TESTAMENT AND THE APOCRYPHA*

JOSHUA 11:2.
The first Biblical reference' to Dor is in Joshua 11 : 2, in connec-
tion with the conquest of Canaan by Joshua. In chapter 10 the
subjugation of the southern portion of the land has been described.
Chapter 11 continues the story by narrating the events connected
with Joshua's conquest of the kings in the northern half of Canaan.
According to this account Jabin, King of Hazor"^, forms a coalition
of these northern kings to oppose Joshua. He sends to Jobab,
King of Madon, and to the Kings of Shimron and Achshaph (Josh.
11 : 1) ; he also sends (Josh. 11:2):

T • : - -: • vv T T*^: x t t I : • v -: • t : - v :

'):ii) ^nnni n'oNni d^oi mrD^: ^jr^sn (3a)

• • - : • v: t: t- t:-- •^:-:-

*'And to the kings who were on the north, in the hill-country, and
in the Arabah over against' Chinneroth, and in the Shephelah and in
the heights of Dor on the west, to the Canaanites on the east and on
the west, and the Amorites, and the Hittites, etc." The Greek (B)
reads : (2) koI tt/oos tovs fiaatXih tovs Kara SiSwva rrjv fJicyaLXrjv, eis ttjv
opuvqv Kttt CIS T-qv PaySo, aTreVavrt Kevepw^, Kat cis to ircStW koX cts <^ci/ac88(o/3,
(3) Kttt €.l<i T0V<5 irapaXiovi ^'^Xavavatovs ctTro avaToXQiv, Kat ct? TOv<i irapaXiov<i
* kjxoppaLov<: koX 'Evaiov?, ktX. Variant : For ^cmeSSwp, A* gives Na^cScop,
A'F offer Na<^e^8(op. The form ^evaeSSwp has clearly arisen from the
simple transposition of the syllables va and <^c in l>ia<f>€6S(op. The
second e in <^evac88a)p may represent a misreading of the uncial letter
^ as c; the doubling of the 8 may be a correction from cfyevveSSwp of
Josh. 12:23. Apparently this Greek form is based, not on n1£3J
as in the text here, but on r)£3^ as in the other passages*.

For f1£3VD in the Hebrew of verse 2 we should probably read
p£3VP ' since there is no occasion for the use of the status con-

' That is, first in order of book and chapter, not in order of composition.

'■'Cf. Judges 4: 2, 17.

3 See below for change to "7J| j .

^ The large number of variants in the writing of this name illustrates
how proper names change in transmission from one language to another.

42 George Dahl,

structus here'. The reading of the Greek : Kara 2i8wm rr^v fieydXrjv,
is certainly to be rejected. 2t8<uva arose from a misreading of
pfiVD as pnVD . It would seem that the Greek translator read
here nn!! tlT) ])'l)if2 instead of IH^ p^DVD \ Quite possibly he
was influenced by H^^ p^^V ^^ verse 8. The Greek has dTrcVavrt
for the hardly possible ^y) and points, therefore, to "Ijl^ as the
original reading'. D^P is read by the Greek with the following
verse and mistranslated, koI cis tovs TrapaAtbvs, kt\. ; the Greek trans-
lates D"'p of verse 3 in exactly the same way; whereas 0^0 should
be rendered "on the West", or "westward"*.

The reference in verse 2 is throughout to regions or districts,
^n refers to the mountainous territories in northern Samaria and
Galilee*; by JlllJID 1!\1\ HD*!^ is probably meant the Jordan val-
ley near the Sea of Galilee and perhaps also the plain to the west
of the sea"; il^^t^* refers to the low hills between the Central Range
and the coast plain\ In like manner the term "111 illSJ must sig-
nify the hilly district east of Dor including the ridge extending
from Carmel to Caesarea".

Verse 2 seems to be a later insertion in the text, dating from the
earlier part of the Persian Period^ So far as the event it purports
to record is concerned, it has very little historical value. It does,
however, reflect the conviction of a later supplementer that the
region Xaphath Dor was important in earlier times. Doubtless he
based this conclusion upon the prominence of the district and of the
city of Dor in his own time. Not even are names assigned to the
shadowy kings of these vaguely defined districts. We can hardly

^ Bennett, S.B.O.T.; Holzinger, K.H.A.T.; Steuernagel.

2 Margolis in A.J.S.L., XXVIII (1911), p. 13.

2 Steuernagel, et al.

■* The translator's knowledge of Hebrew is perhaps defective (A.J.S.L.,
XXVIII, p. 13).

5 Steuernagel, Holzinger.

« Ibid.

"^ Not the coast plain itself (as in Steuernagel and Holzinger), G.A.S., Hist.
Geog., p. 203; S, R. Driver in Hast., D.B., III, 894.

8 See the discussion of the name Naphath Dor, pp. 21 ff.

® Bennett assigns it to D^ ; Carpenter and Battersby to R'', an expansion
of vv. 1, 4-9 (J); Steuernagel to D^ ; Holzinger to "JE«? D? junger?"
Verse 1 is much older.

History of Dor. 43

suppose, therefore, that the late writer of this verse had any dis-
tinct individuals in mind.

JOSHUA 12:22, 23.

The twelfth chapter of Joshua gives a list of the kings subdued
by the Israelites in the course of their conquest of Canaan, verses
1-6 covering the East-Jordan region and verses 7-24 the rulers
west of the Jordan. In the list of kings defeated by Joshua in the
West-Jordan country appears the King of Dor. Josh. 12 : 22, 23

im tri|;5 T]^p w

TheKingof Kedesh: One.

The King of Jokneam, i. e., the Carmel district: One.

The King of Dor, i. e., the Height of Dor: One.

The King of the Nations, i. e., the District (= Galilee) : One'.

The Greek (B) reads: (21, 22) /Sao-tAc'a Ka8>79, Bao-cAea ZaKax, Bao-i-
Xia MapeSo)^ koX ^aa-iXm 'Icko/x. tov Xcp/AeA, (23) fiaaiX&i 'EXBiofx tov ^cv-
vcSSw/o, ^aariXea Tcct Trj<s TaXeiXjauiS'

Codex A is here, as usual, far superior to B. In verses 21, 22
both the order and name-forms of the Hebrew are much more faith-
fully and more correctly reproduced by A. It has 0amx, MaycSSwv,
Kc8es and IcKova/x. In verse 23, A offers instead of 'EASw/x the form
ABBoyp. Evidently AS is the combination of the final vowel of /Sacrt-
Aca with the initial consonant of Awp — a clear case of dittography.
A also offers in this verse the superior reading, Na<^eS8(u/3. In this
form the 88 instead of 68 is probably to be accounted for by the
fact that, in the cursive manuscripts, 0 and 8 are written so much
alike that they are easily confused\ For Teei, A reads Fwet/A, and
for raXctXatos it has FcAyca (i. e. FcAycA, A in an uncial manuscript

^ See the discussion following, for departures from the usual rendering of
this passage.

2 Maunde Thompson, Hdbk. of Ok. and Lat. Paleography, Table opp. p.
148. There may also have been an unconscious assimilation in speech or
writing of the 6 to the 6. — For a fuller discussion of the word, see the chap-
ter on Naphath Dor.

44 George DaM,

having been read A). In this last instance, raXctXatas of B is doubt-
less to be preferred to the readings of A and the Hebrew. In
agreement with the B-text the Hebrew here ought probably to be
emended so as to read ^''^il ^- It is probable that, as in 7D'^5 ^^
verse 22, 11*1 Hfi^ of verse 23 and TSl^ in verse 18, a district is
referred to. We know of no district called ^^^ ; but the name

T : •

*7^^j| is applied to the region on the northern border of Israel's ter-
^itory^ Doubtless this is the district here meant.

The reference in verse 23 above is to *)1*1 ilD^^ *)1*1 • The

- T :

preposition *? of il9^^ is rendered by the American Revised Ver-
sion (and usually) "in". The same interpretation of ^ is generally
given in bpt? (verse 23) and bfTS^b (verse 22)'. In all these
cases, however, the preposition seems rather to be meant in the
sense of " namely ", " i. e." This usage is exactly the same as that
found in classical Arabic*. An excellent illustration of this use of

*7is found in Ezek. 44:5: vn^in-'^D'?^ nin^-n^:!! nipH-'^D^

: T T : T : •• I ■•. T :

** Namely, all the statutes of the house of Jehovah and (namely)
all its laws". Again in Ezek. 44:9 the expression, ^IDJJ'Q"^^'?
should be rendered: "namely (or "i. e.") every foreigner". This
use of ^ seems to have escaped the translators of our English
Bible.

In accord with this interpretation we must translate Joshua
12:22, 23 above:

(22) Theking of Kedesh: One\
The king of Jokneam (i. e., Carmel) : One.

(23) The king of Dor (i. e., the Heights of Dor) : One.
The king of Nations (i. e., the District) : One.

^ So Dillman, Kittel, Holzinger, Bennett, Steuemagel.

2B.D.B. s.v. '^^'pjj.

^ To these instances should be added J'j'^ti^'^ in verse 18. This verse

must be emended to read "]n{< f IHt^'? p£3K H'^^ ^^ Bennett, Holzinger,
Steuernagel, et al.).

^ See especially Torrey, Ezra Studies, pp. 121 f., 273; Comp. and Hist.
Value of Ezra-Neh., p. 18; Wright, Gram. (3), II, 151 C ; Ges.-Buhl (13),
Handworterhuch, under '^ , § 8b.

^ The numeral " one" does not appear in the Greek, which is here quite
corrupt.

History of Dor. 45

Similarly the emended text of verse 18 is to be rendered:
(18) The king of Aphek (i. e., Sharon): One.

In all these instances either the original compiler of the list or a
later glossator introduces by means of the preposition 7 a more
comprehensive designation of the whole realm ruled by each king.
By the "King of Dor", accordingly, is meant the ruler not only
of Dor proper but as well of the whole district above the city known
as Kaphath Dor'.

The list of kings in Joshua 12 : 7-24 seems to come from a writer
of the Deuteronomic schooP. It dates, therefore, from the Persian
period. Inasmuch as Dor can hardly have come under the domina-
tion of the Hebrews until a much later date% it is most improbable
that Joshua really defeated the King of Dor. Consequently the
notice in verse 23 merely reflects the opinion of a Deuteronomic
editor writing in the Persian period as to the probable extent of
Joshua's conquests.

JOSHUA 17:11-13, JUDGES 1:27, 28, 1 chronicles 7:29.
Following the account of the conquest of Palestine in the first
half of the book, Joshua 12-24 deals with the apportionment of
the territory. Chapters 16, 17 give a very confused description
of the borders of the "children of Joseph," i. e., Ephraim and the
western half- tribe of Manasseh. After the south border of the two
tribes as a whole, and the borders of Ephraim have been described
in chapter 16, Joshua 17 continues with the borders of Manasseh.
Verses 11-13 then give a list of cities located in Issachar and Asher
ideally assigned to Manasseh, of which the tribe was, however,
unable to secure possession.

^ The use here of Naphath Dor in parallel construction with the districts
Carmel, Galilee and Sharon (compare Josh. 11:8) is fairly conclusive
evidence that the term refers to a region dependent on or adjacent to the
city of Dor, and is not merely another name for the city itself. See the
chapter on Naphath Dor.

- Bennett assigns it to D^; Carpenter and Battersby to R'; Steuernagel to
the Deut. school. Holzinger is inclined to assign it to P?, though perhaps
in dependence on JE.

^ It is open to doubt whether Dor itself ever came under Hebrew rule.
At least there is no satisfactory evidence to prove that it did.

46 George Dahl,

D:^'??n 0'^'"'^?*' |i?^'"^^3 ^^to*' iDc^^^? n'v^^d? ^'^n (^d
iib tr"-)ini op'p ^;_^;?n-n?< i:iinn '?Nntj^f '03 ^p{n ^3 ^*^p_ (i3)

(11) "And Manasseh had in Issachar and in Asher: Beth-shean
and its dependencies, and Ibleam and its dependencies, and the
inhabitants of Dor and its dependencies, and the inhabitants of
Endor and its dependencies, and the inhabitants of Taanach and its
dependencies, and the inhabitants of Megiddo and its dependencies
(Third in it is Naphath)'.

(12) Yet the children of Manasseh were unable to dispossess
those cities; but the Canaanites persisted in dwelling in that
region.

(13) And it came to pass, when the children of Israel became
strong enough, that they put the Canaanites in the working gangs,
but by no means dispossessed them."

The Greek (B) reads:

(11) Kttt corat Mavao-cr^ iv Ia(ra)(ap Koi iv *A(rrjp Kai^oav kol at Ktofiai
avTwv, KOL rovs KarotKovvTa? Atop kol toi? Kiofjuas avrrjs, kol Tov<i KaroLKovvras
MaycSSo) Kttt TGI? K<i)ijui<s avTTJs, KOL TO rpCrov t^s Ma<^€Ta /cat ras Kw/xa^s avrrjs.

(12) KOI ovK rj^vvda-drjarav ol viol Mava<T(Tr) k^oXtOpeva-ai tos ttoXcis ravras
Kai Tjp^tTO 6 Xavavalos KarotKctv iv rfj yy Tavrrj-

(13) KOL iyevT^Orj kol tTret KaTL(T)(y(rav ol viol 'IcrpaT^X, /cat iiroLrja-av T0V5
Xavavat'ovs vtttjkoov^, i^oXedpevaai Sk avrovs ovk i^oiXiOpeva-av.

In v.ll instead of Kat^oav, B'^ '"^A read more correctly Bat^o-av.
For Aw/o, B^^ ^'s reads 'ESwp. A has the form MayeSSwp. A inserts
before Kat t6 rpirov the phrase : Kat rov^ Karot/cowTas Tava;)( Kai ras
Kto/tias avT^s. For Ma<^eTa, A has Na<^e^a. V.12: A has r}Svv^Or)(Tav.
For ^PX^To, A reads -^p^aTo (Cp. Judg. 1:27). Y.13: A omits the
second Kat. For cTrct Kariaxva-av B^A have cTTtKaTio-xvcrav. For
iioXeOpevaai, A reads oXeOpeva-ai. In verse 11 the rendering of ^^l^^
in the Greek as a future, corat, is probably due to the carrying over

' See discussion below.

History of Dor, 47

into the narrative of the idea of divine command suggested by the
reference in verse 4 to Moses' injunction's. That this is actually
meant to be a future form is proved by its repetition in verses 8,
9, 10, and by KaTaftrjaeraL in verse 9. — In verses 12, 13, C^HIn »
"to dispossess," is rendered i^oXeOpevcrai, "to destroy utterly." (Cp.
l^aipoiv in Judg. 1:27 (B), rendered by A there 2i% iKX-qpovofxr^dcv) .
This use of iioXeOpevaai is another instance of free interpretation by
the translator, who was doubtless influenced in his rendering by
the record of the divine injunction to put these cities under the
ban (Cp. Josh. 8:2; 6:17, 21, 24).

Included in the first chapter of Judges we have a parallel to the
account in Joshua 17:11-13. According to this chapter the con-
quest of Canaan was not achieved by a single irresistible move-
ment of united Israel (as in the book of Joshua), but by a succes-
sion of attacks by single tribes or by coalitions consisting of several
tribes bound together by ancient ties or common interests. On
the whole the representation in Judges is more historical than that
in Joshua. After the narration of positive successes by Judah and
Simeon (1 : 1-20) and by the " House of Joseph " (1 : 22-26), there
follows a series of notices describing the failure of particular tribes
to dispossess the native Canaanites. The first of these notices
(1:27,28) deals with the tribe of Manasseh, in whose allotted
territory was situated the town of Dor:

Tj^i^n-nj^i n»ini^5-ni<i fN^-n^3-ni< n'mr? trnin n^^i (^7)

: - T •*^:- : - v v t- •• t : • | - t • • :-

: itrnin

(27) "And Manasseh did not dispossess Beth-shean and its
dependencies, nor Taanach and its dependencies, nor the inhabitants
of Dor and its dependencies, nor the inhabitants of Ibleam and its
dependencies, nor the inhabitants of Megiddo and its dependencies;
but the Canaanites persisted in dwelling in that region.

(28) And it came to pass, when Israel became strong enough,
that they placed the Canaanites in the working gangs, but by no
means dispossessed them."

k

48 George Dahl,

The Greek reads :

(27) Ktti ovK i^pev Mavaa-crrj rrjv HaLOcrdv, rj ecmv %Kv60iv TroAts, ovSc ras
6vyaT€pas avr^s ovSk ra Tre/oibi/ca avTYJ<s, ovSk Tr}V ®avaK ovSk ras Ovyaripaq
avTYJ<s, ovBe tov^ KaroLKOvvras A top ovSe ras dvyaripa^ avT7J<s, ovSk tov Karot-
Kovvra BaXaK ovBe to. irepLOiKa avTrj<; ovSk ras dvyaT€pa<s avTrjs, ovSc tovs
KaroLKOvvTaq MayeSo) ovSc rot TrepioiKa avrrjs ovSk ras $vyaT€pa<s avrrj^, ovSk
TOVS KUTOtKovvTas 'Ic/JAaoL/x ov8c Toi ireptoiKa avrrjs ovSk ras dvyaT€pa<; avr^s*
Kttt Tjp^aTO 6 Xavavaios KaroiKciv ev ttJ yj^ ravrr}.

(28) Kttt cycVcTO OTC €vto-xv(rcv 'Icrpar/X, Kat i7rot7}(rev tov Xavavatov cis
<f>6pov, Kttt i^aipwv OVK iirjpcv avTov.

For c^pcv in v. 27 of the Greek, A reads iKXrjpovofirja-ev. (For
BaAttK it has BaXaa/w,; this form stands in place of Di^75! ^^ ^^^
Hebrew text and corresponds to it. (Cp. BaXaaS in the Greek of
1 Chron. 7:29.) Evidently the initial * has been lost because the
iinal ^ of the preceding ^5^' confused the copyist. (Cp. the copy-
ist's error in the loss of the final * of OtJ^^ before *)1*1 in this same
verse.) Later, since the name Jibleam seemed to have been omitted
in this list, someone added it afte?' Megiddo, thus really repeating
the name for Jibleam and giving six instead of five towns\ For
TrepLoiKa 1°, A gives 7r€pL(nr6puL ', he omits it 2°, 3°, 4°. ^ co-Ttv %Kv6it)v
TToAis is probably an interpretative comment by the translator, or
else a later gloss that has strayed into the text.

Again in 1 Chron. 7:29 there appears a notice similar to and
doubtless derived from those in Josh. 17: 11 and Judg. 1:27. In
his notices contained in chapters 4-7 concerning the genealogies,
history and military strength of the tribes, the Chronicler in chap.
7: 14-29 groups together the two sons of Joseph. Verses 14-19 of
chapter 7 give the genealogy of Manasseh, while verses 20-27 trace
Ephraim's genealogy ; in verse 28 the cities on the southern border
of Ephraim are listed, while verse 29 gives the principal cities on
the northern border of Manasseh. Instead of mentioning all the
cities belonging to these two tribes, the writer describes their com-
bined territories by naming those cities on the southern and north-
ern boundaries. In his enumeration of the towns on the north,
Dor is included (v. 29).

' In the Enc. Bib., Article "Dor," only four towns, viz., *'Bethshean,
Ibleam, Megiddo and Dor," are mentioned in Judg. 1:27. Evidently the
omission of Taanach is an oversight.

History of Dor. 49

The Greek reads:

(29) KoX €o}<; bpLiiiv vttuv Mavacrcrr;, Bai^oraav Kat at KOi^iavTrj^, @aXfxr} kol
at KOifJudL avTTJ^ ' KOL BaAaS Kat at K(i)fJuiL avTr]<;, MaycSSet Kai at Kdyuai avrrj^,
Aw/3 Kat at KWfJULL avTrj<; • iv ravrrj KaTWKrjcrav ol viol l<jiar]<f> vlov laparjX.

(29) "And upon the borders of the children of Manasseh,
Bethshean and its dependencies, Taanach and its dependencies,
Megiddo and its dependencies. Dor and its dependencies. In these
dwelt the children of Joseph the son of Israel."

Comments on the Greek: For ©aXfXYj, A reads 0aavax- A has
MayeSSw. For vlov A* reads vtot. For BaAaS A reads BoAaaS, which
evidently corresponds to BaAaa^t of Judg. 1 :27 (A), and like it is a
corrupt rendering of Dp'^D*. "^fhe initial iota of 'leySAaa/x was per-
haps dropped through the influence of the final iota of Kat preced-
ing the name. (But cp. DJ^*?? ^^ ^ Chron. 6:55). The form
BaAoaS (with 8) may be due to the common confusion in Greek
uncial writing of A and M. The fact that the name occurs in some
of the Greek texts', though lacking in the Hebrew, is probably to
be accounted for by the tendency of the Greek translators (or
editors) to use their own judgment in revising and interpreting the
text before them (Cp. Awp in the Greek of Judg. 1 : 31, and r/ ianv
Skv^wv TToAt? of Judg. 1:27). Here Jibleam seems to have been
introduced from the parallel passages in Josh. 17:11 and Judg.
1 : 27, more probably the latter\

As has been suggested above', the peculiar phrase H?^!! il^^W
in Josh. 17:11 was in all probability originally a marginal gloss,
n£3-D nnC^'?t^, that later found its way into the text, meant to
point out that the third toxcn in the list {T\TW^^f — " third of it")
was to be read with prefixed r)£3J ; i. e., ^^'^ DfiJ • This was

i - T - T

evidently a variant reading, whether the original and correct one

^ Lagarde's Edition omits Balad but follows the order of B. Instead of
'Mavaoaf], it reads Mww^f. Holmes-Parsons omits BaTiaaS in the text (based
on KE'l>) but records it as appearing in several texts.

^ The order of towns (except Dor) follows that of Judg. 1 : 27, and the form
BaP.aaJ is, as explained above, equivalent to Balaafi of that verse.

3 Pages 26 f.

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XX. 4 1915.

50 George Dahl,

or intended merely to distinguish this 1K*1 from other Dor's, for
example, from ^1 pj7 in the same verse. By a very natural mis-
take, the two words of the gloss were wrongly divided, the jl be-
ing taken for the article and therefore joined to the following.
The gloss was then inserted at the end of the verse, no other place
being obviously suitable for it. n£3Jn could not of course be read
as n£3^n ' since ri£3^ could only be the construct state of a noun
n£3J > from the root tllJ . The word was therefore not unnaturally
read as a segholate, nfi^H ^ as though from a root Jl^D^ • (To read
nfi^n* as some modern commentators have suggested, is only to
make a bad matter worse. The phrase would be grammatically
objectionable, rW^^ with a feminine noun, and the troublesome
article; moreover, it has no possible meaning in the present con-
text.) This explanation seems to be the only one that will in any
satisfactory manner really explain the phrase that has proved such
a stumbling block to all commentators^

In nnC^^*?^ of Ezekiel 21 : 19 (Heb.) we have a case almost exactly
parallel to the one under discussion. The true significance of the
form T\TW^^^ bas also in this instance escaped the commentators.
The verse, now corrupt, reads as follows:

urii nninn ^iijin bbn T\n N^n u'^iin nnn

._. ^ .. .. - ^ _ ^ ^ ._. ._. . . ^ _.

Apparently, a marginal note, D^'p'^H Dill Hnt^^'?^ ' supplied a
variant reading for '^^n D"^n (which is the third time the word
D*)n appears in the verse). That is, the form of the verse which the
glossator wished to preserve was the following: Dill Dlfl '?£3Dn^

'^y^ bT\yn n'^iin Din N^n u'^iin . observe that this reading

(with D^^'^n instead of '^'^fl) is supported by the Old Greek (r/oav-
/Aartw) and by the Peshitto (U^^^), which accordingly corroborate
our proposed explanation of the difficult Hilt^^'ptp^ — For the rest,
the verse is obscure; in fact this very obscurity may have led to
the writing of the marginal gloss that later, by its insertion into

' The T in jl5^ i® lengthened in pause.

' The Greek, with its rb rpirov rf/g Na^f^a, has mistaken the phrase as a
town name, and is of no assistance in determining the true meaning of the
expression.

History of Dor. 51

the text, greatly added to the difficulties. But whatever may be
the correct reading of the rest of the passage, the explanation given
for nnC^^'?^^ is apparently the only one that will really account
for its presence in the verse.

That the above interpretation of the occurrence of n^-^H n?^'?^^
in Josh. 17 : 11 is correct is rendered still more sure by the study of
a similarly obscure phrase in Isaiah Q6 : 7. Here at the end of the
verse we read: Dp^H b^ T^p^^. ^i^\V.p ^H'^OV The conclud-
ing phrase of the preceding verse (65:6) reads: Dp^H ^]l ^Iip'jL^V
In some manuscripts there must have been variation in^ or doubt
about, the reading of the preposition. (The form ^^ of our M.T.
is obviously a combination of the two readings ^^ and ^}))' Con-
sequently, some scribe seems to have placed in the margin opposite
verse 7 a note calling attention to the fact that the undoubted read-
ing of verse 6, the "first" (H^ti^N*^) occurrence of the phrase, was
Dp^n ^V' When this gloss, viz. '^J^ n^b^NH . was transferred
from the margin into the text, the vowel of the '^JSI which already
stood there was carefully preserved.

In each of the three cases discussed above (i. e., Josh. 17:11,
Ezek. 21:19 and Is. 65:7), the recognition of the gloss "first
time" or " third time " solves a riddle which has seemed insoluble.
Cases of the insertion of the similar gloss " second time" (il*^^)
are already well known; see for example the commentators on
Ezekiel 4:6.

A comparison of the Hebrew of Josh. 17:11 and Judg. 1 : '^7
reveals the fact that the former has one name (viz. "1*^ pj^) more
than the latter. Nor does Endor appear in 1 Chron. 7:29. In
the Peshitto of Josh. 17:11, Endor has actually displaced Dor.
Together with Jibleam it .is omitted in the Greek (A) of the verse
in Joshua'. Inasmuch as Endor lies considerably north of the rest
of this line of border towns, and the textual evidence for it is so
poor, it probably has no place at all in this list. It would seem
that in some early manuscript Dor was written defectively. This
led to the conjecture that Endor was meant, which thus crept into
the text as an additional name. Some later reader decided, and

^ It is barely possible that 'Edwp of B* ^ '"? may represent the name.— The
B-text also omits Taanach. These omissions in the Greek are probably
accidental.

52 George Dahl,

rightly, that Naphath Dor was meant; his conjecture is preserved
in DWn nt{/^^ at the close of the verse. In view of the proba-
bilities, and of the evidence against its originality, we must reject
il pj; from Josh. 17:11.

Of the three passages cited (i.e. Josh. 17: 11-13; Judg. 1: 27, 28
and 1 Chron. 7:29) the one in Judges is in all probability the
oldest and most historical. Apparently the notice in Joshua has
been borrowed from that in Judges and has been modified to some
extent. To fit the later theory of the tribal domains, the Joshua
passage introduces the "correction:" "l^NDI ")Dti*ti^^5' Just
what this theory in regard to the settlements of the tribes was, it is
impossible for us, in view of the confused and conflicting state-
ments regarding it, to determine. That Judg. 1:27, 28 is the
older and better account is further indicated by the fact that it
bluntly states that Manasseh did not drive out the inhabitants of
these cities (which, according to 2 : lb-5a, they could have done
had they obeyed Jahweh's commands), while Josh. 17:12 softens
this down and lessens their guilt by declaring the children of
Manasseh were not able to dispossess them. In the retention in
Josh. 17: 11 of the accusative ^DC^'^-DNI and of ^JtJ^'n from Judg.
1 : 27 (where they fit into the construction as they do not at all in
the Joshua passage) there is added evidence for the dependence of
Josh. 17:11-13 on Judg. 1:27,28.

The list of boundaries of Manasseh in 1 Chron. 7 : 29 agrees in
content but not in form with Josh. 17:11'. It would appear that
the Chronicler has rearranged the names he found in the other two
passages, so that the order followed by him is the correct geograph-
ical one, with Dor last. To change (with Moore and Budde) the
arrangement of the towns in Josh. 17:11, Judg. 1:27, so as to
follow the geographical order is hardly justifiable. Both passages
place Dor third in the list, and the gloss r)£3^ ilDt^^^ corroborates

this order. The Taanach Jibleam order of Judg. 1 : 27 may

have been corrected by the one who borrowed the verse in Josh.
17: 11. Dor's position in both passages may be due to a doubt as
to which Dor was meant (cp. Endor in Josh. 17:ll)^ It would

' As explained above, Jibleam is not given by the Chronicler (Hebrew)
though it is represented in the Greek by Ba?ia{a)d.

2 Ancient lists of towns are often in very irregular order. See on Judith
2:28 below, p. 55.

History of Dor. 53

appear that the account in Judges belongs to the J. strand of
narrative, and that Josh. 17 : 11 is borrowed from this account.

The cities mentioned in these passages form a line stretching
from Bethshean on the east to Dor on the west. Bethshean (mod.
Beisan) is situated at the eastern end of the Great Plain. Jibleam
has been identified with the modern BePameh, south of Genin',
others place it northwest of Bethshean, the modern Yebla^
Taanach (mod. Ta'annuk) lies west of Bethshean and northwest of
Bel'ameh. Megiddo is northwest of Taanach, at the modern Leggiin.
This chain of fortified cities separated the tribes of Joseph from
their brethren struggling for a foothold in Galilee to the north.

^Kt**! in Josh. 17:12, Judg. 1:27 contains the idea of determin-
ation, and the clause may be translated " persisted in dwelling (or
remaining)'". The Hebrew text of Judg. 1 : 27 is quite irregular in
its use or omission of ^5^^ ^"^ •^^ll'^^? * '^^^ reference in Josh.
17 : 13 ; Judg. 1 : 28, to the time when Israel become strong ([llptH)
is probably to the times of David. We have no satisfactory proof
that the city of Dor ever came into his power, although in 1 Kings
4: 11 the whole region of Naphath Dor is assigned to Ben-Abinadab,
Solomon's son-in-law'. DO refers to the working gangs.

Thus, according to the accounts of Josh. 17: 11-13; Judg. 1: 27,
28 and 1 Chron. 7: 29, Dor is one of the border cities of Manasseh,
whose Canaanite inhabitants maintained possession of their cities
at the time of the Hebrew invasion. Later, it is claimed, these
inhabitants were put to task-work by theh* Hebrew conquerors. It
may be doubted whether the Hebrews ever secured more than a
brief suzerainty (if even that) over the people of remote Dor. The
frank statement that "they by no means expelled them" indicates
that the town remained Canaanite. As for Dor, it was far away
in Philistine or Phoenician rather than in Hebrew territory, and
therefore in a position to maintain its freedom.

JUDGES 1:31.
The Greek of Judges 1 : 31 includes Dor among the cities
assigned to Asher which remained unconquered. The verse reads
(A-text) :

^ Moore, Budde.

2 G.A.S., Hist. Geog., Maps I, VI.

^ B.D.B. s.v. ^^'f ; Moore on the passage.

■* See below.

54 George Dahl,

(13) Ktti ^Aaijp ovK i^pev tov<; KaTOiKovvTa<s 'A/c^^w, kol iyevero avrw ets
<f>6pov, KOL Tovs KaroiKOvvras Atop kol. tovs KarotKovvras ^c8o)va Kat tovs
KaroiKOvvTa? AaXacf) kol tov ^Acr^evSel Kai Tr)v ^xcSiav Kat Tr]v 'A<^€k Kat r^v

In the Massoretic text Dor does not appear. None of the ver-
sions except the Greek seem to have it*. The textual evidence for
the genuineness of the citation of Dor in this place is, therefore, very-
poor. In all probability the name is an insertion into the Greek
based on the passage in Josh. 17:11, where Dor is mentioned
among the enclaves of Manasseh in Issachar and Asher". Both
Moore and Budde comment on the absence in the Hebrew of Tyre,
which lies between Accho and Sidon; this is the very position
occupied by Dor in the passage. It is, of course, barely possible
that there was present in the original Hebrew the name *1lV; but
of this we have no proof. In view of the faulty character of the
Greek text of Judges and of the evidence of free redaction in it,
we must consider it probable that the inclusion of Dor in the Greek
of 1 : 31 is the word of an editor's hand. In any case it adds
nothing to the information contained in the passages already
discussed.

1 KINGS 4: 11.

1 Kings 4: 7-19 contains a list of twelve victualling officers of
Solomon, placed over "all Israel." Fourth in this list appears
(verse 11) the name of Ben-Abinadab, in charge of "all Naphath
Dor:"

r • : t:t : - -t -tt tt*-:Iv

Translation: " Ben-Abinadab, all the Height of Dor; (Taphath,
the daughter of Solomon, was his wife.)"
The Greek reads (A)':

1 Walton's Polyglot.

5 The verse Josh. 17:11 is based, as indicated above, on Judg. 1:27, which
also names Dor and precedes the passage now under discussion by only
three verses. Probably these verses are all connected with one another, at
least in the mind of the Greek translator.

3 The text of B in this verse is hopelessly confused and corrupt; it is
another illustration to prove how poor is the document Swete chose as his
basic text.

History of Dor. 55

(11) vlov 'A^iva8ay8 iracra ^€<f>a^<i)p^ Tac^ara Ovydrrjp SaAw/xwv -^v avrw
CIS ywaiKa (BKE$ add cIs).

Whether D"l^*5N'f5 ^^^ ^^^ other names in this list compounded
with Ben are surnames like Ben-Hadad' in 1 Kings 20, or whether
the proper names originally preceded Ben and were later accident-
ally dropped, is uncertain. In the Greek, vlov should become vl6^.
The CIS which appears at the end in many good manuscripts m^y
point to an original "IflN as in Josh. 12:9ff.

The mention of sons-in-law of Solomon in this section points to
a period somewhat advanced in his reign. However, considering
the evident fact that the whole tendency of 1 Kings 3-11 is to
magnify Solomon and his reign, we may well doubt the historicity
of these reputed divisions of his kingdom. Again, as has already
been said, it can hardly be put down as certain that Solomon's
realm really included the remote district of Dor, located as it is in
debatable territory lying between Philistia and Phoenicia. It is,
however, true that Biblical tradition is consistent in ascribing to
Solomon a greater extent of territory than was held by any other
Hebrew ruler. If ever the ''height of Dor" belonged to Israel, it
was at that time. The passage does not seem to be from the oldest
strand of the narrative of the Books of Kings; very likely it was
from some other historical work editorially included in the book'.

JUDITH 2:28.
In the book of Judith, following the account of Holofernes'
punitive ravages in the plain of Damascus, the terror inspired by
him in the coast cities is described as follows (Judith 2:28 (18),
A Text) :

Kttt iirecrev 6 cfi6^o<s kol 6 Tpojxo^ avrov ctti Tov<i KarotKOvvras rrjv TrapaXiav,
Tovs ovra? iv ^lSwvl kol iv Tvpto, kol tov? KaToiKovvTa<; Soiip /cat 'OKCtm, kol
Travra? tovs KaroLKOvvras 'Ic/tvoav, kol ot KarotKovvrcs iv 'A^torw kol 'AcrKa-
\o}VL l^o^rjdrja-av avrov (r<f>6hpa.

(28) "And the fear and dread of him fell upon them that dwelt
on the sea coast, upon them that were in Sidon and in Tyre, and

^ Gray {Prop. Names, pp. 73 f.) explains the form of these names on the
theory that, like Ben-Hadad, some or all of these officers were foreigners.
^SoStadein S.B.O.T.

56 George Dalil,

upon them that dwelt in Dor and Accho, and upon all that dwelt in
Jamnia ; and they that dwelt in Azotus and Ascalon feared him
exceedingly."

After 'Ao-KaAwvt, ^^. H.-P. X, 58. Syr. Old Lat., read Kal T6.^y}.
It is quite possible that Gaza stood in the original text. For
*OKeivd, K^* and H.-P. 19, 108 read Kivvaiovs. But the town-name
better fits the context. 'OKctva is, as most commentators agree,
Accho (= Ptolemais), a haven north of Carmel.

For the third town in the list, the B-text reads 'Aa-a-ovp, of which
*Ao- is merely the repetition of the final letters of the preceding Kar-
otKovvras. The reading of i<*, Tovp^ is perhaps influenced by the pre-
ceding Tvpw. The Syriac with ^^ojo evidently renders a Greek name
written with a. Lohr (in Kautzsch's Apokryphen), following Ball
(in Wace^s Apocrypha) and Ewald', interprets the form as an acci-
dental repetition of the foregoing Tvpcp, (=:^or.). Fritzsche rightly
rejects Ewald's suggestion as being quite improbable, and fixes
instead upon *)1*1 as the city here referred to. He argues that the
locality speaks strongly for his interpretation; and that Dor and
Accho are so close to one another that the fact that the names have
exchanged places in the list is quite without significance. It should
be remarked in this connection that ancient writers, even in strictly
geographical treatises, are by no means careful to preserve the cor-
rect geographical order in their lists of cities^ It is, besides, open
to question whether the writer of the book knew much about
the relative positions of the northern coast cities; he might easily
have made the mistake through ignorance. Even if the original
order of towns in this verse w^as the correct one, the later faulty
writing of the name of Dor as ^ovp and of 'Akko as 'OKctm would
have caused confusion ; perhaps this led to the transposition of Dor
to its present position after Tyre^ As far as the form Sovp is con-
cerned, it would appear that in some cursive manuscript 8 was
written so much like o- that Swp was read as o-wp. Inasmuch as the

^ Oesch. des V. Israels, III, 2, p. 544.

2 Cp. the varying order of cities in Josh. 17: 11 and Judg. 1: 27 above ; see
also Bibl. Geog. Arab. VII, p. 327, line 7 (Jubail, Saida, Beirut) ; p. 329, 2 ff.
(Caesarea, Jamnia, Jaffa): 2R53, No. 4, lines 55-58 (discussed below), gives
the order : Samaria, Damascus, Dor, Megiddo.

3 It is not at all impossible that the transposition took place under the
impression that ^ovp was actually a doublet to Tu/59.

History of Dor. 57

confusion of w and ov is a very common phenomenon, the variation
between %ovp and Awp is easily explained.

The date of the composition of Judith is generally placed in the
second century B. C. It is a romance with its setting in the times
of Nebuchadrezzar. As such it has little or no historical value.
The principal value of this notice consists, therefore, in its indica-
tion that in the second century B. C. the writer recognized in Dor
one of the coast towns important enough to merit enumeration in a
list of the larger cities of the region.

THE ESHMUKAZAR INSCRIPTION AND DOR.

The Eshmunazar inscription (Lines 18-20) states that the ''Lord
of Kings", in return for assistance rendered, presented Dor and
Joppa to King Eshmunazar II of Sidon as a perpetual possession.
The text of the inscription reads :^

. D'^j;'? . Dnv'? . d::)^'? . f nj< . '7:1:1 . r!?}; 20.

18. ''Furthermore, the Lord of Kings gave to us Dor and
Joppa'', the glorious lands of Dagon which are in the field of
Sharon, in recognition of the assistance which I rendered; and we
joined them to the territory of the land, to belong to the Sidonians
forever."

The date of this inscription is variously stated as the fourth or the
third century B.C., i.e., either in the Persian or in the early Greek
period. The argument for the date has usually depended on the
interpretation of the expression "Lord of Kings" (DD'^O J"?N)-
It is urged' that this is a Ptolemaic title and that the inscription
must therefore be dated about the middle of the third century B.C.
Schlottman* on the other hand refers to the Persian custom of
rewarding with gifts of cities those rulers who had served Persian
interests in some special manner. He therefore dates the inscrip-
tion in the period of Persian prosperity, perhaps during the time of
the wars with Greece. Schiirer*, on the basis of Scylax' Awpos ttoAis
StSovtW, decides that the inscription must certainly be placed in
the Persian period. His contention is that the transfer of Dor to

1 C.I.S. I, 3 ; Lidzbarski, Taf. IV: 2.

' Hilprecht {Explorations in Bible Lands, pp. 615 ff.) makes the incorrect
statement that "Eshmunazar extended the boundaries of Sidon by the
conquest (sic !) of Dor and Joppa."

2 E. Meyer in Enc. Bib., 3762 f., s.v. Phoenicia; Cooke, North Semitic
Inscriptions, p. 40.

* Die Inschrift Eschmunazars, pp. 48 fif .

6 G.J.V. II, 129.

^ Geographi graeci minor es, ed. Miiller, I, 79.

History of Dor. 59

Sidon which Scylax' statement presupposes is the one referred to
here by Eshmunazar. Inasmuch as Scylax lived about 350 B.C.\
Eshmunazar must be dated in the period of Persia's supremacy.
This argument of Schilrer seems to have considerable weight. The
counter-argument based on the usage of " King of Kings " by the
Persians instead of "Lord of Kings" is not decisive. The latter
title was used of Alexander^ and others, and may well have been
applied to the Persian overlord.

The excavation of the temple of Eshmun at Sidon possibly
throws some light on the question of the date of Eshmunazar II.
According to the report of Macridy-Bey'', a first temple was
destroyed and another built in its place. This second temple was
in its turn demolished, not later than the latter half of the third
century B.C. The date of the building of the second temple
Macridy-Bey, on the basis of fragments of architecture found
there, places in the latter half of the fourth century B.C. The
destruction of the, first temple he therefore dates about the middle
of the same (i.e., the fourth) century. It must therefore have
been built at least as early as the first half of the fourth century
B.C. More convincing still is the discovery, amongst the debris
from the first temple found under the pavement of the recon-
structed temple, of a votive inscription in basalt upon which were
engraved several lines in hieroglyphic script giving the name of
Ak'horis, an Egyptian King of the 29th dynasty (393-381 B.C.)
This would bring the probable date of the first temple back to the
5th century. Now the inscriptions of King Bod-ashtart were
found imbedded in the core of the north wall of the reconstructed
temple*. They were so placed in the inside of the wall that they
could neither be seen nor read, and evidently consisted of stones
from the old temple used in rebuilding the later one. These
inscriptions, therefore, probably belonged to the first temple and
are to be dated not later than the early fourth century B.C. Inas-
much as Bod-ashtart belongs to the same generation as Eshmun-
azar II (both being grandsons of Eshmunazar I), Eshmunazar II

^ Schiirer, I.e.; Gutschmid, Kleine Schriften, II, 77.

2 E.g., in the Umm-el-'Awamid inscription {C.I.S. I, 7; Cooke, p. 44).

3 Le Temple d 'Echmoun a Sidon (Fouilles du Musee Imperial Ottoman),
pp. 13 ff.

?J6id., pp. 32-34.

60 George Dahl,

should probably likewise be connected with the first temple, and
his inscription dated in the early fourth century. When this
evidence is taken in connection with the testimony of Scylax (dis-
cussed above) we have fairly strong presumptive evidence that
Eshmunazar (and the inscription) antedates the Greek period and
should be dated during the period of Persian domination. This
tentative conclusion does not, of course, exclude the possibility
that further discoveries in Syria may cause us to decide in favor of
another date for this inscription.

P*l in line 19 has been variously translated as " corn " and as the
god "Dagon." We know that Dagon was worshipped among the
Philistines'. Joppa lies well toward Philistia, and Dor, as indi-
cated above, was settled by the Takkara related to the Philistines.
There is, therefore, every possibility that at this time Dagon" Avas
also the god of Joppa and Dor, and that the inscription means to
indicate that these regions were within the realms of that god.

The use of the adjective rrmK may give some slight indication
that p*l is to be interpreted as the name of the god. In both
Hebrew and Phoenician, 1^*1N has the meaning *' majestic", "glo-
rious '", and is very frequently used as an epithet of divine beings
(e. g. in C.I.S. 118, and in the cry of the Philistines in 1 Sam.
4:8). Compare also such common Phoenician names as '?J^D")^K •
In line 16 of this same (i. e. Eshmunazar) inscription the word is
used in the phrase D")^^? ODt^ ("Glorious Heavens''), which
apparently designated the hilly district where the temples of the
gods were built*. Cooke (North Semitic Inscriptions^ p. 38) says
of the adjective here: "The idea of expanse is contained in the

J Moore in Enc. Bib., p. 983; Paton in Hast. Enc. of Rel. and Ethics, s.v.;
Schrader in Riehm's Handworterbuch.

2 It seems most probable that Dagon is related to the Babylonian god
Dagan (so Moore, Paton, Schrader, E. Meyer in Enc. Bib., s.v. Phoenicia).
It would appear that this god was found in the land by its Philistine, etc.
conquerors and adopted by them. The name Dagon is probably connected
with TJC^ (=com), for he seems to have been both in Babylonia and Canaan
a god of agricultm-e. On a seal he has the emblem of an ear of corn (Paton,
I.e.). On the other hand it is still possible that the name comes from y*^ ,
**fish" (so Schrader, I. c; Meyer, Gaza, pp. 115 fif.).

' B.D.B., S.V.; Siegfried und Stade, s.v.; so also in New Hebrew, cp. Jas-
trow, Diet, of Targ., s.v.

* Torrey in J.A.O.S., vol. 23 (1902), p. 168 ; vol. 24 (1903), pp. 214 ff.

History of Dor, 61

root; so IIN is suitably applied to the wide corn-lands of pt^".
It seems much more probable that the choice of the adjective is due
to the presence of the divine name, Dagon. This agrees with the
usual connotation of "IHK • The use of this particular adjective
here is, of course, very precarious evidence for the worship of
Dagon in Dor at the time of the Eshmunazar dynasty ; and yet its
possible value must be admitted*.

' Neubauer {Geog. Talm., p. 13) translates : ** pays du Dagon adore'' with
the note : "La racine "H"!}^ se trouve plusieurs fois dans cette meme inscrip-
tion avec le sens 'adorer'." While he has correctly perceived that the
adjective has probably been chosen with reference to the mention of the
god, he has no sufficient warrant, either in this inscription or^elsewhere, for
translating it *' adore." The grammatical form forbids this and requires
that n'lINn he read with ny")N •

EARLY GREEK WRITERS.

HECATAEUS.

That Dor was not unknown to the Greeks in early times is evi-
denced by the citation from Hecataeus of Miletus in Stephan of
Byzantium*. Hecataeus, who lived c. 500 B. C, is quoted as fol-
lows (from his Trc/atT/yryo-t?) : 'EKaratos *Ao-ta • " fiera Sk -^ TraXai Awpos,
vvv 8c Afhpa KoAciTai."

" Hecataeus in (section on) Asia: 'And next comes ancient Doros,
now, however, called Dora'."

But the change from Doros to Dora occurred long after the time
of Hecataeus\ It seems, therefore, that the version of Hecataeus
used by Stephan of Byzantium had been added to by interpolation.
We have no reason to doubt, however, that Hecataeus knew and
mentioned Dor.

CRATERUS.

It has been argued by some' that Dor was for a time tributary
to the Athenians during the period of Athen's hegemony in the
Mediterranean (fifth century B. C). This claim is based on the
assumption that Dor in Caria mentioned by Stephan of Byzantium*
is really the Phoenician Dor. The passage from Stephan reads as
follows :

t<TTL Kol Kapias Awpos ttoXls, ^v (TvyKaTokiyu rai? 7roA.c(rtv rais KapiKat?
Kparepos ev tw irepl {f/r}<f>i(rfidT(iiv TpiTto " KapiKos <f>6poq Abipos, ^aa-rjXxTaL.^^

" There is also a city of Caria named Doros, which Craterus^ in
the third book of his treatise ' Concerning Decrees ' records among
the Carian cities (as follows): ' Carian tribute: Doros, the
Phaselians'."

Phaselis, the city named with Dor as on the Carian tribute-list,
was situated on the Lycian-Pamphylian border. These provinces

' Steph. Byz. s.v. Awpof ; Miiller, Fragm. hist, grace, I, 17, n. 260.

2 See chapter on the name Dor ; Schtir., G.J.V., II, pp. 138 f.

3 See Cooke, Enc. Bib., s.v. Dor ; Schur., G.J.V., II, pp. 138 ff.
•* S.v. Acjpog.

'" Greek historian of the third cent. B. C. (Smith, Diet, of Or. and Rom.
Biog., s.v.)

History of Dor, - 63

are far from our Dor, and it would require much more conclusive
evidence than has yet been brought forward to establish a probabil-
ity that we are to look south of Mt. Carmel for the city named by
Craterus\ It may be that settlements of Greek Dorians in Caria
led Craterus to speak of a city Doros that had no real existence.
It is far more probable, however, that the Dorians actually had in
Caria a city Doros, since the name is not uncommon. It seems
best, therefore, to reject the assumption that Phoenician Dor is
intended in the passage under discussion.

APOLLODORUS.

Apollodorus, an Athenian grammarian who lived c. 140 B.C.", is
quoted by Stephanus Byzantinus^ as follows :

*A7roAAo8a)pos 8c Awpov KaAct cv XpovLKiov 8' " els Awpov ovaav iTridaXar-

TLOV TToAlV."

*'And Apollodorus mentions Dor in the fourth (book of his)
Chronica: 'To Dor which is a maritime city.' "

ARTEMIDORUS OF EPHESUS.

From Artemidorus of Ephesus, a geographer who wrote c.103
B.C., we have a fragment in which Dor is mentioned in connection
with Strato's Tower (later Caesarea) and Mt. Carmel. The pas-
sage reads* :

Ktti 'ApTC/xt8<opo? Awpa Tr]V ttoXlv otScv ev ^F,TrLTOiJ.rj twv id " 2vvcx<«i? S* to'Tt
Sr/jciTtuvos TTTopyos, etra Ivt A(opa iirl -^€paovrj(ToeLOov<i tottov k€lix€vov ttoXlct-
fioLTLOVj dp)(oix€vov Tov opov^ Tov Kap/Ai/Aov." KOL €v 0' ycwy/oa^ov/Acvtov TO
avTo.

*'And Artemidorus is acquainted with the city Dor in his
Epitome book 11: 'And adjacent is Strato's Tower, then comes

^ Kohler, Urkunden u. Untersuch. zur Gesch. des delischattischen Bundes
(AbhandluDgen der Berliner Akad., 1869), p. 207, cites from another Athen-
ian tribute-list Ke?Jv6eptg (on the Cilician coast opposite Cyprus) to prove
that Athenian influence reached far towards Syria. But this city is too
remote from the Phoenician Dor to establish his contention.

^ Enc. Brit. s.v. Apollodorus.

2 Ed. Meineke, s.v. Awpof.

ISteph. Byz., I.e.; C. Miiller, Qeog. Graec. min., I, 576, Fragm. 18 (from
Marcian of Heraclea).

64 George Dahl,

Dora, a small town situated upon a peninsula, near the beginning
of Mt. Carmel.' And in the ninth book of the Geography the

ALEXANDER EPHESIUS.

In his geographical poem, Alexander Ephesius^, a contemporary
of Cicero (106-43 B.C.), joins Joppa and Dor in one of his lines.
Stephanus Byzantinus'' cites as follows :

Kttt *AX€^av8/oos cv 'Acrta "Awpos T*dy;j(taA.os t'^Iottt; 7rpovxov(Ta 6a\d(rarr}<S'^^
"And Alexander in the section, 'Asia'": * Both Dor bordering
on the water and Joppa jutting forth into the sea.' "

' Called Avxvog; Knaack in Pauly-Wissowas Enc. s.v. Alexander Ephesius,
n. 86.

2 Quoted in Meineke, Analecta Alexandrina, p. 374.

3 The geographical poem was divided into three parts, 'Evp^Trrf, *Aaia and

AlfiVTf.

HISTORY OF DOR DURING THE GREEK, MACCABEAN
AND ROMAN PERIODS.

POLTBIUS, HISTOEIAE 5 : Q6.

In the course of his early campaigns against Ptolemy Philopator
of Egypt, Antiochus III (*' the Great ") besieged Dor without
result. The strength of the place and the reenforcements sent
by Nicolaus, together with the approach of winter, made him
abandon his attempt. This was in the year 219 B.C. Polybius
thus records the incident' :

*AvTtoxo<s Be <Tvve(rTa/x€vo<s TroXiopKiav wepl ttjv KaXovfJLcvrjv ttoXlv Aovpa^, kol
7repaLV€LV ovSkv 8wa/u.cvos 8ta re ttjv oxvpoTrjra rov tottov koI tols Toiv Trcpt tov
NtKoAaov Trapa/So-qdeuis, crwaTTTovTos ^Srj tov )(€LfX(i)vos, avvex^PV^^ '''^'■^ Tra/oa
TOV IlToAe/xatov Trpecr/Setats dvo;(a? T€ TroLrjcraa-Oat T€Tpap.rivovq Koi tS)v 6\o)v €i9

irdvTa (TvyKaTa^-qa^aOaL to. f^tkavOpoiTra ravra 8* tirpaTTC, TrkelaTOV

fikv d'7r€^(jDv TYJ^ aXr}deta<; • (TttcvSwv Sk p.r] iroXvv ^ovov a/iroaTrdaOaL twv
oiK€L(DV TOTTWv, ciAA* €v Ttj ScAcvKCttt TTOtiyo'ao-^at Tr]V Ttiov Svva/xcojv Trapa^ct-
uaaiav.

'* But Antiochus had begun a siege against the city named Dor,
and could accomplish nothing because of the strength of the place
and because of the reenforcements they received from Nicolaus'.
Since winter was already drawing near he agreed with the ambas-
sadors of Ptolemy (Philopator) to observe an armistice of four
months duration and to enter into friendly relations in everything
that concerned the war. And this he did although he was far
from sincerity in the matter. He was eager, rather, not to be long
separated from his own lands, but instead to pass the winter with
his troops in Seleucia."

Whether Dor fell into Antiochus' hands the following year
(218 B.C.) on his way to the defeat at Raphia is not recorded.

^ Historiae, 5:66, ed. Buttner-Wobst II, p. 185 f.; Reland, Palaestina, p.
744; op. Noris, Annus et Epochae Syromacedonum, on Polyb., V:66;
Schtirer, II, 139.

2 In C^ovpa^ ov is, as remarked above, simply the confusion of ov with o, a
common phenomenon.

8 An Aetolian, one of Ptolemy's generals (Po?2/&. 5:61, 68, 70). Later he
fights with Antiochus the Great against Arsaces {Polyb. 10:29).

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XX. 5 1915.

66 George Dahl,

Probably it became subject to him for a time after his victory at
Paneas in the year 198 B.C.*.

1 MACCABEES 15; ANTIQUITIES XIII, 7:2.

Dor was again besieged in 139-8 B.C., by Antiochus VII
(Sidetes). Trypho, who had ruled since his assassination of
Antiochus VI (Dionysus) in 142 B.C., and had by his excessive
luxury and caprices alienated even his troops, had been obliged to
flee before Antiochus Sidetes to Dor for refuge. The siege was
raised, however, when Trypho in some way managed to escape
from the city. First Maccabees 15:10-14; 25-27; 37; 39c reads':

10. crovs Tcraprov koX e^BoixrjKcxTTOv kol c/caTocrrov i^rjkOev *AvTtb^os cis
TTjv yrjv T(uv iraripiov avTov, Koi (rvrjXBov Trpbs avrov Tracrai ai Swdfiei^, <mtt€
6kiyov<s eTvaL avv Tpv<fnt>vL. 1 1 . koi iSi(i)$tv avrov 'AvTto;j(os 6 ^SacriXev?, kol
^\6ev €is Awpa <f>£vy<jiv ttjv ctti rr^v OdXacraav. 12. lySct yap on €7n(TvvrJKTCu
iir avrov KaKa, koi d<f>^Kav avrov al 8vm/txcts. 13. Kal Trapevi^aktv *AvTto;(os
iwl ^(opd, Kal (Tvv avraJ SwScKa /xvpidBe'S avhpwv TroAc/Atoraiv Kal oKraKLcr^iXta
tTTTTOS. 1 4. Kal iKvKkoxrev rrjv ttoXiv, Kal ra TrXoZd airo OaXdaar}^ crvvrjil/av '
Kal (TwiOkiftev rrjv iroXiv aTro rrjs yrj^ kol aTro t^s 6aXdaa-Y)<i, Kal ovk elacrev
ovSiva iKTroptveaOaL Kal fla-iropiveaOaL. 25. 'Avrto^o? 8c 6 ySacrtXcvs Traptvi-
fiaXev CTTi A(i)/oa iv rrj Sevrepa, irpocrdyoyv Sid 7rai/Tos avrrj ras X€ipa<i Kal
/xrj)(avd<: irotovfievo^, Kal crvv€KXii(T€v rbv TpvKJxova rov tldTToptvtcrOaL kol cktto-
peveaOai. 26. Kal aTriarreiXev avrw ^i/acov BL(r)^LXiov<s dvSpa^ ckXc/ctovs ctv/a-
fia)^(TaL avr<^ Kal dpyvpiov koX )(pv(Tiov koX crK€VY) LKavd. 27. kol ovk rffiovXero
avrd SeiaaOaL, dXXd rjOir-qcrtv Trdvra oca ecrvveOero avr<a to irponpov, Kai
"^XXorpLovro avr<Jo. 37. Tpv<l>o)v 8c ififtds ci9 TrXoiov €<f>vy€v els *0p6(a<riav.
39c. 6 8c ySao-iXcvs €8t(i)Kc rbv Tpv<l><i)va.

10. '*In the one hundred and seventy fourth year (i.e. of the
Seleucid era = Oct. 139 B.C. -Oct. 138 B.C.) Antiochus (Sidetes)
went forth into the land of his fathers: and all the forces came
together to him, so that there were (but) few men with Trypho.

II. And Antiochus the king pursued him, and he came in his flight
to Dor which is by the sea. 12. For he knew that evils were
gathered together against him, and that his forces had forsaken

^ Moss in Hast., D.B. I, p. 105, s.v. Antiochus III.

2 Swete III, pp. 657-9 (A- text) The genuineness of the closing chap-
ters of 1 Maccabees has Jjeen questioned by Destinon, Wellhausen, and
others. For convincing arguments on the other side see Torrey in Enc. Bib.,

III, 2863-5 ; Ezra Studies, pp. 148 ff .

History of Dor. 67

him. 13. And Antiochus encamped against Dor and with him
were 120,000 warriors and 8000 horse'. 14. And he surrounded
the city, and the ships joined in the attack from the sea ; and he
worried the city by land and sea, and allowed no one to go out
or in."

(Vv. 15-24 record the return of Numenius and the embassy which
Simon had sent to Rome.)

25. "But Antiochus the King encamped against Dor on the
second (day)% continually bringing his forces up to it, and making
engines of war, and he shut up Trypho so that he could neither go
in nor go out. 26. And Simon sent him 2000 picked men to fight
with him; and silver and gold and many implements.

27. And he would not receive them, but set at naught all the
covenants he had made with him before, and was estranged from
him."

(The king sends to Simon to demand a tribute of 500 silver
talents, and is enraged when this is refused: vv. 28-36.)

37. *' But Trypho embarked on a ship and fled to Orthosia."

(Vv. 38, 39 a b : The king commands Cendebaeus to attack the
Jews.)

39c. '*But the king pursued Trypho."

Josephus' account (Ant. XIII, 7 : 2) differs in several particulars
from that contained in 1 Maccabees'.

ycvo/A€vos B*€V rfj ScAcvKcia 6 *Avtio;(Os, kol Trj<s l(T)(yo^ avrtS Kara rraaav
^fjL€pav av$avofi€vrjs wpfx-qcre 7roAe/xiy(To>v tov Tpv<f>o}va, koI Kparrjaas avrov rrj
p-d^rj TYJ<; av(x) '^vpias e^c/JoAev €is ttjv ^oivlkyjv, Situ^as d)(pi ravriys, €i9 T€
Aw/xiv (fypovpiov tl SvcrdXiJiTov irroXiopKiL (rvp.<f}vy6vTa. irip.ir(.L §€ koX 7rpo5
St/xtoi/a TOV Tiiiv lovSat'cov dp^upia irepl <f>iXia<s koi (TVfipM)^La^ irpicr^eL^. 6 8c
TrpotrSej^crat 7rpo6vp,<ji)<s avrov ttjv d^iaxTLV, kol )(prjpxiTd re TroAAa kol rpocfirjv
ToTs TYjv Awpav iroXiopKova-L <rTpaTL(aTaLS, Trc/Ai/'a? tt/oos 'Avtloxov, d<f>$6v(D^

^ The numbers are doubtless exaggerated.

2 Fritzsche, I, p. 227; Kautzsch, I, p. 78; Fairweather, p. 252; Wace supplies
iro/uopKia, and translates "for the second time," or "in the second siege."
It is better to consider this a redactional resumption of the narrative of the
siege described in vv. 13, 14, which had been interrupted by the account of
the return of the embassy in w. 15-24.

3 Text from ed. Naber. . . . The parallel passage in B.J., I, 2:2 is much
briefer, mentioning simply Simon's assistance during Antiochus' siege of
Dor, and Antiochus' ingratitude afterward. Its source is the same as that
of the passage in Ant.

68 George Dahl,

i)(opi^yrj(T€v, ws twv dvayKaioraTiav avTov 7r/305 okiyov Kaipov KpiOyjvat (ficXcDV.
6 fxkv yap Tpvcfxav e/c Trj<; \wpa<s (jivyiov €is *A7ra/>t€tav kol XrjftyOels iv avrrj Trj
TToKiopKLa BL€<f>6dpr}, ^acriXeva-as Iriy rpta.

"As Antiochus was now come to Seleucia, and his forces
increased every day, he marched to fight Trypho; and having
beaten him in the battle, he ejected him out of Upper Syria into
Phenicia, and pursued him thither, and besieged him in Dora,
which was a fortress hard to be taken, whither he had fled. He
also sent ambassadors to Simon the Jewish high priest, about a
league of friendship and mutual assistance : who readily accepted
the invitation, and sent to Antiochus great sums of money and
provisions, for those that besieged Dora, and thereby supplied
them very plentifully, so that for a little while he was looked
upon as one of his most intimate friends: but Trypho fled from
Dora to Apamea, where he was taken during the siege, and put
to death, when he had reigned three years'."

(In the following section Josephus relates that afterward Antio-
chus forgot the assistance Simon had rendered, and sent Cendebeus
to ravage Judea and seize Simon. Simon was able, however, to
defeat the forces sent against him. )

According to Josephus, then, the armies of Trypho and Antio-
chus Sidetes first fought a pitched battle in Upper Syria in which
Antiochus was victorious. Trypho then fled to Dor and was
besieged there. Contrary to the representation in 1 Maccabees
(where Sidetes refuses to accept Simon's voluntarily proffered gifts
and assistance), Josephus relates that the Syrian king requested
and gladly received from Simon both money and provisions.
Instead of following 1 Maccabees in* making Orthosia Trypho's
destination, Josephus names Apamea. He also adds the statement
that at Apamea Trypho was taken in a siege and put to death.
Still another statement of Trypho's destination is given by
Gharax'*, who says he fled to "Ptolemais, called Ake;" as
follows :

KOL Xapct^ id " Tpv<f><j}v iv A<ap<o Trj<s KOL\r)<s %vpLa<s TroXei TroXiopKOVfxevos
VTT *Avtl6xov €<t>vyev els UToXepxitSa ttjv "Aktjv Xeyofievrjv."

^ Following in general Margoliouth's revision of Whiston's translation.

* Steph. Byz. (ed. Meineke, p. 254), s.v. Aupog; also in Miiller, Frag. hist,
grace. Ill, 644 n. 40. Cp. Fritzsche, I, 229. Charax probably lived during
the reign of Hadrian and the Antonines.

History of Dor. 69

"And Charax (in book) 11, ' Tiypho, being besieged in Dor, a
city of Coele-Sjria by Antiochus, fled to Ptolemais, called Ake.'"

The attempt to harmonize these variant accounts by making
Trypho go first to Ptolemais, then to Orthosia and finally to
Apamea^ is neither reasonable nor convincing. Evidently there
were in existence several differing and conflicting accounts of what
became of Trypho. Schtirer^ holds that JosejDhus used 1 Macca-
bees as his main source here, but that he freely changed some of
the details from some Greek writer, probably Polybius. Holscher'
classes this passage with the other " Syriaca" and assigns them all to
Strabo, who, he alleges, in turn found his material in Polybius
and Posidonius. Destinon* believes that Josephus' source for this
passage was a writer who had already composed a narrative out of
1 Maccabees and some Greek writer. Inasmuch as the closing
chapters of 1 Maccabees as they now stand seem to be original*,
it is probable that Josephus worked over the material contained in
them with the aid of material from some Greek historian. In any
case, whatever the process of fusion and relation of documents in
these passages may have been, it is the clear testimony of our
sources that Trypho was actually besieged in Dor by Antiochus
Sidetes and that he somehow escaped from that city.

ANTIQUITIES XIII, 12:2, 4.
Soon after the beginning of the reign of Alexander Jannaeus
(104-78 B.C.), Dor is mentioned by Josephus in connection with
Alexander's plan of bringing the coast cities under his sway. Dor
and Strato's Tower (Caesarea) were held at this time by a tyrant
named Zoilus^ When Alexander started his campaign by besieg-

1 Fritzsche, I, 229: Wace, II, 527; Schiirer, G.J.V. I, 253.

^ Hauck-Herzog, EnzyJc., s.v. Josephus.

3 Die Quellen des Josephus.

^ Margoliouth (Revision of Whiston's Josephus), Introd., p. XVII.

5 See note above, p. 66.

^ Clermont-Ganneau (Recueil d'Archeologie orientale, V, 1903, pp. 285-8)
gives an epitaph from a stone found at Dor dating from the year 169-170
A. D., which gives a feminine form, Zoila. The inscription reads: TiUtla
hdade Ktirai kruv vptaKovra (fulavdpoq. FAct' 'ATzellatov Kg. dapaei. "Here lies
Zoila (aged) thirty years, loving her husband. Year 233, the 26th (of the
month) Apellaeos. Courage ! " It is interesting to note that this name per-
sisted in Dor into the second century A.D. Cler-Gan. suggests that the
tyrant Zoilus may have introduced the name into the Onomasticon of the
place.

70 George Dahl,

ing Ptolemais, Zoilus assisted that city. Forced by the weakness
of the rival Syrian kings (Antiochus VIII [Philometer]^, and Antio-
chus Cyzicenus) to look abroad for further assistance, the inhabi-
tants of Ptolemais sent to Ptolemy Lathyrus, who had shortly
before fled from Cleopatra, his mother, from Egypt to Cyprus.
The ambassadors from Ptolemais promised the Egyptian that
Zoilus would unite with them in loyalty to him (Jos., A7it. XIII,
12:2).

The fickle inhabitants of Ptolemais, however, refused to receive
Ptolemy when he arrived. But Zoilus and the people of Gaza
came instead asking help against the Jews, who were ravaging
their country. In fear of Ptolemy, Alexander thereupon aban-
doned the siege of Ptolemais. Craftily sending for Cleopatra to
come against Ptolemy, Alexander at the same time concluded a
league of friendship with him, promising four bunded talents of
silver if he would dispose of Zoilus and give his country to the
Jews. Ptolemy gladly made a league with Alexander, and turned
upon and subdued Zoilus'. Afterward, however, when he learned
that Alexander had planned to betray him into Cleopatra's power,
he broke his solemn covenant and started to lay waste Alexander's
domain, besides starting a siege against Ptolemais {Ant, XIII,
12: 3, 4). Just what disposition was finally made of Dor during
these troublous times after Zoilus was * 'subdued " is not clear.

The passage {Ant. XIII, 12:2, 4) reads:

KaTao-Tiycra/MCvos 8c vqv a.p)(7jv ov ^to avficfiepeLv avTw rpoirov arpareva iirl
TlToX€fJiatBa, Trj 8c p.d)(r] Kparrja-a^ iv€K\€L(Te tov<s dvOpwirovs eh Tr)v ttoXlv koi

* In Ant. XIII, 9:3; 10:1; 13:4 he is called Antiochus Grypus. Holscher
(Die Quellen des Josephus, p. 39) shows that this variation is due to the use
of different sources, probably by Strabo.

* In view of Ptolemy's repudiation of their agreement upon learning of
Alexander's double-dealing, it may be doubted whether Dor was finally
actually delivered to the Jews. At least Dor is omitted from the list (con-
tained in Ant. XIII, 15:4) of cities subject to Alexander, although Strato's
Tower (Caesarea), its neighbor on the south, is mentioned. On the other
side must be adduced the evidence of Ant. XIV, 4:4 (parallel to B.J., I,
7:7 — see below), where Dor is included among the cities taken from the Jews
and restored to freedom as part of the province of Syria. Josephus' notori-
ously uncritical use of his sources (as well as his personal bias) complicates
exceedingly the problem of deciding what actually is or is not fact in any
given case.

History of Dor. 71

irepiKaOicras avrovs iiroXiopKei. twi/ yap iv rrj TrapaXia IlToXc/iai? avT<p Kal
Vd^a fxovat )(eLp(t)OrjvaL vttcXuitovto, koL ZwtXo? 8c 6 Karao-^j^wv tov ^TpaToovos
TTvpyov Tvpavvo<; kol Awpa. tov 8k ^tAo/xiyropos *Ai/Tto;(ov Kai tov a8c\<f>ov
avTOV *Avtl6)(0v, os CTrcKaAeiTO Kd^ikt/vos, 7roA.€/xowro)v dAAT/A-Oi;? Kat ttjv avrtov
Swa/xtv dTroXAvvTwv ^v ovSefxia tois IlToAc/xaevo-iv ^orjOeia Trap* avTiov. aXXa
TTOvov/xivocs rfj TroXiopKLo. ZcutAos 6 TOV ^TpaTtovo? TTvpyov KaT€(r^r)KUi<i [^Traprjv]
Kal TO. Atupa avvray/xa Tpe<f)(i)v (TTpaTioiTLKov kox rvpavvihi C7ri;(ct/30>v 8ia T'^v
Twi/ /3a<nXi(i)v 7rp6<: dW'^Xovs d/xcXXav fxiKpa TOts UroXcfJiaievaL Trape^orjO^i •
ovbk yap oi ^aaiXels ovtoos efj(Oj/ oikcicds Trpbs avrovs, <^t' cATriicrat Tiva Trap*
avTW w^eXctav. iKaTtpoL yap ravrov toIs dOXrjTals tiraa^ov, ol rfj Swd/xu
fxkv (ZTTTyyopevKOTCs ai(T^vv6p.evoL 8k TrapaytoprjcraL StcTeAow dpyia koX dvaTravfru
Sia<f)ipovT€s TOV dyiova. Xonrrj 8' avTOis cAttis ^i/ 17 Trapa twi/ AiyvTTTOv /8ao-t-
Accoi/ Kal TOV KvTTpov €;!(ovTos IlToAe/xatov tov AaOovpov, os vtto t^s p.rfrpo'i
KAeoTTctTpas T^s <i/OX^^ iKirecriov eis KvTrpov irapeyivcro. TripApavTt^ ovv irpos
TovTOv oi TlToXepxiuXs irapeKdXovv iXOovTa (rvp.pn.xov ck twv 'AAe^avSpov )(eLpiav
avTOvs pva-aaOai KLv8vvevovTa<;. iireXTna-dvTwv 8* avTov twv irpea-^eoiv, to?
8ta/3as C19 Svptav €^€t Fa^atovs o-vvccTcuTas /xcto, Toiv IlToXe/xaioiv Kal ZtotXov,
€T6 ye /x^i/ 2t8a)i/tbv? Kat ttoWous aAAovs avTw avXXi^ij/ea-OaL XeyovTtuv, lirap-
6us Trpbs TOV eKTrXovv ea-rrevSev.

(Then follows in 12:3 the account of a change of heart on the
part of the inhabitants of Ptolemais and their decision to have
nothing to do with Ptolemy. Although he learned of this, Ptolemy
came straight on and pitched camp near the city. But when the
people would have nothing to do with him, he was at a loss what
to do.)

XIII, 12:4. iXOovTuyv Sk Trpos avTov ZwiAov tc kol twv Ta^aioiv, Kal 8eop.€-
v<i)V avp,pa)(€LV avTOis Tropdovp^ivrjs avTtov Trj<s ;(a>pa? viro tu>v 'Iov8atwv Kat
*AXc^av8pov, Xvct p.kv iroXiopKLav Scto-a? tov Ti-ToX^pmov 6 *AX€^ai/8po9, ctTraya-
ycbf 8k Tr]V (TTpaTidv cis Tr)v OLKCiav iaTpaTrjyet to Aoittov, XdOpa p,kv ttjv KAco-
TTttTpaj/ €7rt TOV IlToAc/Mitov /LteTaTre/XTTO/xevos, <^av€po>s 8c <j>tXlav Kat (Tvp.pja)(Lav
Trpos avTov viroKpLv6p,€vo<s • Kat TCTpaKocta 8' dpyvptov TdXavTa Swo-ctv viria-
X^'^o, X^P^^ ^^'^'' TOVTOiv aiTwv ZoDtAov Ik 7ro8a>v TrotT/o'ao'dat tov Tvpawov Kat
T-qv x^po-V Tots 'lov8atots irpoa-vupxu. t6t€. pkv ovv 6 nToAc/xatos i^Setos ttjv
Trpos TOV *AX€$av8pov TrotTyo-a/Acvos c^tAtav ^^tpovrat tov ZwlXov, vaTcpov ^'
aKovo-as XdOpa BLa7rep.7r6p.evov avTov Trpos ty^v p.rjTepa avTOv KXeoTrdTpav, Xvet
Toi>s yey evYjp.evov=; irpo'i avTov opKOv<i, Kal Trpoa-^aXiov CTroAtopKct Tr)v XItoAc-
pm8a p.r) Seiapevqv avrov ....

XIII, 12 : 2 " When he (i. e., Alexander Jannaeus) had arranged
the government in the way he considered most advantageous for

72 George Dahl,

himself, he made an expedition against Ptolemais ; and having con-
quered in a battle he shut up the men in the city, and sat round
about them and began a siege. For, of the cities on the coast,
there alone remained to be conquered by him Ptolemais and Gaza,
besides the tyrant Zoilus who held Strato's Tower and Dor. Now
inasmuch as Antiochus Philometer and his brother Antiochus, who
was called Cyzicenus, were waging war against one another and
destroying one another's armies, the people of Ptolemais could get
no aid from them. But when they were in distress on account of
the siege Zoilus, who possessed Strato's Tower and Dor and main-
tained a body of soldiers, and acted as tyrant because of the contest
between the kings, came and brought a little help to the people of
Ptolemais. Nor indeed were the kings so friendly disposed toward
them that they could hope for any succour from them. For both
were in the same predicament as wrestlers who, though they have
become deficient in strength, are yet ashamed to yield, and so con-
tinue lazily and prolong the contest by resting. Their sole remain-
ing hope was in the kings of Egypt, and from Ptolemy Lathyrus
who was holding Cyprus, and who came to Cyprus after being cast
out from his rule by his mother Cleopatra. The people of Ptole-
mais therefore sent to this man and besought him to deliver them,
endangered as they were, out of the hands of Alexander. And
since the ambassadors held forth hopes to him that when once
he had crossed over into Syria he would have the people of Gaza
joining with those of Ptolemais; and as they also said that Zoilus
and the Sidonians besides and many others would assist him; he
was elated and hurried the preparations for sailing."

(The people of Ptolemais decide not to receive Ptolemy. He is
greatly concerned.)

12:4. "But when both Zoilus and the people of Gaza came to
him and desired that he would be their ally because their country
was laid waste by the Jews and by Alexander — Alexander, being
afraid of Ptolemy, raised the siege. And having led away his
army into his own country, he used strategy afterward, by secretly
summoning Cleopatra to come against Ptolemy, but publicly pre-
tending friendship and a real alliance with him. And he agreed to
give four hundred talents of silver, desiring in return that he
should put Zoilus the tyrant out of the way and allot his country
to the Jews. And then indeed Ptolemy gladly made this league of

History of Dor. 73

friendship with Alexander, and subdued Zoilus; but when he after-
ward heard that he had secretly sent to his mother Cleopatra, he
broke the oaths he had made to him, and attacked and besieged
Ptolemais because it refused to receive him."

Strabo is most probably Josephus' source of information in this
section. In XIII, 12:6 Josephus expressly cites Strabo and Kico-
laus (of Damascus) as his sources. A comparison of XIII, 10:4
indicates that, of these two, Strabo was more probably the author
of the section XIII, 12:6 (and so of 12:2-4), concerned as they
both are with Ptolemy\ In fact, the so-called "Syriaca" would
all seem to belong to this writer^. Destinon', however, holds that
the direct use of Strabo and other sources by Josephus was limited
to the passages where the name of the source is expressly cited.
In other instances he leaves open the possibility that the anony-
mous historian he supposes Josephus used as source may have
utilized these authors. It appears quite probable therefore, that
Strabo was really the source of the sections under discussion.

ANTIQUITIES XIII, 15 : 4.

Dor is not included by Josephus in his catalogue of Syrian,
Idumean and Phoenician cities held by Alexander Jannaeus toward
this close of his career {A7it. XIII, 15:4). The list begins with
SrpaTwvos irvpyov, just south of Dor, and follows the coast toward
the south. As we have seen above, it is questionable whether the
Jews ever exercised any real control over Dor. This in spite of
the fact that Josephus further on in this same passage includes
ILapjXYjXLov opos ("Mount Carmel ") and oAAas tc ttoXus Tr/oorevoixras
T^s ^v/otas rfcrav KaTearpafXfjievoi (" Other prominent cities of Syria
which had been destroyed"). It would be unsafe to include Dor
in the list on the basis of such uncertain generalizations by
Josephus. It has already been suggested that there is no clear
statement in Ant. XIII, 12:2, 4 to the effect that Dor was ever

' Timagenes (quoted in 12:5) was probably one of Strabo's sources, known
to Josephus only through the latter.

2 Holscher, Die Quellen des Josephus, pp. 15, 39; Schiirer in Hauck-Her-
zog, s.v. Josephus. Holscher maintains (p. 40) that Polybius and Posidonius
are in turn Strabo's sources. For the period after 143 B.C. (and therefore
for the time of this passage) Holscher believes Posidonius is the original
source .

2 Die Quellen des Fl. Josephus, pp. 57 ff .

74 George Dahl,

turned over to Alexander.^ We must therefore disagree with
Schtirer* in his statement "aber auch Dora rrntss zum Gebiet
Alexanders gehort haben^" All Ave can say is that there is a
possibility that it was subject to him for a time.

ANT. XIV. 4:4 AXD B.J., I, 7:7.
After his capture of Jerusalem in 63 B.C., Pompey, according
to Josephus, proceeded to take from the Jews many of the cities
that were at that time recognized as part of their realm. He
thereby greatly reduced the extent of Jewish territory. Dor is
included by Josephus among the cities restored to their own inhabi-
tants and incorporated within the Roman province of Syria. From
Pompey's time Dor seems, therefore, to have been directly under
Roman rule. Josephus gives two accounts of these changes, one
in Ant. XIV, 4:4 and a second in B.J. I, 7:7:

Koi TO. fx€v ^lepoa-okvfJUL vTronXrj <f>6pov *Po)/txaibts iiroL-qfrev, as 8c irporepov oi
iVOLKOL TToA-cts i)(eLp(i><TavTO rrj^ KotKifs ^vptas a(f>€\6p.€vos vno tw (T<f)€Ttpoi
crrpoT-qyiZ ira^ev kol to (Tvfnrav tBvo^ Itn ficya irpoTtpov alpop^vov cvros twv
iStwv optiiv <Tvvi<TT(.iXev. Kox Ta^apa fikv fxiKpov tjXTrpocrOtv KaTacrTpa(f>€Laav
av€KTi(r€v Arjp.-qrpLio ^(apt^o/xcvos tw TaSapel a-mkevOepw avroi; • ras §€ AoiTras
"Iinrov Kol ^kvOottoKlv kol IleAAav koI Aiov Kal 'Sa/juxpeuiv crt re MapKrav Kat
A^ioTov KOL Idfivetjav kol ^ A.pidov<Tav rots olKrJTopaLV (XTreScoKcv. kol ratrras
fikv €v Ty p.€<Toy€Lw xwpl^ Twv KaTCtTKa/A/xevtuv, Ta^av Se Trpos rrj OaXdrTrj kol
lomrqv kox Aiopa kol ^Tparcovos Trvpyov, rj KTiaavros avrrjv HpwSov /xcyaXo-
TrpcTTO)? Kat Xifxiaiv T€ koI vaots KO<Tfir](TavTO<;, Kaitrapcta fX€TO)vopdaOr} Tracas 6
IIo/iTnytos d<f)rJK€v iXevdepa^ kol irpoaevtifiev rrj CTrap^ta.

"And he made Jerusalem tributary to the Romans, and took
away the cities of Coelesyria which the inhabitants (of Judaea) had
in former times subdued, and he put them under their own praetor
and confined the whole nation which had before so greatly elevated
itself, within its own borders. And he rebuilt Gadara, which had
shortly before been demolished, to gratify Demetrius of Gadara, his
freedman. And the rest of the cities, Hippos, Scythopolis, Pella,
Dios, and Samaria, as well as Marissa, Azotus, Jamnia, and Are-
thusa, he restored to their inhabitants: and these were in the

^G.J.V. I, 2S5.

2 Schurer's further statement (I.e.) that Zoilus was subdued by Alexander
is not accurate. According to the record it was Ptolemy Lathyrus who
subdued Zoilus.

History of Dor. 75

interior ; as well as those that had been demolished. And also on
the sea-coast, Gaza, and Joppa, and Dor, and Strato's Tower ; this
last Herod rebuilt in glorious fashion and adorned it with havens
and temples, and changed its name to Caesarea. All these Pompey
left free and joined to the prefecture."
B. J. I, 7:7.

*A<^cA0)Lt€V0S h\ TOV tOvOVi KoX TttS €V KOlXy) Svptici TToActS, clS €tAoV, ViriTaQfV

T(3 Kar c/cetvo 'Pw/ouxiwi/ arpaTrfyia [KaTareTay/xevo)] /cat /xdi/ots avrovs tois tStois
opoLS TrepuKXucrev. dvaKTt^et Sk koI TdSapa vtto 'lovSatwv KaTeaTpafifievrjV
FaSapet tlvl tG)v tSiwv aTreXevdepcov A7jfx,r)Tpi(o xo-pi^ofji^vo<s. yXfvOipoiaev 8* an
avTcuv Kttt TOi? cv rrj jxccroyua. TrdAets, ooras p-r) <^^acravTCS Karea-Kaij/av, Ittttov
l^KV^dTroAiv TC Kat IIcAAai/ /cat "Xap-dpetxiv Kal *Idp.V€uiv koI Maptcrav "A^cotov tc
/cat *Ape6ov(rav, op-oiw^ 8c Kat ra? TrapaAtovs Fa^av loTrryv Acupa Kat rryv TraAat
^rpaTwvos irvpyov Ka\ovp.iv7}v, va-repov Sk p-eTaKTiaduadv re v<^' Hpoijoov
jQacrtAe'o)? Xap,7rpoTdTOL<s KaraaKCvdapxiaiv Kal pitTovop.a(T6u<jav KaLadpetav.
as Tracras rots yvi^crtots (ZTroSovs TroXtVats KarcTo^ev eis t^v 2vpiaK^»/ iirapxuiv.
TTapaSovs 8c ravTTyv tc Kat rrjv *IovSauxv Kal ra />t€;(pts 'AtyvVrov Kat Ev^parov

^Kavpo) StCTTCtV ....

*'He also took away from the nation those cities in Coelesyria
which they had taken, and made them subject to him that had
been appointed Roman praetor there, and shut them in to their
own proper bounds. He also rebuilt Gadara, that had been
demolished by the Jews, to gratify a certain Demetrius of Gadara,
who was one of his own freedmen. He also freed from their
domination cities that lay in the interior, such as they had not
previously demolished. Hippos, and Scythopolis, besides Pella,
and Samaria, and Jamnia, and Marissa, as well as Azotus and
Arethusa; in like manner dealt he with the maritime cities, Gaza,
Joppa, Dor, and that which was anciently called Strato's Tower,
but was afterward rebuilt with most magnificent edifices by Herod
the King, and its name changed to Caesarea. All of these he
delivered over to their true citizens and put them under the prov-
ince of Syria. And he committed this province, together with
Judea and the countries as far as Egypt and the Euphrates to
Scaurus to govern . . . ."

The omission of Dios in Bellum Judaicum I, 7 : 7 above is proba-
bly due to an error in copying'. It seems fairly well agreed that

^ Destinon, Die Quellen des Fl. Jos., p. 14; Holscher, Die Quellen des Jos.,
p. 20.

76 George Dahl,

Nicolaus of Damascus is Josephus' principal source in both these
passages\ Destinon (pp. 17 ff.) accounts for the difference (cp. the
addition of the name "Scaurus" in B.J.) on the theory that
while Josephus used Nicolaus as his source in both the Antiquities
and the Jewish War, he excerpted the two histories independently,
using or omitting each time such material as he chose. Holscher
i s inclined to find in the variations in the two accounts evidence of
the use by Josephus of an additional source.

As has already been suggested, the inclusion in this passage of
Dor among the cities subject to the Jews is open to question. In
the troublous days of party dissension that followed the death of
the ambitious invader, Alexander Jannaeus, it is hardly probable
that the nation could have kept control of its outlying dependen-
cies\ In the absence of definite corroboration of the details of
Josephus' account, we must hold in suspense a decision in regard
to Dor's relations to Judaea at the time of Pompey's arrival. But
we have no reason to doubt that Dor was made by him a so-called
*'free" city'. The coins of the city establish this fact beyond
any possibility of a doubt*.

ANTIQUITIES XIV, 5:3 AND BELLUM JUDAICUM I, 8:4.

In Ant. XIV, 5:3 all the manuscripts except Pal. include Awpa
among the cities restored by Gabinius, the proconsul, in 57 B. C.
The parallel passage in B.J. I, 8: 4 has Awpcos in most manuscripts;
but two good manuscripts read 'ASwpcos. The correct reading is
undoubtedly "ASwpa (or 'ASwpcos). The fact that it is mentioned
along with Marisa points to the Idumean city Adora as the one
here referred to. Niese is therefore correct in reading "khoipa in the
passage in Antiquities. How easily the change from Dora to
Adora can take place is illustrated by the passage Ant. XIII, 6 : 5,
where all the manuscripts read Atupa ttoXlv t^s *l8ovfiatas, yet where,
as a comparison of 1 Mace. 13:20 proves, "ASw/ki is clearly meant\

^ So Destinon, Holscher, Schiirer, Margoliouth.

2 It has been suggested above that we are none too certain that Dor was
ever taken in possession by the Jews.

3 These "free" cities were, of course, subject to military duties under
Rome. Cp. Schiirer, (7. J. F. II, 105.

* Hill, Greek Coins of Phoenicia, p. 117.

5 Schiirer, G.J.V. II, 7 ; Reland, Palaestina, pp. 738-741 ; cp. also Contra
Ap. II, 9 below.— Perhaps the similarity in uncial script between A and A
may have had something to do with the miswrlting of Adwpa.

History of Dor. 77

In view of the fact that Dor is not included in this corrected list,
the statement of Cook (in Mic. J3ib., s.v. Dor) to the effect that
**Gabinius restored the town and harbor (56 B. C.)" must be cor-
rected. Similarly, Guerin's declaration (in Samarie 2:312f.) to
the same effect is incorrect.

ANTIQUITIES XV, 4:1 AND BELLUM JUDAICUM I, 18:5.

Cleopatra's attempt to persuade Antony to deprive Herod the
Great of his kingdom and to turn all Judea over to her was ren-
dered ineffectual through Herod's presents and skillful address
{Ant. Xin, 38). Antony did, however, bestow upon her some of
Herod's territory about Jericho ; in addition to this he gave her all
the (coast) cities south of the Eleutherus river, except Tyre and
Sidon. Dor would be included in this gift. The date of this ces-
sion was c. 34 B. C. With the defeat of Antony at Actium (31
B. C), if not before, Cleopatra's possession of these tributary cities
of course ceased. Augustus was shortly won over by the generous
hospitality Herod accorded him and his army on their march
through Syria. Arrived in Egypt, he restored to Herod the part
of his realms taken by Cleopatra, adding thereto among others the
coast cities Gaza, Anthedon, Joppa, and Strato's Tower. Dor is
not included here, and we have no reason to believe that Herod's
realm ever extended farther north on the coast than Caesarea.

The account of the gift of the coast cities by Antony to Cleo-
patra is thus recorded in Ant. XV, 4 : 1 (end) :

StSoxriv 8c /cat rots ci^ros *EA.cv^epov Trora/xov ttoAci? ^XP'^ AiyvTrrov x<iipl<i
Tv/oov Kcu iStSwi/os, €K TTpoyovoiv ct8a)9 iXevOepaf;, TroAAa \nrapoijcrri<s avTrj<:
avTy SoO^vai.

' ' Thus he gave her the cities that were this side of the river
Eleutherus as far as Egypt; he made exception however of Tyre
and Sidon (for he knew they had been free cities from the time of
their ancestors), although she frequently begged that these might
also be given her."

The parallel account in B.J. I, 18:5 reads:

TToXXa 8c T^s x^/^5 avTciv aTTOTc/AO/u-cvos Koi 8r] kol tov cv 'lepixovvrt <f>OLVL-
Kwva iv (S yewarat to /8aA.cra/u,ov, 8t8a)(nv avrrj woXus t€ yrXrjv Tvpov Kal 2t8oi-
vos Ttt? ivTos 'EXcv^cpov TTorafiov Tracras.

"He also cut off a great deal of their country; nay, even the
palm plantation at Jericho, where the balsam grows, and gave

78 George Dahl,

them to her; as well as all the cities this side of the river Eleu-
therus, Tyre and Sidon excepted."

Plutarch^ includes in this gift to Cleopatra, Phoenicia, Coele-
syria, Cyprus, a large part of Cilicia, the part of Judea that bears
the balsam, and the part of Nabatean Arabia toward the Mediter-
ranean,

Both passages from Josephus above are to be attributed to Nico-
laus of Damascus as their source^ In the Antiquities (XV, 4:2,4)
Josephus does not state, but distinctly implies that the Jericho
region (as in the account in B.J.) was given to Cleopatra, from
whom Herod was obliged to rent it. In these parallel narratives,
as elsewhere, Josephus is very free in his adaptation of his sources.

If, as seems probable. Dor is to be numbered among the coast
cities in this account, we gain the information that Dor was, for a
short time after 34 B. C, at least nominally tributary to Cleopatra,
queen of Egypt.

ANTIQUITIES XV, 9:6 AND BELLUM JUDAICUM I, 21:5.

In connection with his account of the building of Caesarea by
Herod the Great, Josephus mentions Joppa and Dor. These latter
are described as smaller maritime cities, unfit for harbors because
of the prevalence of violent winds from the south. As a conse-
quence merchants are obliged to anchor their ships in the sea oppo-
site them. According to Josephus it was for the purpose of pro-
viding a safe anchorage on this inhospitable shore between Dor and
Joppa that Herod established the port of Caesarea. The account
in the Antiquities (XV, 9: 6) reads as follows:

KciTtti /ji€v yap rj TroAts (i. e., Caesarea) h rfj ^oivUr] Kara Tov ek AtyvTT-
Tov TrapaTrXovv 'Iottttt/s /xcto^v koi Awpwv, TroXia-fidrui ravr iarlv TrapaXva
Svaopfxa 8ia ras Kara AtySa TrpoajSoXas, cu del rots ck tov ttovtov &Lva<s ctti rrfv
T^ova a-vpovaoL Karaywyrjv ov 8t8oao-iv, dW (.(ttlv dvayKoXov d-rroa^aXtveLV ra.
TToAA-OL Tovs ifiTTopovs CTT dyKvpa^.

" This city (i. e. Caesarea) is situated in Phoenicia, on the pas-
sage by sea to Egypt, between Joppa and Dor, which are rather
small maritime cities and unfit for havens, because of the violent

1 Ant. 36. See ed. Dochner, II, Vitae 2, p. 1111.

2 So Holscher, p. 25 ; Destinon, p. 120.

History of Dor. 79

south winds which, constantly rolling the sands that come from the
sea upon the shores, do not permit ships to lie at their station ; but
generally the merchants are obliged to lie at anchor in the sea
itself."

The parallel passage is found in B.J. I, 21: 5:

fiera^v yap Awpwv koI 'Iotti/s, wv -7 ttoXis fxecrr) Kctrat, iracrav etvat crvfx^i^ri-
K€V T-qv TrapaXiov dXifxevov, w? iravTa rov rrjv ^olvlkyjv iir AlyvTrrov trapa-
irXiovTa craXivuv iv TreXdyet Bia ttjv €k Xi^6<s dweLXrjv, to kol fJL€Tpi<t)<i €7ravpL^ovTL
ttjXlkovtov 67rey€ijp€Tat KVfia irpos rats Trcrpais, wtrTe tyjv VTro<TTpo<l>rjv rov Kvfxa-
TO<s inl TrActcrrov i^aypcovv rrjv OaXaacrav.

"For it happened that all the coast between Dor and Joppa
(between which the city lies) was harborless, so that every ship
that sailed from Phoenicia to Egypt was obliged to lie in the sea
on account of the threatening south wind ; if this wind blow but a
little fresh, such waves are raised and dash upon the rocks, that
upon their retreat the sea rages for a long time."

It is worthy of notice that Caesarea is here (Ant. XV, 9 : 6)
referred to as a city of Phoenicia. The fact that Caesarea is
called Phoenician^ and the additional fact that Greek geographers'*
make Dor a city of that same country, would tend to strengthen
our doubt concerning any subjugation of Dor by the Jews.
Evidently, too, the harbor at Dor was a very poor one. It was
not until a much later period that the double harbor' was built.
The building by Herod of good harbors at Caesarea, thus giving
that city a great advantage as a port and gate to the surrounding
country, doubtless contributed to the decline of neighboring Dor.

Nicolaus of Damascus is generally conceded to be Josephus'
source for the material here. As usual Josephus has made inde-
pendent use of Nicolaus' material in his Antiquities and Bellum
Judaicum, so that the accounts are by no means identical. The
narratives agree, however, in picturing Dor as a city without good
facilities as a seaport, although evidently not without some trading
activity.

^ For fuller discussion of the word Phoenicia, see on Contra Ap. II, 9,
below.
2 E. g., Claudius lolaus in Steph. Byz.
^ See chapter on Topography.
^ Destinon, p. 120 ; Holscher, p. 26.

80 George Dahl,

ANTIQUITIES XIX, 6:3, 4aa .

Toward the beginning of the reign of Agrippa I (41-44 A. D.)
we learn of the existence of a Jewish synagogue in Dor. A mob
of young men carried a statue of Caesar into this synagogue and
set it up there. Agrippa had of course no authority in Dor, which
had remained under the rule of the Roman governor of Syria.
Accordingly, he complained to Publius Petronius, who was then at
the head of affairs in the province of Syria'. According to
Josephus' story, Petronius thereupon wrote a letter to the magis-
trates of Dor, reminding them of the liberties granted to the Jews
by Claudius, and commanding them to discover and punish those
guilty of this act of impiety. This letter, together with the record
of the incident, is contained in Ant. XIX, 6 : 3, 4a« :

TravTaTraaLV Sk oXiyov ^povov Si€\06vto<; Aw/atrai veavicrKot r^s ocriOTrjTOi
TrpoTLBifxtvoL ToKfjuxv Koi TTCf^vKOTCs etvai Trapa^6X(t)<s Opaaeis Katitrapos dvBpidvTa
KOfx,L(ravT€<; cis rrjv twv 'lovSaiwv avvayiayrjv dv€(rTr)(rav. <T<f>6Spa tovto 'AypLTrwav
-Trapoiivvev • KaToKvaLV yap rdv TrarpLtav avrov v6fxo}v iBvvaro. dfX€\Xr]TL Bk irpos
IIovTrAtov IIcTpdinov, lyyc/xcbv Sk Trj<s "Xvpia^ ovtos rjv, rrapayLvtrai kox KaraXeyu
ru)v A(opiTwv. 6 B' ovx ^TTov €7rt TO) TrpaxOevTL ^aXc7n;i/a?, kol yap avro? €Kpt-
vcv da-ijSeuiv rrjv Ttov ivvofxwv 7rapd(3a<riv, rot? Trpoeo-TWo-t rwi/ Acoptruii/ avv
opyrj TavT* typaipev. „ JloihrXioq IleTpwnos irpcar^evrrj'i TifiepLOv KXavBtov
Kaicrapos ^e/3a(TT0v Tep/xavLKOv AoypUiav rot? TrpwTOL<; Acyct. €7ret8^ TOdavTyj toA-
p.ri dirovoCa<i rives ixpWO-VTo i$ vfidv, <x>aTe p.rjSk Bia to TrporeOrjvai Siaray/xa
KAavSiov Katcrapos Se/Sacrov TeppxivLKOv Trcpt tov i<f>U(T$at 'lovSaibvs (f>v\d(T(T€LV
TO. Trdrpux irtLddrjvaL vfids avroJ, rdvavTia Bk irdvTa Trpo^at, (rvi/aycoy^v 'Iov8at'a>v
KwAvoiTas ctvat Bia to fJieTaOetvai Iv avrrj tov KaiVapo? dvBptdvTa, napavo/xovv-
Ttts ovK CIS fx6vov<s *IovBaiovs, dXXa kol cis tov avTOKpaTopa, ov 6 dvBpLa<s fiiXTiov
iv Tw iBita vau) y iv dAAorpto) iTidero kcu ravra iv t<Z r^s crvvaywy^s tottw, tov
<f)V(reL StKcuovvTOs h/a hcaaTOv rtui/ IBlwv tottwv Kvpieveiv Kara to KatVapos iiri-
KpL/JM ' TOV yap ifxov iTnKpipjaTO<i pxpArqaKcorOaL yikoXov i(TTiv fX€Ta to tov avTO-
Kparopoq BiaTaypja tov i-jnTpfxpavTO^ 'lovSatbts rots tStots Wtcn xprfcrOaL, €Tl
fievToi ye kol (rvp.TroAiTCvccr^'at rots "EAAiycrtv K€K€\evK6TO<s ' tovs fxkv Trapa to
BiaTaypxjL tov "^cftaaTov rotavra TeToXfxrjKOTaSj €<f>* <S Kal avTol yyavaKTrjaav ot
BoKOvvTCs avTWv i^iytiv ov Trj iBta TrpoatpcVci yeyevrjaOaL Aeyovres dAAa Trj tov
wX'qOovs opfxrj, vtto iKaTOVTdp)(OV UpoKXov OvLTiXXtov CKeAevcra iw i/xk dva)(-
OijvaL Twv 7r€7rpayix€vo}v Xoyov aTroSwcrovTas, tois 8c irpwTOLS dp)(OvcrL TrapaiviOy
cc fi-^ ^ovXovrai Bokclv Kara ttjv avrStv Trpoaipea-iv yeyevrjcrOaL to dBiKYjfxa, iin-

^ P. Petronius was governor 30-43 A. D. (Riggs, Hist, of the Jewish People,
see Chart.)

History of Dor. 81

Sei^at TOiJ? aiTibvs tw €KaTOVTdp)(rf firjSefxias (JTacrco)? jurySc t^-o-XV^ etovra? d<f>op-
fjirjv yeviaOaL, rfvirtp Sokovctlv fxoi Orjpevea-Oat Sid twv TOiOTn-wv ipyiov, Kapiov kol
Tov TLfXiwrdrov fxoi ^ao-tXcws 'AypLTnrov ovSevbs /xoAAov Trpovoov/xevoiv, 17 iva /w,^
dcfiopfirj<: Spa^d/xevoL to twv 'lorSatoDV t^vos vtto rrj<s dfJLvvr}<; Trpo^atret o-vva-
OpotaOkv €15 aTTOVoiav X^PV ' "^^ ^^ yvo)pifX(aTepov y, tl kol 6 '^e^aaros irepl oAov
TOV TTpdyfJuaro^ i<f>p6vr}(T€, rd iv AXeiavSpeia avrov hiardypxira TrporeOevTa
irpocrWrjKa, direp ct koI yv(apLfxa TrdcTLV etvai BoKel totc kol ctti tov ySiy/ixiTO?
dviyvd) 6 TLfiLWTaTos p.OL /SucrtAevs 'AyptTTTras SiKaLoXoyrja-dfievos irepl tov p.r) Sctv
avTOvs dcf>aLptOrjvaL ttjs tov ^eftaaTOv Swpea?. et5 re ovv to Xolttov irapayyeXXix)
fxrj8ep,Lav 7rp6cf>aa-LV crTaorfws fJLrjSk Tapay^<i ^rjTolv, dXX CKaarovs Ta t8wx €^7;
OprjCTKeveLV.^^ Ilcrpwno? /xcv ovv ovrw irpovvo-qfre. 8LopO(i)(T€(D<s fxkv to Trapavop.rf-
dkv Tj^rf Tvx^v, yeveaOaL Se 7rapaTr\rja-Lov firfhkv cis avrovs-

*'But after a very little while the youDg men of Dor, preferring
daring to piety and being by nature boldly insolent, carried a statue
of Caesar into a synagogue of the Jews' and set it up. This act
provoked Agrippa exceedingly; for it tended toward the dissolution
of the laws of his nation. He therefore at once came before Pub-
lius Petronius, who was then at the head of Syria, and accused the
people of Dor. Nor did he less resent what had been done (than
did Agrippa). For he judged it an act of impiety to transgress
against lawful customs. So he angrily wrote the following to the
rulers of Dor: 'Publius Petronius, president under Tiberius Clau-
dius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, to the magistrates of the inhabi-
tants of Dor, says: Since some of you have displayed such bold
madness, after the edict of Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus
was issued, for permitting the Jews to observe their country's cus-
toms, not to obey the same ; but have done everything contrary to
it, in preventing the Jews from assembling in their synagogue by
removing Caesar's statue and setting it up therein, and have com-
mitted an outrage not only against the Jews but also against the
Emperor himself, whose statue was more fitly placed in his own
temple than in a foreign one (and this is in a place of assembly) ;
whereas it is but natural justice that every one should have rule
over the places that belong peculiarly to them, in accordance with
the determination of Caesar; not to speak of my own determina-
tion, which it would be ridiculous to mention after the Emperor's

^ Cp. the command of Caligula to Petronius to set up his statue in the
temple (^nf. XVIII, 8:2).
Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XX. 6 1915.

82 George Dahl,

edict, which gives to Jews the right to observe their own customs, as
well as commanding that they enjoy equal political privileges with
the Greeks. I command, therefore, that those men who, contrary
to the edict of Augustus, have dared do this thing (at which those
very men who appear to be most prominent among them are indig-
nant also, and allege for themselves that it was not done with their
consent but by the violence of the multitude), be brought before
me by the centurion, Proculus Vitellius, that they may give account
of the things done. Furthermore, I urge the principal magis-
trates, unless they wish to have it seem that this misdeed was done
with their consent, to point out to the centurion those that are to
blame, so as to furnish no occasion for any sort of uprising or
quarrel to arise ; which they seem to me to hunt after who are con-
cerned in such doings; while both I myself and King Agrippa, for
whom I have the sincerest respect, have nothing more under our
care, than that the Jewish nation may not find an occasion of get-
ting together under the pretext of avenging themselves, and
become uncontrollable. And that it may be better known what
Augustus also has resolved about the whole matter, I have sub-
joined the edicts he lately published in Alexandria', which, although
they may be well known to all, yet did King Agrippa, for whom I
have the sincerest respect, read them at that time before my tribu-
nal, pleading that they ought not to be deprived of this gift which
Augustus granted. For the time to come, therefore, I charge you
to seek no occasion of any sort of sedition or disturbance, but that
each one be allowed to observe his own religious customs.' 4.
Thus, then, did Petronius provide that the breach of the law
already committed should be corrected, and that no such thing
should afterward happen to them (i. e., the Jews)."

Holscher'' ascribes this section of Josephus to a source which is
concerned principally with the Herodian family, and which he
therefore names the *'Herodaergeschichte"^ The author of this
source he describes as a pious Jew, but with broader views than
those of the Pharisees. This Jew in turn had as his sources pos-
sibly Ptolemy of Ascalon, Cluvius Rufus, and state documents, in

i^w<. XIX, 5:2, 3.
^ Quellen des Josephus, pp. 68, 79, 80.

3 This source Holscher finds traces of in Ant. XIV-XVII ; Ant. XVIII-
XX he derives practically entire from it.

History of Dor. 83

addition to his own general information in regard to the events
concerned. It is probable that Josephus dealt quite freely with his
sources in this part of the Antiquities (as elsewhere) and that we
ought to ascribe more to his free composition than Holscher is
inclined to do.

This edict of Petronius is probably the composition of some
author used by Josephus as his source. Doubtless some such edict
was promulgated, and the one given here is a fairly good repre-
sentation of its general purport. Ancient historians felt free to
compose such letters where they had no access to the original
copies\

It is of interest to notice that in 42 A. D. there lived in Dor
Jews sufficient in number to maintain a synagogue of their own.
As in other cities in the Greek world they appear to have been none
too popular with the citizens of the place. Agrippa I appears as
the protagonist of the Jews in cities beyond his own realm. This
he could do effectually because of the favor he had won with Clau-
dius. Josephus does not give the sequel to his story ; he has ful-
filled his purpose injndicating the favorable attitude of the Romans
toward the Jews, especially as this is illustrated in Agrippa's rela-
tions with the Roman governor and with the emperor.

CONTRA APIONEM II, 9.

Josephus ( Contra Apionem II, 9) refers to a fable quoted by
Apion from a Greek author whose name appears in manuscripts as
Mnafeas'. This story relates how, while the Jews were at war
with the Idumeans, a certain Zabidus came out of Dora, a city of
Idumea. Zabidus promised to deliver Apollo, the god of Dora, into
the hands of the Jews, and to bring the god into the temple, if
they would all depart thence. To this the Jews agreed. There-
upon Zabidus set three rows of lamps on a wooden frame, which
he fastened about him. The Jews, when he passed by them at a
distance, thought they beheld a walking star. In this way Zabidus
gained entrance into the temple, and carried off to Dora the golden
head of an ass that was there.

^ See the discussion of literary habits of ancient narrators in Torrey, Ezra
Studies, pp. 148 ff.

2 Niese conjectures Mnaseas, the pupil of Eratosthenes, c. 200 B. C.
(Schiir., G.J.V. 11,7).

84 George Dakl,

In answer to this tale, Josephus says that Apion has loaded the
ass (that is, himself) with a burden of ridiculous lies. The first of
these lies is his statement that there is in Idumea a city named Dor:

Kol yap T07rov5 ovk 6vTa<s ypa<^u koX 7roA.et? ovk ciScjg fxeTaTiOrjaiv • ■^
jLtev yap *l8ov/>tata r^s Ty/xerepas x^P"-'^ earlv o/u,o/oos, Kara Td^av Kcip^ivr], kol
Awpa ravrry? icrrlv ovSe/xta 7roA.t? • r^? fievTOi ^OLVLKr]<s irapa to l^apfxrjXtov opos
Awpa TToAis ovo/xo^erat, fXTjhev iinKOLvwvova-a tols 'Atti'covos f^XvaprjpxKn • t€(t-
ardpuyv yap rffiepSiv ohov t^s 'iSov/matas a<l>€aTrjK€v.

"For he writes of places that do not exist, and being unac-
quainted with cities he changes them about. For Idumea borders
upon our country, and is near Gaza ; in it there is no such city as
Dor. There is, to be sure, a Phoenician city near Mount Carmel
named Dor, which, however, has nothing to do with Apion's
absurdities; for it is distant four days journey from Idumea."

Although Josephus so stoutly maintains that there is no such city
as Dor in Idumea, it seems quite certain that Adora of Idumea is
meant in this story. We have seen in Ant. XIV. 5 : 3 (parallel,
B.J.^ I, 8 : 4) that the initial A was easily dropped. This may have
happened either through corruptions in texts or in popular speech.
It seems that this town Adora is called Dura at the present time'.

It would appear from the reference to it above that, at the time
of the writing of the treatise Contra Apionem (i. e., c. 95 A. D.),
Dor was known as a city, doubtless of some importance, in Phoe-
nicia. What is here meant by " Phoenicia " is not an easy question
to decide, especially as the meaning of the name seems to have
varied at different periods. In some documents of the Greek
period the term KotA?; '%vpva kox ^olvlky] (*'Coele-Syria and Phoe-
nicia") is used to designate the whole Syrian district "beyond
(west of) the river (Euphrates) "\ The boundaries between Coele-
Syria and Phoenicia evidently varied greatly. In the last century
B. C. Coele-Syria seems to have been ordinarily applied only to the
district between Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon^ Holscher* argues
with considerable probability that the coast cities were organised
by the Romans soon after Pompey's invasion into a separate official

1 G.A.S., Hist. Geog., map ; Schiir., G.J.V. II, 7.

2 Torrey, Ezra Studies, p. 83. — This term is used as the equivalent of the

Biblical in:n nn;;.

3 Holscher, Palastina, p. 12 ; Torrey, I. c.
^i. c.,p. 98.

History of Dor. 85

district, to which the name Phoenicia was usually applied. This
may explain the frequent reference to Dor by later geographers as
a "Phoenician " city. It must also be remembered that the Philis-
tines seem to have been pushed to the south at an early period, and
that the interests and connections of Dor from comparatively early
times seem to have been with the coastland north of Mt. Carmel.
This relationship probably even antedated the cession of Dor and
Joppa to Eshmunazar by the Persian king' ; certainly that inclu-
sion of Dor within the domains of Sidon strengthened its Phoeni-
cian character. The list of cities subject to Tyre and Sidon con-
tained in Scylax'* indicates that the coast south of Carmel was in
his time (c. 350 B.C.) essentially Phoenician.

VITA § 8.

When Josephus was sent by the leaders in Jerusalem to take
charge of affairs in Galilee (66 A.D.), he found the people of Sep-
phoris in great trouble. Because of their friendly attitude toward
the Romans and their league with Cestius Gallus, legate of Syria,
the Galileans had resolved to plunder them. Josephus quieted the
disturbance, and allowed the people of Sepphoris to communicate
with their kindred who were hostages of Cestius Gallu8\ The
latter was at this time in Dor, having evidently come down from
Antioch to quell the rebellion of the Jews ( Vita § 8) :

dAAa TOVTOVS /A€v eyo> iravros aTrrjXXa^a Toiv (fyojSov Treitras virkp avrwv to.
TrX-qOrj kol kinrpopa.<i octol koI OeXovcn 8ta7r€/A7r€o-^at 8ia tovs iv Acipots oikciovs
6fJir)pevovTa<i Keo-Tto). to, St Adpa ttoAxs ia-rlv ttJs ^oivLK-qs-

*' But I delivered them out of all fear, and pacified the multitude
in their behalf, and permitted them to send over whatever they
wished, for their own relatives were hostages with Cestius at Dor.
But Dor is a city of Phoenicia."

Whether Dor was perhaps at this time used by Cestius Gallus as
a base of operations is not clear. In view of the fact that Caesarea,
a few miles south of Dor, was used by the procurator of Judea as
his capital city, it seems rather remarkable that the hostages were
not sent there. It may be that the attack of the Jews upon

^ See discussion of Eshmunazar inscription above.

2 Miiller, Oeog. Oraeci Minores, I, 79.

3 But cp. Vita § 67, where Josephus storms this city when the inhabitants
send to Cestius Gallus for aid.

86 George Dahl,

Caesarea to avenge the slaughter of their countrymen there^ had
rendered it unsafe ; and that Dor, lying farther to the north, with
pronounced anti-Jewish proclivities'* and not so easily accessible
from Jewish territory, furnished temporarily safer shelter^ Dor
is here once more reckoned as part of Phoenicia*.

JOSEPHUS IN STEPHAN OF BYZANTIUM.

After referring to Hecataeus' as his authority for the statement
that Dor was anciently called Awpos but more recently called Awpa,
Stephan of Byzantium^ proceeds to cite Josephus, who illustrates
both usages :

Kox ovTOis *lw<Trpro<s avrrjv KoXeX iv £ r^s 'lovSaiKrjs iaropCci^; " aTro fitv
*Io/3&£vov /u.€;(pt Acipcov TToAcws." KOX ttoXlv " 'A^wto) koX Aw/aois opL^ofievoiy
Kol iv s " ctvat Ti yvvcuov iv ttoAci Awpo)." koL ttoXlv " ore rjVi.yKtv €ts r^v
Awpov."

"And thus does Josephus refer to it in Book 5 of his Jewish
History: 'From the Jordan to the city Dora.' And again:
'Bounded by Azotus and Dora.' And in Book 6: 'That there
was a certain (little) woman in the city Doros.' And again:
' When he brought into Doros.' "

The first quotation given by Stephan above is from Ant. V,
1 : 22, where Josephus relates that the allotment of the half-tribe
of Manasseh extended from the Jordan to the city Dor, with its
breadth at Bethshan (Scythopolis). It has been shown above^ that
the whole matter of the original territories of the various tribes is
so confused in the various Biblical accounts that nothing can be
definitely determined concerning it. Probably the borders were
not fixed in early times; certainly not at the time when the tribes
were gradually taking possession of the land. Josephus' statement
here is, consequently, of little value.

The second. quotation above is likewise from Ant. V, 1: 22, and
describes the limits of the territory of the Danites. This account

^ J?. J. II, 18:1,2.
« See Ant. XIX, 6 :3, 4 above.

3 It is always possible that Josephus' details are not accurate, although he
ought to be well-informed in the present instance.
^ See Contra Ap. II, 9 above.
5 See p. 63.

« Ed. Meineke, 1849, p. 254.
' See p. 52.

History of Dor. 87

also is of no particular historical value, especially in view of the
fact that we see the Danites changing their location in the narra-
tive contained in the Book of Judges. Both these quotations from
Ant. Y, 1 : 22 serve to illustrate the use of the plural form Acupa,
which Stephan has just referred to (in the preceding quotation
from Hecataeus) as the later form of Dor's name.

The third and fourth quotations from Josephus above are found
in Ant. VI, 14: 2. The passage deals with the visit of Saul to the
witch of Endor, and has nothing whatever to do with Dor. The
name should be read (with Naber) "EvSwpos'. These last two cita-
tions (i. e. from Ant. VI, 14:2) differ somewhat from our present
text. The former reads" elvai tl yvvaLov rotovrov iv ttoXci Acipw. Here
ToiovTov has dropped out in some way. In the latter citation, the
texts of Naber and Niese read : rfKcv el<s rrjv Awpov. The variations in
Stephan may be due to his carelessness, or more probably to a
different reading in the text he had before him. The fact that the
MSS. differ in the word preceding tjKev (Naber writing ovras and
Niese avSpas) shows that text-corruption was present here. Stephan
apparently has an inferior reading. These last two quotations
serve to illustrate for Stephan the use of the form Atupos.

' In his critical notes on the passage (vol. II, p. VIII) Naber remarks:
** Steph. Byz. urbs appellatur Acjpoc et consentiunt R O; error est ex duarum
urbium confusione." Niese (vol. 2, p. 63) retains the reading Aapog.

2 Naber and Niese.

DOR IN THE TALMUD.

Once only is Dor mentioned in the Talmud. It occurs in a list
of frontiers of Israel, dating probably from the time of John Hyr-
canus (135-105 B. C.) and Alexander Jannaeus (104-78 B. C,)\
Neubauer'' gives the various readings of the name (which occurs
between Caesarea and Akko) as follows :

(a) Tal de Jer., Schebiith VI: 1 : TTn .

(b) Tosiftha, Schebiith, Ch. 3: in^ .

(c) Siphre, sect. Ekeb, ^ la fin: ^)1 .

(d) Yalkout, sect. Ekeb, § 674: ^H .

The variations in the form of the name indicate that the texts here
havfe become quite corrupt.

In the Jerusalem Talmud, t<^*C^1 precedes 1T\1 . This Hilde-
sheimer" reads with Dor and translates **die Klippe, die Hohe von
Dor." Neubauer*, on the contrary, maintains that NJ^JJ^ should be
connected, as in the other redactions, with the preceding "ItS^ or
ntr and that the word should be read NrtTltT (or K^C^'IS:'). In
order that we may have the various readings of the preceding town
(i. e., Caesarea) before us, I again quote from Neubauer's table
opposite p. 11, No. 2:

(a) Tal. de Jer., Schebiith, VI: 1: i^rtTI TtT ^1}D Hf^^H .

(b) Tos., Schebiith,Ch. 3 : (N-)Dp1 XniC^I) HJW^IJT '^IJID "lOim .

(c) Siphre, sect. Ekeb., a la fin: ^t^^'l^ ")D1D HDin .

(d) Yalkout, sect. Ekeb., § 674: ftntT bl^D ilDIH.

Here, too, there is evidently such great confusion in the readings,
that absolute certainty as to the original text can hardly be reached.
Neubauer connects his NTt^'^C^ with the old name of Caesarea,
SrpaTwvos irvpyos. This in turn he derives (with Renan) from the
Phoenician HID^i^ 1^^ •' But NJ^t^^ltJ^ seems very unlike both
the Phoenician and its derived Greek form. We cannot, therefore,
accept his explanation as the correct one.

' Hildesheimer, Beitrdge z. Geog. Pal., p. 10.

^ La Geographie du Talmud, No. 3 on table opp. p. 11.

3 Beitrdge, p. 10.

^ La Geographie, pp. 11, 15.

^ Buhl (Geog., p. 211) finds in the Greek name an original Astartyaton.

History of Dor. 89

Hildesheimer' translates TtT '^"IJID of the Jerusalem Talmud as
"Devils-Tower"^, explaining it as a nickname for a town called
after a worshipper of Astarte. Such a substitution of " devil " for
the name of a heathen deity is quite in accord with Jewish usage,
and may well be the true way of accounting for I^C^ here^

In connecting ^y>^ with *11*Tt (which he reads as "ll"?"!) and
making the phrase equivalent to "111 HO^ ' however, Hildesheimer
probably errs. All the redactions except the Jerusalem Talmud
connect these letters with the foregoing, and their evidence is worth
something. It is true that W> ^^^ may be translated "die
Klippe, die Hohe"\ But the word should probably be read with
the foregoing, "wall of Devils-Tower "\ Because of the corrupt
text some copyist seems to have made a mistake here in repeating
l'*^^ (or Nl^t^) ; this in turn became l^T\^ by the change of a
single letter, 1 to ^ (cp. the confusion in the other three redac-
tions). This ^y^ was later probably connected with the word
*7"tj|0 , "tower" (which may have had some resemblance to a
tooth), and allowed to stand. We find the word KH^^t?^ (also
NilO'lt^)' which likewise may be translated "Klippe" (notice its
resemblance to K^^C^), used elsewhere in connection with Caesarea.
Levy" quotes the phrase pDp"T Kni^t^a ''on the cliff of
Caesarea " from Num. r. sect. 18, 236 d\ The explanatory gloss,
N*)Dpl N1W1 ("Rock, or Cliff, of Caesarea"), in the second
section from Tosiftha quoted above illustrates how a similar gloss
N-D^J^I ("Cliff") may have been allowed to sjband in the Jerusalem
Talmud. This reference to Dor as one of the border cities of Israel
does not mean that the city was itself included within the nation.
The territory of the nation extended simply to Dor or its environs.

1 P. 4 ; cp. G.A.S., in Enc. Bib. I, p. 617, s.v. Caesarea, § 1.

2 I.e., 1C^", J^TC^. "demon."

3 Caesarea is called in Midrash Shir ha-Shirim I, 5, a " city of abomina-
tion and blasphemy." (Neubauer, p. 96.)

* Lsvy, IV, 582-3; originally the word means "tooth," then a tooth-
shaped rock or " cliff." So also Jastrow, Tal. Diet. II, p. 1603.

^ Jastrow (II, p. 1603) however accepts Hildesheimer's arrangement and
translation.

«IV, p. 547.

' Cp. also Levy, IV, p. 522.

THE COINS OF DOR.

The issuing of coins at Dor^ does not seem to have begun until
after the ''liberation'" of the city by Pompey in 64r-63 B. C. It
is from this date that the city dates its era'. That the attribution
to Dor of a coin issued by Trypho (who was imprisoned there 139-8
B. C.) was erroneous, has been demonstrated by Babelon*. On the
basis of a duplicate of this coin and a more careful reading, he has
shown that it should be read LA' A2K, instead of AfiP.IE.K.A.'.

The form of the ethnic on the coins is either AfiPITflN or
AfiPEITfiN'; one coin, owing to a dittography, has AfiPIPITON.
The other forms of the name which have been recorded are the
result of errors of reading or of transcription'. Under Trajan,
Hadrian and Antoninus Pius we find the title AfiPtrwv lEPa ACYAos
AYTONo/*o9 NAYAPXIC or merely AfiPA IEPA». With these high-

» Hill, CaVg. of Greek Coins of Phoenicia, pp. LXXIVff., 113-117 ; Babe-
lon, Les Perses AcMnUnides, pp. CLXIXf., 205-7 ; de Saulcy, Ten-e SaintCj
pp. 142-148 ; Head, Historia Numorum, p. 792.

' Josephus, Ant. XIV, 4:4 ; B.J. I. 7: 7 ; see p. 74 above.

3 Hill, p. LXXIV; Head, p. 792: Babelon, p. CLXX ; Ideler, Handbuch
der Chronologie, I, p. 459 ; de Saulcy, pp. 143 f., 405 ; Eckhel, Doctr. Num.
Vet. Ill, pp. 362 fif.; Schur., O.J.V. II, p. 140. Kubitschek (ArcMologisch-
epigraphische Mitteilungen aus Osterreich-Ungam, XIII, 1890, p. 209) places
the era between 63 and 59 B, C, and denies that Dor dated from Pompey.
In his article *' Aera" in Pauly-Wissowa's Real-Enz. I, p. 649 f., however,
Kubitschek is undecided as to the date. — On the basis of a doubtful read-
ing, de Saulcy (p. 144) supposes that a single coin of Vespasian is dated
according to the era of Gabinius. But in this he works on the mistaken
presumption that Gabinius restored Dor (see above, p. 76). In like manner
Kubitschek (Archdologisch-epigraphische Mitteilungen aus Osterreich-
Ungam, XIII, 1890, p. 209) and Hill (p. LXXV) have failed to perceive that
Adora in Idumea is the city meant in the passages Jos., Ant. XIV, 5:3 ;
B.J.I, H: 4.

■» Rois de Syrie (1890), pp. CXXXIX f., 137.

* The L before the date has usually been supposed to be an Egyptian
character. It is more probably a fragmentary and specialized form of the
E of ET0T2, (see Head, p. LXXXVU).

« Hill, I. c.

' These are, of course, equivalent forms.

« Babelon, Les Perses Achem., p. CLXX ; Hill, p. LXXV.

»HiU, Z. c; Head, p. 792.

History of Dor. 91

sounding titles certain privileges were bound up. The title Upa koI
a<Tv\o<s in the Greek and Roman periods extended to whole cities
the privilege of asylum which was originally confined to sanc-
tuaries'. The significance of the term avrovo/xos varies slightly at
different periods. It is not the same as iXevdepos. The "free"
towns were almost entirely independent of Rome, while the
"autonomous" cities were not far removed in organization from
those directly subject to the Romans. The "autonomous" cities
were required to pay taxes and to furnish auxiliary troops upon
demand; while in the subject cities direct levies of troops were
made by the Roman officials. The statement in Josephus {Ant.
XIV, 4:4; cp. B.J. I, 7:7) that Pompey had made Dor and other
cities i\€v6€pas implies nothing as to their relations toward Rome'' ;
the statement simply indicates that these cities were freed from
Jewish domination^ The title vavapx^^ was conferred upon Sidon
and Tripolis as well as upon Dor, doubtless because of their
convenience as naval stations and because of their importance as
the chief ports in their respective districts*. It would appear
from this title that Dor had better harbor facilities in the second
century of our era than the remains at present visible would
indicate^

According 'to the tradition preserved by Claudius lolaus' the
eponymous founder of Dor was Doros, the son of Poseidon. It is
probable that this hero is intended by the Poseidon-like deity
represented on some of the coins'. On the other hand, this may
easily be intended to represent Zeu8^ Another type that fre-
quently occurs is the turret-crowned Tyche of the city. Astarte

1 Schiir., O.J.V. II, p. 105; Moore in Enc. Bib. I, pp. 377 f., s.v. Asylum ;
Head, p. LXXX.

2 Schiirer, G.J.V. II, pp. 104 f.

^ On the whole question of the significance of the term avrovo/iog, see
Schiir. II, pp. 104 ff.; Mommsen, Handbuchder Rom. Alterthiimer, V. Ill,
pt. I, 658 f. (Rom. Staatsrecht); Head, p. LXXX.

* Head, p. LXXX; Babelon, Les Perses Achem., p. CLXX.

^ Cp. the tradition related by Claudius lolaus (see below p. 94) that Dor

was provided with good harborage At Tyre and Sidon, similarly,

the ancient harbors seem to have been larger and better protected than the
ones built later. See Baedeker (3) pp. 272 ff . , 278 ff .

® Steph. Byz. s.v. Awpof; see pp. 94 ff.

^ Hill, p. LXXIV; Head, p. 792.

« Babelon, Les Perses Achem., pp. 205-7; Schiir., G.J.V. II, p. 35.

92 George Dahl,

on many of the coins holds a naval standard ; this has also been
called a mast with a sail or a vexillum'.

The most complete and accurate treatment of the coins of Dor
is that by G. F. Hill, Catalogue of the Greek coins of Phoenicia^
pp. 113-118. Some forty-three coins from Dor are listed, all
made of bronze. Two are dated in the year 1 (LA) i.e., 64-63
B.C. The attribution of these two coins to Dor is not absolutely
certain, inasmuch as the name is abbreviated to the doubtful form
AO. The fact that the coin next in date comes from a period one
hundred and twenty-eight years later (64-5 A.D.) increases our
suspicion regarding the correctness of the attribution of these coins
to Dor. On the obverse of these two coins appears the head of
Tyche, veiled and turreted. The reverse of the one presents Tyche
standing, holding a cornucopia in the left hand, with the right
hand resting on a tiller. The reverse of the other coin pictures an
ear of barley upright.

From the imperial period coins are listed both with and without
the heads of emperors. Those without the emperor's likeness date
from 64-5 to 75-6 A.D. A frequent type of this class represents
on the obverse the head of Doros bearded and laureate; on the
reverse occurs the figure of Astarte with turreted crown, long
chiton and peplos, moving left, head right, holding a- standard and
cornucopia in the right and left hands respectively. Another
type of coin has on the obverse a bust of Tyche, turreted and
veiled; on the reverse appears Astarte standing with standard and
cornucopia. A variation of this type substitutes a galley for
Astarte on the reverse side. Again we find a coin with Doros
obverse and Tyche reverse.

The coins with heads of emperors date from the reign of Ves-
pasian (69-79 A.D.) to that of Elagabalus (218-222 A.D.)^ Under
Vespasian two coins are described, with the emperor's head obverse
and a standing Tyche on the reverse. Three coins of Titus are
given, similar to the one just mentioned, except that the head of
Titus supplants that of Vespasian. Seven coins are listed under
Trajan, all with his head laureate, drapery on neck and a star, on
the obverse; the reverse differs, having three times the head of

1 Hill, he.

5 De Saulcy's description of coins of Geta and of Aquilia Severa await
confirmation (Hill, p. LXXV).

History of Dor. 93

Doros, once the bust of the Tyche of the city and three times a
standing Astarte. The obverse and reverse of the three coins of
Hadrian portray respectively the bust of Hadrian and the head of
Doros. Similarly the three coins of Antoninus Pius have the bust
of the emperor and the head of Doros. The one coin of Elaga-
balus pictures on the reverse a temple with six columns, with a
female figure within^

Further finds of coins in the future will doubtless add new speci-
mens to our collections, and will perhaps carry the history of the
town under Rome somewhat farther.

^ This may be the representation of some temple within the city of Dor.

FROM CLAUDIUS lOLAUS TO HIEROCLES.

CLAUDIUS lOLAUS.

Claudius lolaus, whose name would seem to indicate that he was
of Roman origin^ is quoted by Stephan of Byzantium under Awpos.
He wrote after the rebuilding of Caesarea'' by Herod and probably
belongs to the first century A. D.*. His work on Phoenicia seems
to have been a collection of historical and pseudo-historical notices.
Of Dor he writes* :

Kttt KAav8t05 *IovAios iv y ^otviKiKwv " /JLera Kawrapctav Awpa Kctrat ^pa-
^€ia '7ro\L)(yr), ^oivLKoyv avrrjv oiKOvvTOiv, ol 8ta to vTroirerpov twv tc aiytaXoiv kox
TO TTop^vpoi yovifxov (rvv€\6ovT€<i, KaXtas avTols toKoSo/xt^a-avro Koi irepiftaXofie-
voi ;j(apaKa?, ws vTrrJKOvev avToU toi t^s ipya(Tui<s, re/xvop-evoi ras TrcVpa?, Sto, twv
i^aLpovfievwv \iOo)v to. Tei\rj KartftaXovro, koI ttjv evopfjLOV XV^V^ ottws [oldv]
T€ do-^oAws tOevTO, lir^wfxov avrqv rrj TraT/oio) yXwaa-r] Awp Ka\ovvT€<s. oi B*
"EtXXrjves, X^^P'-^ "^^ '^'^ <f><i)vrj<s €V7rpo<f>6pov, KoXelv apKovvra (1. apKovvraL) A<apa
TTJV iroXxv. Kat TLV€s l<rTopov(TL Awpov Tov lIo(T€LB(avo<: OLKLCTTrjv avTTJs y€yov€vaiy

"And Claudius lolaus in (Book) 3 of the Phoenikika: ' Next to
Caesarea lies Dor, a very small town inhabited by Phoenicians.
These settled here because of the somewhat rocky nature of the
beaches and the abundance of the purple-fish. At first they built
themselves cabins, about which they placed stakes. "When their
business prospered, however, they split the rocks, and with the
stones thus set free they built city-walls, and made a harbor with
good and safe anchorage. They called the place in their native
tongue Dor. But the Greeks, for the sake of its more pleasing
sound, agree to call the city Dora. And some make the statement
that Doros, the son of Poseidon, was its founder.' "

It has already been suggested* that the derivation of the name
from Poseidon's son is simply one of the early legends of the city' ;

' Schwartz in Pauly-Wissowa's Real-Enz. Ill, 2728.

2 This is indicated by his use of the name Caesarea in the passage quoted
below.

2 Pauly-Wissowa's Enz.. I. c; Miiller, Fragm. hist, graec. IV, 363.

^ Steph. Byz., ed. Meineke, p. 255, s.v. Mbpog.

5 Page 18.

^ This tradition seems to be the reason for the use of the Poseidon-like
head on some of the coins of Dor.

History of Dor. 95

so also the account here of the city's early history. Evidently the
town was of no great size in the time of Claudius lolaus (/Spaxcux
TroXixvr] — cp. Artemidorus^ "7roA.i(r/u,aTtov,-" Clem. Recog. IY:1%
"breve oppidum;" Pliny % " memoria urbium.") The city wall
can still be traced in part among the ruins*. That the purple-
yielding murex constituted one of the sources of Dor's wealth is
easily possible, for the coast in this neighborhood contains quantities
of purple-fish\ The reference to Dor by Claudius lolaus is inter-
esting for the light it throws upon legends connected with the city,
and because of the evidence it affords that early writers could even
conceive of it as being of Greek origin. Probably its spirit and
culture became in the later centuries B.C. essentially Greek in
tone.

PLINY.

Pliny® speaks of Dor as though it were not in existence at the
time' he wrote: '' Hinc redeundum est ad oram, atque Phoenicen.
Fuit oppidum Crocodilon, est flumen: memoria urbium, Doron,
Sycaminon." The Crocodile River is located south of Dor". But
apart from a reference in Strabo® we have no further record of a
city of that name. Sycaminon is in the Onomasticon" identified
with Haifa, although the Talmud seems to regard the two as
distinct the one from the other. Perhaps the two names were
applied to the city proper and its harbor". It is also possible that
Sycaminon ought to be identified with the ruins Tell es-Semak,
two miles distant from Haifa el-'Atikah".

1 Page 63.

2 Page 98.
2 Below.

* Page 10.

6 Enc. Bib. s.v. Dor; Ritter, Die Erdkunde, XVI, p. 610. Cp. Deut. 33:18,
19, where Issachar is to " suck the abundance of the seas, and the hidden
treasure of the sands." This may refer to the purple industry.

^ Hist. Nat., V, 17, ed. Gabraiels Brotier, with notes by Hardouin and
Cigalino.

' C. 77 A.D.

8 See p. 7.

9 XVI, 2,^27.

10 S.v. Hepha.

11 Buhl, Geog. des alien Pal., p. 214.

1^ S.W.P. Mem., I, 289.— Sycaminon has also been located at 'AthlTt.

96 George Dalil,

If Pliny was rightly informed by his sources, the phrase
"memoria urbium" would seem to indicate that Dor had been for
a time almost or quite in ruins\ The testimony of the coins',
however, proves that Dor was certainly issuing coins from 64 A. D.
down to the time of Elagabalus. Either Pliny was uninformed
concerning the condition of Dor in his own time, or else he is
indulging in hyperbole or loose and inexact inference.

Strabo^ in the passage mentioned above (i.e., XVI, 2, §27) has
some interesting parallels to the statements of Pliny. He says :

/xcToi 8c Tr)v "Akyjv 'XTpoLTiDVO's TTvpyos, Trpoaopfiov €;(wv. fxvra^v h\ 6 re
Kdpfxr]\o<s TO o/oos kol 7ro\LXVL(i>v ovofxara, ttX^ov 8' ovhev, '^VKafitvoiv TroAts,
BovKoXcuv Kttt KpoKoSetXwv TToAxs KOL oAAa TOtavra. elra Spv/xb<s /xeyas rts.

"And after Ake is Strato's Tower, which has a harbor. And
between these is Mount Carmel besides the names of little towns
(and nothing more), viz., the city Sycaminoi, the cities Boukoloi
and Crocodeiloi, and others of the same sort. Then follows a cer-
tain great forest."

It is to be noticed that Strabo here omits Dor from his enumera-
tion of TroXLxvL<jiv ovofmra. It may be that Dor was overshadowed by
its greater neighbor Caesarea. Like Pliny, Strabo mentions the city
Sycaminon as no longer in existence. If his location of this town
is correct, it could hardly be Haifa, but more easily the ruin Tell
es-Semak already mentioned. A city Boukoloi (=:herdsmen) in this
region is not elsewhere referred to. The fact that this passage in
Strabo is the only other mention of a city Crocodile (as well as the
reference to Sycaminon and the general description of the coast*),
may point to a dependence, either direct or through the mediation
of other writers, of Pliny upon Strabo here^ The testimony of
these writers is worth this much at least : It indicates that at a time
probably near the beginning of our era the coast cities in this dis-
trict suffered a temporary eclipse.

1 Cp. Sidon, which in 350 B. C. was captured and reduced to ashes by
Artaxerxes Ochus. By the time of the conquests of Alexander the Great
it was again a city of some importance.

2 See above, p. 93.

3 Date 63 B. C.-24 A. D.

* Notice that, while Pliny follows the coast from S. to N. , Strabo enumerates
the cities in the opposite direction. Boukoloi thus stands in the place of Dor.

5 This statement, in view of the rather scanty evidence, is made very
tentatively.

History of Dor. .97

PTOLEMY.

Claudius Ptolemaus, Alexandrian geographer and astronomer,
includes Dor within the ^oLVLKr)<: Oim's, and reckons its position as
follows^ :

"Dor 66° 30' 32° 40'"

This testimony would seem to indicate that Dor was still in exist-
ence about the middle of the second century A. D.

CHABAX PERGAMENUS.

Stephan of Byzantium' quotes from Book 11 of Charax to the
effect that Trypho, when besieged at Dor by Antiochus, fled eis
IlToAc/xaiSa, T^v^A/oyv Xeyofxevrjv, " to Ptolemais, called Ake "'. Miil-
ler* places Charax under the emperors Hadrian, Antoninus Pius
and Marcus Aurelius (i. e., 117-180 A. D.). Charax gives us,
however, no information concerning Dor in his own period.

PAUSANIAS.

In the course of his discussion of the ethnic of Dor, Stephan of
Byzantium* quotes Pausanius as authority for the form Awptets (from
Atu/otevs), as follows:

HavaavuL^ 8c iv rrj rrj^ 7ra rpiSo? avTOV ktl(tu Aoipul'S avTOvq KaXei TrjSe
ypd<j>wv '' T-vpLOL AaKaXoiVLTai Awptets Pa^avewrat, cdcttc irapa ttjv AQ>pqv
TO A(o/otov elvai, ov av eir) to Awptevs, ws tov X.rj(nov to Xiycriei3s.

*'And Pausanias in his work on his native land calls them
Dorieis, writing thus : ' Tyrians, Askalonites, Dorieis, Rhaphan-
ites;' so that beside the feminine Doros there is a neuter form
Dorion, whose ethnic would be Dorieus, just as the ethnic of
Chesion is Chesieus."

Pausanias was a Greek traveller and author who lived in the
latter half of the second Christian century\ Examination of his

1 Geog. V, 15: 5 ; ed. Nobbe. Ptolemy flourished from 127-151 A. D.

2 S.v. Acjpog ; also in Miiller, Fragm. hist, graec. Ill, 644 n. 40.

3 See above, p. 68.
^L. c.,p. 636.

^ S.v. Awpof.

^ Lippincott on the name; preface to Shilleto's translation.

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XX. 7 1915.

98 George Dahl,

JlepLrjyrjaii^ fails to reveal the quotation Stephan pretends to give.
The Tyrians appear elsewhere but Ascalon occurs only as a town
name ; of the Rhaphanites' there is no mention. The Dorieis fre-
quently referred to by Stephan are not the inhabitants of Dor, but
the Greek Dorians. It is quite possible that Stephan here quotes
from memory, and with results most disastrous to his argument.

THE CLEMENTINE EECOGNITIONS.

In the pseudo-Clementine Recognitions Dor is referred to as a
** breve oppidum." This theological " Tendenz-Romance " repre-
sents Peter and his party on their way from Caesarea to Tripolis
as stopping overnight in an inn at Dor. On the morrow they con-
tinue on their way as far as Ptolemais. The Latin translation of
Rufinus of Aquileia (d. 410 A.D.) rea^s as follows' (Book TV: 1):

Profecti a Caesarea ut Tripolim pergeremus, apud Doram breve
oppidum primam fecimus mansionem, quia nee longe aberat. Et
omnes paene qui per sermonem Petri crediderant, divelli ab eo satis
aegre habebant, sed pariter incedentes, dum iterum videre, iterum
complecti iuvat, iterum conferre sermonem, ad diversorium pre-
venimus, sequenti vero die venimus Ptolomaidem.

The Recognitions are probably to be dated at the earliest in the
first half of the third century A.D.*. Their older sources go back
at least to the end of the second century A.D. Thus we have here
the statement that about the year 200 (later or earlier) Dor was
known to the writer of the Clementine Recognitions as a small
town.

EUSEBIUS AND JEROME.

Eusebius (c. 275-c. 340) includes Dor in his Onomasticon* under
the two forms Awp rov Na</>a^ and Nat^c^Swp, as follows: (O. S.
250:56)

A(up Tov Na<^a^. avrrj iarl t^s Trapakui^ Aiopa rj irpbs Kouaa/oeuiv t^?
UaXaia-TLvrj^. tjv ovk tXaftev 17 <f>v\rj Mavaaa^, otl /xy) dvclXev rov^ iv avry
dkko<t>vkov^. (los. 11:2; 17:11, 12.) >

' Ed. Hitzig & Bluemmer; trans, by Frazer.

^ Inasmuch as the other cities quoted are on the coast, Raphia is probably
here meant, not Raphana of the Decapolis.

3 Ed. Gersdorf , pp. 114 f .

* Uhlhom in Hauck-Herzog, Real-EnckL, art. Clementinen; T. Smith in
Ante-Nicene Fathers, VIII, p. 74,

' Onomastica Sacra, ed, Lagarde (2) 1887.

History of Dor. 99

"Dor of Naphath: This is Dor of the sea-coast, adjacent to
Caesarea Palestina; which the tribe of Manasseh did not take,
because they failed to destroy the Gentiles in it."

( 0. S. 283 : 3) Na<^e^8wp. 2. ev Trj Trapakta Awpa. avrrj iarlv oltto 0
o-r;/u,€tW Kato-apeta?. {Tos. 11:2.)

" Napheth-dor : Syramachus (translates) : ' Dor on the sea-coast '.
This is nine miles distant from Caesarea."

Under the name MayStTJA.' Eusebius (and after him Jerome) refers
to the town under its shorter name; i. e., taking it as a neuter
plural form, he gives the genitive as Aw/oodv. From these references
to the town, it would appear that Dor was in existence at the time
Eusebius wrote", i.' e. , in the early part of the fourth century.

Between this time and the translation of the Onomasticon by
Jerome' (c. 390)*, however. Dor seems to have fallen temporarily
into ruins\ In his free rendering of the passages of Eusebius
quoted above, Jerome speaks of Dor as deserted (O.S. 115:22):
Dor Nafeth, quod Symmachus transtulit Dor maritima (los. 11 : 2)
haec est Dora in nono miliario Caesareae Palaestinae pergentibus
Tyrum, 9iu?ic deserta. quae cum cecidisset in sortem tribus Manasse,
eam possidere non potuit, quia habitatores in ilia pristini perman-
serunt (los. 17:11, 12). {O.S. 142:13): Nefeddor, quod Symma-
chus interpretatur maritimam (los. 11 : 2). Dor autem est oppidum
iam desertum in nono miliario Caesareae pergentibus Ptolomaidem.

In his Sanctae Paulae peregrinatio®, Jerome repeats his testimonj^
concerning Dor, as follows: . . . . et per campos Mageddo, Josiae
necis conscios intravit terram Philisthiim. Mirata riiinas Dor.,
u rb quondam potentissimae. Paula was a Roman matron who
left Rome in 382 and lived in Bethlehem from 384 until her death
in 404. On the basis of the statements of Eusebius and Jerome

1 Onomastica Sacra, ed. Lagarde (2) 1887, 280:40.

* See on the Bishops of Dor, pp. 102 ff.

3 Hieronymi de situ et nominibus locorum hebraicorum liber.

■* Hauck-Herzog, Encyk., s.v. Hieronymus.

5 The fact that Dor was the seat of a bishopric at a later period indicates
that it was restored. It would appear from the conflicting accounts of Dor
in the early Christian centuries that the town passed through alternate
periods of prosperity and decline.

^=epist. 108 ad. Eustochium c.VIIl in opp. ed. Vallarsii et Maffaeii I,
696. Also in Tobler et Molinier, Itinera Hierosolymitana et Descriptiones
TeiTae Sanctae, I, p. 31.

100 George Dahl,

we are probably justified in inferring that some calamity depopu-
lated Dor sometime after the middle of the fourth century. Later,
however, the city must have been reestablished, for we read of
bishops of Dor in the following centuries.

TABULA PEUTINGERIANA.

Dor appears on the Tabula Peutingeriana^ under the form
Thora". The distance from Thora to Cesaria is indicated as VIII
miles, from Thora to Ptolomaide as XX miles. The former of
these distances is approximately correct, the latter not large
enough by several miles*.

This interesting map of military roads of the western Roman
Empire is named after the Augsburg recorder, Konrad Peutinger,
who obtained it in 1508 from its discoverer. This particular copy
was made in the 13th century; the original in its present form
goes back probably to the fourth century A.D.*.

STEPHAN OF BYZANTICJM.

Stephan of Byzantium*, the author of a geographical dictionary
called '' Ethnica," is supposed to have lived in the fifth century".
Included in the abridgement of this work now extant is a chapter
on Atopo5, TToAts ^oivUrj^ ("Dor, a city of Phoenicia"). The chapter
mainly consists (in addition to a discussion of the ethnic of the
town's name) of quotations from Greek writers. These quotations
have been- fully treated above', so that there is no need for their
further discussion here.

While Stephan has preserved in his quotations from the authors
he cites valuable bits of information regarding Dor, he leaves us
in the dark concerning the Dor of his own day. Like most ancient
writers he is not consistently critical in his methods, and his testi-

1 Ed. Desjardins (1868), segment IX.

2 See above, p. 17.
^Guerin, Sam. 2:314.

4 Teuffel-Schwabe, Hist of Rom. Lit. (Eng. Trans. 1891-2), II, §412:6;
Enc. Brit. s.v. Konrad Peutinger.

5 Ed. Meineke, 1849, pp. 254 ff.

^ Lippincott's Pron. & Biog. Diet, on the name.

' Hecataeus, see p. 62; Josephus, pp. 66 ff.; Claudius lolaus, pp. 94 f.;
Artemidorus, p. 63; Apollodonis, p. 63; Alexander Ephesius, p. 64; Charax,
p. 97 ; Pausanias, pp. 97 f . ; Craterus, pp. 62 f .

History of Dor. - * '- - * '- " 101

mony must, therefore, be carefully questioni&d^t mo^t'points.' His
quotations are not always strictly accurate\

HIEROCLES.

Hierocles, a grammarian, who is supposed to have lived in the
sixth century A. D.^, wrote in Greek a " Handbook for Travellers "
(Svv€k8i;/>ios), which lists the towns and provinces under the Eastern
emperor at Constantinople. Dor is included among the cities in the
first of the three divisions of the province of Palestine, as follows^ :

E7ra/o;j(ia IlaAato-TtVrys, viro KOvaovXapiOVy -rroXeis k^ :

Katcrapeia fxrjTpoTroXi^

Aw pa

AvrtTrarpts

AtOOTTToAtS

^A^ojTos 7rapdXLO<i

"A^WTos /xecrdyeios, ktX.

"The province of Palestine, under a proconsul, 22 cities:

Caesarea, metropolis

Dor

Antipatris

Diospolis

Azotus on the coast

Azotus inland, etc., etc."

In the fifth century the three-fold partition of Palestine (which
is here used by Hierocles) into Palestina Prima (or Maritima), Pal-
estina Secunda, and Palestina Tertia (or Salutaris) began to pre-
vail. These divisions were at once political and ecclesiastical, and
continued during the time of the Crusades. The first division
included the coast region as far as Carmel, w^ith Caesarea as its
metropolis or archbishop's see. Dor is, as here, prevailingly named
immediately after adjacent Caesarea. These early lists of towns
are repeatedly copied by later writers, sometimes with modifica-
tions, but apparently without investigation into the question of the
contemporary state of the cities^

^ See on Josephus (pp. 86 f.), and on Pausanias (p. 97 f.).
' Lippincott on the name ; Burckhardt, Hieroclis Synecdemus, p. XIV
(before 535 A. D.).
3 Hierocles Grammaticus, ed. Parthey, p. 43 ; ed. Burckhardt, p. 41.
'* Socin in Enc. Bib., 3548 f., s.v. Palestine.
^ See on Georgius Cyprius below.

THE BISHOPS OF DOR.

riDus.

Lequien* has collected records of five early bishops of Dor. The
first of these is Fidus, who belongs in the last quarter of the fifth
century. Apparently Dor had been rebuilt since the time of
Jerome, when it was in ruins*. The references to Fidus, Lequien
quotes from the " Vita sancti Euthymii abbatis, apud Cotelerium
to. 2 monum. eccl. Graec." This biography of St. Euthymius
was written by the monk Cyrillus of Scythopolis\ Lequien's quota-
tions of the passages from the life of Euthymius relative to Fidus,
and his comments on these quotations follow.

Nam n. 60. p. 249. narrat * Fidum ' Fidi Joppensis episcopi
nepotem, Anastasium, qui postea Hierosolymitanus evasit Patri-
archa iuxta Euthymii prophetiam, comitatum esse ad eundem
Euthymium invisendum euntem: " Quum ergo desiderium videndi
hominis (Euthymii) in se aleret, Fido Joppes episcopo, & Cosinae
Crucum custodi pulchram illam communicat cupiditatem ; atque eos
assumens, quin etiam Fidum alterum episcopi Fidi nepotem, (erat
autem is adhuc aetate iuvenis, & in chorum lectorum cooptatus;
qui etiam Cyriaco monacho haec tradidit & narravit:) cum iis
proficiscitur ad magnum Euthymium, etc." Id contigit ante
Juvenalis Patriarchae Hierosolymitani obitum, cui successit Anas-
tasius modo memoratus anno 458. qui *'Statim (ut refertur ibid,
num. 96. pag 20) Fidum, qui ad lauram cum ipso accesserat,
audieratque praedictiones (Euthymii,) ordinat diaconum, & rursus
ad magnum (Euthymium) mittit una cum custode crucis; turn pro-
phetiae significans eventum, tum rogans sibi permitti ad eum
pergere, etc." Xum. 110. adfuit praesens Euthymii funeribus an.
473, die 20. Januar, defuncti. "Fama celeriter (mortis Euthymii)
per omnem finitimam regionem sparsa," inquit Cyrillus ibid. pag.
294, " monachorum & laicorum multitudo vix numerabilis congre-
gata est; quin etiam Anastasius Hierosolymorum Patriarcha,
assumto secum clericorum simul & militum examine, accessit.

^ Oriens Christiamis (Paris 1740) III, pp. 574-9.

2 See above, p. 99.

3 Oriens Christ. Ill, p. 575.

History of Dor, 103

Aderat quoque Chrysippus, unaque Gabrielius, sed & diaconus
Fidus .... cunctos autem in stuporem adducebat continuatio
miraculorum." Et pag. seq. 295. " Fidum autem diaconum
(Patriarcha) in laura relinquens, ei aedificandi (sepulcri Euthymii)

committit negotium quo beatae illae Euthymii reliquiae in

apto & convenienti loco deponerentur." Et num. 112. p. 296.
"At diaconus Fidus, multa operarum manus collecta magnoque
adhibito studio, speluncam quae in principio tenuit quiete agentem
Euthymium, aedem pulcherrimam & maximam efficit, etc." Mortuo
Anastasio anno Christo 478. Martyrius eius successor, ad "Imper-
atorem Zenonem & Acacium Constantinopolitanum episcopum
scribit de Aposchistis," ibid num. 113 pag. 298 .... "atque
Fido diacono litteris traditis, non pauca viro ore etiam dicenda
mandat." Verum quum navigium ascendisset Fidus, certo nau-
fragio ereptus fuit ab Euthymio quem invocaverat, quiqui illi
apparens, dixit, n. 114 p. 299. "Noli timere: Ego sum Euthymius
servus Dei: scias autem tibi bonum non esse hoc iter conspectu
Dei ; nuUam enim afferet utilitatem matri ecclesiarum. Quapropter
oportet te reverti ad eum qui te misit, eique meo nomine denun-
ciare, ne sit ullatenus sollicitus de disiunctione Aposchistarum :
non enim diu abhinc, sed sub eius Pontificatu erit unio, & omnes
Hierosolymitani fient unus grex atque sub uno Pastore." (Verita-
tem visionis firmavit vaticinii eventus, de quo vide supra col 176.)
" Te autem oportet venire ad meam lauram; & fratrum quidem
cellas (dispersas nempe) diruere ab ipsis fundamentis, coenobium
vero readificare illic, ubi meum aedificasti caemeterium. Locum
enim Deo placet non lauram esse, sed potius caenobium etc." Et
num. 116. pag. 301. " Transiens postea ad Patriarcham, ei omnia
renunciavit Fidus. Et ille vehementer admiratus narrationem
opinione maiorem; profecto, inquit, Dei propheta est magnus
Euthymius .... quae enim ad lauram spectant, ea coram nobis
omnibus praedixit, iam in Christo per mortem consummandus. His
dictis, ipse etiam Fido committit coenobii aedificationem, con-
ceditque ei ut illo proficiscatur, simul professos se quoque omnibus
viribus apus una esse aggressurum." Et num. 117. "Fidus
itaque, accepta magna manu ministrorum & structorum, cum uno
ex mechanicis seu architectis, descendit in lauram: quumque
aedificasset coenobium, septoque & muro in orbem esset complexus,
vetus quidem templum attribuit fratribus ad caenaculum, aliud
autem templum aedificat superius. Intra coenobium vero splendide

104 George Dahl,

excitat turrim velut quoddam totius eremi projiugnaculum, & in
medio caemeterio collocat etc." Et n. 119. *'Quum itaque
huiusmodi totum caenobii aedificium simul & ornamentum non
opus habuisset plus quam tribus annis ob multas manus intensum-
que ministerium, volebant quidem divini illi Patres, cum alio
ornatu & artificio dedicationem etiam ecclesiae tribuere ; eos autem
arcebat rursus aquae penuria : nam in ilia solitudine pluit tantum
hyeme .... Itaque Helias praepositus, & diaconus Fidus sig-
nificant Longino inferioris monasterii praefecto, & paulo praeposito
monasterii Martyrii, ut per iumenta eos adiuvent ad aquam ex
Pharis aTro laptop transferendam." Num. 120. pag. 504. " Sequenti
ergo nocte, paratis iis circa diluculum ad iter, iamque congregatis
iumentis, apparet nocte ilia beato Heliae magnus Euthymius: Quid
hoc sibi vult, rogans, quod hodie iumenta congregetis ? Quum is
vero respondisset ; ut aquam ex Pharis afferamus, eo quod nos
nunc omnino defecerit; increpavit ille, dicens: Modicae fidei
homines, quanam de causa Deum non precati estis ? Num is qui
e praerupta petra inobedientem potavit populum, & aquam ex asini
maxilla Samsoni aliquando fecit scaturire, non poterit vobis quoque
ad usum suppeditare, dummodo cum fide offeratis petitionem ?
Deinde eis etiam prohibuit iter ad Pharas cttI ^apas ut minime
necessarium. Aqua enim vobis implebuntur, inquit, vel maximae
cisternae, ne tribus quidem horis expectatis." Et n. 121. "Exci-
tatus ^ somno ad visionem beatus Helias, statimque ea Fido &
reliquis annunciata, iumenta a proposito solvit ministerio: quum
non autem iam transisset, & sol omnem quantam videt terram
radiorum illustraret iaculis; nubes alicunde aerem subito complexa
caenobio incumbentem, erupit protinus in j^luviam, & omnia qui-
dem circumcirca simile adhuc puniebat flagellum siccitatis; ii
autem soli qui erant in caenobio, aqua praeter oj^inionem frueban-
tur: perinde ac si aliquis pluviam circumscripsisset, rursusque non
sineret ulterius progredi. Postquam autem cisternae fuerunt aqua
plenae, nee ii amplius indigebant imbribus e caelo, statim nubes
dissipata est, & vehemens imbrium procella ad serenitatem iterum
redacta fuit." Et num. 122. pag. 305. "Quum vero miraculum
brevi totam pervasisset solitudinem, atque ad ipsum etiam arch-
iepiscopum Martyrium iam pervenisset, descendens ille cum multa
rerum affluentia ad coenobium, praeclaram agit synaxim & vigiliam
cum multis lampadibus & suffitibus koI OvfjudfjuKTi; sed & splendidam
magnificamque facit dedicationem: Deponem sub altari quasdam
partes reliquiarum martyrum Tarochi, Probi & Andronici, septimo

History of Dor. 105

mensis Mali, anno iam duodecimo post Euthymii mortem (proinde-
que Christ! 484). Quum aliquod autem tempus transiisset, dia-
conus quoque Fidus accipit episcopatum civitatis quae vocatur
Dora : " Proindeque ordinatus est Fidus iste, vel sub finem anni
484 vel anno seq. 485. Quid in praesulatu egerit, & quonam
obierit anno nos latet. Constat solum exeunte anno 518, eum non
fuisse amplius superstitem.

BAROCHIUS.

The second Bishop of Dor of whom we have any record is
Barochius^, who was present at the council of Jerusalem in 518\
This council convened under Patriarch John of Jerusalem in order
to ratify the decisions of the Council of Constantinople held earlier
in the same year under Patriarch John of Constantinople\ The
two councils were in decided agreement. Among the thirty-three
bishops assembled at Jerusalem was Barochius. His name appears
with the other signatures attached to the decree of assent issued
by the Jerusalem Patriarch* : Ba/oa);(to9 cTrtb-KOTros Awpwv ippwadai /xc,
Kot TO. XoLira. Barochius*, episcopus Dororum, valere me, & reliqua.
From the first signature to this document (viz., that of the Patri-
arch John of Jerusalem) we learn that Kal to. Xonrd represents : kol
T<x KvpLio €vape(rT€LV €V)(€aOc ScoTTTOTai ayiOL, kcu Oeo<f>i\€aTaTOL, Kal 6(n(ji)TaToi
Trarc/aes. Latin : & domino beneplacere orate, domini sancti, ac
Deo amantissimi & sanctissimi patres.

In the year 518, therefore, Barochius was at the head of the
bishopric of Dor. Further information concerning him we have
none'.

JOHN.

A third Bishop of Dor was among those who, in September, 536,
were present at a council held in Jerusalem under the Patriarch

* Variant form in the Latin, " Marochius" (Harduin, Acta Conciliorum
II, p. 1346; Mansi, Sacrorum Conciliorum nova et amplissima Collectio,
VIII, p. 1073). Guerin {Sam. 2:313) writes " Baronius." He also calls him
the first Bishop of Dor.

^Lequienlll, pp. 578f.

3 Hefele, Conciliengeschichte II, pp. 688 fl".

4 Mansi VIII, pp. 1073 f., Harduin, II, pp. 1345 f. This decree is recorded
in Harduin among the acts of a later Constantinople Council, held in 536
under Mennas (Hefele I.e.; Noris, Annus et Epochae, p. 457).

^ See note 1, above.
^ Lequien, I.e.

106 George DaU,

Peter. 'loKivvTys liria-KOTro'i ^odptov ("John, Bishop of Dor") appears
among the signers of the decree (directed against Anthimus and
other opponents of the Council of Chalcedon), which was promul-
gated by the Jerusalem councir. The fact that at the Constanti-
nople Council held in the same year (May and June 536), John,
Bishop of Zoar, was present^ might seem to indicate that Zoapoiv
should be read for Aodptov. But the reading with A is the one here
attested'; and it is hardly probable that Dor was without repre-
sentation at the Jerusalem Council*. In itself there is nothing
improbable in the conclusion that the bishops of Dor and Zoar in
the year 536 were both named John.

STEPHAX.

On the eighth of October, 649, Stephan, Bishop of Dor, was
introduced to the Constantinople Council of that year, over which
Pope Martin presided*. From the communication read to this
Council by Stephan we learn that this was his third appearance
before the Pope at Rome. He had been sent the first time by
Sophronius I, Patriarch of Jerusalem (who succeeded Modestus,
c. 634") to accuse Sergius of Joppa and other Bishops of monothe-
litism. Pope Theodore (as we learn from Stephan's letter just
mentioned) appointed Stephan his representative in Palestine to
convert to orthodoxy or else to depose the heretic bishops appointed
by Sergius\ Some of these bishops recanted and were duly con-
firmed in their offices by Pope Martin.

Stephan is introduced® by a "Theophylactus notarius" to the
Constantinople Council of 649 (Secretarius II) as 6 oo-iwTaTos eTria-Ko-
TTOS Atopwv TrpwTOs VTrap^oiv rrj^ iv 'IcpocroAv/AOi? upartiajs SiKaioSoo-ta?.
'*The most reverend Bishop of Dor, who is first of the church
council in Jerusalem." In the introduction and conclusion of the

» Lequien, HI, p. 579 ; Harduin, II, p. 1418.

2 Lequien, I. c; Harduin, II, p. 1402.

3 Although the Latin in Harduin reads '• Posdonus."

* Cp. the Jerusalem Council in 518 just discussed, at which Barochius of
Dor was present.

5 Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, III, pp. 216 f.; li^ oris, Annus et Epochae^ pp.
457 flf.; Lequien, III, pp. 579 f.

* Lequien, I, c.

' Hefele, III, pp. 209 f .

8 Mansi X, pp. 891 f. ; Harduin, III, pp. 709 ff.

History of Dor. 107

letter he reads\ Stephan refers to himself in almost exactly the
same words. Among the signatures under Secretarius I of this
same counciP appears in Latin the name : Stephano Dorensi episc.
In the Greek of both Mansi and Harduin, however, the name does
not appear.

The address of Stephan to the Council" proves him to be a man
zealous for the orthodox faith, in defence of which he has incurred
the bitter hate of his opponents. He points out that Christ must
possess both a divine and a human will if he is at once true God
and true man. Any other teaching is opposed to that of the Council
of Chalcedon. No innovations must be permitted to stain the faith.
Stephan and those in the East renew the request of Sophronius that
the Council reject and destroy these false teachings which are again
being spread abroad by Theodore of Pharan, Cyrus, and by Sergius
of Joppa and his followers.

In a letter to John, Bishop of Philadelphia*, Pope Martin says
that John had been strongly recommended to him by Stephan of
Dor and the eastern monks. He therefore appoints John as his
vicar in the East, with the task of restoring order and appointing
in the patriarchates of Antioch and Jerusalem bishops, priests and
deacons. Bishop Stephan, to whom this commission had originally
been given, had been hindered by others* from executing it.

Pope Martin wrote to a certain Pantaleon' in reply to his criti-
cism of Stephan of Dor. The Pope laments the circumstance that,
while Stephan had been given full authority to depose certain
bishops and priests, the documents authorizing him to appoint
others to fill their places had been kept from him. In this way the
clergy in those districts had become insufficient for the needs. The
Pope has now appointed a new vicar and instructed him whom he
may or may not appoint. This new vicar is evidently John, Bishop
of Philadelphia, to whom reference has just been made. How

1 Mansi X, pp. 891 E., 901 B ; Harduin, III, pp. 709 ff., 720.

2 Mansi X, p. 867.

3 Hef ele. III, pp. 216 f .

* Mansi X, pp. 806 ff. ; Harduin, III, p. 639 ; Hefele, III, p. 230.
5 Cp. Letter to Pantaleon following.

* Mansi X, p. 821 A ; Harduin, IH, p. 652 ; Noris, Annus etc. p. 455 ;
Hefele, III, p. 231. — Nothing further is known about Pantaleon. The letter
was probably written shortly after 649 (cp. Mansi).

108 George Dahl,

many years after 649 Stephanus continued his work we do not
know'.

ZACHAKIUS.

From the works of St. John of Damascus (died between 963-969
A. D.) Lequien quotes'^ the title of a letter from Peter Mansur to
Zacharius, bishop of Dor (written Aoapwv)'. Inasmuch as we know
nothing further about either the sender or the receiver of this letter,
it is not possible to determine its date. It would seem, however,
that we have had preserved for us here a copy of a letter sent to
one of the bishops of Dor, perhaps from the sixth or seventh cen-
tury. Lequien's statement is as follows:

Extat inter opera S. Joannis Damasceni novae editionis Paris.
1712. to I, p. 655 A. 'epistola sanctissimi Petri Mansur ad Zacha-
riam episcopum Doarum Aoa/xov, de corpore & sanguine Christi.'
Pro Aoa/ocDv autem legendum arbitror Awpcuv Dororum. Auctor
enim huius epistolae, qui non fuit ipse sanctus Joannes Damascenus,
cuius nee doctrinam refert, videtur commoratus in Palestina,
quippe qui pag. 655 A. quaedam verba recitat ex liturgia sancti
Jacobi seu Hierosolymitana. Quum vero non constet quandonam
vixerit Petrus ille, pariter etiam huius Zachariae aevum deiiniri
accurate non potest. Eius porro hie meminimus, ex hopothesi quod
reipsa fuerit, aliquo tempore, Dororum in Palestina episcopus,
Zacharias nuncupatus.

' Lequien, III, p. 580.

2 Oriens Christianus, III, p. 580 ; Opera Joannis Damasceni Monachi et
Presbyteri Hierosolymitani (Venetiis, 1748).
' Cp. Bishop John, p. 105.

LATER GEOGRAPHERS.

ISIDOR OF SEVILLE.

In his work Originum sive Etymologiarum Libri XX, Isidor of
Seville^ refers to Dor in the following terras (Bk. XV, ch. 1) : Dor
urbs fuit quondam potentissima, et versa vice Stratonis turris,
postea ab Herode, rege ludaeae, in honorem Caesaris Aiigusti Cae-
sarea nuncupata. In qua Cornelii domum Christi vidit^ ecclesia^,
et Philippi aediculas, et cubiculum quatuor virginum prophetarum.

Isidorus Hispalensis lived from 565 to 636 A. D., becoming
bishop of Seville in 600. The work from which the passage above
is quoted is a comj^ilation of various sources. Among these
sources* are included Orosius, Jerome's Onomasticon, Solinus, Ser-
vius on Vergil, Josephus' Antiquities and Suetonius. His work
has not, therefore, the value of an original source.

How little his knowledge of geography really was is indicated by
Isidor's evident confusion (in the passage quoted) of Dor and Cae-
sarea. In some way his sources seem to have given him the idea
that Dor was but another name for Strato's Tower; possibly on a
map the names were written confusedly^ The mention of bishops
of Dor contemporary with Isidor" clearly proves that the city was
in existence in his day.

GEOGRAPHUS RAVENNAS.

From the seventh century there has come down to us the work
of an anonymous writer on geography, who is referred to as Geog-
raphus Ravennas. His main source appears to be the Tabula Peu-
tingeriana; in addition he used several Greek writers as sources\

1 Ed. F. V. Otto, p. 462. (=Tom III Corpus Gram. Lat. Vet.)
2Var., "videt", "est".

2 Var. " ecclesiam ".

^ K. Miller, Mappae Mundi, VI, p. 59.

5 K. Miller (Mappae Mundi, VI, Map 2) has tentatively reconstructed a
map on the basis of the work of Isidor. On this map "dor Cesarea "
appears between Tyrus and Joppe.— There are several T-shaped sketch
maps preserved in MSS. of this writer.

^ See chapter on " Bishops of Dor ".

' Miller, Mappae Mundi, VI, p. 34.

110 George Dahl,

As a result of this process of compilation repetitions occur. For
example, in Book II, chap. 15,Phoenice is included in Syria; while
in chap. 16 of the same Book II, Fenitia appears as a province of
Asia Minor \

In Book II, chap. 15 of this work', Dora is included among the
maritime cities (Phoenician) as follows: Item ad aliam partem
iuxta mare sunt civitates, id est Biblon, Birithon, Sidone, Tyrone,
Edippa, Ptolemaida, Dora.

Again in Book V, chap. 7^, Dora is mentioned with "totas civi-
tates circa litora totius maris magni positas*," as follows: Iterum
civitas .... loppe, ApoUonia, Caesarea Palaestinae, Dora, Ptolo-
maida, Ecdilpa, Tyros'.

This reference to Dor by Ravennas adds nothing to our informa-
tion about the city.

GUIDO.

In the year 1119 a certain Guido, concerning whose identity
nothing definite is known, wrote a sort of universal history in six
books. As a basis for his work he used the writings of the anony-
mous Geographus Ravennas, in such manner that his *'Geogra-
phica " is little more than a recension of the earlier work*. From
this compilation by Guido, we quote the following' : Si subtilius
scire voluerit totas circumquaque parte per litora maris positas

etc loppe, Apollonia, Cesarea Phalestinae, Dora, Ptolo-

maida, Ecdilpa, Tyrus Sidonia

No contribution to our knowledge of Dor is made by this late
compilation of earlier materials.

THE PATKIAECHATE OF JERUSALEM.

There has been preserved part of a French Provincial ( = list of
bishoprics, etc.) dating from c. 1180 A.D., which names Dor first

' Miller, I. c.

' Ravennatis anonymi Cosmographia et Guidonis Geographica, ed.
Pinder et Parthey, p. 89.

3 Op. cit, p. 357.

'* Op. cit., p. 325. Here in the opposite order.

5 See Miller, Mappae Mundi, VI, p. 30 for partial reconstructed map of
Ravennas exhibiting Dora.

* Miller, Mappae Mundi, III. p. 54; VI, p. 7.

' Ravennatis anon. Cosmographia et Guidonis Geographica, ed. Pinder
et Parthey, pp. 504, 524.

History of Dor. Ill

among the sees under Caesarea. It reads in part as follows^:
(Patriarcat De Jerusalem).

En Palestine, li premiers sieges: Cesaire Maritime que Herodes
redesia, soz laquele sunt XIX sieges d'eveschie: Dore, Antipa-
trida, Jamnias, Assur, Nicople, Omis, Sorti Kayfas, lerico,
Apotas, Paumeroie, Cipon, Escomason, Essulion, Touxe, Le Sault,
Constantine.

This list is extremely corrupt', and goes back to early Greek and
Latin lists as its source8\ It cannot therefore be used as an argu-
ment for the continued existence of Dor down to the end of the
twelfth century.

GEORGIUS CYPBIUS.

George of Cyprus* became patriarch of Constantinople in 1283
and abdicated in 1289. He wrote, evidently on the basis of older
documents, a "Descriptio orbis romani." In this work he repro-
duces^ the early churchly division of Palestine in A., B. and C,
naming Dor^ as first of the sees under the metropolis Caesarea :

^^Trapyia IlaXato-riVrys A.
AtAta *\(.po(ToXvfxi))v 'Ayta IIoAi?.
Kai(ra/3cux /xr/T/aoTroAis.
Atupa.
*AvTi7raT/3is.

AidcTTToXts iqTOL TeoipyLOVTToXi'i.
*Ia/w,vta.

NtKOTToAlS.

"Ovov^.
^w^ovcra.
'loTTTrry.
'A(rKaA<ov.

'Pa<^t'a.

*Av6r)S(ji)V.

A ioKA.iyTtavov7roA.ts .

* Michelant et Raynaud, Itineraires a Jerusalem etc., p. 12.
' Cp. list of Georgius Cyprius following.

3 Op. cif., p. XII.

* Lippincott's Pron. & Biog. Diet., s.v.

^ Georgius Cyprius, ed. Gelzer, No. 1000.

* Cp. the " Patriarchate of Jerusalem " preceding.

112 George Dahl,

'EXcv^cpoTToAis.
Nca7rdA.i9.

'Peyewv 'Attci^ovs.
'Pcyctbi/ 'Icpi;^a).

PeyccDV AtyStas.

Pcycwv PaSapa.
"A^wTOs napoAos.

A^wTos 17 "Ittttivos.
'EvKtu/Aci^wv.

BlTTvAlOS.

TpiKoj/xtas*

To^os.

SoAtcdv KcDvcTTavTianK^s.

SaA.Twv PcpaiTiKos.

"Eparchy Palestine A.
Aelia* Jerusalem, the Holy City.
Caesarea Metropolis.
Dor,
Antipatris, etc., etc."

Dor's place in these lists seems to be regularly after that of
Caesarea. It would seem that the version of Georgius Cyprius
has suffered less corruption of text than that of the Patriarchate of
Jerusalem above.

> So named after Publius Aelius Hadrianus (Sophocles, Greek Lexicon

S.V.).

THE PERIOD OF THE CRUSADES.

In connection with the First Crusade (1095-1099) mention of
Dor is made by several historians. Foucher de Chartres', who
liimself took part in the events he is narrating, traces the route
taken in 1099 by the French along the coast on their journey to
Jerusalem. After a futile attempt to capture Archas, a city near
tlie Lebanons, the army was proceeding dowm the coast. Regard-
ing the march from Acre to Caesarea Foucher writes as follows:

Accon vero, id est Ptholomaida, ab Austro habet Carmeli raon-
tem. luxta quam transeuntes ad dexteram reliquerunt oppidum
Caypham'* dictum, post haec iuxta Doram% exin, iuxta Caesaream
Palaestinae incessimus, quae quidem antiquitus dicta est altero
nomine Turris Stratonis, in qua Herodes .... exspiravit infeli-
citer.

The anonymous author of the Gesta Francorum Iherusalem
P^xpugnantium, writing before 1109 (who himself declares that liis
work is an abridgment of that by Foucher de Chartres), records
this same march down the coast^ :

Transeuntes autem Achilon^, invenerunt oppidum Caypha dic-
tum, quod est sub Carmelo monte, et habet mare ob Oriente, mon-
teni vero ab Occidente. Dehinc Caesaream Palaestinae adorsi
sunt, quae quidem Dor" antiquitus, a quibusdam vero Turris Stra-
tonis nuncupata est, in qua Herodes .... infeliciter exspiravit.

This account adds nothing to the information given by Foucher
de Chartres. It is suggestive, however, in that the carelessness
with which the author handles his source warns us against expect-
ing any great amount of accuracy in Crusading historians.

^ Recueil des Historiens des Croisades, Historiens Occidentaux III, pp.
XXVII, 354; Gesta Dei per Francos, ed. Bongars, I, p. 396.

2 I.e., Haifa.

2 One MSS. (F in the Bibliotheque de I'Arsenal, Paris) and ed. Bongars
add: "vel Pirgul." This is doubtless a corruption of irvpyog (see Guerin,
Sam. II, p. 314), and refers probably to Caesarea, whose ancient name was
TTvpyog I.TpdTO)vog {= Turris Stratonis).

* Recueil, Hist. Occident., Ill, pp. XXXVI, 508.

* I.e., Acre (or Accho or Accon).

^ This is, of course, an error on the part of the writer. Possibly he is
following Isidor of Spain, who makes the same mistake ( see above, p. 109).

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XX. 8 1915.

114 George Dahl,

In still another record of this march mention is made of Dor.
This is the anonymous history of the First Crusade (with a contin-
uation to 1123) written in 1146-47 by order of Baldwin III of
Jerusalem, and known as Balduini III Historia Nicaena vel Antio-
chena\ Beginning with the abandonment of the siege of Archas,
this account reads:

Mox obsidionem solventes, praetergressi sunt urbem Tripolim
deinde urbem Beritum, post haec Sydonem, qu^e ab incolis Sagitta
dicitur, exinde Sareptam Sydoniae, dehinc Tyrum, quam Sur
nominant (Ilebraice enini Soor dicitur), inde Ptolemaidam, prius
Accon dictam, deinde oppidum Chaypha, exhinc Doram, post haec
Caesaream Palaestinae, quae altero nomine Turris Stratonis dicitur.

Like the accounts already given, this gives us no definite infor-
mation about the town of Dor.

Covering in part this same period is the work, Benedicti De
Accoltis Ilistoria Gotefridi% written between the years 1404 and
14G6. In the midst of his description of the advance toward Jeru-
salem, this late historian digresses in order to explain the location
of the principal cities of Judea :

Duo in ea nobiles portus Laiinetorum et Gazeon imprimis
fuerunt, et infrascriptae urbes maritimae, quae praecipuae habe-
bantur: Stratonis (Pyrgus), Caesarea, Appollonia, Azotus, Joppe,
Aschalon, Gaza, Dora et Antedon.

After mentioning other Judean and the Samaritan and Galilean
cities, he continues:

Sed ex his non paucae urbibus desertae aut disiectae fuerant,
quum Christiani Judaeam armis repetiverunt, plurimae quoque
vetus nomen prorsus amiserant.

Casual reference to Dor is made by William of Tyre (Book X,
Cap. XXVI)' in connection with the wounding of King Baldwin I
in the year 1103 on his return along the coast after the abandon-
ment of the siege of Ptolemais:

1 Recueil, Hist. Occident., V, pp. XXXI, 174 E.

' Ibid,, pp. CXXXV, 599 C. Practically his only source was the work of

William of Tyre.
3 Ibid. I, Part I, p. 440.

History of Dor. 115

Volensque per Caesaream redire, accidit quod in loco, qui dicitur
Petra Incisa\ iuxta antiquam Tyrum^, inter Capharnaum^ et Doram,
oppida maritima, qui locus hodie Districtum* appellatur, praedones
et viarum publicarum effractores invenit. Etc. etc.

This same writer again makes incidental reference to Dor in his
account of the fruitless siege of Tyre in the year 1111, as follows*:

Est autem Tyrus civitas in corde maris sita, in modum insulae
circumsepta pelago, caput et metropolis provinciae Phoenicis, quae
a rivo Valeniensi, usque ad Petram Incisam, Dorae conterminam%
protenditur ; infra sui ambitum, urbes suffraganeas continens
quatuordecim.

In none of these instances cited is mention made of any settle-
ment or fortress at Dor. Nothing is said concerning the town that
could not be gathered from ancient literary sources. Benedict's
statement' above to the effect that some of the towns he mentions
were deserted or destroyed was quite probably true of Dor at this
time. If a town named Dor had existed at this period we should
certainly have expected some reference to the name in the account
of Richard's march down the coast in 1191®. Apparently these
historians of the Crusades knew of the existence and location of
Dor, not from personal observation or through the accounts of
those who had visited the place, but from ancient Biblical and
geographical notices. We are, accordingly, uninformed regarding
the real status of Dor at this time.

^According to Conder (P.E.F., Spec. Pap., p. 275), ''The old name for
Khirbet Dustrey, the outlying fort of 'Athlit, is Petra Incisa (The Scarped
Rock)." The name is probably derived from the passage through the rocky
ridge near 'Athlit.— See also the notes on geography in Recueil, Hist. Occi-
dent, I, Part I, p. XXVI.

2 Also known as St. John of Tyre : Michelant et Raynaud, Itineraires
Francais, pp. 229 (Pelrinages et Pardouns de Acre), 901 (Les Pelerinaiges
por aler en Iherusalem).

3 See below, pp. 117 f.

4 Recueil, I. c.

5 Recueil, Hist. Occident. , I, Part I, p. 482.

^ Probably nearer 'Athlit than Dor. There are a number of these passages
through the ridge between Dor and Athlit.
' P. 114.
8 See 'below, pp. 116 ff.

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XX. 9 1915.

116 George Dahl,

At the end of the work by William of Tyre^ there appears (very
likely added by another hand) a list of the cities subject to the
principality of Jerusalem. As in the earlier lists'^, Dor appears
first among the cities under the archbishopric of Caesarea :

I Sedes Prima, Caesarea Maritima. Sub hac sede sunt episco-
patus XIX
Dora

Antipatrida
lamnias
Nicopolis, etc., etc.

This bare mention of the name '*Dora" does not indicate that the
city flourished at the time. Here, too, old lists doubtless formed
the basis of the enumeration.

At the time of the Third Crusade (1189-1192), Richard marched
along the coast with his army. After the capture of Acre
(Summer 1191), he started toward Joppa. The route taken and
the difficulties of the march are thus described by Geoffrey de
Vinsauf ' :

*'.... On a Wednesday, which was the third day after stop-
ping at Cayphas (= Haifa), the army moved forward in order, the
Templars leading the van, and the Hospitallers closing the rear,
both of whom by their high bearing gave evidence of great valour.
That day the army moved forward with more than wonted caution,
and stopped after a long march, impeded by the thickets and the
tall and luxuriant herbage, which struck them in the face, especially

the foot soldiers When the king had proceeded as far as

Capernaum, which the Saracens had razed to the ground, he dis-
mounted and took some food, the army, meanwhile, waiting ; those
who chose took food, and immediately after proceeded on their
march to the house called *of the narrow ways,'* because the road
there becomes narrow; there they halted and pitched their tents.
.... The army remained two days at the abovementioned station,
where there was plenty of room for their camp, and waited there

1 Recueil, Hist. Occident., I, Part H, p. 1136.

8 See pp. 101, 110 f.

3 Itinerarium Ricardi (ed. T. Gale), IV, 12 ff. — English translation by H.
G. Bohn, Itinerary of Richard I, Bk. IV, §§ 12-14.

* Or, "Casal of the Narrow Ways." (" Casam dictam angiistarum
viarum," in ed. T. Gale).

History of Dor. 117

until the ships arrived which they were expecting ; namely, barges
and galleys, laden with provisions, of which they were in need ; for
these vessels were sailing in connection with the army along the
shore, and carried their provisions on board. The army advanced,
using all precaution against the Turks, who kept on their flank, to
a town called Merla', where the king had spent one of the previous
nights ; there he had determined that he would lead the van himself
the next day, on account of the obstacles in the way and because
the Templars kept guard in the rear; for the Turks continually
threatened them in a body on the flank .... The army, after
accomplishing its march with great difficulty, arrived that day at
Caesarea^"

The Capernaum mentioned above is strangely supposed by
Conder' to be ancient Dor. He cites as authority for this identi-
fication Rabbi Benjamin of Tudela, who travelled southward along
the coast to Caesarea between 1166 and 1171. The passage in
Benjamin reads*:

pro Nini Dimn nM Nim din^ ^^di niKon^ r^nx ditdi

"From there (i.e., Haifa), it is four parasangs to Capernaum,
which is the village of Nahum, identical with Maon, the place of
Nabal the Carmelite\ And from there it is six parasangs to
Caesarea, which is Gath of the Philistines."

Conder mistakenly understands the passage to indicate that the
distance from Haifa (instead of from Capernaum!) to Caesarea
is six parasangs. He therefore argues that the proportional dis-
tances of four and six parasangs from Haifa to Capernaum and
Caesarea respectively, point to the identification of Capernaum
with ancient Dor. Capernaum is more probably to be placed at

1 Ed. T. Gale : '*ad oppidum Miriam dictum." According to Dr. Stubbs,
this was on Aug. 30, 1191.

2 The main body passed the night at the Crocodile River (Nahr el-Zerka),
north of Caesarea.

^P.E.F., Special Papers, p. 275.

* M. N. Adler, Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela, pp. ^^ f .

^ Maon is, of course, contiguous to another Carmel situated in Judah (1
Sam. 25 : 2 ff.). Benjamin simply cites the faulty identification current in
this region. So also in the case of Gath.

118 George Dahl,

Al-Kunaisah^ (the Little Church), a mound a few miles north of
*Athllt^ This would fit the proportional distance given by Ben-
jamin. William of Tyre" makes a clear distinction between the
maritime cities of Capernaum and Dor. Conder's identification of
the two is in any case absurd*.

The "house of the narrow ways'" is probably near 'Athllt^ The
name arose from the rock-cut passages through the coast ridge ; of
these there are several between 'Athlit and Dor'. The harbor at
'Athlit would have made possible the landing of provisions. This
identification is to be preferred to that of Conder, who wishes to
identify the Casal (as well as Capernaum) with Dor. It is hardly
probable that the heavily armored soldiers would have attempted
to make the march of twenty miles to Dor in one day; more likely
they encamped at *Athlit.

Concerning the location of the next place mentioned, viz. Merla
(or Mirla or Merle), there is considerable doubt. If our identifica-
tions thus far have been correct, it must lie somewhere between
*Athlit and Caesarea, the town next in order. The narrative here
does not make clear whether it was on the coast or inland on the
main road. Elsewhere, a Merle is spoken of as a fortress belong-
ing to the Templars*. Among the fortresses of Palestine captured
by Saladin after his defeat of King Guy, July 6, 1187, are included
Castellum Merle Templi and Castellum de Planis^ Bohaeddin in
his account of this march along the coast'" gives the name as El-

^ Or, Tell Kanlsah. See especially DeGoeje's note in his edition of Mokad-
dasi, Bibl. Geogr. Arab. Ill, p. 192, note m.

2 Guy le Strange, Pal. under the Moslems, p. 477; Adler, op. cit., pp. 31,
32; Recueil, Hist. Occident., I, Part I, p. LIV.

3 Above, p. 115: " inter Capharnaum et Doram, oppida maritima."

4 T. A. Archer, Crusade of Richard I, p. 376 (note F.).

5 P. 116.

* Archer, I.e.; Itinerarium Regis Ricardi (Rolls Series) p. 255; Recueil,
Hist. Occident., I, Part I, pp. XXVI, LIV.

^ Conder, P.E.F., Spec. Papers, p. 275: above p. 13.

8 W. Stubbs, Hist. Introd. to the Rolls Series (ed. Hassell), p. 329.— In
the Pelrinages et Pardouns de Acre of the 13th or 14th cent. (Michelant et
Reynaud, Itineraires a Jerusalem, p. 229), it is stated of " Chastiel Pelryn:"
'* e de pres est Merle."

9 Chronicle of the Reigns of Henry II and Richard I, by Benedict of
Peterborough (Rolls Series), II, p. 23.

^0 Recueil, Hist. Orient., Ill, pp. 246, 248; Itinerarium Regis Ricardi {Bx)Ub
Series), p. 255; Wilken, Geschichte der KreuzziXge, IV, p. 407.

History of Dor. 119

Mellaha (x.^^L«JI). Apparently the fortress at Merla had been
destroyed by 1191, for there is no mention of a fortress there either
in the Itinerarium or in Bohaeddin's Life of Saladin just mentioned.
Attempts have been made to identify Merla with Dor^, and such
an identification is not impossible. However, in view of the fact
that Dor lies off the coast road, it may be better with Conder" to
locate Merla at El-Mezra'a^ between Dor and Caesarea, where a
strong Crusading tower still remains in ruins beside the main road.
Withal, we must still admit the possibility that the ruins at Dor
(if they be of the Crusading period at all) are those of Merla. It
seems almost certain, however, that the fortress was not standing
when Richard passed through this region. Otherwise some refer-
ence to it would doubtless have been made.

Having arrived at Joppa, Richard issued orders to the army to
rebuild the fortresses of Plans and Maen*. The Templars, while
engaged in this work at Plans, were attacked by Turkish cavalry
from Bombrac. King Richard, who was busy rebuilding Maen,
heard of the tumult, and on his arrival succeeded in driving away
the Turks.

Conder^, again relying upon Benjamin of Tudela", identifies
Maen with Capernaum, and therefore with Dor. Plans he places
at Kalensawieh, situated about twenty miles from Dor and a like
distance from Ibn Ibrak (= Bombrac). But the account of the
proceedings in the Itinerary makes it clear that Maen and Plans
are in the neighborhood of Joppa. Dor, which is nearly forty
miles away, cannot possibly be meant. Dr. Stubbs' suggests that
Plans is the village of Beit Dejan, five and one-half miles S.E. of
Joppa, and that Maen is to be sought at Saferiyeh, seven miles S.E.
of Joppa. These two towns are only one and one-half miles apart ;
this would make it easily possible for the king to rush quickly to
the rescue of the attacked Templars. These identifications are

* Becueil, Hist. Occident., I, Part I, p. LIV; G. A. Smith, Hist. Geog.,
p. 130.

2 P.E.F., Spec. Pap., p. 275; Archer, I.e.; S.W.P. Mem., II, p. 4.

3 The similarity in the names is to be noticed.

* Itin. of Richard I, Bk. IV, §§ 29, 30 (Bohn's translation).
» P.E.F., Spec. Pap., p. 277.

•See above, pp. 117 f.

^ Archer, Crusades of Richard I, p. 176.

120 George Dahl,

very probable ones ; those of Capt. Conder are absolutely impos-
sible.

The results of our investigation of the history of Dor during
the Crusading period are negative. The references to the town
under the old name Dora, we have concluded, are merely reminis-
cences of the earlier days of the city ; in any case they supply no
information. The identification of Capernaum and Maen with
Dor have been shown to be impossible; that of the "house of the
narrow ways," improbable. There is a possibility (though not a
probability) that Merla represents ancient Dor. In our present
inadequate knowledge of the Crusading period, with its confusion
and constant change of names, it seems impossible to decide what
there was on the site of Dor at this time. At some period the fort
whose ruins still lie scattered about must have been occupied. A
more exhaustive study of Crusading documents or the use of the
spade on the spot may throw light upon the history of Dor during
the Crusades.

THE ARAB GEOGRAPHERS.

The outstanding fact is that Dor (isyinjJa) is not mentioned at
all by the classical Arab geographers (i. e. during the 9th to the
12th centuries A. D.). Moreover, in their various enumerations of
the cities and towns on the Syrian coast, or along the travelled
roads in that region, they habitually *'skip over" Dor in a way
that shows that they know of no town there worth mentioning.

Thus, Ibn Khordadhbeh, in the first half of the 9th century,
describes the maritime district of central Syria with mention of
*Akka, Kadas, Tyre; Jaffa, Caesarea, Nabulus\ Similarly Ya'kubi,
at the close of the 9th century, mentions Tyre and 'Akka,
and then proceeds inland with his description ; then returning to
the coast he names Caesarea, Jaffa, and Jamnia^.

Much more significant still is the fact that in the great geograph-
ical dictionary of Yakut (about 1200 A. D.), as well as in that of
BekrI (latter part of the 11th century), Tantiira does not occur.

Yakut, in his article on LftA^ -*flj> , a fortress in the Haifa region,
has occasion to speak of the coast south of the latter city. Kasr
Haifa, he says, is "a place between Haifa and Caesarea'''^ (/^r^

ibjLwwuij*. \jLf^ L^'fii)' ^t)viously Caesarea was the first town
south of the Carmel promontory known to this geographer's
sources. Yakut, it may be added, mentions 'Athlit (vi^ijLc) as a
fortress which had been taken by Saladin in 583 A. H. (1187 A. D.).

The evidence gained from the Arab geographers, then, appears
to be this, that between the 7th and 12th or 13th centuries the coast
region between 'Akka and Caesarea was only sparsely inhabited.
The road along the shore was probably unsafe and little used.

Haifa almost disappears from sight, from the 7th century down to
1100 A.D., when the town was besieged and taken by Tancred". The
remark of Ibn Shad dad quoted by De Goeje, from a Leyden manu-
script, in his edition of Ya'kubi^ is instructive. Ibn Shaddad has
just noted the fact that both Ya'kubi and Ibn Haukal omit to men-

1 Bibl. Oeogr. Arab. VI, Trans., pp. 57, 58.
^ Ibid. VII, 327, 18 ff.; 329, 2 ff .
^Loc. cit., pp. 327 f., note e.

122 George Dahl,

tion Banias, apparently because it had only recently been restored
and was only known as "modern" (iotX^V-*) ; and then proceeds:

"Nor do Ibn Abi Ya'kub (i. e. al-Ya'kubi) and Ibn Haukal men-
tion Haifa, presumably because it also was modern."

*Athlit came into temporary prominence in the crusading period
simply because of its very strong natural position. The Arab
geographers before Yakut do not mention it at all. As for Dor, it
seems to have been nearly or quite deserted from the 7th century
until after the third crusade (at least). Even Caesarea was
reduced, during this same period, to a small and unimportant town.
Thus Yakut' says of it that it had once been an important city;
"At present, however, it is not such, but is rather a village than a

city :" jjjcjb L^ au*i! (^^b ^^ siJU ji" ouww-Jj ^^ ! Col^ .
^ IV, 214, lines 3-6.

THE VISITS OF THE CHEVALIER D'ARVIEUX.

From about the year 1660 we have the reminiscences of a certain
Chevalier d'Arvieux', who, in addition to looking after his own
commercial interests, acted as a sort of French consul at Sidon^
On a trip from Sidon to Gaza, d'Arvieux stopped at Tartoura in
order to arrange for permission for the Carmelite monks to return
to their monastery on Mount Carmel. Having arranged this matter
satisfactorily, he viewed the city. The translation of d'Arvieux's
version of this visit into quaint eighteenth-century German is as
follows^:

Man rechnet drei Meilen von dem Schlosse Pellegrin ( = 'Athlit)
nach Tartoura. Wir stigen daselbst bei einem griechischen Chris-
tens, Namens Abou-Moussa, ab, und brachten die Nacht in einem
Zimmer zu, wo wir gedachten, das uns die Flohe auffressen
wtirden. Weil wir bei guter Zeit alda anlangten, so ging ich also-
bald mit dem Herrn Souribe nach dem Feldlager des Emir Turabey,
um die Wiedereinsetzung derer Carmelitermonche in ihr Kloster
auf dem Berge Carmel zu vermitteln. Sie waren, durch die Ver-
folgungen derer Araber, genothiget gewesen, selbiges zu verlassen.
Das Feldlager dieses Emirs war nur eine Viertelmeile von Tartoura
entlegen. Wir wurden von diesem Filrsten, der sehr ehrbar war,
recht wol empfangen, und er willigte sehr hoflich in unser Begeh-
ren. Wir brachten den iahrlichen Tribut in Richtigkeit, welchen
diese Monche zu geben pflegten, und sie kehrten wieder in ihr
Kloster zurtik.

Hiernachst kehrten wir wieder nach Tartoura, und hatten noch
Zeit genug (ibrig, dasienige zu besehen, was in diesem kleinen
Orte, der nur aus einer einzigem ziemlich grossen Strasse, die nach
dem Meere hin gehet, angetroffen wird. Daselbst wird der Markt

' Bom 1635, died 1702.

- Memoires du Chevalier d'Arvieux, par C. R. P. Jean Baptiste Labat,
Paris 1735, 6 vols. The only copy of this work in America is the one at
Hamilton College, Clinton, N. Y. (so Meyer, Gaza, p. 105). This I have been
unable to consult.

^ Des Herrn von Arvieux .... merkwiXrdige Nachrichten .... von
dem Herrn Labat (Kopenhagen und Leipzig, bei Johann B. Ackermann,
1754), Part II, pp. 11-13.

124 George Dahl,

gehalten, wo die Araber ihre Raubereien, unci die da herum wohnen-
den Bauren ihr Vieh & Friichte hinbringen, so sie gegen Reis &
Leinwand vertauschen, welche die Egyptier in kleinen Fahrzeugen
hinfiihren, weil der Hafen, oder eine Art von Hafen, der vor der
Stadt ist, keine hinlangliche Tiefe hat, dass grossere Fahrzeuge
einlaufen konnen. Die Einwohner haben keine Moscheen, sondern
sie versamlen sich auf dem offentlichen Platze, wo sie das Erdreich
ohngefehr zwei Fus hoch erhohet, und mit einer kleinen Mauer
.eingeschlossen haben. Alhier kommen sie in der Zeit ihrer Bet-
stunden zusammen unter offenem Himmel. Ganz dicht darbei ist ein
Kahue, welches das schonste Gebaude, und das am meisten daselbst
besuchet wird. Der Name desselben zeuget zur Genilge von seiner
Bestimmung. Jederman versamlet sich alda, Tabak zu rauchen,
Kaffee zu trinken, und neue Zeitungen zu erzehlen oder zu horen.

Tartoura wtirde Mangel an gutem Wasser zum Trinken haben,
wenn es nicht eine kleine Quelle auf einem Felsen, zwei Ruthen
in das Meer hinaus, hatte, die aber bei der geringsten Aufwallung
des Meers mit Wellen Uberschlagen wird. Man trift zwar andere
Quellen an verschiedenen Orten daherum an, sie sind aber salzigt,
und es ist eben diese kleine Klippe, die vom Meergewasser umzingelt
wird, deren man an diesem Orte so oft benothiget ist.

Die ganze, um diesen Ort liegende Gegend ist ziemlich unfrucht-
bar, bios und ohne Baurae. Das Erdreich traget nur Korn. Der
Emir Turabey hat einen Pachter in Tartoura, der den Zoll, den
Caffar, oder Wegezoll, nebst denen andern Abgaben eintreibet, die
in diesem Flecken beim Ein = und Ausgang mtissen entrichtet
werden. Der Herrn Souribe hatte mit dem Abou-Moussa einige
Geschafte abzuthun, welche uns fast den ganzen Vormittag des
folgenden Tages aufhielten; also, dass wir erst nach einem des
Mittags eingenommenen Frtlhstttcke uns auf den Weg nach Casa-
rea machten, welches nur vier Meilen davon entlegen ist.

Again in 1664 d'Arvieux pays another visit to Tartoura. At
this time the shipwreck of a Greek ship, with a wine-banquet of
the native rulers following thereupon, furnishes our author with
materials for a vivid picture of native manners and customs' :

Tartoura ist ein kleiner unter die Herschaft des Emir Turabey
gehoriger Hafen. Wir waren kaum daselbst angelanget, als bei

^ Op. cit. Part III, pp. 75-83.

History of Dor. 125

clem ungesttimen Wetter ein grosses griechisches Fahrzeug auf
denen Sandbanken strandete. Es war mit cyprischem Weine und
Kase beladen, und nach Egypten bestimt. Sobald es veste sas,
ward es in wenig Minuten von denen Wellen zerschlagen, und die
ganze Manschaft fliichtete ans Land. Der Kase blieb im Meere
liegen, die Weinfasser aber rolten mit denen Wellen fort. Der
Emir Dervik, welcher den Schifbruch von dem Gebirge herab gese-
hen hatte, eilte mit einem Theile seiner Reuterei und einigen
Bedienten des Grosemirs herbei, welche mit Pliinderung derer
Matrosen und Reisenden den Anfang machten, und durch die
Araber die zerscheiterten Stiike des Fahrzeuges, nebst allem, was
das Meer landwarts trieb, herausziehen liessen. Als sich der
Schiffer mit alien seinen Leuten nakend entkleidet sahe, verbargen
sie sich im Gestrauche, und erwarteten der Nacht, um sich nach
dem nachsten Dorfe zu t>egeben, damit sie etwas zu ihrer Bedekung
bekommen konten. Ich trostete sie tlber ihren gehabten Verlust,
und sagte ihnen, dass ich ein Christ sey, und bei denen Arabern in
einigem Ansehen stilnde; daher wolte ich suchen, ihnen Dienste
zu leisten. Sie waren sehr froh, dass sie mich angetroffen, und
mich.ihre Sprache, die gemeine griechische, reden horten. Ich
that ihnen den Vorschlag, dass sie das, was aus dem Meere konte
gerettet werden, solten herausziehen helfen, so wolte ich machen,
dass ihnen etwas wiedergegeben wiirde. Ich machte, das der
Emir solches gut aufnahm, und mir versprach, sie zu befriedigen.

Als sich nun diese armen Matrosen, die Gewaltsamkeit derer
Wellen ohngeachtet, so die Kaufmansgiiter ans Land warfen, und
nachher wieder in die weite See zuriik zogen, ins Meer geworfen
hatten, retteten sie viele Sachen. Man konte das Zerschlagen
derer Tonnen nicht verwehren ; sie vermogten nur zwei da von zu
retten, und die brachten sie mit vieler Mtihe ans Land. Die
Araber hatten einige Kase aufgefischet: da sagte ich im Scherz
zu ihnen, sie waren aus Saumilch gemacht, alsobald warfen sie
selbige hin, wuschen sich die Hande, und die Griechen bentizten
sich ihrer. Es ling an, spat zu werden, und das Meer war so
ungesttim, dass die Matrosen nicht mehr arbeiten konten. Ich bat
den Emir, ihnen ihre Kleider wiedergeben zu lassen. Er gab des-
halb Befehl, und die Araber stelten ihnen den grosten Theil der-
erselben wieder zu ; well der Emir aber in Tartoura unter Zelten
schlafen wolte, die er hatte aufschlagen lassen, so machte ich ihnen

126 George Dahl,

Hofnung, noch etwas fur sie zu erhalten: ich gab ihneii den Rath,
zu warten, bis er zu Abends abgespeiset hatte, damit sie ihn bei
muntererm Gemtithe antreffen mogten. Der Emir befahl, dass
man ;hm die Abendmahlzeit zubereiten solte: nichts war seinen
Bedienten leichter, denn alle in dem Dorf e befindliche Leute batten
ihm Gescbenke von Fleiscb, Yogelwild, Wildpret, Frticbten und
Kaffee gebracbt, niemand aber hatte an Wein gedacht; ich fand
zwei Krtlge vol! bei einem Griechen des Dorfes, Namens Abou
Moussa, welche ich dem Emir durch diese arme Matrosen tiber-
reichen lies. Der Furst nahm sie mit Vergntigen an. Wir sezten
uns an Tafel: ich gab denen Griechen ein Zeichen, sich aussen vor
dem Zelte aufzuhalten und zu warten, bis ich sie hinein fiihren
liesse; unterdessen wurde ihnen zu essen gereicht.

Die Mahlzeit war gros, wahrete lange. Es waren viele Araber,
die keinen Wein trunken, daher der Emir, ich, und vier bis ftlnfe
von seinen Bedienten genug daran batten. Man trug die Schaalen
in der Runde herum, man sang gut und schlecht, und dieser Land-
zeitvertreib war vergnUglich. Nun glaubte ich, dass es gelegene
Zeit sey, die Griechen herein kommen zu lassen; daher lies ich sie
rufen; sie kamen Haufenweise herein, ktisten die Weste des Emirs,
und begaben sich zur Seite. Der Ftirst f rug mich, ob man ihnen nicht
ihre Kleider wiedergegeben hatte, und ob sie noch sonst etwas ver-
langten ? Ich antwortete ihm : seine Bef ehle waren sehr genau vol-
zogen worden, weil aber diese armen Leute durch den Yerlust ihres
Fahrzeuges und ihrer Kaufmansgtiter zu Grunde gerichtet worden,
so fleheten sie um die durch den Schifbruch zerscheiterten Stuke,
so sie auffischen konten, die nicht betrachtlich waren, und ihnen
doch dienen konten, sich wieder nach ihrer Heimat zu begeben,
und ihren elenden Familien unter die Arme zu greifen. Dieienigen
aus der Geselschaft, welche daraus Nutzen zu ziehen wiinschten,
sezten sich dagegen; der Emir aber bewilligte ihnen selbige, nach
einiger Ueberlegung, und befahl auf der Stelle, dass man ihnen
alles, bis auf einen Nagel, solte wegnehmen lassen. Mehr wurde
darzu nich erfordert. Die Griechen kilsten ihm zur voUigen Dank-
sagung den Saum der Weste, und machten sich alsobald fort, um
an Auffischung dessen, was das Meer auf die Ktlste warf, zu arbei-
ten, in der Hofnung, das iibrige des folgenden Tages zu verrich-
ten; denn, weil der Wind gef alien war, so muste das Meer ruhiger
werden, der Emir auch mit alien denen, die sie batten verhindern
konnen, aufbrechen solte.

History of Dor. 127

Ich stund mit Anbruche des Tages auf, lies zwei Schlitten
machen, um die zwei Fasser Wein auf das Gebirge zu schaffen : vor
einen ieden Schlitten lies ich drei Paar Ochsen spannen, und die
Fasser wol bevestigen. sagte auch zum Emir, dass ich die Fort-
schaffung besorgen wolte, damit sich kein Zufal dabei ereignen
mogte. Ich nahm alle die Baiiren, die ich darzu nothig zu seyn
erachtete, und wir machten uns auf den Weg. Die Ochsen gingen
so langsam, und unsere Bauren waren zu dergleichen Arbeit so
wenig aufgelegt, dass wir erst um sechs Uhr des Abends in dem
Lager des Emir Dervik anlangten. Der Emir war so vergntigt,
seine zwei Tonnen gesund und wol behalten zu seinem Hoflager
gebracht zu sehen, dass er denen Bauren grosmilthig ftir ihre Mtihe
eine Vergeltung gab, und augenbliks Boten an alle die Emirs
abfertigte, von denen er wuste, dass sie sich liber das Verbot des
Weintrinkens kein grosses Gewissen machten, um ihnen zu berich-
ten, dass er zwei grosse Tonnen davon in seiner Wohnung habe,
und sie zur Theilnehmung daran einzuladen. Sie liessen ihm zuriik
sagen, sie hatten es schon erfahren und sich, ihn zu besuchen, auch
die Nacht mit ihm in seinem Lager zuzubringen, angeschikt, daher
moge er sich nur fertig machen sie wol zu empfangen, und herrlich
zu bewirthen.

Der Emir Dervik, als der itingste von alien diesen Ftirsten,
empfing diese Zeitung mit einer ungemeinen Freude. Er war tiber
diese Gelegenheit erfreuet, ihnen Zeichen seiner Freundschaft zu
geben. Daher stelte er Befehle zu einem Feste aus, und alsobald
sahe man im ganzen Lager ein volkommenes Schlachten und Rosten
von Ochsen, Hameln, iungen Ziegen, Vogelwild und Wildpret.
Yiele Zelte waren mit Weibespersonen angefiillet, welche mit
Zurichtung derer Suppen, gewiirzter Speisen, Bakwerk, Frtichten
und Zukergebakenem beschaftiget waren. Ich nahm die Aufsicht
des Weins tlber mich, der nicht sonderlich klar war, diese Leute
aber fragen wenig darnach. Es war fiirtreflicher cyprischer Wein.
Ich lies die beiden Tonnen in das grosse Festgezelt an einem Orte
hinlegen, wo sie niemanden im Wege waren. Ich stelte einen von
meinen Leuten zu ieder Tonne, und als ich in meinem Schreibe-
zeuge einige neue Federn fand, machte ich Kleine Rohren daraus,
um den Wein abzuzapfen, und die Schaalen zu fiillen, welche von
denen Bedienten rund herum denen Gasten zugebracht wurden.
Ich wolte dem Emir zeigen, wie man bei denen Franzosen das
Fleisch bratet. In Ermangelung eines Bratspiesses, nahm einer

128 George Dahl,

von meinen Leuten eine alte Lanze, maclite einen Haiidgrif daran,
und stekte einen grossen Miirbebraten darauf, nebst einem Hamels-
viertheil und Vogelwild, lies sie nach unserer Weise braten, und
auftragen. Ich zerlegte diesen Braten und reicbte ihn herum; und
diese Fiirsten gestunden, dass unsere Weise, Fleisch zu braten,
besser als die ibrige, sey, weil unser Fleiscb seinen Saft bebalt, da
bingegen das ibrige troken, fast verbrant und unscbmakbaft war.

Wir batten keine Flaschen, weil diese bei denen Arabern nicbt
gebrauchlicb sind, man scbenkte aber die Scbaalen wieder voll, ie
nacbdem sie ausgeleeret wurden. Alle eingeladene Emirs langten
zusammen an, und nacb denen Hoflicbkeitsbezeigungen, denen
Umarmungen, dem Bart-und Handektissen, ie nacbdem es der
Gebraucb und die Wiirde derer Personen erforderte, sezte man
sich auf Matten nieder. Die Emirs batten samtene ktlssen, die
andern batten keine, und sassen mit gekreuzten Ftissen, wie unsere
Scbneider. Nach einer ziemlich kurzen Unterredung legten die
Eingeladene ihre grossen Scbnupftticber, die sie an statt derer
TellertUcber gebraucbten, vor sich, ihre Kleider zu verwahren,
und man trug grosse kupferne verzinte Beken mit gebratenem,
gekocbtem Fleische und gewiirzten Speisen auf. Die Suppen
waren tiberfltissig, und von verschiedenen Arten. Das hiernachst
aufgesezte Bakwerk war wol gerathen. Der Braten, welcher zur
lezten Tracht verwahret wurde, dienete zu Zwischengerichten, und
man fand ihn gut. Hierauf kam die Frucht. Alle Gaste speiseten
mit grossem Appetite. Man trug neue Schtisseln auf, ie nacbdem
einige ausgeleeret waren, oder die Emirs selbige ihren Leuten
geschikt batten, welche Rottenweise geordnet waren, und mit eben
so grossem Appetite, als ihre Herren, assen. Die Scbaalen gingen
rund herum, und der Wein verbreitete die Freude tiber alle
Eingeladene. Die Schalmeien, Violinen, Trompeten und Trom-
meln machten eine Musik, die man sehr weit horen konte. Sie
spielten bisweilen besonders, und zuweilen alle mit einander. Ihre
schmachtende Sttikchen machten unsere Trinker ganz entztikt ; sie
sassen nachsinnend mit ihren Scbaalen in denen Handen, weinten
aus Zartlichkeit, umarmten sich, ktisten einander den Bart, und
gaben sich die zartlichsten Yersicherungen von der Welt. Die
Mahlzeit wahrete so lange, dass man erst nach Mitternacht um drei
Uhr von der Tafel aufstunde. Alsdenn legten sich dieienige, so
des Schlafes benothiget waren, auf Matratzen und Kiissen, womit
die Matte, welche auf dem Fusboden lag, bedekt war. Die ersten,

History of Dor. 129

so des Morgens gegen zehen Uhr erwachten, riefen die andern. Ich
rieth ihnen, Kaffee mit Milche zu trinken, den meine Leute zube-
reiten musten, und hierdurch erwies ich ihnen einem Dienst, dessen
sie hochlich benothiget waren: denn die meisten hatten Kopf-
schmerzen. Nach dem Kaffeetrinken und einem kiirzen Sj^azirgange
sezte man sich zur Tafel, und fing auf neue Unkosten wieder zu
essen und zu trinken an ; diese Uebung ward drittehalb Tage wie-
derholet, nehmlich so lange, als der Wein wahrete, und da schieden
sie, in Erwartung, dass anderer kommen solte, als die besten Freunde
von der Welt auseinander.

Bei diesem langen Feste bemerkte ich zwei Dinge, die mir Ver-
gntigen erwekten. Erstlich, dass diese Leute, die gemeiniglich
sehr masig leben, auch eine so grosse Beschwerlichkeit ertragen
konten, als die bei diesem langen Gastmahle war, ohne dass man es
an ihnen durch die Zeichen abnehmen konte, die gemeiniglich der
Schwelgerei folgen. Zweitens, dass unter so vielen Leuten, die
diese lange Mahlzeit hindurch tiberflussig Wein trunken, sich nicht
die geringste Unordnung ausserte : man horte nicht das geringste
Stichelwort, noch den geringsten Vorwurf. Hingegen blieben sie
in ihrer Ernsthaftigkeit, und der Wein machte sie nur ein wenig
munterer, lustiger, zwar ein wenig freier, aber ohne die Schranken
der Hoflichkeit, des ganzen Wolstandes und der Achtung, die sie
«inander schuldig waren, zu iiberschreiten ; daher sie mit tausend
derer zartlichsten Freundschaftsbezeugungen und alien Hoflich-
keiten, die man von Leuten ihres Standes erwarten konte, von
einander schieden.

LATER VISITORS AT DOR.

After the Chevalier d' Arvieux, the first explorer to visit Tanttira
whose writings we possess was Richard Pococke'. In the year
1737, accompanied by a retinue sent along with him by the sheik
at 'Athlit, Pococke reached '^Tortura." This he describes as a
small village with a port to the south into which large boats are
sometimes forced to put by stress of weather; on such occasions
passengers are forced to pay a tax of nine shillings a head. The
sheik at Tantura received him and his companions with great civility.
Having visited Caesarea, Pococke on his return travelled along the
road a half mile to the east of Tantura intending to pass by it.
The sheik, however, sent some of his people in pursuit of Pococke
with an urgent invitation to dine with him. For fear of giving
offense, Pococke returned and accepted his invitation.

On the 14th of January, 1816, " Tartoura " was visited by J. S.
Buckingham'. At that time there were forty or fifty dwellings
and perhaps 500 Mohammedan inhabitants in the town. Bucking-
ham cites Father Julio of Mt. Carmel as authority for the state-
ment that the ruined tower at Tantura was for some unknown
reason called by the Franks the ''Accursed Tower." The Arabs,
he says, called it merely " Khallat-el-Ateek " (the Old Castle).
During supper he was in characteristic fashion questioned as to his
destination and business by the elders of the village. "They
eagerly inquired after Bonaparte, whom they all knew"'. On
awaking the following morning Buckingham discovered that all
the remaining provisions had been stolen from the baskets during
the night.

Irby and Mangles* passed through " Tortura " on October 15th,
1817. They characterize the extensive ruins here as possessing
nothing of interest.

^ A Description of the East and Some Other Countries (London, 1745), II,
p. 57.

« Travels in Palestine, etc. (London, 1822), p. 123.

^ Napoleon passed along the shore road on his way to the disastrous engage-
ment at Acre,

* Travels in Egypt and Nubia, Syria and the Holy Land (1844), p. 59.

History of Dor. 131

In the month of May, 1843, John Wilson^ found a "few
wretched houses" at Tanturah.

C. W. M. van de Velde" visited Tantura in 1851. He calls par-
ticular attention to the ridge of rock east of Dor, which served as
a protection against attack from that direction. The outrageous
prices charged by the natives created considerable difficulty, until
Dr. Kalley (van de Yelde's companion) packed up his medicine
bag with a threat to treat no more patients. The inhabitants then
became open to reason.

The first thorough-going description of the ruins at Dor was that
of (Hugo) Victor Guerin^ who visited and described the site in
1870. The results of his observations have been employed in the
chapter above on the "Topography of Dor." At the time of
Guerin's visit " Tantoura " possessed two mosques*, one of them
partially demolished.

Still more thorough and complete was the survey made by the
Palestine Exploration Fund' on the 8th of March, 1873. The
accurate maps, plans, pictures and descriptions issued by the Fund
constitute our principal authority for the description of the ruins
at Dor. Additions to the information contained in this report have
appeared in the Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly^

Tantura lies off the usual tourist routes near unhealthf ul swamps,
and is therefore seldom visited. Beside a few illustrations accom-
panying some of the descriptions mentioned above^ it has been
impossible to obtain satisfactory pictures of the site. A renewed
examination of the ruins would doubtless yield interesting addi-
tions to our information concerning ancient and mediaeval Dor.
It is to be hoped that such an examination will be made before all
the material has been removed or destroyed.

' The Lands of the Bible Visited and Described (Edinburgh 1857), II, p. 249.

'^Narrative of a Journey through Syria and Palestine in 1851 and 1852
(Edinb. and London, 1854), I, p. 333.

^ Description de la Palestine, II Partie — Samarie— (Paris, 1874-75), 2 : 305 f .

'^ When Buckingham (see above) visited Tantura in 1816 the town was without
a mosque.

^ Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs of the Topography, etc. (London,
1881-83), II, pp. 3 flf.

« 1887, p. 181 ; 1895, p. 113 (Reports by Dr. G. Schumacher).

^ S. W. P. Mem. II, pp. 10 ff.; P.E.F.Q., (1887), p. 84; Wilson, Pict. Pal,
III, p. 105.

THE TITTLE, MOREHOUSE A TAYLOE CO.

TRANSACTIONS OF THE

CONNECTICUT ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES

Incorporated A. D. 1799

VOLUME 20, PAGES 133-114 AUGUST, 1915

New Spiders from New England, XI

BY

J. H. EMERTON

YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS

NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT
1915

THE TUTTLE, MOREHOUSE 4 TAYLOE CO.

'New Spideks from Kew England.

Eleventli Paper.

Since my last paper in tliese Transactions in 1913 several new
species of spiders have been found in New England and are
here described and named. Theridion aurantium has been known
as a variety of T. sexpunctatum, with, which it is often found.
Tetragnatha pinicola has also been long known but has been con-
sidered a variety of T. lahoriosa. Linyphia limitanea, a large
and distinct species, was discovered simultaneously, in 1913, in
Aroostook County, Maine, and in iN'ewfoundland and may be
a common spider north and east of New England. Dictyna
armata is new to I^ew England, having been found only in ^orth
Carolina by Banks. The other three new Dictyna have come from
a general rearrangement of this genus. D. hrevitarsus has been
confused with D. muraria under the name D. suhlaia Hentz. D.
hicornis is a distinct species found at several points along the sea-
shore. D. angulata is a small species, related to muraria, found
in the hills south of Boston. Tmeticus rectangulatus is another of
the indistinct species allied to T. entomologicus. Theridion sex-
punctatum is found to range across I^orth America and to be as
variable as other species of the Phyllonethis group. The variety
of Epeira lahyrinthea is very distinct in markings and spinning
habits corresponding with its different habitat. The male of
Hahnia hrunnea and the new species Theridion intervallatum and
Sergiolus unimaculatus are chance discoveries from much beating
of bushes and sifting of litter on the ground.

Theridion intervallatum. new sp. ' '

Male 1.5 mm. long. Abdomen nearly spherical and lialf larger
than the cephalothorax. The cephalothorax is slightly yellow with
an indefinite middle line between the eyes and the dorsal groove.
The back of the abdomen is light at the sides and has a darker
pattern in the middle consisting of four pairs of dark spots between
which are opaque white spots and fine black dots of different sizes.
On the under side the abdomen is dark at the sides and light in
the middle. The sternum is light like the back of the cephalo-
thorax. The legs are marked with small and irregular black spots
near the ends and middle of each joint. The male palpi have the
tarsus and palpal organ narrow with the tarsus twice as long as
wide. At the end of the tarsus are a few stiff hairs twice as thick
as the others. The palpal organ has the appendages small and
simple, with the tube and two other processes lying side by side,
pointing toward the end of the palpus. Figs. 1, la, lb. PI. I.

Intervale, N". H., July, 1913, Miss E. B. Bryant.

Theridion aurantium. new sp.

Female 3 mm. long; cephalothorax 1 mm. Male with cephalo-
thorax as long as in the female, but much smaller abdomen. The
cephalothorax is orange in both sexes, without any middle or
lateral stripe, rarely in females dark gray. The legs are pale
yellow in females and orange in males. The first leg of the male
is two and a half times the length of the whole body. The
abdomen of the female is commonly light gray with opaque white
markings at the sides and in pairs along the middle. Black spots
may also occur in one or more pairs, and in some individuals cover
nearly the whole abdomen. Fig. 2, 2a. PL I. In males the
abdomen is commonly pale, with a pair of black spots at the sides
toward the hinder end, and these spots may be lengthened into a
pair of stripes, or the whole back may be black. Fig. 2b, 2c, 2d.
PL I. The mandibles of the male are so long that with the height
of the head they are as long as the cephalothorax. They are not

New Spiders from New England, XI, 137

mucli spread apart at tlie end, and have a thick tooth half as long
as their diameter, only a short distance from the claw. In some
individuals there is a smaller tooth between the large one and
the end of the mandible, but it varies in size and position, and is
often absent on one or both sides. Fig. 2e. PI. I. The mandibles
are shorter and less divergent than in sexpunctatus, and less vari-
able. The palpi of the male resemble closely those of sexpunctatus.
This species is swept from low bushes or sifted from dead leaves
on the ground. Crawford I^otch, Franconia ^otch, Adirondacks,
Aroostook County, Maine, Maine Woods, south to Portland, Maine,
and Manchester, "N. H., often in company with T. sexpunctatum,
with which species it has been usually confused.

Theridion sexpunctatmn. Em.

This species is now known across the continent to the Rocky
Mountains, Vancouver and Sitka. The long mandibles of the
male are found to vary in length and shape but without any rela-
tion to locality. The male mandible always has a large tooth
on the inner side just beyond the end of the maxillae and the
variable part is the distal end beyond this tooth. Sometimes this
is as long as the basal part and tapering and divergent and it then
has three or four teeth differing in size, position and number
sometimes differing on opposite mandibles of the same individual.
In others the distal part of the mandible is half as long as the
basal and the teeth are very small. In others the distal part is
still smaller. One from Sitka in the collection of Nathan Banks
has mandibles like this but still shorter. Figs 3, 3a, 3b. PI. I.

Tmeticus rectangulatns. new sp.

A translucent spider 1.5 mm. long, resembling T. entomologicus
from Tyngsboro, Mass., 1911; T. digitatv^, Em., from Ithaca,
IN". Y., Journal I^. Y. Ent. Soc, 1914, and T. acummatus, Em.,
from ISTew Jersey, Bulletin Am. Museum, I^. Y., 1913. It differs
from these species in the tibia of the male palpus, which is truncate
and has three small teeth across the end. Eig. 4. PI. I.

One male each from Mt. Mansfield, Yt., and Brunswick, Me.

Linyphia limitanea. new sp.

3.5 mm. long. Cephalothorax pale dull yellow with the edges
darker and a dark band from the eyes backward to the dorsal

138 /. H. Emerton,

groove. The legs are yellow, darker at the ends of the joints. The
abdomen is pale, with a dark middle band divided into segments, the
anterior one usually darker and the second lighter than the others.
The sternum and under side of abdomen are yellow brown like the
dorsal markings. The epigynum is covered by a slightly convex
plate, twice as wide as long, and straight at the posterior edge
through which the openings show as dark spots. The males have
longer legs and darker coloring than the females. The male palpi
have on the patella a long process somewhat like that of L. phry-
giana, but longer and sharper and more curved inward at the tip.
Fig. 5. PI. I.

Found in a grove of spruce trees at Fort Fairfield, Me., Aug.,

1913, and July, 1914, and by Miss E. M. Esterbrook at Stevens-
ville Crossing, ^Newfoundland. Webs like those of L. phrygiana.

Epeira labyrinthea, Hentz, Bog variety.

This variety was found on the upper part of Mt. Lincoln, Colo.,
by F. C. Bowditch in 1877. In 1902, H. C. Britcher found it
at Lunksoos, east of Mt. Katahdin, Me. My first acquaintance
with it was in August, 1913, on the bog at Crystal, Me., where I
found an old female with nests and eggs. The next year, July,

1914, I visited the same bog earlier in the season, and found both
sexes. On this bog these spiders live in the stiff narrow-leaved
grass, Scirpus caespitosus, growing about a foot high over the
open parts of the bog. In July their nests are small, attached to
two or three grass leaves drawn together, and differing from the
typical labyrinthea nest only in having around it a smaller
"labyrinth." At this time males have nests like the females. In
August, after the females have laid eggs, the nests are enlarged
and improved, and hang down from the bunch of grass leaves, held
in place by strong threads extending in several directions to other
leaves, often three or four inches distant. In the typical bush nest
of labyrinthea (see photograph in Comstock's Spider Book, pages
464-465), the e^g cocoons are attached outside the nest, sometimes
partly imited with it, but in the bog variety the cocoons are
enclosed in the upper part of the nest, forming a cone of light
brown silk on the outside of which are scattered lumps composed
of the remains of insects and sometimes leaves from neighboring
plants.

This variety differs from the usual labyrinthea in its deeper
color and greater contrasts between the black and white jnarkings.

New Spiders from New England, XI.

139

The four white spots on the front of the abdomen are much
larger and closely united into a light spot covering the whole front
haK of the back, while the markings of the hinder half unite into
an equally conspicuous black spot. The dark markings of the
legs are blacker and more sharply defined. These peculiarities
are most evident in old females and least in males, which follow
more closely the usual markings of the species. Figs. 6, 6a, 6b.
PI. I.

Tetragnatha pinicola. new sp.

This species resembles laboriosa, but is colored bright green with
white stripes at the sides, and a red spot at the front end of the
abdomen, sometimes continued as a red line on each side close to
the white stripes. Immature individuals found at various times
have been considered a green variety of T. lahoriosa, but several
adults, including one male, found on pines at l^antucket, in com-
pany with lahoriosa, show several differences beside the color. The
palpi of the male have the tibia half longer than the patella, and
the tarsus and palpal organ are larger than in lahoriosa. The legs
are also longer than those of lahoriosa, leg I being about one one-
sixth longer. This is true of females as well as males. The
arrangement of the eyes is as in lahoriosa, the lateral eyes being
perhaps a little closer together. Figs. 7, 7a. PI. I.

Nantucket and Martha's Vineyard, Mass., on pine trees.

Dictyna brevitarsus

140

J. E. Emerion,

Dictyna brevitarsus. new sp.

2 mm. long and usually dark in color. The cephalothorax
brown, darkest on tbe bead. Tbe legs tbe same color as tborax,
but lighter, and tbe palpi darker. The abdomen is marked like
muraria, with the middle mark of the front end distinct and less
broken into spots than usual.

The mandibles of the male have a slight tooth at the base. The
male palpi are of middle size, with the tarsus and tibia together
as long as the mandible. The tibia is as wide as long, a little
widened at the end. The two-spined process is at the side and
directed forward. Figures page 139.

Danvers, Mass., Mt. Washington Glen, Ithaca, N". Y.

Dictyna angulata

Dictyna angulata. new sp.

2 mm. long; males and females the same size and colored alike-.
The general color is pale dull yellow, covered with light gray hairs.
The legs are pale with no markings. The cephalothorax is
yellow brown, lightest on the head. The abdomen has the usual
middle gray mark, most distinct on the front half, dwindling to
a fine line behind where it is more or less connected with a double
row of partly united spots.

The male palpi are large, the tarsus as long as the mandibles.
The tibia is a little longer than wide, and at the distal end as
wide as it is long. The two-spined process is not more than a
fourth as long as the tarsus, and on the upper side close to the base.
Figures above.

Hyde Park, Mass., in leaves on the ground.

New Spiders from New England, XI.

141

Dictyna bicomis
Dictyna bicomis. new sp.

2 mm. long. Pale; cephalotliorax yellow brown; abdomen
slightly marked with a few pale gray spots. The mandibles have
a large tooth on the front. This tooth, which occurs as a very
small point near, the base in several species, here extends downward
and is half as long as the claw of the mandible. The male palpi
have the tibia and tarsus together as long as the mandible. The
tibia is as wide as long and widened at the end on the outer side.
The two spines near the base are sessile, one longer than the other.
Figures above.

In plants on sandy shores at Ipswich, Mass., Ogunquit, Me., and
Bayville, Long Island, I^. Y., Banks Collection.

Dictyna armata
Dictyna armata, Banks. Proc. Acad. N'at. Sci., Phila., June, 1911.
Male 2 mm. long. Legs pale and translucent. Cephalothorax
pale, a little darkened at the sides. Abdomen faintly marked with
gray. The general appearance suggests a small D. frondea. The
male palpi have a long spur on the tibia, extending forward at
right angle to the tibia. The mandibles have a very small blunt

142 J. H. Emerton, New Spiders from New England, XI.

tootli on tlie front, a third its length from the base of the mandible,
Figures page 141.

Blue Hills, near Boston, in dry oak leaves. Banks found it
in ^N^orth Carolina in rolled leaves of Rhododendron lying on the
ground.

Hahnia brunnea, Em. 1909.

The male of this species was found at Island Falls, Aroostook
County, Maine, July, 1914, in moss in spruce woods. It resembles
the female closely in size and color and in the spinnerets. The
male palpi are large and differ conspicuously from those of the
other species. The appendage of the tibia is large and in a flat
coil on the outer side. The patella is large and thick on the
upper side, and has no appendage, but the femur has a tooth on
the outer side near the base turned upward and curved slightly
inward. The tube is long enough to make two turns around the
palpal organ. Figs. 8, 8a. PL I.

Several females were found in 1911 at Ithaca, 'N. Y.

Sergiolus unimaculatus.

Male 5 mm. long. Half as large as S. variegatus and more
slender. The legs and cephalothorax are dull yellow without any
markings. The abdomen is gray with a pale band across the
middle. On the front end of the abdomen is a thickened spot
narrowed behind and extending across the white band. Fig 9,
PI. I. On the under side the abdomen is dark gray at the end
fading to pale toward the front like the under side of the legs,
sternum maxillae and mandibles. The male palpi resemble closely
those of variegatus but the process of the tibia is shorter, more
sharply pointed and narrows more regularly from the base. Fig.
9b, PL I. The palpal organ is proportionally smaller but resem-
bles that of variegatus. An immature female found at the same
time resembles the male in color and form.

Lyme, Conn., from a damp field near the shore, Oct. 5, 1912.

PLATE I

1 Theridion intervallatum, markings of abdomen, la side of

male, lb male palpus, outer side. Ic male palpus from
above.

2 Theridion aurantiimi. 2 and 2a two variations of marking of

female. 2b, 2c, 2d variations of markings of males. 2e
mandibles of male, 2f male palpus.

3 Theridion sexpunctatum, mandibles of a male from Crawford

!N^otch. 3a mandible of male from Moosilauke. 3b mandible
of male from Crawford !N"otch.

4 Tmeticus rectangulatus, head and palpi of male.

5 Linyphia limitanea, dorsal markings of female. 5a epigynum,

5b, 5c male palpus.

6 Epeira labyrinthea, usual markings of female. 6a male of

bog variety. 6b female of bog variety. 6c nest from the
bog at Crystal, Me.

7 Tetragnatha pinicola, side of male showing markings and

length of legs and palpi. 7a arrangement of eyes.

8 Hahnia brunnea, head and palpi of male from above. 8a male

palpus from side.

9 Sergiolus unimaculatus, back of male. 9a under side of male.

9b tibia and tarsus of male palpus. 9c palpal organ.

PLATE I

TRAMSACTIONS OF THE

CONNECTICUT ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES

Incorporated A. D. 1799

VOLUME 20, PAGES 115-160 AUGUST, 1915

Canadian Spiders, II

BY

J. H. EMERTON

YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS

NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT
1915

THE TUTTLE, MOREHOUSE <t TAYLOE CO.

!N'ew Canadian Spiders.

Second Paper.

Tlie following paper is a continuation of one published in these
Transactions in 1894 and like that is a description of a number
of new species from various parts of Canada and from several
collectors. The writer has made collections in the Rocky Moun-
tains and across western Canada in two visits in 1905 and 1914.
Mr. 1^. B. Sanson of the Banff Museum has made a small collec-
tion from the neighborhood of Banff. On the eastern side of
Canada Dr. C. W. Townsend and Miss E. M. Esterbrook of
Boston and Messrs. Leng and Englehart of "New York have col-
lected in Labrador and iN'ewfoundland. In Maine and 'New
Hampshire several species have been discovered known before only
in western Canada. Several species are found to range across
Canada from Labrador to the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific
coast and many others are known in the Rocky Mountains and
on the eastern coast without the connection between them having
been discovered. Tmeticus armatus. Banks, described originally
from Manitoba, is now known both in the Rocky Mountains and
in Maine and ]^ew Hampshire. Lophocarenum alpinum of the
"White Mountains has been found at Banff. Theridion zelotypum,
common in Maine, has been traced westward from Lake Superior
in bogs along the edge of the spruce forest to the headwaters of the
Athabasca River in the Rocky Mountains. Linyphia nearctica,
(humilis) described from Laggan, is known to live all over eastern
Maine and on the tops of the White Mountains and Green Moun-
tains in !N'ew Hampshire and Vermont. Theridion sexpunctatum
has been found at several points across Canada to Vancouver and
Sitka on the west coast.

Theridion zelotypum, Emerton, Trans. Conn. Acad., 1882.

This species is now known all over Maine from Casco Bay to
Tort Kent on the northern boundary, but has not yet been found
south or west of Casco Bay. It was not found in a week's collecting
around the Ht. Washington Glen from 1500 feet to the mountain
top. Its westward range has been extended from Winnipeg to
Prince Albert, Athabasca Landing and Jasper, Alberta, 4000 feet
high in the Rocky Mountains on the headwaters of the Athabasca
River. At all these places it lives as in Maine on low branches
of spruce trees in open situations, but always near water or in
bogs. All those found at Jasper and part of those at Athabasca
Landing had the dorsal markings in a different pattern from those
commonly found farther east. In these spiders the usual herring-
bone middle stripe is entirely absent and the darker markings at
the sides form two rows of spots with white lines behind them, in
some cases entirely across the back. Fig. la. PI. II. This species
was not found on the prairie at Saskatoon or Edmonton, nor in
the mountains around Banff or Laggan, nor in the Yoho Valley.

Theridion sexpunctatum, Emerton, Trans. Conn. Acad., 1882.

This species is now known across the continent from Maine to
the Rocky Mountains, Vancouver and Sitka. The markings are
usually very uniform, the thorax striped and margined with dark
gray, and the abdomen marked with six or eight white spots in
pairs on larger gray areas of irregular shape; but among some
collected at Vancouver there are great variations, one female hav-
ing the gray areas on the abdomen absent and the white spots with-
out any regular arrangement, while another has the front half of
the abdomen covered with a large dark spot like that of Eno-
plognatha marmorata. Pigs. 2, 2a, 2b, 2c. PI. II.

Tmeticus reticulatus. new sp.

Male 2 mm. long; legs and cephalothorax dull yellow, abdomen
gray with faint light markings across the hinder half. The front

Canadian Spiders, II. 149

middle eyes are small, near together and half-way between the
mandibles and the top of the head. The upper middle eyes are
farther apart than they are from the lateral eyes and between and
below them is a cluster of hairs directed upward. On the front
of the under side of the abdomen, between the lungs, the surface is
marked with fine lines arranged in hexagons like a honeycomb.
The male palpi have the tibia extending on the upper side over
the tarsus with a short tooth turning downward and outward at
the end. Tigs. 3, 3a, 3b. PI. II.

Lake Louise, Laggan, sifted from moss.

Tmeticus obtusus. new sp.

This is a little translucent spider, 1.5 mm. long, related to
T. entomologicus, Em., Trans. Conn. Acad., 1911, T. acummatus,
Em., Bull. Am. Museum, ^. Y., 1913, and T. digitatus, Em.,
from Ithaca, 1^. Y., Journal JST. Y. Ent. Soc, 1914. The plainest
difference, as in all these species, is in the shape of the tibia of
the male palpus. In this species the tibia is widened at the end,
and has a shallow notch on the under side. On the upper side it
extends over the tarsus in a flat process as wide as the patella,
square at the end, and with a slight tooth in the middle of the
outer side. Fig. 4. PI. II. The palpal organ is very simple as
in the other species. The eyes have the two middle pairs far
apart, the upper pair about their diameter from each other, and
the lower pair nearly touching each other.

Jasper, Alberta, in moss near the pond. Lake Louise, 1905.

Lophocarenum dentipalpis. new sp.

3 mm. long. Pale with head and ends of palpi a little dark-
ened with gray. The head is elevated behind the eyes and has
two humps rounded in front and extending forward at the sides
of the upper middle eyes and a little beyond them. Between the
humps are scattered long black hairs directed forward and between
the upper and lower middle eyes are two rows of hairs directed
outward. The head is narrow and rounded in front, and extends
forward beyond the mandibles. The male palpi are large and com-
plicated. The patella is longer than wide, and curved downward.
The tibia is narrow at the base, from which it spreads in all
directions over the tarsus. On the upper side of the tibia is a
small black tooth attached on the inside and extending beyond the

150 /. E. Emerton,

rim over the tarsus. Tlie tarsal hook is small and simple. Tlie
tube is long and slender, coiling in two turns around tlie end
of tlie palpal organ. Figs. 9, 9a. PL II.

Goat Mountain, Jasper, Alberta, Canada, in tbe upper spruce
trees in moss.

Lophocarenum alpinum.

Dismodicus alpinus. Banks, Can. Ent., 1896.

Lophocarenum alpinum, Em., Trans. Conn. Acad., 1909.

One male of tbis was found in moss in tbe woods on Sulpbur
Mountain, below tbe Alpine Club House. Eig. 7, PI. II, sbows
tbe peculiar bead and palpus. Tbis species bas been found tbree
times on tbe upper part of Mount Wasbington, IsTew Hampsbire.

Lophocarenuin erectum. new sp.

2 mm. long. Legs and palpi orange, cepbalotborax brown,
abdomen gray. Head of male elevated as in pallidum and cunea-
tum, witb tbe upper middle eyes on top of tbe elevation turned a
little forward. Tbe tibia of tbe male palpus bas a long book,
pointed outward over tbe back of tbe tarsus, as in castaneum, and
on tbe upper side of tbe tibia is a slender process extending straigbt
upward. Figs. 8, 8a. PI. II.

Two males from moss in spruce woods near camp at Tackakaw
Ealls in Yobo Valley, B. C.

Gong^lidimn tnberosnm. new sp.

3.5 mm. long. Brown, resembling G. (Tmeticus) hrunneu^ and
maximus, and in size and color Pedanosthethus. Tbe bead is low
and tbe eyes small, tbe front middle pair one-balf smaller tban
tbe upper middle. Tbe mandibles bave tbe claw groove tootbed
on botb sides, but bave no tootb on tbe front. Tbe male palpi are
sbort and stout, as in tbe related species. Tbe tibia is but little
modified in sbape, and not widened at tbe end. Tbe tarsus is
round, witb a notcb in tbe edge over tbe tarsal book. Tbe book
is large and complicated, Eig. 5a, 5b, PL II, at tbe end turning
sbarply outward.

Tbe female is of tbe same size as tbe male. Tbe epigynum bas a
cbaracteristic sbape in tbree narrow lobes. Eig. 5. PL II.

Battle Harbor, Labrador, by C. W. Leng of IST. Y., sifting moss
for beetles.

Canadian Spiders, II. 151

Gong^lidium canaliculatum. new sp.

3 mm. long, pale brown like hrunneus and maximus, and resem-
bling tbese species. The eyes are low and tbe bead a little ele-
vated bebind tbem, more in tbe male tban in tbe female. Tbe
mandibles bave a row of small teetb on eacb side of tbe claw,
but not tbe tootb on tbe front. Tbe male palpi bave tbe tibia
widened at tbe end witb a baK-round notcb above, from wbicb a
groove extends along tbe outer edge of tbe tarsus, ending in a
notcb. Fig. 6. PI. II. Tbe tarsal book is simple, sligbtly flat-
tened and curved in a quarter circle at tbe end. Tbe epigynum
sbows two round opaque spermatbecae at tbe sides and nearer tbe
middle two dark ridges converging backward. Fig. 6a. PI. II.

Prince Albert, Canada, from moss in a spruce bog, Aug. 24,
1914.

Bathyphantes arborea. new sp.

2.5 mm. long. Cepbalotborax and legs pale yellow-brown, with-
out any markings. Abdomen ligbt on tbe back witb a black
middle stripe balf its length and a black stripe on each side. The
markings of tbe binder balf are small, usually disconnected, and
sometimes absent. The ligbt part of the abdomen is covered witb
opaque lighter spots showing through the skin. Fig. 10. PI. II.
The under side of tbe abdomen is dark gray witb a light area on
each side. Tbe sternum is also dark gray, and tbe legs and max-
illae pale. The epigynum is of tbe usual kind, projecting but
little from the surface of the abdomen. Fig. 10b. PI. II. Tbe
male palpi are small and compact, the tarsus and tarsal book
resembling somewhat those of B. furcatus from tbe Sandwich
Mountains, 'New Hampshire. Figs. 10c, lid. PI. II.

Contrary to tbe habits of most of the genus, this spider lives
in tbe driest of places in spruce trees high above tbe ground, in
company witb Linyphia phrygiana; Banff, Laggan, Yobo Yalley
up to 7000 feet.

Bathyphantes occidentalis. new sp.

2.5 mm. long. Cepbalotborax pale yellow with dark edges and
an indistinct dark square in tbe middle. Tbe legs are pale witb
dark rings at tbe ends of tbe joints and middle of tbe tibia, tbe
markings stronger in tbe female tban tbe male. Tbe abdomen has
a wide middle band made up of transverse spots connected by a

152 J. E. Emerton,

middle line. At the sides of the middle band are pale stripes
indented on the outer side. On the under side the abdomen is
black, broken by a row of irregular spots on the sides. Fig. 11.
PL II.

The palpus of the male is of middle size with the tarsus elongated
and furnished with a sharp curved process at the base, somewhat
as in B. furcatus, Em., Trans. Conn. Acad., 1913. On the outer
side is a smaller process near the base of the tarsal hook, as in
several species. The tarsal hook is short and recurved, with a
slender point turning at a right angle near the end. Kg. 11a.

The epigynum projects outward from the surface of the abdomen
as in furcatus, but is not as large as in that species.

Vancouver, Canada, 2 males, 1 female.

Microneta pinnata. new sp.

Male 2 mm. long, without any markings; legs and cephalo-
thorax pale yellow and abdomen gray. The head is high and
extends forward as far as the front of the mandibles. The male
palpi are large and complex. The tibia is widened on the under
side. The horn of the tarsus is straight and at a right angle to
the axis of the palpus. It has on the end a group of flat hairs cut
at the end into two or three teeth. Fig. 1. PI. III. The tarsal
hook is slender and curved backward, with two points at the base
and two at the end. The tube of the palpal organ is long and
slender, coiled one and a half times, and supported by a thin flat
appendage.

Prince Albert, Canada.

Microneta flava. new sp.

2 mm. long, pale, and without markings; male and female of
the same size and general appearance. The male palpi are large
and but little darker in color than the rest of the body. The tarsal
hook is curved in several different directions, shown in the two
figures. At the base it is divided into two branches, the lower one
slightly turned outward, and along the basal edge is a ridge, also
turned outward. The end of the hook is turned at a right angle
to the base, pointed at the tip, and with a ridge on the outer side,
ending in a low tooth. Figs. 2a, 2b. PI. III. The epigynum is
of the usual kind, folded and projecting its diameter from the
surface of the abdomen. Fig. 2.

One male and female sifted from moss near Lake Louise, Laggan.

Canadian Spiders, II. 153

Clubiona obtusa. new sp.

Male 4 mm. long and entirely pale. Head slightly narrower
tlian tlie thorax. Mandibles half as long as the cephalothorax with
two very short teeth above the claw and none below it. Eig. 4.
PI. III. The male palpi have a wide and flat process of the tibia
extending a third its length over the tarsus on the outer side.
Figs. 4b, 4c. PL III. The tarsus is oval, twice as long as wide,
and the palpal organ resembles that of crassipalpus.

The female found at the same place has the mandibles a little
shorter, with the two teeth over the claw a little larger, and four
very small teeth under the claw. The epigynum resembles that
of ruhra.

Banff, Aug., 1914.

Singa campestris. new sp.

Cephalothorax 2 mm. long. Abdomen of male 2 mm. Abdomen
of female 3 mm. or more. The cephalothorax is orange yellow,
darker in males, and in both sexes with a distinct black patch
around the eyes and backward about a quarter the length of the
cephalothorax. In the females the abdomen has three light stripes
varying in length and width. Fig. 3. PI. III. In the male there
are usually no stripes. In both the sexes the ends of the abdomen
are darker than the middle, sometimes forming a definite pair of
black spots at each end. The legs are orange yellow without any
markings. The middle eyes are less than their diameter apart,
but not as close as in S. keyserlingi.

In the male the second tibia is slightly thicker than the first
and the spines on the inner side are thickened and short, not much
over half the diameter of the tibia. On the first tibia the spines
on the inner side are somewhat thickened and about as long as
the diameter of the tibia. Fig. 36. PI. III. Kenora, Edmonton,
swept from long grass near ditches.

Pardosa albiceps. new sp.

Male 5 mm. long. Cephalothorax black with narrow white
median stripe, widened slightly in front of the dorsal groove and
narrowed from there to the eyes, where it widens so as to cover
the whole top of the head between the eyes. There are very
narrow marginal white stripes. The abdomen is dark with gray
hairs and a light central marking divided indistinctly into a

154 J. H. Emerton,

middle row of spots and pairs of smaller spots at tlie sides. Tig. 5.
PL III.

The legs are pale witL. light gray bands. The femora are all
pale with longitudinal stripes above and broken bands at the sides,
two in the middle and one at each end of the joint.

The male palpi have the femur pale with dark stripes above
like the legs. The patella white, tibia black, and tarsus black with
a white tip. The tibia and tarsus are large and have long black
hairs like glacialis. Fig. 5b. PI. III.

The front of the head, mandibles, maxillae and sternum are
black, the coxae pale, and the under side of the abdomen gray.

The female has the legs much more strongly banded than the
male. The stripe on the cephalothorax is more widened in front
of the groove, and does not have the narrow line to the eyes. The
hairs on the head are finer and not as white as in the male. The
dorsal markings of the abdomen are more distinct than in the
male and the anterior light spot more prominent. The epigynum
is long and narrow, the surrounding hard parts deeply indented
at the sides. Pig. 5a. PI. III.

Spray Kiver, B. C, N. B. Sanson, July 4, 1914.

Pellenes sansoni. new sp.

Two males and a female have been received from the Banff
Museum. One male and the female are dried, and preserve their
markings and colors better than in alcohol.

The face of the male, Pig. 6, PI. Ill, is marked with two bright
red spots at the sides and partly over the front middle eyes. A
white stripe partly surrounds the lateral front eyes and extends
back to the dorsal eyes. A white middle stripe extends down
between the front middle eyes and backward as far as a line
between the dorsal eyes. Between the white stripes are two tufts
of long black hair pointed up and forward. Just below the front
eyes a few long orange-colored hairs turn toward the middle line
and cross at the ends. Below the eyes the color is black, with
scattered white faintly iridescent scales in the middle, becoming
closer at the sides and forming two white patches of hairs. The
edge of the clypheus is orange-colored. The mandibles are striped
with three bands of white hairs between which the mandible is
smooth and black. The palpi are brown with light orange or
flesh color hairs at the base and on the outer side, and long white
hairs on the inner side and especially toward the ends. The front

Canadian Spiders, II. 155

legs dijffer only slightly from tlie others. The femora are light in
front and dark behind. The light hairs white or light flesh color.
Below the white color is a strip of orange marked with a few red
hairs. The other joints of the legs are light above and below,
and darker in front and behind. The second legs are like the first,
but not as strongly marked, and the other legs are without definite
stripes, but generally light above and below, with white or light
flesh-colored scales and scattered black hairs.

The cephalothorax behind the eyes is black with a narrow white
margin. The abdomen is black with an indistinct white basal line
and a broken white middle stripe on the hinder half. Fig. 6a.
PL III. The whole under surface is white or light gray, which
shows from above along the sides of the abdomen.

The female is generally lighter than the male, with less black
and more light flesh-colored gray. The face, Fig. 6c, PI. Ill, has
the whole area below the front middle eyes white, which narrows
toward the sides and extends backward as a narrow white line
along the edge of the cephalothorax. Above the eyes is a light
gray area which extends backward as two wide stripes the whole
length of the cephalothorax. Over each front middle eye is a small
black spot. The sides and the middle of the cephalothorax are
black. The mandibles are striped less distinctly than in the male
with white and black. The palpi are covered with light gray
scales and long gray hairs. The legs are all gray, mixed with
fine black hairs. The abdomen has a light basal stripe, stripes at
the sides, and a distinct middle light stripe broken into several
spots. The under side is white or light gray.

The male palpi have the tibia and patella both very short. The
process on the outer side of the tibia is as long as the body of the
joint; it is narrow at the end where it divides into two points,
the lower one longest. Fig. 6d, 6e, 6f. PI. III. The tarsus is
as wide as long. The bulb is ovate on the outer side and wide
and slightly angular at the base. The tube starts in the middle
of the inner side. The tarsus and tibia are covered above with
long white or light gray hairs.

Found by IsT. B. Sanson along the Spray Eiver near Banff.

Dendryphantes flavipedes, Peckham. Attidss of ISTorth America,
Trans. Wisconsin Acad., 1909.
The common Dendryphantes in August east of the Kocky Moun-
tains at Banff, Jasper and Athabasca Landing, appears to be a

156 /. H. Emerton, Canadian Spiders, II.

variety of D. flavipedes, Peckham. It is about one-fourtli larger
tlian tlie typical flavipedes of Eastern Canada and Maine and tlie
females are marked in tlie same way. In the males there is
greater contrast between the light and dark markings and the white
stripes are more sharply defined. The first and second legs do not
have the black stripes which are characteristic of Maine specimens.
The western variety agrees, however, with the type in the three
white stripes between the eyes and in the long fork of the palpal
organ.

On the Atlantic coast as far south as l^ew Jersey there is
another variety of D. flavipedes in which the stripes of the front
legs are wanting and all the legs of the male are banded as in the
female. See Bulletin American Museum I^at. Hist., !N'ew York,
Aug., 1913.

PLATE II

1 Theridion zelotypum, usual markings of abdomen, la marking

of females from Jasper and Athabasca Landing.

2 Theridion sexpunctatum. Three females and one male from

Vancouver, B. C. 2 markings of the usual pattern. 2a pale
variety with all markings indistinct. 2b unusual variation
with dark markings united into one spot. 2c unusual varia-
tion of a male.

3 Tmeticus reticulatus, head and palpi of male. 3a profile of

head of male showing hairs between middle eyes. 3b mark-
ings of skin of under side of abdomen near front end.

4 Tmeticus obtusus, male palpi from above.

5 Gongylidium tuberosum, epigynum. 5a, 5b male palpus show-

ing complicated form of tarsal hook.

6 Gongylidium canaliculatum, male palpus showing groove on

edge of tarsus. 6a epigynum. 6b mandibles of female.

7 Lophocarenum alpinum, head and palpus of male from Sulphur

Mountain, Banff.

8 Lophocarenum erectum, head and palpi of male. 8a left palpus

of male showing process of the upper side.

9 Lophocarenum dentipalpis, side of head and palpus of male.

9a top of head and palpi of male.

10 Bathyphantes arborea, dorsal markings of female. 10a, 10b

epigynum. 10c, lOd male palpus.

11 Bathyphantes occidentalis, dorsal markings of female. 11a

male palpus.

PLATE II

PLATE III

1 Microneta plumosa, head and palpi of male, la right palpus

of male from above.

2 Microneta flava, epigynum. 2a, 2b tibial book of male palpus.

3 Singa campestris, dorsal markings of female. 3a epigynum.

3b bead and legs I and II of male.

4 Clubiona obtusa, mandibles and palpus of male. 4a eyes and

palpus of male from above. 4b male palpus from outer side.

5 Pardosa albiceps, dorsal markings of male. 5a epigynum. 5b

male palpus.

6 Pellenes sansoni, front of bead of male. 6a back of male.

6b back of female. 6c front of female. 6d male palpus and
palpal organ from below. 6e male palpus, outer side witb
tibial process. 6f tibial process enlarged to show double
. point.

PLATE

TRANSACTIONS OF THE

CONNECTICUT ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES

Incorporated A. D. 1799

YOinME 20, PAGES 161-210 FEBRUARY, 1916

The Historical Background
of Chaucer's Knight

BY

ALBERT STANBURROUGH COOK

PROFESSOR OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE
IN YALE UNIVERSITY

YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS

NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT
1916

THE TUTTLE, MOREHOUSE & TAYLOR COMPANY

TABLE OF CONTENTS

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF CHAUCER'S KNIGHT

L Chaucer and Henry, Earl of Derby . . . 165
I. The Earl of Derby's Return to London in 1393 166

Chaucer and Henry's Relatives . . . .175

Chaucer and Henry's Dependents . . . 190

Chaucer and Henry . . . . . . 192

Henry at the Siege of Vilna .... 196

Other Englishmen in Prussia .... 202

Henry's Acquaintance with the Table of Honor,

and its Bearing on the Date of the Prologue . 209

The Current Theory regarding the Date of the

Prologue 212

n. Chaucer's Knight and his Exploits in the South- 216

I. CHAUCER AND HENRY, EARL OF DERBY

[The following titles are cited by the name or abbreviation which
occurs first in the line :

Armitage- Smith, John of Gaunt.

Beaufort, Karamania.

Beltz, Memorials of the Order of the Garter.

Caro, Geschichte Polens.

Coulton, Chaucer and his England.

Emerson, in Romanic Review.

Gilbert, History of the Viceroys of Ireland.

Gower, ed. Macaulay.

Hales, Folia Literaria.

Hammer-Purgstall, Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches.

Hammond, Chaucer, a Bibliographical Manual.

Hertzberg, Chaucer's Canterhury-Geschichten.

Heyd, Geschichte des Levantehandels.

Kirk, Life-Records of Chaucer, Part IV.

Kittredge, Chaucer.

Legouis, Geoffrey Chaucer (Eng. tr.).

Le Roulx, La France en Orient.

Lounsbury, Studies in Chaucer.

Machaut, La Prise d'Alexandrie.

Marco Polo, ed. Yule.

Meakin, The Moorish Empire.

Ramsay, The Genesis of Lancaster.

Rymer, Fcedera.

Skeat, edition of Chaucer, 6 volumes.

Stubbs, Seventeen Lectures on . . . Medicuval and Modern History.

Tatlock, The Development and Chronology of Chaucer's Works.

Treitschke, Ausgewahlte Schriften.

Voigt, Geschichte Preussens.

Wylie, History of England under Henry IV.

Bibl. = Biblioiheque de I'Ecole des Chartcs, Vol. i.

Cronica = Cronica de D. Alfonso el Onceno, ed. Cerda y Rico, 2d ed.

D. A. = Derby Accounts [Expedition to Prussia and the Holy Land, made

by Henry, Earl of Derby], ed. Lucy Toulmin Smith.
Kervyn = Froissart, Chroniques, ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove.
S. R. P. = Scrip tores Rerum Prussicarum.

An occasional p and 3 in the notes are printed as th and y respectively.

Sums of money expressed in dollars are computed on the basis of
£i = $75, the purchasing value of money being reckoned as fifteen times
that of the present, according to the index-number which seems most
generally accepted, without any attempt to demonstrate its validity.]

1 66 Chaucer and Henry, Earl of Derby

I. THE EARL OF DERBY'S RETURN TO LONDON IN 1393

On Saturday/ the 5th day of July, 1393, Henry, Earl of
Derby, just returned from a sojourn of nearly a year^ abroad,
rode from Dartford to London,^ the last stage of his journey
from Canterbury. This was the fifth day since he left Canter-
bury, but he had rested over Friday, July 4, at Dartford, for
reasons which we can only conjecture.

Though Derby had attained the age of 2y only about a month
before,* he was the father of four sons^ (besides one born in
1382, when Henry was not quite 16, and who died in infancy),

^As bases for the calculation, we may note that April 17, 1390, fell on
a Sunday (Skeat 3. Z7Z), and that Easter Sunday of 1393 was April 6
{D. A., p. Ixxvii).

^ See the details in D. A., pp. Ixxii-lxxix.

^ The route was his customary one. He had left Canterbury on July i,
and reached Sittingbourne (15 miles) the same day; on the 2d he was
at Rochester (26 miles; the mention of Ospring, as of July 2, D. A.,
p. 276, must be a mistake) ; on the 3d at Dartford (40 miles) ; cf.
D. A., p. Ixxix. The same route was taken by Henry in the opposite
direction, May, 1390 {D. A., pp. xxvi-xxvii), returning about June i.
In 1413, his body was conveyed on a horse-bier from Grayesend to
Canterbury (Wylie 4. 113). In the following June, Henry V traveled
to Canterbury to attend a solemn obit in honor of his father, the stages
being Kensington (13), Rochester (14), Ospring (15), Canterbury (16).
Queen Isabella's stations in 1358 had been: London (June 6), Dartford
(7), Rochester (8), Ospring (9), Canterbury (10) ; cf. Furnivall,
Temp. Pref., p. 14. Those of King John of France in 1360 were : London
(June 30), Dartford (July i), Rochester (2), Sittingbourne and Ospring
(3), Canterbury (4); cf. Skeat 5. 415; i. xix. The body of Henry V
was to travel this way in 1422 (Ramsay, Lancaster and York i. 305).
In 1518 Campeggio traveled from Canterbury to London, starting on
Monday, July 26, and arriving on Thursday, the 30th (Brewer, Reign
of Henry VIII i. 280) ; Henry VIII and Katharine went from London to
Canterbury, May 21-25, 1520 {ih. i. 345). Charles V and Henry VIII
made the journey as follows in 1522: Canterbury (May 30), Sitting-
bourne (May 31), Rochester (June i), Greenwich (June 2; ib. i. 452).
For maps and distances, see Littlehales, Some Notes on the Road from
London to Canterbury in the Middle Ages (Chaucer Society, 1898).

*Born May 30, 1366 (Ramsay 2. 100; Lancaster and York i. i, and
table opp. p. xlii; D. A., p. Ixxxi; otherwise Beltz, p. 237; Diet. Nat.
Biog. Wylie 4. 166, 330-1, is uncertain.

'Henry V (1386), Thomas (1387), John (1389), Humphrey (1390).

The Earl of Derby's Return to London in i^p^ 167

and one daughter.^ He was tall, delicate,^ and knightly, but of
consuming energy.^ As his beard in later life was russet,* and
his mother's hair was golden,^ it is easy to infer that he was
of the sanguine temperament. Chaucer describes John of Gaunt
as having little hair upon his beard at the age of 24,*^ but we
may well suppose that Henry's beard, at 27, was somewhat
more developed.'^ His face was no doubt more or less pitted with /
the smallpox or some other eruption, from which he had suffered /
in 1387.^ Altogether, with the toning down of pock-marks to/
freckles, he seems to have sat for the portrait of Emetreus in the'
Knight's Tale'-*:

With Arcita, in stories as men finde,
The grete Emetreus, the king of Inde,^"
Upon a stede bay," trapped in steel,

^Blanche (spring of 1392). For the dates, see Wylie 3. 324, 326;
4. 133, 167; D. A., pp. Ixxxii, 10;?, 10; cf. Ramsay, Lancaster and York
I. 159, and Table I.

^ Wylie 4. 134, 152; Ramsay (Lancaster and York i, 141-2) calls hin»
a neat, well-built, good-looking man of middle size.

^ Wylie 4. 146.

* Ramsay, Lancaster and York i. 142; Wylie speaks of his thick red
beard (4. 125).

'Chaucer, Bk. Duch. 858.

^ Bk. Duch. 456; John of Gaunt was really 29 at the death of Blanche
in 1369, when Blanche herself was 28 (Armitage-Smith, p. 21), though
Froissart (Poesies, ed. Scheler, 2. 8) says she was about 22 ('environ de
vingt et deux ans').

'K. T. 1315: A 2173. • .

« Wylie 4. 152, 158. ^^^

"1297-1328: A 2155-86. ^

^^ There ' is nothing in the Teseide to correspond with this portrait.
Chaucer saw a good opportunity to introduce it, and modeled it upon the
life, as perhaps in cases like the Wife of Bath (Coulton, p. 26, note) and /\
the Host (Skeat 5. 129; Coulton, p. 149).

" It is difficult to say whether Henry is more likely to have ridden a
bay or a white horse. Troilus sits on a bay steed (T. and C. 2. 624; cf.
I- 1073; 5. 1038), so that possibly the trait is conventional. White
horses were in favor with the great. Chaucer may have seen (Emerson
3. 322) King John of France ride through London, in May, 1357, by the
side of his captor, the Black Prince, mounted on a white steed (Kervyn
6. 18). Gower has a rout of ladies ride on fair ambling horses, white, fat,
and great (Cow/. Am. 4. 1306-10; cf. 1343). At the funeral of Arcite
(K. T. 2031 ff.': A 289Q ff.), his arms were borne upon three steeds,
great and white. At Griselda's home-coming, after her marriage, she

1 68 Chaucer and Henry, Earl of Derby

j Covered in cloth of gold^ diapred weel,
/ Cam ryding lyk the god of armes, Mars.

rides on a snow-white ambling horse (CI. T. 332: E 388); and Dido,
when about to ride hunting with Eneas, sits on a thick palfrey, paper-
white, her red saddle being high-embossed with gold (L. G. W. 1198 ff.)-
When Richard II was reconciled with the city of London {Pol. Poems
and Songs, ed. Wright, i. 285), in August, 1392, he rode a snow-white
horse (niveo . . . equo), and was presented before the Southwark
bridge with 'a pair of fair white steeds, trapped with gold cloth, figured
with red and white, and hung full of silver bells' (Strickland, Queens of
England 2. 297). When his queen arrived, she received as a gift a small
white palfrey, exquisitely trained (ib.). When the Greek Emperor,
Manuel II, entered Paris on June 3, 1400, the King conducted him
through the city on a white horse, richly caparisoned (Wylie i. 160;
Juvenal des Ursins, s. a. 1400), white, according to Gibbon (chap. 66),
being 'considered as the symbol of sovereignty.' See also the white
horses portrayed in manuscripts of the period: Harl. 1319 (Jusserand,
English Wayfaring Life, frontispiece; vcf. pp. 100, 117); Harl. 4379, f.
99 (Armitage-Smith, opp. p. 14) ; in the former they are ridden by
noblemen, going forth to meet the future Henry IV, and in the latter
by knights and ladies.

In 1387 Henry had paid $1000 for a gray courser (Wylie 4. 158). A
white horse, or one spotted with white, being called Lyard (Wylie 4. 143,
note 3), we may note that Henry owned in 1408-9 a Lyard Tidman, Lyard
Moglyn, Lyard Fauconberg, in 1396 a Lyard Gilder, and some time
between 1401 and 1406 a Lyard Bewley, Waltham, and Lumbard, On
the other hand, in 1408-9 Henry had a Bayard Wimborne and a Bayard
Bangor (Wylie, as above). In 1391 he paid $50 for a bay horse, and
$25 to a messenger who brought Lord Darcy's gift of a bay courser
(Wylie 4. 162). In May, 1390, he paid $375 for a white horse, and $250
for a bay, but also $250 for a sorrel (D. A., p. 5).

While 'a fair price for a good horse would vary' from $110 to $300,
much higher prices were exceptionally paid: Edward III had one that
cost $9000, and Richard II one that cost $15,000 (Wylie 2. 237, note 5).

For Henry's choice of a white horse on an occasion of much ceremony,
see note 3.

^On Oct. 12, 1399, the day before his coronation, Henry rode from
the Tower to Westminster, dressed in a jacket, after the German fashion,
of cloth of gold, mounted on a white courser (Kervyn 14. 226). For
cloth of gold, see Wylie i. 310; 2. 287, note 8; 3. 77, note 10, 247, 391;
4. 213. For gold Cyprus cloth, see Wylie 2. 423, 436, 444; 4. 161, 163,
168, 173, 174 (over $2000 in 1397 for a jacket of velvet, with Cyprus
gold, embroidered with forget-me-nots)., 175, 197, 213 (tent, in 1409,
covered with gold Cyprus cloth), 215 (beds of), 221, 226, 239, 240; in
May, 1390, Henry had a gown of gold Cyprus made {D. A., p. xxxv).
The horse-bier which conveyed Henry's body to Canterbury in 1413 was
covered with cloth of gold (Wylie 4. 113).

The Earl of Derby's Return to London in i^p^ 169

His cote-armure^ was of cloth of Tars,'

Couched with perles^ whyte, and rounde, and grete.

His sadel* was of brend^ gold newe ybete®;

^ Henry was fond of having his arms displayed on his travels. 'Con-
siderable sums [were] paid for tables and scutcheons of Derby's heraldic
arms, both on wood and paper, and for painting them. Lancaster
Herald painted these arms at Prague, and again at Vienna, and much
care seems to have been taken by the heralds to have these insignia
always painted or hung in the lord's hall or room wherever he made
a stay of any length' (D. A., p. Ivii, and index, p. ZZA, s. v. Arms in
heraldry). 'He had eight tablets {tahulce) painted with his arms and
those of his knights and squires, and hung up in St. Mark's Church'
(Wylie 4. 108, note), and a picture of the same for the church of
St. George {D. A. 234. 24; cf. WyHe 4. 129, note 2). He would therefore
not be likely to neglect his 'cote armure' ; indeed he may have had his
arms repeated on the caparisons of his horse, and elsewhere about his
person, somewhat as represented in the picture of Sir Geoflfrey Louterell
(Coulton, opp. p. 194; cf. Encyc. Brit., nth ed., 13. 312). As his arms
included the leopards (see p. 174, note i) of the English shield, Henry
would ride forth somewhat like Guillaume de Lorris' god of love
(Chaucer, R. R. 893-4), painted

with losenges and scochouns,
With briddes, libardes, and lyouns.

When he wore his helmet, it would probably be with a plume of ostrich
feathers, since his badge was two ostrich feathers Argent (Beltz, p. 242),
and in 1393-4 he had his goldsmith make him two bushes for his helmet
for the jousts at Hertford (Christmas) and at Westminster (Wylie
4, 164; cf. 4. 161). Even in Lithuania the guests of the Teutonic Order
sometimes wore such plumes in their helmets {Jour. Eng. and Germ.
Phil 14. 382).

Froissart (Kervyn 7. 454) describes how the 'cotte d'armure' of Sir
John Chandos led to his death in 1369 (tr. Johnes) : 'He . . . was
dressed in a large robe which fell to the ground, blazoned with his arms
on white sarcenet, argent, a pile gules, one on his breast, and the other
on his back, . . . As he marched, he entangled his legs with his
robe, which was of the longest, and made a stumble,' etc. Cf . Ramsay 2. 4.

' Otherwise known as Tartarin. The New Eng. Diet, defines it as 'a
rich stuff, apparently of silk, imported from the East, probably from
China through Tartary.' It was of various colors — white, scarlet, blue,
green (see Wylie's index, s. v. Tartryn, 4. 364). About 1410, Henry
had four coats of arms made of satin and Tartarin (Wylie 4. 226).

^For Wylie's index, s. v. Pearls, see 4. 513.

*In 1391-2 Henry had a jeweled saddle (Wylie 4. 161); in 1395 one
covered with red velvet (4. 169) ; in 1399-1400 one with green velvet
and ivory carvings (4. 197) ; four saddles with velvet, garnished with
gold cloth of Venice and fringe of silk and gold (4. 200) ; eight saddles

lyo Chaucer and Henry, Earl of Derby

A mantelet^ upon his shuldre hanginge,
Bretful of rubies" rede, as fyr sparklinge.
His crispe heer lyk ringes^ was yronne,
And that was yelow/ and glitered as the sonne.
His nose was heigh/ his eyen bright citryn,
His lippes rounde, his colour was sangwyn,"
A fewe fraknes^ in his face yspreynd,
Betwixen yelow and somdel blak ymeynd,
And as a leoun he his loking caste.
Of fyve and twenty yeer^ his age I caste ;
His herd was wel bigonne for to springe.
His voys was as a trompe thunderinge.
Upon his heed he wered of laurer' grene
A gerland^" fresh and kisty for to sene.
Upon his hand he bar, for his deduyt,

with gold harness (4. 240) ; in 1403, palfrey-saddles with gilded harness
(4. 222; cf. 2. 438).

^ Burnished, brilliant ; or, perhaps, refined by fire.

' Overlaid, inlaid, embossed, damascened, or embroidered (New. Eng.
Diet).

^ Short mantle. In 1391-2 Henry had one of white cloth for Christmas
(Wylie 4. 160; cf. 4. 162). Sixteen yards of white velvet are bought
in 1391-2 for such a mantlet for Henry and his knights (D. A. 282. 13;
cf. 234. 3). In 1520, at the Field of the Cloth of Gold, Francis I wore,
over a short cassock of gold frieze, a mantle of cloth of gold covered
with jewels — diamonds, rubies, emeralds, and large, loose-hanging pearls
(Brewer, Reign of Henry VlII i. 353).

^ See Wylie's index, 4. 529; and s. v. Balais, 4. 334.

^In the Frampton illumination, which has some 'claims to genuine
portraiture' (Wylie 4. 121), Henry's 'hair is long and flowing.' Doyle
gives a picture from MS. Harl. 1819 {Peerage 2. 316).

* See above, p. 167.

^When Henry's tomb was opened in 1831 (Ramsay, Lancaster and
York I. 142), his nose was found to be 'elevated, with even the cartilage
remaining' (Wylie 4. 125).

^See above, p. 167.

^ See above, p. 167,

* See above, p. 166.

*In 1395 Gilbert Prince made for Henry a golden fillet with golden
laurel-leaves, the leaves being made of gilded parchment. This was for
a Tournament of Peace (Wylie 4. 170).

"'In March, 1393, Henry bought at Venice a chaplet, or jeweled circlet,
for $41 {D. A. 284. 8), and in 1400 had a chaplet with gold fretwork
(Wylie 4. 196). Perhaps it was worn over a helmet, as in the effigies
of Sir Hugh Calverley and the Black Prince (see Stothard, Monumental
Effigies, pp. 77, 79).

The Earl of Derby's Return to London in /jpj 171

An egle^ tame, as eny lilie whyt. ' ^^

^ Though the eagle is sometimes to be found in pieces of goldsmith's
work and embroidery done for Henry (Wylie 3. 103; 4. 162, 170, 195),
and though he had an eagle on a seal which he sometimes used (4. 191),
there seems to be no proof that he ever possessed a living specimen.
Besides, since white eagles are not known, notwithstanding T. and C.
2. gf26 (in a dream), and since Chaucer uses 'eagle' as a generic term
{Pari. F. 332 ff., 450; cf. 330, 373, 393, etc.), covering the goshawk,
the falcon, the sparrow-hawk, and the merlin, it is almost certainly the
falcon that is here meant.

The gentil faucon, that with his feet distreyneth
The kinges hond.

Henry brought home a number of falcons from each of his longer
journeyings (D. A., pp. xxxiv, Ixv, and indexes s. vv. Falcons and
Hawks, pp. 340, 343). Some he received as presents from the Grand
Master and the Marshal of the Teutonic Order, and from two other
Prussians, the servants who bore them being rewarded with $50 each
on two occasions, and with $100 on another {D. A. 107. 11; 108. 30;
III. 10). These latter must have been especially fine, not merely to
call for such sums as rewards to the bearers, but also because the Order
had a special school for falcons at Marienburg (Pederzani-Weber, Die
Marienburg, p. 63), from which they sent choice specimens to their
patrons in various countries, and among others to Richard H (Pauli,
Pictures of Old England, p. 132). Margaret, Queen of Denmark,
had sent tame gerfalcons to the Grand Master in 1389 (Voigt 5. 531),
and similar presents came to him from other princes (Voigt 5. 552).
On the other hand, in 1407 falcons were given by him to the King of
France, the Dukes of Gueldres, Holland, Saxony, etc. (Voigt 6. 404).
Those given to Henry might well include a white gerfalcon.

Of this there are two nearly allied species, the Iceland falcon (Falco
islandus) and the Greenland falcon (F. candicans), the second being
whiter than the first. These falcons have inconspicuous dark markings
on the head and back, but are so nearly white as often to escape detec-
tion when sitting on the snow, with their pure white breasts turned
toward the intruder (Knowlton and Ridgway, Birds of the World, p. 312;
Newton, Diet, of Birds, p. 237 ; Camb. Nat. Hist. 9. 180. In the A-version
of Guy of Warwick, ca. 1330-1340 (1. 823), a gerfalcon is called
milk-white).

The poet's reason for representing the gerfalcon as an eagle may
become clearer in the light of the fact that Henry, 'whom all the londe
loved in lengthe and brede' (Richard the Redeles, ed. Skeat, Prol. 9),
is figured in the last-named poem as an eagle (cf. Wylie i. 19; Pol.
Poems and Songs, ed. Wright, i. 364, 365, 368; Ganvowe, Cuckoo and
Nightingale 276), also called falcon (eagle, 2. 9, 145, 176, 190; 3- 69,
74, 91; falcon, 2. 157, 160, 166; 3. 87, 107). The canopy over Henry's
tomb in Canterbury Cathedral is adorned with crowned eagles (Stothard,

172 Chaucer and Henry, Earl of Derby

An hundred lord^es^ hadde he with him there,

Monumental Effigies, p. 82), Perhaps Chaucer was alluding to Henry's
foreshadowed kingship in thus endowing him, as 'king of Inde', with the
falcon (according to Juliana Berners, the gerfalcon belongs to a king).

How Henry prized an exceptional falcon is shown by the fact that he
paid on occasion for a single one $250 (in 1387; Wylie 4. 158), $375
(in 1393; 4. I79)j and even (for a sparrow-hawk) $1200 (4. 433); at
Milan {D. A. 287. 10) he buys a great glove for the falcon {le fawcon).
Froissart represents him as feeding a falcon at a critical moment (Kervyn
16. 232). In 1402 his son John is the king's master oi the falcons
(Wylie 4. 222), and in 1408 is master falconer of England (4. 209, cf.
210). Falcons, like eagles, appear in his goldsmith's work (3. 103),
especially a white falcon on a green ground (4. 194), six white faucons
d'or (4. 196), and a falcon of silver (ib.).

The falcon was an occasional badge of Edward HI (Richard the
Redeles, notes on 2. 9, 157; Palliser, Historic Devices, pp. 361, 371), as
was also the eagle (Wright, op. cit. i. 41, 46), and is associated with him
in the following lines (85-98) from Wynnere and Wastoure (1347-8) :
And als I waytted withinn I was warre sone
Of a comliche kynge crowned with golde,
Sett one a silken bynche with septure in honde.
One of the lovelyeste ledis — whoso loveth hym in hert —
That ever segge under sonn sawe with his eghne.
This kynge was comliche clade in kirtill and mantill —
Bery brown was his berde — brouderde with fewlys
(Ffawkons of fyne go[l]de fiakerande with wynges;
And ichone bare in ble blewe, als me thoghte,
A grete gartare of ynde), girde in the myddes.
Ffull gayly was that grete lorde girde in the myddis :
A brighte belte of ble broudride with fewles,
With drakes and with dukkes — daderande tham semede
Ffor ferdnes of fawcons fete, lesse fawked thay were.
From Edward it seems to have passed to John of Gaunt, in whose privy
seal, as used before 1371, two falcons appear as supporters (Armitage-
Smith, p. 456). Perhaps in rivalry with John of Gaunt or Henry, it
was also used by Richard H toward the end of his life, notably at the
abortive Windsor tournament of 1399 (Kervyn 16. 151; Ramsay 2. 348;
Richard the Redeles, end of note on 2. 2). It may be noted as a curiosity
that Lionel, Duke of Qarence (cf. pp. 179 ff.) bequeathed by will a
war-horse called Gerfalcon.
As Troilus escorted Criseyde toward the Greek camp (5. 65-6),
With hauke on bond, and with an huge route
Of knightes,
so Henry rides forth here.

' A poetical round number. Henry had been traveling with seven
knights, ten esquires, two heralds, and some twenty-five to thirty valets

The Earl of Derby's Return to London in ijpj 173

Al armed, sauf hir heddes, in al hir gere,
Ful richely^ in alle maner thinges;
For trusteth wel that dukes, erles, kinges,^
Were gadered in this noble companye,
For love, and for encrees of chivalrye.

and servants {D. A., pp. liii-liv). From the accounts covering the early
days of July, we are led to infer a considerable retinue. Thus there
appear to have been bought, for July 2, 3, and 4, seventeen bushels of
oats, which, if we allow six quarts a day to each horse, would provide
for thirty horses three days; what proportion of this, if any, was used
for sumpters, we can hardly say. At Rochester, on July 2, there were
purchased: white bread for over $13; wine for nearly $60 (say 15
gallons); beer, 18 gallons; salt for $1.25. The very next day were pur-
chased: white bread for nearly $17; wine, over 30 gallons; beer, 23
gallons ; to say nothing of three whole sheep, etc. How many men,
on the basis of the Rochester purchases, will drink 60 quarts of wine
and 72 quarts of beer in one day? MisS Bateson speaks of a quart of
each per head daily at a somewhat earlier date (Mediaeval England, p. 314).
The number of this retinue of course affected the speed of Henry's
movements. Lucy Toulmin Smith says of the journey from Canterbury
to London (D. A., p. Ixxi) : This was slow traveling for a man who
was accustomed to move rapidly, but it was perhaps a stately progress
and welcome home to the popular young earl after the long and difficult
pilgrimage.' In general, according to the same authority (p. Ixxxiii),
'he moved along with considerable retinue and state', for (p. Ixxx) 'he
was one of the most important princes in England, moving among the
flower of knighthood of his time, at home and abroad,' (ib.) 'grandson
of Edward HI,' (ib.) 'heir to the great wealth of his maternal grand-
father, Henry, the first Duke of Lancaster,' (p. Ixxxi) 'able to command
a large following of knights and gentlemen.' That he might have traveled
more rapidly is clear, since in 141 5 Henry V journeyed by the following
stages: London (July 30), Dartford (31), Rochester (31), Canterbury
(Aug. i), returning thus: Canterbury (Aug. 2), Sittingbourne (2),
Rochester (2), Dartford (3), London (3) ; so Wylie, Reign of Henry
the Fifth, p. 95, who remarks that this proves conclusively 'that in the
summer, at any rate, the pilgrimage could be managed in two days and
one night on the road.' King John of France, in 1357, took a day for
each of these stages — Canterbury to Rochester, Rochester to Dartford,
Dartford to London (Kervyn 6. 18). Cf. p. 166, note 3; Tatlock, 'The
Duration of the Canterbury Pilgrimage' (Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. 21
(1906). 478-485).
^ In T. and C. 2, 625, Troilus was

Al armed, save his heed, ful richely.
" Poetically raised from the knights and squires who actually accom-
panied him.

..1

174 Chaucer and Henry, Earl of Derby

Aboute this king ther ran on every part
Ful many a tame leoim and lepart/

^ Henry had brought with him a leopard ('ounce or chetah', Wylie
4. 108, note) from the East, perhaps from Cyprus (D. A., p. Ixv.).

His arms were (Beltz, p. 22^2): 'France and England* quarterly, over
all a label of five points Azure, each point charged with three fleurs-de-
lis'; otherwise described (Harris Nicolas, Scrope and Grosvenor Con-
troversy 2. 166) as being, in 1386, 'Gules, three lions passant gardant
in pale Or, a label Azure, charged with fleurs de lis Or' (cf. Armitage-
Smith, p. 458; Archceol. 31. 365; Doyle, Peerage 2. 317; Wylie 4. 170).
Richard the Lion-hearted had borne three leopards in his shield {Encyc.
Brit., nth ed., 13. 312; Palliser, Hist. Devices, p. 358), which afterwards
took their place in the arms of England, the lions passant gardant of
England being blazoned as leopards (through confusion) until far into the
fifteenth century {Standard Diet. s. v. Leopard; cf, Encyc. Brit., nth ed.,
13- 325).

The leopard, if we may judge from the poem Wynnere and Wastoure
(ca. 1347-8), which refers to the Order of the Garter, was peculiarly
associated with Edward HI, for not only does he bear (76-80) leopards
in the arms of England on his gorget (?), but also a golden leopard
on his helmet (70-75) :

Upon heghe one the holt ane hathell up stondes,

Wroghte als a wodwyse alle in wrethyn lokkes,

With ane helme one his hede — ane hatte appon lof te ;

And one heghe one the hatte ane hattfull beste —

A lighte lebarde and a longe, lokande full kene,

Yarked alle of yalowe golde in full yape wyse.

It may be significant that Edward HI had a present of a lion and a

leopard from the Black Prince, who sent them from Gascony in 1365

(Devon, Issues of the Exchequer, p. 184), the leopard perhaps a tame

one, such as were employed in southern Europe in the chase of bears,

wolves, and wild boars (Kervyn 1/ 326). The Black Prince speaks in

his will of his leopard-helm (heaume du leopard; cf. Stanley, Hist. Mem. of

Canterbury, loth ed., pp. 154, 169) ; and gilt leopards' heads, on a blue

enameled ground, occur on the girdle of his effigy, while another adorns

the pommel of his sword (Stothard, Mon. Effigies).

It is not surprising, in the light of these traditions of the royal line
to which he belonged, that Henry was eager to bring home from the
hither Orient a specimen of the royal beast. He may also, as Miss Smith
suggests (D. A., p. Ixv), have wished to add a leopard to the collection
of wild beasts already kept in the Tower since the days of Henry I
(cf. Kirk, p. xiv; Loftie, Hist, of London, 1853, 2. 146), besides thinking
of the leopard's symbolical significance.

Henry's leopard had to have a special keeper {D. A. 246. 20, 25, 31 ;
even leopard-m^n are spoken of, 247. 15), and horses to draw them both
(251. 22; 252. 20; 253. I ; 255. 34; 256. 14). A cabin had to be made for

Chaucer and Henry's Relatives 175

2. CHAUCER AND HENRY'S RELATIVES

Thus accoutred, and thus accompanied, Earl Henry, on Satur-
day, the 5th of July, 1393, rode past Greenwich, where Chaucer
had probably .resided since 1385,^ with practically no public
employment since 1391." Here, as Legouis says^ : 'He had
had many opportunities of watching those motley cavalcades
[of Canterbury pilgrims] go by. . . . He had only to describe
these pilgrims, each with the appurtenances of his rank and his
individual traits.'

That Chaucer was delighted to see Henry in his state, both
because of the poet's relations to various members of Derby's
family, and because of his attitude toward the earl himself,
there can be little doubt. Taking first the older members of the
latter's family, we may consider his grandfathers :

(i) Edzvard III. Chaucer was attached to the king's army
for the invasion of France in 1359, and the king contributed

him on the galley which brought him to Venice (229. 3), and a mat
bought for him at Treviso (240. 15). He consumed six sheep in about
a month (231. 10, 13, 19; 232. 9; cf. 229. 3, 29; 230. 18; also 233. 18;
235. 8); but also required oil (245. 25), oil and spices (258. i), spices,
$50 worth (229, 5), and spices and unguents (246. 23) — even, on one
occasion, but where we do not know, wax candles (163. 8), the Latin
entry being: 'Clerico speciarie per manus custodis leopardi pro candelis
cereis emptis pro leopardo, iiij d. ob.' [4 1/2 d.]. Just when it was
necessary to obtain a parcel from the apothecary for him (Wyhe 4. 170)
is not known (1393 or 1394), but Wylie assigns it to 1394 (4. 108, note).

Henry's interest in leopards is indicated in many ways. When king,
he had a keeper of his lions and leopards (Wylie i. 61). In 1393 or
1394, after his return from the Holy Land, his harness-maker seems to
have made him a seat for the leopard's saddle (sege p. sell' leopardi,
Wylie 4. 164). As early as 1381-2, he has a satin cloak charged
(embroidered?) with gold leopards; in 1401 he has a silver boat,
called an almsdish, with a leopard standing on the stem; and in 1406
a similar one embossed with seven leopards. It may be added that
Henry V's herald, named from his master's coat, was Leopard Herald
(Encyc. Brit., nth ed., 13. 325).

^Tatlock, pp. 138 ff. ; Skeat i. xxxv-xlii (§§26, 30, 32), and one-volume
ed., p. xiii; Kirk, p. xxxiii; Legouis, pp. 15, 142-3; Chaucer, Envoy to
Scogan 45.

^His duties as joint forester of North Petherton Park (Skeat i. xl)
can scarcely have occupied much of his time.

'Legouis, p. 143; cf. Skeat i. xlii, and one-volume ed., p. xiii;
Tatlock, p. 141.

176 Chaucer and Henry, Earl of Derby

$1200 toward his ransom, which was effected on March i, 1360.^
Qiaucer's wife, PhiUppa Chaucer, was 'doubtless named'^ after
Edward's queen. By 'themperour Octovien' (Bk. Duck. 368^;
cf. 1314) Chaucer is understood to mean Edward.

In 1367 Chaucer was appointed valet, and in 1372 esquire, of
the king's household; in 1372 he was a commissioner to treat
with Genoa; in 1374 the king made him a grant of a pitcher
of wine^ daily,^ and apix)inted him comptroller of the customs
and subsidy of wools, etc. ; from 1375-7 ^e was 'pampered by
Edward III.'^ Add that his father, John Chaucer, was in
attendance on the king in an expedition to Flanders in 1338,^
and was deputy to the king's butler in tlie port of Southampton
in 1349.^ Besides, Chaucer may possibly have alluded to the
battle of Sluys (1340), one of the most memorable in the naval
history of England, in the lines (Prol. 399-400) :

If that he f aught, and hadde the hyer hond,
By water he sente hem hoom to every lond,

for, in his account of this battle, so glorious for Edward, Minot
(ed. Hall 5. 44-46) says of the English :

Few of the Normandes left thai olive,
Fone left thai olive, but did tham to lepe ;
Men may find by the fiode a C on hepe.'

(2) Henry, Duke of Lancaster ( ?I299-I36i). In the year
before Henry's death, Chaucer had served in the French cam-

^ Skeat I. xix; Emerson 3. 328, 355; Legouis, p. 6.

* Skeat I. XX.

' Cf. Skeat's note, and see Emerson, p. 330, note 34.

*2y^ quarts.

''The average price from Oct. 27, 1376, to June 21, 1377, was 7.217s
pence = $2.25 ; thereafter, at 20 marks the year, S.767 pence = $2,75.

® Legouis, p. 13.

^ Skeat I. XV.

*Kirk 4. xi, 145; Coulton, p. 13.

•Cf. Minot 5. 55-7, and Hall's note on 5. 45-6; Chaucer, L. G. W.
644. For the battle of Espagnols-sur-Mer (1350), see Nicolas, Hist.
Royal Navy, 1847, 2. 108, where we are told of a Spanish vessel which
had engaged that of the Prince of Wales, that as soon as the former
surrendered, through the help of the Earl of Lancaster, whose men
shouted, 'Derby to the rescue!' 'the whole of her crew, according to
the barbarous custom of the age, were thrown overboard, "not one being
taken to mercy." '

Chaucer and Henry's Relatives 177

paign, where Henry had commanded one division (Edward III
and the Black Prince being at the head of the two others), and
had probably seen him more than once.^ The immense reputa-
tion of Henry must have impressed Chaucer's imagination,^ and
the impression was surely deepened by Chaucer's late relation to
Henry's daughter, Blanche, and her husband, John of Gaunt.

We may next pass to a consideration of the Earl of Derby's
father and uncles, and, first, of his father :

(3) John of Gaunt. According to Armitage-Smith^ : 'Far
more important than his early apprenticeship in the trade of war
was Richmond's first meeting with one who was to be through
life his friend and intimate, Geoffrey Chaucer. It was at
Christmas, 1357, that John of Gaunt and Chaucer first came to
know each other. Before this the poet may have come under
his notice in the King's household, but at the Christmas feast
of 1357 they met in a more intimate manner, for both were
staying at Hatfield in Yorkshire with Lionel, now Earl of Ulster
in the right of his wife, Elizabeth de Burgh. Upon Chaucer's
fortunes this meeting had a lasting effect, for the friendship of
John of Gaunt secured to him the favour of the Court so -long
as his patron lived, and after his death the protection of the
new dynasty.' In 1359 John married Blanche, who was to be
celebrated in Chaucer's Book of the Duchess."^ At the end of the
same year, or the beginning of the next, John of Gaunt 'had
taken his share of the skirmishes and raids on the march — at
Rethel, where his friend Geoffrey Chaucer was captured,' etc.^

Perhaps in 1369 or 1370, Chaucer had written the Book of the
Duchess, 'a tribute alike to the chivalrous love of John of Gaunt
for Blanche and to the affection of the poet for his earliest
patroness.'*^

^ Emerson 3. 342, 355, 359.

^ See p. 184.

"Pp. lo-ii; cf. Life Records III, p. 99.

* Emerson thinks Chaucer was present at the wedding (3. 325, note 14) .

■* Armitage-Smith, p. 18;. cf. Emerson, p. 340.

"Armitage-Smith, p. 76. Though John was afterwards twice married,
gratitude to the memory of his first wife never failed: so long as he
lived, the rites due to religion and affection were observed, and in his
will the Duke's first injunction is that he shall be laid by her side'
(Armitage-Smith, p. yy).

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XX. 13 1916

178 Chaucer and Henry, Earl of Derby

On June 13, 1374, John of Gaunt grants Chaucer $750 a year
for Hfe, for his own and his wife's services/ as on Aug. 30,
1372, he had granted the same sum to Philippa Chaucer, the wife,
for the services that she had done and was to do to his wife
Constance.^ It should not be forgotten that Phihppa was
probably the sister of John's third wife, Katharine Swynford,^
so that, through this connection, Chaucer's (probable) son,
Thomas Chaucer, could be called cousin by Henry Beaufort
(?I375-I477), John of Gaunt's second son by Katharine Swyn-
ford,* and Chaucer's great-great-grandson was at one time heir-
apparent to the throne of England.^

About 1379 may perhaps be dated Chaucer's Complaint of
Mars, made, according to Shirley, at the command of John of
Gaunt.® Whatever their intimacy may or may not have been in
the later years of Chaucer's life, Coulton is justified in speaking
of John of Gaunt as Chaucer's best patron,^ and Armitage-Smith
in saying: 'Posterity has never forgotten the debt owed by
Chaucer and English literature to the Duke of Lancaster.'^

(4) Edward, the Black Prince (1330-1376). In the French
campaign of 1359-60, Chaucer was in the division of the army
led by the Prince of Wales.®

^ Kirk, p. 192.

*Kirk, p. 181 (cf. the king's annuity in 1366, p. 158).

'Skeat, p. li; Kirk, pp. xvi-xix, li-lvii, 334; Coulton, pp. 30-31;
Armitage-Smith, pp. 389 ff., 451, 461-3; Wylie 3. 258-264; Stow, Annales,
1580, p. 548; 1592, p. 517; 1600, p. 527; Hammond, pp. 22 ff., 47-8;
Kittredge, in Mod. Phil. i. 5; Nicolas, in Aldine Chaucer (1880), pp.
44-50, 86-92, 1 13-4.

*Kirk, pp. lii, 334; Armitage-Smith, p. 389; Wylie 4. 313-4; Diet. Nat.
Biog. 46, 55.

"Thomas had (i) daughter, Alice, who had (2) son, John de la Pole,
Duke of Suffolk, who had (3) son, John de la Pole, Earl of Lincoln
(?I464-I487), chosen by Richard III as heir, and slain in battle against
Henry VH (Coulton, p. 73). Alice was a lady of the Garter in 1432
(Diet. Nat. Biog. 46. 55; Eneye. Brit., nth ed., 15. 857).

" Hammond, p. 384.

^P. 67.

^P. 413. — It is interesting, though not pertinent to this discussion, to
know that a lineal descendant of the duke, through Prince Henry the
Navigator, died in 1898, after being for twenty-five years the husband
of an English wife; he was Antonio Manuelo Saldanha, Count of
Lancastre or Alencastre (Countess of Cardigan, My Reeollcetions, p. 160).

° Emerson, p. 337.

Chaucer and Henry's Relatives 179

(5) Lionel, Duke of Clarence (1338-1368). Among the
accounts of Lionel's wife, there are entries of the purchase of
clothing for Chaucer, under April 4, 1357; of a payment to
him May 20; and of a provision of Christmas necessaries for
him Dec. 20, showing that Chaucer was then in the employ of
Lionel.^ In 1359 he must have been serving under Lionel,^ who
was attached to the division of the Black Prince. Toward the
end of 1360 he was dispatched by Lionel from Calais to Eng-
land as a bearer of letters.^ Here ends our direct information
with respect to Chaucer's connection with Lionel.* Kirk says
(p. xv) : 'Of Chaucer's life between 1360 and 1366 we have
absolutely no information, but it seems quite certain that he was
in the King's service during the greater part of that period, as
he received an annuity from the King at the end of it.'^ As a
matter of fact, the next appearance of Chaucer's name is on
June 20, 1367, when King Edward grants an annuity of twenty
marks to Chaucer, 'pro bono servicio quod dilectus vallectus
noster Galfridus Chaucer nobis impendit et impendet infuturum.'
If Chaucer had been in the king's service between 1360 and 1367,
as Kirk suggests,^ and yet there is no mention of him as in per-
sonal attendance upon the king, where had these services been
performed? The answer is almost ludicrously easy, though
it rests upon a conjecture. In September,^ 1361, Prince Lionel
had gone over to Ireland as viceroy, accompanied by his wife,

^Kirk, pp. xiii-xiv, 152-3; Bond, in Life-Records III, pp, 98 ff.

' Skeat I. xviii ; Ramsay i. 435 ; Emerson, p. 337.

'Emerson, pp. 358, 361.

* Skeat says (i. xx) : 'On July i, 1361, Prince Lionel was appointed
lieutenant of Ireland. ... It does not appear that Chaucer remained
in his service much longer; for he must have been attached to the royal
household not long after the return of the English army from France.*

^ Cf. Lounsbury i. 59: 'Between 1360 and 1367 lies an exasperating
blank in the poet's life. Not the slightest suggestion as to what was
his occupation during that time can be derived from any quarter, beyond
the inference that may be drawn from the language used in the subsequent
gift of a pension, that he was employed in the king's service. But even
of the nature of this service, and where it kept him, or whither it took
him, we have nowhere the least inkling, when we have gone so far as
to assume its reality.'

" Cf . Lounsbury, above.

^ He arrived Sept. 15 {Annals of Ireland, in Chartularies of St. Mary's
Abbey, Dublin, ed. Gilbert, 2. 395).

i8o Chaucer and Henry, Earl of Derby

Elizabeth, and with an army commanded, under him, by the
Earl of Stafford,^ Edward III having written : 'Our Irish domin-
ions have been reduced to such utter devastation, ruin, and
misery, that they may be totally lost if our subjects there are
not immediately succored.'- In November, 1366, he returned,^
the crowning act of his viceroyalty having been the holding of
the Parliament of Kilkenny on Feb. 18 of that year,* the statute
of which was long regarded as a masterpiece of colonial legis-
lation.^ Now it is significant that on June 20, 1367, Chaucer
received his annuity from the king. What more likely, then,
than that he, whom Lionel had entrusted with dispatches for
England a few months before the latter's departure for Ireland,
should have been retained by his master during his residence
in Ireland, and that the services performed there should have
warranted recognition by the king on his return?^ This con-
jecture is corroborated by the proof, adduced by Sypherd,"^ that
Chaucer, when, in his House of Fame,^ he described a house of

^ Gilbert, p. 217 ; cf. Beltz, pp. ZZ-?)^- His chief officers were James,
Earl of Ormonde, Sir John Carew, and Sir William de Windsor, whom
Lionel left behind to represent him in 1366, and who married Alice
Ferrers in 1376.

^ For a picture of warfare in Ireland at that time, see Kervyn 15. 167 ff. ;
Gilbert, pp. 221-4.

^ Eul. Hist. 3. 241 ; cf . Cal. Pat. Rolls for Oct. 26, 1366.

* Statutes and Ordinances, and Acts of the Parliament of Ireland,
ed. Berry, i. 430.

' Ramsay i. 488.

®If this be granted, there will result a curious parallel between the
sojourns of Chaucer and Spenser in Ireland. The later poet, Chaucer's
immediate successor in greatness, his disciple, and, so to say, his grave-
neighbor in Westminster Abbey, was, like him, a coiirtier, a bearer of
dispatches (as early as 1579, and perhaps in 1577; see Diet. Nat. Biog.
53- 3^7), and finally, by 1580, when he was about 28, an attendant upon
the Lord Deputy to Ireland, during his stay in which he met and married
his wife, and where he obtained material for his poetry.

''Studies in Chaucer's House of Fame, pp. 140-2, 151-4.

'i936ff.:

And al this hous, of whiche I rede,
Was made of twigges, falwe, rede,
And grene eek, and som weren whyte,
Swiche as men to these cages thwyte,
Or maken of these paniers.
Or elles hottes or dossers.

Chaucer and Henry's Relatives i8i

twigs, had in mind the wicker dwelHngs made by the Irish of that
period, though Sypherd himself does not draw the obvious infer-
ence/ Even Kittredge, who first directed Sypherd's attention to
the Irish wicker houses,^ still has no explanation, as late as the
present year [1915], except the following^: 'Chaucer's erst-
while master, Prince Lionel, had lived in Ireland, and Chaucer
knew scores of Englishmen who were familiar with Irish life.'*

^He says (p. 153) : The evidence that has been presented shows the
entire likelihood that the Irish wicker-houses were known in England.
We may be sure that Chaucer would have been one of the first to hear
about such interesting things. His connection with the household of
Lionel must not be forgotten. Prince Lionel stayed in Ireland long
enough to learn much of the social conditions of the people, and on his
return must have told many tales of that wild country. Through him
or through some of his followers, Chaucer, though not then in his
service [italics mine], may have heard of these wicker-houses/

" Sypherd, p. 141, note i.

^ Chaucer and his Poetry, p. 104.

*If Chaucer were still regarded as the author of Fragment B of the
Romance of the Rose, another confirmation of our theory might be
found in lines 3809-14:

He was so ful of cursed rage;

It sat him wel of his linage.

For him an Irish womman bar.

His tunge was fyled sharp, and squar,

Poignaunt and right kerving,

And wonder bitter in speking.

Here lines 3811-12 correspond to these in Old French, as quoted by
Godefroy (4. 461) under Herese, erese, irese, iresse:
II fu fiuz [var. fiz] d'une vielle [zar.

vieille] irese {var. iresse].
Si ot [var. out] la geule [var. langue] molt
[var. moult] punese [var. perverse].

The lines corresponding to the English passage are, in Michel's edition
(4126-9) :

Qu'il fu filz d'une vielle Irese,

Si ot la langue moult punese,

Et moult poignant, et moult amere ;

Bien en retraioit a sa mere.

Godefroy explains ires{s)e as a noun masc. and fem., meaning 'heretic*,
while Michel (and Skeat follows him) renders the word by Irlandaise,'
and Meon translates it by 'full of ire.' Chaucer, at least in later years,
would have understood the word, for in the Legend of Good Women
255-6: 329-330) he uses the corresponding abstract noun:

t82 Chaucer and Henry, Earl of Derby

If, then, we may assume that Chaucer was with Lionel in
Ireland during the whole or part of the period 1361-6, this would
render probable Chaucer's journey with him to Milan in 1368,
when the prince went to marry the daughter of Galeazzo 11.^
Already in 1598 Speght had said: 'Some write that he with
Petrarke was present at the marriage of Lionell Duke of
Clarence with Violant daughter of Galeasius Duke of Millaine:
Yet Paulus louius nameth not Chaucer, but Petrarke he saith,
was there. And yet it may well be/^ Skeat combats this, on
the ground that Chaucer received his pension on May 25 of
that year.^ This, however, has been proved a mistake. The
payment was indeed made on May 25, but not into Chaucer's
own hands, as the receipts commonly run.* As Lionel, on cross-
ing the Channel in April, 1368 (before the i6th, on which day
he entered Paris), had a retinue of 457 men, what more natural
than that Chaucer, if he had been in his service so long, and
had deserved recognition of his faithfulness at the hands of
the king, should have been included in the number?^

The arguments in favor of Chaucer's attendance upon Lionel
are briefly these :

( 1 ) Chauce^-'s apparently recent membership in Lionel's suite.

(2) The union with Violante was planned for before Lionel
left Ireland, since on July 30, 1366, Humphrey de Bohun, Earl

Thou hast translated the Romance of the Rose,
That is an heresie ageyns my lawe.

Hence it would seem to follow that, as the translator made a wrong
rendering of irese, he must either have been some one else than Chaucer,
or Chaucer before he was thoroughly acquainted with French, or
Chaucer going out of his way to reflect upon the Irish character.

^ Bond favored this view in 1866 (Life-Records III, p. 103) ; Furnivall
saw 'no good outward reason' against it in 1875 (see note 4, below) ; and
Lounsbury (i. 157), following Bond, remarks: 'It might almost be said
that the discovery of Chaucer's previous connection with the household
of Prince Lionel lends an air of probability to the statement.*

' Hammond, pp. 26-27.

^ I. xxiii; cf. Lounsbury i. 156-7; Kirk, p. xv.

* Chaucer Society, Ser. 2, No. 10 (1875), p. 150 (Furnivall) ; AthencBum,
Sept. 17-Nov. 26, 1898; M. L. N. II. 210; 12. I (Mather).

"The notary who drew and sealed Lionel's will on Oct. 3, 1368, must
have accompanied him from Ireland, since he was a clerk of the diocese
of Meath (clericus Miden' dioc') ; cf. Nichols, Wills of the Kings and
Queens of England, p. 90.

Chaucer and Henry's Relatives 183

of Hereford (1341-1373), whose daughter was to become the
wife of Henry IV, was commissioned to negotiate for the mar-
riage (Rymer), and on Jan. 19, 1367, the first draft of the
marriage-contract was signed by Violante's father, Galeazzo
(Rymer). Hence Lionel may well have been planning ahead
for his trusted attendants.

(3) There is no evidence that Chaucer received his pension
with his own hands on May 25, 1368 (see p. 182).

(4) In 1372 Chaucer was sent to Italy as an envoy to treat
with Genoa/ suggesting some special knowledge or ability on
his part.

(5) Chaucer was absent from London between May 28 and
Sept. 19, 1378, in the retinue of Sir Edward Berkeley, sent by
Richard II to negotiate with Bernabo Visconti and the English
condottiere, John Hawkwood. As both of the latter were
present to greet Lionel in 1368, we may discover in this some
reason for Chaucer's being selected for the later mission, if he
had seen them ten years before. And if Tatlock^ is right in
assuming that the mission of 1378 may have related in part to
negotiations for a marriage between Richard and Bernabo's
daughter, Caterina, this fact would tend to the same conclu-
sion. As Chaucer may have been chosen to membership in this
matrimonial commission partly because he had recently been
employed upon similar business in France,^ so he may have been
selected for an embassy to the court of Milan in part because
he was already acquainted with conditions and personages there.

(6) Froissart was certainly in Lionel's company on the
journey. In his Prison Amour e lis e,'^ dating from 1371, he
describes as an eye-witness the reception of Lionel in Savoy
in 1368, and in the Buisson de Jonece,^ dating from 1373, he tells
of the gift made to him by Lionel's host, Amedeus VI, Count of
Savoy (1343- 1 383), at Milan, whence Froissart passed to
Bologna, Ferrara, and Rome.^

' Kirk, p. 181.
' P. 41.

' Kirk, p. xxviii.
* 363-4, 370-4.
° 339-347.

' Froissart had seen Lionel in 1361 at Berkhamstead, 28 miles northwest
of London, as he himself tells us ; cf . Kervyn 16. 142.

1 84 Chaucer and Henry, Earl of Derby

But if Froissart was of the company, why should not Chaucer
have been ? In their capacity as court-poets, both must have been
on a somewhat similar footing. Chaucer had written mere
poetic trifles, and Froissart had made no more than sketches
for his great historical work. What he had done was to com-
pose 'de beaux dittiers et tretties amoureuse* for Philippa
(d. 1369), Edward IIFs queen; and as these consisted largely
of 'ballades, virelais, et rondeaux' (see, for example, the Paradys
d' Amour), so Chaucer speaks* of having made 'balades, roundels,
virelays,' or, as Gower says^ :

in the floures of his youthe,
In sondri wise, as he wel couthe,
Of ditees and of songes glade, . . .
The lond fulfild is overal.

That Chaucer knew Froissart is rendered probable by their
common affection for Blanche, wife of John of Gaunt (cf. Book
of the Duchess with Buisson de Jonecc 241-250), and by the fact
that Chaucer, at the beginning of the Book of the Duchess (i-io),
written within a year or so of Lionel's marriage, imitates the
beginning of Froissart's Paradys d'Amoiir,^ and derives the
name 'Eclympasteyre'* from Froissart's 'Enclimpastair.'^

The companionship of the two on this journey has been assumed
by notable scholars. Thus Kervyn (i.* 166) : *Le hasard avait
reuni aux fetes de Milan les esprits les plus eminents du XIV®
siecle, a qui trois langues, trois litteratures durent leurs progres
et leur avenir, Petrarque qui assouplit la langue encore inculte
et rude de Dante, Froissart qui rendit egalement plus elegante,
plus rapide celle de Villehardouin et de Joinville, Chaucer que
Pope [Spenser], son imitateur, appelle le createur du pur
anglais.' And the Froissart scholar is followed by Petit de
Julleville (Hist Lang, et Litt. Fr. 2. 347) : 'Deux poetes sont du
cortege', etc. Add Encyc. Brit., nth ed., 11. 244.

(7) Chaucer (Squire's Tale 191-3) presents 'a stede of
Lumhardye' as the model of a war-horse :

^ L. G. W. 411 : 423.
^ Conf. Ani.^ 2943-5, 2947.

'Sandras, Etude sur G. Chaucer, p. 295; cf. Kittredge, in Eng. Stud.
26. 321.
^Bk. Duch. 167.
^ Paradys 28 ; cf . Hammond, p. 364.

Chaucer and Henry's Relatives 185

For it so heigh was, and so brood and long,
So well proporcioned for to ben strong.
Right as it were a stede of Lumbardye.

This might possibly be a reminiscence of the present made to
Lionel, at his wedding-feast, of six great coursers with saddles
and equipments wrought in gold with the arms of Galeazzo and
himself; or of the six great tilting-horses, with gilded bridles,
and reins and caparisons of crimson velvet; or of the two
splendid coursers, Lion and Abbot, presented to Lionel by his
brother-in-law, Gian Galeazzo; or of the seventy-seven fine
horses presented to the barons and gentlemen of the duke's
retinue/

^If it were not too fanciful, one might suggest that the feast in the
Squire's Tale had borrowed other features from the banquet offered to
Lionel and his train; that Cambinskan stands for Galeazzo II, who also
had two sons (though the youngest, if then alive, must have been an
infant, since he could not have beenr born before 1366; cf. Magenta,
/ Visconti e gli Sforza i. 68, note 2), and one daughter, Violante (Maria
having died in 1362 ; cf . Mon. Hist. Pair. 3. 1336) ; that Elpheta is
Blanche, Algarsyf is Gian Galeazzo, and Canacee is Violante ; that
'twenty winter' (1. 43) is a round number; that the solemn and rich
feast (1. 61) corresponds to the wedding-banquet, with its eighteen
courses and elaborate dishes, the fifth course including herons (cf. 1. 68;
the 'strange sewes' of 1. 67 perhaps representing the garlic-sauce of the
sixth course) ; that the strange knight, 'al armed, save his heed,' (1. 90)
suggests the knights that accompany 'the king of Inde' (K. T. 1322;
cf. p. 167, above) ; that Gawain (1. 95) reminds us of Sir Gawain and
the Green Knight, which (11. 552-3) mentions Lionel and the Duke of
Clarence (if we follow Mr. Isaac Jackson, Angl. 37. 395-6; but both
names are already found in the French poem Lancelot, of the early
thirteenth century, so that Lionel may owe both name and title to
romance) ; that the Green Knight, in turn, suggests the Green Count,
Amedeus VI (see p. 183, above), uncle of Violante, who had arranged
for the marriage (Cordey, Les Comtes de Savoie et les Rois de France
pendant la Guerre de Cent Ans,^. 183), entertained Lionel at Chambery,
convoyed him to Milan, and was present at the banquet; that as the
Green Knight enters 'at the halle-dor' {Gaw. 136) on his green charger,
to the sound of pipers and trumpets, so 'at the halle-dore' (1. 80) comes
in the knight upon a steed of brass, while the king is 'herkninge his
minstralles hir thinges pleye' (1. 78), and while no word is spoken,
but all gaze in wonder {Gaw. 232. 242-4; S. T. 86, 88, 189-90); that
the Green Knight drives (but this is found in other romances as well)
to the 'heye dece' {Gaw. 222), as the other rides to the 'heighe bord'
(85, 98), and there each addresses the king {Gaw. 256 ff.; S. T. 99);

1 86 Chaucer and Henry, Earl of Derby

(8) In the Legend of Good Women (A 354-5) we are told
that a lord should

nat be lyk tiraunts of Lumbardye,
That usen wilfulhed and tirannye,

an evident allusion to the Visconti. This feeling may have in some
degree been prompted or intensified by the feud between Galeazzo
and the English after the death of Lionel in October, 1368, when
they refused to give up the Piedmontese towns which constituted
part of Violante's dowry, and Galeazzo attempted to take the
towns by force. If this were the case, it might imply that
Chaucer had remained in Italy till late in the year (and indeed
there is no indication that he received his pension on October
31 with his own hands) ; on the other hand, the tyranny of the
Visconti was a matter of common knowledge, and Chaucer
would have had other opportunities — in 1372 and 1378 — to
acquaint himself with the condition of things in Italy. The
passage on Bernabo in the Monk's Tale (409-16) could not, of
course, have been written till after 1385, when Bernabo died;
and one naturally associates that with the couplet from the
Legend of Good Women.

It may be objected that, as we have the name of Philippa
Chaucer, the poet's wife, in a document of Sept. 12, 1366,^ this

that Chaucer's knight (Lionel?) recites a message (1. no) from 'th^
King of Arabic and Inde' (Inde, as in K. T. 1298, = England?), and
afterwards dances (1. 277) with Canacee (Violante?) ; that Lionel is
alluded to, by the name Leon (so in four manuscripts of Murimuth
(Rolls Series, p. 87) ; cf. Hardyng: And in the feld a Lyon marmor^ke'),
in the mention of a sign of the zodiac (1. 265) ; that there was plenty,
for the most and least (1. 300), as we know there was at the banquet
in Milan, where, Paulus Jovius assures us, the food carried away from the
table would have sufficed for ten thousand men; that Canacee (1. 392)
walks in the park (at Pavia, whither Lionel and Violante betook them-
selves after the wedding; see the map in Magenta, opp. p. 118), where
(perhaps near the country-house of Mirabello; cf. Magenta i. 124) she
finds a falcon (1. 411), such as Galeazzo prided himself on keeping in
the park (Magenta i. 120-2) ; and that Cambinskan won many a city
in his time (1. 662), as did members of the Visconti family —
But al that thing I moot as now forbere;
I have, God woot, a large feeld to ere.
And wayke been the oxen in my plough.
' Kirk, p. 158.

Chaucer and Henry's Relatives 187

is conclusive evidence that Chaucer could not have then been in
the service of Lionel in Ireland. But this is to suppose th'at leaves
of absence would, in the course of nearly six years, never be
granted. That leaves of absence were granted, at least to the
viceroy, is evident from the fact that robes were prepared for
Lionel against the Feast of St. George, April 23, 1364, show-
ing that he must have been, or been expected, in England at
that time^ ; moreover, we have independent evidence that Lionel
was absent from Ireland during portions of 1364-5-6,^ when he
left the Earl of Ormond and Sir Thomas Dale as his deputies.^
It is by no means unlikely, then, that he should, on one or more
of these occasions, have taken with him the capable squire whom
he had had occasion, several years previously, to employ in a
position of trust.* Nor is it impossible that Lionel may have
sent him to England at least once during his residence in Ireland.^
If Chaucer had thus returned to England, he might easily have
taken opportunity to wed Philippa, or even have had time for a
preliminary wooing.

It is no objection to this hypothesis that we ought to find
Chaucer's name in the royal account-books for 136 1-6, since we
know that Lionel received lump-sums for the payment of his

'Beltz, p. 7.

" Ireland was then regarded by the English nobles, and the oroprietors
of lands in that island, as a place of exile (Gilbert, pp. 216, 218, 220,
^ZZ, 234, etc.), and Richard de Pembridge, for declining to accept the
viceroyalty in 1371, was stripped of all the lands and offices which he
held of the Crown (Gilbert, p. 232; cf. p. 233).

^Gilbert, p. 220. He was absent from April 22 to Dec, 8, 1364 (Chartu-
laries of St. Marys Abbey, Dublin, ed. Gilbert, 2. 396; Cal. Pat. Rolls
1364-7, pp. 11-13, 19, 21, 25, 34). On the other hand, it is clear that he
was in Ireland (Ramsay i. 453) when he was made Duke of Clarence in
November, 1362.

*That Lionel traveled with a considerable retinue in 1364 is clear from
the fact that on July 5 eighty ships were ordered to be got ready at Liver-
pool for his conveyance to Ireland (Rymer; ; according to a later
order (Aug. 8), the vessels were to be between 30 and 80 tons. Some
of the persons accompanying him are named in the Calendar of the
Patent Rolls for 1364 (p. 34).

^ On June 4, 1363, John Comyn receives a release, as being in the
retinue of Lionel's wife; and on March 5, 1364, Lionel's daughter
Philippa is sent to England (Rymer), of course with an appropriate
escort.

1 88 Chaucer and Henry, Earl of Derby

men — $ioo,cxx) at one time^ — and must have kept his own
accounts with them.

As for the journey to Italy, Lounsbury is not justified in
saying: 'There is positive testimony in the records that in 1368
he [Chaucer] was concerned in the war in France. This might
not have prevented him from being in Italy at the time of the
marriage ceremony; but it adds greatly to its improbability.'-
The answer is that there was no war between England and
France in 1368.^ John of Gaunt did not land at Calais till July/
1369, and was back by November^; in the mean time his wife,
Blanche, had died (Sept. 12). Now Chaucer is listed among
those following John of Gaunt who received a loan (in his case
$750) at the beginning of the war in France, the account cov-
ering the period between June 2y, 1369, and June 2y, 1371.^
Whether Chaucer actually crossed the Channel in 1369 we do
not know; but between Feb. 13 and June 2y he received $75
for his summer clothes ;^ on vSept. i it was ordered that he should
receive black cloth to wear at the funeral of Queen Philippa,^
the list being headed by John of Gaunt; and on Oct. 8 he
received his half-yearly pension.^

It is perhaps not without significance that Chaucer's appoint-
ment as sub-forester of the forest of North Petherton in 1390

^Cf, the Issue Roll for Oct. 29, 1366 (Devon, Issues of the Exchequer,
p. 188) : 'To Lionel, Duke of Clarence, in money paid to him by the
hands of Robert de Assheton, John Joce, and John de Hylton, for
the wages of himself, his men at arms, and archers, retained by him in the
war in Ireland, in the service of the Lord the King. By writ of privy
seal. 1333I. 6s. 8d.' The second year after Lionel's death (June 18,
1370) J a commission was appointed to audit the accounts — if we might
once consult those accounts! — of Lionel's treasurers, one of whom was
the clerk assigned to pay wages and fees in parts beyond seas to all
persons of the duke's retinue {Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1367-70, p. 439). See
also p. 189, note 3. John Joce (see above) was an esquire of the same
rank as Chaucer in 1369 (Kirk, p» 174).

' I. 157.

^Cf. Ramsay i. 490 ff.

* Armitage-Smith, p. 72.

^ Armitage-Smith, p. 74.

^'Kirk, p. 176; cf. Emerson, p. 337, note 61.

^Kirk, p. 171.

^Kirk, p. 174.

^Kirk, p. 175.

Chaucer and Henry's Relatives 189

or 1 39 1 should have been made by Roger Mortimer, fourth
Earl of March, grandson of Lionel,^ and heir-presumptive to
the crown after Richard 11.^ His father, Edmund, husband
of Lionel's daughter, Philippa, was Viceroy of Ireland from
1380 till his death on Dec. 26, 1381.^ The son, Roger, was
made viceroy in January, 1381-2 (being then in his eleventh
year), and continued nominally in this capacity till 1383.^ Roger
was again viceroy from 1395 till his death in 1398.^ By Roger's
widow, Eleanor,^ Chaucer seems to have been made sole forester
in the same year."^ By Edmund, the fifth earl, son of Roger and
Eleanor, the sub-forestership was granted to Thomas Chaucer^
in 1416-y.^

The tradition, then, of Chaucer's services in Ireland under
Lionel may well have lingered among the Prince's descendants,
and have suggested in later times a reward to him and his.^^

(5) Henry's cousin, Richard H (1367-1400), son of the
Black Prince. Passing over Chaucer's official appointments
and rewards during Richard's reign (1377-99), we note only
the poet's Parliament of Fowls, probably written in 1381 to
celebrate the betrothal of Richard with Anne of Bohemia/^ See
also Legouis' remarks (pp. 39 ff.) on the Prologue to the
Legend of Good Women, and the Envoy to Steadfastness.

^ Skeat I. xl ; Kirk, pp. xxxix-xl ; and esp. Selby, in Life-Records
III, pp. 1201.
^Wylie I. 3; Ramsay 2. 229; Beltz, p. 41; Gilbert, p. 273.

* Gilbert, pp. 244-7. He had agreed to govern the colony for three
years, upon 'being paid twenty thousand marks, in discharge of all his
expenses, including those of the men-at-arms and archers, which he
undertook to provide, but without being held to account to the Crown;
and it was also stipulated that the King's revenue in Ireland should be
expended, according to his directions' (Gilbert, pp. 244-5).

* Gilbert, pp. 248-251, 27 Z-
^ Gilbert, pp. 273, 278.
"Beltz, p. 219; Gilbert, p. 272,-
^Kirk, pp. xl, 291; Life-Records III, p. 118.

* See p. 178.
^Kirk, pp. xl, 291; Skeat i. 1.

'"Selby {Life-Records III, p. 121) speaks of the 'friendly connection,
extending over more than forty years, between the poet and the dis-
tinguished descendants of Prince Lionel and Elizabeth, Countess of Ulster.'

"Tatlock, pp. 41-44. _

U N I \ h K 5 1 T V

igo Chaucer and Henry, Earl of Derby

Everything tends, then, to show, not only that Chaucer owed
his offices to court-favor,^ but that he was, as Professor Kittredge
has said, 'a first-rate example of a "king's man." '^ Legouis calls
him 'a clever courtier, . . . for the sole merit of his verse
could hardly explain the enduring favor which he enjoyed at
court'^ ; and he adds (p. 20) : 'Chaucer succeeded in winning
for himself, and in keeping all his life, the protection, one
might almost say the friendship, of John of Gaunt. The old
king Edward III appreciated and loved him. Capricious
Richard II gave him as constant a patronage as he was capable
of, and, notwithstanding, the usurper Henry IV took him into
favor from the time of his accession. Women, naturally partial
to the poet of love, seem to have been particularly kind to him.
There is every likelihood that the Duchess Blanche of Lancaster
and Queen Anne of Bohemia were instrumental in obtaining
many of the privileges he enjoyed.' Chaucer's reticence regard-
ing matters of political concern — a mark of his prudence — has
been touched on by Coulton,* and Skeat remarks^ that 'perhaps
it was not altogether without design that the poet, in his House
of Fame [2. 647 ff.], took occasion to let the world know how
he devoted his leisure time to other than political subjects.' ^~

3. CHAUCER AND HENRY'S DEPENDENTS

Having considered Chaucer's connections with other members
of royal and princely families, we now come to his relations
with certain of the immediate dependents of Henry, Earl of
Derby.

One of the latter was Otto (familiarly called Otes) de Gran-
son, a nobleman of Savoy, who had received $2500 from John
of Gaunt a quarter of a century before, had an annuity of $5000
from him in 1391-2, and was attached to Henry's second expe-
dition (1392-3) at a higher salary than any one else, receiving
over $5000 between Aug. 12 and May 31. A special cabin on
the ship was built for him, Lord Willoughby, and others, and

^ Coulton, p. 59.
^P. 162.
'P. 19.
' P. 50.
^7. xxiv.

Chaucer and Henry's Dependents 191

he was a member of an embassy from Henry to Jacques I of
Cyprus in February, 1393. About that time his estates were
confiscated, and on Nov. 18 of that year he received an annuity
of $9500 from Richard 11. He was killed in a duel, Aug. 7,
1397.^ Between May 14, 1391, and May 14, 1392, he had pre-
sented a courser to Henry IV at Dartford, for which the servant
whom he sent received a gratuity of $50.^ This was the Granson
to whom Chaucer, in his Complaint of Venus (1393),^ imitated
from the former's three balades,* refers in his last line as
'Graunson, flour [flower] of hem that make in France.' We
thus find Chaucer, probably after the return of Henry, taking
pains^ to compliment a knight whom Henry had specially dis-
tinguished on his second voyage, and whom John of Gaunt had
attached to his person long before.

Peter Bucton (or de Bukton), knight, and steward of Henry's
household, was with him on both expeditions, that of 1390-91
and that of 1392-3. His ordinary salary was $3.75 a day, but
on the reyse (Aug. 9-Oct. 31, 1390), and again from Nov. 24,
1 392- June 30, 1393, it rose to $7.50.^ He had an esquire,
Robert Burton,'^ with two archers attending him from May 9
to June 3, 1390,^ and a yeoman on the reyse.^ He did not leave
Henry until after the latter's return to London in 1393.^° Chaucer,
writing probably at the end of 1396^^ his Lenvoy de Chaucer a
Bukton, calls him 'my maister Bukton.' He was mayor of
Bordeaux as late as 14 12, having perhaps been born about 1350.^^
Wylie calls him Henry's most attached and intimate friend.^^

^See the excellent note, D. A., pp. 309-310, and Romania 19 (1890).
237-259, 403-448 (Piaget).

* Wylie 4. 163; D. A., p. 309, note.
"Skeat I. 86.

* Skeat I. 400-404.

"Legouis (p. 54) says that Chaucer, in these closing lines, shows 'excess
of deference/
•jD. a, 128. 7; 265. 15.
''D. A., pp. 300, 303.
■/ft. 126. 12.
*/6. 128. 7.
"/&. 265. 17.
^ Hammond, p. 367.
"D. A., p. 300.
"4. 142.

192 Chaucer and Henry, Earl of Derby

When at Prague on Oct. 22, 1^92, Henry made oblation on
the anniversary of the death of a son of Lewis CUfford, the
father (born about 1336) having served with John of Gaunt
at least as early as 1373. He was made Knight of the Garter
in 1378/ and became an adherent of Wiclif, but finally recanted.
In 1387 he was with John of Gaunt in Spain, though present
at the Feast of St. George on April 23. He was at the jousts
of St. Inglevert, as was Henry, in the spring of 1390, and
joined the expedition against Mehediah in the same year. He
died between Sept. 17 and Dec. 5, 1404.-

It seems to be generally agreed that Chaucer's Lenvoy a Scogan
was written in 1393"; and we know that Scogan was at some
time tutor to the four sons of Henry IV,"* to whom he addressed
a poem in the opening years of the new century.^ This, then,
is another link between Henry and Chaucer.

4. CHAUCER AND HENRY

As early as Feb. 19, 1386, Philippa Chaucer had been admitted
to the fraternity of Lincoln Cathedral, together with Henry, Earl
of Derby, Sir Thomas Swynford, and six others, in the presence
of John of Gaunt, who, with Edward HI, the Black Prince,
and Lionel, had been admitted in 1343 (Hotspur was to join
on Feb. 15, 1386-7). «

If it had been demonstrated that Chaucer was born at King's
Lynn," in Norfolk, he would doubtless have been interested in
the fact that Henry's second expedition began at Lynn on July
19, 1392; but this is a hypothesis not generally received as yet.

So far, then, there seems to be no evidence that Chaucer had
stood in personal relations with Henry. On the other hand,

^Beltz, p. 261.

■Beltz, pp. 260-264; Wylie 3. 296; Armitage-Smith, p. 155; Le Roulx,
p. 176; D. A., p. 312; Kittredge, in Mod. Phil. i. 11-13.

^ Hammond, p. 393.

^ Skeat I. 82; 7. xlii ; in both places Skeat makes the princes too
young (see above, p. 166, note 5), for in 1407 Henry would have been
21; Thomas, 20; John, 18; and Humphrey, 17 — so that the poem was
probably written earlier.

* Scogan died in 1407.

"Kirk, pp. xxxiii, 257; Coulton, p. 59.

' Coulton, p. 15, note; Athencoum for 1908; Acad. 75 (1909). 425;
Rye, Chaucer a Norfolk Man (Norwich, 1915), pp. i ff.

Chaucer and Henry 193

as bearing upon the heartiness with which Chaucer would be
disposed to welcome Henry's return, we must remember the
former's- relations with the House of Lancaster, and especially
with Henry's father, John of Gaunt^ ; his friendship with several
of Henry's intimate dependents^ ; the fact that Chaucer had been
without employment for two years, and that in all that time
he had received nothing, in' addition to arrears due him on
account, except $750 from Richard II on Jan. 9, 1393, which,
free liver as he seems to have been,^ meant to him a state of
destitution; and, finally, that Henry's star was in the ascendant.
Everything seems to show, either that Chaucer had already
been on exceptionally good terms with Henry, or else that he
paid assiduous court to him on his return in 1393. Lounsbury,
referring to Henry's gift to Chaucer on Oct. 3, 1399, three days
after he had been declared king, says* : *The rapidity with which
this gift followed upon the accession of Henry IV to the throne
seems almost to suggest a close personal tie between the monarch
and the man of letters.'^ But this was not the first patronage
bestowed by Henry upon Chaucer after his return in 1393.
Coulton, speaking of Chaucer's appeal in his last poem, remarks^ :
'Henry was the son of Chaucer's best patron; and indeed the
poet had recently been in close relations with the future King,
if not actually in his service.' This alludes to Chaucer's receipt
of ten pounds for payment to Henry, probably in 1395.'^ 'From
this we may gather,' says Kirk, 'that he was in attendance on
the Earl, and possibly retained in his service.' This view is
confirmed by Wylie's statement^: 'In 1395, he received three ells
of scarlet, cum furr' de Jonettes from Henry as Earl of Derby,
the fur alone costing i8 8s. 4d.^ (t. e., loi Jonettes at 2od. each).'

^Cf. pp. 177-8, above.

" Cf. pp. 190-2, above.

'Coulton, p. 54.

* I. 90. >

"Kittredge speaks (p. zz) of 'the easy terms on which Chaucer stood
with King Henry IV.' Skeat, referring to Chaucer's Complaint to his
Empty Purse, and the king's grant just alluded to, says (i. xlv) : 'It
must have given him real satisfaction to be able to assist the old poet,
with whom he must- have been on familiar terms.'

" P. 67.

' Between Feb. i, 1395, and Feb. i, 1396. Cf. Kirk, p. 342.

^ 4. 136 note, 3'

"$630.

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XX. 14 1916

194 Chaucer and Henry, Earl of Derby

If Chaucer was in straits, and desired to approach Henry,
he would have found every encouragement in the earl's affability.
*He made himself a name for friendliness among all with whom
he had to do [on his travels]. To the Scots he was half-Scot,
and to the Prussians he was a child of Spruce.'^ 'In Paris
[1398-9] ... he was sweet, gracious, courteous, neighborly, and
well-liked by all who knew him/^ 'The Greek Emperor Manuel
[1401] . . . was fascinated with his politeness.'^ 'With win-
ning ways and good looks, inherited from his mother and grand-
mother, of whom Froissart says that two more delightful women
he never met, it is no marvel that Henry captured all hearts.'*

If Chaucer paid court to Henry on his return from abroad
in 1393, he was not the only poet to do so. The new prologue
to the Confessio Amantis was written in 1392-3, not later than
June, 1393^ — that is, just before Henry's arrival. Thus Gower

dedicates the new edition to Henry^ :

This bok, upon amendment
To stonde at his commandement,
With whom myn herte is of accord,
I sende unto myn oghne lord,
Which of Lancastre is Henri named:
The hyhe God him hath proclamed
Ful of knyhthode and alle grace.

^ Wylie 4. 126.

"" Wylie 4. 128.

'Wylie 4. 129-130.

* Wylie 4. 130-1. For the Londoners' attachment to him in 1397-8,
and for his general popularity in England, see Froissart (tr. Johnes,
Bk. 4, chaps. 94, 96, 102, 103, 104, 106, no). Forty thousand Londoners
thronged the streets on October 13, 1398, bitterly lamenting his departure
from England (op. cit. 4. 96) ; the Mayor of London, with several
prominent citizens, convoyed him to Dartford, and others even to Dover,
where they saw him on the vessel that was to convey him to Calais
(ib.). In fact, he left 'with the tears and regrets of half England'
(Armitage-Smith, p. 404). Such affection is not the growth of a day,
nor based on a single act; in part he was a sharer in the popularity of
the House of Lancaster as the traditional guardian of the national
liberties (Ramsay 2. 346), and his father has been described as for a
dozen years the uncrowned king of England (Armitage-Smith, p. xxii;
cf. p. xxviii).

^ Gower 2. xxiii ; cf . 2. 280, and marginal note to ProL 24.

" Conf. Am., Prol. 83-89. With 89 cf. Praise of Peace 155.

Chaucer and Henry 195

Possibly it was the sense of rivalry with Chaucer for the favor
of Henry at this time which led Gower to omit the tribute to
Chaucer which was contained in the first version of his epi-
logue.^ Henry's recognition of Gower's assiduity is probably
shown by his gift of a collar to the poet in the autumn of 1393/
and his grant of two annual pipes of wine on Nov. 21, 1399.^
But Gower's dedication quoted above was not his first compli-
ment to Henry. Already in 1390 he had concluded the Confessio
with this couplet:

Derbeie comiti, recolunt quern laude periti,
Vade, liber purus, sub eo requiesce futurus *

The later dedication, however, is more flattering, and may, as
Macaulay suggests, indicate 'that Gower had some discrimina-
tion in selecting a possible saviour of society.'^ Whether Gower
had been influenced by the prophecy, mentioned by Froissart,^
that the descendants of the Duke of Lancaster should be kings
of England, must of course be doubtful; but it is at least not
impossible that Chaucer, who appears to have known FroissaCrt,^
should have laid it to heart. When Henry had become king,
Gower dedicated to him his Praise of Peace.^

As we have seen, the circumstances were propitious for an
interview between Henry and Chaucer. The poet had every
reason to pay his homage to the prince, and the prince, as the
sequel showed, was well aff^ected toward the poet. On what
various topics they may have conversed we can only offer con-
jectures, but they can hardly have failed to include Henry's
visit to the tombs of Boethius and Augustine at Pavia,^ and
to that of his uncle Lionel,^^ now dead twenty-five years, in the

^Cf. Lounsbury i. 44 ff.

' Gower 4. xvi, note 7. The collar seems to have been valued at
about $100.

'Wylie 4. 200.

* Gower 2. xxiii.

' Gower 2. xxiv.

"Kervyn 16. 235.

^ See above, p. 184,

*Skeat 7. 205-216; Gower 3. 481-492.

" Chaucer himself may have seen these ; cf . pp. 184-6, above.

"D. A., pp. cxi; cf. Beitz, p. 131. Note that Henry's second son,
Thomas (b. 1387), became the second Duke of Clarence in 1412.

196 Chaucer and Henry, Earl of Derby

same place, for all of these themes would have been welcome
to Chaucer. Henry had visited each of these scarcely two months
before.^ Gian Galeazzo, whose sister Lionel had married, him-
self conducted Henry to the tomb of Augustine,^ 'which', says
Capgrave — but he was an Augustinian^ — 'he embraced, not with-
out many thoughts' {non sine magna contemplatione) .* Henry
may also have talked about his visit with Wenceslaus, brother
of Queen Anne, with whom he spent Oct. 21-24, 1392, at the
king's hunting-seat of Bettlern, southwest of Prague^; and of
that with another brother, or rather half-brother, Sigismund,
King of Hungary, about Nov. 6, 1392.® He would surely have
heard from Albert HI of Austria,"^ brother-in-law of Anne, of his
famous reyse in 1377, and the table of honor at which he had
been present^ ; and the conversation might easily have turned to
this, and to the exploits of Henry and his men at Vilna in the
autumn of 1390, as detailed below.**

S. HENRY AT THE SIEGE OF VILNA

An interesting episode in Henry's career, consisting of his
voyage to Prussia, adventures there, and return, is detailed at
length in Vol. 52 of the Camden Society, New Series (1894),^**
edited by Lucy Toulmin Smith. After lengthy preparations, and
a false start, Henry sailed from Boston on July 19, 1390, reached
Dantzic on Aug. 9, and Konigsberg on Aug. 16. About a week
later, the incursion (reyse) into Lithuania began, and Henry
was back in Konigsberg by Oct. 22. Here he remained till Feb.

^D. A., ^. Ixxvii.

*D. A., pp. cxi, 277. 29.

^ D. A.y p. Ixviii.

*D. A., p. cxi. As to Henry's interest in theology, see Wylie 4. 138.
Augustine is referred to 22 times in the Parson's Tale, twice in the
Tale of Meliheus, once in the Nun's Priest's Tale, and (as St, Austin)
5 times besides.

^D. A., pp. Ixxiii, Ixxxiii, 191 -8, 310; Wyhe 4. 139, note 11.

^ D. A., pp. Iviii, Ixxxiii, 195. 13.

'Nov. 4-7, 1392; cf. D. A., pp. lix, Ixxxiii.

^ Jour. Eng. and Germ. Phil. 14. 380.

' See pp. 197-202.

^° Expeditions to Prussia and the Holy Land made by Henry, Earl of
Derby (= Derby Ace omtts).

Henry at the Siege of Vilna 197

9, 1 39 1. On Feb. 15 he was at Dantzic, and about April i set
sail for home.

As it is the reyse which most concerns the student of Chaucer,
from its bearing upon Prol. 54, the subjoined translations from
chroniclers of the period have been chosen for their illustration
of this part of Henry's journey.

I

[Walsingham, Hist. AngL, Rolls ed., 2. 197-8 (D. A., p. cvi), tr. in

Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, 1903, i, 395.]

About the same time^ L. Henry the Earle of Derbie travailed into

Prussia [Le Pruys], where, with the helpe of the Marshall' of the

same Province, and of a certaine king called Wytot,^ hee vanquished

^ Actually July 19, 1390, from Boston.

"^ Engelhard Rabe.

' Or Vitovt, who has been called 'the most imposing personality of
his day in Eastern Europe' (Encyc. Brit., nth ed., 28. 762). He was the
cousin of Jagiello (Yagiello), at this time King of both Poland and
Lithuania. The relationships of certain important Lithuanian rulers may
be seen from this diagram :

Gedymin (ruled 1315-42)

Olgierd (ruled 1345-77) Keistut

I I

Jagiello (1350-1434) "Vitovt (1350- 1430)

Throughout this general period, Poland, Lithuania, and the Teutonic
Order (whose territory corresponded broadly to East Prussia) were
in constant rivalry. Of these, Lithuania had remained most persistently
pagan, notwithstanding a succession of efforts to Christianize it, or at
least to bring it under the domination of professedly Christian powers.
Poland had invited in the Teutonic Order (1208) — which had been
founded in Palestine as a Crusading organization — for its protection
against the savage Prussians, who were akin to the Lithuanians; but
mutual jealousy had since arisen. Lithuania began to be a powerful
state under Gedymin, at a time when Poland was in an anarchic condi-
tion. Poland grew much stronger during the reign of Casimir the Great
(^333-'^37o), who had married Gedymin's daughter. During Olgierd's
reign Lithuania grew at the expense of Muscovy and the Tatars, until
it finally touched the Black Sea between the Bug and the Dnieper.
Meanwhile Keistut, who ruled in Samogitia (now the government of
Kovno), Troki, and Grodno, maintained a border warfare with the
Teutonic Order, not unlike that carried on for several centuries between
Scotland and England. Shortly before his death iiii 377, Olgierd accepted

198 Chaucer and Henry, Earl of Derby

the armie of the king of Lettowe, with the captivitie of foure
Lithuanian Dukes, and the slaughter of three, besides more than
three hundred of the principall common souldiers of the sayd armie
which were slaine. The Citie also which is called Wil or Vilna
(Wille),'^ into the castle whereof the king of Lettow named Skir-

Christianity, but this had but little influence upon the fortunes of
Lithuania. Jagiello succeeded Olgierd on the death of the latter, while
Keistut remained in possession of his province. In 1380 Jagiello con-
tracted a secret alliance with the Teutonic Order, an alliance which
was aimed at his uncle Keistut. Two years after, he got Keistut into his
power, and had him treacherously assassinated. No sooner was this done
than the Teutonic Order, instead of leaving Jagiello in peaceful posses-
sion of his uncle's patrimony, raised up the latter's son Vitovt against
him. However, Jagiello made peace with his cousin, and in 1386 became
King of Poland by marriage with Jadwiga {Hedwig), heiress of the
Polish crown. The consequence is well stated in the words of a com-
petent writer, Robert N. Bain (Encyc. Brit. 21. 904) : The transforma-
tion of the pagan Lithuanian chieftain Jagiello into the Catholic king
of Poland, Wladislaus II, was an event of capital importance in the
history of Eastern Europe. Its immediate and inevitable consequence
was the formal reception of the Lithuanian nations into the fold of the
Church. What the Teutonic Order had vainly endeavored to bring
about by fire and sword for two centuries, was peacefully accomplished
hy Jagiello within a single generation, the Lithuanians, for the most
part, willingly yielding to the arguments of a prince of their own blood,
who promptly rewarded his converts with peculiar find exclusive privi-
leges. The conversion of Lithuania menaced the very existence of the
Teutonic Knights. Originally planted on the Baltic shore for the express
purpose of Christianizing their savage neighbours, these crusading monks
had freely exploited the wealth and the valour of the West, ostensibly
in the cause of religion, really for the purpose of founding a dominion
of their own, which, as time went on, lost more and more of its reli-
gious character, and was now little more than a German military fore-
post' Moved by jealousy of Jagiello's brother, Skirgiello, whom the
king had made Grand Duke of Lithuania, while Vitovt was merely
governor of the principality of Grodno, the latter allied himself with the
Teutonic Order in May, 1390.

^ Built by Gedymin about 1321, and made his capital from 1323. It still
has the ruins, on the summit of Castle Hill, of an octagonal tower of
red brick, the remains of the castle built by Gedymin. On Feb. 17, 1387,
30,000 Lithuanians received Christian baptism at Vilna (Encyc. Brit.,
nth ed., 28. 7^)- In the cathedral of St. Stanislaus is the tomb of
Vitovt. Vilna is situated on the river Viliya (or Nerya), which is
hardly 200 yards wide, and flows through winding gorges or defiles,
densely shadowed by fir and birch. It stands on the slopes of its hills,
in a region of lakes, tangled forests, and almost impassable marshes. It
is about 120 miles distant from the German frontier, and its population

Henry at the Siege of Vilna 199

galle [properly, Skirgiello] fled for his savegard, was, by the valour
of the sayd Earle especially and of his followers, surprised and
taken. For certaine of the chiefe men of his familie, while others
were slouthfull or at least ignorant of their intent, skaling the walles,
advanced his colours thereupon/ And there were taken and {vel)
slaine foure thousand of the common souldiers, and amongst others
was slaine the king of Poland his brother," who was our professed
enemie. And the castle of the foresaid Citie was besieged for the space
of five weekes : but by reason of the infirmities and inconveniences
wherewith the whole armie was annoyed, the great masters of
Prussia^ and of Lifland would not stay any longer. There were
converted of the nation of Lettowe eight persons unto the Christian
faith. And the master of Lifland carried home with him into his
countrey three thousand captives.

II
[John of Posilge {S. R. P. 3- 164-7), in D. A., pp. cvii-cix.]
In this year, before the Assumption of the Virgin [Aug. 15], the
Duke of Lancaster (Langkastel)* sailed by way of Dantzic^ to Prussia
with some three hundred men,® and, after buying horses and making
preparations, set out with the Marshal' on an expedition (reyse) to
Vilna. . . . When he [the Marshal] learned that Skirgiello
(Skirgal) lay with a force on the Nerya,^ they planned to send the
boats up the Memel, and let the extra horses and the common people
go forward** with all speed, while they selected the best in the army,
and made their way through the Wilderness above Kovno, where

approaches 200,000, having nearly doubled since 1883. Recent events
have brought it into prominence.

^A certain yeoman of Lord Bourchier's received $150 because he was
the first to lay hold of Henry's banner on the wall (D. A., pp. xxx;
105. 9; 302). A gunner-archer (name not given), who was on the wall
in the presence of Henry, received $25 {ih. 105. 24). Others to receive
special rewards for services before Vilna were several miners {ih.
105. 20) and engineers {ih. 106. i).

^ Korygiello, baptized as Casimir, in command of the upper house.

^The Grand Master, Conrad Zollner of Rothenstein, was not present;
see above, note 2.

* Of course an error.

'He was at Dantzic on Aug. 9 and 10 {D. A., p. xxxvi).

'Lucy Toulmin Smith believes 150-200 would be nearer the mark
{D. A., p. xlv).

^ Miss Smith thinks he came up with the marshal on Aug. 22, probably
near Ragnit {D. A., p. xxix).

^'Near where the Nerya (Wiliye) falls into the Memel,' also called
the Niemen {D. A., p. xxix).

"'With the vessels' (i:>. ^., p. xxix).

200 Chaucer and Henry, Earl of Derby

Skirgiello lay and awaited them, without knowing that they were
so near. So the Marshal came to a ford, and took Skirgiello by
surprise. . . . Many of his people were cut off at the ford, and
three dukes and eleven boyars were made prisoners, and sent home
to Prussia. There were also taken two hundred saddled horses.
All this happened on St. Augustine's day [Aug. 28]. From here
the Marshal set out, when the ships had arrived and made ready,
for Vilna. And they made two bridges over the Nerya, and besieged
the house with three divisions : the Livonians, with one army ; Vitovt,
with the Samogitians and Lithuanians, of whom many had resorted
to him, as the second; and the Marshal, with those from Prussia,
as the third. On September 4 they arrived at Vilna, and set tipT
their bombards, catapults, and mangonels, and stormed the upper
house^ vigorously, so that they gained possession of it. From this
house over two thousand persons were captured and slain, and the
fire was so great that they perished there all together, for inside
were many goods, and the people from all about had fled thither,
and piteous it was how they all burned. The other houses^ were
well manned, with artillery and bombards, and they defended them-
selves so valiantly that those without lay there five weeks, lacking
two days, and yet could not gain the other houses. In the besieging
host there was plenty of fodder, and no lack of meat and flour,
which the Lithuanians and Samogitians brought in; one could ride
away from the army for six miles round, and take what was needed
without hindrance. . . . Finally, the powder was all shot away
and other things used up, so that it was necessary to withdraw. The
Lord of Lancaster from England was there, having a large number
of good archers' who acquitted themselves right well, and he right

^The wooden, oldest, or crooked house (Caro 3. 99).

*Two in number. These were walled or built with stone {D. A., p.
xxx). The Annals of Thorn have {D. A., p. cvii) : 'Ceperunt primum
castrum Vilne non muratum, et interfecerunt multos, sed murata castra
non obtinuerunf (5*. R. P. 3. 164 ff.).

' Sienkiewicz says (Knights of the Cross 2. 260) : 'There are no better
archers on earth than the English unless those of the Mazovian wilder-
ness ; but the Mazovians have not such good bows as the English. An
English arrow will go through the best armor a hundred yards distant.
I saw them at Vilno. And not a man of them missed, and there were
some who could hit a falcon while flying.' Elsewhere (2. 23) he speaks
of 'the unerring English archers who pierced a pigeon tied to a pole
a hundred yards distant, and whose arrows went through breastplates
as easily as through woollen stuff.' We are reminded that Chaucer's
Knight is attended by a yeoman who is also an archer (Prol. 104-8;
also a forester, like Chaucer himself after 1390; cf. pp. 188-9); the
fact that no other servant attends the Knight throws the latter's choice
into prominence. The yeoman of the Friar's Tale is his fellow: like

Henry at the Siege of Vilna 201

manfully with them. The foray resulted in much trade, especially
after the upper house had been gained. And when everything had
been done with the help and at the will of the Lord, they returned
home, having lost no more than thirty men^ slain and shot in the
raid (reyse).

Ill

[Wigand von Marburg (S. R. P. 2. 642-3), in D. A., pp. cix-cx.]
An incursion {reysaY was made by the aforesaid Marshal, along
with numerous foreigners, especially the son of the English Duke of
Lancaster (Lankasten), the Earl of Derby (Terpi). Duke Vitovt
(Wytaudus) was of the party, and the Samogitians went up on this
side of the Memel. On the other side, Skirgiello (Schirgal) was
stationed near Old Kovno^ to prevent the Christians from crossing;
this, however, he was not able to effect, for they found the ford and
passed over it, and, the moment they had reached the further shore,
the heathen fled, pursued by the Christians, who slew many of them.
Three of the heathen dukes were taken, besides much booty.

him, clad in green; like him, , with 'arwes brighte and kene' ; encoun-
tered 'under a forest-syde', as the Knight's yeoman was a 'forster.'
That a yeoman (= valet) is practically identical with an archer is
clear from the name valet-archer, in the account of wages paid to Derby's
attendants on the expedition of 1390-91 ; there are valetti sagittarii
(D. A. 128. 10), and the same man is now called yeoman, and now
archer {D. A. 118. 23; 123. 31); cf. D. A., p. xl, note. The 'mighty
bowe' of the Prologue (108) is paralleled by the 'broad bows' {arcuhus
latis) which Henry bought for his journey (D. A. 34. 16) — four, as
against eighty of the ordinary sort, and costing twice as much each.

^ Two of Henry's knights had been captured, and were perhaps never
released (D. A., pp. xxxi-xxxii). See also note 20.

"For reysa, reyse, cf. Fliigel, in Angl. 24. 444-5; New Eng. Diet., s. v.
Before Henry left England, his whole expedition was called a voyage
(D. A. 1. g; 2. 20, 24; 3. 15, 26; 4. 25, etc.). The reys proper lasted
66 days — Aug. i8-0ct. 22 (D. A., p. xliii) ; for the word (le Reys) see
D. A. 43. 31; 46. 12, 32 (and often); cf. per totum (sic) reisam (105.
18; 106. 11); per totum le reisam (106. 8). Reze is nearly equivalent
to the French chevauchee; John of Gaunt's 'military promenade' in 1373
is spoken of by one author as a 'chevaucie,' and by another as a *reze'
(Armitage-Smith, p. 115).

^Kovno is 55 miles from the Prussian frontier, and in 1903 had a
populcition of nearly 74,000, having more than trebled in forty years.
It consists of a cramped Old Town and a New Town stretching up
the side of the Niemen. The fork of the river-junction (the Niemen
with the Wiliya) is an important feature of the city's strength. From
1384 to 1398 the town belonged to the Teutonic Order. Old Kovno
here = Marienwerder.

202 Chaucer and Henry, Earl of Derby

Then, as they approached Vilna, the banner of Ragnit was the
first to cross the water, and there a certain knight, John de Loudeham
(Lutam),^ was slain. They attacked the wooden house, and quickly
took it, and among the many slain was a king named Korygiello
(Karigal).- . . . Duke Conrad^ was slain with an arrow. Here
they remained five weeks in continual conflict day and night.* . . .

6. OTHER ENGLISHMEN IN PRUSSIA'

Henry was by no means the first Englishman of rank to take
service with the Teutonic Order; for more than half a cen-
tury adventurous and ambitious spirits, among them men of
the highest rank, had sought Prussia in quest of worldly renown,
or at the bidding of the supreme pontiff of Christendom.

1328. As early as 1328, we find that Englishmen came to fight
in the cause of the Order.*^ The Pope had proclaimed a crusade
against the heathen Lithuanians, and incited the Dominicans to
preach it zealously in various countries. King John of Bohemia,
with a distinguished body of noblemen, was present, and the
siege of Medewageln in February, 1329, is memorable for two
events — the sparing of three thousand prisoners at the inter-
cession of King John, when the Grand Master, Werner von
Orseln (1324-1330), would have had them cut down, and his
loss of one eye through the excessive cold and dampness^ (but
Liitzow, Bohemia, Everyman's Library, p. 64, places this in 1336).

1331, July. Robert Ufford, first Earl of Suffolk.® He is said
to have led a hundred knights. The war in question was one

^This was in the battle at the ford (Aug. 28). John de Loudeham
was aged 25 (D. A., pp. 303-4)-

' See p. 199, note 2.

'Takvyl, a brother of Vitovt; Conrad was his baptismal name
(Caro 3. 100).

* Among modern accounts of the adventure, cf. those of Voigt (5.
541-9) ; Caro (3. 98-100) ; and Ramsay (2. 278-9).

^ This section, while somewhat of a digression, is introduced for the
sake of its bearing on the general argument.
''Voigt 4. 428.

* Voigt 4. 426 if. ; Caro 2. 131-2.

* Wigand {S. R. P. 2. 479) : 'Multi peregrini de Anglia advenerant,
Thomas de Offart comes,' etc.; cf. Capgrave, De Illustrihus Henricis.
But in 1331 there was no earl of that name. The first Earl of Suffolk
was Robert Ufford (ca. 1299-1369), created 1337. Wigand must of
course have written after this date.

Other Englishmen in Prussia 203

>

with Poland, in which the metropoHtan city of Gnesen was

burnt and ruined, including^ churches and other ecclesiastical
buildings, a devastation which was terribly avenged by the Poles
at Plowce on Sept. 27.^

1348, January. The same Earl of Suffolk, again called
Thomas,^ with many Englishmen.

1351. Henry of Lancaster, 'the most prominent man in Eng-
land,'^ and grandfather of Henry, Earl of Derby.* Knighton
relates, under the year 1351 :

Capta est treuga inter reges Angliae et Franciae. Et super hoc
Henricus dux Lancastrie transivit versus le Sprusiam cum multis
viris in sua comitiva de maioribus regni. Et cum pervenisset in
altam Almaniam, arestatus est cum aliis multis de sociis suis, et
fecit redemptionem pro se et suis de iii mile scutis auri. In hoc
itinere mortuus est Dominus le Ros.

Lancaster returned the following year.^ It is this expedition
which may well have served, save in its disappointing outcome,
as a model for Lancaster's grandson, the Earl of Derby.

^357' Various knights and their followers came from England
and Scotland. Of Scottish knights, Thomas Byset and Walter
Moigne are named in a safe-conduct of Aug. 20, 1356, and,
of Scottish esquires, Norman Lesselin [Leslie] and Wauter
[Walter] his brother.*^

1362, before March 13. Winrich von Kniprode, the famous
Grand Master, sails up the Memel to Kovno, with guests from
England,^ Italy, and Germany, and silently passes Welun and
Bisten.^ This is the year commonly assigned to the visit of
Scrope, but see the next head (1363).

' Voigt 4. 488 ff. ; Caro 2. 157-163.

=^ Voigt 5. 61 ff. ; 5. R. P. 2. 514.

" Armitage-Smith, p. 13 (cf. p. 23).

* See p. 176.

'Voigt 5. 95-6; D. A., p. xvii; S. R. P. 2. 741-2.

"Voigt 5. 125; Rymer. The Leslies were witnesses to a compact
between the Signoria of Florence and part of the White Company, signed
in the Palazzo Vecchio on July 28, 1364 (Temple-Leader and Marcotti, Sir
John Hawkwood, p. 31).

' Voigt 5. 151-

^ Also called Pisten, Piskre, Biskre.

204 Chaucer and Henry, Earl of Derby

136^, Lent, Various Eng-lishmen arrive.^ That Scotchmen
were also present can only be inferred from the safe-conducts
granted to Thomas, Earl of Mar, and the esquire, David Barclay.^

Sir Geoffrey Scrope (ca. 1342-1363). The deposition of Sir
Henry Ferrers, taken in 1386,^ testifies 'that he saw . .
the said Sir Geoffrey so armed in Prussia, and afterwards in
Lithuania before a castle called Piskre, and that he there die4r-
and from there his body was brought back into Prussia and
interred, in the same arms, in the Cathedral (dom) of Konigs-
berg, where they were placed on a tablet, as a memorial, before
the altar.' To a similar effect is the deposition* of John Rither,
Esq. : 'After that expedition peace was made, when Sir Geoffrey
Scrope went, with other knights, into Prussia, and there, in an
affair (reise) at the siege (saute) of Wellon in Lithuania, he
died in these arms, and was buried in the Cathedral (dom) of
Konigsberg, where the said arms are painted in a glass window,
which the Deponent himself caused to be set up, taking the
blazon from the arms which the deceased had upon him.' More
briefly that of Thomas de Boynton^ : 'He saw also Sir Geoffrey
Scrope, son and heir of Sir Henry Scrope, interred at Konigs-
berg, under the said arms with a difference.' And that of
Sir Thomas Fitz Henry®: 'He also said that, when in Prussia,
he saw one Sir Geoffrey Scrope buried under those arms with
a difference.'

These five, then, were in Prussia — ^but .when? The deposi-
tions do not say, but the year is generally assumed to have
been 1362. Against this is the fact that no Englishmen are
reported by the Continental chroniclers to have arrived in 1362.
Wigand of Marburg, however, does report their presence in
1363.' Before the expedition began, a dispute arose between
Ulrich of Hanau, a prominent nobleman, and the English, as
to who should carry the banner of St. George — a dispute decided

^ Voigt 5. 164.

^ Voigt 5. 164 ; Rymer, under Feb. 5 and Feb. 20, 1363.

^ Scrope and Grosvenor Controversy, ed. Nicolas, 2. 445.

*Ib. 2. 353-

'^ lb. 2. 310.

"" Ih. 2. 321.

'S. R. P. 2. 544-

Other Englishmen in Prussia 205

against the English.^ In April both Pisten and Welun were
totally destroyed by fire, the inhabitants having been forced to
flee.^ This, then, must be the reyse which included an attack
on *a castle called Piskre,' and the storming (rather than 'siege')
of Welun. It was an affair of so little moment that Voigt, the
historian of Prussia, does not even mention it. When Sir Wil-
liam de Lucy, who had served, in Prussia,^ was in that country,
has not been ascertained.

136^, July 20. William Ufford, second (ca. 1339- 1382) Earl
of Suffolk (and last of his line), and Thomas Beauchamp,
Earl of Warwick (ca. 1313-1369)^ After April 13, there had
been a three days' raid in the district of Erogeln* and Pastow,
at which was present the 'comes de Warwig, qui etiam per annum
stetit in Prussia cum suis.'^ On July 25 both earls were present
at Konigsberg at the baptism of Butavt, son of Keistut, who had
fled from imprisonment at the hands of his father. Butavt
received the name of Henry. V^ He had surrendered himself at,
Insterburg, whereupon the preceptors of the Order, convoked
at Marienburg for the purpose, decided to have the baptism take
place at Konigsberg, on account of the presence there of the
two earls. ^

' Voigt 5- 164.

^S. R. P. 2. 84, 540, 546. Welun is on the Memel, about one-third of
the distance from Marienburg to Baierburg (Toeppen, Atlas zur Hist.-
Comp. Geog. von Preussen (II), Gotha, 1858). It is not to be confounded
with Villia, as is done by Manly (Trans. Amer. Phil. Assoc. 38. loi,
note 2). Pisten is near the junction of the Dubissa with the Memel
(Toeppen).
^ Scrope and Grosvenor Controversy, ed. Nicolas, 2. 261-2 (i. 78).
* On the Dubissa river. See Jour. Eng. and Germ. Phil. 14. 386,
'Wigand of Marburg {S. R. P. 2. 548-9) ; Voigt 5. 175-
•Voigt 5. 176-8; Chron. Liv. {S..R. P. 2. 85); Wigand {S. R. P.
2. 551).
pi. ^Wigand {S. R. P. 2. 551). This occurrence is much distorted in later
accounts. Thus in the Pageant of the Birth, Life, and Death of Richard
Beauchamp [1382-1439], Earl of Warwick (Longmans), we are told
(Plate XXII), that 'Earl Thomas his grandfadre ... in warre
had taken the kynges son of Lettowe, and brought hym into Englond,
and cristened hym at London, namyng hym after hymself Thomas.' And
Stubbs, relying on the traditions of the Beauchamps, reports (p. 194) :

2o6 Chaucer and Henry, Earl of Derby

1^66. Several noblemen came from England. Wigand^
names *Dominus Bemunt and Nortz Vewater Anglicus/ but
the former of these is probably Gui de Blois, Sire de Beaumont,
the patron of Froissart. The error of regarding him as an
Englishman may repose upon his recent sojourn in England *as
a hostage for King John/^ ^Nortz Vewater Anglicus* may rather
have been a Fleming, judging from his name, and his association
with Gui.

1377. Sir Ekhart of Scotland is named by Suchenwirt.^

I38§. Sir William Martel is mentioned as being present at a
table of honor.*

1390. This, as we have seen, was the year of Henry's arrival.*^

1 39 1. Thomas Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester, William
Douglas, and perhaps John Montagu, Earl of Salisbury. Many
Englishmen arrived in this year.® In September the Duke of
Gloucester, the Earl of Derby's uncle, was commissioned to go
to Prussia to treat with the Grand Master.*^ It does not appear
that this was a martial expedition, and in any case the duke
encountered violent storms, and was driven back.® The same
year, William Douglas of Nithsdale, who had been engaged
in a tilting-match with Thomas, Lord Clifford (ca. 1368-ca. 1391),
in the spring of 1390,^ appeared at Konigsberg, and was slain,
together with one of his followers, in an affray with a party of

'In the great battle in Turkey, fought Nov. i, 1364, he took prisoner a
son of the King of Lithuania, whom he brought back to England, and
made a Christian.' Cf. Barnes, Hist. Edward HI, p. 669. ^

' Voigt 5. 187. ^

^Cf. Encyc. Brit. 11. 244.

^ See Journ. Eng. and Germ. Phil. 14. 386.

* Voigt S- 472, note 2 (cf. pp. 474, 7i7).

° See above, p. 196.

' Voigt 5. 595.

^ Rymer, under Sept. 5, Sept. 16, and Dec. 16.

^D. A., pp. xv-xvi; Ramsay 2. 279; Diet. Nat. Biog. 56. 155; 26. 32;
Walsingham, Hist. Angl. 2. 302; Higden, Polychr. 9. 261-2; Hakluyt,
Principal Navigations, 1903, i. 306-7.

® Ramsay 2. 277; Higden, Polychr. 9. 236; Chron. Lond. (Nicolas),
p. 78; Rot. Scot. 2.^103-111; cf. Diet. Nat. Biog. 11. yy. For Clifford in
an encounter, with Boucicaut, see Le Roulx, p. 161 (cf. p. 176, note 2).

Other Englishmen in Prussia 207

English.^ Boucicaut (1366-1421), who had been one of the
challengers at the jousts of St. Inglevert^ in the spring of 1390,
was present at Konigsberg (the third time he had been in
Prussia), and growing indignant at what he considered treason
on the part of the English toward Douglas, offered to prove it
on their heads; but they refused to entertain a challenge from
any but the Scotchmen,^

Sir John Montagu, afterwards third Earl of Salisbury (1350?-
1400), having done homage for his father's estate, obtained the
king's licence to journey into Prussia with a retinue of ten
servants,* but nothing further is known of the project.^

1392. Sir Henry Percy (1364- 1403), better known as Hot-
spur, who had been in the train of Derby at the jousts of
St. Inglevert,*^ and was to stand by Henry as events moved
toward his assumption of the crown,^ must have been in Prussia
by June of this year, at latest.^ A contention arose between
him and Rupert of Schokendorf as to which should carry the
banner of St. George,^ but Vitovt and his wife smoothed mat-

^Voigt 5. 596; Wigand (quoted by Voigt) ; John of Posilge {ih.

3. 172-3) ; the Older Chronicle of the Grand Masters {ih. 3. 619-20) ;
Fordun, ed. Goodall, Bk. 14, chap. 56 (2. 416).

^ Between Calais and Boulogne. Henry was present, and on April 20
took part in the jousting (Le Roulx, p. 176). Cf. D. A., pp. 296, 300;
Kervyn 14. 44-45, 105-151, 416-7, 420; Diet. Nat. Biog. 26. 32; Wylie

4. 279, and the authorities there cited. King Richard seems also to
have been present, and to have been eclipsed by Henry (Gower 2. xxv;
Wylie I. 5 ; Chroniqtie de la Traison et Mort de Richard II (London,
1846), p. xHv.

'Voigt 5. 596; Livre des Faicts du Bon Messire Jean le Maingre, dit
Boucicaut, chap. 18 (Michaud et Poujoulat, Nouv. Coll. des Mem.
2. 232-3).

* Beltz, p. z^Z ', Diet. Nat. Biog. 38. 205.

" Beltz' suggestion that he probably was associated with Henry in
his expedition against the Lithuanians is of course absurd. He eventually
became an enemy of Henry, rebelled against him, and was beheaded by
a mob; cf. Shakespeare, Richard II 2. 4; 3. 3; 5. 6.

^ Diet. Nat. Biog. 44. 396.

^Kervyn 16. 109, 192; Ramsay, Lancaster and York i. 54; cf. Diet. Nat.
Biog. 44- 397-

*Caro 3. no.

'Wigand (S. R. P. 2. 646, 648) ; Voigt 5. 607-8; D. A., p. 1 (cf. above,
under 1363) ; Voigt 5. 151; Jour. Eng. and Germ.. Phil. 14. 382; Coulton,
p. 278.

2o8 Chaucer and Henry, Earl of Derby

ters over. Vitovt, who was at this moment meditating treachery
against the Teutonic Order, with which he had been alUed,
appeared about June 24 at the castle of Ritterswerden. On
arriving at Tzuppa, between Insterburg and Kovno/ Vitovt sent
Percy and the other foreigners back to Konigsberg, with the
assurance that he did not need them.^ He then proceeded to
reveal his renewed enmity to the Order by making the garrison
of Ritterswerden prisoners, and burning the castle to the ground.^
The next year after these events Hotspur was in Cyprus,* as
was Henry also,^ though probably they were not together.^ It
is painful to reflect that ten years after these visits to Cyprus
(July 21, 1403), Henry, to the shout of 'Henry Percy King!'
replied with the counter-shout, 'Henry Percy dead!' and that
the king's 'success involved the loss of all popularity, and all
future comfort/^

Henry, Earl of Derby. Having taken ship at Heacham on
July 24, Henry was at Konigsberg by Sept. 2, but appears to
have left by Sept. 3 or 4.^ The Teutonic Order seems to have
paid him $30,cxx) toward the expenses of this expedition,® though
they made no use of his services.^^

'£>. A., p. xlix.

' Wigand {S. R. P. 2. 648) ; Caro 3. no.

'Voigt 5. 612; Caro 3. no.

*r>. A., p. 311; Stubbs, p. 198; Raine, Extracts from the Northern
Registers, p. 425.

^D. A., pp. Ixv, Ixxvii.

•A letter written July 15 by the King of Cyprus mentions Hotspur,
but not Henry — and Henry had been there in February.

^Ramsay, Lancaster and York i. 63, 64; cf. Coulton, p. 51.

^D. A., pp. xlviii, Ixxii.

'D. A., p. xlix.

^° So far from receiving anything from the Order on his first mission,
it seems that he paid $1000 to two Prussian knights who attended him
on the campaign of about two months, to say nothing of other expenses
on the foray. If Chaucer, then, had Henry in mind in drawing the
portrait of his Knight, as Hertzberg (p. 579) in 1866 was the first to
suggest, it would seem that Trevelyan is wide of the mark when he
says {England in the Age of Wycliffe, p. 59) that the latter 'has
returned from letting out his services abroad, and is the sort of person
to enter into a similar contract with some noble at home.' For the
nine and a half months he was absent from England, Henry spent
something like $330,000, of which he provided about $62,500, and his
father, John of Gaunt, the rest.

Henry's Acquaintance with the Table of Honor 209

1394, January or February. John Beaufort.^ The eldest
natural son of John of Gaunt by Katharine Swynford was pos-
sibly with his half-brother Henry on the latter's return to Eng-
land in 1391.^ At all events, he (Wigand calls him Bekvort)
was in Prussia in 1394,^ and took part in an expedition to Grodno,
Novogrodek, Lyda, and Merecz, in which 2200 prisoners were
made, and 1400 horses and much cattle carried off.* John had
been with Henry at St. Inglevert in the spring of 1390, and had
actually gone on the Barbary crusade,^ as Henry had planned
to do.«

7. HENRY'S ACQUAINTANCE WITH THE TABLE OF HONOR,
AND ITS BEARING ON THE DATE OF THE PROLOGUE

Henry would, no doubt, as we have already intimated,'^ have
talked with Chaucer about the Teutonic table of honor. That
Chaucer should have learned about it from any other source is
unlikely, for we know definitely of only five occasions when it
was held — in 1377, 1385, 139 1, 1392, and 1400.

1377. This was described in a previous article.® It was held
at Konigsberg before the reyse.^ Henry would probably have
heard it described by a prominent participant, Albert HI of
Austria.^^

1385. In this year there was a great feast at Konigsberg,
at which were present 55 knights, 7 barons, 7 bannerets, and

^Born ca. 1372 (Armitage- Smith, pp. 391, 462, 464-5); the Percy MS.
78 (see the last reference) says that he was born in the lifetime of
Blanche, that is, before Sept. 12, 1369; others say ca. 1375 {D. A., p. 301).

^D. A., p. 301; but cf. p. XXXV.

'Wigand {S. R. P. 2. 653) ; Voigt 6. 10; Caro 3. 154-5-

*Voigt 6. 11; Caro 3. 154. By March 14 he was in Dantzic, where
he had to give a note for 312 gold nobles, probably for his return-
fare, and that of his companions Stephen Scrope and three others, to
England (note to Wigand, as above).

^D. A., p. xxxviii; cf. Le Roulx, pp. 176, 242.

^D. A., pp. xxxix-xliii.

^ See above, p. 196.

^'Beginning the Board in Prussia,' Jour. Eng. and Germ. Phil. 14.
375-388.

'Voigt 5. 278-9.
" See above, p. 196.

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XX. 15 1916

2IO Chaucer and Henry, Earl of Derby

25 esquires (gute Knechte).^ At the high table of honor were
seated fourteen guests, of whom only one was an Englishman,
Sir William Martel.^ It can hardly be from him, of whom
history records so little, that Chaucer learned of the custom.

1391. This was the year in which Henry was in Prussia,
but the feast was held after his departure.^ On account of the
dissension between the English and the French,* the table of
honor was not held at Konigsberg, but after the army had
advanced into the enemy's country.^ Here the board was
magnificently spread on Sept. i,^ the place chosen being an
island (Werder),"^ in the vicinity of Old Kovno.® The viands
had been brought from Konigsberg. The banquet took place
in a splendid pavilion, and there was abundance of gold and
silver vessels.® Among the honored guests was Frederick,
Margrave of Meissen, who had come with 700 horses, and he
who began the board was Conrad Richartssdorf of Austria,
who had been one of the fourteen at the table of honor in 1385.^®
Whether Boucicaut, Frederick, or any of the Englishmen or
Scotchmen,^^ was thus signalized, we can only conjecture.

' Voigt 5. 471-2.

* Above, p. 206; Voigt 5. 472, note 2.

'The statements of Dlugosz and Kojalowicz that a table of honor was
held in 1390 seem to rest on confusion with that of 1391, though Dlugosz
(Hist. Pol. I. 127-8) is explicit on the point that Henry was present
(Voigt 5. 543)-

* Above, p. 207.

'The table of honor seems not to have been held on the return from
an expedition (nach erfochtenetn Siege), as Treitschke supposes (i. 81).

• Caro 3. 105.

^ Probably Ritterswerder, about 2^ miles from Kovno.

® Wigand says : 'ubi quondam antiquum Cawen stetit' ; John of Posilge
'ken Cawen obir die Nerye'; the ^Itere Hochmeisterchronik : *zur aide
Kawen uff dem werder.'

• Voigt 5. 597.

"Wigand (S. R. P. 2. 644-5) ; ^It. Hochmeisterchronik (ib. 3. 619-20) ;
John of Posilge (ib. 3. 172-3).

"Bower says (Fordun, ed. Goodall, 2. 416) : *Isto anno proditionaliter
interfectus est ab Anglicis nobilis Willelmus Douglas de Nyddisdale super
pontem de Danskin in Spruza, qui tunc ammiraldus electus fuit ducen-
tarum et quadraginta navium, ad oppugnandum Paganos, qui eo tunc, prae
ceteris, ad mensam honoris magistri de Spruza ab herellis prosconizatus
est:

Henry's Acquaintance with the Table of Honor 211

The order of precedence was determined according to the
general principles: 'noch seyner ere, dy her [er] vordynet hette
in ritterlichen gescheften* (yElt. Hochm.) ; *nach ritterlichen
ere* {ih.) ; 'der [Conrad] was der gepreiseste in ritterlichen
gescheften, wen her was obir lant gerethen zcu dem heiligen
grabe' {ih.Y The ceremony had never before been so brilliant
(John of Posilge).

1392. In the autumn of this year, the marshal, Engelhard
Rabe, held another table of honor at Johannisburg, south of
Lake Spirding. Apel Fuchs of Franconia, who bore the banner
of St. George, began the board.^

1393. In January of this year there was an expedition against
Grodno, in which the. Duke of Guelders was present,^ and with
reference to which one historian speaks of a table of honor
being proclaimed* ; but I find no confirmation of this.

1400. The decline of the institution is shown by its employ-
ment as a mark of honor to the wife of Vitovt in the summer
of 1400, when she and the chief members of her retinue were
entertained at Marienburg. At this banquet the guests were
presented with jewels and gilded drinking-cups, steeds and
palfreys, etc.

With this the ceremony seems to have ended. It may well
have originated in an impulse derived from Edward Ill's insti-
tution of the Order of the Garter, which in turn may have been
influenced by the stories of Arthur's Roimd Table.^ It was now
at the end of its usefulness, as were the raids which it served
to encourage.^

^We see that if Henry had already visited the Holy Sepulchre, as
he was to do early in 1393, this of itself would have been a strong
recommendation.

== Wigand {S. R. P. 2. 648-9) ; Dlugosz, Hist. Pol. 1. 137; Voigt 5. 624.

» Voigt 5- 636-7. ^

* Caro 3- 154-

''Voigt 5. 712; Treitschke i. 81. There had been a 'Round Table/
presided over by Roger Mortimer, Earl of March, in 1328 (Knighton;
Avesbury). See also Bateson, MedicBval England, pp. 310-1, and especi-
ally Archcuologia 31 (1846). 104 ff.

*Caro (3. 153) speaks of 'die allmalig in Europa sich verbreitende
Anerkennung der Thatsache, dass mit Ausnahme von Samogitien kein

213 Chaucer and Henry, Earl of Derby

Of the five occasions enumerated above, Henry would hare
heard of the first from Albert of Austria, and surely of the third
and fourth when in Prussia, or afterwards in conversation with
such knights as Boucicaut, whom he would meet on his foreign
travels. That of 1400 was too late, so that only that of 1385
remains — in other words, Henry would probably have been
acquainted, through eye-witnesses, with every table of honor
of which we have any record previous to his return to Eng-
land in 1393. Is it easy to escape the presumption that it is
through him that Chaucer acquired the information which he
so deftly uses in the Prologue, since we can think of no other
historic person so likely as he to have been the medium of
communicating it?

8. THE CURRENT THEORY REGARDING THE DATE
OF THE PROLOGUE

The course of our inquiry, then, has led us to conclude that
the Prologue, or at least the description of the Knight, can not
well have been written before Henry's return in 1393. What
specific arguments are there for an earlier date ? The one which
is commonly relied on is that of Hales in favor of 1387, printed
in 1893.^ He declares that the evidence for placing the Pro-
logue so late is extremely slight, if indeed there is any. His
argument for 1387 is as follows. The merchant

wolde the see were kept for any thing
Bitwixe Middelburgh and Orewelle.

Now in 1384, and again in 1388, the woolstaple was at Calais,
but between those dates it was at Middelburgh, and at no other
time; *so only just at that time could the merchant's words
have their full significance — ^have a special pointedness.' Chaucer

Objekt fiir Heidenkampfe mehr vorhanden, und dass die Litthauer wirk-
lich Christen geworden waren : eine Ueberzeugung, welche zugleich mit
dem Erloschen des letzten aufflackernden Feuers einer ehdich gemeinten
Romantik zusammenfiel und den Orden, der von diesen Bedingungen
abhangig war, seiner besten Hiilfsquellen beraubte. Nur noch wenige
"Kriegsreisen" werden wir daher zu verzeichnen haben.' Again (3. 154)
he characterizes these forays as savage, and now [1394] partly obsolete.
For the appeal made by these forays at an earlier period, cf. Voigt
5. 167-8, 183-4, 551.
'^ AthencBum, April 8; reprinted in Hales, 1893, pp. 99-101.

Current Theory Regarding the Date of the Prologue 213

was not relieved from daily attendance at the Custom House
till February, 1385, and he did the Legend of Good Women
as soon as this leisure came to him. Hence the Prologue was
probably composed immediately after 1386 — that is, in 1387.^

To Hales' argument it may be replied:

1. The need that the sea should be kept was keenly felt dur-
ing the whole period 1372-87.^

2. There was need much later than this for keeping the sea.
In the Lihel of English Policy (1436), the very first stanza
insists 'that we be masters of the narrow sea.'

3. Middelburgh and Orwell may be used merely as repre-
sentative names, just as, in the book last named, the author,
while recognizing Bruges as the 'staple fayre* of Flanders, talks
of Dover and Calais —

And chiefly kepe the sharpe narrow see
Betweene Dover and Caleis.

4. One of the most memorable naval victories ever won by
the English was that of Sluys in 1340, and Edward IH took
passage for this encounter from Orwell.^ Sluys (TEcluse) is
a later name for Swyn, and is virtually identical with Middel-
burgh. Chaucer may then have desired to remind his country-
men of this glorious occasion by a mention of the ports of
departure and destination.

5. Even if it were granted that Chaucer had in mind the
period i384*-8, it would not follow that the lines were written

^Cf. Tatlock, pp. 147, 150. Tatlock argues that the merchant was a
member of the staple, and dealt in wool; and, in corroboration, reminds
us that *he even wears a "Flaundrish bever hat." ' However, Edward III
wore a 'bever hat' in 1350, at Espagnols-sur-Mer (Kervyn 5. 267) ; was
Edward III, then, a merchant of the staple? (It is well known that
he went to France, disguised as a merchant, in April, I33i)-

^ Coulton, p. 133 : 'Our crushing defeat by the combined French and
Spanish navies off La Rochelle in 1372 lost us the command of the sea
until our victory at Cadzand in 1387*; cf. Nicolas, Hist. Royal Navy
2. 141, 319 ff. As a result of the victory, we are told by Nicolas: 'The
prizes were sent to Orwell and other ports; . . . the citizens of
Middelburgh offered to purchase the wine.'

"" Nicolas, op. cit. 2. 46, 502, At this battle Henry of Lancaster dis-
tinguished himself {ib. 2. 59).

* Jenckes {The Origin . . . of the Staple, p. 79) says 1383.

a 14 Chaucer and Henry, Earl of Derby -^

then. As Wells acutely observes^: 'This implies composition
after 1384, but gives no terminus ad quern.'

Hales' argument, in the same paper,^ from Venus 76-8, that
Chaucer's right hand may have been losing its cunning in 1393,
is sufficiently refuted by Lounsbury/ who finds allusions by
Chaucer to his old age in House of Fame 992-9 [not later than
1384], Legend of Good Women 258-263, 313-6 [ca. 1385],
Scogan 2^-42 [ca. 1393], as well as in the Venus. Of the latter
he asks : 'Can it be seriously maintained that these are the words
of a man who was no more than sixty at the utmost?'

The arguments in favor of the earlier date, then, seem quite
insufficient to overthrow the considerations which point to 1393
or later.

We have now seen (pp. 166, 175) that Chaucer may have wit-
nessed Henry's progress from Dartford to London on July 5,
I393» and that his impressions are probably recorded, with some
poetical embellishment, in K. T. 1297-1328; that Chaucer's rela-
tions with the royal family, including John of Gaunt, were such as
to recommend him to Henry (pp. 177-8) ; that Chaucer was on
friendly terms with prominent members of Henry's suite ( pp. 190-
192) ; that there was every reason why Chaucer should pay
court to Henry, and that they would not have lacked topics of
conversation (pp. 193-6) ; that Henry, like Chaucer's knight,
had 'reysed' in 'Lettowe' (pp. 196 ff.) ; that Henry, beyond any
man whom Chaucer is likely to have known, had the amplest
opportunity to acquaint himself with the facts concerning the
table of honor, and that the brilliant celebration of the feast in
1 391, at no great distance from the scene of Henry's exploits
in the previous year, must have been most impressive to his
imagination (pp. 210-1) ; and that therefore the part of the
Prologue relating to the knight is not likely to have been written
before the summer of 1393 (p. 212), the same being probably
true of K. T. 1297- 1328.*

^Manual of the Writings in Middle English, p. 691.

^Pp. 101-2.

' I. 33-42.

*If the Knight's Tale is to be dated as late as 1393, then the Clanvowe
who was the author of The Cuckoo and the Nightingale was probably Sir
Thomas, rather than Sir John, his father, as Kittredge supposes {Mod.

Current Theory Regarding the Date of the Prologue 215

Phil. I. 14 ff.)> since the date of Sir John's death is thought to have been
1391 (Skeat 7. Iviii), and the poem quotes K. T. 927-8. Other facts point
in the same direction. Lines 284-5,

Before the chambre-window of the quene
At Wodestok,

must refer, as Skeat points out, to a time when there was a queen at
Woodstock, who must therefore have been Joan of Navarre, queen
from 1403 to 1413. John Clanvowe was M. P. in 1348, would therefore
presumably have been born as early as 1327, and have been at least
63 in 1390, a date which Kittredge considers possible. His son, M. P.
in 1394, would be more nearly of the age for writing a love-poem of
this sort. Then the allusion to the eagle, if it refers to Henry (see
above, p. 171), would more aptly fit the last decade of the century, or the
first of the following. Indeed, Henry Bradley (New Eng. Diet. s. v.
Grede) dates the poem 1402-10.

II. CHAUCER'S KNIGHT AND HIS EXPLOITS
IN THE SOUTH

The Knight's adventures in the South were distributed through
the Mohammedan lands which bordered the Mediterranean on
the east, south, and west, where, Uke his adversary, 'banished
Norfolk,' he was to be found

Streaming the ensign of the Christian cross
Against black pagans, Turks, and Saracens.

His exploits were performed at Palatia, Satalia, and Ayas, on the
eastern coast; at Alexandria, Tlemqen, and in Morocco, on the
southern; and at Algeciras, where the Pillars of Hercules still
said, Ne plus ultra. Thus the range of his crusading territory —
to say nothing of Prussia, Lithuania, and Russia — ^was nearly
23CX) miles from end to end. The period within which fall the
historic exploits which Chaucer had in mind extends from 1343
to about 1367.

At Alisaundre he was, whan it was wonne. . . .

In Gernade at the sege eek hadde he be

Of Algezir, and riden in Belmarye.

At Lyeys was he, and at Satalye,

Whan they were wonne ; and in the Crete See

At many a noble armee hadde he be.

At mortal batailles hadde he been fiftene.

And foughten for our feith at Tramissene

In listes thryes, and ay slayn his fo.

This like worthy knight had been also

Somtyme with the lord of Palatye,

Ageyn another hethen in Turkye:

And evermore he hadde a sovereyn prys.

Alexandria, October 10, 1365. Pierre I of Lusignan, King of
Cyprus, with 108 vessels of his own, and 10 from Rhodes,
arrived on Oct. 9 at Alexandria, said by a contemporary to be
as thickly populated as Paris, as beautiful as Venice, and as
strong as Genoa. An engagement took place on the loth, and
Alexandria fell, but his Continental auxiliaries, realizing that
they could not hold the city, decided the king to evacuate it after
three days of pillage. There were present knights from Provence,

A

Algezir 217

Guienne, Lombardy, Flanders, England, and Germany.^ Of the
English, we know only the names of Sir Stephen Scrope (ca.
1345-1406) and Nicholas Sabraham. According to Sabraham,
Scrope, immediately on landing, received the order of knight-
hood from the King of Cyprus.^ There was also an unnamed
Scottish knight who distinguished himself by his valor, and was
slain while attacking the gate of the custom house.^ A pictur-
esque incident was the fighting in the shallow water on the beach,
where 8000 Christians engaged a much larger number of Mussul-
mans.* The victory has been described as a brilliant, but fatal
success.^

Algezir, summer of 1343. Algecira(s), Algezira(s).^ Frois-
sart's Algesiras, Argesille, ArsesiUe; Jean le Bel's Algheside,
Alg(h)esyde. The name is Arabic, and signifies 'island,' the whole
term being al-Gazira al-Khadrd (otherwise transliterated as
al-Djezirah-al-Hadra), 'green island,' from an islet opposite,
called even now Isla Verde. The little town lies just across the
bay from Gibraltar, 6 miles to the west. It has recently come
into notice because of the international conference on Moroccan
affairs, held there from Jan. 16 to April 7, 1906."^

After Alfonso XI's remarkable victory over the invading
Moors at Salado (or Tarifa), on Nov. 28, 1340, when Abu
Hamer, son of Abu-'l-Hassan,^ Sultan of Belmarye, was cap-
tured, and some 200,000 Moors were slain and taken prisoners,®
the most important military operation in Granada was the siege
f Algeciras by the Spaniards and representatives of other

"■Bibl I (1844). 502-4; Le Roulx 44 (1886). 125-8; Machaut 2190-3661
(pp. 67-1 II).

^Scrope and Grosvenor Controversy, ed. Nicolas, 2, 323. For two other
possible names, see Stubbs, p. 194.

'Machaut, vv. 2828-33 (p. 86).

*Le Roulx, p. 127; Machaut, vv. 2426 ff. (p. 74).

^Bihl., p. 503. For the results, see Bihl, pp. 503 ff- ; Le Roulx, pp.
129 ff. For Petrarch's lament over the eventual failure, see Stubbs, p. I95-

• The final -s not pronounced.

''Encyc. Brit., nth ed., i. 642; 18. 858.

'The 'Albohacen' of the Cronica.

" Schirrmacher, Gesch. von Spanien 5. 213; Murimuth, pp. 262, ff.;
Jean le Bel i. 213 ff.; Ibn-Khaldoun, in Jour. Asiat. 9. 12 (1898). 415
(cf. his Hist, des Berheres, tr. Slane, 4. 229-30).

2i8 Chaucer's Knight and his Exploits in the South

nations, under the command of Alfonso. The Moors of Africa,
bent on revenge for the defeat at Salado, by which they had
been stricken sore, had fitted out a fleet, which had been destroyed
and put to flight by the Genoese admiral, Egidio di Boccanegra
(brother of the first doge of Genoa, Simone), commanding 70
galleys, of which 12 were Genoese.^ The overthrow of the fleet
rendered it possible for Alfonso to begin the siege of Algeciras,
which was accordingly undertaken on Aug. 3, 1342, with a com-
bined investment by sea and land. The Moorish garrison
numbered 30,0(X> men, of whom 12,000 were archers. The neigh-
boring territory abounded in tillable land and pasture, well irri-
gated and provided with drinking-water; mills were at hand to
provide flour, and orchards and vineyards were scattered through
the environs.^ Alfonso's fleet proceeded to blockade the harbor,
while his army took up a position southeast of the city. Draw-
ing near to the Old Town, the troops dug a trench from the little
river Miel to the seashore, behind which they erected a stock-
ade and cast up entrenchments. By early October Alfonso began
to make applications for aid to foreign powers, especially to
France and the Pope. About this time heavy rains, continuing
for a month, flooded Alfonso's camp, carrying away tents and
huts, and causing much sickness, to say nothing of discomfort
and the destruction oi food. Whole nights long the king was
obliged to stand in the water, so drenched was his bed.^ What
with all this, and the nocturnal sallies of the Moors, the army
was forced to construct shelters on higher and more distant
points. It was not until March of the next year, 1343, that a
close and complete investment was effected. Ballistas were set
up, to match the artillery in the city ; and in the handling of these
the Genoese showed themselves peculiarly expert. As early
as February, Abu-'l-Hajjaj, King of Granada, sent an embassy,
as he did more than once afterwards, to treat of peace; but
Alfonso declined any overtures, except on condition that he
would abandon his ally, the King of Belmarye; on this point,
however, Abu-'l-Hajjaj was obdurate. Meanwhile, Abu-'l-Hassan

^ Schirrmacher 5. 218-220.

^ Cronica, p. 489 : 'Muy buenas aguas dulces, et grandes labranzas de
pan, et muchas vinas et huertas, et muchos regadios, et moliendas asaz.'
^ Cronica, p. 506.

Algezir 219

would have attempted to relieve the garrison by an invasion from
Ceuta, on the African side of the Strait, had it not been for a
revolt of his son, Abderrahman, whom he had left behind. To
prevent the running of the blockade by vessels laden with pro-
visions, Alfonso caused piles to be driven in the bay, and con-
nected by heavy chains. By May knights from France and
Germany began to arrive, and in June Gaston de Foix and his
brother, the viscount of Chatillon. In August the Pope sent
Alfonso a much needed loan of 20,000 florins, while the King
of France, Philip VI, gave him 50,000 florins outright — an aid
which was perhaps responsible, by alienating Edward III,^ for
the early recall of Derby and Salisbury. Between October and
the middle of December, 1343, three imsuccessful attempts were
made to relieve the Moorish garrison, whose position was becom-
ing untenable. Rain fell in torrents through the month of Feb-
ruary. On March 21, 1344, an envoy from the King of Granada
appeared, with conditions of peace: the whole population of
Algeciras was to be allowed to depart with their goods ; a truce
for a certain number of years was to be concluded between
Alfonso and the two Moorish kings; and Abu-'l-Hajjaj was to
pay Alfonso a yearly tribute of 12,000 dohlas as his vassal. The
terms were accepted ; on March 26 the Moors evacuated the New
Town, and on the 27th the Old. Thus ended a Mohammedan
occupation of 633 years, after a siege lasting from Aug. 3, 1342,
to March 26, 1344 — nearly twenty months.^ In 1368 'the Grana-
dines recovered Algeciras, which was utterly destroyed a decade
later, that it might no longer tempt the Spaniards.'^

The following account of the siege is by the Arab historian,
Ibn-Khaldoun, who lived from 1332 to 1406 {op. cit. 4. 234-6) :

The Christian king [Alfonso XI], having returned to his own
country after the battle of Tarifa [= Salado, 1340], again attacked
the Mussulmans of Andalusia, hoping to conquer them without
difficulty. ... In the [Mohammedan] year 742 [A. D, 1341-2],
Alcala [la Real] succumbed. . . . As to the sultan Abu-'l-Hassan,
he landed at Ceuta, in order to make ready a new expedition, and
thus to take his revenge. While his agents traversed the cities

* Schirrmacher 5. 231 ; but this is hardly likely, in view of p. 222, note 3.
' Cronica; Schirrmacher 5. 216^236.

'Meakin, p. 106. Ibn Khaldoun (Hist, des Berberes, tr. Slane, 4- 381)
says that it was destroyed between 1378 and 1388.

2 20 Chauce/s Knight and his Exploits in the South

of Maghrib [modern Morocco and Algeria] to levy troops, his
caids visited the seaports, and urged on the armament of a new
fleet. In a short time a considerable number of ships were equipped,
and the sultan returned to Ceuta [probably from Fez] for the pur-
pose of inspecting them, and of sending over his army into
Spain. . . . The Christian king learned of these preparations,
and sent his fleet to the Strait [of Gibraltar], to engage that of the
Mussulmans. In this encounter, God again submitted the true
believers to a severe test : many of them suffered martyrdom, and
the Christians remained masters of the sea. Then the king left
Seville at the head of an immense army, and marched to Algeciras,
in the hope of making it suffer the same fate as Tarifa, and of
incorporating it into his dominions. Aided by a throng of engi-
neers and workmen, he besieged this seaport — this place of embarka-
tion for the Mussulman ships — and kept it blockaded so long that
his army ended by building wooden houses for themselves. Abu-'l-
Hajjaj, Sultan of Granada,^ placed himself before Gibraltar with the
Andalusian army, in order to cover this important place. Abu-'l-
Hassan remained in Ceuta, and from there shipped money, grain,
and knights into Spain under cover of darkness, whenever he could
elude the vigilance of the hostile fleet. His efforts were of no
avail; the city, closely pressed, and a prey to famine, was obliged
to yield. Then Abu-'l-Hajjaj sought to obtain peace by dispatching
an agent, provided with a safe-conduct from the [Christian] king,
and commissioned to find the sultan, and to broach this matter to
him; but his vessel was treacherously attacked by several Christian
ships which the king had ^ent to intercept him.'^ It was only
after having sustained a severe combat and experienced mortal
anguish, that the Mussulmans succeeded in regaining the shore.
The Merinide troops shut up in Algeciras were at length reduced
to such extremities that they offered to evacuate the place by an
honorable capitulation. The king accepted the conditions, fulfilled
them loyally, and sent back the garrison to Maghrib. Algeciras sur-
rendered in 743 [1342-3]. The sultan received these warriors with
a kindness which made them forget the evils they had suffered,
and distributed to them so many robes of honor, saddle-horses, and
rewards of money that every one marveled; but he cast into prison
the vizier, Asker-Ibn-Tahadrit [the general-in-chief], in order to
punish him for not having repulsed the enemy, which would have
been entirely possible for him with the troops under his command.

^His name is several times repeated on the walls of the Alhambra
{Jour. Asiat. 9. 12. 437, note 93).

" The Cronica (pp. 595-7) will not allow that Alfonso was to blame,
but imputes the treachery to a Genoese, Valentin de Lorox, at the instiga-
tion of the Genoese admiral; cf. Schirrmacher 5. 235.

Henry of Lancaster.
(From the brass of Sir Hugh Hastings at Elsing, Norfolk.)

Algezir 221

Having returned to his capital, Abu-'l-Hassan remained profoundly
convinced that the cause of God v^^ould end by triumphing, and
that the All-Powerful would fulfil his promise by granting to the
Mussulmans a return of good fortune, and to religion a speedy
victory, for 'God will complete the manifestation of his light, in
spite of the unbelievers.'^

The two Englishmen who were conspicuous at th^ siege of
Algeciras were Henry, afterwards Earl and Duke of Lancaster,
but then Earl of Derby, and William Montagu, first Earl of
SaHsbury (1301-1344), after whom Salisbury Crags, at Edin-
burgh, were named. Salisbury was 42 years of age, and Derby
about two years older. Salisbury was to die in the following
year, while Derby lived till 1361.^ Though Salisbury had dis-
tinguished himself in various ways (he was made earl in 1337),
he never gained the renown of Derby, whom Petrarch (not
earlier than 1364, according to Biagi) celebrated, along with
Arthur, Godfrey, etc., in the lines (Trionfo delta Fama 2.152-3) :

Poi il duca di Lancastro, che pur dianzi
Era al regno de' Franchi aspro vicino.'

According to the Diet. Nat. Biog. (26. 102) : Tn the spring
of 1343 he [Henry] was sent on embassies to Clement VI at
Avignon, and to Alfonso XI of Castile.' Of this I find no
direct evidence, but on March 31 there is a writ with respect
to 'Thomas Cok [Cook] going to Spain, there to stay in the
company of the king's kinsman, Henry of Lancaster, Earl of
Derby,' and on May 2 one regarding William de Cusancia,
staying beyond the seas in the coriipany,' etc.* On July 6 the

^ Koran, surat 66, verse 8.

" See above, pp. 176-7. -

' He is thus characterized by the Diet. Nat. Biog. (26. 105) : 'Henry of
Lancaster was esteemed throughout Western Europe as a perfect knight;
he was brave, courteous, charitable, just, and at once magnificent and
personally temperate in his habits. He had a thorough knowledge of
public affairs, was a wise counsellor, and was loved and trusted by
Edward III beyond any other of his lords. Like his father. Earl Henry,
he was religious, and during his last days is said to have been much
given to prayer and good works.* His portrait from the brass of Sir
Hugh Hastings (d. 1347), at Elsing, Norfolk, is reproduced opposite,
irom Htwitt, Ancient Armour 2. 195. ■.

* Both in Cal. Pat. Rolls. . . •- ■

222 Chaucer^ s Knight and his Exploits in the South

king sends the Earls of Derby, Arundel, Warwick, and others,
to treat of certain matters with Pope Clement VI at Avignon.^

The English documents next in time would make it appear
that Henry was not starting from England till September, but,
like that of July 6 mentioned above, they must be understood
as missives dispatched to travelers already residing in foreign
coimtries. The first is of Aug. 29, and empowers Henry and
eleven others to treat with the ambassadors of France in the
presence of the Pope. The second, of Aug. 30, is a credence for
Derby and Salisbury, addressed to Alfonso. The third, of Sept.
2, empowers the two earls to treat with Alfonso.^

On Nov. 24 Edward IH informs the Pope that he will send
Derby and Warwick as ambassadors, with reference to the pro-
longation of the truce concluded with France in February.^

^Rymer. Kervyn (23. 459) tells of his being sent by Edward III on
July 6 as ambassador to the Pope, and relates that, having reached
France, he learned that a crusade against the Moors was in progress,
and so passed over into Spain. In view of the above documents (cf.
p. 223, note 7), however, the latter part of this statement looks mythical.

^All in Rymer. The shocking story told by Jean le Bel (2.' 30-34;
cf. Chronique Normande, pp. 54, 59; Chronographia Regum Francorum,
pp. 197. 204-5; Istore et Croniques de Flandres 2. 6, 9), as to tlTe reason
for Salisbury's departure from England, is discredited by Froissart and
his editor (Kervyn 4. 273, 458-461; cf. Diet. Nat. Biog. 17. 56). Jean
le Bel is certainly inaccurate in saying that Salisbury perished at the
siege, since he died in England on Jan. 30, 1344.

'Rymer. On March 24, 1344, Edward grants power to Derby and
Arundel to treat with Alfonso. On May 30 Edward congratulates
Alfonso on the conquest of Algeciras, as he had done June 12, 1341,
on the victory at Salado (see above, p. 217). In a letter to Alfonso,
dated Aug. 12, 1344, Edward III speaks of the desire he had cherished
to take part himself in the siege of Algeciras, and to visit Compostella,
and touches upon Derby's plan of rejoining Alfonso's forces, on which
account the king had communicated to Derby his thoughts concerning
the resumption of a project for the imion of Alfonso's eldest son
(Peter the Cruel, then 11 years of age) with Edward's eldest daughter
(Isabella, aged 12) ; Derby, however, had abandoned his plan on hearing
of the surrender of Algeciras. On Sept. 10 of the same year, 'Edward,
in accrediting certain commissioners to Alfonso, refers to Derby's having,
when lately in Spain, broached the idea of such a union with one of
Edward's daughters, and relates that Derby and the Earl of Arundel,
being bound for Spain [spring of 1344?], the king had bestowed upon
them authority to treat concerning the matter, but that the capture of
Algeciras had had the effect above described.

Algezir 223

For the sojourn of the two earls in Spain, we are almost wholly
dependent upon the Cronica, the relevant parts of which are here
presented in a somewhat condensed translation:

V-

And the Earls of Derby^ and Salisbury, men of prominence in the
realm of England, came to the war against the Moors, like many
others from foreign countries, for the salvation of their souls, and
to see and know the king, . . . And these earls, being at Villa
Real, heard how the Moors were to fight with the King of Castile
on a certain day. Accordingly, they both traveled as fast as their
palfreys could carry them, and arrived at Seville in a very few days,
though all who started with them failed on the way, and were unable
to complete the journey, save four knights only. And when they
arrived at Seville, they were at the house that the company of the
Bardi kept there, and sought how they might reach the camp with
additional knights, if possible; if not, then at least they them-
selves. . . . When they arrived, they learned that the King of
Granada and the Moors were near the Guadiaro river,* and that
there was no fixed day for the battle. And on this account they
awaited their troops there, in the meanwhile sending their men to
headquarters to announce their coming to the king, and to have
houses constructed against their arrival. When the troops arrived,
they all left Seville for the royal camp. Here the king welcomed
them, and was much pleased with them; for they were valiant
knights, bringing with them brave companies, and had been at many
hotly contested battles. In blood the Earl of Derby stood the higher,
being of royal lineage*; but the Earl of Salisbury had taken part
in many battles, in one of which he had lost an eye.

IF
. And the king [Alfonso] went out to receive them [Gaston de Foix
and his brother],® and paid them much honor, and commanded that
dwellings be assigned them apart from the other camps, and near
where the Earls of Derby and Salisbury were dwelling'^; for one
reason, so that they might be further removed from the city, and,
for another, that they might be free from annoyance by the Castilian
troops.

* Cronica, pp. 541-2.
'Always written *Arbi.'

'Alfonso received word of this on May 3 {Cronica, p. 539)-
*He was great-grandson of Henry III, as Edward III was. ,
^ Cronica, p. 544.
"See above, p. 219.

'This was the end of June, so that the two earls must have arrived
before that date, and after May 3 (see above, p. 222, note i).

2 24 Chaucer's Knight and his Exploits in the South

IIP

In order to the construction of this fort [a third fort for the siege
of Algeciras], a large number of soldiers kept guard over those who
were at work. And the Moors in the city, being much disturbed
over the building of the fort, would sally out to engage the Chris-
tians, in order to make an end of it. During these conflicts many,
both Christians and Moors, were wounded and slain. It happened
that one day, when the Moors issued forth to fight with the Chris-
tians, the Earls of Derby and Salisbury armed themselves and all
their companies, and took part in the conflict. At that moment the
Castilian knights who were on guard had vanquished the Moors,
and driven them into the city; but the earls and their companions
made their way to the city-gates on the side of the army, where
the encounter had taken place, and advanced so far that they thrust
with their lances at the Moors who were in the trench and behind their
walls. Then all the Moors in the city ran thither and sallied forth,
and there was a great battle with them. The Earl of Derby was
wounded in the face with an arrow,^ and two of his knights were
slain, but the Moors were forced back into the city.

IV

And he [Philip III, King of Navarre*] arrived at headquarters
in the month of July. . . . They of France and Gascony joined

^ Cronica, p. 546.

' Cf. the Poema de Alfonso Onceno (Bibl. de Autores Espanoles 57.
545-6), stanzas 2274, 2279-81:

Un buen conde fue armado,
De Moros grand enemigo,
Arbit era su condado,
Deste conde que bos digo. ...

Bien lidiaron los paganos,
Bien ferian a rreueses,
Los Castellanos llegaron
Por bandear los Ingleses.
E los Moros engerraron
Con su alcayde fardido,
E los Ingleses tornaron
Con el conde, mal ferido.
Dieronle tres saetadas ,
Los ballesteros clareses,
Fueronse a sus posadas
Con el conde los Ingleses.
' Cronica, p. 550.

* He fell ill, left the camp in September, and went to Jerez de la
Frontera (source of sherry) where he soon died {Cronica, pp. 587-8;

Algezir 225

[in encamping] the King of Navarre and the Count of Foix, and
they of England and Germany the Earls of Derby and Salisbury,
because of the long and great war between the King of France and
the King of England, in which the Germans assisted the English
king.

One day at the beginning of August, there entered companies of
foot-soldiers from outside the kingdom into the barrier that the
Christians had made, and began to fight with the Moors of the city
between the villas. Which when the king had seen, he realized that
if they were not succored they were in peril of death, for the
Moors were numerous, and more were pressing out of the city.
Accordingly, he ordered some of his troops to arm themselves and
enter the mellay, in order to rescue these men. And those to whom
the king gave commandment went thither, but could not effect the
rescue, for the Moors fought them as they had done the others.
Then the Earls of Derby and Salisbury, with other Englishmen and
Germans, being at hand, armed themselves, and eagerly took part
in the fray; upon which the Moors of the city, horse and foot,
issued forth to the field, and the combat between them was fierce.
Now the Christians who engaged did not stand firm with the earls,
but abandoned them, like men who had entered inconsiderately into
the battle. The king, seing this, commanded that all those within
the barrier should arm, and reinforce the Christians; and this they
did. After they had come together from each side, the Moors fled
into the city, while the Christians continued to fall upon them until
they had pursued them inside, and slain many of them in the trench.
In this way many of the Moors were killed and wounded; and they
fled in such haste, and in such great disorder, that two Christian
Englishmen were carried along with them into the city.^ Thereupon,
certain Moors who saw them supposed that they were more in number,
and were much afraid that they had lost the city. But when they
discovered that there were only two, they tried hard to capture
them, and placed guards at the city-gates. And the Christians who
took part in the combat stayed near the city, and laid waste the
fine gardens which the Moors had between the two villas, and which
they maintained in great estate. But the king commanded them to

Kervyn 22. 267). His own physician had insisted on wine and a liberal
diet, while those of Alfonso were in favor of keeping him low; and
it was the former that he followed.

^ Cronica, pp. 551-2.

^ Cf . Jean le Bel i. 49: 'Les crestiens perdoient plus souvent que les
Sarrasins aux paletis et aultres armes, car ilz s'abandonnoient trop a la
folic pour avancer leur honneur envers les grands seigneurs et les barons
qui la estoient venus de tons pays comme pelerins.'

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XX. 16 1916

226 Chaucer's Knight and his Exploits in the South

leave the barrier, because many arrows were shot at them from both
the villas, wounding numbers of men and horses; and this they did.

VP

In this month of July, the King of Granada sent as messengers to
the King of Castile those whom he had sent on a former occa-
sion. . . . And when these envoys reached the palace, there were
with the king the King of Navarre and the barons of his realm,
the Earls of Derby and Salisbury, the Count of Foix, etc'

VIP

And because the fleet of the King of Morocco was in the port
of Ceuta awaiting the King of Granada's fleet, the King of Castile
sent his admiral, Don Egidio, with fifteen galleys, to the port of
Ceuta; and with him in these galleys were the Earls of Derby and
Salisbury, and all their companies. . . . [No battle was fought.]
And the next day they were at the port of Algeciras, where was the
King of Castile with his army.

VHP

The Earls of Derby and Salisbury came" to speak with the king,
and told him that the King of England, their lord, had sent them

* Cronica, p. 555.

' These envoys had a novel experience while they were being con-
ducted through the encampment (Cronica, p. 556) : 'At length they came
to the quarters occupied by the earls and the other foreigners. Each of
these had his helmet placed on a stout and high pole at the door of his
house, and all bore figures of various kinds. One represented a lion,
another a fox, a wolf, an ass's head, an ox, a dog, or other animal.
Some had a man's head, with face, and hair, and beard. These figures
were all so well made that they seemed alive. Again, others had the
wings of eagles or ravens. In all there were not fewer than six hundred
such helmets. And the Moors, seeing them, marveled greatly at the
host of people which the King had there.' Cf. Schirrmacher 5. 230, and
see the accompanying plate, taken from the armorial of Guelders Herald,
as reproduced in Kervyn 23. 465 ff. The arms are those of the following
persons: 58, Jean de Roye; 59, Renaud de Roye; 60, the Sire de St.
Venant; 61, the Sire de Sempy (or St. Py) ; 62, the Sire de Sombernon;
63, the Sire de la Tremoille. Of these, Renaud de Roye and the Sire de
Sempy were two of the three challengers at St. Inglevert (cf. above,
p. 207), Boucicaut (ib.) being the other. Renaud was the organizer of
the jousts.

' Cronica, pp. 567-8.

* Cronica, pp. 568-9.

'Perhaps late in August; cf. Schirrmacher 5. 231.

Algesir

227

Arms of French Knights

228 Chaucer's Knight and his Exploits in the South

to say that the King of France and he had established a truce and
peace between themselves for three years,'- and that, with reference
to certain matters that they had to settle, power had been given from
the King of England to the Earl of Derby. Hence it was necessary
that he should be at the Court of Rome by a certain day, and that
God knew it grieved them much to depart at this time, for their
desire was to remain with the king until the Moors came to battle,
or till the king was able to recover the city of Algeciras. And when
the king had listened to them, he thanked them heartily for their
words, and for the service they had performed, adding that they
were at liberty to depart when they pleased. And so they took their
leave,' great friends of the king.'

Belmarye. Froissart's Bellemarine, Belmarin, Bellemari.
Rather the name of a tribe, the Bene-Marin, than a territory.
This tribe flourished between 121 3 and 1524, so that this period
has been called the Marini, or Merinide period, succeeding to
that of the Almohades. Having already possessed Eastern
Morocco, or the kingdom of Fez, they annexed Western Morocco,
or the kingdom of Marrakesh, by 1258. They conquered Tlem-
<;en in 1337, under Ali V, or Abu-'l-Hassan (reigned 1331-1351),
and occupied it till 1359, when it reverted to the Beni Zeeyan,
from whom it had been wrested, and remained in their possession

till 1553.'

Of Yakub II (reigned 1258-1286) it is said that he had much
friendly intercourse with Europe.'*

Abd-el-Aziz I (reigned 1366- 1372) 'entertained relations with
Edward the Black Prince, who then ruled at Bordeaux'® (hence

*But this had been done on Jan. 19 (Diet. Nat. Biog. 17. 57).

* Derby is said to have returned to England about Nov. i (Diet. Nat.
Biog. 26. 102).

'Qf. Cronica, p. 571: 'And when the Moors came to Gibraltar (Sep-
tember ?), the Earl of Derby had been gone for some days, and the Earl
of Salisbury had remained ill at Seville.*

*Meakin; Eneye. Brit., nth ed., 18. 856.

' Meakin, p. 94. He adds : 'On one occasion the river at Salli was
so full of foreign ships that there were said to be more strange sailors
there than resident natives, so during Ramadan the foreigners seized the
town, entering by a breach in the wall, though after fourteen days the
Moors retook it.' He also tells of a descent made by foreigners on
Laraiche (a seaport on the Atlantic) in 1270 (ib., note). The wife of
Ali V seems to have been a Christian. She died in 1349-50, and a
beautiful tribute to her memory is printed by Meakin (pp. 104-5).

"Meakin, pp. 105-6.

Lyeys 229

between 1366 and 1370?) ; possibly it is from this intercourse
that Chaucer's notions of Morocco may have proceeded.

Chaucer's Belmarye is, then, Morocco. Palamon is com-
pared to a Hon of that country {K. T. 2630-33) :

Ne in Belmarye ther nis so fel leoun,
That hunted is, or for his hunger wood,
Ne of his praye desireth so the blood,
As Palamon to sleen his fo Arcite.

Lyeys, early October, 1367. Froissart's^ and Marco Polo's^
Layas, Ariosto's^ Laiazzo, also known as Ayas, Ayacio, Aiazzo,
Giazza, Glaza, la Jazza,^ I'Ajasso, la Giazza,^ VA'ias,^ is per-
haps most properly called Ayas, a name derived from Lat. 2Egce,
Gr. Xl-yai? It lies in the vicinity of Issus, famous for the battle
between Alexander and Darius. Ayas is on the bay of the same
name {Cent. Atlas, map loi, F 4), opening out of the western
part of the Gulf of Alexandretta, or Scanderoon, in the mediaeval
kingdom of Lesser Armenia. In the latter part of the 13th
century it became one of the chief places for the shipment of
Asiatic wares arriving through Tabriz.® As Marco Polo says^:
'All the spicery [spices, drugs, dye-stuffs, metals, wax, cotton,
etc.^^], and the cloths of silk and gold, and the other valuable
wares that come from the interior, are brought to that city. And
the merchants of Venice and Genoa, and other countries, come
thither to sell their goods, and to buy what they lack. And
whatsoever persons would travel to the interior (of the East),
merchants and others, they take their way by this city.'^^ Con-
quered from the Christians by the Arabs of Egypt in 1322, but

^ Kervyn 20. 567.

' Prol, chap. 8.

"OW. Fur. 19. 54- i (cf. 20. 58).

* Marco Polo i. 16.
""Bihl., p. 310.
*Le Roulx, p. 23.

' Pape, Wort, der Gr. Eigennamen i. 28.

* Marco Polo i. 16; cf. Le Roulx, p. 67.
''Bk. I, chap. I.

" I. 45.

''Cf. BibL, pp. 310, 311, 315, 319, 323; Marco Polo, p. 41; cf. Heyd
I. 404, 598-9; 2. 79-81, 85-6, 88-94.

230 Chaucer's Knight and his Exploits in the South

rebuilt after 1323, it was recaptured by the Egyptians in 1347.^
After Pierre I of Lusignan, King of Cyprus (reigned 1359-
1369), had captured SataHa on Aug. 24, 1361, the Emir of
Ayas hastened to make his submission to him.^ About the begin-
ning of October, 1367, Pierre appeared before Ayas, where he
had expected to meet Hayton, the King of Lesser Armenia.
His mission was to capture Ayas from the Saracens, but, though
he expelled them from the city, he was unable to gain the castle,
and so returned to Cyprus.^ On this expedition, the Earl of
Hereford (see pages 182, 233) was with him.^

Satalye, August 24, 1361 ; between June and September, is6y.
Also known as Adalia (Antalia), the ancient Attalia, Gr.
'AxTaActa. It lies between capes Khelidonia (Chelidona) and
Anemour (Anamour), on the southern coast of Asia Minor,
{Cent. Atlas, map loi, D 4), and has about 25,000 inhabitants.
It is the capital of the sanjak of Tekke-ili. Beaufort, writing in
1817, thus describes \i^:

Adalia is beautifully situated round a small harbour®; the streets
appear to rise behind each other like the seats of a theatre; and
on the level summit of the hill, the city is enclosed by a ditch, a
double wall, and a series of square towers about fifty yards
asunder/ . . . The port is inclosed by two stone piers, which once
had towers on the extremities; but they are now in a ruinous
state. . . .

The gardens round the town are beautiful; the trees were loaded
with fruit*; all kinds of vegetation seemed to be exuberant; and
the inhabitants spoke of their corn grounds as more than commonly
productive. The soil is deep, and everywhere intersected by streams

^Heyd 2. 93-4; cf. Bihl., p. 318.

'Le Roulx, p. 119 (cf. p. 118) ; Bihl, p. 495 (cf. pp. 490, 491).

•Le Roulx, p. 139; Bihl, p. 517; Machaut 6964 ff. At length, in
I375i Ayas lost whatever independence it had possessed (Heyd 2. 94).

For maps of Ayas, see Marco Polo, opp. p. 44; for pictures, see
Langlois, Voyage dans la Cilicie, pp. 230-2; Beaufort, p. 240; Marco
Polo I. 16; Laborde, Voyage de I'Asie Mineure, p. 132.

* Machaut, p. 229.

'Pp. 126-130.

•Cf. Hastings, Bible Diet. i. 208.

' See the more particular description in Bibl. i. 493.

® Orange, lemon, fig, and mulberry trees, besides vineyards (Bibl., p.
492; Larousse, Encyc).

Satalye 231

loaded with calcareous matter, which, after fertilizing the plain, fall
over the cliffs, or turn the corn-mills in their descent to the sea.

Alternate breezes refresh the air in a remarkable manner^; for
the daily sea-breeze sweeps up the western side of the gulf with
accumulated strength ; and at night, the great northern valley which
appears to traverse the chain of Mount Taurus, conducts the land
wind from the cold mountains of the interior. Upon the whole,
it would be difficult to select a more charming spot for a city.^

In the Middle Ages, Satalia was the most important place on
the southern coast of Asia Minor, having regard to its strength
and commerce,^ though it did not equal Ayas.* It lay in the
empire of Iconium, Roum, or Turkey, whose sultan, with his
capital at Konieh (Coyne), was the richest monarch in pagan-
dom, according to Joinville^ ; and Iconium formed the eastern
part of Asia Minor, as Romania, belonging to the Greeks of Con-
stantinople, formed the western part, from Mount Olympus to
the Taurus.^

In August, 1 36 1, Pierre I, King of Cyprus, sailed from Cyprus
to Satalia with a fleet of about 119 vessels. Here he arrived on
the 23d, and at dawn of the next day advanced wuth scaling-
ladders and arblasts to the assault. Cutting down all who
opposed, the army was soon within the walls and in possession
of the castle, before the emir, named Tacca,^ who had remained
outside the city in order to fall on the army's rear, was in a
position to attack it. Finally he succeeded in entering the city
by an underground passage, but seeing the Christian helmets on

^Mas Latrie (Bibl, p. 493) says that the mountains in the vicinity
keep off the breezes, so that the heat is excessive and dangerous.

^ The best modern description is by Lanckoronski, Stddte Pamphyliens
and Pisidiens i. xi, 6-32, 153-163, with maps and pictures. See also the
view in Beaufort, opp. p. 126. Roger of Hoveden, at the end of the
twelfth century, has a brief description (Bohn tr. 2. 248). Richard I was
in the Gulf of Satalia on May i, 1191 (Stubbs, p. 161).

^Bibl, pp. 326, 492; cf. Heyd i. 335-6, 598-9; 2. 355-6, 543-

*Heyd I. 598.

^ Hist, de Saint Louis, ed. de Wailly, § 141. For the commerce, see
BibL, pp. 304-5, 307, 315, 323, 329. For the harbor, see Pauly-Wissowa,
p. 2156. For legends concerning the Gulf of Satalia, see Roger of
Hoveden (Rolls Series 3. 157; Bohn tr. 2. 248-9), who derives from
Benedict of Peterborough (ed. Stubbs, 2. 195-7) ; cf. Stubbs, p. 148.

'BibL, p. 302; cf. Roger de Hoveden, Bohn tr. 2. 249-250.

' Perhaps from the name of the country that he governed.

232 Chaucer's Knight and his Exploits in the South

the walls, and Christian banners floating from the towers, he
regained his main force. ^ A few lines from Machaut paint the

situation^ :

II s'en ala, lui et sa gent,
Parmi la haute mer nagent,
Tant qu'il vint devant Satalie,
Une cite qu'est en Turquie,
Grande et puissant et ferme et forte.
Mais il n'i ot ne mur ne porte
Ne gens qui la peust deffendre,
Que li bons rois ne I'alast prendre
Et destruire et mettre a I'espee.
Et si I'a toute arse et bruslee.
La veist on maint drap de soie
Et de fin or qui reflamboie
Ardoir; et mainte dame belle,
Maint Sarrazin, mainte pucelle,
Maint Turc, et maint enfaiit perir
Par feu, ou par glaive morir.

In this expedition he was accompanied by an English force, or
a force under an English knight, named Robert of Toulouse.^

The Saracen troops under Tacca had caused much annoyance
to Satalia during the half dozen years following upon its cap-
ture by Pierre.* On March 26, 1367, Pierre succeeded in sup-
pressing a rebellion which had broken out in the city.^ Between
June and September, 1367, and before proceeding to the capture
of Tripoli and Ayas,® the king invited Tacca to meet him in
Satalia. Here Tacca offered him rich presents, and obtained from
him a confirmation of the existing treaty of peace. '^ At this
meeting there were present two Englishmen — the Earl of Here-
ford and Sir William Scrope. Sir Richard Waldegrave testified
in I386«:

^ Bibl, pp. 493-4; Le Roulx, p. 119; Stubbs, p. 193.

^^ 643-658.

' Stubbs, p. 193. As the name sounds suspicious, and as he is desirous
to save the honor of the English nation, Stubbs suggests that he was
a Continental subject of the Plantagenets.

* BibL, pp. 495-500, 506; Le Roulx, pp. 1 19-120, 123.

'^ Chronique de Strambaldi (ed. Mas Latrie), pp. 79-80; Amadi, pp.
446-7.
®See above, p. 230.
'' Bibl, p. 517; Le Roulx, p. 138; Strambaldi, p. 83.

* Scrope and Grosvenor Controversy, ed. Nicolas, 2. 2>77'

Grete See 233

And also beyond the Great Sea he saw Sir William Scrope so
armed, with a label, in the company of the Earl of Hereford at
Satalia in Turkey, at a treaty which was concluded between the
King of Cyprus and 'le Takka,' Lord of Satalia, when the King
of Cyprus became Lord of Satalia.

This earl was Humphrey X, Earl of Hereford from 1361 to
1372,^ the father-in-law of Henry, Earl of Derby. He was also
present at Ayas.^ Sir Wilham Scrope, who, according to Nico-
las, almost realized Chaucer's beau ideal of a knight,^ was prob-
ably the same who, according to the testimony of Sir Alexander
Goldingham,* was with Hereford in Lombardy previous to this.

Grete See. Though Yule^ thinks the Black Sea is here meant,
the term is usually understood of the Mediterranean.®

Tramissene. Froissart's Traniessaines, Tremessaines."^ In
Arabic it is known as Talimsdn, and otherwise generally as
Tlemgen. The kingdom of Tlem(;en included a considerable
territory in what is now western Algeria, including Oran.^ The
city has some remarkable remains of Moorish architecture.® Of
the period between 1282 and 1337 we are told (Encyc. Brit. 26.
1035) • 'Under their sway [that of the Abd-el-Wahid] Tlem-
gen flourished exceedingly. The presence of Jews and Chris-
tians was encouraged, and the Christians possessed a church.
The bazaar of the Franks was a large walled enclosure, the gates
of which were closed at sunset. As many as 5000 Christians
lived peaceably in Tlemqen, and the Sultan included in his army
a Christian bodyguard.'

^Dict. Nat. Biog.

^ See above, p. 230.

'Scrope and Grosvenor Controversy 2. 105 (cf. 2, 106).

* Scrope and Grosvenor Controversy 2. 228 (cf. 2. 107) ; Diet. Nat. Biog.
51. 138. For Satalia in relation to Amurath I (1386), see Hammer-
Purgstall I. 200.

** Marco Polo i. 3.

"Gower, Conf. Am. 3. 2487-90; 4. 1620-37; Mandeville, ed. Halliwell,
p. 259; Hertzberg, p. 579.
^ Still Treniesin as late as 1517 (Brewer, Reign of Henry VIII i. 277).

* See the map in Meakin, opp. p. 80.
'See Encyc. Brit., nth ed., 26. 1034.

234 Chaucer^s Knight and his Exploits in the South

Peter the Cruel (ruled 1350-69) of Castile was reported to
have formed a treaty of alliance with the kings of Belmarye and
Tramissene in 1366, or thereabouts.^ Such rumors as the fol-
lowing were current:

And, besides all this, there ran a bruit of him among his own men
how that he was amiably allied with the king of Granade and with
the king of Bellemarine and the king of Tremesen, who were all
God's enemies and infidels: wherefore some of his own men feared
that he would do some hurt to his own country, as in violating of
God's churches, for he began already to take from them their rents
and revenues, and held some of their prelates in prison, and con-
strained them by tyranny,'

After the coronation of Henry of Trastamare in 1366, his army,
estimated at 60,000 men, well armed and mounted, announced
their intention, after subduing Castile, to invade Granada and
Belmarye, thereby causing great fear among the Saracens.^
Before entering Spain for the support of Henry, the captains
of the companies sent a herald with letters to Peter, requesting
to be allowed, as pilgrims, to pass through his dominions on their
way to Granada and Belmarye, whither they were bound for the
destruction of the infidels."*

In 1382 it came to the ears of the English serving in Spain
with the Earl of Cambridge that the King of Granada was
warring against the Kings of Barbary and Tramissene, and that
they were welcome to take service with him for the campaign.
Several Frenchmen on the ground availed themselves of this
offer, but only a few Englishmen, the greater part returning to
England with the earl.^

^Merimee, Hist, de Don Pedre I^^, p. 425; Kervyn 7, 264; 17, 459; cf.
Ibu-Khaldoun, Hist, des Berberes 4. 380.

"Kervyn 7. 86. See also the fantastic story told by Cuvelier (Chronique
de Bertrand du Guesclin 14426-35, 14503-6, 14549-51, 14597-622, 15255-6,
15275-421, 15957-80; cf. 9076, 9293, 9568, 9904) about the journey of Peter
into Belmarye to secure aid for the relief of Toledb early in 1369.

' Kervyn 7. 93.

* Kervyn 17. 425.

° Kervyn 9. 492. It is interesting to note that, by a charter of Peter's,
dated Sept. 23, 1366, he accorded to the English the privilege of being
the first to engage the Moors in any battle with the King of Granada
(Kervyn 20. 515).

Palatye 235

Palatye, 1365, 1390. Also known as Palatscha, la Palizia,^
Turkish BalaTT^ It occupies the site of the ancient Miletus, on
the left bank of the Meander, not far from its mouth^ (Cent.
Atlas, map loi, B 4). It derives its name, 'the palaces,' from the
ruins found in the vicinity.* As the form Palatscha and the
derivation show, the word should be stressed Paldtia,^ not Pala-
tia. Pegolotti calls it Palattia di Turchia.^ It carried on com-
merce with the Rhodians, the Cypriotes, the Genoese, and the
Venetians. Within or near the city there was, in the fourteenth
century, a church of St. Nicholas. Its emir was a Seljuk Turk, ^
under whom slaves were dealt in and piracy practised, and who
had coins struck with Latin inscriptions, like the gigliati (with
a lilied cross) minted in Naples, for use in the trade with Italy.*^
At what stage the emirates of Palatia and Mentesche (the ancient
Caria) were united is uncertain — evidently as early as 1403,^
and probably much before. In about September of 1365, when
Pierre de Lusignan was preparing to sail for the conquest of
Alexandria (see above, p. 216), he received ambassadors from
Palatia at Rhodes, and concluded a treaty with the emir, by which
the latter agreed to pay tribute for the safeguarding of his cities
and castles.^ In 1390 Bayezid extended his sway over this
region,^^ and some time after an embassy was sent from Palatia
to Tamerlane, which exhorted him to take the field against
Bayezid/^ After the battle of Angora in 1402, in which Tamer-
lane conquered Bayezid, he reinstated the emirs whom Bayezid

"^BibL, p. 502.

^Heyd i. 594-

'Heyd, ib. Mas Latrie (Bibl., pp. 325, 502) says that it lies north
of the ruins of Miletus; others that it represents the ancient Myus
(Leake, Journal of a Tour in Asia Minor, p. 239; Forbiger, Handbuch
der Alien Geographie 2. 214; Hertzberg, p. 580).

* Chandler, Travels in Asia Minor, p, , 146 ; Spon and Wheler, Voyage
d'ltalie i. 211.

"* Leake, op. cit., p. 240. ^,

'^ La Pratica della Mercatura (in Pagnini, Delia Decima, Vol. 3), pp.
94, 370.
' Heyd i. 594-6.
^Heyd 2. 353-4 (cf. i. 595).

* Bibl., p. 502 ; Chronique de Strambaldi, under A. D. 1365.

^° Heyd 2. 353 ; Hammer-Purgstall i. 221 ; cf. Le Roulx, p. 388.
" Heyd. ib.

236 Chaucer's Knight and his Exploits in the South

had expelled.^ He granted an interview to the sons of the Emir
of Mentesche, who had fled from fear of Bayezid, and taken
refuge at Sinope; but in the meantime their territory had been
ravaged by Tamerlane's skirmishers.^ The emir whom Tamer-
lane reinstated was Elias Beg, whose father^ and brother* were
both named Mohammed. It is not improbable, then, that the
emir whom Bayezid expelled in 1390 was Elias Beg,^ though,
since the latter lived till 1425, it may possibly have been his
father, Mohammed. Whichever it was, it seems to be the rela-
tion between the emir and Bayezid that Chaucer had in mind in
the lines of the Prologue which follow — in other words, between
a Seljuk and an Ottoman Turk; and, since any hostilities must
have taken place in 1390, this was early enough for Chaucer to
have heard of them.*^ He might also have been informed, through
Henry, of the offer made by Boucicaut and his friend, Renaud de
Roye,^ to Amurath I, father of Bayezid, in the spring of 1388,
that they would assist him in any wars against the Saracens.®

From the historical background which we have attempted to
sketch, a few forms stand out with peculiar clearness. These
are, almost without exception, personages of high rank, and
among them none, perhaps, rivet our attention more than two

' Heyd, ib.

' Hammer-Purgstall i. 330-1.

' Heyd 2. 354, note 3.

*Heyd, ib.; Hammer-Purgstall i. 424.

• Heyd 2. 353.

'That information of the affairs of the East was current in the higher
circles of England at this time, is clear from the letter addressed by
Henry IV to Tamerlane in 1402 (or possibly 1403), congratulating him
on his victory in that year over Bayezid, whom he calls 'our enemy
and yours' (Ellis, Orig. Letters 3. i. 57), and from the treaty concluded
between the two sovereigns (Le Roulx i. 391).

^ See above, p. 226, note 2.

*Le Roubc i. 163. Cf. the Livre des Faictes, Bk. i, chap. 16: *Si s'en
allerent apres devers luy [to Gallipoli], et il les recent a grand feste,
et leur fit tres-bonne chere, et ils luy presenterent leur service, en cas
que il f eroit guerre a aucuns Sarrasins. Si les en remercia moult Amurat ;
et demeurerent avec luy environ trois mois : mais pource que il n'avoit
pour lors guerre a nul Sarrasin ils prirent conge, et s'en partirent.'

Lancaster and Derby 237

men of royal blood^ — the elder Earl of Derby, who died as Duke
of Lancaster, and his grandson, the younger Earl of Derby, who
died as Henry IV. Chaucer's Knight is a typical, in some sense
a composite, figure, to which no one contributed more noble traits
than did the knight whom Petrarch^ ranked with the greatest
worthies.^ He was a sexagenarian* when Chaucer served as
a subaltern in the army of which he himself was a general, but
the praise of his earlier achievements was doubtless still fresh
in men's mouths. He was one whom the king delighted to honor,
and in whom chivalry saw its highest ideals incarnated, so far as
human imperfections allow.

If the crusading exploit by which Lancaster is best known was
performed in the South,^ that of his grandson belongs to the
far North, from which the latter doubtless brought the reports
of the table of honor which supplied Chaucer with an immortal
distich. In age, religious devotion, modesty, and variety of
achievement, Chaucer's Knight stands nearest to the father of
John of Gaunt's beloved Blanche. When Chaucer would utilize
the son of Blanche as a more complete model, itj is as his dashing
and splendid young king in the Knight's Tale.^ \

^Lounsbury (i. 93, note) derives an argument from Chaucer's use
of the word 'worthy' (Prol. 68) in favor of the poet's having had Henry
in mind in his portrayal of the Knight's character; and one might
analogically use the word 'sovereyn' (Prol. 67), which it is well known
was Henry's motto (Wylie 4. 115-6), for the same purpose.

^ See above, p. 221.

'On the authority of Capgrave (Diet. Nat. Biog. 26. 102), he is said
'to have gone while a young man to fight as a crusader in Prussia,
Rhodes, Cyprus, and Granada, to have been so renowned a captain that
he was known as "the father of soldiers," and the noblest youths of
France and Spain were anxious to learn war under his banner.'

*This agrees with Manly's estimate of the Knight's age (Trans. Amer.
Phil. Assoc. 38 (1907). 104).

"An interesting connection between the older and the younger man,
of whom one died five years before the other was born, is suggested
bv the feeling of the lords who heard Henry's sentence pronounced by
Richard II, that he might do well to 'faire ung voiage en Grenade et
sur les mescroians' (Kervyn 16. 108: Johnes' Froissart, 1839, 2. 666;
cf. Kervyn 16. 132: Johnes 2. 674-5).

"Earlier scholars have thought of adK^enturous knights of less exalted
rank. Thus Tyrwhitt in 1775 (Cant. Tales 4. iQo) refers to Sir Matthew

9$^ Chaiicer^s Knight and his Exploits in the South

Gourney (cf. Leland, Itinerary, ed. L. T. Smith, pp. 159, 297; Diet. Nat.
Biog. 22. 291-2; Cuvelier, Chronique de Dn Guesclin 2. 597; Kervyn
21. 442) ; but neither he, nor Sir Hugh Calverley (Diet. Nat. Biog. 8.
262-3; Kervyn 5. 289-295; 17. 281-4; 20. 493-4; 23. 421; Ormerod, Hist.
Cheshire 2. 766-8; Cuvelier, op. cit. 2. 590), nor any of the Scropes
(above, pp. 204, 217, 233; Manly, op. cit., pp. 104, 107), sufficiently fulfils
the conditions.

INDEX

Abu-'l-Hajjaj, 218-220.
Abu-'l-Hassan, 217-219, 228, 230.
Albert III of Austria, 196, 209,

212.
Alexandria, 216.
Alfonso XI of Castile, 217-9, 221-

3, 228-9.
Algezir, 216-8, 220, 224, 226-8.
Amedeus VI of Savoy, 183, 185.
Amu rath I, 233, 236.
Anne, Queen, 190, 196.
Archer, 199, 200.
Arthur, 211, 221.
Augustine, 195-6.
Ay as, 216, 229-233.

Bayezid, 235-6.

Beauchamp, Richard, 205.

Beauchamp, Thomas, 205.

Beaufort, 209.

Belmarye, 217-8, 228-9, 234.

Berkeley, 183.

Bernabo, 183, 186.

Black Prince, 170, 174, 177-8, 192,

228.
Blanche of Lancaster, 167, 177,

184, 188, 190, 237.
Blanche (Bianca), wife of Gale-

azzo II, 185.
Boethius, 195.

Boucicaut, 206-7, 210, 212, 226, 236.
Bucton (Bukton), 191.

Calverley, 170, 238.

Chambery, 185.

Chaucer in 1357, 177, 179; in I359,
175, 177; in 1359-60, 178-9; in
1360, 176; in 1361-6, 179 ff-, 187;
in 1367, 176, 179-80; in 1368,
182-3, 186, 188, 195; in 1369-70,
177; in 1369-71, 188; in 1372, 176,
178, 183, 186; in 1374, 176, 178;
in 1375-7, 176; in 1378, 183, 186;
in 1379, 178; in 1385, I75, 213;
in 1387, 212; in 1390, 188; in
1391, 175, 188; in 1393, 175, 193,
194, 214; in 1395, 193; in 1396,
191; in 1398, 189; in 1399, 193-

Chaucer, works of :

Book of the Duchess, 177, 184.

Friar's Tale, 200.

House of Fame, 1936-41, 180.

Knighfs Tale, 263-6, 229; 1297-
1328, 167-174, 214.

Legend of Good Women,
A 354-5, 186.

Monk's Tale, 409-16, 186.

Prologue, 51, 56-67, 216; 54,
197; 399-400, 176.

Romance of the Rose, 3809-14,
181.

Squire's Tale, 184-6.
Chaucer, John, 176.
Chaucer, Philippa, 176, 178, 186-7,

192.
Chaucer, Thomas, 178, 189.
Clanvowe, 214-5.
Cote-armure, 169.

Dantzic, 196-7, 199, 209.
Dartford, 166, 191, 194, 214.
Douglas, 205-7, 210.

Eagle, 171, 215.

Edward III, 175-7, 179, 180, 184,

190, 192, 211, 213, 219, 221-3,

227-8.
Edward, the Black Prince. See

Black Prince.
Emetreus, 167.

Falcon, 171-2.

Forester, 175, 188-9, 200, 201.

Froissart, 183-4, I95.

Galeazzo II, 182-3, 185-6.

Gallipoli, 236.

Garland, 170.

Gaston de Foix, ^19, 223, 225-6.

Gawain and the Green Knight,

185.
Genoese, 218.
George. See St. George.
Gerfalcon, 17 1-2.
Gian Galeazzo, 185, 196.

240

Index

Gloucester. See Woodstock.
Godfrey of Bouillon, 221.
Gold, cloth of, 168.
Gourney, 23^.
Gower, 194-5.
Granson, 190, 191.
Greenwich, 175.
Grete See, 233.

Hawkwood, 183.

Henry, Earl of Derby (later

Henry IV), passim.
Henry of Lancaster, 176-7, 203,

219, 221-7, 237.
Hereford, Earl of, 182, 230, 232-3.
Horse, 167.
Hotspur, 167, 192, 207-8.

Inde, 167, 185.

Inglevert. See St. Inglevert.

Ireland, 179 ff-, 187. 1

John of Bohemia, King, 202. j

John of Gaunt, 167, 177-8, 188.
190-194, 201, 208-9, 214, 237.

Konigsberg, 196, 204-210.
Kovno, 197, 199, 201, 203, 208, 210.

Lancelot, 185.

Lancaster. See Blanche, John of

Gaunt, Henry.
Laurel, 170.
Leopard, 174-5-
Lionel, 177, 179, 189, 192, I95-
Lithuania (Lettowe), 197-9, 204-

6, 216.
Lyeys, 229.
Lynn, 192.

Machaut, 232.
Mantelet, 170.
Middelburgh, 212-3.
Milan, 182-5.
Montagu, John, 206-7.
Montagu, William, 219, 221-8.

Or (e) well, 212-3.

Palatye, 235-6.
Pavia, 186, 195.
Percy. See Hotspur.

Peter the Cruel, 222, 234.
Petrarch, 217, 221, 237.
Philippa, Queen, 184, 188.
Pierre I of Cyprus, 216-7, 230-233.

Renaud de Roye, 226, 236.

Retinue of Henry, 172.

Reyse, 201.

Richard I, 231.

Richard II, 183, 189- 191, 193, 207.

Round Table, 211.

Rubies, 170.

Saddle, 169.

St. George, banner of, 204, 207,

211.
St. Inglevert, 192, 207, 209, 226.
Salisbury. See Montagu.
Satalye, 230-233.
Savoy, 183.

Scrope, Geoffrey, 203-4.
Scrope, Stephen, 209, 217.
Scrope, William, 232-3. See also

237.
Sluys, 176, 213.
Spenser, 180.
Suffolk. See Ufford.
Swynford, Katharine, 1*78, 192.
Swynford, Thomas, 192.

Table of honor, 196, 206, 209-212,

214.
Tamerlane, 235-6.
Tars, cloth of, 169.
Tatars, 197.
Tramissene, 233-4.
Turkey, 206, 231-3.

Ufford, Robert, 202-3.
Ufford, William, 208.

Vilna, 196, 198-200, 202, 205.
Violante, 182-3, 185-6, 196.
Visconti. See Bernabo, Galeazzo,
Gian Galeazzo, Violante.

Warwick. See Beauchamp.
Welun (Wellon), 203-5.
Wicker houses, i8a-i.
Woodstock, Thomas, 206.

Yeoman, 199-201.

TRANSACTIONS OF THE

CONNECTICUT ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES

VOLUME 20. PAGES 241-399 APRIL. 1916

Rural Economy in New England

at the Beginning of the

Nineteenth Century

BY

PERCY WELLS BIDWELL, PH.D.

Instructor in Economics in Yale University

NEW HAVEN, CONN,
1916

THIS ESSAY WON THE JOHN A. PORTER PRIZE
YALE UNIVERSITY. 1915

COMPOSED AND PBINTBD AT THB

WAVERLY PRESS

Bt the WiLLIAMB & WiLKINS COMPANT

Baltimobe, Md., U. S. a.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

CHAPTER PACK

Preface 245

Introduction 247

I. The Inland Towns and their Village Settlements 251

The ViUages 252

Occupations of the Village-Dwellers 253

Ministers, Lawyers and Physicians 254

The Business Men 256

The Country Store 258

Village Industries 260

The Mechanics and Artisans 262

The Lack of Division of Labor — Causes and Results 266

Manufactures in Inland Towns 268

Hats 269

The Iron Industry 270

Shoemaking 273

Woolen Cloth 273

Cotton Spinning 274

Summary 275

II. The Coast and River Towns 277

Four Groups of Commercial Towns

(1) On Massachusetts Bay 277

(2) The Ports Along Long Island Sound 280

(3) Connecticut River ToAvns 285

(4) Cape Cod and Nantucket 287

Summary — Relation of the Maritime Industries to Agriculture 291

III. Commercial Relations of Southern New England with the

Southern States and the West Indies 294

Markets Outside New England:

(a) New York City 294

(b) Regions of Specialized Agriculture 295

(1) The Chesapeake Lowlands 295

(2) The Coastal Plains of South Carolma and Georgia. . . 297

(3) The West Indies 300

Estimate of the Importance of these Markets 304

TV. Internal Trade and the Transportation System 306

The Waterways 307

The Roads and Highways 311

How the Roads Were Laid Out 312

Means of Conveyance 314

The Building of Turnpike Roads 315

The Effect of Turnpike Roads on Inland Trade 316

The Insignificance of Internal Trade 318

V. The Agricultural Industry 319

Contemporary Criticism 319

Farm Management in 1800 321

Size of Farms 321

The Importance of Indian Com 322

Why the Wheat Crop Failed 323

The Lack of Root Crops 324

The Rotation of Crops • 326

The Neglect of Manure 328

243

244 Contents

CHAPTKR PAGE

The Farm Equipment — Buildings, Tools and Implements 331

The Yield Per Acre of Various Crops 333

The Apple Orchard 334

The Management of Woodland 334

Meadows and Pastureland 336

The Native Cattle 337

Oxen and Horses 338

Sheep of the Common Breed 340

The Importations of Merino Sheep 341

The Agricultural Societies — Character of their Work 342

The Contemporary Criticisms were Deserved 345

But the Explanation Given was not SuflScient 346

Inefficiency of Agriculture was not Due to Ignorance 346

Conservatism 349

Land was Cheap and Labor Dear — Washington's Explanation 349

The Effect of Cheap Land— The Frontier 350

Emigration 351

The Real Cause of Inefficient Agriculture was the Lack of a Mar-
ket for Farm Products 352

VI. Home and Community Life in the Inland Town 354

The Self-sufficiency of New England Farms 354

Clothing — ^The Age of Homespun 357

The Organization of the Household Industries 361

The Building and Furnishing of Farmhouses 363

The Versatility and Ingenuity of Yankee Farmers 365

Commodities Bought and Sold by a Minister-Farmer 366

The Result of Self-sufficient Economy was a Low Standard of Living . 368

The Contrary Opmion Held by Travelers 368

Wealth was Equally Distributed 370

Agriculture was not a Means of Making Money 371

Land was Cheap, Hence no Class of Wage-Earners 372

Paupers — Cost of Poor Relief — Causes of Poverty 373

The Vice of Intemperance — Its Causes 374

Tendencies Toward Social Degeneration 376

Virtues of the Age of Homespun 377

Educative Effects 378

The Importance of the Mechanical Ingenuity of the Yankee Farmer

in the Future Industrial Development of New England 378

The Home Market 380

Appendix A. Population Statistics of Southern New England.
1810 381

Appendix B. Emigration from the Inland Towns in Southern
New England. 1720-1820 383

Appendix C. Partial List of Works on Agriculture PublishUd
IN THE United States before 1815 392

Bibliography 394

Map — Distribution of Population in Southern New England,
1810 Facing page 277

PREFACE.

The following chapters are a part, only, of a larger work which
I have undertaken, a history of the changes in the rural economy of
New England in the nineteenth century. In broad outline such
a history falls into three periods: (1) The period of self-sufficient
economy, which had existed since the settlement of the country,
reaching the highest point of its development at the beginning of
the nineteenth century; a period in which the characteristic features
of rural economy were the absence of any market for farm produce
and the consequent dependence of each town and, to a large extent,
of each household, even, on its own resources for the satisfaction of
its wants. (2) The period of transition to commercial agricul-
ture, under the stimulus afforded by the rise of manufacturing en-
terprises in inland towns and villages and the consequent demand
for food and raw materials on the part of the newly-arisen non-
agricultural population; the years included in this period being
approximately the two generations from 1810 down to the close of
the Civil War. (3) The period of the decadence of New England
agriculture, extending from the close of the Civil War to the end
of the nineteenth century; a period in which the increasing pressure
of Western competition caused the abandonment of large numbers
of New England farms and a decline in both the quantity and qual-
ity of the rural population. It was thus that the Rural Problem
of New England arose. From an appreciation of the importance
of the problem have arisen organized efforts looking toward its solu-
tion, toward an economic and social rehabilitation of rural life in
this region.

The chapters here presented constitute a survey of the rural econ-
omy of the three states of southern New England at the close of
the first period.

I desire to make acknowledgment of the courtesies extended
to me by the librarians of the American Antiquarian Society, the
Connecticut Historical Society, and of the Harvard and Yale Uni-
versity libraries. My thanks are due also to various members of
the Department of Economics of the Graduate School of Yale Uni-
versity, and also to Professor F. W. Taussig of Harvard University,
for encouragement and helpful suggestions.

245

246 Preface

In a very especial manner I am indebted to the late Professor
Guy S. Callender, of the Sheffield Scientific School of Yale Uni-
versity, who directed my researches in this field. Without his
helpful advice, his illuminating criticism and his stimulating com-
panionship this book could not have been written.

Percy Wells Bidwell.

New Havetiy Jannury 1, 1916.

INTRODUCTION.

It is the purpose of this essay to analyze the economic conditions
of life in inland towns in southern New England a century ago, with
a view to showing in what way, and to what extent, these conditions
were effective in shaping the peculiar features of home and com-
munity life of this region at the time. In other words, it is our aim
in the first place to discover what were the most important circimi-
stances which affected the ability of the inhabitants of these towns
to produce wealth, that is, to satisfy their wants, to get a hving;
and in the second place, to show in what ways these people sought
to adapt themselves to their circumstances so as to satisfy their
wants most easily, to get the best living possible.

The townships into which the area of Massachusetts, Rhode
Island and Connecticut was at this time divided were more than
convenient geographical divisions for administrative purposes; they
were units of economic and religious as well as of political life. In-
side these economic microcosms, these cells of the social organism,
there were developed distinctive individual habits and characteris-
tics, and distinctive social customs. The stem austerities of New
England character have often caused comment and discussion, as
have also the remarkable energy, industry and ingenuity of its peo-
ple. So also the peculiar unity and cohesion of their social and
religious life are well-known and accepted facts. But the interest
of most students and writers in these matters has been that of the
mere antiquarian. A detached fact, an isolated idea, concerning
the life of the early settlers of this region has been picked up and
examined with enthusiastic interest and with a certain kind of appre-
ciation, such as a connoisseur of antiques might display when rum-
maging for old crockery or furniture through the attic of a farm-
house. Rarely has there been an attempt at real economic his-
tory; that is, at an explanation, a synthetic reconstruction of the
way in which these people got their living. To do this all these
scattered, and of themselves interesting facts must be fitted together,
must be brought into some orderly relation showing cause and effect;
they must be interpreted in the light of the fundamental principles
of economic theory. In this essay such an attempt at reconstruc-
tion and interpretation will be made.

247

248 Introduction

As a field for a study in economic history no region offers better
opportunities than do the three states of southern New England
at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Here we find an "eco-
nomic province," a territory of uniform life based upon a uniform
physical environment, peopled by a homogeneous race, with com-
mon descent, common traditions, and common institutions. This
uniformity of conditions gives the student the great advantage of
being able to draw general conclusions for the whole region from the
evidence presented in typical localities. He has, moveover, the
advantage of investigating an approximately static condition in
economic life. For at least a generation, there had been practi-
cally no change in the manner of life of the inhabitants in most of
the towns. In many of the older towns there had been little change
in 50 or 100 years. The process of pioneering was finished, prac-
tically all of the land which was then considered available had been
brought under cultivation; in the current phrase, these states were
"fully settled." But a great change was impending; soon the fa-
miliar, stereotyped ways of doing things, traditional habits of life
and of thought were to suffer modification and in a few generations
were to disappear almost entirely. The revolutionary force was
to come from the rise of manufactures and the growth of a non-
agricultural population in the inland towns. It is peculiarly inter-
esting and instructive to examine the economic and social life of
these comimunities at this critical stage in their history.

The general plan of the essay may be outlined as follows: In the
first place an analysis of the occupations of the inhabitants of the
inland townships will be undertaken. Not only will the relative
importance of each trade, business, and profession be determined,
but also the nature of the relations existing between each and the
agricultural industry will be considered. In other words, this por-
tion. Chapter I, will be devoted to a study of the extent of the Divi-
sion of Labor in the inland townships.

The second step. Chapter II, will be to determine how far the
inland communities thus described were typical of the whole region
of southern New England. A search will be made for industrial
and commercial towns and the conmiercial relations between these
and the purely rural towns will be considered.

In Chapters III and IV an attempt will be made to find out how
far these rural communities engaged in coromerce with the inhabi-
tants of regions outside New England. An investigation will be
made of the extent of the demand for foodstuffs in the Southern

Introduction 249

states and in the West Indies. To determine how far this market
was supplied by farmers in inland towns, an examination of the con-
ditions of internal trade and of the transportation system in southern
New England will be necessary.

Thus far we have been employed in describing the economic con-
ditions, in reconstructing the environment in which the inland far-
mers found themselves. The second part of the essay, Chapters
V and VI, will be devoted to describing the state of the agricultural
industry as carried on by inland farmers, and the general features
of life in the home and in the community. Finally, these facts
will be brought into relation with those of the economic situation
that we have described in the first four chapters.

CHAPTER I.

The Inland Towns and Their Village Settlements.

The typical inland township in southern New England in 1810
was an area of roughly 40 square miles,^ containing a population
of from 1,000 to 3,000 persons. An examination of the Census of
1810 shows us 385 of such towns, out of a total of 437. Of the re-
maining 52 towns only three^ had as many as 10,000 people, 11 had
between 5,000 and 10,000 and 38 varied from 3,000 to 5,000. More
significant than these figures as showing the predominant impor-
tance of the smallest towns is the fact that 67 per cent, or more than
two-thirds of the total population, lived in these; one-quarter in
towns of from 3,000 to 10 000 people, and only about one-sixteenth
of the total number in the largest towns.^ Within the group of the
smallest towns, considerable variations in size were to be found. In
newly settled or in unfertile regions, such as Berkshire and Wor-
cester counties in Massachusetts, a large proportion of the towns
contained from 500 to 1,500 people. On the other hand, in especi-
ally fertile districts, as, for instance, in the Connecticut valley,'*
or where an old town had retained a large grant of land unsub-
divided, as, for instance, Farmington and Saybrook,^ the popula-
tion ranged between 2,500 and 3,000 or above. On the whole, how-
ever, we shall find that all the towns in this group which we have
selected as the typical inland towns show characteristics which set

' The variations from this norm were considerable, especially in the longer
settled regions where the older towns had been often subdivided. Some of the
towns, also, had acquired and kept unusually large grants of land. Consequently,
towns as small as 20 square miles or as large as 70 are sometimes found. The
best source of information as to the area of towns at this time is Pease and Niles,
Gazetteer of the States of Connecticut and Rhode Island. Hartford. 1819.
We have no similar work at this date for Massachusetts, except for individual
towns and counties. E. g. Whitney, Peter. History of the County of Worces-
ter. Worcester (Mass.) . 1793.

2 These were Boston, 33,250; Salem, 12,600; and Providence, 10,000.

' For fuller statement of these figures see Appendix A.

* There were 16 towns along the Connecticut River from Saybrook to Spring-
field, only two of which had less than 2,500 people.

^ Both of these towns contained about 70 square miles and profited besides
by their location in the Connecticut Valley.

251

252 Percy Wells Bidwell

them off more or less distinctly from the small number of larger
towns and so justify the classification.

J^he Villages.

A part of the inhabitants of the inland towns lived in villages,
small groups of houses often surrounding the meeting house on the
top of a hiU in the center of the town, or lying stretched out along a
single broad street, or enclosing an open square at the intersection
of two highways; the remainder lived in farm-houses scattered over
the area of the town outside the village. It was these village settle-
ments which, as President Dwight so clearly pointed out,^ distin-
guished southern New England from the Southern states as well
as from the frontier regions of the northern parts of New England
and from the new communities in the Western states. Resulting
originally from a need of protection from the hostile natives and
also from the desire to have dwellings convenient to the place of
religious worship, these villages became a traditional part of New
England life and served to foster the growth of a communal spirit.
They made possible compulsory education of children and in gen-
I eral prevented the degeneration in manners and morals which in-
I evitably follows as a consequence of dispersion of people in a new

I ^country.*

From the point of view of the economic life of the inhabitants,
however, these villages were not significant. In the first place, they
were not large enough to include any very great proportion of the
entire population, and, besides, the occupations of the village dwellers
were essentially the same as those of their fellow-townsmen. As
regards the size of these villages, contemporary writers have given
us an abundance of information. In 1781 Chastellux referred to
Lebanon, Conn., as one of the most considerable towns, i.e., villages,
in the country (in the rural inland region.) It had 100 houses which
were somewhat scattered.^ The same writer found 50 houses around

' Dwight, Timothy. Travels in New England and New York. 4 vols. London.
1823. I. 300-303.
r 2 xhe importance of the services rendered by the country churches in fur-
I nishing a social center can hardly be over-emphasized. A clear statement of
the nature of these services is found in Adams, Charles Francis. Three Episodes
in Massachusetts History. A Study in Church and Town Government. 2 vols.
Boston. 1892. II. 750-751.

' Chastellux, Francois Jean, Marquis de. Travels in North America. 2 vols.
London. 1788. I. 455. Another French traveler who passed through this town
a few years later found 150-160 houses in the village. See La Rochefoucauld-
Liancourt, Due de. Travels through the United States of North America. 2 vols.
London. 1799. I. 515.

Rural Economy in New England 253

a large square in Litchfield, Conn.; about the same number col-
lected about a meeting-house in Farmington; in Windham, also in
this state, some 40 or 50 houses were seen "pretty near each other,"
forming a square.^ The same type of village was seen by Professor
Silliman in Lenox, Mass. It had 100 houses gathered about three
churches, an academy and a courthouse.^ Killingworth, Conn.,
furnished an example of what might be called an "extended village."
On its broad main street, six rods wide and one and one-half miles
long, were 65 houses. In another part of the town there was a vil-
lage of 109 houses.^ From a general survey of such figures as are
given in Pease and Niles' Gazetteer it seems that in the great major-
ity of towns the villages contained less than 50 houses.'*

Occupations of the Village-Dwellers.

An examination of the distribution of land ownership in the in-
land towns shows that the occupations of the dwellers in these minute
nuclei of population, the villages, did not differ essentially from those
of their neighbors who lived on scattered farms along the country
roads. They were all farmers. In describing the type of village
found in the Connecticut Valley, President Dwight says: "The
town plat is originally distributed into lots containing from two to
ten acres. In a convenient spot, on each of these, a house is erected
at the bottom of the courtyard (often neatly enclosed); and is fur-
nished universally with a barn, and other convenient outbuildings.
. . . . The lot, on which the house stands, universally styled
the home lot, is almost of course a meadow, richly cultivated, cov-
ered during the pleasant season with verdure, and containing gen-
erally a thrifty orchard."^ Besides these home lots the village dwellers

' Chastellux. Op. cit., I. 48, 38, 23.

2 Silliman, Benjamin. Remarks on a Short Tour between Hartford and Que-
bec. New Haven. 1820. p. 39.

3 See Field, D. D. A Statistical Account of the County of Middlesex in Con-
necticut. Published by the Connecticut Academy of the Arts and Sciences.
Middletown. 1819. pp. 108-109.

* Taking 12 towns from various counties in Connecticut, we find the follow-
ing numbers of houses collected in villages: Litchfield, 84; Harwinton, 15-20;
Plymouth, 20; Hampton, 20; Farmington, 100; Newtown, 50-60; Milford, 100;
Brooklyn, 20; Sterling, 30; Voluntown, 15; Tolland, 30; East Windsor, 40. Of
these towns Litchfield and Farmington were exceptionally large both in area
and population, and Milford was situated on the coast, affording its inhabitants
opportunity for maritime occupations.

* Travels, II. 317. For a more general description of the New England vil-
lages see Lambert, John. Travels in Lower Canada and North America. Lon-
don. 1810. 2 vols. II. 307-308, and Duncan, John M. Travels through the
United States and Canada. 2 vols. New York. 1823. I. 94-95.

254 Percy Wells Bidwell

had outlying fields, which had been apportioned to the heads of the
families at the original settlement of the town.^ On both these
tracts they carried on agricultural operations in the same manner and
to the same extent as did the farmers outside the village. The only
difference between the two types of farmers seems to have been that
the village dwellers were at a considerable disadvantage in going
back and forth from their houses to their fields.^

Ministers^ Lawyers and Physicians.

There were, however, of necessity, some persons in the town
who had other interests besides agriculture, and these generally
lived in the village. In the first place, there were always a few repre-
sentatives of what we now call the professional class. At least one
clergyman, one lawyer and one physician were evidently indispen-
sable to each community. Of these, the minister seems to have been
the one whose "calling" was most sharply distinguished from agri-
culture. President Dwight takes especial pains to deny the gener-
ally accepted report that the country ministers worked on their
farms, except in the newest settlements.' The ministers lived on
farms, however, and drew from them a considerable addition to
their meager salaries. "* The accounts of the settlement of new towns
tell of the reservation of a certain share of the land for the minister,
in clearing which he was assisted by his parishioners.^ There was

' For a description of the method of apportioning land in early New England
towns, see Weeden, William B. Economic and Social History of New England,
1620-1789. 2 vols. Boston. 1890. I. 53H32 and II. 512-515. Also Maclear,
Anne B. Early New England Towns. New York. 1908. pp. 81-101, and
Andrews, Charles M. The River Towns of Connecticut. In Johns Hopkins
University Studies in History and Political Science. 7th series, VII-VIII-IX.
pp. 32-79.

' See Porter, Noah. Historical Discourse Delivered before the Citizens of
Farmington (Conn.). Hartford. 1841. Appendix. Note S. p. 83.

' Travels, IV. 436. On the other hand, we have occasional references to the
activity of ministers as farmers, as in Warville, Brissot de. New Travels in the
United States of America. London. 1792. p. 453.

* According to MacMaster, History of the People of the United States, 6 vols..
New York. 1885-1913, 11. 568, the salaries of country ministers at this time va-
ried from £75 to £140. The New England pound being equal to $3.33, this
would make them worth from $250 to $550. At a somewhat later date the sala-
ries of ministers in Middlesex County, Conn., varied from $230 to $1000. In
addition to the salary a settlement of from £100 to £200, payable either in cur-
rency or in kind, was made on the installation of a new pastor. Field, Statistical
Account, p. 145.

' See Belknap, Jeremy. History of New Hampshire. 3 vols. Boston. 1792.
III. 324.

Rural Economy in New England 255

a tendency as land grew more valuable and as the ability of the
parishioners to pay a salary, either in currency or in kind, also in-
creased, for the parishes to dispose of their land holdings. But in
1810 much remained,^ and even now in rural towns the parsonages
are often situated on small farms. Although the clergymen were
not farmers in the same sense or on the same scale as their parishioners,
yet cultivating a kitchen garden and keeping a cow or two and
some small stock were occupations which furnished some part of
their living and, moreover, were not inconsistent with clerical
dignity.

Lawyers and physicians appear regularly in every account of
village life of this period. Scarcely any town managed to get along
without at least one lawyer and a couple of "doctors."^ Travelers
remarked on the importance of the legal profession in southern
New England, especially in Connecticut, and attributed the fact
to the litigious spirit of the people.' It may be, however, that other
more rational causes can be found. As a matter of fact, this pro-
fession offered practically the only opportunity for an ambitious
young man to bring himself into prominence in the world which
lay outside his own community. As a country doctor or minister
he might live and die unheard of beyond the circle of a few towns,
but with only the smattering of a legal education he might become
a justice of the peace, a selectman, and finally be sent to the state
legislature. From that vantage-ground his talents, whatever they
might be, would have at least a chance to display themselves. An
examination of the careers of the men who were most prominent in
the politics of southern New England at the beginning of the cen-
tury shows in fact that a large proportion of them had been country

' See Field. Statistical Account, 145-148.

2 A compilation of the statistics given in Pease and Niles' Gazetteer gives the
following result for two typical counties in Connecticut:

No. of Towns Lawyers Physicians

Windham 13 24 44

Tolland 11 14 27

In four towns in Windham County the lawyers were lacking but in the town
of Windham, where the county court was held, there were eight. In this county
there were five towns which had each four or more physicians.

» See Harriott, Lieut. John. Struggles Through Life. London. 1807. II. 55.
Wansey, the English clothier, tells us that the best houses in Connecticut were
inhabited by lawyers. Journal of an Excursion to the United States of America.
Salisbury (England). 1796. p. 70.

256 Percy Wells Bidwell

lawyers.^ While waiting for political preferment, or in the inter-
vals between terms of ofl&ce, the country lawyer would have had
a hard time to make a living if he had relied on his legal work alone.
Consequently, he sometimes took up a trade such as that of car-
penter or shoemaker,^ but most often made up the deficiencies in
his income by farming.^

This partial reliance upon agriculture was equally true of the
medical profession. They were, in many cases, men with a smatter-
ing of knowledge concerning the effect of certain drugs and herbs
on the most common diseases, — primarily farmers, who, as Miss
Lamed says of the doctors in Canterbury, practiced medicine when
they had nothing more important to do.'* The inventory of the
estate of a physician of that region shows to what extent he had
combined the two occupations. Besides a stock of drugs, medi-
cines and vials, he had one pair of oxen, 13 cows, 15 head of young
cattle, 20 sheep, a number of swine, farming tools, hay, etc. It
was probably the fact that much of the medical service of the time
was being done by poorly educated men who were farmers as well,
which caused so much complaint to be made of the inefficiency of
the profession at that time.^

The Business Men.

Besides these professional men, there were in the rural villages
a small group of men who represented in a way the prototype of
what we now call the class of business men. There was the taverner
or innkeeper, the country trader, the proprietors of the saw-mills,

' Taking a list of 64 prominent men at this time, including governors, United
States Senators and state ofl&cials and legislators, whose previous occupation can
be ascertained, we find that 36 of these had been lawyers, 13 were merchants,
10 had come into prominence during the Revolution, 3 were physicians, and 2
were craftsmen. Examples of men of prominence who were originally lawyers
in country towns are furnished by Uriah Tracy, United States Senator from
Connecticut, Jonathan Trumbull, the elder, Governor of Connecticut, and Caleb
Strong, Governor of Massachusetts.

* See Neilsen, Peter. Recollections of a Six Years Residence in the United
States of America. Glasgow. 1830. p. 182.

3 Advertisements in the country newspapers such as that in the Massachu-
setts Spy, published in the town of Worcester, issue of July 1, 1807, are good
evidence on this point. This advertisement recommends a farm of 23 acres
which is offered for sale as a suitable purchase for a lawyer.

* Lamed, Ellen Douglas. History of Windham County, Conn., 2 vols.
Worcester (Mass.). 1874-1880. II. 423.

' See La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, Travels, I. 448, and Neilson, Recollec-
tions, pp. 188-189.

Rural Economy in New England 257

the grist-mills, the fulling-mills, the tanneries; the village artisans
or mechanics, the blacksmiths, the carpenters and joiners, and the
cobblers. In a mere numerical consideration these occupations
might seem to have formed an important element in the economic
life of the community, but, on closer observation, it becomes evident
that these, too, were usually only auxiliary occupations, by-indus-
tries of agriculture.

The New England tavern served a wide variety of purposes and
its proprietor must needs be a man of varied talents. If situated
on a stage-coach route it provided the clean beds and the whole-
some fare which were so much appreciated by travelers.^ Far more
important were its services to the townsfolk as a common gather-
ing-place. As a social center it rivaled the meeting-house to whose
moral atmosphere it presented a decided contrast. Here much
of the political business of the town was transacted; the selectmen's
meetings and the sessions of the town court were held regularly in its
main room; and at times, in winter, when the meeting-house was
too cold, the town meetings held an adjourned session there. It
was the scene of many village festivities; the singing school and the
dancing school, where the liberal tone of the community permitted
such frivolity, met there; on muster days the tavern was the head-
quarters of the train band. On most of these occasions the tavern
bar, where strong liquors were dispensed, was liberally patronized.
This feature, too, proved a strong attraction for the village topers
and ne'er-do-wells.2 It was this multiplicity of services to the
community rather than the patronage of the infrequent travelers
which explains the uniform occurrence of taverns in inland towns.
They were, of course, most numerous on the post-roads between
New York and Boston, but even in the smallest and most isolated
towns at least one tavern could usually be found.^

' Brissot de Warville discusses appreciatively an inn in Spencer, Mass.
Travels, I. 124.

* See Field, Edward. The Colonial Tavern. Providence. 1897. Also Mac-
Master, History of the United States. II. 564-565. Adams, C. F. Episodes,
II. 783.

' Chastellux, Travels, I. 50, while traveling in Connecticut, writes of a law
which requires public houses at intervals of every six miles on the great roads.
Such a law, however, does not appear in the statutes in force in the three states of
southern New England at the end of the eighteenth century. In Massachusetts and
Connecticut, the local authorities were invested with power to determine the num-
ber of taverns deemed necessary in each town, and to appoint fit persons as keepers.
The latter were required to give bonds and pay a license fee. Connecticut Pub-

258 Percy Wells Bidwell

The tavern-keeper was a versatile individual. "He led the sing-
ing in the meeting house on Sunday; ran the ferry if his tavern was
situated near a stream; acted as schoolmaster for the children of
those who frequented his house; served his fellow men in the legis-
lature, town council, selectmen, and other minor offices; ruled with
solemn dignity over the local courts; headed the Train Band on train-
ing or squadron days; kept order in the meeting house on Sundays;
surveyed the lands assigned to the land-crazy townsmen; . . .
and in fact, next to the town clerk, was the most important and learned
man in the place."^ Besides these possible lines of activity, he was
often a physician, and usually owned and managed a farm from
the produce of which he supplied a part at least of the wants of
his patrons.2

The Country Store.

The country store was as regularly found in New England towns
as the tavern; in some cases the two institutions were combined
in the same building, under the same proprietorship. In the topi-
cal inland town there were generally not more than two stores and,
in many cases, only one.^ The stock in trade was regularly de-
scribed in their advertisements as European and West India goods.

lie Statute Laws. I. 640-645. 1808, and Massachusetts Perpetual Laws. pp.
55-63. 1788. License fees were also demanded in Rhode Island, although the
regulations were in general less strict in this state. Rhode Island Public Laws.
Revision of 1798, pp. 393-394, 580.

' See Field, Edward. The Colonial Tavern, pp. 41-42.

* Advertisements of farms for sale in the country newspapers clearly demon-
strate this fact. See Massachusetts Spy, Jan, 28, June 22, 1807, and National
Aegis (Worcester, Mass.), April 25, 1804. Another fact which shows the close
relation between this business and the usual occupations of the agricultural pK)pu-
lation, was the practice of "la)dng oneself out to give entertainment." In out-
lying districts where the taverns were either bad or inconveniently situated, or
perhaps entirely lacking, a traveler often apphed for food and lodging to any
"householder of substance," who was not im willing to accept a moderate sum
in return. President Dwight was often accommodated in this way, especially
in the northern states of New England. See also Kendall, Edward Augustus.
Travels through the Northern Parts of the United States. New York. 1809.
3 vols. II. 147; and Kittredge, George Lyman. The Old Farmer and his Al-
manack. Boston. 1904. pp. 282-283.

' The descriptions of the various towns given by Whitney in his History of
Worcester Coimty, Mass., show that the usual number of stores was two in each
town. The advertisements in the newspapers published in inland towns such
as Leominster, Stockbridge, and Brookfield, Massachusetts, rarely contain
notice of more than one country store.

Rural Economy in New England 259

Under the first of these euphonious phrases were included a few
pieces of imported dress-goods, crockery, glassware, powder and
shot, and bars of iron and steel. The West India goods were salt,
molasses, rum and other liquors, indigo, spices and sugar.^ In re-
gions of active internal trade, where the farm produce could find
outlet to a market, as for instance in the towns along the Connecti-
cut River,2 or in the southern part of Windham County, Conn.,^
the country traders were numerous and did a brisk business. They
bought up dairy products and salted pork and beef as well as
household manufactures from the farmers and undertook, on their
own responsibility, often, the sale of these products in the Southern
states or in the West Indies. In the isolated rural community,
however, business must have been extremely dull. Some profit could
be made from the exchange of goods among the members of the
community; but of goods from the outside the latter were able to
purchase very little. Some salt and a few other necessary articles
they had to have; the liquors they often bought in preference to
the things which they really needed and were often largely in debt
to the storekeeper on this account.* In order to eke out a living
the storekeeper resorted to agriculture, either tilling the land him-
self or hiring occasional assistance from his neighbors.^

' An unusually detailed advertisement is that of a Worcester, Mass., merchant
who has to sell: West India goods and groceries, viz: Best cognac and Spanish
brandy; West India and New England rums; real Holland gin; Madeira wines;
flour, molasses; loaf, white and brown sugar; teas, coffee, chocolate, spices, raisins,
copperas; alum; rock and fine salt; dried and pickled fish; glazed china tea sets,
crockery and glass ware, violins and flutes. He offers to give cash for country
produce. National Aegis, November 20, 1804.

2 A very great difference is observable between the character of the advertise-
ments in newspapers published in the river towns such as Middletown, Hartford,
Springfield, Northampton, and Greenfield and those published in the towns men-
tioned in Note 3, p. 258.

3 See Windham Herald, 1808. Lamed, History of Windham County, II. 426.
* Mr. Adams seems to be justified in his opinion that the sale of liquors was a

large part of the business of the country store. He says: "In every store in which
West India goods were sold, and there were no others, behind the counter stood
the casks of Jamaica and New England rum, of gin and brandy. Their contents
were sold by the gallon, the bottle or the glass. They were carried away or drunk
on the spot." Episodes. II. 790.

** As witness the advertisements in country newspapers. Such an advertisement
is that found in the National Aegis of a farm of 90 acres in the town of Paxon,
Worcester County, Mass., on which is a combmed store and tavern. April 25, 1804.

260 Fercy Wells Bidwell

Village Industries.

Every town had its complement of grist-mills, saw-mills and fulling-
mills; usually there were three or four of the grist and saw-mills
and one or two fulling-mills.^ The grist-mills ground the farmer's
corn and rye; the saw-mill prepared the lumber for building pur-
poses; the fulling-mill, or clothier's works, as it was sometimes
called, contained simple machinery for shrinking and dressing the
cloth which had been spun and woven in the farm-houses.^ Com-
bined with the fulling-mill was often a carding machine which per-
formed by water power the laborious operations of preparing the wool
for spinning. These machines had only recently been introduced,*
but had spread so rapidly that by 1810 they were found in almost
every town. The business carried on by these mills was often in-
terrupted in summer by the failure of the streams on which they
depended for their water power; at other times it was small in
amount, being limited almost without exception to the needs of the
community."* The number of mills in a community is by no means
an indication of an equal number of proprietors receiving their entire
income from this sort of industrial activity. Often various sorts
of mills were carried on under one ownership, and besides the pro-
prietors of these various enterprises were regularly farmers as well.-'

' Exceptionally large towns such as Litchfield, in Connecticut, had a much
larger number of these mills.

' The business of a fulling-mill in Cheshire County, N. H., is described in
detail in Gallatm's Report on Manufactures, American State Papers, Finance, II.
435. Its labor force consisted of two men and four apprentices, working four
months in the year. The total amount of cloth dressed was 6,700 yards per annum.
Such mills were often erroneously designated as woolen factories in early descrip-
tions of manufactures.

» About 1800.

* An exception is found in the case of towns within reach of a market, as for
example the coast towns of Fairfield County, Conn., in which considerable mill-
ing of flour was done.

5 An instance is given by Miss Lamed in her History of Windham County.
In Pomfret, Conn., in 1787, one Captain Cargill owned and operated three sets
of grist-mills, a bolting-mill, a blacksmith's shop, a fulling mill, and a churning
mill, all on the same water power and under the same roof. Vol. II. p. 266. See
also Ibid. IL 240.

An illustration of the combination of several of these enterprises with farm-
ing is given in the Hampshire Gazette (Northampton, Mass.), Feb. 20, 1811. A
farm of 130 acres is advertised in the town of Savoy, having on the premises a
store, potash works, grist-mill, and saw-mill. As if these were not enough to
keep the future owner busy, the seller adds that the place is a good site for a
tavern.

Rural Economy in New England 261

A tannery or two seem to have been uniformly a part of the eco-
nomic outfit of the inland town.^ The working dress of the people
was largely composed of leathern garments, not only their shoes
and leggings, but shirts, breeches and coats as well. A large part
of the material came from the» hides of animals slaughtered on the
farms and prepared at the village tannery. This was a primitive
affair, quite on a par with the mills in the size of its plant and in the
scope of its operations.2 Cider mills and cider and grain distilleries
were numerous, but were for the most part owned by farmers and
located on their premises.^

The manufacture of potash and pearl ash was a by-industry of
the farmers in many towns, especially in newly settled regions in
Vermont and New Hampshire, and in Worcester and Berkshire
counties in Massachusetts. La Rochefoucauld described the proc-
ess of preparing potash ''which is generally observed in the United
States," as follows: "Large tubs, with a double bottom, are filled
with ashes; the uppermost bottom which contains several holes,
is covered with ashes, about ten or eleven inches deep, while the
under part of the tub is filled with straw or hay. Water, being poured
over the ashes, extracts the particles of salt, and discharges all the
heterogeneous matter which it may contain in the layer of hay or
straw. The lie is drawn off by means of a cock, and if it should not
yet have attained a sufficient degree of strength, poured again over
the ashes. The lie is deemed sufficiently strong when an egg swims
on it. This lie is afterward boiled in large iron cauldrons, which are
constantly filled out of other cauldrons, in which lie is likewise boil-
ing .... This salt is of a black colour, and called hlack potash.
Some manufacturers leave the potash in this state in the cauldron,

' In the state of Connecticut, for instance, according to the Digest of Manu-
factures prepared by Tench Coxe from the facts collected in the Census of 1810,
there were 408 tanneries. An examination of Pease and Niles' Gazetteer shows
that these establishments were scattered fairly evenly among the 119 towns.

2 An early tannery in the town of Quincy, Mass., is described by Mr. Adams
as follows: "The earher tanneries were strange primitive establishments. The
vats were oblong boxes sunk in the ground close to the edge of the town brook at
the point where it crossed the main street. They were without either covers or
outlets. The beam-house was an open shed, within which old, worn-out, horses
circulated round while the bark was crushed at the rate of half a cord or so a day
by alternate wooden and stone wheels, movmg in a circular trough fifteen feet
in diameter." Episodes, II. 929.

« Coxe, Tench. A View of the United States of America. London. 1794.
p. 269. The manufacture of cider brandy was an important by-industry of the
farmers of Woodbury, Conn. Pease and Niles, Gazetteer, p. 267.

262 Fercy Wells Bidwell

and encrease the fire, by means of which the oil is disengaged from
the salt in a thick smoke, and the black potash assumes a grey colour,
in which state it is packed up in barrels for sale.

Pearlash is potash purified by calcination. To this end the pot-
ash is put into a kiln, constructed in oval form, of Plaster of Paris;
the inside of which being made otherwise perfectly close, is hori-
zontally intersected by an iron grate, on which the potash is placed.
Under this grate a fire is made, and the heat, reverberated from the
arched upper part of the kiln, compleats the calcination, and con-
verts the potash into pearlash; .... The process of calcina-
tion lasts about an hour."^

The apparatus necessary for this manufacture was inexpensive,
the largest outlay being for the purchase of the kettles in which
the lye was boiled. The products, pearlash and potash, were used
to some extent in the household in making soap, in scouring wool,
and in bleaching and dyeing cloth. The larger part of the output
was sold, partly for use in glass-making and other manufactures,
and partly for export.

The Mechanics and Artisans.

We have next to consider the country mechanics or artisans.
Here we find that although the division of labor seems to have pro-
gressed to a considerable degree in the separation of crafts, yet the
connection of each with the fundamental industry, that of tilling the
soil, was as close and as rarely completely dissolved as in the case
of the professional or business men already described. This im-
perfect specialization of occupations is described by Tench Coxe
as follows: "Those of the tradesmen and manufacturers, who live
in the country, generally reside on small lots and farms, from one
acre to twenty; and not a few upon farms from twenty to one hun-
dred and fifty acres; which they cultivate at leisure times, with their
own hands, their wives, children, servants, and apprentices, and
sometimes by hired labourers, or by letting out fields, for a part
of the produce, to some neighbour, who has time or farm hands
not fully employed. This union of manufactures and farming^ is
found to be very convenient on the grain farms; but it is still more

' Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, Travels, 1. 384-386. See also Bishop, J. Leander.
History of American Manufactures. 2 vols. Philadelphia. 1861. II. 57.
' Author's italics.

Rural Economy in New England 263

convenient on the grazing and grass farms, where parts of ahnost
every day, and a great part of the year, can be spared from the
business of the farm, and employed in some mechanical, handycraft,
or manufacturing business. These persons often make domestic
and farming carriages, implements, and utensils, build houses, tan
leather, and manufacture hats, shoes, hosiery, cabinet-work, and
other articles of clothing and furniture, to the great convenience
and advantage of the neighbourhood. In like manner some of the
farmers, at leisure times and proper seasons, manufacture nails,
pot-ash, pearl-ash, staves and heading, hoops and handspikes, axe-
handles, maple-sugar, &c."^

Further testimony on this point is given by Brissot de Warville,^
who says of the region of Worcester County, Mass.: "Ahnost all
these houses are inhabited by men who are both cultivators and arti-
zans; one is a tanner, another a shoemaker, another sells goods;
but all are farmers." If w6 seek for confirmatory evidence from
the size of farms or the amount of land held by these artisans, a
serious difficulty arises. They naturally tended to congregate in
the small village settlements, where customers would have ready
access to them. The gazetteers often speak of the "mechanics' shops"
in their descriptions of these villages.^ These shops were located
in or near the dwellings on the "home lots." Consequently, when
we find advertisements of such shops for sale with amounts of land
varying from one to ten acres,'* we are not justified in concluding
that these men could not be farmers; for, as we have seen, large
outlying fields were as a rule held by all village dwellers, and the
home lots held by the artizans correspond in extent with those held
by men who were purely and simply farmers.

When we consider the numbers of the craftsmen in the various
trades both separately and as a body, in proportion to the popula-
tion of towns in which they worked, our conclusion of their partial
dependence on agriculture is still further strengthened. Fortunately
we have complete lists of the artisans in two typical rural towns in
Litchfield County, Conn., one (Cornwall) of 1600 population and
the other (Washington) having 1575. They are as follows:

J In his View of the United States, pp. 442-443.

2 Travels, I. 127.

» Pease and Niles, Gazetteer, pp. 183-184. Art. New Fairfield, Conn.

* Such advertisements are to be found in the Massachusetts Spy, Feb. 28, Oct.
14, and 19, 1807; National Aegis, Oct. 26, 1807. Also in the Windham Herald and
other newspapers published in small inland towns. Occasionally instances of
farms of 50-70 acres with shops are found.

264

Percy Wells Bidwell

WASHINGTON

Shoemakers

Carpenters

Blacksmiths

Tailors

Coopers

Carriage and wagon makers
Cabinet and chair makers. .
Saddlers

Total

11
8
8
4
7
4
2
1

45'

It would be impossible, on account of changed habits of consump-
tion and on account of the great quantities of articles manufactured
for a wide market which are bought and sold in a modern city, to
make any valuable comparison between the present ratio of crafts-
men to the total population with that found in 1810. Such a com-
parison, however, may be made between conditions existing in
these rural communities and in Hartford, Conn., in 1819, as described
by Pease and Niles. In a population of 6,901 (1820), this city had
the following craftsmen:

Housejoiners and carpenters 19

Shoemakers 15

Blacksmiths 13

Coopers 10

Cabinet and chair makers 8

' The statistics for Cornwall are taken from Pease and Niles, Gazetteer, pp
244-245, and those for Washington from Morris, James A. Statistical Account
of Several Towns in the County of Litchfield. Published by the Connecticut Acad-
emy of the Arts and Sciences. Vol. I. New Haven. 1811.

An interesting table of the same sort appears in the description of Middle-
bury, Vt., in the Massachusetts Historical Society's collections, Series II. Vol. 9.
p. 131. It had in 1820 in a population of about 2300 (Census figures for 1820
do not give population by towns in Vermont) the following artisans: Hatters, 3;
shoemakers, 8; tailors, 3; milliners, 4; saddlers, 3; goldsmiths, 2; blacksmiths, 9;
gunsmiths, 1; glaziers, 1; wheelwrights, 5; painters, 1; coopers, 2; tinners, 2; pot-
ters, 4; tanners, 3; bakers, 2; cabinetmakers, 3; housejoiners, 14; masons, 6; and
in addition 4 saw-mills, 1 oil mill, 1 paper mill and 2 potash works.

Tench Coxe, in his View of the United States, pp. 312-313, gives a list of the
artisans in Lancaster, Penn., the largest inland town in the United States in 1790
(population ca. 3500). It had 234 craftsmen of the most diverse sorts. Lists
are also given for four other inland towns, Washington, Pittsburgh, Bedford and
Huntington. Ibid. p. 311.

Rural Economy in New England

265

Tailors H

Carriage makers and wheelwrights 6

Master masons 6

Butchers 16

Painters 6

Leather workers 2

Hatters 2'

If we may assume that in Hartford these were specialized arti-
sans, devoting their whole time to the practice of their trades and
producing only for the local market,^ then we may from these figures
establish normal ratios of the various types of craftsmen to the total
population. The comparison of these ratios with those shown by
the statistics of Cornwall and Washington is striking. In only

Shoemakers.,

Carpenters

Tailors

Blacksmiths

Coopers

Carriage makers
Cabinet makers.
Leather workers,

CORNWALL

1 to 80
1 to 400
1 to 220
1 to 229
1 to 267
1 to 534
1 to 800

WASHINGTON

ItO
ItO

1 to
1 to
1 to
1 to
1 to

143
197
395
197

225
394
788

1 to 1575

HARTFORD

1 to
1 to
1 to
1 to
1 to

258
460
630
530
690

1 to 1150
1 to 850
1 to 3450

one case, that of the carpenters, is there evidence of greater speciali-
zation on the part of the rural craftsmen. In general we find them
serving a much narrower market than their colleagues in the city.
Compare the position of the shoemakers in the country and in the
city. We find them making shoes for from three to nine times as
many people in the city as in the country; the tailor and the black-
smith in the city both have about twice as many customers as their
colleagues in the country towns. To my mind, these figures are the
strongest sort of corroborative evidence in support of such a general
statement as that of Tench Coxe.^ It seems clear that the 40 to
50 artisans found in a rural town were not representatives of a special-
ized class in industry, but rather were farmers who had acquired

^ Pease and Niles, Gazetteer, p. 43.

'Although there is no direct evidence on these points, yet the general de-
scriptions given in the gazetteers of this city and of towns of this size seem to
justify the assumption. Certainly there is no evidence showing that craftsmen in
such a city sold any of their products to a wide market.

» Quoted on pages 262-263.

266 Percy Wells Bidwell

skill in some particular trade, putting it to advantage in the dull
seasons of their principal occupation, by doing odd jobs for their
neighbors. Certainly making the shoes needed by sixteen or even
thirty families, or building and repairing houses for forty or eighty
families would have been insufficient occupation for the head of a
family. Only by this combination of occupations, "this union of
manufactures and farming," as Tench Coxe called it, could they
have existed.^

The Lack of Division of Labor — Causes and Results.

This completes the survey of the various occupations of the in-
habitants and the analysis of the extent of the division of labor in
the inland town. We may summarize the results as follows: In the
first place, an examination of the method of settlement in the vil-
lages, those diminutive points of concentration of the rural popula-
tion, showed that their inhabitants were farmers — producers and
not merely consumers of food stuffs. Then, taking up successively
the representatives of what we now call the professional class, the
business men and the artisans, or country mechanics, we reached the
same conclusion in regard to each, viz. ; that with the usual exception
of the minister, all of these 50 to 60 men^ held farms which provided
their food as well as other necessities of life.^ We may think, then,
of this whole group of persons as standing on the borderline be-
tween agriculture and a specialized non-agricultural occupation.
They were at times doctors, lawyers, innkeepers or storekeepers,
fullers, carpenters, or tanners, but most of the time plain farmers.

^ This class of country mechanics offers many interesting points of compari-
son with and contrast to the "Lohnwerker" described by Biicher in his "Entste-
hung der Volkswirtschaft." 9 Aufl. pp. 170-171. The "Storer" or itinerant
workers which he describes there had their counterpart in the traveling weavers,
tailors, and cobblers who worked up the raw material of the farmers into finished
goods on the spot. See Earle, Alice Morse. Home Life in Colonial Days. New
York. 1898. pp. 212-213; and Lamed, History of Windham County, II. 395.

The blacksmith, the most indispensable of all the rural artisans, was perhaps
also the most regularly employed of all. Yet very often, up to within recent years,
he also has been a farmer. The variety of products turned out in a smith's shop
may be learned from the account books of Hezekiah Bunnell which are preserved
in the library of the New Haven Historical Society. They cover the years 1725-
1764, during which he carried on his business in West Haven, Cheshire and Far-
mington, Conn. They also illustrate the fact that the payment for the services
of the artisans was often in kind.

2 In a typical town, say of 1500 to 2000 persons.

3 For a description of various industries carried on in farm houses see infra,
Chapter VI.

\

Rural Economy in New England 267

Thus we can see that the distinction between various occupations
which we had set up for purposes of analysis tends to vanish. The
broad outlines of a future division of employments were marked
out, but the process of separation was as yet hardly begun.

The disadvantages of this lack of specialization, this combination
of several professions, occupations or trades in each individual,
are obvious and must have been recognized even then. The doctor
and the lawyer, the cobbler and the carpenter, as well as the com-
munity which they served, must have known that each one of them
could have been far more efficient if only he could have devoted his
entire attention to one occupation. They knew "practice makes
perfect," and how could the practice of any trade or profession be-
become perfect when it must continually be interrupted in order
to procure from the soil a partial subsistence? If they recognized
the defects in their economic organization, why did they not remedy
them? If they realized the advantages which might be expected
from greater specialization, why did they not introduce it? The solu-
tion of this problem is found in the limited extent of the demand
for the services of the non-agricultural class. The towns were
small and the purchasing power of the farmers, for reasons which
will appear in later chapters, was set within very narrow limits.
Hence such a community could not furnish sufficient demand for
the products and services of specialized non-agricultural workers
to provide the latter with a living. Their only resource to supply
the deficiency in income was the soil. Hence the union of all trades,
businesses and professions with agriculture.^

Our interest in this essay is primarily in the agricultural popula-
tion; hence it is pertinent to inquire how the farmers were affected
by this combination of employments which we have observed in
the rural town. Did it make any difference to the plain farmer,
the man who was getting his living merely from cultivating the soil,
whether his neighbors, the miller and the carpenter, were farmers

^ No better illustration than this could be desired of the famous dictum of
Adam Smith that "the division of labour is limited by the extent of the mar-
ket." He says: "As it is the power of exchanging that gives occasion to the divi-
sion of labour, so the extent of this division must always be limited by the extent
of that power, or, in other words, by the extent of the market. When the market
is very small, no person can have any encouragement to dedicate himself entirely
to one employment, for want of the power to exchange all that surplus part of
the produce of his own labour, which is over and above his consumption, for such
parts of the produce of other men's labour as he has occasion for.'*" Wealth of
Nations. Book I. Chap. III. p. 15. (Everyman's edition).

268 Percy Wells Bidwell

as well as craftsmen? Obviously, the practice of agriculture by
all the members of the community meant that none of them could
have an opportunity to sell anything regularly to his neighbors.
That is, under such conditions as we have described, there was no
market for agricultural produce in the inland town. What this
state of affairs meant to the farmers and how far it determined the
character of the agricultural industry, and of home and community
life, are subjects which are best considered in later chapters.

Manufactures in Inland Towns.

The question naturally arises at this point. How far were such
communities as these described typical of all the towns in southern
New England? Were there not, perhaps, some towns in which
manufacturing or commercial enterprises had concentrated an Indus-"
trial or a maritime population? And, if so, to what extent did these
furnish a demand for the farmers' produce?

A casual survey of the list of articles manufactured in the Northern
and Eastern states as reported in the oflScial statements of Hamil-
ton (1791),! Gallatin (ISIO),^ and Coxe (1814)3 would lead one to
expect that somewhere in these states a considerable concentration
of industrial workers might be found. Among the articles there
enumerated were soap and candles, tallow and spermaceti; leather
goods, linen, cotton and woolen cloth, cabinet ware and furniture,
hats, paper, spirituous and malted liquors, cordage, manufactures
of iron, gunpowder, glass and earthenware. But when we come
to analyze the methods by which these articles were produced it
becomes evident that only a few of them were, in any significant
sense of the word, manufactures. The great majority of the articles
included under this term were produced either in the household,
as for instance a large part of the soap and candles, woolen and linen
cloth, or in craftsmen's shops, as were the furniture and the leather
goods. Such goods were either consumed in the family which produced
them or disposed of within the community. Of these articles there
was practically nothing produced for a wide market, and consequently
there was no cause for the growth of an industrial population. In
the case of such articles as cordage, liquors, gunpowder and glass
there was real manufacturing. But this was carried on for the most
part in a few coast towns, such as Boston, Norwich, Providence and

' American State Papers, Finance, I. 123.
2 Ibid. II. 425-439.
» Ibid. II. 666-677.

Rural Economy in New England 269

New Haven, and the effect which these enterprises may have had
in creating a market for farm produce is best considered in connec-
tion with the commercial activities of these towns.

In many inland towns, it is true, there were enterprises already
established producing small articles of various sorts which were
disposed of in a market much wider than that of the local community.
Such were the buttons, tinware,^ clocks, combs, and other "Yankee
notions" which formed the stock in trade of the peddlers in their
annual trips to the Southern states. Yet the production of these
articles was conducted on such a minute scale, at this early date,
that no noticeable concentration of an industrial population resulted.
Towns like Waterbury, or Plymouth, or Berlin, in Connecticut, or
Leominster in Massachusetts,^ were not noticeably different, in the
opening years of the century, from the hundreds of other inland
towns which had no manufacturing enterprises. Their population
was not larger than that of many prosperous agricultural towns^
and the presence in them of ten or a dozen industrial workers would
not have meant much to the farmers. Besides the articles enumer-
ated above, some towns made paper, some linseed oil,* others earthen-
ware and pottery^ in establishments or mills of much the same sort
as the grist-mills and saw-mills which were regular features of the
village economy.

Hats.

There were only a few branches of manufacture, some carried on
in inland and others in coast towns, which had become sufficiently

' For a description of the tinware industry in Berlin and of the methods of mar-
keting this and other small manufactures see Dwight, Travels, II. 43-45. Also
Kendall, Travels, I. 128-129. A consideration of the early development of many
small manufactures in Connecticut towns, including tinware, clocks and but-
tons, will be found in Lathrop, William G. The Brass Industry in Connecticut.
New Haven. 1909.

2 In Leominster 6500 dozen combs were produced annually by a labor force
varying from ten to twenty men. See Whitney, History of the County of Worces-
ter, p. 198.

3 In 1810 the populations of Waterbury and Berlin were 2900 each; Plymouth,
where clocks were made in a few small shops, had 1900 people and Leominister
1600.

* According to the statistics collected for the census of 1810 there were 19 paper
mills and 24 oil mills in Connecticut, 22 oil mills and ZZ paper mills in Massachu-
setts, and 3 of each sort in Rhode Island.

*See Lamed, History of Windham, II. 365. These goods were also marketed
by peddlers.

270 Percy Wells Bidwell

important to deserve especial consideration. The manufacture of
fur and woolen hats, which in many inland towns was carried on
in small shops for a purely local market, had in Fairfield County,
Connecticut, been developed into an export industry. In 1810 the
census credited this county with a product of 350,000 hats. Most
of these were made in the town of Danbury, where there were 56
hat shops employing from three to five men each.^ As a result of
the growth of this industry the population of the town had increased
from 3,180 to 3,600 in the decade 1800-1810. Hats were also manu-
factured in smaller quantities in New London.^

The Iron Industry.

Iron furnaces, forges and trip-hammers, as well as rolling and
slitting mills, were in operation all through the inland region of
southern New England in 1810. For the furnaces the three requi-
sites to profitable operation were a supply of iron ore, a plentiful
supply of wood to produce the char coal used as fuel, and a stream
of water to furnish power for the bellows. These requisites seem
to have been met best in two localities; in Litchfield County, Conn.,
and in a small area in south-eastern Massachusetts, including towns
in Plymouth and Bristol Counties. In Litchfield there were in 1810
four furnaces, 32 forges, 8 trip-hammers, and 2 rolling and slitting
mills. These works were rather evenly distributed among 16 towns,
those most interested being Salisbury, Canaan and Kent.^ In the
first of these there was a famous mine from which 4,000 to 5,000 tons
of ore of excellent quality were annually taken. Iron was also mined
in Kent and limestone was procured in Canaan.

The principal articles produced from iron in this county were
anchors and other forms of ship-hardware, bells, cart and wagon-
tires, sleigh-shoes, scythes, gun-barrels, bar and sheet-iron, and nail-
rods. Up to 1810 this industry seems to have had little if any appre-
ciable effect in creating a non-agricultural population in the county.

' Bailey, James M. History of Danbury, Conn. New York. 1896. p. 217.

^ Coxe, Tench. View of the United States, pp. 158-159. In this place there
were 17 hatters' shops, producing 10,000 hats annually.

' Pease and Niles' Gazetteer gives us facts concerning the extent of the iron
manufacture in these towns at a somewhat later date, 1819. There were then
in Canaan 8 forges, 7 anchor shops and 2 furnaces; in Kent there were several
mines in operation and 7 forges, with an estimated total output of 100 tons annually.
Salisbury had 3 forges, 2 blast furnaces, 1 shop making anchors and screws, an-
other making scythes, and 2 shops fitted with trip-hammers operated by water
power which produced gun-barrels, sleigh-shoes and hoes.

Rural Economy in New England TJX

The largest towns, Litchfield and New Milford, had populations of
4,600 and 3,500 respectively, but in neither of them was there any
industrial development beyond the artisan activities which were
regularly found in agricultural communities. Their growth was
based upon exceptionally large area^ and upon exceptional oppor-
tunities enjoyed by their inhabitants in getting produce to market.
On the other hand, the towns in which the iron manufacture was most
important were considerably smaller, Salisbury having 2,700 people,
Canaan 2,200 and Kent 1,800.

The iron industries in south-eastern Massachusetts depended on
the bog ore which was dug or dredged from the bottom of their
shallow ponds.2 Another valuable asset were the tracts of small
pines and oaks, which furnished a plentiful supply of charcoal for
fuel. At the beginning of the century there were 14 blast furnaces,
6 air furnaces, 20 forges and 7 rolling and slitting-mills in this region.
The furnaces turned out on an average 75 to 90 tons of cast-iron each
year, the forges had a capacity of about 50 tons of bar-iron and the
rolling and slitting-mills produced about 200 tons each annually.^
The furnaces gave employment to about eight or nine men each,
when they were in operation. Besides nails and nail-rods, which
seem to have been the staple product, these works manufactured
agricultural implements, such as spades, shovels and scythes, wire
teeth for wool and cotton cards, saws and edge tools, buttons, cannon-
balls and firearms, anchors, bells, sheet-iron and iron utensils.

The towns of Taunton, Plymouth, Middleborough, and Bridge-
water^ were those most engaged in this industry, although a half-
dozen or more neighboring towns had a furnace or a forge or two
apiece. The total annual output from the works in Taunton was
estimated in 1810 at 800 tons, including 350 tons of nails and 200
dozen spades and shovels.^ In Plymouth there were rolling and

' Litchfield contained 72 square miles and New Milford 84.

2 One of these ponds, in the town of Kingston, was said to have yielded 3000
tons of this ore in the space of a few years. A full description of the various sorts
of bog-ore found in this region and of the methods of obtaining it will be found in
the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society. Series I. Volume 9,
pp. 254-256. Ore was also imported in small quantities from New Jersey for
these works.

3 Bishop, History of American Manufactures. I. 492. See also Mass. Hist.
Soc. Coll. I. 9: 263.

* These were all larger in population than the typical inland town. Bridge-
water, the largest town in New England off tide water, had 5150 people. The
others ranged from 3900 to 4400.

•Morse, Gazetteer, 1810.

272 Percy Wells Bidwell

slitting-mills whose principal produce was nail-rods, of which they
turned out about 100 tons per year.^ In Bridgewater scythes, axes,
edge-tools, muskets and cannon were produced. The manufacture
of nails was the particular branch of this industry pursued in Middle-
borough. The ore was dredged from ponds within the town limits,
smelted in local furnaces and rolled and slit into nail-rods. These
rods were later turned into nails by the farmers of the town in winter.
This union of agriculture and manufactures was commented on by
travelers.^ In fact, it seems to have been prevalent all through
this section. The business of the inhabitants of a typical town in
Plymouth County was thus described in 1814: "Supplying the fur-
naces with coal (i.e., charcoal), and Plymouth with fuel, together
with the sale of a surplus of rye, and some other productions, are the
usual resources of the inhabitants, most of whom are farmers, with
some mechanics; and in the summer months furnishing a few fisher-
men from Plymouth."' Here we see that although somewhat of a
market was now open to the farmers, due to the extension of the iron
industry, yet agriculture and manufacture are not yet separate
industries.

Of the iron manufacture in Rhode Island Bishop says: "Manu-
factures of iron, including bar and sheet-iron, steel, nail-rods, and
nails, farming implements, stoves, pots, and other castings and house-
hold utensils, iron-works for ship-builders, anchors and bells, formed
the largest branch of productive industry in the State toward the
close of the eighteenth century. "^ In Providence County where the
bulk of the manufacture was carried on, there were in 1810, 20 trip--
hammers, 2 furnaces and 1 rolling and slitting-mill. Since many
of the towns in which these and other works were located were also
engaged in commerce, the effect of this industry in creating a non-
agricultural population can best be discussed in a later section.^

J Morse, Gazetteer, 1810.

' Dwight, Travels, II. 31 says: "In the winter season the inhabitants of Mid-
dleborough are principally employed in making naUs, of which they send large
quantities to market. This business is a profitable addition to their husbandry;
and fills up a part of the year, in which, otherwise, many of them would find little
employment." See also Mass. Hist. Coll. I. 3:2.

'Mass. Hist. Coll., II. 4:276. Similar conditions are described in Wareham
and Kingston. Ibid. II. 4:286, and II. 3:205-207.

* History of Manufactures, I. 503.

" See infra pp. 281-282.

X

Rural Economy in New England 273

Shoemaking.

Shoemaking was carried on by the village cobblers, either in
itinerant fashion, traveling from farm to farm, or as a handicraft
in their shops on the village street. Here they produced, either
from their own material or from that which was brought to them by
customers, goods to supply merely the demand of the local market.
A wider market seems first to have been furnished in any proportions
by the demand for ready-made shoes for the Continental army during
the Revolution. This demand was supplied principally by certain
towns in Massachusetts. As early as 1778 men's shoes for the whole-
sale trade were being made in Reading and in Braintree. In Lynn the
transition from the handicraft to the commission stage of the industry-
had taken place somewhat earlier. In 1795 President D wight found
200 master workmen employed there with 600 apprentices, carrying
on their trade in little shops beside their homes along the village street.
Their annual output was estimated at from 300,000 to 400,000 pairs
of women's and children's shoes which they sold in Boston, Salem
and other seaports.^ Some were destined for consumption in those
cities, but the larger part were shipped thence to the Southern states
and the West Indies. In Connecticut shoes were made for export
in Guilford, Durham, New Canaan and Woodstock.^ In none of
these towns did the population amount to 3,000 in 1810, except
in Ljmn and Guilford, and in both of these commercial and fishing
operations were partial causes of concentration.

Woolen Cloth.

The manufacture of woolen cloth in small factories had begun as
early as 1790 in southern New England, but up to 1810 the industry
had had a very slow growth. In addition to the high price of labor,
which hampered all attempts at manufacture at this period, there
were the added dijQ&culties of inexperience with the new spinning
machinery, lately imported from England, and the unsatisfactory
character of the supply of the domestic wool both in quantity and
quality. The new factories were situated for the most part in small
towns;' they employed but few hands and turned out an annual out-

' Dwight, Travels, I. 422.

2 These facts have been taken from the historical sketch of the boot and shoe
industry in the Census of 1900, Part III.,Vol. IX., p. 754 and from Hazard, Blanche
E., Organization of the Boot and Shoe Industry in Massachusetts Before 1875.
Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol. XXVII., pp. 236-262.

»In Massachusetts such factories were established in Ipswich, 1792; in New-
bury, 1794; in Monson, 1800; m North Andover, 1802; in Derby, Conn., 1806;
and in Peacedale, R. I., in 1804.

274 Percy Wells Bidwell

put which would now be considered insignificant. The largest of
the five woolen mills in New England from which Secretary Gallatin
received reports in 1809 employed only 28 persons.^ The output of
the only woolen mill in Massachusetts enumerated in the Census of
1810 was 6,800 yards per annum, while that of two mills in Kent
County, Rhode Island, was 11,000 yards for both. Altogether
there were, perhaps, 20 or 25 such factories in southern New England
in 1810.2 The mills established by General Humphreys at Derby,
Conn., shortly after 1800, described in D wight's Travels, III. 375-
377, are hardly typical. Besides carding and fulling machines of
improved pattern they contained two jennies, a billy with 40 spindles,
two newly invented shearing machines, four broad looms, eight
narrow looms, and eighteen stocking frames. One writer says:
"This is a fairly complete picture of the best woolen mill that existed
in the United States up to the War of 1812. For its day it was far in
advance of the times, and far superior to many which existed a quar-
ter of a century later."*

CoUon Spinning.

Although the birth of the cotton manufacturing industry in New
England, and in the United States as well, is formally dated from the
arrival of Samuel Slater in Providence, Rhode Island, and the erection
of the first cotton mill there in 1790, yet up to 1807 the growth had
been inconsiderable, only 15 factories employing some 6,000 spindles
having been put into operation.'* A great stimulus was given to the
new industry in the next few years by the prohibition of the import
of foreign-made goods in the Embargo and Non-Intercourse Acts of
1807 and 1809, so that at the end of 1809 Secretary Gallatin had re-
ceived reports from 62 mills in operation with a total of 31,000
spindles.* In the reports collected by the census officials in 1810,

' Gallatin's Report on Manufactures. American State Papers, Finance, Vol.
n, p. 434. This mill was situated in Warwick, Rhode Island, and produced
10,000 yards annually.

2 According to the Digest of Manufactures prepared by Tench Coxe from the
Census returns of 1810, there were 15 mills in Connecticut, 2 in Rhode Island,
and only 1 in Massachusetts. The returns for the last state were defective,
however, and perhaps a half dozen or more mills were in operation there. See
Dickinson, R., Geographical and Statistical View of Massachusetts. 1813. p. 66,

' North, S. N. D. The New England Wool Manufacture. In the New Eng-
land States (W. T. Davis, editor). 4 vols. Boston. 1897. Vol. I., p. 205.

* Gallatin, Op. cit., p. 427. Twelve of these were in Rhode Island, two in
Massachusetts, and one in Connecticut.

* Ibid.

Rural Economy in New England 275

Coxe found that there were 96 cotton manufacturing establishments
in southern New England; 54 in Massachusetts, 28 in Rhode Island,
and 14 in Connecticut.^ The district of greatest concentration was
then an area within a radius of 30 miles from Providence, including
towns in all three states. Here there were 26 mills, with about
20,000 spindles.2 The ftiills were mostly small, having on an average
600 to 800 spindles. Such a mill would employ about 40 persons,
5 men and 35 women and children.^ Up to this time spinning was the
only operation carried on in these mills, the power looms not being
introduced until about 1815.* Meanwhile the yarn was given out
to the farmers in the vicinity to be woven into cloth in their homes.

Summary

In summarizing these facts we must again emphasize the real
meaning of the term "manufactures." In the only sense in which it
is significant for the purposes of this essay, and, indeed, for any
economic history, it includes only articles produced for a wide mar-
ket, by persons who depend entirely upon the income derived from
such activity for their support. Of manufactures in this sense we
may say that there were practically none in New England in 1810.
We found that among the many articles listed as manufactures in
the official reports of the period 1790-1810, by far the greatest part
were either produced in farm-houses for family consumption, such as
homespun cloth, soap, candles, maple-sugar, etc.,^ or by village
artisans for local demand, as, for instance, the products of the saw-
mill, the grist-mill, the tannery, or the hatter's shop. A few instances
were found of articles such as paper, tinware, buttons, and other
"Yankee notions, " which, through an ingenious method of marketing,
were disposed of over a large area. Yet their production required
n^ organization of industry on a large scale, nor did it lead to the con-
centration of a non-agricultural population. Only in the case of a
very few industries is a separation of employments apparent. We
have seen how imperfect this separation was in the iron industry.
In the shoe industry, although factory methods had not yet been
introduced, still the width of the market supplied had made the

' Digest of Manufactures. There were also three factories in the District of
Maine, twelve in New Hampshire, and one in Vermont.

' Gallatm, Op. cit., p. 433.

» Ibid. p. 427.

♦Hammond, M. B., The Cotton Industry. Publications of the American
Economic Association. New Series. No. 1. New York. 1897. p. 241.

* See also infra, Chapter VI.

\

276 Percy Wells Bidwell

workers much more independent of the soil. Finally, in the new-
born woolen and cotton industries we find great, although as yet
undeveloped, possibilities for the creation of a manufacturing popu-
lation. None of the towns in which these industries were carried on
had a population of 5,000 persons,^ except those such as Middle town,
Hartford and Providence where commercial activity was, as we shall
see, the principal cause of concentration. It seems hardly an exag-
geration to say that there were no inland manufacturing towns in
New England at this date. We must, therefore, look further for a
market for agricultural products.

' Bridgewater, Mass., is an exception.

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Distribution Of Population In
Southern New England

1810

CHAPTER II.

The Coast and River Towns.

A glance at the map of southern New England as it was in 1810
will reveal the fact that all of the largest towns in these states were
at that time to be found either on the seacoast or on the largest of the
navigable rivers, the Connecticut. Has this fact any significance?
Were the occupations of the bulk of the inhabitants of these towns
different from those of the inland towns? Had maritime industries,
such as fishing, trading, and shipbuilding developed to^such an extent
as to lead to a clear-cut separation of occupations? Is it possible that
there was in these towns a concentrated population who furnished
a market for the products of inland farmers? If so, what effect did
the existence of such a market have on the agricultural population?
These are the questions confronting us in this chapter.

Four Groups of Commercial Towns,

For purposes of analysis we may divide the commercial towns
into four groups: (1) The towns along the north shore of Massa-
chusetts Bay from Boston to Newburyport; (2) those on the south
coast of Massachusetts, on NarragansettBayand in Connecticut along
the shore of Long Island Sound, including all the ports from New
Bedford to New York; (3) the towns on Cape Cod, Martha's Vineyard
and Nantucket; and (4) the river towns of the Connecticut Valley.

(/) On Massachusetts Bay.

The most important of these groups of towns was the first mentioned.
Here were seven towns, not including Boston, ranging in population
from 4,600 to 12,000, making a total altogether of 46,000 people.
Add to this 34,000 for Boston and 5,000 for Charlestown, (at that
time practically a part of the larger city) and we have a total of 85,000
persons living on a narrow strip of sea-coast some 50 miles in extent.
It might well be expected that a large proportion of this population
was supported by some non-agricultural activity. As far as Boston
and Charlestown were concerned, there seems to have been a thorough
divorce from the soil. On the little peninsula on which these cities
were built there were about 3,000 houses. Their inhabitants were

277

278 Ttrcy Wells Bidwell

engaged in commerce with Europe and the West Indies, as well as
with towns along the coast, and in a variety of manufactures. The
importance of the commerce may be seen from the fact that for the
years 1801-1810 the goods imported here had an average annual
value of about $10,000,000. About 100,000 tons of shipping were
owned in the city and the entries of foreign vessels alone amounted to
900 or 1,000 every year. Of the manufactures the distillation of rum
seems to have been most important, 30 plants being devoted to that
purpose. In 1796 rum was the principal export. Sugar was refined
in eight plants, cordage made in eleven rope walks. Other manu-
factures were hats, plate-glass, tobacco, chocolate, sail cloth and paper.
The shipbuilding business was active in Charlestown.^

The effect of this market for agricultural produce was evident
enough to create considerable comment. Travelers were impressed
with the density of population and with the evident prosperity of the
farming towns nearby. Rochefoucauld says that the road from
Marlborough to Boston (a distance of 27 miles) was almost a continu-
ous village of handsome houses.^ President D wight says: "From
Weymouth (11 miles) the country may be considered as one continual
village, raised up by the commerce of Boston and forming a kind of
suburb to the capital."' Much evidence, also, is available concern-
ing the stimulus which was given to improved agriculture. Dickin-
son, writing in 1812, says: "A market for all varieties of fruit and
vegetables is found in Boston. Hence the surrounding country
although not especially fertile is highly cultivated."*

Besides the encouragement of market gardening, an increased
attention to cattle-raising was evident in one nearby town;^ a special-
ization in potatoes took place in another,^ and an increase in the price
of land in a third. ^ In general, however, it should be noticed that

' These facts come from Morse, Gazetteer, 1810; Dwight, Travels, I. 462;
Kendall, Travels, II. 260; Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, Travels, I. 479; Lambert,
Travels, II. 344.

2 Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, Travels, I. 400.

3 Travels, III. 110. Other evidence of the same nature is found in Harriott,
Struggles Through Life, II. 33, 34, 36-37; Wansey, Journal, p. 48. American
Husbandry (Anonymous). 2 vols. London. 1775. I. 60.

* Dickinson. Rodolphus. A Geographical and Statistical View of Massachu-
setts. Greenfield. 1813. p. 9.

^ Abington, seventeen miles from Boston. Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., II. 7:115.

• Brookline, four miles distant. Papers of the Massachusetts Society for Pro-
moting Agriculture. Contained in the Agricultural Repository and Journal.
10 vols. Boston. 1796-1826. Vol. II. Papers for 1807, p. 21.

^Hingham, twelve miles. Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, Travels, I. 482.

Rural Economy in New England 279

this improvement was limited to a narrow area, perhaps within a 20-
mile radius from the city, and at times towns well within this limit
were found to be in a backward condition. For instance, a writer
says of Needham: "The town in general would admit of more settle-
ments. Much of the land is yet uncultivated; and perhaps a third
more inhabitants than the present number might be supported by a
more extensive cultivation of the soil."^ And yet this town was only
13 miles distant from the city and had the advantage of water trans-
port on the Charles River.^ The influence of the market in concen-
trating population in the towns in the immediate vicinity is
noticeable.^

In 1810, Salem was the sixth conmiercial city in the United States
and was said to have a per capita wealth larger than that of any
other city. Its population was over 12,600. Its imports averaged
$3,000,000 for the years 1801-1810 and it had 40,000 tons of shipping.
Besides the Asiatic trade which made this port famous, its fleet
engaged in the trade to the West Indies and in the fisheries."* The
prosperity of this city was reflected in the large population of its
agricultural neighbors, the towns of Danvers and Beverly.^

Newburyport sustained a population of over 7,600 on exactly
one square mile of land, by means of its extensive commerce and
its fishing, ship-building and rum-distilling industries. It had 160
vessels in the European and West India trade and 54 more in the
Banks fisheries. The latter alone carried crews aggregating nearly
500 men.^ The rural town which benefited by this market was
Newbury, a few miles farther up on the Merrimac River. It had
practically no village settlement and, aside from a few fishing enter-
prises, its inhabitants were all engaged in farming. They culti-

iMass. Hist. Soc. Coll., II. 1:180.

2 Water transportation brought a region at a much greater distance within
reach of the Boston market. This was Barnstable County which sent onions,
flaxseed, corn and firewood thither. A fleet of 30 coasting vessels was said to
have been regularly employed in carr3dng the latter product alone at this time.
Mass. Hist. Coll. I. 3:14.

' Roxbury, 2,765; Dedham; 2,172; Dorchester, 2,930; Cambridge, 2,323. These
were all towns of relatively small area.

< Sources for Salem are Morse, Gazetteer, 1810; Dwight, Travels, I. 408, 412.
La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt estimated the fleet belonging to this port at 150
vessels, of which 100 were in foreign trade, 20 in the coastmg trade, and 30 in the
fisheries (ca. 1796). Travels, I. 474^475.

« Populations 3,127 and 4,609 respectively in 1810.

6 These facts are from Morse, Gazetteer, 1810; Dwight, Travels, I. 400-401;
Chastellux, Travels, H. 249; and Kendall, Travels, II. 29.

280: Percy Wells Bidwell

vated their land thoroughly and grew large crops.^ The population
of this town grew rapidly, showing an increase of 25 per cent in the
decade I8OO-I8IO.2

In Lynn the shoe manufacture seems to have been the chief in-
dustry of the rapidly growing population, although probably a
considerable number were employed in the fisheries of Marblehead.'
This town and Gloucester were celebrated for their fishing fleets.
The former had 100 fishing vessels and 40 merchantmen, employing
together in their crews some 1,100 men.* The Gloucester fleets em-
ployed about half that number.^

President Dwight sums up the fishing industry of these and other
towns in Essex County as follows:

"Salem, Newburyport, Gloucester, Marblehead, Beverly, Haver-
hill, and Manchester are commercial and fishing towns; and contained
together, in 1800, 33,620 inhabitants. (In 1810, 40,517.) To these
may be added from Ipswich, Amesbury, Salisbury, Bradford, &c.,
enough to make the number 40,000; a greater number than are em-
ployed in this business in any county of the United States; if we except
the cities of Philadelphia and New York. The commerce of this
county is very great; and the fish caught and exported by its inhabi-
tants, are more, it is believed, than one-half of all, which are exported
from the Union. Its wealth is proportionally great ....
The surface of this county is generally pleasant; the soil in most
places pretty good; and the agriculture creditable to the inhabitants.
The farmers are, accordingly, in good thrift. "^

{2) The Ports Along Long Island Sound.

In the second general region of commercial activity, the northern
shore of Long Island Sound, the principal points of concentration of

' The answers returned in 1807 to the questionnaire of the Massachusetts
Society for Promoting Agriculture showed this town to be far in advance of others
in regions farther inland. Its farmers ploughed the land destined for grain crops
twice instead of once, as was usual elsewhere; and they applied fertilizers more
liberally. The results were average crops which were considered high in those
days. Their com yielded 40 bushels per acre; their potatoes 200 bushels; barley,
25 bushels; rye, 20 bushels; and wheat, 10 to 18 bushels. Papers for 1807, in Vol.
n., p. 15.

« From 4,076 to 5,176.

»The shoe industry we have already considered. See p. 273.

^ Morse, Gazetteer, 1810; Dwight, Travels, I. 421; Kendall, Travels, III. 28;
Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, Travels, I. 477.

6 Morse, Gazetteer, 1810.

• Travels, I. 424.

Rural Economy in New England 281

the population were the cities of New Bedford, Providence, New
London and New Haven. Of these Providence was by far the
most important. It was not only the seat of an extensive coasting
trade and port of entry for large quantities of foreign commodities,
but was also the chief manufacturing town of New England. We
have seen what rapid strides the cotton industry made in its vicinity,
especially in the years 1807-1810.^ President Dwight was informed
that at this time five-eighths of the population of this city (10,071 in
1810), were directly or indirectly employed in this manufacture.^
The same writer considered the woolen mills here the most extensive
in the country. They were remarkable for the use of power from a
30 horse-power steam engine. The output was about 200 yards of
broadcloth per diem.^ Other industries carried on here were rum-
distiUing, shipbuilding, sugar-refining and the refining of whale
oil. The activities of the little adjacent town of North Providence
(16 square miles, 1,758 population) should be included in any de-
scription of the larger community. A fall in the Pawtucket River at
this point furnished excellent water power. Dwight says: "Of
this advantage the inhabitants have availed themselves. There is
probably no spot in New England, of the same extent, in which the
same quantity or variety of manufacturing business is carried on. "'*
Among the industries which he enumerates are an iron furnace, a
slitting-mill, a machine for cutting screws, three anchor forges, a
cotton manufactory and three snuff-mills. The cotton manufacture
had arisen also in a number of towns on the shores of Narragansett
Bay near Providence. Of these Warwick and Smithfield were the
most important. Both of these towns had about 3,800 inhabitants,
who, besides farming, engaged in the coasting trade along the Sound.*^
This combined manufacturing and commercial interest, centering
in Providence, had a plainly noticeable effect on the density of settle-
ment along the shores of the bay. The country immediately sur-
rounding the city was so "lean" that it could scarcely support its
own inhabitants; consequently a wider area than would be usual
was affected. Attleborough and Rehoboth in Massachusetts, dis-
tant some ten to twelve miles by land, grew rapidly in population and

^ Supra, pp. 274-275.

» Travels, IV. 477^79. Among those "indirectly interested" he includes the
workmen of all sorts whose labor was necessary for the erection of factories, etc.
3 Ibid., p. 480.
^ Op. cit., II. 18.
» Morse, Gazetteer, 1810; KendaU, Travels, I. 330.

282 Percy Wells Bidwell

prosperity as a result.^ Kendall says of the town of Portsmouth,
on an island in the bay some 15 miles distant: ''The lands on this
island, which are rich and dear, are often divided into much smaller
portions than is usual in the United States in general; but they are
then employed in raising culinary vegetables for the consumption of
Newport and more distant places. Fifty, twenty, and even ten
acres, are in many instances the extent of a farm, or rather garden-
ground. "2

A calculation of the density of population in the ten towns nearest
to Providence around the shores of the Bay, gives some striking fig-
ures; these towns varied from 52 to 290 persons per square mile. In
only one. North Kingston, did the figure fall below the average for the
state, 61.6 per square mile. The little town of Warren had a density
of over 290 on its four square miles; Bristol had 224; North Providence
110; and Portsmouth 105. The average density for the ten towns
was 103.2.^ When this figure is compared with the normal density
of an inland agricultural town, 45 to 50 per square mile,^ a very
marked difference is apparent. Without doubt the greater density
was due to the employment of a part of the population in non-agricul-
tural pursuits. The opportunity of supplying this body of people,
and also the West India market, encouraged the farmers to more in-
tensive cultivation and hence the supporting power of the land was
increased to a point far beyond that of inland regions.

New Bedford had 5,600 inhabitants, of whom a considerable
proportion lived in a village of 300 houses. They were engaged in
ship-building and in the carrying trade, principally between New
York and the ports of southern Europe. Some ships were also en-
gaged in trading from this port to the East and West Indies. Its
fleet consisted of 90 to 100 ships and brigs, of about 250 tons each, and
20 to 30 small vessels; their crews numbered in all from 1,000 to 1,500
men.^ The nearby town of Westport is said to have profited by the
market in New Bedford.®

' Dwight, Travels, II. 18.

- Travels, II. 6.

3 These figures were obtained by dividing the Census figures for 1810 by the
areas given in Pease and Niles' Gazetteer.

*The average density of population in six inland counties in Massachusetts
was 48 per square mile; in Connecticut the figure for three inland counties was 42.

* Kendall, Travels, H. 215-216; Dwight, Travels, III. 58; Mass. Hist. Coll.,
n. 3:18. The formerly prosperous whaling business had declined ca. 1810.

• Dwight, Op. cit., in. 57.

Rural Economy in New England 283

Returning to the mainland, we find that between Providence and
New York almost every town dabbled somewhat in commerce, send-
ing out ten or a dozen small vessels more or less regularly to engage
in carrying food supplies and firewood to the West Indies, New York
and the Southern states. Some carried on small manufactures and
others built a few ships each year. Stonington, Conn., furnishes
a typical example. It owned 1,100 tons of shipping, including ten
or fifteen fishing vessels, three regular packet-sloops running to and
from New York, and one sealing ship. Perhaps a third of its 3,000
inhabitants lived in a village of 120 houses clustered about the
wharves. Such a community would demand little in the way of food
products which could not be supplied within its own limits.^

There are only three towns of this group. New Haven, New Lon-
don and Norwich, all in Connecticut, which deserve especial atten-
tion. Concerning the first of these considerable detailed information
is to be found in the Statistical Account of the City of New Haven
by Timothy D wight, at that time president of Yale College. ^ The
principal interest of its 7,000 inhabitants was foreign and domestic
commerce. This was carried on by a fleet of about 80 vessels, three-
fourths of which were in the former branch. Some twenty of these
were comparatively large ships, carrying crews of forty men and
boys. They made extended voyages to the seal-fisheries of the
Pacific Ocean, bringing back surprising profits to their owners.^
The exports of this port averaged $560,000 a year for the years
1801-1809, and the imports $390,000 during the same period. Be-
sides this there was some business done in the re-export of foreign
commodities, amounting on the average to $56,000 a year.'* Some
manufacturing was done for export as well as for the local market. In
1806 the principal wares of this sort sent out were candles, 120,000
lbs. ; leather, 20,000 lbs. ; and nails, hats and shoes in smaller quantities.

Enough material is accessible to furnish a complete and detailed

^ These facts are taken from Pease and Niles, Gazetteer. Other towns along
the Connecticut coast, described there, had interests similar to those of this town
but, in general, on a smaller scale. They were Groton, Lyme, Saybrook, Killing-
worth, Guilford, Stratford, Fairfield, Norwalk, Stamford, and Greenwich.

2 Published by the Connecticut Academy of the Arts and Sciences. Vol. I.,
No. 1, New Haven. 1811.

3 For a description of this business see Trowbridge, Thomas Rutherford. An-
cient Maritime Interests of New Haven. In The New England States. (W. T.
Davis, ed.) 4 vols. Boston. 1897. Vol. I., pp. 780-788.

*■ Dwight quotes these figures from a report of the Secretary of the Treasury.
Travels, I. 158.

284 Percy Wells Bidwell

account of the occupations of the inhabitants of this town in 1810.
The commercial interest was represented by 29 houses concerned in
foreign trade, 41 dry goods stores and 42 grocery stores. There were
about 300 craftsmen of all sorts, the carpenters heading the list with
50 men. The professional classes numbered 48, of whom 16 were
teachers in the public schools and the same number lawyers. Adding
to this total some 200 clerks, assistants and helpers, we arrive at a
figure, 700, which would include all these persons and might be taken
as the sum of the non-agricultural class. To estimate what pro-
portion of the total population they and their families formed, this
figure should be multiplied by 5.47, the average size of a family in the
town.^ The sum thus obtained is 3,829 persons, or less than 55 per
cent of the total population,^ who may be thought of as being
supported by occupations other than agriculture. They lived in
a compact settlement of 750 houses in the center of the town and
carried on their businesses, trades and professions in an equal num-
ber of shops and stores.

How did the remaining 3,100 people, or 45 per cent, get their living?
It is only logical to assume that they were farmers, and the testimony
of travelers supports this assumption. Lambert found several large
fields of maize growing in the center of the town.^ Dwight says:
"The supplies of flesh and fish are ample, and of vegetables, sufficient
for the demand of the inhabitants, most of whom are furnished from
their own gardens."^ In his Statistical Account he gives a detailed
list of the vegetables raised in these gardens.^ La Rochefoucauld-
Liancourt, writing some fifteen years earlier, had said: ''Most of
them (the inhabitants) have farms in the neighborhood, which
supply provisions for their families. These small possessions in the
hands of the towns-people, make it impossible for those who have a
surplus of produce to find a sale for it in New Haven; it is, accordingly,
sent to New York."^ Wood, however, was an important import,

* This, of course, on the assumption that each person in the above enumeration
was the head of a family. In case this assumption were not justified, the pro-
portion of the non-agricultural to the total population would be even smaller. The
figure 5.47 is taken from a computation made in 1787. See Statistical Account,
p. 80.

2 To this figure might be added the 60 paupers then supported from the town
treasury.

3 Travels, II. 297. His visit was made either in 1807 or 1808.
' Travels, I. 162.

6 Pp. 23-24.

* Travels, I. 523. The importance of this trade with New York will be consid-
ered later. See infra p. 295.

Rural Economy in New England 285

about 7,500 cords being necessary each year for fuel. This was
brought from neighboring coast and river towns by water. The
influence of the market in, New Haven, although it could not have
been very great, was noticeable in the adjoining towns of Northford,
North Haven and East Haven.^

New London and Norwich seem to have duplicated the state of
affairs found in the town just described, but on a smaller scale. The
first mentioned had not yet (1810) recovered from its severe treat-
ment at the hands of Benedict Arnold during the Revolution. Its
principal non-agricultural interest, fishing, employed some 55 small
vessels, besides a half-dozen or more brigs which exported a large
part of the yearly catch to England. Of its 3,300 inhabitants per-
haps one-half lived in a compact village, which besides 300 to 400
dwellings, contained 80 to 100 stores and taverns. Considering the
diminutive area of the township, four square miles, it is probable that
most of its food supplies were brought across the Thames River from
the large and prosperous town of Groton.^

Norwich, with five times the area of New London, had only a few
hundred more inhabitants. Besides the usual coasting trade^ and
the building of a few ships yearly, they engaged in a variety of small
manufactures, being favored by cheap transportation, via the Thames
and the Sound, and exceptionally good water power. Some of the
articles there produced were: iron bars and wire, buttons, clocks and
watches, chocolate and earthenware. There was no considerable
concentration of population in this town, its three villages having
perhaps 50 to 100 houses each."*

(J) Connecticut River Towns.

Another region in southern New England where a population
might have been supported by conmierce was the valley of the Con-
necticut River, from Springfield to the Sound. Here an area of

1 Dwight, Travels, I. 182; II. 40, 486.

' The facts concerning New London are taken from Morse, Gazetteer, 1810;
Pease and Niles, Gazetteer; KendaU, Travels, I. 293-295; and Dwight, Travels,
II. 502.

'As we shall see later, the exportable products of a considerable inland area
found their outlet at Norwich. Dwight had high expectations of the future im-
portance of this trade. He says: "At a future day it must, I think, be one of
the there most commercial places in Connecticut. For a great part of the eastern
division of the state, it must ever be the most convenient port; and there are now
turnpike roads branching to it from almost every town in this region." Dwight,
Travels, II. ZZ.

*For Norwich see Dwight, Op. cit., loc. cit.; Kendall, Travels, I. 303-304;
Morse, Gazetteer, 1810; and Pease and Niles, Gazetteer.

286 Fercy Wells Bidwell

roughly 800 square miles sustained 54,000 persons, an average of
67.5 to the square mile. But of the 16 townships into which this
area was divided, only two show any considerable size. The fertility
of the soil for which this valley was noted, rather than any great
amount of non-agricultural activity, seems to have been the cause of a
density of population not generally found at this time in farming
communities. All the towns below Hartford owned a few small
vessels that traded along the coast and to the West Indies. Some
built a few ships and occasionally we find the beginning of manu-
factures, as in the case of the paper, glass, and powder mills of East
Hartford,^ and the gin-distilling business in Windsor and East Wind-
sor. ^ The river furnished such cheap transportation that even so
bulky a commodity as building-stone could be quarried in Chatham
and East Haddam and marketed in Boston and New York.^

Hartford had in 1810, 6,000 inhabitants, of whom perhaps one-
half were concentrated in a village of 400 to 500 houses in the center
of the town. Here also were the shops, stores and wholesale trading
houses. As Hartford was not a port of entry at the time, its commerce
is hard to estimate.* Its trade with regions farther inland, especially
the towns lying on both sides of the river for 200 or more miles to the
northward, WcLS quite large. As a depot for the transshipment of
agricultural products, and especially those important by-products of
pioneer agriculture, potash and pearl ash, Hartford was much more
favorably situated than either New Haven, Norwich or New London.*
It is probable that a large part of the commercial wealth of the place
was derived from this source. Besides the usual craftsmen, which were
weU represented there, Hartford seems to have had little industrial
activity.®

iDwight, Travels, II. 268.

* Pease and Niles, Gazetteer, pp. 65, 90.
» Ibid., pp. 279-280.

* The nearest indication I have been able to find is contained in the pap>ers
submitted with the Application for a Branch of the Bank of the United States in
Hartford (1817). MSS. in hbrary of the Connecticut Historical Society, Hart-
ford, Conn. According to a hst (E) there included, 278 vessels paid toll in Hart-
ford in 1816. Of these 189 were sloops; 61, schooners; 26, brigs, and 2, ships.
There were also 300 entries not liable to duty. These were probably the
flat-boats, rafts and smaller craft from up the river,

5 This is made clear by a map among the papers referred to in Note 4. See
also Dwight, Travels, I. 203-204; and Kendall, Travels, I. 86-87.

^ The woolen mill described by General Washington in his diary in 1788, quoted
in Bishop, American Manufactures, I. 418, had been established only a short time.
It ran rather irregularly and was poorly equipped. See Wansey, Journal, p. 60.

Rural Economy in New England 287

Middletown depended for its prosperity chiefly upon its commerce.
Since the entries at the port included goods and ships of Wethersfield
and Hartford, they give us but little clue to the trade of the city itself.^
In 1815 there were 24 vessels, measuring altogether 3,500 tons, owned
here. Up to 1810 the following manufactures had been established:
A rum distillery with an annual output of 600 hogsheads; a paper
mill employing 9 to 12 men; a powder mill whose product was worth
$1,000 per annum; and a cotton factory, erected 1808, of 330 spindles.
The inhabitants numbered 5,300 of whom a part lived in a village of
300 houses. The small influence which this settlement exerted as a
market for agricultural produce may be seen in the declining popu-
lation of the outlying districts. In Field's Statistical Account of
Middlesex County we read: "The inhabitants of the southern,
western and northern parts of this town (Middletown), are very
generally farmers, and as the lands in those parts have long since
been taken up for farms, the population has increased very little for
many years. There were 80 dwellings in Middlefield (a village in the
south-western part of the town), in 1745, and but one more in 1815.
The population of Westfield, for the same length of time, has been
nearly stationary. . . . Young enterprising men, trained to
husbandry, unable to get farms in their native town have removed
from time to time, to other parts of the country. "^ Had there been
opportunity for the sale of a considerable amount of agricultural
produce in Middletown, either for consumption by the merchants and
artisans or for export to the West Indies, this emigration would
undoubtedly have been checked.^

(4) Cape Cod and Nantucket.

There were two other districts in Massachusetts where maritime
enterprises employed a considerable population, who purchased
their food-stuffs either from the farmers in their vicinity or from those
in other parts of the state. These were Barnstable and Nantucket
Counties, the former including Cape Cod and the latter the island
and town of the same name. Cape Cod was recognized as a unique

iDwight, Travels, I. 190, gives a table showing the value of the imports
for this district during the years 1801-1810. The annual average was $292,000.
Here, as in other tables of the sort given by this author, the value of the imports
is calculated from the amount of duties paid, assuming an average rate of 25%.

» Field, Op. cit., 38-39. The facts quoted in the description of Middletown
are from this work, pp. 32-53.

' See Appendix B. Emigration from Inland Towns in Southern New England,
1720-1820.

288 Percy Wells Bidwell

region by the travelers of the period and at least two of them devote
considerable space to its description.^ They divide the Cape in general
into two parts; an eastern section, from the elbow to Provincetown,
and a western section, from the same point to the mainland at the
town of Barnstable. The total population of the county, somewhat
over 22,000 in 1810, was divided almost equally between the two
sections. On the eastern end of the Cape, fishing and shipping seem
to have been much more important than agriculture. All the men
in the prime of life were employed at sea, leaving as a labor force
to cultivate the fields only the boys and old men. Their exertions
were able to draw only the scantiest of crops from the thin and sandy
soil. Consequently not only beef, flour, and grain, but even fodder
for the cattle, and in the winter, butter, vegetables and cheese must
be imported. Some of these products came from the more largely
agricultural towns to the westward, others from Boston, and the
supplies of rye and maize in part even from the Southern states.^
Yet such was the productivity of the "ocean farms" that these
supplies could be purchased in sufficient quantity to support a popu-
lation of considerable density,* in fairly good circumstances.*

On the sand flats at the end of the Cape, in Provincetown, there
lived some 200 families who got their living entirely from the sea.
Perhaps in no other town in New England could a population have
been found so completely non-agricultural. The reason is obvious.
There was no soil to be cultivated. "The earth," says Dwight,
"is here a mere residence, and can scarcely be said to contribute at
all to the sustenance of man. All his support and all his comforts,
are elicited from the ocean. "^ A small meadow of marsh grass
pastured two horses, ten yoke of oxen, and 140 cows, the sum total of

^ Dwight and Kendall. The former visited Cape Cod in 1800 and described
it in his Travels, Vol. III., pp. 63-97. The latter's visit, made in 1807, is de-
scribed in his Travels, Vol. II., pp. 127-183. A considerable amount of informa-
tion concerning the towns in this region, though of a somewhat earlier date, is to
be found in the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Association, Series
I., Vols. 3, 8, and 10.

* Even firewood had to be imported, some of it coming from Maine. Mass.
Hist. Soc. Coll., 1.8:195.

'A writer describing the town of Dennis says: "A tract of ground not larger
than Dennis with a soU so unproductive, would in an inland situation be capable
of supporting few inhabitants. But when the Census was taken in 1800, there
were found on it fourteen hundred souls. A great number of these persons derive
their subsistence from the sea." Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., I. 8: 133-134.

* Kendall makes an exception in the case of Truro, Travels, H. 16.

* Dwight, Travels, III. 84.

Rural Economy in New England 289

live stock owned in the town. There were one or two gardens at
some distance from the village, but almost all the food supply,
except fish, was brought from Boston. For this the inhabitants were
enabled to pay by the sale of cod, herring, bass, mackerel, and other
fish caught in the waters of the bay and on the banks of Newfound-
land. The annual value of the catch of the two varieties first mention-
tioned was over $140,000. Shipping was also an active business;
many of the men being employed on coasting vessels owned in Boston
and in neighboring towns. On the whole, the people were indus-
trious and lived well; many of them were even able to put by enough
money to purchase farms in the interior, where they spent their
declining years.

Conditions on the western end of the Cape were considerably more
favorable to agriculture. Here, as in most coast regions of New
England, the inhabitants divided their energies between the sea and
the land. Nearly every village owned from 5 to 20, and sometimes
as many as 30 fishing and coasting vessels of from 40 to 70 tons. The
towns of Falmouth and Barnstable were especially active in maritime
enterprise, the former having a fleet of 50 or 60 vessels, chiefly coasters
of large size employed in carrying products of the Southern states
to New York and Boston.^ Agriculture, however, was not neglected
in these towns. The inhabitants cultivated then: soil carefully,
manured it with sea-weed, and not only reaped crops sufficient for
their support, but had also a considerable surplus of onions, salt hay,
flsLxseed and grain for exportation to the towns on the eastern end of
the Cape and to Boston.

The evaporation of salt from sea-water was a quasi-manufacture
carried on in many of the towns along the Cape. In all, there were,
in 1802 , 136 works established for this purpose. They consisted merely
of a series of shallow vats or tanks, into which the water from the
ocean was pumped by the power furnished by windmills. The salt
thus obtained amounted to about 100,000 bushels per annum, which
at that time was worth nearly $42,000. The local fisheries furnished
a ready market for this product.^ Other works of this sort were to

»Mass. Hist. Soc. CoU.,L 8: 127-129.

* The best description of these works, utilized largely by both Dwight and Ken-
dall, is to be found in Mass. Hist. Soc. CoU. I. 8: 135-138. Dwight entertamed
great hopes for the future of this mdustry, hopmg to see it extended along the
eastern coast of the United States "from St. Mary's to Machias." This hope
was, of course, disappointed by the discovery and development of the mineral
salt deposits in New York and other states in the following decades. Travels, HI.
76-77.

290 Percy Wells Bidwell

be found on the islands of Martha's Vineyard and Nantucket, and
in a number of coast towns in Plymouth and Bristol Counties.^

The township on the island of Nantucket in 1810 was entitled
to rank as the fourth in Massachusetts, in wealth and in the number
of its inhabitants.^ Here on an area of about 42 square miles there
lived 6,800 persons, most of them in a compact village containing
some 800 houses.' The chief industry of the place was the whale
fishery, which employed a fleet of 120 ships, manned by 1,200 sailors.
On the island were 15 or 20 spermaceti works, which refined the oil
thus obtained and manufactured large quantities of candles. The
former of these products was exported widely to the cities of the
United States and to London, Marseilles and the Levant. Owing
to the sterility of the soil and to the greater profit to be obtained
from whaling, agriculture received scanty attention. More than one-
half the area of the island was given over to the pasturage of flocks
of sheep, amounting to 7,000 in all, together with cows, oxen and horses
in smaller numbers. The land under cultivation amounted to 1,350
acres, about one acre to each family on an average, yielding a small
amount of maize and a few vegetables. For most of their food supply,
consequently, and even for firewood, the people were dependent on
the mainland. Flour and Indian com were brought in coasters from
New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore; provisions for the whaling
vessels were obtained in Boston and from the shore towns in Connecti-
cut. The only export of an agricultural nature was wool, less than
one-half the total product being consumed on the island. The im-
portance of the market in Nantucket to the farmers of southern
New England seems to have been considerably diminished by the
import of grain referred to above.*

* Bishop, American Manufactures, II. 97.

2 In population this town was surpassed only by Boston, Salem and New-
buryport.

'The best sources of information on Nantucket at this period are the Topo-
graphical Description of Nantucket, by Walter Folger, Jun,, contained in the
Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Series I., Vol. 3, pp. 153-155^
and the Notes on Nantucket in the same collections, II. 3 : 18-38. See also Dick-
inson, Geographical and Statistical View, p. 32; and Morse, Gazetteer, 1810.
St. John de Crevecoeur gives an interesting, but not altogether reliable descrip)-
tion of the island and of the manners and customs of its people in his Letters of
an American Farmer. London. 1783. pp. 114-212.

The practice of land tenure in common, which persisted in Nantucket long
after it had died out elsewhere in New England, is described by Folger, Op. cit.,
154.

* On the neighboring island of Martha's Vineyard, in Duke's County, conditions

Rural Economy in New England 291

Summary — Relation of the Maritime Industries to Agriculture,

In concluding this survey of the peculiar economic characteristics
of life in the coast and river towns, let us return to the inquiries
propounded at the beginning of this chapter. We have endeavored
to answer these questions specifically in the detailed consideration
of the various groups of towns. In general these answers lead us to
the conclusion that the maritime industries were not, at the begin-
ning of the nineteenth century, sharply differentiated from agricul-
ture. As Tudor pointed out, the coast population were economically
a race of amphibians.^ They got their living both from the sea and
from the land; the proportion of their income which was derived
from either element depending partly on the fertility of the soil in
their particular locality and partly on the advantages of their situa-
tion for fishing and trading. Where the soil was sterile and sandy, as
on the eastern end of Cape Cod and on Nantucket, there we found
almost the entire support of the inhabitants obtained from maritime
industries; but in almost all the other towns on the coast and rivers,
agriculture was still the fundamental industry, as it was inland,
and fishing and trading were auxiliary occupations. As accessory
sources of income for farmers, the maritime industries were comparable
to the occasional small manufactures carried on in inland towns;
in neither case was large scale enterprise to be found, nor the sharp
separation of these employments from agriculture.

Only in a few seaport towns did we find a strictly non-agricultural
population, deriving their incomes from trading and fishing and
purchasing therewith the products of inland farmers. Such towns
were found along the north shore of Massachusetts Bay, on Cape
Cod and the island of Nantucket, along the coast of Long Island
Sound, and in the valley of the Connecticut River. How important

were considerably different. Here the population was only 3,300 on 42 square
miles. The land was more fertile than that of Nantucket, and although a few
whale ships were sent out each year from Edgarton, the principal port, the ma-
jority of inhabitants were supported by agriculture. The export of a commer-
cial product, the wool shorn from their large flocks of sheep, was the chief point
of difference between the farm life in these towns and those on the mainland.
See Morse, Gazetteer, 1810. Arts. Martha's Vineyard and Edgarton.

^ "Most of the people near the sea coast of the latter have been sailors for a
time and occasionally go on some short voyage, if they find they can earn a few
more dollars than by staying at home. There are many villages, where a popu-
lation of farmers would be found to be good sailors in a moment if the occasion
required it." Tudor, William. Letters on the Eastern States. 2 ed. Boston.
1821. p. 118, note.

^? I

292 Percy Wells Bidwell

to the farmers of southern New England was the market thus supplied?
That the farmers in the near vicinity, say within a radius of fifteen
or twenty miles, of the largest city, Boston, benefited largely from
their opportunities to sell farm produce, is a well-established fact.^
The area affected by the markets in such smaller cities as Salem, New-
buryport. Providence, and Nantucket was narrower in proportion
as the numbers of their inhabitants were less. Finally in a third
class of towns of 3,000 to 7,000 population, such as New Haven,
New London, Norwich, Middletown and Hartford, farming seems to
have been the occupation of about one-half the inhabitants,^ and
consequently the influence of their markets was hardly appreciable.

A simple calculation of the relative strength of the commercial
as compared with the agricultural population may serve to make
this summary more concrete:

In the nine towns on Massachusetts Bay there were 85,000 persons

On the eastern end of Cape Cod 11,000 "

In the town of Nantucket 6,800 "

In five towns on Long Island Sound 32,000 "

In two towns on the Connecticut River 11,000 "

Total 145,800

If we accept the figures for New Haven as typical of the conditions
in the last two groups of towns we may subtract one-half the popu-
lation of each of these groups, as representing the agricultural element
in these towns. The total then becomes 124,300. This figure, it
should be understood, does not represent a total of all persons in the
three states of southern New England who were engaged in non-
agricultural activities. It is intended merely to give an approximate
indication of the size of commercial and manufacturing groups who
were so concentrated as to furnish a definite and reliable market for
the sale of agricultural products. These groups amounted to 15.4
per cent of the total of the three states, 809,000 in 1810; but their
importance to the farmers at large was much less than this figure
would indicate. A glance at the map (facing p. 277) will show how
inaccessible this market was to the great body of inland farmers.
Of what importance to a farmer in the center of Worcester County,
Massachusetts, or in Tolland County, Connecticut, was the market
in Salem, Newburyport or Nantucket? We have already seen that

1 See supra, pp. 278-279.

*As we have seen in the case of New Haven, 45 per cent, were so occupied;
this proportion would naturally have been larger in the smaller towns in this class.

Rural Economy in New England 293

the area affected by the largest market in southern New England
extended only some fifteen or twenty miles from the city. A con-
sideration of the transportation system of the time in a later section^
will make even clearer that the fringe of commercial towns on the
seacoast must have depended for its agricultural products upon
farmers in towns adjoining, or only a few miles distant. Some ex-
ception must, of course, be made in favor of towns located on navi-
gable rivers such as the Connecticut, the Thames, the Housatonic and
the Merrimac; but in general the market in commercial towns can
scarcely be said to have had any influence on the prosperity of the
population or on agricultural methods in the inland region.

iSec Chapter IV.

CHAPTER III.

COMMERICAL RELATIONS OF SOUTHERN NeW ENGLAND WITH THE

Southern States and the West Indies.

In our reconstruction of the economic environment of the inland
farmer, we must not neglect to consider the possibility of his exporting
some of the produce of his land to regions outside of New England.
A market in a foreign country or in some of the other states of the
Union would have been, to some extent at least, a compensation for
the lack of a market in commercial and industrial towns at home, and
would have modified to that extent the farmer's economic position.

Markets Outside New England: (a) New York City,

Outside New England there were three districts whose inhabitants
purchased food-stuffs from the farmers in the towns of Massachu-
setts, Rhode Island and Connecticut. These were: (1) the city of
New York; (2) the Southern states, and (3) the West India Islands.
In the nearest of these markets, the city of New York, there was a
population of nearly 100,000, concentrated on the island of Man-
hattan and a few smaller islands. This population, supported
largely by commerce, offered a market larger than any in New Eng-
land. It was easily accessible to the coast towns of Connecticut
and Rhode Island and, to a less degree, to the towns of Berkshire
County in Massachusetts and Litchfield County in Connecticut, by
way of the Hudson River. However, in this case the New England
farmers had to meet the competition of the energetic and progressive
Dutch settlers on Long Island,^ as well as of the nearer situated towns
of eastern New Jersey and of those in New York state along the Hud-
son River.

We have seen that almost every town along the Sound as far east
as Providence sent out small sloops to carry firewood and agricultural
produce to New York.^ In Fairfield County, the nearest county in
Connecticut, the coast towns had a fleet of 20 or 30 such vessels
regularly employed in transporting grain, flour, beef, pork, and potatoes

1 See Weld, Isaac, Jun., Travels through the States of North America, . . .
during the Years 1795, 1796, and 1797. 4 ed. 2 vols. London. 1807. II. 372-373.
' Supra, p. 283.

294

Rural Economy in New England 295

to the city.^ New Haven seems to have traded with New York more
extensively than any other port on the Sound. In his Statistical
Account of the former city, President Dwight included a statement
of this coasting trade for the year 1801, compiled from the shipping
books of merchants. The largest items were: Cheese, 220,000 lbs.;
pork and beef hams, 24,000 lbs.; pork, 1,900 bbls.; beef, 1,700 bbls.;
butter, 800 firkins; lard, 600 firkins; com meal, 1,000 hhds., and
1,200 bbls.; rye flour, 230 bbls.; barley, 1,500 bu.; Indian corn, 300
bu.; rye, 200 bu.; oats, 530 bu. The only vegetables shipped were
beans, 280 bu. ; and potatoes, 160 bu.^

Although these figures do not indicate any great amount of trade,
yet it would be a mistake to judge the importance of the New York
market by figures such as these, for the bulk of these products were
not consumed in the city but trans-shipped to the West Indies.^

ih) Regions of Specialized Agriculture,

In order that a population supported by agriculture alone may
furnish a market for the farmers in another region, it is necessary that
the former shall be raising a staple product which they can sell to
a wide market. To the cultivation of this staple they will then find
it profitable to devote all their labor and capital. In order to secure
the greatest profit from the comparative advantage which they have
in the cultivation of a pecuHar product, they will neglect general
agriculture and rely for their food supply upon their ability to pur-
chase from farmers in regions where such specialization has not been
found profitable. Thus one of the first forms of the geographical
division of labor arises.

Such a specialization was to be found in 1810 in three areas to the
southward of New England. There were: (1) the tobacco plan-
tations of the Chesapeake lowlands in Virginia and Maryland, (2) the
rice and cotton plantations of the coastal plains of South Carolina
and Georgia, and (3) the sugar plantations of the West India Islands.

(i) The Chesapeake Lowlands.

Cheap water transportation made these three areas almost equally
accessible to the New England farmer, but their importance to him
varied widely in proportion to the competition which he must face
from the back-country districts of general agriculture. The size of

• * Pease and Niles, Gazetteer, art. Fairfield.
*0p. cit., pp. 67-68.
» Kendall. Travels. I. 9.

296 Percy Wells Bidwell

the population engaged in specialized agriculture was also a factor
of prime importance. In both these respects the area first mentioned,
the Chesapeake lowlands, was of least importance. The decline of
the plantation system was already evident in Virginia and Maryland
in 1775. ''The tobacco staple was a resource of decreasing value, and
many people were finding it necessary to resort instead to the pro-
duction of food-stuffs for market. "^

A more general agriculture with considerable areas devoted to
wheat and other grains, and in the back-country to cattle raising,
was taking the place of the former specialization.^ The planters in
the tide-water region in 1810 were raising beef and pork, poultry and
mutton, apples and other fruits in sufficient quantities for their own
consumption, and wheat and com for export.'' The exceptional
plantations which must depend on outside food supplies were very
easily supplied from the back-country region where a general system
of agriculture had always prevailed, for in Virginia and Maryland
this region was in close contact with that of the plantations. Con-
sequently we are not surprised to find that the New England farmers
had no market in this region.*

^ Philips, Ulrich B., Plantation and Frontier. In Documentary History of
American Industrial Society. (John R. Commons, ed.) 10 vols. Vol. I., p. 83.

'Jefferson in his Notes on Virgmia. (1787) Boston. 1832. p. 174, had noted
this tendency. In his estimate of the exports are found: Wheat, 800,000 bu.;
and com, 600,000 bu., with smaller amounts of peas, beef, and pork. See also
Morse, Gazetteer, 1810, art. Virginia.

As early as 1767, John Mitchell had written of this region: "The tobacco colonies
enjoy a better soil and climate, [than "the more Northern colonies"] and have by
that means hitherto had a good staple commodity, ... so long as their
lands are fresh and fertile; but most of them are worn out with that exhausting
weed, and will no longer bear it; they are turned into Com and Pasture grounds,
which produce nothing but Com, Cattle and Wool, as in the Northern colo-
nies; ..." Andof Virginia in particular he says: "the soil is in general very
light, and so shallow, that it is soon worn out by culture, especially with such
exhausting crops as Indian Com and Tobacco. It is for this reason that they are
now obliged to sow Wheat, and exported fifty or sixty shiploads the last year."
The Present State of Great Britain and North America. London. 1767. pp. 175-
176, 177.

• See the description of Prince George County, Virginia, in Mass. Hist. Soc.
Coll., I. 3:89.

* A discussion of the commerce of Maryland is to be found in Carey, Matthew.
American Pocket Atlas. 3 ed. Phila. 1805. p. 85; in Winterbotham, W. His-
torical, Geographical, Commercial, ... View of the United States of Amer-
ica. 4 vols. New York. 1796. Vol. IH., p. 43; and in Morse, Gazetteer, Art.
Maryland.

Rural Economy in New England 297

{2) The Coastal Plains of South Carolina and Georgia.

On the coastal plains of South Carolina and Georgia a much dif-
ferent state of affairs was to be found. Here on an extremely fertile
strip of lowlands, lying parallel with the coast and stretching about
fifty miles into the interior, were rice swamps and cotton plant-
ations employing large numbers of negro slaves. Through the in-
vention of Whitney's gin in 1793, the cost of producing upland cotton
had been greatly cheapened. With the increase in the demand which
ensued, the production of this staple had been extended from the sea-
coast toward the upland region. The exports of cotton from the port
of Charleston increased from 1,000,000 lbs., in 1795, to 8,300,000 in
1801. It was then of greater value than the combined exports of
rice and indigo, the other two staples of this region.^ The extension
of cultivation was accompanied by an increasing specialization on the
plantations. There was a tendency for the planters to neglect the
production of food-stuffs and to turn their whole attention to the
staple crops. This tendency is clearly observable in the descriptions
of South Carolina in the period 1800 to 1810. La Rochefoucauld,
writing just before the beginning of the nineteenth century, describes
several plantations, of whose area a considerable proportion was then
devoted to the cultivation of Indian corn, barley and potatoes. In
one passage he says: "All the planters keep great numbers of oxen,
cows, and pigs, which procure their food easily, and without the least
expense, in the large forests which belong to the plantations. "^
The following quotation from a description of 1802, however, shows
that the commercial interest had then come into the foreground.
"In the husbandry of Carolina, two objects are particularly kept in
view by the planters and farmers. The first is to raise something
for sale; and the second is to secure provisions for family concerns.
To the first the principal attention is directed; as being the source
from whence all -pecuniary advancements are made: while the other
is only attended to, as opportunities permit. . . . In the lower
country cotton and rice are cultivated largely for sale; while Indian
com, cow pease and long potatoes, are only planted sufficient for
the yearly consumption of the settlement: and on many of the tide
swamp rice plantations, no provisions, but potatoes, are planted;
their produce being only equal to the support of the plantation for a
few months. The rest is supplied by the purchase of Indian com,

' Drayton, John. A View of South Carolina. Charleston. 1802. p. 118 and
note.

^Travels, I. 598. See also pp. 586, 597.

298 Percy Wells Bidwell

brought down the rivers from the middle parts of the state; and also
imported from some of these United States."^

Lambert, writing a few years later, said in describing plantation
life in this state: "Everything is made subservient to the culti-
vation of cotton and rice. . . . With hundreds of slaves about
them, and cattle of various kinds, they are often without butter,
cheese and even milk, for many weeks. "^ In 1809 Ramsay, the his-
torian, in speaking of the increase in the cultivation of cotton and
rice since 1795, said: "These two staples have so monopolized the
agricultural force of the state that for several years past other articles
of export and even provisions have been greatly neglected. In their
great eagerness to get money the planters have brought themselves
into a state of dependence on their neighbors for many of the neces-
saries of life, formerly raised at home. "'

The plantation system, however, had not been extended over a
very large part of the lowland region in 1810. There were still many
small planters and farmers who, while devoting most of their atten-
tion to the staple products, raised sufficient grain and meat for their
own consumption and that of the few negroes whom they employed.
It becomes important, therefore, to delimit as closely as possible the
area of large scale, specialized agriculture; for only in this way can
the extent of the market for food-stuffs be determined. This may be
best accomplished by an examination of the relative numbers of
blacks and whites in the seacoast counties of South Carolina and
Georgia. The plantation system in its full development meant the
presence of large numbers of slaves with relatively few white masters
and overseers. Such a system, therefore, could hardly be the rule
in districts where the whites were equal or numerically superior to the
blacks. Yet such was the case in all but four districts in South
Carolina, and in all but five in Georgia."* These nine districts formed

' Drayton, View, p. 113.

2 Lambert, Travels, II. 148. Lambert's travels were made in 1806-1808.

' Ramsay, David. History of South Carolina. 3 vols. Charleston. 1809. U.
214.

* In South Carolina:

Districts Total Inhabitants Slaves

Charleston 57,480 41,945

Colleton 24,903 20,471

Beaufort 20,4^8 16,031

Georgetown 22,938 16,568

125,749 95,015

Rural Economy in New England 299

a continuous belt along the coast of the two states for some 250 miles.
They contained in 1810 a total population of about 150,000, of whom
over 110,000 were slaves. This, then, was the extent of the market
for food supplies in that general region known as the Southern states.

The back-country region of these two states could have very easily
supplied this market, except for the presence of a strip of pine barrens
intervening between the upper country, where general agriculture
was carried on, and the plantation district. This middle country,
a sterile area varying from fifty to seventy miles in width, producing
little in the way of food-stuffs except in the river valleys, formed a
barrier to trade between the regions on either side. It was the pres-
ence of the barrier region that forced the planters of the lowlands to
buy a part at least of their grain, vegetables, dairy products and salt-
meat from the Middle and New England states. It would be a
mistake, however, to suppose that the back-country furnished no sup-
plies at all to the planters. The intervening region was crossed in at
least three places by rivers navigable to the edge of the upper country,
by vessels of 70 tons burden.^ There was, besides, some carriage of
country produce by wagons from the upper country to the coast.^

The products of the Middle and Northern states were carried
hither in the small coasting vessels which, as we have seen, were
owned in so many New England ports. They brought grain from
New York and Pennsylvania; and from New England, cheese and
butter, dried fish, salted beef, apples, potatoes, hay and cider. Some
of the cargoes contained various products of household industry
such as the coarse linen tow-cloth used for garments for the slaves,

In Georgia:

Distticts Total Inhabitants Slaves

Chatham 12,946 9,049

Bryan 2,836 2,306

Liberty 5,313 3,940

Mcintosh 2,660 1,819

Glynn 1,874 1,092

Camden 1,681 735

27,310 18,941

Total for both states 153,059 113,956

These figures are taken from the second U. S. Census (1800).

^ See Drayton, View. pp. 30-31.

2 Ibid. p. 141, and La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, Travels, I. 630.

300 Percy Wells Bidwell

straw hats, woodenware and, finally shoes which, as we have found,
had risen to the dignity of a manufacture.^

In this analysis we have seen the market included under that vague
term "the Southern states," shrinking in reality to the population of
a modern city of fair size, but spread over 250 miles of seacoast, and
distant over 800 miles from the ports of New England. And besides.
New England shared the privilege of feeding these 40,000 planters
and their 110,000 slaves with the back-country and the Middle
states. Only a few New England farmers, those in the seacoast
towns and in the towns behind such ports as New Haven and New
London, in Connecticut, could have had any access to this market.
The mere fact that some products were shipped from such towns to
a market so small and at such a distance is the best sort of evidence
of the lack of any market at all at home. It shows how strenuously
the farmers were trying to supply this lack and to break through the
bounds of their self-sufficient economy.

{3) The West Indies,

The third region outside of New England, in which its farmers
found a market for agricultural products, was the sugar-producing
islands of the West Indies. There were several circumstances which
made the demand for outside food supplies greater in these islands
than in the cotton plantations of South Carolina and Georgia. In
the first place, the raising of sugar on large plantations with slave
labor had long been established and had made great progress through
the eighteenth century.^ Large importations of negroes from Africa
followed, and a considerable increase in the white population. In 1810
there were probably about 2,000,000 persons in all the islands of the
archipelago, of whom only a few hundred thousand were whites.^
The principal sugar producing islands were owned by England and

' See Belknap, History of New Hampshire, III. 218; Gallatin, Report on Man-
ufactures, p. 439; Bond, Phineas. Letters (1787-1794). In Annual Report,
American Historical Association, 1896-1897. P. 651.

2 The value of the exports of the English islands to the home country had in-
creased from £629,533 in 1699 to £6,390,658 in 1798. Between the years 1699
and 1775 the amount of sugar exported to England from these islands increased
from 427,573 cwt. to 2,002,224 cwt. See Edwards, Bryan. History ... of
the British Colonies in the West Indies. 3 ed. London. 1801. II. 595-598.

'The figures, based largely on estimates, in Morse's Gazetteer for 1817, Vol.
IL, app., are 2,430,000. In Worcester, J. E. Universal Gazetteer, 2 ed. Boston.
1823. Vol. IL, p. 944, the sum of the population of the islands owned by various
nations is put at 1,700,000.

Rural Economy in New England 301

France. Their possessions contained at this time about 1,000,000
negroes and less than 200,000 whites.^

We have seen that one of the reasons why the rice and cotton
plantations of the South Carolina-Georgia coastal plain furnished a
better market for the agricultural products of New England than
did the Chesapeake lowlands was that the distance separating the
plantations from the backcountry was greater in the former case
than in the latter. In a certain sense it might be said that in the
West India islands there was no back-country. That is, there was no
sharply defined region where the commercial products could not be
raised; no uplands occupied by farmers carrying on a general agri-
culture and selling food supplies to the planters.^ But this is far
from saying that the whole of the arable area was given over to the
cultivation of the staples. The statistics given for Jamaica in 1791
show that of the 1,740,000 acres in that island under cultivation,
only 767,000 were in sugar plantations, whereas an almost equal
area, 700,000 acres, was used for breeding and grazing farms and
350,000 acres for raising the minor staples and provisions.® In
Hispaniola, now called Haiti, there were in 1790, 793 sugar plant-
ations, 789 of cotton, 3,117 of coffee, 3,160 of indigo and 623 smaller
farms where yams, grain and other provisions were grown.* More
significant, however, for we must remember that the farms were
much smaller in acreage than the plantations, is the fact that even
on the latter, a considerable area was given over to the pasturing of
cattle and horses.^

Between the years 1790-1810 there had undoubtedly been much
progress in the direction of specialization, especially in Jamaica.^
Edwards had written at the former date: "In most other states and
kingdoms, the first object of agriculture is to raise food for the support
of the inhabitants; but many of the rich productions of the West

^ Perhaps the most reliable figures for the English islands are those for 1791
given by Edwards, History, II. 2; Whites, 65,305; blacks, 455,684. For the
French islands a summary of various censuses, 1776-1786, quoted by Morse, Gaz-
etteer, 1810, gives a total of 63,682 whites and 437,736 blacks.

' There were highlands in the interior of many of the islands but these were
so heavily wooded as to be inaccessible. See Edwards, History, I. 248-249.

»Ibid. I. 248.

* Ibid., III. 142-143.

5 Edwards estimates that on a plantation of 900 acres, two-thirds of the land
would be pasturage and woodland. Op. cit., I. 248.

8 The negro insurrection in Haiti, 1791-1801, checked the progress of the in-
dustry in a large part of that island.

302 Percy Wells Bidwell

Indies yield a profit so much beyond what can be obtained from gram
that in several of the sugar islands, it is true economy in the planter,
rather to buy provisions from others, than to raise them by his own
labor. The produce of a single acre of his cane fields, will purchase
more Indian com than can be raised on five times that extent of
land, and pay besides the freight from other countries. Thus not
only their household furniture, their implements of husbandry,
their clothing, but even a great part of their daily sustenance, are
regularly sent them from America or Europe. "^ The increase in the
output of the staples and the growth of population are both evidences
of this tendency to a more and more commerciaUzed agriculture.^

By 1810 a large part of the timber products and food-stuffs con-
sumed in the British islands was imported from the United States.^
In the years 1801-1803 the average annual amounts of the principal
commodities imported were: Com, 500,000 bu.;' bread and flour,
233,000 bbls.; Indian meal, 28,000 bbls.; beef and pork, 36,000 bbls.;
fish (dried) 50,000 quintals; fish (fresh) 23,000 bbls. Of tunber and
timber products, there were annually imported from the United States:
pine boards, 27,000,000 feet; 36,000,000 shingles; 12,000,000 staves;
and 10,000 tons of miscellaneous timber.** The value of these commo-
modities and others, such as live stock, horses, mules, dairy products
and vegetables shipped from ports of the United States to the pos-
sessions of France, England, Spain, Denmark and Sweden in these
islands in the ten years, 1802-1811, amounted on the average to
$1,225,000 per year. In the first years of this period the annual
export was considerably greater than the average, because of the

' Edwards, History, II. 459.

* Jedidiah, Morse, in The American Universal Geography. 6 ed. Boston. 1812.
Vol. I., p. 666, estimates the increase in population in Jamaica at 100,000 in the
period 1787-1811.

' The importance which the West India colonists ascribed to this trade may be
appreciated by reading some of the pamphlets of a political nature printed in
London 1800-1810, In the discussion of the impending war and of the advan-
tages to be gained by opening more widely the ports of the islands to the Ameri-
can trade, the dependence of the West Indies on the United States for food sup-
plies is strongly emphasized. Three typical pamphlets of this sort are Brown,
Alexander Campbell. Colony Commerce. London, (ca. 1790); Jordan, G. W.,
Claims of the British West India Colonists. London. 1804; and Medford, Macall.
Oil without Vinegar, ... or British, American, and West Indian Interests
Considered. London. 1807.

* These figures are obtained by division of the totals for the three years given
by Medford, Oil without Vinegar, app. No. 2. He claims to have had them from
oflScial documents.

Rural Economy in New England 303

relaxation of many of the restrictions on the commerce of their
colonies during the wars in which France and England were engaged.
In the years 1807-1809, on the other hand, the figures fell much
below the average, owing to the Embargo and Non-Intercourse laws
then in effect. The figures for 1810, a normal year, were $1,229,308,
corresponding quite closely with the average for the whole period.^

The pertinent question for the purposes of our essay is: What
part of this sum represented the food products shipped from New
England farms? In answering the question we must not be misled
by the frequent references to the active trade carried on by the coast
towns of Connecticut and Rhode Island with the West India islands.
When we remember how small were the vessels employed (according
to the terms of Jay's treaty of 1794 they were limited to 70 tons),*
and that they regularly made only two voyages each year,^ we are
more likely to proceed with caution. Then there is to be considered
the share in this trade which was carried from the ports of the Middle
and Southern states, such as Philadelphia and Charleston. The
superiority of the back-country of New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland
and Virginia in the production of grain, especially of wheat, had been
apparent as early as 1790.'* In fact, the seacoast towns of the New
England states were continually importing flour and grain from the
Middle and Southern states, partly for consumption and partly for
re-export.^ On the other hand in the export of provisions, the three
states of southern New England were at this time superior to any
other group. They were credited with about one-half of the total

» These figures are taken from Seybert, Adam. Statistical iVmials. Philadel-
phia. 1818. pp. 134 ff.

» Hildreth, Richard. History of the United States, rev. ed. 6 vols. New York.
1877-1880. Vol. IV. 540.

» This is the statement made by Jordan, G. W. Claims of Colonists. 90-91.

* The figures for the export of the principal grams, 1791-1792, given in Coxe,

View, p. 414, are:

Wheat Corn Rye

Virginia 395,000 bu. 685,000 bu. —

Pennsylvania 131,000 414,000 10,00 bu.

New York 186,000 227,000 956

Maryland 140,000 232,000 42

Massachusetts 154 78,000 1,600

Connecticut — 36,000 —

Rhode Island 438 5,100 —

' Governor Sullivan, of Massachusetts, wrote to President Jefferson in 1808:

"The seaport towns are supported almost entirely by bread from the Southern

and Middle States." Quoted in Adams, Henry. History of the United States.

1801-1817. 10 vols. New York. 1889-1891. Vol. IV., pp. 254r-255.

304 Percy Wells Bidwell

exports of salted beef and pork, butter, cheese and lard, potatoes
and onions; one-seventh of the hams and bacon and practically
all of the fresh meat and live stock. For these products the West
India islands formed the only foreign market. Assuming that the
share of the New England states in this market remained constant
in the next twenty years, we may form a rough estimate of the total
amounts of their exports thither in 1810, by applying the proportions
given above to the average annual exports of these products from the
whole United States for the ten years, 1801-1810.^ According to this
calculation, the three states under consideration would have been
shipping about 960 tons of butter, 486 tons of cheese, 850 tons of
lard, 9\ tons of hams and bacon; of beef and pork together, 75,000
bbls., 22,160 head of live stock and 4,000 dozen of poultry.

Estimate of the Importance of these Markets.

For a comparison of the importance of each of the three markets,
in the commercial towns, in the Southern states, and in the West
Indies to the New England farmer we must rely on three criteria:
(1) the size of the non-agricultural or specialized agricultural popu-
lation in each region, (2) the extent of their dependence on outside
sources of food supply, and (3) the amount of competition from other
food-producing regions for the various markets. Tested in all these
ways, the West Indian market seems to have been most important.
The population to be supplied was from eight to ten times as large
as in either of the other two regions; it was nearly as dependent on
outside supplies of foodstuffs as were the commercial towns along the
coast of New England, and more so than the rice and cotton plan-
tations in South Carolina and Georgia; and, most important of all,
it had no back-country of general agriculture. This last fact, how-
ever, does not mean that the New Englanders had a monopoly of

*The average annual exports from the United States, 1801-1810, were as fol-
lows: Beef, 76,300 bbls;. pork, 59,000 bbls.; butter, 1,926,000 lbs.; cheese, 972,000
lbs.; lard, 1,700,000 lbs.; hams and bacon, 1,340,000 lbs.; potatoes, 70,000 bu.;
cattle, 6,400 head; horses, 4,300; sheep, 7,760; hogs, 3,500; poultry, 4,000 dozen.
AU of these items, except the live stock show a considerable increase over the
figures for 1791. This is especially noticeable in the figures for butter, cheese and
lard, the totals for the three being over 200 per cent greater at the later date.
The total of live stock had, on the other hand, decreased from 38,000 head (aver-
age for the years 1791-1794) to 22,000. This would seem to show that the far-
mers of New England were finding it more profitable to fatten and slaughter their
stock at home and to give greater attention to dairy products as exports.

These figures are taken from Pitkin, Timothy. A Statistical View of the
Commerce of the United States of America. Hartford. 1816. pp. 89-129.

Rural Economy in New England 305

the market, for in supplying this as well as the market in the Southern
states they had to meet the competition of the Middle states.

The importance to the inland towns of these markets, in the South-
ern states, and in the West Indies, as well as in the coast towns of
southern New England, depended chiefly on two circumstances: (1)
upon the size of the markets, i.e., the quantity of produce which
they would absorb, and (2) upon their accessibility. The determining
factor in the latter case was, of course, the cost of transportation. We
have seen that the total amount of agricultural produce demanded
by these various regions was not large. In order to estimate accu-
rately what these markets meant to the inland farmers, we must go a
step farther and determine, if possible, how the trade in farm prod-
ucts was distributed through the inland country. If equally dis-
tributed among the inland towns, this trade would have meant very
little to any one of them; if carried on by the towns in only a few
favored regions, it might have altered their economic situation con-
siderably, but for the inland towns as a whole it would have had
little significance.

In order to answer these questions fully, it is necessary to investi-
gate the general conditions of internal trade in southern New England
and especially the state of the transportation system. These matters
will be taken up in the following chapter.

CHAPTER IV.
Internal Trade and the Transportation System.

In the absence of a non-agricultural population centered in manu-
facturing towns and cities, the internal trade of a country must
perforce be limited to the exchange of goods between the agricultural
regions in the back-country and the commercial towns, if there be
any, on the seacoast or on navigable rivers. The inland farmers
will endeavor to secure in this way as great a quantity as possible
of the commodities which they either could not produce at all, or
only at too great an expense. The amount of this trade will depend
chiefly on the demand for the farmers' products from the outside,
upon the amount which will be taken at a price high enough to pay
the costs of production and of transportation. A second determining
condition is the state of the transportation system. This, however,
is of only secondary importance; for with the most perfect and the
cheapest means of transportation, there will be no trade unless there
is somewhere a population desirous and capable of making purchases.
On the other hand, if there is a steady demand for goods, strenuous
efforts will soon be made to improve and cheapen the carrying system.
Such improvements, of course, come tardily; it may be from lack of
capital available for investment or from a failure to realize the bene-
fits of such improvements; and there is always the limitation imposed
by the state of mechanical and technical progress, as, for instance,
in the centuries before the invention of the locomotive. Once
established, it is true, a cheaper method of transportation promotes
an extension of the geographical division of labor, and so stimulates
and increases trade. But nevertheless, it is the market which is of
primary importance as regards internal trade; for unless there is a
purchasing population, either actual or potential, at one end of a
route, expensive improvements of that route will never be attempted.

One of the best indications of the volume of internal trade of this
sort is the size of the commercial towns. In the sea and river ports
there will be a non-agricultural population of merchants and ship-
owners roughly proportional to the amount of trade carried on by
them between the back-country and foreign parts. Boston was the

306

Rural Economy in New England 307

only port of New England of any considerable size at the end of the
eighteenth century. Concerning this port an observing traveler had
remarked that its growth was much slower than that of other eastern
seaports, and had attributed this circumstance to the fact that its
trade with the "back settlements" was less than that of such cities
as Baltimore, New York and Philadelphia.^ A considerable portion
of the inhabitants of Boston as well as of other ports, such as Salem,
Providence, New Haven and New London, were engaged in occupa-
tions quite independent of commerce with the back-country. They
caught fish and exported them, and were engaged in carrying the
products of the Southern states to foreign countries.

The Waterways.

We naturally look first for indications of internal trade to the water-
ways, which have always furnished the cheapest method of transpor-
tation. There were three large rivers running in roughly parallel
courses from north to south, which furnished a means of communi-
cation between the inland towns of New England and its seaports.
Near the western boundaries of Vermont, Massachusetts and Con-
necticut, flowed the Hudson. The few towns nearest this river in
the two latter states sent small quantities of beef, cheese and grain
to New York, to be consumed there or trans-shipped to the West
Indies. From southern Vermont, potash and other timber products,
maple sugar, furs, bar-iron and nails, live cattle and horses, and some
dairy produce and provisions came overland to Troy in New York
state and thence were carried down the river.^ The towns of Albany
and Hudson also served as collectors of these products and distrib-

' See Weld, Travels, I. 55. The following table shows the growth of popula-
tion in these four cities 1790-1810:

Increase
1790 1800 1810 percent

Boston 18,000 25,000 33,000 94.7

Philadelphia 28,500 41,200 53,700 88.4

New York 33,000 60,400 94,000 184.8

Baltimore 13,500 26,500 35,600 163.7

Boston had, it is true, increased somewhat faster than Philadelphia in the
period 1800-1810. This was probably due to the larger share which the former
port had in the carrying trade in the years preceding the Embargo and the Non-
Intercourse Acts.

2 Lambert enumerates oak and pine staves, lumber, maple sugar, wheat, flour,
butter and cheese, salt beef and pork, pot- and pearl ashes, horses and oxen as
the commodities shipped from this region. Travels, II. 502-503; Mass. Hist.
Soc. CoU., II. 9: 138.

308 Percy Wells Bidwell

utors of the West India commodities and European manufactures
received in return.^

The principal inland waterway in eastern New England was the
Merrimac River. Originally it had been navigable only as far as
Haverhill, about twenty miles. Above this point its rocky bed and
frequent falls had rendered it of little use in transportation of any
commodities except lumber. In 1803, however, a canal was opened
from Boston harbor across Middlesex County to the junction of
the Concord and Merrimac rivers where the city of Lowell is now
situated. Although this work represented a considerable invest-
ment of capital, its usefulness was limited by its many locks and
shallow bed.^ The principal commodities transported to Boston
by this means seem to have been timber and logs. By land Bos-
ton received cattle driven in from the surrounding country and from
southern New Hampshire to be slaughtered and packed for exporta-
tion, and in the winter some grain and dairy products came over-
land on the snow.^

The Connecticut River furnished the only means of cheap trans-
portation through the central region of New England. Although
originally navigable only as far as the falls at Enfield, Connecti-
cut, some sixty-five miles above its mouth, a series of canals con-

' See Weld, Travels, I. 57. A considerable i)ortion of this trade was diverted
in the opposite direction by the restrictions of 1807-1808. It was evidently
comparatively easy to smuggle goods across the frontier into Canada, and there
was almost continuous water transportation via Lake Champlain and the St.
Lawrence River to Montreal and Quebec, whence the goods were trans-shipped
to the West Indies, their original destination. For a description of this trafl&c
see Lambert, Travels, I. 100-104, 139-140, 225-226, 245, 250-253, 260-262; and
Kendall, Travels, III. 277, 283, 294; also WiUiams, Samuel. The Natural and
Civil History of Vermont. 2 ed. 2 vols. Burlington (Vermont). 1809. II. 365-
367. This writer remarks: "The trade itself has been of great advantage, in
promoting the settlement of the country; but the carriage of the articles, being
chiefly by land, and through long and bad roads, has been attended with great
expense; and has much prevented the raising of wheat, and other kinds of grain.
Ibid. p. 366.

*The work when completed in 1808 cost about $500,000. It was 28 miles
long and contained 22 locks. Its depth, 3^ feet, permitted navigation by boats
of 24 tons. See Gallatin, A. Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the
Subject of Public Roads and Canals. Washington. 1808. p. 51. The traffic
through this canal in 1806 amounted to 9,400 tons. Morse, Gazetteer, 1810. art.
Middlesex Canal.

'See Belknap. History of New Hampshire, III. 80-81. Rochefoucauld-
Liancourt, Travels, II. 160.

Rural Economy in New England 309

stnicted in the years 1790-1810^ had made possible the passage of
small boats to the village of Barnet in northern Vermont, about
180 miles farther.^ The only vessels which could be used above
Hartford were flat-bottomed craft of 10 or 20 tons burden. These
floated downstream easily enough, but when going in the reverse
direction had to be slowly and arduously propelled by poling, with
only occasional aid from small square sails when the wind was favor-
able. According to Dwight^ there was at about this time a fleet
of fourteen of these boats which made regular trips between Hart-
ford and the head of navigation in Vermont. Each round trip re-
quired twenty-five days and only nine could be made in a season.
Potash and pearlash, staves, shingles, grain, beef, flaxseed and lin-
seed oil were brought down to Hartford, and rum, salt, molasses
and some drygoods, iron and tea were carried back. Heavy timber
was floated down in rafts.^ The total amount of this traffic in a

' These canals were built around falls or rapids at South Hadley and Miller's
Falls in Massachusetts; at Water Quechee, now called Sumner's Falls, in Vermont;
and at falls in the town of Lebanon, New Hampshire, about three miles above
White River Junction.

The canal at South Hadley was begun in 1790 and finished in 1795. It was
two miles long, twenty feet wide, but only three feet deep. Originally the dif-
ference in level between the ends of the canal was overcome by means of an in-
clined plane. The boats were drawn on a cradle up this plane by means of a wind-
lass operated by water power. Later, in 1805, a system of seven locks was sub-
stituted and the bed of the canal was deepened. The best description of these
works is to be found in Holland, J. G. History of Western Massachusetts. 2
vols. Springfield. 1855. I. 305-307. See also Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, Travels,
II. 210, and Dickinson, Geographical and Statistical View, p. 30.

The Miller's Falls canal in the town of Montague was completed in 1800.
It was almost three miles long, twenty feet wide, and contained ten locks.
The water from the river was diverted by means of a dam 17 feet high and 325
yards long. See Hayward, John. Gazetteer of Massachusetts. Revised ed.
Boston. 1849. pp. 421-422; Dwight, Travels, II. 335.

At Bellows Falls a canal about one mile long was cut through solid rock at a
cost of $90,000. See Biglow, Timothy. Journal of a Tour to Niagara. Boston.
1876. p. 118. Biglow visited the place in 1805. See also Dwight, Travels,
II. 83-85.

The two other canals were smaller works and were hardly in operation before
1810. They, as well as the others, are described in Bacon, Edwin M. The
Connecticut River. New York. 1906. pp. 310-324.

2 Dickinson, Geographical and Statistical View, p. 26.

'Travels, IV. 142-143.

4 This list is from Kendall, Travels, III. 218. These are the commodities
most frequently mentioned in the advertisements of traders in the newspapers
published in such river towns as Springfield, Northampton, Greenfield, Walpole
and Hanover.

310 Percy Wells Bidwell

season was probably smaller than a fair-sized river steamer would
now carry in a few days.^

At Hartford the goods received from the upper river were trans-
shipped into small schooners and sloops and, together with more
provisions and small quantities of vegetables, were sent down the
river to New York and to the West Indies. These additional com-
modities seem to have been produced almost entirely by the farmers
in a few towns in the inmiediate vicinity of Hartford and Middle-
town, such as Farmington^ and Wethersfield. The towns lower down
the river had practically no share in this trade' except in furnish-
ing cargoes of wood for fuel. In 1789 the trafl&c on the lower river
had employed a fleet of about 100 vessels, of which 60 made voyages
to the West Indies and the remainder engaged merely in the coast-
ing trade.* The foreign branch of this trade was considerably dam-
aged by the restrictions of 1807-1808 and later by the War of 1812.
In 1815 the whole value of the exports from the Middletown cus-
toms district, which included all river ports, amounted to less than
$100,000.5

The commodities brought up the river to Hartford were the same
as those carried on farther up the river, with the addition of a variety
of European dress goods and some other imported manufactures,
such as crockery, glassware, etc.®

^ Some indication of the amount of this trafl5c may be gained from the figures
given by Dwight, Travels, I. 287, for the tonnage locked through the canal at
South Hadley, which amounted on an average to about 7,000 tons per season.
At the canal at Bellows Falls 4,300 tons paid tolls in 1803 and 5,460 tons in 1807.
Kendall, Travels, III. 217.

* See Porter, Historical Discourse, p. 46.

' Field says of the towns in Middlesex County that whereas they send "im-
mense quantities" of wood to New York and other towns, they export very little
beef, pork, grain and provisions, "the supply hardly sufficing for the consump-
tion of the inhabitants." Statistical Account of Middlesex, pp. 12, 14, 17.

* Field, Statistical Account, p. 8.
» Ibid. p. 127.

^ The general store in this region shows a far greater assortment of goods than
those in inland towns, but the staple commodities on which greatest emphasis
was laid were in all cases the same: Salt, sugar, molasses, rum and iron. A typi-
cal advertisement is that of Bolles, Savage and Co., appearing in the Middle-
town Gazette, Nov. 3, 1803. This firm has to sell 40 hogsheads of Muscavado
sugar, also a quantity of molasses and of Windward Islands rum. They have
"constantly on hand" iron, salt and other groceries for which they will receive all
kinds of country produce in pa)anent. Some of the commodities which they
offer to buy are flaxseed, oats, com, potatoes, rye-flour, and horses. There were
in this issue advertisements of 16 such general stores besides specialized dealers

Rural Economy in New England 311

The Roads and Highways,

The Connecticut River and the two other water routes parallel with
it served the transportation needs of the towns on their banks, and
carried produce for farmers living within a distance of fifteen to
twenty miles on either side. In the intervening territory between
the three river valleys, all transportation had to proceed overland
on the common highways. All roads in the country at this time
were poor; those in New England only somewhat less so than in
other sections. The task of laying out and repairing highways
had been originally entrusted to the town governments. The select-
men of the town determined what roads were necessary and two
"surveyors" were annually appointed to clear new roads and to
make such repairs as they deemed advisable. No taxes were col-
lected for this purpose, but the surveyors were empowered to call
out all the able-bodied men with their teams on certain days "hav-
ing respect to the season of the year and the weather" to work on
the roads.^ In spite of the fines which were imposed for neglecting
this duty, many absented themselves and often those who did ap-
pear seem to have regarded the occasion as a sort of junketing party. 2

in salt, iron and tinplate, linseed oil, paints and varnishes, leather, bottles and
paper.

In another issue, that of August 5th of the same year, a general store offers
to buy brown tow cloth, 10 firkins of butter, 200 bushels of potatoes, 500 ropes of
onions, and 10 three-year-old mules. Other dealers will buy cider, livestock,
apples, hay, rags, hides, skins, oak and hemlock bark, and beeswax.

In the columns of the Hartford Courant the same sort of advertisements ap-
peared including, however, a somewhat greater variety of "European goods."

' See Province of the Massachusetts Bay, Acts and Resolves, 1693-1694. Ch.
6, Vol. I., p. 136. Also Public Records of the Colony of Connecticut, 1643. Vol.
I., p. 91.

2 In many Massachusetts towns this practice of "working out the highway
tax" persisted until after the Civil War. In the Report of the (U. S.) Commis-
sioner of Agriculture for 1866 the methods pursued and the results accomplished
are described as follows: "No one who has once witnessed the process of 'mending
roads' in a small New England country town, needs any argument to convince
him that a system more ingeniously devised to accomplish nothing was ever
invented. The surveyors, in the first place, are usually elected at the town meet-
ings, and, as the office of surveyor is of no pecuniary profit beyond mere day wages,
persons of peculiar skill, could such be found, would not usually accept it. In
fact, the farmers of the district take their turns in the office, any respectable man
bemg deemed fully competent. Often some citizen who lives on a road out of
repair seeks the office, and is elected, and takes the opportunity to expend most
of the tax for the year on his own road, and leaves the rest of the district to be
attended to in the future. The surveyor selects, not the season when repairs

312 Percy Wells Bidwell

As a result, the work, if we can call it work, was most ineflaciently
done. It was not until about 1775 that this system began to be
abolished in Connecticut and provision was made for laying taxes
in certain towns for the repair of their roads.^

How the Roads Were Laid Out.

The roads first laid out were those serving the inhabitants of the
town in passing from farm to farm and in going to and from the
center of the town where stood the meeting house and country store.

are most needed, but that which is most convenient for himself and his brother
farmers, after their spring work is done, or after harvesting, and notifies every
person assessed to come and work out his tax. As the citizens in town meet-
ing fix the price to be allowed for the labor of men and animals in thus working
out the taxes, it is usually fixed at the highest prices which the best men and teams
could command, and often much higher, every voter who intends to 'work out
his tax' having a direct interest to fix a high price, and they constitute a large
majority in town meeting. The time appointed 'for working out the highway
tax,' as it is rightly termed, arrives, and at eight o'clock a.m. a motley assemblage
gathers, of decrepit old men, each with a garden hoe on his shoulder; of pale, thin
mechanics from their shoe shops, armed with worn-out shovels; half-grown boys,
sent by their mothers, who, perhaps, are widows; with perhaps the doctor, the
lawyer, and even the minister, all of whom understand that 'working on the
road' does not mean hard labor, even for soft hands. The farmers bring their
steers, great and small, with the old mare in the lead, with a cart; and the Irish-
man drives up with his rickety horse-cart and the mortal remains of a worn-out
railroad horse, to do his part. The only effective force on the ground consists of
two or three yokes of oxen and a half-dozen men hired by the surveyor with money
paid by non-residents, or men whose time is of too much value to themselves
to be wasted on the road. Here is the surveyor, who never held the office be-
fore, and who knows nothing of road-making or of directing a gang of hands.
The work must go on in some way. The roads are soft and full of ruts, or rough
with protruding stones. The stones must be covered, and the road rounded up
into shape. The cattle are all put to the big town plough, which is set in at the
side of the road; the boys ride on the beam, and the drivers put on the lash, and
the gutters, half filled with the sand and soil and leaves of a dozen seasons, are
ploughed up, the shovel and hoe men waiting very patiently for their turn to
work. The teams then stand idle; and this mixture, more fit for the compost
heap than anything else, is thrown upon the road, and finally leveled and smoothed
by the old men with their hoes; and thus the road is mended. This is not an
exaggerated picture of 'working on the road' in many small towns. The occasion
is regarded rather as a frolic than as serious labor; the old men tell stories to an
audience always ready to lean on their tools and listen. The youngsters amuse
themselves by all sorts of practical jokes, among which is the favorite one of over-
loading the carts, when any carts are used, so as to stick the teams."

' The privilege of imposing such taxes was granted by the legislature in Con-
necticut. Thirty-one towns received this privilege in the years 1774-1780. See
Public Records of the State of Connecticut, Vols. XIV-XVIII.

Rural Economy in New England 313

The next step was to lay out ways of communication from town to
town.^ It was difficult to secure co-operation between the autono-
mous local governments in this matter, the result being that such
roads were often neglected.^ Hence it became necessary to pass
laws providing that new highways from town to town should 'be
laid out, or old ways altered, by a jury appointed by the county
court.^ In case the towns to be thus connected lay in different
counties, a special act of legislature was necessary, appointing a
committee to do the work.* This method was not only cumber-
some and expensive but often unsatisfactory.^ In Connecticut, as
early as 1750 these methods had to some extent been replaced by
immediate action of the legislature in appointing committees to
lay out more direct routes between towns in distant parts of the state
between which there was considerable travel,^

When the routes had been determined by one or another of these
methods, a narrow track was cleared of trees and rocks (in newer
towns the stumps were often left standing in the road), and the logs
were drawn away to furnish material for causeways and bridges.^
Thus the roads were made passable for travelers on horseback and
for ox-carts. The methods of repairing were equally simple. A
contributor to the collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society
from Holliston, in Middlesex County, about twenty-five miles from

' Dwight outlines the steps in the laying out of roads in his Travels, II. 121-122.

2 See Public Records of Colony of Connecticut. 1684. Vol. III., p. 157.

' The original provision for this action is found in the Colonial Records of
Connecticut, IV. 314-316, and in Massachusetts Bay, A. and R. 1693-1694.
Ch. 6. A later act somewhat simplifying this process is found in the same, 1756-
1757, Ch. 18.

4 See Col. Rec. Conn. X. 107. (1752.)

5 As in the case of the town of Woodbury which was required to keep in re-
pair three parallel roads laid out at different times by the Litchfield county court
between the towns of Litchfield and Bethlehem. Resolves and Private Laws
of Connecticut, 1789-1836. Hartford. 1837. p. 607.

« As between Hartford and New Haven, New Haven and New London, New
Haven and Windham. The most famous of these early "state roads" was that
leading from Hartford through Simsbury, New Hartford, Canaan and Norfolk
towards Albany, called the Greenwoods Road. In all of these cases there was no
appropriation of state money for this purpose, but the towns through which the
route lay were ordered to make and repair the road. This, however, they regu-
larly failed to do. So in the case of the Greenwoods Road; although laid out in
1759 it was not constructed until 1764 and in 1766 was in "great want of amend-
ment." Col. Rec. Conn. Vols. XI and XII.

7 Belknap, History of New Hampshire, III. 375-378, describes in detaU the
clearing of new roads.

314 Fercy Wells Bidwell

Boston, thus described the system in vogue: " . . . . the
stones, which for years had been thrown out of the way against the
walls, are thrown back, each side of the way is ploughed, the stones
are covered with dirt and the middle of the road is left the highest."^
Roads so constructed and so repaired were bound to be deep with
sand in sunmier and equally deep with mud in the fall and spring.
It is no wonder that travelers complained bitterly of them.^

Means of Conveyance.

The primitive sort of conveyances used at this time is perhaps
the best commentary on the state of the roads. The farmer did
his errands, and sometimes carried his produce to the country store
or his grain to the mill, on horseback. The doctor, lawyer and
minister made their professional visits in the same way. Except
between towns and cities where stage-coach routes had been estab-
lished,' journeys both long and short were made in the saddle. For
the transportation of bulky produce, ox-carts of a construction sub-
stantial enough to defy the worst roads were employed. Chaises
with two wheels had been introduced in some towns about the mid-
dle of the eighteenth century, but four-wheeled wagons did not make

' Series I. Vol. 3, p. 18.

' A traveler from Providence, R. I., to Pomfret, Conn., wrote: "In May, 1776,
I went to Pomfret, thirty-six miles in a chaise; the road was so stony and rough,
that I could not ride out of a slow walk, but very little of the way; I was near two
days in going, such was the general state of our roads at that time." Quoted in
Field, Edward. The Colonial Tavern, p. 281.

' Stage-coaches began to run regularly between Boston and the larger towns
in eastern New England, especially along the coast, about 1760, and between
Boston and New York some ten or twelve years later. Passengers and a small
amount of personal baggage, and later, after the establishment of the Federal
Post OflSce in 1782, the mails also were transported in this way. The establish-
ment of these lines must have led to the improvement of the roads over which
they passed and later they probably stimulated the building of turnpikes. Other-
wise they had little effect upon internal trade.

An instance of the connection between the rise of the stage-coach business and
the building of turnpike roads is found in the case of Captain Pease, a pioneer
stage-coach driver and owner, who began a line from Boston to Hartford in 1783.
Of him a historian of Shrewsbury, Mass., writes: "His long career as a stage driver
gave him abundant cause to realize the bad state of the roads and the necessity
for better ones. After long and earnest efforts he procured from the Govern-
ment the first charter granted in the State for a turnpike, and it was laid out in
1808 from Boston to Worcester through South Shrewsbury . . . He lived
to see it completed and to see the benefit it was to the public." Ward, Eliza-
beth. Old Times in Shrewsbury. New York. 1892. p. 55.

Rural Economy in New England 315

their appearance until about fifty years later. They were still
objects of curiosity at the time of the War of 1812.^

The Building of Turnpike Roads.

Dissatisfaction with the existing condition of the highways, and
with the administrative system outlined above, led in the years
1790-1810 to the building of turnpike roads by individuals incor-
porated into associations by state charters. The old roads needed
repairing; new roads were needed in the newly settled communities
in western Connecticut and Massachusetts. The older towns, with
the antipathy to paying taxes which had become traditional, were
unwilling to burden themselves with the expense of putting the
roads into good condition; the new towns were unable.^ Hence they
readily adopted the turnpike scheme as a means of getting better
roads without resorting to taxation. In reality they were but re-
viving a medieval practice in public finance, substituting a fee for
a tax. That is, they restored the principle of laying the burden of
an expense which was or should have been incurred for the benefit
of the whole community, upon those particular individuals in the
community who benefited most by it. The states turned over
to the new companies certain stretches of the highways to be im-
proved and, to reimburse them for this expense, granted them the
privilege for a term of years of collecting tolls from live stock, vehicles
and pedestrians at toll-gates. The charters did not specify with
any great exactness what sort of a road should be constructed, but
were very specific as to the number and location of the toll-gates
and the tolls that should be charged.

It seemed to be a splendid scheme from all points of view. The
community would get improved roads at the expense of trifling
fees paid by the users, and when after a term of years the gates
had been abolished the roads would still be there, and presumably
the community would then find itself able to maintain them. The
incorporators would, in the meanwhile, have invested their capital
profitably. So attractive did this plan seem that within a few years
after the first companies were chartered, agitation for turnpike build-

' See Felt, Joseph. History of Ipswich, Essex and Hamilton (Mass.) Cam-
bridge, 1834. p. 32. Miss Larned tells of the introduction of these novel vehicles
in Windham, Conn., m 1809. See also Wood, S. G. Taverns and Turnpikes
of Blanford. Published by the author. 1908. pp. 259-261.

2 See Miller, Edward, and Wells, Frederic P. History of Ryegate, Vermont.
St. Johnsbury (Vermont). 1913. p. 148.

316 Percy Wells Bidwell

ing began in almost every town. In the years 1803-1807, fifty
companies were chartered in Connecticut, sixty in Massachusetts
and nine in Rhode Island.^ Before 1810 there had been 180 companies
organized in New England, of which 26 were in Vermont and 20 in
New Hampshire.^

The Effect of Turnpike Roads on Inland Trade.

The turnpike companies on the whole, however, must be regarded
as a failure to solve the transportation problem. In the first place,
capital was not readily forthcoming for the new ventures and many
of them were unable to begin construction and so forfeited their
charters. Others began work but were unable to finish and their
charters were renewed from time to time until they, too, finally
became defunct. Many companies were organized by unscrupulous
promoters, who hoped to make money out of the speculative mania
which had arisen.' Nor were the roads which were in fact constructed
under this system 'any great improvement over those which had for-
merly existed. In new districts where the only roads had been
winding cartpaths through the woods, the turnpike companies did
bring a real benefit, performing tasks which the sparsely settled com-
munities would not have been able adequately to perform. But in
the older towns the best that they were able to accomplish seems
to have been a straightening of the roads between the larger towns.
One of the old turnpike roads can even now be recognized by the
direct manner in which it proceeds to its goal, uphill and down.
This straightening, which was almost always accomplished at the
expense of steeper grades, was not undertaken for the sake of cheap-
ening transportation. Those engaged in carting heavy loads would
have much preferred the older winding ways. But for the turn-
pike companies the straighter road was more profitable, because
shorter. The expenditure of capital was but little greater per mile
on a hilly than on a level road. The work consisted principally in
clearing away stones and trees, building bridges and culverts, and
digging ditches at either side of the road. The material thus secured
was thrown into the middle of the road to make a crowned surface;

' The figures for Connecticut are from Gallatin's Report on Roads and Canals,
p. 55; for Massachusetts from Private and Special Statutes of Mass., Vols. II.
and III.; for Rhode Island from Index to Acts and Resolves (Rhode Island). 1758-
1850.

^Macmaster, History of U. S. III. 463.

' Kendall, Travels, I. 97, explains the frequency of turnpike companies in
Middlesex County, Conn., on this ground.

Rural Economy in New England 317

thus, it was hoped, drainage would be provided for. This hope
was bound to be disappointed, however, as can be proven by obser-
vation of roads in outlying country districts in New England today
where similar practices are followed. In none of these early turn-
pikes, with the exception of a few between Boston and the coast
towns of Massachusetts, was any other surfacing material used
besides the natural soil of the region through which they passed.^
In the light of such evidence as is available, it seems impossible
to ascribe to the turnpike movement in the years before 1810 any
significant improvement in the methods of land transportation in
southern New England, or any considerable reduction in the cost
of land carriage. It was still prohibitorily expensive to move bulkv
commodities for any distance beyond the borders of the inland town.
For many of the articles of farm production a distance of from ten
to twenty miles was the limit of profitable transportation ;2 beyond
this limit a few products such as cheese,^ butter, potash, maple sugar,
live stock, and, in some cases, salted beef and pork, could be carried;
but even in these cases the expense of carriage absorbed a large share
of the profit gained.

' The turnpikes in Massachusetts were, on the whole, better constructed than
those in Connecticut. Exceptionally good roads were those leading from Bos-
ton to Salem, Newburyport and Providence. These were surfaced with gravel,
or with crushed stone, and cost to construct from $3,000 to $14,000 per mile.
In Connecticut there were in 1807, 770 miles of the ordinary type of turnpike
road, costing on the average from $500 to $1,000 per mile. The most expensive
turnpike in this state was that from Hartford to New Haven, a distance of 35
miles, costing, including sums spent in purchasing land, $2,280 per mile. Gal-
latin, Report on Roads and Canals, pp. 55-56.

2 This estimate is based on bits of scattered evidence, such as the following
statement of the Rev. Samuel Goodrich in his Statistical Account of Ridgefield
in the County of Fairfield (Conn.): "Potatoes are very much used and increased
attempts are making to raise them for the market, but the distance from the mar-
ket is so great that it is not expected the practice will be general." The dis-
tance referred to as "too great" was fourteen miles, to Norwalk. MS. in library
of the Connecticut Historical Society, Hartford, Conn. In a letter from Robert
Fulton contained in Gallatin's Report on Roads and Canals, there are various
estimates of the cost of transportation of various commodities on the best turn-
pikes. These estimates vary from 10 to 30 cents per ton mile. At this rate
wood could not bear the cost of transport over twenty miles. Op. cit., pp. Ill,
116-117. See also Macmaster, History of U. S., III. 464.

3 Cheese at this time sold at $160 a ton and butter at twice that price. See
Statistical Account of Litchfield, Conn,, p. 122.

318 Percy Wells Bidwell

The Insignificance of Internal Trade.

From this survey of the conditions of internal trade we are brought
to the conclusion that the opportunities to supply the markets which
existed at this time, both in the commercial towns and outside New
England, must have been restricted to a small proportion of the
towns. The especially favored localities were, (1) a narrow strip
of territory along the coast of these three states, (2) a strip of terri-
tory on both sides of the Connecticut River, (3) a few towns in
Litchfield and Berkshire Counties in which cheese and other dairy
products and wheat could be profitably grown, and (4) a few towns
in the immediate vicinity of such ports as New Haven, Norwich,
Providence and Boston.^ Altogether these towns contained from
one-fifth to one-fourth of the total population of these three states.
This represents the maximum number to whom the market, such
as it was, was at all accessible. The remaining portion of the agri-
cultural population was almost entirely isolated from commercial
relations with the outside world.

This fact of isolation more than any other condition or cir-
cumstance was effective in determining the economic life of the
agricultural population in the inland towns of southern New Eng-
land at this time. There were, it is true, many other features of
the environment, in both its physical and institutional aspects,
such as the soil and climate, the political and ecclesiastical systems,
to which some of the most unique characteristics of the society
may be ascribed. But in the background, working sometimes in
harmony and sometimes in opposition to these other factors, was
the predominant influence of commercial isolation.

With this chapter the analysis of the economic conditions of the
life of the agricultural population is concluded. The main facts
of the environment of the inland farmer are now before us. Our
final task is to describe his efforts to adapt himself to that environ-
ment. In the two chapters following this process of adaptation
will be outlined, first as regards the agricultural industry and then
as regards the salient features of home and community life.

' The trade of the coast and river towns has already been discussed (supra,
Chapter III). References to the export of agricultural products from other
regions will be found in the two chapters following.

CHAPTER V.

The Agricultural Industry.

Although agriculture was the chief means whereby more than
90 per cent of the inhabitants of southern New England got their
living, yet it was most ineflSciently, and, to all appearances, care-
lessly conducted. Very little improvement had been made over
the primitive methods employed by the earliest settlers. As soon
as the pioneer stage had been passed and the clearing of the land
had been accomplished, the colonists settled down to a routine
husbandry, based largely on the knowledge and practices of English
farmers of the early seventeenth century, but in many ways much
less advanced than the agriculture of the motherland even at that
early date. In the century and a half intervening between the
settlement of New England and the opening of the nineteenth cen-
tury, improvements of far-reaching significance had been introduced
in English agriculture, through the work of TuU, Bakewell, Towns-
hend. Coke, and Arthur Young. The knowledge of these changes
had spread quickly to this side of the Atlantic,^ and yet the bulk
of the farmers had shown no disposition to adopt the new methods.
On their poorly cultivated fields little fertilizer of any sort was used,
their implements were rough and clumsy, live stock was neglected,
and the same grains and vegetables were raised year after year with
little attempt at a rotation of crops, until the land was exhausted.

Contemporary Criticism.

The apparent lack of intelligence, and of any progressive spirit,
exhibited by the New England farmers drew severe comment from
both native and foreign observers. General Warren of Massachu-
setts,2 for example, writing in the American Museum in 1786, drew
a sharp contrast between the methods prevailing at home and in

J See infra, pp. 346-347.

*The author of this letter was probably James Warren, 1726-1808, of Ply-
mouth, Mass. He succeeded General Joseph Warren as president of the Provin-
cial Congress, after the latter's death at Bunker Hill, fought through the Revolu-
tion, and was later made a major-general of militia. See Appleton's Encyclo-
pedia of American Biography, VI. 364.

319

320 Percy Wells Bidwell

England. He says: "A man in England that farms 150 acres,
would think a stock of £500 sterling necessary; three teams would
be employed; four or five ploughs; barrows, wagons, carts, &c. in
proportion; 70 to 80 acres tilled; 8 or 10 labourers at work; 800 to
1000 loads of manure annually collected; and perhaps three times
more cattle, sheep, and hogs kept, than are kept here on a farm
that is naturally as good. A man in America that farms 150
acres, would think a stock of £150 sufficient. One miserable team;
a paltry plough, and everything in the same proportion; three acres
of Indian com, which require all the manure he has; as many acres
of half-starved English grain from a half-cultivated soil, with a
spot of potatoes, and a small yard of turneps, complete the round
of his tillage, and the whole is conducted, perhaps, by a man and a
boy, and performed in half their time; no manure but dung from
the bam, which, if the heaps are not exposed to be washed away by
the winter rains, may amount to 15 or 20 loads; and if they arie so
exposed to much less, without any regret to the farmer. All the
rest of the farm is allotted for feeding a small stock. A large space
must be mowed for a little hay for winter; and a large range for a
little feed in summer. Pastures are never manured, and mowing
lands seldom; . . . ."^

The author of American Husbandry wrote: "And the mention
of cattle leads me to observe, that most of the farmers in this country
are, in whatever concems cattle, the most negligent ignorant set of
men in the world .... Horses are in general, even valuable
ones, worked hard and starved: .... This bad treatment ex-
tends to draft oxen; to their cows, sheep and swine; only in a dif-
ferent manner as may be supposed ....
"^ I must, in the next place take notice of their tillage, as being
weakly and insufficiently given; worse ploughing is no where to be
seen, yet the farmers get tolerable crops; this is owing, particularly
in new settlements, to the looseness and fertility of old woodlands
which, with very bad tillage, will yield excellent crops; a circum-
stance the rest of the province is too apt to be guided by, for seeing
the effects, they are apt to suppose the same treatment will do on
land long since broken up, which is far from being the case.^ Thus,
in most parts of the province, is found shallow and unlevel furrows,
which rather scratch than tum the land; and of this bad tillage the

' Vol. II. No. II. August, 1787. p. 347.

2 For a further consideration of the effect of the frontier, a nearby region of
new, cheap land, see infra pp. 350-352.

Rural Economy in New England 321

farmers are very sparing, rarely giving two ploughings if they think
the crop will do with one; the consequence of which is their products
being seldom near so great as they would be under a different
management."^

Although usually resentful of foreign criticisms, Dwight is forced
to admit that "the husbandry of New England is far inferior to that
of Great Britain." He adds: "The principal defects in our hus-
bandry, so far as I am able to judge, are a deficiency in the quantity
of labour necessary to prepare the ground for seed, insufficient ma-
nuring, the want of a good rotation of crops, and slovenliness in clear-
ing the ground. The soil is not sufficiently pulverized nor suf-
ficiently manured. We are generally ignorant of what crops will
best succeed each other, and our fields are covered with a rank growth
of weeds. "2

Farm Management in 1800.

Postponing for the present an examination of the reasons for this
inefficiency in the fundamental occupation, let us examine the rou-
tine operations of the farmer in the inland communities, in order
to determine as nearly as possible how far these criticisms were
justified.

Size of Farms.

The 100 to 200 acres which composed a typical inland farm^ were
divided into three roughly equal tracts, one-third being woodland,
including wasteland, one-third pasturage, and the remainder divided
between mowing lands and cultivated fields in varying proportions.
The land under tillage, however, hardly ever exceeded ten or a dozen
acres, except in the neighborhood of such commercial towns as would

' Op. cit., I. pp. 80-81.

2 Travels, I. 81, 82.

' On the matter of the prevailing size of farms there is an abundance of evi-
dence. See Dickinson, Geographical and Statistical View, p. 7; Livingston,
Robert R., American Agriculture. Article in the Edinburgh Encyclopedia. First
American edition. 18 vols. Philadelphia. 1832. Vol. I. pp. 332-341. The facts in
this article apply particularly to the Northern and Eastern states; many of them
are taken without credit from Dickinson's work. This article was written shortly
before the author's death in 1813. See De Peyster, Frederick. Biographical
Sketch. New York. 1876. p. 13. The advertisements of farms for sale in the
columns of the Massachusetts Spy (Worcester) in the year 1807-1808 show varia-
tions in acreage from 50 to 275 acres. But of the total of 24 farms advertised,
only four had below 100 acres; 18 were between 100 and 200 acres, and only two
had more than 200 acres.

322 Percy Wells Bidwell

furnish a market.^ These fields were separated originally by rail
fences or stone walls. In places where timber was beginning to
be scarce the latter material was most generally used. When the
farmer and his sons piled up these monuments of laborious toil they
were accomplishing a double purpose, not only marking ofif the boun-
daries of their fields, but ridding their land of a great hindrance to
cultivation as well.

The Importance of Indian Corn.

Indian com and rye were the staple grains cultivated on every
inland farm. The first might have been called the cornerstone of
New England agriculture. Next to grass its yield was more valu-
able than that of any other crop. Dickinson says of this crop:
"Indian com may justly be considered as our principal grain, and
the most valuable in the whole circle of husbandry. Its increase,
compared with that of any other grain, is in a greater degree inde-
pendent of the season, and governed more by the attention and care
of the cultivator. It is mixed in the proportion of one-third, with
rye, and constitutes the common bread of the inhabitants. The
beef, pork, and poultry, fattened with it, are greatly superior to such
as are fed on any other grain. Besides the crop, the average of
which is about twenty-eight bushels per acre, the forage it affords
is very considerable, every part of the stem and husk being applic-
able to the feeding of cattle. "^ D wight says that this crop is "nearly
as valuable to this country as all other kinds of com united, and
yields a crop much more certain, and much more extensively useful
than any other."' Besides its advantage of hardiness which made

. * According to the answers received by the Massachusetts Agricultural Society
I to their questionnaire of 1806, the fanns in Brookfield, an exceptionally prosper-
ous inland town in Worcester County, were divided as follows: Pasture, 33 acres;
mowing, 20 acres; tillage, 6 to 7 acres; orchards, 3 to 4 acres; and woodland, 33
acres. A considerable contrast is seen in the case of Brooklyn (now called Brook-
line), a town adjacent to Boston, which benefited by the market in that place.
Here we find a typical farm with 100 acres, of which 12 were in woodland, 20
in pasture, and 68 in mowing, tillage, and orchards. Papers, Vol. II., 1807. pp.
11, 12.

* Geographical and Statistical View, pp. 8-9.

'Travels, II. 62. In another passage, II. 294, Dwight catalogues and de-
scribes ten varieties of maize grown in New England. Other writers who recog-
nized the imp>ortance of maize in the agricultural economy of New England were
the author of American Husbandry, who calls it "the grand product of the coun-
try on which the inhabitants principally feed," I. 50, and Livingston, American
Agriculture, pp. 334r-335.

Rural Economy in New England 323

it surely dependable/ and its general utility to man and beast, this
crop was peculiarly adapted to a region in which labor was expensive.
The system of planting in hills at the corners of a four or five-foot
square, which the colonists had learned from the Indians, rendered
cultivation by cross-plowing feasible and so reduced the necessity
of hand hoeing.^ This is probably the reason why this crop was
given more careful cultivation than any other. Besides rye which,
combined with Indian corn, furnished the flour for bread, oats, bar-
ley, and buckwheat were regularly sown in small amounts. Both
the oats and barley were recognized to be poor crops,' but still they
were necessary, and therefore, under the self-sufficing system of
agriculture, they had to be grown. The buckwheat was a useful
crop in many ways. Its value in cleaning the fields of weeds was
already recognized and it was also occasionally ploughed under to
serve as a "green" fertilizer. The blossoms furnished food for the
farmer's bees and the grain was used as a food for poultry.'*

Why the Wheat Crop Failed.

Wheat could not be successfully grown except in a few favored
regions in New England, such as the valley of the Connecticut River
and the western portions of Massachusetts and Connecticut, in
Berkshire and Litchfield Counties.^ Other grains, as we shall see,
yielded poor enough results, but the results of wheat cultivation
were so disappointing that it was early abandoned in most regions

' In the answers received from the farmers in reply to its questions, the Massa-
chusetts Society for Promoting Agriculture printed the following: "From Wor-
cester, it is remarked, that the crop of Indian corn is the most uniform, and the
one on which the farmer can most securely rely; and it is alleged, that it is the only
one well cultivated in our country, and that for all these and other reasons it is
thought the most useful." Papers, II. 18.

2 See Livingston, American Agriculture, p. 335. He says further: "Ten acres
of corn are hoed with less expense, than one of beans or turnips, . . ."
The practice of sowing pumpkins in among the rows of com, to which this writer
in another passage refers, would have interfered somewhat with the cultivation
of the corn.

' Of oats and barley the author of Notes on Farming says, p. 18: "I have not
mentioned oats, because in this country it is a contemptible crop and scarce worth
raising; barley being far better even for the feed of horses." The author of this
thirty-eight page pamphlet, printed anon)anously in New York in 1787, was Hon.
Charles Thompson, a member of the first Contmental Congress and of the Phila-
delphia Society for Promoting Agriculture.

* See Livingston, American Agriculture, p. 334.

6 Salisbury, in Litchfield County, was especially noted for the successful cul-
tivation of this grain. Pease and Niles, Gazetteer, p. 258.

324 Percy Wells Bidwell

altogether. Besides suffering from the inroads of the Canada thistle
and the Hessian fly, it was repeatedly damaged by a sort of fungus
growth, known to the writers of that time as blast, rust or mildew.
Many attempts were made to explain this last phenomenon, which,
as the investigations of the Massachusetts Society for Promoting
Agriculture later proved, was really caused by the use of unselected,
infected seed.^ Dwight went to work systematically to fathom the
mystery and after examining and discarding such alleged causes
as the character of the soil, the climate, and the ''noxious effluvia"
from barberry bushes, he concludes that the damage must proceed
from the use of stable manure as a fertilizer. This, he believed,
forced the growth of the plant too rapidly in its early stages.^ Har-
riott, the English traveler, came much nearer to a correct solution
of the problem. He wrote: "In some of the farther inland parts,
wheat is raised; but on the sea-coast, it has never been cultivated
with much success, being subject to blasts. Various reasons are
assigned for this: some suppose these blasts to be occasioned by
the saline vapours from the sea; but I can not agree to this, well
knowing that many of the best wheats that are grown in England
in quantity and quality, are from sea-marshes and lands adjoining
the sea. Others attribute it to the vicinity of Barbary-bushes of
the truth of which I can not speak. But the principal cause appeared
to me the poverty and sandy nature of soil in general, together with
exceedingly bad management."^

The Lack of Root Crops.

One of the greatest defects in the system of husbandry practiced in
New England was the lack of root crops. Such crops, especially
the turnip, were being extensively used in England as a winter food
for cattle, making possible the keeping of more animals and in better
condition, besides securing for the farmer a valuable addition to
his supply of stable manure. The potato was, to be sure, culti-

' Massachusetts Agricultural Repository and Journal. Published by the
Massachusetts Society for Promoting Agriculture. 10 vols, Boston, 1793-1832.
Vol. v., pp. 132-150. The first two volumes of this collection include the con-
tributions to the Society, published as annual papers. Referred to in later notes
as Mass. Agric. Soc. Papers.

2 Travels, II. 322-329. Kittredge, The Old Farmer and His Almanack, pp.
322-332, has a chapter entitled Barberries and Wheat, in which he discusses
the difficulties encountered by the farmers of the period in attempting to grow
this grain.

» Struggles through Life, II. 32-33.

Rural Economy in New England 325

vated to some extent, and principally as a food for cattle. Although
indigenous in America, it seems not to have been well known until
the early part of the eighteenth century.^ By the end of the cen-
tury almost every farmer cultivated from one to four or five acres
of potatoes, not in a separate field but along the borders of the corn
or other grain fields. Occasionally we find turnips and carrots
mentioned^ but their cultivation had not become at all general.
A cheaper substitute for root crops which was used to some extent
for winter fodder was the pumpkin. Planted in the hills of corn,
it required no extra land to be cultivated and grew abundantly
without attention. In the fall after the corn had been cut and shocked
the pumpkins were easily gathered. Although they could not be
preserved as long as the root crops, yet while they lasted they fur-
nished a fairly good substitute. Hay remained throughout all this
period, however, the chief winter fodder for all sorts of live stock.^

Flax was not a crop especially suited to New England at this time,
since it required an amount of labor and fertilization inconsistent
with the prevailing extensive system of cultivation. Yet flax was
necessary for the production of the homespun linen and tow cloth
and hence a small field, probably only a fraction of an acre, was
regularly sown. A part of the flax was allowed to ripen and although
this practice made the fiber less suitable for textiles, yet from the
seed thus secured linseed oil was obtained. This, as we have seen,
was in some regions a commercial product.^

The smaller vegetables, such as peas, beans, onions,^ etc., were

' Belknap, History of New Hampshire, II. 37, credits the Scotch-Irish families
who settled Londonderry, New Hampshire, in 1719 with the re-introduction of
this plant from Europe.

2 As in Goodrich's Statistical Account of Ridgefield, pp. 5-6.

' The best contemporary discussion of the methods of planting and preserving
pumpkins is found in Notes on Farming, pp. 20-21. Colonel Taylor, of Virginia,
considered pumpkins a much superior crop to either turnips or potatoes, in spite
of the advocacy of the latter in the English treatises with which he was familiar.
The results of his experiments he published in a series of essays entitled Arator.
(3 ed. Baltimore, 1817), pp. 115 ff. The bulk of this work was written before 1810.

* Mass. Agric. Soc. Papers, II. 1807, 41-42. In Fairfield County, Connect-
icut, the export of flaxseed had assumed some importance, the surplus over con-
sumption amounting to about 20,000 bushels a year. The result of this outlet
was a considerable specialization in the crop. D wight says: "A few years since
(ca. 1800) more flax was raised here than in the whole of New England beside."
Travels, III. 499-500.

6 The two towns which exported onions to any extent were Wethersfield, Con-
necticut, and Barnstable, Massachusetts. Pease and Niles, Gazetteer, p. 9;
Kendall, Travels, II. 129.

326 Percy Wells Bidwell

not given much attention except in the few favored regions in the
neighborhood of commercial towns, where a market for such pro-
duce was at hand.^ Gardening was much too intensive a process
for the farmer at that time. Kitchen vegetables were therefore
often lacking on his table, unless the women of the household could
spare time from their multifarious other occupations to plant and
care for a garden.^ The farmer had, however, learned the soothing
effects of nicotine and consequently often grew a small amount of
tobacco. Occasional instances of its export are found even at this
early date.'

A few unsuccessful attempts at hemp-growing had been made
in the Connecticut Valley. Although there was a considerable
demand for this product at the shipyards in the commercial towns,
yet such intensive cultivation was required, and so much disagree-
able labor in preparing the fiber for market, that the domestic supply
was greatly inadequate.* The breweries in Boston offered a market
for hops, which was supplied by the farmers in the nearby towns. ^
Hops were also grown in small amounts by some farmers for the
production of home-brewed beer. None of these smaller crops had
the importance to the self-sufficient farmer, nor occupied as much
of his land or attention, as the grain and grass crops. New England
was at this time a region in which grazing was of more importance
than the cultivation of fields, and hence the latter operations were
subsidiary to the former.

I The Rotation of Crops.

\ Very little progress had been made towards developing any sys-

\ tematic rotation of these crops. The simplest plan was a three-

' Dickinson, for instance, speaks of the cultivation of beans to be sold for "ship
stores." Geographical and Statistical View, p. 9.

* The editor of the Old Farmer's Almanack occasionally encouraged his readers
to pay more attention to their kitchen gardens and to introduce vegetables into
the bare menu of salt beef, turnip and stewed pumpkin. See Kittredge, The Old
Farmer and His Almanack, pp. 84-85. D wight gives a long list of vegetables
grown in New England gardens, but fails to tell how many of them were regu-
larly grown in any one garden. Travels, I. 18-20.

' See Lees, John. Journal. New York. 1768. Also Memorial History of Hart-
ford County, Conn. (Trumbull, J. H., ed.) 2 vols. Boston. 1886. Vol. I. p. 215.
Also article, Tobacco, by Shamel, A. D,, in Cyclopedia of American Agricul-
ture (Bailey, L. H., ed.), 4 vols. New York. 1910. Vol. II. p. 641.

* Dickinson tells of experiments with this crop in Deerfield, Mass. Geographi-
cal and Statistical View, p. 10. See also American Husbandry, I. 54.

^ Dwight found considerable hop-growing in Tewskbury, Mass., Travels, II. 189.

Rural Economy in New England 327

year course, alternating grain^^ass and fallow, a system reminding
one of the three-field agncuEureof the Middle Ages. Jhe first crop
in this case was usually maize, followed by rye, oats or barley. It
was the practice to sow one^oTthe latter grains in the fall after the
maize crop had ripened. After this second crop had been harvested,
the ground was laid down to grass, or more regularly left to "sow
itself;" which meant simply that it was allowed to grow up to weeds,
producing the much-condemned weed-fallow. This primitive prac-
tice was varied by the extension of the alternating crops over a period
of several years each, and also by the occasional interjection of other
crops.^ The Massachusetts Agricultural Society summarized the
answers from its correspondents on this subject as follows: "The
answers from our other correspondents agree in stating the general
succession of crops to be Indian corn and potatoes for one or two
years; then either rye, oats or spring wheat; sometimes flax and when
the land is laid down to grass, it is usually with barley. It may be
inferred from the replies that the land is usually broken up after
being in grass three or four years; and that it is usually ploughed
about three years, and then laid down as above stated. "^ There
had been practically no improvement along this line since the Revolu-
tion, for in 1775 the author of American Husbandry had written:
"They (the farmers of New England) sow large quantities of maize,
some wheat, barley, oats, buckwheat, pease, and beans, turneps,
and clover: hemp and flax in small parcels. And these they throw
after one another, with variations, so as to keep the land, as well
as their ideas permit, from being quite exhausted; which they effect
by the intervention of a ploughed summer fallow sometimes. When
the land has borne corn for several years, till it threatens to yield
no more, then they sow clover among the last crop, and leave it
as a meadow for some years to recover itself. But all this system
proceeds too much on the plan of the worst farmers of Great Britain,
to get corn {i.e., grain) from their fields as long as ever they will
bear it."^ In general we may say that some farmers were making.

' According to the Rev. Mr. Goodrich, the rotation of crops practiced in Ridge-
field was: 1st year, buckwheat or rye; 2nd year, Indian corn; 3rd year, flax or
oats, followed by rye sown in the fall; 4th year, pasture. After remaining in
pasture a few years the land was broken up and the same routine was repeated.
Statistical Account, p. 6.

'Papers, II. 28.

2 Op. cit., pp. 75-76. Clover had been introduced in some parts, but not to
any great extent, before 1800. It was valued rather as making good hay than
for any appreciation of its service in recuperating the soil. Deane wrote in 1790:

32* Percy Wells Bidwell

2l conscious but unsystematized effort to secure a more beneficial
alternation of crops, but because of the limitations of their knowl-
edge on the subject^ and because of the necessity of getting cer-
tain staples, such as corn, rye, grass and flax, under any conditions,
they had made practically no progress along this line.

The Neglect of Manure.

There are two means of preventing soil exhaustion and of restor-
ing the fertility of mismanaged soils; one is by a system of scientific
rotation of crops and the other is by the regular and liberal appli-
cation of fertilizers. As we have seen, the farmers at this period
had very little knowledge of the former method, even of an em-
pirical nature. Although we could not expect them to understand
the principles of soil chemistry, the beneficial effect of common
fertilizers was so obviously apparent that their neglect of this
method of enriching their soil seems at first glance astonishing.
The barnyard and stable manure would, if carefully collected and
preserved, have furnished a considerable supply- of first-class fer-
tilizing material, but this resource was uniformly neglected. The
cattle and horses were turned out to pasture early in the summer
and often were not put into stables again, even for over night, until
late in the fall.^ Even the small amount of manure which accumu-

*'Some think clover is so far from needing any manure, that it will recruit lands
which are worn out. That it will do it more than other grasses, I cannot yet see
any reason to believe. It will bear no crop worth mowing on lands which are
quite exhausted. But it is probable, it may produce good crops on lands which
are much impoverished near the surface, by bearing plants with short or hori-
zontal roots; because clover sends its main roots to a great depth. And while
a field lies several years in clover, the soil near the surface may be considerably
recruited. But whether the land on the whole will be in better heart, after sev-
eral heavy crops of clover are taken from it, and no manure laid on, seems rather
doubtful." Deane, Samuel, A. M., The New England Farmer. 1 ed. Worcester.
1790. p. 60.

' The state of knowledge on this subject is apparent from the following: "There
seems to be a general opinion that potatoes are a beneficial crop, and an universal
sentiment that flax is a pernicious one. Another opinion is equally universal,
that a succession of crops is absolutely essential to good cultivation, though there
does not appear to have been any accurate experiments to ascertain the best
order, or the duration of this rotation." Mass. Agric. Soc. Papers. II. 1807. 28.

* In the Papers of the Massachusetts Agricultural Society for 1807 it was es-
timated that the live stock ordinarily kept on a 100-acre farm would furnish about
50 cart loads of dung. pp. 42-45.

3 General Warren wrote: "The common practice, in this country, is, in win-
ter, when they (the cattle) are turned out of the bam, to take no further care of

Rural Economy in New England 329

lated during the winter was imperfectly protected from the weather
and consequently a large proportion of it was wasted.^

An artificial manure, or commercial fertilizer, as it would be called
nowadays, known as gypsum or Plaster of Paris, had been intro-
duced in a few towns as early as 1800. Like other calcareous sub-
stances, it did not furnish a lacking element of plant food, yet its
action was beneficial in counteracting the acidity of certain soils,
and it may have also aided in retaining moisture in dry soils. The
gypsum used in New England was quarried in Nova Scotia and
transported hither by water. Then it had to be ground, either
in plaster mills erected for that purpose, or more often, in grist mills.
The cost of this process plus that of transportation and of quarry-
ing, made this form of fertilizer so expensive that only a few farmers
could afford to use it.^ Consequently its use was confined to a few
towns in sections from which crops could be exported, such as the
wheat-growing regions of the western counties and in the Connecticut
Valley.3

On the seacoast two fertilizers were easily accessible, fish and sea-
weed. Along the Connecticut shore of Long Island Sound, white-
fish were caught in great quantities and applied to the land at the

them for the day; they are suffered to range at large in summer; it is not uncommon
to bring them up in the evening, and let them lie till morning in the roads; the
first rains wash the roads clear for the traveller, without any injury to the farmer,
who would not have taken the trouble to have cleaned them for any other pur-
pose; . . . ." Letter in American Museum, II. 347.

* European travelers could not understand why the New England farmers
and those of the Eastern states in general should be so indifferent to this means
of fertilization. Harriott relates, Struggles through Life, II. 216, that on the
farm which he purchased on Long Island there was "some hundred loads of man-
ure which had been accumulating for several years, to the great damage of the
buildings." This accumulation was looked upon by his neighbors as an encum-
brance, merely, and the former owner advised him to move his barn, as this would
be an easier way out of the difl&culty than moving the manure. A similar state
of affairs was described by La Rochefoucauld in Lebanon, Connecticut. Travels,
L 516.

2 Livingston, American Agriculture, p. 338, estimated the cost to the farmer
at 50 cents a bushel. When we consider that the purchasing power of money
was very considerably higher in those days, this price, which is about that which
a farmer pays nowadays for his commercial fertilizers, seems extremely high.

' Kendall found gypsum costing $20 a ton in use by the farmers in Sharon,
in Litchfield County. Travels, I. 231. Dwight, in the course of his travels,
found gypsum in use in nine towns in New England. It is significant that eight
of these towns are in the Connecticut Valley. The ninth, Plainfield, Connecticut,
profited by the outlet for surplus products furnished by the port of Norwich.

330 Percy Wells Bidwell

rate of 10,000 to 12,000 per acre.^ Seaweed, or rock-weed as it
was called, was easily collected and served the same purpose to a
less degree. Both at the shore and inland a variety of other fer-
tilizing agents was used, such as marl, potash and lime, but only
sporadically, according to the enterprise of particular farmers and
the accessibility of the material.

The prevailing neglect of fertilizers, to which the occasional use
of gypsum and white-fish are merely exceptions, illustrates not so
much the ignorance of the typical farmer, as the inhibitory effect
of the lack of a market on all progress in the science of agriculture.
Of course the farmers of that day did not understand why spread-
ing the dung of their cattle on their fields increased the yield of
their crops, but they knew very well that such was in fact the re-
sult. Even if they had had more knowledge, it is not likely that
they would have modified their wasteful practice. For carting
and spreading manure entailed labor, which meant expense either
of money or of their own physical effort. And from what source
was that expense to be repaid? Not, certainly, from the sale of
crops, for without a market that was impossible. The old practices
resulted in crops sufl&cient to feed the farmer and his family. Why
should he exert himself to produce a surplus? The only return
he could expect would be a sort of psychological income, a satis-
faction in seeing his fields yielding more than those of his neighbors.
Such satisfaction was a quite sufficient stimulus for the gentleman
farmer of the commercial towns, who experimented along all sorts
of lines, regardless of expense, but for the self-sufficient farmer it

' Dwight noted the use of white-fish in Branford, Killingworth, and Guilford.
Of the latter town he remarks: "The soil of East Guilford is naturally less rich
than that on which the town is built; but, being extensively manured with white-
fish, yields abundant crops. These fish are sometimes laid in furrows, and cov-
ered with the plough. Sometimes they are laid singly on the hills of maize and
covered with the hoe. At other times they are collected in heaps, formed with
other materials into a compost, carted upon the ground, and spread in the same
manner, as manure from the stable. A single net has taken 200,000 in a day.
They are sold for a dollar a thousand, and are said to affect the soil advantage-
ously for a considerable length of time. The people of East Guilford are not a
little indebted to them for their present prosperity."

This prosperity, however, had its drawbacks. Dwight continues with con-
scientious adherence to detail: "One very disagreeable circumstance attends
this mode of husbandry. At the season, when the white-fish are caught in the
greatest quantities, an almost intolerable foetor fills the surrounding atmosphere,
and however use may have reconciled it to the senses of the inhabitants, it is
extremely disgusting to a traveller." Travels, II. 491-492.

Rural Economy in New England 331

was a psychological luxury in which he did not feel he could afford
to indulge. The farmers of Litchfield and Berkshire and of the
Connecticut Valley had no more knowledge of the scientific princi-
ples involved in the action of gypsum as a fertilizer than had their
contemporaries in the hills of Worcester or Tolland, but they had
learned somehow that gypsum produced bigger crops. They wanted
bigger crops because they had a market. Hence they were willing
to invest their money and labor and make the experiment. Hence
their progress in the science of agriculture.

The Farm Equipment — Buildings, Tools and Implements.

It was this lack of a market which explains to a large extent the
small investment of capital in agriculture at this time, either in per-
manent improvements, such as drains and buildings, or in tools and
implements. A house and barn were necessary and these were in
general conveniently and substantially built. The latter had a
threshing floor in the middle and stables for horses and cows on
either side. Some of the hay was mowed away above the stables
and the remainder was stacked near the barn in sheds, open at the
sides and covered with a thatched or shingled roof. A corn-crib
was always in evidence, set up on stilts as now, as a protection against
mice and dampness. Of the tools and implements used on the farm
we shall have occasion to speak in another connection.^ They
were few and ill-contrived. One writer says that the farmer of
this period could have carried them all, except the cart and harrow,
upon his back.2 They included a plough, a hoe, a pitchfork, a ma-
nure-fork and a shovel, all of which were clumsily constructed of wood,
often by the farmer himself, and plated with strips of sheet iron,
perhaps by the local blacksmith; a flail for threshing grain and a
a fan and riddle-sieve for winnowing. The practice of treading out
the grain from the straw by driving cattle over it, which had per-
sisted since the days of the ancient Israelites, was still to be found
in some of the Middle states, but seems to have been superseded
in New England.^ The sickle, the most ancient of harvesting im-

' See infra, pp. 364-365.

2 Flint, Charles Louis. Progress in Agriculture. In Eighty Years' Progress
of the United States. Hartford. 1867. p. 24.

3 See American Museum, V. 379; and Deane, New England Farmer, p. 283.
A day's work with the flail yielded from four to six bushels of wheat and from six
to twelve bushels of barley, according to the size of the grains. Ibid. Indian
corn was sometimes threshed with a flail but a more efficient method was to scrape
the grains from the cob by rubbing the ear across the edge of a spade. Mass.
Agric. Soc. Papers, II. 1807, 25-26.

332 Percy Wells Bidwell

plements, was still used to some extent in reaping wheat; for cutting
other grains and grass, the scythe and cradle were used.^

For the all-important business of ploughing the farmer was but
poorly equipped. Flint has given us a description of two of the
types of ploughs most frequently used at this time. He says: "The
Carey plough had a clumsy wrought-iron share, a land-side and stand-
ard made of wood, a wooden mould-board, often plated over in
a rough manner with pieces of old saw-plates, tin or sheet-iron.
The handles were upright, and were held by two pins; a powerful
man was required to hold it, and double the strength of team now
commonly used in doing the same kind of work. The 'bar-side
plough' or the 'bull plough' was also used to some extent. A flat
bar formed the land-side, and a big clump of iron, shaped a little
like the half of a lance head, served as a point, into the upper part
of which a kind of coulter was fastened. The mould-board was
wooden and fitted to the irons in the most bungling manner. The
action might be illustrated by holding a sharp-pointed shovel back
up, and thrusting it through the ground. "^ With such unwieldly
instruments, two men or a man and a boy, using three horses or
two or three yoke of oxen, could turn over in a superficial manner
the soil of one or two acres in a day.^ Some attempts had been
made to improve this implement; a cast-iron plough had been in-
vented in 1797 in which the mold-board and land-side were cast in
one piece,^ but the mass of the farmers were ignorant of these im-
provements. The iron plough was even opposed because of the
fear that it would poison the earth.

Harrows were used to further pulverize the soil. These had at
times iron, but probably more usually wooden teeth. Of the latter
Deane says: "... they are of so little advantage to the land,
unless it be merely for covering seeds, that they may be considered
as unfit to be used at all. The treading of the cattle that draw
them, will harden the soil more, perhaps, than these harrows will
soften it."^ All the transportation of crops, manure, timber and

' The inefficiency of these tools appears in the following figures: Using a sickle,
a man could cut one acre of wheat in a da}--; with a cradle he could cut four
acres of oats or barley, and with a scythe, one acre of green grass. Deane, New
England Farmer, p. 380.

2 Eighty Years' Progress, pp. 27-28. See also American Husbandry, I. 81-82.

3 American Museum, V. 379-380.

* By Charles Newbold, of New Jersey. See Carver, T. N., Historical Sketch
of American Agriculture in Bailey's Cyclopedia of American Agriculture. IV. 56.
6 New England Farmer. (2 ed.) p. 142.

Rural Economy in New England 333

stone was done, except when there was snow on the ground, by means
of ox-carts, ponderous two-wheeled vehicles, constructed almost
entirely of wood. The carriage of goods for any distance was, if
possible, postponed until winter when sledges or sleighs could be used.

The Yield per Acre of Various Crops.

The best method of determining just how inefficient was the prac-
tice of husbandry outlined in the foregoing paragraphs, would seem
to be an examination of the yield of the various crops cultivated.
There are, of course, no government reports going back to those
early days^ nor are there any other official publications covering
this period. There exists, however, a considerable mass of informa-
tion on this point scattered through the various gazetteers and statis-
tical accounts of towns and in the writings of travelers. This ma-
terial refers to conditions in various parts of southern New England,
in general between the years 1790-1810. The following figures
have been compiled from a digest of such scattered information,
making allowance for exceptional conditions in certain localities
which would cause variations from the normal figures. Indian
com produced on an average 25 to 30 bushels per acre. Occasion-
ally crops of as high as 40 or 50 bushels were recorded, in the Con-
necticut Valley, and, on the other hand, on sandy soil such as that
of Cape Cod and of Nantucket the yield fell to 12 bushels per acre
or less. Rye was considerably less prolific, averaging about 15
bushels per acre. This crop was curiously uniform over the entire
area, hardly any cases being found where crops larger than this
were harvested, and only occasionally did the yield fall to 12 or 10
bushels. Potatoes are credited with 100 to 150 bushels per acre,
a figure which compares very favorably with those of the latest
censuses,^ but this is probably due to inaccuracy at the earlier date
in estimating the crop, since, as we have seen, potatoes were rarely
grown by themselves in fields of any considerable size. Barley
produced about 20 bushels to the acre, and buckwheat from 15 to
20 bushels. The yield of wheat, in the limited areas in which it
was cultivated, was miserably low, hardly ever rising above 15 bushels
to the acre, and averaging between 10 and 15.^

^ The census of 1840 was the first in which agricultural statistics were collected.

2 In 1909 the yield for New England averaged 176.9 bushels per acre; in 1899
it was 130.3. U. S. Bureau of the Census. Thirteenth Census. 1910. Abstract,
p. 399.

» For the best collation of figures for crop yields in any single work see Mass.
Agric. Soc. Papers, II. 1807, 14-19.

334 Percy Wells Bidwell

The Apple Orchard.

Apples were the standard fruit of New England. As we have
seen, every farm had an orchard of several acres, containing a hun-
dred or more trees.^ The abundant yield of these trees seems to
have been used principally for making cider, the favorite beverage
of all classes and persons.^ Some was exported to the Southern
states, either in its natural form or after being distilled into cider
brandy, but the bulk of the product was stored away in the farmers'
cellars for their own consumption. Apples were also preserved
by slicing and drying for winter use in the household. In especially
fruitful years there was still a surplus, which was fed to the cattle
and swine. Other orchard fruits of less importance were pears,
peaches, plums, cherries and quinces. The orchards sufifered much
from the lack of care. After the original planting, practically noth-
ing was done to preserve the trees or increase their yield except to
allow cattle to pasture among them and, very rarely, to plough be-
tween the trees. The result of this neglect was becoming apparent
at the beginning of the century. The first growth of orchards in
many towns was dying out and often the trees were so infested with
worms that the value of their fruit was largely destroyed.^

The Management of Woodland.

Every farm had also its woodland, occupying perhaps one- third
of its total area, and every farmer was to some extent a lumberman
and forester. The importance of wood in the farm economy we
have already noted. Houses and barns, tools and vehicles, furni-
ture and utensils, were constructed of this material to a much greater

' In the advertisements of farms for sale in the newspapers of the day great
stress was laid on the capacity of the orchards as cider producers. For instance, a
farm of 270 acres in Coventry, Connecticut, had an orchard capable of producing
60-100 barrels of cider annually. Windham Herald, January 11, 1811.

2 As an instance of the popularity of this beverage Miss Earle relates that cider,
diluted with water, was drunk by children when milk was scarce. It was also
supplied in large amounts to college students. Home Life in Colonial Days.
New York. 1898. pp. 148-149, 161-162. Charles Francis Adams writes: "Later,
{i.e., after the early years of colonial life) cider seems to have supplanted beer
as the e very-day and all-day beverage, and the quantity of it drunk by all classes
down to a late period in this century was almost incredible. In the cellars of
the more well-to-do houses a barrel of cider was always on tap, and pitchers of
it were brought up at every meal, and in the morning and evening." Episodes.
II. 686.

' Travelers commented on the poor condition of the orchards throughout
southern New England. See Harriott, Struggles through Life, II. 34-35 ; Kendall,
Travels, III. 35; Brissot de Warville, New Travels, p. 132.

Rural Economy in New England 335

extent than now. Besides this, the consumption of wood for fuel
was enormous. The open fire-places demanded constant replenish-
ing during the winter months and consequently the wood-pile formed
an imposing eminence behind every farmhouse. In their wholesale
and seemingly reckless destruction of timber in clearing the land,
the settlers seem not to have anticipated the subsequent importance
of this material to them.^ As a result of their improvidence there
seems to have been in 1810 little first-growth timber standing, ex-
cept in the more lately settled counties of western Massachusetts
and Connecticut.^ And even in the management of such woodland
as they had, the farmers of this period followed a bad system. The
policy was to cut ofif close a certain tract every year, depending on
the natural growth to replace it after a term of years. The better
method, that of selecting certain trees over the whole extent of the
woodland to be cut every year, was discarded because of the larger
amount of labor which would have been necessary in gathering the
wood. Ignorance of the better policy may also have been responsible.'
The scarcity of wood,* which was inevitable, had begun to be felt,
especially in the matter of fuel. In regions of naturally sparse
forestation, as on Cape Cod, fire-wood was imported and experi-
ments were being made with the use of peat as fuel.^

^ The author of American Husbandry severely condemned this waste and seems
to have anticipated to some extent the modern conservation movement in advo-
cating legislative restraint. Op. cit., I. 84. See also Whitney, History of the
County of Worcester, p. 249; and Belknap, History of New Hampshire, III. 26.

2 Dickinson, Geographical and Statistical View, p. 9, describes the forests still
existing in Massachusetts, ca. 1810.

'There seems to have been little agreement as to the time required for re-
forestation. See Dwight, Travels, I. 80; and Mass. Agric. Soc. Papers, II. 1807,
47.

* In a number of works this is given as the reason for the substitution of stone
walls for rail fences- See Statistical Account of Litchfield, p. 92; Goodrich, Statis-
tical Account of Ridgefield, p. 8.

^ Joseph Felt wrote in 1834: "The first settlers thought no more of burning
twenty or thirty cords of wood annually than we do of burning five. . . .
Peat began to be used in some famiUes about fifty years since .... It
was made into coal sixty years past and used on the forges of blacksmiths." His-
tory of Ipswich, Essex and Hamilton, pp. 25-26. In his Observations on the
Agriculture of the United States, WilUam Strickland wrote that timber and wood
had doubled in price in every part of New England within ten years. Strick-
land was an Englishman who spent a few months in this country as an agent
of the British Board of Agriculture. He seems to have been diligent in his col-
lection of factS; although his generahzations are colored by prejudice to some
extent. The result of his work, a seventy-four page pamphlet, was published in
London in 1801.

336 Percy Wells Bidwell

Meadows and Pastureland.

The New England region was by nature better fitted for grazing
and pasturage than for agriculture in the strict sense of the word.
Its soil, although of a good quality, was thin and the fields were much
encumbered by stones and boulders, varying in size from small
pebbles to huge rocks and ledges.^ Hence the farmer's meadows
and pasture lands tended to assume more importance than his tilled
fields. The natural grass, which sprang up and grew abundantly
as soon as the land was cleared, was of excellent quality. ^ On the
uplands it furnished good pasturage and from the meadows, which
were almost always watered by a small stream, fair crops of hay
could be secured with the labor only of harvesting. Grass was also
cut on the tilled lands in the years in which they were lying fallow.
Occasionally these fields were seeded down with clover or with
timothy, sown in with a previous grain crop. This occurred only
at long intervals, however, and the seed used was not only full of
impurities but was insufficient in quantity.^ For the most part, in
the intervals between its years of tillage the land was left to "seed
itself." Just at the end of the period under consideration the sow-
ing of clover seems to have spread quite rapidly. Livingston, writ-
ing in 1813, says: "The introduction of clover, . . . has within
the last 10 years made a very sensible improvement in the agricul-
ture of the country .... Indeed it is only within the last
twenty years that any grass seed has been sown; and it will be no
exaggeration to say, that more clover seed has been put in, within
the last eight years, than has ever been sown since the country was
inhabited. "4

The pasturage furnished subsistence for the farmer's cattle, sheep,

^ President Butterfield of the Massachusetts Agricultural College, has written :
"It is sometimes asserted that the soil of New England is a drawback. On the
contrary it is an asset. True there are many square miles .... consist-
ing of ledges, others almost plastered with boulders; but wherever there is clear
soil it is good soil — the very best." Art. N. E. Agriculture. In New England —
What It Is and What It Is To Be. (George French, ed.) Boston. 1911. p. 115.

'D wight wrote: "Grass is undoubtedly the most valuable object of culture
itt New England." Travels, I. 22. The excellence of the natural grass was
commented upon in American Husbandry, I. 57. It was this grass which was
j later introduced into England, receiving the name timothy. After its re-intro-
duction into New England it was known as English grass or spear grass.

3 Clover was sown at the rate of about six pounds to the acre; of grass seed
six quarts were used on the same area, Mass. Agric. Soc. Papers, II. 1807, 29.

* American Agriculture, p. 335.

Rural Economy in New England 337

and horses during the summer months;^ the hay, supplemented to
some extent with corn stalks, rye and wheat straw, and potatoes,
supplied their winter fodder. Grain was rarely fed, except to hard-
worked horses, or to beef cattle which were being fattened for slaugh- i
tering. A typical inland farm of 100 acres was able to support in Ij
this manner 10 or 15 cows, including young stock, one or two yoke ' '
of oxen, one or two horses, a flock of from 10 to 20 sheep and about as
many swine as cows.^ j \

The Native Cattle.

The beef cattle were the descendants of the Devonshire breed
originally imported by the earliest settlers, but had received consider-
able intermixture from the Danish breed imported into New Hamp-
shire and probably also from the Holstein breed brought by the Dutch
colonists to New York. These influences, as well as lack of suf-
ficient winter fodder and inattention to selection in breeding, had
developed in New England a breed known as "the native cattle,"
more remarkable for their hardiness than for the production of beef
or dairy products. In a few sections, however, such as in the towns
of the Connecticut VaUey and along the shores of Narragansett
Bay,' where the pasturage was especially rich and a market for
salted beef could be reached, some improvement in the breed was
remarked.* The dairy products from the farmer's cows were an

^ The most reliable writers tell us that cattle were "housed" from the beginning
or the middle of November until the middle or latter part of May. The neglect
of live stock in this regard, about which travelers had complained at an earlier
period (see La Rochefoucauld, I. 495^96; 513), seems to have been caused not
by pure inhumanity but by reluctance, perhaps inability, to invest capital in
bams and sheds.

' These figures are taken from the answers received by the Massachusetts
Agricultural Society in reply to their questions of 1806. Papers, II. 1807, 35.
They agree in general with those given by Livingston, American Agriculture,
p. 335. Occasionally advertisements of farms for sale in the columns of the coun-
try weekly newspapers yield information on this point. In Mansfield, Con-
necticut, the live stock on a farm offered for sale consisted of 10 cows, one yoke of
oxen, six three-year-old steers, four two-year-old steers, two horses, 20 sheep
and four hogs. Wmdham Herald, April 10, 1806. A Windham farm had two
oxen, two two-year-old steers, five cows, five yearlings, five calves, 16 sheep and
two horses. Ibid. November 3, 1808.

« Morse considered the cattle in the latter region the finest in New England.
They would weigh, he thought, from 1,600 to 1,800 lbs. Gazetteer, 1810, art.
Rhode Island.

* An improvement in the breeding of cattle was one of the primary objects
of the Berkshire Agricultural Society, established by Elkanah Watson in Pitts-
field in Berkshire County, Massachusetts, in 1810.

338 Percy Wells Bidwell

important article of his diet. In cheese, moreover, an article was
found for which the demand in the Southern states and in the West
Indies was considerable. Cheese had also enough value in propor-
tion to its weight to bear the expense of transportation by land for
some distance. A few towns in Litchfield and Berkshire Counties,
on the western edge of New England, and a few others in Rhode Island
along Narragansett Bay, and in Windham County in Connecticut,
exported large quantities of cheese and grew prosperous in conse-
quence.^

Oxen and Horses.

The cattle not only supplied the farm with beef and dairy products
but also furnished a part of its labor force. Oxen were from the
beginning the favorite, and, in fact for many years, the only draft
animal on New England farms. Although horses were steadily
coming into more general use, they did not seriously compete with
the slower-moving steers for general farm work for many years after
1810.2 In 1734 there were about 45,500 horses in Massachusetts
and over 162,500 oxen and draft cattle.^ In 1792 in New Hampshire
the proportion of horses to neat cattle was only one in twenty.*
By 1812 this ratio had increased to about one in seven.^ In spite of
their slowness of gait the oxen had certain advantages which justi-
fied the farmers in their use. These are succinctly set forth by
President D wight as follows: "The advantages of employing oxen
are, that they will endure more fatigue, draw more steadily, and
surely; are purchased for a smaller price; are kept at less expense;

* The town of Goshen, in Litchfield County, was noted for its cheese. Dwight
wrote of this town: "It is, perhaps, the best grazing ground in the state; and the
inhabitants are probably more wealthy than any other collection of farmers in
New England, equally numerous. The quantity of cheese made by them annually,
is estimated at four hundred thousand pounds weight. Butter also is made in
great quantities." Travels, II. 355. Pease and Niles give the amount exported
from this town in 1819 as 380,266 lbs. Gazetteer, p. 248. A neighboring town,
marketed 100 tons of cheese in 1811, besides 6 tons of butter. Morris, Statistical
Account of Litchfield, p. 122.

2 One writer puts the date of the beginning of such competition as late as 1870.
See Marquis, J. C. An Economic History of Agriculture in New England since
1840. Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Purdue University for the degree of
Master of Science in Agriculture. 1909. Ms. p. 148.

' These figures are given in the American Museum, VII. 54.

* Belknap, History of New Hampshire, III. 144.

8. Merrill, Eliphalet and Phinehas, Gazetteer of the State of New Hampshire.
Exeter, N. H., 1817, p. 16. The figures are 32,000 and 211,500, respectively.

Rural Economy in New England 339

are freer from disease; suffer less from labouring on rough grounds;
and perform the labour better; and, when by age or accident they
become unfit for labour, they are converted into beef. The only
advantage of employing horses instead of oxen, is derived from
their speed. "^

The use of horses for travel and light transportation increased
rapidly with the introduction of wagons and the building of turn-
pike roads in the first decade of the new century, the oxen being
still retained for the heavier tasks of ploughing and of hauling crops,
stone and timber.^ In fact, as Livingston points out, the typical
horse of New England, the Narragansett, was much too high spirited
and lightly built for farm work.^ The horses, which were largely
raised either by the farmer himself or in the vicinity,^ had suffered
the same degenerating tendency as the cattle. Dickinson wrote:
''Our horses are mostly of an inferior kind. Little attention has
been paid to them, and it is believed that they have rather declined
within fifteen or twenty years. When one casts his eye upon the
saddle horses of Virginia, or upon the draft horses of Pennsylvania,
he must be strongly impressed with the great improvement of which
our comparatively diminutive breed of horses is susceptible."^

Swine were kept on every farm, furnishing the salt-pork which
was a staple article of diet. They required but little attention;
in the fall they were ringed through the nose as a precaution against
rooting, and turned out into the stubble fields, as gleaners after the
harvest. In the winter they were fed on anything which happened
to be superfluous, hay, chestnuts, apples, potatoes, dairy and kitchen

^ Statistical Account of New Haven, p. 22. See also American Museum, II.
85; VIII. 24-25. Tudor believed thoroughly in the superior efficiency of oxen.
He wrote: "An advantage to the farmer, individually, and a very important
benefit in its general results, is owing to the use of oxen, instead of horses, in
almost all agricultural labour." Letters on the Eastern States, p. 241.

2 Horses and oxen had in earlier years often been used together as the follow-
ing quotation shows: "Our teams used for transportation and the several branches
of husbandry have been generally composed of oxen and horses together and our
vehicles for carriage have been carts and sleds, but withui a few years past waggons
drawn by horses have greatly multiplied and the cart harrow and plow are more
frequently drawn by oxen alone." Goodrich, Statistical Account of Ridgefield,
p. 8.

' American Agriculture, p. 336.

< Breeding horses and mules for the West India market had become an industry
of some importance in a few towns. Advertisements of stallions and Spanish
jacks at stud were frequent in the newspapers in Worcester and Windham counties.

^ Geographical and Statistical View, pp. 11-12.

340 Percy Wells Bidwell

refuse. For a few months before slaughtering they were fed on
Indian corn. They thrived under this treatment and seem to have
been the most successfully developed animals on the farm. Harriott
wrote of the swine which he saw in Rhode Island: "Hogs they have
as good and as large as can be bred in any part of the globe. "^ In
the Newport market he observed several weighing about 600 lbs.
each, and on inquiry was informed that such weight was not unusual.
The average size in other regions was, however, probably consider-
ably under this figure.^

Sheep of the Common Breed.

The flock of 20 or 25 sheep regularly found on every farm was a
characteristic feature of the self-sufficient agriculture. So vitally
important were they as the source of supply of wooP that in spite
of the constant discouragements of colonial days,'' the sheep had
increased steadily in nimabers in proportion to the growth of popula-
tion. No feature of the farm economy shows more clearly than the
management of sheep the neglect and want of progress which the
lack of a market brought about; and on the other hand, no depart-
ment of the agricultural industry responded more promptly in im-
provement when once the market was supplied. Up to 1800 no
attempts had been made to improve the breed of sheep. They had,
probably, in common with the cows and horses, degenerated since
their introduction by the first settlers. They were long-legged,
narrow in the breast and back, and slow in arriving at maturity.
When fully grown, they yielded only 40 or 45 pounds of mutton,
and about three or three and one-half pounds of coarse wool at each
shearing.^

' Struggles through Life. II. 39.

2 In the papers of the Mass. Agric. Soc, II. 1807, 38-39, the weights given
are from 250 to 400 lbs. See also Belknap, History of New Hampshire, III. 245.

' The value of the sheep as meat producers seems to have been quite subsidiary.
This was due in large part to a prejudice among the farmers against mutton as
an article of diet. See U. S. Dept. of Agriculture. Special Report on the His-
tory and Present Condition of the Sheep Industry of the United States. Pre-
pared under the direction of Dr. D. E. Salmon. Washington. 1892. 52 Cong.
2 Sess. Misc. Doc. No. 105, p. 74.

* Among these discouragements were the ravages of wolves and later of dogs.
It was the desire to escape the former danger which first led to the pasturage of
sheep on the islands in Boston Harbor and later on the larger islands of Nan-
tucket and Martha's Vineyard. The flocks on these islands had in 1810 increased
to very considerable size (supra p. 290 and note), furnishing a surplus of wool for
export. See Wright, C. W., Wool Growing and the Tariff. Harvard Univer-
sity Economic Studies. Vol. V. Cambridge. 1910. pp. 2 flF.

» See Sheep Industry in U. S., p. 51; Mass. Agric. Soc. Papers, II. 1807, 38.

Rural Economy in New England 341

The Importations of Merino Sheep.

Between 1800 and 1815, a noteworthy effort was made to improve
the native stock by the importation of rams and ewes from Spain.
The Spanish Merino sheep had long been famous for the weight and
excellent quality of their wool, but on account of rigid exportation
restrictions it had been practically impossible to bring representatives
of the stock to this country. These restrictions were broken down
about the year 1800, during the disorganization of the government
of Spain following the Napoleonic invasion. Advantage of this
state of affairs was taken by our ambassadors in Spain and France,
Col. David Humphreys and Robert Livingston, as well as by cer-
tain other Americans who were abroad at that time. They secured
a few of these valuable animals, which they shipped back to America.
The only importations of importance into New England before 1809
were the flock of 70 ewes and 21 rams sent by Col. Humphreys in
1802.^ Although from the very first there was no doubt of the
great improvement which the mixture of the Spanish with the native
breed produced upon the latter,^ yet the ordinary farmer was slow
in benefiting thereby. In the first place, the knowledge of the im-
portations spread slowly, and then the prices at which the Merinos
sold were so exorbitant,^ that few even of the most prosperous of
gentlemen-farmers could afford to experiment with them. In general
we may say that it was the lack of a commercial stimulus which
retarded progress along this line, as well as along all others. The
native breed, poor as they were, supplied enough wool and mutton
for the farmer's own family."* The demand for wool in the domestic

' Sheep Industry in U. S., p. 136.

2 The Massachusetts Agricultural Society prmted in its Papers for 1807 two

enthusiastic letters from Colonel Humphreys stating that the Merinos, both of

^pure and mixed blood, were hardier, better adapted to the climate of New Eng-

md, and more easily nourished than the common or native breed. In addition

ley produced more and better wool and attained a larger size and greater weight.

p^. 59-63.

8 Humphreys did not sell any until 1805; then he sold some at prices ranging
Prom $1,000 to $1,500 apiece. Livmgston sold his rams at $150 apiece. Sheep
Industry in U. S., pp. 140, 167.

4 Livingston describes the position of sheep in American agriculture as fol-
lows: "Sheep have heretofore not been kept in any great numbers. They never
made an object in American husbandry. Every farmer kept a few to run over
his stubble, and pick up the hay that the horses and cattle wasted. There being
no regular demand for wool, no more sheep were kept than supplied the farmer's
family with what was necessary for their domestic manufacture of stockings, mit-
tens, petticoats, coverlids, and coarse cloth for servants and children . . . ."
American Agriculture, p. 336.

342 Percy WelU Bidwell

industries was, it is true, steadily increasing, but it had not become
strong enough to induce a systematic attempt to improve the breed.
It was not until the newly estabUshed woolen factories^ had grown
to be large consumers of wool that the New England farmers felt
the impetus to increased production.

The attempts to improve the breed of sheep by the importation
of the Merinos is a typical illustration of a larger movement towards
the betterment of the agricultural industry as a whole, which began
to make progress in the closing years of the eighteenth century.
The impetus came from the patriotic impulses of men of education
and of public affairs, who had come to learn of the "new husbandry"
of Tull, Bakewell, and Young, which had created such a stir in Eng-
land. Some of them had by personal observation been impressed
with the contrast presented by the results of the improved system
beside the wasteful and ineflacient methods with which they were
familiar at home.^ Others, like Washington, had learned of the
English improvements at second-hand but had increased their knowl-
edge by active correspondence with the leaders of the movement
on the other side.^ The Revolution itself had its part in furthering
this new movement. Not only did it arouse a new patriotism, but,
in conventions as well as on the field, it brought together and made
acquainted the leading men from the various states. When, after
these exciting days were over, they had retired to their homes, they
turned their energies to the improvement of agriculture.

The Agricultural Societies — Character of their Work.

In order to make their efforts more effective, these pioneers in
agricultural improvement formed associations or agricultural societies,
modeled in general upon those which had been organized abroad."*

' For a discussion of the number and size of these factories established before
1810, see supra pp. 273-274.

2 Such pioneers in the movement for agricultural improvement as Samuel
Adams, David Humphreys, Elkanah Watson, as well as Jefferson and Livingston,
had all had opportunities to observe the English and European methods in the
years between the Revolution and 1810.

3 Washington corresponded with Arthur Young, William Strickland, with
James Anderson, the Scottish economist and agriculturist, and with Sir John
Sinclair, the first president of the British Board of Agriculture. The latter wrote
numerous letters to such prominent men as James Madison, John Jay, Gouvemeur
Morris and James Monroe, which, it must be confessed, were on the whole neg-
lectfully answered. See Sinclair's Correspondence. 2 vols. London. 1831, passim.

* The predominance of foreign influences in the establishment of these societies
is clearly apparent. In the preface to the Memoirs of the Philadelphia society

Rural Economy in New England 343

The nature of these societies and of the work they proposed to carry
on is clearly revealed in the prefaces of their articles of association.
They were not intended to be clubs of practical working farmers
who might aid each other by the exchange of facts and ideas from
experience, but rather groups of men of all professions who were
to receive, adapt, and disseminate the knowledge of the progress
accomplished in other countries. So the preface to the Laws and
Regulations of the Massachusetts Society for Promoting Agriculture^
reads: "One great object of this Society will be, to obtain and publish
an account of the improvements of other countries, and to procure
models of the machines in which they excel. It will attend to what-
ever relates to rural affairs, and especially to promote an increase of
the products of our lands, .... To encourage the utmost
attention to these objects, the Society will, from time to time, offer
such premiums as their funds will admit. They consider agriculture
in all its various branches and connexions as highly interesting to
all mankind. The wealth and importance of the community, is
so intimately connected with, and dependent on the extent and suc-
cess of agriculture, that every one who is desirous of advancing
the happiness, prosperity, and dignity of his country, its commerce,
and convenient subsistence of individuals, will lend his aid to this
most useful institution. "^ The appeal of the society organized in
Philadelphia in 1785 is equally broad.^
These appeals were answered in the spirit in which they were

references are continually made to the superior agriculture of Europe and to the
necessity of adopting and adapting its methods. "As other countries receive
the benefits of our labours, in the products supplied to them, .... it is
fit that we should profit by their experience in the arts of cultivation . . . ."
p. viii. This society acknowledged its indebtedness to prominent European agri-
culturists by electing them to honorary membership. Arthur Young, William
Bakewell, and Count Castiglioni, of Milan, were so honored.

» Organized 1792.

2 Published in Boston, 1793. Agric. Repository, Vol I., pp. iii-iv.

'Here we read: "THE PHILADELPHIA SOCIETY FOR PROMOTING
AGRICULTURE, was formed . . . . , by some citizens, only a few of
whom were actually engaged in husbandry, but who were convinced of its neces-
sity; and of the assistance which such an association, properly attended to, would
afford to the interests of agriculture. . . . Many citizens have a mistaken
idea, that their not being agriculturists, disqualifies them from becoming useful
members of our Society .... The interests of Commerce, Arts, and Manu-
factures, form, with Agriculture, an indissoluble union; to which citizens of every
class and calling, have it amply in their power to contribute." Memoirs, Vol. I.
pp. ii, iv (note).

344 Percy Wells Bidwell

issued. An examination of the early membership of these societies
shows that they were composed of men in whose lives agriculture
was only one of many interests, and often the least important of all.
There were in the Massachusetts society men of legal education, who
had become prominent in political life, such as Samuel Adams,
James Sullivan, then attorney-general of the state and later governor.
General Joseph Lincoln, then Collector of the port of Boston, Chris-
topher Gore, John Lowell and Jonathan Mason, all lawyers and
active in politics and government. Besides these there were mer-
chants, such as Stephen Higginson, Charles Vaughan and Azor Ome.
We find also representatives of the other two professions, ministers
and doctors, who, blessed with an outlook on the affairs of the com-
munity beyond their immediate duties, turned their attention to
improvements in agriculture.^ The interest of such men as these
in agriculture, although no doubt genuine, was nevertheless far
different in nature and in intensity from that of the inland farmer
who was toiling day in and day out on his 100 acres, endeavoring
to make a living for himself and his family. The contrast in point
of view which must have existed between the * 'literary "and the prac-
tical agriculturists is evident from such a statement as that of Gen-
eral Warren, in the American Museum. He gives his reasons for
being interested in agriculture in the following words: "Agriculture
has long been a favourite object with me. In a philosophic view,
it is great and extensive; in a political view, it is important, and
perhaps the only firm and stable foundation of greatness. As a
profession, it strengthens the mind, without enervating the body.
In morals, it tends to increase virtue, without introducing vice.
In religion, it naturally inspires piety, devotion, and a dependence
on providence, without a tincture of infidelity. It is a rational and
agreeable amusement to a man of leisure, and a boundless source
of contemplation and activity to the industrious. "^

The influence of these societies on the progress of agriculture in
this period, on the methods employed by the farmers in rural com-

' Such were the Rev. Manasseh Cutler and Cotton Tufts, the physician. The
Philadelphia society included such famous persons as John Dickinson, the pres-
ident of the state, Tench Coxe, merchant and publicist, and Hugh Brackenridge,
lawyer and editor. It is interesting to note in this connection that the two most
important treatises on agriculture published before 1800 in New England were the
work of clergymen, Rev. Jared Eliot, of Killingworth, Connecticut, and Rev.
Samuel Deane, of Portland, Maine. See Appendix C.

2 Op. cit., II. 344.

Rural Economy in New England 345

munities, was so slight as to be practically negligible. They were
*'a voice crying in the wilderness," forerunners of improvements
comparable to those which had already taken place abroad. But
for reasons which we shall presently set forth, the time was not ripe
for the acceptance of their doctrines and propaganda. Their principal
service was in preparing the way for future progress.^

The Contemporary Criticisms were Deserved.

Reviewing for a moment the evidence presented in the foregoing
paragraphs, we can see clearly that the criticisms of New England
agriculture at the beginning of the nineteenth century were fully
deserved. The tillage of the fields was but a superficial scratching
of the surface soil with clumsy tools; very little care was taken to
preserve or increase the fertility of the soil by crop rotation or even
by the simple and obvious method of applying manures; because
of the neglect of root crops, the fodder for live stock was insufii-
cient; the lack of nourishment, coupled with imperfect shelter and
inattention to the principles of selection in breeding, had caused
a general degeneration in practically all kinds of domestic animals.
The same lack of intelligent effort, seen in the neglect of the pro-
ductivity of his land and stock, is evident in the farmer's management
of his orchards and woodlands. In general, the system of agriculture
was not only extensive but even in many respects predatory; the
farmers had little stimulus to get anything beyond a living, and in
getting that they had little regard for the effects which their system
of husbandry might have on the prosperity of future proprietors
of their land.

' There were perhaps a dozen of these societies organized, principally in cities
on the eastern seaboard, before 1800. Among this number were those organized
in Charleston, S. C, in 1784; in Philadelphia, in 1785; in New York, 1791; and in
Boston, 1792. Besides these there were a few smaller societies such as the West-
em Society of Middlesex Husbandmen, 1794; the Kennebec Agricultural Society,
1800; and the New Haven County (Conn.) Agricultural Society, 1803. In the
smaller societies the practical farmers seem to have formed a large, perhaps a
predominant element, but the initiative and direction came from men whose
interest in agriculture was but subsidiary to other interests. See Carver, His-
torical Account, p. 56; and Butterfield, K. L., Art. Farmers' Social Organizations,
in Bailey's Cyclopedia of American Agriculture, IV. 290-291. The manuscript
Proceedings of the New Haven society are preserved in the library of Yale Uni-
versity. The transactions of some of the larger societies, such as those in Phila-
delphia and Boston, were published, along with various contributed articles.
These publications are more valuable for the light they shed on the state of scien-
tific knowledge of agriculture than for information on the current practices of
farmers.

y

346 Percy Wells Bidwell

But the Explanation Given was not Sufficient.

The reasons for the foregoing state of affairs generally given by
contemporary and later writers on the subject may be grouped under
three chief heads: (1) the ignorance of the farmers of what we
now recognize as the fundamental principles of scientific agriculture;

(2) the conservatism which bound them down to traditional methods;

(3) the cheapness of land and the consequent high price of labor.
All of these conditions undoubtedly existed and each contributed
in its own way to prevent progress, yet none of them, it seems to
me, would alone, or in combination with the others, have been able
to prevent progress in agriculture if it had not been for the presence
of another and more decisive condition, the lack of a market.

Inefficiency of Agriculture was not Due to Ignorance.

The typical inland farmer was undoubtedly ignorant of the best
methods of tillage and 'of fertilization, and of 4Jie fact of increased pro-
ductivity which the application of these methods would bring. But
this was not a necessary or an inevitable state of affairs. The knowl-
edge of the improvements which had been accomplished abroad
was accessible in this country. Beginning with the publication of
the first of the Reverend Jared Eliot's Essays on Field Husbandry
in New England, in 1749,^ an unwearying attempt had been made by
men of education to bring to the attention of farmers in the Eastern
states, and particularly in New England, the importance of changing
their methods. The result had been the publication of a respectable
body of literature on the subject, including at least sixteen works^
of a general nature, in which the contrast between the methods em-
ployed at home and abroad were pointed out, the improvements in-
troduced by TuU, Bakewell and Young were outlined and discussed
in simple language, and suggestions were made for adapting their
discoveries to the conditions prevailing here. Besides these there
were published a considerably larger number of pamphlets, dealing
with special branches of the agricultural industry, such as the use
of gypsum as a fertilizer, the advantages of rotation of crops, the
breeding of sheep and the management of bees. The agricultural
societies were spreading similar information through their pub-
lished reports, and such periodicals as The Old Farmer's Almanack

^ These essays, six in all, appeared sepairately in the years 1749-1759, and were
in 1760 published in collected form.

2 About half of these were published before 1800. For a partial list of titles
of the general and special works on agriculture published in this country before
1815, see Appendix C.

Rural Economy in New England 347

and the American Museum^ were helping along the cause of educa-
tion by repeated admonitions, "in season and out of season."

Little could have been expected in the way of results from this
propaganda, if the farmers had not been fitted by nature or train-
ing to receive it. But it seems evident that the New England farmers
were both intelligent and educated enough to see the advantages
of the new husbandry and to apply its methods. It is universally
recognized that the general level of education was at this time higher
in New England than in any other part of the country. Common
schools, at which attendance was compulsory, were found in every
town^ almost as soon as it was settled. The terms in these schools
were, it is true, short, and the teachers often ineflScient, but even
if the bulk of the pupils never progressed beyond the rudiments,
still the training was universal and furnished a valuable working
equipment.^ There is also evidence at hand that the farmers showed
a disposition to utilize and improve their knowledge by reading.
"Social libraries" were found even at this early date in many of
the older towns and parishes,^ and newspapers, both those which were
published in the inland towns themselves and those from the com-
mercial towns,^ were read everywhere with avidity. So widespread

' The American Museum appeared monthly in the years 1787-1792. It was
published in Philadelphia but seems to have had many readers and contributors
in New England. The Old Farmer's Almanack was established by Isaiah Thomas
in Worcester in 1793 and has appeared annually since that date.

* An exception should be made for certain towns in Rhode Island. In that
state the law requiring the establishment and maintenance of such schools had
been repealed a few years before 1810. See Morse, Gazetteer, 1810, art. R. I.

' No doubt the value of the education received in these schools has been over-
rated along with other features of "the good old days," especially in comparison
with the training given to children in modern schools. Here we are concerned
with its absolute rather than with its relative value. See Adams, C. F., Episodes,
II. 781.

* In Pease and Niles' Gazetteer of Connecticut and Rhode Island the social
library is almost as regularly mentioned in the descriptions of the various towns
as are the saw-mills or the ministers and doctors.

5 As early as 1790, there were 37 periodicals published in New England, of which
three appeared semi-weekly, 32 weekly, and two monthly. U. S. Department
of Commerce and Labor, Bureau of the Census. A Century of Population Growth.
Washington. 1909. pp. 32-34. A few years later, according to Dwight, Travels,
IV. 344-345, the total had grown to 55. Before 1800 newspapers had been
established in such inland towns as Worcester, Pittsfield, Stockbridge, Green-
field, Northampton and Brookfield, in Massachusetts; in Litchfield, Windham
and Danbury, in Connecticut; in Brattleboro and Rutland, in Vermont; and
in Hanover, Keene, Concord, Amherst, Walpole, and Gihnanton, m New Hamp-
shire. See U. S. Library of Congress. Check List of American Eighteenth
Century Newspapers. Washington. 1912.

348 Percy Wells Bidwell

was this habit that not only did travelers comment upon it,^ but
/ the conservative D wight was moved to remark: "The reading of
\ newspapers in this country is undoubtedly excessive, as is also the
> number of such papers annually published. "^ The same author

however, recognized clearly the advantages of education in general
on the productive capacity of the community, setting them forth
as follows: "A New Englander imbibes, from this education, an
universal habit of combining the objects of thought, and com-
paring them in such a manner as to generalize his views with no
small degree of that readiness and skill, which in many countries
are considered as peculiar to a scientifical education. Hence he
often discerns means of business and profit, which elsewhere are
chiefly concealed from men of the same class. Hence, when pre-
vented from pursuing one kind of business, or unfortunate in it, he
easily, and in very many instances successfully, commences another.
Hence he avails himself of occurrences, which are unregarded by

most other men Universally our people are, by this

degree of education, fitted to make the best of their circumstances,
both at home and abroad; to find subsistence where others would
fail of it; to advance in their property, and their influence where
others would stand still; and to extricate themselves from difficulties
where others would despond."^

As an instance of the effects of this universal education in quick-
ening intelligence, D wight cites one of those "many original machines
for abridging human labour, and improving its results," the stock-
ing-loom. He might have cited the machine for cutting and head-
ing nails and tacks,* the system of interchangeable parts in the manu-

' Foreigners traveling in this country remarked upon the wide circulation of
i newspapers. Lambert while on a journey from Boston to Walpole, in New Hamp-
1 shire, noticed that the stage-coach driver distributed these papers along the route,
y\ j remarking: "There is scarcely a poor owner of a miserable log hut, who lives on

I the border of a stage road, but has a newspaper left at his door." Travels, II.
j 498-499. Rochefoucauld had written somewhat earlier of Massachusetts: "Not
I a house is to be found in the most remote comers of the country, where a news-
paper is not read; and there are few townships that do not possess little libraries
formed and supported by subscription." Travels, II. 215.
2 Travels, IV. 344, note.

' Ibid., IV. 348-349. For a detailed description and discussion of educa-
tional facilities provided in New England see Ibid., pp. 282-298.

^ A patent for such a machine was issued to one Jesse Reed of Boston, 1807.
See Bishop, History of American Manufactures, II. 125-126. A similar ma-
chine was invented by Jacob Perkins of Newburyport, Mass., about 1790. See
Swank, J. M. The Manufacture of Iron in New England. In the New England
States, I. 374.

Rural Economy in New England 349

facture of muskets, perfected by Eli Whitney in New Haven/ and
improvements in a number of other lines of manufacture, such as
the making of tin plate in Meriden, in Connecticut, and the manu-
facture of wooden clocks in Waterbury, all of which displayed the
ingenuity of his countrymen along mechanical lines. Why was it
that this spirit of progress and invention, this capacity to work out
new ideas and to apply the ideas of others did not display itself
in agriculture? Certainly there was a large field for improvement
there. The answer is simple. The application of genius and energy
along mechanical lines was profitable, because a market could be
found for the improved and increased product; a market for increased
agricultural produce was not at hand, therefore progress along that
line was not remunerative.

Conservatism.

Conservatism has always been acknowledged as a characteristic
quality of any agricultural population, especially in countries where
the land is held in small tracts in fee simple and cultivated by the
owners. New experiments are always made reluctantly; with limited
resources the failure of a single crop may bring disaster. The New
England farmers were undoubtedly conservative,^ but it seems illogi-
cal to select this quality of their minds as a determining factor in the
explanation of the lack of agricultural progress. For if conservatism
had been so important it would have affected not only the inland
farmers but also those of the coast regions. The latter had behind
them the same ancestry and the same traditions, the conditions of
land tenure were the same; but yet, as we have seen, they did not
hesitate to make new ventures, to invest labor and capital in their
farms, to modify their practices in any way that seemed to offer
more profit.

Land was Cheap and Labor Dear — Washington's Explanation.

The third argument, that concerning the relative prices of land
and labor, deserves more serious consideration. It is given most
prominence by those writers who were intelligently seeking an eco-
nomic explanation of the phenomena they observed. So Washing-
ton wrote: "An English farmer must entertain a contemptible opinion

* See Dwight, Statistical Account of New Haven, pp. 38-39.

'General Warren wrote: "Our farmers have all along followed the practice
of their fathers, which might be adopted, at first, from necessity, and is pursued
from want of spirit to adopt a better and more rational system by those who are
convinced of the absurdity of it." American Museum, II. 346.

350 Percy Wells Bidwell

of our husbandry, or a horrid idea of our lands, when he shall be
informed that not more than eight or ten bushels is the yield of an
acre: but this low produce may be ascribed, .... to a cause
which I do not find touched by either of the gentlemen whose let-
ters are sent to you, namely that the aim of the farmers in this coun-
try (if they can be called farmers) is, not to make the most from the
land, which is or has been cheap, but the most of the labour, which
is dear: the consequence of which has been, much ground has been
scratched over, and none cultivated or improved as it ought to have
been; whereas a farmer in England, where land is dear and labour
cheap, finds it his interest to improve and cultivate highly that he
may reap large crops from a small quantity of land."^

Livingston wrote in much the same strain. Speaking of the
disparagements cast upon the agriculture of this country by foreigners,
he says: "To this we must add an erroneous idea, that most strangers
entertain of the perfection of agriculture: they presume, that it
consists in obtaining the greatest quantity of produce from a given
quantity of land; and when they find that the arable yield of our fields
is less than that of their native country, they at once pronounce us
miserable farmers; not considering, that agriculture is good, or bad,
in proportion to the return which it makes for the capital employed,
and that the capital consists not of land only, but of stock, land, and
labour. In countries in which a great population causes land to
be dear, and labour cheap, the farmer expends much labour on
little land, and renders that extremely productive, and the reverse

where land is cheap, and labour dear Considered in

this view, we are much inclined to think, that the agriculture of the
United States is at least equal to that of Europe; . . . ." ^

The Effect of Cheap Land — The Frontier.

In an examination of the influence of the relative values of land
and labor on agricultural methods and progress, it seems to me that

^ This letter of Dec. 5, 1791, addressed to Arthur Young, is quoted by Blod-
get, Samuel, Junior. Economica: A Statistical Manual for the United States
of America. Washington. 1806, p. 91. It is not, however, found in either Sparks'
or Ford's editions of Washington's works. It was supposed to have accompanied
a description of agriculture in the United States, which, in response to Young's
request, Washington had compiled from queries addressed to prominent men in
various states.

2 American Agriculture, pp. 332-333. In a later passage, p. 341, the writer
admits that such a system may be disastrous for the community, even if it be
justified from the point of view of the individual's interest.

Rural Economy in New England 351

attention should be concentrated on the causal factor, the cheap-
ness of land. The high price of labor may have affected the calcula-
tions and management of the farmers in the few favored regions,
such as the towns in the neighborhood of Boston, but it is difficult
to see how this condition could have had any significance for the
farmers in inland towns. To farmers who never hired any labor,
what difference could it make whether the price of labor was high
or low? For the ordinary operations of farm life, directed only
to supply a single family with the necessaries of life, the labor
force of that family was sufficient. To spend any amount, how-
ever small, in hiring labor to raise a surplus of crops or live stock
for which no market could be found would have been economic folly.
The cheapness of land, on the other hand, was a matter of vital
importance. In a new country where land is cheap we naturally
expect to find an extensive system of agriculture. When, however,
a country, or a section of it, becomes fully settled, as New England
was in 1810, an increase in population demands an increase in the
supply of foodstuffs. Under an extensive or a predatory system
of cultivation, a stage of diminishing returns is soon reached at which
this increased supply can be obtained only at a more than proportional
expense of labor and capital. Two courses are then open to the
farmers. Either they must send the surplus of their population
to new lands in another section of the country, or, if such lands are
unavailable, they must if possible amend their methods, introduce
improvements and so postpone the stage of diminishing returns.
At any rate, an increased product must be forthcoming; either emi-
gration will ensue or a more intensive system of cultivation must
be adopted. Now it was the presence of large tracts of uncleared
land, of as great if not of greater fertility than that which the farmers
of inland towns were then cultivating, to be had almost for the ask-
ing, which persuaded them to choose the former of these alternatives.

Emigration.

Emigration began from the older towns before 1750, first to the
as yet unsettled counties in the northern and western sections of
Massachusetts, and after the Revolution to the states of northern
New England.^ Thus the annual surplus of population was drained
off and the remainder managed to get a living without introducing
new methods of agriculture. Tudor describes this process and its

' For a fuller consideration of the amount and direction of emigration in this
period, see Appendix B, pp. 383 ff.

352 Percy Wells Bidwell

results as follows: "The spirit of emigration, acting with full force
on an enterprising people, easily induced them to go to new states
in pursuit of the real or delusive advantages that were held out to
them. This constant draining from our population, while it afforded
a hardy, vigorous race for the cultivation of new territories; may
have produced a greater increase to the ultimate good and power
of the nation, than would have happened if these emigrants had
remained stationary; still it occasioned some local disadvantages.
In the first place it prevented the inhabitants from thinking of any
improvement; if their farm was not sufficiently productive, the easy
remedy to a restless people was to sell it, collect their effects and go
five or fifteen hundred miles (the distance, greater or less, was not
thought of) in pursuit of a richer soil. It was not by the employ-
ment of greater skill, but by a change in location, that they sought
to improve their condition."^

The Real Cause of Inefficient Agriculture was the Lack of a Market

for Farm Products.

The ignorance and the conservatism of the farmers were undoubt-
edly to some extent hindrances to agricultural progress; cheap land
on the frontier discouraged intensive cultivation at home; but these
circumstances do not, either alone or in combination, furnish a suf-
ficient explanation for the state of the industry which prevailed.
In the background lay a condition of much more significance, because
of its determining force upon all the others. I refer to the lack of a
market for agricultural products. Once given a market, neither
ignorance of the improved methods of agriculture nor the reluctance
to experiment along new lines, proceeding from a conservative dis-
position, nor the cheapness of land, inviting extensive cultivation,
could long have stood in the way of progress. If the farmers of
the inland towns had had an opportunity to exchange for the products
of the outside world their grain, meat and dairy products, they would
have seized upon every scrap of information regarding the means
by which their fields and live stock could be made more productive;
their adherence to traditional methods would have been weakened,
and they would have applied to the conduct of agriculture the same
adventurous and ingenious spirit which they displayed in the field
of mechanical invention and in that of commercial enterprise. Labor
might still have been expensive, yet they would have employed others
to work for them. The expense of labor was at this time a hin-

* Letters on the Eastern States, pp. 234r-235.

Rural Economy in New England 353

drance to the growth of manufactures, also, but when the market
was opened through the failure of European competition, during
the period of the Embargoes and the War of 1812, manufacturers
foimd it profitable to employ workers even at the high wages de-
manded.

In fact we have repeatedly noted in the preceding sections of this
chapter that wherever a body of farmers were so situated as to be
able to reach a market, whether in the commercial towns of the
seacoast or in the West Indies, there these obstacles to progress
had already, to some extent, been overcome. Dickinson recognized
this fact when he wrote: "Our farmers prefer exerting their labor
upon a large field, to employing the same on a small one. Deviating,
however, from this rule, in the vicinity of populous towns, and on
navigable waters, where the price of land enters more highly into
the farming capital, they have paid more attention to husbandry,
and increased their produce by additional expenditures of labor. "^
Had this author carried his analysis only one step farther and asked
himself the question, "Why is the price of land higher in the vicinity
of populous towns and on navigable waters?" the answer would
have given him a much more fundamental reason for the improve-
ments which he observed. It was the presence of a market, an oppor-
timity to sell produce, which increased the competition for these
lands, which made the farmer willing to pay highly for the oppor-
tunity of entering that market.

On the other hand, all other stimuli to agricultural improvement
were futile as long as the market was lacking. We have seen that
the campaign of education of the latter part of the eighteenth cen-
tury was without results. It is difficult to see how a cheaper labor
force could have produced any different results. The revolution
in agriculture, as well as the breaking down of the self-sufficient
village life, awaited the growth of a non-agricultural population.
Between the years 1810 and 1860 such a population arose in the
manufacturing cities and towns of New England, and the market
thus created brought changes which opened up a new era to the
farmers in the inland towns.

^ Geographical and Statistical View, p. 8.

CHAPTER VI.

Home and Community Life in the Inland Town.

At the conclusion of the survey of economic conditions in southern
New England in 1810 which occupied the first four chapters of this
essay, we ventured the statement that the most important circum-
stance determining the life of the inhabitants of inland towns was
the lack of a market. In the preceding chapter the assertion has
been partially justified by an examination of the effect of this cir-
cumstance, this commercial isolation of the inland town, on the
agricultural industry carried on by its inhabitants. It remains for
this chapter to consider to what extent the peculiar characteristics
of home and community life in these towns were also dependent on
the same cause. The best place to look for the influence of a market,
or the effects of a lack of it, is in the everyday life of the farmer him-
self. If our reasoning up to the present has been accurate, we should
expect to find him unable to sell more than a trifling amount, if any,
of the produce of his land, and consequently unable to purchase
goods to any considerable extent from the outside world. He and
his family must have constituted very nearly an economic microcosm,
a self-sufficient household economy, supplying their wants almost
entirely by their own labor, except for occasional neighborly coopera-
tion, and relying hardly at all on the exchange of products or serv-
ices with outside communities.

The Self-sufficiency of New England Farms.

The facts, as far as they can be learned, give ample support to
this deduction. It would naturally be expected that, given the soil
and climate of New England which lend themselves to the cultiva-
tion of a variety of food products, the farmer would be able to provi-
sion his family from his own land, but the extent of this self-suffi-
ciency is somewhat surprising. Dwight tells us^ that flesh and fish
were the principal food of the inhabitants of New England. A
more concrete description of their fare is that given by Felt: "For
more than a century and a half {i.e., up until almost 1800) the most

» Travels, IV. 341.

354

Rural Economy in New England 355

of them had pea and bean porridge, or broth, made of the liquor
of boiled salt meat and pork, and mixed with meal, and sometimes
hasty pudding and milk — both morning and evening. "^ Except
for the salted cod which made a favorite Saturday dinner for fami-
lies a considerable distance inland, the use of fish was probably
confined to the seacoast regions and to towns along the rivers where
fishing was regularly carried on,^ as a by-industry of agriculture.
Beef, pork, and mutton were all supplied from the farmer's own
flocks and herds. He was often his own butcher, although at times
he called upon some neighbor for this service. Owing to the lack
of facilities for refrigeration most of the meat was dried, salted or
pickled,^ operations performed by the women of the household.
They also supplied the table with butter and cheese, and tried out
the lard used in cooking. /

The common bread of the country people was made of a mixture \
of Indian com meal and rye flour ("rye and Injun"), ground at the \
local grist-mill from the farmer's own grains. Wheat bread was in I y

common use only in the seaports, whither the grain was brought* i /
from the Southern and Middle states, and in the region west of the
Connecticut River, where the soil was best suited to the cultivation
of this grain. ^ Fruits and vegetables grew everywhere in as great a
variety and abundance as the farmer could find time to plant and
cultivate. The orchards were especially important for their supplies
of cider, the favorite drink of the country population.

Not only these staples of diet, but even some of the condiments
which made them palatable were supplied from the farm. The
business of making sugar and syrup from the sap of maple trees
was a regular department of the routine operations of inland farms.

^ History of Ipswich, p. 30.

^ Supra Chapter II.

' A somewhat irregular supply of fresh meat was obtained by the practice of
slaughtering an animal in alternation with one's neighbors and distributing parts
of the carcass to the several families. A quarter of beef or mutton, or a side
of pork could be consumed by a single family before it spoiled, whereas a large
part of the meat would have been wasted, if not preserved in some way, had it
aU remained in one household. This practice still obtains in country districts.
It is one of the few surviving remnants of the various forms of coopera.tion which
were necessary in those days.

* Supra p. 303, note 5.

* Warden, D. B. Statistical, Political and Historical Account of the United
States of North America. 3 vols. Edinburgh. 1819. Vol. I., p. 329, estimates
that corn and rye bread was eaten by four-fifths of the inhabitants of Massa-
chusetts. See also Dwight, Travels, I. 340.

356 Fercy Wells Bidwell

The season, as marked off in the annual editions of the Old Farmer^s
Almanack/ was from the end of February imtil the beginning of
April, a period when other outdoor operations were at a standstill.
The apparatus required was simple and inexpensive, consisting merely
of wooden troughs and buckets and iron kettles. The farmer and
his sons collected the sap and the women of the family attended
to the process of boiling or "sugaring-off," as it was called. With
an average product of five pounds of sugar from each maple tree^
it was not difficult to obtain in this way the whole annual supply
of a family. Although generally of a poorer quality than the cane
sugar from the West Indies which was used in the coast towns, yet
when sufficient care was taken, a fine-grained, clear product could
be obtained.^ Another substitute for the cane sugar was the honey
obtained from the hives of bees which were considered an important
adjunct of every well-managed farm."* Although a single hive would
yield from 30 to 40 pounds of honey, besides five or six pounds of
wax, yet this was a much less important product than the maple
sugar, principally because of the amount of attention which the
bees required in the early summer, when the farmer was most busy
with other operations.^

The articles of diet which the farmers used and which they could
not produce were salt, tea and coffee, molasses and rum. The first
of these was, of course, absolutely necessary, and consequently it
formed one of the most important articles in internal trade. Molasses
was another substitute for sugar, and the rum which was distilled
from it either in New England or in the West Indies, was a beverage
rivaling cider in its popularity. It was a favorite tavern tipple and
in some of the more accessible towns it was supplied to farm laborers
in the hay-fields.^ Tea and coffee seem to have been coming into
general use throughout New England at this time. D wight says:

1 Kittredge, The Old Farmer and his Almanack, pp. 121-123.

2 Coxe, View, pp. 681-682. Coxe believed thoroughly in the importance of
the maple sugar industry and in the possibility of obtaining the whole domestic
supply from this source. Dwight claims to have known a single tree to yield
fourteen pounds of sugar in a season. Of the quality of the product he says:
"I have seen the grain of this sugar as large and fine as that of the best Mus-
covado." Travels, I. pp. 15-16.

» Belknap, History of New Hampshire, m. 113-116, gives a detailed descrip-
tion of the process of making maple sugar as observed in New Hampshire.

* See Notes on Farming, p. 38.

'Mass. Agric. Soc. Papers, 11., 1807, 40-41.

• See advertisement in the Windham (Conn.) Herald, June 3, 1806.

Rural Economy in New England 357

"Tea and coffee constitute a part of the breakfast and supper of
every class, and of almost every individual."^ Coxe, speaking of
the whole country, said that teas were consumed freely by rich and
poor, and adds that in 1790 they formed one-seventh of the total
imports.2 In Barnstable County, Massachusetts, where the fisher-
farmers were able to purchase more from the outside than the in-
land folk, the plentiful consumption of this stimulant was thought
to be the cause of the prevalence of nervous complaints.^ The
difficulty with which tea and coffee were obtained by the inland
farmer is shown by the list of substitutes to which resort was occa-
sionally had. For tea, raspberry and blackberry leaves were used
and instead of coffee, parched rye and chestnuts, a«d even potatoes
roasted and ground to a powder.*

Clothing — The Age of Homespun.

In the matter of clothing the farm was quite as seK-sufficient as
in diet. The Age of Homespun ^ is a title which has been very appro-
priately applied to this period, recognizing as it does the predominant
importance of the domestic textile industries. All the evidence
available tends toward the conclusion that the inhabitants of the
rural towns, both men and women, were clothed in fabrics spun and
woven in their own homes from the wool and flax grown on their
own flocks and in their own fields. Statesmen such as Hamilton
and Gallatin early recognized the extent of this branch of domestic
industry. The former wrote in 1791: "Great quantities of coarse
cloths, coatings, serges, and flannels, linsey woolseys, hosiery of

1 Travels, IV. 342. Both of these beverages were, however, of recent intro-
duction. Felt tells us that the colonists in Ipswich were unfamiliar with the
proper method of brewing tea until about 1760. Coffee had been used somewhat,
but only by the wealthier families, before the Revolution. History of Ipswich, p. 28.

2 View of the U. S., p. 117.

» See Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., I. 3: 13.

< See Earle, Home Life, pp. 158-159; and Kittredge, The Old Farmer and His
Almanack, p. 185. These substitutes must have been nearly as unsatisfactory
as the bark of the prickly ash tree, which Belknap says was used by the back-
country people of New Hampshire instead of pepper. History of New Hamp-
shire, III. 125.

5 This is the title of an address delivered by the Rev. Horace Bushnell at the
Centennial Celebration of Litchfield County, Conn., m 1851. It is contained in
a volume of his collected works entitled Work and Play. New York. 1864. pp.
368-402. In his address the author says much that is thoughtful and significant
concemmg the effects of the self-sufficient family economy on the formation of
individual character and on the social life of the village communities.

358 Percy Wells Bidwell

wool, cotton, and thread, coarse fustians, jeans, and muslins, checked
and striped cotton and linen goods, bed ticks, coverlets and counter-
panes, tow linens, coarse shirtings, sheetings, towelling and table
linen, and various mixtures of woolen and cotton, and of cotton and
flax, are made in the household way, and, in many instances, to an
extent not only sufficient for the supply of the families in which they
are made, but for sale, and even, in some cases, for exportation.^
It is computed in some districts that two- thirds, three-fourths, and
even four-fifths, of all the clothing of the inhabitants, are made
by themselves."^ Twenty years later Gallatin wrote: "But by
far the greater part of the goods made of those materials (cotton,
flax, and wool) are manufactured in private families, mostly for their
own use, and partly for sale. They consist principally of coarse
cloth, flannel, cotton stuffs and stripes of every description, linen,
and mixtures of wool with flax or cotton. The information re-
ceived from every State and from more than sixty different places,
concurs in establishing the fact of an extraordinary increase, during
the last two years, and in rendering it probable that about two-
thirds of the clothing, including hosiery, and of the house and table
linen, worn and used by the inhabitants of the United States, who
do not reside in cities, is the product of family manufactures. "^

More significant than these statements, however, because apply-
ing specifically to New England, are those to be found in the gazet-
teers of the time. Pease and Niles say of Connecticut: "The domes-
tic manufactures in this State are extensive and important, and
consist of woolen, linen, and cotton; but the former is by far the
most important. With the exception of the cities, almost every
family manufactures the substantial woolen fabrics, for their own
consumption."^ Of the same state Morse says: **The farmers in

iln Gallatin's Report on Manufactures (1810), the textile manufactures of
families in New Hampshire are estimated to average from 100 to 600 yards in a
year. Of their sale we read: "Considerable quantities of coarse flaxen cloth,
worth from 15 to 20 cents a yard, thus manufactured in families, are sold to traders
in the country villages or in towns, and sent for a market to the Southern States,
on which a profit is made by the trader." In American State Papers, Finance, II.
435. We find occasional references to the purchase of homespun cloth by the
country stores in the advertisements of such newspapers as the Windham (Conn.)
Herald. There is not sufficient evidence of this sort, however, to lead to the
conclusion that this manufacture of cloth for export by farmers' families was
uniformly found in inland towns.

2 Report on Manufactures, 1791. In American State Papers, Finance, I. 132.

3 Report on Manufactures, 1810. In American State Papers, Finance, II. 427.
* Gazetteer, p. 17.

Rural Economy in New England 359

Connecticut, and their families, are mostly clothed in plain, decent,
homespun cloth. Their linens and woolens, are manufactured in
the family way; . . . ."^ In the statistical descriptions of
various towns we find such statements as this: "The people gener-
ally manufacture their woolen and linnen cloathsin their ownfamihes,
using all of their wool and most of their flax."^ if ^e could have
examined the wardrobes of the men and women of the rural towns
piece by piece, we should have found everything of household manu-
facture,^ with the exception of the few bits of Sunday finery, hard
earned and long-treasured, such as a beaver hat, shoe-buckles, or
a fancy waistcoat, a silk gown and a few ribbons.

The best description of the dress of the country folk at the begin-
ning of the last century, which I have been able to find, is that con-
tained in a manuscript prepared by Governor Treadwell of Connecti-
cut, in the year 1802 or 1803. The governor lived in Farmington,
a town ten miles west of Hartford on the Farmington River. The
conditions of dress and life which he describes are of the period
1760-1770. He remarks that between that time and 1800 a con-
siderable change had taken place, owing to the increasing commerce
between the town and the outside world, via Hartford and the Con-
necticut River. Such a change had, however, not yet taken place
in towns less favorably situated, and for them the conditions de-
scribed still obtained. In fact, the homespun garb prevailed in some
districts for several decades after 1800. Rev. Horace Bushnell
said in 1851 to the people of Litchfield County, Connecticut: "You
have remembered the wheel and the loom. You have recalled the
fact that our Litchfield County people, down to a period compara-
tively recent, have been a people clad in homespun fabrics — not
wholly, or in all cases, but so generally that the exceptions may be
fairly disregarded. "'*

Governor Treadwell wrote as follows: "Our ancestors here, of
both sexes, have, till of late, clad themselves in simple apparel,
suited to their moderate circumstances and agricultural state. The

' Gazetteer, 1810, art. Connecticut.

« Goodrich, Rev. Samuel. A Statistical Account of Ridgefield in the County
of Fairfield (Conn). MS. in the library of the Connecticut Historical Society
Hartford, Conn., p. 5. The date is uncertain. The manuscript was deposited
in the library in 1800; mtemal evidence indicates that it was written a few years
earlier.

» Women's hats were at times of household manufacture. See Gallatin, Re-
port on Manufactures, p. 439. Also Earle, Home Life, pp. 259-261.

* Age of Homespun, p. 372.

360 Percy Wells Bidwell

men have been content with two suits of clothes, called the every-
day clothes, and the Sabbath-day clothes. The former were usually
of two sorts, those for labour, and those for common society. Those
for labour in the summer were a check homespun linen shirt, a pair
of plain tow-cloth trowsers, and a vest generally much worn, for-
merly with, but more modemly without sleeves; or simply a brown
tow-cloth frock and trowsers, and sometimes a pair of old shoes tied
with leather strings, and a felt hat, or an old beaver hat stiffened and
worn white with age. For the winter season they wore a check blue
and white woolen shirt, a pair of buck-skin breeches, a pair of white,
or if of the best kind, deep blue home-made woolen stockings, and a
pair of double soled cowhide shoes, blacked on the flesh side, tied with
leather strings; and, to secure the feet and legs against snow, a pair
of leggins, which, for the most part, were a pair of worn out stockings,
with the bottom and toe of the foot cut off, drawn over the stocking
and shoe, and tied fast to the heel and over the vamp of the shoe;
or if of the best kind, they were knit on purpose of white yam, and
they answered for boots on all occasions; an old plain cloth vest
with sleeves, lined with a cloth called drugget: an old plain cloth
great coat, commonly brown, wrapped around the body, and tied
with a list or belt: or as a substitute for them, a buck-skin leather
waistcoat and a leather apron of tanned sheep-skin fastened round the
waist, and the top of it supported with a loop about the neck, and a
hat as above, or a woolen cap drawn over the ears.

" For ordinary society in summer, they were clad in a check linen
homespun shirt and trowsers, or linen breeches, white homespun
linen stockings, and cowhide single soled shoes, a vest with sleeves
usually of plain brown cloth, a handkerchief around the neck, a
check cap, and a hat in part worn.

"In winter they were clad as above described for simmier except
that they assumed, if they had it, a better great coat, a neckcloth
^nd a hat that might be considered as second best. Their Sabbath-day
suit for winter, was Hke that last mentioned, except that their stock-
ings were commonly deep blue, their leather breeches were clean and
of a buff colour, they added a straight-bodied plain coat and a white
holland cap, and sometimes a wig with a clean beaver hat. For the
summer it was a check holland shirt, brown linen breeches and stock-
ings, single soled cow hide shoes with buckles, a plain cloth and some-
times a broadcloth and velvet vest, without sleeves: the shirt-sleeves
tied above the elbows with arm strings of ferreting of various colours,

Rural Economy in New England 361

a white hoUand cap or wig, and beaver hat: and on Thanksgiving days,
and other high occasions, a white holland shirt and cambric neckcloth.
"The women have been, till within about thirty years past, clothed
altogether in the same style, with a moderate allowance for the taste
of sex. A minute description will not be attempted; a few particulars
will characterize the whole. They wore home-made drugget, crape,
plain cloth and camblet gowns in the winter, and the exterior of their
under dress was a garment lined and quilted, extending from the
waist to the feet. Their shoes were high-heeled, made of tanned
calf-skin, and in some instances of cloth. In the summer they wore
striped linen and calico gowns, cloth shoes and linen underdress:
and every young lady when she had attained her stature, was fur-
nished with a silk gown and skirt if her parents were able, or she could
purchase them by dint of labour. Their head dress has always
occupied a great share of their attention while in youth; it has always
been varying, and every mode seems, in its day, the most becoming.
Within the period just mentioned, the elderly women have worn check
holland aprons to meeting on the Sabbath, and those of early life,
and of the best fashion, were accustomed to wear them in their
formal visits."^

The Organization of the Household Industries.

The production in the household of woolen and linen, and to some
extent also cotton fabrics, not only clothing but also the neces-
sary house furnishings, such as sheeting, toweling, blankets, and
table linen, and even such coarse fabrics as rag carpets and grain
bags, was a well-organized industry. The various successive stages
in the conversion of the raw materials into the finished product were
regularly assigned to members of the family according to their strength
and skill. Thus the men sheared and washed the wool, and per-
formed most of the laborious processes of breaking, swingling and
hackling the flax to prepare the fiber for spinning. The carding of
the wool, corresponding in a way to these processes, was for years
the task assigned to the older members of the family whose strength
and eyesight would have been unequal to more onerous and careful
work. About the year 1800, however, the household was relieved
of this task by the introduction of the water-power carding machines,
which, as we have seen, spread so rapidly that they were to be found
in almost every village in 18 lO.^ The younger women of the family

^ Printed in Noah Porter's Historical Discourse. Appendix, Note S, pp. 82-83.
2 Supra p. 260.

362 Percy Wells Bidwell

spun the fibers thus prepared into yarn and thread on the large and
small wheels then found in every farmhouse. Bleaching and dyeing
were also a part of the multifarious activities of these women. In the
latter process almost all the materials used, such as pokeberries,
madder, goldenrod, the bark of the hickory, butternut and sassafras
trees, and various flowers, could be found in the woods and fields.
For producing the deep blue which was so popular, jndigomust be
imported, and this was one of the few standard commodities sold at
the stores and by itinerant peddlers.

Weaving, the next stage in the production of homespun cloth,
was not so uniformly performed in every household. Looms were,
however, to be found in every house of considerable size, and many
houses had a room, or an ell, especially devoted to these ponderous
and noisy machines. Gallatin wrote in 1810: "Every farmer's
house is provided with one or more wheels, according to the number
of females. Every second house, at least has a loom for weaving
linen, cotton, and coarse woolen cloths, which is almost wholly done
by women. "^ It is probable that a considerable share of this work
was taken over by men, some of whom may have carried it on as a
regular trade. ^ There were often many smaller looms in the house

' Report on Manufactures. 1810, p. 435. The note from which this quota-
tion is taken refers to household manufactures in New Hampshire. It is inter-
esting to compare in this regard the figures given by a writer in the Massachu-
setts Historical Society's Collections, II. 7 : 70, for Hillsborough County, New
Hampshire. He found 5,490 looms, in a population of 49,282 (about 9,000 fami-
lies) in 1810. According to Coxe, Digest of Manufactures, 1812, p. 667, in the
back-country of Pennsylvania there was in one county, McKean, only one loom
among a population of 142 persons. In three other counties the proportion
was one to every 20 or 30 of population. The spinning wheels were much more
numerous, averaging about one to a family.

'Miss Earle says, Home Life, pp. 212-213: "Every farmer's daughter knew
how to weave as well as to spin, yet it was not recognized as wholly woman's
work as was spinning; for there was a trade of hand- weaving for men, to which
they were apprenticed. Every town had professional weavers. They were a
universally respected class, and became the ancestors of many of the wealthiest
and most influential citizens today. They took in yam and thread to weave on
their looms at their own homes at so much a yard; wove their own yam into
stuffs to sell; had apprentices to their trade; and also went out working by the
day at their neighbors' houses, sometimes carrying their looms many miles with
them." Miss Earle cites no authorities; the lists of tradesmen given in the statis-
tical accounts of various towns in Connecticut make no mention of weavers, and
the only confirmation I have been able to find of her statement is an entry in
the account book of Rev. Medad Rogers of New Fairfield, Conn., of money paid
out for weaving. See infra, pp. 366-367.

Rural Economy in New England 363

on which the women made garters, points, glove-ties, hair-laces,
stay-laces, shoe-strings, hat-bands, belts and breeches-suspenders,
often called " galluses. "^ The production of these odds and ends of
apparel shows in a striking manner the extent to which the household
was self-sufficient in its supply of clothing. Knitting was an impor-
tant branch of the domestic textile industry, producing the hosiery,
mittens, shawls, comforters, etc., for all the family. It must be
remembered that the foregoing discussion applies only to the con-
ditions prevailing in inland towns. In the seaports and larger river
towns, the inhabitants had long used clothing and household furni-
ture of foreign manufacture.

The Building and Furnishing of Farmhouses.

In the furnishings of their homes, the inland farmers relied to a
very limited extent on exchange with the world outside their immedi-
ate vicinity, and in fact supplied their wants, as in the matter of
food and clothing, largely by the exertions of their own families. In
the construction of their houses, those story-and-a-half structures
with long sloping roofs which one may still occasionally see in the
more isolated country regions, they utilized the timber growing in the
vicinity, often on their own land, and employed as workmen those of
their neighbors who carried on the carpenter's trade as a by-industry
of farming.2 Only a small amount of hardware was used and most
of this, such as bolts and hinges, was made by the local blacksmith.
The nails, which were used much more sparingly than now, were
often made by the farmers themselves from nail rods purchased either
from the local store or from a nearby slitting-mill.^ Glass, which had

' Earle, Op. cit., p. 225. A detailed description of the technical processes of
hand- weaving as carried on in those days is contained in Chapter X of that work,
pp. 212-251. Other chapters which have been consulted are Chapters VIII
and IX, pp. 167-211, describing the cultivation and preparation of the flax and
woolen fibers.

2 Supra p. 262 ff. The task of raising the heavy beams which constituted
the frame of the structure into position was accomplished by the united eflforts
of a large number of neighbors. This is another example of the cooperation of
inland farmers for the accomplishment of a task now undertaken by specialized
workmen, and, like the husking-bee, was utilized as an occasion for social inter-
course and amusement.

'Supra p. 270. Coxe says: "Nailmaking is frequently a household business
in New England, a small anvil being |ound no inconvenience in the corner of a
farmer's chimney." View of the United States, p. 269. In another place he
estimates the quantity of nails used by an average household in buildmg and
repairing at ten pounds per annum. Ibid. p. 144.

364 Percy Wells Bidwell

probably in all except the newest settlements replaced the wooden
shutters and oiled paper of earlier times, was practically the only
material brought from any distance. The furniture, such as bed-
steads, chairs, settles, and tables, could easily be produced by the
local cabinet-maker, or even by a skilful carpenter. Besides making
the homespun sheets and blankets, quilts and comforters, the women
of the family made mattresses and pillows stuffed with the feathers
of home-raised geese.^ An inventory of table-ware and kitchen
utensils brings to light only a few "bough ten" articles and these were
carefully treasured and handed down from parents to children. Wood
was the material most used, in fact wherever possible; of it were made
trenchers, drinking-cups and tankards, and even spoons. Pewter
was also used for these articles to some extent; but china, porcelain,
glass or silverware were rarely seen. In the kitchen, wooden and
earthenware vessels predominated, pots of iron, brass or copper being
comparatively rare.*^

In his Statistical Account of Middlesex County (Conn.), Field
states that not only clothing and furniture but also agricultural
implements were, at the beginning of the nineteenth century, made
by the farmers for themselves.^ Wood was here again the principal
material employed. The tools used by a farmer in Concord, New
Hampshire, are thus described: "His plows were mainly of wood,
the soles and coulters only being of iron, though the mould-boards
were usually plated with sheets of that metal.

"The village blacksmith made his nails, his axes, his chains, as
also his clumsy pitchforks, and flat-tined manure forks. . . . His

^ Woman's work, it would seem, was truly endless at this time. Besides the
tasks already enumerated, and such by-industries as the making of soap and candles,
they often had the care of poultry or bees, milked cows and did light outdoor
work, such as weeding gardens and gathering fruit and vegetables. Combined
with the bearing and rearing of large famiUes of children, these unremitting labors
shortened the duration of life of the sex very considerably. In frontier settle-
ments extreme illustrations of this fact, were found, such as that cited by Kendall,
Travels, III. 130. Near Bath, Maine, he saw a burying-ground in which were the
graves of ten married women, eight of whom had died between the ages of twenty-
two and thirty years. The "consumption" to which he attributes their early
deaths, was, if it existed, no doubt brought on by overwork.

2 See Earle, Home Life, Chs. III. and IV. Bishop, American Manufactures,
T. 488, remarks upon the scarcity of iron utensils at this time. Iron pots, not

generally more than one or two, were cqjpisidered sufl&ciently valuable to be in-
cluded in the inventories of estates.

3 Op. cit, p. 17.

Rural Economy in New England 365

carts and sleds were generally constructed on the farm and ironed
by the blacksmith, the wheels of the former having felloes three
inches wide, tired with short strips of flat iron. . . . His shovels
were mainly of wood, having blades pointed with iron. His harrows,
made often of a forked tree, had teeth sometimes of wood and some-
times of iron."^

The Versatility and Ingenuity of Yankee Farmers.

Besides these standard by-industries of the farmer, there were a
diversity of other tasks to which he applied himself more or less regu-
larly according to his especial " bent " and opportunities. On the sea-
coast, as we have seen, he was frequently a sailor or a fisherman for
part of the year.^ In inland towns he often plied some trade or other
and was classed as an artisan as well as a farmer. Every farmer
did a multitude of odd jobs for himseK, such as repairing old buildings
and building new, laying walls and stoning up wells, butchering
pigs and cattle, making axe-handles and brooms, splitting staves
and shingles, tanning leather and cobbling shoes. Occasionally he
performed some of these tasks for a neighbor, who either had not the
requisite skill or was too busy with strictly agricultural operations.
Such service was probably more often repaid in kind than in currency.
In this way the Yankee farmer acquired a reputation for ingenuity
and a moderate ability in a variety of occupations, which has now
become proverbial.' His ability as a Jack-of-all-trades was not
due to any exceptional endowment of versatility. It was distinctly
a product of the economic environment and of the persistent endeavors

1 Walker, J. B. The Farm of the First Minister. Reprinted from Report of
New Hampshire State Board of Agriculture, 1894. Concord, N. H., 1895, p. 18.
The importance of wood in the economy of the inland farmer needs no emphasis.
It was early recognized by Belknap who devotes a chapter, Ch.VIII., in the third
volume of his History of New Hampshire, to an enumeration of the varieties of
trees native in that state and discusses the peculiar uses of each.

^Chastellux says: "The seaman when on shore immediately applies himself
to some handicraft occupation, or to husbandry, and is always ready at a moment's
notice to accompany the captain his neighbor, who is likewise frequently a mechanic,
to the fisheries." Travels, II. 250.

'This quality of ingenuity was recognized by Chancellor Livingston. He
says of the farmer of the Northern states: "He can mend his plough, erect his
walls, thrash his com, handle his axe, his hoe, his sithe, his saw, break a colt, or
drive a team, with equal address; being habituated from early life to rely on him-
self he acquires a skill in every branch of his profession, which is unknown in
countries where labor is more subdivided." American Agriculture, p. 338.

366 Percy Wells Bidwell

of the New England farmer to adapt himself thereto.^ The most
significant because the most far-reaching feature of that environ-
ment was the lack of a market. The problem that confronted the
farmer was to get a living for himself and his family, and to get as
good a Hving as he could with the least expenditure of labor. If he
had been able to devote all his attention to raising some particular
product, with the proceeds of whose sale he could have purchased
the services of specialized artisans and goods from abroad, he un-
doubtedly would have preferred to do so. It would have tremendous-
ly increased his efl&ciency in production, and would have lightened
lie labors of all the members of his family. But the lack of a market
was an insuperable obstacle to specialization and consequently the
family group was forced to rely upon itself and upon irregular ex-
change with other neighboring groups for the necessaries of existence,
and to do without, in large measure, the comforts and luxuries.

Commodities Bought and Sold by a Minister -Farmer.

There is not sufficient evidence to warrant even an approximate
numerical estimate of the amount of produce which the farmer did
actually sell and of the commodities which he received in exchange.
Occasionally, however, we come across an account book kept by an
inhabitant of one of these inland towns, a farmer, a blacksmith, or a
minister, which furnishes a concrete illustration of the small amount
of buying and selling which took place. Such an account 'book is
that of the Rev. Medad Rogers, the minister of New Fairfield, Con-
necticut, a small town on the western boundary of the state.^ He had

^ It may be objected that the tendency to invent is an instinctive activity;
that there is, psychologically speaking, an "impulse to contrivance." If this is
true, inventive ingenuity must be a general human endowment, not confined to
any particular nation or race. But the degree of the manifestation of this "im-
pulse, " of its successful realization, its embodiment in practical appliances among
any particular people at a given period in their history, must, it seems to me,
be largely dependent on the conditions of their economic environment. In the
inland towns of New England there was a far greater necessity for the development
of this "impulse" than in other less self-sufficient communities. Where, on the
small farm, a single family had to devise means to produce the most varied articles
for its own consumption, there the opportunities for the application of inventive-
ness and ingenuity were most numerous, and the advantages to be gained from the
use of such talents were most apparent. A consideration of economic and psycho-
logical aspects of inventiveness may be found in Professor Taussig's "Inventors
and Moneymakers." New York. 1915. Chapter I.

* The population was 742 in 1810. The nearest outlet to a market was the
Hudson River, from 20 to 25 miles distant.

Rural Economy in New England 367

the use of a farm of 100 acres and in addition a salary of $100, part of
which was, as the accounts show, paid in kind. The accounts ex-
tend from 1784 to 1822, but the years in which they were most care-
fully kept are 1792 and 1793. In the one year and nine months from
February 14, 1792, to November 13, 1793, his total purchases
amounted to £23, 10 shillings and 11 pence. The items are as
follows:

3 lbs. brown sugar 1 pair wool cards

10 lbs. iron 1 barlow penknife

1 iron pot 1 bbl. linseed oil and paints

1 iron skillet 1 set pencilled tea dishes and saucers

2 earthem basons 1 skein holland thread

2 chamber pots i bus. salt

1 earthem jug 2 lbs. gmger

1 small cream pot 1 lb. alum

3 milk pans 1 gal. -um

IJ yards satinet 1 gal. molasses

^ yard everlasting^ 7 smoakmg pipes

5 yards coating 1 yard tobacco

The entries of goods purchased in other years show the same pre-
dominance of necessary commodities which could not be produced on
the farm. Chief among these were iron, of which in one year he
bought 81 pounds besides a bundle of nail rods, and salt, with occas-
sional purchases of molasses and rum. Other entries show purchases
of 50 bricks, a pork barrel, six cider barrels, a broadcloth coat and a
pair of shoes. The coat and the pencilled tea dishes were refinements
of life which probably were considered necessary to the minister's
social position and set him apart from the bulk of his parishioners.

The entries of sales are far less numerous. The chief items are
dairy products. A rather astonishing sale of 451 pounds of cheese
is among them. It went to the local storekeeper and was to be paid
for half in cash and half in merchandise. All the other sales were
small, such as two and one-half yards of tow cloth, seven pounds of
flax, three pounds of butter, a hind quarter of beef and a barrel of
cider.2

^ A sort of cloth.

2 The account book of the Rev. Mr. Rogers is preserved in the library of the
New Haven County Historical Society, New Haven, Conn. A small pamphlet
entitled Sundry Prices taken from Ye Account Book of Thomas Hazard, published
at the Washington County (Rhode Island) Agricultural Fair Grounds, 1892,
contains information of the same sort but for a somewhat earlier date. Hazard
was a farmer of South Kingston, Rhode Island.

t^

368 Percy Wells Bidwell

/.tS''- xhe Result of Self-sufficient Economy was a Low Standard of Living.
The effect of this self-sufficiency in family and in village life was
a low degree of efficiency in the production of wealth in both these
economic units. The lack of a market made specialization impossible,
there was practically no well defined division of labor except that
existing between the sexes. Hence the gains from the adaptation
of individual talents to especial tasks, and from the acquisition of skill
through continuous repetition of identical movements or processes
were almost entirely absent. The farmer who must also be his 'own
tool-maker, carpenter, wheelwright, mason and general handy man
could not hope to acquire any great efficiency in agriculture. He had
no time to devote to careful experiments in the culture of crops or the
breeding of stock, or even to read the books in which the results of
scientific investigation were even then recorded. On the other hand,
the mason, carpenter, doctor or lawyer who had to interrupt the
pursuit of his especial avocation in order to procure food and clothing
for himself and his family by means of agriculture, could not hope to
develop any great degree of efficiency as an artisan or as a professional
man. The result was that the bulk of the population of New Eng-
land was at this time on what we should now call a low standard of
living, and even this standard was supported only by arduous and
unremitting toil. One large-minded observer has said: "No mode
of life was ever more expensive; it was life at the expense of labor too
stringent to allow the highest culture and the most proper enjoyment.
Even the dress of it was more expensive than we shall ever see again. "^
The raw materials for food, clothing and shelter were at hand in
abundance, but in working up these materials into consumable
commodities, the people of those days were at a very great disad-
vantage. Only when we compare the clumsy and ineffective appara-
tus with which they worked, such as the old-fashioned Dutch oven
and the open fireplace, the spinning wheel and the handloom, with
the modern cooking appliances and the power-driven spinning frames
and looms, can we appreciate to some extent how "expensive" their
life really was.

The Contrary Opinion Held by Travelers.

How, then, can we explain the general impression of comfort and
ease in getting a living which seems to have been made upon con-
temporary observers? Numerous passages might be cited from the
travelers who passed through New England from the close of the

^ Bushnell, Horace. The Age of Homespun, p. 393.

Rural Economy in New England 369

Revolution up to 1810, praising the beauty and ease of the life of the
rural population. A quotation from Dwight is typical. In a chapter
on the Mode of Living of New Englanders, he says: "The means of
comfortable living are in New England so abundant, and so easily
obtained as to be within the reach of every man who has health, in-
dustry, common honesty, and common sense. "^ In another passage
he uses such phrases as "comfortable subsistence," "universally
easy circumstances, " and "universal prosperity, "^ in describing the
life observed in his travels. Surely such expressions do not describe
an especially arduous existence; far more do they remind us of the
descriptions of that land flowing with milk and honey, the Promised
Land of the ancient Hebrews. The apparent lack of agreement
between such opinions and the conditions which we have de-
scribed in this chapter may be explained by a number of consid-
erations. In the first place, we must remember that the stand-
ards of measurement used by the writers of that time were not
those of today. When they said that living in New England at that
time was easy or comfortable, they did not mean absolutely so, but
in comparison with conditions of life in some other country, or in New
England at some former time. The conditions with which they
were most familiar and which they undoubtedly used as a standard
of comparison were those of frontier life in this country and of the
common people of Europe in the eighteenth century.^ Judged by
either of these standards, life was easy and comfortable; judged by
our standards, however, it was far different.

Then, again, we must take into account the fondness of all literary
travelers, and President Dwight was no exception, for sweeping
generalizations and large, well-sounding, mouth-filling phrases. For
the economic historian a few bits of specific information are worth
far more as evidence and should be given credence when they are in
conflict with the former. Considerable of this specific evidence has
been given in previous sections of this chapter."* Even if, however,

1 Travels, IV. 341.

2 Ibid., I. XV.

' As a matter of fact, we find these comparisons specifically made. See Dwight,
Travels, II. 254, and American Husbandry, I. 70.

* See supra pp. 355-365. Such a seemingly unimportant point as the use or
lack of shoes and stockings by country people has significance. There is abundant
evidence that they did not feel they could afford these articles except as protection
against the cold and for especial occasions, such as the Sunday religious services.
See Wansey, Journal, p. 71; Harriott, Struggles through Life, II. 54; Lamed,
History of Wmdham, II. 388-389; New Hampshire Historical Society Collections.
10 vols. 1824-1893. Vol. V. (1837), pp. 226-227.

370 Percy Wells Bidwell

their generalizations were carefully drawn from all the evidence
presented, we must inquire whether the conditions observed were
t)^ical of those prevailing over New England as a whole, or whether
the observations were limited to some particularly favored regions.
As a matter of fact, we know that but very few of the travelers through
New England left the beaten track of the stage-coach routes from New
York to Boston. They came up to New Haven along the shores of
the Sound. There they had a choice of routes; they either continued
along the shore to Newport and Providence, and thence across Bristol,
Plymouth or Suffolk Counties to Boston, or branching off to the north-
east to Hartford and then following the Connecticut Valley up to
Springfield, they turned due east and reached Boston by way of
Worcester. Except for the stretch between Springfield and Worcester,
both of these routes passed through towns which were favored by
exceptional opportunities for trade and often, as, for instance, the
towns in the Connecticut Valley, by especially fertile soil as well.
It is no wonder that travelers' conclusions, based on this sort of
selected evidence, were so favorable.

Wealth was Equally Distributed.

Perhaps another explanation of the optimistic strain, so habitual
in travelers' descriptions of economic conditions prevailing in New
England at this time, is that they mistook equality in the distribution
of wealth for ease in production. That the two ideas were closely
connected in their minds is evident. Lambert, for instance, says of
the inhabitants of the central part of Connecticut: ''The generality
of the people live in easy independent circumstances; and upon that
footing of equality which is best calculated to promote virtue and
happiness among society. "^ Of the inhabitants of Hampshire County,
Massachusetts, Dwight says: "They are also, as a body, industrious
and thriving, and possess that middle state of property, which so
long, and so often, has been termed golden; .... Few are
poor, and few are rich. "^ In another place the same author remarks:
"Great wealth, that is, what Europeans consider as great wealth,
is not often found in these countries. But poverty is almost im-
known."^

^ Travek, II. 304.
2 Travels, II. 254.
'Ibid. I. XV.

Rural Economy in New England 371

Agriculture was not a Means of Making Money.

Equality in distribution would, under the circumstances, naturally
be expected. The lack of a market meant production by each
family or village unit simply for its own consumption. "The house
was a factory on the farm, the farm a grower and producer for the
house. "^ Except in especially favored regions, agriculture was not
a commercial business; there was practically nothing raised for sale.
Hence the opportunities for business profits, for the accumulation
and investment of capital, all of which are necessary steps in the
development of inequalities in wealth, were lacking.

The conditions of land tenure and the uniformity in the size of the
farms are both proofs of this contention. It is well known that
almost every farmer owned his own land, tenancy being found in
only a few localities.^ The farms varied in size from 80-100 to 250-
300 acres, few having less than 100 acres and few more than 200.'
Occasionally we find instances of families in the older inland towns
distinguished from their neighbors by the possession of considerable
estates in land,^ enabling them to have more of the refinements and
comforts of life and even some of its luxuries. Such instances,
however, were exceptions to the general rule of plainness and frugality.

' Bushnell, The Age of Homespun, p. 392.

2 Dwight found some tenancy on the Connecticut coast, east of New London.
In Stonington, for instance, he found about half of the farms cultivated by tenants,
who were, however, in that position only until they could obtain enough capital
to purchase land for themselves. Travels, III. 16. See also Tudor, Letters
from the Eastern States, p. 406.

The practice of holding land in common, at least pasture lands, which was
often introduced at the settlement of a new town, seems to have died out in most
localities before the Revolution. In Ridgefield, for instance, the common lands_
were divided in 1760. Goodrich, Statistical Account, p. 9. See also Doyle, J. A.,
English Colonies in America. 5 vols. New York. 1882-1907. Vol. V. p. 16.
The practice seems to have survived longest, in the Island of Nantucket and in
Plymouth and Barnstable Counties in Massachusetts. See Kendall, Travels, II.
208-2 10 r also Adams, H. B., The Germanic Origin of New England Towns, Ch.
II.; and Village Communities of Cape Anne and Salem, Chs. IX. and X.; both
in Vol. I. of Johns Hopkins University Studies in History and Political Science.

^ For a fuller discussion of this point and authorities see supra pp. 321-322.

* The author of American Husbandry writes, Vol. I. p. 62, as if the English
system of cultivation by tenant farmers of land of large proprietors was not an
uncommon thing in southern New England before the Revolution. Such a system
may have prevailed occasionally in regions of active internal trade (as in Windham
County, Conn., see Lamed, History of Windham County, II. 270, and Kendall,
Travels, I. 315), but there is no evidence that it existed throughout isolated rural
communities.

372 Percy Wells Bidwell

Land was Cheap, Hence no Class of Wage-Earners.

And yet the acquisition of a moderate amount of land was not a
matte* of any great difficulty. Tudor writes: "Every industrious
man may look forward with certainty to becoming proprietor in
fee simple of a small farm/'^ This ease with which land could be
acquired was one of the principal causes of the prevailing equality
in the distribution of wealth, and in fact, with the lack of a market,
was a factor determining the whole character of the economic life
of the population of New England at this time. In the first place, it
brought about that phenomenon of high wages which was so often
conmiented upon by travelers and other observers, native and for-
eign.2 It was naturally hard to persuade a young man to work for
day-wages when he could so easily establish himself as an independent
farmer. This fact, together with the lack of a market, effectually
prevented the rise of a body of agricultural laborers. Even in regions
where a market was accessible it was difficult, at what were then con-
sidered extravagant wages, to obtain a labor force for conunercial
farming.^ In other districts there was little demand for such labor.
The self-sufficient farm furnished its own labor force, the farmer and
his sons being in most cases quite well able to raise the crops and to
care for the live stock which provided food and clothing for the
family.* It would indeed have been poor economy to hire laborers
to raise a surplus which could not be sold. Exceptional tasks were
accomplished by the voluntary cooperation of neighbors. Occasion-
ally a farmer's son would hire out for a few years to a neighbor, but
such service was always looked upon as temporary, as merely a
means of accumulating sufficient capital to establish the young man
as an independent farmer. And just as among the independent
artisans in the country towns there was no regularly defined, per-

' Letters on the Eastern States, p. 405.

2 These observations were in many cases concerned with the difficulty or im-
possibility of establishing manufactures in the colonies or, later, in the states. See
Franklm, Benjamm. Canadian Pamphlet, in Works, Sparks edition, IV. 19,
40-41. Also American Husbandry, II. 257-267.

'Harriott, Struggles through Life, II. 193-194, tells of his unsuccessful efforts
to get laborers to work on a farm on Long Island.

* Livingston, American Agriculture, p. 338, says: "Most of our farmers culti-
vate their farms with their own hands, aided by their sons when of proper age to
be serviceable. Women labor in the harvest, and in haying, and in planting
com, before they are mothers, but seldom afterwards." See also Dickinson,
Geographical and Statistical View, p. 8.

Rural Economy in New England 373

manent body of hired workmen, so also there was no class of agri-
cultural laborers.^

Paupers — Cost of Poor Relief — Causes of Poverty.

These facts, showing the wide distribution of the ownership of
land, and the resulting lack of a permanent labor class, lend support
to the general statements of contemporary writers concerning the
equality in the distribution of wealth. They would seem, also, to
lead naturally to the inference that there could have been little if
any extreme poverty and little need for poor relief in these inland
towns. Such an inference would be, however, not strictly in accord
with the facts. Poverty did exist and the sums appropriated each
year by the towns for the support of the paupers were large as com-
pared with the other items in their budgets.^ This poverty, however,

' Tudor says of "the hired people," Letters on the Eastern States, p. 405:
"These latter were seldom born, and seldom died, servants; they served for a time,
till their wages would enable them to begin clearing land for a farm." Dwight,
also, has a significant paragraph on the character of the labor force in New Eng-
land. He says: "We have in New England no such class of men as on the eastern
side of the Atlantic are denominated peasantry. The number of those, who are
mere labourers, is almost nothing, except in a few populous towns; and almost all
these are collected from the shiftless, the idle, and the vicious. A great part of
them are foreigners. Here every apprentice originally intends to establish, and
with scarcely an exception actually establishes himself in business. Every sea-
man designs to become, and a great proportion of them really become, masters
and mates of vessels; and every young man hired to work upon a farm, aims
steadily to acquire a farm for himself , and hardly one fails of the acquisition."
Travels. IV. 335.

' In the six towns of Middlesex County, Conn., the expense of poor relief varied
from $400 to $1,700 in 1814, amounting on the average to a per capita tax of
$0,366 (Field, Statistical Account of Middlesex County, p. 23); in Litchfield,
Conn., there were 38 paupers in a population of 4,500, whose annual support
cost $1,500 in 1811. (Morris, Statistical Account of Litchfield, p. 107.) The
figures quoted by Adams, Episodes, II, 729, 912-913, for Quincy, Mass., seem
quite exceptional. Here the expense of the poor increased from $1,000 in 1812 to
$1,665 in 1813, being equal at the later date to the combined appropriations for
the church and the schools. During the six years 1808-1813 the total amount of
taxes raised in this town was $18,200 and of this over one-third went for poor relief.
The population of this town was 1,300 in 1810. In the town of Kingston, in the
same county (population 1,300 in 1810), the expense of poor relief averaged only
$600 at this date. Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., II. 3: 215.

In interpreting these figures allowance must be made for the expensive practice
of farming out the town poor, which regularly prevailed. Only in the largest
towns, such as New Haven and Middletown in Connecticut, had almshouses been
erected. The best contemporary description of the various methods of poor relief
employed is found in Field, Op. cit., pp. 22-24.

374 Percy Wells Bidwell

was of a different sort from that to which we are accustomed nowa-
days. It was not primarily, nor to as great a degree as at present,
due to economic pressure, or to maladjustments in the industrial
system. It was comparatively easy for any able-bodied person of
energetic disposition and temperate habits to earn a tolerable sub-
sistence. The paupers of that time included principally that class
of persons whom we now class as unemployable; the mentally or
physically incapable, the insane and the feeble-minded, the cripples,
the orphans and the aged. There were no insane asylums, orphanages,
homes for incurables or for old persons; consequently these unfortu-
nates, if no relatives were present who were able or willing to support
them, fell on the town for support. And besides these there were
those who had become enslaved to the current vice of drunkenness.^

The Vice of Intemperance — Its Causes.

"The intemperance of the colonial period," says Charles Francis
Adams, "is a thing now difficult to realize; and it seems to have per-
vaded all classes from the clergy to the pauper. "^ We have already
remarked the large consumption of cider in the farmers' families and
have commented upon the importance of the retail sale of stronger
liquors in the business of the country stores and taverns. Every
important occasion in home or church life, every rural festivity was
utilized as an opportunity for generous indulgence in intoxicants.
Neither the haying-season in early summer, nor the hog-killing season
at the end of autumn could be successfully managed without the aid
of liberal potations of " black-strap " and " stone-wall. " Husking bees,
house-raisings, training days, and even christenings, burials and ordi-
nations were often disgraced by the drunkenness of participants.'

' The Rev. Mr. Goodrich wrote of the town of Ridgefield: "The number of
poor who receive aid from the town do not excede 10 or 12 of which number 2 or
3 receive their whole support. ... we have no poor that are chargeable but
what become so by bodily imbecility. " Statistical Account, p. 17. On this point
Tudor wrote: "There are few persons here, who can suffer absolute distress
from poverty. That which arises among the wealthier classes, from great reverses,
I am not considering; but an uncertainty about the common means of subsistence
can never happen in the country, except to the miserable drunkard, or the unfortun-
ate victim of some bodily or mental infirmity, who of course are supported by the
public when destitute of friends; the labouring man, with good health and good
habits, may always obtain the comforts of hfe, and increase his savings. " Letters
on the Eastern States, p. 407,

2 Episodes, II. 785.

3 See Adams, Episodes, II. pp. 783-794. The annual numbers of the Old
Farmer's Almanack are full of admonitions against drunkenness. See also
Harriott, Struggles through Life, II. 205-206.

Rural Economy in New England 375

The craving for stimulants with its disastrous results on the for-
tunes of individuals and on the general moral tone of the community
proceeded partly from the coarse and unvaried diet of the farming
population, and probably to a larger extent, from a desire to relieye
at least temporarily the dreary monotony of village life. There
are always two opposing views current among the older generation
concerning the relative virtues of their early days as compared with
the conditions which they see about them in their declining years.
Some look back to a sort of Golden Age and view all the features of
the past through rose-colored spectacles. Others with a more opti-
mistic frame of mind are quite willing to admit that the passage of
the years has brought improvement along many lines and do not
hesitate to glory in the progress that has been achieved under their
eyes during a long life. One of the best sources of information con-
cerning the character of social life in the inland towns a century ago
are the memorial discourses delivered upon the centennial and other
anniversary celebrations of the inland towns and of their churches.
In these discourses we find both of the opposing views presented.
There are probably elements of truth in both, but as far as the general .
features of social life are concerned and their effect in stimulating
or in depressing the individual, the latter view seems to be more in,
accord with the facts as we know them. }

The Rev. Mr. Storrs, in reviewing a pastorate of fifty years in the
town of Braintree, Mass., said: "And when it is remembered that"
fifty years ago, and for many after years, no post office blessed the
town, nor public conveyance for letters, papers, or persons, was to
be had, even semi-weekly, except through villages two miles distant;
that but for the occasional rumbling of a butcher's cart, or a trades-
man's wagon, the fall of the hammer on the lap-stone, or the call of
the plowman to his refractory team, our streets had well nigh rivaled
the graveyard in silence, it can scarcely surprise one, that our knowl-
edge of the outer world was imperfect, nor that general intelligence
and enterprise was held at a discount; and if powder, kettle drums,
and conch-shells, proclaimed the celebration of a wedding; or if
wine, and 'spirits more dangerous than any from the vasty deep,*
were imbibed at funerals to quiet the nerves and move the lachrymals
of attendants; or if rowdyism and fisticuffs triumphed over law and
order on town meeting, muster and election days, .... it was
but the legitimate outflow of combined ignorance and heaven daring

376 Percy Wells Bidwell

recklessness. Those days are passed and shame throws its thick
mantle over them. "^

Tendencies Toward Social Degeneration.

An isolated conmaunity always tends toward social degeneration,
and the drunkenness, rowdyism, and general coarseness of manners of
the inland towns at this time were but premonitions of the more
disastrous results which might be expected from economic and social
stagnation. At no time in these communities was there a distinct
criminal class, of the type now technically known as degenerate; but
petty crimes, stealing, assaults and disturbances were of frequent
occurrence.2 There are many indications that the influence of the
church was decadent. Up to the beginning of the nineteenth cen-
tury, the ecclesiastical organization had secured, by means of a
censorship of the private life of its members so inquisitorial as to
seem nowadays intolerable, fairly submissive adherence to a rigid
code of morality. With the decline in the authority of the church
in matters of doctrine came also a weakening in its control over the
conduct of its adherents.^

Another cause of laxity in morals, of probably greater importance,
was the general spirit of lawlessness spreading over the country
after the Revolution, which seems especially to have affected the
country districts. The soldiers returning from the war found it hard
to settle down and get their living honestly in the previous humdrum
routine. They brought back with them new and often vicious
habits which the rest of the community imitated. Then, in the inter-
val between the overturn of the regularly constituted colonial authori-

* Fiftieth Anniversary of the Ordination and Settlement of Richard S. Storrs,
D.D., Pastor of the First Congregational Church in Braintree, Mass. July 3, 1861.
Boston, 1861. pp. 32-33.

* The records of the town courts, where accessible, are a rich source of evidence
on this point. See Wood, Sumner Gilbert. The Taverns and Turnpikes of Old
Blanford, pp. 188-205.

' Dwight, Travels, IV. 380, writes: "Crimes, to a considerable extent are now
practised, avowed, and vindicated, are made the materials of a jest, and gloried
in as proofs of ingenuity and independence, which our ancestors knew only by
report, and of which they spoke only with horror. Inferior deviations from recti-
tude are become extensively familiar, and regarded as things of course." The
cause which the writer ascribes for this state of things is the growing spirit of
infidelity. He adds: "From these and other causes, we have lost that prompt
energy in behaK of what is right, and that vigorous hostiUty to what is wrong,
■which were so honourable traits in the character of those who have gone before
us." (p. 381).

Rural Economy in New England 377

ties and the establishment of the national government under the new
federal constitution, there was a period of semi-anarchy, when
obedience to any sort of law was difficult to enforce. The disrespect
for authority in both church and state which arose from these con-
ditions could not fail to have a distinctly bad influence on the moral
conditions in inland towns. In the disturbances of those days the
inland farmer was generally to be found on the side of rebellion, and
active in opposing a reestablishment of law and order.^

Virtues of the Age of Homespun.

Too much emphasis must not be laid upon the dark features of
the community life of these times. Undoubtedly there were many
advantages arising from the homogeneous construction of society,
from the uniformity of the inhabitants in race, religion and manners,
and from the absence of class distinctions based on differences in
wealth. The inland villages were by no means entirely lacking in
opportunities for helpful and stimulating social intercourse; but it was
from the home rather than from the community life that the principal
virtues of the agricultural population, of which their descendants
have been so justly proud, were chiefly derived. First of all, no
child could grow up in the self-sufficient household of those days
without being thoroughly trained in habits of frugality and economy.
In his sermon, "The Age of Homespun," Horace Bushnell wrote:
"It was also a great point, in this homespun mode of life that it
imparted exactly what many speak of only with contempt, a closely
girded habit of economy. Harnessed, all together, in the producing
process, young and old, male and female, from the boy that rode the
plow-horse, to the grandmother knitting under her spectacles, they
had no conception of squandering lightly what they had all been at
work, thread by thread, and grain by grain, to produce. They knew
too exactly what every thing cost, even small things, not to husband
them carefully. "^

This frugality did at times develop into meanness, but not neces-
sarily so; and whatever tendencies may have existed in this direction
were to a certain degree offset by another characteristic which such
households and such communities developed, that of mutual help-
fulness. In a community where the services of the specialized pro-

»Take, for instance, Shay's Rebellion in Massachusetts, 1786-1787. See
Fiske, John. The Critical Period in American History. Boston. 1898, pp. 192-
198.

2 Work and Play, p. 395.

378 Percy Wells Bidwell

fessions to which we are accustomed, such as those of the trained
nurse or of the funeral director, for instance, were entirely lacking,
the deficiency was made up by the voluntary offices of neighbors.
It was turn and turn about. Such services were rarely if ever paid
for, but the understanding was that the person or family receiving
the service stood ready to render similar services willingly when
occasion should arise. The practices of neighborly cooperation in
the extraordinary tasks of farm labor, such as in raising buildings and
in "changing works" of all sorts; the custom of parceling out portions
of slaughtered animals so as to equalize consumption and decrease
waste; all these arrangements were, we have seen, direct results of the
farmers' necessity of adapting themselves to the self-sufficient con-
ditions of their life. Indirectly, a helpful and neighborly spirit was
stimulated.

Edttcative Effects.

In its educative effects the self-sufficient household produced cer-
tain results which the more formal training of our modem homes and
schools has never been able to approximate. In the first place, it
inculcated habits of self-reliance and an ability to bear responsibility.
In large families where the various tasks of the house and farm were
apportioned to each member of the family according to his strength
and ability, even the little children were taught early that for the
performance of their particular tasks they were to be strictly account-
able. It was a hard discipline often, and perhaps it developed too
early a serious way of taking life, but under proper control it evolved
a race of men strong and independent.

The Importance of the Mechanical Ingenuity of the Yankee Farmer
in the Future Industrial Development of New England.
We have already spoken of the mechanical ingenuity of the Yankee
farmer. It arose just as immediately as these other characteristics
from the necessities of getting a complete living from the products of
a single farm, and from the lack of any clearly marked division of
labor in the rural communities.^ Of the many contributions of the

1 It may be objected that there have been many cases of isolated communities
whose inhabitants have not shown themselves especially ingenious along mechani-
cal lines. Instances coming readily to mind are the Boers of the Transvaal and
the mountaineers of eastern Tennessee. But it will be found that such com-
munities were in many important respects not comparable with the towns of
southern New England. Although suffering under the same inability to export
foodstuffs, and consequently feeling the same necessity of making use of ingen-

Rural Economy in New England 379

Age of Homespun to th^.-future industrial development of New
England, this characteristic of mechanical ingenuity was perhaps
the most important^ The stage of self-sufficiency was in many ways
a period of prepa:ration for the coming era. The land had all been
cleared and settled; a considerable amount of capital had been
accumulated in the commercial towns, ready for investment in new
enterprises which might prove more successful than commerce;
stable and efficient legal and political institutions had been organized;
and finally the population had been trained in habits of frugality,
economy and industry. But it was the presence of inventive in-
genuity which seems to have aided the growth of manufacturing in
New England more than any of these. The ability to devise a means
to an end; to invent and perfect all sorts of tools and appliances, was
originally turned to account only in more efficiently supplying the
needs of the household or the surrounding community. When,
however, the growing prosperity of the cotton planters in the Southern
states opened a market for manufactured goods; when the ingenious
farmer-mechanics of the inland towns of southern New England
learned that they could get a living, and a much better living than
that derived from agriculture by the sale of the fruits of their skill
over a wide area, then this inventive ingenuity became utilized in the
establishment and development of numberless enterprises and showed
itself as a most valuable asset in industrial progress. - ^

ious contrivances in satisfying their own wants, these t^e communities differed
widely in the advantages of education, of communal life and perhaps also in the
inborn qualities of their people. Neither the colonists of the South African re-
public, nor the rural folk of the Tennessee mountains enjoyed the widespread
common-school education with its consequent high level of intelligence, nor the
close association in village communities, both of which must have favored the de-
velopment of intellectual talents of all sorts, — among them inventiveness, — among
the Yankee farmers. It may be also that the original settlers of New England,
coming as they did largely from urban districts in the mother country, transmitted
to their descendants a superior knowledge of the technical processes of the
ordinary crafts, and perhaps certain favoring physiological and psychological
characteristics.

More important than these considerations, in my opinion, is the fact that the
commercial isolation of the New England towns was not as complete as that of
the other two communities mentioned. For their foodstuffs, the farmers of the
inland towns of southern New England had practically no market. For small
manufactured wares, however, there was a market in the coast towns and in
the Southern states. Consequently in the production of wooden-ware and tin-
ware, of hats and shoes, of buttons, clocks and other Yankee notions for these
markets, opportunity was given for the full fruition of that mechanical ingenuity
which germinated in the favoring atmosphere of the self-sufficient farms.

380 Percy Wells Bidwell

The Home Market.

With the growth of manufactures in the inland towns of southern
New England came the rise of a specialized non-agricultural popu-
lation and a market for the farmer was created, not far away in the
Southern states or in the West Indies, but right at home, often in
his own town. And thus came to an end the Age of Homespun,
the era of commercial isolation. It was not a change accomplished
in a single decade; in many out-of-the-way villages conditions remained
practically constant until 1840 or 1850; but in 1810 an era of change
had set in. From that time to the Civil War an Industrial Revolution
was in progress, comparable in scope and in its effects to that which
had preceded it by a half-century in England.

APPENDIX A.

Population Statistics of Southern New England. 1810.

Table I.

Population by States.

Massachusetts *472,040

Connecticut 261,942

Rhode Island 76,931

Total 810,913

* Not including Maine.

Table II.
Population in Towns Grouped According to Size.

NO. TOWNS IN
GROUP

POPUIATION OF
GROUP

PER CENT OF

TOTAL
POPULATION

Group A. Towns over 10,000

Group B. Towns 5,000-10,000

Group C. Towns 3,000- 5,000

Group D. Towns under 3,000

3
11

38
385

56,000

68,500

141,300

544,700

6.90

8.45

17.50

67.15

Total, all groups

437

811,000

100.00

Table III.

Population of the Towns in the Various Groups.

Group A .

Boston, Mass 33,250

Salem, Mass 12,673

Providence, R. 1 10,071

Group B.

New Bedford, Mass 5,651

Gloucester, Mass 5,943

Marblehead, Mass 5,900

Newbury, Mass 5,176

Newburyport, Mass 7,634

Nantucket, Mass 6,807

Bridgewater, Mass 5,157

Hartford, Conn 6,003

Middletown, Conn 5,382

New Haven, Conn 6,967

Newport, R. 1 7,907

381

382 Percy Wells Bidwell

Table III — Continued.

Group C.

Barnstable, Mass 3,446

Dartmouth, Mass 3,219

Rehoboth, Mass ... 4,866

Taunton, Mass 3,907

Andover, Mass 3,164

Beverly, Mass 4,608

Danvers, Mass 3,127

Ipswich, Mass 3,569

Lynn, Mass 4,087

West Springfield, Mass 3,109

Charlestown, Mass 4,959

Roxbury, Mass 3,669

Middleborough, Mass 4,400

Plymouth, Mass 4,228

Scituate, Mass 3,000

Brookfield, Mass 3,170

Chatham, Conn 3,258

Danbury, Conn 3,606

East Hartford, Conn 3,240

East Windsor, Conn 3,081

Fairfield, Conn 4,125

Greenwich, Conn 3,553

Groton, Conn 4,451

Guilford, Conn 3,845

Litchfield, Conn 4,639

Lyme, Conn 4,321

New London, Conn 3,238

New Milford, Conn 3,537

Norwalk, Conn 3,000

Norwich, Conn 3,528

Preston, Conn 3,284

Saybrook, Conn 3,996

Stamford, Conn 4,440

Stonington, Conn 3,043

Wethersfield, Conn 3,961

Warwick, R. 1 3,757

Smithfield, R. I ; 3,828

South Kmgston, R. I 3,560

APPENDIX B.

Emigration from the Inland Towns in Southern New England.

1720-1820.

Shifting of Population Within Southern New England— 1720-1775.

There had been a steady expansion of population in Massachusetts from the
oldest settlements on the coast toward new lands to the westward, until by 1720
all the best land east of the Connecticut Valley had been occupied. The new
home-seekers wanted not only land but good land; hence many parts of Worces-
ter County were left unsettled until a later period.^ In Connecticut the oldest
settlements along the Connecticut River at Hartford, Windsor and Wethers-
field, and the colony at New Haven, had radiated their surplus in all directions.
Before 1720, however, most of the emigrants from these original settlements
had gone to the east and the north where they met the settlers from Massachu-
setts and filled up the townships in Windham, Tolland and New London Counties.
About 1720 or 1730 the pressure of population began to be felt in this region, too,
and the tide of emigration swung to the west and northwest. Litchfield County
in Connecticut then became the destination of the surplus. So we find in the
years 1719-1721 families from Lebanon joining with those from Hartford and Wind-
sor in settling the new town of Litchfield .^ A similar instance of the joining
of the streams of emigration from the newer eastern towns with those from the
first settlements is found in the settlement of Sharon by families from Colchester
and Lebanon together with families from New Haven.'

The Connecticut emigrants did not, however, remain in Litchfield County
until all its lands had been taken up, but following along up the Housatonic Val-
ley, they invaded the new lands in Berkshire and Hampshire Counties in western
Massachusetts, meeting there the families arriving from eastern Massachusetts,
as well as some Dutch emigrants from New York. Se we find in the town of Wales
settlers from Salem, Palmer and Grafton in Massachusetts and from Windham,
Tolland and Union in Connecticut. In New Marlborough emigrants from North-
ampton and Dedham in Massachusetts met with those from Canterbury and
Suffield in Connecticut; in Sandisfield the colonists were from Enfield and Wethers-
field and from Cape Cod towns.* In this early colonization Rhode Island seems

^ See Mathews, Lois Kimball. The Expansion of New England. Boston,
1909. p. 79.

2 Ibid. p. 92.

' Pease and Niles, Gazetteer, p. 261. This settlement was made in 1738-1739.
From Durham, in Hartford County, settlers went to Torrington in 1737. See
Fowler, W. C, History of Durham. Hartford, 1867, p. 209. This town lost
so steadily by emigration that its population increased from 1,076 in 1774 to only
1,101 in 1810.

< Mathews, Op. cit., pp. 79-80.

383

384 Percy Wells Bidwell

to have taken little part. It had but a little over 7,000 people in 1708, and al-
though much of its soil was unfertile, yet its commercial interests were so pros-
perous in this period that it succeeded in retaining neariy all of its natural in-
crease. Consequently its population increased very rapidly, amounting to over
40,000 m 1755.'

Beginning of Movement to Northern New England.

In 1760 emigration began in earnest to lands outside the borders of the states
of southern New England. The fall of Quebec in 1758 brought the war between
England and France in this country practically to an end. With the fear of hos-
tile attack, especially from the Indians, thus removed, large numbers of settlers
began to move into the northern states. In New Hampshire, between 1760 and
1775, one hundred new towns were planted by colonists from Massachusetts,
Rhode Island and Connecticut. In Maine, ninety-four towns were founded be-
tween 1759 and 1776, principally by settlers from Massachusetts. In Vermont
in the same period seventy-four new towns were settled.' Connecticut people
went in great numbers to new homes along the upper valley of their great river,
often giving the new town the name of the old home from which they had come.
In Vermont alone there are now forty towns whose names repeat those of
Connecticut.'

Even before the Revolution, the Delaware and Susquehanna companies
had been organized in Connecticut and had conveyed hundreds of families from
that state to new lands in northeastern Pennsylvania. The craze for emigration
had led to an ill-fated attempt of some four hundred families from towns on the
Connecticut River to colonize lands on the Yazoo River in Mississippi. A tem-
porary check to the outward movement is observable during the Revolution.
Even before the conclusion of peace, however, a veritable rush of emigration
began to new lands in the West, in New York state and in Ohio.* In Pease and
Niles' description of Connecticut we read: "The spirit of emigration which has
prevailed so extensively in this State, disclosed itself previously to the Revolu-
tionary war; emigration at this period being directed to the present counties
of Dutchess and Columbia, in the State of New York, and the counties border-
ing upon Connecticut River in the State of New Hampshire. After the war,
the spirit of emigration revived, and was principaUy directed to the western
section of New Hampshire, and the territory now comprising the State of Ver-
mont; a large proportion of the original inhabitants of these sections of our coun-
try being from Connecticut. Within the last thirty years (written in 1819),

' Censuses were taken in Rhode Island in 1708, 1730, 1748, 1755, 1774, 1776,
1782. These were all reprinted in the Report on the Census of Rhode Island,
1865. Prepared by Edwin M. Snow, Providence, 1867, p. xxxii.

* These facts are from Mathews, Expansion of New England, pp. 108-115.

' See Memorial History of Hartford County, I. 203.

< The inland newspapers such as the Massachusetts Spy, the Windham Herald,
the Pittsfield Sun, and the Litchfield Monitor contain regularly advertisements
of lands for sale in New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, and Ohio in the years
1800-1810. The advertisements of farms for sale in the New England towns
in which these papers were printed, show the process of exchange of old for new
land which was taking place.

Rural Economy in New England 385

the current of emigration from this State has swelled to a torrent, and has been
directed principally to the westward."' This movement continued in great vol-
ume until checked, temporarily, by the growth of manufactures in the decades
after 1810.

Volume of Emigration Shown by Early Census Figures.

The results of this wholesale movement of people are observable in a com-
parison of early census figures in the states of southern New England. In Con-
necticut the earliest census was taken in 1756.^ It gave the total population of
the colony as 129,925 persons. At the next census, 1774,' this number had in-
creased to 197,872, showing a growth of 52 per cent in eighteen years, a decennial
rate of increase of 29 per cent. If we assume that population was in reality in-
creasing at this period at a rate very near the physiological maximum, that is,
doubling itself every twenty-five years, we may take the "naturaP'rate of increase
to have been about 40 per cent in each decade. This would lead us to believe
that even at that early date the state was losing about 11 per cent of its decen-
nial increase.

The same state of affairs prevailed in Rhode Island. From 1708 to 1755 the
increase was very rapid, as we have seen, averaging about 107 per cent per de-
eennium. In the years 1755 to 1774 the population increased from 40,414 to
59,707, or at a decennial rate of 25.1 per cent.* Emigration was evidently tak-
ing place from this state in even greater volume than from Connecticut.

Massachusetts was increasing in this period more rapidly in population than
either of her neighbors. Although she did not retain a larger proportion of her
own annual increase, yet her loss from emigration was very nearly offset by her
gains from the states on her southern borders. In 1764 the population of this
state was 201,984;' and in 1784 it was 346,653.* The increase in these two dec-
ades was 71.6 per cent, or 35.8 per cent in each ten years.

After the Revolution.

A striking contrast is presented by an examination of the growth of popu-
lation in these states after the Revolution. As we have seen, it was then that
the emigrants from the older towns tended to push on beyond the boundaries
of their own states and to settle in Northern or Western states. We are not sur-
prised, therefore, to find that the population of Connecticut increased but 20.2
per cent in these sixteen years, at a decennial rate of 12.6 per cent, and that Rhode
Island gained but 15.3 per cent in the same period, 9.6 per cent per decennium.
In Massachusetts emigration was about as great in proportion to its population,
for in the six years, 1784 to 1790, it increased but 9.3 per cent, or at a decennial

' Gazetteer, p. 11.

» Contained in Conn. Col. Public Records, Vol. XIV, p. 492,

» Ibid. pp. 485^91.

* These figures are from Snow, Census of Rhode Island, pp. xxxii.

' This census is reprinted in A Century of Population Growth, pp. 158-162.

' This figure is estimated by Dr. Chickering from the number of rateable and
non-rateable polls returned by an enumeration in that year. See Chickering,
Jesse. A Statistical View of the Population of Massachusetts from 1765 to 1840.
Boston. 1846, p. 10.

386

Percy Wells Bidwell

rate of 11.6 per cent. Taking the combined figures for Rhode Island and Con-
necticut, we find that before the Revolution the population of these states was
increasing at the rate of 28.4 per cent in each decade; after 1774 until 1790 the
increase was only 11.9 per cent per decennium. This slackening in growth seems
to have been due principally if not entirely to the increased emigration. The
statistics for Massachusetts agree in general with these figures.

The continuance of emigration in the years 1790-1820 may be observed in
the slow rate of growth of southern New England as compared with the increase
of population throughout the United States.

Table I.*

1790

1800

1810

1820

Massachusetts

378,787

237,946

68,825

422,845

251,002

69,122

472,040

261,942

76,931

523,287

Connecticut

275,248

Rhode Island

83,059

Total

685,558

742,969

810,913

881,594

The increase per cent in each decade was as follows:

Table II.

1790 TO 1800

1800 TO 1810

1810X0 1820

Massachusetts

percent

11.6

5.5

0.0

12.8

35.1

percent
11.6

4.4
11.3

9.1
36.4

percent
10.9

Connecticut ....

5.1

Rhode Island

8.0

Southern New England

8.7

United States

33.1

Statistical Estimate of Emigration, 1790-1820.

So great had this colonizing movement become by 1810 that a number of at-
tempts had been made to estimate statistically its amount.' The method usually
adopted was the application to these states of the rate of increase observed over
the United States as a whole. Thus a figure was obtained which represented the
population which these states would have had, had there been no emigration.
The total increase in population throughout the country in the years 1790-1820
was 145.6 per cent. There seems no reason for believing that the natural increase
was any less in southern New England than elsewhere. Certainly with such an
outlet for surplus population as emigration ajfforded, and with such a readiness
to emigrate as the inhabitants of these states displayed, there could have been
but flight oi>eration of any preventive check. Nor does it appear that the death

^ These figures are from the Abstract of the 13th U. S. Census, pp. 24-25.
As in all other computations in this essay, the figures for Massachusetts do not
include the pKjpulation of the District of Maine.

* As in Burdick, William. The Massachusetts Manual. Boston. 1814. 1. 179;
and in Blodget, Economica, p. 79.

Rural Economy in New England

387

rate was any higher here. In fact, the conditions were far more favorable for
the survival of children than on the frontier. If we may assume that the popu-
lation of Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Connecticut did increase by 145.6
per cent in the years 1790-1820, then, had there been no emigration, the census
of 1820 would have shown a total for the three states of 1,681,673 persons.
As a matter of fact this total was only 881,594. Consequently according to
this computation the loss by emigration in the thirty years must have been
800,000 persons.

Economic Aspects of Emigration — Agricvltural Regions Lost Most Heavily.

For the purposes of this essay our interest in this movement of population is
centered in its relations to the economic conditions prevailing in the country
towns. Is there any evidence to show that the purely agricultural inland regions
were affected more or less than those on the rivers and on the coast? If so, what
light do these differences shed on the causes of emigration?

There is an abundance of evidence to prove that the counties and towns on
the rivers and the coast lost far less by emigration than the inland country. Tak-
ing three inland counties in Connecticut, Litchfield, Windham and Tolland; we
find that their total population amounted in 1790 to 80,782. Twenty years later, ^
it was 81,285, an increase of 503 persons or y% of one per cent. In the same
period two coast counties and one river county, Fairfield, New Haven and Hart-
ford, increased from 105,109 to 122,747, or 16.8 per cent.

Table III.
Population Growth in Inland and Coast Counties.

INLAND COUNTIES

1790

1800

1810

Litchfield

38,755
28,921
13,106

41,214
28,222
14,319

41,375
26,111
13,799

Windham

Tolland

Total

80,782

83,755

81,285

COAST AND RIVER COUNTIES

Fairfield

36,250
38,029
30,830

38,208
42,147
32,162

40,950

Hartford...

44,733

New Haven

37,064

Total

105,109

112,517

122,747

* I have limited the inquiry to the two decades because of the influence which
the growth of manufactures was already beginning to exert in the decade 1810-
1820. In the case of Tolland and Windham cotmties there were some changes
in boundary lines between 1790 and 1810; the figures given are for the areas as
of 1790.

388 Tercy Wells Bidwell

Narrowing the scope of our inquiry to the towns, we find the same situation.
Wherever there was a chance for some additional employment for the inhabi-
tants besides agriculture, there the loss from emigration was much less than in
purely agricultural towns. Contrast, for instance, the towns of Farmington and
Danbury in Connecticut. The former, situated in a rich river valley,^ contained
in 1790 2,700 people, who got their living entirely from agriculture. In 1810,
twenty years later, the population was 2,750; the increase had been less than 2
per cent. In Danbury there was in 1790 a population of 3,031. In 1810 there
were 3,606 persons on the same area. The increase in twenty years was almost
20 per cent. As far as the productivity of the agricultural industry was con-
cerned, both towns were on an equal footing.' In area Farmington had clearly
the advantage, containing 70 square miles while Danbury had only 58.' The
reason why a large part of the surplus of population stayed at home in Danbury
while almost all the growing generation emigrated from Farmington is to be
found in the presence in the former of a manufacturing enterprise, the hatters'
shops.*

Population Changes in Commercial and Inland Toxtms.

The same sort of contrast is found between commercial and inland towns. Such
towns as New Haven, Providence, Salem and Boston gained rapidly in popula-
tion and do not seem to have been in any appreciable degree affected by the emi-
gration which was draining the backcountry districts.' Here we find the grow-
ing prosperity of conmierce as a force retaining the natural increase of population.
But even the small towns along the coast, where, as we have seen, there was not
enough commercial business to employ any considerable proportion of the popu-
lation, grew steadily during this i>eriod. Consider, for example, the contrast
between the towns of Lebanon and Greenwich, in Connecticut. Both of these
towns included about the same area, 50 square miles. The inhabitants of both
were mainly farmers; those in Lebanon entirely so, and in Greenwich with the
exception of the owners of twelve or fifteen small sloops trading to New York.
In the years 1790-1810 the p>opulation of Lebanon decreased from 4,156 to 3,414,
a loss of over 20 per cent; in the same years Greenwich had increased from 3,175
to 3,553, a gain of nearly 12 per cent. The decline of the former town cannot
be explained on the ground that its soil was less fertile than that of the latter.*
The explanation of this difference is to be found in the fact that the farmers of

^ For a description of Farmington see Pease and Niles, Gazetteer, p. 71.

- Pease and Niles, Gazetteer, pp. 176-178.

»0p. cit., loc. cit.

* See supra pp. 269-270. Another inland town which increased steadily in this
period was Berlin, the center of the tinware manufacture. Its population in
1790 was 2.465; in 1810 it was 2.900.

' The increase in population of New Haven 1790-1810 amounted to 55 per
cent; in Providence the gain was 57 per cent. Boston gained 86 per cent and
Salem 59 per cent.

•Of agricultural conditions in Lebanon we read: "The soil is generally a rich
deep, imctuous mould, nearly of a chocolate colour; it is very fertile and peculiarly
adapted to grass." Pease and NUes. art. Lebanon.

Rural Economy in New England 389

Greenwich had a market close at hand in the city of New York,^ easily accessible
by water, transportation on the Sound; whereas Lebanon was fifteen or more
mUes from Norwich, the nearest port.

The Influence of a Market for Foodstuffs.

In Massachusetts a similar contrast may be made between the towns of Brook-
field in Worcester County, and Waltham in Middlesex County.* In the matter
of area and in fertility of soil Brookfield seems to have had the advantage. Neither
town had any industrial or manufacturing enterprises, beyond the usual artisans'
shops found in every inland town.' The population changes in these towns in
the years 1790-1810 were, in spite of these similarities, quite different. In
Brookfield a population of 3,100 persons increased to 3,170; in Waltham there
were at the first date 882 people and at the second 1,014. The gain in one
case was between 2 and 3 per cent and in the other almost 15 per cent. The
explanation is found again in the presence of a market accessible to the farmers
of Waltham. This market they found in Boston, only ten miles distant, whereas
their colleagues in Brookfield were fifty-five miles farther away. That this mar-
ket was in fact influential in increasing the prosperity and the productiveness
of the agricultural industry in Waltham is apparent from the description of a
contemporary writer. He says: "As most of the inhabitants are farmers, and
cultivate their farms with a view to the constant supply of the market of the
metropolis, the fruits of their labours are various .... The state of agri-
culture has been improving among our farmers, for several years. The residence
of gentleman farmers in this town and vicinity has undoubtedly contributed to
this improvement; but the chief causes are the increasing demands of the market
and the enhancing price of labour, which have taught the owners of the soil, that
it is more profitable to cultivate a few acres highly, than many in the ordinary
way."*

Summary of Population Changes, 1790-1820.

In summarizing the movement of population in the three southern states of
New England in the period 1720-1820 we find: (1) In the forty years, 1720-
1760, emigration was confined largely within the borders of the states, resulting
merely in a redistribution, a shifting of the surplus from the older towns to new
lands in the western counties. (2) After 1760 this process of settling new land
within these states continued with great rapidity, but some of the more ad-
venturous colonists were already moving out to found new towns in northern
New England and in states to the westward. (3) Where as, up to the Revolution,
this emigration to more distant regions had assumed no very great proportions,
after p>eace had been concluded it began with new vigor and from that time until

^ Pease and Niles say of the coasting trade of this town: "This trade is a great
convenience to the farmers, as it affords them a great facility for conveying their
produce to New York. Gazetteer, p. 180.

2 The facts regarding Waltham are from the description of that town con-
tained in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., II. 3:261-284; for Brookfield from Whitney's
History of the County of Worcester, pp. 62-82.

3 The cotton mills were first established in Waltham in 1812 and 1813. Mass.
Hist. Soc. Coll., loc. cit.

*Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., II. 3:262-263.

390 Percy Wells Bidwell

1820 continued at such a rate as to leave the population of these states practically
stationary. (4) The migratory movement was felt much more strongly in in-
land counties than on the coast, because of the entire reliance of the former on
agriculture. (5) Among the agricultural towns, those which had a market for
their products suffered far less severely from emigration than other towns not
so favorably situated.

Emigration the Result of a Crippled State of Agriculture.

In this phenomenon of emigration, therefore, we have another feature of the
social and economic life of southern New England which was caused directly
by the dependence of the entire community on a single industry, agriculture.
There was, as we have seen, no division of labor sufficient either to furnish a mar-
ket for agricultural products within the rural town, or to create a non-agricultural
population in industrial towns and cities. There was, indeed, a small market
in the commercial towns on the coast and another somewhat larger in the West
Indies and the Southern states, but their combined demands were not sufficient
to influence to any appreciable degree the life of the farmers in inland towns.
The results of this state of affairs upon the agricultural industry are considered
in Chapter V. List has called this condition "a crippled state of agriculture,"
and goes on to show how the inevitable result is emigration. He says: "By a
crippled state of agriculture^ we mean that state of things in which, from want
of a powerful and steadily developing manufacturing industry, the entire increase
of population tends to throw itself on agriculture for employment, consumes
all the surplus agricultural production of the country, and as soon as it has con-
siderably increased either has to emigrate or share with the agriculturists already
in existence the land immediately at hand, till the landed property of every fam-
ily has become so small that it produces only the most elementary and necessary
portion of that family's requirements of food and raw materials, but no consider-
able surplus which it might exchange with the manufacturers for the manufactured
products which it requires." *

That the causes of this great loss of population were essentially economic
was realized by contemporary writers. Various travelers had remarked that the
southern states in New England were, at the end of the eighteenth century, fuUy
settled. For instance. La Rochefoucauld wrote: "Connecticut, Rhode Island
and Massachusetts have at present nearly their due quantum of population."'
One especially clear-minded writer had, as early as 1789, anticipated the only
remedy for the outward movement. He wrote: "Our lands are cleared and set-
tled; our farms in general will not bear a further division; unless there be some
new resource, our most active, industrious and enterprising young men ....
will emigrate to those new parts of the continent where there is more vacant
territory."*

' Author's italics.

'List, Friedrich. The National System of Political Economy. Translated
by S. S. Lloyd. London. 1885. pp. 154-155.

'Travels, II. 195. See also Carey, American Pocket Atlas, p. 46; Morse,
Gazetteer, 1810, art. Connecticut; American Husbandry, I. 47.

* Quoted from an anonymous letter dated at Hartford, Connecticut, printed
in the American Museum. Vol. VIIL, p. 25.

Rural Economy in New England 391

Other Causes of Emigration.

Combined with the economic motive, the demand for new soil, were undoubtedly
others more psychological in nature. Some men were unable to fit into the rigid,
Puritanical social and ecclesiastical systems. They emigrated in order to breathe
the freer, more unconventional atmosphere of the pioneer communities. Others
were simply infected by the contagious spirit; their friends had gone or were go-
ing; they too wanted to see the new country and to live its new life. D wight takes
account of these and other motives in the following passage from his Travels:
"In the formation of colonies, those, who are first inclined to emigrate, are usually
such as have met with difficulties at home. These are commonly joined by per-
sons, who, having large families and small farms, are induced, for the sake of
settling their children comfortably, to seek for new and cheaper lands. To both
are always added the discontented, the enterprising, the ambitious, and the
covetous. Many of the first, and some of all these classes, are found in every
new American country, within ten years after its settlement has commenced.
From this period, kindred, friendship, and former neighbourhood, prompt others
to follow them. Others, still, are allured by the prospect of gain, presented in
every new country to the sagacious, from the purchase and sale of new lands;
while not a small number are influenced by the brilliant stories, which every-
where are told concerning most tracts during the early progress of their settle-
ment."'

* Travels, II. 439. In the succeeding pages, 439-443, one may read a de-
scription of the successive stages in the settlement of new land, from pioneer-
ing to ultimate cultivation in well-settled communities, which has attained the
rank of a classic in economic history.

APPENDIX C.

Partial List of Works on Agriculture Published in the
United States Before 1815.^

A. General Works.

BosDLEY, John Be ale. Essays on Husbandry and Rural Affairs. Philadel-
phia. 1791. 536 pp. 2 ed. 1801.

Bowler, Metcalf. Treatise on Agriculture and Practical Husbandry. Provi-
dence. 1786.

Dabney, J. Address to Farmers, pp. 64. Salem. 1796.

Deane, Samuel. The New England Farmer; or, Georgical Dictionary: pp. 335.
Worcester. 1790. 2 ed. 1797 (3 ed. 1822).

Eliot, Jared. Essays on Field Husbandry in New England. Boston. 1760.
2ed. 1761.

Enfield, Edward. An Inquiry in to the State of Farms: to the Farmers of
New Hampshire. Boston, 1812.

Everett, David. Common Sense in Dishabille: or, The Farmer's Monitor.
Worcester. 1799.

Gleanings from the Most Celebrated Book on Husbandry. Philadelphia. 1803.

HmzEL, Hans Kaspar. The Rural Socrates. Hallowell (Me.). 1800.

Hunter, A. Georgical Essays. 6 vols. New York. 1803-1804.

Moore, T. Gross Error of American Agriculture Exposed. Baltimore. 1801.

Parkinson, Richard. The Experienced Farmer. Philadelphia. 1799.

Roberts, Job. The Pennsylvania Farmer. Philadelphia. 1804.

Spurriers, The Practical Farmer. Worcester. 1792.

Taylor, Col. John. Arator. Baltimore. 3 ed. 1817.

(Thompson, Charles) Notes on Farming, pp. 38. New York. 1787.

Warren, General J(ames) Observations on Agriculture. In American Mu-
seum. Vol. n. 1788.

B. Special Works.

Abstract of a Late Treatise on Hemp. Boston. 1766.

Affert, M. The Art of Preserving Animal and Vegetable Substances. New

York. 1812.
Anderson, James, Essay on Quick Lime as a Manure. Boston. 1799.
BORDLEY, John Be ale. Comparative View of the Crops of England and Mary-
land. Philadelphia. 1784.

Sketches of a Rotation of Crops. 1797.

Treatise of Country Habitations. 1798.

Essays and Notes on American Husbandry. 1799.

Treatise on the Culture of Hemp. 1799.

Queries on the Nature and Principles of Vegetation. 1800.

* This list has been taken largely from that given in U. S. Department of Agri-
culture, Annual Report, 1868, pp. 597-607.

392

Rural Economy in New England . 393

CusTis, G. W. P. Importance of Encouraging Agriculture, Alexandria. 1808.

"Farmer of Massachusetts." Complete Guide for the Management of Bees.
Worcester. 1792.

Griffen, William. Treatise on the Cultivation of the Pineapple. Newark
(N.J.). 1808.

Hemp. Observations on its Culture. Boston. 1766.

Logan, George. Experiments with the Best Rotation of Crops. Philadelphia.
1807.

Livingston, Robert R. Essay on Sheep. New York. 1809. 2 ed. 1810.

Mann, Thomas. Culture of the Young Thorn. Wilmington (Del.) 1807.

Minor, (Thaddeus). The Experienced Bee Keeper. Litchfield (Conn.) 1804.

Rush, Benjamin. An Account of the Sugar Maple Tree of the United States.
Philadelphia. 1792.

Treatise on SUk Worms. New York. 1793.

Peters, Richard. Agricultural Inquiries on Plaster of Paris. Philadelphia.
1797.

Redd, George. Treatise on Fertilizing Poor and Exhausted Lands. Win-
chester (Va.). 1809.

Twanley, J. Dairying Exemplified. Providence. 1796.

BIBLIOGRAPHY.

i\DAMS, Charles Francis. Three Episodes in Massachusetts History. 2 vols.

Boston. 1892.
Adams, Henry. History of the United States. 1801-1817. 10 vols. New

York. 1889-1891.

American Husbandry. 2 vols. London. 1775.

American Museum; or Universal Magazine: 12 vols. Printed by M. Carey.

Philadelphia. 1787-1792.
Andrews, Charles M. The River Towns of Connecticut. Baltimore. 1889.

In Johns Hopkins University Studies in History and Political Science.

7th Series. VII.-IX.
Appleton's Cyclopedia of American Biography. 7 vols. New York. 1887-1900.
Application for a Branch of the Bank of the United States in Hartford. (1817).

MS. in Ubrary of Connecticut Historical Society, Hartford, Connecticut.
Bacon, Edwin M. The Connecticut River. New York. 1906.
Bailey, James M. History of Danbury, Connecticut. New York. 1896.
Bailey, L. H. Cyclopedia of American Agriculture. 4 vols. New York. 1910.
Belknap, Jeremy. History of New Hampshire. 3 vols. Boston. 1791-1792.
Bishop, J. Leander. History of American Manufactures. 2 vols. Phila-
delphia. 1861.
Blodget, Samuel, Jr. Economica: A Statistical Manual for the United States

of America. Washington. 1806.
Bond, Phineas. Letters of . . . British Consul at Philadelphia. 1787-1794.

In American Historical Association Annual Report. 1896-7.
Brissot de Warville, J. P. New Travels in the United States of America.

English translation. London. 1792.
Brown, Alexander Campbell. Colony Commerce. London, (ca. 1790.)
BtJCHER, Karl. Die Entstehung der Volkswirtschaft. 9te Auflage. Tubingen.

1910.
BuRDiCK, William. The Massachusetts Manual. Boston. 1814.
Bushnell, Rev. Horace. Work and Play; or Literary Varieties. New York.

1864.
Carey, Matthhw. American Pocket Atlas. 3 edition. Philadelphia. 1805.
Chastellux, pRANgois Jean, Marquis de. Travels in North America. 2 vols.

London.. 1788.
Chickering, Jesse. A Statistical View of the Population of Massachusetts

from 1765 to 1840. Boston. 1846.
Connecticut, Colony of. Public Records, 1636-1776. 15 vols. Hartford.

1850-1890.
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Connecticut, State of. Resolves and Private Laws. 1789-1836. Hartford.

1837.
CoxE, Tench. Digest of Manufactures (1814). American State Papers. Fi-
nance, II. 666-812.

* 394

Rural Economy in New England 395

CoxE, Tench. A View of the United States of America. London. 1794.
Crevecoeur, St. John de. Letters of an American Farmer. London. 1783.
Davis, W. T. (editor.) The New England States, their Constitutional, Judicial

. . . and Industrial History. 4 vols. Boston. 1897.
Deane, Samuel, A. M. The New England Farmer: or Georgical Dictionary.

Worcester. 1790. (2 edition 1797; 3 edition 1822.)
De Peyster, Frederick. Biographical Sketch of Robert R. Livingston. New

York. 1876.
Dickinson, Rodolphus. A Geographical and Statistical View of Massachusetts.

Greenfield (Mass.) 1813.
Drayton, John. A View of South Carolina. Charleston. 1802.
Duncan, John M. Travels through the United States and Canada. 2 vols.

New York. 1823.
DwiGHT, Timothy. Travels in New England and New York. 4 vols. London.

1823.
Dwight, Timothy. A Statistical Accoimt of the City of New Haven. [New

Haven. 1811.]
Earle, Alice Morse. Home Life in Colonial Days. New York. 1898.
Edwards, Bryan. History. . . of the British Colonies in the West Indies.

3 edition. 3 vols. London. 1801.
Field, D. D. A Statistical Account of the County of Middlesex in Connecticut.

Published by the Connecticut Academy of the Arts and Sciences. Mid-

dletown. 1819.
Field, Edward. The Colonial Tavern. Providence. 1897.
Felt, Joseph. History of Ipswich, Essex and Hamilton (Mass.). Cambridge.

1834.
FiSKE, John. The Critical Period in American History. Boston. 1898.
Flint, Charles Louis. Progress in Agriculture. In Eighty Years' Progress of

the United States. Hartford. 1867.
Folger, Walter, Jr. Topographical Description of Nantucket. Massachu-
setts Historical Society Collections. Series I. Vol. 3, pp. 153-155.
Fowler, W. C. History of Durham (Conn.). Hartford. 1867.
Franklin, Benjamin. Works. (Sparks edition.) 10 vols. Boston. 1837-

1844.
Gallatin, A(lbert). Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the Subject of

PubUc Roads and Canals. Washington, 1808.
Gallatin, Albert. Report on Manufactures. (1810.) American State Papers.

Fmance, II. 425-439.
Goodrich, Rev. Samuel. Statistical Account of Ridgefield in the County of

Fairfield (Conn.). MS. in library of the Connecticut Historical Society.

Written ca. 1800.
Hamilton, Alexander. Report on Manufactures. (1791.) American State

Papers. Finance, I. 123-148.
Hammond, M.B. The Cotton Industry. Publications of the American Economic

Association. New Series. No. 1. New York. 1897.
Harriott, Lieutenant John. Struggles through Life. 2 vols. London. 1807.
Hartford County, Connecticut, Memorial History. (J. H. Trumbull, editor.)

2 vols. Boston. 1886.
Haywaed, John. Gazetteer of Massachusetts. Revised edition. Boston. 1849.
Hazard, Blanche E. Organization of the Boot and Shoe Industry in Massa-
chusetts before 1875. Quarterly Journal of Economics. Vol. XXVII. ,

pp. 236-262.

396 Percy Wells Bidwell

Hazard, Thomas. Account Book. Published at Washington County Agricul-
tural Fair Grounds. Rhode Island. 1892.

HiLDRETH, Richard. History of the United States of America. Revised edi-
tion. 6 vols. New York. 1877-1880.

Holland, Joseph Gilbert. History of Western Massachusetts. 2 vols. Spring-
field. 1855.

Jefferson, Thomas. Notes on Virginia. (1787.) Boston. 1832.

Jordan, G. W. Claims of the British West India Colonists. London. 1804.

Kendall, Edward Augustus. Travels through the Northern Parts of the
United States in the years 1807 and 1808. 3 vols. New York. 1809.

KiTTREDGE, George Lyman. The Old Farmer and His Almanack. Boston.
1904.

Lambert, John. Travels in Lower Canada and North America. 2 vols. London
1810.

Larned, Ellen Douglas. History of Windham County, Conn. 2 vols. Wor-
cester (Mass.). 1874-1880.

La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, Due de. Travels through the United States of
North America. 2 vols. London. 1799.

Lathrop, William G. The Brass Industry in Connecticut. New Haven. 1909.

Lees, John. Journal. New York. 1768. Reprinted 1911.

List, Frederick. The National System of Pohtical Economy. Translated by
S. S. Lloyd. London. 1885.

Livingston, Robert R. American Agriculture. In Edinburgh Encyclopedia.
First American edition. 18 vols. Philadelphia. 1832. Vol. I., pp.
332-341.

Maclear, Anne B. Early New England Towns. New York. 1908.

Macmaster, John Bach. History of the People of the United States. 6 vols*
New York. 1885-1913.

Marquis, J. C. An Economic History of Agriculture in New England since
1840. MS. Thesis, Purdue University. 1909.

Massachusetts Agricultural Repository and Journal. 10 vols. Boston. 1793-
1832. Vols. I. and II. are also entitled Papers of the Massachusetts
Society for Promoting Agriculture.

Massachusetts Bay, Province of. Acts & Resolves. 1691-1780. 5 vols.
Boston. 1869.

Massachusetts, Commonwealth of. Perpetual Laws. Worcester. 1788.

Massachusetts, Commonwealth of. Private and Special Statutes. 3 vols.
Boston. 1805.

Massachusetts Historical Society Collections. Boston. 1795-1915.

Massachusetts Society for Promoting Agriculture, Papers. See Massachu-
setts Agricultural Repository and Journal.

Mathews, Lois Kimball. The Expansion of New England. Boston. 1909.

Medford, Macall. Oil without Vinegar, .... or British, American,
and West Indian Interests Considered. London. 1807.

Merrill, Eliphalet and Phinehas. Gazetteer of the State of New Hampshire.
Exeter (N. H.). 1817.

Miller, Edward and Wells, Frederic P. History of Ryegate, Vermont.
St. Johnsbury (Vt.). 1913.

Rural Economy in New England 397

Mitchell, John. The Present State of Great Britain and North America.
London. 1767.

Morris, James A. Statistical Account of Several Towns in the County of Litch-
field. Published by the Connecticut Academy of the Arts and Sciences.
New Haven. 1811.

Morse, Jedidiah. The American Gazetteer. 3 edition. Boston. 1810.

Morse, Jedidiah. The American Universal Geography. 6 edition. Boston.
1812.

Nantucket, Notes on. Massachusetts Historical Society Collections. Series 11.
Volume 3, pp. 18-38.

Neilsen, Peter. Recollections of a Six Years Residence in The United States of
America. Glasgow. 1830.

New England — What it is and What it is to be. (George French, editor.)
Boston. 1911.

New Hampshire Historical Society Collections. 10 vols. Concord and Man-
chester (N. H.). 1824^1893.

North, S. N. D. The New England Wool Manufacture. In The New England
States. Vol. I. pp. 188-276.

Pease and Niles. Gazetteer of the States of Connecticut and Rhode Island.
Hartford. 1819.

Philips, Ulrich B. Plantation and Frontier. Vols. I. and II. in A Documentary
History of American Industrial Society. (John R. Commons, editor.)
10 vols. Cleveland, Ohio. 1910-1911.

Pitkin, Timothy. A Statistical View of the Commerce of the United States of
America. Hartford. 1816.

Porter, Noah. Historical Discourse Delivered before the Citizens of Farming-
ton (Conn.). Hartford. 1841.

Ramsay, David. History of South Carolina. 3 vols. Charleston. 1809.

Rhode Island, State of. Index to Acts and Resolves. 1758-1850.

Rhode Island, State of . Public Laws. Revision of 1798. Providence. 1798.

Rogers, Rev. Medad. Account Book— 1784-1822. MS. in New Haven County
Historical Society, New Haven, Connecticut.

Seybert, Adam. Statistical Annals .... of the United States of America.
Philadelphia. 1818.

Shamel, a. D. Tobacco. Article in Cyclopedia of American Agriculture. Vol.
n., pp. 639-653.

SiLLiMAN, Benjamin. Remarks on a Short Tour between Hartford and Quebec.
New Haven. 1820.

Sinclair, Sir John. Correspondence. 2 vols. London. 1831.

Smith, Adam. The Wealth of Nations. (Everyman's edition.) 2 vols. New

York.

Snow, Edwin M. Report on the Census of Rhode Island. Providence. 1867.

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in the First Congregational Church, Braintree, Mass., July 3, 1861.

Boston. 1861.

Strickland, William. Observations on the Agriculture of the United States.

London. 1801.
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land States. Vol. I., pp. 359-441.

398 Fercy Wells Bidwell

Taussig, F. W. Inventors and Money-Makers. New York. 1915.

[Thompson, Charles]. Notes on Farming. New York. 1787.

Trowbrtoge, Thomas Rutherford. Ancient Maritime Interests of New Haven.

In The New England States. Vol. I., pp. 780-788.
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'Century of Population Growth. Washington. 1909.
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New Hampshire State Board of Agriculture. 1894. Concord, N. H.

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in the summer of 1794. Salisbury (England.) 1796.
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States of America. 3 vols. Edinburgh. 1819.
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Museum. Vol. II. (1788), pp. 344-348.
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vols. Burlington (Vt.). 1809.
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of the United States of America. 4 vols. New York. 1796.
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Newspapers.
The dates refer to the issues consulted.

The Farmers Journal. Brookfield, Mass. 1799-1802.

The Greenfield Gazette. Greenfield, Mass. 1792-1815.

The Hampshire Gazette. Northampton, Mass. 1796-1815.

The Massachusetts Spy; or Worcester Gazette. Worcester, Mass. 1794-1795,

1807-1820.
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Rural Economy in New England 399

The Pittsfield Sun. Pittsfield, Mass. 1800-1815.

The Political Focus. Leominster, Mass. 1798-1799.

The Political Repository. Brookfield, Mass. 1791-1798.

The Western Star. Stockbridge, Mass. 1789-1803.

The Bee. New London, Conn. 1797-1802.

The Connecticut Courant. Hartford, Conn. 1809-1810.

The Farmers Journal. Danbury, Conn. 1790-1793.

The Middletown Gazette. Middletown, Conn. 1802-1803.

The Windham Herald. Wmdham, Conn. 1806, 1808-9, 1811, 1813.

The Eagle or Dartmouth Centinel. Hanover, N. H. 1793-1799.

The Farmers Weekly Museum. Walpole, N. H. 1797-1798.

The New Hampshire Recorder. Keene, N. H. 1787-1790.

Transactions

of the

Connecticut Academy of
Arts and Sciences

Volume XXI

New Haven, Connecticut
1916. 1917

15 t;

OFFICERS FOR 1916-17

President
Hon. SIMEON E. BALDWIN

Vice-Presidents

Prof. ALEXANDER W. EVANS Prof. CLIVE DAY

Prof. HANNS OERTEL

Secretary
Mr. GEORGE F. EATON

Treasurer
Mr. GEORGE PARMLY DAY

Librarian
Mr. ANDREW KEOGH

Committee on Publication
Hon. S. E. BALDWIN, Chairman Prof. A. W. EVANS

Prof. A. S. COOK Prof. CLIVE DAY

Prof. E. S. DANA . Prof. H. OERTEL

Prof. E. P. MORRIS Mr. ANDREW KEOGH

Mr. GEORGE F. EATON

CONTENTS

Pages

Art. I. The Last Months of Chaucer's Earliest Patron

By Albert S. Cook 1-144

Art. II. The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the

Hexacoralla By W. I. Robinson 145-200

Art. III. The American Species of Marchantia

By Alexander W. Evans 201-313

Art. IV. A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art

By Philip Ainsworth Means 315-442

TRANSAGTIOHS OF THE

CONNECTICUT ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES

Incorporated A. D. 1799

VOLUME 21, PAGES M44

DECEMBER, 1916

The Last Months

of

Chaucer's Earliest Patron

BY

ALBERT STANBURROUGH COOK

PROFESSOR OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE
IN YALE UNIVERSITY

^ ,-iBA;.

^:^:S'A

^^li^.'.^;;^

NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT

1916

TRANSACTIOSS OF THE

CONNECTICUT ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES

Incorporated A. D. 1799

VOLUME 21, PAGES 1-lM DECEMBER, 1916

The Last Months

of

Chaucer's Earliest Patron

BY

ALBERT STANBURROUGH COOK

PROFESSOR OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE
IN YALE UNIVERSITY

NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT
1916

THE TUTTLE, MOREHOUSE & TAYLOR COMPANY

TABLE OF CONTENTS'

PAGE

Abbreviations . . ' . . . . .

5

I.

Introduction

7

11.

Italy and the Visconti ....

8

I. Italy in the Fourteenth Century .

8

2. Lombardy and Tuscany in the Fourteentt

Century ......

10

3. The Companies of Adventure

12

4. The House of Visconti .

14

III.

The Considerations which determined the

Alliance

. 23

IV.

Lionel's Journey to Italy ....

• 30

I. Dover to Paris

• 30

2. Paris to Chambery ....

• 39

3. Chambery to Pavia ....

42

4. Pavia to Milan

44

V.

Lionel and Violante

54<

I. Lionel .

54

2. Violante

56

VI.

The Wedding . ....

57

VII.

The Banquet

60

VIII.

Petrarch at the Banquet ....

74

IX.

Lionel's Remaining Life

86

X.

Lionel's Death and Burial . . .

90

XL

Lionel's Will

96

XII.

Despenser and the Visconti . . . .

104

XIII.

Violante's Later Life

107

Appendix A: Lioners Name and Title . . .

113

AppE^

Dix B: Chaucer's Alaunts . . . .

128

ABBREVIATIONS

The following titles are cited by the name or abbreviation which occurs
first in the line:
Azarius. See Petrus Azarius.
Baillie-Grohman (ed.), The Master of Game.
Barnes, History of Edward III.

Benvenuto (Sangiorgio), Chronicon {M. H. P., pp. 1337-1340).
Benvenuto (Sangiorgio), Historia Montisferrati (R. I. S. 23. 554-560).
Corazzini, Le Lettere Editf e Inedite di Messer Giovanni Boccaccio.
Cordey, Les Contes de Savoie et les Rois de France (Bibl. de I'Ecole des

Hautes Etudes, Vol. 89).
Corio, L'Historia di Milano, Padua, 1646, pp. 468-471.
Delachenal, Histoire de Charles V.
De Noirmont, Histoire de la Chasse en France.
De Sade, Memoires pour la Vie de Frangois Petrarque.
Florio, World of Words.
Fracassetti, Lettere di Francesco Petrarca.
Giulini, Memorie Spettanti alia Storia . . . della Cittd e Campagna di

Milano ne' Secoli Bassi, Milan, 1856.
Graevius, Thesaurus Antiquitatum, Vol. 3, Part i.
Hutton, Giovanni Boccaccio.

Jovius, Vitcu Duodecim Vicecomitum (Graevius, Thes. Antiqq., Vol. 3).
Knighton, Chronicon (Rolls Series).
Korting, Petrarca's Leben und Werke.
Lavisse, Histoire de France.

Leighton, New Book of the Dog. '

Leo, Geschichte von Italien.
Le Roulx, La France en Orient.

Magenta, / Visconti e gli Sforza nel Castello di Pavia.
Mezieres, Petrarque.

Michelet, Histoire de France, nouvelle edition.
Miller (William), The Latins in the Levant.
Muratori, Annali d'ltalia, Vol. 8, Milan, 1744.
Petrus Azarius, Chronicon (R. L S. 16. 297-424).
Rodd, The Princes of Achaia.
Rosmini, Dell' Istoria di Milano.

Rossetti (Domenico), Poesie Minori del Petrarca, Vol. 3.
Rymer, Foodera.

Sandford, Genealogical History of the Kings of England, London, 1707.
Sismondi, Eng., History of the Italian Republics, English abridgment.
Sismondi, Fr., Histoire des Republiques Italiennes du Moyen Age, Paris,

1826.
Venturi, Storia dell' Arte Italiana, Vol. 4.

6 Abbreviations

Walsingham, Historia Anglicana (Rolls Series).
Wells, Manual of the Writings in Middle English.

Alip. = Aliprando, Cronica delta Citta di Mantova (Antiqinfafes Italicce

Medii 2Evi, ed. Muratori, $. 1 187-91).
Aunal. Med. ^=^ Annates Mediolanenses (R. I. S. 16. 738-740).
Chron. Plac. = Chronicon Placentinum (R. I S., Vol. 16).
Cron. Monf. = Galeotto del Carretto, Cronica di Monferrato (M. H. P.

1212-3, 1225-8).
Cron. Saluz. = Gioffredo della Chiesa, Cronaca di Saluzzo (M. H. P.,

pp. 1013-5, 1025, 1027).
Fam. = Petrarch, EpistolcB de Rebus Familiaribus.
Frag. = Fragtnentum Histories M ediolanensis (R. I. S. 16. 1051-4).
Hist. Background = Cook, The Historical Background of Chaucer's

Knight (Trans. Conn. Acad, of Arts and Sciences 20. 161-240).
Kervyn = Froissart, Chroniques, ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove.
M. H. P. = Monumenta Histories Patrice (unless volume and page are

specified) Vol. 5 {Script. 3).
Morte Darthur, ed. Sommer.

R. I. S. = Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, ed. Muratori.
Romans = Paulin Paris, Les Romans de la Table Ronde.
Sen. = Petrarch, Epistolce Rerum Senilium.
Far. = Petrarch, Epistolce Varice.

The numbered column of a double-columned page is here designated as
'page.'

I. INTRODUCTION .

In my paper, The Historical Background of Chaucer's Knight
{Trans. Conn. Acad, of Arts and Sciences 20. 161-240), I
touched upon Chaucer's relations with Lionel, Duke of Clarence,
and incidentally discussed (pp. 182-6) the statement reported by
Speght to the effect that Chaucer had been present at the mar-
riage of Lionel and Violante, daughter of Galeazzo II of Milan.
It has seemed to me that a more detailed account than has
hitherto appeared in print of LioneFs journey to Italy in 1368,
of the circumstances attending his marriage, and of his brief
life thereafter, might especially help, whatever its value to the
biographer of Lionel, or to the student of England's relations
with Italy in the 14th century, to determine the probability of
Chaucer's visit to Italy on the occasion in question. The men
and manners that he would have observed on the journey, even
as a humble attendant of Prince Lionel, appeal so powerfully
to the imagination, and would have contributed so significantly
to his poetic education, that the student of Chaucer's life can
hardly remain satisfied until the teasing question has been
answered, or the impossibility of answering it has been in a
measure demonstrated. It is with primary reference to Chaucer,
then, that this study has been undertaken. The poet is never,
it is true, in the foreground of the picture. At best he is a
somewhat shadowy figure in the background. How far he can
be said to emerge, it is left for the reader to determine. Mean-
while, certain other characters — knights, squires, men-at-arms,
fair ladies, poets, statesmen, and even kings — will at least troop
across the page, to some extent in their habits as they lived.

II. ITALY AND THE VISCONTI

The house of Visconti, Lords of Milan, and constant aggres-
sors on neighboring states, large and small, had attained a degree
of opulence and consideration which incited them to aim at
alliances with royalty, not merely for their present satisfaction,
but also thereby to attain their ulterior ends — the more rapid
annexation of other lordships, and perhaps in time the complete
subjugation of Italy. In order to understand something of what
lay before Lionel when he should have crossed the Alps, it will
repay us to glance at the situation of affairs in northern Italy,
and at the character of the ambitious family which for more
than a century had been rising from comparative obscurity to
a certain eminence.

I. ITALY IN THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY

Italy in the 14th century is thus characterized^ by Sis-
mondi, Fr. :

Le quatorzieme siecle est une epoque brillante pour I'ltalie : dans
aucun temps les lettres n'ont ete cultivees avec plus d'ardeur, les
savans accueillis, honores avec plus d'enthousiasme ; dans aucun
temps de plus grandes lumieres n'ont ete acquises et generalement
repandues parmi les hommes ; dans aucun temps de plus nobles monu-
mens du genie createur, ou du travail opiniatre de I'homme, n'ont
ete transmis a la posterite. Le renouvellement des lettres grecques et
latines, la creation de la langue italienne et de la poesie moderne,
I'art d'enseigner la politique dans I'histoire, et de presenter aux
hommes, par le recit des evenemens, une legon non moins attrayante
qu'instructive, le perfectionnement de la jurisprudence, les progres
rapides de la peinture, de la sculpture, de I'architecture, et de la
musique, sont dus plus particulierement aux hommes du quatorzieme
siecle. Mais cette periode, qui, a tant de titres, merite une etude
particuliere, ne fut point heureuse pour I'humanite. Plusieurs des
vertus qui relevent le caractere des hommes, qui, en s'alliant a leurs
passions, les ennoblissent, avoient presque absolument disparu: et
des vices rebutans, des vices qui degradent I'histoire que nous
ecrivons, avoient pris leur place. Dans les cours des princes, la
bassesse rampante, la lache flatterie, I'intrigue et le vice, etoient les
moyens les plus assures de parvenir. Les petits souverains donnoient

^6. 1-3 (chap. 38).

Italy in the Fourteenth Century 9

I'exemple de tous les crimes; une debauche grossiere regnoit dans
I'interieur de leurs palais; le poison et I'assassinat etoient employes
chaque jour par eux, comme les sauvegardes de leur gouvernement :
des troupes d'assassins etoient entretenues a leurs gages ; et une
protection entiere etoit assuree aux brigands, en retour des services
qu'ils rendoient. Dans les families des princes, la passion de regner
n'etoit arretee par aucun crime ; et elle excitoit des revolutions
frequentes, presque toujours preparees par une noire perfidie, et
accompljes par des forfaits atroces, ou prevenues par une effrayante
cruaute. Dans les tribunaux, un pouvoir arbitraire et souvent injuste
faisoit de la punition des crimes un revenu pour le prince: soup-
gonneux par avarice, il acqueroit des preuves par la torture, et
punissoit les coupables par d'horribles supplices. Dans la politique,
une ambition qui employoit la trahison plutot que les armes, comme
moyen de vaincre, detruisoit toute confiance dans les traites, toute
siirete dans les alliances, tout lien d'amitie entre les peuples. Dans
la guerre, des troupes mercenaires, perfides et cruelles, sacrifioient
leur souverain a I'ennemi qui vouloit les acheter, mettoient leur
honneur a I'enchere, et, epargnant les armees qu'elles avoient a com-
battre, ne ruinoient que les campagnes paisibles et les citoyens
innocens.

Elsewhere Sismondi, Fr., says^ :

Dans le quatorzieme siecle, les individus se detachent davantage
de la foule; ils attirent sur eux I'attention; ils la commandent par
leurs hauts f aits, leurs talens ou leurs crimes : mais Ton ne voit
point la nation a laquelle ils appartiennent s'avancer dans aucune
carriere; et tandis qu'eux-memes, comme des lumieres errantes, bril-
lent et cheminent en tous sens, les divers peuples qu'ils devroient guider
s'egarent dans les sentiers tortueux de la politique ; ils avancent et
reculent tour a tour : les uns marchent a la liberte, les autres au
despotisme ; I'immoralite et la religion, la superstition et la philosophic,
le courage et la pusillanimite dominent tour a tour, et Ton ne sauroit
affirmer, apres la revolution de tout le siecle, si aucun progres a ete
fait dans aucun sens.

Macaulay says {Essay on Machiavelli) :

The Crusades, from which the inhabitants of other countries gained
nothing but relics and v^ounds, brought to the rising commonwealths
of the Adriatic and Tyrrhene seas a large increase of wealth, dominion,
and knowledge. The moral and the geographical position of those
commonwealths enabled them to profit alike by the barbarism of the
West and by the civilization of the East. Italian ships covered every
sea. Italian factories rose on every shore. The tables of Italian

8. 3 (chap. 57).

lo Italy and the Visconti

money-changers were set in every city. Manufactures flourished.
Banks were established. The operations of the commercial machine
were facilitated by many useful and beautiful inventions. We doubt
whether any country of Europe, our own excepted, have at the
present time reached so high a point of wealth and civilization as
some parts of Italy had attained four hundred years ago [written in
1827]. Historians rarely descend to those details from which alone
the real state of a community can be collected. Hence posterity is
too often deceived by the vague hyperboles of poets and rhetoricians,
who mistake the splendor of a court for the happiness of a people.
Fortunately, John Villani has given us an ample and precise account
of the state of Florence in the early part of the fourteenth century.
The revenue of the Republic amounted to three hundred thousand
florins; a sum which, allowing for the depreciation of the precious
metals, was at least equivalent to six hundred thousand pounds ster-
ling : a larger sum than England and Ireland, two centuries ago, yielded
annually to Elizabeth. The manufacture of wool alone employed two
hundred factories and thirty thousand workmen. The cloth annually
produced sold, at an average, for twelve hundred thousand florins ; a
sum fully equal, in exchangeable value, to two millions and a half of
our money. Four hundred thousand florins were annually coined.
Eighty banks conducted the commercial operations, not of Florence
only, but of all Europe. The transactions of these establishments were
sometimes of a magnitude which may surprise even the contem-
poraries of the Barings and the Rothschilds. Two houses advanced
to Edward the Third of England upwards of three hundred thousand
marks, at a time when the mark contained more silver than fifty
shillings of the present day, and when the value of silver was more
than quadruple of what it now is. The city and its environs contained
a hundred and seventy thousand inhabitants. In the various schools
about ten thousand children were taught to read; twelve hundred
studied arithmetic; six hundred received a learned education.

2. LOMBARDY AND TUSCANY IN THE FOURTEENTH
CENTURY

Sismondi, Eng., thus describes the condition of Lombardy and
Tuscany :

Before thus entering within the walls of the principal cities, it is
right to give a sketch of the general aspect of the country, particularly
as the violent commotions which it experienced might give a false
idea of its real state. This aspect was one of a prodigious prosperity,
which contrasted so much the more with the rest of Europe that noth-
ing but poverty and barbarism were to be found elsewhere. The

Lomhardy and Tuscany in the Fourteenth Century ii

open country, designated by the name of contado, appertaining to each
city, was cultivated by an active and industrious race of peasants,
enriched by their labor, and not fearing to display their wealth in
their dress, their cattle, and their instruments of husbandry. The
proprietors, inhabitants of towns, advanced them capital, shared the
harvests, and alone paid the land-tax : they undertook the immense
labor which has given so much fertility to the Italian soil — that of
making dikes to preserve the plains from the inundation of the
rivers, and of deriving from those rivers innumerable canals of irri-
gation. The Naviglio Grande of Milan, which spreads the clear
waters of the Ticino over the finest part of Lombardy, was begun
in 1 179, resumed in 1257, and terminated a few years afterwards.'
Men who meditated, and who applied to the arts the fruits of their
study, practised already that scientific agriculture of Lombardy and
Tuscany which became a model to other nations ; and at this day,
after five centuries, the districts formerly free, and always cultivated
with intelligence, are easily distinguished from those half-wild districts
which had remained subject to the feudal lords.

The cities, surrounded with thick walls, terraced, and guarded by
towers, were, for the most part, paved with broad flagstones ; while
the inhabitants of Paris could not stir out of their houses without
plunging into the mud. Stone bridges of an elegant and bold archi-
tecture were thrown over rivers ; aqueducts carried pure water to
the fountains. The palace of the podestas and signorie united strength
with majesty. The most admirable of those of Florence, the Palazzo
Vecchio, was built in 1298. The Loggia in the same city, the church
of Santa Croce, that of Santa Maria del Fiore, with its dome, so
admired by Michael Angelo, were begun by the architect Arnolfo,
scholar of Nicolas di Pisa, between the years 1284 and 1300. The
prodigies of this first-born of the fine arts multiplied in Italy : a
pure taste, boldness, and grandeur struck the eye in all the public
monuments, and finally reached even private dwellings; while the
princes of France, England, and Germany, in building their castles,
seemed to think only of shelter and defense. Sculpture in marble
and bronze soon followed the progress of architecture : in 1300,
Andrea di Pisa, son of the architect Nicolas, cast the admirable
bronze gates of the Baptistery at Florence; about the same time,
Cimabue and Giotto revived the art of painting, Casella music, and
Dante gave to Italy his divine poem, unequaled in succeeding
generations. History was written honestly, with scrupulous research,
and with a graceful simplicity, by Giovanni Villani, and his school;
the study of morals and philosophy began; and Italy, ennobled by
freedom, enlightened nations till then sunk in darkness.

' But the chronicles of Piacenza and Milan say that the Naviglio, run-
ning from Milan to Pavia, was constructed by Galeazzo in April, May,
and June, 1365 (R. I. S. 16. 508, 735), at a price named. See also Magenta
I. 284. — The notes here, and throughout this section, are mine. A. S. C.

Italy and the Visconti

The arts of necessity and of luxury had been cultivated with not
less success than the fine arts : in every street, warehouses and shops
displayed the wealth that Italy and Flanders only knew how to
produce. It excited the astonishment and cupidity of the French or
German adventurer, who came to find employment in Italy, and who
had no other exchange to make than his blood against the rich stufifs
and brilliant arms which he coveted. The Tuscan and Lombard
merchants, however, trafficked in the barbarous regions of the west,
to carry there the produce of their industry. Attracted by the fran-
chises of the fairs of Champagne and of Lyons, they went thither,
as well to barter their goods as to lend their capital at interest to
the nobles, habitually loaded with debt ; though at the risk of finding
themselves suddenly arrested, their wealth confiscated, by order of
the king of France, and their lives, too, sometimes endangered by
sanctioned robbers, under the pretext of repressing usury. Industry,
the employment of a superabundant capital, the application of mechan-
ism and science to the production of wealth, secured the Italians
a sort of monopoly through Europe : they alone offered for sale
what all the rich desired to buy ; and, notwithstanding the various
oppressions of the barbarian kings, notwithstanding the losses occa-
sioned by their own often-repeated revolutions, their wealth was
rapidly renewed. The wages of workmen, the interest of capital,
and the profit of trade, rose simultaneously, while every one gained
much and spent little ; manners were still simple, luxury was unknown,
and the future was not forestalled by accumulated debt.

3. THE COMPANIES OF ADVENTURE

Sismondi, Eng., says:

The most immediate cause of the sufferings of the kingdom of
Naples, and of all Italy, was the formation of what was called 'com-
panies of adventure.' Wherever tyrants had succeeded to free gov-
ernments, their first care had been to disarm the citizens, whose
resistance was to be feared ; and although a little industry might
soon have supplied swords and lances, yet the danger of being
denounced for using them soon made the subjects of these princes
lose every military habit. Even the citizens of free towns no longer
thought of defending themselves : their way of life had weakened
their corporeal strength ; and they felt an inferiority too discourag-
ing when they had to oppose, without defensive armor, cuirassiers
on horseback. The chief strength of armies henceforth was in the
heavy-armed cavalry, composed of men who had all their lives fol-
lowed the trade of war, and who hired themselves for pay. The
emperors had successively brought into Italy many of their country-
men, who afterwards passed into the service of the tyrant princes.

The Companies of Adventure 13

The Visconti and Delia Scalas had sent for many to Germany,
believing that these men — who did not understand the language of
the country, who were bound to it by no affection, and who were
accessible to no political passion — would be their best defenders.
They proved ready to execute the most barbarous orders, and for
their recompense demanded only the enjoyments of an intemperate
sensuality.

But the Lombard tyrants were deceived in believing the German
soldier would never covet power for himself, and would continue
to abuse the right of the stronger for the advantage of others only.
These adventurers soon discovered that it would be better to make
war and pillage the people for their own profit, without dividing the
spoil with a master. Some men of high rank, who had served in
Italy as condottieri (hired captains), proposed to their soldiers to
follow them, make war on the whole world, and divide the booty
among themselves. The first company, formed by an Italian noble
at the moment that the Visconti dismissed their soldiers, having
made peace with their adversaries, made an attack suddenly on Milan,
in the hope of plundering that great city; but was almost annihi-
lated in a battle, fought at Parabiago, on the 20th of February, 1339.
A German duke, known only by his Christian name of Werner, and
the inscription he wore on his breast of 'enemy of God, of pity,
and of mercy,' formed, in 1343, another association, which main-
tained itself for a long time, under the name of 'the great com-
pany.' It in turns entered the service of princes; and, when they
made peace, carried on its ravages and plunderings for its own profit.
The duke Werner and his successors — the count Lando, a German ;
and the friar Moriale, knight of St. John — devastated Italy from
Montferrat to the extremity of the kingdom of Naples. They raised
contributions by threatening to burn houses and harvests, or by put-
ting the prisoners whom they took to the most horrible tortures. The
provinces of Apulia were, above all, abandoned to their devastations;
and the king and queen of Naples made not a single effort to protect
their people.

There now remained no more than six independent princes in Lom-
bardy. The Visconti, lords of Milan, had usurped all the central part
of that province; the western part was held by [the Counts of
Savoy and*] the Marquis [es] of Montferrat, and the eastern
by the Delia Scala, lords of Verona, Carrara of Padua, Este of
Ferrara, and Gonzaga of Mantua. These weaker princes felt them-
selves in danger, and made a league against the Visconti, taking into
their service the great company; but, deceived and pillaged by it, they
suffered greater evils than they inflicted on their enemies.

* So Sismondi, Fr., 8. 27.

14 Italy and the Visconti

4. THE HOUSE OF VISCONTI

The dynasty of the Visconti is thus^ characterized by Sis-
mondi, Fr. :

Cette dynastie eut I'avantage presque inoui d'avoir successivement
six' chefs egalement distingues. La couronne ne passa point des
peres aux enfans, et n'entretint point une mollesse hereditaire; la
dissimulation, Tegoisme et le vice, ne formerent point I'education
necessaire des legitimes siiccesseurs du grand Othon; la meme lutte,
les memes vicissitudes de fortune qui developperent son energie,
agirent tout aussi puissamment sur son frere et ses neveux: tous
les six avoient tour a tour lutte avec la fortune ; et I'archeveque
Jean Visconti, qui mourut le dernier, en 1354, avoit appris, comme
ses devanciers, a connoitre les hommes, lorsqu'il etoit persecute et
exile. II soumit a son pouvoir Genes, Bologne, et presque toute la
Lombardie; il tenta d'envahir la Toscane et I'etat de I'Eglise, et
peut-etre fut-il plus pres qu'aucun autre prince du quatorzieme siecle,
de s'assurer la souverainete de toute I'ltalie. Cependant il excita la
defiance de ses voisins, par sa dissimulation et sa perfidie, plus que
par ses conquetes ; et les vices par lesquels il croyoit vaincre, arreterent
ses victoires et mirent obstacle a sa grandeur.

L'archeveque Jean Visconti fut le dernier des princes de cette
famille qui eut quelque magnanimite dans le caractere: mais la
passion des conquetes, le desir insatiable de dominations nouvelles
demeurerent a ses successeurs, quoiqu'ils n'heritassent point aussi
des qualites plus brillantes de ce prince. La maison Visconti, jusqu'a
son dernier rejeton, ne renonga point aux projets que ses premiers
chefs avoient formes, pour asservir I'ltalie; elle employa desormais
les arts de la foiblesse au lieu de ceux de la force, la perfidie et
Tintrigue de preference aux armes; mais elle tendit constamment
au meme but.

Bernabos, Galeaz son frere, et Jean Galeaz, fils du dernier, qui
leur succeda, etoient des hommes timides autant qu'ambitieux ; leur
cruaute, leur avarice et leurs exactions, les rendirent odieux a leurs
sujets; ils causerent la ruine des provinces qui leur etoient soumises,
■ par les guerres continuelles qu'ils entretinrent : le commerce fut
detruit, les manufactures furent abandonnees, I'agriculture elle-meme
fut negligee; et plusieurs de ces fertiles campagnes de la Lombardie,
qui promettent au travail de si riches recompenses, demeurerent
desertes. Les devastations des gens de guerre, et le poids des imposi-
tions, etoufferent toute industrie. Cependant Bernabos et Jean

"8. 23-26 (chap. 57).

' Otto, Matteo I, Galeazzo I, Azzo, Luchino, Giovanni ( 1349-54) . These
were followed by Matteo II ( 1354-5), with Galeazzo II (1354-78), and
Bernabo (1354-85) ; to Galeazzo II succeeded Gian Galeazzo (1378-1402).

The House of Visconti 15

Galeaz, si mauvais economes de la fortune de leurs peupleS, savoient
maintenir I'ordre dans radministration de leurs propres finances; et
ce fut'la cause principale de leurs succes. lis disposerent en tout
temps d'un plus ample revenu qu'aucun de leurs adversaires; et ils
I'employerent, d'une main liberale, a recompenser leurs serviteurs
fideles, a maintenir le devouement des petits etats qui s'etoient
attaches a eux, enfin a se procurer des partisans ou des traitres dans
les conseils de leurs voisins ou de leurs ennemis. Tandis qu'ils ne
menageoient point leurs tresors pour atteindre le but de leur politique,
ils n'avoient garde de les dissiper par une prodigalite insensee; aussi
se trouvoient-ils prets au combat lorsque leurs adversaires avoient
deja epuise toutes leurs forces, et se sentoient-ils presque assures
de vaincre toutes les fois qu'ils gagnoient du temps.

Tant que Galeaz avoit vecu, et qu'il avoit partage avec son frere
Bernabos I'administration des affaires, ses vices particuliers avoient
mis obstacle au progres des armes du seigneur de Milan; car il
etoit etranger a la sage economic de son frere et de son fils : I'amour
de la pompe et d'une grandeur apparente, detruisoit ses forces
reelles; il depensa des sommes prodigieuses pour elever des batimens
somptueux; il en prodigua de plus grandes encore pour allier sa
famille, par d'illustres mariages, aux monarques de I'Europe. Mais
lorsque Jean Galeaz, son fils, apres avoir reuni ses etats a ceux de
Bernabos, eut retabli Tordre dans les finances, il etendit dans tous
les sens les limites de sa domination ; et il auroit inf ailliblement
asservi toute I'ltalie qui n'avoit plus de force pour lui resister, si
une mort inattendue n'avoit tout-a-coup arrete sa carriere.

Sismondi, Eng., says:

Azzo Visconti, the son of that Galeazzo who had been so treacher-
ously used by Louis of Bavaria, had, in 1328, purchased the
city of Milan from that emperor, and soon afterwards found him-
self master of ten other cities of Lombardy; but he died suddenly,
in the height of his prosperity, the i6th of August, 1339. As he
left no children, his uncle Luchino succeeded him in the sovereignty.
Luchino was false and ferocious, but clever, and possessed in war
the hereditary talent of the Visconti. He was called a lover of
justice, probably because he punished criminals with an excess of
cruelty, and maintained by terror a perfect police in his states. He
died, poisoned by his wife, on the 23d of January, 1349. His brother
John, Archbishop of Milan, succeeded him in power. The latter found
himself master of sixteen of the largest cities in Lombardy; cities
which, in the preceding century, had been so many free and flourish-
ing republics. His ambition continually aspired to more extensive
conquests ; and on the i6th of October, 1350, he engaged the brothers
Pepoli to cede to him Bologna. . . .

He [John Visconti] died on the 5th of October, 1354, before he
could renew attacks [on Florence] ; and his three nephews, the

1 6 Italy and the Visconti

sons of his brother Stephen, agreed to succeed him in common. The
eldest, who showed less talent for government,' and more sensuality
and vice, than his brothers, was poisoned by them the year following.
The two survivors, Barnabas and Galeazzo, divided Lombardy
between them ; preserving an equal right on Milan, and in the
government. . . .

The two brothers Visconti, masters of Lombardy, had at their
disposal immense wealth and numerous armies; and their ambition
was insatiable. They were allied by marriage to the two houses of
France and England; their intrigues extended throughout Italy, and
every tyrant was under their protection. At the same time, their own
subjects trembled under frightful cruelties. They^ shamelessly pub-

' The edict was due to Galeazzo alone, so far as appears (R. I. S. i6.
410), and is assigned by Sismondi, Fr., who wrongly attributes it to
Bemabo (6. 302-3), to 1359. For an account of these tortures, see
Sismondi, Fr., 6. 302-3; Leo 3. 311-2. The following account is directly
from the original.

The tortures, which were to be inflicted on traitors and their accom-
plices, that is, according to Rosmini (2. 113), on all who had opposed
him in the recent war, or favored his enemies, were to extend over a
period of 41 days, and terminate in death. All the even days of the
series were to be spent in recuperating from the agonies inflicted on
the odd days, so that there were 21 days of active torment. Only speci-
mens will be here described. They began with the strappado, which
consisted of attaching a rope to the condemned, perhaps typically to his
hands joined behind his back, and letting him fall, but not to the ground,
the length of a rope suspended from a beam. This was done five times
a day for days i, 3, 5, and 7. On days 9 and 11, lime, vinegar, and
water were given him to drink. On day 15 the soles of the feet were
flayed, and the wretch walked upon peas, the walking to be repeated on
day 17. On days 19 and 21, the rack. On day 23, one eye gouged
out; 25, the nose cut away; 27, one hand chopped off; 29, the other
hand; 31, one foot, etc. On the last day, the sufferer was laid on a
cart, and his flesh torn with pincers; following which, he was broken
on the wheel ('intenaglietur super plaustro, et postea in rota ponetur').
If we reflect how easily the stigma of treason could be fastened on a
person, that there was no appeal from a sentence, that these punishments
were actually inflicted on numbers of persons in 1362 and 1363 (R. I. S.
16. 411), and that Galeazzo was the less sanguinary of the two brothers,
we shall be in a position to estimate one aspect at least of the character
of the Visconti.

For Galeazzo's character in general, see R. I. S. 16. 402-5 ; cf. Muratori
8. 382; Rosmini 2. 140-143; Leo 3. 323-4. He has been called the
wealthiest and most magnificent Italian of his epoch (Encyc. Brit., nth
ed., 15. 38). For the pious foundations which he established on March
27, 1374, see Giulini 7. 240-243. He died on Aug. 4, 1378, aged 59 years
(Corio, p. 495).

The House of Visconti

17

lished an edict, by which the execution of state criminals was
prolonged to the period of forty days. In it the particular tortures
to be inflicted, day by day, were detailed, and the members to be

Galeazzo Visconti.

(From Rosmini 2. 80; cf. Graevius, p. 312.)

mutilated designated, before death was reached. On the other hand,
their finances were in good order; they liberally recompensed their
partisans, and won over traitors in every state inimical to them.
They pensioned the captain of every company of adventurers, on con-

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI 2 1916

1 8 Italy and the Visconti

dition that he engaged to return to their service whenever called
upon. Meanwhile, these captains, with their soldiers, overran, plun-
dered, and exhausted Italy, during the intervals of peace; reducing
the country to such a state as to be incapable of resisting any new
attack. All the Ghibelines, all the nobles who had preserved their
independence in the Apennines, were allied to the Visconti. The
march of these usurpers was slow, but it seemed sure. The moment
was foreseen to approach when Tuscany would be theirs, as well as
Lombardy; particularly as Florence had no aid to expect either from
Genoa or Venice. . . .

Urban V, on his arrival in Italy, endeavored also to oppose the
usurpations of the Visconti, who had just taken possession of San
Miniato, in Tuscany, and who, even in the states of the church, were
rendering themselves more powerful than the Pope himself. Of the
two brothers, Barnabas Visconti was more troublesome to him by
his intrigues. Urban had recourse to a bull of excommunication, and
sent two legates to bear it to him; but Barnabas forced these two
legates to eat, in his presence, the parchment on which the bull was
written, together with the leaden seals and silken strings.^ . . .

*The story here told (from R. I. S. 17. 160, 162) is assigned to a quite
different period by R. I. S. 16. 800-801, according to which the Pope
was Innocent VI, and Urban was one of the two legates; cf. Rosmini

2. 104, note 2; Leo 3. 310. Giulini (5. 465-6) would date the occurrence
in 1361. For a story still more scandalous, see R. I. S. 15. 911.

The long list of Bernabo's crimes and cruelties may be found in R. I. S.
16. 794-801. See also R. I. S. 16. 397, 399-400, 735-6, 742-3; Corio, pp.
486-7; Matteo Villani (in R. I. S., Vol. 14) 6. 28; 7. 48; 9- 5o; cf.
Muratori 8. 413; Giulini 5. 550, 559, 653; Rosmini 2. 115, 153-4- A few
particulars may be mentioned: his notorious edict concerning the main-
tenance of his 5,000 hunting dogs (R. I. S. 16. 794; Rosmini 2. 115; Leo

3. 312) ; he hanged those who caught partridges (R. I. S. 16. 794, 795) ;
burned to death four nuns (ib., p. 795) ; had his jugglers or buffoons
burn to death in an iron cage an Augustinian monk (p. 795) ; would
frequently ask those about him, 'Do you not know that I am God on
earth?' (p. 795) ; ordered that no official should receive his salary till
he had caused one or more poachers of partridges to be beheaded (p.
796) ; had a wife burned to death by her own husband (p. 796) ; had
a man's eyes put out, because he was found on Bernabo's private street
(p. 796) ; had a man hanged because he had not fully paid a woman
for two capons (p. 796) ; had two of his chancellors shut up in an
iron cage with a wild boar till they died (p. 796) ; had a country fellow
killed because he crossed a street with a dog (p. 796) ; in December,
1384, had a boy's eye put out, and his hand cut off, because he had
dreamed that he had taken and burned a wild boar belonging to Bernabo
(P- 797) >' caused a Doctor of Laws, an excellent man, who had declined
to obey an unjust order of his, to be beaten severely with rods, then

The House of Visconti 19

Barnabas, grown old, had divided the cities of his dominions
amongst his numerous children.'"* His brother, Galeazzo, had died on
the 4th of August, 1378, and been replaced by his son, Gian Gale-
azzo, called Count de Virtus, from a county in Champagne, given
him by Charles V, whose sister he had married. Barnabas would
willingly have deprived his nephew of his paternal inheritance, to
divide it among his children. Gian Galeazzo, who had already dis-
covered several plots directed against him, uttered no complaint, but
shut himself up in his castle of Pavia, where he had fixed his resi-
dence. He doubled his guard, and took pains to display his belief
that he was surrounded by assassins. He affected, at the same time,
the highest devotion : he was always at prayers, a rosary in his
hand, and surrounded with monks; he talked only of pilgrimages
and expiatory ceremonies. His uncle regarded him as pusillanimous,
and unworthy of reigning. In the beginning of May, 1385, Gian
Galeazzo sent to Barnabas to say that he had made a vow of pilgrim-
age to our Lady of Varese, near the Lago -Maggiore, and that he
should be glad to see him on his passage. Barnabas agreed to meet
him at a short distance from Milan, accompanied by his two sons.
Gian Galeazzo arrived, surrounded, as was his custom, by a numerous
guard. He affected to be alarmed at every sudden motion made
near him. On meeting his uncle, however, on the 6th of May, he
hastily dismounted, and respectfully embraced him; but, while he
held him in his arms, he said, in German, to his guards, * Strike !'
The Germans, seizing Barnabas, disarmed and dragged him, with his
two sons, to some distance from his nephew.^" Gian Galeazzo made
several vain attempts to poison his uncle in the prison into which he

forced to cut out another man's tongue, and finally to drink a cup of
poison (p. 797) ; and tried to have Gian Galeazzo poisoned (p. 798).
See also pp. 48-9. In the very year of Lionel's marriage, Bernabo issued
a mandate that when he rode through the streets of Parma, every one
should bow the knee, and do him reverence (R. I. S. 16. 740-741).

For an amusing story of Bernabo's encounter with a rustic, see R. I. S.
16. 393-6, cf. 743-

The little good that could be said of him will be found in R. I. S. 16.
801; Corio, p. 509.

'Lodovico (see pp. 109-110) received Lodi and Cremona (R. I. S. 16.
800; Corio, p. 498, cf. 507).

At one particular time Bernabo is reported to have had 36 children,
and 18 women to have been with child by him (R. I. S. 16. 800). He is
accused, when already advanced in years, of keeping a regular harem
(16. 799).

^'R. I. S. 15. 510, 1082; 16. 543, 784-5, 853; 17. 497-9, 1126-7; 18.
92-3, 195-6, 525-6; 19. 785-6; Corio, p. 506; cf. Muratori 8. 412-4; Giulini 5.
653-5; Rosmini 2. 153-5; Leo 3. 327-8; Symonds, Age of the Despots,
chap. 2.

20

Italy and the Visconti

had thrown him; but Barnabas, suspicious of all the nourishment
offered him, was on his guard, and did not sink under these repeated
efforts till the i8th of December of the same year."

Bernabo Visconti.
(From Rosmini 2. 144; cf. Graevius, p. 316.)

^R. I. S. 15. 512; 16. 544, 800, 854; 17. 499; Corio, p. "509; Muratori
8. 416; Giulini 5. 659; Rosmini 2. 157; Leo 3. 329. Bernabo died, at
the age of 66, in the castle of Trezzo, a little more than half way (12

The House of Visconti

21

All Lombardy submitted, without difficulty, to Gian Galeazzo. His
uncle had never' inspired one human being with either esteem or
affection. The nephew had no better title to these sentiments. False

Gian Galeazzo.
(From Rosmini 2. 156; cf. Graevius, p. 320.)

miles) from Monza to Bergamo. The ruined castle is still standing
(Baedeker, Oberitalien, i8th ed., p. 24). After his death, Lodovico and
Rodolfo, his two sons, who had been. imprisoned in S. Columbano, near

22 Italy and the Visconti

and pitiless, he joined to immeasurable ambition a g^enius for enter-
prise, and to immovable constancy a personal timidity which he did
not endeavor to conceal. The least unexpected motion near him
threw him into a paroxysm of nervous terror. No prince employed
so many soldiers to guard his palace, or took such multiplied precau-
tions of distrust. He seemed to acknowledge himself the enemy of
the whole world. But the vices of tyranny had not weakened his
ability. He employed his immense wealth without prodigality; his
finances were always flourishing; his cities well garrisoned and
victualed; his army well paid; all the captains of adventure scat-
tered throughout Italy received pensions from him, and were ready to
return to his service whenever called upon. He encouraged the war-
riors of the new Italian school : he well knew how to distinguish,
reward, and win their attachment. Many young Italians, in order
to train themselves to arms, had, from about the middle of this
century, engaged in the German, English, and French troops, which
inundated Italy; and they soon proved that Italian valor, directed
by the reflection and intelligence of a highly civilized nation, who
carried their arms as well as tactics to perfection, had greatly the
advantage over the brute courage of barbarians."

The influence of Gian Galeazzo in overthrowing the last
remains of liberty in Italy has been thus described^^ :

L'esprit de liberte sembloit s'eteindre dans toute ITtalie. . . .
Cette terre, autrefois si fertile en citoyens et en heros, sembloit
desertee par toutes les vertus et tous les sentimens eleves. Un tyran
lache et perfide prenoit a tache de detruire chez les Italiens tout
ce qui portoit encore I'image de la loyaute et de I'honneur: il
n'attendoit des succes qu'en proportion des vices des peuples ; et il
se rejouissoit de voir un gouvernement adopter sa politique fraudu-
leuse, assure des-lors qu'il parviendroit bientot a le dominer. Tels
etoient les funestes presages qui accompagnoient la fin du quatorzieme
siecle. La peste enfin se declaroit en meme temps dans plusieurs
parties de ITtalie; et les peuples, effrayes de tant de fleaux, y
reconnoissoient les chatimens qu'ils avoient merites, et se courboient
devant la majeste divine, pour implorer sa misericorde.

Lodi (R. I. S. 16..786; Giulini 5. 659; Rosmini 2. 157), were kept at
Trezzo, where they were well treated, but closely guarded {R. I. S. 16.
545, 800, 855; GiuHni 5. 662; Rosmini 2. 157; Leo 3. 329).

"Cf. Corio, p. 562; Rosmini 2. 207-212; Symonds, Age of the Despots,
chap. 2. He was rather less than 51 years old when he died (Oct. 15,
1351-Sept. 3, 1402).

"Sismondi, Fr., 7. 394-5 (chap. 55).

III. THE CONSIDERATIONS WHICH DETERMINED
THE ALLIANCE

The negotiations for the marriage of Lionel with Violante
were perhaps begun by Amedeo, Count of Savoy.^ Cordey,
referring to the cession of three towns to Amedeo by Galeazzo
on Nov. 22, 1366, adds: 'C'etait peut-etre un encouragement,

^ See p. 34. De Sade says (p. 720) that the English in Galeazzo's
pay suggested the idea of the alHance, and helped him to secure it, and
Rosmini (DeW Istoria di Milano 2. 1 19-120) speaks of 'quest' alleanza
segnatamente da Galeazzo contratta per conciliarsi I'affetto, e valersi
deir opera della famosa compagnia degl' Inglesi condotta da Giovanni
Aucud'; to a similar effect Sismondi, Fr., 7. 21-2; Leo 3. 318. It is no
doubt true that the relations of Hawkwood and Bernabo began as early
as the summer of 1365 (Temple-Leader and Marcotti, Sir John Hawk-
wood, p. 47), and very likely the success of the English in their recent
wars may have inspired a wholesome respect in the breasts of the Vis-
conti. We have only to think of Poitiers (1356) and the Peace of
Bretigny (1360), for instance. The ransom required for the release of
King John has the credit of having brought to pass the marriage of
Gian Galeazzo to Isabella of France (cf. below, pp. 36, 49), which cost
Galeazzo 600,000 florins (Korting, p. 349; Lavisse 4.^ 159-160; Dela-
chenal 2. 231-7), Piacenza alone paying 25,000 of this amount (R. I. S.
16. 512).

In 1361 Petrarch was sent to Paris to condole with King John on his
misfortunes and to return a ring which he had lost at the battle of
Poitiers, and which had been redeemed by the Visconti (Mezieres,
Petrarque, p. 322). This mission caused him to realize the power of the
English, as is apparent from a letter written not long afterwards (Fam.
22. 14) :

'When I was in my teens the English were considered the least
courageous of all the barbarians [Corio, p. 462, calls the English
'questi Barbari'], but now this most warlike people have so fre-
quently and unexpectedly defeated the French, long famous for
military exploits though they had been, that they who had shown
themselves no match for even the contemptible Scots [Bannockburn,
1314; Berwick, 1318] have so wasted the whole realm with fire and
sword — not to speak of the ill- fortune of the French king [John],
which I can not call to mind without a sigh — that, when I lately
made a journey thither on public business, I could hardly persuade
myself that I was looking at the same kingdom. Everywhere was
solitude, devastation, and sadness; everywhere fields untilled and
neglected; everywhere houses in ruins and abandoned, save as they

24 The Considerations which determined the Alliance

ou une recompense anticipee.' I should be more inclined to
suppose that it was what lawyers call a refresher, rather than
a retainer, seeing that already on July 30 of that year a formal

were protected by the walls of cities or castles; everywhere the
melancholy traces of the English, and the fresh and horrible scars
left by their swords' ('Adolescentulo me, Britanni, quos Anglos sive
Anglicos vocant, omnium barbarorum timidissimi habebantur ; nunc
bellicosissima gens Gallos diu bellica gloria florentes stravit tam
crebris insperatisque successibus, ut qui modo vilibus Scotis impares
fuerant, prseter miserabilem et indignum summi regis casum, quern
sine suspirio meminisse non possum, sic regnum omne igne ferroque
contriverint, ut mihi nuper illuc iter ex negotio agenti vix persuaderi
posset regnum illud esse quod videram. Sic ubique solitudo infelix
et moeror et vastitas ; sic ubique horrida et inculta arva, sic dirutse
desertaeque domus, nisi quae cinctae arcium mcenibus aut urbium evasis-
sent, sic demum omnibus locis Anglorum moesta vestigia et recentes
foedaeque cicatrices gladiorum extabant').

For the customs and modes of war practised by the English in Italy,
see Temple-Leader and Marcotti, ^iV John Hawkwood, pp. 20, 21, 39-42.
The following account is translated from Filippo Villani, chap. 81 {R. I. S.
14. 746), and was published in the Bihl. Topograph. Brit. 6 (1790). 43-44:
These English were all lusty young men, most of them born and
brought up in the long wars between the French and English; warm,
eager, and practised in slaughter and rapine, for which they were
always ready to draw their swords, with very little care for their
personal safety, but in matters of discipline very obedient to their
commanders. However, in their camps or cantonments, through a
disorderly and over-daring boldness, they lay scattered about in great
irregularity, and with so little caution that a bold, resolute body of
men might in that state easily give them a shameful defeat. The
armor of almost all were cuirasses, their breasts covered with a steel
coat of mail, gauntlets, and armor for the thighs and legs, daggers,
and broad swords; all of them had long tilting-lances, which, after
dismounting from their horses, they were very dextrous in handling.
Every man had one or two pages, and some of them more, according
to their ability to maintain them. On taking off their armor, it was
the business of their pages to keep them clean and bright, so that
when they came to action their arms shone like looking-glass, and
thus gave them a more terrifying appearance. Others among them
were archers, their bows long, and made of yew. They were very
expert and dextrous in using them, and did great service in action.
Their manner of fighting in the field was almost always on foot.
The horses were given in charge to the pages. The body they
formed was very compact, and almost round; each lance was held

The Considerations which determined the Alliance 25

commission had been issued by Edward III to Humphrey de
Bohun, Earl of Hereford, and Sir Nicholas Tamworth, to treat
with Galeazzo concerning a marriage between LioneP and
Violante.^ According to a parallel commission, Edmund, Earl
of Cambridge, Edward's fifth son, might be substituted for
Lionel. Lionel and Edmund, as younger sons, had to be provided
for, the Black Prince, the heir to the throne, having already a
realm of his own in Aquitaine. Ireland was not a realm to
content Lionel, so he was seeking a more desirable province
abroad, as John of Gaunt did in Spain.*

If the Green Count was instrumental in the earliest stage of
the negotiation, then it must have been before July, 1366. That
the advances were made from the Italian side is definitely stated

by two men in the same manner as the spear is handled in hunting
the wild boar; and thus close embodied, with their lances pointed
low, and with slow steps, th^y marched up to the enemy with terrible
outcry, and very difficult was it to break or disunite them. But
after all, experience has shown they were more fit for night-expe-
ditions and plundering villages than for keeping the field; and their
success was more owing to the cowardice of our own men than their
valor and military virtue. They had very curious ladders in pieces,
the biggest of which was of three steps, and one piece socketed into
the other like so many trumpets, and with these they were able to
mount the top of the highest towers.'

Muratori (8. 343) says that, in the death of Lionel, Galeazzo lost the
hope of assistance from the King of England, and Sismondi {op. cit.
7. 22) that it severed his alliance with the companies of adventurers.

^ Rymer.

"Cf. Hist. Background, pp. 182-3. On July 18 Hereford (i34i-i373)
had appointed an attorney, in view of his approaching trip abroad; and
he was still absent from England on Nov. 28 (Cal. Pat. Rolls). Of him
Froissart wrote (Buisson de Jonece 263-4) '•

Aussi dou conte de Herfort
Pris une fois grant reconfort.

He was the father-in-law of Henry, Earl of Derby, had headed the escort
of Pierre I, King of Cyprus, from Dover to London, early in November,
1362 (Jorga, Philippe de Mezieres, p. 179), and had been with Pierre at
Satalia and Ayas (Chaucer's 'Lyeys') in 1367 {Hist. Background, pp.
182, 232-3).
"•Cf. Michelet6. 4.

26

The Considerations which determined the Alliance

by the Chronicle of Montferrat,^ and is no less clear in the light
of an offer drawn up by Galeazzo at Pavia on Jan. 19, 1367
(Rymer). In this offer, made as a basis for a marriage-contract,

^^'S^n;^-^

-\

'■^

Piedmont and the Adjacent Regions.

(Reduced from the Century Atlas, No. 93, by permission of The Century Co.
Copyright, 1897, by The Century Co.)

^ 'Cerco anchora questo signer Galeatio Visconte de dar in matrimonio
Violante . . . al signor Leonetto,' etc. Cf . Corio : 'Galeazzo f ece
amicitia col Re d'lnghilterra.' It is interesting that the Visconti, as Counts
of Angiara, 'did not blush to be called English (Angli), as descended
from Anglo, reputed to be the son or grandson of Eneas' (Carlo Muletti,
p. 15 of Preface to Gioffredo della Chiesa; Corio, p. 9). Gian Galeazzo's
three sons were Gian Maria Inglese, Filippo Maria Anglo (both after-
wards Dukes of Milan), and Gabriele Anglo (Corio, p. 561, cf. 543,
568), while a daughter of Bernabo was named Inglese (R. I. S. 17. 499),
or Anglesia (Corio, p. 509). An odd theory to account for these names
is that of Rawdon L, Brown (Cal. of State Papers and Manuscripts . . .
in the Archives and Collections of Venice i. 252, note) : 'It seems prob-
able that the Visconti family had been naturalized by Edward III in 1365
[sic], when Lionel, Duke of Clarence, married Violante Visconti.' Muletti
refers to the apocryphal genealogy given in M. H. P., pp. 869-870 ; cf . his
Preface, as above, and p. 871, note.

The Considerations which determined the Alliance 27

Galeazzo refers to earlier negotiations.^ The terms offered in
the draft are briefly these :

( 1 ) The gift as dowry of Galeazzo's Piedmontese territories —
(a) the city of Alba, and the towns of Cherasco, Mondovi, and
Cuneo, without qualification; (J?) the overlordship of Centallo
and Carru/ which had already been granted as a fief by Galeazzo
to Pandolfo Malatesta, some time his captain-general.^ These
towns are guaranteed to produce a yearly net income of 24,000
florins of Florence.

(2) The dowry is also to include an annual income in cash
of 50,000 florins, payable in Milan, Calais, or London. If this
sum seems insufficient, the amount may be determined by the
Earl of Hereford® and Giovanni de' Pepoli, or their substitutes.

(3) If Edward and Lionel do not care for the towns, but
prefer a lump sum, Galeazzo offers 250,000 florins, payable as
above.

(4) Violante is to be sent at Galeazzo's expense, with a
splendid outfit, from Milan or Pavia to Calais.

* 'Cum . . . aliqua verba et tractatus sint mota et incepta de con-
trahendo parentellam et matrimonium, videlicet de copulando, legitime
matrimonio, praefato domino Leonelo illustrem Violantem/ etc. (Rymer).
By this time, then, the choice had fallen upon Lionel. Perhaps the latter's
return from Ireland in November, 1366 {Hist. Background, p. 180) points
to the same conclusion.

^ According to the Italian chroniclers, the towns were Alba, Mondovi,
Cherasco, Cuneo, Demonte, Centallo, Cavurro (Cavour), Roccasparviera,
and Bra, besides others not named. The first three named above are
mentioned by all the original authorities; Cuneo is omitted only by
Benvenuto; Demonte is mentioned by Annal. Med., Cron. Monf., and
Chron. Plac; Bra (Braida) only by Corio, and Centallo and Cavurro
only by Cron. Monf. Petrus Azarius (quoted by Benvenuto), Cron.
Monf., and Cron. Saluz. specify that the territories ceded include all those
possessed by Galeazzo in Piedmont, Cron. Saluz. subjoining: *et altre
ancora.' Benvenuto adds to his list: 'et reliqua oppida'; Annal. Med.:
'plura alia loca'; Chron. Plac: 'et plura alia.' Cf. Gabotto, in Misc. di
Stor. Ital. Z2)- 168; Corio, p. 448; Sismondi, Fr., 7. 21.

According to Cron. Monf., Alba was rated at 549 gold florins ; Cherasco
at 429 ; Cuneo and Demonte together at 419 ; Centallo at 25 ; Cavurro at
30; while Roccasparviera is not rated.

Carru is mentioned by Cron. Saluz. (M. H. P., p. 1018, cf. p. 996) as
belonging to Galeazzo in December, 1369. ^

® See R. I. S. 16. 404.

" See Hist. Background, pp. 182, 230, 232-3.

2 8 The Considerations which determined the Alliance

The definitive marriage-treaty was made at Westminster on
May 15, 1367/^ the terms being much the same as in the draft
(R3aner). For example, (i) is the same/^ except that Galeazzo
retains the overlordship of Piedmont, so that Lionel and Violante,
and their heirs, owe him fealty and homage; for (2) is substi-
tuted the transfer of a lump sum of 100,000 florins,^^ payable

^"Barnes, Sandford, and the Diet. Nat. Biog. say that on April 25,
1368, the marriage-treaty was signed at Windsor, and the 100,000 (Barnes,
10,000) florins paid ; but by this time Lionel was well on his way to Italy.
"Walsingham (i. 306; so Chron. Angl., p. 62) says that Lionel was
to obtain half of Galeazzo's dominions. Hardyng is more extravagant
(pp. 332-3) :

The duke of Milayn, hight sir Bernabo,
The lord Mantowe & the marques Ferrar,
The lord of Mountpollestrme then also,
The lordes of Jene, of Pyse that then were.
The lordes of Venis and Florence there,
To kyng Edward sent ambassiate,
By commen assent of papall senate.

For Lionell his soonne with theim to send
The duke his doughter of Melayn for to wed,
Prornisyng then hym so to recommend
That of Itale the rule sholde all be led
By hym and his frendes of Italye bred.
And in short tyme to joye and here the croune
Of all Italye the royal region.
This is bombastically paraphrased and amplified by Barnes, p. 718.
^^ This is confirmed by Petrus Azarius and Cron. Saluz. Corio (p. 468)
and Jovius say 200,000 (and Barnes 2,000,000!). Corio comments that
such a dowry was, so to speak, the final ruin of Galeazzo's. state, and Petrus
Azarius has the phrase, 'cum infinito dispendio.' Jovius {op. cit. 3. 313),
in deploring Galeazzo's fatal extravagance, associates the marriage of
Violante with that of Gian Galeazzo to Isabella of France (see below,
p. 49) :

'Eo modo pace parta, et Barnaba nihilo secius pertinaci studio
Bononise principatum, tanquam sibi fraude ereptum, validis armis
repetente, Galeacius externas affinitates, decoras quidem regio fastu,
sed sibi et posteris damnosas et fere exitiales quaesivit, Isabella scilicet,
Caroli Galliae Regis sorore, Joanni Galeacio filio expetita, Leonatoque
Clarentio, Britanniae Regis filio, in generum adscito : huic enim ex
nuptiis Violantis, quum ducenta millia aureorum nummum dotis
nomine recepisset, Mons etiam Regalis atque Alba Pompeia urbes
cesserunt. Isabella autem, quae Mediolanum venerat, usque adeo
socero gravis fuit, ut ducentis millibus aureorum constiterit; quan-

The Considerations which determined the Alliance 29

to Edward III at London or Calais, of which 50,000 may be
paid down at once. Minor details are subjoined. The first of
these resembles (4) : Violante is to be amply provided with
clothes and furniture, and to be sent in honorable state to Calais
within six years, if the king so wishes. Further, if Violante
should die without an heir, neither the king nor Lionel is to
be held to restoration of the money, or of Violante's personal
belongings. Should Lionel die, Violante shall keep her jewels,
and inherit one-third of the real property of which he shall die
seized. Should Lionel die without leaving a child by Violante,
the lands assigned as dowry shall revert to Galeazzo or his
heirs. If the king needs Lionel, he is to be free at any time to
return from Lombardy. If Lionel is made prisoner, while serv-
ing with Galeazzo against the latter's enemies, Galeazzo is to
provide his ransom. The Black Prince is to be consulted regard-
ing this treaty; if he has no objection, it is to be considered as
binding. Galeazzo is to be adjured to add to the territories
promised. His ambassadors disclaim any power to bind Gale-
azzo as respects the treaty, which, in all its articles, is to be
referred to him for his final approval and consent.

What was promised by treaty was not, in fact, all that the
wedded pair received. The Chronicle of Montferrat specifies the
following gifts made to them on the day of their marriage :

quam Virtutis oppidi ditio, honestissimseque appellationis titulus, novo
sponso nomine dotis accessisset.'

The collection of the 100,000 florins was entrusted on March i, 1368,
to Sir Thomas Dale and Walter de Barde(s)— one of the Bardi, bankers
of Florence (Rymer, March 11, 1363) — master of the mint at Calais and
the Tower of London. Kervyn (i. 161) says that Dale received the
money between February (March?) and April, at Bruges, but gives no
authority.

If a florin of Florence equaled three shillings English, 100,000 florins =
£15,000 = approximately $1,125,000 (at the arbitrary rate of ii = $75; cf.
Hist. Background, p. 165). Of this sum nearly four-ninths (exactly
nineteen-forty-fifths) seems to have been expended for Lionel's journey
to Italy (Devon, Issues of the Exchequer, March 5, 1369). Probably the
journey cost much more, for we know of a single separate item of
£178 13 4 = $13,400, merely for transporting Lionel's 457 men and 1280
horses from Dover to Calais (Rymer, May 10, 1368). This sum is made
up of £173 6 8 for 39 ships and 13 boats, besides £568 for the 'pontage'
of the horses. The hire of the ships was at the rate of £3 13 4 each, and
that of the boats £268 each.

30 Lionel's Journey to Italy

(i) To Violante, 100,000 gold florins^^ [in addition to the
dowry already paid] .

(2) To her chamberlain, 1282 florins, for the furnishing of
her house.

(3) To Lionel, 10,000 florins.

(4) To Lionel, as provision for himself and his company,
10,000 gold florins a month for June, July, August, [Septem-
ber],^* October, and half of November — (say) 55,000 florins.^^

(5) To Lionel, six pieces of cloth of gold made up into various
garments — mantles, doublets, turche, and hoods — all thickly set
with pearls ; every one of these being carried away to England.

(6) For other expenses of Lionel and his company, 20,000
gold florins.

Here, then, we have a total of 186,252 florins (not to speak
of the cloth of gold), or, let us say, $2,095,335, to add to the
$1,125,000 mentioned above.

The ornaments provided for Violante were two crowns of
gold, set with numerous sapphires, emeralds, balas rubies, and
large pearls; eleven jewels, with pearls and other gems; thirty-
five garments of various fashions, made of silk and gold, and
embroidered with pearls and precious stones; a large number of
collars and necklaces; innumerable ornaments for fastening the
hair; together with 294 vessels of silver and gold of various
shapes.

IV. LIONEL'S JOURNEY TO ITALY

I. DOVER TO PARIS

Lionel left England early in April,^ but we can not be sure of
the exact day. Froissart^ informs us that Lionel spent Easter,

" Perhaps Corio and jovius include this in their 200,000.

" Omitted, but almost certainly through inadvertence.

^^The chronicler complains that, since Lionel died on Oct. 15 (wrong
for 17), he had been overpaid by 10,000 florins.

^Walsingham (i. 306) merely says 'mense Aprilis.'

^Froissart's account of the whole journey is subjoined (from Kervyn
7. 246-7), with interpolations of the chief variants from his second
redaction :

'En ce temps fu treties^ li mariaiges entre monseigneur Lion, due
de Clarense, fil au roy Edouwart d'Engleterre et a le royne, et la

Dover to Paris 31

April 9, at Abbeville.^ As Abbeville is about 60 miles in a
straight line from Calais, where the expedition landed, and as
457 men* and 1280 horses^ would have proceeded rather slowly,
four days — April 5, 6, 7, and 8 — are none too many to allow for
this part of the journey,^ especially since the cavalcade only
reached Paris, 87 miles in a direct line from Abbeville, in time
for the next Sunday, April 16J If we assume that they covered

fille monseigneur Galeas, seigneur de. Melans, qu'il avoit de madame
Blanche, serour au conte Ame de Savoie, liquels mariaiges se parfist
et conferma, et se parti messires Lions, dus de Clarense, d'Engleterre
moult estoffeement et en grant arroy [accompagnies grandement de
chevaliers et d'escuiers d'Engleterre], a bien 11°^ chevaux. Si estoit
ses compains en ce voiaige ungs grans banneres d'Engleterre et riches
horns durement, que on nommoit messire Edouwart le Despenssier.
Si tint li dessus dis dus ses Pasques en le bonne ville d' Abbeville, qui
estoit au roy son pere, et puis s'en parti et chevaucha tant par ses
journees qu'il vint a Paris, ou li roys Charles de Franche estoit, et
li dus de Berri, li dus de Bourgoingne, si frere, li dus Loeis de
Bourbon [et li sires de Couci] et li contes de Savoie ossi, et rechurent
le dit monseigneur Lion et festyerent grandement, et li donna li roys
Carles de Franche grans dons et biaux jeuiaux et a tous ses chevaliers
ossi. Puis s'en partirent et chevauchierent parmy Bourgoingne, et
puis entrerent en le conte de Savoie. Si rechupt li dis contes a
Chambery monseigneur Lion d'Engleterre et ses gens moult grande-
ment, et les festia et honnoura durement, enssi que bien le savoit
faire, puis s'en partirent [et passa li dessus dis dus parmi le royaume
de France et vint en Savoie, oil li gentils contes de Savoie le rechut
tres-honnerablement en Chamberi, et fu la II jours en tres-grans
reviaus de danses, de caroles et de tous esbatemens. Au tierc jour,
il parti] et passerent oultre en Lombardie, et estoient de bonne ville
en bonne ville trop grandement festyet et honnouret. Si acompaignoit
le dit monseigneur Lion li gentils contes de Savoie, et I'amena a
Melans. La fu-il grandement festyes de monseigneur Galeas et de
monseigneur Bernabo. Si espousa la ditte dame le lundi apries le
jour de le Trinite, I'an de grace mil CCC et LXVIII, en le bonne
cite de Melans.'

' Abbeville at this time belonged to England. A year later (April 29,
1369), it was captured by the French (Kervyn 7. 309-12, 537; cf. 17. 469)-

* These particulars in Rymer, under date of May 10; cf. above, p. 29,
note 12.

''A couple of thousand, according to Froissart (see above, note 2).

"As they very likely would not have traveled on Good Friday, April 7,
another day may well have been required.

'' Grande s Chroniques de France, ed. Paulin Paris, 6. 251.

32 Lionel's Journey to Italy

87 miles in six days® — Monday to Saturday — this would be at
the rate of 14^ miles a day, which corresponds pretty nearly
to what we have assumed for the journey, Calais to Abbeville.
Now the ferriage across from Dover to Calais would have
required a day, April 4. At the rate of 145^ miles, it would
require a day from Canterbury to Dover, and four more for a
leisurely progress from London to Canterbury.^ On the basis
of this calculation, the array may have left London early on
Wednesday, March 29, arrived at Canterbury on Palm Sunday,
April 2, and thus reached Dover on April 3. If, however, they
made a leisurely and showy progress from London, they may
easily have consumed more time on the road, and thus have made
an earlier start, perhaps as early as Monday, March 27.

At Paris, or rather St. Denis,^° Lionel was met by the brothers
of King Charles V (1337-1380), the Dukes of Berry^^ (1340-
1416) and Burgundy" (1342-1404) ; the king's brother-in-law.

'Froissart says: 'chevaucha tant par ses journees.* Albert von Stade
(13th century) reckons five days from Abbeville to Paris (Jahrbuch fur
Schweiz. Gesch. 4. 284-6).

' See Hist. Background, p. 166, note 3.

"There at least by the two brothers of the king (Grandes Chroniques,
as above).

"John, Duke of Berry, was hostage in England 1360-66; in 1396 he
negotiated a truce with Richard II. and arranged for the latter's marriage
with Isabella, his niece, then only a child of six; when the future
Henry IV was banished in 1398, a match was considered between him and
Berry's daughter, and Berry was deep in his counsels respecting his return
to England (Diet. Nat. Biog. 2IS. 34). At his death he left vast treasures
of jewelry, objects of art, and especially illuminated MSS., many of
which have been preserved, one of the finest being his Livre d'H cures
(Encyc. Brit., nth ed., 3. 809). At the time of Lionel's visit, he was on
leave from Edward III to June 24 of that year (Kervyn 7. S17). Cf.
Froissart, Dit dou Florin 317-330.

" Philip the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, had distinguished himself at
Poitiers (1356) ; on the defeat of his father, King John, he accompanied
him (1357) into captivity in England, where he mostly remained till his
release in 1360. After the death of Charles V in 1380, Philip for a time
occupied the most powerful position in France. A contemporary described
him as kindly and amiable to men of every degree, liberal and magnificent.
His splendid tomb is in the museum of Dijon (Encyc. Brit., nth ed., 24.
493). Cf. Froissart, Dit dou Florin 317-330.

Dover to Paris 33

Louis de Bourbon^^ (1337-1410) ; Enguerrand/* Lord of Coucy
(1338-1397), brother-in-law of Lionel, and Count Amedeo VP^

'^Bourbon was a hostage in England 1360-66 (Kervyn 7. 517-8).
Though, on the death of Charles V, he, with the Dukes of Anjou, Berry,
and Burgundy, assumed the guardianship of Charles VI, he had never
had the opportunity to play a part befitting his high birth (Le Roulx,
p. 170), until, in 1390, he assumed command of the expedition directed
against Mehediah, in northern Africa (see the account in Le Roulx,
pp. 166-200; cf. Hist. Background, p. 209, notes 5 and 6). See Froissart,
Buisson de Jonece 291-3.

^* Sometimes known as Ingelram de Coucy. The pride of his house
appears in the well-known lines :

Je ne suis roi, ni prince aussi ;
Je suis le seigneur de Couci.

He was related to the Green Count by their common descent from
Amedeo V of Savoy (d. 1323), of whom Coucy was the great-grandson,
and Amedeo VI the grandson. He was married to Isabella (1332-1379),
eldest daughter of Edward HI, in 1365, she being six years older than
her husband; in the same year he received the Order of the Garter.
'On the eve of the renewal of the war between England and France in
1368, Enguerrand, unwilling either to break with his father-in-law or to
fight against his lord the French king, went to Italy, and served in the
wars of Urban V and Gregory XI against the Visconti' {Diet. Nat. Biog.
29. 68; cf. Muratori 8. 361; R. I. S. 15. 497; 16. 518; Giulini 5. 559,
560), remaining there till about 1374 (see also Beltz, Memorials of the
Order of the Garter, pp. 149-153; Kervyn 7. 419-420). Cf. Kervyn 14. 3,
4; Froissart, Dit dou Florin 442-4; Buisson 278-281; Le Roulx, Index;
Mem. de I'Acad. des Inscr. 25. 168-186.

^^ Symonds {Age of the Despots, chap. 2) says that the rulers of Savoy
and Montferrat are in the highest class of despots, and Gabotto {Atti
della Reale Accademia delle Scienze di Torino 34. 215) calls Amedeo
'that giant among the sovereigns of Savoy' (from which, of course, the
reigning house of Italy is descended). Referring to his exploits in the East
in 1366 (see below), Gregorovius {Gesch. der Stadt Athen. 2. 163) speaks
of 'how much a heroic man could accomplish, even with meagre forces.*
For the romantic story of the origin of his name (the Green Count) in
1348, see Cordey, pp. loo-ioi, and M. H. P, 3 {Script, i). 275-8. (For
a Spanish green knight at the siege of Tyre by Saladin in 1187, see
Chronique d'Ernoul et de Bernard le Tresorier, ed. Mas Latrie, pp.
237-8, 251-2; Rohricht, Gesch. des Konigreichs Jerusalem, p. 468; for
seven green knights who tourneyed in 1305 on the site of the Isthmian
games, see Miller, p. 203 ; Rodd 2. 54 ; Chronique de Moree, ed. Longnon,
p. 397; in Malory there is a green knight, Sir Pertilope, besides a black
(see also Chretien de Troyes, Cliges), a red, and a blue knight; Tristram
is a green knight in Tennyson's Last Tournament 169-170). For the

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI 3 I9i6

34 Lionel's Journey to Italy

of Savoy (1334-1383), the uncle of Lionel's betrothed, and the
one who had perhaps been chiefly instrumental in arranging the
marriage." Lionel was provided with a richly adorned apart-
ment at the Louvre/^ where the king was in residence. On
Sunday he dined and supped there; on Monday he dined with

account of his heroic expedition to free his cousin, John Palaeologus,
Emperor of Constantinople, in 1366, see Kervyn 11. 233-4; ^^- H- P- 3
{Script, i). 300-370; Datta, La Spedisione in Oriente di Amcdeo VI
(Turin, 1836); Le Roulx, pp. 141-158; Hertzberg, Gesch. GriccJieiilands
2. 309, 320, ^22 ; C. Hopf, Griechenland im Mittelalter und in der Xeuzcit,
in Ersch und Gruber's AUgemeine Encyklopddie (Leipzig, 1868), Part 86,
pp. 14-15 (it is interesting that in Mantua, on his return from the East,
he had with him, according to Datta, three falcons and a small lion ; cf.
Hist. Background, pp. 171, 174). His itineraries on his return are given
by Datta (pp. 162-3, 170-171), who notes that he reached Pavia Nov. 14,
and Chambery Dec. 10.

For Amedeo in general, see Froissart, Dit dou Florin 330-339, and
cf. pp. 23-5, 36, 49, 59, 85, 99, 100, 102, 107.

^® So Cordey, p. 183 : 'lis [Violante's father and mother] s'adresserent
sans doute au Conte de Savoie. ... II fut assez heureux pour decider
Edouard III a marier son fils Lionel, due de Clarence, avec la princesse
milanaise.' On Nov. 22, 1366, Galeazzo had transferred to Amedeo
three towns — a fact which Cordey regards as significant in this connection.

Amedeo came to Paris to meet Lionel, but this was not his sole
motive. We find that on the ver}'- day of Lionel's arrival, Amedeo
received the promise of 50,000 gold florins from the king by way of
indemnity for the war of Faucigny in 1355; and we have even a list
of his expenditures for a variety of costly articles, among the rest for
a hat adorned with a ruby and large pearls, destined for the king, which
cost 1000 florins (Cordey, pp. 184-5). At Paris he met Guillaume de
Machaut, then 70 years old, who presented him with a romance (perhaps
his Lizre du Voir Dit, composed a few years earlier), and received by
way of gratuity the by no means inconsiderable sum of 300 golden francs
(Cordey, p. 185).

It is therefore possible that here Machaut, Froissart, and Chaucer met ;
this conjecture is of interest in view of Chaucer's imitation, in the Book
of the Duchess, of Froissart's Paradys d'Amour, which itself imitates
Machaut's Dit de la Fontaine Amoureuse (Kittredge, in Eng. Stud. 26.
336; cf. Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. 30. i). For imitations by Chaucer of
Machaut, see Wells, pp. 620, 629, 633, 634, 638, 668; Kittredge in Mod. Phil.
7. 465 ff. ; Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. 30. 1-24.

"Hare, Walks in Paris, pp. 36-37: 'On the site of a hunting
lodge, . . . Philippe Auguste in 1200 erected a fortress, to which
St. Louis added a great hall, which was called by his name. The fortress
was used as a state prison, and its position was at first outside the city.

Dover to Paris

35

the qiieen^^ at the king's hostel near St. Pol/^ where she was
staying, 'et y fist Ten tres grant feste.' After dinner, when

in which it was enclosed in 1367. • . . The Louvre was greatly enlarged
by Charles V, who added many towers, and surrounded it with a moat
which was supplied from the Seine. He made the palace into a complete
rectangle, always preserving the great central dungeon tower. In spite,
however, of his additions, space was wanting in the labyrinthine apart-
ments of the Louvre for his splendid receptions, . . . so he only

Jeanne de Bourbon, Wife of Charles V.
(From Racinet, Le Costume Historiqtie, Vol. 4.)

inhabited the fortress for a short time, and devoted himself principally
to building the Hotel St. Paul.'

'* Whom Delachenal (i. 44) calls one of the most gracious figures of the
14th century. As to her picture, her cote-hardie has the color and the
arms of France; only on ceremonial occasions was it cut so low in the
neck. The crown is of gold, set with precious stones. See also p. 50.

'" Cf . Hare, Walks in Paris, pp. 201-2 : 'Every preceding king had held
his Court either in the Cite or at the Louvre, but Charles now bought, near
the Port de St. Paul, the hotel of the Conte d'Etampes. ... In
1363 he added to his purchase the hotel of the Archbishop of Sens, with
gardens which reached to the Port. ... By an edict of July, 1364,
Charles V, after coming to the throne, declared the Hotel de St. Paul

36 Lionel's Journey to Italy

they had danced and played— the king's brothers being always

to be for ever part of the domain of the Crown — the hotel where "he
had enjoyed many pleasures, endured and recovered from many illnesses,
and which, therefore, he regarded with singular pleasure and affection."
No plan of the Hotel de St. Paul has come down to us, but we
know that it was rather a group of palaces than a single building,
the Hotel de Sens being the royal dwelling-place, , . , the Hotel
d'Etampes being called Hotel de la Reine. . . . The palace as a whole
was surrounded by high walls, inclosing six meadows, eight gardens,
twelve galleries, and a number of courts. . . . The garden walks
were shadeS^ by trellises covered with vines. ... In their shade
Charles V amused himself by keeping a menagerie, and many accounts
exist of sums disbursed to those who brought him rare animals. Here
the queen and her ladies appeared in the new dress of the time, in
which their own arms were always embroidered on one side ^ of their
gown, and their husbands' on the other.' Cf. Michelet 5. 43-4. From this
residence Charles could see, two years later, the flames of the villages
which the English were burning (Michelet 5. 31; Lavisse 4.' 235).

Add Encyc. Brit., 9th ed., 18. 189: *He [Charles V] robbed the Louvre
to some extent of its military equipment, in order to make a convenient
and sumptuous residence; his open-work staircases and his galleries are
mentioned in terms of the highest praise by writers of the time. This
did not, however, remain always his favorite palace; having built or
rebtiilt in the St, Antoine quarter the mansion of St. Paul or St. Pol,
he was particularly fond of living in it during the latter part of his life,
and it was there that he died in 1380.'

These reunions must have had much the air of a family party. There
were present Lionel's brother-in-law and his prospective uncle. Then,
since the king's sister, Isabella, had been married, eight years before —
she was now only 19 years old — to Gian Galeazzo (a marriage probably
negotiated by Amedeo; cf. Cordey, p. 155), the brother of Lionel's
betrothed, that would make her sister-in-law to Lionel, and thus tend to
create a fraternal feeling with Berry, Burgundy, and the king, and more
remotely, through the king, with the queen and her brother, Bourbon.
Moreover, since Amedeo had married Bonne de Bourbon in 1355 at
the Hotel St. Pol, he was at table with his sister-in-law, the queen (once
almost betrothed to him; Delachenal i. 26-27), and his brother-in-law,
Louis de Bourbon, by whom the Green Count's wife was much beloved
(Kervyn i.^ 163, note).

These ties would be strengthened by the residence of Berry, Burgundy,
and Bourbon in England, where, though they were detained as hostages,
they can have known little of the horrors of imprisonment. The father
of the three royal brothers. King John (1319-1364), after his defeat at
Poitiers, was in England as a captive for three years (1357-60), yet,
after more than three years of liberty, while his ransom was still unpaid.

Bonne de Bourbon, wife of Amedeo VI of Savoy.
(From Cordey, frontispiece.)

Dover to Paris 37

in his company — they retired, and afterwards supped with the

he voluntarily returned to England (January, 1364) in the spirit indicated

by the following quotations from Froissart CKervyn 6. 387, 389, 390,

392, 393 ; second redaction in square brackets) :

'Li roys Jehans avoit proupos et affection d'aller en Engleterre
veoir le roy engles, son frere, et madame le royne, sa soer (enssi
s'appelloient-il par le tretiet de le pes), et ordonnoit touttes ses
pourveances et ses besoingnes a Boulloingne. Si le conseilloient bien
li aucun de Franche qu'il ne volsist mies aller, et que c'estoit ungs
grans perils sus le veu et prommesse qu'il avoit fait, et que on le
poroit la detenir pour le somme de se redemtion qui estoit encorres
a payer; mes li roys Jehans respondoit qu'il avoit trouvet ou roy
d'Engleterre, en madame le royne, en tous leurs enffans et ens es
barons d'Engleterre tant d'onneur, d' amour, de courtoisie et de
loyaulte, qu'il ne s'en doubtoit en riens et qu'il ne cesseroit jammais,
si y aroit este et yaux veus, et ossi ses amis qui la estoient hostagiers
pour lui. . . .

Quant il fu venus a Eltem [Eltham], en I'ostel dou roy engles,
il y fu rechups a grant joie, che puet-on moult bien croire, et tout
chil qui avoecq lui estoient, pour I'amour de lui. La eult grans festes,
grans sollas, grans esbatemens, belles danses et belles carolles de
seigneur, de dame et de damoiselle [et la estoit li jones sires de Couci
qui s'efforgoit de- bien danser et de canter quant son tour venoit],
et s'efforchoit chacuns de festyer et de jeuer pour le cause dou
roy de Franche, Quant il eut la estet, je croy II jours, il s'en parti
et vint a Londres, ou il fu requeillies moult honnorablement et menes
et aconvoyes de ses cousins les enfans dou roy engles, jusques a
I'ostel de Savoie qui estoit ordonnet pour lui, qui siet sus le Tamise
au dehors de Londres. La le laissierent-il, et la se tint li roys Jehans
et tout son hostel. Si avoit dalles lui chiaux de son sanch, le duch
de Berri, son fil, le ducq d'Orlyens, son frere, le conte d'Allenchon,
Robert d'Alengon et Gui de Blois, ses cousins, qui adont estoient jone
damoisel, ossi le ducq d€ Bourbon et le conte de Saint-Pol et les
seigneurs qu'il avoit la amenes de Franche. Si tenoit la li dis roys
et tint la I'ivier grant estat et grant hostel, et estoit souvent visetes
dou roy engles et de ses enffans [et le visetoient souvent li rois
d'Engleterre et si enfant li dus de Qarense, li dus de Lancastre et
messires Aymonsl. Si donnoient chil roy grans disners et grans
soupers li uns a I'autre, et jeuoient et esbatoient enssemble et parloient
et consilloient de leurs besoingnes. . . . Enssi passoient li roy le
temps, et veoient souvent I'un I'autre, et donnoient et envoioient li
uns a I'autre grans dons, biaux jeuiaux et riches presens pour nourir
entr'iaux plus grant amour.'

Here it is explicitly related that he was often visited by Lionel (named

first), John of Gaunt, and Edmund.

38 Lionel's Journey to Italy

king.^^ On Tuesday, the two dukes entertained him and his
knights at dinner and supper at the Hotel d'Artois.^^ Among
those present at the banquet, besides the nobles mentioned above,
the Counts of Armagnac, Eu, and Etampes, Robert d'Alengon,
Constable of France, the Archbishop of Sens, and the Bishop
of Nevers.^- That night he slept at the Louvre, and on Wednes-
day dined and supped again with the king, who bestowed upon

In Lionel's visits to King John, with whom were the Dukes of Berry
and Bourbon, the Counts of Eu and Tancarville (see Kervyn 6. 388),
and Robert d'Alengon (the last three mentioned below), there would
have been only a renewal of the graceful courtesy he, in conjunction with
two of his brothers, had shown the king in 1360, on his release at Calais.
King John's first act then was one of devotion. Grateful for his deliv-
erance, he decided to perform a pilgrimage, barefoot, to the shrine of
Notre Dame at Boulogne (where the future Charles V offered, July 2,
1362, five candles, each weighing 32 pounds; Delachenal 2. 312; cf.
Michelet 5. 28), twenty miles distant. Immediately Lionel, then 21 years
of age, the Black Prince (30), and Edward Ill's fifth son, Edmund (19),
offered themselves as his companions. They started on the morning of
Oct. 2y (Coville, in Lavisse V 156, says that King John left Calais on
Sunday, Oct. 25), and, all barefoot alike, walked the distance so briskly
that they were at Boulogne before dinner. The religious ceremony over,
they abandoned themselves to merry-making. The next morning early
the three princes returned to Calais, where their father was awaiting them,
and whence they sailed for Dover on Oct. 31 (Kervyn 6. 320-1).

Another bond uniting these table-mates was their youth. The eldest,
the Green Count, Lionel's future uncle by marriage, was only four years
older than Lionel; the king and Bourbon were a year older; the queen
and Coucy of the same age; Berry, two years younger; and Burgundy,
four years younger. Thus everything must have favored a joyous aban-
donment to the pleasure of the moment. Yet Michelet (5. 22-22,) points
out that at this moment the English companies of adventure were
ravaging Champagne, and from there to the very suburbs of Paris. Else-
where (5. 34, 35) Michelet speaks of the egregious pride and ambition of
the English.

^ Grandes Chroniques, as above. For the festivities in France at this
period, see De Noirmont (i. 93) : 'Malgre les desastres de Crecy et de
Poitiers, le regne des premiers Valois [1328-1380] fut I'apogee de la
royaute feodale. Leur cour etait une fete eternelle, une brillante imita-
tion de la Table ronde du roi Arthus. Dans les intervalles des grandes
guerres, banquets, tournois, et chasses splendides s'y succedaient sans
interruption.'

"^ Op. cit., pp. 251-2.

" Cordey, p. 184.

Paris to Chambery 39

him and his companions gifts-^ to the value of more than 20,000
florins.^^^

2. P.\RIS TO CHAMBERY

On Thursday Lionel left Paris, accompanied by Jean de Melun,
Count of Tancarville^^ (d. 1382), as far as Sens, some 60 miles
distant; from this point other knights attended him to the
boundary of France,^^ probably Chalon-sur-Saone.

Froissart seems to say, in his first redaction,-^ that the Green
Count accompanied Lionel from Paris to Milan. This, however,
would be an error. Amedeo preceded Lionel, probably by only
a single day, taking the route by which he had come, and which
Lionel no doubt followed — by Villeneuve-sur-Yonne, Auxerre,
and Chalon-sur-Saone, where France bordered on Franche-
Comte, to which point, about 180 miles from Paris, a herald of
the king accompanied him.

Lionel followed, as we have seen, on April 20. He must have
arrived at Chambery, about 290 miles from Paris, either May
II or 12.-^ On his route, after Macon and Pont-de-Veyle, lay
Bourg-en-Bresse (made famous by Matthew Arnold's Church of
Brou), where he may have arrived on May 8.^^ Here he was
doubtless feasted for a day or more, after which he proceeded
by way of St. Rambert and Belley to Chambery (about 30 miles
from Bourg).^*^ Messengers had been sent out in various direc-

-^ Grandes Chroniques, p. 252.

'* Reckoning the florin at 3 shillings, this amount equals £3000, which,
somewhat arbitrarily reckoned on the basis of £i=$7S (see Hist. Back-
ground, p. 166) , = $225,000.

-^A famous hunter, brother of the Archbishop of Sens (Delachenal
2. 84), grand master of the royal household, and of the woods and waters
of France.

"^ Grandes Chroniques, p. 252.

^See p. 31.

'* Messengers had been awaiting his arrival at Macon for some time
in April, and several days in May.

-' On that date payment was made to several workmen who had been
making preparations for Lionel's reception in that town.

^"Isabella of France, traveling southwards in September, 1359, spends
two days at Pont-de-Veyle (Sept. 6-8), reaches Bourg on the 8th, and
Belley on the loth, whence she was conducted by way of Hautecombe
and Bourget to Chambery (Gabotto, Rendiconfi della Reale Accademia
dei Lined 5. 8. 85).

40 Lionel's Journey to Italy

tions to ascertain and report to Amedeo the arrival of Lionel at
his various stopping-places,^^ and no doubt also to invite the
nobility of Savoy to the festivities at Court. There must have
been brilliant receptions of Lionel at various towns through which
he passed,^^ but of these we know nothing in detail. It is cer-
tain, however, that all these were surpassed by the gayety and
splendor at Chambery, which, according to Froissart, lasted two
days.^^ He it was who, as a spectator and participant, not only
characterized these 'revelries of dance, roundelay, and all man-
ner of game' in his prose,^* but has left us a detailed account
of them in his Prison Amoureiise.^^ There were present a hun-

'' Cordey, p. i86.

^ Froissart, above, p. 31.

''Above, p. 31. If Lionel arrived at Chambery on Friday, May 12,
then the feastingf must have occupied Saturday and Sunday, the 13th
and 14th, leaving him free to depart on Monday, the 15th. But as
Froissart elsewhere says (Prison Amoureuse 384) three days, this is
perhaps quite as likely, in which case we may assume that the days so
spent were Friday, Saturday, and Sunday, May 12-14. Holinshed
{Chronicles, London, 1807-8, 2. 685-6), following, or mistranslating, a text
of Froissart, even says, 'there he remained foure daies'; but this may be
meant to include the day of arrival or departure, or both.

^* See above, p. 31

''I subjoin lines 354-423 {Poesies, ed. Scheler i. 221-4), though only
lines 364Mii(?) refer to the festivities at Chambery:

La estoient li menestrel.
Qui s'aquitoient bien et bel
A piper, et tout de nouvel.
Bones danses teles qu'il sceurent.
Et si trestost que cesse eurent
Les estampies qu'il batoient,
Chil et chelles qui s'esbatoient
Au danser, sans gaires atendre,
Commenchierent leurs mains a tendre
Pour caroler. La me souvint
D'un tamps passe : ja il avint
En Savoie, en le court dou conte,
De qui on doit bien faire compte.
Car il est nobles et vaillans,
D'onneur faire aigres et taillans,
Celle grasce li portent tuit.
L'an mil CCC sissante et uit
Fu que passa parmi sa terre

Paris to Ckambery 41

dred and twenty beautiful young women, wives and daughters
of knights, richly clothed. For the dances and carols Froissart
himself supplied words. When the minstrels ceased, the ladies
never stopped, but continued their roundelays hand in hand.
Hardly had one lady finished a virelay than another began a
new one, for new and good were many of these songs.

Li uns des enfans d'Enp^leterre,
Lions, fils Edouwart le roi,
En tres noble et poissant arroi ;
Et li contes que j'ai nomme,
Qu'on claime ou qu'on clamoit Ame,
Honnourablement le rechut.
La fu bien, qui I'estat conchut,
Et Tordenance et le maniere
De la court qui fu moult pleniere,
Les disners, les belles assises,
Les tables ostees et mises,
Les vins, les viandes, les mes.
Trois jours dura la feste; mes
II y eut danses et carolles,
Pour quoi j'ai empris les parolles,
Car bien .VI^^. jones et belles,
Toutes dames et damoiselles,
Filles de chevaliers ou fames,
Dou pays les plus frices dames,
Moult ricement et bel arrees,
Tres noblement et bien parees
En draps de canjans et de soie,
Plus rices deviser n'osoie,
Drut perlees et orfrisies,
Dont le mieuls estoient prisies,
Y peuist on adont veoir.
Cure n'avoient de seoir,
Mes de danser a I'estrivee;
Toute joie y ert arivee,
Et quant li menestrel cessoient,
Les dames pas ne se lassoient,
Ains caroloient main a main
Tout le soir jusqu'a I'endemain.
Et quant chante li une avoit
Un virelay, on ne savoit
Encores s'il avoit fin pris.
Quant uns aultres estoit repris
Ou de dame ou de damoiselle.
Mainte canchon bonne et nouvelle

42 Lionel's Journey to Italy

3. CHAMBERY TO PA VIA

From Chambery on, Lionel was accompanied by Amedeo of
Savoy.^*^ They must have begun their journey on Monday, May
15, since we find them at Aiguebelle, 23 miles from Chambery,
on May 16.^'

On y chanta et respondi.
A celle fin je le vous di :
A la feste ossi ou j'estoie,
Quant avoec celles m'esbatoie
Et chiauls de qui la compagnie
Estoit moult bien acompagnie,
L'une apries Tautre sans detri
Chantoient si com par estri.
La fu mon virelay cantes
Et moult volentiers escoutes,
Mes a painnes pent il fin prendre,
Quant ma dame en volt un reprendre
Qu'onques mes je n"'avoie o'i.

'"Keryyn, 7. 247; see above, p. 31.

^ Cordey, p. 187, note i. Cordey says they went by the Mont Cenis,
but strangely enough adds that they had a guide as far as Aosta, which,
if true, would indicate that they crossed by the Little St. Bernard. That
the passage was regularly made by the Mont Cenis is clear enough.
Thus the French princess, Isabella, crossed by this route (Gabotto,
Rendiconti, p. 87) : Sept. 15, Montmelian and Aiguebelle; 16, Aiguebelle;
18, St. Michel; 19, Les Fourneaux ; 20, Lanslebourg; 21, Susa, the
distance from Chambery to Susa being 83 miles. In 1359, the Green
Count traveled as follows (Gabotto, p. 80): Sept. 11, Chambery; 11,
Montmelian; 13, Aiguebelle; 13-15, La Chambre, St. Michel, Les Four-
neaux, Lanslebourg. In 1393, Henry, Earl of Derby, traveled in the
opposite direction (Derby Accounts, ed. L. T. Smith, p. Ixxviii) : May
25, Susa; 26, Lanslebourg; 27, St. Michel; 30, Aiguebelle; 31, Chambery.
Ruskin walked from Susa to Lanslebourg, 23 miles, in one day, Sept. i,
1858 (see Library Edition 35. 498) ; for his description of the scenery
at Lanslebourg, June 2, 1841, see op. cit. 35. 296-7, cf. i. xli; for his
description of the country about Susa, 36. 231-2 (letter to Miss Siddal
of Jan. 27, 1856), Summing up the foregoing itineraries, we have:
Isabella's journey, Chambery to Susa, 6 days, besides one day for rest,
apparently; Amedeo's journey, Chambery to Lanslebourg, 5 days, with
one to spare for Susa; the Earl of Derby's, Susa to Chambery, 7 days.
We might therefore assume that Lionel would have been at St. Michel
on May 18, at Lanslebourg May 21, and at Susa May 22, though it must
always be remembered that his party was large, and that he might there-
fore have been delayed. However, May 22 is none too early, considering

Chamiery to Pavia 43

From Susa the English probably advanced by way of Vercelli
and Novara^^ to Pavia. ^^ Here they v^ould have been entertained
at the Castello, which had been begun by Galeazzo in 1360, and
completed in 1367. The earliest historian of Milan calls this
building 'the first in the world,'^*^ and Symonds declares*^ that
it was 'the noblest dwelling-house in Europe.'*^ It is particularly
interesting in its possible relation to Chaucer, who, if we may
credit the statement of Gioffredo della Chiesa, writing between
'1 430 and 1440, may have seen painted on its walls the story of
Griselda.*^ For the tower of Boethius, see Magenta, opp. p.

that from Susa to Pavia, even by way of Turin, is not less than 120
miles, and that from Pavia to Milan is 20 miles more. Now we know that
on Saturday, May 27, Lionel's train entered Milan.

Cordey (as above) assumes that the journey over the Mont Cenis
occupied May 15 to 18. Gabotto, on the other hand, says explicitly (Misc.
di Stor. Ital. 33. 168-9) that Lionel was at Susa on May 17, from which
place Amedeo issued summonses to the communes of Savoy and Achaia
(here meaning Piedmont) to send representatives to Rivoli with reference
to a reform of the country. Cordey (1911) writes later than Gabotto
(1895), and then Gabotto is sometimes inaccurate: thus he assigns April
6, instead of 16, for Lionel's arrival at Paris.

^At least this was the route pursued by Isabella (see p. 42) in
1360 under the same guidance {R. I. S. 16. 405) ; the Bishop of Novara
may also have joined them at that city (see p. 59)- Vercelli and Novara
were among the cities inherited by Galeazzo in 1354 {R. I. S. 16. 32,7).

"" So Chron. Plac.

*^Corio, p. 466. ^ ,_

*^ Age of the Despots, chap. 2. The hand of man has since dealt harshly
with it; see Murray, Handbook for Travellers in Northern Italy, 3d ed.,
1847, pp. 206-7. For a remarkable duel which took place in its courtyard
on June 24, 1399, see Magenta i. 242-5.

*^ See the delineations of it in Magenta, opp. p. 74 ; for its magnificent
park, several miles in circumference (cf. Hist. Background, p. 186, note),
see Magenta, opp. p. 118; cf. Rosmini 2. 116.

*^ M. H. P., p. 861 : 'La historia' de Griselidis, Marchexa de Salucio,
he [e] stata depinta ab antiquo nel Castello di Pavia, la quale era sedya
regale di coloro.' Gioffredo's statements dispose of Westenholz's denial
{Die Griselidis-Sage in der Literaturgeschichte, p. 4). The question
arises, however, whether these walls were those of the new castle, or those
of the older one built by Matteo I between 13 15 and 1322 (R. I. S.
16. 379, 696). However, Chaucer may easily have seen both, for the old
castle was left standing when the new one was built (R. I. S. 16. 379:
'Apud Castrum antiquum, erectum per quondam Dominum Matthaeum,
aliud Castrum mirabile fecit de novo erigi'). Which castle we suppose

44 Lionel's Journey to Italy

162. For other sights in Pavia, see pp. 80, 92. A plan of the
city in 1590 is in Magenta, opp. p. i.

4. PAVIA TO MILAN

By the time Lionel left Pavia for Milan, his retinue would
doubtless be composed, in addition to the 457 men with whom

Gioffredo to have meant depends upon the interpretation we assign to
the words 'ab antiquo.' If he wrote in 1437 (say), might he have
regarded a period two generations earlier, in 1366, as ancient, or must
we assume that he would have reserved this designation for a date
(say 1316) 50 years earlier? That the story of Griselda did not gain its
earliest currency from the classic form into which it was cast by Boccaccio
and Petrarch is suggested by Gioffredo's statement that he himself was
acquainted with it in three languages — Latin, Italian, and French (op.
cit., p. 861 : 'La quale se trova in historia, et in Latino et in Franzoso e
Italiano, che noi medemy habiamo veduta in questy tre idioma'). It is
of course possible that he is here referring to Boccaccio's narrative,
Petrarch's version, and a French translation (perhaps that of 1414).
Against this hypothesis it may be urged that, since he is arguing for the
Germanic origin of such names as Walter and Griselda, and therefore
stressing the notion of antiquity {ib.: 'Et credemo che ly marchexi di
Salucio che erano in anty fusseno ancora discesi da quely Saxony et
Longobardy. Et molte cosse presumere me lo f ano : prima, questy nomy
come Manfredo, Adalayda, Valterio, Griseldis, e simily nomy che tirano
sopra quely nomy di coloro, e sono inusitati'), he is not likely to have
appealed to a version as modern as Petrarch's in support of such a theory.
That there were earlier accounts than Boccaccio's is clear from the fact
that Petrarch testifies {Sen. 17. 3) that he had often heard the story
long before 1373, and that one of his reasons for translating Boccaccio's
account was to render it accessible to people who knew no Italian
('Cogitatio supervenit, fieri posse ut nostri etiam sermonis ignaros tam
dulcis historia delectaret, cum et mihi semper ante multos annos audita
placuisset, et tibi usque adeo placuisse perpenderem, ut vulgari eam
stilo tuo censeris non indignam'), the context making it perfectly evident
that he is referring, not to Boccaccio's literary reproduction, but to a
popular tale, such as might be related by minstrels.

There always remains the possibility that Galeazzo, after Petrarch had
written his. Latin version by June 8, 137^, and before his own death in
1378, had these frescoes executed, out of regard for Petrarch's memory.
There is nothing in the relations between the ruling house of Saluzzo
and the Visconti to discredit such a supposition, seeing that in April,
1365, Federigo II, Marquis of Saluzzo (d. 1396), acknowledged that he
held his marquisate of Bernabo {M. H. P., pp. loio-ii), and that ten
years later he looked to Galeazzo and Bernabo for defense against his

Pavia to Milan 45

he started from Dover,** of a comparatively few persons who
had gone to Italy on his business in the months immediately
preceding/^ and in large measure of detachments from the
bands of Englishmen then serving as mercenaries in Italy. One
proof of the latter is that so many of his followers were armed
with great bows*® and shields,*^ which is somewhat easier to
understand of the local forces than of those which had come
with him from England; another is that Cron. Monf. (p. 1212)
speaks of the English in Lionel's train (presumably such
mercenaries) as having greatly prevailed against the resistance
of the Emperor Charles,*^ and as having done infinite damage
in the lands of the state of Milan.*^

enemies (M. H. P., p. 1023). But if the frescoes were executed after
I373» out of regard for Petrarch, would Gioffredo be likely to characterize
them as ancient, and seem to know nothing of the story as told by
Petrarch after Boccaccio?

It therefore appears (i) that if Gioffredo's 'ab antique' means any
time between 1316 and 1367, Chaucer — supposing him to have been in
Pavia — might have seen the frescoes ; (2) if Gioffredo's 'ab antiquo'
refers to a date after 1367 (or the earlier months of t^68), Chaucer
might have seen the frescoes if he visited Pavia during his mission to
Lombardy in 1378, or if perchance he made the two days' trip (Petrarch,
Sen. 5. i) from Genoa to Pavia in 1372-3. If in 1378, and the execution
of the frescoes was due to the authority of Petrarch's version — for
Boccaccio's direct influence need not be considered — Chaucer would
undoubtedly have learned of Petrarch's agency in the matter, and would
thus have been led to the latter's version, a copy of which, considering
Galeazzo's relations with him, would surely have been in existence at
Pavia.

*^See p. 31.

*'" See Cal. Pat. Rolls for Nov. 23 and 30, 1367 ; Jan. 9 and Feb. g, 1368.

*^ On these bows, see R. I. S. 16. 380.

" Annal. Med.: 'inter quos erant multi cum arcubus et targhettis' ;
Frag.: 'molti con gli archi grandi in forma d'una terretta' (sic) ; Corio:
'tra i quali molti haveano archi.' These archers, like the others, must
have been on horseback, if we are to take literally Corio's 'dismontarono
nella corte.'

*^ Temple-Leader and Marcotti {Sir John Hawkwood) assign this to
the month of May. They say (pp. 61-2) :

'This prince had erected a new bastion at Borgoforte on the Po,
and stationed an Italian garrison there, which by reason of old
rancors had disagreed with the German mercenaries in Visconti's pay,
and was reduced to evil case, so that Bernabo had to ride in great

46 Lionel's Journey to Italy

On May 2y,^^ the stately little army swept up from Pavia to
Milan, about twenty miles, probably by way of Binasco. Some
notion of the low meadows through which they passed may be

haste to the place, where — order being restored — he placed the bastion
under the charge of Havvkwood's Englishmen. Then the Emperor
Charles IV came down from the Alps, and made common cause
with the d'Estes and other Italian princes against the Visconti, per-
suading them to attack Borgoforte. It must be noted that what
between the Imperials (Bohemians, Sclavonians, Poles, Grisons, and
Swiss), d'Este's Italians, those of Malatesta, and of Queen Joanna;
and the Church party, which consisted of Bretons, Gascons, and
Provencals; as many as twenty thousand combatants presented them-
selves before that fortress. In the army of Visconti were Germans,
English, Italians, Burgundians, all with the firm determination to
defend the bulwarks ; in those days a small place, well provisioned
and manned with a spirited garrison, might defy even "an army
sufficient to subjugate Italy." To intercept succor, the d'Este party
had launched on the Po a fleet of galleys and other boats, and the
river being much swollen by the melting of the snows, the Imperialists
bethought themselves of breaking the banks above Borgoforte ; but
the garrison knew how to save itself from the inundation, and
returned it by breaking the banks towards the valley by night, thus
flooding the plains of Mantua and the entrenchments of the Imperial
camp. Charles IV was obliged to raise his camp, and shut himself
up in Alantua; after which, on account of the damage he had suf-
fered, and of the scarcity of provisions, he hastened to agree to
Bernabo's terms.'
** This seems to be a reminiscence of an earlier condition of things.
In a sketch of the earlier operations of the English adventurers — the
White Company and others — Temple-Leader and Marcotti (ib., pp. 12,
14, 15, 16, 17) say:

'Here then we behold the great English band marching towards the
sea ; attempting in vain to take Marseilles, they set fire to her
suburbs, and pass by the Riviera to Nice; cross the Maritime Alps
by the feudal estates of Malaspina, favored by Simon Boccanegra,
doge of Genoa, and enemy to the Visconti ; and thus descend into
the valley of the Po. . . . The fact remains that Piedmont was
devastated by the Hungarians, the Germans, and lastly by the newly
arrived English. . . . The "Chronique de Savoie" says coldly,
almost excusing them, that, being many, they could not live in Pied-
mont without spoiling the country, so that Conte Verde, who had
imprudently counselled the Marquis of Montferrat to employ the
English, repented, and took arms to defend himself. ... By
forfeiting the sum of 180,000 florins, Conte Verde obtained the
restitution of his lands, and the English passed on to fight the

Pavia to Milan • 47

gathered from the following description of the route (reversed)
which travelers followed in the first half of the nineteenth cen-

Milanese tinder the Marquis of Montferrat, making their headquarters
at Sicciano near Novara. . . . Conte Verde proposed an alliance '
with Galeazzo Visconti, with the object of driving out the English
from their states, and dividing Montferrat between them, but it must
be admitted that the undertaking to rout the English seemed very
difficult to Vicconti, for he was at the same time attempting to make
a treaty of peace with them. Albert Sterz feigned to consent, by
which means the English succeeded in making a fierce incursion,
passing the Ticino, and pushing on to within six miles of Milan.
It was night, and people in the castles and villages were keeping the
New Year's festivities, while the Milanese nobles were having a
merry time, playing at tabulas et scaccos (draughts and chess) unsus-
pecting and undefended, so that they were unable to prevent the
robbers from taking anything and everything they chose. . . .
They made prisoners of over 600 nobles, and would have taken more
if ropes and time had not failed them. Some of the gang dragged
behind them as many as ten nobles, together with their cattle ; they
could not save them all, because they were attacked by Visconti's
boats in recrossing the Ticino, but it is said that with the money paid
for ransoms, they pocketed about 100,000 florins.'
Among those in attendance on Lionel was very probably the famous
'Condottkre, John Hawkwood, of whom Temple-Leader and Marcotti
write (p. 60) :

In 1368 he had returned to the pay of Bernabo Visconti, together

with William Boson [Bosson, R. I. S. 23. 555], conducting four

thousand Englishnjen. His passage into Lombardy was probably

connected with the arrival there of Lionel, Duke of Clarence, son of

Edward III of England, who came to celebrate his marriage with

Violante, daughter of Galeazzo Visconti and niece of Bernabo*; and

it is very likely that he went to pay homage at the court of his own

Royal Prince, for we already know that all the English adventurers

in Italy stipulated a clause in all their contracts affirming their loyalty

to the King of England.'

The Diet. Nat. Biog. (25. 237) speaks of Hawkwood as drawn to Milan

by the marriage, and adds: 'Shortly after the ceremony he, with four

thousand men, entered the service of Bernabo Visconti.' The Milanese

annalist says (p. 741) that this was in August. We know that Bernabo,

as soon as Lionel's wedding was over, took some of the latter's men,

* The Milanese annals say in general terms that Lionel was accom-
panied by about 2000 English, amongst whom were many archers.
Giovio and Litta positively affirm that Hawkwood was in the Duke's
party, and the heraldic book of Samson Lennard, Bluemantle, confirms
the fact.

48 Lionel's Journey to Italy

tury (Murray, Handbook for Travellers in Northern Italy, 3d.

ed., 1847, P- 203) :

Quitting Milan by the Porta Ticinese, the road enters what may be
termed the most Flemish portion of the plain of Lombardy. Meadows,
rich in clover, yield two or three crops a year; thick rows of sallows
and poplars bespeak the humidity of the soil, luxuriant even to rank-
ness. On either side are frequent transverse or longitudinal cuts
and canals. Of these the largest is the Naviglio" di Pavia, completed
by the French, which joins the Ticino at Pavia. The road skirts this
canal all the way.

As the festal company approached Milan, there issued from
the Ticinese Gate a gorgeous procession to meet them.^- This
procession was headed by Galeazzo.'^^ First came Bianca,^*

and returned to Guastalla, and thence went by boats to Borgoforte, which
he captured and destroyed (Corio, p. 471). Borgoforte is on the northern
shore of the Po, 7 miles south of Mantua; Guastalla on the southern
bank of the Po, midway by rail between Mantua and Parma, and a dozen
miles from Borgoforte.

■^So Annal. Med.; Frag. Corio says May 17 (XVII for XXVII),
but provides the means of correction by adding that it was the vigil of
Pentecost.

^^Cf. p. II.

'^ Annal. Med.; Corio; Frag.

•^ According to Magenta (i. 156), following Jovius, Galeazzo was
strong and handsome, tall, with fair and curHng locks, friendly but keen
looks, a white and delicate skin, and lofty bearing. Symonds says {Age
of the Despots, chap. 2) : 'Galeazzo was distinguished as the handsomest
man of his age. He was tall and graceful, with golden hair, which he
wore in long plaits, or tied up in a net, or else loose and crowned with
flowers.' See his portrait on p. 17. For his character, cf. p. 16.

'^^Bianca (1336-1387), now 32 years old, was herself the daughter of a
Violante (second child of Theodore Palaeologus, Marquis of Montferrat),
married to Aimon of Savoy {Arch. Stor. Lomhardo 34. 6). Beautiful
at the time of her marriage in 1350 {M. H. P., p. 1180; Corio, p. 438),
Bianca's character remained beautiful till her death. Magenta (i. 178-p)
speaks of her ready intellect and unspeakable goodness of heart. Amid
agitating vicissitudes, in victory and defeat, through all the excesses and
crimes perpetrated by her husband and her son, she remained meek and
untroubled, an exemplary wife and mother. Her native sweetness led her
to innumerable works of charity, and, as far as in her lay, she mitigated
the sufferings which Galeazzo inflicted (cf. R. I. S. 16. 550). Notwith-
standing, Bernabo sent one of his creatures from Milan to Pavia to
assassinate her when she should be walking in the park accompanied
by none but her ladies, merely because she had tried to reconcile her
brother with her husband {R. I. S. 16. 797). When the assassin returned

Pavia to Milan 49

sister of the Green Count, and wife of Galeazzo; Isabella^^ of
France, wife of Gian Galeazzo; and Ricciarda, wdfe of Andrea
de' Pepoli.^^ These, and 80 ladies beside, were all dressed alike
in cote-hardies" of scarlet,^^ with sleeves of white cloth^^
embroidered in trefoil-designs, and with gilded belts about their
loins of the value of 80 golden florins. Next followed, under

without having accomplished his purpose, Bernabo promptly had him
hanged.

^'Isabella was 19 years of age, having been born on Oct. i, 1348
(Delachenal 2. 233, note 5). She was just over 12 when she was married
to Gian Galeazzo on Oct. 8, 1360. It was she of whom Matteo Villani
said {R. 1. S. 14. 617-8; cf. Delachenal 2. 232, note i) : 'Who could have
dreamed, considering the greatness of the crown of France, and the
insignificance of the King of England compared with him who wore it,
that he would be reduced to sell, as it were, his own flesh at auction?'
The marriage, like that of Violante, had been brought about by Amedeo
{R. I. S. 16. S05-6; Delachenal 2. 235). Villani {R. I. S. 14. 608) thus
speaks of her demeanor on that 8th of October: 'Her attire and bearing
were royal as she received homage from the [two] lords and their ladies ;
but she would not endure the cloth upon her head, and thus she stood
until she was wedded. Then, laying aside her royal dignity and her
nobility of blood, she did reverence to Galeazzo, Bernabo, and their
ladies.' She was not to live long: four years after Violante's wedding
(September. 1372), she died in childbed of her third son, Charles
(Delachenal 2. 237). Her first child, a daughter, Valentina, was born
in May, 1366 (Magenta i. 129). The Chronicle of Piacenza (R. I. S.
16. 512, and so 748) calls her a noble woman, good, wise, humble, God-
fearing, and virtuous, the mother of several excellent children, and
declares that when she died, her like was not left upon earth. See
also p. no.

^®See p. 27.

'"' See the pictures of Jeanne and Bonne de Bourbon, on pp. 35, z^, and
cf. Encyc. Brit., nth ed., 7. 238. In the picture of Iseult (see p. 50), her
gown is skyblue, edged with crimson bands at neck and elbow. The
precious stones of her crown and pendant, and of the knight's garter, are
probably rubies. Iseult's hair is golden. The knight's doublet is crimson.

^ It is uncertain whether 'scarlatta' here denotes a color or not ; Frag.
has 'cotardia di scarlatto, con maniche dentro di scarlata bianca.'

^Such contrasting colors were also found in men's clothing at this
period. Thus we are told {Encyc. Brit., as above) : A gentleman would
have his coat parted down the middle in red and white, with hose of
white and red to match.' And in the first reference that we have to
Chaucer, April 4, 1357 (Kirk, Life-Records of Chaucer IV, pp. xiv, 153),
he is down for a pair of red and black [breeches, probably]. See espe-
cially Chaucer, Parson's Tale 422-7. For some centuries before Shake-
speare's time, the robes of serjeants at law were parti-colored, the

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI 4 I9i6

50

Lionel's Journey to Italy

the leadership of Gian Galeazzo,«« 30 knights and 30 squires,
all dressed alike, and mounted on powerful tilting-steeds, with
tilting-saddles. Then followed, mentioned by name, two of

right-hand side one color, and the left another (Shakes'peare's England,
1916, I. 396-7). On the costume a little earlier, see Michelet 4. 226.

Iseult and a Knight of the Garter.

(From Racinet, Le Costume Historique, Vol. 4, reproducing an Italian manuscript of

the 14th century,)

""Gian Galeazzo was now 16 years old, having been born at Milan
on Oct. 15, 1351 {Arch. Stor. Lombardo 16. 923-938; 34. 61 fiF. ; Dela-
chenal 2. 234, note i; cf. R. I. S. 15. 468; 16. 723). Magenta describes
him (i. 292) as tall, with light hair, broad forehead, and sparkling (znvo)
eyes ; his manner was at once grave and amiable, his speech easy and

Pavia to Milan 51

Galeazzo's chief councilors,®^ and four of his vicars, arrayed Hke
the preceding, but with belts of less value. Then five treasury-
officials (rationatores, ragionati), also named, with their attend-
ants; these were similarly arrayed, but with belts of silver.
Finally, there was a bishop, with many clergy.

As they entered the old and famous city, the attention of the
foreigners would naturally have been drawn to many a strange
or renowned building. The procession would first pass S.
Eustorgio, then lying outside the city-wall. Here, if any one had
had the curiosity, he might have seen the sarcophagus which,
until Frederick Barbarossa sent them to Cologne in 1164, had

measured, and his temper mild ; his plans exhibited a blending of magnifi-
cence, firmness, and eagerness; he displayed an ardent love for the
beautiful and the sublime, and remarkable subtlety in divining the thoughts
of others. For his character, see pp. 21-2.

*^ It may seem strange that one of these was Manfredo di Saluzzo.
What should a member of the reigning house of Saluzzo be doing here,
serving Galeazzo in the administration of his state?

It came about thus. This Manfredo was the eldest son by a second
marriage of Manfredo IV of Saluzzo (d. 1340), whose heir, by his first
marriage, was Federigo I (d. 1336), who predeceased his father. The
latter had sought, at the instigation of his second wife, to supersede
Federigo by Manfredo, but the latter had been established by 1332-3 in
the succession to the marquisate, which he left on his death to his son
Tommaso. Meanwhile, Manfredo, on the death of his father, sought to
oust his nephew, Tommaso, from the marquisate. At the end of the first
six months Tommaso was deposed (April, 1341) ; Manfredo (now
Manfredo V) was in possession till March 27, 1344; then Tommaso till
May 13, 1344; then Manfredo till September 6, 1346; then Tommaso
till Aug. 15, 1357, when he died (Cappelli, Cronologia, p. 357), to be suc-
ceeded by his son, Federigo II. At some time after he had ceased to
reign (probably in 1354, or soon after; M. H. P., p. 991), Manfredo
resorted to Milan, where he was made much of by Galeazzo, who appointed
him a councilor. At his own instance, or by his own fault, he retired from
Galeazzo's court, Azarius says in 1362 {R. I. S. 16. 405; cf. M. H. P., p.
968). He did not die till after Aug. 5, 1389 {M. H. P.); and he must
have been born, one would think, at least 70 years before, since his father
contracted his first marriage in 1303, and he himself was probably of age
when he contested his nephew's succession in 1340- If he were born (say)
in 1318, he would have been 50 years old at Lionel's marriage. How he
came to be councilor then, if Azarius is right, is difficult to see; either
Azarius is mistaken in the year, as seems most probable, or else Galeazzo
had taken him back. The chroniclers call him a handsome man, wise,
prudent, and upright.

For Galeazzo's councilors in general, see R. I. S. 16. 403.

52

Lionel's Journey to Italy

contained the relics of the Three Magi, besides the splendid
Gothic monument to Peter Martyr,^^ erected some thirty years
before.^^

Entering at the Porta Ticinese, the guests of Galeazzo would
next have seen, on the right, the most striking piece of Roman
architecture in the city, a porch of sixteen Corinthian columns,

Plan of Milan near the Cathedral.

(From Giulini 7, 335.)

/v A <^a ^

just behind which rose the oldest church of Milan, S. Lorenzo.
Turning into the present Via Torino through the Porta Ticinese
of the inner, or Roman wall, the procession would have passed

^ Figured in Venturi, pp. 547-561.

*"Here every year, beginning with 1336, at the Feast of the Epiphany
(Twelfth Night, Jan. 6), the following ceremony took place (Giulini 5.

Pavia to Milan 53

near the church of S. Giorgio, with the adjoining palace belong-
ing to Galeazzo (Corio, p. 438), the palace and baths named after
Trajan and Maximian (near the present Palazzo Trivulzio), and
the church of S. Satiro, finally reaching the Summer Metropolitan
Basilica of Santa Tecla^^ (PI. 2), facing the Via Torino in such
a way as to require a detour just where the street now debouches
into the Piazza del Duomo. Thence by Santa Maria Maggiore
(PL i) to the Archiepiscopal Palace (PI. 39), where at least
the chief guests were to be lodged.^^ Somewhat south of west
lay S. Ambrogio, and, some distance south of that, S. Vincenzo
in Prato.^^

243) : Three men, attired as kings, and followed by servants and apes,
rode from the Carrobbio, where the Corso Porta Ticinese now joins the
Via Torino, out to S. Eustorgio. On the way they were stopped by
Herod and the scribes, who were seated near the Roman columns in front
of S. Lorenzo, and asked whither they were going. Arrived at S.
Eustorgio, they deposited their gifts on the high altar, which represented
the manger at Bethlehem, and lay down to sleep. After a time, they
woke with a start, as if by a divine impulse, and continued their journey
through the Porta Romana (outside of which was a Roman triumphal
arch).

"* See p. 57, note 2.

^° Corio; Annal. Med.; Frag.; Giulini 5. 511.

®^ Milan was as yet poor in sculpture and painting. Had the English
visitors been in Florence, they might have admired Giotto's paintings in
the Peruzzi and Bardi chapels of Santa Croce; the frescoes of the
Spanish Chapel (see Ruskin's Mornings in Florence) ; the Orcagnas of
the Strozzi chapel in Santa Maria Novella, and his richly carved taber-
nacle in Or San Michele; Taddeo Gaddi's work in the Baroncelli (Giugni)
chapel of Santa Croce; besides Gaddi's Ponte Vecchio, and Giotto's
Campanile. Had they been in Pisa, there were the frescoes of the Campo
Santo; or in Padua, Giotto's frescoes in the Scrovegni chapel (we are
reminded that Francesco da Carrara, the ruler of Padua, received six
years later, as a bequest — dated April 4, 1370 — from Petrarch, a Madonna
by Giotto, whose beauty, according to the poet, whatever the ignorant
might think of it, was sure to be admired by the masters of art:
'Quia . . . ego nihil habeo dignum se, dimitto tabulam meam sive
iconam Beatae Virginis Mariae, operis Joctii pictoris egregii, . . . cujus
pulchritudinem ignorantes non intelligunt, magistri autem artis stupent').
We shall hardly be far wrong in assuming that the art of the period was
somewhat too austere to have suited the taste of the joyous guests. Mag-
nificence was the note of the Visconti : the Castello at Pavia (cf. pp. 43, 80)
had just been built, and the new Cathedral of Milan was to be begun in
1386. Painting and sculpture, however, were not to flourish in Milan
during the rest of the century (cf. Giulini 5. 661).

54 Lionel and Violante

V. LIONEL AND VIOLANTE

As the day for the wedding approached, the thoughts of every
one would turn more and more to the chief actors in the scene,
Lionel and Violante.

I. LIONEL

Lionel was too young to have played a very important part
on the world's stage, being not yet 30 years old. For the
chivalric imaginings which presided at his birth and christen-
ing, see Appendix A. It would have been a long forecast which
could have seen that he should get kings, though he were none —
that from him, through his first marriage, should lineally proceed
a monarch who should revive and surpass, on the Field of the
Cloth of Gold (1520), the splendors of Lionel's second marriage.
He himself had been most conspicuous in tiie service of England
during his five years' residence in Ireland as viceroy^ (1361-6),
an office the importance of which has been thus set forth by
Camden^ :

Their jurisdiction and authority is really large and Royal : they
make war and peace, have power to fill all Magistracies and other
Offices, except some very few ; to pardon all crimes but those of high
treason, and to confer Knighthood, etc. . . . Whether we consider
his jurisdiction and authority, or his train, attendance, and splendor,
there is certainly no Viceroy in Christendom that comes nearer the
grandeur and majesty of a King.

As for Lionel's appearance, Hardyng^ tells us little except
that he was tall :

In all the world was then no prince hym like
Of hie stature and of all semelynesse ;
Above all men within his hole kyngrike
Bv the shulders he might be seen, doutlesse;
As a mayde in halle of gentilnesse,
And in all other places sonne to rethorike.
And in the felde a lyon Marmorike.*

^ See Hist. Background, pp. 179-181.

-Britannia, ed. Gibson, 1695, p. 974.

' Chronicle, ed. Ellis, p. 334.

* Belonging to Marmarica, the modern Barca, in northern Africa.

Lionel

55

On the other hand, as Lionel's is among the effigies surround-
ing the tomb of Edward III in Westminster Abbey, which is
one of the finest works of its kind belonging to the 14th century,^
we may turn to that with some confidence to gain a notion of
Lionel's face and form,^ though presumably it is only the effigy

Effigy of Prince Lionel.
(From Gardiner, History of England, p. 264.)

of the king himself which can be absolutely depended upon for
faithfulness.^

^ Encyc. Brit., nth ed., 24. 494.

Mt is figured in Carter, Specimens of Ancient Painting and Engraving
in England, new edition, 1887, plate Ixii (the third figure), and in
Gardiner, Student's History of England, p. 264, from which it is here
reproduced.

'However, the drooping mustaches of the Black Prince, in the effigy
from his father's tomb (Gardiner, p. 264), agree with those on his own

56 Lionel and Violante

2. VIOLANTE

As she was born in 1355, or at earliest near the very end of
1354,8 Violante can hardly have been much more than 13 years
old^ on June 5, 1368. She is called beautiful by the chroniclers.^^
It must have been a blonde beauty, one would think, like that

tomb at Canterbury (Gardiner, p. 256) ; but allowance must be made for
the fashion of the time (Encyc. Brit., nth ed., 3. 576). See the picture of
Edward Ill's tomb in Gardiner, p. 263; cf. Shakespeare, Richard II
3. 3. 105-6.

''Deduced from the statement of Chron. Plac. (R. I. S. 16. 546-7),
where she is described as dying in November, 1386, and as not having
'ultra annos XXXII. ' If she had been born at any time before November,
I354> she would have been over 32; her birth must consequently have
been later than that date. The Milanese annalist says (R. I. S. 16. 778) :
'anno aetatis suae XXXII,* but mistakes the year, calling it 1383. That
the latter is not correct is shown (i) by the carelessness of this docu-
ment in other respects (e. g. 'in paucis diebus habuit tres viros'), (2) by
the fact that Chron. Plac. is approximately right in saying that she died
after her third husband had been in prison two years, or thereabouts (he
was actually taken prisoner in May, 1385; cf. R. I. S. 16, 784-6, 853),
since the time was actually a year and a half.

"Tenera dy etade' (Cron. Saluz., p. 1013) ; 'tenera sua figliola' {Cron.
Monf., p. 1212). She was about the age of Lionel's own daughter
Philippa, who was married to Edmund Mortimer just before Lionel
left England for Italy (Cont. Eul. Hist. 3. 333; cf. Diet. Nat. Biog. 39.
119). Lionel's first wife, Elizabeth, was nine when he was contracted to
her, and he three.

Violante is called Galeazzo's only daughter by the chronicles of Piacenza
and Milan (R. I. S. 16. 510, 738), but there had been a younger one,
Maria, born in 1357, and dying in May, 1362 (M. H. P., p. 1336; Corio,
p. 462).

Boccaccio, too, had had a daughter Violante, for whom see p. 81. The
name occurs in the Decameron (5. 7).

There had been earlier Violantes, especially in the houses of Mont-
ferrat and Saluzzo; so, for example, one who married, toward the close
of the 13th century, Andronicus Palaeologus, Emperor of Constantinople,
and thus became the great-grandmother of Secondotto (M. H. P., pp.
932, 1325 ; cf . below, pp. 108-9) ', and another, the second daughter of
Manfredo IV of Saluzzo (d. 1340) by his second wife, who in 1327 married
Luchino Visconti (M. H. P., p. 969).

The name, owing to confusion, is sometimes written Yolande, or
Yolante.

^"^ Chron. Plac. (R. I. S. 16. 510) and Annal. Med. (R. I. S. 16. 738), in
an identical passage, say 'juvenem et formosam.'

The Wedding 57

of other members of her family^^ — beauty naturally suggested by
the name 'English/ which was attaching itself to the Visconti.^^
Her character at this time can only be inferred from the
impression it produced in her maturity. When we consider that
most women would have found her sorrows and trials unendura-
ble/^ it is no slight thing to have deserved the praise of the
Milanese annalist, that she was kind, intelligent, devout, and
chaste/*

VI. THE WEDDING

After an interview of nine days, the wedding took place on
Monday, June 5.^ The wedding-ceremony itself was per-
formed— probably on a staging or balcony specially erected —
over the portal, or central doorway, of the Cathedral of Milan,
or rather of what was called the Winter Metropolitan Basilica.^

"Cf. pp. 48, 50. Of Azzo (d. 1339) we are told (Giulini 5. 272) that
he was of a rubicund complexion, and that his hair was so fair as to be
almost white, but that it shone like gold.

" See p. 26.

" For her subsequent history, see pp. 107 ff.

"So I translate 'bona, sapiens, pia, et honesta' {R. I. S. 16. 546).

* So Annal. Med., Frag., Cron. Monf. Corio says June 15, being
wrong here, as concerning the date of Lionel's arrival at Milan. Kittredge
{Eng. Stud. 26, 326, note 8) says May 28; Barnes, May 29, 1367; Holin-
shed (2. 686), June 15, 1367 or 1368.

^ Directly across the square from its fagade was the small Summer
Metropolitan Basilica of Sta. Tecla (No. 4 on plan). The Winter Basilica,
or Santa Maria Ma^giore, was so much smaller than the present Cathe-
dral that a great part of it was for many years included, with room on
every side, within the walls of the present building. It was restored in
1 170, the ladies of Milan having devoted their jewels to this purpose. In
1353 it was damaged by the fall of its high campanile, which destroyed
several houses. It was at once restored by the archbishop, but could still
be described, when it was a question of the erection of the present Cathe-
dral, as ruined and dilapidated (consumptam et dirupatam) . The basilica
was much shut in by other buildings, but had an enclosed space, or court,
in front (Boito, // Duomo di Milano, p. 11): A good deal of red marble
(a speckled sort, brought from near Verona) was used in the old basilica
(cf. Boito, pp. 186, 209), and there still remain eight statues of apostles
on the wall of the north aisle of the Cathedral, on which Lionel and
Violante may have looked (four of them figured in Boito, PI. 38; cf.
PP- 53-4). A description of the old fagade, so far as we are informed

58

The Wedding

This occupied a part of the site of the present Cathedral — which
was not begun till 1386 — and faced the same way as the latter.
A great number of knights, clergy, and other notables were in

Fagade of Santa Maria Maggiore, Milan.

(From Rosmini 2. 212.)

about it, is given by Boito (p. 134), and other particulars concerning the
basilica are scattered throughout his book (see the index on p. 315).
New doors for it had recently been constructed by order of Galeazzo,
from the proceeds of a tax laid upon the merchants of Milan. They were
of marble, lined (intus) with beautiful reliefs (intaliis), and were very
costly (R. I. S. 16. 403-4). Some notion of the facade may be gained
from the illustrations below, the first, and perhaps the more trustworthy,

The Wedding

59

attendance.^ According to custom, the bride was supported by
two of her kin, who gave her away, as it were, and one of whom
held her finger for the placing of the ring. The two kinsmen
were in this case the uncles of the bride, Bernabo Visconti* and
Amedeo of Savoy,^ the former of whom is described as holding
her finger.^ As the Bishop of Novara,^ Oldrado,^ celebrated
high mass in the basilica with great solemnity,^ and accompanied
by numerous clergy,^*^ it is probable that it was he who performed
the ceremony of uniting the couple.

Facade of Santa Maria Maggiore, Milan.

(From Boito, // Duomo di Milano, title-page.)

being from Rosmini (2. 212), and the second from Boito (as above,
tide-page).

^Corio; Annal. Med.; Frag.

*Who had unexpectedly come from Guastalla, with a picked body of
nobles (Corio, p. 469) ; cf. pp. 47-8.

^ Annal. Med.

^ Corio; Annal. Med. Perhaps we may understand that both did.
Corio mentions only Bernabo; Annal. Med. mentions Bernabo, 'qui
tenuit digitum sponsae una cum Comite Sabaudiae avunculo suo, videlicet
ambo a lateribus sponsae.'

^ Corio; Annal. Med.; Frag.

^ So Giulini 5. 511.

® Corio. Annal. Med.: 'in pontificalibus.'

^'Frag.

6o The Banquet

VII. THE BANQUET

On the day^ of the wedding a magnificent banquet^ was served.
What may be called the classic account of this was written by
Paulus Jovius (1483-1552) long after the event, though no doubt
reposing on good contemporary authorities. His description is
as follows:

Leonati porro adventu tantae opes admirabili liberalitate profusae
sunt, cum et nuptiale epulum daret, et equestres ederet ludos, et Britan-
nos ex generis comitatu supra ducentos eximiis donis adornaret, ut
opulentissimorum Regum splendorem superasse censeretur. In con-
vivio enim, in quo Franciscus Petrarcha inter principes convivas
discubuit, singulos ferculorum missus, qui supra triginta fuere, totidem
inusitatae magnificentiae, munera sequebantur : ea omnia Joannes
Galeacius, delectae juventutis Princeps, ad mensam perducens Leonato
obtulit.

Fuere in uno tantum missu septuaginta' equi insignes argenteis et
sericis ephippiis strati*: in aliis vero vasa argentea,' hierofalcones,^
venatici canes,^ equestria arma,' nobiles loricae, solidoque ferro splen-

*Corio; Annal. Med.; Frag. Gabotto (Misc. di Stor. Ital. 33. 169) says
the banquet took place on the evening of the wedding-day ('quella sera
vi fu un convito'). Giulini (5. 512) represents the company as proceeding
directly from the basilica to the banquet.

Cron. Monf.'s *la dominicha nella disponsatione' must be a mistake, one
would think. The wedding took place on June 5, which was a Monday.
The previous day was Trinity Sunday, and of course the next Sunday was
June II. Presumably the wedding-feast would not be held before the
wedding, and an interval of six days would have been too great.

'Corio: 'un splendidissimo convito'; Annal. Med.: *in prandio fecit
maximum convivium'; Frag.: 'uno grande desinare.' Cf. that when
Gian Galeazzo was made duke in 1395 (Corio, p. 539), and see the
eulogy of this one in Cron. Monf. (p. 1225).

^Cf. p. 73.

*Cf. pp. 68, 71, y2.

' Cf. p. 69.

' Cf. pp. 66, 67.

' Cf. pp. 66, 67.

'Cf. pp. 68, 71, 72.

° In 1360, the Green Count sent as a present for the wedding of Gian
Galeazzo and Isabella of France five suits of armor which he had had
made specially, and which cost 145 florins (Cordey, Les Contes de Savoie,
p. 157). The original account runs (ifr.) : 'Item a Jacob Lo Platier pour
V payres de plats par mon seigneur [Gian Galeazzo?] et par monseigneur

The Banquet 6i

didi thoraces," galeaeque^" item et cassides praealtis conis exornatse,
indumenta margaritis picta/^ balthei militares^^; postremo prsestantes
aliquot gemmae^^ aureis emblematibus insertae, et aureae^* purpureaeque
telae ad viriles vestes vis ingens" Is porro convivii apparatus fuit,
ut relatae a mensa dapes, decern millibus hominum abunde sufficerent.

The whole passage is thus rendered by Barnes,^^ who, it will
be seen, is indebted in part to Stow :

Galeache et mosse Barnabo, VII^V flor.' According to this, a suit of this
armor would have cost not less than $400 (cf. p. 29). Henry, Earl of
Derby, the future Henry IV, in preparation for his combat in the lists
with the Duke of Norfolk (Sept. 16, 1398), sent to Gian Galeazzo for
special armor (cf. Shakespeare, Richard II i. 3. 28, 'Thus plated in
habiliments of war'; i. 3. yz> 'Add proof unto mine armor with thy
prayers'). Froissart's account of this is as follows (Kervyn 16. 95-6;
cf. ArchcBologia 20. 102; Diet. Nat. Biog. 26. 34; 39. 234; Adam of Usk,
p. 2Z) : 'Et envoia le conte d'Erby grans messages en Lombardie devers
messire Galleas, due de Milan, pour avoir des armures a son point et
a sa voulente. Le dit due descendy moult lyement a la priere du conte
d'Erby, et mist a chois ung chevallier, qui se nommoit messire Franchois,
que le conte d'Erby avoit la envoie, de toutes ses armures pour servir
le dit conte. Avecques tout ce, quant le chevaUier dessus nomme eut
advise et choisy entre toutes les armures tant de plates comme de mailles
du seigneur Galeas de Milan, le dit seigneur de Milan, d'abondance et
pour faire plaisir et amour au conte d'Erby, ordonna a quatre des meilleurs
armoieurs qui fuissent en Lombardie, a aller jusques en Angleterre avec
le dit chevallier pour entendre a armer a son point le conte d'Erby.' The
Milanese armor of this period, it will be seen, included mail as well as
plate.

^•^Cf. pp. 68, 71.

" Cf. p. 72.

" Cf . pp. 72, 72>, 74.

"Cf. p. 72.

"Cf. pp. 69,73.

"In the romance (stanzas 71, 72) of The Sege of Melayne (1350-1400)
we are told of a gift which included 60 steeds, ridden by as many knights,
each bearing a falcon and a cup of gold, and with a greyhound and a
rache for each. Cf . also the description in Boccaccio, Teseide 6. 8, 9 :

A chi prender volea davano assai :
Cani, falconi e astor di gran prodezza

Usavano a diletto

Vestivan robe per molto oro care,
Con gran destrier, cavalli e palaf reni,
E nulla si lasciavano a donare,
Si eran d'ogni gran larghezza pieni.

62 The Banquet

Duke Galeas in Honour of this his Son-in-Law is said to have
spent such abundance of Treasure, as seem'd to surpass the Magnifi-
cence of the most Wealthy Monarchs. For not to mention all the
Sumptuous Feasts, Balls, Justs, and Tourneaments, and other stately
and divertive Spectacles, set forth on this occasion; nor to summ up
the great and large Gifts, which were given to the Lord Edward
Spencer, and more than 200 other English Gentlemen, who came out
of England to wait on the Prince; the Marriage Feast alone was so
extraordinary, that We may by that Conjecture the Largeness of
Duke Galeas his Soul, the full satisfaction he had in this Match, and
the Abundance of his Coffers. For in that One Feast, where Francis
Petrarch, the Laureate Poet of Italy, was present, being for Honour
of his Learning seated among the Guests of the Highest Quality,
there were above 30 Courses of service upon the Table, and between
every Course, as many Presents of unusual Magnificence, intermixed;
all which John Galeas, the Duke's Son, and Prince of the Chosen
Youth, that waited that day, presented unto Prince Lionel, as they
were brought up to the Table. .

In one Course were presented Seventy Good Horses, richly Adorned
and Caparizon'd with Silk and Embroider'd Furniture; and in the
other Courses, came up Vessels of Silver, Ger-Falcons, Hounds,
Armour for Horses, Costly Coats of Mail, shining Breastplates of
Massy Steel, Corslets, Helmets, and Burganets adorned with High
and Rich Crests and Plumes ; Surcoats embroider'd with costly Jewels,
Knights Girdles, and lastly, Pictures of Gold, beset with Gems, and
Purple and Qoth of Gold for Mens Apparel in Great Abundance.
And such vast Provision was there at this Feast, that the Meats,
which were brought from the Table, would have plentifully sufficed
loooo Men.

The second paragraph was thus translated by Stow, Annates,
1592, p. 416^':

There were in one onely course seventy goodly horses, adorned with
silke and silver furniture: and in the other silver vessels, falcons,
houndes, armour for horses, costly coates of mayle, breastplates
glistering of massive Steele, helmets, and corselets [sic] decked with
costly crestes, apparell distinct, with costly jewelles, souldiors girdles,
and lastly certaine gemmes, by curious art set in golde, and of purple,
and cloth of golde for mens apparell in great abundance. And such
was the sumptuousnesse of that banquet, that the meates which were
brought from the table, woulde sufficiently have served lOOOO. men.

^' Sandford is indebted to both Stow and Barnes ; thus, for example, 'glis-
tering of Massie Steel.' Jovius' account is also the basis for the descrip-
tion by G. P. R. James, History of Edward the Black Prince, 2d ed,, 2.
311. Cf. Hist. Background, p. 186.

The Banquet 63

The feast was held in the courtyard which occupied the centre
of the-' public square adjoining the basilica. This square was
known as the Piazza dell' Arengo/^ Place of Harangue, or
Forum, where in ancient times the people of the city assembled
to listen to their leaders, and deliberate on public questions. The
palace situated on this square (PI. 40; see p. 52) had been
burned down during the rule of Matteo Visconti I, and rebuilt
by him (1295), with the addition of a tower.^^ It was in the
court of this edifice^" that the banquet was served,^^ perhaps in
the marble loggia built by Matteo I in 13 16 {R. I. S. 16. 698),

'*Also called Broletto Vecchio (Giulini 7. 336). The Broletto, or
Palazzo Arengario, at Monza, still exists.

^'•' Giulini 4. 467, 772.

""The present royal palace occupies nearly the same spot. The church
or chapel of S. Gottardo belonged to the old palace ; its apse and beautiful
campanile (pictured in Giulini 5. 216), the latter dating from 1336, are
still to be seen in the Via del Palazzo Reale. The monument to Azzo
Visconti (1328-39), by the sculptor of the monument to Peter Martyr
(see p. 52), Balduccio of Pisa, which was formerly in S. Gottardo, is to
be seen in the Palazzo Trivulzio (it is figured in GiuHni, opp. 5. 274).

^^ Giulini 5. 512. Corio has 'nella sua corte, sopra la piazza dell'
Arenga'; Annal. Med.: *in Curia magna Arengi' ; Frag.: 'nella Corte,
sive nello Stallo suo grande per mezzo lAringo, sive Piazza del Duomo.'
Corte would here naturally be interpreted as 'courtyard,' but it seems
sometimes to have been employed for 'palace.' I assume that it here
means the courtyard of the palace, rather than the interior of the building
itself. However, Aliprando, who wrote his Chronicle of Mantua nearly
fifty years after this event, and who must therefore be used with caution
(for example, he dates the wedding in May, 1366), speaks of the hundred
principal guests as banqueting in one hall (sala), while the rest were
accommodated in other halls, since there was not room in a single one
for all. Aliprando adds certain particulars, which are at least well
invented, though we have no confirmation of them save such as may be
gathered from the customs of the time. At the beginning of the feast,
there was a blast of trumpets which made conversation impossible. Then
the sewers, Galeazzo (wrongly Jovius, p. 60, above) on horseback at their
head (this hardly suggests indoors), first bring wine and confections, and
then proceed to the kitchen to serve in the courses. Violante was first
served by a sewer of noble blood on horseback:

Quello barone
Che lo taglier de la sposa portava
A caval gia.

Aliprando often varies from the other chroniclers with regard to

64 The Banquet

while the spectators may have been accommodated as groundlings
below. Two tables were spread, one for the men, and one for the
women, there being fifty-seven guests in all.^^

details of ornament, but of these I make no account, nor of such praise as
Piu belli cani non fu mai veduto.

Sismondi, Fr. (7. 21, note 2), has no warrant in the chroniclers (except
AHprando) for saying : 'La cour etait distribute a plusieurs tables, selon
le rang des personnages.'

^^So Cron. Monf. The other three chroniclers seem to be confused.
Corio mentions as being at the first table Lionel, Amedeo, and Despenser,
with many other barons, besides the Bishop of Novara, Matteo and
Lodovico (see pp. 109 if.), sons of Bernabo, Petrarch, and other Pisan
citizens; Annal. Med.: Lionel, Amedeo, the Bishop of Novara and another
Bishop, Marco (not Matteo; Marco was Petrarch's godson, and the
latter wrote a Latin poem on his baptism) and Lodovico, Petrarch, with
many other knights and nobles of Pisa and other cities; Frag.: Lionel,
Amedeo, Despenser, and many other barons, [ ] and Lodovico,

Petrarch, and certain other knights and gentlemen of Pisa and other
cities. The name of the other sen of Bernabo seems to be accidentally
omitted in Frag.

At the second table were seated Bernabo's wife, a Scaliger of Verona,
by compliment called Regina, with many other ladies (Corio: 'honorable
matrons'). At this point the difficulty begins. Corio says: 'honorande
matrone per taglieri cinquanta'; ^»«a/. Med.: 'cum multis dominabus,
quae deferebant per quinquaginta incisoria infrascripta cibaria'; Frag.:
'con altre donne per taglieri cinquanta.' Giulini (5. 512) renders: 'con
molte delle principali dame, le quali portavano in tavola i piatti alia
prima mensa, cioe per ciascuna portata cinquanta piatti, detti dall' annalista
incisoria, e dal Corio taglieri, perch e vi si tagliavano sopra le vivande.'
This I interpret to mean : There were fifty guests at each table, and each
course was presented to the men of the first table by the ladies of the
second, a lady to each dish (literally, trencher). This seems to me unlikely,
for the following reasons: (i) Each course was double, consisting of fish
and flesh, and there were eighteen courses, so that the task would have
been none of the lightest; (2) one can hardly think of Regina della
Scala being thus occupied for a good part of a summer's day; (3) there
would have been little opportunity for the ladies to partake of the ban-
quet; (4) the Milanese annalist expressly says that Despenser served the
first table, assisted by many other magnates; (5) the Fragment says
that fish and flesh were served for the Duke's table, and for the table
where was seated Madonna Regina.

There remains the question of the total number of guests. Were there
(i) fifty-seven guests in all, as Cron. Monf. says, or (2) fifty guests at
each table, or (3) fifty-seven at the first, and fifty at the second? I incline
to (2). It is not likely that space was lacking, since at the nuptial feast
following the return of Galeazzo I and Beatrice d'Este from Modena,
where they had been married on June 24, 1300 (the journey from Milan

Tomb of Bernabo Visconti (ca. 1370).

(From a photograph in possession of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.)

The Banquet 65

The details of the banquet are described by Corio, the Annals
of Milan, the Chronicle of Montferrat, and the Fragment
(besides AHprando; see p. 63, note 21). These four accounts
are in substantial agreement, but vary in particulars. Where
they differ, I have endeavored to harmonize them as best I could,
and have generally effected a condensation. Here and there I
have been unable to translate a word, and in other cases have
not been quite certain of the rendering. It will be observed that
presents were offered to the guests with each course.

to Modena, June 15-21; from Modena to Milan, June 26-July 3), a
thousand persons sat down (Giulini 4. 801). At this earlier feast, open
house was kept at the Broletto for eight days ; great numbers of actors,
jugglers, and buffoons were present; and every one of the thousand guests
at the banquet received a suit of raiment (Giulini 4. 801). Moreover, in
the year 1277, the greater part of the population of Milan stood in arms
at one time within the enclosure (Giulini 4. 636) ; in 1355 there were
16,000 armed men in Milan (Mezieres, p. 279), but the population may
well have increased in the interval between 1277 and that year. There
would therefore have been room for many spectators at the wedding-
banquet of Lionel and Violante.

Regina (b. ca. 1336 or 1337), whom we have mentioned above, seems
to have gained this name on account of her regal bearing (Leo 3. 296,
note 2; 325, note i), her Christian name being properly Beatrice (but
Giulini, 5. 645-6, says Caterina, and is supported by R. I. S. 15. 503)'
She was the daughter of Mastino II of Verona (d. 1351), whose eques-
trian statue under a canopy, near the Piazza dei Signori, attracts the
eye of every traveler at Verona. She was married to Bernabo in Septem-
ber, 1350, at a tender age (M. H. P., p. 1180), and died June 18, 1384,
after having borne him 15 children (Corio, p. 509), her last son, Mastino,
having apparently been born in 1375 {R. I. S. 17. 499; Muratori 8. 415;
otherwise Giulini 5. 651), Her epitaph in verse may be read in Corio (p.
504) and Annal. Med. (R. I. S. 16. 778), where she is called Regina
Beatrix. Her tomb is still to be seen in the Archaeological Museum of
the Castle of Milan, while in the adjoining room is that of her husband,
Bernabo, originally erected (1370), 15 years before his death, in S. Giovanni
in Conca (PI. 52), whence it was removed (1814) to the church of Brera
(Rosmini 2. 157, note 2). The latter tomb has a life-size marble eques-
trian statue of Bernabo (see R. I. S, 16. 544-5, 800, 854; Corio, p. 509),
accompanied by Fortitude and Justice (see the picture opposite) ; it is
to be compared rather with the nearly contemporary one of Can Signorio
(cf. Venturi, p. 590) at Verona than with the bronze statues of
Gattamelata (1447) at Padua, and Colleoni (1481) at Venice. Regina built
(1381), perhaps with 400,000 golden florins received from the della Scalas
in 1379, the church (R. I. S. 16. 777) of Santa Maria della Scala (sup-

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI 5 1916

'VTv

Jh,

66 The Banquet

1. The first course was served double for the duke's table —
meat and fish. There were sucking pigs, gilded, with fire in
their mouths; the fish were porcelain-crabs [or perhaps sea-
snails], also gilded. — The gifts were two greyhounds,^^ with
velvet-* collars^^ and silken leashes.^® Also twelve brace of
sausi/'^ six brace to a leash, their chains being of gilded brass,
their collars^** of leather, and their leashes of silk.-®

2. The second meat-course was of hares, gilded. The fish-
course was of pike, gilded. — The gifts were twelve brace of
greyhounds, with silken collars, buckles^® of gilded brass, and
six silken^® leashes; besides six goshawks,^^ with as many

pressed in 1776), on the site of which stands the theatre of that name
(Rosmini 2. 147, note i; Leo 3. 325, note i).

^^See No. 2. But here, where the other chroniclers have 'levr(i)eri,'
*livr(i)eri/ Aliprando has 'liopardi.' This, after all, is probably the right
reading, since (i) there are only two of these, whereas at the second
course there are 24; (2) we are told of Gian Galeazzo that though
he, like his uncle Bernabo, quartered large numbers of dogs upon his
subjects for his use in hunting, he preferred the leopard (cheetah) for
this purpose (Religieux de Saint-Denys, ed. Bellaguet, 3. 132; cf. De Noir-
mont 3. 332-8; Hist. Background, p. 174; Encyc. Brit., nth ed., 5. 368;
6. 22).

'^* De Noirmont (2. 300) tells of a Frenchman who received from an
Englishman (in 1550) six greyhounds, with velvet collars embroidered
with gold.

^ See Nos. 2, 3, 4.

'^'See Nos. 2, 3, 4.

"^^ Frag.: sauxi. This seems equivalent to the M.H.G. suse, defined by
Lexer (MHD. Handworterhuch) as 'eine Art Jagdhund'; Florio : 'a
Hound, a Spaniell.'

^ Cf . De Noirmont 2. 298 : 'Dans les comptes de depenses du roi Jean,
Pierre des Livres, orfevre, regoit 19 ecus pour 4 marcs, 6 onces, 10
estellins d'argent, "a faire la garnison de deux grands colliers garnis de
grandes pieces d'argent dorees et faites d'orbevoyes et d'esmaux sartiz a
cerfs enleves a manteaux esmailles des armes dudit seigneur pour deux
grans chiens alans." Les alans de Louis XI avaient aussi des colliers de
cuir de Lombardie garnis de clous dores de fin or et soudes d'argent.'

^ Spranghe. I have not been able to distinguish in all cases between
'buckle' and 'clasp.' See Nos. 3, 6, 7, 11, 12.

^''The romance of Partonope (ca. 1450) has (Univ. Coll. 2235-8) :
Coupled with sylk and not wyth heere,
Lemours aboute her nekkes bere
Her lees were as softe as sylk,
And therto whyte as ony mylk.

''Astori. See Nos. 4, 5-

The Banquet 67

creances,^^ and silver buttons enameled with the devices of Gale-
azzo and the duke, besides buttons.^^

3. The third meat-course was a large calf, gilded. The fish-
course was of trout, gilded. — The gifts were six alaunts,^*
and six large striv(i)eri/^ with velvet collars, buckles^^ and
rings (links ?)^'' of gilded brass, and six silken^^ leashes.

4. The fourth meat-course was of quails and partridges, gilded.
The fish-course was of roasted trout,^^ gilded. — The gifts were
twelve sparrow-hawks,^^ with bells*^ of gilded brass, creances and
branching cords*^ of silk, and buttons of gilded silver, enameled
with the arms*^ of Galeazzo and Duke Lionel ; besides twelve
brace of setters,'** with gilded*^ collars, twelve chains of gilded
brass, and six leashes of silk.

5. The fifth meat-course was of ducks and herons,*^ gilded.
The fish-course was of carp, gilded. — The gifts were six*'^
peregrine falcons, with hoods- of velvet, having pearls on top,
and buttons and rings (links ?)*^ of silver, wrought with the

^^See Nos. 4, 5. Another name is loigne (loyn, lune, lewin). The
Italian is (plur.) longole(-i), longare, longhe.

^^ Cron. Monf. : of pearl.

^* Annal. Med., Cron. Monf., AHp. : cani alani; Corio, Frag.: cani.
Florio defines as 'a mastive dog.' See Appendix B, pp. 128 ff.

^^Florio defines as 'a blood- or lime-hound, a setting dog*; Palsgrave,
as 'great hounde.'

^<'Fib(b)ie.

"Maglie (macchie). See No. 5.

^ Alip. : of black silk.

^^ Cron. Monf.: temeri ; Alip.: temoli (graylings).

*' See the mention in Magenta 2. 88, On other occasions, Galeazzo and
Bernabo made gifts of sparrow-hawks and dogs. Cf. Gabotto, in Rendi-
conti della R. Accademia dei Lincei, Sen 5, Vol. 8, p. 81.

*^ 'Somtyme Bellis of Melen were calde the best, and thay be full goode
for thay comunely be sownden with silver and solde ther after' (Berners).

^^Branchette (breghette, braghette).

*'See Nos. 5, 6, 7, 8, 12. • "

^ Bracchi.

^De Noirmont (i. 113), referring to the Count de la Borde's Les Dues
de Bourgogne, Preuves, tells of 'colliers de chiens garnis d'argent dore et
d'email, que gants a fauleonner de velours vermeil, brodes de perles,
sonnettes et vervelles dorees et emailles, chaperons d'oiseaux, jets et
longes ornes de semence de perles.'

**But Alip.: cisoni (see p. 72, note 93). Cf. Hist. Background, p. 185.

*^Alip. : twelve.

^ Croft. Monf.: enameled.

68 The Banquet

arms of Galeazzo and the Duke of Clarence; and with silken
creances, having buttons of pearls at the top.

6. The sixth meat-course was of beef, and of fat capons with
sauce of garlic and vinegar. The fish-course was of sturgeons
in water. *^ — The gifts were twelve steel corslets^^ without col-
lars, of which two, for the duke in person, had the buckles^^
and bosses^^ of gilded silver, wrought with the arms of the lords
aforesaid, while the others were of gilded brass.

7. The seventh meat-course was of capons and meat^^ in lemon-
sauce. The fish-course was of tench^* in lemon-sauce. — The
gifts were twelve tilting-panoplies, including saddles,^' lances,
saiti,^^ and helmets." Two of the panoplies and saddles, for
the duke in person, were adorned with enameled silver, wrought
with the arms of the duke,°® the buckles,^^ bosses, clasps,^^ and
hooks®^ being gilded. The others had ornaments of gilded brass.

8. The eighth meat-course was beef-pies,®^ served with cheese.
The fish-course was of large eels in pies.®^ — The gifts were
twelve war-panoplies^*; two, for the duke, being ornamented
with his arms in silver gilt, while the others had trimmings^^ of
gilded brass.

9. The ninth meat-course was of meat-aspic.^® The fish-course

^'But Cron. Monf.: alesati. Cf. Hist. Background, p. 185.

^ Panzeroni, panzere. Florio defines pancierone as 'a bellie-piece of
armour.' See p. 62.

"Fibbie.

" Mazzi, maz(i)i.

''Alip.: veal.

" Tenconi ; pesce.

"See Nos. 11, 12.

"'Saette, 'darts' (?).

"See Nos. 11, 12.

^ Cron. Monf.: of the lords named; Frag.: of the aforesaid lord and
duke.

"*Fib(b)ie; schive, schibbe. See Nos. 7, 11, 12.

^ Spranghe.

^ Ronchette ; rocchetti ; domenini.

•" Alip. : the dough kneaded up with cheese and sugar.

^ Alip. : sugared, and with good spices !

** See No. 7.

^'See Nos. 11. 12.

*" Alip. adds : and chicken-aspic.

The Banquet 69

was of fish-aspic. — The gifts were twelve^'^ pieces of cloth of
gold, and as many of silk.®^

10. The tenth meat-course was of meat-galantine. The fish-
course was galantine of lampreys. — The gifts were two large
bottles of gilded and enameled silver, one filled with the choicest
vemaccia,^® and the other with the choicest malmsey ; besides six
bowls'^ of gilded and enameled silver, with goblets to match.

^^ Frag., Cron. Monf.: ten.
^ Alip. : colored silk, except one of white.

^'If Chaucer learned of the details of this feast, it is not surprising
that, when his liberal and luxurious young monk of Paris comes to St.
Denis to visit his 'cousin,' the merchant, he should bring with him as a
present precisely these two wines (Shipman's Tale 70-71) :
With him broghte he a jubbe of Malvesie,
And eek another, ful of fyn Vernage.

Malvoisie, or malmsey, was a Greek wine, brought from Monemvasi.a, or
(Napoli di) Malvasia, on the east coast of the Morea, the wine itself
being produced not there, but in Crete, which was one of the chief sources
of supply (Heyd, Gesch. dcs Levantehandels i. $09; Pashley, Travels in
Crete 2. 54-56), and in the Cyclades. Vernaccia, or vernage, on the other
hand, was an Italian wine, white, strong, and sweet, originally, and perhaps
typically, coming from the Genoese Levant, especially from the Cinque
Terre of the sheltered Riviera near Spezia, a territory which includes the -
towns of Vernazza and Corniglia. The vernaccia of Corniglia is men-
tioned by both Boccaccio (Dec. 10. 2) and his contemporary, Franco
Sacchetti, who speaks of having it brought from Portovenere, a little
further down the coast. This southern part of the Riviera, di Levante
is thus describee! by Petrarch (Africa 6. 842-4, 848-853) :

Sensim turgescere colles
Cedriferi, nullique cedens his saltibus ora
Incipiunt, rarseque virent per littora palmae. • . . .
Parte aha sinuosa patent convexa Siestri;
Hinc solis vineta oculo lustrata benigno,
Et Baccho dilecta nimis, Montemque Rubentem,
Et juga prospectant Cornelia palmite late
Inclyta mellifluo, quibus baud collesque Falernos
Laudatamque licet Meroen cessisse pudebit.

(Now gradually rise the cedared hills along the shore, and here and there
grows a palm tree. Near the curved beach of Sestri, vineyards flourish
in the sun — Monterosso, and the heights of Corniglia — famous for honey-
sweet wine, excelling even those from the Falernian hills and much-
praised Meroe.) Monterosso, two miles from Vernazza, and four from
Corniglia, produced a wine which we find mentioned as Montrose in the
Maniere de Langage of 1396 (Revue Critique of 1870, Paris, 1873), p.

70 The Banquet

II. The eleventh meat-course was of roasted kids. The fish-

392 (cf. Squyr of Lowe Degre 756) : 'Item de vins doucetes, comme de
vin de Grece, Ipocras, Montrose, Rumney [Roumania], Vernage, Mal-
voisin, Osey [Alsace], clarrey et pyement.' The vines of the Cinque Terra
grow in some cases against perpendicular rocks, and must be reached
by means of ladders or ropes (Baedeker, Oheritalien, i8th ed., p. 512)..
Fra Salimbene, writing late in the 13th century, speaks of Chiavari, 26
miles from Corniglia in the direction of Genoa, as being not far from
the place where an abundance of vemaccia was produced — a wine so
good that to it might well be applied the lines of a certain goliard (Mow.
Germ. Hist. Script. 32. 572, cf. 642), thus translated by Coulton (From
St. Francis to Dante, p. 209) :

O precious juice of the vine, what gift hath life like thine?

If two sorts come to the feast, then fill me a cup of the best!

Small is the profit to me if I suck down less than three;

Sweet is the fourth full bowl, and deep is the calm of my soul ;

But the fifth cup sets me adaze, and my memory all in a maze;

With the sixth I desire no more, but sprawl full length on the floor.

According to Gower (Conf. Am. 6. 218-9), vernage and piment were the
standard of sweetness in wines. According to an account alluded to by
Dante (Purg. 24. 24), Pope Martin IV died of eating too many eels,
either drowned or cooked in vernaccia. Benvenuto Rambaldi, a commen-
tator on the passage, informs us : *La vernaccia e un ottimo vino, che
viene dai monti di Genova' ; similarly Buti : 'Vernaccia e vino che nasce
ne la riviera di Genova, millior vino che si trova.' Chaucer refers to it as
an aphrodisiac (Merchant's Tale 563-4; the scene is in Pavia) :

He drinketh ipocras, clarree, and vernage.

Of spyces bote, t' encresen his corage.

What wine could better suit our monk as a present to his friend's beau-
teous and revelous wife? It was sweet, and it was strong.

As the best of wines (see Buti, above), it must have been, one would
think, costly; yet the monk is represented as bringing a jubbe of it, and
a jubbe of malmsey, when the New Eng. Diet, defines a jubbe as 'a large
vessel for liquor.' This must certainly be true of those that held four
gallons (according to the quotation in the New Eng. Diet.) ; but was this
the only sort, the only size? Levins, in 1570, defines it as cantharus,
scyphus, and the Middle English Destruction of Troy (11,940) speaks
of 'jobbes of gold,' in conjunction with gems and jewels. Even the jubbe
of the Miller's Tale (441-3) held only ale enough for a day, presumably
for one person; here Hertzberg translates 'jubbe' by 'Krug,' and in
the Shipman's Tale by 'Flaschchen.' It is easy to see, then, that the
'bottazzi (botacii),' 'fiaschi,' of the chroniclers, gilded and enameled
though they were, may very well be represented by Chaucer's jubbes, and
that it would not be strange if Chaucer remembered them when he was
sketching the portrait of the free-living and free-handed monk.

^" Alip. : e sei bronzini.

I

The Banquet 71

course was of roasted garfish/^ — The gifts were six beautiful
little coursers,'^ with gilded saddles and trimmings, six lances/^
six beautiful shields/* painted and gilded, six hats^^ of polished
steel — two with bosses and clasps^® of silver gilt and enameled,
for the duke himself, and the rest with clasps of gilded brass.

12. The twelfth meat-course was of hares and kids in chive-
sauce^^ or pickleJ* The fish-course was of various fish in
chive-sauce. — The gifts were six great coursers, with gilded
saddles and trimmings, wrought with the arms of Galeazzo and
the duke — two with clasps and bosses of silver gilt for the duke,
and the rest of gilded brass; besides six lances, six shields, and
six [steel] hats gilded and wrought as above — two for the duke
with clasps'^^ and bosses of silver gilt, and the rest of gilded
brass.

13. The thirteenth meat-course was of venison and beef in
moulds.^^ The fish-course was of fish turned inside out (?).^^
— The gifts were six beautiful little steeds,^- with gilded head-
stalls,®^ with reins®* and caparisons®^ of green velvet, and
rosettes,®^ buttons, and tassels®^ of crimson silk attached to the
caparisons.®®

"Agoni (Cron. Monf.: papari; Alip. : pavari, besides agoni).

" See Nos. 12, 13, 14, 18.

" See No. 12.

'*See No. 12.

"See No. 12.

'*' Fibbie. Alip. substitutes here : a hat elaborately decorated with pearls.

'' Ziverio (civiere, civerio), certo sapore.

'^ Cron. Monf.: salza; Alip.: acinerio zuccherato[ !]

"• Fibbie.

^ Alip. adds : with sauce of sugar and lemon.

^^ Cron. Monf.: pesci riversati; Corio : pichi reversati ; Annal. Med.:
pechii reversati; Frag.: pighi reversati; Alip.: tinche grosse roversciate,
con altri pesci.

^- See No. 11.

^ Briglie ; brene.

'*See No. 14.

'' See No. 14.

'"Fiocchi.

"Pendagli, pendoli.

*®The four accounts do not altogether agree, and the details are some-
what obscure to me.

72 The Banquet

14. The fourteenth meat-course was of capons and fowls in
red sauce and green, with oranges. The fish-course was of
tench turned inside out. — The gifts were six great tilting-
steeds with gilded headstalls,^^ reins of crimson velvet, and
housings of crimson velvet, adorned with buttons, bosses, and
tassels, all of gold.

15. The fifteenth meat-course was of peacocks,®^ with cabbage,
French beans, and pickled ox-tongue. The fish-course was of
carp. — The gifts were a doublet and hood of satin covered
with pearls, and with a large flower wrought of pearls on the
hood. Over all was a cloak lined with ermine, as was the hood,
and also covered with pearls.®^ All these garments were carried
to England.^2

16. The sixteenth meat-course was of roasted rabbits, pea-
cocks, fieldfares( P),**^ and ducklings. The fish-course was of
roasted eels. — The gifts were a beautiful great silver basin,
with an emerald, a clasp,®* a ruby, a diamond, a large pearl set
in a ring, and five silver belts (including one given after the
day of the feast), gilded and enameled.®^

17. The seventeenth course was of junkets and cheese. — The
gifts were twelve splendid fat cattle.

18. The eighteenth course was of fruit, including cherries. —
The gifts were two handsome coursers belonging to the Count
of Vertu (Gian Galeazzo), one of which was named Lion, and
the other Abbot. On the barons and gentlemen of the Duke

^This is the realization of a poetic fiction (Virgil, Aln. 8. 168) :
Frenaque bina meus quae nunc habet aurea Pallas.
Cf . Chaucer, K. T. 1648-9 :

The fomy stedes on the golden brydel
Gnawynge.

^But Cron. Monf.: pipioni; Alip. : piccioni.

®^ Cron. Monf. extends this : Toi fu presentato uno mantelletto suffulto
et fodrato d'armellino, uno farsetto et uno capucio di raso, quali tutti
erano coperti de pelle [i. e. perle], poi uno manto et uno capucio facti a
fascie, omali de perle.'

^ So only Cron. Monf.

^Cesani, cisoni.

°*Alip. has: a clasp of diamond and ruby, with a pearl.

^"^ Cron. Monf. adds: two beautiful jewels wrought of pearls, balas
rubies, emeralds, sapphires, and other costly gems.

The Banquet *j%

of Clarence were bestowed seventy-six®^ horses. All these were
presented by the mag-nificent and noble lord Galeazzo Visconti,
who was the steward of the feast, and who was accompanied
throughout by twelve knights.®^

Aliprando adds that after the ladies and gentlemen had washed,
wines and confections were served; that Bernabo distinguished
himself by his liberality, so that a song was made upon it; and
that Galeazzo distributed robes, and Bernabo money, to the
mountebanks, minstrels, and acrobats.

The Chronicle of Montferrat proceeds to detail the gifts made
to seven of the chief men of the retinue, ending with the state-
ment that the other seventy fared similarly.

The seven men were Sir Edward Despenser (called the Senes-
chal), Sir Edward Contenaim, Lord Bassetty Sir Hugh Despenser,
Sir Thomas Granson, Sir Robert Assheton? and Sir John of Brom-
wych (Broncio). The typical gifls — one to each man — were
(i) silver belts, gilded and enameled®*; (2) pieces of cloth of
gold; (3) jousting-steeds; (4) coursers. Individuals were dis-
tinguished by additional articles, or by more than one of a
kind. Thus Edward Despenser®® had two coursers, instead of
one, and two pieces of gold brocade, with two pieces of silk
brocade of Bagdad (baldachino brocata), instead of one piece
of cloth of gold. Contenaim had one piece of gold brocade, and
his cloth of gold (three and a half ells) was wrought with
coronets, besides which he had three and a half ells of woolen
cloth, wrought with the arms of Bavaria^ Bassett, who was,
next to Bromwych, the most shabbily treated of those named,
had the belt, the cloth of gold, and a beautiful and valuable
courser. Hugh Despenser's^^^ cloth of gold was like Contenaim's,
and he had three and a half ells of wooleti cloth (de Baucia,

^ So Corio; Cron. Monf.; but Annal. Med.: 77. Jovius (p. 60) has
the round number, seventy, and Aliprando a hundred and fifty, besides
robes and jewels according to the rank of each. Cf. Hist. Background^
p. 185.

"' Corio ; Annal. Med.

^ See Encyc. Brit., nth ed., 7. 238. Devon (Issues of the Exchequer,
p. 170) mentions a belt garnished with rubies, emeralds, and pearls, for
which ii8 ( =$1350) was paid (July 6, 1359).

^ See pp. 104 ff.

^"^ Hugh Despenser and Lionel were brothers-in-law, having married two
daughters of Gilbert, Earl of Gloucester, Lionel the first, and Despenser
the second (Knighton 2. 31).

74 Petrarch at the Banquet

which I cannot interpret). Granson^^^ was distinguished by an
additional courser, and two more when he went to England —
four in all. Assheton^*^^ had two belts, one presented the day
of the wedding, and one afterwards. Finally, Bromwych^^^ had
only a belt, and a fine courser when he went to England.

There must have been tilting,^*** as was customary on these
splendid occasions, for the Chronicle of Montferrat records
that for furnishing 30 j ousters with everything requisite to make
a becoming appearance {de tutto quello che ricerca una degna
giostra) Galeazzo disbursed 72,430 florins.^^^ Aliprando declares
that every day — but does not say for how long — there were
jousts and tourneys, band pitted against band. As for the ladies,
they took pleasure in playing, singing, and dancing. He ends
with comprehensive praise of

quella corte grande,
A' Visconti perpetual* onorare.

VIII. PETRARCH AT THE BANQUET

The chroniclers^ all record the presence at the first table, among
the civil and military magnates there assembled, of Petrarch,^

^"^Granson is subsequently mentioned in Rymer : May 8, 1369; July i,
July 8, Nov. 26, 1370; Oct. 29, 1372; Oct. 28, 1375; practically always as
being in the king's service.

^"^Assheton (called Aston Feb. 11, 1366) was chancellor of Ireland from
Oct. 24, 1364 till some time in 1366; was one of three to pay a sum of
money to Lionel on Oct. 29, 1366, for the wages of his forces in Ireland
(cf. Hist. Background, p. 188, note i); had protection to accompany
Lionel abroad, March 13, 1368; with Thomas de Dale, who had been
associated with him in Ireland, had charge of arrangements for trans-
porting Lionel's company from Dover to Calais in the spring of 1368;
was admiral of the western fleet in 1371 ; justiciary of Ireland, 1372-3 ; in
the train of John of Gaunt to go abroad, 1374; treasurer of England,
1376; chamberlain of England, 1377.

^'^ For Bromwych, see pp. 97-8.

''' See p. 60.

"^'Say $815,000; cf. p. 29.

^ See also Magenta i. 13I72.

^For the baseless story of Petrarch's Academy of thirty members at
Linterno, all of whom were invited to the wedding and regaled the
company with as many epithalamiums, see De Sade, pp. 722-3 ; Giulini
5. 516. Cf. F. Petrarca e la Lombardia, p. 109.

Petrarch at the Banquet

75

who was generally regarded as the greatest man of his age.^
Petrarch was there, Froissart . was there, and perhaps Chaucer
was there.* Froissart, then, probably saw Petrarch, and possibly
Chaucer did ; but is either one likely to have become personally

»

Petrarch.

(From Nolhac, Petrarque et V Huntanisme!)

acquainted with him? In attempting to answer this, we must
reflect (i) that Froissart does not speak of such a meeting; (2)

'Magenta i. 109, note 4; Mezieres, pp. 377-8; Hutton, p. 154- On
Sept. 4, 1362, the governing body of Venice declared that there never had
been a moral philosopher or Christian poet to compare with Petrarch
(Korting, p. 362; Mezieres, p. 378).

* Cf . Hist. Background, pp. 182-4.

76 Petrarch at the Banquet

that Petrarch was at the summit of his reputation, an ambassador
to the courts of kings, an adviser and exhorter of popes, sought
out by princes,^ scholars, ecclesiastics, and poets of eminence;

(3) that he was nearly 64 years old, and in faiHng health®; and

(4) that Froissart was 30 years of age, and Chaucer still younger,
young men with nothing but unconsidered trifles to recommend
them,^ the works by which they are universally known lying still
far in the future.

• Cf . Mezieres, p. Z77-

"Korting, pp. 418, 437, 439, 442; cf. 405 ff. He wrote from a bed of
pain (doloris in Icctulo) on Jan. 13, 1368, between 4 and 5 o'clock in the
morning (Korting, p. 418).

''Hist. Background, p. 184; De Sade 3. 722.

How wide was the difference between Chaucer's and Petrarch's judg-
ments of literature may be shown by one or two examples.

Chaucer alludes with respect in the House of Fame (966 ff.) to the
Anticlaudianus of Alain de Lille, an author from whose Complaint of
Nature (see Moffat's translation) he draws in Pari, of Fowls 316 if,
Petrarch, on the other hand, referring in his Apologia contra Galli Calum-
nias to Alain's Anticlaudianus and to Jean de Hauteville's (fl. 1184)
Architrenius (printed in Wright's Anglo-Latin Satirical Poets and Epi-
grammatists of the Twelfth Century; cf. his Biog. Brit. Lit.: Anglo-
Norman Period, pp. 250-256), says of the Architrenius: 'Of all that ever
I read, nothing was ever more tedious than that Architrenius [wrongly
printed as Architrivio]. ... It gives the reader a nausea; it gives
him a headache; it makes him laugh. . . . The Anticlaudianus is only
a shade less wearisome than the Architrenius. Both these barbaric poets
pour out floods of verbosity; both twist and struggle to no effect' (cf.
Nolhac, Petrarque et I'Humanisme, 2d ed., 2. 226-7).

The best authorities assign Chaucer's translation (cf. Prol. L. G. W.
255: 324) of the Roman de la Rose to his early manhood (Kittredge,
Chaucer and his Poetry, p. 60; Legouis, Geoffrey Chaucer, p. 10; Root
The Poetry of Chaucer, p. 56; Skeat, Oxford Chaucer i. Ixii ; Wells, p.
650), and so much of it as he translated ('apparently entire,' Kittredge
says) he had probably done before Lionel's journey. Of the Roman h<
must have known long passages by heart (Kittredge, p. 61) before h(
wrote the Book of the Duchess in 1369. Nothing. more is necessary tc
prove how highly Chaucer regarded the poem at this time. What waj
Petrarch's estimate of it? Between 1360 and 1369 he addressed a poetica
epistle to Guido Gonzaga, Lord of Mantua (Mantuce domino), who ha(
requested Petrarch to send him the foremost work of French literature
Petrarch thus characterizes the poem (translation condensed) :

'How far Latin surpasses all other tongues, Greek perhaps excej
you can learn from this little book, which France extols to the skies

;pfl,

Petrarch at the Banquet 77

But there are other reasons which render an interview unUkely.
In the first place, Petrarch, journeying from Padua, whence he

and compares with the greatest ever written. In it a certain French-
man tells his dreams to the multitude — the demands, (poscit; al.
possit) of Jealousy and of Love, how fire feeds the passions of the
young man, what sport is plied by the crone, with what arts of Venus
the mad lover arms himself against the plagues that stand at the door,
what are his distress and sorrow, what his rest knit up with labor,
what his alternations (reading vices) of laughter and lament, how
floods of tears bedew his infrequent joys. How could there be greater
scope for poetic eloquence? Yet the poet, in the very act of telling
his dream, is himself lost in a dream, and his waking can hardly be
distinguished from sleep. How much better did Virgil set forth the
passion of love in the death of Dido, and how superior are Catullus,
Ovid, and Propertius, not to speak of other Italians, ancient and
modern ! Nevertheless, since you are bound to have something in an
outlandish (peregrina) vernacular, do not despise this gift of mine,
since France and Paris proclaim it their best.'
Cf. Nolhac 2. 228; I. 165-172.

The Httle book (libellus) must mean only Guillaume de Lorris' part,
one would think, for the following reasons: (i) the complete poem, a
manuscript of over 22,000 lines (in the whole of Petrarch's Italian verse
there are fewer than 10,000 lines, while his Latin epic, Africa, is now less
than one-fourth as long as the Roman, and, even had it been completed to
scale, would have been less than one-third as long), could hardly be
described as a little book; (2) Petrarch mentions one author (Gallus),
not two; (3) there is nothing in his description which cannot be accounted
for by Lorris' fragment, since the old woman, though her part is devel-
oped at much greater length by Jean de Meun, is introduced by Lorris
(ed. Michel, p. 130) ; (4) he would have been slow to despatch the work of
so immoral and indecent a poet as Jean de Meun (cf. Langlois, in Petit
de Julleville's Hist, de la Langue et de la Litt. Fr. 2. 149) to a friend,
since he calls Ovid's Art of Love an 'insane work, deserving to have
been the cause of his exile' (Nolhac 2. 179-180; Korting, p. 486) ; (5)
the allusion to the Roman in Petrarch's Trionfo delta Castitd is clearly
to the earlier part (Nolhac 2. 227-8).

That Petrarch had no very high opinion of English scholarship in 1337
is clear from his statement {Fam. 3. i) that, being curious concerning the
location of Thule, he had asked Richard de Bury about it (this was at
Avignon, in 1330), who had promised to look the matter up in -his books
when he returned to England, but, though frequently reminded, had
never answered a word; 'ita,' adds Petrarch, 'mihi Tyle amicitia Britan-
nica nihil notior facta est.' A few years later, as he tells us in the
same letter, Gerald de Barri's book, The Wonders of Ireland, fell into his
hands, but the author, after citing the opinions of several earlier writers,
confesses that he thinks the island mythical, or that it is far away in the

78 Petrarch at the Banquet

had not started till May 25,^ did not arrive till the 29th^ or 30th/^
two days after Lionel, and then at Pavia. Secondly, he was
suffering about this time, and for six weeks after, from an
injury to his shin, which kept him under the care of physicians.^^
Thirdly, the' chief purpose of his visit was not to attend the

Arctic Ocean. Not much more flattering is the view of English learning
expressed by Boccaccio in his verses written on Petrarch's Africa
(Corazzini, p. 250) :

Hispanus et Gallus, studiis tardusque Britannus.

^ Sen. II. 2.

"So De Sade 3. 719; Fracassetti i. 187.

"So Korting, p. 437; but Magenta (i. 133) says May 31. Petrarch's
letter says: 'VI illuc die, hora tertia, perveni.' This would seem to
indicate 9 o'clock, or earlier, on May 30.

"Writing on July 21 to Francisco Bruni, he speaks of this affliction
{Sen. II. 2) : 'Illico rediturus fueram, non obstante tibiae collisione, qua
in parte corporis a pueritia parum foelix fui, et quae me turn saepe olim,
tum per hos dies complusculos afflixit, invisasque [Petrarch had no
opinion of doctors] inter medicorum manus usque nunc detinet.* This
was not the first time he had suffered from an injury to his left leg. In
1350, when he was traveling to Rome for the fifth time, the horse of one
of his companions, an old abbot, came up on his left side, and, lashing
out with his heels at Petrarch's horse, struck the poet instead, just below
the knee. This happened between Bolseno and Viterbo, and it took him
three days more to go from Viterbo to Rome (54 miles). The bruise
festered, and when he wrote to Boccaccio on Nov. 2, he had already been
in bed with it fourteen days, which seemed to him fourteen years, since
his mind grew torpid when he could not stir about (Fam. 11. i.) In 1359
a stranger incident befell him. He had a large volume of Cicero's letters,
copied by his own hand some time before. This he kept on a shelf just
beside the door of his library. On this particular occasion, as he entered
the room, a flap of his garment caught on the book, and brought it down
on the same left leg, this time just above the heel; the next day the
same thing occurred again, and it was not till the book had fallen a third
and a fourth time that he changed its place. Petrarch went about his
affairs as usual, hoping the bruise would heal, but again it festered, and
he had to submit to fasting, frequent fomentations, and absolute repose.
He adds : Tt seems as though my many pains and aches had always, since
my childhood, fastened upon this unfortunate left leg, and now it forces
me to stay in bed, which I detest' (Fam. 21. 10). This was written on
Oct. 15, but the accident must have occurred much earlier, for on Aug.
18 of the next year (1360) he writes from Milan to Boccaccio that a year
after the mischance, finding things grow from bad to worse, he had
dismissed the doctors and taken matters into his own hands ; he had never
suffered so much in his life, he says, but was now slowly recovering

Petrarch at the Banquet 79

wedding/^ but to comply with the soHcitations of Galeazzo, who
had been urging him to confer with the Cardinal Anglicus de
Grimoard, brother of Urban V, with reference to composing the
strife between the Pope and the Visconti.^^ Fourthly, on the

{Var. 25; Fracassetti 5. 301-2). Whether this leg suffered in his flight
from Parma in 1345, when his right arm was injured, we do not know
(cf. Fracassetti 4. 374)- In any case, Novati (F. Petrarca e la Lom-
hardia, p. 49) is convinced that it was an old wound, never entirely-
healed, and now aggravated by the long horseback ride, that was troubling
him in 1368; but he supposes that it was received in the flight from
Parma, apparently knowing nothing of the certain injuries.

'^ Novati (p. 49) exclaims : 'Behold him here amid the uproar of the
wedding festival, under the necessity of taking part in interminable
ceremonies, and of being present at no less interminable banquets. . . .
Who can tell what Messer Francesco was thinking of, as all this Pan-
tagruelian feast unrolled itself before his eyes?'

^^Levati, Viaggi di Francesco Petrarca 5. 295-6; De Sade, pp. 718-9;
Fracassetti 2. 240, 261; Korting, p. 437; Novati, p. 49; R. I. S. 15. 489-
490; 17. 911. Cf. Petrarch, Sen. 11. 2:

'Scito igitur, me hinc [from Padua] . . . abiisse, magnis enim

precibus et repetitis literis Ticinum [Pavia] iterum atque iterum

evocabar, et quamvis naturae meae infesta aestas adventaret, meque

hinc quietis amor stringeret, illinc status prassens et suspectum latrun-

culis deterreret iter, vigente tamen hinc ingrati metu, honestique inde

specie animum attrahente, quod scilicet ad tractatum tantae pacis

evocatum me sentire, si fortassis ulla ex parte bono publico utilis

esse possem, parui,' etc.

It must be remembered, however, that Petrarch had spent the summers

of 1363-7 at Pavia (Fracassetti i. 185; 2. 240; 5. 490; Sen. 5. i; Hutton,

pp. 209-210; cf. Korting, p. 404; according to Boccaccio's letter, quoted

below, he must have been there in 1367 from ca. March 24 to ca. June 30;

cf. Corazzini, pp. 123, 129), where his daughter and son-in-law (for

Petrarch's attachment to him, see Sen. 5. 7; 10. 4) must have been

residing at least temporarily, in 1368, since they regularly formed a part

of his household as long as he lived (Rossetti, App. 3, p. 66; Mezieres,

p. 163; Baedeker, Oheritalien, i8th ed., Leipzig, 1911, p. 199; Magenta i.

109); after 1368 he never returned (Giulini 5. 517). That he was fond

of the place is shown by his famous letter to Boccaccio {Sen. 5. i, written

in 1365), a part of which I quote from the translation by Robinson and

Rolfe {Petrarch, pp. 323-5) :

'You would find the air of the place very salubrious. I have now
spent three summers here, and I do not remember to have experi-
enced ever anywhere else such frequent and plentiful showers with
so little thunder and lightning, such freedom from heat, and such
steady, refreshing breezes. You would find the city beautifully situ-

8o Petrarch at the Banquet

very day^* of Lionel's wedding, Petrarch's little grandson^^ died

ated. . . . Commandingly situated on a slight elevation, and on
the margin of gently sloping banks, it raises its crown of towers
into the clouds, and enjoys a wide and free prospect on all sides, one
which, so far as I know, is not exceeded in extent or beauty by that
of any town which lies thus in a plain. By turning one's head ever
so little, one can see in one direction the snowy crest of the Alps,
and in the other the wooded Apennines. . . . Lastly, in order of
time, though not of importance, you would see the huge palace,
situated on the highest point of the city ; an admirable building, which
cost a vast amount. It was built by the princely Galeazzo, the
younger of the Visconti, the rulers of Milan, Pavia, and many neigh-
boring towns, a man who surpasses others in many ways, and in the
magnificence of his buildings fairly excels himself. I am convinced,
unless I be misled by my partiality for the founder, that, with your
good taste in such matters, you would declare this to be the most
noble production of modern art. ... I leave here shortly, but
very gladly return to pass the summer months — if fate grant me more
summer months.'
" So Corio, p. 471 : *In questo di medesimo, in Pavia mori,' etc. ; cf.
Giulini 5. 516; Fracassetti 2. 262; Mezieres, p. 164. The date of May 19
(XIV Kal. Jun. ; others read XIII) is rejected by Korting (p. 365,
note 3), though, following Corio, he assigns June 15, instead of June 5
(the nones of June), as the date of the wedding.

"Corio says son (fanciullo), though the Francesca whom he names
as the mother was certainly Petrarch's natural daughter, probably born
in 1343 (Encyc. Brit., nth ed., 21. 311; Korting, p. 143) and married in
Milan to Franceschino d'Amicolo da Brossano (called Borsano by Corio,
and see below; Hutton, p. 213: 'Franceschino da Brossano di Amicolo';
Rossetti, p. 66: 'Franceschino Amicolo da Brossano'; Fracassetti 2. 260:
'Franceschino d'Amicolo di Brossano della Porta VerceUina'; Petrarch's
will: 'Franciscolum de Borsano, filium quondam domini Amicoli de
Borsano, civem Mediolani Portae Verzelinae') in 1361 (Korting, p. 365;
Rossetti, App. 3, p. 66). A daughter, Eletta, must have been born to them
in 1362 or 1363, since Boccaccio, writing to Petrarch on June 30, 1367, of
his visit to the little family in Venice, after he had praised the charm
of the father and mother, goes on (Hutton, pp. 213-4; cf. Corazzini,
p. 124) :

'Presently we were talking in your pleasant little garden with some
friends, and she offered me with matronly serenity your house, your
books, and all your things there. Suddenly little footsteps — and there
came towards us thy Eletta, my delight, who, without knowing who
I was, looked at me smiling. I was not only delighted, I greedily
took her in my arms, imagining that I held my little one (virgunculam
olim meam) that is lost to me. What shall I say? If you do not
believe me, you will believe Guglielmo da Ravenna, the physician, and

Petrarch at the Banquet * 8i

in Pavia, a circumstance which filled him with unspeakable
sorrow.

our Donato, who knew her. Your little one has the same aspect
that she had who was my Eletta, the same expression, the same light
in the eyes, the same laughter there, the same gestures, the same
way of walking, the same way of carrying all her little person; only
my Eletta was, it is true, a little taller when at the age of five and
a half I saw her for the last time. Besides, she talks in the
same way, uses the same words, and has the same simplicity. Indeed,
indeed, there is no difference save that thy little one is golden-haired,
while mine had chestnut tresses ('aurea cesaries tuae est, meae inter
nigram rufamque fuit'). Ah me! how many times when I have held
thine in my arms, listening to her prattle, the memory of my baby
stolen away from me has brought tears to my eyes — which I let no
one see.'
Hutton proceeds to comment : It is perhaps in that letter we see Boc-
caccio better than in any other of his writings ; the greatest man then in
Italy playing with a little child, obliged in his poverty to accept assistance
from one who was almost a stranger' [Franceschino had pressed upon him
a considerable gift at parting].

Students of the Middle English poem. The Pearl (see Osgood's edi-
tion), will not need to be reminded of Boccaccio's Eclogue XIV (about
1360, according to Osgood), with its vision of his httle daughter (d. 1355;
see Hecker, Boccaccia-Funde, p. 84), Violante (there called Olympia, but
here, in compHment to Petrarch, designated as 'my Eletta').

By February, 1366, another child, this time a son, was born to the pair.
This happened at Venice, according to Korting (p. 365), Fracassetti (2.
240), and Mezieres (p. 164). His epitaph, however, calls him 'Mediolan-
ensis,' and to this there seems no objection, since Petrarch was accustomed
to pass the summers of i2)^3-7 at Pavia (see p. 79), and we know, accord-
ing to Sen. 9. 2, that he — and therefore probably his daughter (see p.
79) — was in the country near Milan on Nov. i, 1366, and do not know
of his presence at Venice {Sen. 6. i) in that year later than Jan. 25, while
he had been at Padua {Sen. 5. i) as late as Dec. 14, 1365. The child was
christened Francesco, a name suggestive at once of his father, mother, and
grandfather. Petrarch's son, Giovanni, who had been a great disappoint-
ment to him, had died of the plague in 1361, so that all his domestic
affections were concentrated on his daughter's family. This is clear from
the letter {Sen. 10. 4) written after the grandson's death. In this he
declares that the child was dearer to him than if it had been his own,
since it was born of two whom he so greatly loved, and that he doubted
whether he had ever loved anything more. Hardly was the babe a year
old before friends remarked on its resemblance to Petrarch. It was a
melancholy satisfaction to the poet that Galeazzo, who had seen the death
of his own infant with dry eyes but a short time before, could scarcely
even hear of the death of the little Francesco without tears. Petrarch

Traxs. Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI 6 1916

82 Petrarch at the Banquet

Petrarch arrived at Pavia, then, where he was doubtless
the guest of Galeazzo at the Castle, two or three days after

had, he tells his friend, erected at Pavia a marble memorial to the child
on which six elegiac distichs of his own composition were inscribed in
golden letters — a thing which he would hardly have done, he says, for
any one else ('Bustum ego marmoreum illi infantulo, apud Ticini urbem,
bis sex elegis inscriptum, literisque aureis exaratum statui, quod vix alteri
facerem, et mihi ab altero fieri nollem. . . . Hoc ultimum et inane
tribuerim obsequii genus; et si non sibi utile, gratum mihi, hoc illi
igitur sacrum volui, non causam lachrymis, ut Maro ait, sed memoriae,
non tam meae, cui nee saxo nee carmine opus erat, quam eorum quos
illuc casus attulerit, ut sciant quantam ille suis ab ipso vitae principio
charus fuit').

These lines have fortunately been preserved. The memorial was erected
in the church of San Zeno (one of the loi churches standing in 1320 within
the walls of Pavia, a city which now boasts something like 30,000 inhabi-
tants; see Rer. Ital. Script. 11. 9), which was suppressed in 1789. Thence
it found its way to the collection of Marquis Luigi Malaspina di Sannazaro
(Fracassetti 2. 262), who published the verses (p. 43) in his collection of
lapidary inscriptions {Ucrxzioni Lapidarie, in two parts, Milan, 1830-32,
folio; cf. Giovanni Voghera, Tav. XIII of his Antichitd Pavesi, Fasc. 1-16,
Pavia, 1827, folio), and is now preserved on the wall of the staircase of
the Museo Civico, which was formerly the Palazzo Malaspina (Baedeker,
Oberitalien, i8th ed., Leipzig, 191 1, p. 199; but G. Natali, Pavia, pp. 136
ff., says that the Palazzo Malaspina is on the site of San Zeno, and next
door to the Museo Civico), in the immediate vicinity of the former church
(there is a Vicolo San Zeno near, with a bust of Boethius, on the spot
where his prison is supposed to have stood). The date is 'MCCCLXVIII,
XIV. Kal. lunias, hora IX' (Fracassetti 2. 262), and the child is described
as 'pulcher et innocens.' The inscription is in a square Gothic character.
A copy of the verses, in Roman letters, is also to be found, without the
date, in the lower cloister of the Cathedral of Treviso, where Francesca,
the child's mother, died on Aug. 2, 1382 (Poesie Minori, p. 67). There
are slight differences between the two inscriptions, that at Treviso having
been evidently made from the earlier one at Pavia. The Pavian copy
follows (from Rossetti, App. i, Epigraphe 4; see also Mezieres, pp.
166-7; Fracassetti 2. 262; De Sade, pp. 723-4; Magenta i. 133, note 2),
with the variants of the Trevisan :

Vix mundi novus hospes iter [eram], vitaeque volantis

Attigeram tenero limina dura pede.
Franciscus genitor, genetrix Francisca; secutus

Hos, de fonte sacro nomen idem tenui.
Infans formosus, solamen dulce parentum,

Nunc [Hinc] dolor; hoc uno sors mea laeta minus:
Csetera sum felix, et verae gaudia vitae

Nactus et aeternae, tam cito, tam facile.

Petrarch at the Banquet 83

Lionel and his retinue had arrived at Milan. At Pavia he
would have had every reason for staying until (say) June 4,
when he would almost necessarily have arrived at Milan, against
the wedding of the following day. Among these reasons would
have been his dislike of summer heat/^ his love of quiet/^ his
general predilection for Pavia/^ the condition of his leg/^ his
desire to be with his daughter's family as much as possible, his
occupation with Galeazzo's affairs (Galeazzo's seat was primarily
Pavia, as Bernabo's was Milan), and very possibly also the illness
of the little Francesco, whom we need not assume to have died
on the very day he fell sick. We may suppose him to have
planned to return on June 6 from Milan to Pavia, for most of
the reasons which have been detailed, and not least that he might
be with his daughter and her husband in their sorrow, and assist
in the preparations for the funeral. This, however, was not to
be (see p. 85). In fact, we know that it was nearly a month
before he could leave Milan. Writing from Pavia to Giovanni
da Mandello on July 6, he tells his correspondent that he had
left Milan on July 4, though he had not yet recovered, because
he wished to escape from the noise and confusion, but that the
horseback ride to Pavia had again aggravated his sore. He is

Sol bis, Luna quater, flexum peragraverat orbem,

Obvia mors, fallor, obvia vita fuit.
Me Venetum terris dedit urbs, rapuitque Papia;
Nee queror, hinc [hie] caelo restituendus eram.
This may be translated :

*A newly arrived guest of the world, I was but just beginning my
journey, and had scarcely touched with my tender feet the rough
threshold of the life that hastens away. My father was Francis, and
Frances my mother; from them did I receive my name at the bap-
tismal font. I was a beautiful child, the lovely solace of my parents,
but now their grief. On this account alone is my lot less joyous, since
for the rest I am happy, having attained thus early and easily the joys
of the true life, the life eternal. Twice had the sun measured the
orbit of the world, and four times the moon, when death — nay, rather
life — stood before me. Venice gave me to the earth, and now Pavia
has snatched me away ; but I mourn not, since it was fitting that from
here I should be restored to heaven.*
" See p. 79.
" See p. 79.
"See pp. 79-80.
" See pp. 78-9.

84 Petrarch at the Banquet

hardly able to rise from bed, he says, and then is all of a tremor.
On his journey by boat, with Venice as his destination, he hopes
to see the Emperor (Charles IV), who had permitted him to
come, and now commands him to return.^®

Petrarch talks of returning to Venice, but he actually proceeded
to Padua, arriving there on July 19. On July 21 he wrote^^
that he would have returned much sooner, notwithstanding the
injury to his leg, had it not been that the land-route (by which
he had almost certainly come ; cf . Novati, p. 49) had been ren-
dered impracticable by the prevailing military activities, and that
he had the utmost difficulty in persuading a boatman to convey
him down the Po for love or money,^^ over a month having been
passed in this quest^^ and in overcoming a variety of obstacles.^*

Thus, ignoring the age and eminence of Petrarch, and the
youth and comparative obscurity of Froissart and Chaucer,^^
and ignoring the fact that neither Froissart nor Chaucer alludes

'"Novati, pp. 61-3, quotes the letter in full from which the subjoined
extracts are taken: Tibia sinistra, vetus hostis mea, per hos me dies
exercuit et in lectulo detinuit, unde vix adhuc tremebundus assurgo.
. . . Nondum nempe convalui; nam strepitum licet ac tumultum con-
fusionemque multiplicem perosus, majore nudiustertius urbe dimissa, in
hunc cupide quasi portum ex procellis commigraverim, ulcus tamen meum
illud equitando recruduit. . . . Mox Venetias, unde nuper abii, secundo
alveo reversurus sum, salutato interim Imperatore, nisi castra permoverit
procul a Padi ripa. Illo enim permittente veni, illo jubente redeo, hiis
Ligurum dominisque utrumque probantibus.' Since we know that the
Emperor was at Bologna on July 14 and 15 {R. I. S. 18. 181), and since
Petrarch, after his return to Padua, says nothing of having met him, it
is fairly probable that he did not.

^^ Sen. II. 2; see p. 78.

^"Ulla prece vel pretio.*

"Mense ibi integro, et amplius, inter navis inquisitionem et difficultates
rerum varias absumpto,'

^* Petrarch's main fear, he tells us, was of chance robbers, for his love
of peace was so well known to both parties that he felt he had no danger
to apprehend from the regular combatants. His friends endeavored to
dissuade him from what they considered his insanity, but he persevered,
and finally found a boatman who was reassured by his calmness. The
river was full of armed boats, and the shores were lined with armed
bands ; but, while any one else would have been captured, killed, or at
least robbed, his vessel was loaded with wine, game, fruit, and spices by
the generosity of those who intercepted him, and his progress was only
delayed by their friendly assiduities.

""In Petrarch's eyes a -'barbarian'; see pp. 23, yj.

Petrarch at the Banquet 85

to such a meeting, we see that there are reasons enough in the
bodily infirmity of Petrarch, and his preoccupation with state-
affairs, to render such a meeting unhkely. Moreover, as he went
straight to Pavia from Padua, did not arrive till May 30, presum-
ably had no occasion to be in Milan till the eve of the wedding
(while Lionel's retinue had arrived on May 27), must have
watched over a sick-bed up to the moment of his departure for
Milan, and thenceforth, as soon as the wedding-day was over,
lay languishing with his festering wound until July 4, unable to
return to Pavia, the probability of a meeting between Petrarch
and the two young versifiers would seem to be excluded. And
had they met, it would have been the meeting of a grave
and aging student with sentimental and somewhat conventional
rhymesters, of the companion and idol of princes with a
yeoman of the king's household, and an amuser of noble leisures
by rather tinkling minstrelsy, dependent for his livelihood upon
chance doles and irregular patronage.-^ If Lionel's followers
were admitted into the courtyard of the Broletto, and allowed
to see the noble company at their magnificent feast, then, from
afar off, Froissart and Chaucer may have had sight of Petrarch ;
but a closer acquaintance than this is against all the probabilities.

^In the Buisson de Jonece (230-369) he gives a list of his benefactors
and benefactresses, among whom were Philippa of England; Blanche of
Lancaster; the Lord and Lady of Coucy; Edward III (100 florins) ; the
Earl of Hereford; Edward Despenser; the Duke of Bourbon; Charles
V; the Duke and Duchess of Brabant; Pierre I, King of Cyprus (40
ducats); David Bruce; the Earl of Douglas; etc. Notable, in this
connection, is his mention of the Green Count (339-347) '-

Ame, le conte de Savoie,

Je ne sgai se nomme I'avoie,

Mes a Melans, en Lombardie,

Une bonne cote 'bardie

Me donna de .xx. florins d'or;

II m'en souvient moult bien encor,

Pour un tant que moult me valirent;

Car onques cil ne me fallirent

Jusqu'a tant que je vine a Romme.

In 1366 he received a gift of six golden muttons, when a great concourse
of minstrels came together at Brussels: 'uni Fritsardo, dictori qui est
cum regina Angliae, dicto die, VI mottones.' A year or so after Queen
Philippa's death, he is glad to receive 16 francs (the franc then had the
intrinsic value of 13.38 modern francs) from the Duchess of Brabant
('uni Frisardo dictatori') for a new book in French.

86 Lionel's Remaining Life

IX. LIONEL'S REMAINING LIFE

The Milanese annalist tells us that Lionel, after the consum-
mation of the marriage, remained in Milan for some days, and
then left for Alba. The chronicles of Saluzzo and Montferrat
agree in stating that after the wedding Violante left for Pavia,
while Lk)nel, with his retinue, betook himself to Alba. Before
he had finished what he had to do there, he fell sick, and returned
to Pavia, where he spent a few days. Thereupon he went back
to Alba, and there died.^ We have, in all, four months and
twelve days to account for between his marriage (June 5) and
his death (Oct. 17). As he was able to take part in a tourney
on Aug. 16,^ it is probable that he did not return to Pavia before
that time; and as his will was made on Oct. 3, he must have
been ill before then. With respect to the cause of his malady,
Jovius^ ascribes it to excessive feasting in a country where he
was not yet acclimated, and intimates that while this was in

^ Petrus Azarius (quoted by Benvenuto) concurs with these two chron-
iclers in saying that Lionel left Violante at Pavia — where she would
naturally be most at home. In the next sentence there seems to be a
corruption, for it runs: 'Nee umquam praedictus dominus Leonotus
praedictis peractis Papiam redivit, sed, parva mora in Pedemontio pro-
tracta, Albam reversus diem clausit extremum.' But how could Lionel,
after delaying a short time in Piedmont, return to Alba, seeing that Alba
was itself in Piedmont? Perhaps the 'nee umquam' should be construed
with 'peractis/ for Cron. Saluz. has: 'Ancora non habiando finito le
cosse soe [Cron. Monf.: le cose predette], se amalo e ritorna a Pavia'
(similarly Cron. Monf.). On this supposition, we might translate
Azarius: 'Lionel, though he had never finished up the matters referred
to above [but they were not referred to], returned to Pavia; but, making
only a short stay here [reading Papia for Pedemontio], he went back to
Alba.' This would then agree with the chronicles of Saluzzo and
Montferrat, which evidently deserve our confidence.

' See p. 88.

^He writes: 'Sed non multo post Leonatus quum novae nuptae operam
daret, intempestivisque conviviis ad patrii moris disciplinam, alieni caeli
ignarus, intemperantius uteretur, ad Albam morbo consumptus interiit'
Thus translated by Stow : 'But not long after, Leonel living with his new
wife, whilest after the manner of his owne Countrey, as forgetting or
not regarding his change of ayre, hee addicted himselfe overmuch to
untimely banquettings, spent and consumed with a lingering sickness, dyed
at Alba.'

Lionel's Remaining Life 87

progress he was living with Violante. However, his feasting in
Milan can hardly have been the cause of his death; and, while
there may have been banqueting at the Castle after his return
from Alba, it must be remembered that he was ill before this
return, that his illness seems to have been the cause of the return,
and that in any case he stayed at Pavia but a few days. On the
whole, it seems most reasonable to assume that he saw but little
of Violante during their married life, being called away by the
care of his province; that the sickness which caused his death
was of no very long duration, and yet not excessively sudden
in its operation; and that his return to Pavia would therefore
naturally have fallen in September, perhaps late in the month.
As the lingering illness which terminated in the death of the
Black Prince seems to have originated in digestive disorders
contracted during his sojourn in Spain, it is not unreasonable
to assume that Lionel may have indulged overmuch in eating
and drinking — consider his wedding-banquet ! — and that the heat
of a Piedmontese summer, his military exercises, and the labors
and perplexities incident to his rule amid an alien people, and
surrounded by open or secret enemies, are responsible for the
rest, or would even have been sufficient of themselves. As for
feasting, he does not seem to have been prostrated by that at
Paris or at Chambery ; but in both these places the weather must
have been cooler, and Lionel had then nothing to do but give
himself up to the pleasure of the moment.*

* Knighton (2. 123; cf. Chron. Anglice 61) affirms that his death was
due to poison ('intoxicatus veneno interiit'), but then Knighton knows
Galeazzo as Golias ('filiam Goliae') — hardly a compliment, by the way —
and calls Milan 'Meletum.' Moreover, his statement is contradicted by
those of the Italian chroniclers, for Petrus Azarius and Cron. Monf.
say that Galeazzo and all the Lombards lamented greatly over Lionel's
death; and Annal. Med. that Galeazzo was beside himself ('effectus est
velut demens') with excessive grief. This grief was natural enough, con-
sidering the hopes that Galeazzo had built upon this marriage, and the
disorders which immediately followed (see below, pp. 104 ff.).

Hardyng confirms, on the whole, the statements of Jovius and the
chronicles (p. 334) :

In whiche meane tyme his justes & his excesse,

His great riot and wynes delicacie,

His ghoste exiled out [of his corps] doutlesse,

Afore the daye set of his regence,

For whom was made great mone through Italic.

88 Lionel's Remaining Life

Of the adventures in which Lionel may have been engaged
between his marriage and his death, we catch sight of only one.
A branch of the house of Savoy had acquired what proved to
be the merely nominal title of Princes of Achaia, through the mar-
riage of Filippo of Savoy to Isabella of Villehardouin^ (her third
marriage) on Feb. 13, 1301, she having by her second marriage
become the mother of Mahault of Hainaut.® From this Filippo
descended Filippo II, who succeeded to the Piedmontese domin-
ions of his father Giacomo on May 7, 1367, though the latter,
having regard to his evil conduct, had left the principality to
his younger son, Amedeo, to whom Filippo was to do homage."
On March 17, 1368, Filippo made formal claim to the principal-
ity,^ his brother being then, and until 1377, under the guardian-
ship of the Green Count, Amedeo VI of Savoy. Strife having
arisen between the two parties, Filippo challenged the Green
Count to a tournament near Saluzzo, where, on a specified day,
fifty were to encounter fifty. The Green Count, with Lionel,
Giovanni II of Montferrat (ruled 1338- 1372), and certain men
sent by Galeazzo, arrived at Fossano on the day appointed, prob-
ably Aug. 16 ; but the craven Filippo repudiated his engagement,

For Hardyng's 'wynes' we should perhaps read 'wyues,' i. e. 'wife's'
(cf. Jovius) ; then 'delicacie' would mean voluptuousness. His 'regence'
refers to the extravagant statement with which he had ended a previous
stanza :

In citees all he helde well vnitees,

Create justes ay and joyus tournementes,

Of lordes & knightes he made great assemblees

Through all the lande by his wyse regimentes ;

They purposed hole by theyr commen assentes

To croune hym kyng of all [great Italie,]

Within halfe a yere for his good gouernaly.

On an earlier page Hardyng had said:

And all the rule he had by councell wyse,

Fro mount Godard vnto the citee [of] Florence,

And well beloved was for his sapience.

Barnes seems to go back to Froissart (see p. 104) : 'Not without sus-
picion of being poisoned, by some subtle Italian trick, to prevent that
Glory, which perhaps some Envy'd, that he should attain.'

' See Rodd 2. 39-58.

* See pp. 124-5.

' Crott. Saluz., p. 1014.

^ Ih., p. 1012.

Lionel's Remaining Life 89

whereupon, after some fine skirmishes, Amedeo VI and his
company went to SavigHano to pass the night, and thereupon each
division went home. FiHppo, being judicially condemned in
December of that year, was publicly drowned in one of the three
small lakes near Ayigliana, by order of Amedeo {Cron. Saluz.),
while his brother ruled till 1402.^ So we see Lionel, having left
Alba in the August heats, repairing on horseback to SavigHano,
and thence to Fossano, on Aug. 15, to pitch camp against the
following day; from Fossano returning to Savigliano for the
night, and so back to Fossano, arrayed in armor for the tourney-
ing, and once more, after the fruitless preparations, going back
to lodge at Savigliano.

® The two authorities are the chronicles of Savoy and Saluzzo. The

former runs {M. H. P. 3 (Script, i). 320-321) :

'En soussi furent messire Philippe de Savoye et le marquis Frederich
de Saluces quant sentirent venir le comte contre eulx, car ilz navoyent
que pou de gens darmes, et, pour rompre la chevauchie du conte,
messire Philippe luy manda ung herault, disant que sil osoit combattre
sa querelle luy cinquante hommes darmes, que luy a tout aultres
cinquante le combateroit corps a corps en la gallee fvallee?] entre
Saluces et Escarnefis a un jour qui nomma. Entendant le conte les
parolles du herault, respondit : "Vatant a ton maistre, et luy dist que
a layde de Dieu je seray au lieu et en la place au jour que tu dis,
accompaignie moy cinquantieme de hommes darmes pour combatre
corps a corps noz querelles." A celle responce sen tourna le herault;
et le conte, accompagne du due de Clerance, du marquis de Monferra,
et des gens de messire Galliache, ensemble les cinquante hommes
darmes, vindrent devant Fossan, en requirant que le gage se tenist
entreulx comme il estoit ordonne. Mais messire Philippe refusa la
bataille et la promesse qui avoit faitte; le refus estre fait, eut la
de belles escarmuches, qui durerent tout le jour de deux pars, et vers
la nuyt le conte et sa compaignie se partirent de devant Fossan, et
se alia logier a Savillian, et le due de Clerance, le marquis de Mon-
ferra, et les gens de messire Galliace se retrayrent en leur pays. Et
apres ne demoura gueyres que messire Philippe de Savoye fut mort,
dont le pays de Piemont resta en grant pacifficacion.'

The latter is as follows (M. H. P., pp. 1014-5) :

*A IS di Augusto esso Conte Ame dy Savoya cum exercito, una
cum el Marchexe dy Monferrato e la gente soa, e missere Lioneto
dy Angleterra (el quale ancora non era morto, ma mory quelo anno),
• andorono a Saviglano, poy de ly a Fosano, per piantarly el campo.
Pur tornorono quelo giorno medemo a Saviglano, cum lo exercito
loro. Poy, il giorno da presso, tornorono tuty a Fosano, dove era
el signer Philipo, fratello del Principe dy Achaya.'

90 Lionel's Death and Burial

This meeting with FiHppo at Fossano was not the first time
that Lionel encountered him. While the duke was at Pavia or
Milan, we are not certain which, but probably the former,^** he
had heard Filippo called traitor and felon by the Green Count
in the presence of himself and Galeazzo. Amedeo having
demanded justice against Filippo, Lionel personally arrested the
latter, and cited him to appear before his tribunal on May 30.
Here he seems to have pronounced a decision unfavorable to
Filippo, who thereupon announced his intention of appealing to
the parliament — if so it may be called — which was to be held at
Rivoli," and thereupon retumed.^^ It is somewhat curious that
even a purely nominal lord of Clarentza, in Greece, should be
cited before the tribunal of a Duke of Clarence, his feudal
superior, in Italy, considering that this Duke of Clarence was
a royal prince of England.^^

X. LIONEL'S DEATH AND BURIAL

The date of Lionel's death was certainly Oct. 17,^ 1368, though
even the Dictionary of National Biography has it wrong.^

" Since Lionel would hardly have cited him on May 27, or later, to a
tribunal held on May 30. Cron. Saluz. (p. 1013) says that Filippo and
his brother went to Milan and Pavia in April, but, as it adds that they
made many demands on the one side and the other, and were finally
reconciled by Galeazzo, it is possible that they may have remained in
those parts till toward the end of May.

" See p. 43.

^- Gabotto, in Misc. di Stor. Ital. 33. 169.

" Cf . pp. 122 ff .

^The Inquisitio post Mortem (43 Edw. Ill, File 208, No. 23, Public
Record Office), dated July 12, 1369, says, under the county of Somerset:
'Dicunt [the jurors] quod idem Dux obiit decimo septimo die Octobris,
anno regni Regis nunc Anglie quadragesimo secundo' (adding that his
daughter Philippa was 13 years old on Aug. 16, 1368) ; under the county
of Essex: 'Dicunt quod idem Dux obiit xvii die Octobris ultimo elapsi'
(similarly as to Philippa). In the Annals of Ireland (Chartularies of
St. Mary's Abbey, Dublin, ed. Gilbert, 2. 397) we read: 'In vigilia Sancti
Luce Evangeliste, Dominus Leonellus, Dux Clarencie, obiit apud Albe in
Pymond.' Walsingham has (i. 306) : 'circa festum Nativitatis Beatae
Mariae,' i. e., Sept. 8. Cron. Monf. has Oct. 15.

"Correctly given in Dugdale, Baronage 2. 167-8; Barnes; Sandford,
p. 223.

Lionel's Death and Burial 91

As to the disposition of Lionel's body authorities differ.
According to Froissart,^ it was embalmed, and sent home to
England by Galeazzo.* The Annals of Ireland^ (as above)
declare that he was first buried in the church of S. Pietro Ciel
d'Oro in Pavia,® and afterwards*^ in the Augustinian monastery
of Clare,^ in Suffolk. On the other hand, Capgrave^ relates
that Lionel, when dying, ordered his attendants to convey his
heart and bones to Clare, and to bury the rest of his body
(carnibtis suis cum viscerihusY^ in front of the tomb of St.
Augustine, where Henry, Earl of Derby, saw his resting-place

^Kervyn 7. 251-2.

* So also Annal. Med. (R. I. S. 16. 740) ; cf. Kervyn 7. 251 : 'Touttesfois
messires Galeas envoya le corps embausme de monseigneur Lion, due de
Clarense, par un evesque, arriere en Angleterre; la fu-il enseveli.' The
Chron. Plac. makes the astonishing statement that his body was in that
year carried to Apulia {R. I. S. 16. 510).

' 'Primo sepultus in civitate Papie juxta Sanctum Augustinum Doctorem
[see Hist. Background, p. 195], deinde sepelitur apud Clare, in conventu
Augustinensium in Anglia.'

^ Petrus Azarius, as quoted by Benvenuto : 'Et ipso mortuo in Papia
[sic] portato, Papise traditus fuit sepulturae'; Cron. Saluz.: 'fu portato
a Pavia.'

^So Beltz, Mem. of the Order of the Garter, p. 131; Sandford, p. 223
(copied by Rapin, Hist, of England, 1743, i. 439; cf. Nichols, Wills,
1780, p. 91). Sandford seems indebted to Barnes, p. 720: *Tho for the
present he was deposited in the Chief Church of Pavia, a City of Milain,
yet soon after, according to his Testament, his Body was brought over
into England by Thomas Newborne Esquire [whom Barnes makes one
of his legatees], and others of his Domesticks, and interred in the said
Church of the Augustine-Fryars, at Clare aforesaid, near unto the Body
of his First Wife, Elizabeth de Burgh.'

^ Probably founded in 1248, and the first settlement of the Augustinians
in England; suppressed in 1538 {Vict. Hist, of Suffolk 2. 127-8). In
1821 the church was at the northeast side of the friary, and used as a barn
(R. C. Taylor, Index Monasticus, quoted in Dugdale, Monasticon, 1849,
6.' 1600).

"De Illustribus Henricis, quoted in Derby Accounts, p. cxi; so Kervyn
21. 2, 3.

^° Professor Tout, speaking of Edmund Mortimer, third Earl of March,
remarks (Diet. Nat. Biog. 39. 121) : 'According to the directions in his
will, March's body was interred on the left hand of the high altar of
Wigmore Abbey (Nichols, p. 104). An Irish chronicle speaks of his
being buried in the church of the Holy Trinity at Cork, but this probably
only refers to the more perishable part of his body.'

92 Lionel's Death and Burial

in 1393^^; but there is nothing of this in his will/^ which orders
that his body shall be buried before the high altar in the choir
of the abbey church at Clare. Galeotto del Carretto/^ the

"The remains of Augustine were, according to tradition, carried in
496 from Hippo to Sardinia, and thence removed by Liutprand to Pavia
in 723. The beautiful shrine which stands behind the high altar, and
bears the date of 1362, was probably executed between 1360 and 1380, and
therefore was not completed at Lionel's death in 1368 (Natali, Pavia e la
sua Certosa, Pavia, 191 1, pp. 34-5; Lc Chiese di Pavia, Part I (in the
series entitled L'ltalia Monumentale), Milan, 1913, pp. 35-9; cf. Venturi,
Storia dell' Arte 4. 592-605). In Magenta (p. 164), where, as in the
preceding, the shrine is represented, there is a fuller account of its
history. Magenta declares that the shrine was begun on Dec. 14, 1362,
that the foundation was laid in the sacristy of the church, and that it
was completed in 1370. It remained in the sacristy at least till after 1461,
at which time the bones of the saint were reputed to lie in a chapel of
the crypt; they were, however, not rediscovered till 1605 (op. cit., pp.
163-4). It is therefore no doubt in the crypt that the earlier resting-place
of Lionel's remains is to be sought, if we assume that Capgrave is to be
believed (but cf. p. 95).

As the resting-place of Boethius (see the picture of the tower where
he is supposed to have been imprisoned, in Magenta i. 162), S. Pietro
in Ciel d'Oro was celebrated by Dante {Par. 10. 127-9), where he
speaks of the philosopher's soul:

Lo corpo ond' ella fu cacciata giace

Giuso in Cieldauro, ed essa da martiro

E da esilio venne a questa pace.

('The body whence it was chased forth lieth down below in Ciel d'Oro,
and itself from martyrdom and exile came unto this peace.')

In a famous letter of Petrarch's to Boccaccio, written probably in
1365 (cf. p. 79), he thus refers to S. Pietro: 'You would have seen
where St. Augustine is buried, and where Boethius found a fitting place
of exile in which to spend his old age and to die. They now repose
together in two urns, under the same roof with King Liutprand, who
transferred the body of St. Augustine from Sardinia to this city. This
is indeed a pious and devout concourse of illustrious men.' Boccaccio also
refers to the church {Dec. 10. 9). An Augustinian monastery was erected
at the right of the church in 1327 (Natali, p. 33).

"Though Kervyn says otherwise (21. 2-2,).

"Af. H. P., p. 1212: 'De la cui morte Galeatio e tutti gli Lombardi molto
se dolsero, et portato morto in Pavia cum infinite spese, et in parte
mandato in la patria, fu sepellito in Pavia.' Magenta (p. 135) says
expressly: 'Mori il 15 [but see above, p. 90] ottobre del 1368, gettando
in un profondo duolo la nostra Corte, che diede alle ceneri di lui sepoltura
nella basilica di S. Pietro in Ciel d'Oro.'

Lionel's Death and Burial 93

mediaeval chronicler of Montferrat, confirms the statement of
Capgrave. What is certain is that the whole, or some part,
of his body was buried at Clare before 1377, for on Sept. 12 of
that year the prior of Clare and brother Robert of the same
monastery come to an agreement respecting the sum of ten
marks, to be paid by the said Robert in satisfaction of the
expenses^* incurred for the funeral of Lionel.^^ Moreover, we
have the testimony of a manuscript, in English and Latin, for-
merly belonging to Augustine Vincent (i584?-i626), and quoted
by John Weever (1576-1632) in his Ancient Funerall Monu-
ments (folio, 1631). This manuscript, or its prototype, was
written in the lifetime of Richard, Duke of York,^*' father of

"The Vict. Hist, of Suffolk says (2. 128) : 'The sum of ten marks was

paid to the prior and brethren, in the chapter house, on 12 September, 1377,

for their share in the funeral expenses.'
"The instrument, from the Registrum Chartarum Monasterii Heremi-

tarum S. Augustini de Clare, follows from Harl. MS. 4835, fol. ^2^, last

paragraph, with contractions expanded :

'Hec indentura testatur judicium et finalem concordiam inter priorem
conventus Clare, ordinis Sancti Augustini, ex una parte, et fratrem
Robertum de Clare, ejusdem ordinis et conventus, ex alia parte, de
expensis factis per predictum fratrem Robertum circa funeralia nobilis
domini Domini Leonelli quondam Ducis Clarence — quod a die confec-
tionis presentium predictus conventus assignabit fratrem vel fratres
ad satisfaciendum per missas, seu alia divina obsequia, pro X marcis
per predictum Robertum providendis, quas sibi removebunt pro com-
pleta solucione pro expensis omnibus omnibus \_sic] circa predicta
funeralia factis aprius [MS. ap'us] usque ad diem confectionis
presentium ; unde se pref ectus predicti conventus adquietat, et se
obligat omnibus et singulis personis extra conventum predictum degen-
tibus satisfacturum ad rationem expensarum supradicti funeris vindi-
cantibus. Predictus vero conventus, ex altera parte, istam conditionem
sibi promittit adimplere, ac eum adquietat de omnibus receptibus
ratione et nomine predictorum funeralium aprius [MS. ap'us] usque
ad diem confectionis presentium. Ilia vero concordia judicialis fuit
comprobata per fratrem Johannem Ergom, Sancti Thome doctorem
permissorium ordinis et provincie, commissarium fratris Henrici,
prioris provincialis ejusdem ordinis et provincie, in banc causam
specialiter deputatos [-um?], anno Domini M.CCC.LXXVII, die xii
mensis Septembris, in loco capitulari conventus supradicti. Tn
quorum omnium testimonium sigilla predicti commissarii, ac supradicti
conventus, et fratris Roberti, huic indenture alternata sunt apposita.'
" Prominent in the Shakespearian 2 and 3 Henry VI.

94 LioneVs Death and Burial

Edward IV and Richard III, and therefore before 1460.^^ The

lines in question are (Weever, p. 735) :

Fuit Elisabeth sibi nata
Altera, que egregio post . . . Leonello,
Ed, ter. innato, post fataque sic tumulato,
Ut vides, exigua pro tanto principe tumba,
Inque chori medio.

And in English (p. 738) :

Q. Had she ony Issue? A. Yea sir sikerly.

Q. What? A. a doughtur. Q. what name had she?

A. Liche hir modir Elisabeth sothely.

Q. Who evir the husbonde of hir might be?

A. King Edwards Son the third was he,

Sir Lionel, which buried is hir by,

As for such a Prince too sympilly.

This makes it clear that Lionel was buried, as his will provided,
in the middle of the choir; and that he rested by his wife,
Elizabeth de Burgh, in a tomb which must have formed a strik-
ing contrast to that of his brother, the Black Prince, at Canter-
bury, for which the latter made such lavish provision in his will.
It is equally clear that Lionel's body was not brought to England
the year of his death, for we have a document,^^ written in
December, 1368,. on the part of Edward III, in which Edward
Despenser and John of Bromwych are instructed that they are
on no account to transport the body of Lionel to England,
because of the grief it would occasion his relatives, but to give
it solemn interment in Italy:

Item, ils dirront as dits sire Le Despenser et monseigneur Johan
coment le roi voet et leur prie qu'ils ordenent en toutes manieres que
le corps mon dit seigneur de Clarence soit solempnement enterres
par dela, sicome affiert a tieu seigneur, tant pur I'onour du roi come
de lui, sans faire carier par decea le corps ou nulle partie d'ycel, pur
le doel et tristesse que le roi son piere, madame la roine se miere,
messeigneurs ses freres et mes autres seigneurs et dames de son
lignage ent prendroient.

As the Council of Trent (1545- 1563) ordered the removal
from S. Pietro of all the tombs but those of saints^^ (not except-
ing that of the Lombard king, Liutprand), Lionel's, if any trace

"Cf. Weever, p. 739; Diet. Nat. Biog. 48. 176, 184.

'' Brit. Mus. Cott. Claud. D. Ill, quoted by Kervyn 18. 490.

"Magenta, p. 163.

Lionel's Death and Burial 95

of it remained, must have disappeared with the others. As late,
however, as 1590, an inscription to his memory was placed
against a column near the chapel of St. Appian on the right side
of the church,^^ as being the site of his tomb. The inscription
was due to Charles Parker (b. Jan. 28, 1537), who also erected
in the cloister at Pavia monuments to Francis, Duke of Lorraine,
and Richard de la Pole, Duke of Suffolk, who had been slain at
the battle of Pavia in 1525. Having entered the Roman Catholic
church, he went to Pavia in 1560,^^ and there remained in exile
for thirty years.^^
The inscription reads^^ :

D. O. M. Leonello Clarentise Duci Edotiardi tertii Regis

Angliae Fil. ducta Violanta Joannis Galeatii primi Ducis

Mediolani sorori Albae mortuo atque hie anno saluti MCCCLXIIX

Honorificentissime in area eondito sublata postea

Coneilii Tridentini deereto Carolus Paeherus de Morley

Anglus Qarentium stirpe ortus anno salutis MDXC

Exilii vero sui pro fide eatholiea XXX p.

By 1464 the place of his sepulture was in doubt in England,
for Hardyng says^*:

Some sayen he is buried at Melaj'^n,
And other some saye at Clare certayn.

^ Bossi, in his unpublished Memorice Ticinenses, p. 86, quoted by
Magenta, p. 135: 'In eolumna sive pila prope saeellum S. Appiani in
latere dextero Templi.'

^"^Dict. Nat. Biog. 43. 239.

" How baseless was his elaim to belong to the deseendants of Clarenee
may be gathered from the following genealogieal notes.

Charles' mother was, before marriage, Aliee St. John, whose father was
Sir John St. John, whose mother was Margaret St. John, nee Beauchamp.
By her seeond marriage, to John, first Duke of Somerset, grandson of
John of Gaunt, she had a daughter, Margaret Beaufort, who, by her
marriage to Edmund Tudor, Earl of Riehmond, became the mother of
Henry VH. Henry VII's queen, -Elizabeth, was the daughter of Edward
IV, who was the son of Riehard, Duke of York, who was the son of
Anne, Countess of Cambridge, who was the daughter of Roger, Earl of
March, who was the son of Philippa, daughter of Lionel.

The inscription, as printed, gives his name as Taeherus,' doubtless for
Tarkerus,' since he was a younger son of Henry Parker, himself son of
Henry Parker, Baron Morley.

" Magenta, p. 135.

^* Chronicle, ed. Ellis, p. 334.

96 Lionel's Will

XL LIONEL'S WILL

Lionel's will was drawn up at Alba, Oct. 3, 1368, just two
weeks before he died. The bequests are^ :

^The will itself, froqi Nichols, Wills of the Kings and Queens of
England, pp. 88-90, is as lollows:

'In Dei nomine, Amen. Ego Leonellus, Dux Clarencie, sanus mente
licet eger corpore, volensque debitum mortis prevenire, testamentum
meum condo in hunc modum. In primis lego animam meam Deo et
beate Marie et omnibus Sanctis, et corpus meum ad sepeliend' in
eccl'ia fratrum Augustinensium de Clare in choro ante magnum altare.
It'm lego eccl'ie eorundem fratrum nigrum vestimentum meum cum
toto apparatu. It'm lego eid'm eccl'ie pannum meum nigrum broud-
atum. It'm Violente uxori mee rubeum vestimentum meum cum
coronis aureis cum toto apparatu. It'm eidem uxori mee omnia jocalia
mea exceptis subscriptis. It'm d'no Joh'i de Bromwych militi unum
dextrarium qui vocatur Gerfacon'. It'm lego d'no Ric'o Musard
militi unam zonam de auro cum uno dextrario qui vocat' Maunge-
neleyn. It'm lego Barthe'o Pycot duas zonas de argento & deaurat'.
It'm lego D'no Joh'i de Capell capellano meo unam zonam de auro
ad faciend' unum calicem in memoriam anime mee. It'm eidem D'no
Joh'i melius portiforium meum notatum. It'm eidem Joh'i unum par
vestimentorum pauleatum cum albo & rubeo. It'm lego mag'ro Nich'o
de Haddeleye unum parvum portiforium non notatum. It'm lego
D'no Joh'i Wayte capellano unum portiforium notatum. It'm lego
Thomae Waleys unum circulum aureum, quo circulo frater meus et
dominus creabatur in principem. It'm Edmundo Mone lego ilium
circulum quo in ducem fui creatus. It'm lego mag'ro Nich'o de
Haddeley supradicto duo monilia de auro, blodio & viridi colore
anamalat'. It'm lego Nich'o Bekennesfeld unum monile de auro cum
duabus manibus inclusis. Item lego eidem Nich'o decem marcas annui
redditus in manerio de Bremmesfeld ad totam vitam suam percipiend'.
Et lego Rob'to Bardulf unum monile de auro ad modum cordis
factum. It'm volo quod omnes annuli distribuantur inter valetos
camere mee secundum disposicionem executor' meor'. It'm volo et
executoribus meis injungo q'd nulla fiat bonorum meorum seu terrarum
mearum saltim quas vendere seu donare possum aliquibus deliberacio
seu dissipacio exceptis legatis supradictis, quousque debita mea secun-
dum quod facultates mee ad hoc suppetunt plene persolvantur, et
si quod residuum fuerit, volo quod sit in disposic'one executorum
meorum. Hos vero constituo & facio hujus testamenti mei seu ultime
voluntatis mee executores, videlicet Violentam uxorem meam, Barth'm
Pycot ef D'n'm Joh'm de Capell' capellanum, quibus adjungo D'n'm
Joh'em de Bromwyche militem coadjutorem, non tanquam executorem.

Lionel's Will 97

To the church at Clare, a black suit with all the appurtenances,
and a piece of embroidered black cloth.

To his wife, Violante, his scarlet robe embroidered with golden
coronets, with all the appurtenances, and all his jewels except as
otherwise devised.

To Sir John of Bromwych,^ knight, a war-horse, named Ger-
falcon.^

Acta sunt hec anno ab incarnacione D'ni millesimo tricentesimo
sexagesimo octavo, indictione septima, mentis Octobr' die tercia,
pont' sanctissimi in Xp'o patris ac d'ni n'ri d'ni Urbani divina provi-
dencia pape quinti anno sexto, in camera ip'ius d'ni ducis, infra muros
civitatis Albanen' situat'; presentibus Nich'o de Bekennesfeld, Rob'to
Bradwaye, Joh'e Bray, et aliis.

Et ego Nich'us de Haddeleye, clericus Miden' dioc' publicus auc-
toritate apostolica notarius, premissis omnibus et singulis supradictis
dum sic ut premittit' agerent' et fierent una cum prenominat' testibus
presens interfui, eaq' omnia et singula sic fieri vidi et audivi, scripsi,
. publicavi, et in banc publicam formam redegi, signoq' meo consueto
signavi rogat* in fidem et testimonium premissor'.

Probatio dicti Testamenti coram Will'mo Cant' Archiep' 6to Idus
Junii 1369, apud Lambeth.

Regist' Witlesey, fol. loo.a.b. in the
Archiepiscopal Registry at Lambeth.'

"In his earlier manhood, John of Bromwych must have been of a wild
and heady disposition, for on March 8, 1353, the constable of the Tower
of London was ordered to release him without delay, on the understanding
that he was in due time to make answer to 'the things which the king
wishes to say against him' (Cal. Close Rolls) ; while on Feb. 7, 1357, he
was pardoned 'with respect to the death of Walter of Bromyard, late
burgess of Hereford' (Cal. Pat. Rolls). Feb. 16, 1361, he had a wife,
Elizabeth (Cal. Close Rolls), probably the same as the Elizabeth, widow
of Richard Talbot the elder, whom he is described as having taken to wife
by Oct. 20, 1370 (Cal. Pat. Rolls), and who on Feb. 10, 1357 (cf. Jan. 26
and Feb. 8, 1358) was already the widow of Talbot (Cal. Close Rolls).
By April i, 1373, she was already dead (Cal. Pat. Rolls). Mar. 15, 1361
(so also Feb. 10, 1362"), he was important enough to be summoned, with
Edward Despenser and others, to a council to consider the state of
Ireland, and to prepare for supporting Lionel, whom the king then
designated (Rymer), and by May 10 (so Dec. 20, 1363) he was on a com-
mission (ib.). By Mar. 8, 1364 (so May 26, 1367), he was already asso-
ciated with Edward Despenser in the commission of the peace (ib.),
and on Feb. 10, 1367, was with him in a commission of array (ib.). On
July 8, 1368, he was summoned, with others, to return to his estates in
Ireland (Rymer). On Sept. 22, 1374, he obtained protection to go abroad

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI 7 I9i6

98 Lionel's Will

To Sir Richard Musard,* knight, a g-olden girdle, and a war-
horse, named Maungeneleyn.''

with Edmund, Earl of March (Rymer). On Aug. 26, 1379, he went to
Ireland, accompanied by 60 men-at-arms, 120 archers, and several knights
(Cal, Pat. Rolls), and on Sept. 22 received his appointment as justiciary
for Ireland, an office which he still held on Feb. 14, 1380 (ib.). On July
2, 1383, he was still justice of the peace, as he had been much earlier (ib.).
He is mentioned on Nov. 14, 1385, but had apparently died before Sept.
25, 1388 (cf. May 29 and June 26, 1389; all Cal. Pat. Rolls). His exe-
cutors are named on Aug. 17, 1389, first in order being his (second) wife,
Katharine (ib.).

Concerning his relations with Lionel, three things stand out. First,
before and after Lionel assumed the viceroyalty of Ireland, Bromwych was
appealed to concerning the affairs of that island. Secondly, he had been
associated, before the journey to Italy, with Despenser, Lionel's cousin
and close friend (both being of Gloucestershire), in the commission of
the peace. Thirdly, the king treated him with especial kindness because
of his devotion to Lionel. Thus, in the document quoted above (p. 94)
we read :

'Item, ils remercieront a monseigneur Johan de Bromwyche du bon
service qu'il fist a monseigneur le due en sa vie, et de la diligence
quele il mist pur la salvation del honour du roi et du due es parties
de Lumbardie, a ce que le roi est bien vraiement enformes, dont le
roi lui sciet tres-bons grees.*

And as late as May 13, 1371, the king showed his favor on this account,
as will appear from the following document of that date (Cal. Pat. Rolls) :
'Whereas, because John de Bromwice, 'chivaler,' who held and
holds for life the town of Banowe and other lordships and lands in
Jeripont and Ederdrym, co. Wexford, held in chief, with reversion to
Elizabeth, his wife, and her heirs, did not come to Ireland or send
men in accordance with the late ordinance for the safety of that land,
nor did the said Elizabeth do so, the said lands were taken into the
king's hand as forfeit and are still in his hand ; the king, in considera-
tion of the fact that John has made continual stay from the time
of the said ordinance until now, first with Lionel, duke of Clarence,
in the parts of Lombardy during the duke's life, and afterwards with
Edmund, earl of March,'i;he king's son, on the king's service in France
and England, has pardoned the said forfeiture and has restored the
premises to him for life with reversion as above/

To be, or to have been, a loyal servant of Lionel's seems always to have
been a passport to Edward Ill's grace. A few instances follow (all
Cal. Pat. Rolls except the first) :

1363, March i. Grant of i200 annually to the Countess of Ormond for
her husband's labors and expenses in the Irish wars, especially from the
coming to Ireland of the king's dear (carissimi) son Lionel (Rymer).

Lionel's Will 99

To Bartholomew Pycot, two girdles of silver gilt.
To his chaplain, Sir John of Capella, a golden girdle, to make
a chalice in memory of his soul; his better portas [portable

1368, Aug. I. William de Mundene is pardoned for the death of
Geoffrey Elesbourne, 'the king being informed that he is staying in the
parts of Ireland in the service of himself and his son Lionel.'

1369, Nov. 19. Haulus de Bohen, a minstrel, is granted sixpence (say
$2.00) a day for life, 'for good service to the king and to his son.'

1370, Nov. 7. John Pitteman is granted £5 yearly, 'for long service
to Lionel, late duke of Clarence.'

1371, May 10. John Comyn, who, on June 4, 1363, had attended the
Duchess of Clarence to Ireland, and then remained there with Lionel
(Rymer), havings forfeited his manor of Kynsale for failure to repair
to Ireland, or send men for the defense of that land, when so commanded,
this manor was restored to his heirs, (i) because of good service in the
king's wars in Ireland and elsewhere, (2) because he had leave to be
absent from April 9 to Nov. 11, to attend Lionel abroad, (3) because he
kept the manor in order to reimburse himself for his expenses in Lom-
bardy, (4) because he died before he could return at Martinmas.

1372, May 4. The office of chief sergeant of the county of Kildare
is conferred upon John atte Vise, 'for good service to the king and Lionel.'

1372, Oct. 16. Robert Bron is granted the chief sergeanties of the
counties of Louth and Carlow, 'for good service done in the company of
the king's late son Lionel' (ratified Oct. 8, 1373).

1374, Nov. 14. Nicholas Curteys has allowances from Aug. 26, in con-
sideration of his good service to the king's son, Lionel,

The bearing of all this upon Lionel's character, the attachment he
inspired, the king's affection for him, and Edward's corresponding willing-
ness to reward Lionel's faithful followers, is not without interest in rela-
tion to Chaucer's conjectural sojourn with the duke in Ireland and Italy,
and the grant to Chaucer of June 20, 1367 (cf. Hist. Background, pp.
179, 182).

" See Hist. Background, p. 72.

*Sir Richard Musard was, it appears, for twenty-two years (1361-1383)
a retainer of Amedeo VI of Savoy, the Green Count, a period ending
with the count's death. He was probably attached to the person of Lionel
only during the time of the latter's journey from Savoy to Milan, and the
interval between then and his death. In becoming the liegeman of Amedeo
in 1361, he had reserved his duty to the King of England; and Amedeo
showed his attachment to Lionel, whose marriage he had doubtless nego-
tiated (see pp. 23 ff.), by transferring to him the services of so devoted
an homager and friend.

The known facts concerning Musard are as follows:

1361, between June 6 and Sept. 17, he was for 17 days at Susa, and
afterwards on a trip to Germany, in the interest of Amedeo (Gabotto,

loo Lionel's Will

breviary], with musical notes; and a pair of vestments
[trousers?], striped white and red.^

in Atti delta R. Accademia delle Scicnze di Torino 34. 226, note i). At
this time he was called the Black Squire (there is a Green Squire men-
tioned under the year 1369 in M. H. P., p. 1018). On Sept. 17, at the
Green Count's camp near Carignano, he became the vassal of Amedeo
(Claretta, in Atti, as above, 19. 958).

1362, Feb. 10, the acknowledgement of a debt of lOb florins is made to
him at Chambery. His wife is called Johannina, and he still the Black
Squire (Claretta, p. 960). Later in the same year he becomes the fifteenth
charter-member of the Order of the Collar, afterwards called of the
Annunciata, at its founding by the Green Count (Claretta, p. 953). In
the original documents he is called 'ung vailliant chivallier d'Engleterre,
bon et hardy' (M. H. P. 3 (Script, i). 295), and 'bonus, valens, et audax'
(ib. I. 612). The order was instituted in honor of the Fifteen Joys of the
Virgin. The collar was made of linked laurel-leaves, enameled in green,
with a pendant of three love-knots, having in the middle the Count's motto
PERT (cf. Encyc. Brit., nth ed., 15. 865). The knights were to be without
reproach, were not to forsake one another in life or death; and if any
occasion of dispute arose between them, the disputants were to submit
themselves to the judgment of the other members. Each knight was to
recite every day fifteen Aves, and a monastery was founded for the salva-
tion of the knights' souls, present and to come. On the occasion of the
founding, a mass was first sung, and then a banquet set forth. The
ordinances, which were proclaimed to the sound of trumpets and clarions,
provided that an unworthy member should be expelled, that they should
support widows and orphans, oppose false quarrels, and maintain loyalty.
Then Savoy Herald proclaimed silence, and the Green Count said: 'My
lords, know ye that I swear and promise to keep these laws, and I am
the first to take this collar, not as lord, but as brother and companion,
for it is an order of brethren.' After each had sworn his oath, and
received his collar, John of Vienne, Admiral of France, being one, they
all partook of the sacrament, kissed one another on the mouth, and sat
down to the feast, the Green Count last of all (M. H. P., as above, pp.
294-5). The rest shall be told in the words of the chronicler (pp. 295-6) :
'Le service fust fait; la eust joye planyere; la furent dames et damoy-
selles; la fust cryee largesse; la eust acomplissement donneur, de joye
et de liesse a comble mesure de tous instrumens, et ainsy dura celle feste
trois jours, a joustes, a tournoys, a beours, a momeries a la nuyt jusques
au jour. Lon ne soroit raconter les desduys et plaisances qui la furent
faittes, et se il faisoit beau veoir les quinze chivalliers a tous leurz
quinze colliers, tous vestus de mesmez, il ne le faut desmander, et ainsy
fust encomensce lordre du noble collier de Savoye.'

1366, May 27, he was with the Green Count at Pavia, where Amedeo
was one of the sponsors at the baptism of Valentina, daughter of Gian
Galeazzo. At this time the Count was on his way to the East for the

\ Lionel's Will loi

To Master Nicholas of Hadley, a small portas, without notes,
and two gold necklaces, enameled in red and green.
To his chaplain. Sir John Wayte, a portas, noted.

deliverance of John Palaeologus, Emperor of Constantinople (Claretta,
p. 963; Le RquIx, p. 148). For the festivities on this occasion, when
Amedeo gave Gian Galeazzo a charger worth 1000 florins, see Magenta
I. 129-130. Between Aug. 17 and 23, Musard was present with his master
at the successful siege of Gallipoli. The walls were undermined, and the
assailants entered at the breach (Le Roulx, p. 151; Claretta, p. 963).
The Turkish bowmen pierced the feet of the Christians, which placed
them hors de combat. Huguin de Virier, being otherwise engaged, did
not see an advancing Turk, who succeeded in stabbing him, but at this
his squire transfixed the Turk with his spear. Nothing daunted, the
Turk advanced along the spear, in order to come to close quarters with
the squire, but died before he reached the middle. The Christians
advanced in the face of Greek fire, and of stones dropped from the
walls. The rear-guard being in danger, the count flew to the rescue, and
with him his standard-bearer, Musard, of whom the chronicler relates
(M. H. P., pp. 307-8) : 'La fust messire Richart Musar qui la bannyere
portoit du conte, le quel se mist sy avant et entra sy parfont en lestour
quil rompist la presse des Turcs ; et tellement le suyvist lavant garde, que
les Turcs furent bien esbays, et la furent faittes maintes belles appertizes
darmes entre Cristiens et Turc' The Turks outside were put to flight,
and the next morning it was found that the defenders had abandoned the
city, leaving behind only some Greek prisoners, who cried out to the
Christians that they might now enter without fear.

1367, Sept. 12, Musard receives 6 florins at Ferrara for expenses, the
Green Count having now returned from his expedition (Claretta, p. 964).

1368, Oct. 3, he is mentioned in Lionel's will.

1372, July, in arraying his army for battle at Asti, Amedeo entrusts the
guard of his person to Musard and another knight {M. H. P. 3, 327).

1373, Oct. 22, Musard is in attendance upon the Green Count in the
castle of Rivoli, where Amedeo is settling a dispute between two noble
families of Susa (Claretta, p. 965).

1377, Musard is dispatched by Amedeo on an important mission to
Biella (Claretta, p. 965).

1380, he and another member of the Order of the Collar are sent on an
embassy to Bernabo Visconti (Claretta, pp. 965-6).

1381, Aug. 8, he is present on one of the most glorious occasions of the
Green Count's life, when the latter pronounces his decree as arbiter
between the contending cities of Genoa and Venice (Claretta, p. 966;
Muratori, Annali d' Italia 8. 397; M. H. P. 4 {Jur. 2). 858 ff.; R. I. S.
15. 797).

1382, July, Musard is with Amedeo when he joins the forces of Louis
of Anjou for the invasion of Neapolitan territory (Claretta, p. 966;
Amedeo left Chambery toward the end of May, Cordey, p. 240).

I02 Lionel's Will

To Thomas Waleys, the golden circlet with which his brother^
was created prince.

To Edmund Mone, the circlet with which he himself was made
duke.®

To Nicholas Beaconsfield,® a gold necklace, enclosing two
hands, and ten marks annual pension for life on the manor of
Brimpsfield [Gloucester].^**

To Robert Bardulf, a gold necklace in the shape of a heart.

To the valets of his chamber, all his rings, distributed as to
his executors shall seem good.

All other property, real or. personal, to be kept for the pay-
ment of his debts.^^ Whatever then remains to be apportioned

1383, March i, Amedeo VI dies, and his body is transported to the
seashore near Naples by Musard and others, who embark with it for
the Ligurian coast. On April 23, Musard dies at Savona (Claretta, p.
967; cf. Cordey, p. 242, note 6; M. H. P., p. 1029), and is buried in the
church of St. John of Jerusalem (Claretta, ib.). In general, cf. Mugnier,
Lettres des Visconti, pp. 20-23.

Gabotto (pp. 226-7) is tempted to identify him with Richard de la
Vache, knight and chamberlain of Edward III, but this seems impossible
(cf. Edith Rickert, in Modern Philology 11. 210 ff.).

" Can this have any relation to Gingelein, the 'fair unknown' of the
Middle English Libeaus Desconus (ed. Kaluza, 11. 7, 13), referred to in
Chaucer's Sir Thopas (189)? In that romance the prize of a contest is
a gerfalcon (11. 773, 787, 1023, 1030, etc.), and the hero is said (1. 1302)
to have had adventures in Ireland (where Lionel had been viceroy).

*'Cf. Racinet, Vol. 4: 'Les seigneurs, les damoiseaux prirent I'habitude
[from about 1340] d'habiller leurs jambes-de deux couleurs differentes :
Tune etait blanche, jaune, verte, I'autre noire, bleue, ou rouge; on portait
meme des souliers de couleurs differentes.' Cf. p. 49, note 59.

^The Black Prince (1330-1376). This was on May 12, 1343 (Diet. Nat.
Biog. 17. 91).

*0n Nov. 13, 1362.

* Beaconsfield was summoned to proceed to his estates in Ireland on July
28, 1368 (Rymer), along with Bromwych and John Comyn (see p. 99).

'" Cf. CaL Close Rolls for Sept. i, 1374.

" Lionel must have been deeply in debt, perhaps because of the expenses
incurred in Ireland. Already on Feb. 10, 1362 (Rymer), Edward III
speaks of Lionel's remaining in Ireland at great charges (ad sumptus
excessivos), when he had been there less than five months. On April
24, 1364, Lionel, who had had his salary advanced to 13s. 4d. ($50) a
day on Nov. 12, 1362, when he was made duke, accepted a bond (but
perhaps this is to be understood rather as an order on the treasurer)
from Edward III for the whole of his stay in Ireland from the date

Lionel's Will T03

by the executors — Violante his wife, Bartholomew Pycot, and
John of Capella/2 to whom is added John of Bromwych, not as
executor, but as coadjutor.

The witnesses were Nicholas Beaconsfield, Robert Bradway,
John Bray, and others.

Nicholas of Hadley, clerk of the diocese of Meath, was the
notary who drew the will, and afiFixed his seal.

The will was admitted to probate at Lambeth Palace, June 8,
1369, William Whittlesea being Archbishop of Canterbury.

last mentioned (Rymer). In December, 1368, the king sends word to
Edward Despenser and John of Bromwych (see p. 97) to save every-
thing possible for the discharge of Lionel's debts (Kervyn 18. 490) :

'Item ils dirront as dits sire Le Despenser et monseigneur Johan et
leur chargeront depar le roi qu'ils mettent leur peine et diligence que
si bien les joialx come monnoie, et tons autres biens et chateux qui
feurent a monseigneur le due par dela, soient sauvement gardes et si
entierement come Ten purra par aucune voie, pur acquiter ses dettes
en descharge de sa alme.'

On Feb. 17, 1370, the king speaks of the large sums Lionel owed to
various creditors, during his lifetime and at his death ('in non modicis
pecuniae summis diversis creditoribus, dum vixit et tempore mortis suae,
tenebatur'). Cf. Hist. Background, p. 188, note i. It cost $13,400 merely
to transport his retinue, on his journey to Italy, from Dover to Calais,
39 ships and 13 boats being required for 457 men and 1280 horses (Rymer,
account of May 10, 1368). His total expenses for the journey to Milan
were computed as $475,000 (Devon, Issues of the Exchequer, p. 192) ; but
it is true that Violante's dowry was, in money, 100,000 florins = £15,000 =
$1,125,000. The contrast between Lionel's poverty at his death and the
property of the Black Prince will be apparent on consulting the latter's
will (Nichols, pp. 66 ff.).

^" Pycot (known also as Pygot) and Capella (also called Capell) are
mentioned together as executors on Feb. 17 (Rymer) and Feb. 20, 1370,
and on April 22, 1371 (Cat. Pat. Rollsf). On Jan. 19, 1367, Capella is
mentioned as being near Paris (Rymer), and on Sept. 4, 1367, Pycot
receives protection till Feb. 2 to go abroad on the king's service (Cal.
Pat. Rolls).

I04 Despenser and the Visconti

XII. DESPENSER AND THE VISCONTI

After Lionel's death, Edward Despenser/ who was next in
command,^ established his headquarters at Alba, and declined to
restore to Galeazzo the Piedmontese places which formed part
of Violante*s dowry .^ Thereupon Galeazzo declared war upon

^Despenser (b. 1336?) was the second cousin of Lionel's first wife.
He fought at Poitiers, and was a Knight of the Garter. Edward III calls
him 'our dear cousin' on Nov. 21, 1374 (Rymer). He distinguished
himself in the service of Urban V (d. Dec. 19, 1370), if we may trust the
testimony of Walsingham (i. 309; cf. Cont. Murimuth, pp. 206-7) • 'Pro
Papa vero militavit Dominus de Spenser, qui laudabiliter se gessit ibidem
post mortem Ducis Clarentiae.' He died in 1375, leaving a son, Thomas,
who became Earl of Gloucester. Froissart spent three days with him at
Berkeley Castle in September, 1366 (Kervyn 2. 86), and celebrates him in
the following lines (Buisson de Jonece 2^277) :

— 'Et le grant seigneur Espensier,

Qui de larghece est despensier,

Que t'a il fait?' — 'Quoi?' di je, 'asses;

Car il ne fu onques lasses

De moi donner, quel part qu'il fust:

Ce n'estoient cailliel ne fust,

Mes chevaus et florins sans compte;

Entre mes mestres je le compte

Pour seignour, et e'en est li uns.'

Elsewhere he calls him 'li plus jolis chevaliers, li plus courtois, li plus
honnourables et amoureus qui fust en tout Engleterre' (Kervyn 2. 106) ;
'friche, gentil, et vaillant chevalier, et grant chapitainne de gens d'armes'
{ib. 8. 280) ; 'gentil coers et vaillans chevaliers, larges et courtois' {ih.
8. 312). See also p. 7Z-

" 'Ipsius Leonoti gentium duclor' (Benvenuto).

'This would seem quite unjustifiable, in the light of the marriage-contract
(see p. 29), which explicitly provides that 'defuncto dicto domino Leon-
ello sine haerede de dicta domina Violante procreando, dominium dictarum
terrarum ad praefatum dominum Mediolanensem, et ejus haeredes, integre
devolvatur' (Rymer). Despenser's action is attributed by Froissart to the
suspicion (see p. 88) that Lionel had been poisoned (Kervyn 7. 251; cf.
8. 1 12-3, 208) :

'Vous aves bien chy-dessus oy comment li dus de Clarense fu
maries en Lombardie a le fille monseigneur Galeas, liquels dus, asses
tost apries son mariage, trespassa de ce siecle [en Ast en Piemont],
dont ses gens furent moult esmervilliet ; car il estoit jones chevaliers,
fors et appers durement. Si souppegonnerent que on ne I'euist empoi-
sonnet, et en fist guerre moult grande et moult forte li sires Despens-

Despenser and the Visconti 105

him, and dispatched a body of troops to Piedmont, under the
command of Azino Caymo and Giacomo del Verme. The latter
were taken prisoners in an engagement, carried captive to Alba,
and only released on the payment of a heavy ransom. Plucking
up heart, and obtaining some men-at-arms from Bemabo, Gale-
azzo again endeavored to wrest the territories from the English.
However, after his capture of Cherasco and some other places,

siers as seigneurs de Melans et a leurs gens, par le comfort d'aucuns
chevaliers et escuiers et archiers d'Engleterre, qu'il avoit avoecq lui,
et tint par le guerre les seigneurs de Melans moult court, et rua par
pluisseurs fois ses gens jus, et y fu pris, dou coste des seigneurs de
Melans, li sires de Montegny-Saint-Christoffle en Haynnau, et ossi
messires Aimeris de Namur, fils bastars au conte Guillaumme de
Namur, et fissent la li Engles une guerre moult honnerable pour yaux,
et rebouterent pluisseurs fois les Lombars et lors aidans.'

With reference to the suspicions of poison, Gian Galeazzo is reported
never to have sat down with the nobles whom he feasted. He took his
meals apart, and, 'ne more patrie inticeretur veneno,' first had every dish
tasted by twenty of his officers (Religieux de Saint-Denys, ed. Bellaguet,
3. 134). On the effects of excess, particularly in relation to Lionel, see
Michelet 5. 27; cf. 4. 160; 5. 1 18-120; Lavisse 4.^ 303-5. Chron. Plac.
(R. I. S. 16. 546) calls him 'non bene ordinatum,' which probably signifies
a certain lack of self-control.

But a no less valid reason is to be found in the desire of the English
to anticipate the birth of a posthumous heir to Lionel, in which event
Galeazzo would forfeit his claim upon the towns. This is made clear by
a communication addressed to Despenser by Edward III in December,
1368, and dispatched by William de Aldeburgh and Robert de Wykford,
Archdeacon of Winchester, on the occasion of their going abroad to treat
with Pope Urban V, their commission dating Nov. 29, 1368 (Rymer).
The earlier part of this letter runs (Kervyn 18. 489-490; see also pp.
94, 98, 103) :

'Premierement ils dirront au sire Le Despenser coment le roi ad bien
entendu ses lettres et la credence exposee de sa part a lui et a son
conseil par Siffred son esquier, et coment le roi lui remercie du bon
service qu'il fist a monseigneur de Clarence en sa vie et de les graunts
diligence, peine et travalx, queux il mist pur la salvation del honour
du roi et du sien es parties de Lumbardie, et lui ent sciet molt
especialment bon gree, et pense par celle cause de lui faire et monstrer
si bone seignourie en temps, avenir, es choses qu'il avera affaire devers
lui, qu'il soi ent tendra pur content, si Dieu plest.

Item, ils remercieront par especial a meisme le sire Le Despenser
de ce que puis la mort mon dit seigneur de Oarence, il soi ad tenus
en pais de Pymond sur le governement des terres qui feurent a mon-

io6 Despenser and the Visconti

a truce was arranged; the Marquis of Montferrat, Giovanni
II (1338-1372), was invited to act as arbiter; and Despenser
repaired to Pavia, where a treaty was to be negotiated. Just
at this moment, the Marquis of Montferrat left for Pisa, to
obtain certain privileges from Charles IV, and nothing further
was done for the time being. Upon the Emperor's return to
Bohemia in 1369, war again broke out between the Marquis and
Galeazzo. With the assistance of Bernabo and Can Signorio della
Scala of Verona, Galeazzo sent troops in July and August to the
vicinity of Alessandria, and laid waste grain-fields and vine-
yards. By way of retaliation, the Marquis, assisted by the
English, whom he had taken into his pay and persuaded still
longer to retain the towns of Violante's dowry, burnt Blan-
drate and Garlascho, and carrie:d off abundance of cattle.
Luchino del Verme, in command of Galeazzo's army, took fright
and ran away.* While these things were in progress, Despenser
found himself in need of money to defray the cost of the occupa-
tion, and, on Oct. 2y, 1369, borrowed 26,000 golden florins from
the Marquis of Montferrat,* with the condition that he was to
repay the sum in eight months. All the Piedmontese places
were pledged as security, with the stipulation that the revenues
derived from them in the meantime should be used to defray

seigneur le due illoeques, et lui prie aussi de remercier depar le roi
les gents demorants sur meismes les terres de la bone affection qu'ils
ont au roi et de ce qu'ils desirent d'estre desous la seignourie et
governement de lui, sicome lui estoit monstres parmy la dite credence,
et dirront au dit sire Le Despenser coment le roi lui sciet graunts
grees et se tient bien pur content de ce qu'il y ad ensi demores, et
voet et lui prie qu'il demoere sur le governement de meismes les terres
sicome il ad fait, tanque Ten puisse savoir si madame la duchesse
soit enceynte ou nom et tanque le dit sire Le Despenser en eit autre
mandement du roi.'

From this letter it is plain (i) that Despenser had done Lionel good
service in the duke's lifetime; (2) that Edward III approved of his
having held the Piedmontese lordships; (3) and that the king was pre-
pared to yield the properties as soon as it was established beyond doubt
that Lionel was to have no posthumous heir by Violante.

^The basic account is that by Petrus Azarius, quoted by Benvenuto
Sangiorgio (M. H. P., pp. 1337-9 = R. L S. 23. 559-56o, cf . 554) ; cf.
Galeotto del Carretto (M. H. P., pp. 1212-4) ; Gioffredo della Chiesa
(M. if. P., p. 1013).

'' Benvenuto (M. H. P., p. 1337) says 'Secundoto,' but wrongly.

I Violanfe's Later Life 107

P
their running expenses, including the cost of the necessary
measures of defense.^

The .upshot of the whole matter is to be gathered from Frois-
sart, who declares that Galeazzo cleared himself by oath of the
imputation that he was in any way responsible for Lionel's death,
and that Amedeo of Savoy, the astute diplomat and indefatigable
negotiator, at length reconciled the contending parties (Kervyn
7. 252) :

Li sires Despenssiers s'apaisa a yaux, parmy tant qu'il s'escuserent
de le mort le due de Clarense, et jurerent que par yaux, ne par leur
couppe, il n'estoit mies mors [en le fin, messires li contes de Savoie
s'en ensonnia et les mist a acord].

From an independent source (M. H. P., p. 1018) we learn that
Galeazzo was in possession of several of the contested towns at
the end of 1369 and beginning of 1370.

Barnes' account is characteristic (cf. Higden, Polychr. 8. 371) :

But the Lord Edward Spencer, who doubted some foul play had
been used towards him, tarried still in Italy, and together with Sr.
John Hawkwood, and his Englishmen, called the White-Company,
made fierce War upon the Dukes of Milain, in Revenge of his Masters
Death ; till at last he was fully satisfied of their Innocence as to that
point, and their great and unfeigned sorrow for the untimely loss
of so Noble a Kinsman.

XIIL VIOLANTE'S LATER LIFE

As we have seen, Violante was a widow before she was 14,
after four months of marriage.^ We hear nothing of marriage
again until 1374, when she was sought by the widowed Albert,
Duke of Austria, but without result, as the Pope had forbidden
that any princely house should intermarry with the Visconti.^
On Aug. 2, 1377,^ at the age of 22, she was wedded to a youthful

^See the original mortgage, Ft. L S. 23, 554-9-

'See p. 86. Cron. Monf. (M. H. P., p. 1228) conceives of her as
living for a time with Lionel in England, and then returning to her
father's house.

^ See Giulini 5. 567-8 ; 7. 243-4 ; Magenta 2. 38.

' So R. I. S. 23. 594 (Azarius says May, R. L S. 23. 597, and so M. H. P.
3. 1340). Negotiations to that end had been begun by Sept. 14, 1376, an
agreement had been reached by March or April, 1377 (P- L S. 23. 594;

io8 Violante's Later Life

monster, Otto, Marquis of Montferrat, commonly called Secon-
dotto, then a lad of 15 to 18 years old.* He lived a year and
four months — at least once in that period inflicting a wound on
Violante^ — and died as a result of his own cruelty on Dec.
16, 1378.^

Corio, p. 491), and an instrument confirming it drawn up on June 15
(R. L S. 2S. 594; cf. Muratori 8. 377), the object of the whole being to put
an end to hostilities between Galeazzo and Montferrat (cf. M. H. P., p. 1025.
The wedding took place in Pavia, 500 gentlemen being present. The
marriage was not consummated till November, 1377 (R. L S. 23. 596; cf.
Corio, p. 492). After remaining for a few days with Violante at Pavia,
after the manner of bridegrooms ('secondo il solito de i maritati'), he
rode away to Asti, in charge of which he had left a brother of his
guardian (R. L S. 23. 596; Corio, pp. 492-3). Being instigated thereto
by Galeazzo {R. I. S. 2^. 596), the latter refused Secondotto admission.
In hot haste the Marquis returned to Pavia, and requested help from
Galeazzo, who sent 300 lances (900 men), under the command of Gian
Galeazzo, to his assistance. The joint army advanced to Asti, which they
entered on Feb. 6, 1378. In the end, as Gian Galeazzo remained in
possession of the city, and would not yield it up to the Marquis, the latter
betook himself to Pavia, and made complaint to Galeazzo. This applica-
tion resulting in nothing, he left Pavia in high dudgeon (R. L S. 23.
596-7; Corio, p. 493).

*The evidence is somewhat contradictory: R. L S. 16. 511, 541 (and so
Giulini 5. 596), 762-3; M. H. P., p. 1339 (and so Magenta i. 136).

^ 'Etiam vulneravit dictam Dominam Violantem uxorem suam' {R. I. S.
16. 541).

® Riding away from Pavia, as we have seen above, Secondotto directed
his course toward Cremona, and thence into the diocese of Parma {R. L S.
23- 597; Corio, p. 493), intending by that route to enter Montferrat
(Corio; but Piedmont, R. I. S., p. 770), in order to avoid passing through
the territories of Galeazzo (Corio). Arrived at Lang(h)irano (R. L S.
16. 770; 2;^. 597; but Mataleto, Corio), 15 miles south of Parma, he was
about to hang, or strangle ('laqueo suspendere') a little lad of his suite
('infantem ejus ragazium,' R. I. S. 16. 770; Muratori 8. 383, 'un ragazzo di
suo seguito'; Giulini 5. 596, perhaps without sufficient warrant, 'un ragazzo
di un certo soldato Tedesco', and so Leo 3. 323), when a {lit. another,
*unus alter') German servant of his, roused to desperation, drew his
sword, and struck Otto such a blow on the head that he died four days
afterward. This is the account of the Milanese annalist {R. I. S. 16. 770),
who explains that, carried away by an access of rage, the Marquis, as he
passed along, was wont to slay with his own hands men, boys, and infants,
and in this manner did actually kill considerable numbers. The Chronicle
of Piacenza {R. L S. 16. 541) says that as he was seeking to kill some
of his servants, they, in defending themselves, gave him wounds of which

Violante's Later Life lo^

Thus a second time widowed, Violante returned to Pavia, this
time to the care of her brother, Gian Galeazzo. He, terrified by
the threats of his uncle Bernabo,'^ wedded Violante, not more
than 26 years old, to the latter's son, Lodovico, then 22,^ probably
in April or May, 1381.^ On May 6, 1385, as has been stated
above,^^ her husband, with his father, Bernabo, and his brother,
Rodolfo, was arrested and lodged in prison. In December of
that year Bernabo died in confinement, having- eaten, as was

he died in 15 {sic) days. Benvenuto {R. /. 6". 2^. 597) affirms that on
the nth of December he was struck on the head by one of his servants,
and died on the i6th; Corio (p. 493) adds, 'in a stable.' Jovius' words are:
'quum Otho in montibus Parmensium ab agresti agasone confossus, ignobili
fato perierit,' which Stow (see p. 62) renders: 'being in the hils of Pavie
[sic], stabbed through of a base horse-keeper, where he likewise died
obscurely.^ His body was carried into Parma, and buried before the high
altar of the Cathedral (Benvenuto; Corio; Annal. Med.), being strewn
with spices, and lapped in lead {R. I. S. 16. 770: 'in quadam cassetta
plumbea cum aromatibus').

^ Bernabo had prohibited Gian Galeazzo, his sons, and Violante, from
contracting matrimony except with Bernabo's sons or daughters, and com-
manded his own sons to treat Gian Galeazzo as a deadly enemy if he dis-
obeyed {R. I. S. 16. 797-8). The desire to placate Bernabo was at least
partly responsible for the union of Lodovico and Violante (/?. /. 6". 16.
543 )» as well as for Gian Galeazzo's own marriage to Caterina, the
daughter of Bernabo, on Nov. 15, 1380 (Rosmini 2. 149-150; Leo 3. 325-6),

^ He was born in September, 1358 {R. /. S. 17. 499 says he was 28 years
old in 1385), and probably baptized Sept. 30 (Sunday, Oct. i, according
to R. L S. 15. 484, but that was Monday) ; cf. Magenta i. 170-171 ; Ros-
mini 2. 89-91 ; Giulini 5. 433-4. His sponsors, the lords of Ferrara,
Mantua, and Bologna, purchased their peace with Bernabo with costly
christening-gifts (Muratori 8. 309); thus Aldovrandino HI, Marquis of
Ferrara, presented the infant with a silver vase, containing a golden cup
full of pearls, rings, and precious stones (R. L S. 16. 729; Corio, p. 457),
the whole being valued at 10,000 florins {R. I. S. 15. 484)- The occasion
was celebrated with jousts and tournaments {R. I. S. 15. 629; 16. 729;
Corio, p. 457). Lodovico was the second son, Marco being the first
(Corio, p. 509). In 1378 he had accompanied his sister Valentina to
Cyprus {R. L S. 16. 771; cf. Giulini 5. 605), to be married to Pierre II
(cf. p. 118).

* Corio, p. 500; R. L S. 16. 543, 773-4; cf. Muratori 8. 395; Giulini 5-
623; Rosmini 2. 149; Magenta i. 171. The wedding was at Pavia
(R. L S. 16. 774), and Gian Galeazzo gave her a dowry of 100,000 florins
(Corio).

'' See p. 19.

no • Violante's Later Life

believed, of a poisoned dish. Lodovico and his brother were
removed to another prison, and she never saw him again,^^ since
she died, as we have seen, in November, 1386.

Twice a papal dispensation had to be obtained to enable her
to marry, the suitors being within the prohibited degrees of
affinity.'^ The first of these was a violent madman. ^^ The
second, Lodovico, so it is expressly said, she married against her
will.^* In less than 19 years she was wedded and widowed three
times, her marriage each time being from considerations of policy.
She had no child by any of her husbands. Her father was schem-
ing and ferocious; her uncle (also her father-in-law) was
scheming and ferocious; her third husband was scheming and
ferocious^^; her second husband was ferocious, but unequal to
successful scheming. The groans of the oppressed were to be
heard on every side ; battle, murder, and sudden death, were the
incidents of daily life ; all the cold and glittering splendor which
marked the high days of her life was paid for with intolerable
exactions, with coins wrung from the poor, with the tears and
sighs of the overburdened. She herself was the plaything of
politics, the tool of magnificent and unscrupulous tyrants, the
most unfortunate of wives and widows ; yet a modem historian
can say^*: *She was a lady of sweet and honorable soul. It
rarely happens that in one house are found three spirits so
exquisite, so compassionate, and so swift to all goodness, as were
Bianca of Savoy,^^ Isabella of France,^® and Violante, between
whom the slightest dissension never arose. They were noble
souls in lovely bodies, and Heaven only knows what good they
wrought in natures like those of Galeazzo and his son.'

"So R. I. S. 16. 546. She died in Pavia, and was buried in S. Pietro
Ciel d'Oro {R. L S. 16. 546, 778).

"i?. /. S. 23. 594; M. H. P. 3. 1340.

" 'Non bene sensatus' {R. L S. 16. 541, cf . 546) ; 'qui saevis et difficilimis
moribus erat' (R. L S. 23. 597) ; *un umor bestiale e quasi furioso'
(Muratori 8. 383).

"/?. /. S. 16. 546, 778.

"Lodovico and his two brothers, Carolo and Rodolfo, followed in the
footsteps of their father. For the catalogue of their misdeeds, see R. L S.
16. 799-800.

"Magenta i. 176.

" See p. 48.

^^ See p. 49.

APPENDIXES

APPENDIX A
LIONEL'S NAME AND TITLE

Whence did Lionel derive his name, and his title of Duke of
Clarence? Let us inquire into the name first, and then into the
title.

As to the name Lionel, the following theories are suggested
by Sandford, p. 221 :

This Lionel, named in Latin, Leonellus, Lionellus, and Leonatus,
which signifie, a Lioncel, or Diminutive Lion, had this Appellation
either from being the Off -spring of that Lion of England King Edward
the Third (alluding to the Royal Arms he bare) whose Third Son
he was, or to revive the British Name Llewellin, signifying Lion-like,
being the same with Leominus or Leontius.

Here are two surmises: (i) Lionel means the son of Edward
the Royal Lion; (2) Lionel is adapted from the Welsh Llewellyn.
For the second of these there is nothing to be said. For the
first, it is evident enough that Lionel is derived from 'lion,'^ but
there seems no sufficient ground for assuming that Edward III
was, in 1338, before the battles of Sluys, Crecy, and Poitiers,
known as the Lion,^ in virtue of his personal prowess or the
success of his arms, and as little for supposing that he derived
this title from the animals on his shield, whether we call them
lions or leopards.

These theories being rather unsatisfactory, let us ask ourselves
whether we are bound to assume that the name was improvised
for the occasion, or whether it already had a history. The
French romance of Lancelot, in its prose form dating from about
1200,^ has a hero, Lionel,* own cousin to Lancelot, the former

^Four manuscripts (N, R, C, M) of Murimuth (p. 87) read Leonem for
Leonellum, as the name given to the prince at his birth, he is called Lea
in the Cal. Pat. Rolls for May 20, 1343, and Froissart (Kervyn 7. 246-7),:
in his account of the journey to Milan, uniformly calls him Lion(s),.
Lyon; cf. the Lyons of Agravain {Romans 5. 303) » and the Lyon of the
Voeux du Heron (below, p. 120).

^ In the poems of Laurence Minot, Edward is more than once alluded
to under the figure of a boar, and in the prophecies of John of Bridling-
ton as a bull. See Political Poems and Songs, ed. Wright, Vol. i.

^ Gaston Paris, Litt. Fr. au Moyen Age, 3d ed., p. 109 {Romans 4- ipi,
assigns to it a date 12, 20, or 30 years earlier). An earlier form was in.

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI 8 1916

114 Appendix A

being the son of Bohor (compare Tennyson's Sir Bors), and the
latter of Bohor's brother, Ban. The two brothers had neighbor-
ing kingdoms near Saumur, in what was later Anjou,'^ which they
held as vassals of King Aramont of Brittany. Aramont recog-
nized Uther, and afterwards Arthur, as his suzerain. A certain
Claudas of Bourges, declaring himself vassal of the King of
Gaul, invaded the territory of Lancelot's father, who fled to
England to implore the assistance of Arthur; but when he had
departed, his castle was taken, and Ban soon after died. His
brother, Bohor, survived Ban but a few days, and his kingdom,
too, fell to the invader, Claudas. Lionel and his brother, named
Bohor after his father, were left with their mother in Monteclair,
the only castle that still remained of all that had belonged to
their father; but even from this they were soon expelled by
King Claudas.® When Lionel and Bohor had grown to boy-
hood, an attendant tells them that by one of the sons of Ban
and (the elder) Bohor the adventurous period of Great Britain
shall come to an end, at which Lionel grows first red, then pale,
and bursts into tears. This, he explains, is because Claudas still
holds his father's territories, whereupon Lancelot tells him that
he will never want for lands if only he lack not courage.*^

Eventually, as we are informed in the romance of Agravain,
Lancelot, who has regained his hereditary dominions, bestows
upon Lionel the kingdom of Gaul.*

Anglo-Norman, and was carried to Vienna by Gui de Morville, one of
the hostages for Richard Coeur de Lion (before 1194).

*As does the Vulgate Merlin (ed. Sommer), and the Dutch Lancelot,
ed. Jonckbloet, pp. 228-230. See Weston, Legend of Sir Lancelot du Lac,
PP- 52, 135-6, 143, 201.

''Where the Angevin kings of England took the name of Plantagenets
(Michelet 4. 191).

' See Romans 3. 3-21.

' Romans 3. 90-91 ; for other references to Lionel see pp. 27, 60-65, 67, 72,
84-89, 92-94, no, 119, 127; 4. I, 18-23, 45 fif., 76, 79, 144-5, 209 (dubbing
of Lionel), 268-272, 320, 326, 330-332, 338-342; 5- 5-6, 1 18-120, 290-293,
295, 303, 314-5, 318-320, 323, 326, 334, 339, 351. (Cf. Le Morte Darthur,
pp. 169, 170, 183-5, 190, 192, 196, 397, 585, 604, 612-3, 676-9, 682-6, 743-4,
818, 829, 855.) On p. 59 we are told: Lionel etait le coeur d'enfant le
plus demesure que Ton put voir; aussi Galehault, le vaillant seigneur des
lies foraines, le surnomma-t-il Cceur sans frein [cf. 4. 270], le jour qu'il
fut arme chevalier.'

* Romans 5. 323 ; cf . Le Morte Darthur, pp. 829, 855.

Lionel's Name and Title 115

There are two reasons for the association of this mythical
Lionel with the king of beasts — the circumstances which gave
him his name, and an exploit which he performed in the days of
his knight-errantry. When Lionel was born, there was seen on
his breast a red spot resembling a lion, with paws outstretched
as if to embrace his neck.^ The exploit, which Lionel craved
for himself on the occasion of his dubbing as knight, consisted in
the strangling of the first Libyan lion ever seen in Great Britain.
It was led in, with a crown on its head, by a damsel who held
it by a golden chain, and the reward of the emprise was to be
the hand of the damsel's mistress, the most beautiful and richest
lady in the world. ^^ This exploit is of course to be disregarded
in considering the reason why the Lionel of romance received his
name.

But how can the Lionel of romance have influenced Edward
III and Philippa in the bestowal of a name upon their third son?
The answer to this involves a consideration of the circumstances
and designs of Edward III in November, 1338, when Lionel was
born. At that time one of the chief sources of England's wealth
was wool, which was chiefly exported to Flanders, and there
manufactured into cloth. The prosperity of both countries there-
fore depended upon a free and uninterrupted exchange of their
products, which, during the earlier years of Edward's reign, was
in danger of being prejudiced through French influence. To
cultivate the friendship of the Low Countries, and to prevent the
ascendency of the French in that quarter, was a policy which
was almost forced upon Edward at this period. He had married
Philippa, daughter of the Count of Hainaut, who was also Count
of Holland and Zeeland, and Lord of Friesland ; and this alliance
was of great political advantage to him in his enterprises against
France. The situation is summarily described by Coville^^ :

Edouard III, suivant le coiiseil qui lui fut donne dans son Parle-
ment, chercha de tons cotes des allies sur le continent, jusqu'en

^ See the quotation from Lancelot in Madden's edition of Sir Gawayne,
p. 313 : *Et le varlet avoit a nom Lyonnel pource que une grande merve-
ille advint a son naistre. Car sy tost comme il yssit du ventre Helayne,
sa mere, Ten trouva au meillieu de son pis une tasche vermeille en forme
de lyon, et avoit I'enfant embrasse parmy le col, ainsi comme pour
I'estrangler.'

^'^ Romans 4. 272; 5. 290-293.

" Lavisse 4/ 37 (cf. p. 35). See a fuller treatment in Michelet 4- 149-186.

ii6 Appendix A

Norvege et en Espagne, mais surtoiit aux Pays-Bas. II avait epouse
une fille du comte de Hainaut, comte en meme temps de Hollande et
de Zelande et seigneur de Frise; il etait devenu le beau-frere de
I'empereur Louis de Baviere et du comte de Gueldre. En 1328, puis
en 1330, il s'etait assure I'alliance du due de Brabant, dont le duche
commengait alors a prendre son grand essor industriel. Avec I'aide
de la maison de Hainaut-Hollande, dont les domaines avaient une
grande importance strategique, Edouard esperait dominer tous les
Pays-Bas, II est vrai que Philippe VI, a partir de 1332, essaya de
contrecarrer Taction d'Edouard dans cette region; il obligea le due
de Brabant a faire alliance avec lui et a marier son fils aine a une
fille de France, et en 1334 il acquit la seigneurie de !Malines. Mais
Edouard II reprit bientot Tavantage aux Pays-Bas.

In October, 1337, Edward took the title of King of France, in
order to quiet the scruples of the Flemish.^^ In July, 1338, he
installed himself at Antwerp with Queen Philippa, and spent
money lavishly, in hopes to gain more completely the friendship
of the people.^^ Now it was during this sojourn in Antwerp
that Philippa gave birth, on Nov. 29, 1338, to the son who was
called Lionel of Antwerp — just as his brother, born two years
later, was known as John of Gaunt (Ghent) — after Edward III
had been present at a parliament in that city, at which he granted
to the Flemish great commercial privileges, and bestowed upon
them the wool staple and a large subsidy.^*

Meanwhile, Edward was not only embroiled with the King of
France on the grounds indicated above, but also because restitu-
tion had not been made of a part of Guyenne which had been
seized by the French toward the close of his brother's reign.
After this encroachment, Edward's vassals, whenever they were
dissatisfied with his rule, were prone to appeal, over his head, to
Philip VI, King of France.^^

Here, then, we have a situation sufficiently analogous to that
outlined at the beginning of Lancelot — the vassals of an English

"Lavisse 4.^ 39; Michelet 4. 185.

"Lavisse 4.^ 43. Froissart thus describes his prodigality (Michelet 4.
179-180) : 'Et n'epargnoient ni or ni argent, non plus que s'il leur plut
des nues, et donnaient grands joyaux aux seigneurs et dames et demois-
elles, pour acquerir la louange de ceux et de celles entre qui ils con-
versoient; et tant faisoient qu'ils Tavoient et etoient prises de tous
et de toutes, et memement du commun peuple a qui ils ne donnoient rien,
pour le bel etat qu'ils menoient.'

" Lavisse 4.^ 44-45.

^ Lavisse 4/ 35.

Lionel's Name and Title 117

king despoiled, and their territory appropriated, by the vassals of
a French king ; while, looking to the future, as in the romance
the whole of Gaul, and not merely an individual fief, falls under
the sway of the son (still an infant when the story opens) of
a dispossessed lord, so, it may be inferred, when chivalry has
done its perfect work, will this infant possess a heritage in the
fair lands of France. The analogy seems to fail in one point,
it is true ; for who is the Lancelot at whose hands Lionel is to
receive his appanage? But we do not expect, in these smiling
forecasts, the strictest correspondence in every detail. The
Lionel of romance is brave even to f oolhardiness^® ; and he is
represented as consumed with grief at the wrong that has been
done to his father and himself.^^ Would not a fond and ambi-
tious father trust that his newborn son would thus conduct him-
self as he grew toward manhood?

But what reason have we to suppose that the Lancelot would
be thus familiarly known, or that a mere tissue of chivalric imagi-
nation would thus influence grave statesmen and ambitious war-
riors? As to the former, we have the testimony implied in the
lines of Chaucer^® :

This storie is also trewe, I undertake,
As is the book of Launcelot de Lake,
That wommen holde in ful gret reverence.

" Romans 3. 65.

" Romans 3. 61 : *Ne vaut-il pas mieux mourir a honneur que d'abandon-
ner a d'autres son heritage?' As he and his brother come riding to the
court of Claudas, in obedience to his summons, they are thus met : 'A leur
approche, tous les gens du palais sortent pour les voir. On les regarde
avec interet, on pleure, on prie Dieu de les retablir un jour dans leurs
honneurs. . . . Lionel avangait la tete haute, promenant fierement sa
vue de tous les cotes de la salle, comme jouvenceau de haut et noble
parage' (3. 63-64). When he is about to be made knight, Arthur, v^rho
had been sojourning at Dinasdaron, gave rendezvous to his barons, for
the feast of Pentecost, at his city of London, for he wished to dub young
Lionel of Cannes knight in the presence of his whole court. 'J^n^^is il
n'y eut une reunion si brillante de barons, de dames, et de demoiselles ; on
vint a Londres de toutes les villes non-seulement de la Grande-Bretagne,
mais aussi de France, d'Allemagne, et de Lombardie' (4. 209).

^^ Nun's Priesfs Tale 391-3 (B 4401-3). Cf. Squire's Tale 279 (F 287) :
No man but Launcelot, and he is deed.

In Romans 4. 371-3 attention is called to the fact that the Lancelot com-
prehends the Galeotto of Dante, mentioned in the episode of Paolo and

ii8 Appendix A

Significant, too, is the fact that on June 15, 1378, Luchino
Novello Visconti, son of Luchino (Corio, p. 482; R. I. S. 16.
753; GiuHni 5. 470), who was to sail early in July with Valen-
tina, daughter of Bernabo, to marry Pierre II, King of Cyprus
(see p. 109), wrote to obtain *unum romanum loquentem de
Tristano vel Lanzaloto, aut de aliqua alia pulcra et delectabili
materia*; this was for pastime on the journey.^® As to the
latter, we should remind ourselves that such seriousness in deal-
ing with the matter of romance was by no means unexampled.
Roger of Hoveden, writing at the beginning of the 13th century,
tells us that Richard Coeur de Lion, being in Sicily in the spring
of 1 191, 'gave Tancred that best of swords which the British
call Caliburne [Excalibur], formerly the sword of Arthur, once
the noble king of England.'^* The Itinerarium Regis Ricardi,
the chief European account of the Third Crusade, says of
Richard^M 'His was the valor of Hector, the magnanimity of

Francesca; that a subtitle for the Decameron was // Principe Galeotto
(cf. Hutton, p. 292, note) ; and that the Antadis of Gaul is largely indebted
to the Lancelot (4. 371-3). One of Bernabo's sons (b. 1356) was called
Leonello {R. I. S. 17. 500), or" Lionello. Commenting upon this fact,
Rajna (Romania 17. 184, note 8) thinks there is no doubt that this is a
direct allusion to the romance, and adduces in support of his view the
names of other children of Bernabo : Lancilotto, Sagromoro, Palamede
(Palamidesse), Ettore (Astore), Galeotto; Isotta (Isolta), Ginevra (cf.
Corio, p. 509; R, I. S. 17. 500). Even Galeazzo, according to Rajna (p.
182, note 2), is only another form of Galahad (which did not prevent the
author of eight lines over the gateway of the Castello at Pavia from
punning on the helmet there represented : *Hac galea Galeaz castrum
defendit et urbem'; so Jovius, in Graevius, p. 315).

"Jorga, Philippe de Mesieres, p. 425, note 6; cf. R. I. S. 16. 771.

^Archer, The Crusade of Richard I, pp. 48-49. Archer remarks (p. 48,
note) : Though discarded by graver historians, such as William of New-
bur^h, the Arthurian stories soon worked their way deep down into tiie
popular mind. In 1191, according to Ralph of Coggeshall, Arthur's tomb
was discovered at Glastonbury with the inscription : "Here in the valley
of Avallion lies buried the renowned king Arthur." The pervading influ-
ence of the legend may be seen in the fact that Arthur's name was given
to the posthumous son of Geoffrey, the third son of Henry II.'

^Archer, p. 6, who adds: The allusions here are to various chansons
de geste which seem to have been favorite reading with this writer.'
Elsewhere the Itinerarium speaks of the 'period we still hear sung of in
the "Gestes" about the famous victory of Boemund, of Tancred, Godfrey
de Bouillon, and other noble chiefs of highest renown' (Archer, p. 283,

Lionel's Name and Title ii$

Achilles; he was no whit inferior to Alexander, or less than
Roland in manhood/ The chronicler Jean le Bel, whom Frois-
sart follows in the earlier part of his work, when referring to
the attack on Aiguillon, near Agen, by the elder Earl of Derby^^
in 1346, compares it to the most famous sieges recounted in the
stories of Alexander, Charlemagne, and Godfrey of Bouillon.^^
Of the castle of Chalkis, in Euboea, we are told^* : 'The local
legend made it the abode of fairies, the enchanted fortress where
the Lady of the Lake had held Gauvain captive.' And of
Cephalonia,^^ on the authority of Froissart : 'Fairies and nymphs
inhabited this ancient realm of Odysseus/ Elsewhere I have
written^® : 'Mythical heroes are sometimes found in church-
sculpture of the 1 2th century. Thus Arthur and other heroes
of his cycle, recognizable by inscriptions, occur on the archivolt
of the Peschiera doorway of the Cathedral of Modena (Venturi
3. 164; Michel i.^ 698), while on the portal of San Zeno of
Verona, Nicholas represented Roland, with his sword inscribed
Durindarda, and Oliver opposite (Venturi 3. 196; Michel i.^
698). Even two episodes of the Roman de Renard occur on the
lintel of the doorway of the Cathedral of Modena (Michel i.^
698).' In the Vows of the Heron,^"^ John de Beaumont says that
when knights are in taverns, drinking strong wines, they seem
to themselves to be conquering Oliver and Roland, but that when
they are on horseback, benumbed with cold, and with their
enemies approaching, it is quite a different matter.^^ According
to Jorga (pp. 24-25), Philippe de Mezieres (1327-1405), the

who says: 'The allusion here is to the great mediaeval Chanson de Geste
on the Siege of Antioch'). Again (Archer, p. 292): 'Out of all the
"Gestes" of the ancients, and out of all the tradition of those who tell
stories or write books from the most remote times, there never was a
warrior of any creed who bore himself so nobly as King Richard did
that day.' Finally, the Itinerarium refers to 'Richard, to whom Roland
himself cannot be compared' (Archer, p. 311).

^ See Hist. Background, pp. 176-7, 203, 219, 221-7, 22,7-

"^Lavisse 4} 58.

=* Miller, p. 366.

-^Ih., pp. 371-2.

-^ The Date of the Ruthwell and Bewcastle -Crosses, p. 70, note 2.

^''Political Poems and Songs, ed. Wright, i. 21,

^Michelet (5. 81) speaks of the future Charles VI as having (ca. 1380)
his imagination spoiled by the romances of chivalry.

I20 Appendix A

celebrated advocate of untimely crusades, shows, especially in
his epistle to Richard II, much familiarity with the mediaeval
accounts of the Trojan war, the twelve paladins, and the exploits
of Alexander the Great, and compares Richard and Charles VI
of France to Roland and Oliver, Charlemagne and Arthur.

Coming closer to Lionel himself, wx have his great ancestor,
Edward I, invoking the authority of legend against the
claims of Scotland, as urged by Pope Boniface VIII. After
relating the voyage of Brutus to Albion, where, after conquer-
ing and slaying the giants who possessed it, he renamed it Britain,
and built the city of Trinovant, now called London, the great
legislator continues^": 'Item Arturus, Rex Britonum, princeps
famosissimus, Scotiam sibi rebellem subjecit, et pene totam
gentem delevit: et postea quendam, nomine Anguselum, in
Regem Scotise praefecit. Et cum postea idem Rex Arturus apud
civitatem Legionum festum faceret celeberimum [sic^, inter-
fuerunt ibidem omnes Reges sibi subjecti, inter quos Anguselus,
Rex Scotiae, servitum {sic'\ pro regno Scotiae exhibens debitum,
gladium Regis Arturi detulit ante ipsum.' Nothing could more
clearly show how, in this century, the facts which history records
may, on occasion, grow out of, or receive justification from, the
legends which poetry invents.

But even Lionel in person was, so to say, cradled in romance.
In a French poem, The Vows of the Heron, probably written
soon after 1340, Queen Philippa is represented as looking for-
ward to the birth of the future Lionel, and as making his very
existence contingent upon the fulfilment of her husband's vow
to pass through Hainaut by way of Cambrai to the neighbor-
hood of St. Quentin, carrying fire throughout the country, and
making war upon King Philip if he dared the encounter.^^ The
following synopsis of the relevant portion of the poem is given
by its editor^^ :

^ Rymer, under May 7, 1301.

'"Edward is represented as saying (cf. the remark of the Lionel of
romance, above p. 114) :

Me cuide-il dont tolir me terre et mon pays?

Edward swears by St. George and St, Denis, and refers to Hector.
Achilles, Paris, and Alexander. See op. cit. infra, p. 7.
^^ Political Poems and Songs, ed. Wright, i. xii-xv.

Lionel's Name and Title ' 121

One day in the September of 1388, Robert Artois, who was at the
court of King Edward at London, took his falcon, and went hunting
on the banks of the river, till he caught a heron. Robert returned
to the palace, where he went direct to the kitchen, and caused the
bird to be immediately cooked and prepared for the table. Now that
day King Edward sat at dinner with his courtiers, occupied only with
thoughts of love and gallantry, and harboring only peaceful and
indulgent feelings towards all his neighbors, not excepting the king
of France. Robert of Artois suddenly presented himself in the hall,
followed by three minstrels and two noble maidens, the latter of
whom carried the heron ceremoniously laid between two dishes.
Robert proclaimed that, as the heron had the reputation of being the
most cowardly of birds, it was now destined for the greatest coward
at the table, and that, he said, was King Edward, who submitted
tamely to be deprived of the kingdom and crown of France, although
he knew that they belonged to him by right. Having thus proclaimed
his design, he presented the heron to the king, and, as was customary
on such occasions, asked him to make a vow upon it. Edward,
deeply stung by this reproach, made a vow that before the end of the
year he would invade France with fire and sword, and that, if Philippe
of Valois ventured to resist him, he would fight him, though he came
with an army which was ten times the number of his own. Robert
was overjoyed at the king's vOw, and repeated to himself in under-
tones the hopes he had of revenging his own quarrel with King
PhiHppe in the war which was about to commence; and then, after
making his own vow, carrying the heron in the same ceremony, he
proceeded to collect the vows of the other guests. . . . Robert of
Artois presented himself in the last place before the queen of
England. She first excused herself on the ground of being a married
woman, but, on receiving permission from the king to do so, she
uttered a vow which was not very remarkable for its feminine
delicacy. . . . The heron was now carved, and shared among the
guests; and soon afterwards the king made his preparations for his
first campaign on the Continent. . . . The allusion to the cap-
tivity of the earl of Suffolk proves that it cannot have been composed
before the year 1340.^^

The following lines are those which refer more immediately to

LioneP^ :

Adonc dist la roine: *Je sais bien que piecha
Que sui grosse d'enfant, que mon corps senti la.
Encore n'a il gaires qu'en mon corps se tourna;
Et je voue et prometh a Dieu qui me crea,

^The Vows of the Heron is modeled upon the Voenxdu Paon (1310-
1315), for which see Gaston Paris, Litt. Fr. an Moyeti Age, 3d ed., p. 80.
'' Op. cit., pp. 23-25.

122 Appendix A

Qui nasqui de la vierge, que ses corps n'enpira,

Et qui morut en crois, on le crucifia,

Que ja li fruis de moi de mon corps n'istera,

Si m'en ares menee ou pais par dela,

Pour avanchier le veu que vo corps voue a.

Et s'il en voelh isir, quant besoins n'en sera,

D'un grand coutel d'achier li miens corps s'ochira;

Serai m'asme perdue et li fruis perira/ . . .

Adonc, quant che fu fait, li rois s'apareilla,

Et fit garnir les nes, la roine i entra,

Et maint franc chevalier avecques lui mena.

De illoec en Anvers li rois ne s'arreta.

Quant outre sont venu, la dame delivra;

D'un biau fils gracieux la dame s'acouka,

Lyon d'Anvers ot non quant on le baptisa.

Ensi le franque dame le sien veu aquitta ."

The theory we have sketched concerning the source of Prince
Lionel's name derives an added plausibility when considered in
the light of his title, Duke of Clarence. It has usually been sup-
posed that this title was derived from the possessions of Lionel's
first wife, Elizabeth, at Clare in Suflfolk,^'^ her uncle having been
Gilbert, Earl of Clare and Gloucester. Thus Sandford^® : 'Duke
of Clarence, as it were of the Country about the Town, Castle
and Honour of Clare.'^'

The matter is complicated by the existence in the Middle Ages
of a town called Clarentza^* (Glarentza), on the coast of Elis,

"On April i6, 1358, the Dauphin Charles, afterwards Charles V, pays
for the repair of a piece of tapestry, representing the vow of the heron
ipamii land ad ymagines super voto Hardee), which had been torn in
his room by a favorite bear (Delachenal i. 64).

" See pp. 91 if.

^ P. 222. Sandford says that Clarencieux king-at-arms, being provin-
cial herald for the region south of the Trent, was named from this duchy.

" So Diet. Nat. Biog. ss- 336 ; Paris 4. 77 ; Hardyng, Chronicle, ed.
Ellis, p. 333.

^Cf. Leake, Travels in the Morea 2. 173-4: 'Glarentza, softened by the
Italians into Chiarenza, once gave name to a Venetian duchy. ... It
is now only a desert harbor, where some rocks furnish a retreat for boats.
There can be no doubt that Glarentza is the ancient Cyllene,' Other
particulars are given by Longnon (Chronique de Moree, pp. XCIX-CI) :
'Glarentza was the port of Andravida, the capital of the principality of
Achaia, and distant from it three leagues to the westward. The Franks
created the new seaport (now filled up) on the site of the earlier St.
Zacharia, and named it from the clear waters issuing from the fountain

Lionel's Name and Title 123

nearly opposite the island of Zante (Corfu), from which some
have supposed the title to have been derived. This opinion is
thus combated by Leake^** :

An unfounded opinion has long prevailed, and has been repeated
by some of the latest travellers, that the name of the English dukedom
of Clarence was derived from Glarentza or Klarentza, the modern
name of Cyllene. But no royal or noble family of England is known
to have possessed any territory in the Peloponnesus, and there can be
no question, that Clarentia or Clarencia was the district of Clare,
in Suffolk. The title was first given in 1362, by Edward III., to his
third son Lionel, when the latter succeeded to the estates of Gilbert,
earl of Clare and Gloucester, uncle to his wife, who was heiress also
to her father, William de Burg, earl of Ulster. On Lionel's death,
the title became extinct for want of heirs, and was thrice renewed
with the same result: in 1411, by King Henry IV., in favour of his
second son, Thomas Plantagenet; in 1461, by King Edward IV., in
favour of his brother, George Plantagenet; and in 1789, by King
George III., in favour of his third son, William Henry. KXapeWfa,
rXctpefTfa, or TXapdvT^a, is a name found in other parts of Greece,
and appears to be derived from the Romaic rxdpos, a water-fowl
so called. It is possible that this error as to the title of Clarence
may have been partly caused by the identity of the Latin form of the
name of the two places, although so widely distant from one another.

The views of Leake have been traversed by Sir Rennell
Rodd^« :

It has been maintained that after the marriage of Florence of
Hainault with Isabella Villehardouin, the family of the counts of
Hainault took a title from the Achaian city of Clarenza, and that
through Philippa of Hainault, the wife of Edward III., it was revived
in favour of her son Lionel.

of Cyllene. It was the place of disembarkation for reinforcements arriv-
ing from France and the kingdom of Naples, and destined for the Morea.
It was, too, the resort of foreign merchants, especially the Venetians, and
a place of considerable commerce ; and its citizens formed a financial
aristocracy. The local French fleet was under the control of an admiral,
and the money coined here was esteemed throughout the Orient, as the
weights and measures of Clarentza were recognized as standard in all
Romania.' See also Leake, Peloponnesiaca, pp. 210-211; Rodd i. no, 141,
173-5, 266; 2. 3, 18, 30, 34; Miller, pp. 267-8, 272, 289, and Index s. v.
Glarentza; Boccaccio, Decameron 2. 7; Ptolemy, Geographia, ed. Noble,
3. 16. 6 (where later manuscripts record that Cyllene was subsequently
known as Klarentza).

^Peloponnesiaca, p. 212.

""2. 275-6.

124 Appendix A

Buchon, Hopf, and others have accepted the popular tradition.
Colonel Leake, on the other hand, throws doubt upon it, maintaining
that the English title of Clarence was derived from the district of
Clare in Suffolk, and was borne by Prince Lionel on his succeeding
to the estate of Gilbert, Earl of Clare and GJoucester, uncle to his
wife {Peloponnesiaca, p. 212). Leake found the name TXapevr^a or
VXdpavT^a existing in other parts of Greece, and derives it from the
Romaic name of a waterfowl, rxdpos. The tradition, however, which
connects an English prince with the adventurers of the thirteenth
century in the Morea has a fascination which one is reluctant to
abandon, and it is conceivable that the name had a double significance
as bestowed on the son of Philippa of Hainault. . . .

Lionel, Duke of Clarence, died in 1369. If the title had been a
new one created especially for this prince, and derived from Clare
in Suffolk, it might be contended that a contemporary writer would
hardly have chosen it to give to a knight of King Arthur's court.
On the other hand, the legends which had gathered round the con-
quest of Morea and the acquisition of principalities in the Levant
would more readily justify the association with the round table of
a name derived from the crusading epoch which developed the
spirit of adventure and chivalry crystallized in the Arthurian romance.

What shall we say to these opposing views? Was Lionel's
title derived from Clare in Suffolk, or from Clarentza in the
Peloponnesus? Those who advocate the latter opinion argue
as follows*^: The title to Clarentza descended from William of
Villehardouin (i245?-i278) to his daughter Isabella*^ (1289-
1307), and from her to her daughter by Florence (Florent) of
Hainaut, Mahault*^ (13 13-8), from whom it passed (conjectur-
ally) to Philippa** of Hainaut, queen of Edward III, who trans-
mitted it to Lionel.*^

*^ See Brockhaus, Konv.-Lexikon, 14th ed., 10. 390-391 ; cf. Meyer,
Grosses Konv.-Lexikon, 6th ed., 11. 94; NowV. Larousse Illustre s. vv.
Clarence, Clarentza; Grande Encyc. 11. 541-2; i. 369, 370.

*^ Cf . Rodd 2. 2-z ; Miller, pp^ 205-6.

^Rodd 2. 19, 33, 143 ff., 148, 154-5, and Appendix III; Miller, pp.
190, 206, 252, 256-8.

**As Lionel named his daughter (and only child) Philippa, it may be
surmised that there was a peculiar attachment between him and his
mother. Lionel's daughter gave the same name to a daughter of her own
(b. Nov. 21, 1375)- Her next child, Edmund (b. Nov. 9, 1376), named
a son Lionel.

*^ It is curious how a nominal Prince of Achaia was summoned by
Lionel to appear before his tribunal in Milan, six days before his marriage.
See p. 90.

Lionel's Name and Title 125

Those who take the trouble to follow the career of Mahault
of Hainaut to the end will see that it was only a barren title
that she had to bestow, and that, such as it was, it could not
have passed by direct and valid descent to Lionel of Antwerp.
How far it was connoted, as a mere reminiscence, in the naming
of the young prince, is another matter.

But even granting the reminiscence, we have still to inquire
how a town in Greece came to have such a manifestly occidental
name as Clarentza (for the derivation suggested by Leake evi-
dently does not account for more than the first syllable, and is
problematical enough for that). Here we are assisted by a
piece of collateral evidence. The citadel of Clarentza, built in
the first quarter of the 13th century,*® a work which it 'required
three years to construct,*'^ was named Clair mont, a word which,
by a transposition of its syllables, becomes Montclair, which at
once reminds us of the castle of Monteclair where the mother
of the mythical Lionel had taken refuge with her two sons when
their country was ravaged by Claudas.*^ It need not surprise
us, then, if the name of Clarentza recalls a personage of the
Roman de Lancelot. Such a personage there was in the Duke
of Clarence to whom we are introduced in the Lancelot, where,
after the banquet on the occasion of Lionel's initiation into
knighthood, four renowned knights of the Table Round take
their way to the forest of Varannes, not far from the Thames,
these four being Gawain, Ywain, Lancelot, and Galeschin,*^
Duke of Clarence, the son of Tradelinan, King of North Wales,
brother of DodineP^ le Sauvage, nephew of King Arthur, and

^'Rodd I. 132-3, 137; Miller, pp. 87-88.

" Miller, p. 87. See' the descriptions in Rodd i. 135-7, 174-5 (with
plan).

^^ Romans 3. 35, 37; cf. p. 114, above.

*^ Malory spells the name in a variety of ways, none closely resembling
this: Chalannce, Chalenge, Challyns, Chaleyns; cf. Le Morte Darthur,
pp. 484-S, 491, 7^, 790.

'"Madden describes the Duke of Clarence {Sir Gawayne, p. 313) as
'son of Neutres, King of Garlot, by a sister of Arthur, and cousin of
Dodinel. The duchy was given to him by Arthur, after his marriage with
Guenever. The author of Merlin says of him, "Cest enfant fut le meil-
leur chevalier de deiix centz cinquante chevaliers qui furent de la Table
Ronde." '

i«6 Appendix A

own cousin to Gawain.^^ A knight of such noble Hneage, thus
accompanied and thus distinguished, might well become famous
among the chivalrous readers of romance, and thus lend his name
to a principality founded by invaders from France.^^

The Duke of Clarence and Lionel, as well as Lancelot, Bors,
Bedivere, and the brother of the Duke of Clarence, Dodinel le
Sauvage, are associated in Gawain and the Green Knighf^ 552-4 :

Syr Doddinaval de Savage, )?e duk of Clarence,
Launcelot, and Lyonel, and Lucan )?e gode,
Syr Bors and Sir Bydver.

This, and the quotation from Chaucer with respect to the Lance-
lot,^*' may avail to show that, in the last half of the 14th cen-
tury, the romance was well known in England, as we may
infer that it was in the Morea in the first quarter of the 13th
century. And these, together with the analogies adduced
above,*^' will perhaps serve to establish the presumption that both
the name and the title of King Edward Ill's son were derived
from the Lancelot, at a period when the Table Round was strik-
ingly recalled to men's minds by the establishment of the Order
of the Garter (1348, or somewhat earlier).

But where, after all, was the original duchy of Clarence?
Perhaps in faerie, or in a country sufficiently near to it; for
the romancer,*® apropos of Lancelot's battle-cry, 'Clarence!

^^ Romans 4. 210. For Galeschin's adventures, see 4, 213-246, 293, 297,
309-311, 313, 328. He is described as short and stocky, but bold, alert, and
of marvelous prowess.

*''Cf. Rodd I. 176: 'By a strange irony of fate a Lombard marquis was
warden of the pass of Thermopylae, a knight of Flanders was lord in
seven-gated Thebes, and a Venetian adventurer ruled over the Cyclades.'
Miller (p. 87) quotes from the Venetian, Sanudo: 'He possessed a broad
domain and great riches; he was wont to send his most confidential
advisers from time to time to the courts of his vassals, to see how they
lived and how they treated their subjects. At his own court he con-
stantly maintained eighty knights with golden spurs, to whom he gave
all that they required, besides their pay; so knights came from France,
from Burgundy, and, above all, from Champagne, to follow him. Some
came to amuse themselves, others to pay their debts, others because of
crimes which they had committed at home.'

'^^ Ascribed to about the time when Lionel received knighthood,

"Above, p, 117,

''Pp. 115-7.

^ Romuns 4. y6.

Lionel's Name and Title 127

Tenseigne au roi Artus/ remarks: 'Clarence est une cite de
Norgalles, grande et plantureuse, ou jadis avait reside le roi
Taulas, aieul d'Uterpendragon. De la le cri que ses descend-
ants avaient conserve/

The mythical Clarence of a legendary North Wales, the Clar-
entza of a chivalrous emprise in Greece, the Clare of Suffolk —
are all these blended, then, in Lionel's title? However that may
be, it would seem that, had it not been for the Roman de Lancelot,
we should have known Chaucer's earliest patron neither as Lionel
nor as the Duke of Clarence.^^

" See Hist. Background, p. 185.

APPENDIX B

CHAUCER'S ALAUNTS

In his description of Lycurgus, King of Thrace/ Chaucer tells
us {K. T. 1290-94) :

Aboute his char ther wenten whyte alaiints,
Twenty and mo, as grete as any steer,
To hunten at the leoun or the deer,
And folwed him, with mosel faste ybounde,
Colers of gold, and torets fyled rounde.

What were these alaunts, and whence did Chaucer derive his
acquaintance with them ?

The first extended account that we have of this species of dog
is contained in the treatise on hunting written by Alfonso XI of
Spain, or under his direction, between 1342-50^ :

Las fechuras que debe haber el alano para ser ifermoso son estas;
que haya la cabeza de talle de congrio, et bien cuadrada, et bien seca,
et la nariz blanca, et bien abierto de boca; et las presas grandes, et
los ojos bien pequeiios, et que cate bien a la nariz; et las orejas
bien enfiestas, et bien redondas ; pero que esto de las orejas todo va
en el que lo fana en facergelas bien tajadas, 6 mal; et que haya el
cuello luengo; pero que se sigua bien, que non sea muy grueso, nin
muy delgado; et que haya los pechos bien abiertos, et los brazos que
los haya bien enfiestos, et non delgados, et la cuartiella pequefia, et
las manos redondas, et altas, et el area colgada et grande, et que non
se le parezcan las tetas; et que haya el lomo bueno, et non cargado
en las caderas, et que se le parescan a mala vez los huesos del
espinazo; et la cola que sea mas contra gruesa que contra delgada, et
que sea bien espigada, et que la traiga bien ; et las corvas que las
haya bien anchas, et bien arregazadas, et los pies que se siguan con
las manos, et que sea de buen cabello, et blando, et de cuerpo que
non sea muy grande sin razon. Et el alano que estas fechuras hobiere,
sera fermoso, et de razon debe seer tomador.

La alana que sea mas aguda de rostro, et que non haya tamafia
boca como el alano; et que haya los ojos pequefios, et un poquiello

^The home of Mars (cf. K. T. 114-6) ; see Homer, //. 13. 301; Od. 8.
361; Sophocles, Antig. 970; Virgil, ^n. 12. 331 (cf. 3. 13); Statins,
Theb. 7. 6 ff., 35 ff. ; etc. Chaucer assigns to Thrace the hunting of the
Hon and the bear, where Statins (Theb. 4. 494-5) refers the hunting of
the Hon to Morocco (cf. Boccaccio, Tes. 7. 106, 119).

^Gutierrez de la Vega (see below), pp. XLII-XLIH. For Alfonso at
Algeciras, see Hist. Background, pp. 217 ff.

Chaucer's Alaunts 129

longuetes, pero que cate a la nariz, et que sea mas luenga de costados,
et que haya mayores caderas, et que non sea tan abierta de pechos,
et en todo lo al que sea de las fechuras del alano.

Las mas finas colores que Nos fallamos de los alanos, et de las
alanas son los blancos, et los grises escuros, et los prietos, et aun
blancos manchados, en tal que hayan dos, 6 tres manchas, et que
sean grises, 6 prietas, et que las hayan en la cabeza, 6 sobre la cola;
pero tambien de -sabuesos como de alanos por non ser muy lindos
de fechuras, nin de colores, acaesce a las veces que hay algunos
que son buenos de bondat, empero mas de razon es comunalmente de
los que fueren lindos, et hobieren buenas fechuras, et buenas colores
salir mas dellos buenos que non de los otros. Et a do se ayunta la
bondat et la fermosura, et ser lindo, es la bondat doblada.^

^ Libro de la Monteria, ed. Gutierrez de la Vega, pp. 115-8 (chap. 41).
Another passage is (pp. 6-7) :

'Otrosi los alanos es cierta cosa que non toman por fambre nin por
premia salvo por naturaleza derecha, que les dio Dios, et ardideza
de corazon sobre todas las animalias. Et aun los muy lindos dellos
con lealtad non tan solamiente tomara el alano lindo cualquier venado
a quel pongan; mas aun sil mandare tomar aquel a qui conosciere, a
un home armado, tomarlo ha. Et probado fue muchas veces que
muchos alanos ayudaron a los que los criaban contra sus enemigos et
se defendieron dellos por ayuda de alanos. Et es verdat que tambien
de sabuesos como de alanos, que si non fuese porque les faria mal el
grant afan sobrel comer, que toda cosa que a ellos pertenesce de facer,
farian mejor despues que gobernados que antes. Et asi se prueba
que todo lo que facen en su oficio, que lo facen por naturaleza de
omecillio que puso Dios entrellos et los venados, et por talante que
han de lo facer, et non por fambre, nin por otra premia ninguna.'

And still another has reference to the breeding of the alaunt (pp. iio-i;
chap. 39) :

Tara haber buenos alanos, deben facer desta guisa. Cuando
tovieren muy buen alano et bien lindo, et fermoso, et bien tomador,
debel catar una alana que sea desa condicion mesma, et apartarlos
ambos de la guisa mesma que de suso dice que aparten a los
sabuesos, et facer a ella esa mesma guarda. Et de que pariere,
dejarle dos, 6 tres fijos, a lo mas, et los otros darlos a criar a otras
alanas, 6 a lebreras, 6 a mastinas las mas lindas que fallaren. Et
desde que hobieren medio ano, criarlos sueltos, et non usarlos atar,
porque se facen los brazos tuertos ; pero' guardarlos de andar lo mas
que pudieren mientre son tiernos ; et requerirlos con leche, porque los
trae sanos et senciellos. Et cuando hobieren medio aiio, despuntarles
bien las orejas, porque desde que son fanados, traenlas siempre
mejor et mas en fiestas. Et criarlos desta guisa fasta que hayan un
ano. Et de un ano adelante traerlos siempre consigo en palacio, para

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI 9 » I9i6

j^o Appendix B

It might be inferred from the foregoing that the home of
the alaunt was in Spain, and this view is confirmed by the fact
that in the time of Gaston de Foix (see below) it was proverbial
that greyhounds came from Brittany, and alaunts and bird-dogs
from Spain*; moreover, we are told by Commines that Louis
XI (1461-83) had alaunts brought from Spain.^

As Foix is so near to the Pyrenees, it is not surprising that
the next authority on the alaunts is Gaston de Foix (1331-1391),
surnamed Phoebus,* son of the Gaston II who fought at Algeciras
in 1343.'^ That Gaston Phoebus was fond of the chase may be
deduced from the fact that he kept 1600 hounds.^ The full
title of his famous book, written between 1387 and 1391, is
Deduits de la Chasse des Bestes Sauvaiges et des Oiseaulx de
Proye. It has been published by Joseph Lavallee (Paris, 1854),
as La Chasse de Gaston Phebus.^ The part that concerns the
alaunt here follows, with certain changes in punctuation (pp.
100-102) :

Alanz est une nature et maniere de chiens"; et les uns sont que
on appelle alanz gentilz, les autres sont que on appelle alans veautres.
Les autres sont alans de boucherie,

Les alans gentilz si doivent estre fez et taillez droitement comme
un levrier de toutes choses fors de la teste, qui doit estre grosse et
courte." Et combien qu'il en y ait de chescun poill, le droit bon
poil de alant, et qui plus est commun, si doit estre blanc, avec aucune

acostumbrarlos, et emponerlos en el tomar; pero guardarlos de
grand afan, fasta que hayan dos anos, 6 ano et medio a lo menos,
que non lo lleven a monte.'

Cf. Leighton (p. 86) on the breeding of the Great Dane.

* De Noirmont 2. 294.

'lb. I. 112.

*In 1373, according to Froissart, Gaston sent to the Duke of Anjou four
coursers and two alaunts of Spain, fair and good (tr. Berners, reprint
of 1812, Vol. 2, chap. 24). Froissart himself in 1388 took to Gaston from
England four greyhounds — Tristan, Hector, Bren, and Rolland (Baillie-
Grohman, p. xxx).

''Hist. Background, pp. 219, 223, 225-6.

® Baillie-Grohman. p. xxx.

° There is a cheap reprint, Paris, 1897.

"Cotgrave {Dictionarie, 1632) describes the Allan as *a kind of big,
strong, thicke headed, and short snowted dog, the brood whereof came
first out of Albania.' To Florio it is simply 'a mastive dog.'

" Cotgrave says it is 'like a Grayhound in all properties and parts, his
thicke and short head excepted.'

Chaucer's Alaunts 131

tache noire environ Toreille; les yeulz bien petiz et blans, et les nar-
rines blanches; les oreilles droites et agusiees, et aussi les y afaite"
Ten.

Alan faut mieulz acoustumer que nulle autre beste, quar il est
mieulz taille, et plus fort pour fere mal, que nulle autre beste; et
aussi de leur nature les alans sont voulentiers estourdiz, et si n'ont
mie si bon sens comme moult d'autres chiens ont: quar se on court
un cheval ils le prennent voulentiers, et vont aux buefz, ou brebis,
ou pourcialx, ou a autre bestiaill, ou aux gens, ou a autres chiens
(quar j'ay veu alant qui tuait son maistre) ; et en toutes guises alans
sont mal gracieux et mal entechiez, et plus foulz et estourdiz que
autre maniere de chiens. Et oncques je n'en vi trois bien entechiez
et bien bons; quar bon alant doit courre si tost comme un levrier, et
ce a quoy il ataint il doit metre la dent; et ce doit estre sans leissier,
quart un alant de sa nature tient plus fort sa morsure que ne feroient
trois levriers — les meilleurs que on puisse trouver. Et pour ce est ce
le meilleur chien que on puisse tenir pour prendre toutes bestes a
tenir fort. Et quant il est bien duit et parfaictement bon, je tiens
que c'est le souverain de tous les autres chiens; mes pou en trouve
en de parfet.

Bon alant doit amer son maistre, et suyvir et luy aidier en tous
cas, et fere ce qui li commendera, queuque chose que ce soit. Bon
alant doit aller tost, et estre hardy a prendre toute beste sans mar-
chander, et tenir fort sans leissier, et bien aconditione, et bien a com-
mandement de son maistre; et quant il est tel, je tiens, comme j'ay
dit, que c'est le meilleur chien qui puisse estre pour prendre toute
beste.

L'autre nature d'alans veautres si sont auques taillez comme leide
taille de levrier; mes ils ont grosses testes, grosses levres, et granz
oreilles^^; et de cez si s'aide Ten tres bien de chassier les ours et

" From Spanish afeytar, crop.

" Cotgrave defines it as a 'great & ougly curre 9f that kind (having
a big head, hanging lips, and slowching eares), kept onely to hunt the
Beare and wild Boare.* Elsewhere (under Vaultre) he characterizes it
as *a mungrell betweene a hound and a mastife, or of a size between the
Allan and great countrie curre ; fit for the chase or hunting of wild Beares
and Boares.' Godefroy {Diet, de I'Ancien Frangais, s. v. Veltre) defines
it as a 'sorte de chien employe surtout pour la chasse de Tours et du
sanglier.' De Noirmont (2. 297) identifies this with the Spanish alano
described below by Alonso Martinez de Espinar (Arte de Ballesteria y
Monteria, 1644), the ancestor of the Cuban dogs, and of those which are
trained by the Spaniards to fight with bulls : 'He is large, his limbs strong,
his muzzle blunt, his forehead straight and broad, his eyes round and
bloodshot, his aspect terrible, and his neck short and thick; his strength
is such that he can conquer an animal as valiant and ferocious as the
bull.'

For bear-hunting in the Pyrenees and in Spain, see De Noirmont 2.
481-4.

132 Appendix B

les pores, quar ilz tiennent de leur nature fort; mes ils sont pesans
et lez, et s'ils muerent d'un sanglier ou d'un ours, ce n'est mie trop
grande perte. Et meslez avec levriers qui puissent, sont bons, quar,
quant ils ateinhent, ils lient la beste et la tiennent tout quoy; mes
par eulx mesmes ils ne I'ateindroient ja, se leuvriers ne metoient la
beste en destri. Done tout homme qui vuelt banter la chasse des
ours et des pores doit avoir et levriers et alanz veautres ou de
boucherie (et mastins si n'en puelt avoir des autres), quar fort
tiennent, comme j'ai dit, plus que levriers.

L'autre nature d'alans de boucherie sont tels que vous pouvez veoir
tous jours es bonnes villes, les quieux les bouchers tiennent pour leur
aidier a mener les bestaillz qu'ils achatent hors des bonnes villes ; quar
si un buef eschapoit du bouchier qui le maine, son chien le va prendre
et arrester" jusques tant que son mestre soit venu, et I'aide a ramener
a la ville. Et sont de pou de despenz, qu'ilz menjent les ordures des
boucheries; et aussi gardent ilz I'ostel de le mestre, et sont bons
pour la chasse des ours ou des sangliers, ou soit avec levriers au
titre,^" ou soit avec chiens courans aux abois dedenz les fourz; quar
quant un sanglier est en i fort pais, ja de tout le jour par aventure
ne le vuideroit pour les chiens courrans. Et quant on gete cieu mas-
tinaille, ou ilz le prennent en my le fors, et le font tuer a aucun
homme, ou ilz lui font vuider le pais, qu'il ne demourra gueres longue-
ment aux abois, Et aussi sont ilz bons pour veautrer de nuiz, si
comme je diray quant parleray du veneur.

As the original is somewhat repetitious and confused, a con-
densed summary, with a redistribution of the matter, is here
presented :

- There are three species of alaunts — gentle alaunts, veltres, and
butchers' alaunts, the last being the least esteemed.

Nearly all alaunts have bad dispositions, and are harebrained and
selfwilled. No other dog can equal an exceptional alaunt, if perfectly
trained. A thoroughly good alaunt must be as fleet as a greyhound,
fearless, fond of his master and close at call, obedient, prompt in
seizing his prey, and tenacious of his hold. No dog is so well built,
and none so strong to do harm; neither is any so ready to attack —
whether it be horse, ox, sheep, hog, a human being, or another dog.
Therefore, since an alaunt is as strong in the jaws as any three
greyhounds, and has on occasion been known to kill his own master,
it is evident that he needs the most thorough training. Even then.

"Cotgrave says it is 'like our Mastive, and serves Butchers to bring
in fierce oxen, and to keepe their stalls.'

" The litre was an arrangement for so surrounding the game as to leave
but one passage open, on issuing through which the animals were attacked
by relays of hounds.

Chaucer^ s Alaunts 133

a man must have had a very large experience of dogs if he has
seen three first-class alaunts in all his life.

The gentle alaunt is built exactly like a greyhound, except that he
has a short, thick head.

The veltre is formed like an ill-shaped greyhound, only with a
big head.

The butchers' alaunt is not particularly described as to his appear-
ance.

The gentle alaunt has straight and pointed ears, rendered sharper
by cropping. The veltre has large ears and large lips.

The gentle alaunt is preferably white, touched with black about
the ears. Its nostrils are white, and its eyes white and very small.

The veltre serves a good purpose in the chase of the bear and
wild boar, but is too heavy and slow for the pursuit, and therefore
needs to be supplemented by the greyhound. The greyhounds come
up with the quarry, and keep it at bay till the veltres seize it. In
default of veltres, butchers' alaunts may be used for this purpose.

The chief use of butchers' alaunts is to capture and hold an animal,
such as an ox, that is running away; they are also employed as
watchdogs, and as a substitute for veltres in the chase.

In the book called The Master of Game, written by Edward,
second Duke of York, probably between 1406 and 141 3/® the
chapter on the alaunts is translated, with minor variations, from
that by Gaston de Foix. This chapter^^ is as follows,^^ the
chief variations being indicated by italics, the punctuation some-
what improved, and an occasional emendation suggested in square
brackets :

Alaunt is a maner and nature of houndes, and Jjc good alauntz ben
J>e []?o?] which men clepyn alauntz gentil; other J'er byn )>^.i men
clepyn alauntz veutreres. OJ^er byn alauntz of ]?e bocherie. Thei J'at
ben gentile shuld be made and shape as a greyhounde, evyn of alia
]?inges'° sauf of l?e heved, J?e whiche shuld be greet and short; and
J>ouje ther [byn] alauntes of alle hewes, J^e verrey hue of J?e good
alauntz Y is moost comon shuld be white, wij? a blak spott about }>e
eerys, smale [and white] .eyne, and white stondyng eres and sharpe
above.

Men shuld teche alauntz bettir, and to be of better custumes, I>an
eny o>er beestis, for he is bettir shape, and strenger for to do harme,
J>an eny ol^er beest. Also comonly alauntz byn stordy^ of here owyn

^® Ed. Baillie-Grohman, London, 1904. See Wells, pp. 427, 833-
"Chap. 16.
" Op. ciL, pp. 64-5.
"Equally in all respects.

^"Stubborn, headstrong, dogged, unruly; cf. 'sturdy beggars.' The
alaunt has been compared to the Great Dane (see p. 136), of which Leigh-

134 * Appendix B

nature, and have not so good witte as many oj^er houndes have; for
if a man prik an hors, J?e alaunt wil gladly renne and bite J?e hors;
also I?ei renne at oxen, and at sheepe, at swyne, and to alle o>er
beestis, or to men, or to o]>eT houndes, for men han seyn alauntz sle
here maystire. And in alle maner wise alauntz byn July felle, and
evel undirstondyng, and more foolish and more sturdy l>an eny o}>er
maner of houndes. And men seyn never ]?re wel condicions [condi-
ciond] and good, for a good alaunt shuld renne also fast as a grei-
hounde, and eny beest l?at he myjt come to he shuld hold wil? his
sesours and noujt leve it, for an alaunt of his nature holdeth faster
his biteng }?an should iii greihoundes I?e best J'at eny man may fynde,
and l^erfore it is J?e best hounde for to hold and for [to] nyme al
maner beestis, and hold myjtely. And whan he is wel condiciond and
perfitly [good], men hold )jat he is good amonge al ojjer houndes; but
men fynden but fewe )>at doon [rather, byn] perfite. A good alaunt
shuld love his maistire, and folowe hym, and helpe hym in alle cace;
and what l?ing his maister wold hym comaunde he shuld do. A good
alaunt shuld goo fast, and be hardy to nyme al maner beestis
wijjout turnyng, and hold fast and not leve it, and wel condiciond,
and wel at his maistris comaundement ; and when he is soche, men
hold, as I have saide, }?at he is oon J>e good""^ hounde \>^ may be for
to take al maner beestis.

That ol^er [65] nature of alauntz is clepid veutreres. Almost l^ei
bene shapon as a greyhounde of ful shap, [but] ]>ei han grete hedes,
and greet lippes, and greet eeris; and wij? such men helpel? hem"
at ]?e baityng of a boole and atte huntygne of a wilde boor, pei
holde fast of here nature, but J^ei byn [heavy] and foule, and [jif
thei] ben slayn wi{> wilde boor or wi\> ]>e bulle, and [om.] it is not
ful grete losse. And" wher J^ei may overtake a beest, J>ei biten and
holden hure stille; but by hem self ]?ei shuld nevyr holde ]>e. beest,
but jif ]>e greihoundes were withe hem, for to make ]>e beest tarye.^'

That oJ>er nature, of alauntz of J>e bocher[i]e, is soch as ye may alle
day see in good times [tounes], ]>at byn called greet backers houndis,
]>e which bouchers holde^* for to helpe hem to bryng here beestis J>at
I'ei byn^ in J^e cuntre; for, jif an oxe escapid from J?e boochers I?at
leden hym, his houndes wold go take hym, and holde hym to^* his
master were come, and shuld helpe hym to benynge [brynge] hym

ton says (p. 86) : 'With almost the strength of a tiger he combines the
excitability of a terrier, and no doubt a badly trained Great Dane is a
very dangerous animal.'

^'^The best.

^^ Themselves.

" A portion untranslated.

'*Keep.

" Buy.

^ Until.

The Alaunt as a War-Dog.

Chaucer's Alaunts 135

agayn to J>e toun. pei byn of litel cost, for I'ei etyn l^e foule l?inges
in >e boochiers rowe, and also >ei kepen her maisters hous. pei byn
good for \>e batyng of ]>e bole and huntyng of >e wild boore, whedir
it be with greihoundis at tritstre'^ or with rennyng houndis at abbay
wi> inne J?e coverte; for whan a wilde boor is wij?inne a strong
hatte of wood, peraventure of [om.] alle ]>e day he wil not voide
Jjennys for >e rennyng houndes. And whan men lat soche mestifis
renne at J>e boor, J>ei taken hym in J^e thik spoyes^ and make some
men slee hym, or J?ei make hym come out of }>e strenght, J?at he ne
shal abide long at abaies."^

The following account of the alaunt is given by Baillie-Groh-
man (pp. 115-6) :

A strong ferocious dog,^ supposed to have been brought to Western
Europe by a Caucasian tribe called Alains or Alani.^" This tribe
invaded Gaul in the fourth century, settling there awhile, and then
continued their wanderings and overran Spain. It is from this country
that the best alans were obtained during the Middle Ages, and dogs
that are used for bull- or bear-baiting there are still called Alanos.^^
Gaston de Foix, living on the borders of this country, was in the best
position to obtain such dogs, and to know all about them. His
description, which we have here, tallies exactly with that written in
a Spanish book on hunting of the fourteenth century. This book,
Libro de la Monteria, was written by Alphonso XL Both Gaston and
this Spanish king say that the body of the Alaunt was like tha't of a
heavy greyhound, their eyes were small, they were square in the jaw,
and that their ears were trimmed and pointed to make them look
alert. The tail was rather large than small. They were of three
colours, white, grey, and blackish, but that white with black markings
near the head and above the tail were the best liked. Alauntes were
used as war dogs,^" and it was said that when once they seized their

'' Tryst.

"^ Coppice, thicket.

^De Noirmont (2. 538) divides hunting-dogs into three classes: (i)
Powerful dogs (chiens de force), including the wolfhound, mastiff, and
bulldog, as well as the alaunt; (2) Greyhounds; (3) Running hounds;
(4) Bird-dogs.

^° Diez (Etym. Wbch. i. 12) thinks that alaunt means Albanian dog.

'^ Similarly in the Spanish dictionary of Barcia, under the word Alano
(I translate) : 'The alaunt was so named because he was very fierce and
bloodthirsty, like the barbarians who invaded Spain at the beginning
of the fifth century. Hence this species of dog was employed in the
hunting of wild boars.' Cf. Leighton, p. 511.

^^I insert a picture taken from the Magasin Pittoresque 23 (1855).
221, which reproduced it from the Tractatus de Re Militari et de Machinis
Bellicis (1330-40) of Paul Savetinus Ducensis, a manuscript of the

136 Appendix B

prey they would not loose their hold. An Italian MS. of the four-
teenth century says that Alans that are to be set on cavalry should be
trained by their masters to be ferocious and "biting" (Ducange;
Wynn, "Brit. Mastiff," p. 48; De Noir. ii. 398 [298]).

As to the general appearance of the dan gentil, De Noirmont^^
compares it to the Great Dane or German bparhound, to which
he assigns a height of 30 to 32, or, exceptionally, 34 inches ; but
Chance, the Great Dane whose picture is here reproduced, 'stood
fully 35 inches at the shoulder, and was perhaps the tallest dog
of any breed, and at any time, whose measurements have been
recorded,'^* Vendetta having been 32^ inches in height.

The picture of alatmts reproduced below is from an illumina-
tion, in the beautiful manuscript of Gaston de Foix's work
which was executed in the early years of the fifteenth century.
The reproduction has been made from BailUe-Grohman, PI.
XVIII, opposite p. 64 (with which may be compared PI. XIV,
opposite p. 42, lower left hand; PI. XXVIII, opposite p. 80,
upper left hand and lower right hand ; PL XLVIII, opposite p.
240, bottom).

De Noirmont^' says the alaunts always wore a muzzle, except
in the chaise.

The alaunt has not often figured in literature. One of the
most notable occurrences of the word is in the Orlando Furioso

(46.138):

Come mastin sotto il feroce alano
Che fissi i denti ne la gola gli abbia,
Molto s'affanna e si dibatte in vano
Con occhi ardenti e con spumose labbia,
E non puo uscire al predator di mano,
Che vince di vigor, non gia di rabbia.

National Library of France. These alaunts were sent against cavalry,
bearing a brass pot of blazing pitch, ignited by means of alcohol, and
trained to fierce biting of the enemy's horses. They were protected by
leather coats from the effects of the fire or from kicks and blows.

^^2. 297.

^*Leighton, p. 91, who knows of a mastiff (p. 29) somewhat over ss
inches, while De Noirmont (2. 300) refers to one as having been 37^5
inches (.95 metre) in height; Leighton, by the way (p. 22), considers
Chaucer's alaunt to have been a mastiff. The New Eng. Diet., following
Bailey, defines the word as 'wolf-hound'; Scott (below, p. 138) as 'wolf-
greyhound'; Rose (below, p. 137) as 'deer-hound'; none of these seems
correct.

^2. 298.

Chance, a Great Dane, at the Age of Eight Months.
(From Leighton, New Book of the Dog, p. 85.)

Chaucer's Alaunts

137

which is thus translated by Rose :

As mastiff that below the deer-hound lies,
Fixed by the gullet fast, with holding bite,
Vainly bestirs himself and vainly tries,
With lips besmeared with foam and eyes alight,
And cannot from beneath the conqueror rise.
Who foils his foe by force, and not despite.

Vendetta, a Great Dane.
(From Leighton, New Book of the Dog, p. 88.)

The New English Dictionary furnishes no instance between
Chaucer and Berners' Froissart (1525).^^ In literature proper

But in the Sowdone of Bahylone (ca. 1400), we have (54-6)
To chase the Bore or the Veneson,
The Wolfe, the Bere, and the Bawson,
With Alauntes, Lymmeris, and Racches free.

138 Appendix B

the most conspicuous later use of the word is perhaps that by
Scott in the Talisman (chap. 6), where he is describing the tent
of Richard Coeur de Lion :

Skins of animals slain in the chase were stretched on the ground,
or extended along the sides of the paviHon, and upon a heap of
these silvan spoils lay three alans, as they were then called (wolf-
greyhounds, that is), of the largest size, and as white as snow. Their
faces, marked with many a scar from clutch and fang, showed their
share in collecting the trophies upon which they reposed, and their
eyes, fixed from time to time with an expressive stretch and yawn
upon the bed of Richard, evinced how much they marvelled at and
regretted the unwonted inactivity which they were compelled to share.

We have endeavored to show what were the alaunts mentioned
by Chaucer. There remains the question, Whence did Chaucer
derive his acquaintance with them ?

Baillie-Grohman (p. 116) thinks that Chaucer may have seen
some alaunts 'recently imported from Spain or France.' But
we have no indication that there ever was an alaunt in England.
Again he suggests that Chaucer 'may possibly have gone for his
models to the court of King John of France (1350-1364), who
possessed some of these huge Alans.' Certainly Chaucer can nol
have gone to Paris before the end of 1360,^^ and we have no
ground whatever for assuming that he was on the Continent in
the years 1361-3, by the end of which year King John was on
his way back to England. If the poet saw the court of France
at all, the earliest date we can assign to the visit is 1368, when
King John had been dead four years, and then it must have
been in the train of Lionel.^*

It seems much more likely that the alaunts which he delineated
in the Knighfs Tale were those that he saw at the wedding-
feast in Milan."^® He has undoubtedly heightened the descrip-

" See Hist. Background, p. 179.

^ See Hist. Background, pp. 182 ff. ; above, pp. 30 ff.
^^They are thus described in the chronicles of Montferrat, Milan, and
Mantua, respectively (M. H. P., p. 1226; R. I. S. 16. 739; Alip., p. 1188) :
'Sei cani alani, et sei gran striven cum collari de velluto, et fibie
dorati, et lassi de seta.'

'Sex cani allani, et sei grandi striven cum collari de velluto forniti
de ricalcho dorato, et cum lassi de seta.'

E sei cani alani fur presentati,
Ancora sei stivieri [sic] in una schiera.

The other two chronicles refer to them merely as 'cani.' See p. 67.

a>aauar(icsdi«mcp«ttoiitr

\)HUancccctoim$yac(jcBm

Group of Alaunts,

Chaucer's Alaunts 139

tion, as he has done elsewhere.*^ The alaunts can not have been
'as grete as any steer, '*^ since we hear of no dog measuring more
than 35, or at most 37^^ inches in height at the shoulder;
Chaucer's have collars of gold,*^ instead of velvet collars and
silken leashes, with clasps of gilded brass; 'twenty and mo'
replace the six which Chaucer may have seen; 'leoun' and 'deer'
are inexact equivalents. On the other hand, the best alaunts
were white,*^ and these dogs were regularly muzzled,** just as
Chaucer says. In fine, when we consider the rarity of alaunts
in that period, outside of Spain and the French territory imme-
diately contiguous, neither of which Chaucer ever visited; that
Lionel did not bring them back to England, and there is no
indication that an alaunt was ever seen in England; that', so
far as we know, Chaucer's only opportunity of seeing alaunts
would have been either at Paris*^ or at Milan,*^ both of which

It is possible that the collars, leashes, and buckles appertained merely
to the 'striveri'; but in a somewhat similar case, in the first course, the
two kinds of furniture are mentioned separately (velvet collars and silken
leashes: gilded brazen chains, leather collars, silken leashes).

*' So in the *ful ofte tyme' of Prol. 52 (cf. Hist. Background, pp. 209
ff.) ; 'no Cristen man so ofte of his degree' (Prol. 55) ; 'many a noble
armee' (Prol. 60) ; freckles (fraknes) for pockmarks (Hist. Background,
pp. 167, 170); 'an egle tame, as eny lilie whyt' (K. T. 1320; cf. Hist.
Background, p. 171 ; in Guy of Warwick 823 and Liheaus Desconus Tiz,
a gerfalcon is called white as a swan) ; 'an hundred lordes' (K. T. 1321 ;
cf. Hist. Background, p. 172, note i) ; 'dukes, erles, kinges' (K. T.
1324; cf. Hist. Background, p. 173, note i) ; *ful many a tame leoun and
lepart' (K. T. 1328; cf. Hist. Background, p. 17 A, note i).

*^Thus in King Alisaunder, composed before 1330 (Wells, p. 100), the
author says of two greyhounds (5286),

Hy weren mychel als lyouns;

so in the Avowynge of King Arthur (1350-1400) we are told of a wild
boar (49),

He is hejer thenne a horse,

*^In King Alisaunder (5284) there appear

In a cheyne of golde tweie greihoundes ;

but 'golde' may here mean gilded brass, as in the gift at the first course
at the wedding- feast (see above, p. 66).

^ See above, p. 133.

** See above, p. 136.

*' Hotel St Paul.

''Perhaps also in the park at Pavia; cf. Hist. Background, p. 186, note.

I40 Appendix B

were visited in the journey of Lionel and his train; and that
three of the outstanding characters*^ of the finest alaunts were
included by Chaucer in his description — their bigness, their
whiteness, and the fierceness which required that they should be
kept muzzled ; it seems most reasonable to suppose that he was
present when the six alaunts were delivered over to Lionel, per-
haps for his use in the chase, or perhaps to be employed in war.

*^Such as Chaucer could hardly have gleaned from books, seeing that
we have no right to assume that he was acquainted with Spanish, that
Gaston de Foix's treatise was not even begun till 1387, and that The
Master of Game was not composed until after Chaucer's death. There
remains the possibility that he might have learned of the alaunts from
Froissart, who must have seen them on the journey, and again on his
visit to Gaston de Foix at Orthez in 1388; but there is a directness in
Chaucer's description which seems to point to personal observation.

INDEX

Abbeville, 31, 32.

Achaia, 43, 124.

Acrobats, yz-

Actors, 65.

Alain de Lille, Anticlaudianus, 76.

Alani, 135.

Alaunts, 66, 67, 128 ff. ; picture of,

opp. 135, 139.
Alba, 27, 86, 87, 89, 96, 104, 105.
Alfonso XI, 128, 129, 135.
Algeciras, 128, 130.
Amedeo VI, (Green) Count of

Savoy, 23-5, 33, 34, 3^, 42, 46,

47, 49, 59, 60, 64, 85, 88-90, 99-

102, 107.
Architrenius, 76.
Armor, 61.

Assheton, Robert, 73, 74.
Aston. See Assheton.
Augustine, St., 91, 92

Banquet, 60 ff,

Bardulf, Robert, 102.

Basin, silver, 72.

Bassett, 73.

Beaconsfield, Nicholas, 102, 103.

Bear-hunting, 131. '

Bears, 122.

Bells, 67.

Belts (girdles), 49, 72-4, 98, 99-

Berry, Duke of, 32, 36, 37.

Black Prince, 25, 29, 55, 87, 94,

102, 103.
Boccaccio, 44, 45, 69, 78-81, 92;

Teseide, 61.
Boethius, 82, 92.
Bonne de Bourbon, Countess of

Savoy, 36, 49; picture of, opp.

36.
Bottles, silver, 69.
Bourbon, Duke of, 33, 36, 37, 85.
Bowls, silver, 69.
Bows, 45.
Bra, 27.

Bradway, Robert, 103.
Brass, gilded, 66 ff., 139.

Bray, John, 103.

Bridegrooms, 86-7, 108.

Brocade, 73.

Bromwych, John of, 73, 74, 94, 97,

98, 102, 103.
Buffoons, 65.
Burgundy, Duke of, 32, 36.

Calais, 31, 32.

Can Signorio, 65, 106.

Canterbury, 32.

Capella, John of, 99, 103.

Carru, 27.

Cattle, 72.

Cavurro, 27.

Centallo, 27.

Chambery, 40, 42, 87, 100, loi.

Charles IV (Emperor), 45, 46, 84,

106.
Charles V, 19, 32, 35, 36, 85.
Charles VI, 119, 120.
Chaucer, 7, 34, 43, 45, 49, 75, 76,

84, 85, 99, 126-8, 138-140.
Chaucer, works of :

Book of the Duchess, 76.

Clerk's Tale, 43-5.

House of Fame 966 ff. : 76.

Knight's Tale 1290-4: 128:
1648-9: 72.

Merchant's Tale 563-4: 70.

Nun's Priest's Tale 391-3: 117.

Parliament of Fowls 316 ff. : 76.

Parson's Tale 422-7: 49.

Shipman's Tale 70-1 : 69.

Sir T ho pas 189: 102.

Squire's Tale 27g: 117.
Cherasco, 27, 105.
Circlets, 102.

Clairmont, 125. ' •- '■

Clare, 91-5, 97, 122-4, 127.
Clarence, 122 ff.
Clarentza, 90, 122-5, I27-
Clasps, 72.
Cloaks, 72.
Companies of adventure, 12, 13,

24-5, 45-6, 107.

142

Index

Contenaim, Edward, 73.
Corniglia, 69, 70.
Coronets, 7Z, 97-
Corslets, 68,
Cote-hardies, 49.
Coucy, Lord of, ZZ, 85.
Cuneo, 27.

Dancing, 36, 40, 41, 74-

Deerhounds, 136.

Demonte, 27.

Derby, Earl of (afterwards Henry

IV), 25, 32, 42, 61, 91. See also

Lancaster.
Despenser, Edward, 64, 73. 85, 94,

97, 98, 104-6.
Despenser, Hugh, 73.
Diamonds, 72.
Dogs, names of, 130.
Doublets, 72.
Dover, 2,2, 45-

Edmund, Duke of Cambridge, 25.

Z7'
Edward I, 120.
Edward HI, 25, 26, 29, 55, 56. 85,

94, 98, IQ2, 104-6, 113, 1 1 5-6,

120, 121, 123-4, 126.
Elizabeth de Burgh, 56, 91, 94,

104, 122, 123.
Emeralds, 72.
English as barbarians, 2^.
Ermine, 72.

Falcons, 34; peregrine, 67.
Federigo II, Marquis of Saluzzo,

44.
Filippo II of Savoy, 88-90*
Fish, varieties of, at the banquet,

6S ff.
Florence, 10, li, 53.
Florence (Florent) of Hainaut,

123, 124
Florins, 27-30, 34, 49, 65, loi, 103,

106, 109.
Fossano, 88-90.
Froissart, 34, 41, 75, 76, 84, 85, 104,

140.

Froissart, works of:

Buisson de Jonece 269-77 : 104

Chroniques (ed. Kervyn) 2
106: 104;' 6. 387 ff.: Z7', 7
24(^7: 30-1; 7. 251: 9r
10+-5; 7. 252: 107; 8. 280
104; 8. 312: 104; 16. 95-6
61; 18. 489-90: 105; 18. 490
94, 98, 103.

Dit dou Florin, 32, 34.

Prison Amour euse 354-423:
40-2.

Gallipoli, loi.

Gaston de Foix (Phebus), 130,

133, 135, 136, 140.
Genoa, 45, 46, 69, 70, loi.
Gerfalcons, 97.
Giotto, 53.

Glarentza. See Garentza.
Goblets, silver, 69.
Gold, cloth of, 30, 69, 7z.
Goshawks, 66.
Granson, Thomas, 7Z, 74-
Great Danes, 136, 137; pictures

of, 137, opp. 136.
Greek fire, loi.
Greyhounds, 61, 66, 130, 139.
Griselda, 43, 44.

Hadley, Nicholas of, loi, 103.

Hainaut, 88, 115, 120. See Flor-
ence, PhiHppa.

Hats, steel, 71.

Hawkwood, John, 2Z, 45-7, 107.

Helmets, 68.

Hereford, Earl of, 25, 27, 85.

Hoods, 67, 72.

Horses (coursers, steeds), 71-4,
97, 98, loi, 130.

Hotel St. Paul, 35, 2>(>-

Ireland, 54, 74, 99-

Isabella of France, 23, 28, 36, 42,

49, 60, no.
Isabella of Villehardouin, 88, 123,

124
Iseult, 49; picture of, 50.

Index

143

Jeanne de Bourbon, Queen of
France, 35, 36, 49; picture of,
35.

Jewels, 30, 97, 109.

John II, King of France, 23, 36,

37.
John of Gaunt, 25, 37, 116.
Jovius, 60, 86.
Jubbe, 70.
Jugglers, 65.

Lancaster, Earl of (elder Earl of

Derby), 119.
Lancelot, 113, 117.
Lancelot, 116-8, 125-7.
Lances, 68, 71.
Lanslebourg, 42.
Leopards, 66, 113, 139.
Lionel, death and burial of, 90 ff. ;

debts of, 102, 103; name of, 113

ff. ; picture of, 55; will of,

96 ff.
Lions, 34, 113, 139.
Lorris, Guillaume de, 77.
Louvre, 34.

Machaut, 34.

Magi, 52, 53-

Mahault, 88, 124, 125.

Malmsey, 69, 70.

Maungeneleyn, 98.

Meath, 103.

Meats, varieties of, at the ban-
quet, 66 ff.

Meun, Jean de, 77.

Milan, 11, 44-8, 51-3, 57, 58, 63,
65, 83, 95.

Minot, 113.

Minstrels, 73, 99.

Mondovi, 27.

Mone, Edmund, 102.

Mont Cenis, 42, 43.

Monteclair, 114, 125.

Montferrat, Marquis of, 46-8, 88,
106. See also 33, 56, and Secon-
dotto.

Mountebanks, 73.

Musard, Richard, 98-102.

Necklaces, loi, 102.

Novara, 43; Bishop of, 59, 64.

Order of the Collar (Annunci-
ata), 100, loi.

Padua, 78, 81, 84, 85.

Palaeologus, John, 34, loi.

Panoplies, 68.

Paris, 32, 87, 138, 139.

Parker, Charles, 95.

Parti-colored garments, 49, 100,

102.
Pavia, 43-6, 48, 53, 79-83, 86, 87,

90-2, 95, 106, 108-10, 139.
Pearl, The, 81.
Pearls, 34, 67, 68, 72, 109.
Pepoli, 15, 27, 49.
Petrarch, 23, 44, 45, 53, 60, 64, 74-

85, 92; Africa, 69; epitaph on

grandson, 82-3.
Philippa, Queen, 85, 115, 116, 120,

123, 124.
Piedmont, 26, 43, 46, 105.
Pierre I, 25, 85.
Pierre II, 109, 118.
Pietro in Ciel d'Oro, S., 91, 92,

94, 95, no.
Playing, 36, 40, 74.
Po, 84.

Poison, 19, S7, 88, 104-5, 107, no.
Portas, 99, loi.
Pycot, Bartholomew, 99, 103.

Richard Coeur de Lion, 118, 119,

138.
Richard II, 120.
Rings, 102, 109.
Rivoli, 43, 90, loi.
Roccasparviera, 27.
Roman de la Rose, 76, 77.
Rubies, 34, 72.
Ruskin, 42, 53.

Saddles, 68, 71.
Saiti, ^.

Saluzzo, 43, 44, 5i, 56, 88.
also Federigo II.

See

144

Index

Santa Maria Maggiore (Milan),

57-9-
Sapphires, 72.
Satin, 72.
Sausi, 66.
Savigliano, 89.
Savoy, 32, 40, 43, 88, 99.
Scott, Talisman, 138.
Secondotto, 56, 108-10.
Setters, 67.

Shakespeare, Richard II, 56, 61.
Shields, 45, 71.
Silk, 66, 67, 69, 71, 73.
Silver, enameled, 67 flf. ; gilded,

67 ff., 99.
Singing, 40, 41, 74.
Sparrow-hawks, 67.
Strivieri, 67, 138.
Susa, 42, 43, 99.

Tancarville, Count of, 37, 39.

Tapestry, 122.

Tilting, 74.

Tournaments, 62, 86, 89, 109.

Turks, loi.

Vache, Richard de la, 102.

Valets, 102.

Vegetables at the banquet, 66 fF.

Veltres, 132, 133.

Velvet, 66, 67, 71, 72.

Venice, 75, 80, 81, 84, loi.

Vercelli, 43.

Vernaccia, 69, 70.

Vernazza, 69.

Verona, 65.

Visconti, 8, 13, 14, 23, 26, 57, 74,

107.

Azzo, 14, 15, 57, 63.

Bernabo, 14-20, 47, 59, 64, 65,
73, 83, 109, no, etc.; picture
of, 20; tomb of, opp. 65,

Bianca, 48, no.

Carolo, no.

Caterina, 109.

Galeazzo I, 14, 64.

Galeazzo II, 7, i4-9, 23-9, 44,
47-9, ^3, 73, 79, 81-3, 87, 104-8,
118, etc.; picture of, 17.

Gian Galeazzo, 14, 15, 19, 21-3,
49-51, 60, 61, 72, 105, 108-10;
picture of, 21.

Giovanni, 14, 15.

Lodovico, 21, 64, 109, no.

Luchino, 14, 15, 56, 118.

Marco, 64, 109.

Matteo I, 14, 43, 63.

Matteo II, 15.

Matteo, son of Bernabo, 64.

Otto, 14.

Regina, 64, 65.

Rodolfo, 21, 109, no.

Valentina, daughter of Bernabo,
109, 118; daughter of Gian
Galeazzo, 49, 100.

Violante, 7, 27-30, 56^7, 59, 63,
86-7, 97, 103, 106-10.

See also Isabella of France.
Vows of the Heron, 119, 121.

Waleys, Thomas, 102.

War-dog, alaunt as, 135; picture

of, opp. 135.
Wayte, John, loi.
Wedding, 57-9.
Wolf-greyhound, 136. -
Wolfhound, 136.
Woolen cloth, 73.

TRAHSACTIOSS OF THE

CONNECTICUT ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES

Incorpokated a. D. 17£

VOLUME 21, PAGES 145-200 FEBRUARY, 1917

The Relationship

of the

Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla

BY

W. I. ROBINSON

NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT
1917

'■j

'//

THE TUTTLE, MOREHOUSE & TAYLOR COMPANY

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PAGE
lEKiMINOLOGY , jrj

Summary 1^3

Importance of the Question of Primary Septa

Theories of Previous Writers 154

Conclusions 157

The Two Theories of the Origin of Hexacoralla

Theory of Common Ancestry 159

Theory of Direct Descent 160

Tests of the Theory of Direct Descent from Tetra-
coralla
Geological Occurrence

So-called Paleozoic Hexacoralla
Palceacis and its Relation to the Tabulata . .161
The Genus Calostylis and its Position in the Classi-
fication 173

Other Peculiar Forms Sometimes Called Hexa-
coralla 178

Summary of ''Paleozoic Hexacoralla" . . . 181
First Fossil Corals

Mackenzia of the Middle Cambrian . . . 181

First Coral Fauna 182

Probable Ancestry of the Tetracoralla . . . 182
Dominance and Decline of Various Coral Stocks . 185
Evolutionary Trends in Tetracoralla . . . 186

Plasticity of Tetracoralla in the Late Paleozoic
The Columella as an Example of Variability

Morphological Significance . ... • 188

Steps in Development 190

Summary I95

Bibliography . . 196

PREFACE.

This work is the result of studies begun at the University of
Michigan in 19 13 under Professor E. C. Case, and continued at
Yale University during 191 5 and 1916 under Professor Charles
Schuchert; in 1916 it was submitted to the Faculty of the
Graduate School of Yale University as a dissertation in candi-
dacy for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Free access to
both the Michigan and Yale collections has given the writer the
opportunity of examining a large number of Paleozoic corals.
In addition to the Yale material, there have been received from
Doctor R. G. Carruthers of Edinburgh specimens of Hexaphyllia,
HeterophylUa, and Holocystis; from Doctor Gerhard Holm of
Stockholm, specimens of Calostylis; from Doctor F. X. Schaffer
of the Royal Natural History Museum in Vienna, a number of
Hexacoralla from the Alpine Trias ; from Doctor R. S. Bassler,
specimens of Calostylis and Palcuacis from the United States
National Museum collections ; from Professor Case, the type
specimens of Leptopora typa and Conopoterium effusum; from
Professor R. R. Rowley of Louisiana, Missouri, specimens of
Leptopora and Conopoterium. For all of these loans the writer's
thanks are due.

The writer is indebted to Professor Alexander Petrunkevitch
of the Zoological Department of Yale University for assistance
in making the photographs which accompany this paper; and
to Doctor T. W. Vaughan of the United States Geological
Survey, Professors W. R. Coe and A. E. Verrill of Yale^ and
Professor T. C. Brown of Bryn Mawr for discussing with him
the problem of coral phylogeny. To Professor Case, who first
suggested the corals to him as a fruitful field for study, and to
Professor Schuchert, whose constant guidance and kindly criti-
cism have been of great assistance in the preparation of the
paper, the writer hereby acknowledges his indebtedness.

While the question of the relationship of the Paleozoic and
later corals cannot perhaps be definitely settled until a sequence
of coral faunas is established representing Permian and Lower
Triassic times, still geological occurrence is a factor that cannot
be lightly set aside in forming an opinion on the subject. Dur-

150 Preface

ing the summer of 191 5 the writer was employed in making thin
sections of Paleozoic corals in the Yale collection. Genera were
chosen which had resemblances to Hexacoralla, with the hope oi
finding some which showed a septal arrangement like that oi
modern corals. As the work progressed, it became increasingly
noticeable that there was a great uniformity in the general
method of addition of the septa ; that the application of Faurot's
rule of quadriseptate arrangement could be quite generally made
that, in short, the Tetracoralla are a natural group differing in
a definite structural phenomenon from all Mesozoic and later
forms in which the ontogeny of the skeleton is known.

Attention was then turned to those Paleozoic forms which
have been classed recently with the Hexacoralla. While th^
writer does not pretend to have settled the question of the origin
of the Hexacoralla, it is hoped that the evidence here presented
will be conclusive in showing that there are no known Paleozoic
Hexacoralla, and that the data furnished by this study of Pale-
ozoic forms favor the theory of direct descent of modern hexa-
corals from tetracorals.

TERMINOLOGY.

Apical pore. A pore at the proximal end of a corallite which
has been produced by budding. It communicates with the
cavity of the parent coralHte.

Basal disk. The soft floor or basal part of the polyp, in the folds
of which all the radial skeletal structures are formed.

Basal plate. The first secretion of calcium carbonate in the form
of an exceedingly thin plate. It can only occasionally be
seen in adult coralla.

Calyx. The depression at the distal end of a corallite or solitary
corallum.

Columella. A central longitudinal rod in the calyx or a knob
on the calicular floor. See Essential columella and Parietal
columella.

Corallite. A single individual of a compound corallum.

Corallum. An entire coral skeleton which may be solitary,
secreted by a single polyp, or compound and secreted by a
colony of polyps.

Costcc. Ridges on the outside of the theca. They are opposite
to the septa and are covered by the.epitheca when the latter
occurs. See Rugce.

Dissepiments. Horizontal or sloping calcareous plates connect-
ing adjacent septa.

Epitheca. A thin external calcareous deposit secreted by the
overlapping edge (the "edge zone") of the basal disk in a
single corallum. See Peritheca.

Essential columella. A columella which develops independently
of other calicular structures or rarely as a specialization of
tabulae. See Tabelke.

Eutheca. A wall formed by the introduction of new centers of
calcification between the outer ends of the septa. Accord-
ing to Vaughan, there is no systematic importance in the
distinction between eutheca and pseudotheca. It is doubtful
whether these terms will ever become useful in Paleontology,
as the centers of calcification are rarely to be seen in fossil
forms. Even the distinction between theca and epitheca is
obscure in many cases in Paleozoic corals.

Major septa. The cycle of longer septa which reach nearly or
quite to the center of the calyx.

152 Terminology

Mesenteries. The radial vertical lamellae of the soft polyp, com-
posed of mesoglea and endoderm. Upon their sides the
muscles are attached.

Minor septa. The cycle of shorter septa which never extend
far into the calyx. They appear late in the development of
the corallum.

Mural pores. Regularly spaced pores in the thin-walled Tabu-
lata. They are typically developed in the Favositidse.

Pali. Rods or knobs formed by the lobation of the inner ends
of septa.

Parietal columella. A columella which results from a speciali-
zation of some of the radial calicular structures such as
septa or pali.

Peritheca. A calcareous deposit covering the base and sides of
a compound corallum. It is homologous with the epitheca
of a single corallum.

Pores. See Mural pores and Apical pores.

Primary septa. The first group of septa to appear — usually two
or four in Tetracoralla ; six or twelve in Hexacoralla. See
Major septa and Minor septa.

Protocorallite. The corallite secreted by the protopolyp.

Protopolyp. The parent of a colony of polyps forming a com-
pound corallum.

Pseudotheca. A wall formed by the thickening and coalescing
of the outer portions of septa. See Eutheca.

Quadriseptal arrangement. A pinnate grouping of septa, alter-
nately long and short. Typically, as in the adult form of
Cyathaxonia cornu, there are four in a bundle, but often
there are only three or two.

Rugce {pseudocost(e). Ridges on the epitheca. They alternate
in position with the costae and septa.

Septa. Vertical radial partitions of the calyx secreted in folds
of the basal disk. See Major, Minor, Primary, and Second-
ary septa.

TahellcB. Small arched plates forming a part of the columella
in certain genera like Lonsdaleia. They slope upward and
inward toward the central axis.

Tahulce. Horizontal plates extending across the whole cavity of
a single corallum or corallite.

Theca. The outer wall of a corallite or single corallum, exclu-
sive of the separate outer layer, the epitheca, q. v. It may
be formed in various ways. See Eutheca and Pseudotheca.

SUMMARY.

On pages 159 to 160 two theories for the origin of the Hexa-
coralla are outUned. The first postulates a common ancestry
with the Tetracoralla and a lack of the skeleton-forming habit
in the Paleozoic Hexacoralla ; the second, a direct descent from
•Paleozoic Tetracoralla to Mesozoic, Cenozoic, and Recent Hexa-
coralla. The data which form the basis of this paper rather
strongly favor the second theory, although no single fact has been
found to actually conflict with either. The method by which this
general deduction was made may be summarized as follows :

1. There are no known Hexacoralla in the Paleozoic. It is
believed that this fact strongly favors the second theory, for
otherwise it is necessary to add to the first theory the conception
that the stock which finally developed into the Hexacoralla con-
tinued throughout the Paleozoic as exclusively soft-bodied forms ;
and that the post-Paleozoic corals went through a comparable
series of changes which produced the same modifications in the
soft basal disk as those which were taking place in the skeleton-
secreting basal disk of the Tetracoralla. It thus would be neces-
sary to consider that a widespread tendency to an invagination
of the basal disk developed in the soft-bodied Paleozoic Hexa-
coralla, since a columella occurs so commonly in the Triassic
forms.

2. The case of Turbinolia, a genus of living Hexacoralla,
whose early life history so closely parallels that of Tetracoralla,
suggests a very close relationship between the Tubinolidse and
Tetracoralla.

3. The Cyathophyllidae and Zaphrentidae approached Mesozoic
time as strong stocks capable of important structural variation.

4. A marked tendency among Carboniferous forms is the
widespread development of columellas. Even the conservative
genus Zaphrentis was subject to this change. The columella is
a far more prominent feature of the Hexacoralla than it is of
the Tetracoralla. A correlative tendency is toward an increase
in the number of septa and a consequent approach to radial
symmetry.

5. Some change in structure or function in the coral polyp is
indicated by this development in the late Paleozoic.

IMPORTANCE OF THE QUESTION OF
PRIMARY SEPTA.

The ontogeny of the Tetracoralla has been the subject of a
great deal of investigation and debate. It is a difficult subject
because the group is extinct and any reasoning which involves
the soft parts of the polyps must be done by analogy with living
corals, while the part which is preserved as a fossil represents
merely a substructure, external- and not readily modified by vital
changes in the function of the soft parts and yet at the same
time extremely impressionable by varying or accidental external
forces.

Because of the importance of the primary sfepta in the discus-
sion of the phylogeny of the Tetracoralla the various papers
on this subject have been repeatedly summarized and only a short
account of them will be given here. Other summaries may be
found in Duerden (1902) and Faurot (1909).

THEORIES OF PREVIOUS WRITERS.

Milne-Edwards and Haime (1851) regarded the Tetracoralla
as having four primary septa to which the other (secondary)
septa were added.

Ludwig (1861-66) insisted on the importance of the pinnate
arrangement of septa in four groups but considered this condition
to have been derived from an earlier grouping by six, and also
that there were six primary elements, only four of which were
involved in the formation of succeeding septa.

Kunth (1869) also clearly described the pinnate manner of
addition of the secondary septa.

Pourtales (1871) announced the discovery of an early stage
of growth with only six septa. The specimens used were of
Lophophyllum proliferum and conclusions were reached similar
to those of Ludwig already stated.

Quelch (1886) and Ogilyie (1897) paid much attention to the
microstructure, finding evidence of a close relationship between
Tetracoralla and Hexacoralla.

Neumayr (1889 A and B) presented a strong argument for the
view that Hexacoralla are directly descended from the Paleozoic

The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla. 155

forms, calling attention to the geological occurrence, and to
certain peculiarities of coral evolution — tendencies which are now
referred to as parallel development.

Von Koch (1896) argued that the Tetracoralla arose from a
stock whose individuals had six primary elements.

Van Beneden (1897) believed the fourfold structure of Tetra-
coralla indicated their close relationship to the Scyphomedusse.

Up to 1902 the idea of a primitive six-rayed condition in
Tetracoralla had not received much support from paleontologists,
but in 1902 Duerden, using new methods of careful sectioning,
found a stage in Lophophyllum proliferum with only six septa.
He concluded that this was the earliest skeletal stage. (See
Fig. I.)

5-. 6-

Fig. r. The development of Lophophyllum proliferum. This and the
following diagrams represent transverse sections taken in a continuous
series from near the tip of the corallum to the calyx. The cardinal septum
in each case is above; the counter septum below. X /4- (After Duerden.)

Gordon (1906), working with decalcified siHceous specimens,
announced the discovery of a stage with four septa in Streptel-
asma profundum. This precipitated an argument which devel-
oped new interest in the problems of morpholog}^ and ontogeny
in both living and fossil forms of Anthozoa.

Carruthers (1906) finally settled the matter by finding in
Zaphrentis phillipsi stages with "one," four and six septa (see
Fig. 2). It was found by a comparative study of a number of
sections that the stage with "one" septum was quickly succeeded
by a stage in which two new septa appeared as a bilateral pair.
As the single "primary septum" is broken by a central gap later

156

IV. I. Robinson,

in the development, it is evident that it really represents two
septal elements and so the stage at which the first bilateral pair
appears is called the four-septal stage. The first bilateral pair is
quickly followed by a second one which appears on the opposite
side of the calyx, bringing the number of septa up to six. A
pause in the development occurs at this time, and after this the

Fig. 2. The development of a Carboniferous Zaphrentid,
Carruthers.)

X'A. (After

septa are added in a pinnate manner, their inner ends joining
the septa of the first and second bilateral pairs. Whether or not
this pause indicates an important stage in the phylogeny of the
Tetracoralla is not clear, as such phenomena may be explained
in various ways, but it occurs at a decided break in the ontogeny
of the individual and so must be considered as probably repre-
senting a former adult stage.

Fig. 3. The development of Cyathaxonia (i, 2, 3, 4) and of Turbinolia
(i. 2, 3, 5, 6). The first twelve septa appear in the same order and with
the same arrangement. X>^. (After Faurot.)

The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla. 157

Faurot (1909), using Duerden's method of grinding down the
coral tip and sketching each change in the arrangement of the
parts, obtained a very complete history of the septal sequence
in Cyathaxonia cornu. This led to an elaboration of Kunth's
law of pinnate arrangement. A short summary paper by the
same author (1914) gives his conclusion that in the case of the
hexacoral Turbinolia, and the tetracoral Cyathaxonia, there is
the same order of appearance and arrangement of the first twelve
septa. (See Fig. 3.)

From the work of Lacaze-Duthiers, Von Koch, and others,
it has been known for a long time that among modern corals
some develop six primary septa, in others twelve septa appear
all at once. In Turbinolia it is reported, however, that there is
a stage with a ''single septum" of two septal elements, which is
succeeded by stages with four and six septa. Either the time of
the beginning of calcification is a stage easily retarded or accel-
erated, or the modern Hexacoralla must be considered as a
polyphyletic group.

CONCLUSIONS.

Although the ontogeny of corals, as far as septal sequence is
concerned, is now known for a considerable number of both
living and fossil genera, and is found to be quite uniform within
a group, the phylogenetic relations of the Tetracoralla and
Hexacoralla still are not wholly cleared up. Modern work on
the phylogeny of recent Anthozoa shows that the arrangement of
the mesenteries indicates most closely the various events in the
history of the phylum and therefore the most promising results
are apparently to be gained from a study of the arrangement
of septa in the two sub-classes. This method, as can be seen
from the above resume, has been applied by nearly all the recent
workers. It carries the assumption that the soft parts of the
polyp of the extinct Tetracoralla, of which nothing is known
except by analogy with modern forms, were essentially the
same as those of living Hexacoralla. This assumption is
considered to be justifiable by those who have studied both
groups.

The results obtained by this method are divergent and those
relating to the results attained through ontogeny should be tested
in the light of chronogeny (geological appearance), and of the

158 IV. I. Robinson,

g-eographical distribution of the coral stocks, a principle also
insisted upon by Neumayr (1889). The work of Duerden and
Brown seems to indicate that the origin of Hexacoralla is not
a direct one from Tetracoralla, while the work of Faurot,
Carruthers, and the author has brought out a similarity in the
early ontogenetic history in the two groups that is perhaps more
easily explained by a theory of direct descent. This question
will be discussed on later pages (i 61-195).

The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla. 159

THE TWO THEORIES OF THE ORIGIN OF
HEXACORALLA.

As has been shown, there are two theories accounting for the
origin of the Hexacoralla, one of which depends for its proof
upon comparative anatomy of living corals, the other upon the
study of the geological sequence and relationships of fossil
forms.

THEORY OF COMMON ANCESTRY.

The first theory states that the Hexacoralla arose early in the
Paleozoic from a stem which also gave rise to the Tetracoralla
and Tabulata, but that the Hexacoralla did not commonly secrete
a skeleton until the Mesozoic. A large amount of the history
of the Hexacoralla would accordingly be lost, and as the phylum
was already a very old one when the lime-secreting habit became
firmly established in the Triassic, the early ontogenetic stages
reflected in the skeleton of Mesozoic forms would be of doubt-
ful phylogenetic value. The only test of the theory is an
exhaustive study of the analogy of morphological characters —
a method difficult to apply to an extinct group in which there is
no direct contact of the vital organs with the skeleton, though
much can be learned from the characters of living corals.

Brown (1915 : 542) has stated this theory as follows:

"i. All Anthozoa, Paleozoic, Mesozoic, and Modern, are
derived from one common stem in which the zooids were
bilaterally symmetrical and probably had eight mesenteries.

"2. One branch from this common stem, arising early in
the Ordovicic, leads up to the modern Alcyonaria (Octo-
coralla). * * *

"3. Another branch from this common stem, likewise arising
early in the Ordovicic, embraces the typical tetrameral corals
of the Paleozoic — the Rugosa. * * *

"4. Another branch from the common stem gave rise to the
Mesozoic and later zoantharians — Actinians, Scleractinians,
Zoanthids and Cerianthids."

This explanation carries an assumption which is very difficult
to accept. The advocates of this theory assume that throughout
the Paleozoic there developed side by side a group of skeleton-

i6o W. I. Robinson,

secreting Tetracoralla and a soft-bodied group which later gave
rise to the Hexacoralla. Moreover, they assume that the evolu-
tion in the soft-bodied forms so closely paralleled that of the
Tetracoralla that when the former finally adopted the skeleton-
forming habit they had developed the same specializations of
the basal disk. It is difficult to suppose, for instance, that the
soft-bodied hexacorals of the late Paleozoic acquired a basal
invagination as the Tetracoralla did, and this is necessary, under
the theory of common ancestry, to account for the widespread
occurrence of the columella in the Mesozoic.

THEORY OF DIRECT DESCENT.

The second theory is that the Hexacoralla descended from the
Tetracoralla in late Paleozoic or, what is more probable, in early
Mesozoic time. A comparative study of early ontogenetic stages
should be valuable, but the chief test of this theory is whether
or not a sufficiently close relationship can be established between
the Hexacoralla of the Middle Trias and the late Paleozoic
corals. The greatest difficulty in applying this method is a lack
of data. The record of corals in the Permian is, as a rule,
meagre, though in India there seem to be many of them, and
a few are known from the Australian "Carbopermian" ; but
there is as yet no knowledge of any corals from the Lower
Triassic.

The first consideration in comparing these two theories is,
whether or not there are any Paleozoic forms which can con-
fidently be referred to Hexacoralla. If such forms occur, then
the second theory must be modified or abandoned.

Two Paleozoic genera, Palceacis and Calostylis, have been
repeatedly, though always with some opposition, designated as
Hexacoralla. There are, however, very good reasons for saying
that neither of the genera has any such close relationship with
modern corals, as will be seen by the following analysis of these
perplexing forms.

The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla. i6i

TESTS OF THE THEORY OF DIRECT DESCENT FROM
TETRACORALLA.

GEOLOGICAL OCCURRENCE.

So-called Paleozoic Hexacoralla.
Palaeacis and its Relation to the Tabulata.

A description of the genera Palceacis, Micro cyathus, and Ptycho-
chartocyathus, and a Hst of species are given on pages 165-168.

Before its microstructure became known, Palceacis, which then
included the above genera, was supposed to be one of the Porifera
or sponges. Its external appearance, the occurrence of small
pores in the outer wall, larger pores in the cups, and a system
of contorted canals, all rather favor this opinion, but there are
other and more important structural conditions that cannot be
explained as due to a relationship to Porifera.

Lack of Spicules. — First, although looked for again and again,
no spicules have been definitely seen by any one. This is all
the more important as the organisms occur preserved in a variety
of ways, although numerous sections have never been possible
on account of the scarcity of material.

Regularity in Budding and Constancy of Shape. — A much
more decisive fact and one that removes the genus definitely
from the Porifera is that there is a definite law of budding in
Palceacis, the same law applying sometimes to more than one
species (see PL I, Figs, i and 2). This regularity in budding
controls the shape of the individuals so thoroughly that it would
be hard to find among corals a more constant shape than that
of the type species, P. cuneiformis. There is no such control of
individual shape in the Porifera. In no phylum is a greater
variety of shapes in the same group possible than in the Porifera
and in no phylum is external shape of less systematic importance
{cf. Zittel-Eastman 1913:47). The cimeate base which occurs
in P. cuneiformis, P. obtusa, P. compressa, and P. cavernosa is
a feature seen in some species of Hexacoralla which are not
closely attached to their foundation. The hexacoral Endopachys
maclurei of the Eocene of Alabama has a cuneate base quite
similar to that of P. obtusa. Such a regular exteirnal form as
this is again not a character which is to be expected in Porifera.

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI n 1917

i62 W. I. Robinson,

Calcareous Structure. — A very suggestive coral-like feature
is the structure of the calcium carbonate as seen in thin sections
of unaltered calcareous specimens. Diverging fibers, arranged
in a manner comparable to that in recent corals, show that this
material formed the original skeleton of Palceacis. P. cunei-
formis, the genotype, does not reveal any definite structure, as
it is invariably replaced by silica, but lamellae can be distinguished
on the surface, giving the aspect of diverging grooves and ridges.
Between the ridges there are pores which open into canals lead-
ing into the main cavity. The inner ends of these canals have
often been wrongly called mural pores and the genus has been
placed on that account with the Tabulata or even removed to
the perforate Hexacoralla.

P. obtusa occurs with the original structure of the calcium
carbonate preserved and with the interstices filled by secondary
silica and iron pyrite. Thin sections show the radial lamellae
(PI. I, Fig. 3). Microcyathus depressus, a closely related form,
shows the same fibrous structure of the calcium carbonate and
the inner pores communicating with the contorted canals (PI.

I, Fig. 4).

Comparison with Tabulata. — The one criterion which has
proved satisfactory in distinguishing between Hexacoralla and
Tetracoralla is the manner of addition of the secondary septa.
This criterion, however, cannot be applied to forms like Palceacis,
since they have no definite septa. If the lamellae really represent
septa, which is very improbable, their arrangement is obscured
by the interlacing of the canals. Enough is known of the cal-
careous specimens to show that there are no structural characters
which prevent classing these genera with Anthozoa. On the
other hand, there are good reasons, stated below, for including
them under the sub-class Tabulata in close relationship with
Pleurodictyum, Leptopora, and Vaughania. All these genera
are characterized by large individuals with thick walls which
are traversed by canals very irregular in location and direction.
There are no mural pores such as those of Favosites, although
apical pores and canal openings give a similar appearance. The
manner of budding is by pairs, with one individual slightly in
advance of the other. The buds are added laterally in such a
way that there may be formed a thin encrusting or globular
colony.

The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla. 163

Palceacis, Microcyathus, and Ptychochartocyathus belong in
this group, having the same kind of thick walls and interlacing
canals with pores opening on the inner cavity. The same laws
of budding apply to them, except that in the case of P. cunei-
f or mis the addition of buds is vertical instead of radial.

It is here proposed to place these closely related genera,
Palceacis, Microcyathus, and Ptychochartocyathus, in one family,
Leptoporidse. This name was used in 1892 by Miller for a
family which contained the one genus Leptopora and which was
placed doubtfully with the Tabulata. As the family was not
defined, a definition may be formulated which will include the
other closely related genera, as follows :

Phylum Coelenterata.

Sub-phylum Cnidaria.

Class Anthozoa.

?Sub-class Tabulata (of uncertain relationship) .

Family Leptoporidae Miller.

Leptoporidae : Specialized Tabulata with large corallites.
Tabulae much modified or wanting. No true septa or true mural
pores. Walls thick; traversed by canals. Inner wall grooved,
ridged, or occupied by irregularly spaced pores which are the
openings of the canals.

Genus Leptopora Winchell.

1864 Leptopora Winchell. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., Vol,

XV, 1863 : 2.
1888 Cleistopora Nicholson. Geol. Mag., Dec. Ill, Vol. V:

150-152.

Original Description of Leptopora. — "Corallum occurring in
thin discoidal masses; cells very shallow, crowded, polygonal,
separated by a common cell wall, which is vertically striated;
interior of cells filled with a finely vesicular tissue; cups polyg-
onal, concave, elevated in the center, and displaying numerous
radial lamellae."

Original Description of Cleistopora.— "CovdXXyxm small, discoid,
usually attached by its entire base to foreign bodies. Corallites
short, prismatic, without tabulae, and having the inferior portion
of the visceral chamber completely filled up with loosely reticu-

164 W. I. Robinson,

late cakareous tissue. Septa represented by striae only. Walls
thick, traversed by minute irregular canals or pores."

By comparing the above original descriptions it may be seen
that there is no essential character to distinguish between them.
A comparison of the original figures of Micheliniaf gcometrica
Edwards and Haime, which is the genotype of Cleistopora, with
the type specimen of Leptopora leaves no doubt that the genera
are identical.

List of Species.

Leptopora typa Winchell. Genotype.

Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., Vol. XV, 1863, 1864: 3.

Locality and horizon: Burlington, Iowa. Mississippian (Kin-
derhook).
Leptopora winchelli White.

Bull. U. S. Geol. Geog. Surv. Terr., Vol. V, No. 2, 1879: 211.

Locality and horizon: Near forks of Logan River, Bear River
Range, North Utah. Mississippian.
Leptopora placenta (White).

Michelinia? placenta White. Cont. Ind. Pal., No. 8, 1880: 157,

PI. 39-

Locality and horizon: Sedalia, Missouri. Mississippian
(Chouteau).
Leptopora expansa (White).
Michelinia expansa White. Cont. Ind. Pal., No. 8, 1880: 158,

PL 39.
Locality and horizon: SedaHa, Missouri. Mississippian

(Chouteau).
Leptopora gorbyi Miller.

17th Ann. Rep. Geol. Surv. Ind., 1891, 1892:616; adv. sheets,

1891 : 6.
Locality and horizon: Near Sedalia, Missouri. Mississippian

(Chouteau).
Leptopora procera Rowley.

Am. Geol., Vol. XXVII, 1901 : 349.

Locality and horizon: Annada, Missouri. Mississippian

(Chouteau).
Leptopora ramosa Rowley.

Am. Geol., Vol. XXVII, 1901 : 349-

Locality and horizon: East of Curryville, Missouri, associated

with L. placenta. Mississippian (Chouteau).

The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla. 165

Genus Palceacis Milne-Edwards.

i860 Palceacis Milne-Edwards (Haime MS.). Hist. Nat Cor

Vol. 111:171.
1861 Sphenopoterium Meek and Worthen. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci.

Phila., Vol. XII, 1860:447.
1866 Sphenopoterium Meek and Worthen. Geol. Surv. 111., Vol.

11:145.
1866 Palceacis Seebach. Zeit. deutsch. geol. Gesell., Vol. XVIII :

308.
1869 Palceacis Kunth. Ibid., Vol. XXI : 185.
1871 Palceacis Koninck. Memoire presentee a la classe des sci-
ences le 9. Mai: 154.
1876 Palceacis Roemer. Lethsea Geognostica, Pt. i, Lethsea

Palseozoica, Atlas : PI. 39 and explanation.
1878 Palceacis Etheridge and Nicholson. Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist.,

Ser. 5, Vol. I, No. 3 : 206.
1892 Palceacis Miller. 17th Ann. Rep. Geol. Surv. Ind.:6i4;

adv. sheets, 1891 : 4.
1896 Palceacis Hinde. Quart. Jour. Geol. Soc, London, Vol.

LII : 440.
1909 Palceacis Weller. Bull. Geol. Soc. America, Vol. XX : 2y7.
1913 Palceacis Zittel-Eastman. Text-book of Paleontology: 106.

Original Description of Palceacis. — The original description by
Milne-Edwards was taken from unpublished manuscripts of
Haime which were to have been included in the Histoire Naturelle
des Coralliaires. On account of the death of Haime, that work
was published by Milne-Edwards alone. The description in
translation is as follows :

Polypary free but composite, rounded and very compressed
at its base; calices disposed, one at the summit, and the others
in pairs upon the lateral margins. Coenenchyma finely vesicular.

List of Species.

Palceacis cuneiformis Milne-Edwards. Genotype.
Hist. Nat. Cor., Vol. Ill, i860: 171.
Sphenopoterium cuneatum Meek and Worthen. Proc. Acad.

Nat. Sci. Phila., Vol. XII, i860, 1861 : 448.
Locality and horizon: Spergen Hill, Indiana. Mississippian
(Spergen).

1 66 JV. I. Robinson,

PalcBacis obtusa (Meek and Worthen).

Sphenopoterium obtusiim Meek and Worthen. Proc. Acad.
Nat. Sci. Phila., Vol. XII, i860, 1861 : 448.

Palceacis cymba Seebach. Zeit. deutsch. geol. Gesell., Vol.
XVIII, 1866:309.

Palceacis umbonata Seebach. Ibid., Vol. XVIII, 1866 : 309.

Locality and horizon: Nauvoo, Illinois. Mississippian (Keo-
kuk).
Palceacis compressa (Meek and Worthen).

Sphenopoterium compressum Meek and Worthen. Proc. Acad.
Nat. Sci. Phila., Vol. XII, i860, 1861 : 448.

Locality and horizon: Nauvoo, Illinois. Mississippian (Keo-
kuk)".
Palceacis cavernosa Miller.

Adv. sheets, 17th Ann. Rep. Geol. Surv. Ind., 1891 : 4.

Locality and horizon: Jackson County, Indiana. Mississippian
(Waverly).
Palceacis carinata Girty.

Ann. N. Y. Acad. Sci., Vol. XX, No. 2, Pt. 2, 1910: 190.

Locality and horizon: Arkansas. Mississippian ( Fayette ville
shales).

Genus Micro cyathus Hinde.

1896 Microcyathus Hinde. Quart. Jour. Geol. Soc, London,
Vol. LII:447.

Hinde suggested that a new genus be based upon Hydnoporaf
cyclostoma Phillips. It is here proposed to extend the genus to
several other forms. Specimens of the genotype have not been
accessible, but it is believed to be definitely related to the species
listed below. The genus may be defined as follows :

Leptoporidae, sometimes attached but often without a trace
of attachment scars. Shape roughly spheroidal. Walls very
thick; composed of contorted lamellae pierced by ramifying
canals. Pores, communicating with the canals, lining the steep
walls of the inner cavity. Calices with broad, almost flat, floors.
Number of corallites seldom more than three.

This genus differs from Palceacis in the microstructure, the
external shape, and the cup-shaped or almost cylindrical instead
of conical cavities.

>

The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla. 167

List of Species.

Micro cyathus cyclostonia (Phillips). Genotype.

Hydnopora? cyclostoma Phillips. Geology of Yorkshire, Pt.

2, Mountain Limestone Dist., 1836 : 202.
Locality and horizon: Western Europe. Lower Carboniferous.
Microcyathus enormis (Meek and Worthen).

Sphenopoterium enorme Meek and Worthen. Proc. Acad.

Nat. Sci. Phila., Vol. XII, i860, 1861 : 448.
Locality and horizon: Rockford, Indiana; Clarksville, Mis-
souri. Mississippian (Kinderhook).
Microcyathus f antiquus (McCoy).

AstrcBopora antiqua McCoy, Synop. Carb. Limestone Foss.

Ireland, 1862: 191.
Locality and horizon: Ireland. Lower Carboniferous.
Remarks: This species has been considered to be identical with
M. cyclostoma, but Hinde examined specimens from the type
locality and decided that they were distinct. He even sug-
gested that they may be placed in a distinct genus.
Microcyathus depressus (Meek and Worthen).

Sphenopoterium enorme var. depressum Meek and Worthen.

Geol. Surv. 111., Vol. II, 1866: 146. •
Locality and horizon: Monroe County (Salt Lick Point), Illi-
nois; Missouri. Mississippian (Fern Glen).
Microcyathus koninckii (Etheridge and Nicholson).

Palccacis cyclostoma var. koninckii Etheridge and Nicholson.

Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist, Ser. 5, Vol. I, 1878:224.
Locality and horizon: Western Europe. Lower Carboniferous.
Microcyathus hifidus (Weller).

Palceacis hifidus Weller. Bull. Geol. Soc. America, Vol. XX,

1909 : 277.
Locality and horizon: Missouri and Illinois. Mississippian
(Fern Glen).

Genus Ptychochartocyathus Ludwig.

1866 Ptychochartocyathus Ludwig. Palaontographica, Vol.
XIV: 231.

The genus was not defined and the figures are not definitive,
but apparently this group dififers from Palceacis in having well
defined spines on the inside of the cup, no pores, and a basal

1 68 W, I. RobinsoHj

plate. There is but one species, Ptychochartocyathus laxus
Ludwig, from the Upper Carboniferous (Culm) of Rothmalters-
dorf, near Glatz, Germany.

Original Description of the Type Species {translation). —
Corallum compound, hemispherical, with a concentrically striated
basal plate [epitheca?]. Cups deep and broad, with thick walls
without pores. Septa represented by twenty-four large spines
reaching down to the bottom of the cup. Between these, sec-
ondary septa (Kerbleisten) represented by rows of fine spines
not reaching to the base of the cup. Depth of cups 0.8 cm.;
breadth 0.7 cm. ; height of corallum i cm.

The figures are very suggestive of Palaeacis but until a com-
parison between European and American forms is made this
genus may be retained.

Genus Pleurodictyum Goldfuss.

1826 Pleurodictyum Goldfuss. Petrif. Germ., Vol. I: 113.

185 1 Pleurodictyum Milne-Edwards and Haime. Archiv. d.

Mus., Vol. V: 210.
1856 Pleurodictyum King. Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist., Ser. 2, Vol.

XVII: 131.
1863 Pleurodictyum Rominger. Ibid., Ser. 3, Vol. XI : 390 ;

also Am. Jour. Sci., (2), Vol. XXXV 182, 84.
1868 Pleurodictyum Meek and Worthen. Geol. Surv. 111., Vol.

Ill : 407.
1874 Michelinia (partim) Hall. 26th Ann. Rep. N. Y. State

Mus. Nat. Hist., 1873: 113.
1879 Pleurodictyum Nicholson. Pal. Tab. Corals: 142.
1883 Pleurodictyum Roemer. Leth. Geog., Pt. I, Leth. Pal. : 428.
1888 Pleurodictyum Herrick. Bull. Denison Univ., Vol.

HI: 30.
1891 Pleurodictyum Beecher. Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. VIII,

Pt. 2: 211.

The early descriptions are not satisfactory, as the structure
of the genus was not understood. The following description is
given in Zittel-Eastman (1913: 114) :

"Corallum depressed, discoidal, circular or eUiptical in con-
tour, lower surface covered with concentrically striated epitheca,
and frequently a foreign vermiform body occupying the center

The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla. 169

of the base. Corallites small, polygonal, contracted inferiorly
so as to become funnel-shaped. Septa represented by faint mar-
ginal ridges, or obsolete. Walls pierced by irregularly distrib-
uted mural pores ; tabulae sparse."

List of Species.

Pleurodictyum prohlematicum Goldfuss. Genotype.
Petrif. Germ., Vol. I, 1826: 113.

Locality and horizon: Western Europe. Middle Devonian
(EifeUan).
Pleurodictyum stylopora Eaton.
Geol. Text-book, 1832 : 40, PI. 4.

Locality and horizon: Western New York. Devonian (Ham-
ilton).
Pleurodictyum lonsdalei Richter.

Zeit. deutsch. geol. Gesell., Vol. VII, 1855 : 559-565.
Locality and horizon: Near Saalfeld, Thiiringen, Germany.
Devonian.
Pleurodictyum{f) selcanum Giebel.

Silur. Fauna d. unt. Harzes, 1858 : 56, PI. 6.
Locality and horizon: Magdesprung and Zorge, Germany.
Lower Devonian (Hercynian).
Pleurodictyum Constantino politanum Roemer.
N. Jahrb. f. Min., etc., 1863 : 519, PL 5.

Locality and horizon: Near Constantinople, Turkey. Devonian.
Pleurodictyum megastomum McCoy.
Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist., Ser. 3, Vol. XX, 1867 : 201. (Listed but

not figured or described.)
Locality and horizon: Victoria, Australia. Silurian.
Pleurodictyum lenticular e (Hall).

Michelinia lenticidare Plall. 26th Ann. Rep. N. Y. State Mus.

Nat. Hist., 1873, 1874: 113.
Locality and horizon: New York. Devonian (Hamilton).
Pleurodictyum petrii Maurer(?).

N. Jahrb. f. Min., etc., 1874:456, PL 7-

Locality and horizon: Near Giessen, Germany. Lower Devo-
nian.
Pleurodictyum americanum Roemer.

Leth. Geog., Pt. I, Leth. Pal., Atlas, 1876: PL 33-

lyo W. I. Robinson,

Locality and horizon: Western New York. Devonian (Ham-
ilton).
Remarks: This species is probably a synonym for P. stylo para.
Pleurodictyum zorgense Kayser.

Fauna d. altesten Devon- Ablagerungen d. Harzes, 1878:229,

PI. 33.
Locality and horizon: Harz Mountains, Germany. Lower

Devonian.
Pleurodictyum amazonicum Katzer.

Bol. Mus. Paraense, 1898 : 208 ; also Grundz. d. Geol. d. unt.

Amazones, 1903 : 268.
Locality and horizon: Rio Maecuru, Lower Amazon region,

Brazil. Lower Devonian.

Genus Vaughania Garwood.

1913 Vaughania Garwood. Quart. Jour. Geol. Soc., London,
Vol. LXVIII 1564.

Original Description. — "Corallum discoid, upper surface con-
vex, margin lobulate; size variable, specimens occur measuring
up to 5 cm. in. diameter. Thickness in center =: 3 or 4 mm.,
becoming somewhat less towards the margin. Base concave,
covered with a well-marked, wrinkled epitheca, wrinkles arranged
in festoon-like concentric folds parallel to the margin. Corallum
apparently free. Corallites very short, closely set, polygonal, as
a rule irregularly hexagonal ; on an average, ten corallites occur
in a length of 4.5 cm. Calices shallow, rather over i mm. deep,
walls less than 0.75 mm. thick; floors nearly smooth and flat,
but curving upwards at the margins to meet the base of the
walls.

'Tn well preserved specimens the surface of the walls presents
a somewhat rugose appearance, resembling Nicholson's figure
of Cleistopora geometrica, but there are no definite ridges or
striae representing septa.

"The corallum is traversed by a system of large perforations
or tubes, arranged on a definite plan. This is found in all well-
preserved specimens, though it is liable to slight variation in
detail.

"Round the base of the wall of each calyx runs a polygonal
or roughly circular perforation or ring-canal, which follows

The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla. 171

the contour of the wall; this lies just inside the angle formed
by the junction of the wall with the floor of the calyx, and
sHghtly below the level of the floor. Thus the base of each wall
is traversed by two such tubes bordering the margins of two
contiguous corallites. From these ring-canals, branches are given
off, which open by pores into the floor of the calices near the
base of the walls. Other branches are given off in the opposite
direction from the ring-canals and traverse the wall horizontally,
connecting the ring-canals of two adjacent corallites. Other
pores are occasionally seen, opening higher up on the walls of
the calices; these are, however, more irregular in their distri-
bution. The pores opening round the basal margin of the calices
are fairly numerous, and are placed close together, the distance
between them being generally not much greater than the diameter
of the pores themselves.

"In microscopic sections the walls and floors of the corallites
exhibit a finely crystalline fibrous structure, similar to that which
characterizes many recent corals. The long axes of the fibres
are arranged perpendicularly to the walls and floors of the calices.
There is no trace of the trabecular structure figured by Nichol-
son in his descriptions of Cleistopora and Palceacis, while tabulae
are entirely wanting. This compact fibrous coenenchyma is per--
f orated by the tubes described above; and, in the neighborhood
of the tubes, the fibres are arranged in a radial manner perpen-
dicularly to the walls of the tubes. Vertical sections cut at
right-angles to a corallite-wall show two perforations below the
base of the wall and on each side of it, representing transverse
sections of the two ring-canals of contiguous corallites. From
these, in many sections, tubes can be observed passing obliquely
outwards and upwards, and penetrating the floors of the calices
at the base of the walls, where they terminate at the surface to
form the pores already described. In horizontal sections, pre-
pared so as to expose the base of the walls a short distance
below the floors of the calices, the system of ring-canals and
their connecting tubes can be well seen, the canals being rendered
conspicuous by their infilling of darker argillaceous material."

The author of the genus directs attention to resemblances to
Leptopora {Cleistopora) geometrica, and to Palceacis, Pleuro-
dictyum and Microcyathus. The following points of difference
from Leptopora (Cleistopora) are cited: (i) The absence of the

h

172 W. I. Robinson,

trabecular structure which characterizes that genus; (2) the
presence of compact fibrous coenenchyma, forming the whole of
the corallum; (3) the presence of a definite system of ring-canals
and branches; (4) the presence of a well-developed basal
epitheca, which is unattached.

The differences from Pleurodictyum are given as: (i) The
calices are low and vertical, not funnel shaped; (2) there is no
trace of tabulae or septal spines; (3) the corallum is unattached;
(4) there is no commensal vermiform body; (5) ring-canals are
present. Pleurodictyum resembles Vaughania, however, "in the
presence of intramural pores and of a concentrically striated
basal epitheca."

The differences from Pakeacis are: (i) A much greater
number of calices; (2) the corallites not wedge-shaped, but
arranged with their walls perpendicular to the basal plate; (3)
the calices having (comparatively) narrow and polygonal walls
rising from the basal plate, and not excavated as circular pits in
the general mass of the corallum; (4) the absence of vertical
striae in the calices: (5) the regular arrangement of the
perforations to form ring-canals; (6) lack of attachment.

Palceacis has similar pores. Microcyathus, which contains
species often referred to Palceacis, resembles Vaughania in the
compact calcareous matter in its walls, the wrinkled basal
epitheca (this however is not always present in Microcyathus)
and the presence of pores. These latter are more irregular in
the case of Microcyathus and cannot be as correctly defined as
a definite tubular system. Microcyathus has more rounded
calices and blunt spines which seem to represent septa.

Genus Conopoterium Winchell.

1865 Conopoterium Winchell. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila.,
Vol. XVII: no.

This genus is doubtfully referred to the Leptoporidae, as it
exhibits some characteristics of the Favositidae and may represent
a transitional form.

Original Description. — "Corallum compound, generally free,
sometimes adherent, but without a distinct base of attachment.
Cells somewhat crowded, rapidly enlarging, inseparable, with
only occasional and rudimentary diaphragms, and no radial

The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla. 173

lamellae. Walls marked internally by vertical striae, and a few
pores which communicate between the cells. Exterior, where
j exposed, covered by an epitheca, marked only by irregularly
encircling striae. Cells increasing laterally and interstitially.

"This genus, perhaps, approaches nearest to Sphenopoterium
[Palceacis] Meek and Worthen. It differs in the absence of the
cuneate form of the base even in Sphenopoterium — the cell
mouths in this genus being turned indifferently in all directions.
The cells also are smaller and more numerous, and the fewer
mural pores communicate from cell to cell, instead of terminating
in the intercellular substance. But one species has thus far been
obtained."

Type Species.

Conopoterium effusum Winchell.

^.Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., Vol. XVII, 1865: 1 11.

Locality and horizon: Clarksville, Missouri. Mississippian
(Lithographic limestone).

This genus differs from the Leptoporidae in its thin walls with
their true mural pores, but the manner of budding and the lack
of tabulae may warrant its inclusion in this family. If it should
be retained, the species Michelinia (Pleurodictyum) convexa, as
illustrated by Hall (Illust. Dev. Foss.:XV, XV A), might also
be added.

The Genus Calostylis and its Position in the Classification.
Phylum Coelenterata.
Sub-phylum Cnidaria.

Class Anthozoa.

Sub-class Tetracoralla.

Family Calostylidae.

Genus Calostylis Lindstrom.
1868 Calostylis Lindstrom. Ofv. K. Svenska Vetensk.-Akad.

Forhandl., Vol. XXV 1421.
1870 Calostylis Lindstrom. K. Svenska Vetensk.-Akad. Hand-

lingar. Vol. IX, Pt. 6:1.

1878 Calostylis Nicholson and Etheridge. Mon. Sil. Foss. Gir-
fc van Dist, Vol. 1:65.

1879 Calostylis Zittel. Handb. d. Pal, Vol. 1:241.

174 W. I. Robinson,

1883 Calostylis Roemer. Leth. Geog., Pt. I, Leth. Pal. : 393.
1889 Calostylis Neumayr. N. Jahrb. f. Min., etc., Pt. 11:44.
1896 Calostylis Koken. Leitf ossilien : 307.
1908 Calostylis Giirich. Leitfossilien : 38.

Calostylis was proposed by Lindstrom for a peculiar coral in
the Silurian of Gothland, Sweden. Lindstrom, Duncan, and
Zittel believed it to belong with the Hexacoralla, while Roemer,
Neumayr, and Freeh regarded it as an extraordinary develop-
ment of the Tetracoralla.

Translation of the Original Description. — Composite coral.
Lateral buds in a single unilateral series. Septa very numerous,
often coalescing. Columella trabecular. Epitheca incomplete.

In Giirich's Leitfossilien the genus is described as follows
(translation) :

Horn-shaped corals of the length of a finger. Upper Silurian
of Gothland. They have over one hundred closely spaced septa
in apparently several, but really two, cycles of two lengths repre-
senting primaries and secondaries. The septa are perforated, a
character which, with this one exception, occurs only in the
Hexacoralla. The broad central space has a spongy pseudo-
[parietal] columella. The exterior has a thin epitheca. This
apparent analogy with the structure of the much later occurring
Hexacoralla may be considered as a case of parallel development
[Konvergenzerscheinung] within the wide realm of variation of
the Tetracoralla.

The statement that this is the only Paleozoic "perforate coral"
is no longer true, as most of the Tabulata are more or less
replete with mural pores. Furthermore, Hinde (1889) described
genera of the family Archaeocyathidae from the Lower Cambrian
among which there are several "perforate" corals. ArchcBocya-
tJiiis (restricted) has perforated septa; Coscinocyathus has
perforated transverse plates; Protopharetra has porous walls;
Ethmophyllum and Spirocyathus have canal structure in the
walls.

List of Species.

Calostylis denticulata (Kjerulf). Genotype.

Clisiophyllum denticulata Kjerulf. Veiviser ved geol. Excur-
sioner i Christiania Omega, 1865 : 22, 25.

The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla. 175

Calostylis cribraria Lindstrom. Ofv. K. Svenska Vetensk.-
Akad. ForhandL, Vol. XXV, 1868:421.

Calostylis denticulata Lindstrom. K. Svenska Vetensk.-Akad.
Handlingar, Vol. IX, No. 6, 1870: i.

Locality and horizon: Near Visby, Gothland, Sweden. Silurian.
Calostylis lindstrbmi Nicholson and Etheridge.

Mon. Sil. Foss. Girvan Dist., Vol. I, 1878: 65.

Locality and horizon: Penkill, near Girvan, Ayrshire, Scot-
land. Silurian.
Calostylis {?) awof^r^om Nicholson and Lydekker.

Man. Pal., Vol. I, 1889: 307, Fig. 189.

Locality and horizon: Shropshire, England. Silurian (Wen-
lock).

Remarks. — No description by the above authors has been
found. The figures in the Manual of Palceontology, however,
are adequate. Lindstrom believed that these forms belong
with the genus H elminthidium.
Calostylis spongiosa Foerste.

Bull. Ky. Geol. Surv., No. 7, 1906: 322.

Locality and horizon: Irvine, Kentucky. Silurian (Waco lime-
stone).

Previous Position. — On account of its porous septa Calostylis
was at first placed among the Hexacoralla. This was opposed
by Neumayr, who made a strong argument based on the facts
of geological occurrence of coral groups. He pointed out the
absence of perforations in forms of Tetracoralla from Silurian
until Triassic time, and as there is no other evidence of Paleozoic
forms of this sub-class with perforated skeletons, he was led to
believe that this peculiar specialization occurred in the Tetra-
coralla, perhaps in response to a cause like that which has forced
so many of the corals since the Paleozoic to assume a similar
character. Other points of less force were made by both sides
in the controversy. Those who favored Lindstrom's view
pointed to the peculiar spongy columella, the manner of budding,
and the lack of a well defined epitheca, while those favoring the
other side directed attention to the external shape as being essen-
tially that of the Tetracoralla, and held that the budding
phenomena in this sub-class could lead to such a grouping as
that in Calostylis.

176 IV. I. Robinson, M^

Grouping of Septa in Early Stages. — None of these arguments
was decisive and nothing definite was known of the grouping of
the septa in the early stages of growth — the most important fact
of all — until the matter was taken up by Freeh (1890). A cross-
section was figured (Fig. 4) by him showing an arrangement of
the septa in quadrants. In the same paper a specimen of C. den-
ticulata was figured which shows, on the exterior, diverging lines
indicating conclusively a pinnate addition of the septa such as
appears in a similar way on the exterior of coralla of the genus
Streptelasma.

Fig. 4. Calostylis denticulata. X 2. (After Freeh.)

A Specimen of C. denticulata in the Yale collections shows this
especially well (PI. I, Fig. 5). It may also be seen, although not
distinctly, in two specimens (Cat. No. 42.569) in the United
States National Museum. Specimens of C. lindstromi from the
Girvan district in Ayrshire, Scotland, do not show definite striae
which can be traced far enough to prove such a structure. It has
not been seen among a number of specimens of C. spongiosa from
the type locality, but these are much more irregular in their
habit of growth than C. denticulata and the external markings
are obscured by a more complete epitheca.

A specimen of C. denticulata from the type locality was rubbed
down at the tip with emery powder and as soon as structure
could be seen upon the surface when covered by a film of water,
it was polished and photographed (PI. I, Fig. 6). The original
from which the figure was made is mounted upon a slide and
is in the Yale collections. It shows undisputable bilateral sym-
metry and a very plain grouping into four quadrants correspond-
ing with the arrangements of Freeh's drawing (Fig. 4, above),

The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla. 177

but most decisive of all, it shows the pinnate or quadriseptate
manner of septal addition which was described by Faurot (1909).
This is a structure which has never been described in any of
the Hexacoralla but which, so far as present knowledge goes,
is universal among Tetracoralla. It is the one unfailing diag-
nostic character of the Zoantharia Rugosa (= Tetracoralla) as
defined by Milne-Edwards and Haime.

Value of Perforations in Classification. — The occurrence of a
perforate structure in any of the coral lines was demonstrated
by Neumayr to have little classificatory value. A loose usage of
the terms "Perforata'' and "perforate corals" has unconsciously
associated such forms as Favosites of the Tabulata, Calostylis,
and the genera of Hexacoralla Perforata. The family Poritidae
as defined by Milne-Edwards and Haime (1851) contained such
diverse forms as Pleurodictyum and Protarea, as well as the more
usual forms of perforate Hexacoralla. Neumayr protested
against such a high valuation of porosity in classification, and
called attention to the great differences among the forms which
had been thus brought together on the basis of an artificial distinc-
tion. The term "Perforata" was finally restricted to the Hexa-
coralla. "The Hexacoralla form a connected series from the
most extreme perforate Alveopora and Porites to the compact
Astrcea; the fundamental character which connects them all is
the six-rayed arrangement of the septa. * * Calostylis is the
only known member of a distinct group of the Tetracoralla.
This group had a relation to the main line which was similar
to the relation found to-day between the Perforata and Aporosa
of the Hexacoralla." (Neumayr 1889 6:282.)

Neumayr's conclusion has been well supported by further
facts, especially the cases demonstrating the principles of parallel
development and convergence among the Anthozoa which are
forcing the opinion more and more that this group is extremely
variable within narrow limits.

Conclusion. — It is believed that the foregoing considerations,
especially the isolated geological occurrence, the order of appear-
ance of the septa, and the limited value of porosity in the char-
acterization of the larger groups, warrant a definite Removal of
the genus Calostylis from the Hexacoralla to a separate family,
Calostylidse, of the Tetracoralla.

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI 12 1917

1 78 JV. I. Robinson,

Other Peculiar Forms Sometimes Called Hexacoralla.

As recent work has emphasized the importance of a six-septal
stage in the life history of a tetracoral it is not surprising to find
a few species belonging to that sub-class which have only six
septa in adult forms.

Battersbyia gemmans from the Devonian of England is excep-
tional in that some of its buds have six septa while others have
a larger number. According to Neumayr (1889 B), the normal
calices bear numerous buds on their borders. A part of these
buds undergo a process of development like that of the parent;
another part never develop more than five or six septa and within
these smaller corallites several new ones form by "septal bud-;
ding," a process which suggests that of fission. The products^
of the six-septal individuals, curiously, develop into ordinary
large corallites with many septa, and like them produce huds at
their borders. Specimens of this species have not been available,
but judging from the illustration (Neumayr 1889 B: 276), there
is nothing to suggest a close relationship with Hexacoralla.

Hexaphyllia. — The genus HexaphylUa from the Lower Car-
boniferous of Europe has also been listed with Hexacoralla.
The corallites are long, slender, and prismatic and have but few
septa. There is some doubt as to the limits of this genus. Forms
agreeing with the original description were once included in
the genus Heterophyllia, a group which Neumayr (1889 B)
considered to be dimorphic, producing corallites with many septa
as well as others with only six in much the same way as in
Battersbyia; but Duncan (1867:644) in redefining the genus
Heterophyllia concluded that the small individuals belong to
another and distinct species.

A. Stuckenberg (1904) found specimens of the small six-
septal forms in Russia at the village Ploskaja on the left bank
of the river Pronja. For these he made a new genus Hexaphyl-
lia, basing it upon the single species H. prismatica defined at the
same time. As the genus now stands it contains also H. m'coyl
(Dimcan), H. lyelli (Duncan) and H. mirabilis (Duncan),
species formerly included in the genus Heterophyllia.

Heterophyllia. — Specimens of Heterophyllia cf. sedgwicki
Duncan from the Scottish Lower Limestone Group (Lower
Carboniferous), Dunfermline, Scotland, give clear evidence that
this genus follows the law of septal addition which is characteris-

The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla. 179

tic of Tetracoralla. The calices are rarely preserved, for in ten
specimens examined only one showed the distal septal ends but
this one showed very clearly a division into quadrants. This
specimen is shown on PL I, Fig. 7. The septal arrangement is
indicated clearly in only one quadrant because of injuries to
the polyp which affected all except that region of the calyx.
A section made of one of the smaller specimens (PL I, Fig. 8)
also shows a division into quadrants as well as the typical
quadriseptal arrangement. It is noteworthy that the external
ridges of this corallite do not alternate with the septa but are
opposite the external septal ends.

Specimens of Hexaphyllia m'coyi (Heterophyllia Duncan)
from the Scottish Lower Limestone Group at Gilnockie near
Canonbie, Scotland, correspond closely to those described by
Stuckenberg. Their mode of attachment is unknown as the
fossils invariably occur as bix)ken sections of the prismatic coral-
lum. These sections vary from less than i mm. to 2 mm. in
diameter. Neumayr (1889 B:2yy) suggested that these six-
septal forms were related to the large individuals of Hetero-
phyllia in a way similar to that in dimorphic individuals of
Battersbyia.

Duncan, however (1867:645, 646), made separate species for
the six-septal forms. He divided the genus Heterophyllia into
two groups, one containing large forms with many septa, and one
including small corallites with six septa. Eight species were
described by him, three of them being forms with only six
septa, — H. m'coyi, H. lyelli, and H. mirabilis. The genus was
redefined by Duncan as follows:

"The corallum is simple, long, and slender. The gemmation
takes place around the calicular margin, and is extracalicular.
The septa are either irregular in number and arrangement, or
else are six in number and regularly spaced. The costse are well
developed, and may be tubercular, spined, and flexuous. The
wall is thick, there is no epitheca and the endotheca is dis-
sepimental."

Another form so closely related to the three six-septal species
of Heterophyllia that it must be placed in the same genus, was
found by Stuckenberg (1904) in central Russia. Upon this
species, H. prismatica, he based a new genus Hexaphyllia which,
he indicated, should also contain the six-septal forms of Hetero-

i8o JV. I. Robinson,

phyllia. The generic characteristics of Hexaphyllia are, there-
fore, the prismatic to cyUndrical corallites, having thick walls
and regularly spaced septa that unite in the center. The chief
difference from Heterophyllia is the regular arrangement of thc;
septa. Completely formed tabulae occur in Hexaphyllia pris-
matica. Stuckenberg adds, ''Heterophyllia m'coyi and Hetero-
phyllia lyelli evidently belong in this genus."

Forty specimens of Hexaphyllia cf. m'coyi from the Scottish
Lower Limestone Group, Gilnockie, near Canonbie, Scotland,
have been examined. They are all broken segments of corallites, \
prismatic or cylindrical in shape. Many of them, especially the
larger ones, show the internal structure clearly when polished
with emery powder. They correspond closely to the definition of
the genus as given by Stuckenberg, but their reference to
Hexacoralla is not so clear.

The adult corallites show six septa quite equally spaced but
younger stages indicate that their mode of introduction is that
of Tetracoralla. Such a stage is shown in PI. I, Fig. 9. The
bilateral symmetry is plainly indicated and the septal arrange-
ment clearly suggests the occurrence of an earlier stage of
growth with but four septa. However, even though the size
of the specimens is very inconstant, there is no section in the
many that were made that shows only four septa; on the other
hand, in several adult specimens the six septa meet at equal
angles at the center. Several of the smaller sections, however,
showed the junction of the third and second pairs of septa con-
siderably farther from the center than in the specimen shown in
PI. I, Fig. 9. In these the arrangement is more symmetrical and
it often is difficult to tell which arm of the Y formed by the
septa of the second and third bilateral pairs is the younger. The
number of septa is not large enough to show whether or not
the addition of septa obeys the quadriseptal rule of Faurot. The
arrangement of these six septa is that so characteristic of Tetra-
coralla. The arrangement of septa in these Scottish specimens
of Hexaphyllia therefore points to a relationship to Tetracoralla.

Among the specimens of Hexaphyllia there were found sev-
eral extremely small cylindrical individuals with thick walls and
without septa which were at first thought to be young individuals
of this genus, but as there were no gradations in structure
between them and the six-septal forms, although the latter showed^

The Relationship of th^ Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla. i8i

considerable range In size, it is now held that they are generically
distinct.

Summary of "Paleozoic Hexacoralla."
From the above discussion it will be seen that a re-examination
of the "Paleozoic Hexacoralla" has led to the conclusion that
Calostylis, Heterophyllia, Hexaphyllia, and Battersbyia are genu-
ine Tetracoralla and that the genus Palaacis is a tabulate of the
family Leptoporidae. Compound forms like Axinura and Pachy-
phyllum, at first sight closely resembling Hexacoralla, prove
upon closer examination to have the bilateral symmetry and
arrangement of Tetracoralla. A further discussion of these and
similar genera is not attempted here, as their tetracoral nature
may be easily ratified by examining the many illustrations of
cross-sections which are available among the works of Rominger,
Lambe, Nicholson, and A. Vaughan. The final conclusion from
available data is that there are no known Paleozoic Hexacoralla.

First Fossil Corals.
Mackenzia of the Middle Cambrian.
Excepting some forms of uncertain relationship comprising
the family Archaeocyathidse, of wide distribution in the older
Cambrian, nothing is known of stony corals earlier than the
Middle Ordovician (Chazy). On the other hand, a soft-bodied
form, Mackenzia, which may have some relation to the Anthozoa,
has been described by Walcott (1911) from the Middle Cambrian
of British Columbia. There are only two specimens known of
this remarkable fossil and great doubt exists as to its relation-
ship. It was at first placed among the Holothuroidea, while in
Zittel-Eastman (1913) it was suggested that it may be an
actinian closely related to Edwardsia. There is no calcareous
matter now present in the specimens, but the suggestion was
made by the author of the genus that "nearly all calcareous
matter was removed by solution in the mud deposit prior to its
consolidation and alteration into rock." The presence of an
Edwardsia-Xiko^ organism in the Middle Cambrian is a matter
of great significance because of the conclusion reached by
Bourne, Brown, and others that the original stock from which
the Anthozoa descended was one in which eight mesenteries
occurred in the adult. This conclusion is supported by the fact

1 82 W. I. Robinson^

that an early ontogenetic stage with only eight mesenteries,
commonly referred to as the Edwardsia stage, has been found
in many lines of the Anthozoa.

First Coral Fauna.

Undoubted forms of the class Anthozoa representing the sub-
classes Alcyonaria, Tabulata, and Tetracoralla of the Zittel-East-
man classification have been found in the lower part of the
Middle Ordovician. The first of these groups to appear are
the Alcyonaria (Octocoralla) represented by Stylarcea parva
(z= Tumularia parva Robinson 1916) and Fletcheria incerta.
Tumularia parva is found near the base of the Middle Ordo-
vician (Chazy) of the Lake Champlain-Montreal area and the
Mingan Islands, and in the higher Stones River series of Vir-
ginia and Tennessee. Fletcheria incerta is also found in the
Chazy of the above mentioned Canadian localities. Tetradium
syringoporoides and Columnaria alveolata are other compound
corals found in the Stones River series and represent respec-
tively the Tabulata and the Tetracoralla, Columnaria alveolata
continues into the later Ordovician formations, where it is
associated with a number of other individual and colonial
Tetracoralla.

From the above facts it is apparent that at the time of their
first appearance as fossils in the Middle Ordovician the Anthozoa
were already differentiated into three great groups, the sub-
classes Alcyonaria, Tabulata, and Tetracoralla. The origin of
these widely differentiated stocks must surely have occurred
much earlier in the Ordovician and most probably well back in
the Cambrian.

Probable Ancestry of the Tetracoralla.
There are two species of cup or individual Tetracoralla of the
Black River faunas so extremely different in their specialization
that they also suggest a long unrecorded history for that sub-
class. These are Streptelasma profundum and Lindstroemia
zvhiteavesi. The extremes of variation which they represent
are almost as great as may be found between aiiy two members
of the sub-class and the problem of distinguishing the more
primitive specialization must be attacked in other ways than by
a comparison of adult characteristics.

The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla. 183

A strict comparison of the life histories of these two species
cannot be made as yet, since Lindstroemia whiteavesi is known
only from a single specimen (Foerste 1906: 312). On the other
hand, Brown (1909) made a detailed study of the development
of Streptelasma profundum and found in siliceous specimens a
peculiar early growth of the skeleton which is different from that
of any other of the Tetracoralla yet investigated. He held that
tlie genus in its earliest growth was devoid of septa. In a speci-
men from I to 2 mm. in length, he found no septa, the individual
evidently having secreted a calycinal wall before any folds had
developed in the basal disk. These young coralla were merely
hollow cones with smooth inner walls. A little higher up in the
calyx four septa appear at once, but these are not plates dividing
the calyx into compartments, as is true of the Tetracoralla gen-
erally, but are low ridges in the cup. Succeeding ridges are
added in bilateral pairs, until a stage with twelve septa is attained
(Brown, 1909: 55, Fig. 2). After this stage of growth the septal
ridges become more prominent, are raised into lamellar ridges,
and finally, when eighteen septa are present, unite in the center
of the calyx. In no other of the Tetracoralla has a skeletal
growth been found without septa. This anomalous condition
could have been brought about through fossilization. The speci-
mens which Brown studied were all siliceous, i. e., pseudomorphs,
and the shortness of the septa may have been due to imperfect
silicification. It was shown, however, that the septa still pre-
served delicate, thin edges, a fact which may lead to the idea
that resorption of the skeleton took place during adult life.
This process, nevertheless, does not appear to have been one
operating upon the skeleton of Tetracoralla, for in all the other
genera examined the early septa are complete.

Hypothetical genus Protostreptelasma. — Brown established an
hypothetical genus with the characters of an early stage in
Streptelasma profundum. He named this genus Protostreptel-
asma, "a rugose coral having a hollow conical or horn-shaped
calyx, straight or slightly curved, without septa or having only
a few rudimentary ridges near the margin indicative of septa."
Such a genus was considered to be the ancestor of the Strep-
telasma line.

The description of Protostreptelasma indicates a corallum of
simpler structure than is known even in early youth among the

184 W. I. Robinson,

Zaphrentidse, although an approximation to it is characteristic
of certain of the Cyathaxonidse, typically of Petraia, in which the
septa, even in adult forms, do not reach the center of the deep
calyx. From the study of early stages of a large number of
Zaphrentidae and Cyathophyllidae, it has come to be recognized
that the development of the young of Tetracoralla has either
two, four, or six septa, all of which are complete and meet at
the center. If an ancestral genus were deduced from the
ontogeny of these forms it would be characterized by two or
more complete septa instead of by a few rudimentary septal
ridges. A strict analogy with the post-larval development in
modern forms would add the further conception of an earlier
disk-shaped corallum with a few complete septa. There is
proof that such a condition actually existed among Tetracoralla
as well as among Hexacoralla. The writer examined several
specimens of Pachyphyllum woodmani collected by C. O. Dun-
bar from the Upper Devonian (Lime Creek) of Iowa, and found
in them two small colonies which were cemented to the convex
surface of fragments of large brachiopod shells. By slowly
etching the inner surface of the shells with dilute hydrochloric
acid the structure of the protocorallite in contact with the shell
could be seen. As indicated in Plate I, Figure 10, the whole
colony diverges from a minute circular attachment such as a
hemispherical or disk-shaped sessile protopolyp might secrete
and very similar to the first lime-secreting stages described by
Duerden (1904) for Siderastrcea and by Mavor (1915) for
Agaricia.

The writer has found in his examination of abundant material
of Streptelasma from various Ordovician localities that the
earliest growth does not suggest a stage without septa. If such
a one was present as that described for S. profundum and then
was so speedily lost in later forms that it does not appear in the
succeeding species, S. corniculum and S. rusticum, it may be
seriously questioned whether it has phylogenetic significance.
Figures 5 h and 5 c give conclusive evidence that S. corniculum
has a life history like that of other Tetracoralla and not like that
indicated by Brown for S. profundum.

As far as the present data go the hollow cone described by
Brown as being the first stage in the skeleton of S. profundum
is an exceptional and improbable condition among the Tetra-

The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla. 185

coralla. We can readily conceive such a primitive structure
to have been present, but if in all the other forms of this sub-
class the youngest skeletons are found to be equipped with several
complete septa, the contention may reasonably be made that
such a condition should be found in the ancestral forms. The
question would thus be whether in postulating an ancestral genus
the more weight should be given to one of two very different
forms representing the first known members of the line of
I tetracorals or to an ontogenetic formula which is found in all
i except one of the tetracorals so far investigated. In the opinion
'. of the writer the finding of Lindstroemia whiteavesi side by side
' with Streptelasma profundum lessens the significance of geo-

O

Fig. 5. The twelve-septal stage in Streptelasma profundum (a), after

logical occurrence in this case. It seems more reasonable to
assume that the siliceous pseudomorphs have failed to preserve
the entire structure of S. profundum accurately, and to trust the
unvarying ontogenetic stages to reveal the history of the phylum.

Dominance and Decline of Various Coral Stocks.

The three sub-classes, Alcyonaria (Octocoralla), Tabulata,
and Tetracoralla, which appeared in the Ordovician, became
important members of the later Paleozoic faunas. The Alcy-
onaria continued with increasing importance throughout the
Ordovician and Silurian and reached a maximum of develop-
ment in the Silurian, although they survived the period of stress
at the close of the Paleozoic and are represented in the living
coral faunas. The Tabulata became very important in the faunas
of the Silurian and Devonian due to the remarkable develop-
ment of the Favositidse and Halysitidae. In the Mississippian
they became an inconspicuous group and disappeared before the
end of the Paleozoic. The Tetracoralla were the most con-
spicuous of Paleozoic corals, beginning in late Ordovician and

Trans. Conn. Acad, Vol. XXI 13 ^917

1 86 IV. I. Robinson,

reaching a maximum in the Middle Silurian and Devonian. They
continued as a vigorous line in the Mississippian, as the great
coral reefs in England and western Europe testify, for the
variation of forms in these localities is almost as great as that
of the Devonian reefs in North America such as those of Alpena
and Petoskey, Michigan, and the Falls of the Ohio at Louisville,
Kentucky. In Permo-Carboniferous time a great restriction
took place and the number of individuals as well as of genera
was greatly reduced. With the end of the Permian record the
history of the Tetracoralla closes, although some peculiar Triassic
and Jurassic forms have been found to possess a few of their
characteristics. No case has yet been recorded, however, of a
Mesozoic or recent coral in which the tetracoral septal addition
follows the laws of Kunth and Faurot.

Evolutionary Trends in Tetracoralla.

Lower Paleozoic. — The different families of the Tetracoralla
were in the main established by the Middle Silurian. The
Palaeocyclidse and Cystiphyllidae seem to have been aberrant
lines which transgressed the limits of favorable variation and
so were destroyed. The Palaeocyclidae occurred in the Silurian
and Devonian; the Cystiphyllidae began in the Silurian and
continued into the Carboniferous. The Cyathaxonidae were the
most conservative of all the families of Paleozoic corals, fol-
lowing the same pattern from the Ordovician genus Petraia to
Polycoelia of the Permian (Zechstein), and also show an evi-
dence of a lack of progressive variation, or, possibly even a
retrogradation, in the Permian, in that Polycoelia corresponds
more closely to the original pattern of Petraia than do the
Devonian members of the family. This is therefore obviously
not a family from which a new stock should be expected to
arise in the early Mesozoic. The two remaining families, the
Zaphrentidse and the Cyathophyllidae, were the only ones which
approached the end of the Paleozoic with the probability of
survival. Both of these vigorous lines began in the Ordovician ;
gained a maximum of development in the Silurian which was
sustained through the Middle Devonian, and both continued to
produce important variations during the growth of the Lower
Carboniferous coral reefs.

The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla. 187

Permian.— Th^ fate of these stocks in the cold waters result-
'ing from the early Permian glaciation can only be conjectured.
Their latest recorded occurrence is in the Permian of the great
medial sea Tethys, where the individuals are common and appar-
ently are confined chiefly to the Asiatic area. Polycoclia is the
single well defined genus of the western and northern Permian
sea of Zechstein time in western Europe and England. Accord-
ing to Waagen Lonsdaleia and Ample xus are found in the Permo-
Carboniferous beds of the Salt Range of India and Zaphrentis,
Clisiophyllum, {?) Dihunophyllum, and Pterophyllum have been
reported from the Chitichun of the central Himalayas. The
j restricted number of genera in these localities can only in part
f be accounted for by the lack of adequate preservation, for reef-
I building forms occur abundantly. Other forms occur in Aus-
tralia and New Zealand. This fact shows that in what appears
to be their last stronghold, Tethys, the Tetracoralla were losing
ground in point of numbers of genera, and that this decline
was far more advanced in the cooler western and northern
waters than in those of the eastern medial region. With regard
to later occurrences, the evidence appears to be in favor of an
earlier abimdance of Triassic forms in western than in eastern
Tethys, for it is the Alpine region in which the new forms first
attain a vigorous reef-building character. The great gap in
the record of coral evolution therefore comprises all late Permian
and early Triassic time, and this absence of material does not
permit a study of the evolutional relations of these stocks, but
it is certain that in the Middle Triassic the new forms, now
Hexacorals, were conspicuous in the West, while it was not
until the Jurassic that they appeared in large numbers in the
East. This fact is suggestive rather than demonstrative of a
western Tethyian origin for the Hexacoralla.

1 88 W. I. Robinson,

PLASTICITY OF TETRACORALLA IN THE LATE
PALEOZOIC.

In the preceding discussion it has been shown that there are
none of the so-called Paleozoic Hexacoralla that may not more
definitely be placed in other sub-classes. It will next be pertinent
to investigate the variability of late Paleozoic Tetracoralla, since':
the facts of geological occurrence clearly point to the theory •
of direct descent of the Hexacoralla out of the former as the
more probable source. If the phylum has assumed, by the end
of the Paleozoic, a pattern from which only slight variations
occur, it may be possible to show that the variation is too limited
to give rise to new forms. If the stock is no longer vigorous,
how may it be expected to survive the increasingly desperate
trials of vitality to which it is destined because of the cold waters
of the Permian? On the other hand, if there is evidence of an
unstable variation, producing giants and monstrosities, we may
then look for the end of the phylum.

The Columella as an Example of Variability.
There is one point of structure in which the late Paleozoic
corals quite generally depart from the patterns established in
earlier times. This is the presence of a columella, the most
characteristic evolutional tendency of the last great coral assem-
blage, the Lower Carboniferous coral reefs of western Europe.
Since the columella is nearly always present in some form in
Carboniferous corals, it may be taken as the measure of their
variability. In order to judge of this, we may, therefore, take
under consideration the morphological and physiological sig-
nificance of the columella.

Morphological Significance.
Milne-Edwards defined a columella simply as a central
colimm. Four kinds were distinguished:

1. False columella (pseudo-columella). Caused by a twisting
of the inner ends of the septa.

2. Septal columella (columella septalis). A fasciculate
column composed of pali or similar structures.

3. Parietal columella (columella parietalis). A spongy
central mass.

The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla. 189

4. Essential columella (columella propria). A separate unit
of structure continuous from early stages to old age. It may
be styliform, fasciculate, or lamelliform.

Classes i, 2, and a part of class 3 fall into one group because
the structure of the central column is always connected with
structures outside of the central pit. Class 4 and the remainder
of class 3 contain those forms which are independent central
structures that do not involve any of the skeleton outside of the
central pit. In order to express this difference Gregory (1900)
has extended the term "parietal columella" to include classes
I, 2, and a part of class 3 of Milne-Edwards. Accepting this
change the terms will be used in the following sense in the
present paper:

1. Essential columella (true columella). One that develops
independently of other calicular structures. It may be styliform,
lamellar, or fascicular. It is usually compact or solid. (See Fig.
6c, page 193.)

2. Parietal columella (false columella, septal columella,
pseudo-columella). One that is formed by a specialization of
one or more septa or septal appendages. Such specializations
are:

a. Enlargement of the inner end of a single septum. (See
Fig. 6h, page 193.)

b. A central twisting of the inner septal ends.

c. A development of large pali.

d. The secondary deposit of calcium carbonate which usually
obscures somewhat the origin in cases b and c.

A parietal columella may be compact or spongiose, fasciculate
("paliform"), styliform or lamellar.

Although forms with columellas appear as early as the Mid-
dle Ordovician (Black River) in Lindstrcemia whiteavesi, the
time of their greatest development is the Lower Carboniferous
(Mississippian), and corals with columellas have been an impor-
tant element ever since. While they have thus become more
nimierous in the later development of corals, suggesting that
such a structure is of some decided advantage, it is not obvious
what particular importance it could have had in the physiology
of the polyps. As a part of the stony calyx, the essential col-
umella is a sub-structure secreted by the basal disk. If its

190 W. I. Robinson,

function should have been that of anchorage of the intern*
structures there might be no direct evidence of the attachmei
which evidently in modern corals is more a case of intimate
inter growth of the ectoderm and skeleton than an attachmei
in particular localities by ligaments or muscle endings.

Ogilvie (1897:295) noted that in forms with a prominent
columella the lower part of the column and the circle of mesen-
tery ends form a trench, thus affording a somewhat more
sheltered situation for the gonads, which are attached to the
lower part of the mesenteries, than a flat-floored cavity would
offer. Whatever functions other than a central support or
anchorage the columella may have had, it invariably indicates
an invagination of the basal disk. It is a secretion in the ectoderm
and as such could never have pierced the basal disk and come
into direct contact with the internal organs. It has also been
suggested by Ogilvie that the columella of recent corals may be
looked upon as a specialization of the tabulae of Paleozoic forms.
Those early Paleozoic forms which had the least support from
below, such as Streptelasma and the Cyathaxonidse, seem to have
been especially liable to form columellas. On the other hand,
those forms with well developed tabulae, as in Zaphrentis, were
less liable to form them. In the late Paleozoic, columella forma-
tion seems to be more or less correlated with the development
of many septa as though it were representative of or the result
of crowding.

Steps in Development.

Siderastrea. — Duerden in his study of Siderastrea radians
(1904) has indicated the following steps in the development of
an essential columella:

1. The columella is not seen until ten or twelve septa have
appeared.

2. The first evidence of a central structure is the appearance
of a few granules or knobs on the smooth central area of the
basal disk. This may be accompanied by a thickening of the
ends of one or two septa or by the development of several spinose
growths from the septal ends.

3. Later on more knobs and spinose growths appear and a
secondary infilling of calcareous matter makes the whole structure
compact. This process of calcification of the loose structure

The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla. 191

already formed often obscures the mode of formation, a diffi-
culty that is met with in examining the adult forms of vS". radians.
Ogilvie thought the term ''paliform pseudo-columella" to be
applicable, and it was only from a detailed morphological study
of all stages in the development that the columella of S. radians
could be decided definitely to be an essential columella. In
transverse section it is most often round, but sometimes is oval,
with its long diameter in the direction of the directive mesenteries.
Cyathaxoni'a. — Among Paleozoic forms, Cyathaxonia has an
essential columella, the developmental stages of which are indi-
cated by Carruthers (1913) and may be briefly summarized as
follows :

1. The columella is seen first at the time when eight or nine
septa have appeared. The first septa meet at the center without
any noticeable axial thickening.

2. The columella quickly attains prominence as a structure
independent of the septa and tabulae.

The beginning of the columella cannot be independent of the
septa in this case as the latter meet at the center, therefore there
is a stage in the life history of Cyathaxonia at which the
columella is parietal.

Lophophyllum. — Lophophyllum has a parietal columella of the
lamellar type. It is never independent of the septum, from
which it is an outgrowth, although it sometimes becomes styliform
and projects as much as half an inch above the bottom of the
calyx. This styliform aspect may be seen m Lophophyllum tor-
tuosuni (=z L. konincki Milne-Edwards and Haime). When
lamellar, its long axis lies in the direction of the cardinal and
counter septa. It is usually a continuation of the counter septum,
but sometimes the cardinal and other septa are involved. The
youngest stage figured by Carruthers shows twenty-seven septa
and has a well formed columella.

Aulophyllum. — Stanley Smith (1913) has described in detail
the morphology and ontogeny of the genus Aulophyllum. This
description clearly indicates the development of an essential
columella. The process is as follows :

1. Six septa meet at the center.

2. A zaphrentoid stage in which the septa meet and coalesce
at the center.

192 W. I. Robinson,

3. The septa separate from their medial junction and in the
central area thus formed a columella develops as a vesicular
mass of calcium carbonate. The septa are not wholly discon-
nected from the columella, but their reduced edges form a fringe
of lamellae around it. The columnar vesicles are represented at
first by simple arched tabulae. This stage enters at the time when
about twenty septa have formed.

4. The septa become completely separated from the columella.

This is an example of an essential columella which shows
even in old age its origin in central tabulae and vesicles, without
any obscuring of them by a later secondary infilling of calcium
carbonate. Here too, however, there is a stage in which the
columella may be called parietal, although many septal ends
take part in its formation rather than one as in Lophophyllum,
or a few as is probably the case in Cyathaxonia.

Both essential and parietal columellas are the results of an
invagination of the basal disk. It is not even necessary to
postulate an increase of secretion of calcium carbonate at the
center to account for the rapid upbuilding of this part of the
skeleton, since a central invagination in itself tremendously
increases the area of lime-secreting tissue.

In the cases mentioned above the columella is evidently the
result of such an invagination of the basal disk. This may have
been in response to an upward pull at the center such as would
result from an attachment of the lower ends of the mesenteries.
In the case of the lamellar parietal columella of Lophophyllum
the force acted most eiTectively at two opposite points of the
polyp, causing an elongated invagination coinciding in direction
with a septal element. This led to a continuous lamellar plate,
the product of the fusion of a septum and the columella proper.
The septum involved is the counter septum, a fact suggestive
of the opinion held by various authors that the major septa lie
in the direction of the directive mesenteries.

While the formation of all columellas is probably caused by
some physiological necessity, the result of which we see in an
invagination of the basal disk, there is yet a real distinction in
a morphological sense between parietal and essential forms.
The distinctive feature is the amount of influence the arrange-
ment and form of the septa exert upon the columella of the

The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla. 193

adult. In the case of Aulophyllum, while there is a stage in
which the septal ends are involved in the columella, they are
always clearly distinct from it. Likewise in Cyathaxonia (Fig.
6), although the earliest stage of the columella must actually rest
upon the central junction of the septa, these do not become
involved but rather are excluded very quickly from the central
area by the growing columella. In Lophophyllum, on the con-
trary, from the earliest stage until old age, the orientation, shape,
and size of the columella are noticeably affected by a septum.
In the case of parietal columellas which are actually crowded
septal ends or appendages of septa, the distinction from the
essential columella is so obvious that there is no danger of
confusion.

Fig. 6. Longitudinal sections : a, Zaphrentis ; by Lophophyllum ; c, Cya-
thaxonia. Heavy black shows areas of secretion of calcium carbonate.
Nat. size. (After Carruthers.)

The genus Aulophyllum is a fine example of the versatility of
columella variation. Not only do the size, shape, and compact-
ness of the columellas vary in different specimens, but they are
also extremely variable from time to time in the life of the same
individual. This shows a sensitiveness to minor changes in the
life processes which limits the value of columellar variation in
classifying the larger groups of corals.

Lonsdaleia. — The parietal columella of Lonsdaleia has been fig-
ured and described by Stanley Smith (1916). It is a large
central column such as is found in the Clisiophyllids generally.
It appears rather late in the life of the individual, when there
are about twenty major septa. At this time, either a group of
tabellse is formed or the tabulae are drawn up into a peak at the
center (see Fig. 7). As the development proceeds, the tabulae
are brokerf up altogether at the center and a large number of

194 ^- I' Robinson,

tabellae form. Within the mound formed of tabellae, there is a
plate corresponding in direction to the cardinal and counter
septa. It is derived from the counter septum. This axial plate
is usually separated from the counter septum later in the life
of the individual, but sometimes a connection is preserved until
adult conditions are reached. Other lamellae develop correspond-
ing to the major septa, and still others arise independently. The
cross-section of a columella of this sort gives the pattern of a

Fig. 7. Lonsdaleia. Longitudinal section of a single corallum, showing
tabulae, tabellae, columella, and dissepiments. (After Smith.)

cobweb, which is a characteristic of this and related genera. The
presence of the continuation of the counter septum as an axial
plate in the columella and its evident influence upon columellar
development place this form in the group of parietal columellas.
Accordingly, the ontogenetic history of a coral individual is
summarized by Smith as follows :

"la. The epithecal ring [basal plate] is laid down.

"lb. The earliest septa appear attached directly to the
epitheca.

"2a. The counter septum grows into the middle of the
corallites.

"2b. The dissepiments appear as a narrow peripheral zone,
and may, even at this stage, separate the septa from the epitheca.

"3. During this third stage the septa are prolonged into the
middle of the corallite and the tabulae bending distally around
the inner or 'axial* edges thus form the beginning of the central
column. Truncation of the inner edges of these long septa takes
place, and gives rise to* the first septal lamellae. * * ' *

The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla. 195

"4. At this stage the axial tabellse are formed, and the central
column assumes its true character. The extrathecal region is
narrow, and many of the septa are still in contact with the
epitheca."

Summary.

The appearance of a columella in nearly all the late Paleozoic
genera of Tetracoralla shows that this line was still a variable
one. The cause which effected this widespread change must
have been some important alteration in function or structure in
the center of the polyp. The different forms of both parietal and
essential columellas indicate some such common underlying
change. Finally, it is considered to be significant that this central
structure, which is so common in Mesozoic and later genera of
Hexacoralla, appeared so often in the tetracoral line just before
the Permian-Triassic gap in the record which separates the two
groups.

196 JV, I. Robinson,

BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Van Beneden, E.

1897. Les anthozoaires de la Plankton-Expedition. Resul-
tats de la "Plankton-Expedition der Humboldt-
Stiftung," Vol. II, Kiel and Leipsic.
Brown, T. C.

1909. Studies on the morphology and development of certain
rugose corals. Ann. N. Y. Acad. Sci., Vol. XIX,
No. 3, Part 1 : 45-97.
1915. The development of the mesenteries in the zooids of
Anthozoa and its bearing upon the systematic posi-
tion of the Rugosa. Am. Jour. Sci. (4), Vol.
XXXIX 1535-542.
Carruthers, R. G.

1906. The primary septal plan of the Rugosa. Ann. and Mag.

Nat. Hist., Series 7, Vol. XVIII : 356-363.
191 3. Lophophyllum and Cyathaxonia. Geol. Mag., Dec. V,
Vol. X: 49-56.
Dana, J. D.

1846. Zoophytes. United States Exploring Expedition, 1838-
1842, imder command of Charles Wilkes, U. S. N.,
Vol. VII.

DUERDEN, J. E.

1902. Relationships of the Rugosa (Tetracoralla) to the living
Zoantheae. Johns Hopkins University Circulars,

Vol. XXI, No. 155:19-25.
1904. The coral Siderastrea radians and its post-larval devel-
opment. Carnegie Institution of Washington, Pub-
lication No. 20.
Duncan, P. M.

1867. On the genera Heterophyllia, Batter shyia, Palceocyclus
and Aster os^nilia. Philos. Trans. Roy. Soc, Lon-
don, Vol. CLVII : 643-656.
Dybowsky, W. N.

1874. Monographic der Zoantharia Rugosa. Archiv fiir
Naturkunde Liv-, Ehst- und Kurlands, Bd. V, Lief.
3 and 4: 415-526.

The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla. 197

Faurot, L.

1909. Affinites des Tetracoralliaires et des Hexacoralliaires.

Annales de Paleontologie, T. IV : 69-107.
19 14. Developpement et symetrie des polypiers coralliaires.

IX® Congres International de Zoologle, Monaco,

1913 : 278-284.

FOERSTE, A. F.

1906. The Silurian, Devonian and Irvine formations of east-
central Kentucky with their associated clays and
limestones. Kentucky Geol. Surv., Bull. No. 7.
Frech, F.

1890. Der Korallenfauna der Trias. Palaontographica, Vol.
XXXVII: i-i 16.
Gordon, C. E.

1906. Studies on early stages in Paleozoic corals. Am. Jour.
Sci. (4), Vol. XXI: 109-127.
Gregory, J. W.

1900. The corals. Jurassic fauna of Cutch. Geol. Surv.

India, Pal. Indica, Ser. IX, Vol. II, Pt. 2 : 1-195.
Hinde, G. J.

1889. On Arch<Bocyathus, Billings, and on other genera allied

to or associated with it from the Cambrian strata

of North America, Spain, Sardinia and Scotland.

Quart. Jour. Geol. Soc, London, Vol. XLV: 125-148.
Koch, G. von.

1896. Das Skelet der Steinkorallen. Fine morphologische

Studie. Festschrift fiir Carl Gegenbaur, Vol.

II : 249-276. Leipsic.

KUNTH, A.

1869. Das Wachstumsgesetz der Zoantharia Rugosa. Zeits. d.
deutsch. geol. Gesell., Bd. XXI : 647-660.
Lambe, L. M.

1899. A revision of the genera and species of Canadian
Palaeozoic corals. Canadian Geol. Surv., Contribu-
tions to Canadian Palaeontology, Vol. IV, Part I,
Madreporaria Perforata and the Alcyonaria.

1901. A revision of the genera and species of Canadian

Palaeozoic corals. Ibid., Vol. IV, Part II, The
Madreporaria Aporosa and the Madreporaria
Rugosa.

198 W. I. Robinson,

LiNDSTROM, G.

1883. Index to the generic names of the corals of the Palaeo-
zoic formations. Bihang till k. svenska Vetens.-
Akad. Handlingar, Bd. VIII, No. 9.

LUDWIG, R.

1862. Actinozoen und Bryozoen aus dem Carbonkalkstein im
Government Perm. Palaontographica, Vol. X : 187-
226.
1865-1866. Korallen aus palaeolithischen Formationen. Ibid.,
Vol. XIV: 133-212.
Mavor, J. W.

1915. On the development of the coral Agaricia fragilis Dana.
Proc. Amer. Acad. Arts and Sci., Vol. LI, No.
9:486-511.
Miller, S. A.

1892. Paleontology. 17th Ann. Rept., Dept. Geology and
Nat. Res. Indiana, for 1891:611-705; also advance
sheets, August 1891 : 1-103.
Milne-Edwards, H.

1857. Histoire naturelle des coralliaires. Vols. I and II and
plates. Nouvelles Suites a Buff on. Paris. (This
work was edited by Milne-Edwards from manu-
script of his own and of Jules Haime's. Both names
appear on the cover, but Milne-Edwards assumes
the responsibility of the publication.)
i860. Histoire naturelle des coralliaires. Vol. III. Nouvelles
Suites a Buffon. Paris.
Milne-Edwards, H., and Haime, J.

185 1. Polypiers des terrains paleozoiques. Arch. Mus. Nat.
Hist., Paris, Vol. V: 1-502.
Neumayr, M.

1889 A. Calostylis und die perforaten Hexacorallen. Neues

Jahrb. fur Min., etc., Bd. 11:44-53.
1889 B. Die Stamme des Thierreichs, Bd. I, Corallen : 238-
332. Vienna and Prague.
Ogilvie, M.

1897. Microscopic and systematic study of madreporarian
types of corals. Philos. Trans. Roy. Soc, London,
Series B, Vol. CLXXXVII : 83-346.

The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla. 199

Ortman, a.

1890. Die Morphologic des Skelettes der Steinkorallen in
Beziehung zur Koloniebildung. Zeit. Wiss. Zool.,
Vol. L: 278-316.

POURTALES, L. F. DE.

1 87 1. Deep sea corals. Illustrated catalogue of the Museum
of Comparative Zoology of Harvard College, No.
IV.

QUELCH, J. J.

1886. Report on reef corals. Challenger Reports. Zoology,
Vol. XVI.
Robinson, W. I.

19 16. On the Paleozoic alcyon^rian, Tumularia. Amer. Jour.
Sci. (4),XLII:i62.
Seebach, K. von.

1866. Die Zoantharia Perforata der palaeozoischen Periode.
Zeits. d. deutsch. geol. GeselL, Bd. XVIII: 304-310.
Smith, Stanley.

1913. On the genus Aulophyllum. Quart. Jour. Geol. Soc,

London, Vol. LXIX 151-77.
1916. The genus Lonsdaleia and Dibunophyllum rugosum
(McCoy). Ibid., Vol. LXXI : 218-268.
Stuckenberg, a.

1904. Anthozoen und Bryozoen des unteren Kohlenkalkes
von Central-Russland. Mem. Comite Geologique
Russie, new series, No. 14: 1-109.
Walcott, C. D.

191 1. Cambrian geology and paleontology. Vol. II, No. 3,
Middle Cambrian holothurians and medusae. Smiths.
Misc. Coll., Vol. LVII : 29-69.
ZiTTfiL, K. A. von.

191 3. A text-book of paleontology. Edited by Charles R
Eastman. Vol. I. Second edition. London.

PLATE J.

Fig. I. Palceacis cuneiformis. A series of individuals showing
alternate bilateral budding. X 2.

Fig. 2. Palceacis obtusa. View of the calices of a mature
corallum. The lowermost in the figure is the
oldest, and was followed successively by the upper-
most, the one at the left, and the one at the
right. X 2.

Fig. 3. Palceacis obtusa. Transverse section showing canals
(white), radiating fibres, and infiltration of silica and
piyrite (black). X 8.

Fig. 4. Microcyathiis depresses. Transverse section showing
skeletal structure, openings of canals into interior
cavity, and calicular ridges. X 8.

Fig- 5- Calostylis denticulata. A corallum which shows the
pinnate arrangement of septa. Nat. size.

Fig. 5a. A detail of the same specimen. X 2.

Fig. 6. Calostylis denticulata. Tracing of a microphotograph
showing quadriseptate arrangement of septa in the
upper (cardinal) quadrants. X H-

Fig. 7. Heterophyllia cf . sedgzvicki. View of a calyx which
shows an imperfect quadriseptate grouping of the
septa. X 4.

Fig. 8. Heterophyllia cf. sedgwicki. Retouched photograph of
a transverse section showing a complete quadrisep-
tate group in the lower right-hand quadrant. X 7-

Fig. 9. Hexaphyllia cf. mccoyi. Transverse section showing
bilateral symmetry. X 8.

Fig. ID. Pachyphyllum woodmani. View of attachment surface
of colony showing a tracing of the protocorallite with
four septa. X 5-

Trans. Conn, Aead. Vol. XXI.

PLATE I.

7

?

% •

J

TRANSACTIONS OF THE

CONNECTICUT ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES

Incoepokated a. D. 1799

VOLUME 21, PAGES 201-313 MARCH, 1917

The American Species

of

Marchantia

BY

ALEXANDER W. EVANS

NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT
1917

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PAGE

I. INTRODUCTION 205

11. MORPHOLOGICAL NOTES ON THE GENUS . 208

1. Epidermis and Epidermal Pores . . . 210

2. Compact Ventral Tissue .... 217

3. Ventral Scales . . . ... . 218

4. Rhizoids 221

5. Receptacles 221

6. Sporophyte 22y

7. CuPULEs . • 228

III. DESCRIPTION OF SPECIES

Section I. Astromarchantia

1. M. polymorpha L. . . .

2. M. plicata Nees & Mont. .

3. M. Berteroana Lehm. & Lindenb.

229

232

232
241
246

Section II. Chlamidium . . . . . 253

M. paleacea Bertol 253

M. breviloba Evans . . . . . 265

M. domingensis Lehm. & Lindenb. . . 269

M. papillata Raddi 280

M. Bescherellei Steph 287

M. chenopoda L. . • • • • 290

Doubtful Species

312

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

PAGE

Fig. I. Marchantia polymorpha, appendages of ventral

scales 236

Fig. 2. Marchantia polymorpha, anatomical details . 239

Fig. 3. Marchantia plicata, appendages of ventral scales 243
Fig. 4. Marchantia plicata, anatomical details . . 245
Fig. 5. Marchantia Berteroana, appendages of ventral

scales and other anatomical details . . . 250
Fig. 6. Marchantia paleacea, ventral scales . . . 257
Fig. 7. Marchantia paleacea, portions of ventral scales . 259
Fig. 8. Marchantia paleacea, anatomical details . . 262
Fig. 9. Marchantia breviloba, plants, natural size, and

various anatomical details .... 267

Fig. 10. Marchantia domingensis, appendages of ventral

scales 275

Fig. II. Marchantia domingensis, epidermal pores of

thallus 2yy

Fig. 12. Marchantia domingensis, anatomical details . 279
Fig. 13. Marchantia papillata, appendages of ventral scales

and other anatomical details .... 284
Fig. 14. Marchantia Bescherellei, anatomical details . 289
Fig. 15. Marchantia chenopoda, appendages of ventral

scales 294

Fig. 16. Marchantia chenopoda, appendages of ventral

scales 298

Fig. 17. Marchantia chenopoda, appendages of ventral

scales . 301

Fig. 18. Marchantia chenopoda, appendages of ventral

scales 30^

Fig. 19. Marchantia chenopoda, epidermal structures of

thallus 30«

Fig. 20. Marchantia chenopoda, anatomical details . . 30

I. INTRODUCTION

The genus Marchantia is almost world-wide in its distribution
and includes some of the largest and most conspicuous of the
Hepaticae. According to the current rules of nomenclature the
genus was not definitely established until 1753, when Linnaeus
published it in the first edition of his Species Plantarum, but
the use of the name Marchantia dates from the year 1713.
Linnaeus recognized seven species, only the first two of which,
M. polymorpha and M. chenopoda, are now retained in the genus.
The type species, M. polymorpha, he cites from Europe only,
and gives Martinique as the habitat of M. chenopoda. At the
present time M. polymorpha is known to be almost cosmopolitan,
while the range of M. chenopoda, although apparently restricted
to tropical America, is likewise very extended.

For a long time M. polymorpha was the only species recognized
in Europe. In 181 7, however, a second species, M. paleacea, was
described by Bertolini^ from material collected in Italy. This
species had been distinguished and figured by Micheli^ nearly a
century earlier but had not been accepted by Linnaeus. It is
now known to have a wide distribution in tropical and subtropical
regions, its range extending far beyond the confines of Europe.
Other European species which have been proposed from time
to time, such as M. macrocephala Corda and M. Sykorae Corda,
have never received wide acceptance and imdoubtedly represent
mere forms of M. polymorpha.

The history of the genus in America, when the entire continent
is considered, is very much involved. This is due partly to the
full representation of the genus and partly to the confusion
which has arisen in the interpretation of certain species.
Before the publication of Gottsche, Lindenberg and Nees von
Esenbeck's Synopsis Hepaticarum, in 1847, the following species
of Marchantia had been recorded from North and South Amer-
ica: M, papillata Raddi (1823) from Brazil, M. platycnemos
Schwaegr. (1827) from Brazil, M. Szvartzii Lehm. & Lindenb.
(1832) from Jamaica, M. squamosa Raddi (1832) from Brazil,

^ Opus. Sci. Bologna i : 242. 1817.

' Nova Plant. Gen. 2. pi. i, f. 4. Florence, 1729.

2o6 Alexander W. Evans,

M. cartilaginea Lehm. & Lindenb. (1832) from St. Vincent, M.
brasiliensis Lehm. & Lindenb. (1832) from Brazil, M. Berteroana
Lehm. & Lindenb. (1834) from Juan Fernandez, M. domingensis
Lehm. & Lindenb. (1834) from Santo Domingo, M. tholophora
Bisch. (1835) fi'om Mexico, M. inflexa Mont. & Nees (1838)
from Martinique, M. plicata Nees & Mont. (1838) from Bolivia,
M. quinqueloba Nees (1838) from the West Indies,^ M. peru-
viana (Nees & Mont.) Nees (1839, ^s Grimaldia peruviana) from
Bolivia. In the Synopsis Hepaticarum these species are all
recognized with the exception of M. Swartzii, which is made a
synonym of M. chenopoda, and M. platycnemos, which is made a
synonym of M. papillata. Two other species, M. pusilla Nees &
Mont, from Chile and M, lamellosa Hampe & Gottsche from
Venezuela, are described as new; a third species, M. linearis
Lehm. & Lindenb. (1832), originally described from Nepal, is
quoted from several of the Lesser Antilles ; while both M. poly-
morpha and M. chenopoda are cited from numerous American
localities. The Synopsis, therefore, recognizes sixteen species
in all from North and South America.

During the period from 1847 to 1899 comparatively little was
added to our knowledge of the genus in America. The follow-
ing species, however, were described as new : M. flabellata Hampe
(1847) ^rom Venezuela, M. Notarisii Lehm. (1857) from Chile,
M. Dillenii Lindb. (1883) from Jamaica, M. suhayidina Spruce
(1885) from Peru, M. Bescherellei Steph. (1888) from Brazil,
and M. oregonensis Steph. (1891) from Oregon. Two of the
most noteworthy papers on Marchantia appearing during this
time were by Schiffner. In the first he brought out the fact
that M. brasiliensis and M. cartilaginea were synonyms of
M. chenopoda* ; in the second he showed that M. tabularis Nees,
a South African species, was a synonym of the older M. Berte-
roana.^ Another reduction to synonymy was suggested by
Howe,® who showed that M. oregonensis was based on very
uncertain characters and that it could not be well separated from
M. polymorpha.

'No station is cited for this species in the original publication; the
Synopsis, however, gives, "in India occidentali."
* Nova Acta Acad. Leop.- Carol. 60 : 287, 288. 1893.
' Oesterr. Bot. Zeitschr. 46 : 41-44, 100-103. 1896.
" Mem. Torrey Club 7 : 62. 1899.

American Species of Marchantia. ' 207

In 1899 Stephani^ published his monograph on Marchantia in
the first volume of his Species Hepaticarum. He describes
eighteen species in all from America, six of which are confined
to North America and eight to South America. Of these
eighteen species M. Elliottii of Dominica and M. caracensis of
Venezuela and Mexico are described as new, while M. cepha-
loscypha Steph. (1883), originally described from New Zealand,
is quoted from Chile and Patagonia. He accepts Schiffner's
reduction of M. cartilaginea to synonymy but maintains both
M. brasiliensis and M. oregonensis as valid. Under M. tabularis
he cites M. Berteroana as a synonym (on the authority of
Schiffner) but gives no American localities. Under M. domin-
gensis he gives M. inflexa as a synonym and states further that
the American stations for M. linearis (as given in the Synopsis)
belong to M. domingensis instead. He includes M. Dillenii
among the synonyms of M. chenopoda and considers that
M. peruviana and M. Notarisii are very close to this species and
may be merely forms of it. Two species recognized by the
Synopsis, M. quinqueloba and M. pusilla, he gives up altogether,
because they were based on fragmentary specimens, and he makes
no mention whatever of M. fl ah ell at a.

If M. Berteroana is reinstated as an American species and
if M. flabellata is added, Stephani's total of eighteen species
would still be maintained, even if M. brasiliensis and M. oregon-
ensis are considered synonyms. It will be seen that this total is
scarcely different from the total of sixteen species given in the
Synopsis Hepaticarum. The writer hopes to show, however, that
these numbers are much too high and that further reductions to
synonymy are necessary. In his opinion there are only nine
species based on characters which seem trustworthy, and it is
possible that two of these will not be considered distinct when
they become more fully known. There remain five species which
are doubtful, either because the published descriptions are incom-
plete or because the original material is immature or fragmentary.
Two of these, as noted above, are discarded altogether by
Stephani, and it is probable that the other three deserve the
same fate. The doubtful species, however, will be alluded to
briefly at the close of the paper.

^ Bull. Herb. Boissier 7 : 383-407, 518-533- 1899.

II. MORPHOLOGICAL NOTES ON THE GENUS

No other liverwort has been so much discussed and described
as Marchantia polymorpha. According to Lindbergh it attracted
the attention of naturalists at a very early date and was known
to both Aristotle and Theophrastus. Within more recent times
it has repeatedly been the subject of morphological researches
and has served in numerous text books as a typical representa-
tive of the thallose Hepaticae. Over eighty years ago MirbeP
published the first extensive account of its morphology. He
brought out the essential features of the thallus and of its various
tissues and gave a clear description of the receptacles and the
gemmae. Of the later works dealing with the morphology of
the species those by Leitgeb,^ Kny,* Ikeno,^ and Durand^ may be
particularly mentioned. The first two deal with the plant in a
general way, very much as Mirbel's memoir did, although they
include many original observations. The last two are much more
specialized and deal with the cytology and development of the
reproductive organs. Although M. polymorpha itself has been
treated so exhaustively the other species of the genus have
been but little studied by morphologists. In one of his earlier
papers Schiffner^ published a series of interesting observations
on the Javan M. geminata R. Bl. & N. ; but aside from this,

^Hepat Utveckling 15. Helsingfors, 1877.

" Recherches anatomiques et physiologiques sur le Marchantia poly-
morpha. Mus. Hist Nat Nouv. Ann. 1:92-130. pi 5-7. 1832. For a
reprint of this paper, with a few slight alterations, and a Complement
des observations sur le Marchantia polymorpha, see Mem. Acad. Sci.
13 • 337-436. pi. 1-8. 1835. For a translation into German by Von Flotow,
see Nees von Esenbeck, Naturg. Europ. Leberm. 4 1445-494. Breslau, 1838.

^Unters. iiber Leberm. 6: 1 14-123. pi. 9. Graz, 1881.

*Bau und Entwickelung von Marchantia polymorpha L. Bot. Wand-
tafeln 364-401. pi. 84-90. Berlin, 1890.

'Beitrage zur Kenntnis der pflanzlichen Spermatogenese : Die Sper-
matogenese von Marchantia polymorpha. Beih. Bot. Centralbl. 15 : 65-88.
pi 3 + f' I- 1903.

' The development of the sexual organs and sporogonium of Marchan-
tia polymorpha. Bull. Torrey Club 35 : 321-335. pi 21-25. 1908.

^Ueber exotische Hepaticae. Anhang I. Morphologische Bemerkungen
uber Marchantia. Nova Acta Acad. Leop.-Carol. 60 : 279-284. pi ig. 1893.

American Species of Marchantia. 209

records of morphological importance are mostly in the form of
scattered notes, and these are often to be found in taxonomic
treatises.

In the present paper the morphology of Marchantia will be
treated largely from the standpoint of the taxonomist. In other
words the parts of the plant which yield the most distinct
and constant specific characters will be primarily considered.
These parts include the epidermis and the epidermal pores, the
compact ventral tissue, the ventral scales, the rhizoids, the
receptacles, and the cupules. The photosynthetic layer, the sexual
organs, and the sporophyte, although yielding important generic
characters, are less helpful when the individual species are con-
sidered. For the sake of completeness, however, a brief account
of the sporophyte will be included.

The flat thallus of Marchantia is of the usual prostrate dorsi-
ventral type and branches repeatedly by forking. It varies con-
siderably in size and in thickness in certain species, so that
measurements of its various dimensions have to be employed with
caution. At the same time some of the species are distinctly
larger than others. The growth of the thallus is normally unlim-
ited tmtil the sexual branches or receptacles (see Fig. 9, A, B)
are produced. These represent the erect prolongations of
prostrate branches and are limited in growth. The inflorescence
is dioicous throughout the genus. Vegetative reproduction is
carried on by means of discoid gemmae, which may be formed
on either male or female individuals and which apparently do not
interfere with the growth of the plant.

The thallus shows clearly the usual differentiation into an
epidermis, a photosynthetic layer and a compact ventral tissue
bearing scales and rhizoids. The photosynthetic tissue consists
of a single layer of large air-chambers separated from one another
by continuous plates of cells. Each air-chamber is connected
with the outside by a single pore in the epidermal roof. From
the floor of the chamber arise numerous short rows of green
cells, subspherical in form and freely exposed to the air of the
chamber. The rows, which are simple or branched, are mostly
from two to five cells long and the uppermost cells, except in
the vicinity o£ the pore, are usually attached to the epidermis.
The air-chambers vary greatly in size, not only in different species
but often in different parts of an individual thallus.

2IO Alexatider W. Evans,

I. Epidermis and Epidermal Pores

The ordinary epidermal cells are fairly uniform throughout
the genus and it is doubtful if they oifer any very trustworthy
differential characters. Their size often varies markedly on an
individual thallus and may be directly affected by differences in
external conditions. Although the cells are usually colorless or
pale they sometimes produce chloroplasts in abundance. In the
majority of cases they are arranged in a single layer, but in
certain species at least, such as M. chenopoda (Fig. 19, E) and
M. paleacea (Fig. 8, D), the epidermis may be two cells thick in
parts of its extent. The walls may vary considerably in thick-
ness, but they are rarely very firm and are destitute of distinct
trigones.

Cells containing oil-bodies, cells containing slime, and minute
surface papillae are sometimes found in the epidermis. The cells
containing the oil-bodies are usually distinctly smaller than the
neighboring cells and are easily distinguished by their granular
contents, which nearly or quite fill the cell cavities. In M. cheno-
poda these cells are not infrequent and do not seem to be
restricted to any definite part of the thallus ; in M. polymorpha
they occur near the margin and seem to be absent elsewhere;
while in certain other species there are apparently no cells of
this character in the epidermis.

Epidermal cells containing slime are, according to our present
knowledge, restricted to M. chenopoda. The slime-cells are
scattered about in the epidermis and always occur in regions
where the epidermis is two cells thick, being situated in the inner
layer (Fig. 19, L). They are much larger than the surrounding
epidermal cells and strongly compress those of the outer layer.
When a piece of the epidermis is examined from above the slime
cells are seen to be covered over by these compressed cells.
Apparently Voigt^ was the first to observe the slime-cells,
although he failed to recognize their true character. The much
larger slime-canals in Conocephcdum conicum (L.) Dumort.
were soon afterwards described by Goebel,^ and Leitgeb^®
pointed out that the slime-cells of M. chenopoda were of the same

" Bot. Zeit. 37 : 733- 1879.

' Arb. Bot. Inst. Wiirzburg 2 : 531. 1880.

^"Unters. iiber Leberm. 6:16. 1881.

American Species of Marchantia.

21 I

nature. He showed that they occurred not only under the
epidermis, as he expressed it, but also in the compact ventral
tissue and in the partitions between the air-chambers, and he
emphasized the fact that they were especially abundant in the
female receptacles. The distribution of the slime-cells in Mar-
chantia was a little later discussed at length by Prescher.^^ He
found no trace of them in M. Berteroana, M. papillata, M. emar-
ginata R. Bl. & N., or M. linearis; he found them restricted to
the compact tissue of certain definite regions in M. polymorpha
and M. paleacea; and it was only in M. chenopoda (including
M. cartilaginea) that he foimd them in the epidermis.

Surface papillae have been figured very accurately by Kny^^
in the case of M. polymorpha. They are minute appendages
of the epidermis, which are cut off by walls and rounded or
bluntly pointed at their free ends (Fig. 2, J, L, O, P). Sometimes
a papilla is situated over a single cell and sometimes over the
partition between two cells, showing in the latter case that an
epidermal cell had divided after the papilla had been formed.
Papillae of this type seem to be rare on vegetative branches and
confined to certain species. So far they have been reported in
two East Indian species, M. emarginata and M. Treubii Schiffn.,^^
but they seem to be absent from all the American species except
M. polymorpha. In this last species, as shown by Schiffner,^*
the median portion of the thallus is always free from papillae,
while the marginal regions sometimes show them clearly. The
distribution is very different, however, in M. Treubii, where the
papillae are most abundant in the median portion and gradually
decrease toward the margins. Whether papillae of this character
form a constant feature of any of the species where they have
been found is perhaps doubtful. In one specimen of M. emar-
ginata, for example, in the wHter's collection (Schiffner, Iter
Indicum j/), the plants seem to have developed no papillae, and
they are frequently absent from the vegetative branches in M.
polymorpha. When they occur on receptacles or cupules, as in
this same species, they seem to be more constant.

" Die Schleimorgane der Marchantieen. Sitzungsb. Kais. Acad. Wissen.
Wien, Math.-naturw. CI. 86' : 132-158. pi. i, 2. 1882.
" Bot. Wandtaf eln pi. 84, f. 2, 3. 1890.
" See Schiffner, Fl. de Buitenzorg 4 : 32, 35. I<eiden, 1900.
" Lotos 49 : 93. 1901.

212 Alexander W. Evans,

The complex epidermal pores of Marchantia are of much
interest. They are of the dolioform or barrel-shaped type, that
is, the opening of the pore is surrounded by two series of cells
arranged in concentric rows, one series projecting more or less
above the surface of the thallus, the other projecting into an
air-chamber. Although pores of this type are found on the
sexual branches of most of the Marchantiaceae, the only genera
where they occur on the vegetative branches are Marchantia,
Preissia, and Bucegia. Even in Marchantia, as shown by Kamer-
ling,^' immature shoots sometimes produce pores of the simple
type found in most of the other members of the group.

The first attempt to utilize the structural features of the pores
for taxonomic purposes seems to have been made by Voigt.^® He
studied eight species of the genus, and showed that the number
of pores in a given area, the number of rows of cells surround-
ing a pore, and the number of cells in a row were fairly constant
for each species. Stephani also has drawn specific characters
from the pores, but certain of his distinctions, as will be
shown below, are subject to variation and must be used with
caution.

In the case of M. polymorpha the pores have been repeatedly
figured, although the published illustrations are not all of the
same degree of excellence. Among recent figures those by Voigt,
Kny, and Muller^^ bring out most of the essential points. Accord-
ing to Voigt, whose account of the pores is unusually full, the
opening is surrounded by five circular rows of cells, three belong-
ing to the upper and two to the lower series, but both Kny and
Miiller state that the upper series is normally composed of only
two rows making four rows in all, a statement which agrees
with the writer's observations (see Fig. 2, A, B). Under some
conditions the number of rows may be reduced to three or even
to two. In the upper series each row is composed (in most
cases at least) of four cells (Fig. 2, A, B), and immediately
surroimding the pore a circular membranous ridge is present,
probably representing, as in the simple pores of Targionia,^^ a
collapsed series of cells. This ridge is shown by Voigt (/. i),

"Flora 84 (Erganzungsb.) : 57. 1897.

"Bot Zeit 37:741. 1879.

" Rabenhorst's Kryptogamen-Flora 6:/. 18^. Leipzig, 1907.

" See Deutsch, Bot. Gaz. 53 : 494. /. 9. 1912.

American Species of Marchantia. 213

but is not brought out in the figures of Kny and Miiller. It is
sometimes very narrow and absolutely colorless and can then
be demonstrated only with difficulty. In the lower series each
row is likewise composed in most cases of four cells, those
bounding the inner opening being distinctly differentiated. Their
usual appearance is clearly shown by Kny (pi. 84, f. 2), each
cell being in the form of a narrow, curved, four-sided figure
with a rounded median projection extending toward the center
of the pore. All the cell-walls immediately bounding the pore
are shown covered over with a granular deposit of some resinous
substance, which hinders or prevents the entrance of water
through the pore. Kny comments on the fact that the pores vary
greatly in size and that the projections from the cells bounding
the inner opening sometimes meet. In his opinion these projec-
tions probably make still more difficult the entrance of water
through the pore. This view is upheld by Ruge,^® who finds the
pores almost completely closed by the projections in a submerged
form of M. polymorpha. In Fig. 2, D-I, some of the variations
shown by the cells bounding the inner opening are brought out.
In Fig. 2, E, the projections are only slightly developed, although
the upper cell on the left approaches the condition portrayed
by Kny; in Fig. 2, D, F, I, the projections are well developed
but not sharply defined from the rest of the cell ; in Fig. 2, G, H,
the projections are both well developed and sharply defined.
These last figures, drawn from a plant growing in a very wet
locality, support the statements of Ruge and agree with the fig-
ures published by Miiller. The cells drawn, however, seem to be
nearly or quite destitute of the resinous deposit so conspicuously
shown in the remaining figures and in Miiller's figures also.

Although the inner openings of the pores in M. polymorpha are
subject to so much variation, Stephani insists that important
specific characters in the genus Marchantia are yielded by the
inner openings. He recognizes four types^^ and states that they
are not connected by transitional conditions. In the first type the
four cells bounding the opening are narrow and not materially
changed in shape by increased turgidity, the opening itself exhib-
iting a quadrate form. In the second type the four bounding

'" Flora 77 : 294. /• ii- 1893.

'" Bull. Herb. Boissier 7 : 385. /• a-d. 1899.

2 14 Alexander W. Evans,

cells bulge into the opening in the form of rounded projections,
the opening itself showing an outline with four strongly concave
sides and four sharp angles; by increasing the turgidity this
opening can be almost completely closed. In the third type
(which is essentially the same as the pores of Preissia) the four
cells likewise bulge into the opening but the bulging portions are
more sharply defined and the opening appears in the form of
a four-sided figvue with very concave sides but with rounded
dilations at the angles; this opening, which Stephani describes
as cruciate, can be completely closed by an increase of turgidity.
In the fourth type the opening is very large and bounded by
many cells (fifteen in Stephani's figure), each cell bulging into
the opening in the form of a longer or shorter cylindrical pro-
jection, the opening itself thus acquiring a very irregular outUne.
To the first type Stephani assigns (among others) M. poly-
morpha, M. plicata and M. domingensis ; to the second type,
M, disjuncta; and to the third type, M. cephaloscypha and
M. paleacea. The only representative of the fourth type is
M. macro pora Mitt, of New Zealand.

Schiffner,^^ however, had already called attention to the danger
of placing too much confidence in the peculiarities of the cells
bounding the inner openings. According to his account these
cells in most species of Marchantia bulge more or less into the
opening, the form of which may vary accordingly, and his state-
ments would support the view that there was no sharp distinction
between the first and second types of Stephani. Even in
M. Berteroana, which Stephani would assign to his third type,
Schiffner finds only an insignificant modification of the usual
condition. He adds that the number of bounding cells in this
species, although usually four, may vary from three to six on an
individual thallus, and that the walls of the cells commonly lack
the resinous deposit found in M. polymorpha. GoebeP^ is like-
wise inclined to recognize a single type of pore in Marchantia
with respect to the inner opening, and he sees no essential dif-
ference between Stephani's foiurth type and the others. He
expresses no positive opinion on this last point, however, because^
he had no material of M. macropora at his disposal. He con-
siders that the pores are plastic structures, subject to modifica^

''' Nova Acta Acad. Leop.-Carol. 60 : 286. pi 19, f. 8. 20. 1893.
^ Flora 96 : 193. 1906.

American Species of Marchantia. 215

tion through external conditions, and he emphasizes the fact
that the pores of xerophilous forms can often be more or less
completely closed by an increased turgidity of the bounding cells.
It is clear from the observations of Schiifner and Goebel that
the pores in Marchantia (excepting perhaps in M. macro p or a)
conform to one general type and that the distinctions relied upon
by Stephani are less constant than he supposed. This is espe-
cially well seen in M. polymorpha, where the inner opening shows
all gradations from a quadrate to a cruciate form and thus
exemplifies all three of the conditions upon which the first three
of Stephanies types were based. M. polymorpha, however, is an
exceedingly plastic species and it is doubtful if any of the other
members of the genus exhibit the same wide range of variation
in the inner opening. Schiffner's figures of M. geminata, for
example, although illustrating conditions connecting the first
and second of Stephani's types, show no Approach to the third ;
while in M. paleacea, according to the information at hand, the
inner opening is always cruciate and thus does not deviate from
the third type. For purposes of taxonomy, therefore, the writer
would still consider it expedient to recognize two types of pore
among the American species, the distinctions between the types
breaking down in the case of M. polymorpha. In the first type
(which includes Stephani's first and second types) the inner open-
ing is bounded by three to six cells, the usual number being four,
and shows all gradations between a polygon, commonly four-
sided, with slightly convex sides and one with strongly concave
sides and sharp angles. In the second type (which is the same
as Stephani's third type) the inner opening is distinctly cruciate
with four rays dilated at the apex or, in the rare cases where
the number of bounding cells is less or greater than four, with
fewer or more rays. Stephani's fourth type, which does not occur
in America so far as known, need not be further considered.

As an example of the first type of pore M. chenopoda may be
selected. In this the opening, as pointed out by Voigt, is sur-
rounded by about seven rows of cells, shown clearly in cross-
section (Fig. 19, C-G), four of the rows usually belonging to the
upper and three to the lower series. The walls bounding the
opening are either smooth or with a resinous deposit. In the
upper series (Fig. 19, A, B) the innermost row is usually com-
posed of four narrow cells and the second row of the same num-

2i6 Alexander W. Evans,

ber, but the third row commonly shows twice as many and the
fourth row a much larger number. The ridge immediately around
the opening is clearly marked. In the lower series (Fig. 19, H-K)
the innermost row lies almost directly beneath the second row,
so that only the first and third rows show clearly from below.
The first and second rows are usually composed of four cells
each, the walls bounding the pore being more or less strongly con-
vex. The third row usually contains more cells than the first and
sometimes twice as many, but it rarely contains as many as the
fourth row of the upper series, where the cells are essentially
like the ordinary epidermal cells. Of course the numbers just
given are subject to variation, the number of cells bounding the
outer and inner openings being often more than four.

As an example of the second type of pore M. paleacea may be
selected, and the illustrations given in the present paper (Fig.
8, A-H) may be compared with the one published by Miiller.-^
The descriptions given by Voigt may likewise be consulted. The
cells bounding the pore are usually in six rows, three belonging to
each series, and the rows are commonly composed of four cells
apiece. The cell-walls bounding the pore are smooth through-
out. In the upper series the ridge around the opening is distinct
and the cells are very narrow, standing in sharp contrast to the
neighboring epidermal cells. In the lower series the cells bound-
ing the inner opening are much broader than the others and project
so strongly that they often touch in the center and almost occlude
the cruciate opening. Sometimes one or more cells of the second
row project also (Fig. 8, D), but the cells of both the second
and third rows are usually narrow, resembling in this respect the
cells in the upper series.

According to the account given by Kamerling,^* the size of the
inner opening in a pore of the first type is not decreased to any
great extent by an increase of the turgidity of the surrounding
cells, while in a pore of the second type the decrease is very
marked. In his opinion the cells surrounding the inner opening
act independently of the cells in the other rings. As a definite
example of a species with pores that can be closed he quotes M.
nitida Lehm. & Lindenb., a species w^hich is to be regarded as a
synonym of M. paleacea. ,

^^ Rabenhorst's Kryptogamen-Flora 6 : /. 188. 1907.
"Flora 84 (Erganzangsb.) : 46. 1897.

American Species of Marchantia. 217

2. Compact Ventral Tissue

The ventral tissue in Marchantia gradually thins out from the
thickened median portion until it is frequently only two or three
cells thick along the margins of the thallus. It consists primarily
or even wholly of parenchyma and its chief function apparently is
to act as a storage-tissue for water and organic food. In some
parts of the thallus it is usually possible to demonstrate the
presence of elongated pits in the cell-walls, and a purplish pig-
mentation of the walls is often apparent. Cells containing oil-
bodies are usually conspicuous among the other parenchyma cells
(Fig. 20, A) and seem to be present in all the species. In
herbarium material, however, it is not always easy to demonstrate
them. Cells containing mycorrhiza are likewise very frequent.
In M. chenopoda, as noted by Leitgeb and Prescher, the ventral
tissue and the partition walls between the air-chambers contain
scattered slime-cells similar to those foimd in the epidermis.
Slime-cells of this character occur also in the compact tissue of
M. paleacea, M. breviloba sp. nov. and the East Indian M. emar-
ginata, but have not yet been detected in other species except in
connection with the reproductive organs. According to Cavers^^
the slime-cells and slime-canals of Conocephalum conicum fail to
develop when the plants are cultivated under water, and it is
therefore possible that slime-cells may not always be present in
the species of Marchantia just listed. In fact Prescher reported
that they were absent from M. emarginata, and specimens of M.
paleacea and of M. chenopoda might be cited where they are
very infrequent or perhaps not present at all.

The only cells found in the ventral layer which are not
parenchymatous in their nature are the more or less elongated
sclerotic cells with yellow or brown walls, which occur in certain
species. Cells of this character were first demonstrated by
GoebeP^ in the case of Preissia quadrata (Scop.) Nees, and the
same author has called attention to their occurrence in the New
Zealand M. foliacea Mitt.^^ In this species, according to his
account, the sclerotic cells are variable in length and are usually
scattered singly among the parenchyma cells. Occasionally two

k

" Ann. Bot. 18 : 93.' 1904.

^ Arb. Bot Inst. Wurzburg 2 : 533. 1882.

" Flora 96 : 194. /. I43- 1906.

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI 15 iQi?

2i8 Alexander W. Evans,

cells will occur end to end and sometimes even longer groups
or strands are formed, perhaps corresponding with Stephani's
"strands of sclerenchyma." The walls of the cells are thick
and pigmented, showing that their fimctions are primarily
mechanical, but Goebel finds that the cavities sometimes contain
starch-grains. Sclerotic cells occur in several American species,
such as M. pale ace a, M. chenopoda (Fig. 20, A, B) and M. domin-
gensis, and agree closely with Goebel's description. Whether
they are always produced by the species where they have been
detected is perhaps a question. Cavers^^ calls attention to the fact
that Preissia quadrat a, when grown indoors in a moist atmos-
phere, fails to develop thick-walled cells, and in all probability
the formation of the similar cells in Marchantia is influenced by
environmental conditions. In any case, however, the presence
of sclerotic cells is associated with certain definite species.

3. Ventral Scales

The ventral scales in Marchantia exhibit considerable diversity,
not only when different species are compared but also when an
individual species is considered. This is due to the fact that
each species produces at least two distinct kinds of scales, only
one of which bears appendages. In the other genera of the
Marchantiaceae the scales with appendages are the only kind
produced.

Taylor^^ was apparently the first to observe that the scales in
M. polymorpha were not all alike. He distinguished three dif-
ferent kinds, and these are described at length by Leitgeb,-^*' who
designates them as median, laminar and marginal scales, respec-
tively. The median scales are attached by a long line, which
begins near the axis of the thallus, then extends almost longi-
tudinally and finally curves gently outward, reaching perhaps
half way to the margin. The scales are at first very narrow
but become abruptly dilated in the outer part ; here on each scale
the characteristic appendage is attached, strongly contracted at
its junction with the scale and then abruptly dilated into an
orbicular expansion, rounded to apiculate at the apex (Fig. i).

^* Contrib. to the Biol, of the Hepat. 28. Leeds and London, 1904.
^ Trans. Linn. Soc. 17 1377. 1835.
""Unters. uber Leberm. 6: 114. 1881.

American Species of Marchantia. 219

The laminar scales are more numerous than the median scales
and form a series about midway between the median scales and
the margin. They are attached by a much shorter line and
broaden out at once into lunulate or ovate structures, rounded
at the apex and destitute of appendages. The marginal scales
are still more numerous and attached by even shorter lines, but
they resemble the laminar scales in lacking appendages and in
most other respects. They are situated near the margin and
some of them extend beyond. The arrangement of the scales is
shown clearly in a figure by Goebel,^^ who brings out the fact
that the laminar scales are arranged in an irregular row and that
the marginal scales are still more irregular in their arrangement,
although a linear series is approximated.

The account of the scales just given is somewhat at variance
with the description and figures of Miiller.^- According to this
author the innermost scales are long and very narrow; they are
attached almost longitudinally throughout their entire length and
are destitute of appendages. These are said to be borne instead on
the scales of the next outer row, which agree in all respects with
the median scales as described by Leitgeb. The third type of scale
recognized by Miiller includes both the laminar and marginal
scales of Leitgeb. An interpretation of the scales, closely agreeing
with Miiller's, has recently been published by Massalongo.^^ The
present writer, however, has been unable to demonstrate the
narrow innermost scales without appendages. According to his
observations the statements of Leitgeb are essentially correct.

The scales in M. polymorpha, as well as in the other species,
are delicate in texture and are sometimes more or less pigmented ;
in most cases, however, the pigmentation is of short duration and
the scales become bleached and transparent. The cells tend to
be wavy and irregular, especially toward the margin (Figs. 7, A;
20, C) . The cell- walls are thin, although trigones may sometimes
be demonstrated on the marginal scales. Scattered about among
the other cells are cells containing oil-bodies (Fig. 20, D) and
rhizoid initials, the latter giving rise to tuberculate rhizoids (Fig.
20, E). In the appendages rhizoid initials are absent, but cells
containing oil-bodies can often be distinguished (Figs, i, 3, etc.).

'' Organographie der Pflanzen /. 15S. Jena, 1898.

^- Rabenhorst's Kryptogamen-Flora 6:17. /. 12. 1905.

" Atti R. 1st. Veneto 75 '- 696. pi 4, f- 12-15- 1916.

2 20 Alexander W. Evans,

According to Leitgeb the scales in certain species, such as
M. domingensis and M. nitida, are all of the median type while
in M. chenopoda the laminar scales are less numerous than the
median scales and the marginal scales are absent altogether. In
Goebel's figure of M. chenopoda^^ a single laminar scale is shown
among sixteen median scales and the implication is made that the
number of laminar scales is very small. The writer has exam-
ined numerous specimens of M. paleacea (which includes M.
nitida), of M. chenopoda and of other species and finds laminar
scales always present (see Fig. 6, H-O). They differ from the
laminar scales in M. polymorpha, however, in being situated
much closer to the median scales. On account of their shorter
lines of attachment they extend only a small part of the
distance toward the median line. The laminar scales usually
alternate with the median scales but occasionally there may
be two laminar scales between two successive median scales.
Under these circimistances one of the laminar scales is often
reduced in size.

The species just noted will give some idea of the differences in
arrangement which the ventral scales may show. These dif-
ferences can often be utilized in separating species, but the best
differential characters yielded by the scales are those drawn from
the appendages. These are, with very rare exceptions, borne
singly and, as has been shown, are confined to the median scales.
Although the appendages vary, within wide limits in certain
species, they nevertheless present striking and distinctive features.
In comparing them the form, the character of the margin and
apex, the size of the cells, and the presence or absence of cells
containing oil-bodies should be taken into consideration. With
respect to size the cells may be approximately the same through-
out the entire extent of an appendage (see Fig. i6, F, G). It
is much more usual, however, for the median cells to be much
larger than the marginal cells and the gradation from one
to the other may be either gradual (see Fig. 7) or very abrupt
(see Fig. 5, A-D). The texture of the scales, aside from
the appendages, is much the same throughout the genus. The
scales and their appendages will be again considered in connection
with the various species discussed below.

American Species of Marchantia. 2^1

4. Rhizoids

The rhizoids in the genus Marchantia, as in practically all of
the Marchantiales, are of two types, the smooth and the tuber-
culate. In the smooth type the walls are thin or uniformly
thickened; in the tuberculate type numerous local thickenings
of the wall extend into the lumen of the rhizoid in the form of
cylindrical or bluntly conical projections. In some of the tuber-
culate rhizoids the projections are discrete and irregular in their
distribution; in others they are more or less coalescent and show
a spiral arrangement. Kamerling^^ has shown that these spiral
tuberculate rhizoids are abundant in M. polymorpha and Schiff-
ner^^ has examined this and other species of the genus with
reference to these peculiar structures. He confirms Kamerling's
I statements about their occurrence in M. polymorpha and finds,
so far as American species are concerned, that they are equally
I abundant and typical in M. chenopoda; that they still occur,
I although in less typical form, in M. domingensis and its allies;
and they are wanting altogether in M. paleacea.

Most of the rhizoids in Marchantia run in parallel bundles
under the scales and converge to form a single large median
bundle. There are, however, numerous rhizoids in the thickened
median portion which spread at right angles to the surface, and
Schiffner has made a number of interesting observations on these.
In forms of M. polymorpha where a definite dorsal band lacks
air-chambers, the rhizoids in question are smooth; in forms
where the air-chambers extend across the median region, the
rhizoids are tuberculate. In M. plicata the spreading rhizoids
are smooth; in M. chenopoda, smooth; in M. Berteroana,
tuberculate ; in M. paleacea, smooth or with scattered tubercles.
These differences may sometimes be of help in distinguishing
species.

5. Receptacles

The receptacles in Marchantia are strikingly different from the
vegetative branches and attain a higher degree of complexity than
in any other genus of the group. Two distinct portions may be
distinguished, the erect stalk and the horizontal disc (or recep-

" Flora 84 (Erganzungsb.) : 31- pl- ^> 2, /. 7- 1897.

^Ann. Jard. Bot. Buitenzorg 2 (Suppl. 3) 1489, 490. 1909.

222 Alexander W. Evans,

tacle proper), which bears the sexual organs. In some cases the
disc shows clearly that it has but one plane of symmetry. In
other cases it presents the appearance of being radial ; but even
here, as recently emphasized by Goebel,^^ there is actually but a
single plane of symmetry, a fact made clearly evident when the
structure and development of the receptacle are considered. The
stalk, likewise, looks superficially as if it were radial, but here
again a single plane of symmetry is present, and the stalk main-
tains its dorsiventrality (or zygomorphy) in spite of its erect
position.

It has already been noted that the receptacles represent pro-
longations of prostrate branches. These branches may be more
or less elongated, but they are often very short, a receptacle
being developed almost immediately after a dichotomy has taken
place. A receptacle, as shown so clearly by Leitgeb,^^ is a branch-
system, the growing point of the original prostrate branch under-
going one or more divisions. A study of the stalk shows that the
first division usually takes place very early in the development
of the receptacle. If a cross-section is examined (Figs. 5, K; 8,
5; «tc.) the dorsiventrality of the stalk becomes at once
apparent, and the side which represents the ventral por-
tion usually shows two deep longitudinal furrows, enclosed
by scales and containing tuberculate rhizoids, the dorsal side
being destitute of such furrows. In very rare cases a single
furrow is present near the base of the stalk (Fig. 20, I).
The presence of two furrows is evidence that the grow-
ing point has already divided once, even if the stalk itself
remains undivided. Usually no further divisions take place until
the disc begins to develop, but in some cases the stalk shows three
or four rhizoid furrows, indicating that one or two secondary divi-
sions have occurred. This is seen clearly in M. breviloba and M.
doming ensis (Figs. 9, I-K; 12, A, D). In the first the stalks
of both male and female receptacles show four furrows apiece;
in the second the stalk of the male receptacle which is figured
shows three furrows, the stalk of the female receptacle show-
ing four. The occurrence of more than two furrows has
apparently been rarely observed in Marchantia and allied

" Organographie der Pflanzen, 26. ed. 686. 1915.
*®See Unters. iiber Leberm. 6:20-37. 1881.

American Species of Marchantiu. . 223

genera. Spruce^^ mentions the occasional presence of three
furrows in the stalk of the female receptacle in Marchantia, with-
out citing definite species ; Leitgeb/^ in a single instance, found
four furrows in the stalk of the female receptacle in Preissia
quadrata; Stephani*^ states that the stalk of the male receptacle
in the African M. Wilmsii Steph. has four furrows but doubts
the constancy of this condition; and Schiffner*^ notes that the
stalk of the female receptacle in Bucegia romanica Radian some-
times shows four furrows. These seem to be the only references
to more than two furrows in the literature, but in all probability
a higher number than two would occasionally be found in most
species of Marchantia if enough stalks were examined. In M.
breviloha four furrows seem to be the rule in the female recep-
tacle, although it would hardly be safe to state that four were
always present.

In the case of M. polymorpha it was noted long ago by Mirbel
that the dorsal side of the stalk of the female receptacle showed
a distinct strip of photosynthetic tissue with air-chambers, epi-
dermal pores and short green filaments. This strip seems to be
of constant occurrence throughout the genus. It commences
close to the base of the stalk and extends nearly to the disc. In
most cases the strip is continuous (Figs. 5, K; 8, J; 9, K;
etc.) but sometimes, as in M. chenopoda, it may be separated into
two strips by a median groove (Fig. 20, G-I). In the stalk of
the male receptacle photosynthetic tissue is usually absent, the
dorsal portion being composed of compact parenchyma. In cer-
tain species, however, such as M. domingensis, the photosynthetic
tissue is about as well developed in the male (Fig. 12, A) as in
the. female receptacle. In M. breviloha the lower part (Fig.
9, I) of the stalk develops photosynthetic tissue while the upper
part (Fig. 9, J) lacks it completely.

In the disc of the male receptacle the dichotomous branching
usually continues and a distinct division into rays becomes
apparent. Although the number of rays is subject to variation,
certain numbers seem to be normal or typical for certain species.
In M. polymorpha, for example, there are usually eight rays

** Trans. Bot. Soc. Edinburgh 15 : 558. 1885.

** Unters. iiber Leberm. 6 : 31. 1881.

*^ Hedwigia 31 : 196. 1892.

*" Beih. Bot. Centralbl. 23' : 282. /. 16. 1908.

2 24 Alexander W. Evans,

present and in M. chenopoda, four, although deviations from
these numbers are of frequent occurrence. Goebel*^ considers
that the number of rays developed is dependent on nutritive con-
ditions. In an unnamed species from the Fiji Islands, related
to M. geminata, he notes a reduction in the number of rays to
two, showing that only one dichotomy has taken place, and he
compares this extreme condition with the two-rayed female
receptacles found in Exormotheca and Aitchisoniella.

The rays are in one plane and vary greatly in length. They
are sometimes much shorter than the undivided portion of the
receptacle, appearing in the form of rounded marginal scallops
separated by shallow but acute sinuses. This condition is seen
clearly in M. polymorpha and its allies. It is much more usual,
however, for the rays to be longer than the undivided portion, the
whole receptacle thereby acquiring a palmate appearance. This
type of receptacle is found in such species as M. chenopoda and
M, domingensis and is commonly associated with a smaller number
of rays than the first type. In some cases at the tip of a ray a
slight depression marking the position of a growing point can
be discerned, even in an old receptacle, but often all traces of the
growing points disappear. The stalk is not attached to the disc
marginally but peltately, although often excentrically. The
peltate attachment is due to intercalary growth taking place in
the region where the dorsal surface of the stalk and the dorsal
surface of the disc would naturally be continuous. In this way
a thin plate of tissue is formed between the two external rays
of the disc, which would theoretically be distinct to their junction
with the stalk. The presence of this plate, similar in all essen-
tial respects to the tissue forming the sinuses, intensifies the radial
appearance which the receptacles of certain species show.

In its structure the disc shows many of the features which are
found in the vegetative thallus. It is distinctly dorsiventral and
the diflferentiation into epidermis, photosynthetic tissue and com-
pact ventral tissue is clearly marked. On the ventral surface
of the rays scales with appendages and scales without appendages
can be distinguished in two or more series, and the appen-
dages are much like those of the ordinary scales except that they
are smaller and sometimes less constricted at the base. Rhizoid

*^ Organographie der Pflanzen, 2d ed. 699. /. 669 II. 1915.

American Species of Marchantia. 225

initials are present among the cells of the scales, the appendages
alone being free from them.

The antheridia arise in acropetal succession, the oldest being
formed near the center of the disc. In many species each ray
develops two distinct rows of antheridia, but in certain species,
such as M. polymorpha, the antheridia are more irregular in their
arrangement and each ray shows more than two indistinct rows.
The antheridia are borne singly in deep depressions with small
circular openings. The depressions extend down into the com-
pact ventral tissue, and are surrounded by the characteristic
air-spaces with their branched rows of photosynthetic cells and
dolioform epidermal pores.

The stalk of the female receptacle develops more slowly than
that of the male receptacle and persists in an active condi-
tion until the sporophytes are mature. In the disc the division
into rays takes place just as in the male receptacle and the num-
ber of rays present is subject to similar variations. The arche-
gonia form groups and arise in acropetal succession, beginning
w hen the disc is very young ; but, on account of the strong inter-
calary growth in the median region of the dorsal portion, the
archegonia are arched over and displaced until they seem to be
situated on the ventral surface of the disc. In this way the oldest
archegonia come to lie nearest the periphery of the disc and the
youngest nearest the stalk. Each group of archegonia contains
a variable number, arranged in two or three more or less definite
radial rows, and is derived from one of the growing regions of
the disc.

In the East Indian M. geminata and its allies the groups of
archegonia are clearly situated underneath the rays of the
receptacle. These rays, therefore, are obviously homologous
with the rays of the male receptacles throughout the genus.
This condition, however, is very exceptional. In most species
of the genus, including all the American representatives, the
groups of archegonia alternate with the rays of the recep-
tacle and are situated in the sinuses between them. This
is caused by the rapid intercalary growth of the regions
between the growing points, the so-called "middle lobes"; the
rays, accordingly, are formed by the middle lobes and are not
homologous with the rays of the male receptacle but rather with
the sinuses. These relationships are discussed at length by Leit-

2 26 Alexander W. Evans,

geb,** who notes also the fact that the two external rays are to be
compared with the "side lobes" in an ordinary dichotomy. In M.
polymorpha, where nine rays are commonly present, seven would
represent middle lobes and two, side lobes. Between the two side
lobes there is of course no group of archegonia, so that there are
eight groups for the entire receptacle, showing that three
dichotomies have taken place.

The rays of the female receptacles vary in length, very much
as in the case of the male receptacles. There is, however, no
correspondence between the two. In M, polymorpha, for exam-
ple, the rays of the female receptacle are l6ng, and those of the
male receptacle are short, while in M. chenopoda the conditions
are reversed. The rays of the female receptacle differ also in
form, being flat in some species and cylindrical in others. When
they are flat they are often retuse or shortly bilobed at the apex,
and Goebel points out that a deepening of the apical sinuses
would lead to the condition found in M. geminata, where sinuses
instead of rays are present between the groups of archegonia.
In young receptacles the rays are strongly curved downward,
but they gradually straighten out if fertilization has taken place
and assume a horizontal position.

On account of the strong intercalary growth which displaces
the archegonia to the lower surface of the disc, the portion of
the receptacle which is morphologically ventral is less extensive
than at first appears. The lower surface between the groups of
archegonia is ventral in character and the same thing is of course
true of the lower surface of the rays, especially when these repre-
sent the middle lobes of the branch-system. Even here, how-
ever, when the rays become cylindrical through intercalary dorsal
growth, the ventral surface is much less extensive than the
dorsal. In M. geminata the ventral surface of the rays is sit-
uated on both sides of the groups of archegonia. The ventral
surface is characterized by the presence of tuberculate rhizoids
and slender scales, the latter being sometimes branched and
strikingly different from the ventral scales of the vegetative
thallus. The dorsal portion (except where the archegonia are
situated) develops a complex system of air-chambers of the usual
type.

** Unters. iiber Leberm. 6 : 34. 1881.

American Species of Marchantia. 227

Each group of archegonia is enclosed by an involucre, which
consists of a pair of membranous structures often toothed or
laciniated on the margin (Figs. 2, M; 4, F, G; 8, K; etc.).
Each archegonium is further protected by a campanulate pseudo-
perianth contracted at the mouth to a small opening. It begins
its development soon after the archegonium is formed but does
not reach fullmaturity unless fertilization has taken place. The
pseudoperianth is very delicate and becomes irregularly torn
when the stalk of the sporophyte elongates.

6. Sporophyte

The sporophyte, as in all the Marchantiaceae, shows the usual
differentiation into foot, stalk and capsule. The foot is flat-
tened and forms a low ridge enclosing the base of the stalk. The
latter is at first very short, but it elongates sufficiently at maturity
to push the capsule through the calyptra and beyond the mouth
of the pseudoperianth. The capsule constitutes the principal
part of the sporophyte. It is nearly spherical in form and is
bounded on the outside by a wall composed of a single layer
of cells. These cells throughout the genus have brownish ring-
like thickenings in their walls, although the rings are often
incomplete. The entire cavity of the capsule is filled with spores
and elaters. The spores are much smaller than in most genera
of the Marchantiaceae, especially in M. polymorpha and its allies.
In some cases a distinct border is present where the spherical
face meets the three plane faces, and under these circumstances
low and irregular surface lamellae are usually developed. In
other cases the spores are destitute of distinct markings and
become completely rounded off after the tetrads break up. The
elaters are long and slender and of the usual t)rpe, showing two
distinct spiral bands. At maturity the wall of the capsule splits
from the apex to about the middle into an indefinite number of
lobes, some of which may become further subdivided. There are
apparently no very definite lines of dehiscence, the edges of the
splits being irregular and jagged from projecting cells which
formerly interlocked. Except for the spores, which differ in size
and in the peculiarities of their walls, the sporophyte yields very
few differential characters.

2 28 Alexander IV. Evans,

7. CUPULES

The characteristic gemmae of Marchantia have been repeatedly
described. They consist of flat discoid structures, each bearing
two opposite marginal growing points in shallow indentations.
They are attached to the thallus by a short stalk, which joins the
margin of the gemma midway between the growing points, the
gemma in consequence being vertical in position. The gemmae
occur in clusters on the upper surface of the thallus and are
surrounded by a circular membranous outgrowth, forming a cup
or cupule. Although the gemmae are very uniform throughout
the genus, the cupules yield a few differences which sometimes
assist in the determination of species. Two principal types occur :
in the one, the margin of the cupule is simply dentate to ciliate,
the teeth being sometimes scattered and sometimes close together ;
in the other type the margin bears a series of triangular pointed
lobes, the edges of which are dentate to ciliate. As an example
of the first type M. domingensis (Fig. 12, K) may be cited, while
M. polymorpha (Fig. 2, N) shows the second type clearly.

III. DESCRIPTION OF SPECIES

Nees von Esenbeck^ divided the genus Marchantia into the two
sections Astromarchantia and Chlamidium. The first included
species in which the female peduncle was "central" ; the second,
which was first proposed by Corda as a genus, included species
in which the female receptacle was "excentric." In the first sec-
tion he placed M. polymorpha, in the second M. paleacea. These
two sections are retained in the Synopsis Hepaticarum, except
that the first is renamed Stellatae; they are likewise retained by
Dumortier,^ who coined the name Marchantiotypus for the first
section. Schiffner^ follows the example of the Synopsis, empha-
sizing the radial symmetry of the female receptacle in the Stella-
tae; while Stephani bases his two groups, "a" and "b," which
he does not designate by formal names, upon differences in the
symmetry of the female receptacle, the first group including spe-
cies with "symmetrical" receptacles and the second, species with
"unsymmetrical" receptacles. It is interesting to note that he
includes M. paleacea in his first group, although his predecessors
had placed it definitely in the section Chlamidium.

The fact has already been brought out that the female recep-
tacles throughout the genus are always symmetrical with respect to
one plane of symmetry but never with respect to more than one.
Stephani's distinction, therefore, falls to the ground, and the dis-
tinction in the position of the stalk, emphasized by Nees von
Esenbeck, is not much more trustworthy. In certain species,
where the two basal rays are sometimes distinctly shorter than
the others and sometimes about as long, it breaks down alto-
gether; in the first case the stalk would be "excentric," in the
second "central." At the same time the sections Astromarchantia
and Chlamidium represent natural groups of species and can still
be maintained if different characters are used to distinguish
them. In Astromarchantia, for example, there are no sclerotic
cells in the thallus, and the rays of the female receptacle are
terete, at least in the outer part ; in Chlamidium, sclerotic cells

^Naturg. Europ. Leberm. 4:60. 1838.

'Bull. Soc. Bot. Belgique 13: 150. 1874.

' Engler & Prantl, Nat. Pflanzenf am 1^ : 37- 1893.

230 Alexander W. Evans,

are normally present in the thallus, and the rays of the female
receptacle are flat or convex. In both these sections the invo-
lucres (and clusters of archegonia) alternate with the rays.
A third group, typified by M. geminata, in which the involucres
are situated beneath the rays, also seems worthy of sectional rank,
but since this group is not represented in America (at any rate
according to our present knowledge), it need not be further
considered here.

In the preparation of this paper the writer has had the privi-
lege of examining the large collection of Marchantiae in the
herbarium of the New York Botanical Garden (N. Y.),* which
includes the Mitten and Underwood herbaria. This has been
supplemented by the specimens in the Cryptogamic Herbarium
of Harvard University (H.), which includes the Taylor and
Sullivant herbaria, and by the material in the United States
National Herbarium (U. S.), the private herbarium of Miss
C. C. Haynes (C. C. H.), and the herbaria at Yale Univer-^
sity (Y.), the last including the Eaton herbarium and the writer's
private herbarium. Several specimens from the Montague (M.)
and Boissier (B.) herbaria, including a number of types, have
likewise been available for study, through the courtesy of MM.
Paul Hariot and G. Beauverd, respectively. The writer would
extend his sincere thanks to all w^ho have aided him in his work.

Key to the species
Thallus destitute of sclerotic cells : stalk of male receptacle destitute of
air-chambers, with two rhizoid-furrows; rays short and broad: stalk
of female receptacle with a single band of air-chambers and two
rhizoid-furrows; rays mostly nine or more, terete, at least in outer
part; involucre with dentate or ciliate lobes: cupules with dentate
lobes, bearing papillae on outside.

Section I. Astromarchantia.
Epidermal pores usually surrounded by four rows of cells, never dis-
tinctly cruciate: marginal scales present; appendages of median
scales irregularly crenulate or denticulate.
Rays of female receptacle bearing papillae; basal sinus scarcely or

not at all wider than the others.

1. M. polymorpha.

Rays of female receptacle destitute of papillae; basal sinus usually

distinctly wider than the others.

2. M. plicata.

* The letters in parentheses are abbreviations used below in the citation
of specimens.

American Species of Marchantia. 231

Epidermal pores usually surrounded by six ro.ws of cells, distinctly
cruciate; marginal scales not present; appendages of median scales
minutely and regularly crenulate or denticulate; rays of female
receptacle destitute of papillae; basal sinus scarcely or not at all
wider than the others.

3. M. Berteroana.
Thallus with sclerotic cells : epidermal pores usually surrounded by five

to seven rows of cells: marginal scales not present: rays of female
receptacle mostly five to nine, rarely more, flat to convex on upper
surface, never terete, destitute of papillae; basal sinus usually dis-
tinctly wider than the others : cupules destitute of papillae.

Section II. Chlamidium.
Stalk of female receptacle with a single band of air-chambers.
Epidermal pores cruciate: appendages of scales entire or slightly
toothed: stalk of male receptacle destitute of air-chambers, with
two rhizoid-furrows ; rays short and broad : stalk of female
receptacle with two rhizoid-furrows ; rays long and narrow ;
involucre with ciliate lobes : cupules with dentate lobes.

4. M. paleacea.
Epidermal pores not cruciate: stalk of male receptacle vith a single

band of air-chambers and two to four rhizoid-furrows; rays
long and narrow (at maturity) : stalk of female receptacle with
two to four rhizoid-furrows ; involucre vaguely or not at all
lobed, entire to ciliate: cupules not lobed, dentate to ciliate.
Appendages of ventral scales sparingly crenulate or denticulate:

rays of female receptacle short and broad, mostly eleven;

involucre ciliate.

5. M. breviloba.
Appendages of ventral scales usually closely denticulate or cilio-

late: rays of female receptacle long and usually narrow.
Epidermal pores mostly 90-130 x 70-80/*: rays of female recep-
tacle slightly or not at all dilated at the apex, rarely emar-
ginate ; involucre crenulate to ciliate.

6. M. domingensis.
Epidermal pores mostly 50-70 x 40-45M : rays of female receptacle

distinctly dilated at the apex, usually emarginate; involucre
entire to crenulate.

7. M. papillata.
Stalk of female receptacle with two bands of air-chambers and two

rhizoid-furrows ; rays normally five, short and rounded, not dilated ;
involucre dentate to ciliate or laciniate: stalk of male receptacle
with two rhizoid-furrows: epidermal pores not cruciate: append-
ages of ventral scales entire to sparingly dentate: cupules not lobed,
dentate to ciliate.
Thallus thin and very delicate.

8. M. Bescherellei.

Thallus usually thick and firm.

9. M. chenopoda.

232 Alexander IV. Evans,

Section I. Astromarchantia
I. March ANTiA polymorph a L.
Marchantia polymorpha L. Sp. Plant. 1603. 1753.
Marchantia stellata Scop. Fl. Carn. 24 ed. 353. 1772.
Marchantia umbellata Scop. /. c. 354. 1772.
Marchantia coarctata Corda; Opiz, Beitr. zur Naturg. 647.

1828 (nomen nudum).
Marchantia elliptica Corda, /. c. 647. 1828 {nomen nudum).
Marchantia Kahlichiana Corda, /. c. 647. 1828 {nomen nudum).
Marchantia macrocephala Corda, /. c. 647. 1828. {nomen

nudum) ; Sturm, Deutschl. Flora 2 : 63. pi. //. 1832.
Marchantia vittata Raddi, Mem. Soc. Ital. Modena 20 : 45. 1829.
Marchantia Syckorae Corda; Nees von Esenbeck, Naturg.

Europ. Leberm. 4:97. 1838.
Marchantia oregonensis Steph. ; Roll, Bot. Centralbl. 43 : 203.

1891.

Thallus pale to dark green, not glaucous, sometimes with a
brownish or purplish median band on the upper surface, often
more or less pigmented with purple on the lower surface, usually
0.75-1.25 cm. wide and 4-6 cm. long, repeatedly dichotomous,
the successive forks usually 2 cm. or less apart; texture some-
times delicate, sometimes firm, but never leatliery, margin entire
or minutely denticulate; epidermis composed of cells with
thin or slightly thickened walls, mostly 20-6o/i long (averag-
ing about 29^) and I2-20/a wide (averaging about i6ju,),
papillae present near the margin or absent altogether; pores
(with their surrounding cells) mostly 60-75/A long and 40-6011
wide, sometimes measuring as much as 90x65/>i, surrounded
usually by four rows of cells (two in each series), each row being
usually composed of four cells, inner opening usually four-sided,
the sides rarely concave throughout, each bounding cell usually
projecting inward in the form of a rounded papilla with sub-
parallel or converging sides, mostly with a resinous deposit ; air-
chambers low, more or less elongated, their boundaries indistinct
when viewed through the epidermis, usually present everywhere
(except close to the margin) but sometimes absent from the
median region, rows of photosynthetic cells sometimes three cells
long but often shorter; compact ventral tissue mostly twelve to
twenty cells thick in the median portion, destitute of slime cells
and sclerotic cells, the cell walls slightly thickened and showing
distinct pits; ventral scales in three rows on each side of the
thallus, median and marginal scales in distinct rows, laminar
scales in a more indefinite row, scales often more or less pigmented

American Species of Marchantia. 233

with purple, the marginal scales close together though scarcely
imbricated, usually projecting beyond the margin; appendages
of median scales broadly orbicular, mostly 0.5-0.75 mm. long and
0.6-0.8 mm. wide, rounded to very bluntly pointed, sometimes
apiculate, margin usually minutely and irregularly denticulate,
sometimes (in hygrophilous forms) tending to be crenulate, cells
showing a gradual decrease in size toward the margin, median
cells subisodiametric, mostly 35-40/^1 in diameter, marginal cells
mostly 20-25 ju, long and 14-16/A wide, sometimes smaller (io-i6fix
lO/x), cells containing oil-bodies about 20/x in diameter, usually
from five to ten on each appendage, restricted to submarginal
(and, rarely, marginal) portions: male receptacle borne on a
stalk 1-3 cm. long with two rhizoid-furrows, destitute of dorsal
air-chambers, the disc mostly 0.7-1 cm. broad, shortly lobed or
merely crenate, the lobes or rays mostly eight (rarely nine or ten),
2 mm. long or less, rounded at the apex with thin wavy mar-
gins, covered ventrally with densely imbricated scales in several
rows : female receptacle borne on a stalk 2-7 cm. long, with two
rhizoid-furrows and a single broad dorsal band of air-chambers,
the disc mostly 0.8-1.3 cm. broad, deeply lobed, the lobes or rays
spreading at maturity, mostly nine (sometimes ten or eleven),
3-5 mm. long, separated by subequal sinuses, terete, covered over
with epidermal papillae; involucre deeply and irregularly lobed,
the lobes long-acuminate and ciliate on the margins: spores
yellow, I2-I5ju in diameter, fiearly smooth; elaters 3-5/* wide,
bispiral: cupules deeply lobed, the lobes acute to acuminate,
usually dentate to short-spinose on the sides, outer surface with
epidermal papillae. (Figs, i, 2.)

Throughout the greater part of Europe and in the northern
parts of Asia and North America M. polymorpha is the only
representative of the genus and is exceedingly abundant. It
grows in swamps and bogs, on rocks and walls near the ground,
on banks and the sides of ditches, in gardens and greenhouses,
and on the earth in fields and woods. It is perhaps most luxuriant
in bogs and on steep rocky hillsides where a liberal supply of
water is available. In the woods it is especially likely to occur
where a fire has left a supply of charcoal behind. Toward the
south other species of Marchantia make their appearance and
M. polymorpha becomes less abundant. In many places it pre-
sents the appearance of being an introduced plant.

A search through the literature shows that the occurrence of M.
polymorpha south of the equator has been doubted or denied
by certain authors. Hooker,^ for example, about fifty years ago,

' See Handb. New Zealand Fl. 545. ^^^7-

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI 16 1917

2 34 Alexander W. Evans,

stated that M. tabularis (i. e., M. Berteroana) was the southern
representative of the northern M. polymorpha, thus implying that
the latter species was absent from antarctic regions. Stephani®
is even more definite when he describes the habitat of the species
as "Europa, Asia et America septentrionalis." Other authors,
however, cite definite stations for M. polymorpha from the
Southern Hemisphere. It will be sufficient to mention in this
connection the recent record by Schiffner^ for Kerguelen Island,
that by Kaalaas® for the Crozet Islands, and that by Howe®
for South Georgia. In the opinion of the present writer the
occurrence of the species in South America has been clearly
established. Specimens from Ecuador, Bolivia and Patagonia
have been carefully studied and have been found to agree in all
essential respects with European and North American material.
Specimens from Kerguelen Island, collected by the Challenger
Expedition, and the specimens from South Georgia cited above
have likewise been examined, and have been found equally con-
vincing, but no further statements can be made from personal
knowledge regarding the distribution of the species in other parts
of the Southern Hemisphere.

On account of the abundance of M. polymorpha in the United
States and northward it seems inadvisable to give a full list of
the North American specimens which have been examined. It is
enough to state that the species' has been collected in Greenland
and other parts of arctic America, in Alaska, in nearly every
Canadian province and territory and in nearly every state of the
Union. The specimens cited below are from tropical North
America and from South America.

Federal District of Mexico: Canada San Magdalena, Con-
treras, October, 1908, Barnes & Land 455, 458 (Y.).

Oaxaca: near Miahuatlan, 1895, E. W. Nelson 2^30 (U. S.).

Puebla: banks along Avenida Hidalgo and path to barranca,
Tezuitlan, October, 1908, Barnes & Land 541, 542 (Y.) ; Santa
Barbara, near Puebla, November, 1909, Frere Nicolas 20 (Y.).

*Bull. Herb. Boissier 7:393- 1899.

' Deutsch. Siidpolar-Exped. 8 : 64. 1906.

•Nyt Mag. Naturv. 49:86. 191 1.

'See Taylor, N. Sci. Bull. Mus. Brooklyn 2:62. 1914.

American Species of Marchantia. 235

Vera Cruz: Orizaba, 1855, F. Miiller 2245 (N. Y., listed by
Gottsche in Mex. Leverm. 268. 1863) ; Mirador, April, 1857,
C. Mohr (N. Y.) ; Orizaba, January, 1892, /. G. Smith (N. Y.).

Jamaica: near Hardware Gap, July, 1903, A. W. Evans
176 (Y.).

Ecuador: near Banos, R. Spruce (distributed in Hepaticae
Spruceanae).

Bolivia: Sorata, February, 1886, H. H. Rushy 3003 in part
(N. Y., listed by Spruce as ''M. nova species?" in Mem. Torrey
Club i: 140. 1890).

Chile: Renca, near Santiago, February, 1901, G. T. Hoistings
S18 (U. S.) ; Straits of Magellan, 1866-67, ^' Cunningham 105,
135 (N. Y.) ; Punta Arenas, November, 1895, P. Dusen (N. Y.,
first determined by Stephani as M. Berteroana; afterwards
listed as "M. tahularis" in Bihang t. K. Sven. Vet.-Akad. Handl.
26^ No. 17:8. 1901) ; Cordilleras of Patagonia, February,
1897, /. B. Hatcher (Y., listed by the writer in Bull. Torrey
Club 25 : 424. 1898) ; Pimta Arenas, February, 1906, R. Thaxter
64,65 (H.,Y.).

The following additional stations, recorded in the literature,
are likewise of interest:

Costa Rica: Volcano of Poas, H. Pittier 6021 (listed by
Stephani in Bull. Soc. Bot. Belgique 31 : 180. 1892).

Colombia: Bogota, 1859, ^- Lindig 1700, 1701, 1717 (listed
by Gottsche in Ann. Sci. Nat. Bot. V.- 1 : 186. 1864).

Venezuela: Colonia Tovar, Moritz 134 (listed, but erro-
neously ascribed to Colombia, in Syn. Hep. 789. 1847 ; also listed
by Hampe in Linnaea 20: 333. 1847).

Ecuador: Tunguragua, R. Spruce (Hsted in Trans. Bot. Soc.
Edinburgh 15 : 560. 1885).

As its name implies, Marchantia polymorpha is an exceedingly
variable species, and a full account of its numerous forms is
given by Nees von Esenbeck.^** He recognizes two principal
varieties, A. Communis and B. Alpestris, and under each variety
he describes a series of sub-varieties and groups of more inferior
rank. A. communis is prevalent at lower altitudes but sometimes
ascends to higher elevations in sheltered localities; B. alpestris
is restricted to mountainous regions. A. communis is charac-

"Naturg. Europ. Leberm. 4:65-71- 1838.

236

Alexander W. Evans,

terized by a lax habit and by female receptacles having elongated
rays and long slender stalks; B. alpestris, by a compact habit
and by female receptacles having shorter rays and shorter and
thicker stalks.

Nees von Esenbeck's varieties and subordinate groups are
accepted without question in the Synopsis Hepaticarum, but later

Fig. I. Marchantia polymorph a L.

Appendages of ventral scales, x 100; F represents the basal portion of
an appendage; the other figures represent apical portions. A. Opdal,
Norway, /. Hagen, in V. Schiffner's Hep. Europ. Exsic. i^, type of var.
ftiamillata Hagen. B-D. New Haven, Connecticut, A. W. Evans. E, F.
Wilbraham, Massachusetts, E. A. Chapin, forma aquatica. G. Mount
Hood, Oregon, /. Roll, type of M. oregonensis Steph. H. Oaxaca, E. W.
Nelson 2530. I. Jamaica, A. IV. Evans 176, J. Patagonia, /. B. Hatcher.m

writers have largely neglected them. There are two, however,
which appear from time to time in local lists and taxonomic
works. One of these is A. communis, a aquatica, usually quoted
as "var. aquatica Nees," and the other is B. alpestris, quoted
as "var. alpestris Nees." The diflFerences between these two
so-called varieties are indeed striking. In var. aquatica the
thallus shows a distinct median band on the upper surface usually
pigmented with purple and associated with the absence of air-

American Species of Marchantia. 237

chambers, as Schiffner has pointed out; in var. alpestris the
thallus is uniformly green on the upper surface, and air-chambers
are everywhere present. In var. aquatica the margin of the
thallus is entire or nearly so, and the upper surface completely
lacks epidermal papillae or bears them very rarely; in var.
alpestris the margin of the thallus is more or less denticulate from
projecting cells, and epidermal papillae occur in greater or less
abundance in the marginal portions. In var. aquatica the
appendages of the ventral scales are entire or nearly so, and
the spreading rhizoids are smooth; in var. alpestris the appen-
dages are distinctly denticulate, and the spreading rhizoids
tuberculate.

About fifteen years ago another so-called variety was distin-
guished by Hagen under the name var. mamillata. It was based
\ on a supply of specimens collected by its author at Opdal in
[ Norway and distributed by Schiffner in Hep. Europ. Exsic. 15,
I Apparently Hagen himself did not publish his variety. Schiff-
ner^^ did so, however, and quoted Hagen's original diagnosis,
as follows: "Cellulae epidermicae et frondis dorsalis et carpo-
cephali acute mamillosae." In commenting on this diagnosis
Schiffner showed that the mamillose appearance, so strongly
emphasized, was due to epidermal papillae and that these were
restricted to the marginal portions of the thallus. He showed
further that the female receptacles in all forms of M. poly-
morpha were mamillose in Hagen's sense. Var. mamillata, there-
fore, is based on exceedingly vague characters and has little or
nothing to distinguish it from var. alpestris.

Although var. aquatica and var. alpestris are at first sight so
distinct from each other they are connected by intermediate
forms, and their differences seem to be associated with definite
differences in environmental conditions. They represent, there-
fore, modifications rather than varieties in the taxonomic sense.
Probably the most logical disposition to make of them is to regard
them as forms, as Miiller^^ j^^s done, and to cite them as forma
aquatica (Nees) K. Miill. and forma alpestris (Nees) K. Miill.,
respectively. Other forms, less distinct than these, might like-
wise be distinguished, but it would hardly be a profitable task
to designate them by names.

" Lotos 49 : 93. 1901.

" Rabenhorst's Kryptogamen-Flora 6 : 306. 1907.

238 Alexander W. Evans,

Of the various synonyms quoted under M. polymorpha the first
six require fio special mention, since no question has arisen about
them for many years. In fact three of these synonyms were
never published adequately by their author at all, and nothing
would now be known about them if Nees von Esenbeck had not
included them among the synonyms of his varieties and forms of
M. polymorpha. It is perhaps worthy of note, however, that
M. stellata and M. umbellata were based on female and male
specimens, respectively, showing how deep an impression the
very different receptacles made on the early observers. The last
three synonyms deserve a few words of comment.

The first, M. vittata, was described from specimens collected
by its author on the island of Madeira. It is characterized by
the presence of a longitudinal median band on the thallus, deep
purple in color, and by a female receptacle bearing three to ten
terete rays. The authors of the Synopsis Hepaticarum cite
the species but do not number it, thus implying that they doubt
its validity. They refer it with some question to one of the
varieties of M. polymorpha. Although type specimens of M.
vittata have not been available for study there can be little doubt
that the species should be referred to M. polymorpha forma
aquatica, on account of its median purple band. This conclusion
is supported by the fact that Schiffner^^ quotes M. polymorpha
var. aquatica definitely from Madeira, although he makes no
mention of M. vittata. In fact the writer has found no references
to the species later than the date of the Synopsis.

The next species, M. Syckorae, was based on female speci-
mens collected by Syckora and by Corda in Bohemia. Nees von
Esenbeck, without having seen specimens, gave a description of
the species based on Corda's notes and figures. The features
emphasized are the stellate female receptacles with terete rays
and the monocarpous involucres, each consisting of two distinct
membranes divided into six lanceolate acuminate lobes with
serrate-dentate margins. In spite of the peculiarities in the
involucre Nees von Esenbeck suspected that M. Syckorae was
nothing but a form of M. polymorpha, and yet it is cited and
numbered in the Synopsis Hepaticarum. Many years later
Dedecek^* definitely included M. Syckorae among the synonyms

"Oesterr. Bot Zeitschr. 51:116. 1901.

"Arch. Naturw. Landesdurchf. Bohmen, Bot. 5': 20. 1886.

American Species of Marchantia.

239

Fig. 2. Marchantia polymorpha L,

Anatomical details. A, B, Epidermal pores of thallus, surface view,
X 225. C. Pore in cross-section, x 225. D-L Inner openings of pores,
X 225. J. Marginal portion of thallus, in section, showing two epidermal
papillae, x 225. K. Stalk of male receptacle, cross-section near base,
X 40. L. Female receptacle, section of part of disc, showing a pore and
three epidermal papillae, x 225. M. Part of involucre, x 50. N. Part
of cupule, showing three lobes, x 50. O, P. Epidermal papillae from
cupule, in section, x 225. A, D. Opdal, Norway, /. Hagen, in V. Schiff-
ner's Hep. Europ. Exsic. 15, type of var. mamillata Hagen. B, I, J.
Jamaica, A. W. Evans. C. Oaxaca, E. W. Nelson 2530. E, L-P. New
Haven, Connecticut, G. E. Nichols, A. W. Evans. F-H. Wilbraham,
Massachusetts, E. A. Chapin, G and H representing forma aquatica. K.
Eberswalde, Germany, A. W. Evans.

240 Alexander W. Evans,

of M. polymorpha and Schiffner^^ has since followed the same
course.

The type material of the last synonym, M. oregonensis, con-
sists of a series of male specimens collected on Mount Hood,
Oregon, by J. Roll, in 1888. A portion of the type in the Under-
wood herbarium has been examined by the writer. In his
original account of M. oregonensis, Stephani emphasizes the
dentate and spinose appendages of the ventral scales and states
that he knows no other Marchantia of temperate regions in
which similar appendages occur. Howe^® soon pointed out, how-
ever, that the appendages in many European and American
specimens of M. polymorpha agreed with those of M. oregonensis
and expressed the opinion that the peculiarity emphasized by
Stephani had no specific significance. Fig. i, G, drawn from
M. oregonensis, fully supports Howe's statements. As a matter
of fact the appendages are not deeply enough toothed to be
called "spinose" or even "dentate" ; it would be more accurate
to describe them as denticulate or crenulate. In his Species
Hepaticarum, published the same year as Howe's observations,
Stephani^^ still maintains the validity of M. oregonensis. He
describes the appendages as variously and remotely dentate-spinose
and states that they are composed of small subequal cells. Here
again Fig. i, G brings out a slight inaccuracy, by showing that
the marginal cells are distinctly smaller than the interior cells.
In his critical notes he no longer emphasizes the features of the
appendages but calls attention to the cruciate internal openings
of the epidermal pores, stating that no other North American
species has pores of this character. In the material studied by
the writer no pores of a distinctly cruciate type were found;
they agreed, rather, with the pores of M. polymorpha forma
alpestris, as shown in Fig. 2, D. Since both of the distinctions
relied upon by Stephani thus break down there seems to be no
reason why M. oregonensis should not be considered a simple
synonym of M. polymorpha.

"Engler & Prantl, Nat. Pflanzenfam. 1^:37. 1893.
"Mem. Torrey Club 7:62. 1899.
" Bull. Herb. Boissier 7 : 531. 1899.

American Species of Marchantia. 241

2. Marchantia plicata Nees & Mont.

\Marchantia (?) plicata Nees & Mont. ; Montagne, Ann. Sci. Nat.

Bot. II. 9 : 43. 1838.
\Marchantia lamellosa Hampe & Gottsche ; G. L. & N. Syn. Hep.

527. 1846.
\Marchantia vulcanica Spruce, Trans. Bot. Soc. Edinburgh

15 : 559. 1885 (as synonym).

Thallus green, not glaucous, often more or less pigmented with
purple on the lower surface, usually 1-1.5 cm. wide, often 6-8 cm.
long or even more, occasionally dichotomous, the successive forks
usually about 2 cm. apart, texture delicate, margin entire; epi-
dermis cornposed of thin-walled cells, averaging about 20/* in
length and 13/A in width, papillae absent; pores (with their sur-
rounding cells) mostly 65-80/A long and 50-6o/>t wide, gradually
decreasing in size toward the margin, the smallest measuring
about 50x40/*, surrounded by three or (usually) four rows of
cells (two rows being in the lower series), each row being usually
composed of four cells, inner opening mostly four-sided, with
slightly convex to distinctly concave sides, somewhat roughened
by a resinous deposit; air-chambers low, isodiametric or some-
what elongated, their boundaries very indistinct when viewed
through the epidermis, everywhere present (except close to the
margin), rows of photosynthetic cells usually less than three
cells long; compact ventral tissue mostly twenty to twenty-five
cells thick in the median portion, destitute of slime cells and
sclerotic cells, the cell-walls slightly thickened and with distinct
pits ; ventral scales in four to six rows on each side of the thallus,
median and marginal scales in distinct rows, laminar scales in
two to four indistinct rows, scales often pigmented with purple,
marginal scales more or less imbricated and usually projecting
beyond the margin ; appendages of median scales orbicular-ovate
to orbicular, mostly 0.65-0.9 mm. long and 0.65-0.8 mm. wide,
somewhat narrowed toward the rounded and sometimes apiculate
apex, margin minutely and irregularly denticulate or crenulate,
a tooth sometimes consisting of an entire cell borne on a slightly
projecting stalk cell, cells rapidly decreasing in size toward the
margin, median cells mostly 70-90/>i in length and 40-60JU, in
width, marginal cells only 25-50/x in length and 12-201L in width,
cells containing oil-bodies 15-30/A in diameter, usually about ten
on each appendage, restricted to submarginal portions: male
receptacle borne on a stalk 2-3 cm. long, with two rhizoid-fur-
rows, destitute of dorsal air-chambers, the disc mostly 1-1.2 cm.
broad (when well developed), deeply lobed, the lobes or rays
mostly eight (sometimes nine or ten), the two basal rays usually
separated by a wider sinus than the others, 2-4 mm. long, rounded
at the apex and with thin wavy margins, covered ventrally with

242 Alexander W. Evans,

densely imbricated scales in several rows: female receptacle
borne on a stalk 6-8 cm. long (when well developed), with two
rhizoid-furrows and a single broad dorsal band of air-chambers,
the disc mostly 1.2- 1.6 cm. broad, deeply lobed, the lobes or rays
spreading at maturity, mostly eleven (sometimes nine or ten),
5-6 mm. long, the two basal rays usually shorter than the others
and separated by a wider sinus, rays terete, rounded at the apex,
destitute of surface-papillae; involucre sometimes pigmented,
deeply and irregularly lobed, the lobes long-acuminate and dentate
to ciliate on the sides: spores pale yellow, 12-14/x in diameter,
smooth or nearly so ; elaters 3-5/x wide, bispiral : cupules deeply
lobed, the lobes as in M. polymorpha, outer surface with epidermal
papillae. (Figs. 3, 4.)

The species seems to be confined to the high mountains of
South America. The following specimens have been examined:

Colombia: Boqueron, Bogota, W. Weir (N. Y.).

Ecuador: Quito, December, 1847, ^- Ja^neson (N. Y., listed by
Mitten as M. Berteroana in Jour. Hot. & Kew Misc. 3:361.
1 851); Pichincha, R. Spruce (distributed in Hepaticae Spruce-
anae).

Peru: Cuzco, July, 191 1, H. W. Foote (Y., listed by the
writer as M. lamellosa in Trans. Conn. Acad. 18 : 299. 1914) ;
same locality, September, 1914, Mr. & Mrs. J. N. Rose ipodo
(N. Y., Y.) ; Ollantaytambo, May, 191 5, Cook & Gilbert 672
(U. S., Y.) ; San Miguel, Urubamba Valley, June, 191 5, Cook
& Gilbert 1162 (U. ,S., Y.) ; Lucumayo Valley, June, 1915,
Cook & Gilbert 1321 (U. S., Y.).

Bolivia: between Chupe and Janacache, province of Yungas,
A. d'Orbigny 209 (M., type) ; Sorata, February, 1886, H. H.
Rusby S005 in part (N. Y., listed by Spruce as "M. plicata
Nees?" in Mem. Torrey Club 1:140. 1890); Songo, Novem-
ber, 1890, M. Bang pio (N. Y., U. S., Y., listed by Rusby as
M. polymorpha in Mem. Torrey Qub 4:274. 1895); Sorata,
September, 1901, R. S. Williams 2144 (N. Y., Y.).

The type specimen of M. lamellosa was collected at the fol-
lowing locality :

Venezuela: Paramo de Mucuchies, Moritz 45 (listed, but
erroneously ascribed to Colombia, in Syn. Hep. 527. 1846; also
listed by Hampe in Linnaea 20 : 333. 1847) .

American Species of Marchantia.

243

The present species was based on a specimen without recep-
tacles or gemmae. When originally described its generic posi-
tion was considered doubtful, but the authors of the Synopsis
saw clearly that it represented a Marchantia and suggested its

Fig. 3. Marchantia plicata Nees & Mont.

Appendages of ventral scales, x 100. D represents the basal portion of
an appendage ; the other figures represent apical portions. A. Ecuador,
W. Jameson. B-D. Peru, H. W. Foote. E-G. Peru, Cook & Gilbert
672, 1 162, 132J. H. Bolivia, A. d'Orhigny, type. I. Bolivia, M. Bang 910.

relationship to M. polymorpha. Unfortunately the absence of
receptacles made a positive conclusion impossible, and they were
therefore obliged to place it among the species "incertae sedis.'*
A portion of the type material from the Montague herbarium,
kindly forwarded by M. Paul Hariot, has been carefully com-

244 Alexander W. Evans,

pared with the other specimens cited above. The epidermal cells
are unusually delicate and are slightly smaller than the averages
given, measuring perhaps i8 x io/a, but the epidermal pores and
ventral scales agree very closely with those of the other speci-
mens. It is clear, therefore, in the writer's opinion, that all the
specimens cited represent the same species.

The original material of M. lamellosa has not been available
for study, but the specimen from Colombia, listed above, was
referred to this species by Mitten and is evidently the same as
the specimens from Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia. On the basis
of this specimen and the full description in the Synopsis Hepati-
carum, M. lamellosa is here reduced to synonymy. It should be
noted, however, that Stephani considers it valid, so that this
reduction is perhaps unwarranted. He ascribes to the species
cruciate pores and papillate rays on the female receptacles. In
one of the Peruvian specimens. No. 672, some of the pores are
as cruciate as those of M. oregonensis, but other pores are not
cruciate at all, so that a considerable range of variation is present.
The lack of receptacles in these specimens makes it impossible to
determine whether papillate rays are associated with pores which
approach the cruciate condition, although the constant absence
of papillae in all the fruiting specimens studied, which are clearly
the same as No. 672, makes such an association improbable.
Even if papillae occasionally occurred they would hardly afford a
basis for a specific separation. Stephani cites M. lamellosa from
the type locality and also from Ecuador (Chimborazo and Altar,
Hans Meyer) .^^ He cites M. plicata from the type locality, from
Ecuador (Quito, Ortoneda, Spruce), from Colombia (Lmdig),
and from Venezuela (Merida, Moritz). It is probable that the
Lindig specimens are those listed by Gottsche under M. poly-,
morpha and that the Morifz specimens are those doubtfully
referred by Hampe^® to M. Berteroana. Of course, in the
absence of the specimens themselves, this matter can not be
definitely decided.

Although M. plicata and M. polymorpha are closely related
species it is usually easy to distinguish them. Some of the dif-
ferential characters, however, are vague and subject to varia-
tion. When M. plicata is well developed the thallus and the

" See Meyer, In den Hoch-Anden von Ecuador 517. Berlin, 1907.
" Linnaea 20 : 333. 1847.

American Species of Marchantia.

245

sexual receptacles are larger than in the most robust forms of
M. polymorpha, approaching or equalling in this respect the
more southern M. Berteroana. The thallus also shows a tendency
to fork at infrequent intervals, so that it presents the appearance
of being more elongated than in M, polymorpha.

The lack of epidermal papillae on the rays of the female
receptacle seems also to be a distinguishing character. In fact

Marchantia plicata Nees & Mont.

A-C Epidermal pores of thallus, surface view,

Fig. 4.

Anatomical details.
X 225. D. Pore in cross-section, x 225. E. Inner opening of pore, x 225.

F, G. Two parts of the same involucre. A, B, D, E. Peru, Cook &
Gilbert 1162, 1321. C. Bolivia, A. dOrbigny, type. F, G. Colombia,
W. Weir.

papillae of this type are restricted to the outer surface of the
cupules. In spite of the large size of the thallus the epidermis of
M. plicata is unusually delicate in texture and the air-chambers
unusually low.

The ventral scales exhibit considerable variation with respect
to size and amount of pigmentation. In typical examples the
ventral surface is almost covered with purple scales, but this con-
dition is by no means constant; the scales may only partially
cover over the surface and the pigmentation may be very slight.

246 Alexander W. Evans,

The crowded marginal scales, however, visible from above, seem
to be a constant feature, although these scales may not be any-
more conspicuous than in M. polymorpha. The appendages of
the ventral scales, as in other species, yield some of the most
important characters (Fig. 3). The small marginal cells are
exceedingly irregular, forming various angles with the periphery
of the appendage and often projecting in the form of blunt teeth.
Frequently a projecting cell will be borne on a broader basal cell,
a two-celled tooth of a peculiar type being thus produced.
Usually the difference in size between the marginal cells and the
interior cells is very marked, but the difference is less when the
appendages are poorly developed (Fig. 3, A). The apices of the
appendages are especially variable. In some cases a distinct
apical tooth two cells long is present, making the appendage
apiculate (Fig. 3, F) ; in other cases the apical tooth is hardly
distinguishable from the neighboring teeth (Fig. 3, G) ; in still
other cases there is no indication whatever of an apical tooth
(Fig. 3, H, I).

When the appendages are compared with those of M. poly-
morpha they are found to have many features in common. In
both species they are similar in form and show a decrease in the
size of the cells in passing from the middle to the margin; in
both species the apex is variable and the margin is normally
denticulate. In M. plicata, however, the cells are larger and the
decrease in size more abrupt, the denticulation tends to be more
pronounced, owing largely to the frequency of two-celled teeth,
and the marginal cells tend to be more irregular. Although these
differences are of a comparative nature and subject to variation,
they will usually be found serviceable in separating the species.

3. Marchantia Berteroana Lehm. & Lindenb.

Marchantia Berteroana Lehm. & Lindenb. ; Lehmann, Pug. Plant.
6:21. 1834.

Marchantia tabularis Nees, Naturg. Europ. Leberm. 4: 71 (foot-
note). 1838.

Marchantia cephaloscypha Steph. Hedwigia 22 : 51. 1883.

Thallus green or bluish green, sometimes glaucous, often more
or less pigmented with purple or brownish near the margin and
on the lower surface, usually 1-1.5 cm. wide and 6-8 cm. long,

American Species of Marchantia. 247

variously dichotomous, the successive forks sometimes 2-3 cm.
apart but often closer together, texture usually tough and
leathery, margin entire or minutely and irregularly denticulate
or crenulate, more or less plicate; epidermis composed of cells
with thin or slightly thickened walls, mostly 20-60/* long (aver-
aging about 32/x) and 16-24/A wide (averaging about iQ/a),
papillae absent; pores (with their surrounding cells) mostly
6o-8o/>t long and 50-60/* wide, surrounded usually by six rows
of cells (three in each series), each row being usually composed
of four cells, inner opening cruciate, the bounding cells commonly
four (rarely three or five), slightly roughened; air-chambers of
medium height, usually a little longer than broad, their boundaries
indistinct when viewed through the epidermis, present every-
where, rows of photosynthetic cells usually three or four cells
long; compact ventral tissue about twenty-five cells thick in the
median portion, destitute of slime cells and sclerotic cells, usually
thin-walled and with indistinct pits; ventral scales in two rows,
median and laminar, no marginal scales being present, scarcely
imbricated, pale or brownish; appendages of median scales
orbicular-ovate to broadly orbicular, usually somewhat narrowed
toward the rounded apex, mostly 0.6-1 mm. in length and about
the same in width, margin minutely and often regularly crenulate
or denticulate from projecting cells, cells showing an abrupt
decrease in size toward the margin, median cells mostly 60-85/A
long and 20-40 fi wide, marginal cells (in one, two, or three
rows) mostly 12-20/* long and 8-12/* wide, cells containing oil-
bodies about 20/X in diameter, about five on each appendage,
restricted to submarginal portions : male receptacle borne on a
stalk 1-5 cm. long with two rhizoid-furrows, destitute of dorsal
air-chambers, the disc about i cm. in diameter, more or less
deeply lobed when well developed, the lobes or rays mostly eight,
usually 2-3 mm. long, rounded at the apex and with thin wavy
margins, covered ventrally (except in the marginal portions) with
imbricated scales in several rows, sinuses usually subequal in
width: female receptacle borne on a stalk mostly 3-8 cm. in
length, with two rhizoid-furrows and a broad dorsal band of air-
chambers, the disc mostly 0.8-1 cm. broad, deeply lobed, the
lobes or rays spreading at maturity, mostly nine, 2-3 mm. long,
separated by subequal sinuses, terete, rounded, destitute of epi-
dermal papillae; involucre much as in M. polymorpha: spores
brownish yellow, mostly 8-10/* in diameter, smooth; elaters about
5/* wide, bispiral : cupules deeply lobed, the lobes as in M. poly-
morpha, outer surface with epidermal papillae. (Fig. 5.)

A widely distributed species, restricted (according to our
present knowledge) to the Southern Hemisphere. The follow-
ing South American specimens have been examined :

248 Alexander W. Evans,

Argentina: Buenos Aires, without date, Twiedie (H.) ; La
Plata, collector and date unknown (H.).

Chile: Concepcion, November, 1905, R. Thaxter, 16, 66
(H., Y.) ; Port Corral, January, 1906, R. Thaxter, 62, 24, ^2
(H., Y.) ; Hermite Island, Cape Horn, 1843, J- H.Hooker (H.).

Juan Fernandez : without definite localities, 1830, C. Bertero
(H, N. Y.), type) ; H. N. Moseley (N. Y, Challenger Expedi-
tion) ; 1901, G. T. Hastings 218 (N. Y., U. S.).

Falkland Islands: without definite locality, 1843, /. D.
Hooker (H.).

The following specimens from other regions have likewise
been examined:

St. Helena: without definite locality or date, /. Melliss
(N. Y.) ; 1844, /. D. Hooker (N. Y.) ; February, 1890, W. H.
& A. H. Brown 264 (U. S., United States Eclipse Expedition to
Western Africa, listed as M. tabularis by Stephani in Bull. Herb.
Boissier 7: 1899).

Cape Colony: Table Mountain, F. Krauss (N. Y.) ; Mon-
tague Pass, /. C. Bruetel (N. Y.) ; without definite localities or
dates, W. H. Harvey (N. Y.), Capt Rabenhorst (Y.).

Australia: Victoria, Robertson 6^3 (N. Y.) ; Swan River,
1846, /. Drummond (H.) ; without definite locality, F. von
Muller (H., Y.).

Tasmania: without definite localities, 1823, Lawrence
(N. Y.) ; 1838) R. Gunn (N. Y.) ; no date, W. Archer (N. Y.) ;
western mountains, no date, Lawrence (N. Y.) ; Tasman Penin-
sula, roadside from Long Bay to Tarrand, February, 1899, 1956b
(H., distributed by E. Levier as M. cephaloscypha).

New Zealand: without definite localities, no date, A. Sinclair
(N. Y.) ; 1881, E. Craig (Y.) ; no date, /. Remy (N. Y., dis-
tributed by C. Roumeguere as M. nitida) ; Waikehi, A. Sinclair
(H.) ; Raipara, 1850, 5. Mossmann (H.) ; Point Cooper, col-
lector and date unknown (N. Y.) ; North Island, 1904, W. A.
S etc hell 32 (Y.) ; Lord Auckland's Group, November, 1840,
/. D. Hooker (H.) ; Campbell Island, November, 1840, /. D.
Hooker (H.) ; without definite locality, date, or collector's name
(B., type of M. cephaloscypha).

Other South American stations of interest, cited in the litera-
ture, are the following:

f

American Species of Marchantia. 249

Argentina: Staten Island, Tierra del Fuego, C. Spegazzini
(listed by Massalongo in Nuovo Gior. Bot. Ital. 17: 258. 1885).

Chile: Saft Augustin and San Francisco del Monte, F. J. F.
Meyen (listed in Syn. Hep.) ; Otway Gulf, P. Savatier (listed
and figured as M. tabularis by Bescherelle and Massalongo in
Compt. Rend. Miss. Sci. Cap Horn 5 : 247. pi. 4, f. ly. 1889).

The identity of M. Berteroana and M. tabularis was established
by Schiffner, although Nees von Esenbeck, in proposing M.
tabularis, recognized its close relationship with the older species.
M. Berteroana was based on specimens collected by Bertero on
the island of Juan Fernandez, while the type material of M.
tabularis came from Table Mountain in Cape Colony. The
Synopsis Hepaticarum recognizes both species; it cites M. Ber-
teroana from Chile and St. Helena, as well as from the type
locality, and gives Devil's Peak in Cape Colony as a second sta-
tion for M. tabularis. Under M. Berteroana three varieties are
recognized : a, from Juan Fernandez, ^, biflora, from Chile ; and
7, anactis, from Juan Fernandez and St. Helena. In a, according
to the description, the rays of the female receptacle are one third
longer than the involucres, the latter enclosing three to five
flowers; in p, the rays are the same as in a but are fibrillose,
while the involucres usually contain only two flowers ; in y, the
rays do not project beyond the involucre at all.

In discussing M. Berteroana, Schiffner^*' points out that the
differences relied upon by Nees von Esenbeck in separating M.
tabularis are of no significance and that the same thing is true
of the differential characters assigned to the three varieties of
M. Berteroana. He points out further certain mistakes in the
original description of this species and also in the description
given in the Synopsis. He based his conclusions on a large series
of original and authentic specimens, several of which have been
studied by the present writer, and there seems to be no reason
for doubting the accuracy of his observations.

Schiffner was apparently the first to give a satisfactory descrip-
tion of the scale appendages in M. Berteroana. He calls attention
to the finely crenulate margin, to the border of very small cells
in one or two rows, and to the sharp distinction in size between

^Oesterr. Bot. Zeitschr. 46:41-44, 100-103. 1896.

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI 17 I9I7

250

Alexander W. Evans,

the marginal cells and the cells which adjoin them. To M.
polymorpha he assigns appendages which are minutely but
sharply denticulate, and adds that the cells gradually increase in

Fig. 5. Marchantia Berteroana Lehm. & Lindenb.

Appendages of ventral scales and other anatomical details. A-D.
Appendages of ventral scales, x 100: D represents the basal portion of
an appendage; the other figures represent apical portions. E, F. Epi-
dermal pores of thallus, surface view, x 225. G. Pore in cross-section,
X 225. H-J. Inner openings of pores, x 225. K. Stalk of female
receptacle, cross-section near base, x 40. A. Juan Fernandez, G. T.
Hastings 218. B, E, G, H. Chile, R. Thaxter 66. C, D. Cape Colony,
Capt. Rabenhorst. F, I-K. Australia, F. von Miiller.

size in passing from the margin to the median portion. In most
cases the distinctions given by SchiflFner apply very definitely, but
in the forma aquatica of M. polymorpha (Fig. i, E, F) the
appendages are usually destitute of distinct denticulations, the

American Species of Marchantia. 251

entire or crenulate margin closely simulating that of M. Ber-
teroana. Even here, however, the gradual decrease in the size of
the cells as the margin is approached is in contrast to the abrupt
decrease found in M. Berteroana.

In habit and in general appearance M. Berteroana resembles
M. polymorpha very closely, and it is not surprising that the early
observers failed to distinguish it as a species. The thallus, to
be sure, is more robust, it tends to be thicker and more leathery
than in the northern species, and the rays of the female receptacle
tend to be shorter, but these differences are not always pro-
nounced. There are, however, several distinctive features, in
addition to the scale-appendages, which deserve to be emphasized.
In the first place M. Berteroana seems to lack marginal scales
altogether. Sometimes the laminar scales form a vague double
row, some of the scales being nearer the margin than the others,
but even under these conditions there is quite a little space
between the outermost scales and the margin. In most cases
the row of laminar scales is more definite and the region without
scales is consequently wider. In M. polymorpha the marginal
scales are apparently always present, although they do not always
attain the same degree of development. M. Berteroana is further
distinguished by its cruciate epidermal pores, and by its lack
of epidermal papillae on both thallus and female receptacle. The
lack of marginal scales, the crenulate scale appendages, and the
cruciate pores will serve also to distinguish M. Berteroana from
M. plicata, although there is no evidence as yet that their ranges
overlap.

The writer has fortunately been able to examine an original
specimen of M. cephaloscypha. The species was based on gem-
miparous material with yoimg female receptacles collected some-
where in New Zealand, neither the date nor the collector's name
being given. A few years later Stephani^^ referred to his species
a series of specimens from various parts of Australia and was
able to add the characters derived from mature female receptacles
and ripe capsules. In his Species Hepaticarum,^^ in addition to
New Zealand and Australia, he cites Tasmania, Fuegia, Pata-
gonia and Chile as localities for the plant and notes that it is not

"Hedwigia 28:265. 1889.

""Bull. Herb. Boissier 7:391- 1899.

252 Alexander W. Evans,

rare. Still later he^^ quotes stations on Juan Fernandez, the
Chilean island of Chiloe, and the Falkland Islands. He therefore
gives the species a very extensive distribution in the vSouthern
Hemisphere. It has already been noted that he does not credit
M. Berteroana to America at all, the only specimens which he cites
being from Cape Colony, the Transvaal, and the island of St.
Helena.

In his descriptions of M. cephaloscypha Stephani emphasizes
the cruciate pores, the large scale-appendages bordered with very
small cells, the nine-rayed female receptacles with smooth and
terete rays, the eight-lobed male receptacles, and the spinose
cupules. It will at once be noted that all of these features are
found in M. Berteroana. There are, however, certain discrep-
ancies between Stephani's descriptions and the account of M.
Berteroana given above. He states, for example, in his original
description that the cupules are contracted at base and apex and
that the ventral scales are in three rows on each side of the
thallus, one row of tongue-shaped scales being close to the
margin. In his last description he still emphasizes the contracted
apices of the cupules but makes no allusion to the three rows
of ventral scales, perhaps because he has already given a triseriate
arrangement of the scales as a generic character.

The type specimen shows that some of the specific characters
emphasized by Stephani are based on misconceptions. The single
cupule present, for example, is contracted at the throat but flares
widely at the mouth. Even if the mouth itself were contracted
this condition might easily be due to immaturity and figures of
a young cupule of M. polymorpha by Mirbel,^* in which the
mouth is distinctly contracted, fully support this view. There
are, moreover, no marginal ventral scales, although the margin,
being irregularly crispate, produces the effect of scales. The
appendages of the median scales are slightly crenulate and show
one or two rows of marginal cells, the rays number nine in the
female receptacle and are destitute of papillae, the surface of
the cupule bears numerous papillae, and the pores are of the cru-
ciate type. The writer therefore feels justified in considering M.
cephaloscypha a simple synonym of M. Berteroana.

^Kungl. Svensk. Vetensk.-Akad. Handl. 46^ 5. 191 1.
" Mem. Acad. Sci. 13 : pi. 4, f. 31, 32. 1835.

American Species of Marchantia. 253

Section II. Chlamidiuin
4. Marchantia paleacea Bertol.
Marchantia paleacea Bertol. Opifs. Sci. Bologna i : 242. 181 7.
Marchantia papillata /3 italica Raddi, Mem. Soc. Ital. Modena

19 : 44. 1823.
Fimbriaria paleacea Corda ; Opiz, Beitr. zur Naturg. 648. 1828.
Fegatella Michelii Corda, /. c. 649. 1828 (according to Nees von

Esenbeck).
Marchantia nepalensis Lehm. & Lindenb. ; Lehmann, Pug. Plant

4: 10. 1832.
Marchantia nitida Lehm. & Lindenb. /. c. 11. 1832.
Marchantia squamosa Raddi ; Lehm. & Lindenb. /. c. 12. 1832

(as to the East Indian plant).
Marchantia tholophora Bisch. Nova Acta Acad, Leop.-Carol.

17:989. 1835.
Marchantia calcarata Steph. Bull. Herb. Boissier 5 : 98. 1897.
Marchantia planipora Steph. /. c. 98. 1897.

Thallus pale green, often glaucous, sometimes more or less
pigmented with purple, especially near the margin and on the
lower surface, usually 0.5-0.8 cm. wide and 2-4 cm. long,
repeatedly dichotomous, the successive forks usually i cm. or
less apart; texture firm but scarcely leathery, margin entire;
epidermis composed of cells with more or less thickened walls,
sometimes in two layers, mostly 35-70/a long (averaging about
43/a) and 20-40/x wide (averaging about 30/x), papillae absent;
pores (with their surrounding cells) mostly yo-gofi long and
65-85/x wide, sometimes measuring as much as 140 x ioo/a, sur-
rounded usually by six (or seven) rows of cells (three in the
upper and three or four in the lower series), each row being
usually composed of four cells or the innermost row of the upper
series of from four to eight cells, inner opening cruciate, the
bounding cells smooth; air-chambers usually high, isodiametric
or slightly elongated, their boundaries indistinct when viewed
through the epidermis, present everywhere, rows of photosyn-
thetic cells often six or seven cells long but sometimes shorter;
compact ventral tissue mostly twenty to thirty cells thick in the
median portion, the walls sometimes pigmented, more or less
thickened and showing distinct pits, sclerotic cells usually dis-
tinct, scattered, ten to twenty in a cross-section of thallus, more
abundant in median region but not confined to this, slime-cells
sometimes lacking, sometimes ■ more or less abundant, especially
toward the margin; ventral scales in two distinct rows, the
laminar scales alternating with the median and only a little nearer

254 Alexander W. Evans ^

the margin ; appendages of median scales oblong, ovate, or ovate-
orbicular, mostly 0.6-0.75 mm. long and 0.45-0.6 mm. wide,
usually narrowed toward the rounded, obtuse or acute apex,
margin entire or vaguely and irregularly denticulate or dentate,
rarely with a basal lobe, cells showing a slight and gradual
decrease in size toward the margin, median cells isodiametric to
distinctly longer than broad, mostly 25-60/* long and 20-30/x wide,
marginal cells mostly 30-40/x long and 12-20/x wide, very irregular,
the long axis sometimes parallel with the margin and sometimes
at an angle with it, cells containing oil-bodies sometimes absent
altogether, when present about 20/u, in diameter, one to three or
more in number and indefinite in position : male receptacle borne
on a stalk 5-7 mm. high, with two rhizoid-furrows, destitute of
dorsal air-chambers, the disc 5-6 mm. broad, very shortly or
sometimes (according to Schiffner) more deeply eight- (to
twelve-) lobed, the lobes or rays rounded and with a thin wavy
margin, ventral scales restricted to middle portion of disc : female
receptacle borne on a stalk 2-4 cm. high, with two rhizoid-furrows
and a single broad dorsal band of air-chambers, the disc about
0.5 cm. broad, usually nine-lobed, the lobes or rays spreading at
maturity, 0.8-1.2 mm. long, separated by subequal sinuses or with
the deep sinus between the basal ray broader than the others,
flat, dilated at the truncate or emarginate apex, disc with a median
hemispherical or papiUiform protuberance about 0.5 mm. in
diameter and nine distinct ridges corresponding with the rays;
involucre much as in M. polymorpha: spores brownish yellow,
about 34ju in diameter, with a narrow hyaline margin about 2/x
wide, outer face bearing a series of low lamellae sometimes form-
ing a^ indistinct reticulum; elaters mostly 6-8/x wide, bispiral;
cupules with toothed lobes much as in M. polymorpha, but lacking
epidermal papillae. (Figs. 6-8.)

A widely distributed species in tropical and subtropical regions.
The following North American specimens have been examined :

Arizona: Huachuca Mountains, 1910, L. N. Gooding 824
(N. Y.).

Puebla: Puebla, 1906, Frere Arsene (N. Y.) ; Honey Station,
October, 1908, Barnes & Land joy (Y.) ; banks along Avenida
Hidalgo and path to barranca, Tezuitlan, Barnes & Land 544
(Y.) ; Santa Barbara, near Puebla, November, 1909, Frere
Nicolas s (Y.).

Vera Cruz: Orizaba, 1855, F. Muller 2245 in part (N. Y.) ;
walls of Lost River sink, Orizaba, November, 1908, Barnes &
Land 668 (Y.).

Guatemala: Coban, Alta Verapaz, 1310 m. alt., 1892, H. von
Tuerckheim 4p6o (N. Y.).

American Species of Marchantia. 255

Cuba: without definite locality, C. Wright (H., N. Y., Y.,
distributed in Hep. Cubenses as M. domingensis) ; La Perla,
Oriente, 600-660 m. alt, February, 191 1, /. A. Shafer 9096
(N. Y., Y.) ; Monte Verde, Oriente, on walls of the ruined man-
sion of Lescaille, where Wright lived, August, 191 3, Brother
Leon 4089 (N. Y.).

Jamaica: Whitfield Hall Plantation, December, 1896, W.
Harris 1106^ in part (N. Y.) ; along path from Cinchona to
Clyde River, July, 1903, A. W. Evans 14 (Y.) ; vicinity of Cin-
chona, February, 1905, C. E. Cummings 29, ji (N. Y., Y.) ;
Mabess Road, May, 1906, D. S. Johnson 46 (Y.) ; Morce's Gap
and vicinity, August, 1906, A. W. Evans 462 (Y.).

The following specimens from Europe, the Azores, and Asia
have likewise been examined:

France: Mentone, November, 1864, /. T. Moggridge (N. Y.).

Italy: without definite locality, G. Raddi (N. Y., labeled M.
papillata p italica) ; Monte Oliveto, near Pegli in Liguria, May,
1851, L. Caldesi (N. Y.) ; near Genoa, May, 1855, G. de Notaris
(N. Y., also distributed in Rabenhorst's Hep. Europ. 2^) ; Ripoli,
near Florence, May, 1899, E. Levier (Y., Micheli's locality) ;
Trezzo sulF Adda, province of Milan, July, 1899, F. A. Artaria
(C. C. H. ; also distributed in Schiffner's Hep. Europ. Exsic. Jj).

Azores: San Miguel 1865, F. D. Godman (N. Y.) ; August,
1894, C. S. Brown, 363 (N. Y.), 366 (N. Y.) ; August, 1894,
W. Trelease 1320 (N. Y.), 1321 (N. Y.) ; May and June, 1898,
B. Carrier 0 /13, /18 (Y.). The specimens collected by Brown
and Trelease have been listed by Trelease in Rept. Missouri Bot.
Gard. 8 : 187. 1897. The following specimens, however,
although listed under M. paleacea, should be referred to Cono-
cephahim conicum (L.) Dumort. : C. S. Brown 36'/ (from San
Miguel), 368 (from Fayal), 369 (from Pico) and W. Trelease
1 311 (from Terceira). A specimen collected by B. Carriero at
Furnas, in 1888, has been reported by Schiffner in Oesterr. Bot.
Zeitschr. 51 : 116. 1901.

China: Szechwan, no date, E. Faher mo (N. Y.).'

India (including Nepal) : Northwest Himalayas, no date,
H. Falconer 1073 (N. Y., U. S., Y.) ; /. F. Royle (N. Y.) ; Nepal,
N. Wallich (N. Y., types of M. nepalensis, M. nitida, and M.
squamosa) ; Shagak Valley, 1847, T. Thomson 166 1, 1663 (N.

256 Alexander W. Evans,

Y.) ; Kumaon, Strachey & Winterhottom (N. Y., listed by
Strachey, as M. palea^ea and M. nitida, in Cat. PI. Kumaon, 234.
1906) ; Musooric (Northwest Himalayas), Amigadh, December,
1895, W. Gollan 210 (N. Y., Y., distributed by E. Levier as M.
nepalensis).

Japan: Nagasaki, April-May, 1875, R. Oldham (N. Y., listed
by Mitten, as M. nitida, in Trans. Linn. Soc. II. Bot. 3 : 205.
1891) ; Kigo, August, 1877, Ahlherg (B. type of M. planipora) ;
Yamakita, Spidzuoka, May, 1899, Ahhc Faurie (Y., distributed
as M. nitida in Hep. du Japon 82) ; Tokyo, May, 1897, K. Miyake
40 (C. C. H., Y., determined as M. diptera) ; Kuzunmura,
August, 1898, K. Okudaira 26 (C. C. H) ; Kyoto, August, 1900,
K. Miyake (Y., determined as M. planipora) ; Mt. Futatabisan,
near Kobe, April, 1903, Ahhc Faurie (Y., distributed as M.
diptera in Hep du Japon 1268) ; Jigokudani, May, 1903, S.
Okamura (C. C. H.) ; Kochi, May, 1904, S. Okamiira (C. C. H.) ;
Kanagawa, Sagami, no date, M. Maeda 41 (Y.) ; Osaka, May,
1905, -S". Okamura (C. C. H.) ; Ikku, May, 1908, S. Okamura
(C. C. H.).

Java: Mt. Pangerango, April, 1894, V. Schiffner (Y., dis-
tributed as M. nitida in Iter Ind. 59).

Within recent years M. paleacea has been recorded from the
Caucasus, from Dalmatia, Spain and Portugal, and from
Morocco. Although the writer has seen no specimens from any
of these countries, there can be little doubt regarding the cor-
rectness of the determinations. Some of the records for M.
nitida, however, are open to suspicion. This species has been
reported from the Philippines, Tahiti, Samoa and New Zealand,
as well as from the Fiji and Hawaiian Islands. Specimens from
the first four of these localities, which have been determined as
M. nitida, have been examined and are, in the writer's opinion,
referable to other species. No specimens from either the Fiji or
the Hawaiian Islands have been available for study.

Although M. paleacea is here reported from a number of North
American localities it is remarkable that there are no earlier
records for the species from America. In fact the only trust-
worthy records for M. tholophora, here considered a synonym of
M. paleacea, are the following :

American Species of Marchantia.

257

Oaxaca: near Oaxaca, Sommerschu (the type-locality);
Chinantla, F. Liebmann Histed by Gottsche in Mex. Leverm.
1863).

It has already been noted that M. paleacea was distinguished
by the Florentine botanist Micheli as long ago as 1729. His

Fig. 6. Marchantia paleacea Bertol.

Ventral scales, x 2y. A-G represent median scales (with appendages) ;
H-O, laminar scales (without appendages). A-D, H-J. Italy, F. A.
Arteria, in V. Schififner's Hep. Europ. Exsic. 13. E, K. Vera Cruz,
Barnes & Land 668. F, L. Cuba, C. Wright, in Hep. Cubenses, as M.
domingensis. G, M-O. Java, V. Schiffner, in Iter Ind. 59, as M. nitida.

figure brings out clearly the general habit of the plant and many
of the features of the cupules and female receptacles. The rays
of the latter are shown to be flat at their extremities, and the
center of the disc is marked by a distinct rounded elevation. In
the only receptacles where the rays can be counted ten or eleven
are represented, but one receptacle in profile shows only . four
rays, indicating that sometimes at least fewer than ten rays were
present in the material figured. It is now admitted that the

258 Alexander W. Evans,

normal number of rays is nine. Micheli, in his description,
emphasizes the glaucous color of the thallus. The species is still
abundant in the vicinity of Florence, where it was originally
collected, and specimens from this region are among those cited
above.

Bertolini's description is drawn from female plants, and he
distinctly states that both male receptacles and cupules were
unknown to him. His material came from the vicinity of Chia-
vari in Liguria. He adds very little to Micheli's account, but
gives the number of rays definitely as ten and notes that their
extremities are obtuse or almost truncate. Apparently his species
was not very widely known at first because neither Raddi nor
Lehmann and Lindenberg make any allusion to it. Raddi's M.
papillata (3 italica was based on Micheli's description and figure
and on specimens collected at Micheli's original locality. M.
nepalensis and M. nitida were based on material collected by
Wallich in Nepal and M. squamosa on two specimens, one col-
lected by Wallich in Nepal and the other by Raddi in Brazil.

In 1835 Taylor^'' accepted M. paleacea as a species and referred
to it not only the Italian specimens originally cited but also
specimens from Nepal collected by Wallich, Although there
seem to be no specimens in the Taylor herbarium labeled "M.
paleacea", there are two with a manuscript name of Taylor's
from the Wallich collection. In one case M. nitida is given as
a synonym and M. squamosa as a doubtful synonym, so that
these specimens probably represent the M. paleacea of Taylor's
paper. Unfortunately his figures and description do not corre-
spond in all respects with authentic specimens of the species in
question and have therefore given rise to considerable con-
fusion. The most marked discrepancy is in his account of the
female receptacles, where the number of involucres is given as
four to six, instead of eight (corresponding with nine rays),
but an error of this sort might easily be made if poor material
was examined. Taylor's specimens are, indeed, imperfectly
developed, but they show the thallus characters of M. paleacea
very clearly, and his determination may therefore be considered
correct.

In proposing M. tholophora as a species Bischoff makes
no mention of M. paleacea or of the various species based on

" Trans. Linn. Soc. 17 : 378. pi. 12, f. 3. 1835.

American Species of Marchantia.

259

Wallich's specimens, so that the works of Bertolini and of
Lehmann and Lindenberg may have been unknown to him. His
description was drawn from Sommerschu's material, collected

Fig. 7. Marchantia paleacea Bertol.

Portions of ventral scales. A. Margin of basal portion of median
scale, X 100. B-L. Appendages of median scales, x 100. A-C. Italy,
F. A. Artaria, in V. Schiffner's Hep. Europ. Exsic. 13. D. Azores, F. D.
Godman. E, F. Vera Cruz, Barnes & Land 668. G, H. Cuba, C. Wright,
in Hep. Cubenses, as M. domingensis. I-K. Nepal, N. Wallich; I, type
of M. nepalensis; J, type of M. nitida; K, tjrpe of M. squamosa; L,
Java, V. Schiffner, in Iter Ind. 59, as M. nitida.

near Oaxaca, Mexico, and is unusually detailed. The species
is recognized as valid by subsequent writers, the authors of the
Synopsis Hepaticarum placing it next to M. nitida and Stephani
following their example. The original material has not been
available for study. Bischoff's description, however, and the

26o Alexander W. Evans.

figure which he^*^ afterwards pubUshed show almost beyond a
doubt that the species represents a synonym of M. paleacea.
This conclusion seems further warranted by the fact that the
true M. paleacea is now known from several Mexican localities.

Nees von Esenbeck, in describing M. paleacea, places it in the
section Chlamidium and calls especial attention to the features
of the female receptacle. He gives the normal number of rays
as nine and mentions the median protuberance of the disc and
the dilated apices of the rays. Among the synonyms of the
species he includes M. nitida without question, basing his opinion
on specimens received directly from Lindenberg. He quotes
a statement of the latter author to the effect that M. nitida is
very close to the Italian M. paleacea and perhaps identical with
it, accompanied by the remark that M. paleacea had not been seen
by him when he published M. nitida as a new species. Nees von
Esenbeck hesitates somewhat in the case of Taylor's M. paleacea
but inclines toward the opinion that this plant also must be the
same as Bertolini's species.

In spite of these statements M. nitida is reinstated as a valid
species in the Synopsis Hepaticarum and Taylor's M. paleacea,
so far as the Nepal specimens are concerned, is given as a
synonym under it, the range of M. paleacea being again restricted
to Italy. Both M. nepalensis and M. squamosa are likewise
accepted as valid and these two species, together with M. paleacea
and M. nitida, are included under the section Chlamidium. Many
years later, in 1899, Stephani,^'^ in recognizing these four species,
placed M. nitida and M. nepalensis in his section with unsym-
metrical receptacles, while he placed M. paleacea and M.
squamosa in the section with symmetrical receptacles.

In 1898 doubt was again thrown on the validity of M. nitida
by Schiffner,^^ who stated that it was probably synonymous with
M. paleacea. Two years later he reaffirmed this idea and added
that M. calcarata Steph., according to a specimen in his herba-
rium, was surely identical with M. nitida.^^ In the following year

^Handb. Bot. Term, und Systemk. 2: pi. 55, f. 2727. 1842.

^' Bull. Herb. Bossier 7 : 402, 522. 1899.

^ Conspect. Hepat. Archip, Indici 50. Batavia, 1898.

^Fl. de Buitenzorg 4:31. 1900. A specimen in the writer's herbarium,
collected by the Abbe Faurie at Tokyo, Japan, and distributed (Hep. du
Japon 2360^ under the name M. calcarata, represents M. polymorpha.
Stephani himself now regards the true M. calcarata as a synonym oi M.
dipt era Mont., a species which evidently requires further study.

American Species of Marchantia. 261

he maintained still more definitely that M. pale ace a and M. nitida
were identical and stated further that in his opinion M. nepalensis
also would have to be considered a synonym.^*^ He criticised
Stephani for placing M. paleacea in one section of the genus,
while he placed M. nepalensis and M. nitida in another, thus
implying that their relationship to the Italian species was at best
remote.

The writer would agree with Schiffner in his reductions. Type
specimens of M. papillata (3 italica, of M. nepalensis, and of M.
nitida have all been available for study. The first and third are
in good condition and show close agreement with each other
and with the abundant material of M. paleacea from other locali-
ties. The type specimen of M. nepalensis bears very immature
female receptacles, but the thallus characters are those of M.
paleacea and there seems to be no reason for attempting to main-
tain the species as valid. Two other species quoted above among
the synonyms of M. paleacea remain to be considered. The first
of these is M. squamosa. Wallich's specimens of this species
are clearly the same as M. paleacea, and since these specimens
are the ones first quoted by Lehmann and Lindenberg, they might
logically be considered the type. It is probable, however, that
Raddi originally gave the name M. squamosa to his own Bra-
zilian specimens, and this is apparently the view held by Stephani
who quotes only the specimens from Brazil. Raddi's specimens
have not been seen by the writer. If they should prove distinct
from M. paleacea it might still be possible to maintain M.
squamosa as valid. It is unfortunate that Raddi published
nothing on his species himself. The second species to be con-
sidered is M. planipora, which the writer knows from a portion
of the type material and from specimens sent by Professor
Miyake. These specimens agree with M. paleacea, and the
descriptions given by Stephani bring out no essential differences.

There is usually little difficulty in distinguishing M. paleacea
even in the absence of receptacles. At the present time it is the
only known North American species in which the epidermal pores
constantly conform to the cruciate type. In this respect it agrees
with M. Berteroana of the Southern Hemisphere, a much larger
plant with very different scale-appendages and terete rays on the
female receptacle. Aside from the cruciate pores M". paleacea

Lotos 49 : 92. 1901.

262

Alexander W. Evans,

Fig. 8. Marchantia paleacea Bertol.

Anatomical details. A, B. Epidermal pores of thallus, surface view,
X 225. C-F. Pores in cross-section; C, D, F, x 225; E, x 300. G, H.
Pores, inner view, x 225. I. Stalk of male receptacle, cross-section, x 40.
J. Stalk of female receptacle, cross-section, x 40. K. Part of involucre,
X 50. A, C, D, G, J, K. Italy, F. A. Artaria, in V. Schififner's Hep.
Europ. Exsic. 13. B, E, H. Vera Cruz, Barnes & Land 668. F. Java,
V. Schiffner, in Iter Ind. 59, as M. nitida. I. Puebla, Frere Arsene.

American Species of Marchantia. 263

is distinguished from M. polymorpha by its somewhat smaller
size, by its total lack of epidermal papillae, by having the pores
bounded by six or seven rows of cells, by the presence of
sclerotic cells, by the flattened rays of the female receptacles, by
the lack of marginal scales and by marked differences in the
appendages of the median scales. In M. polymorpha epidermal
papillae are always present on cupules and female receptacles,
the pores are surrounded by only four or five rows of cells, there
are no sclerotic cells, the rays of the female receptacle are terete,
and marginal scales are always present.

The features of the appendages in M. paleacea deserve par-
ticular attention (Fig. 7, B-L). When a long series is
examined, it will be seen that they exhibit marked differences
in their apices and margins, although they are almost constantly
longer than broad and maintain an oblong or ovate form. The
apex is sometimes rounded, sometimes truncate, and sometimes
apiculate or even acute, while the margin may be entire through-
out, variously toothed, or even provided with a basal lobe. A
tooth, on its part, may be the slightest and vaguest projection
of a marginal cell, it may be a distinctly projecting cell, or it may
consist of a cell borne on a stalk-cell; in some of the broader
teeth two adjoining cells may even be involved. It must be
admitted, however, that large and complicated teeth are the excep-
tion. In commenting on the type specimen of M. nitida Schiff-
ner states that the appendages are broadly ovate, less pointed at
the apex and scarcely toothed, those of his Javan material being
broadly cordate, abruptly pointed and with irregular and distant
marginal teeth. These differences, which he considers of little
importance, are shown by Fig. 7, J, L, and at first sight are
somewhat striking. Since, however, equally extreme conditions
are sometimes found on a single specimen, as shown by Fig.
7, G, H, it is evident that Schiffner did not underrate their
value. The appendages also vary in the number of cells with
oil-bodies which they show. In some cases no such cells are
present; in one case as many as ten were counted; in the
majority of cases there are from one to three. The gradual
decrease in size between the median cells and the marginal cells
is usually evident, although the actual measurements are not very
different, and a distinct margin is never apparent as in M.
Berteroana. It may be noted that Stephani assigns smaller mar-

264 Alexander W, Evans,

ginal cells to M. nepalensis, M. nitida, and M. tholophora, while
he states that the cells of M. paleacea are subequal in size, a
specific difference which is not supported by actual comparisons.
When contrasted with the appendages of M. polymorpha, those
of M. paleacea are seen to be narrower, usually less toothed, and
composed of larger cells, which show a less marked decrease
in size between the median and marginal regions.

The male receptacles of M. paleacea seem to be infrequent.
In the few cases seen the receptacles have been remarkably like
those of M. polymorpha, although borne on shorter stalks. In
other w^ords the disc has been shortly eight-lobed with rounded
rays and narrow sinuses. According to Schiffner the rays as
they grow older become longer and give the disc a palmate
appearance. If this is true the male receptacles exhibit a con-
siderable range of variation. The cupules of M. paleacea, with
their dentate, sharp-pointed lobes, likewise agree with those of
M. polymorpha and its allies, except that the outer surface is
free from epidermal papillae.

When well developed the female receptacle of M. paleacea
consists of a disc with nine horizontal flat rays borne on an
elongated stalk. In many cases the rays are about twenty degrees
apart and present the appearance of being symmetrically
disposed. Even here, however, the single plane of symmetry
is marked by the sinus between the two basal rays, which is much
deeper than the others. When the basal rays are separated by
a sinus more than twenty degrees wide the plane of symmetry is
more apparent and the disc does not show a radial appearance.
Since the width of the sinus between the basal rays varies
markedly it should not be made the basis for specific separations,
although this has evidently been done in the past. The extremi-
ties of the rays are variously dilated and are truncate or even
emarginate at the apex. In the center of the disc the hemi-
spherical or bluntly conical protuberance is usually distinct, and
the same thing is true of the nine rounded ridges extending from
the protuberance to the beginnings of the rays. When the recep-
tacle is young or, in some cases, when fertilization has not taken
place, the rays do not spread horizontally but extend downward,
and usually, under these circumstances, the median protuberance
and the radiating ridges are only slightly developed. In fact
they are not always distinct even when the rays have assumed

American Species of Marchantia. 265

a horizontal position. Although the normal number of rays in
M. paleacea is nine, just as in M. polymorpha, deviations from
this number sometimes occur, a reduced number being associated
with poor development.

According to Prescher scattered sHme cells of small size are
present in the walls of the cupules of M. paleacea but are lack-
ing altogether in the thallus and in the female receptacles.
Although the thallus sometimes agrees with his account it does
not always do so. Cases have been observed in which slime
cells formed a rather conspicuous feature of the ventral tissue
of the wings, an occasional cell of this character being present
even in the thickened median region. In other cases, the slime
cells were less abundant. In the male receptacles, which Prescher
. did not examine, slime cells are fairly numerous. It is evident
from these observations that the presence or absence of slime
cells can not be utilized in distinguishing M. paleacea.

5. Marchantia breviloba sp. nov.

Thallus pale green, more or less glaucous, sometimes a little
pigmented with purple, especially near the margin and on the
lower surface, mostly 0.5-0.8 cm. wide and 2-5 cm. long, repeat-
edly dichotomous, the successive forks usually 1-2 cm. apart,
texture firm but not leathery, margin entire ; epidermis composed
of cells with somewhat thickened walls, sometimes in two layers
mostly 45-90/A long (averaging about 65/>t) and 20-40/* wide
(averaging about 28/x), papillae absent ; pores (with their sur-
rounding cells) mostly 12^-1^011 long and 100-120/* wide, sur-
rounded usually by six (or seven) rows of cells (three in each
series or sometimes four in the outer series), innermost row
of upper series usually composed of four cells, second row of
four to eight cells and third row of eight or more cells, each row
of lower series usually composed of four cells, inner opening
usually four-sided (sometimes three-, five-, or six-sided), the
sides being concave and forming acute angles with one another,
bounding cells of pore more or less roughened with a resinous
deposit ; air-chambers usually high, more or less elongated, their
outlines very indistinct when viewed through the epidermis,
present everywhere, rows of photo synthetic cells often four or
five cells long; compact ventral tissue mostly twenty or twenty-
five cells thick in the median portion, the walls sometimes pig-
mented, more or less thickened and showing distinct pits, scle-
rotic cells distinct, scattered, about forty in a cross-section,
largely confined to median region, sometimes as much as 0.7 mm.
in length, slime cells about o.i mm. in diameter, usually con-

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI 18 19^7

266 Alexander W. Evans,

spicuous (often three or four in a cross-section of thallus), scat-
tered but more abundant toward the margin, sometimes present
in the walls between air-chambers ; ventral scales in two distinct
rows, the laminar scales alternating with the median and only
a little nearer the margin (a large portion of the ventral surface
being free from scales) ; appendages of median scales ovate to
orbicular, mostly 0.5-0.65 mm. long and 0.45-0.55 mm. wide,
narrowed toward the rounded, obtuse, or apiculate apex, margin
sinuate, sparingly and irregularly crenulate or denticulate from
projecting cells, cells showing a gradual decrease in size toward
the margin, median cells usually distinctly longer than broad,
mostly 6o-i20/A long and 2%-40fx wide, marginal cells mostly
30-50/X long and 18-25/x wide, irregular, the long axis usually
forming an angle with the margin, rarely parallel with it, cells
containing oil-bodies lacking: male receptacle borne on a stalk
1.5-2 cm. high, with two to four rhizoid-furrows and a single
narrow dorsal band of air-chambers, the disc mostly 1-1.5 cm.
broad, deeply six- (or seven-) lobed, the lobes or rays palmately
disposed (the basal sinus being almost a straight line), mostly 2-5
mm. long and 1.5 mm. wide, rounded and with a thin wavy
margin, ventral scales imbricated, mostly in two rows : female
receptacle borne on a stalk 6-8 cm. long, with four rhizoid-fur-
rows (except close to the base) and a single broad dorsal band
of air-chambers, the disc mostly 0.6-0.8 cm. broad, usually
eleven-lobed, sometimes seven- to nine-lobed, the lobes or rays
short, I mm. long or less, flat, scarcely or not at all dilated at
the truncate apex, basal sinus considerably broader than the
others, upper surface of disc plane or with low ridges corre-
sponding with the lobes ; involucre ciliate, not lobed ; spores yel-
lowish brown, about 34/x in diameter, with a hyaline margin
about 4/i, wide, outer face bearing a few low lamellae, sometimes
forming a very indistinct reticulum; elaters about 8/a wide,
bispiral : cupules shortly and irregularly ciliate-dentate, the
teeth sometimes adjoining and sometimes separated by sinuses
of varying width, mostly two or three cells long and one or two
cells wide at the base, epidermal papillae lacking. (Fig. 9.)

The following specimens of this species, which seems to be
very local, have been examined:

Jamaica : without definite localities or dates, Wilds (N. Y.,
four specimens) ; Hardware Gap and vicinity, April, 1903,
W. R. Maxon 1115 (U. S., Y.) ; July, 1903, A. W. Evans 175,
20s (Y.) ; Chestervale, July, 1903, A. IV. Evans 211 (Y.) ;
vicinity of Cinchona, March, 1905, C. E. Cummings 28 (N. Y.,
Y.) ; St. Catherine's Peak and vicinity, August, 1906, A. W.
Evans 441 (Y.). The specimens collected by Wilds include both

American Species of Marchantia.

267

Fig. 9. Marchantia breviloba Evans

Plants, natural size, and various anatomical details. A. Male plant, x i.
B. Female plant, x i. C-E. Appendages of ventral scales, apical por-
tions, X 100. F. Epidermal pore of thallus, surface view, x 225. G.
Pore in cross-section, x 225. H. Inner opening of pore, x 225. I, J.
Stalk of male receptacle, cross-sections, x 40; I was cut near base; J,
near apex. K. Stalk of female receptacle, cross-section, cut near base.
A. Jamaica, W. R. Max on 11 15. B-D, F-K. Jamaica, A. W. Evans 175,
type. E. Jamaica, A. W. Evans, 203.

268 Alexander IV. Evans,

female and gemmiparous material. Two, bearing the numbers
5 and 6, are labeled "Marchantia conical'; the other two bear
no name. No. 175, collected by the writer, may be designated
the type.

The thallus of M. breviloba bears a strong resemblance to
that of M. paleacea, being of about the same size and similarly
subject to pigmentation. The ventral scales and the appendages
of the median scales in these two species likewise have certain
features in common. The arrangement of the scales, for exam-
ple, is very similar and the appendages agree in form, in the grad-
ual decrease in the size of the cells in passing toward the margin,
and in some of the peculiarities of the margin itself. Even the
pores look a good deal alike when examined through a lens. A
detailed examination, however, quickly brings out points of dif-
ference. In M. breviloba the pores are not of the cruciate type,
the inner opening (so far as observed) being surroimded by evenly
bulging cells and thus usually exhibiting a four-sided outline
with concave sides and narrow angles ; in M. paleacea the pores
are distinctly cruciate. In M. breviloba the cells of the appen-
dages are markedly larger than in M. paleacea and oil-containing
cells seem to be constantly absent; in M. paleacea oil-contain-
ing cells can often be detected. In M. breviloba slime cells seem
always to be numerous and conspicuous; in M. paleacea they
are less frequent and may be absent altogether: this last dif-
ference, im fortunately, is one to be used with caution.

The differential characters yielded by the receptacles and
cupules, in separating M. breviloba from M. paleacea, are even
more marked than those derived from the thallus. In M. brevi-
loba the male receptacle is borne on a long stalk with a distinct
band of air-chambers and usually with four rhizoid-f urrows ;
and the disc is unsymmetrically divided into six or seven
elongated lobes, the basal sinus being much broader than the
others and often approximating a straight line. In M. paleacea
the male receptacle is borne on a very short stalk without air-
chambers and with only two rhizoid-f urrows ; while the disc is
very shortly and apparently radially divided into eight (or more)
often indistinct lobes, the basal sinus being of about the same
width as the others.

In M. breviloba the stalk of the female receptacle shows four
rhizoid-f urrows, and the disc is very shortly lobed, the lobes

American Species of Marchantia. 269

being usually more than nine and scarcely if at all dilated at the
apex. In M. paleacea the stalk of the female receptacle shows
only two rhizoid-furrows, and the disc is more deeply divided,
the lobes being usually nine (or fewer) and more or less
distinctly dilated at the apex; the upper surface of the disc,
moreover, shows a median protuberance and nine ridges cor-
responding with the rays, these structures being very indistinct
in M. hreviloha or absent altogether. In M. hreviloha the cupula
is simply short-ciliate ; in M. paleacea it shows a series of ciliate
or dentate lobes.

There is no difficulty in separating M. hreviloha from M. poly-
morpha. The new species is smaller, it lacks marginal ventral
scales, the appendages of the median scales have larger cells
and usually fewer marginal teeth, the epidermal cells are more
complex being surrounded by more rows of cells, there are no
epidermal papillae, the stalk of the male receptacle has air-
chambers and usually more rhizoid-f urrows, the disc is more
deeply and more unsymmetrically lobed, the stalk of the female
receptacle has more rhizoid-furrows, the disc is less deeply lobed,
and the lobes are flattened instead of being terete. The difference
in the cupules, already noted in connection with M. paleacea,
would apply equally well in separating the species from M. poly-
morpha.

6. Marchantia domingensis Lehm. & Lindenb.

Marchantia domingensis Lehm. & Lindenb. ; Lehmann, Pug.

Plant. 6 : 22. 1834.
Marchantia inflexa Nees & Mont.; Montague, Ann. Sci. Nat.

Bot. II. 9 : 43. 1838.
Marchantia disjuncta SuUiv. Am. Jour. Sci. II. i : 74. 1846.
Marchantia linearis G. L. & N. Syn. Hep. 529. 1847 (in part).

Not Lehm. & Lindenb.
Marchantia martinicensis Spreng. ; G. L. N. /. c. 531. 1847 (^s

synonym).
Marchantia Elliottii Steph. Bull. Herb. Boissier 7 : 400. 1899.
Marchantia caracensis Steph. /. c. 526. 1899.

Thallus pale to dark green, not glaucous, slightly or not at
all pigmented with purple, usually 4-6 mm. wide and 2-3 cm.
long, dichotomous, the successive forks usually 1-1.5 cm. apart,
texture delicate, margin entire ; epidermis composed of cells with

270 Alexander W. Evans,

slightly thickened walls, sometimes in two layers, mostly 30-60JU.
long (averaging about 45/m) and i5-30/>t wide (averaging about
23/i), papillae absent; pores (with their surrounding cells)
mostly 90130/X long and 70-80/* wide, surrounded usually by six
(or seven) rows of cells (three or four in the upper and three
in the lower series), the two lower rows of the upper series
usually composed of eight (six to ten) cells apiece (more rarely
of only three to five cells), the other rows of four (three to
five) cells apiece, inner opening usually four-sided, more rarely
three- or five-sided, with the sides straight or nearly so, the
bounding cells more or less obscured by a resinous deposit ; air-
chambers of medium height, isodiametric or somewhat elongated,
their boundaries sometimes distinct and sometimes vague when
viewed through the epidermis, present everywhere, rows of
photosynthetic cells often four or five cells long but sometimes
shorter; compact ventral tissue about twenty cells thick in the
median portion, the walls sometimes pigmented, more or less
thickened and showing distinct pits, sclerotic cells usually dis-
tinct, scattered, mostly five to thirty in a cross-section, more
abundant in the median portion but sometimes present in the
wings, in the latter case often distinctly visible without section-
ing, slime-cells lacking; ventral scales in two distinct rows, the
laminar scales alternating with the median scales and not much
nearer the margin ; appendages of the median scales broadly
lanceolate to ovate, when well developed mostly 0.35-0.6 mm.
long and 0.27-0.45 mm. wide but sometimes considerably smaller,
apex apiculate, acute, or cuspidate, margin more or less densely
denticulate or dentate, the teeth usually one or two cells long,
cells showing a gradual and slight decrease in size toward the
margin, median cells usually longer than broad, mostly 40-80/i,
long and 20-40/a wide, marginal cells mostly 20-4011 long and
15-20/A wide, irregular but the long axis usually at right angles
or nearly so to the margin, cells containing oil-bodies apparently
always lacking: male receptacle borne on a stalk 5 mm. long
or less, with two to four rhizoid-f urrows and a single broad dorsal
band of air-chambers, the disc variable in size but mostly 6-8 mm.
broad, deeply lobed, the lobes or rays usually four to six but
sometimes two, three, seven or eight, palmately disposed, the
basal sinus a very broad angle or a straight line, mostly 3-6 mm.
long and 2-3 mm. wide, rounded, with a thin wavy margin extend-
ing across the basal sinus, ventral scales imbricated, in two or
more rows; female receptacle borne on a stalk 1.5-2 cm. high,
with two to four rhizoid-furrows and a single broad dorsal
band of air-chambers, the disc mostly 5-7 mm. wide, the lobes
or rays spreading at maturity, extending about half way from
the margin to the center, normally seven but often only five or six,
more rarely eight to eleven, slightly or not at all dilated at the
truncate, irregularly crenate or slightly emarginate apex, upper

American Species of Marchantia. 271

surface of disc and rays usually plane but sometimes more or less
convex, basal sinus broader than the others and sometimes form-
ing a very obtuse angle ; involucre very delicate, the margin
minutely and often irregularly crenulate to short-ciliate, the teeth
usually varying from one to three cells in length ; spores brown-
ish yellow, about 28/x in diameter, the outer face bearing a series
of low irregular ridges not forming a network ; elaters about 6ju
wide, bispiral : cupules closely short-ciliate, the cilia mostly one
to four cells long, outer surface without papillae. (Figs. 10-12.)

A widely distributed species in the southern United States, the
West Indies, Mexico, Central America, and Venezuela. The fol-
lowing specimens have been examined :

Tennessee: Etowah, June, 1909, F. McCormick (C. C. H.,
Y., listed as M. disjuncta by the writer in Bryologist 13 : 33.
1910).

Georgia: west bank of Ocmulgee River, Hawkinsville, Jime,
1902, R. M. Harper 1^8 2a (N. Y., U. S.) ; Samochechobee Creek,
near Killen, Clay County, October, 1902, R. M. Harper i/pib
(N. Y., U. S.) ; Flint River swamp, below Albany, Dougherty
County, August, 1903, R. M. Harper I93ie (N. Y., U. S.).

Florida : Devil's Millhopper, Alachua County, February, 1909,
R. M, Harper 14 (N. Y.) ; April, 191 5, N. L. T. Nelson 45, 46,

47, 51 (Y.).

Alabama: banks of the Alabama River near Claiborne,
W. S. Sullivant (H., type locality of M. disjuncta, specimens
distributed in Muse. Alleg. 286 and Hep. Bor.-Amer. 128) ;
Auburn, May, 1896, L. M. Underwood (N. Y., Y., distributed, as
M. disjuncta, in Hep. Amer. 182) ; June, 1897, Earle & Baker
52 (N. Y.).

Texas: Fort Worth, 1887, G. S. Thompson 10 (N. Y., U. S.,
listed as M. disjuncta by Underwood in Bot. Gaz. 20 : 69. 1895) ;
Hallettsville, May, 1892, G. C. Nealley 59 (C. C. H., -U. S.) ;
Austin, March, 1909, F. D. Heald (Y.).

Arkansas: Fort Harvey, no date, F. L. Harvey 2 (N. Y.,
listed as M. disjuncta by Underwood, /. c).

Mexico : without definite locality or date, C. H. Schultz 1229
(B., listed as M. papillata, by Stephani in Bull. Herb. Boissier
7:397. 1899).

Hidalgo: Tula, C. G. Pringle 10675 (Y., distributed in PL
Mex. under a manuscript name of Stephani).

272 Alexander W. Evans,

Puebla: banks along Avenida Hidalgo and path to barranca,
Tezuitlan, 1908, Barnes & Land ^§3 (Y.).

Tamaulipas: near Victoria, June, 1907, E. Palmer 446
(N. Y., Y.).

Vera Cruz : Orizaba and vicinity, 1855, F. Muller 2^73 (N. Y.,
listed as M. disjuncta by Underwood, /. c.) ; 1857, C. Mohr
(N. Y., Y.) ; March, 1890, W. Stone 114, 115 (N. Y., Usted by
Underwood, /. c.) ] 1892, /. G. Smith (N. Y., Y.) ; Cordova,
1885, W. G. Farlow 18 (N. Y., listed as M. tholophora by Under-
wood, /. c. 70) .

Guatemala: Black River, S. Watson 2pjb (H., N. Y., listed as
M. linearis by Underwood, /. c. 69) ; near the Finca Sepacuite,
Alta Verapaz, March and April, 1902, Cook & Griggs 82, 255,
403 (U. S,Y.).

Bahamas: Fort Charlotte, New Providence, April, 1905,
L. J. K. Brace 3916 (N. Y., Y., listed as M. chenopoda by the
writer in Bull. Torrey Club 38:206. 191 1) ; New Providence,
October, 1904, L. J. K. Brace 873 (N. Y.).

Cuba: without definite localities or dates, C. Wright (dis-
tributed as M. disjuncta and M. linearis in Hep. Cubenses) ; San
Andre, April 14, 1865, C. Wright (H., Y.) ; valley of the San
Juan River, near Matanzas, March, 1903, Britton, Britton &
Shafer 326 (N. Y., Y.) ; Guines, Havana, March, 1905, M. T.
Cook (N. Y., Y.) ; Almendares River, near Puentas Grandes,
Havana, April, 1908, Brother Leon 723 (N. Y., Y.) ; falls of the
Habanilla and near Siguanea, Trinidad Mountains, Santa Clara,
March, 1910, E. G. Britton 4855, 5076 (N. Y., Y.) ; vicinity of
Guane, Pinar del Rio, March, 191 1, Britton, Britton & Cornell
p/yo (N. Y., Y.) ; vicinity of Pinar del Rio, March, 191 1, E. G.
Britton looiy (N. Y., Y.) ; Finca Guerrero, Rio Yayabo, St.
Spiritus, Santa Clara, December, 191 1, Brother Clement 44 (N.
Y., Y.) ; Banaos Hills, Santa Clara, August, 191 3, Brother Leon
4036 (N. Y., Y.) ; Ensenada de Mora, Oriente, March, 191 2,
Britton, Cowell & Shafer 13005 (N. Y., Y.).

Santo Domingo: Azui, province of Seibo, November, 1909,
N. Taylor 281 (N. Y., Y.).

Jamaica: without definite locality or date, A^. Wilson 5^5,
611 (N. Y., listed as M. disjuncta by Underwood, /. c.) ; Hart-
ford and adjoining properties, near Priestman's River, June,

American Species of Marchantia. 273

1904, W. R. Maxon 2535 (U. S., Y.) ; road from Holly Mount
to Resource, February, 1905, W. Harris 88/6 (N. Y., Y.) ;
vicinity of Mandeville, September, 1907, E. G. Britton 42^
(N. Y., Y.) ; February, 1910, S. Brown 280, 282, 283 (N. Y.,
Y.) ; Kempsport and Roaring River Falls, March, 1908, E. G.
Britton 668, 708 (N. Y., Y.) ; Porus to Clarendon Park, Sep-
tember, 1908, A^. L. Britton 378^ (N. Y., Y.) ; Cokely, near
Castleton, and Hope Gardens, January, 1914, W . Harris (N. Y.).

PoRTO Rico: Las Marias Road and vicinity of Mayaguez,
March, 1906, Britton & Marble 394, 613 (N. Y., Y.) ; Lares to
San Sebastiano, April, 1913, Britton & Marble 2y^y, 2803 (N. Y.,
Y.) ; Rio de Maricao, April, 191 3, E. G. Britton 24^4 (N. Y.,
Y.) ; Gales, August, 1913, /. R. Johnston ^40 (N. Y., Y.) ;
between Arecibo and Utuado, July, 1901, Underwood & Griggs
836 (U. S., Y.) ; March, 1914, E. G. Britton 2074 (N. Y., Y.) ;
Lares, June, 1901, Underwood & Griggs 36 (U. S., Y.) ;
June, 1 914, /. R. Johnston 2070 (N. Y., Y.) ; Monte Mon-
toso, February, 191 5, Britton & Cowell 4177 (N. Y., Y.) ;
La Juanita, near Las Marias, February, 191 5, E. G. Britton
3965 (N. Y., Y.) ; vicinity of Utuado, March, 1915, E. G.
Britton 5168, 51 12 (N. Y., Y.).

St. Kitts: Bethesda, /. C. Breutel (N. Y., Hsted as M. linearis
in Syn. Hep. 529 and as M. domingensis by Stephani in Bull. Herb.
Boissier 7 : 399. 1899) ; without definite locality, 1853, Walwyn
(N. Y.) ; Old Road and Lambert Estate, September and Octo-
ber, 1901, Britton & Cowell 481, 626 (N. Y., U. S., Y.).

Montserrat: mountain pass to Roches and Tar River, Feb-
ruary, 1907, /. A. Shafer 867, 871 (N. Y., Y.).

Guadeloupe: Morne Rouge, Gombeyre (Basse-Terre) and
Morne Papillon, 1897-1900, Pere Duss 250, 251, 312, 392 (N. Y.,
Basse-Terre specimens listed as M. disjuncta by Schiffner in
Oesterr. Bot. Zeitschr. 57 : 51. 1907).

Dominica: without definite locality or date, W. R. Elliott 1292
(B., type of M. Elliottii).

Martinique: without definite locality, date, or collector's
name (M., received from Merat, type of M. inflexa) ; without
definite locality or date, Sieber 378 (N. Y., probably type of M.
martinicensis) ; St. Pierre and between Deux-Choux and Gros-
Morne, 1899, 1900, Pere Duss 342, 393 (N. Y.) ; Morne Rouge,

2 74 Alexander W. Evans,

August, 1901, Pere Duss 578, 580, 581 (N. Y.) ; Deux-Choux,
September, 1903, Pere Duss (N. Y., determined as M. caracensis
by Stephani).

St. Vincent : without definite localities or dates, L. Guilding
(H., N. Y., specimens in the Taylor and Mitten herbaria, labeled
''March, linearis — chenopoda.") :

Grenada: Annandale, St. George's, March, 1906, W. E.
Broadway (N. Y.).

Trinidad: without definite locality, 1878-80, A. Fendler
(N. Y., U. S., Y., distributed as M. chenopoda) ; Mareval Valley,
1913, R. Thaxter (H., Y.) ; La Lenia Valley, 1913, R. Thaxter
(H., Y.).

Venezuela: Rio Cartude, Caracas, 1856, Gollmer (B., type
of M. caracensis) ; Caracas, August, 1902, A. F. Blakcslee.
(H., Y.).

The following stations, cited in literature, should also be noted :
Santo Domingo: without definite locality, date or collector's

name (type).

Guadeloupe: without definite locality or date, UHerminier

dp (listed, as M. linearis, by Bescherelle in Jour, de Bot. 7 : 193.

1893).

Martinique: without definite localities or dates, C. Bclanger
124 (listed, as M. linearis, by Bescherelle, /. c.) ; K. von Martins;
C. Belanger 24 in part, j/^; Hahn 77^ (the last three listed, as
M. inflexa, by Bescherelle, /. c).

The type specimen of M. domingensis was collected in Santo
Domingo, neither the date nor the collector's name being men-
tioned in the original publication. Unfortunately this specimen
has not been available for study. In its absence the writer
has been obliged to rely upon West Indian material determined
as M. linearis and upon the type specimen of M. inflexa. These
are referred to M. domingensis without question by Stephani and
agree in all essential respects with the other specimens listed.
The type specimens of M. disjuncta, M. Elliottii and M. caracensis
have likewise been examined and show a similar agreement.
The writer feels convinced, therefore, that the synonymy given
above is correct.

The type specimen of M. inflexa, received from the Montagne
herbaritim, is very fragmentary but bears two female recep-

American Species of Marchantia.

»75

Fig. 10. Marchantia domingensis Lehm. & Lindenb.

Appendages of ventral scales, x lOO. ' A, B. Alabama, Earle & Baker
52. C. Cuba, C. Wright, distributed in Hep. Cubenses, as M. disjuncta.
D, E. Hope Gardens, Jamaica, W. Harris. F. St. Kitts, /. C. Breutel,
specimen in the Mitten herbarium, labeled M. linearis and M. chenopoda.
G. St. Kitts, Britton & Cowell, 626. H. Martinique, type of M. inflexa.
I, J.- Mareval Valley, Trinidad, R. Thaxter.

276 Alexander W. Evans,

tacles : the first shows nine truncate rays clearly, the basal sinus
being broader than the others ; the second shows ten less clearly
marked rays. The type of M. disjuncta agrees closely with the
specimens distributed by Sullivant, by Austin, and by Under-
wood. They are well represented in the beautiful figures pub-
lished by Sullivant,^^ and the female receptacles show a variable
number of rays. The type of M. Elliot Hi bears numerous female
receptacles, which show from five to nine rays apiece, the rays
being plane or slightly convex and blunt. The type of M.
caracensis bears both cupules and female receptacles, the latter
showing five rays apiece. All of these specimens show the
dentate scale appendages and other features characteristic of
the species.

The thallus of M. domingensis is smaller and usually more
delicate in texture than in any of the preceding species. In wet
localities the photosynthetic layer is especially thin and the epi-
dermis is rarely more than a single cell in thickness, so that
plants growing under these conditions present an unusually
fragile aspect. The epidermal pores, however, maintain their
complex structure and form conspicuous whitish dots on the
upper surface. Sometimes the boundaries of the air-chambers
show distinctly through the epidermis, but they are usually indis-
tinct. The structure of the pores is much the same as in M.
breviloba, although the inner opening is bounded by straighter
lines.

The sclerotic cells in the thallus exhibit a great deal of varia-
bility. When abundantly developed they occur both in the
thickened median portion of the thallus and in the wings, those
in the latter position showing distinctly as elongated brown spots
when examined from underneath. The sclerotic cells appear to
be separated from one another by parenchyma when a cross sec-
tion of a thallus is examined. As a matter of fact, in the median
portion of the thallus at least, they often form elongated strands
running for a considerable distance, the acute ends of the cells
slightly overlapping. There are many cases, however, where the
sclerotic cells are very scantily developed. Sometimes there are
none at all present in the wings although the median portion
still retains them; sometimes even the median portion seems to

" Mem. Am. Acad. II. 3 : pi. 5. 1846.

American Species of Marchantia.

277

I

■bck them completely, although no specimens have yet been seen
Mb which ^ careful examination failed to show traces of sclerotic
cells in this region.

The appendages of the ventral scales (Fig. 10) have better
developed teeth than in any other North American species of
Marchantia, although the South American M. papillata is a close

Fig. II. Marchantia domingensis Lehm. & Lindenb.

Epidermal pores of thallus, x 225. A, B. In surface view. C, D. In
cross-section. E, F. Inner openings. A, C, E. Texas, F. D. Heald.
B, D, F. Cokely, near Castleton, Jamaica, JV. Harris.

rival in this respect. The teeth are very irregular, the simplest
being single cells which project as rounded or bluntly pointed pro-
cesses. Between these simple teeth and irregular lobes, several
cells long and wide, are all possible gradations. The apical tooth
tends to be longer than the others, although this tendency
is not always apparent. The median cells of the appendages are
often longer than broad and a decrease in the size of the cells

278 Alexander W. Evans,

between the middle portion and the margin is distinctly evident.
There is no definite border, however, as in M. Berteroana.
Sometimes, in wet situations, the appendages remain very small,
although even imder these circumstances the marginal teeth form
a conspicuous feature. The more sharply pointed apices, the
larger and more irregular teeth, the larger marginal cells and the
lack of cells containing oil-bodies will at once distinguish the
appendages of M. domingensis from those of M. polymorpha.

According to the original description of M. domingensis the
female receptacle is semicircular and ten-lobed to the middle,
the lobes being dilated and emarginate-crenate at the apex. The
Synopsis gives the number of lobes as seven to ten, while Stephani
states that nine lobes are present. The original description of
M. inflexa assigns nine to eleven lobes to the receptacle, while
Sullivant gives seven to nine as the number of lobes in M.
disjuncta; here again Stephani places the number of lobes defi-
nitely at nine, and g^ves the same number for M. Elliottii. In
M. caracensis, however, he states that only five or six lobes are
present. As a matter of fact the receptacles are exceedingly
variable and it is not easy to decide what the typical or normal
number of lobes really is. In the material from the mainland
seven is perhaps the usual number but five lobes often occur
and more than seven have been observed in several instances. In
the West Indian material nine lobes are present more frequently,
but seven or even only five lobes are not unusual. Sometimes the
lobes seem to be subdivided, so that it is not always easy to count
them except by means of the involucres which alternate with them.
The lobes vary not only in number but in thickness. In some
cases they are very thin and flat, in other cases thicker and
convex. When the lobes are fleshy the center of the disc some-
times shows a low swelling, but it is usually plane, and the recep-
tacle never shows the conspicuous median protuberance and
radiating ridges which are so characteristic of M. paleacea.

I'he study of the involucre is beset with considerable difliculty
on accoimt of its extreme delicacy. This has apparently been
the cause of considerable confusion in the published descrip-
tions. In M. domingensis, for example, the involucre is said to
be laciniate-ciliate or shortly fimbriate; in M. inflexa, laciniate;
in M. disjuncta, sparingly dentate or subentire ; in M. caracensis,
shortly fimbriate. Fig. 12, E-J, brings out the range of variation

American Species of Marchantia.

279

observed by the writer. The nearest approach to an entire con-
dition is seen in Fig. 12, E, although even here the margin is
distinctly and closely crenulate; in Fig. 12, F, the crenulate con-
dition is more pronounced, some of the teeth being two cells long ;
in Fig. 12, G, a crenulate portion directly adjoins a short-ciliate
portion, in which the cilia are two or three cells long; in Fig.

Fig. 12. Marchantia domingensis Lehm. & Lindenb.

Anatomical details. A. Stalk of male receptacle, cross-section, x 40.
B-D, Stalks of female receptacles, cross-sections, x 40, C having been
cut near base. E-J. Parts of involucres, x 100: H and I were dissected
from a single involucre ; J, from another involucre on the same recep-
tacle. K. Part of cupule, x 100, A. Florida, A'^. L. T. Nelson 47. B, F.
Texas, F. D. Heald. C, H-J. Jamaica, E. G-, Britton 668. D. St. Kitts,
Britton & Cowell 626. E. Alabama, Earle & Baker 52. G. Guatemala,
Cook & Griggs 82. K. Cokely, Jamaica, W. Harris.

12, H-J, taken from a single receptacle, the variation to be
expected is shown with especial clearness, some of the marginal
teeth or cilia being straight and some curved. In all probability
the laciniate and fimbriate involucres of the descriptions have
been the result of irregular tears in old material.

In the case of the male receptacle, Sullivant states that the
number of lobes in M. disjuncta is normally seven, although some

28o Alexander W. Evans,

of his figures show six, four, or only three lobes. Stephani
places the number at about eight in his account of M. disjunct a
but makes no mention of the male receptacles in M. domingensis,
M. Elliottii or M. caracensis. Apparently a good deal of varia-
tion is to be expected from varying environmental conditions, as
Goebel^^ has recently noted, poorly developed material showing a
reduced number of lobes. Even when only two rays are present
the upper part of the stalk shows two rhizoid-furrows, although
the lower part shows but one. The deeply lobed male receptacle
will distinguish M. domingensis from all the preceding species
except M. hrevUoha. In addition to its greater size this species
differs from M. domingensis in the appendages of the ventral
scales, which are larger and much less toothed ; in the slime cells
of the thallus, these structures being apparently never found in
M. domingensis; in the less deeply lobed female receptacles ; and
in the distinctly ciliate involucres.

7. Marchantia papillata Raddi

Marchantia papillata a brasiliensis Raddi, Mem. Soc. Ital. Modena

19 : 44. 1823 ; 20: pi 6a, f. 3, 4. 1829.
Marchantia platycnemos Schwaegr. ; Gaudichaud, Freyc. Voy.

Bot. 218. 1827 (as to the BraziHan plant).
Marchantia androgyna Nees ; Martius, Fl. Brasil. i : 308. 1833.

NotL.
Marchantia subandina Spruce, Trans. Bot. Soc. Edinburgh

15:561. 1885.

Thallus dull green, not glaucous, sometimes more or less pig-
mented with purple, usually 1.5-3 "^^i"- wide and 0.8-1. 15 cm.
long, dichotomous, the forks usually only 1.5-3 ^^- apart, texture
firm, margin entire; epidermis composed of cells with more
or less thickened walls, usually in a single layer, mostly 20-50/x
long (averaging about 30/x) and i2-20fM wide (averaging about
15/^) > papillae absent; pores (with their surrounding cells)
mostly 50-70/* long and 40-45/* wide, surrounded usually by five
(or six) rows of cells (two or three in the upper series and three
in the lower series), each row usually composed of four cells
(rarely of three or five), the lowest row of the upper series
sometimes with from five to eight cells, inner opening usually
four-sided (rarely with three or five sides), the sides concave,

'^ Organographie der Pflanzen, 26. ed. 699. 1915.

American Species of Marchantia. 281

bounding cells more or less obscured by a resinous deposit; air-
chambers low, isodiametric or somewhat elongated, their outlines
very indistinct when viewed through the epidermis, present
everywhere, rows of photo synthetic cells usually two or three
cells long; comjpact ventral tissue about fifteen cells thick in
the median portion; the walls sometimes pigmented, more or less
thickened and showing distinct pits, sclerotic cells scattered,
mostly fifteen to twenty in a cross-section, more abundant in the
median portion but often present in the wings, sometimes clearly
visible without sectioning, slime cells lacking; ventral scales in
two rows, the row of laminar scales more or less irregular but
tending to alternate with the median scales and not much nearer
the margin; appendages of the median scales ovate, when well
developed mostly 0.3-0.45 mm. long and 0.25-0.3 mm. wide but
sometimes considerably smaller, apex apiculate, acute, or cuspi-
date, margin subentire or usually more or less closely denticulate
or dentate, the teeth irregular, mostly one or two cells long,
rarely larger and more lobe-like, cells showing a gradual and
slight decrease in size toward the margin, median cells usually
longer than broad, mostly 40-6ofi long and 25-30/A wide, marginal
cells mostly 30-45/* long and i5-25jLt wide, irregular but usually
with the long axis at right angles or nearly so to the margin,
cells containing oil-bodies apparently always lacking, male recep-
tacle borne on a stalk about 3 mm. long with two rhizoid-fur-
rows, the disc about 0.8 cm. wide, deeply four- to eight-lobed, the
lobesor rays palmately disposed (the basal sinus being very broad),
about 3 mm. long and i mm. wide, rounded at the apex and with
a thin wavy margin, ventral scales imbricated : female receptacle
borne on a stalk 1.5-2 cm. long, with two rhizoid-furrows and
a single broad dorsal band of air-chambers, the disc mostly
3-4 mm. broad, normally nine-lobed (but sometimes with five to
eight lobes), the lobes or rays 1-1.5 mm. long and about i mrn.
wide, distinctly dilated at the truncate to emarginate apex, strongly
convex on upper surface, basal sinus broader than the others,
upper surface of disc with a low median protuberance ; involucre
very delicate, irregularly lobed and crispate, otherwise entire or
slightly and irregularly crenulate ; pores yellowish brown, about
26/x in diameter, outer face bearing a series of very low ridges
not forming a network, margin narrow and often indistinct, less
than 2fjL broad; elaters about 8/a broad, bispiral: cupules spar-
ingly and irregularly denticulate to short-ciliate, the teeth being
projections of marginal cells or from one to four cells long,
epidermal papillae lacking. (Fig. 13.)

The following specimens have been examined:

Brazil: Rio de Janeiro, without date, G. Raddi (N. Y., type) ;

without date, /. Milne (N. Y.) ; without definite locality or date,

W.J.Burchell 1857 (N. Y.).
Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI 19 1917

I

282 Alexander W. Evans,

Paraguay: Paraguari, August, 1883, B. Balansa (N. Y.,
U. S., distributed in PL du Paraguay 4006, and listed by Stephani
in Rev. Bryol. 14: 58. 1887).

Peru: near the Rio Huallaga, R. Spruce (type of M. sub-
andina, distributed in Hepaticae Spruceanae).

Bolivia: Isapuri, October, 1901, R. S. Williams 2145 (N. Y.,
Y.).

Although the writer has seen no specimens of M. papillata
from other localities, the following records may be cited from the
literature :

Cuba: "ad terram in locis humidis prope S. Marcos," Ramon
de la Sagra, gemmiparous specimens (listed by Montague in
Ramon de la Sagra, Hist. Fis. Pol. y Natur. Cuba 9 : 290. 1845).

Martinique: without definite locality or collector's name
(Hsted by Underwood in Bot. Gaz. 20:70. 1895); without
definite locality or date. A, Plee 18 21 (listed by Bescherelle in
Jour. deBot. T'.igZ- 1893).

Brazil: Rio Janeiro, C. Gatidichaud (listed, as M. platycne-
mos, in Freyc. Voy. Bot. 218. 1827) ; Minas Geraes, K. von
Martins (listed by Nees von Esenbeck in Naturg. Europ. Leberm.
4:109. 1838); "ad muros humidos aquaeductus, loco Corco-
vado dicto" near Rio de Janeiro, and "ad terram juxta flumen Rio
Negro", A. d'Orbigny (listed by Montague in D'Orbigny, Voy.
dans I'Amer. Merid. 7^ : 397. 1839).

Falkland Islands : without definite locality or date, C. Gatidi-
chaud (listed, as M. platycnemos, in Freyc. Voy. Bot. 218. 1827).

The original M. papillata included two varieties, a. brasiliensis
and /?. italica. Nees von Esenbeck^^ soon showed, however, that
the second variety was a synonym of M. paleacea; he therefore
reserved the name M. papillata for the first variety, a course
which has been followed by subsequent writers. He was also
the first to recognize the fact that his Brazilian M. androgyna
belonged to M. papillata and to include M. platycnemos among
the synonyms of the same species. It is possible, however, that
M. platycnemos ought still to be maintained as a species, at least
in part. It was based on three specimens, the first from the

Naturg. Europ. Leberm. 4: loi. 1838.

American Species of Marchantia. 283

Marianne Islands in the Pacific, the second from the Falkland
Islands, and the third from Brazil. The first specimen may be
regarded as the type of the species since it is mentioned first.
A portion of this specimen in the herbarium of the New York
Botanical Garden shows that the type is distinct from M. papil-
lata, as here understood, but that it is very close to M. emarginata
and perhaps synonymous with it. Nees von Esenbeck's inclu-
sion of M. platycnemos among the synonyms of M. papillata
must therefore be considered as applying to a part only of
Schwaegrichen's species as originally described.

Of Raddi's original figures, /. j is said to represent male plants
and /. 4, female plants. This is obviously an error, the recep-
tacles shown under /. j being clearly female. In /. 3a six
receptacles are drawn, two showing six lobes apiece and one
seven lobes, the number being doubtful in the other three. In
/. 3b an enlarged receptacle with nine lobes is represented; the
lobes show clearly the enlarged apices with more or less distinct
emarginations, and no difference is brought out between the basal
sinus and the others. The receptacles shown in /. 4 are very
doubtful and bear a disc which is scarcely lobed at all. Unless
drawn from very immature material they probably belong to
some other species than M. papillata. It should be noted, how-
ever, that the Synopsis describes the disc of the male receptacle
as ''subdimidiato excentrico marginibus repando-lobatis," thus
evidently recognizing a male receptacle in Raddi's so-called
female receptacle; but Stephani apparently discards this view,
since he does not mention the male receptacles at all.

The specimen of M. papillata, quoted above as the type, is in
the Mitten herbarium and was received from Hooker. It is
very fragmentary but includes three female receptacles, two
showing eight lobes apiece and the third, seven lobes. The
dilated apices of the lobes and the broader basal sinus are clearly
apparent. This specimen has been carefully compared with the
other specimens cited and found to agree with them in all essen-
tial respects. Spruce compares M. subandina with both M. papil-
lata and M. Berteroana, which he knew from description only.
He ascribes to the species, however, a polyoicous inflorescence
and monospiral elaters. Unfortunately the specimens which he
distributed, although agreeing with his description in other
respects, show a strictly dioicous inflorescence and bispiral

284

Alexander W. Evans,

elaters, so that his statements about the inflorescence and elaters
must have been based on a misconception.

The thallus of M, papillata is even smaller than in M. domin-
gensis; it is, in fact, the smallest American species known at the

Fig. 13. Marchantia papillata Raddi

Appendages of ventral scales and other anatomical details. A-E.
Appendages of ventral scales, B and C having been dissected from the
same thallus, x 100. F. Epidermal pore of thallus, surface view, x 225.
G, H. Pores in cross-section, x 225. I. Inner opening of pore, x 225.
J. Stalk of female receptacle, cross-section, x 40. K-M. Parts of
involucres, x 100. A. Brazil, G. Raddi, type. B, C, G, J, K. Paraguay,
B. Balansa 4006. D-F, H, I. Bolivia, R. S. Williams 2145. L, M. Peru,
R. Spruce, type of M. subandina.

pfesent time. So far as the structure of the thallus is concerned
the agreement with M. domingensis is very close. Slime cells
seem to be always lacking in both species and sclerotic cells are
usually abundant and equally conspicuous. The appendages of
the median scales, moreover, are essentially the same, although
the marginal teeth in M. papillata exhibit a slightly wider range

American Species of Marchantia. 285

of variability. There are, however, certain differences in the
epidermal cells and pores which deserve some emphasis. The
cells and pores are not only distinctly smaller than in M. domin-
gensis, but the pores are constructed on a simpler plan, the
opening being surrounded by fewer rows of cells and the number
of cells in each row being less subject to variation. The cells
bounding the inner opening tend to be more convex. It must
be admitted that these differences are very slight and might
not deserve much attention if they were not supported by other
differences derived from the female receptacle.

The variability of the receptacles with respect to the number
of lobes has already been commented upon in connection with
the type specimen and becomes still more apparent from a study
of the published descriptions. According to Nees von Esenbeck
the usual number of lobes is seven, eight to ten being sometimes
present; according to Spruce nine lobes are present in M. sub-
andina; according to Schiffner, who studied Raddi's specimen
in the Lindenberg herbarium, the normal number of lobes in
M. papillata is six, a larger number being unusual; according
to Stephani both M. papillata and M. subandina have nine lobes
apiece. In the writer's opinion nine may be regarded as the
normal number of lobes, although a smaller number frequently
occurs. In the number of lobes, therefore, the species agrees on
the whole with M. domingensis. The receptacle, however, is
smaller ; the lobes are more dilated and more frequently emargi-
nate at the apex; the medium protuberance of the disc and the
convexity of the lobes are more pronounced ; and the involucre is
less variable, being entire or nearly so and apparently never bear-
ing elongated teeth or cilia. Just how constant these differences
are can only be established by the study of more material. If they
should be found to intergrade it might become necessary to
reduce M. domingensis to synonymy under M. papillata, but the
differences seem sufficient at the present time to justify the
maintenance of both species as valid.

The group of species to which M. domingensis and M. papil-
lata belong is well represented in paleotropic regions. Among
the species which are referable to this group M. emarginata
R. Bl. & N.,3* M. linearis Lehm. & Lindenb.,^^ and M. Schaden-

" Nova Acta Acad. Caes.-Leop. Carol. 12 : 192. 1824.
'"Lehmann, Pug. Plant. 4:8. 1832.

286 Alexander W. Evans,

bergii Steph.^^ may be especially mentioned. The first of these
has a very extensive distribution and is reported by Stephani
from China, the Himalayas, Japan, Java and the Philippine
Islands; the second is known from various parts of India; the
third, from the Philippine Islands only. These three species are
closely related, and the differences brought out by Stephani are
not very convincing. As indicated in the synonymy the authors
of the Synopsis referred specimens of M. domingensis to M.
linearis, an error first pointed out by Stephani. Since, however,
M. linearis is so closely related to M. emarginata it will be
sufficient to compare the two American plants with this latter
species, a full description of which has been published by
Schiffner.^^

In size M. emarginata is comparable with M. domingensis; in
the structure of the female receptacle, with M. papillata. It
agrees with both species in the possession of sclerotic cells in
the thallus ; in the general features of the ventral scales ; in the
closely toothed appendages of the median scales ; and in the
structure of the involucre. Schiffner describes the latter as lobed
and almost entire, but it is sometimes possible to detect a few
short teeth, especially toward the outer extremities. A few dif-
ferences in the structure of the thallus may be mentioned. In
M. emarginata, for example, although sclerotic cells are present
they are never so abundant or so conspicuous as they sometimes
are in M. domingensis. The thallus is further distinguished by
the possession of slime cells and, according to Schiffner, by the
occasional presence of epidermal papillae. It would be unwise,
however, to lay much stress on any of these differences, since
the structures on which they are based are so very variable.

The female receptacle of M. emarginata shows the features
described under M. papillata in an intensified form. The median
protuberance is not only more pronounced, but the lobes them-
selves might almost be described as costate, while their apices are
more markedly dilated and emarginate. These features are of
course subject to variation. The male receptacles are distin-
guished by their long and slender stalks. The cupules are much
the same as in two American species.

'*' Bull. Herb. Boissler 7 : 524. 1899.
"Fl. de Buitenzorg 4:31. 1900.

American Species of Marchantia. 2^7

8. Marchantia Bescherellei Steph.
Marchantia Bescherellei Steph. Rev. Bryol. 15 : 86. 1888.

Thallus dull green, not glaucous, slightly or not at all pig-
mented with purple, mostly 5-7 mm. wide and 2-3 cm. long,

I dichotomous, the forks 1-1.5 cm. apart, texture very delicate,
margin entire, sometimes vaguely and irregularly plicate; epi-
dermis composed of cells with very thin walls, in a single layer,
mostly 40-70/X long (averaging about 50/*) and 20-35/x wide
(averaging about 25^*), papillae absent; pores (with their sur-

\ rounding cells) mostly i6o-200/>t long and i20-i6o/x wide,

I surrounded usually by seven or eight rows of cells, three or four
in the upper series and four in the lower series, the two lower

' rows of the upper series usually composed of ten to twelve or
even more cells apiece, the other rows of five or six cells, rarely
of only four cells apiece, inner opening usually five- or six-
sided, rarely only four-sided, with the sides strongly concave,
resinous deposit slight; air-chambers low, somewhat elongated,
their boundaries indistinct when viewed through the epidermis,
present everywhere except close to the margin, rows of photo-
synthetic cells usually two or three cells long; compact ventral
tissue mostly twelve to fifteen cells thick in the median portion,
abruptly thinning out in the wings, the walls somewhat pig-
mented, slightly or not at all thickened, sclerotic cells scattered,
sparingly developed, slime cells lacking; ventral scales in two
rows, the laminar scales alternating with the median scales and
not much nearer the margin; appendages of the median scales
ovate, when well developed mostly 0.5-0.6 mm. long and 0.35-
0.45 mm. wide but often smaller, apex acute, margin sparingly
and irregularly dentate, the teeth in the basal portion often
larger and sharper and sometimes lobe-like, cells showing a
gradual and slight decrease in size toward the margin, median
cells usually longer than broad, mostly 50-80/x long and 30-40/^
wide, marginal cells mostly 30-50/x long and 15-25/A wide, irregu-
lar but usually perpendicular or nearly so to the margin, cells
containing oil-bodies lacking: male receptacle borne on a stalk
about I cm. long (iji the only example studied), with two rhizoid-
furrows and (apparently) with a single broad dorsal band of
air-chambers, the disc 7 mm. broad, with four short and rounded
lobes or rays with thin margins, basal sinus more than 180 degrees,
the other sinuses narrow, ventral scales apparently in two rows :
female receptacle borne on a stalk about 2 cm. long (in the only
example studied), with two rhizoid-furrows and dorsal air-
chambers apparently in two distinct bands, the disc about 7 mm.
wide, with five short and rounded lobes or rays, upper surface of
receptacle plane, basal sinus a straight line or nearly so ; involucre
delicate, closely and irregularly dentate, some of the teeth three
or four cells long and two to four cells wide at the base, other

288 Alexander W. Evans,

teeth smaller: spores (according to Stephani) yellowish brown,
23/A in diameter, erose along the ridges, otherwise smooth.
(Fig. 14.)

Known only from the following specimens:
Brazil: Rio Janeiro, A. Glaziou 6348 (B., N. Y., type) ; E. Ule
I2S (B., listed by Stephani in Bull. Herb.. Boissier 7 : 406. 1899).

The material of M.'Bescherellei in the Boissier herbarium, por-
tions of which have been examined by the writer, includes the
female type specimens and the male specimens collected by Ule.
A sterile specimen of the type material, in the Mitten herbarium,
has likewise been examined. It will be noted that Spruce,^^ who
published a list of Glaziou's specimens, makes no mention of
No. 6348. According to the label on the specimen in the Mitten
herbarium, Spruce thought that this number might perhaps
represent a new genus of the Marchantiaceae, but he evidently
reached no definite conclusion about it. Probably he had only
sterile material at his disposal, because the female receptacle
shows at once that Stephani was correct in referring the plant
to the genus Marchantia. Unfortunately the specimens studied
by the writer were very fragmentary and remained shriveled after
long soaking in water. It was therefore impossible to gain from
them an adequate idea of the species, and some of the statements
made about the structure must be regarded as more or less
tentative.

The texture of M. Bescherellei is exceedingly delicate and the
thallus thins out abruptly in passing from the midrib to the
wings. In the latter the ventral tissue becomes reduced, accord-
ing to Stephani, to a single cell in thickness, and the marginal
portion, where the entire thallus is only one. cell thick, is four
cells broad. Although the air-chambers are low the photosyn-
thetic tissue is well developed and characteristic and the pores
are large and complex.

The appendages of the ventral scales are composed of cells
which show a gradual decrease in size in passing from the median
portion toward the margin, resembling in this respect the appen-
dages of M. domingensis and M. papillata, but the margin itself is

^ Rev. Bryol 15 : 33, 34. 1888.

American Species of Marchantia.

289

very different in being much more sparingly toothed. Among the
preceding species the appendages find their closest counterparts in
M. paleacea and M, hreviloha. Their apices, however, are more
uniformly sharp-pointed, their teeth tend to be sharper, and their
marginal cells are more frequently placed at right angles to the
margin.

With regard to the female receptacle there are marked dis-
crepancies between Stephanies original description and the later
description of his Species Hepaticarum. According to the orig-

FiG. 14. Marchantia Bescherellei Steph.

Anatomical details. A-C. Appendages of ventral scales, x 100.
Part of an involucre, x 100. Drawn from the type specimen.

inal account the disc is green, convex in the middle, five-lobed for
one third the distance from margin to center, the lobes being
rounded and shortly incised at the apex, plane and horizontal,
delicate and beautifully reticulated. Doubt is thrown, however,
upon the constancy of the five-lobed condition. The involucres
are described as reddish, firm in texture, and shortly ciliate.
According to the later account the disc is brownish green, delicate
and veiny, plano-convex in the center, and nine-lobed, the lobes
being plane, connate almost to the apex, rounded and very shortly
incised. The involucre is said to be hyaline, small-lobed, irregu-
larly and shortly fimbriate. In the only receptacle seen by the
writer the disc is five-lobed, the two basal lobes being only about

290 Alexander W. Evans,

half as broad as the other three lobes and the sinus being
practically a straight line. The three broad lobes appear to be
very shortly incised at the apex but they are actually only emar-
ginate, the apparent incision being really filled by an extension
of the membranous margin of the lobes. In other respects the
lobes agree with Stephani's accounts. The involucre is distinctly
toothed, but the teeth are scarcely long enough or sharp enough
to be described as ciha or fimbriations. The discrepancy in the
number of lobes which Stephani's accounts bring out might of
course be due to a variability of the species, which could only
become evident through the study of more extensive material.

It is unfortunate that the structure of the stalks of the recep-
tacles must be left in doubt. In Stephani's original description
the stalk of the female receptacle is said to bear two dilated
dorsal lamellae but no mention is made of these in his later
account, and nothing whatever is said about the structure of the
stalk of the male receptacle. From the scanty supply of material
available, it has been impracticable to prepare cross-sections of
stalks, so that the writer is unable to confirm Stephani's state-
ment or to add further details. If the stalk of the male recep-
tacle bears a band of air-chambers the relationship might be with
M. domingensis. If two bands of air-chambers are present in
the stalk of the female receptacle, a relationship with M. cheno-
poda would be indicated, and it is worthy of note that Mitten
referred Glaziou's type specimen to M. brasiliensis Lehm. &
Lindenb., a species which is now included among the synonyms
of M. chenopoda L. According to our present knowledge, how-
ever, the systematic position of the species can hardly be
determined.

9. Marchantia chenopoda L.

Marchantia chenopoda L. Sp. Plant. 1137. I753-

Marchantia androgyna L. /. c. 1138. 1753 (in part) ; Swartz,

Fl. Ind. Occ. 1882. 1806.
Chlamidium indicum Corda; Opiz, Beitr. zur Naturg. 647. 1828

(nomen nudum).
Marchantia Swartzii Lehm. & Lindenb. ; Lehmann, Pug. Plant.

4:9. 1832.
Marchantia cartilaginea Lehm. & Lindenb. /. c. 4: 31. 1832.
Marchantia brasiliensis Lehm. & Lindenb. I. c. ^: 32. 1832.

American Species of Marchantia. 291

Grimaldia peruviana Nees & Mont.; Montagne, Fl. Boliv. in

D'Orbigny, Voy. dans TAmer. Merid. 7^ : 53. 1839.
Marchantia peruviana Nees ; G. L. & N. Syn. Hep. 538. 1847.
Marchantia Dillenii Lindb. Krit. Gransk. Hist. Muse. 47. 1883.

Thallus pale or yellowish green, sometimes more or less
glaucous, usually tinged with purple or brownish on the lower
surface, usually 4-7 mm. wide and 2-3 cm. long, dichotomous,
the successive forks averaging about i cm. apart, texture varying
from firm and often leathery to delicate, margin entire ; epidermis
composed of cells with slightly thickened walls, often in two
layers, mostly 30-60/x long (averaging about 40/*) and i5-30/>t
wide (averaging about 22^^), papillae absent, slime cells often
present, averaging about 60/A in diameter ; pores variable in size,
usually (with their surrounding cells) measuring i(X)-i70/x in
length and 80-130/* in width but sometimes considerably smaller,
usually surrounded by seven rows of cells (four in the upper
series and three in the lower), more rarely by six, eight or even
nine rows, the two upper rows of the upper series and the two
lower rows of the lower series composed of four to six cells
apiece, the third row of each series usually of twice as many,
and the fourth row of the upper series usually of a much larger
number, sometimes of as many as eighteen, inner opening four-
to six-sided with the sides straight or more or less concave, cell-
walls mostly smooth throughout; air-chambers of medium
height, isodiametric or somewhat elongated, their boundaries
usually distinct but sometimes obscure when viewed through
the epidermis, present everywhere, cells of partition walls some-
times including slime cells, rows of photosynthetic cells usually
three or four cells long; compact ventral tissue mostly twenty
to twenty-five cells thick in the median portion, the walls some-
times pigmented, more or less thickened and showing distinct
pits, sclerotic cells usually distinct, scattered, mostly twenty to
fifty in a cross-section, usually abundant in both median portion
and wings, slime cells usually present, scattered, tending to be
more abundant in the wings, rarely more than six or eight in a
cross-section; ventral scales in two distinct rows, the laminar
scales alternating with the median scales and not much nearer
the margin; appendages of the median scales very variable,
lanceolate to broadly ovate, when well developed mostly 0.45-
0.65 mm. long and 0.3-0.4 mm. wide but sometimes considerably
smaller, apex acuminate, acute or apiculate, margin entire or
variously and irregularly toothed, the teeth rarely numerous and
often restricted to the basal portion, cells of about the same size
throughout or showing a slight and gradual decrease in size
toward the margin, median cells usually longer than broad,
mostly 60-90/* long and 25-40/x wide, marginal cells mostly 30-70/1

292 Alexander IV. Evans,

long and 20-35/x wide, irregular, the long axis varying from
parallel to perpendicular to the margin, cells containing oil-
bodies usually absent, rarely one or two present : male receptacle
borne on a stalk mostly 1-2 cm. long, with two rhizoid-furrows
and no air-chambers, the disc mostly 0.8-1 cm. broad, deeply lobed,
the lobes or rays mostly four, rarely five or six, palmately dis-
posed, the basal sinus sometimes more than 180 degrees broad,
the lobes mostly 5-7 mm. long and 1.5-2 mm. wide, rounded, with
a thin wavy margin extending across the basal sinus, ventral
scales imbricated, mostly in two rows: female receptacle borne
on a stalk 2-4 cm. high, with two rhizoid-furrows and two narrow
dorsal bands of air-chambers, the disc convex, mostly 6-8 mm.
wide, shortly five-lobed, the lobes or rays convex, rounded and
separated by shallow sinuses, the basal sinus much broader than
the others and approximating a straight line ; involucre firm, the
margin sparingly dentate to closely ciliate or laciniate, the teeth or
cilia varying from one to five cells in length, sometimes forking ;
spores brownish yellow, about 26/Lt in diameter, narrowly mar-
gined, the outer face bearing a few low ridges not forming a
network ; elaters about 6/i wide, bispiral : cupules closely short-
ciliate, the cilia mostly two to four cells long, outer surface
without papillae. (Figs. 15-20.)

A widely distributed species is tropical America. The follow-
ing specimens have been examined :

Puebla: banks of Avenida Hidalgo and path to barranca,
Tezuitlan, October, 1908, Barnes & Land 5^y.

Vera Cruz: Jalapa and vicinity, September, 1906, Barnes &
Land, no number (Y.) ; July, 1908, C. G. Pringle 15326 (Y.,
distributed in PI. Mex. under a manuscript name of Stephani) ;
November, 1908, Barnes & Land 556, 614, 626a (Y.) ; vicinity
of Orizaba, November, 1908, Barnes & Land 631, 6yo (Y.).

Guatemala: without definite locality or date, Godman &
Sabin (N. Y.) ; Santa Rosa, September, 1894, Heyde & Lux
62p3 (N. Y.) ; near the Finca Sepacuite, Alta Verapaz, March
and April, 1902, Cook & Griggs 83, 141, 3^4 (U. S., Y.) ; trail
from Pangos to Sepacuite, Alta Verapaz, January, 1908, Maxon
& Hay 31 1 1 (U. S., Y.) ; Coban, Alta Verapaz, H. von Titer ck-
heim 60/4 (N. Y.).

Costa Rica: Bagnar, Angostura, June, 1874, 0. Kuntze 2102
(N. Y.) ; la Verbena, Alajuelita, August, 1894, A. Tonduz
15562 (N. Y., Y., distributed by E. Levier under a manuscript
name of Stephani) ; Rio Turrialba, March, 1896, /. D. Smith
(N. Y.) ; Cuesta de la Vieja, road to San Carbos, April, 1903,

American Species of Marchantia. 293

Cook & Doyle iii (U. S., Y.) ; Juan Vinas, April, 1903, Cook
& Doyle SOI (U. S., Y.) ; vicinity of La Palma, May, 1906,
W. R. Maxon 489 (U. S, Y.).

Panama: without definite locality or date, B. Seemann (N.
Y.) ; Darien, April and June, 1908, R. S. Williams loSj, 1084
(N. Y., Y.).

Cuba: without definite localities or dates, C. Wright (dis-
tributed in Hep. Cubenses).

Jamaica: without definite localities or dates, Fordyce, W.
Wright; Whitfield Hall, December, 1896, W. Harris 11063 i^ P^^t
(N. Y.) ; Moody's Gap, March, 1895, W. Harris 5671 (N. Y.,
U. S., Y.) ; vicinity of Cinchona, November, 1902, F. S. Earle
397a (N. Y., Y.) ; July, 1903, A. W. Evans 248 (Y.) ; Mount
Airy, trail to Tweedside, April, 1903, W. R. Maxon 864 (U. S.,
Y.) ; Second Breakfast Spring, near Tweedside, April, 1903,
W. R. Maxon 880 (U. S., Y.) ; Morce's Gap, August, 1906,
A. W. Evans 405 (Y.) ; Cima Cuna Gap, September, 1908,
E. G. Britton ppo (N. Y., Y.) ; March, 1909, Britton & Howe
4032 (N. Y.,Y.).

Porto Rico: Adjuntas, March, 1886, P. Sintenis jr (N. Y.,
U. S., Y., Hsted by Stephani in Hedwigia 27 : 294. 1888) ; road
from Ponce to Adjuntas, July, 1901, Underwood & Griggs 732
(N. Y., U. S., Y.) ; Military Road, north of Cayey, June, 1901,
Underwood & Griggs 2j8 (U. S., Y.) ; road from Utuado to
Arecibo, July, 1901, Underwood & Griggs 839 (U. S., Y.) ;
near Cayey, July, 19CX), A. W. Evans p5 (Y.) ; between Ponce
and Utuado, March, 1906, Britton & Marble 778 (N. Y., Y.) ;
Mount Morales, near Utuado, March, 1906, M. A. Howe iop8
(C. C. H., N. Y., Y.) ; summit of Loma la Mina, Sierra de
Naguabo, July, 1914, /. A. Shafer 3337 (N. Y., Y.) ; La Juanita,
near Las Marias, February, 191 5, E. G, Britton 3964 (N. Y., Y.) ;
La Chiquita, near Maricao, February, 191 5, E. G. Britton 4099
(N. Y., Y.) ; Britton & Cowell 4296 (N. Y., Y.) ; between
Adjuntas and Ponce, March, 19 15, E. G. Britton 5367 (N. Y.,
Y.): Maricao, July, 1915, F. L. Stevens 1844 (N. Y., Y.) ;
Gigante, July, 1915, F. L. Stevens 1797 (N. Y., Y.).

Guadeloupe: without definite locality, 1874, T, Husnot (dis-
tributed in PL des Antilles 196); Gombeyre, 1897- 1900, Pere
Duss 391 (N. Y.) ; Basse Terre, 1898 Pere Duss 253 (N. Y.,
determined as M. hrasiliensis by Stephani).

294

Alexander W. Evans,

Dominica: Laudat, 1903, F. E. Lloyd 76, 78, 285 (N. Y., Y.).
Martinique: St. Pierre, 1899-1900, Pere Duss sgo (N. Y.,

Fig. 15. Marchantia chenopoda L.

Appendages of ventral scales, x 100; K represents the basal portion
of an appendage. A. Vera Cruz, 1906, Barnes & Land. B-G. Vera
Cruz, Barnes & Land 614. H, I. Vera Cruz, Barnes & Land 626a. J, K.
Guatemala, Cook & Griggs 83.

determined as M. brasiliensis by Stephani) ; Carbet, 1899, Pere
Duss 342 his (N. Y.) ; Morne Rouge, August, 1901, P^re Duss
5^i(N.Y.).

American Species of Marchantia. ?i95

Grenada: Grand Etang, 1913, R. Thaxter (H., Y.).

Venezuela: near Caripe, A. von Humboldt (Y., specimen
from the Hooker herbarium, labeled ''Humboldt 2^5," pre-
sumably the basis for the record in Nov. Gen. Sp. Plant. 7 : 99.
1825) ; without definite locaUty or date, Funck & Schlim S37
(N.Y.).

Colombia: Andes Bogotenses, W. Weir (N. Y.).

Brazil: Orgaos Mountains, C. Gaudichaud (N. Y., specimen
from the Montague herbarium, labeled simply ''Brasilia," pre-
sumably the basis for the record in Voy. Corv. la Bonite, Bot.
1 : 209. 1844-46) ; Morro Velho, no date, G. Gardner i^i (N.
Y.) ; Rio de Janeiro, no date, /. Milne (N. Y.) ; A. Glaziou 17992
(N. Y., listed by Spruce in Rev. Bryol. 20 : 60. 1893) ; Jacobina,
Mattogrosso, October, 1872, O. Kuntze (N. Y., sterile and some-
what doubtful) ; near Sao Paulo, April, 1905, A. Usteri i (Y.).

Ecuador: Bafios, R. Spruce (listed in Trans. Bot. Soc. Edin-
burgh 15: 562. 1885, and distributed in Hep. Spruceanae).

Peru: near Tarapoto, R. Spruce (distributed in Hep.
Spruceanae) ; Ollantaytambo, May, 191 5, Cook & Gilbert 7^^
(U.S.,Y.).

Bolivia: near Irupana, A. d'Orbigny 226 (M., type of
Grimaldia peruviana) ; Yungas, 1885, H. H. Rusby, 3001, 3002,
300s, 3004 (N. Y., U. S., listed by Spruce in Mem. Torrey Club
i: 140. 1890) ; 1892, M. Bang 1545 (N. Y.) ; July, 1893, P.
Jay yi (N. Y., Y.) ; Tumupasa, December, 1901, R. S. Wil-
liams 214^ (N. Y., Y.).

Galapagos Islands: Albemarle Island, August, 1906, A.
Stewart 6876.

The following additional stations, recorded in the literature,
are likewise of interest:

Oaxaca: Mirador and Comaltepec, F. Liebmann (listed by
Gottsche in Mex. Leverm. 268. 1863).

Vera Cruz: near Orizaba and at Cordoba, 1855, F. Miiller
(listed by Gottsche, /. c).

Costa Rica : near San Jose, H. Pittier 6004, 6049; Marais de
la Palma, H. Pittier 6018, 6024 (both listed by Stephani in Bull.
Soc. Bot. Belgique 31 : 180. 1892).

Jamaica: without definite locality or date, P. Collinson (type
of M. Dillenii).

296 Alexander W, Evans,

Martinique: Morne de la Calabasse, without date or col-
lector's name (type, cited by Plumier) ; without definite locality,
date, or collector's name (type of M. cartilaginea) ; without
definite locality or date, Hahn 134/; T. Htisnot ipy, ip8 (the
last three listed by Bescherelle in Jour, de Bot. 7: 193. 1893).

French Guiana: near Cayenne, 1835-49, Leprieur 1386
(listed by Montagne in Ann. Sci. Nat. Bot. IV. 3:320. 1855).

Venezuela: Merida, K. Goebel (figured in Organographie
der Pflanzen 258. /. 13/. 1898).

Colombia: Muzo, Fusagasuga and Puripi, 1859, A. Lindig
1715, 1718, 1719, 1722, 1723 (listed by Gottsche in Ann. Sci.
Nat. Bot. V. 1 : 186. 1864).

Peru: Rio Huallaga, November, 1902, E. Ule 327 (listed by
Stephani in Hedwigia 44: 223. 1905).

Brazil: "Montagne d'Estrella," G. Raddi (cited by Raddi,
see below) ; without definite locality or date, F. Sellow (type of
M. brasiliensis).

The specimens recorded by Schiffner from the Fiji Islands
(Leberm. Forschungsr. S. M. S. "Gazelle" 43. 1890) are
described as having ciliate-dentate ventral scales and would
probably now be referred to some other species.

The interpretation of M. chenopoda is beset with difficulties,
and a history of the species may therefore be in place. The
Linnaean description or diagnosis is very short and reads,
"Marchantia calyce communi dimidiato palmato quadrifido." If
the term "calyx" signifies the female receptacle this descrip-
tion would not apply accurately to any of the known American
species, where a four-parted receptacle occurs only as an abnor-
mality. If the term signifies the male receptacle there are sev-
eral species to which the description might perhaps apply. In
any case it would be quite impossible to identify a definite species
by means of the Linnaean description alone.

Unfortunately the only synonym which Linnaeus quotes, the
"Lichen anapodocarpos" of Plumier, is likewise insufficient to
lead to a positive conclusion. Plumier^® described his plant from
material collected on the Morne de la Calabasse in Martinique.
Linnaeus cites the original description and figure and also the

"" Traite des Fougeres de rAmer. 143. pi. 142. Paris, 1705.

American Species of Marchantia. 297

later description and figure published by Dillenius.*** Plumier's
figure represents certain reproductive parts in detail and a
thallus with a sinuate or vaguely lobed margin, branching occa-
sionally by forking and apparently also by ventral outgrowths.
From the tips of some of the branches the four-lobed receptacles
on short stalks take their origin and clearly bring the growth
of the branches to an end. In two cases — possibly in three— five-
lobed receptacles are shown. In his text Plumier compares the
appearance of the plant with that of the Indian fig and says that
the upper surface is of a pale green color and roughened by
minute elevated points. He compares the entire receptacle with
a mushroom and states that one side of the disc is rounded,
while the other shows four semicircular lobes, the whole resem-
bling an inverted goose foot. He adds that each lobe opens
longitudinally, and shows minute white "flowers'* in the form
of tubes. Each tube divides at the apex after a while into
four parts which roll back and disclose an oval fruit filled with
"seeds" like fliour. It is clear from this account that he had
female receptacles before him and that he saw the involucre,
the pseudoperianth, the capsule, and the spores.

Dillenius took his figure directly from Plumier and did not
know the plant itself. He tried to improve the figure, however,
by indicating that the upper surface of the thallus was covered
over with minute polygons as in related species. Lindberg*^
criticises the figure of Dillenius (and consequently that of
Plumier) by stating that an autoicous inflorescence is shown,
both male and female receptacles being represented on the
thallus. This criticism is undeserved. The receptacles shown
are all female, the dorsal surface being represented in some
cases and the ventral in others. In his text Dillenius brought
out the fact that the receptacles were all the same kind, although
he incorrectly interpreted the fruit of Plumier as an anther and
the flour-like seeds as pollen, a well-known error which he
repeats in his interpretation of the reproductive parts in other
bryophytes.

On the basis of Plumier's description and figures it becomes
evident that the term "calyx" in the Linnaean diagnosis of M.

*°Hist. Muse. 531. pi. 75, f. 5. Oxford, 1741.

*" Krit. Gransk. Dillen. Hist. Muse. 45- Helsingfors, 1883.

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI 20 1917

298

Alexander W. Evans,

chenopoda refers to the female receptacle, and it has already
been pointed out that a quadrifid female receptacle is not found

Fig. 16. Marchantia ch£nopoda L.

Appendages of ventral scales, x 100; G represents the median portion
of an appendage with two cells containing oil-bodies. A-C. Cuba, C.
Wright, in Hep. Cubenses. D, E. Jamaica, A. W, Evans 258. F, G.
Jamaica, W. R. Maxon 405. H, I. Porto Rico, F. L. Stevens 1844; J.
Guadeloupe, T. Husnot, in PI, des Antilles jq6.

normally in any known American species. Plumier's work indi-
cates further, that the involucres and sporophytes of his plant
are situated underneath the lobes, a condition which is likewise

American Species of Marchantia. 299

unknown among American species, where the involucres and
sporophytes invariably alternate with the lobes. Since there are
apparently no specimens of Plumier's plant in herbaria, it is
clear that M. chenopoda L. represents an unidentifiable plant,
and the logical course would be to give up the species altogether.

In the literature of the Hepaticae, however, M. chenopoda
has an established place, and it seems justifiable to interpret it
according to the descriptions of later writers. Even Plumier's
figure gives us a little help because it shows that he occasionally
observed a five-lobed receptacle, although he makes no mention
of such a structure in his text. Since most subsequent writers
ascribe to the species definitely a five-lobed receptacle, and since
the species to which they assign the name is abundant in
Martinique, it is quite probable that their M. chenopoda is the
same as Plumier's plant. Unfortunately their descriptions and
figures are not without discrepancies, and it becomes evident that
Taylor at least did not distinguish between what is here called
M. chenopoda and M. domingensis.

Apparently Swartz^^ was the first to describe the male recep-
tacles. He states that they are subpeltate, unsymmetrical, pal-
mate-quadrifid, plane and verruculose above (like the thallus),
and convex below, the rays or lobes being linear, obtuse, and
often unequal, with membranous, undulate margins. He cites no
stations for the species although he implies that it occurs in
Jamaica. Quadrifid receptacles are sometimes found in M.
domingensis, but it is probable that Swartz had the true M. cheno-
poda before him, and his description is definitely cited in tlie
Synopsis Hepaticarum.

Schwaegrichen,*^ in 1814, quotes M. chenopoda from Africa
as well as from America, and F. Weber,'** the following year,
notes a similar extension of range. Neither writer adds anything
significant to our knowledge of the species, and it is probable
that their citation of African stations is based on incorrect deter-
minations, since all subsequent writers restrict the range of
M. chenopoda to America.

A few years later Raddi*^ extended the known range of the

*" Fl. Ind. Occid. 1880. Erlangen, 1806.

^ Hist. Muse. Hepat. Prodr. 32. Leipzig, 1814.

"Hist. Muse. Hepat. Prodr. 103. Kiel, 1815.

^ Mem. Soe. Ital. Modena 19 : 44- 1823 ; 20 : pi. 6a, f. i, 2. 1829.

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI 21 1917

300 Alexander W. Evans,

species into Brazil and stated that it occurred abundantly at the
bottom of moist and mossy rocks on the "Montagne d'Estrella."
According to his account M. chenopoda is distinguished from
all the other species of Marchantia by its receptacles, which are
truncate on one side. He adds that in the male receptacle the
upper surface is plane and that the four parts or lobes are unequal
in length, and he criticises Plumier for comparing this receptacle
with a goose's foot; in his opinion it is more like the foot of a
pigeon. Of course this criticism has no weight, since Plumier
drew his account entirely from female receptacles. According
to Raddi the disc of the female receptacle is strongly convex
and either entire or very shortly divided, bearing on the lower
surface four fleshy or rib-like swellings, between which are borne
the capsules, much as in M. polymorpha. He notes further that
the upper surface of the thallus is areolate and perforated by
white vesicles and that the lower surface is violet except along
the margin, where it is green. Although Raddi's specimens have
not been available for study it is evident that he had the true
M. chenopoda before him. Not only is his description unusually
clear, but the species has since been collected in other Brazilian
localities.

In 1835 Taylor published an account of the Marchantiaceae
which had come under his observation. In his description of
M. chenopoda*^ he comments on the inaccuracies of Plumier 's
figures and quotes them doubtfully, although it was upon
Plumier's work that the species was primarily based. Accord-
ing to Taylor the female receptacle is hemispherical and divided
into from eight to ten truncate laciniae, each bearing underneath
a single involucre with ciliate or serrulate margins. He notes
further that the stalk of the receptacle has two rhizoid-furrows
and adds interesting statements about the scales on the vegetative
thallus and about the cupules. The scales, in his words, have an
entire and broadly ovate base, then a deep constriction at about
the middle, and then a broadly ovate and ciliate expansion (the
latter being what is now known as the appendage). In the
cupules he speaks particularly of the serrate margin. It will
be seen at once that Taylor's account of the female receptacle
is very different from that of his predecessors, and the speci-
mens in his herbarium show that it was drawn from M. domin-

*• Trans. Linn. Soc. 17 : 379. pi 12, f. 2. 1835.

American Species of Marchantia.

301

gensis. His account of the male receptacle, however, agrees
esentially with that of Swartz. Taylor cites M. chenopoda from

Fig. 17. Marchantia chenopoda L.

Appendages of ventral scales, x 100. A, B. Venezuela, Funck & Schlim.
C-E. Brazil, A. Glaziou 17992. F, G. Brazil, 1905, A. Usteri i. H-J.
Galapagos Islands, A. Stewart 6876.

Guadeloupe and St. Vincent as well as from Jamaica and
Martinique.

302 Alexander W. Evans,

In the Synopsis Hepaticarum emphasis is again laid on the
receptacles. The female receptacle is said to be excentric, hemi-
spherical, and about five-lobed, the lobes being obtuse, subcrenate
and soon obsolete, with hyaline, denticulate involucres. The male
receptacles are said to be unsymmetrical and palmately four- to
five-parted. This account of the female receptacle agrees closely
with that of Raddi and differs from that of Taylor. Both writers,
however, are cited under the species. From Brazil several
localities are enumerated, but the only West Indian stations given
without question are on the island of Martinique. The Synopsis
quotes three synonyms: M. androgyna (female plants only),
M. Swartzii, and Chlamidium indicum. These may be considered
in order.

Swartz apparently supposed that what he called M. androgyna
was the same as M. androgyna L.,*^ a species based on two cita-
tions, the first from Dillenius*® and the second from Micheli.*^
According to Swartz, who treats the plant very briefly, M.
androgyna is related to Reboulia hemisphaerica (L.) Raddi; he
describes the thallus as narrower than in that species and states
that the male receptacles are perhaps sessile and that the female
receptacles are subentire. Although he. cites no actual material
it is probable that he drew his description from Jamaican speci-
mens collected by himself, these being definitely referred to by
later writers.

Now the Dillenian species quoted by Linnaeus under M.
androgyna has been the cause of a great deal of confusion. It
was based on two entirely different plants, a fact which was first
pointed out by Lehmann and Lindenberg in their discussion of
the Asiatic M. linearis Lehm. & Lindenb.^^ They show clearly
that the Dillenian /. ^B, which, as they state, is essentially the
same as the figure by Micheli, represents Grimaldia dichotoma
Raddi, a common species of the Mediterranean region. They
show further that the Dillenian /. ^A and /. jC represent a species
of Marchantia, and they suppose that this species is the same
as the M. androgyna of Swartz. The two figures in question
were drawn from specimens collected in Jamaica by P. Collinson ;

*'Sp. Plant 1138. 1753-

** Hist. Muse. 520. pi. 75, f. 3. 1741.

^ Gen. Nov. Plant. 3. pi. 2, /. 5. 1729.

"Lehmann, Pug. Plant. 4:9. Hamburg, 1832.

American Species of Marchantia.

303

f. 3A shows a plant with numerous cupulas and female recep-
tacles, while /. jC shows a small forking fragment with cupules

Fig. 18. Marchantia chenopoda L.

Appendages of ventral scales, x 100. A-C Peru, Cook & Gilbert 755.
D-F. Bolivia, A. d'Orbigny, type of M. peruviana. G, H. Bolivia, H. H.
Rushy 3004. I, J. Bolivia, P. Jay 71.

only. The receptacles are so strongly convex that they appear
conical and resemble those of Conocephalum conicum (L.)
Dumort. In fact, according to Lehmann and Lindenberg, the

304 Alexander W. Evans,

M. androgyna of Weber^^ is actually Conocephalum coniciim, and
the Linnaean name has been applied by other writers to such
distinct species as Preissia quadrata (Scop.) Corda and Reboulia
hemisphaerica (L.) Raddi.

Lehmann and Lindenberg's conception of M. androgyna Sw.
was based on specimens collected by Swartz in Jamaica.
Although they considered these specimens identical with those
collected by Collinson they did not take up the name M:
androgyyia for the species, probably because the original M.
androgyna L. was an aggregate. They described it instead under
the new name M. Swartzii. The female receptacle, according
to their account, is unsymmetrical, hemispherical, and subentire
or obsoletely lobed, the lower surface and the stalk being villous.
They state further that the upper surface of the thallus is green
with many large pores bordered with white, and that the lower
surface is brown with scales in the median portion; and they
suggest that the male receptacles of Swartz's description may
have been cupules only. So far as the descriptions go M.
Swartzii and, consequently, M. androgyna Sw. do not differ in
any essential respects from M. chenopoda, and the authors of the
Synopsis are probably correct in citing these two species as
synonyms of M. chenopoda. This view is supported by a frag-
mentary specimen in the Taylor herbarium, labeled M. Swartzii
by Lehmann, which apparently represents M. chenopoda, although
a positive conclusion can hardly be reached without sectioning
the material.

A further difficulty in disentangling the synonymy is, how-
ever, encountered. Although Lehmann and Lindenberg con-
sidered Swartz^s and CoUinson's plants identical, this opinion
was not shared by the authors of the Synopsis Hepaticarum.
In quoting M. Swartzii as a synonym of M. chenopoda they
take pains to exclude the Dillenian /. 5 altogether, although
/. s^ ^^d /• 3C are definitely quoted by the authors of M.
Swartzii in citing M. androgyna Sw. as a synonym of their spe-
cies. Fortunately CoUinson's material is preserved in the Dil-
lenian herbarium and throws a little light on the subject. It
was studied by Lindberg, who reached the conclusion that it
represented a distinct and undescribed species. This he pro-
posed as new under the name M. Dillenii Lindb. He assigns to

" Spic. Fl. Goettingen. 168. Gotha, 1778.

American Species of Marchantia.

305

the species a delicate pellucid thallus with indistinct areolae but
with large pores, the thallus in M. chenopoda being thick and

Marchantia chenopoda L.

Epidermal structures of thallus, x 225. A, B, Pores, surface view.
C-G. Pores, cross-section. H-K. Pores, inner view. L. Slime cell,
cross-section. A, C, H-J. Guatemala, Cook & Griggs 83. B, D, E, K, L.
Jamaica, IV. R. Maxon 405. F, G. Peru, Cook &• Gilbert 755.

Opaque with distinct areolae and small pores. He states further
that the female receptacles are depressed-semiglobose, excentric
and almost entire, the five lobes present being very short, thick.

3o6 Alexander W. Evans, j

semicircular in outline and slightly incurved. The receptacles
described are immature and do not therefore yield very satis-
factory characters, but Lindberg's description, so far as it goes,
would clearly apply to M. chenopoda. Even the characters
drawn from the thallus easily come within the range of variation
to be expected in so multiform a species, where both the texture
and the size of the pores differ widely in different plants. The
writer would therefore follow Stephani in reducing M. Dillenii
to synonymy, even in the absence of Lindberg's type material.

The third synonym given in the Synopsis, Chlamidium indiciim,
is nothing but a nomen nudum. According to Corda it was based
on No. 375 of Sieber*s Flora Martinicensis. The Synopsis, how-
ever, in citing it as a synonym under M. chenopoda, states that
it was based on No. 378. In the Mitten herbarium a specimen
of No. 378 is preserved under the name M. martinicensis. This
plant, which probably represents the type of the manuscript spe-
cies M. martinicensis Spreng., is clearly referable to M. domin- ■
gensis, as the authors of the Synopsis have already shown.
Their citation of No. 378 under Chlamidium indicum, therefore,
was probably an error or due to the fact that this number was
a mixture ; in any case Corda's species, in the absence of adequate
publication, deserves no further attention.

If the work of Taylor is excepted it will be seen that writers 1
up to the time of the Synopsis Hepaticarum (1847) were prac- 1
tically unanimous in assigning to M. chenopoda a subentire or
shortly five-lobed female receptacle and a deeply four-cleft male
receptacle. The same thing may be said of subsequent writers. •
Unfortunately identical or similar characters have been assigned
to other species. Aside from M. Dillenii, which has already
been alluded to, M. cartilaginea, M. brasiliensis, and M. peruvi-
ana may be mentioned in this connection. The first was based
on material collected on the island of St. Vincent, no collector J
being named; the second on Brazilian material collected by 1
Sellow ; the third on Bolivian material collected by D'Orbigny.

In M. cartilaginea the male receptacles are said by the authors
of the species to be shghtly convex and borne on very short
stalks, while the female receptacles are said to be minute and
entire or obsoletely crenulate. Schiffner, who studied the type
material, found that the female receptacles were immature and
that the so-called male receptacles were nothing more than

American Species of Marchantia. 307

extremely young female receptacles. The distinctive characters
of the species thus break down, and he reduced it to synonymy,
retaining it as a var. cartilaginea (Lehm. & Lindenb.) Schiffn.
under M. chenopoda. Stephani quotes it as a simple synonym.
Their views are supported by the work of Prescher, who found
the distribution of the slime cells the same in M. cartilaginea as
in M. chenopoda.

In M. hrasiliensis the male receptacle is described as peltate,
angled and convex, the central portion being thickened and the
margin plane and hyaline; the female receptacle is said to be
hemispherical, symmetrical and entire. Here again Schiffner
showed that the receptacles in the type specimen were immature
and that the distinctive characters drawn from the male recep-
tacles could be duplicated by young male receptacles of M.
chenopoda. He therefore regards M. hrasiliensis as synonymous
with M. chenopoda, a view which the writer is disposed to share.
Stephani, in maintaining the validity of the Brazilian plant, dwells
on the symmetry of the female receptacle and describes it as
strongly convex and very shortly four- to six-lobed. He adds
that the entire appendages of the ventral scales can easily be
distinguished from the dentate appendages of M. chenopoda.
Since, however, he assigns both entire and toothed appendages
to M, chenopoda in his detailed description of that species, and
since the receptacles on some of the West Indian specimens
referred by him to M. hrasiliensis are distinctly unsymmetrical,
his differential characters can not be regarded as having much
significance.

In the original description of Grimaldia peruviana the female
receptacle is said to be subglobose and crenate while the male
receptacle is said to be discoid and sessile. Apparently on account
of the characters of the so-called male receptacles Montague
continued to regard the species as a Grimaldia even after the
authors of the Synopsis had correctly transferred it to Mar-
chantia.^'^ Probably the sessile structures which Montague
observed were immature female receptacles, but unfortunately
the type specimen in his herbarium, a portion of which the writer
has been able to examine, is sterile, so that these problematical
organs could not be studied. The compound pores, however,

°^ See Montagne, Sylloge 91. Paris, 1856.

3o8 Alexander W. Evans,

and the cupules show conclusively that the species is a Mar-
chantia, and the writer would go even further than Stephani did
and reduce it to a synonym of M. chenopoda. This conclusion is
strengthened by the fact that numerous specimens of M. cheno-
poda have been collected in Bolivia by subsequent explorers.

Although a wide range of variability is assigned to M. cheno-
poda, according to the writer's conception of the species, an
equally wide range is assigned to M. domingensis and an even
wider range to M. polymorpha. The structures which are per-
haps most subject to variation are the epidermal pores, the slime
cells, the appendages of the ventral scales and the involucres.
The male receptacles and the female receptacles in most respects
exhibit features of a more constant character.

In normal and well-developed specimens the pores are unusu-
ally large in the middle of the thallus and are only slightly
smaller near the margin. In other cases the contrast in size
between the median and marginal pores is much more marked;
in still other cases even the median pores may be small or medium
sized. Corresponding with these differences in size there are
differences in the number of cells in the concentric rows around
the opening, although the number of such rows is usually seven.
The differences in number are found especially in the third and
fourth rows of the upper series and in the third row of the inner
series. In the fourth row of the outer series the variation is
especially great. In small pores as few as four cells may be
present, in large pores as many as eighteen cells, and all grada-
tions between these extremes are to be expected. In the third
row of each series similar but less marked differences are encoun-
tered. In the first and second row of each series four cells are
normally present although three, five, six, or even seven cells
sometimes occur.

The slime cells vary greatly in number and in distribution. In
typical West Indian material they occur abundantly in the epi-
dermis, in the walls of the air-chambers, and in the compact
ventral tissue of the thallus. In other specimens they are rare in
the epidermis or even absent altogether, although still persistent
in the walls of the air-chamber and in the compact tissue ; in still
other specimens, and this seems to be especially true of mate-
rial from Mexico, Central America and South America, they
are restricted to the compact tissue, where indeed they may be

American Species of Marchantia. 309

Fig. 20. Marchantia chenopoda L.

Anatomical details. A. Cells from compact ventral tissue in cross-
section, including two sclerotic cells and a cell containing oil-bodies, x lOO.
B. Cells from same tissue in longitudinal section, including a sclerotic
cell, X 100. C-E. Cells from basal portions of median scales, x lOO.
F. Stalk of male receptacle, cross-section, x 50. G-L Stalks of female
receptacles, cross-sections, x 50: G, showing a stalk of average size; H,
a slender stalk near the middle; and I, the same slender stalk near the
base. J-M. Portions of involucres : J, x 40 ; L-M, x 100. A-G, J.
Jamaica, A. W. Evans 405, W. R. Maxon 880. H, I. Panama, R. S.
Williams 1084. K. Vera Cruz, Barnes & Land 631. L. Costa Rica,
Cook & Doyle 301. M. Bolivia, R. S. Williams 2143.

3IO Alexander W. Evans,

very scarce. Since these different conditions grade into one
another, it seems impossible to use them as a basis for the segre-
gation of M. chenopoda.

Very striking variations are to be observed in the appendages
of the median scales. If the series represented in Figs. 15-19
is examined it will hardly seem possible at first that all can have
been taken from a single species. The appendages shown exhibit
four more or less distinct types, varying in shape, in the char-
acter of the margin, and in the size of the component cells. In
the first type, shown by Figs. 15, A-H, and 16, the appendages
are narrowly ovate to lanceolate, tapering gradually to an
acute or acuminate apex; the margin is either entire or
provided with one or more vaguely defined and irregular teeth;
and the cells are large, showing no marked differences in size
between the median and marginal portions. In the second type,
shown in Figs 15, I, and 17, A, the appendages are larger
than in the first type and tend to be more acuminate; the mar-
gin is more distinctly dentate, although the teeth are still irregu-
lar; and the cells are much the same as in the first type, except
for the fact that the marginal cells in the basal portion tend to
be smaller. In the third type, shown in Fig. 18, A-C, the
appendages are broadly, ovate and apiculate to abruptly acute;
the margin is entire or vaguely and sparingly dentate or crenate
toward the base; and the cells are everywhere large, much as in
the first type. In the fourth type, shown in Fig. 18, D-J, the
appendages have about the same form as in the third type,
although they sometimes taper more gradually; but the margin
is more irregular, varying from entire to distinctly and rather
closely crenate, dentate, or even lobed in the basal portion; and
the cells are distinctly smaller, often showing a definite decrease
in size between the median and marginal portions. Cells con-
taining oil-bodies are usually absent altogether, but one or two
sometimes occur, as shown in Fig. 16, G, H, J. These have not
been observed except in the first type of appendage.

Since the various types of appendage are more or less char-
acteristic of definite regions, the first type, for example, being
prevalent in the West Indies and the fourth in South America,
the writer at first thought that distinct varieties with definite
geographical ranges might be distinguished, using the appen-
dicular differences as a basis. It soon became evident, however,

American Species of Marchantia. 311

that this was hardly possible. Many instances were noted where
the range of one type overlapped that of another, and a few
cases were observed in which appendages of two distinct types
occurred on an individual thallus (Figs. 15, H, I; 17, A, B).
It was impossible, moreover, to associate the differences in the
appendages with other differences showing any degree of con-
stancy. In the writer's opinion, therefore, the numerous types of
appendage are to be regarded as a further evidence of the»great
variability of the species.

In the case of the involucres there is again great variability,
although the extremes are perhaps less marked than in M. domin-
gensis. Fig. 20, L, shows an involucre in which the teeth are
scattered, short, and blunt; while in Fig. 20, J, K, M, the
involucres shown bear crowded, long and slender teeth. It will
be noted that some of the teeth are simple while others are more
or less complex. Bifid teeth are especially common and often
show widely divergent divisions. The involucres are firmer than
in M. domingensis, the cell walls being sometimes distinctly
thickened and pigmented with yellowish brown.

In North America the only species with which M. chenopoda
is likely to be confused is M. domingensis. The two species are
of about the same size, the structure of the epidermal pores is
much the same in both, the sclerotic cells in the ventral portion
of the thallus show a similar distribution and the male recep-
tacles are very much alike in general appearance. There are,
however, striking differences which usually make it possible to
distinguish specimens even in the absence of female receptacles.
In M. chenopoda slime cells can almost always be observed in
the thallus and often occur in great abundance; the appendages
of the ventral scales are often entire and are never very closely
toothed ; and the stalk of the male receptacle is destitute of air-
chambers. In M. domingensis there are no slime cells in the
thallus ; the appendages of the ventral scales are closely toothed ;
and the stalk of the male receptacle bears a band of air-chambers.

If female receptacles are present other important differences
may be observed. In M. chenopoda, the stalk bears two bands
of air-chambers; there are normally only five lobes, these being
very short; and the involucre is firm in texture, the margin
varying from dentate to ciliate or laciniate. In M. domingensis
the stalk bears a single band of air-chambers, there are usually

312 Alexander W. Evans,

more than five lobes, these being more or less elongated; and
the involucre is very delicate in texture, the margin varying from
crenulate to short-ciliate.

The features which distinguish M. chenopoda from M. domin-
gensis will distinguish it also from the South American M.
papillata. Another South American species to which it may be
related is M. Bescherellei, the appendages and involucres of
which might easily come within the range of variability exhibited
by M. chenopoda. According to our present knowledge, M.
Bescherellei is a more delicate species with lower air-chambers
and thinner ventral tissue. There is no danger of confusing M.
chenopoda with any of the other species recognized in the present
paper.

Doubtful Species

1. March ANTIA squamosa Raddi; Lehm. & Lindenb. in Leh-

mann, Pug. Plant. 4: 12. 1832 (as to the Brazilian plant).

Brazil: without definite locality or date, Raddi.

Attention has already been called to this species and to its
possible aggregate nature (see p. 261). Stephani's description
agrees in most respects with M. paleacea, and it is possible that
Raddi's specimens would now be referred to that species. If
this should prove true it would mark an interesting extension of
range.

2. Marchantia quinqueloba Nees, Naturg. Europ. Leberm.

4:98. 1838.

West Indies: without locality, date, or collector's name.

According to the full description given by Nees von Esenbeck
this species is probably a form of M. domingensis. In any case
there seems to be no reason for attempting to maintain it, since
the original specimens (according to Stephani) are poorly
developed and valueless.

3. Marchantia pusilla Nees & Mont. ; G. L. & N. Syn. Hep.

526. 1847.

Chile : without locality, date, or collector's name.

This species was based on a single very immature specimen and
is not represented in the Montague herbarium. The original
description throws little light on its affinities, and Montague him-

American Species of Marchantia. 313

self apparently had no faith in its validity since he does not
mention it in his Sylloge (1856). Stephani therefore seems
justified in repudiating it altogether.

4. Marchantia flabellata Hampe, Linnaea 20 : 235. 1847.
Venezuela: Galipan, without date, Moritz 4/b (erroneously

ascribed by Hampe to Colombia).

According to the brief original account the species is monoi-
cous, the female receptacles are four-parted, and the male recep-
tacles seven-parted. Although no specimens have been available
the writer suspects that M. flabellata may represent a synonym
of M. domingensis. Should this be established it would show
that Hampe confused the male and female receptacles and incor-
rectly assigned a monoicous inflorescence to his species. Unfor-
tunately the question must be left in doubt.

5. Marchantia Notarisii Lehm. Pug. Plant. 10:22. 1857.
Chile: near Valparaiso, without date, W. Lehmann.
Although Stephani at first threw doubt on the validity of this

species, suggesting that it was probably synonymous with M.
chenopoda, he afterwards listed it without question from the
Chilean island of Chiloe, citing specimens collected by C. Skotts-
berg.^^ The original description of M, Notarisii is very full but
is justly criticised by Gottsche^* on account of its many ambi-
guities. It certainly seems to point to M. chenopoda, and the
writer would refer it provisionally to that species. Unfortunately
no specimens of M. chenopoda from Chile have been available for
study.

Sheffield Scientific School,
Yale University.

'"Kungl. Sven. Vet.-Akad. Handl. 46': 5- IQH-
"Bot. Zeit 16 (Beil.):28. 1858.

TRANSACTIONS OF THE

CONNECTICUT ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES

Incorporated A. D. 1799

VOLUME 21, PAGES 315 -M2 MAY, 1917

A Survey

of

Ancient Peruvian Art

BY

PHILIP AINSWORTH MEANS

YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS

NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT
1917

THE TUTTLE, MOREHOUSE & TAYLOR COMPANY, NEW HAVEN, CONN.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

I. INTRODUCTION .

Sketch Map of Peru .

• 3^9
facing 321

11. THE CULTURE PERIODS OF PERUVIAN
ART

1. The Proto-Chimu and Proto-Nasca Cul

• TURES

2. The Culture known as Tiahuanaco I.

3. The Culture called Tiahuanaco II. .

4. The Red- white-black and Epigonal Cul

TURES

5. The Chimu and Nasca Cultures

6. The Colla-Chulpa Culture

7. Early Inca Culture ....

8. The Inca Culture at its Height

III. ANALYSES OF THE ARTS OR CULTURES

1. A Critical Analysis of Proto-Chimu and

Proto-Nasca Art ....

2. A Critical Analysis of Tiahuanaco II Art

3. Relations between Proto-Chimu, Proto-

Nasca and Tiahuanaco II . . .

4. A Critical Analysis of the Epigonal and

Red-white-black Cultures

5. A Critical Analysis of the Chimu and

Nasca Cultures

6. A Critical Analysis of Late Inca or Cuzco

Art

• 322

322

324
326

328

329
330
333
336

339

339
351

363

369

372

377

3'i8 Table of Contents.

PAGE

IV. THE QUESTION OF CHRONOLOGY AND

DATES IN EARLY PERUVIAN ART . 383

APPENDIX I: THE ARCHAIC TYPE ... 390

APPENDIX II :• CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER OF THE

EARLY PERUVIAN CULTURES . . 393

BIBLIOGRAPHY 394

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS '403

I. INTRODUCTION.

It will be the writer's endeavor to present in this paper a brief
review of the various types of art to be found in pre-Columbian
Peru. The work is the fruit of some four years' study, two
years of that period having been devoted to a systematic collec-
tion of data in various places and under the direction of various
people. As the main purpose will be to establish a basis for
the classification of Peruvian art-objects, the study will be con-
fined to those regions where the form and stratigraphic relations
of the various art- types that make up the sequence of cultures
have been determined with a reasonable degree of precision. The
reader is urged carefully to bear in mind the fact that many of
the various types are to be found in regions far removed from
those here to be specified. But in those regions which are far
from the source of an art-type or culture new environmental
and psychological conditions almost inevitably exercise an influ-
ence which results in profound modifications of the original type.
The writer hopes that this paper will help to link certain of the
Peruvian arts or cultures with certain types of objects from
such regions as Ecuador, Eastern Bolivia, North-western Argen-
tina and Northern Chile. It may even be possible in time to
gather material evidence which will conclusively prove the basic
unity of all the more advanced types of art in aboriginal America.

In the writer's opinion it is still too early to attempt, with
any likelihood of success, to read or interpret the inner signifi-
cance of the various designs that we shall study. Attempts of
this nature have been made by Berthon, (1911), Joyce, (1913b),
Posnansky, (1914), and others, but still it seems to be unavoid-
able under the present limitations of our information that all
speculations of this sort should lack an atmosphere of conclu-
siveness. In this day, with our present incomplete knowledge
of these ancient peoples, we should not attempt to read into their
exotic designs a set of significances expressed in terms of our
own experience. Rather, the investigator should seek painstak-
ingly to analyze the various component parts of each pre-
Columbian art or culture, as well in Brazil, Argentina, Chile,
Ecuador, Colombia, Panama, and Middle America as in Peru

320 Philip Ainsworth Means,

and Bolivia, with a view first to finding out the distribution of
each and every element, and ultimately to arriving at some safe
and permanently tenable opinion as to the cultural ancestry of
each of the cultures that have flourished in the several regions.

The writer also believes that it is time for a serious attempt
to be made to construct for the various cultures of pre-Columbian
Peruvian art a chronology, supplied with approximate dates, simi-
lar to the one already established for ttie Maya area. In order to
arrive at any permanently valuable opinion as to the cultural
position and cultural ancestry of these Peruvian art-types, it
will be necessary first to know, at least approximately, when and
how long they flourished. For many years it has been the
fashion for South American archaeologists to look askance at all
efforts to construct a chronology. The recent researches of
Dr. Uhle, of the late Sir Clements Markham, of Sr. Arturo
Posnansky, of the late Dr. Gonzalez de la Rosa and of others
have, however, afforded material that seems to justify a formal
undertaking of the construction of a date-chronology for the
various Peruvian cultures. The author has already made a
tentative effort in this direction,^ and the reception it has met
with has encouraged him to pursue the matter further. It is
inevitable that discussion of this important matter should finally
result in the establishment of a reasonably correct date-chronol-
ogy. Accordingly, in the hope of bringing that desideratum of
Peruvian archaeology nearer, he has ventured to insert at the
end of this study a tentative date-chronology of the various art-
periods or cultures of early Peru.

The author is greatly indebted to many people for the aid,
of various sorts, that they have given him during the preparation
of this paper. Chief among these are the following: Dr. Roland
B. Dixon, of Harvard University; Dr. Alfred M. Tozzer, of
Harvard University; Dr. George F. Eaton, of Yale University;
Professor George Grant MacCurdy, of Yale University; Dr.
Herbert J. Spinden, of the American Museum of Natural His-
tory; Mr. Charles W. Mead, of the American Museum of
Natural History ; Professor Marshall H. Saville, of the Museum
of the American Indian ; Mr. Sylvanus Griswold Morley, of the
Carnegie Institution; Dr. Ales Hrdlicka, of the United States

^ Means, 1917.

i ^'

0;
^1

SKETCH MAP OF PERU

Showing the locations of the chief sites mentioned in the body
of the paper.

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 321

National Museum ; Mr. F. W. Hodge, of the Smithsonian Insti-
tution; and, Mr. Thomas A. Joyce, of the British Museum. To
all these gentlemen the writer wishes to extend his thanks for
their help.

Acknowledgments are also due to the authorities of the
Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass., to those of the Museum of
Fine Arts, Boston, and to those of the American Museum of
Natural History for permission to figure various objects in their
collections. Mr. Guernsey of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge,
was so kind as to help the writer in taking some of the pictures
that accompany the paper, and Dr. Denman Waldo Ross was so
good as to spend a long time discussing the aesthetic side of the
designs on several of the textiles here illustrated.

11. THE CULTURE PERIODS OF PERUVIAN ART.

Before proceeding to a detailed analysis or to any endeavor
to coordinate the various cultures, it will be best for us to state
as briefly as possible what the periods of culture are and where
each is found at its highest development. Appendix II shows
their chronological position with respect to one another, and the
accompanying map shows the location of the chief sites connected
with each of the cultures. It remains for us to summarize the
outstanding features of the various types.

I. THE PROTO-CHIMU AND PROTO-NASCA CULTURES.

One may conveniently distinguish between the two subdivi-
sions of this earliest coast culture-period by remembering that
the Proto-Chimu flourished all along the northern half of the
Peruvian littoral and the Proto-Nasca along the southern half.^
This subdivision is arbitrary, being based on the form of arts
prevailing in the two regionsj It is not a wholly satisfactory
classification, and it may ultimately have to be modified. For
example, it may sometime become desirable to delimit at Pachaca-
mac a style which should be called "Proto-Pachacamac." Our
information is, however, too scanty to justify such a course as
yet, and it is better for the present to rely upon the classification
here offered, which does preserve and emphasize the main lines
of differentiation between the major varieties of the earliest
coast art.

The art of the region around Chan Chan and Moche^ in the
modern department of Libertad is characterized by features that

^ The terms "Proto-Chimu" and "Proto-Nasca" were adopted by
Dr. Uhle after he discovered that the objects belonging to them did not
belong to the Chimu and Nasca cultures. The name by which the early
but highly gifted people called themselves is unknown.

^ Here again, the nomenclature must be commented upon. The two
places just named are near Trujillo and they are the chief sites for Proto-
Chimu ware. The name Chimu is used for the same sites at a later period,
when the Chimu culture was flourishing. Chimu is derived from the
Mochica place-name Chimorr or Chamorr ; Moche is the Hispanicised
form for Muchik; Chiclayo was formerly Chajaep; Lambayeque is
derived from Nampajek. Cf. Middendorf, 1892, p. 64.

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 323

set it in sharp contrast to other Peruvian art-types. As a rule, ? ^'
the other Peruvian cultures are marked by conventionalization.
The Proto-Chimu, on the contrary, is comparatively free from
conventionalization and is marked by strong realism, especially
in the animal forms, ^'portraits" and "landscapes." In close
association with the elaborate modelling in the round went
painted decorations of a type always easy to identify. These
paintings were usually in dark reddish brown on a cream-colored
slip. In a few cases such colors as light red, orange and buff
were used in the vase-paintings. The outlines of the figures
are marked by a grace that is unusual in Peruvian art, and in
the grouping of the various scenes a striking command of the
principles of composition and grouping is displayed. Some of
the vase-paintings of this period partake of the nature of genre
painti™t, and they help us in no slight degree to reconstruct the
material culture and customs of the people whom they depict.

It is but right to say here a word or two regarding the reasons
that have led Uhle, Joyce and several others to believe that the
Proto-Chimu and the Proto-Nasca are the earliest Peruvian arts.
The architecture associated with remains of this culture takes
the form of massive walls built up of large balls of clay placed
in position while still wet and allowed to dry in such a manner
that they partly ran together, thereby forming a solid mass
of material. Stratigraphic evidence proves that this architecture,
of which only a little is left, is the oldest.^

Reserving further comments on Proto-Chimu art for a later
page, we will now run over the outstanding features of Proto-
Nasca art, always bearing in mind the fact that it was probably
not only contemporaneous with Proto-Chimu but also closely
associated with it on ethnic grounds.

Undoubtedly Proto-Nasca will, in time, serve more truly to
explain certain problems than will Proto-Chimu. At the same
time, regarded merely as an art, it is not so remarkable. It is
more like other Peruvian arts, for reasons that will later appear.
Unlike the Proto-Chimu, Proto-Nasca is not characterized by
graceful modelling and graceful painting. Rather, it sacrifices
both the form of the vessels and the lines of the paintings to a
remarkable wealth of coloration. To the novice, it is true, the

^ Joyce, 1912, p. 179; Uhle, 1913, pp. 102-103; Means, 1917.

/"

324 Philip Ainsworth Means,

Proto-Nasca vessels appear sombre enough, but the more one
studies them the more he becomes impressed with the wonderful
richness and variety of their tints. The mere fact that most of
them are from the dark side of the color-scale does not impair
the effect of subdued richness. If, then, we never find in Proto-
Nasca the astonishingly good modelling that excites wonder,
and sometimes amusement, at the Proto-Chimu art, the lack is
in part made up for by the presence of sumptuous color combina-
tions that may well give valuable hints to modern artists.

It is the opinion of Mr. Joyce that no textiles of this period
have sunived to the present time.* But for reasons to be
enlarged upon later, the present writer ventures to hold the con-
trary opinion on this point.

Though profoundly different, as has been shown, the Proto-
Chimu and Proto-Nasca arts have similarities to one another
that are quite as significant as their divergences. The similarities
are to be found in the subject-matter of the two arts rather than
in the details of their execution. In both, the use of headdresses
decorated with animal-faces is apparent; in both, the use of
various sorts of masks and of eye-painting is noticeable; and
in both the centipede-like tail ending in a human face is often
found. An important article by Mr. Joyce affords the material
for forming these opinions.^

2. THE CULTURE KNOWN AS TIAHUANACO I.

The researches of Posnansk}% Uhle, Gonzalez de la Rosa and
others have established the fact that the remains at and around
Tiahuanaco® in Bolivia -represent two sharply differentiated
cultures. Of these, the cruder was the earlier. Posnansky, to
whom the subdividing is chiefly to be credited, calls this first
and simpler epoch "TiaJiuanaco Primitivo." The writer, in

* Joyce, 1912, p. 200.

"Joyce, 1913b.

® Though we shall fall in with modern usage and employ the name
Tiahuanaco, it is to be noted that the early name for the place appears
to have been Taypicala. This, according to Cobo (IV, p. 65) and Ban-
delier (1911, pp. 222 and 243), has the meaning of "Stone-in-the-Center
(of the Universe)." The word appears to be derived from the "Aymara"
(correctly, Colla) terms taipiri, center, and ccala, worked stone. (Cf.
Vocabulario poliglota incaico, 1905.)

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 325

seeking for a good English equivalent for this term, decided to
adopt one that was suggested by Aegean archaeology — hence
"Tiahuanaco I," and also "Tiahuanaco 11."

The architecture of Tiahuanaco I was true megalithic masonry.
In building a wall, the early Tiahuanaco people adopted the
simple but effective method of setting up at intervals large
vertical oblong monoliths. In the edges of these nearest to the
next pillar grooves were often cut from the base to the top and
into them the builders fitted other blocks of stone by means of
which a wall of comparatively small stones was made between
the large ones.

In all probability Tiahuanaco I was contemporary, at least
in part, with Proto-Chimu and Proto-Nasca. Nevertheless, as
will be developed later, there is no trace of the early coast types
to be found associated with Tiahuanaco I deposits. It is, in
the writer's opinion, impossible to say with accuracy whether
or not any pottery or textiles have survived from the Tiahuanaco
I period. Posnansky, however, figures two rude stone heads used,
apparently, as wall-ornaments, dating from this period.'^

Even a brief study of Tiahuanaco I reveals the fact that it
is totally unlike either of the probably contemporaneous coast-
cultures. What, then, is it like? Is it an indigenous and autoch-
thonous culture? The whole trend of modern investigation into
the ancient cultures of America discourages belief in the autoch-
thonous nature of the Tiahuanaco I culture. It must, therefore,
have been derived from some other region. As it obviously is
not connected, even remotely, with any of the other cultures
in South America that can possibly have been contemporary with
it, save for one possible exception, we must study, however
briefly, the strands of evidence that bind it to the group of cul-
tures which constitute that exception. It is, then, suggested that
the erectors of the Tiahuanaco I culture were related to, or even
members of, the great Arawakan stock of Brazil. This is as
yet but a theory. Facts, however, lend it a certain color of truth.
These facts we will briefly outline.

Far to the south-east of Lake Titicaca, in the Bolivian province
of Santa Cruz, is a site called Samaipata which yields cut rocks
very suggestive of the stone-work of Tiahuanaco I. We owe

"Posnansky, 191 1, p. 33.

326 Philip Ainsworth Means,

our knowledge of this place to Baron Nordenskjold, and it is
his opinion that the remains at Samaipata are associated with
Arawakan builders.® Archaeology, then, offers a slender thread
with which to bind the Tiahuanaco I culture with the Arawakan
stock at Samaipata. But this is not all-^^ c evidence afforded by
archaeology. The island of Marajcr,'^iirL'tttie mouth of the Amazon,
yields evidences of occupation by a people who had a stone
technique of a grade similar to that of the Tiahuanaco I people.
Finally the characteristic feature of the better sort of Tiahuan-
aco I stone-carvings is the continuity of the eyebrows and nose
so as to form a T-shaped figure.® This feature is also found in
some of the pottery heads from Marajo in the Peabody Museum,
Cambridge, and likewise it is observable on the secondary decora-
tions of the Weeping God figure at Tiahuanaco. (See Plate
VII.)

Furthermore, linguistics and a study of migrations seem to
throw some light on the situation. Haddon indicates roughly
that there was a shift of peoples from north-eastern South
America toward the Titicaca and Samaipata regions. Chamber-
lain and others indicate that members of the Arawakan linguistic
stock are to be found far over toward the Andes at the latitude
of Lake Titicaca.^^

On the whole, then, there is a certain justification for sug-
gesting that the first high-cultured dwellers at Tiahuanaco were
derived from stock belonging to the eastern half of the continent.
The reader is reminded, however, that this whole point is in
an embryonic state of discussion. Only long and systematic
work will definitely establish the Arawakan derivation of the
Tiahuanaco I people and their culture.

3. THE CULTURE CALLED TIAHUANACO II.

If Tiahuanaco I was probably contemporary with the Proto-
Chimu and Proto-Nasca cultures of the coast, Tiahuanaco II
is no less probably derived, at least in part, from the latter of
those two coast cultures. This will be enlarged upon later on.

Nordenskjold, 1902, 1906, 1906b.
See Posnansky, 1914, Plate XXXX.
° Haddon, 1912; Chamberlain, 1913b, p. 474 fT.

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 327

There can be but little doubt that the culture which we call Tia-
huanaco II was the most highly developed in South America.
It even rivals the Maya culture of the "Old Empire" cities in
the southern part of Yucatan.

It may be true that it i*? dangerous to measure the actual spread
of a culture by the uv^ui^v^aries of the territory within which
remains of its distinctive products are to be found. Political
affinities, of course, cannot be determined by any such evidence ;
but, nevertheless, the fact that Tiahuanaca II objects are found
from Colombia to Argentina is a proof that the cultural domi-
nance of Tiahuanaco II was exceedingly widespread.

As we have seen, there was a shift, in the transition from
Proto-Chimu to Proto-Nasca, from a light-toned art enriched by
good modelling to a dark-toned art characterized by poor and
slight modelling. For reasons to be brought out later it is but
natural that we should find the characteristics of Proto-Nasca art
carried on to their logical development in the art of Tiahuanaco
II. This natural state of affairs is found to exist.

In Plate VII we see an important portion of the largest mono-
lithic gateway -at Tiahuanaco. It may safely be said to be an
epitome of Tiahuanaco II art. Its characteristics, from our
point of view, may be listed thus: (i) A headdress decorated
with ray-like tabs. (2) Square-headed chief figure with round
eyes from which run down the "tears." (3) A short stoiit body
with a necklace and a short, skirt-like garment held up by bands
that run over the shoulders. (4) Four-digit hands holding cere-
monial staves. All these elements will, of course, be analyzed
in full later on.

In general terms, one may say that Tiahuanaco II art, whether
in stone, pottery, textiles or bronze, is the most elaborate we have
yet seen. Birds with human bodies, pumas, fishes and other ani-
mal forms combine with almost innumerable conventionalized
decorations to form an art of surpassing complexity. In the
pottery of this period we find a sacrifice of coloration to a per-
fection of the almost glaze-like finish. In other cases, however,
Tiahuanaco II pottery has neither rich coloration nor fine finish.
Red and black are the chie.f colors employed, though sometimes
white is found as well. The textiles, however, naturally preserve
a wider range of tint. Unfortunately, most of those that have
survived into our day come from the coast and so do not repre-

328 Philip Ainsworth Means,

sent Tiahuanaco art as having the austere elaborateness that
marks it in the highlands. Indeed, this characteristic of the
textiles of Tiahuanaco II on the coast may have been found also
on the pottery from that region and period. It may well have
been a heritage from the rich-tinted Proto-Nasca period.

In many ways the civilization of the Tiahuanaco II ''Empire"
was the highest that ever flourished in pre-Columbian America.
As has been said, it may not have been wholly a political
"empire," but it is probable that all through the wide area where
Tiahuanaco II objects are found there was a constant interchange
of ideas and merchandise. This opinion is borne out by the
fact that all the chief edifices at Tiahuanaco itself were of mas-
sive stone. On the coast, however, where the earlier people
(Proto-Chimu and Proto-Nasca) had used adobe and where
stone was not easily obtainable, the Tiahuanaco II people adapted
the old clay-ball architecture of theif predecessors to their needs
by modifying the clay balls into real bricks of sun-dried clay.
These bricks, or adobes, ranged in size from seven or eight
inches in length to three feet or more. Different sized adobes
were used for different needs, just as different sized stones were
used in the similar circumstances.

4. THE RED-WHITE-BLACK AND EPIGONAL CULTURES.

In general, it may be said that the red- white-black ware fol-
lowed the Tiahuanaco II period of the north part of the coast,
and that "epigonal" ware was distinctive of the southern part
of the coast. Both were the successors of Tiahuanaco II, and
both, especially the "epigonal," were influenced by it and by
\ the earliest cultures. In this period the architecture remained
\ much the same as in the preceding one, and the only radical
difference that exists between Proto-Chimu and red-white-black
on the one hand and Proto-Nasca or Tiahuanaco II and "epi-
gonal" on the other is that neither of the later types were as
technically admirable as the earlier ones.

Leaving for a later page- the discussion of the details of this
art-period, we will mention the only hint we possess of who the
makers of the red-white-black ware were. It seems that the
dynasty of Chimu was preceded in a portion of the north part
of the coast by another dynasty called Naymlap whose chief seat

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art.

was Lambayeque.^^ The Naymlap people came from the noi
by sea, and they built up a state that was apparently conquered
by the chief Chimu. All this, however, is as yet mere unsub-
stantiated theory.

5. THE CHIMU AND NASCA CULTURES.

With this.period one begins to get some hint of the political,
social and ethnological conditions under which the people lived.
Several authors, ancient as well as modern, give valuable infor-
mation on this head.^^

All that, interesting though it is, lies without the scope of the
present paper. We will therefore content ourselves with observ-
ing that in the period which we are now considering the north-
ern portion of the coast, from Tumbez down to Casma, was under
the sway of a great chief known to the Incas as Chimu Capac
(Great Chimu). The valleys of Rimac, Pachacamac and Chan-
cay were ruled by another great chief called Cuismancu. Runa-
huanac, Huarcu, Mala and Chilca were ruled by Chuquimancu.
lea and Pisco (and perhaps Nasca) were ruled by the powerful
chief Chincha.

The different valleys being so divided from one another in
political ways, it is not surprising that we find considerable local
differences in art-types as well. Yet we have no grounds for
assuming that the coast peoples were not rather closely related on
ethnic lines, which explains, no doubt, certain widespread resem-
blances between the arts of the various regions. ^^

The architecture of this period, perhaps because of the influ-
ence of Tiahuanaco II, was very elaborate. Adobe continued to
be the chief material, but it was used in more complex ways.
Palaces, workshops, reservoirs, aqueducts and many other elab-
orate works were constructed. The custom of using stucco reliefs
on walls became fairly common.^*

"^See Markham, 1912, p. 222; Joyce, 1912, pp. 50 ff. ; Beuchat, 1912,
pp. 584 if. ; Means, 1917 ; Garcia Resell, 1903.

"^See Cieza, 1864, pp. 233 ff., 1883, pp. 185-193; Garcilasso, H, pp. 181-
201; Cobo, 1892, IV, pp. 47-54; Markham, 1912, pp. 200-239; Joyce, 1912,
pp, 95 ff. ; Ga|^cia Rosell, 1903; Arriaga, 1621.

" Hrdlicka, 1914, pp. 41 ff., and pp. 52 ff.

"Middendorf, 1894-95, H, P- 375; Squier, 1877, pp. 136 ff., 150 ff. ;
Joyce, 1912, pp. 150 ff.

33 o Philip Ainsworth Means,

The artifacts of the period under consideration are chiefly in
the form of pottery, albeit textiles are also present to a consid-
erable extent. In general, designs on Nasca textiles may be said
to take the form of rather simple, but by no means crude, geo-
metric patterns, perhaps with a slight and conventionalized zoo-
morphic element, such as those in Uhle, 1913b, Figures 3, 7, and
9. On both pottery and textiles of this region and period the
colors were much less numerous and splendid than they were in
either the Proto-Nasca period or the Tiahuanaco II period. If,
then, Nasca art can be said to preserve an echo of the color tra-
ditions of its predecessors, and also of their geometric tendencies,
(for some of its chief motifs are derived directly from some of
their minor ornamental details), so, in no less degree, can the
black modelled ware of the Chimu period be said to preserve the
realistic tendencies, as well as some of the decorative motifs, of
Proto-Chimu art.

6. THE COLLA-CHULPA CULTURE.

The name chosen to distinguish this period is made up of the
two names applied by various writers to the people who lived
in it.^=

As the general culture-level was so low, it is but natural that
the pottery of this period should be poor. The best collection of
it is that made by Bandelier which is now to be seen in the Ameri-

" Joyce, 1912, p. 75, Markham, 1912, p. 186, Beuchat, 1912, p. 576, and
others use the term Collas. Bandelier, 1910, pp. 184 ff., calls them Chullpa.
(The double 11 is without justification.) The term Aymard, often applied
to these people by writers, and even by such first-rank authorities as
Bandelier (1910, pp. 63 et passim), Hrdlicka (1911, p. i) and others, is
entirely misleading. The people who lived in the Titicaca basin between
the time of Tiahuanaco II and the Inca conquests were the Collas. It
was they who produced the culture here to be discussed and who built
the chulpas or burial-towers. The name Aymara was first given to these
people by the Jesuits of Juliaca some time before 1590, and it was estab-
lished in usage by Bertonio (1603) and Torres Rubio (1616). All this
has been emphasized by Markham (1912, p. 192) and Joyce (1912, p. 75)
but it cannot be dwelt upon too often. The mistake of the Jesuits is
accounted for by the fact that the Aymaras, whose original home was
between Cuzco and the continental divide, were conquered by the Inca
Pachacutec and were moved, by him, to Lake Titicaca as mitintaes.
(Sarmiento, 1907, p. 108; Garcilasso, II, p. 50.)

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 331

can Museum of Natural History, New York City. It has not
seemed to the writer to be worth while to include pictures of this
type, so a description will be given in order that some idea of the
type may be formed.

In the BandeHer collection are a number of jars from Sillus-
tani, a place that was probably the site of important activities
during the Colla-Chulpa period.^® The vessels are made in two
styles. One is a small type of vessel of white clay, rather coarse
and undecorated; the other type is made up of red ware, also
coarse, with designs in black upon it. Other specimens, doubt-
less from this period, are a class of rather coarse and clumsy
bowls with design suggestive of the "epigonal" of the coast.
(See Bandelier, 1910, Plate XXI.) Coarse bottles of dark red
clay, sometimes decorated with black lines, and gray bottles with
incised rectilinear spirals seem to exhaust the artistic repertory
of the Colla-Chulpa potter. In bronze work, however, the Colla-
Chulpa folk were much more advanced, as is evidenced by the
archaeology of the region where the chulpas abound.^^

It would be a mistake to close our study of this intermediate
period without a brief study of the unusual architectural form
that peculiarly marks it. The chulpas are strictly speaking stone
towers, either circular or rectangular in plan. They vary greatly
in size and neither their use nor their distribution is yet definitely
settled. Even with our present limited information, however, it
is possible to distinguish several types of chulpa. Sir Clements
Markham long ago suggested that the cruder types might have
been adopted later by the Incas who evolved from them the less
crude types.^^ Without formally accepting this theory, we will
discuss each of the types in the order of their apparent antiquity,
bearing in mind the possibility that appearances may be deceptive.
The most primitive form of chulpa, then, is that which is found
at Quellenata and Ullulloma.^^ The former of these places is
close to the north-western end of Lake Titicaca ; the latter is about
fifty miles north-west of there. Primitive chulpas also occur at

" Bandelier, 1910, pp. 184 ff. ; Bandelier, 1905 ; Squier, 1877, pp. 376-384 ;
Markham, 1912, pp. 186 ff.

"Beuchat, 1912, pp. 580 ff. ; Nordenskjold, 1906, 1906b.

^® Markham, 1871, p. 308.

" Squier, 1877, PP. 386 ff.
Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI 23 1917

$$2 Philip Ainsworth Means,

Sillustani, on the west of the northern end of Lake Titicaca, at
Kalaki on the eastern shore, and at Coni and Curahuara far to
the south-east of the Lake.2<> It will be seen that this t>pe of
chulpa was built over a wide area. Speaking in general terms,
it is a round stone tower which is smaller at the bottom than at
the top. The stones are uncut, and had some binding material.
In some cases the roof is flat; in others it is a truncated cone.
Stone was the sole material. The edifices of this type belong to
the fourth period of Posnansky's culture-sequence. He calls it
the "epoch of edifices of adobe and pirca (uncut stone). "^^
This reckoning would place the style just prior to Inca times.
The second type was, in outline, the same as the first. It tended,
however, to be larger, and the stone was carefully cut so as to
make a beautifully built wall. Sillustani, Coni and Kalaki are
the chief sites* for this type. The third and final type was some-
what the same as type two in regard to the material, but it dif-
fered from the other two in being rectangular in plan and very
large, sometimes as much as thirty feet in h'eight.^^ Unlike the
other two types, which had but one interior chamber, this third
type sometimes had two chambers, one above the other. It is to
be noted that this type is the only one which occurs outside the
Titicaca drainage. There is an interesting example of it at
Palca, not far from Tacna in northern Chile.^^

The question of who the CoUas really were is a complex and

'^Bandelier, 1910, pp. 243 ff., 1910, p. 186; von Tschudi, 1868, V,
pp. 202 ff.

^Posnansky, 1911b, p. 17.

"" Squier, 1877, pp. 352 ff., 372 ff.

^ Squier, 1877, pp. 242 ff.

The whole question of the distribution of the chulpa-type of building
is a highly important one, in all probability. The type has prototypes
over a very large area. The writer has found it in the region of Ollan-
taytambo. It exists in the neighborhood of Oroya (see Dr. William C.
Farrabee's photographs in the Peabody Museum) and something strik-
ingly like it is found at Cuelap and other sites in the region of Chacha-
poyas. (Bandelier, 1907.) Again, in the district of Huarochiri, buildings
of the chulpa type are found in the middle portion of Peru and fairly
near the coast. (Hrdlicka, 1914, Plates 3 and 4.) At present the evidence
is rather tantalizing than illuminating. One can only say that over this
wide area there seems to have been a material culture of the same
general level as that of the CoUa in immediately pre-Inca times.

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 333

important one. In considering it one must not forget the presence
in the Titicaca basin of another and much lower-cultured stock
called Urus or Uros. The general trend of the evidence at hand
regarding the Urus shows them to be very low-cultured and
quite widely distributed. In fact, their area at the time we are
considering extended from Titicaca down to Lake Poopo or
Aullagas. It may have extended westward to the Chilean coast.
The stock was probably an old one. Boman (1908, I, p. y2)
suggests that the Urus were vestiges of the earliest pre-Yunca
(i. e. pre-Proto-Chimu) population, and that they were driven
south and east by the earliest high-cultured invaders. At the
same time, we must remember, that, in the same general area,
the higher-cultured Collas had a culture which was similar to that
found in the north-western parts of Argentina. It might be
suggested that one of these racial elements represents the inhabi-
tants of the Tiahuanaco II "empire" and that the other repre-
sents the invading race which may have helped to bring it to a
close. But which is which, and if this is the truth, we cannot
surely tell.^* To some it may seem more satisfactory to assume
that there were two strata of population — Collas and Uros — who
were mutually aloof. Such a state of affairs has been known to
exist in Asia, Oceania and elsewhere. Certainly the Titicaca
basin is spacious enough to permit isolated groups of Uros to
dwell wholly apart from the surrounding CoUa communities.

7. EARLY INCA CULTURE.

As has been said before, the culture of the mountain regions
away from the sea suffered a general and marked subsidence
after the Tiahuanaco II period, a subsidence which we have
studied under the name of Colla-Chulpa culture. Therefore,
when that gens of the valley of Cuzco which later became the
Inca dynasty began to raise its own culture-level and that of
the surrounding tribes it had not much artistic tradition on which
to establish its own art.^^

^^Cf. Chamberlain, 1910, 1910b, 191 1, 1913; Boman, 1908; Garcilasso,
II, pp. 223-227.

^ It seems to the writer that the character of the Inca gens has never
been properly appreciated, save, in a measure, by the late Sir Clements
Markham. According to Sarmiento (1907, PP- 37 ff-)» the people in imme-

334 Philip Ainsworth Means,

Difficult though it sometimes is to distinguish between early
and late Inca pottery forms, it is, in the writer's opinion, possible
to establish a series of vessels from Machu Picchu^® that will
serve to throw some light upon the development of the most
typical form of Inca (or Cuzco) pottery — the aryballus. But
the reader should take care to bear in mind that the simpler and
cruder forms, forms probably longer in use than the more
advanced types, undoubtedly continued to be employed by the
very late generations of the Incas' subjects as cooking utensils,
etc., while the finer products of the potter were reserved for less
heavy work. In spite of this, however, the fact remains that the
cruder types, being very like the Colla-Chulpa pottery both in
form and in material, were probably older types of vessels than
the decorated and graceful forms. The reader is urged, then,

diately pre-Inca times lived without governmental organization of any
sort except that in times of danger a military officer with the title of
Sinchi was chosen. Besides this, in the opinion of Sir Clements Markham
(1912, pp. 159 ff.), there was a social organization based upon the family
at the head of which stood the puric. Several purics combined together
into an ayllu or lineage. This system was carefully studied by Sir
Clements Markham, and we have to thank him for showing us what the
social conditions in the highlands before the rise of the Inca ayllu were.
He did not, however, lay stress upon the historical significance of all this.
Sarmiento (1907, pp. 40 ff.) tells us that just before the rise of the
Incas, there were, in the valley of Cuzco, six ayllus in the possession of
the region. Three of these, whose names he did not know, were native;
three others, the Alcabisa, the Copalimayta, and the Culunchima, came
and settled amicably among them. Later on, the Inca also came from
not far off and settled at Cuzco. Strife arose between them and the other
families which was not finally subdued for some time. Like the heads
of all the other ayllus, the chief of the Incas bore the title sinchi. Hence
we get the name Sinchi Rocca, borne by the first historic Inca.

" The name "Machu Picchu" is the one given to this site by Dr. Hiram
Bingham, who visited it for the first time in 191 1. Although the name is
not a wholly satisfactory one, it has been thought best to continue its use
here because the site has already become well known under it, and because
the name Vilcabamba-the-Old (or Vilcabamba viejo) is rather clumsy, a
fault which outweighs its greater historical accuracy. In any case, "Machu
Picchu" is preferable to the "Matcho Picho," "Macho Piccho" and so on
of such writers as Sartiges, 1851, and Wiener, 1880. The phrase machu
pichu means "old ridge." The late Sir Clements Markham was of the
opinion that the cc in the name "Machu Picchu" was a mistake. The
name is pronounced Pi-chu, not Pic-chu.

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art.

335

to turn his attention to Dr. George F. Eaton's work on the osteo-
logical material from Machu Picchu, and to Dr. Hiram Bing-
ham's "Types of Machu Picchu Pottery."^^ in the first place,
we are justified in assuming that the delicately formed, well
decorated aryballus of the type shown in our Plate XIII was one
of the ultimate forms of Cuzco pottery by the fact that it is
this type of vessel that is found most widespread, even in regions
like Ecuador, Chile and Argentina where Inca influence did not
arrive until very late. It will be our task therefore to show
in a series the forms that led up to the final aryballus type. This
we will now do. The series proposed by the writer is made up
as follows :

First Step.
Rough, undecorated ware. Ea-
ton, Plate XIV, Figure 4. Bing-
ham, Fig. 48, No. 7a. Also see
Eaton, Plate IX, Figs. 3 and 4 for
a variation of the First Step.

Third Step.
Still coarse ware with more pro-
nounced neck. Sometimes deco-
rated (?). Handles small and
moved down from the lip. Eaton,
Plate XIV, Fig. 5. Bingham, Fig.
48, No. 8a.

Second Step.
Slightly finer ware, sometimes
decorated in colors, with enlarged
handles and more pronounced neck.
Eaton, Plate XIII, Figs, i and 2.
Bingham, Fig. 47, No. 6a.

Fourth Step.
The well-known type of Cuzco
Aryballus. Our Plate XIII. Ea-
ton, Plates V, VII, & X. Bamps,
1879. Oyarzun, 1910. Joyce, 1912,
Plate XXII, and p. 22^.

It will, perhaps, be well to say again that the particular crude
specimens above referred to are not, in all likelihood, themselves
older than the more refined specimens. For example, in the
same grave with the specimen representative of the first step,
Dr. Eaton found skeletal remains of the coast type, which implies
that the pot belonged to people who had come up from the coast
at some time subsequent to the Inca conquest of the littoral.^^
The point of the series presented, however, does not dwell in
the antiquity of the specimens, but rather in the relative antiquity
of the types of form.

To sum up, then, our impressions of the early Inca culture
we will say that the time in which the Inca ayllu was extending
its ascendancy over the other Quichua tribes in the neighborhood
of Cuzco, the people of the Cuzco region were gradually evolv-

-^ Eaton, 1916, Plates V-XIV; Bingham, 1915b, entire.
'"^ Eaton, 1916, p. 45 ff-

336 Philip Ainsworth Means,

ing from the simple pottery-types of their ancestors a new kind
of pottery which was to find its fullest florescence under the
last five Inca rulers. Because of the lack of detailed knowledge
of the early Inca period, we shall not touch upon that culture
again in this paper.

. 8. THE INCA CULTURE AT ITS HEIGHT.

As the Inca culture is the nearest to us historically it is but
natural that we should know more about it than we do of the
rest. It is even possible to draw up a fairly complete and reliable
history of the Inca dynasty, especially of the last six rulers.
For a long time it was customary to assign all evidences of pre-
Columbian culture in Peru to the Incas ; indeed, that is still done,
unfortunately, by some writers. They disregard the growing
evidence which points more and more clearly to the inferiority
in many respects of the Incas to their various predecessors.

The Incas were, nevertheless, wonderful people. They had a
real genius for government and their state was the only truly
socialistic monarchy that has ever existed. The individual was
nothing; the state, that is the Inca himself and his blood-rela-
tives, was. supreme in all things. It is not surprising that, in
a state like this, strongly centralized, autocratic, theocratic and
all-controlling, the art of outlying regions should all tend to
approximate that of the capital of the dominion ruled by the
Inca from Cuzco. This is, in the writer's opinion, the psycho-
logical explanation of the fact that from Quito to Chile and
from the Pacific to the Brazilian wilderness, vessels, architecture,
weapons, textiles and language all conform, with varying degrees
_ of closeness, to the fashion or example set by the people of Cuzco.
Typical Cuzco pottery is found wherever the Inca conquerors
penetrated ; Quichua dialects prevail to-day over the same areas.

As far as shape is concerned, the vessels made by the sub-
jects of the Incas of the later generations are the most graceful
in Peru. The aryballus, the beaker, the bowl and many other
forms, all very attractive, are found. Dr. Hiram Bingham, whose
trips to Peru have resulted in the publication of many valuable
pictures of Inca sites and products, has given a resume of the
J commoner Inca forms. ^^ Machu Picchu, the site from which

^Bingham, 1915b.

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 337

•
most of these objects come, was thought by Dr. Bingham to bej
Tampu Tocco, the "cradle" of the Incas. He also presented;
convincing evidence pointing to the fact that the city was Vilca-
bamba-the-Old, a celebrated sacerdotal establishment of the Incas
in post-conquest times.^^ It should be noted that the work of
Dr. Eaton has left very little doubt as to the modernity of this
site as compared with that of Tiahuanaco or Chimu. Every
class of object found there, every bit of osteological evidence,
points to the fact that Machu Picchu was built at some time
after the Incas had conquered the coast of Peru and had had
time enough to be affected by the influence of coast art.^^ Wc
are indebted, therefore, to the Yale Expedition for the unveiling
of a city which, though known to travelers for many years, has
never, until recently, been photographed and adequately described.
Machu Picchu is undoubtedly the most valuable site in the Cuzco
region, for it presents an epitome of all that the Incas knew of
art, architecture and engineering at a time when they were at
the zenith of their power. We shall, therefore, consider Macht^f "
Picchu pottery to be representative of all that the pottery of 1
late Inca Peru was, and we shall study it accordingly, assuming]
Machu Picchu pottery to be all that Cuzco pottery was in theU
last part of the Inca period.

The characteristics, then, of Inca pottery as shown by the
Machu Picchu collections, are : ( i ) The predominance of almost
classically graceful shapes such as aryballi, pelikai, dishes, bowls
and so on. (2) The widespread and often-repeated use of cer-
tain fixed and definite geometric decorations. (3) The general
scarcity of anthropomorphic decoration. (4) The occasional
association of perfectly recognizable Cuzco shapes and decora-
tions with some element introduced from the coast, such as
modelled anthropomorphic handles on dishes or life-like butter-
flies painted on the bottoms of shallow bowls. (5) Cuzco pottery
is, in general, lighter in tone than either Tiahuanaco II or Proto-
Nasca. As has been said, pottery of a pure Cuzco type is found
from Ecuador to Chile.^^ In all this huge area a surprising

^"Bingham, 1915, pp. 180 ff.

'^Cf. Bingham, 1913, 1915, 1915b, 1916; Eaton, 1916; Dorsey, 1901, PI.
XLII; Joyce, 1912, p. 198; Uhle, 1903; Hrdlicka, 1916c.

'^Cf. Bamps, 1879, Atlas; Saville, 1907-1910; Rivet, 1912; Oyarzun,
1910.

33^ Philip Ainsworth Means,

m

Steadfastness to the original type is to be observed; but, never-
theless, local sub-types do develop in several cases. Such a one
is the Inca style on the islands of Titicaca and Coati in Lake
Titicaca. There, though still perfectly definitely related to the
usual Cuzco types, the pottery is marked by a tendency to break
the decorated surface up into very small geometric areas which
are made prominent by the contrasting of dark brown with cream
color. This is noticeable in the collections from Titicaca now in
the American Museum of Natural History, New York.

As is usually the case, the textiles, though showing affinities
of design with the pottery, are richer in the variety of their
colors. The Incas' subjects were as good weavers as any in
^aboriginal Peru. That their art was strong and flourishing at
the tirne of the Spanish conquest is proved by the fact that shortly
after the conquest there were produced some of the finest speci-
mens of Inca tapestry that we have.

Unlike their predecessors, the people of Tiahuanaco II, the
Incas' subjects, though admirable architects, did not decorate
their buildings with any great amount of carving. To replace
the decoration applied to the walls of huge stones by the carv-
ings of Tiahuanaco II type, the subjects of the Incas evolved a
new type of architecture. It takes the form of exquisite walls
made of reasonably large stones laid in courses of quite aston-
ishing accuracy. Often the lowest course would be made of
stones of say a foot high; the next course would be slightly
lower, and so on to the top. The effect of this technique was a
wall of wonderful symmetry and beauty. Such a wall needed no
carving to make it sightly. Dr. Bingham gives an excellent pic-
ture of this late Inca type of wall.^^

This Inca culture, then, was the last of the long series of pre-
Columbian Peruvian cultures. With our brief review of the
chief features of those cultures thus brought to a conclusion, we
will now turn to a detailed analysis of the Plates which accom-
pany this paper and which have been chosen with a view to
setting forth the more prominent characteristics of the principal
culture-types.

^ Bingham, 1913, p. 488.

III. ANALYSES OF THE ARTS OR CULTURES.

I. A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF PROTO-CHIMU AND
PROTO-NASCA ART.

Aside from examining the Plates that accompany this paper,
the reader is urged to examine those that are to be found in the
works referred to in the footnote.^ It is hoped, however, that
the examples of the two very early types of art herewith pre-
sented will prove sufficient material for those who cannot seek
further for it.

Plate I shows five specimens of Proto-Chimu art, all to be
found in the Peabody Museum at Cambridge, Mass. It will
readily be observed that two characteristics hold true for all the
specimens given; these are: light coloration, and grace of line.
In Figures 1-4, the chief source of admiration on the student's
part is the wonderfully life-like modelling. Figures i and 2 are
especially remarkable in this respect. In Figure i we see a man
attacking a deer with a massive club. His small dog looks on.
With the exception of the deer's body and the man's feet the
modelling is far better than that in some of the early Egyptian
and Cretan figures. The man's clothes seem to consist of a
loose-fitting shirt with sleeves and of a hat or helmet adorned
with two rosette-like protuberances and a sort of frontal ridge.
From the helmet proper a strip of cloth runs down to and under
the man's chin. The nose of the man is large and somewhat of
the Semitic type. The chin is somewhat receding. The dog
on this vase is probably one of those which the early people kept
for use in the chase.^ On the body of the vase is to be seen
a composition that is very typical of Proto-Chimu art. It is
painted in dark brown on the white slip of the vase and, like the
modelled group above, represents a hunting scene. It should
be noted that the costumes of the figures in the painted part of
the decoration differ considerably from that of the modelled man.

^ Cf. Uhle, 1908, 1910, 1912, 1913, 1913b, 1914; cf. Reiss und Stubel, 1880-87;
Baessler, 1902-03; Putnam, 1914; Theresa von Bayern, 1907; Joyce, 1912,
1913b; Beuchat, 1912; Mead, 1915; Squier, 1877; Berthon, 1911; Rivero
and von Tschudi, 185 1 ; and many other works.

^ Cf. Joyce, 1912, p. 125.

340 Philip Ainsworth Means,

The former, for example, have the black "stockings" that are
so frequently seen in Proto-Chimu vase-paintings; also, the
painted men have a very different headdress from the modelled
man. But most important of all is the fact that the painted men
appear to be either wearing masks or else to be adorned with
face-paint. Indeed, if the latter is the case, the "stockings,"
"knee-caps" and "sleeves" must be assumed to be nothing less
than body-painting. From all of these elements of decoration
the modelled man is entirely free. Figure 2 is another type of
modelled vase from the Proto-Chimu period. It shows a per-
sonage, apparently masked to represent a fox or some such ani-
mal, sitting facing a semicircle of five foxes. The personage's
headdress, though different from that in Figure i, is, neverthe-
less of the same general type. The striking features about this
figure are the headdress and the fangs, to both of which we shall
refer later. Again, the back of the middle fox is adorned with
a design which Posnansky calls signo escalonado — stairsign.^ To
this also, we shall refer, in another connection. Around the base
of the vessel, in the region analogous to that occupied by the
painted hunting-scene in Figure i, we see a landscape. The trees
and plants are shown by means of shallow lines engraved, appar- ,
ently with a blunt stick while the clay was still moist, in the
reddish slip of the vessel. This landscape is full of charm
because of its quaint realism. It is even possible to attempt to
identify the tree as an algaroba and the smaller plants as cactus.
This sort of vessel sometimes leads students into attempting an
"interpretation" of the scene. While the modelled portion of
the vessel imdoubtedly represents some sort of ceremony
employed by the people of that period, it is, nevertheless, danger-
ous to reconstruct, let us say, a totemic clan organization, from
such evidence as this.

As the vases shown in Figures i and 2 represent a very large
and important sub-type of the Proto-Chimu pottery, it will be
well to summarize briefly our impressions of them before going
on to an examination of the other sub-types.

We see that the vessels of this sub-type comprise two separate
areas of decoration, each marked by a distinct technique. In
both the painted (or engraved) area and the modelled area of

* Posnansky, 1913.

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 341

the two vessels we observe the following features : ( i ) A marked
tendency toward realism of representation; (2) A decided lack
of rich and varied coloration (dark brown, red and cream color
being the tints found) ; (3) A gracefulness of line which is
not constricted by any sort of conventionalization; (4) The use,
by several of the human figures, of masks or face-painting, of
fangs and of an easily recognizable type of headdress. If the
reader will examine the Plates in some of the works already
referred to he will see further examples of these characteristics,
as well as some others that occur in Proto-Chimu pottery of this
sub-type. For example, look at the scenes from vessels shown
by Mr. Joyce.* These show new forms of the headdress, the use
of face-painting and of masks, the presence of fangs, and also
a curious use of girdles ending in serpent heads. The black
"stockings" also are found in these figures, as well as in Figure
I of our Plate I. Also, the use of peculiar fluted wings is rather
often met with.^

So much, then, for the modelled and painted sub-type of Proto-
Chimu vases. There are still several other types for us to con-
sider. Look, for example, at Plate I, Figure 3. This specimen,
the original of which is in the Peabody Museum, Cambridge,
comes from Chimu (Trujillo) and shows, in addition to the
typically Proto-Chimu fangs, a further development of the head-
dress. The latter seems to be composed of the stiff ridge or
core found in the headdresses of Figures i and 2 with the addi-
tion of ornaments that may be intended for feathers. These
feathers are important, and they will be referred to in connection
with our analysis of Proto-Nasca art and of the Chavin Stone.

Plate I, Figure 4, shows an example of a type of vessel that
has always excited admiration in students of ceramics.® It is
called the "Portrait type." Possibly this particular example is
not really Proto-Chimu, but similar "portraits" have been found
that have painted on them unmistakable Proto-Chimu decorations.

* Joyce, 1912, pp. 126, 127,

^See Joyce, 1912, p. 155, for an admirable specimen of Proto-Chimu
vase-painting with fluted wings, serpent-tail and fanged masks. Also
examine plates in Reiss and Stubel, 1880-87, and in Baessler, 1902-03.

' See, for example, Jacquemart, 1873, pp. 190 ff. ; and Young, 1879, pp.
404 ff. ; Squier, 1877, pp. 180 ff.

342 Philip Ainsworth Means,

As the specimen here shown has a headdress that has several
points in common with that of the chief figure in Figure i, it is
assumed for the nonce that this "portrait" is Proto-Chimu. No
one who has studied a series of these human-faced vessels and
has noticed the wide differences and unfailing individualization
that characterize each one of them can fail to lean toward the
belief that this type of vase is indeed a "portrait type." There
is absolutely nothing of inherent impossibility about the idea that
a people so highly gifted with plastic skill as the Proto-Chimu
people may have developed the habit of employing their vessels
as a medium whereby to perpetuate the likenesses of their great
men. In any case, empirical evidence leads us to believe that
some such habit did prevail, for every good specimen of the
"portrait type" 'portrays an individual, not a type. And it should
be noted that realistic portrait-making is in entire accord with the
marked realistic tendencies of the Proto-Chimu culture pottery.
Nor are "portrait types" lacking in other parts of America.'

Last of all, in the matter of Proto-Chimu sub-types, comes
that variety which is represented by Plate I, Figure 5. In this
division come almost innumerable stylistic decorations which,
though they may show slight conventionalization, never show
geometrical tendencies to the exclusion of all curves. The pres-
ent specimen, in the writer's opinion, is intended to represent a
starfish.^ In this type also occur many variations of the "stair-
sign" (signo escalonado) often in conjunction with the starfish
(or octopus) motif.

Passing over for the present the numerous forms of pottery
which may some day be definitely assigned to this period (a
passing-over process which will have to be repeated many times
in the present state of our information), we will endeavor to
draw up a tentative classification of the Proto-Chimu S4ib-types.

Sub-type I Landscapes. Vessels having modelled scenes as
well as painted or engraved ones. Usual
colors : white or cream slip, dark brown and
red.

7 C-

Spinden (1916b) claims them for Central America, and Holmes
(1916b) shows an excellent example of aboriginal portraiture from-
Quirigua.

* It is the opinion of Prof. MacCurdy that the design here mentioned is
derived from the octopus, not from the starfish. This, of course, may
well be the case.

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 343

Sub- type II Portraits. The faces of the portraits often have
features in common with Sub-type I and Sub-
^ type III, (such as headdress, formal inci-

dental decoration motifs, etc.).

Sub-type III Partly conventionalized decorations. Even these,
however, are seldom rectilinear entirely.
Cream and red are the more usual colors.

Sub-type IV Numerous miscellaneous types not yet decided
upon.

Having completed our study of the distinguishing elements of
Proto-Chimu art, we will now examine into the traits of Proto-
Nasca art.

We have seen that realism, grace of line and light coloring X
were three of the chief characteristics of Proto-Chimu art. We
find in Proto-Nasca art an almost complete reversal of these fea-
tures. There is, to be sure, an apparent attempt at realism in
some of the Proto-Nasca sub-types, but it is an unsuccessful
one in most cases. Look, for instance, at Plate II, Figure 2, and
at Plate II, Figure i. In both of these we have a survival of
the wonderful modelling that marks out Proto-Chimu art from
all the rest. Both of thesfe specimens preserve a certain degree
of realism. The former, to note the most prominent feature in
each case, holds in his left hand a spear-thrower almost identical
with those found in Peru by Dr. Uhle.^ It would be hard, to
find a better representation of an object than this one. Then,
too, the hands on the other specimen mentioned are absolutely
realistic. Their realism consists above all in this: That they
are shown in the natural closed position and the finger-nails of
the fingers are not shown. These two specimens, therefore, both
with five-digit hands and fairly well-modelled heads, may be said
to represent a survival of the Proto-Chimu art-tradition in the
Proto-Nasca type and, at the same time, to constitute the nearest
approach of Proto-Nasca art to realism.

Wares of this type were not, however, the most character-
istic expression of Proto-Nasca art. Far more common and far
more typical were such productions as those that appear on Plate
II, Figures 3-6, and Plates III and IV. Excellent examples of
Proto-Nasca plastic art are given by numerous writers, to whose

"Uhle, 1909.

344 Philip Ainsworth Means,

work the reader is urged to refer.^^ By study of the Plates that
accompany this article and those that go with the works here
referred to, it will be seen that in the matter of form the Proto-
Nasca pottery was not so diverse as the Proto-Chimu. A tenta-
tive division into sub-types will, as in the case of Proto-Chimu,
be offered for the Proto-Nasca art. At present we will limit
ourselves to a consideration of the decoration.

Color is indubitably the "strong point" of Proto-Nasca art.
For example, Plate II, Figures 3, 4 and 6 are all of remarkably
rich tonality. Red, brown, gray, yellow and black, as well as
cream-color, are the tints most frequently met with. The finish
of some of the Proto-Nasca pots is so lustrous as almost to
suggest a glaze. As for the subject-matter of Proto-Nasca art,
it cannot be so easily described as that of Proto-Chimu, although
the two have much in common in that respect. Proto-Nasca vase-
paintings mostly concern themselves with the portrayal of a few
personages who, being few in number, occur again and again
in the vase paintings. These paintings were no doubt supposed
to represent deities or mythical persons; at all events, there is
absolutely nothing realistic about them ; they are merely elaborate
and formal portrayals of putative objects of veneration. The
chief personages of Proto-Nasca art seem to be two in number.
Each occurs in several variations. We will describe them in turn,
applying arbitrary names for the sake of ease of identification.

The "Centipede God." See Plate II, Figures 3 and 4, Plate
III, Figures i and 2, and Plate IV, Figure 2. The name chosen
is suggested by the fact that this *god' is usually shown as
having a long body at right angles to his face and fringed with
spike-like objects that are evidently conventionalized legs. Some-
times he has a series of subsidiary human faces where the legs
ought to be; sometimes both legs and faces occur (as in Plate
III, Figure 2). Again, the "Centipede God" is shown as a man,
strongly conventionalized to be sure, who has centipede attributes
such as the girdle shown in Plate II, Figure 4. It is very inter-
esting to note certain well nigh invariable features that mark
the portrayal of the "Centipede God," whether that 'god' is

'"Joyce, 1912, Plate I, Joyce, 1913b; Therese von Bayern, 1907; Reiss
u. Stubel; Baessler, 1902-03; Berthon, 191 1, Plates I-VI; Uhle, 1913b,
p. 358 ff.

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 345

the chief portion of the design or merely a comparatively insig-
nificant adjunct to the design. These features are: (i) The use
of a very distinctive mouth-mask; (2) The predominance of
hands with less than the true number of digits, usually with four
digits; (3) The frequency with which the tongue is shown
sticking out of the mouth ; (4) The almost invariable presence of
a broad flat headdress in the form of a rather highly conven-
tionalized human face; (5) The frequent appearance of cere-
monial staffs held in the hands. We will say a few words about
each of these features in turn.

(i) The Mouth Mask. Plate II, Figure 3, and Plate III, Fig-
ures I and 3, show very typical forms of this element. In Plate
III, Figure i, it is seen to consist of a central portion with mouth-
and nostril-holes and of two wing-like portions, one on each
side of the mouth. These wings are marked by lines of a con-
ventional nature that may be a survival of the curling- feather-
like rays that distinguish the mouth-mask of Figure 3. These
rays are perhaps related to certain elements of decoration that
occur in later arts, as well as in other sub-types of Proto-Nasca
art.

(2) Four-digit Hands. Plate II, Figure 3 ; Plates III, Fig-
ures 2 and 3, and IV, Figure 2, all show typical examples of the
four-digit hands that so often accompany, as in all these
instances, one or more of the several criteria that mark this
"'Centipede God" motif. The development from natural five-

• digit hands to these very artificial conventionalized four-digit
hands is a matter of great importance, as will be shown in con-
nection with Tiahuanaco II art.

(3) The Protruding Tongue. The Plates already mentioned
show this feature. In the pottery with the ''Centipede God"
motif the protruding tongue is not nearly so widely developed
as it is in some other cases, especially in that of the textiles.
But even in the "Centipede God" figure on Plate III, Figure 2,
the tongue shows the beginnings of decoration on its upper sur-
face. The element of tongue-decoration becomes very prominent
in other types of Proto-Nasca pottery.

(4) The Broad Flat Headdress. Plate III, Figure i, shows
a standard form of the "Centipede God's" headdress. The brim
almost always consists of at least two layers separated by a line.
In the center, over the eyes of the 'god,' is a conventionalized

346 Philip Ainsworth Means,

human face. Typical forms of this headdress are shown on
Plate II, Figure 3, on Plates III and IV.

(5) The Ceremonial Staffs. The Plates already mentioned
show good examples of the staffs. It is to be noted that in vase-
paintings where the mouth-mask, headdress and hands preserve
the greatest amount of naturalism the staff most closely approxi-
mates the spear-thrower shown in Plate II, Figure 2, though at
no time is the resemblance very strong. In the more conven-
tionalized designs, however, the staffs (here usually two in num-
ber and so arranged as to be bilaterally symmetrical) are
themselves so conventionalized as to be scarcely definable in
regard to their use.

Bearing in mind the well-known principles that apply to dec-
orative arts, the principles of elimination and simplification which
will be spoken of later, the writer ventures to suggest that of
the two groups of pottery that we have been studying, that exem-
plified by Plate II, Figures i, 2 and 3, is the older, and that
the "Centipede Gods" on Plates II, III and IV were a later
style. So much, then, for the modelled ware and for the "Centi-
pede God" motif.

We will now examine another motif which may be called, for
the sake of convenience, the "Multiple-headed God." Our Plate
II, Figure 5, shows an excellent specimen of this motif. Another
is shown by Joyce (191 2, Plate I). In this motif the heads of
the personage consist of hardly more than eyes and mouth and
tongue. In some cases, the body of the 'god' has a chief head
in approximately the correct position. Then, running out from
the shoulders, are a lot of subsidiary heads attached to the body
by their run-out tongues. The subsidiary heads are decorated
by feather-like rays reminiscent of the decorations on the mouth
mask seen on Plate III, Figure 3. . Sometimes, as in Joyce's
Plate I, the chief head has a headdress of the type associated with
the "Centipede God." Also, the "Multiple-headed God" and
the "Centipede God" have other points in common, notably:
(i) The occasional presence of a centipede-like girdle with the
tongue sticking out (see Joyce, 19 12, Plate I) ; (2) The pres-
ence of four-digit hands (though five-digit hands sometimes
appear in both) ; (3) The presence of the minor decoration,
seen in our Plate II, Figure 3, and in Joyce's Plate I, made up

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 347

of two thick rings with a tassel or tassels hanging from them:
(4) The beginnings of a marked tendency toward bilateral sym-
metry, both of line and of color: (5) The continuance in the
"Multiple-headed God" motif of the rich coloration found in the
"Centipede God" motif. (Joyce's Plate I shows the presence
of buff, blue, yellow, purplish-red, pink, white and black.) The
mouth-mask and ceremonial staff usually do not appear in the
"Multiple-headed God" motif designs.

The "Centipede God" and the "Multiple-headed God" appear
to be the chief personages of Proto-Nasca vase-painting. They
do not, however, by any means include all the forms that go
to make up this complex art. Space permits us to mention only
one other constantly recurring feature. This is the human face
which is to be seen in our Plate IV, Figure 2, and in Joyce's
Plate I, at the base of the vessels. When this face appears
thus, painted, not modelled, it strongly suggests the modelled
faces that appear in Plate II, Figure i. The manner in which
the eyes are shown, the hair-dressing, the nose and the mouth
are all strikingly alike in both the modelled and the painted
versions of the motif. At the same time, it should be noticed
that very often lines suggestive of tears run down a short dis-
tance from the eyes of the painted forms, but not from those
of the modelled ones.

What has been said of Proto-Nasca art is, of course, very
far from beginning to be an exhaustive study of that subject.
It is, however, enough to give a fair idea of the chief features
of that culture. It is but right to say, nevertheless, that aside
from the vases bearing decorations more or less anthropomor-
phic or zoomorphic, whether modelled and painted or merely
painted, there is another class of Proto-Nasca vessels which,
though having the rich coloration and the same general technique
of the other classes, is merely decorated with such patterns as
dots, lines and so on like those which appear in some of Ber-
thon's Plates (1911).

We will now attempt to draw up a classification of the sub-
types of Proto-Nasca pottery. Then we will take up the ques-
tion of Proto-Nasca textiles.

Although all Proto-Nasca pottery may be said to be distin-"
guished by a subordination of form to color and of realism to

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI 24 1917 ^

348 Philip Ain^worth Means,

complexity, it is not enough for us to content ourselves with
this general sort of statement. We must look further with a
view to establishing various sub- types of Proto-Nasca art, for
it must necessarily be assumed that the people who produced the
art flourished for at least two or three centuries and that they
developed in that time a number of modifications which appear
in their productions. Before we do this, however, we must
definitely assure ourselves as to whether we have been correct in
assuming that Proto-Nasca art was indeed related to or descended
from Proto-Chimu art. For the present we shall content our-
selves with examining into the relationship of the two without
attempting to prove the descent of one from the other. The
Plates in this article, those in Joyce's article on the Clan-Ancestor
(Joyce, 1913b), those in Berthon (1911), and in the articles by
H. R. H. Prinzessin Therese von Bayern (1907), and Uhle
(1914), afford ample material for a comparison. An exami-
nation of the two arts brings out the following points of con-
tact: (i) The use of eye-painting and masking; (2) The presence
of feather-like ornaments; (3) The use, in connection with the
costume, of various appendages and adornments derived from
or suggested by animals or parts of animals (i. e. such ele-
ments as the centipede girdles) ; (4) The gradual transition frorrt
realistic, modelled, five-fingered Proto-Chimu art to partly real-
istic, modelled five-fingered or four-fingered Proto-Nasca art,
together with the apparently contemporaneous rise of" non-mod-
elled, constantly more conventionalized forms of vase-painting.

From the foregoing it will be seen that a very real underlying
similarity of subject-matter binds Proto-Chimu art to Proto-
Nasca.

Reserving for another place the critical consideration as to
the descent of Proto-Nasca art, we will now present a tentative
classification into sub-types on a combined basis of form and
decoration.^^

^ The author wishes to call attention to the very able study of Nasca
pottery by Edward K. Putnam (1914), and to say that he departs from
the classification of Proto-Nasca pottery offered by Mr, Putnam only
because it is too detailed for his present purposes and because it does not
emphasize the points he wishes to bring out.

\

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 349

CLASSES REMARKS

I Modelled and painted ware . The class most like Proto-Chimu
a bemi-realistic ..... .That is, having fair modelling in

combination with five-digit
hands.

b Non-realistic That is, poor modelling com-

TT T^ . J ^i^^^ with four-digit hands.

II Pamted ware— not modelled The predominant Proto-Nasca

type,
a ''Centipede God''

Motif Perhaps derived in part from the

, ,,,,,., Proto-Chimu habit of masking,

b "Multiple-headed

God" Motif ,..., .Linked to "Centipede God" in
several ways (see above) and to
Proto-Chimu by use of feather-
like ornaments,
c Painted human

face motif Found usually on the same ves-
sels as the two foregoing types,
it is, at the same time, strongly
like Class I, a, and Class I, b.

d Miscellaneous Forms made up of all sorts of

elements borrowed from the
foregoing types.

Having reviewed the distinguishing marks of Proto-Nasca art
as represented by the pottery, we have now arrived at the impor-
tant question of Proto-Nasca textiles. It has been said by good
authorities that there were no textiles dating from a time prior
to the rise of the culture of Tiahuanaco 11.^^

It is, however, the opinion of the present writer that this
belief is a mistaken one. It will, no doubt, be granted by any-
one that if Proto-Nasca textiles do survive to the present day,
they will have the same or similar designs upon them as do the
pottery remains. We shall endeavor to show that such designs
do survive in textiles. Before doing so, however, it will be well
to remind the reader that there is no class of textiles that can
safely be assigned to the Proto-Chimu culture.

The reader's attention is called to Plate IV, Figures i and 3.
The first shows a woven cloth from lea now in the Museum of

^^ Joyce, 1912, p. 200 ; Beuchat, 1912, p. 574.

350 ■ Philip Ainsworth Means,

Fine Arts, Boston. The second shows a border from an lea
shawl in the American Museum of Natural History, New York.
We will begin with an examination of Plate IV, Figure 3. In
it we discover a number of striking analogies with Proto-Nasca
pottery designs. Like the vase-paintings of the ''Centipede-
God" type, this design has : ( i ) A mouth-mask which combines
wing-like side ornaments of the same type as those on Plate III,
Figures i and 3, with a pair of feather-like ornaments reminis-
cent of those in Plate III, Figure 3. (2) The hands of the figure
(as far as one can tell) and its feet have less than the true
number of fingers and toes. (3) The tongue is run far out
and is highly decorated, a tendency already shown in the pottery.
(4) The headdress is broad and flat ; it has a brim made up of
two layers and there is a conventionalized human face in the
center. Compare it with the headdresses on Plate II, Figure 3 ;
on Plate III, Figure i, and on many other Proto-Nasca vase-
paintings of the "Centipede God" type. Also remark that in
this textile design, as in some examples of the "Centipede God"
pots, the centipede element is preserved by the girdle-like append-
age. The tongue of the figure likewise reminds one of the centi-
pede motif. In other words, of the five criteria that we found
to be distinctive of the very important "Centipede God" motif
Proto-Nasca vessels, four are present in the textile design which
we have been studying. Does not this suggest that the textile
and the vase-paintings in question have a common source which
accounts for their similarities in subject-matter? Again, Plates
V and VI seem to have several points in common with Proto-
Nasca pottery, although, on account of the comparative complex-
ity of their embroidered designs, it is hard to know whether to
compare the personages they portray with "Centipede God" or
with the "Multiple-headed God." For this reason, therefore,
it will be best for us to content ourselves with comparing these
textile designs with Proto-Nasca vase-paintings in general. The
following features, then, may be observed in both the textiles
in question and in various specimens of Proto-Nasca pottery:
(i) The mouth-mask with wing-like side ornaments; (2) The
protruding tongue, highly decorated and endowed with centi-
pede-like attributes ; (3) The broad flat headdress decorated with
a conventionalized human face; (4) The color-scheme is very
suggestive of Proto-Nasca pottery.

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art, 351

The foregoing remarks are meant to 'convey the impression
that Proto-Nasca designs do occur on both pottery and embroid-
ered textiles. Since this is so, the writer finds it impossible to
imagine how anyone can assume, as some have done, that they
were not made by the same people. Differences between the tex-
tile designs and the pottery designs do exist, of course, but in the
writer's opinion, they may all be explained by the difference in
medium, the technique of pottery decoration not unnaturally
causing results divergent from those produced by textile
embroidery.

Without pausing at present to discuss the transition from
Proto-Nasca art to Tiahuanaco II art, we will now turn our
attention to the region of Lake Titicaca and study the early
cultures in that area.

2. A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF TIAHUANACO II ART.

Hitherto in our study we have had to deal mainly with pottery
and textiles. In the case of Tiahuanaco II art stone adds itself
to the other two as an important art-medium. If it were our
purpose to follow Tiahuanaco II art in all its ramifications, we
should have to consider the bronze work of northern Argentina
as well. The chief media, jthen, for the art of the exceedingly
important period we are about to study are: in the highlands,
stone and pottery; in the coast-regions, pottery and textiles.

We will first examine the Tiahuanaco II art with a view to
setting forth its content and characteristics. The reader is urged
to turn to Plate VII which shows the chief figure of the great
monolithic gateway at Tiahuanaco. The Plates in Posnansky's
work on this site should likewise be consulted. ^^ For want of a
better term we have referred to this figure as the "Weeping-
God.'' Variations of it occur over a huge area, and in stone,
pottery, textiles and bronze. Sometimes the ''tears" are lack-
ing, but there is always some other feature to identify the several
variations. We will now minutely examine the Weeping God
on the great monolithic gateway. He is a short stocky personage
with a large head which is almost square. Around the head is
a sort of frame; the inner band of the frame is adorned with a
series of the fT" sign which we shall find often later on.

'' Posnansky, 1914, Plates LXV-LXXXIV.

352 Philip Ainsworth Means,

Standing out from the inner band are twenty- four ray-like tabs
or tassels. These tassels, all of them conventionalized, fall into
three groups or classes, (i) The puma-headed tassels, six in
number and much conventionalized; (2) Tassels, seventeen in
number, composed of what look like ribbons ended off by stone
rings, but which cannot well be described with accuracy because
of their conventional nature: (3) One anthropomorphic tassel
showing the conventionalized face of a man with eyebrows and
nose shown continuous. The face of the Weeping God has been
destroyed by time to a deplorable extent, but two large round
eyes, deeply sunk, remain almost unharmed. From the eyes
hang two bands ended off with puma-heads. On each of the
bands are two sunken dots suggestive of "tears." The nose of
the figure has been shattered, but it was probably once quite
prominent. At present it is squarish and rather broad and long.
The whole face is covered over with traces of secondary orna-
mentation. The body is not separated from the head by any
definite neck. The mouth is a mere rectangular slit sunk in the
face, totally lacking in any true modelling, the body is short and
chunky, and the legs are much too short to be in proportion,
unless, indeed, a kneeling posture is indicated. The garment of
the figure is a short fringed skirt held up by shoulder-bands. The
top of the skirt is marked with rectangular decoration of a type
to be observed elsewhere on the carving, and by two puma-heads
similar to those on the headdress and elsewhere. The fringe
of the skirt is made up of six human faces of the same type
as that noted on the headdress. The shoulder-bands are adorned
with a conventionalized figure alternated with conventionalized
bird-heads. A large breast ornament hangs between the shoulder-
bands. It has the form of a fish in semi-lunar posture with his
/ head to the left and turned upward and his tail, to the right, also
turned upward. The face of the fish recalls the conventionalized
himian faces already noted. Just below the fish is a repetition of
the conventionalized figure that appears on the shoulder-bands
and two other examples of the bird-heads that also appear there.
The arms of the Weeping God, though not at all true to nature,
are the best modelled parts of the figure. At each elbow are
two puma-heads, one above the other. From the two lower puma-
heads hang two more conventionalized human faces. The hands
of the figure have but four digits. In the right hand is a large

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 353

ceremonial staff. The upper half of it bears a rectangular decora-
tion just like that on some of the tabs of the headdress. It is
surmounted by an indeterminate object. The lower half of the
staff is decorated in much the same way save for the fact that
the central panel is sunk as it is on the upper border of the skirt.
The base of the staff consists of a conventionalized bird-head.
In the case of the staff in the left hand of the Weeping God we
find the lower half identical with the one just described. The
upper half, however, is bifurcated and the two prongs are topped
by bird-heads similar to those already seen on the breast-orna-
ment.

Having enumerated in detail the features of the Weeping God,
it will be well for us to note in general terms some of its char-
acteristics. In the Weeping God, then, we have a highly con-
ventionalized bas-relief in stone which shows considerable artistic
advance. For one thing, the tendency toward bilateral symmetry
noted in connection with Proto-Nasca art appears again here, and
it has gained considerably in strength. Save for the staffs and
the breast-ornament, the Weeping God is bilaterally symmetrical,
and the exceptions to that symmetry do not in the least interfere
with the impression of perfect bilateral balance. Moreover, the
constant re-statement of three or four motifs of decoration in
various combinations is eloquent of conventionalization that has
been long in developing. Lastly, the technique of the bas-relief
is of that square-edged type which would naturally develop out
of a round-surfaced stone technique after conventionalization
had set in.

On the same gateway with the Weeping God are forty-eight
secondary figures in relief of the same type. There are twenty-
four on each side of the central figure. Here again, the tendency
toward bilateral symmetry is observable, for all the figures face
toward the Weeping God. These secondary personages fall into
two classes : ( i ) Those with bird-like bodies and human faces ;
and, (2)' Those with bird-like bodies and bird faces. Each of
them bears before him a staff which approximates in form to
one or the other of those held by the Weeping God. All the fig-
ures of both classes have four-digit hands, tears and tear-lines,
and a constant repetition of the TT sign, and of the puma-,
fish- and bird-head motifs. The wings of the figures are, in part,
almost realistic, and they recall the fluted wings we noted in con-

354 Philip Ainsworth Means,

nection with the Proto-Chimu art. All the figures are represented
as running toward the Weeping God, and the speed of their
motion is well indicated by their cloak-like garments which are
streaming out behind them.

Repetition and re-statement of decorative motifs and themes,
together with the tendency toward symmetry, may be said to be
the underlying principle of the conventionalities of Tiahuanaco
II art as embodied in the monolithic gateway. It is especially
noted in the frieze which runs the whole length of the gateway
just below the Weeping God and just above the doorway.
Tltjbughout that whole composition fragments and portions of
motifs already noted can be picked out.^*

Aside from the typical Tiahuanaco II decorations on the several
gateways at Tiahuanaco (the others are unimportant), the same
or similar motifs appear on the pottery from that vicinity. The
American Museum of Natural History has a fine collection of
Tiahuanaco II pottery from Copacabana and Tiahuanaco. In
general the tonality is rather sombre, red and black being the
most frequent colors. Sometimes, however, white and orange also
appear. In the Peabody Museum at Harvard University there is
a small but excellent cup of this period decorated with the face
of the Weeping God. Sometimes, as in the case of some of the
New York specimens, the Weeping God appears in the pottery
without his tears; at other times the decoration takes the form
of parts of the secondary motifs, such as puma- or bird-heads
in the Tiahuanaco style, or variations of the second type of tab
on the Weeping God's headdress (i. e. the "ribbon-and-stone-
ring" motif). Cups, bowls, ollas and vessels with spouts like
those on teapots are the commoner forms. One of the New
York specimens measures almost a foot across although it is but
a fragment. Modelled puma-heads in clay also occur. In short,
the plastic art of the Tiahuanaco II period, although it is none
too plentifully represented in our museums, is richly diversified.

Our Plate VIII, Fig^ure i, shows a poncho from Tiahuanaco
now in the x\merican Museum of Natural History, New York.
The writer believes that, although it bears none of the motifs
so far shown to have been typical of Tiahuanaco II art, it does
bear a swastika-like motif on its border, and is therefore to be

" See Posnansky, 1914, Plates LXXIII-LXXXI.

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 355

connected with a cup with the same motif shown by Joyce (1912,
p. 207). This cup, both because of the puma-heads and because
of the general technique, is obviously Tiahuanaco II. The swas-
tika is a motif which is excessively rare in Peruvian art. The
ones in this specimen are not perfect in form. The reader is
warned that this garment may not be Tiahuanaco II after all,
though the writer now believes that it is.

Plate VIII, Figure 2, shows a fine piece of cloth from the
Nasca region. It has affinities with both the Proto-Nasca and
Tiahuanaco II styles as follows: With Proto-Nasca, face-paint-
ing (or masking), centipede element, and coloration; with Tia-
huanaco II, tear-lines, eyebrows and nose in T form, three-digit
hands. The specimen is in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston,
and is the gift of Dr. Denman Waldo Ross.

Though it may at first seem illogical, we will now turn our
attention to the Tiahuanaco II art of the coast; then we will
study it in another region of the highlands. The reason for
this course will become apparent later.

The writer regrets that he has not been able to obtain any
satisfactory pictures of coast Tiahuanaco II art. Much material
is readily accessible to the student, however, and the following
works should be consulted: Baessler, ip02-os; Reiss und Stiibel,
1880-8/; Holmes, 1889; Oyarzun, 1910; Uhle, 1901, 1902, ipo^,
igo8, 1910, 1910b, 1910C, 1912, IQ13, 1913b, 1914; Putnam,
F. K., 1914; Therese von Bayern, 1907; Beuchat, 1912; Joyce,
19 1 2, 1913b; Bamps, 1879. (The reader is especially referred
to the works in italics.)

It will be remembered that in the Tiahuanaco II art of the
interior two things were very noticeable: the tendency toward
bilateral symmetry in the design, and the comparative poorness
of coloration. Of these characteristics only the former appears
on the coast. As in the case of Proto-Nasca art, coloration on
both vessels and textiles was extremely rich. For example, look
at Plate 134, Figure 373, in Baessler. The design that appears at
that place shows two birds with squarish heads. The design
comes from Pachacamac. A detailed description of it may be of
use to the reader. The two birds, whose heads alone appear,
face one another. They have hawk-like beaks, darkened eye-
areas and headdresses adorned with tabs ending off in three
fringes just like those on the minor figures of the monolithic gate-

356 Philip Ainsworth Means,

way at Tiahuanaco. The angularity so noticeable in the art of
this period at Tiahuanaco itself is here preserved to a consid-
erable degree. Between the two bird-heads and around each of
them is a frame or border adorned with repetitions of the IT"
sign. Although the Plate in question is not in color, several
tints are indicated. Again, Baessler, Plate 144, Figure 403,
shows a wonderful specimen of coast Tiahuanaco II art. It is
a goblet from Pachamac adorned with a very beautiful design.
The colors are cream, purple, gray, brown, red and black. The
finish is lustrous and the arrangement of the color-areas is mas-
terly. The decoration resolves itself into several bands. At
the top is a band of the stair-sign motif ; it is gray with purple
borders. Attached to the outer edge of the borders are a num-
ber of conventionalized puma-heads in purple. They are remin-
iscent of those on the monolithic gateway. Those on the top
of the band face to the reader's right; the ones at the bottom
face to the left. On the gray central stripe of the stair-sign
band are a number of conventionalized three-digit bands in black
and gray alternated with similar feet in brown, cream and black.
Below this band of decoration comes a narrower one made up of
IT* signs in red on a cream ground. Below that, in turn,
comes a wide band of black on which is painted an almost
bilaterally symmetrical square-headed Weeping God. A slight
difference in the two ends of his mouth is the sole exception to
symmetry. His eyes are in cream and black and, like those
of the Weeping God on the monolithic gateway, are large
and round with a band of "tears" running down from
each of them. The face is red, the nose, gray in color, is
broad and squarish like that of the Weeping God at Tia-
huanaco. His gray lips form a rectangular mouth contain-
ing three groups of rectangular teeth and two groups of fangs,
the order being, from left to right, teeth-fangs-teeth-fangs-
teeth. The teeth are cream-colored. Finally, at the bottom of
the design, comes a band containing twelve oblong rectangles on
each of which are two small disks of color with a dot in the
center. These rectangles are arranged in double file, six in a
row. They are arranged in the manner here approximately indi-
cated, and they may be said to be a sort of study in color-arrange-
ment. Numbers i, 3, 5, 8, 10 and 12 are red with cream disks;
2 is cream with purple disks; 4, 9 and 11 are gray with red,

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art.

357

purple, red disks respectively; 6 and 7 are purple with cream
disks. What this design can have been intended to represent it
is difficult to imagine. The only thing it seems to bear the
slightest resemblance to is the group of finds on the island of
La Plata, Ecuador, which Dorsey called "Perforated and
engraved stones." These objects are small rectangular oblongs
upon which are engraved circles with a dot, the number varying
from three circles up to eight. Dorsey suggests that perhaps the
stones in question were used in some game.^^

1

2

3

A

5

6

0 ©

0 0

© 0

0 ©

© ©

© © 1

0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

© ©

10

n

Fig. I.

The decoration composed of small circles with a dot in the
centre occurs also on some objects from Machu Picchu. Its
occurrence there may mean one of several things: (i) That
some subjects of the Tiahuanaco II "empire" were once at
Vilcabamba and left these objects behind them; (2) That the
subjects of the Inca who dwelt at Vilcabamba happened to see
the motif on some remains of the former period and copied it;
(3) That the design, which is essentially simple, was "invented"
twice, first by the coast Tiahuanaco II people, secondly by the
Inca's subjects. The writer inclines to the belief that the last
is the correct explanation. It is, however, so simple a design
that it has been "invented" again and again in various parts of
the world.

One more example of Tiahuanaco II art in connection with
the pottery of the coast will serve to round out our present brief
account of the matter. It is found in Baessler, Plate 140, Figure
392, and it shows another variation of the square-headed Weep-
ing God motif. The colors are red, cream, brown and white.
The figure is shown at full length. As before, the resemblances
to the Weeping God of Tiahuanaco, despite the divergences, are

Dorsey, 1901, p. 262, and Plate LVII.

358 Philip Ainsworth Means,

very marked. The face of this coast Weeping God, then, is sur-
rounded by a frame strikingly Uke that of its prototype. From
the inner band decorated with dots spring eleven tab-like decora-
tions which fall into three groups on the basis of form: (i)
Three straight tassels ending in a fringe of three pieces; (2)
Six tabs reminiscent of the ribbon-and-stone-ring tassels of the
Weeping God of Tiahuanaco; (3) Two long tabs ending off in
an affair similar to the fringed tabs of the first type. All these
are arranged about the face in such a manner as to result in
absolute symmetry. In fact, the whole figure is absolutely sym-
metrical save for the arrangement of the color-areas. The eyes
are cream and brown and are large; the ''tears" are indicated
merely by two lines, one running down from each eye. The nose
is broad and square; the mouth rectangular with eight square
teeth and no fangs. Two hands with four digits grasp two
staffs which are exactly alike except for color and which are
arranged symmetrically. They suggest tremendously conven-
tionalized bows, and are adorned with repetitions of the fringed
tab element. In short, this figure, besides presenting several
very close resemblances to the Weeping God of Tiahuanaco in
its details, resembles it in more general terms also. We find in
the Tiahuanaco figure a strong tendency toward bilateral sym-
metry, a symmetry which is fully attained in this coast figure.
More than that, we observe that the two have another significant
characteristic in common, namely, the constant re-statement of
minor decorative elements (such as the fringed tab). These
resemblances are extremely significant.

So much, then, for Tiahuanaco II designs on the pottery of
the coast. The material relating to Tiahuanaco II designs in
coast textiles is no less ample, and the evidence it presents points
just the same way as that offered by the pottery. We will,
therefore, consider only one example of Tiahuanaco II coast
textile-design. It is shown by Reiss and Stiibel, vol. II, Plate 49.
It is a rich garment from Ancon. There are two variations
either of the Weeping God himself or of the two types of minor
figures on the monolithic gateway. We will enumerate the analo-
gies between this design and other arts that we have examined.
One of the two variations has : ( i ) A human face and a head-
dress suggestive of the first type of minor figure on the mono-
lithic gateway (i. e. human face with bird body) ; (2) Tears
and tear-lines; (3) Four-digit hands; (4) Two staves; (5)

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 359

Shoulder-bands; (6) Fish and bird attendants; and, (7) A
mouth similar in shape to those on the monolithic gateway. The
other variation has : ( i ) Fluted wings recalling both those found
in Proto-Chimu art and those found on the minor figures of the
monolithic gateway; (2) Five-digit hands reminiscent of those
on some of statues at Tiahuanaco and of Proto-Chimu art,
also; (3) Tears and tear-lines; (4) One staff; (5) A decora-
tion on the headdress suggestive of the "ribbon-and-stone-ring"
motif of the Weeping God both at Tiahuanaco and on the pot-
tery just reviewed. The colors in this tapestry are by far the
richest we have yet come across, and they are not likely to be
surpassed. They are yellow, light yellow-brown, dark yellow-
brown, red, pink, pale green, purpl^ black and white. The effect
is one of great richness, and also of a generally light tonality,
wherein, perhaps, we may see the influence of Proto-Chimu
art. To sum up our impressions of coast Tiahuanaco II art we
will say that it derives its minor motifs and its tendency toward
symmetry, or rather its marked indulgence in symmetry, directly
from Tiahuanaco which also provided most of the subject-matter.
The rich coloring, however, came from Proto-Nasca.

Having now completed our survey of Tiahuanaco II art in
the Titicaca drainage and on the coast, we will examine its
manifestations in another part of the highlands. Before doing
so, however, we will mention in passing the fact that save for a
vestige here and there Tiahuanaco II art does not appear promi-
nently in the Cuzco region. One exception to this rule is a
pottery vessel adorned with an anthropomorphic puma having
four digits, fangs and tab-like head ornaments. Its provenance
is Cuzco, and it is shown by Seler.^^

It is the Tiahuanaco II art at Chavin de Huantar, however,
that claims the major part of our attention.

The chief example of ancient art at Chavin is the famous
greater Chavin monolith. This wonderful piece of stone-carving
is in the Museo Nacional at Lima. It is about six feet long and
two broad.^^ Probably no other single artifact from Peru helps
more than this in the study of the relations between Proto-

" Seler, 1893, Plate VII, Fig. 8.

"The writer has seen and examined the original stone. Both Sir
Clements Markham and Mr. Joyce are mistaken in thinking the stone to
be twenty-five feet long. Markham, 1912, p. 34 ; Joyce, 1912, p. 176.

360 Philip Ainsworth Means,

Chimu, Proto-Nasca and Tiahuanaco II arts. Several able
studies of the stone have appeared, chief among which are two
by Markham and that by Polo.^^ With the aid of our Plate IX
we will now examine this stone and i^ bearing upon our subject.
The characteristic of the stone which first strikes the beholder
is the tremendous elaboration of the design. One has to study
it carefully before it resolves itself into its component parts.
When this is done, it becomes apparent that the design falls into
halves, the lower of which shows a personage holding two staves,
and the upper of which is made up of a mass of inverted faces
with their secondary decorations. We will study the halves in
that order. The personage is unquestionably derived in part
from the Weeping God motij^. The face is square and is edged
with serpent-heads faintly analogous to the tab-like ornaments
of the Weeping God. The face, on the other hand, is utterly
different in both content and treatment from that of the Weeping
God. Indeed, it is very difficult to decide just which of the
numerous complex features belong to the face of the personage.
One may assume, if he chooses, that the two upper dots are his
eyes and the involutions just above them are conventionalized
eyebrows while the two dots below are nostrils. This is, per-
haps, the most satisfactory interpretation.^'* The mouth which,
from one aspect, looks like an adaptation of the toothed and
fanged rectangular mouth seen in coast Tiahuanaco II, again
presents difficulties because, on turning the Plate upside down,
it turns out that the mouth is formed by two fanged puma-heads
set nose to nose and lip to lip. It may be suggested that in the
group of details formed by the puma-heads and the twined ser-
pent-heads just behind each of them we see a faint survival
and tremendous conventionalization of the mouth-mask of Proto-
Nasca art. As in the case of the Weeping God on the mono-
lithic gateway, the body is short and square. There are no

^^ Markham, 1904 and 1908 ; Polo, 1899.

^^ Prof. MacCurdy's interpretation of the plate differs from the writer's,
for he thinks the two upper dots to be the nostrils of an inverted face
like those on the upper half of the stone. There is a good deal to be said
in support of this view. But an examination of our Plate IX, or, still
better, the large one in Polo, 1899, will show that the writer's interpreta-
tion is also valid. We may say, therefore, that the two dots in question
serve, in one position, as eyes for the face of the chief head of the design,
and, when reversed, act as nostrils for an inverted subsidiary head.

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 361

"tears." There is an area of ornamentation on the breast made
up of a new variation of the VT" sign edged with feather-
like ornaments reminiscent of Proto-Chimu art and Proto-Nasca
art. (See Plate I, FigurejR, and Plate III, Figure 3.) This
feather-motif occurs many flmes on the stone. The garment of
the personage reminds us of that on the Weeping God of Tia-
huanaco in that it is a short skirt-like affair. The puma-heads
that adorn the upper edge of the Tiahuanaco figure's skirt have
here become so conventionalized that it is nearly impossible to
recognize them. The fringe of human faces on the Tiahuanaco
skirt has become mere unadorned rectangles. The arms, it is
well to note, are in exactly the same position and much the same
in shape both here and on the monolithic gateway. But a marked
difference is found in the hands. At Tiahuanaco we found the
hands of the Weeping God were fairly close to nature in their
modelHng despite the fact that they had but four digits. Here,
on the other hand, we find a wider departure from realism in
the drop to but three digits and in the elaboration of the finger
nails into a decorative element. In the two staves we discover
a still wider departure from the original theme. The staves are
almost exactly alike, which is in itself a significant matter. They
have been widened so as to make room for the immensely elab-
orate ornamentation with which they are encrusted. So complex,
in fact, is the overlaid design that it is nearly impossible longer
to distinguish any of the features that we perceived in the staves
held by the Weeping God of Tiahuanaco. Some may be able to
discover in the formalized faces at the base of the two staves
a faint echo of the bird-heads that are found at the bottoms of
the Tiahuanaco staves.

So much, then, for the lower half of the design on the Chavin
stone. In order properly to study the upper half it will be neces-
sary to reverse the Plate. On doing so we find three grotesque
faces proceeding from one another's mouths and each with its
tongue protruding and highly decorated. These faces all have
fangs, but otherwise they are unlike one another, although the
last two from the center do resemble each other closely. The
nose of the first face is adorned with a combination of the
feather-motif, fang-motif and serpent-head motif. The noses of
the other two are much simpler and are marked only by an odd
but simple comb-like figure. On each side of the central band
of decoration formed by those three faces is a fringe of alternated

362 Philip Ainsworth Means,

serpent-heads and feather-motifs. The tongue of the last head
is Hkewise encrusted with the two.

A word about the general features of this, the greater Chavin
stone, should be said before we goipn to compare it with other
artifacts. It is a bas-relief of the *same technique as the Tia-
huanaco frieze. The work is finer because the stone lends itself
more readily to the cutter's tools.

At Chavin is another remarkable stone carving, the lesser
Chavin stone. It is described by Polo and by Enock,^^ It was
found in an underground chamber ; indeed, according to Enock,
much of the work and many of the chambers in the "castle of
Chavin" are subterranean. This feature is reminiscent of Tia-
huanaco itself. The lesser stone is at once similar to and differ-
ent from the greater. The chief points of likeness are the
profuse use of fangs and serpents as decorative motifs, and
the constant re-statement of these motifs recalls not only the
greater Chavin stone, but also the monolithic gateway. The
differences are chiefly these : lack of any trace of comprehensible
composition, lack of bilateral symmetry and considerable modi-
fication of technique.

As our description has proceeded we have made occasional
references to resemblances between the Chavin stones and other
objects. It will now be our task to systematize these resemblances.
Each of the elements which constitute the resemblances will be
found in the following table in its appropriate column :

Affiliations Between Chavin and Other Arts.

PROTO-CHIMU

PROTO-NASCA

TIAHUANACO

Fangs

Fangs

Feathers

Feathers

Multiple inverted heads.

Puma-heads

Staves

Staves
Symmetry

Mouth mask (?)

Too few digits

Too few digits
Skirt

rr sign
Repetition of motifs
in many parts
of the design.

** Knock, 1907, p.

72 ff. ; and Polo, 1899.

A Survey of Ancknt Peruvian Art. 363

The table makes clear, perhaps, the three-fold source of the
art found in the Chavin stones. We now find ourselves brought
to the important question of the historic, artistic and ethnic rela-
tions between the three great arts we have studied.

3. RELATIONS BETWEEN PROTO-CHIMU, PROTO-NASCA
AND TIAHUANACO II.

We have now studied three ancient Peruvian cultures. It is
obvious that, from both the artistic and the archaeological points
of view, they form a group. We must now endeavor to
answer the question, How are these cultures connected?

Already we have pointed out the basic similarity in subject
matter of Proto-Chimu and Proto-Nasca. From one of those
cultures the other in all probability was derived. But which
was the elder is only revealed by minute analysis. In the Proto-
Chimu we find an art which is of a distinctly advanced nature.
It has, so far as we know, no introductory manifestations, cruder
in type than itself in its own locality. Inasmuch as advanced
arts do not suddenly spring into being from nothingness, it can
only be supposed that Proto-Chimu art was introduced into the
region with which we associate it from some other region. The
same may be said of the Proto-Nasca art. Uhle and Joyce seem
to incline to the belief that this art is the elder of the two, and
Uhle believes it to have had an origin in the north, perhaps in
Middle America.^^

Let us see, then, if Proto-Nasca can really be justly considered
older than Proto-Chimu. In doing this we must first determine
from what area or areas it could have been derived (assuming'
that it was derived from some source outside of the Andean
area). A rapid survey of the whole field of American civiliza-
tions assures us that only from one area could such cultures as
the Proto-Nasca and Proto-Chimu have been derived — Middle
America. There is much evidence that seems to point toward
all the South American cultures as having been derived from the
region to the north, but unfortunately this is not the place to
examine that evidence. We will assume, therefore, that if, as
seems probable, the Proto-Nasca and Proto-Chimu cultures were

^^Uhle, 1913, pp. 341 ff. ; 1914, PP- 15 ff. ; Joyce, 1912, pp. 178 ff. ; Means,.
1917.

Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI 25 1917

364 Philip Ainsworth Means,

the result of a cultural migration, that migration must have had
its origin in Middle America. From a geographical standpoint,
then, it would be difficult to explain why the migrants, on their
way south, passed the region of Chimu and went first to that
of Nasca where they developed the Proto-Nasca art after their
arrival, and then gradually spread north along the coast, in time
reaching Chimu where the Proto-Chimu culture was perfected.
This theory is almost impossible to support on geographical
grounds. But geographical objections are not the only ones.
Other and more serious drawbacks to the theory present them-
selves.

These drawbacks we will now enumerate. In Proto-Chimu
art we have a realistic art which has so thoroughly outlived the
preparatory stages characteristic of all arts that there is hardly
a trace left of the crudenesses that mark the infancy of all sub-
civilized or high primitive arts.-^ It is a decorative art that has
reached so high a level as to combine no small degree of repre-
sentation with its decorative purpose. In other words, Proto-
Chimu art is one ripe for the influence of several principles of
art-development. These principles all find their natural resultant
in Proto-Nasca art.

A few quotations from Dr. Spinden's work, "A Study of
Maya Art," will make clear this point. The mere fact that Dr.
Spinden is speaking of Middle American art does not alter the
fact that what he says applies equally well to Peruvian art or to
any other art of similar rank.^^

/ "In the imaginative modification of any given natural figure,
for the purposes of decorative art, there are a number of rather
definite processes, f Each of these is amenable to the fundamental
principles of design, such as balance, rhythm and harmony, as
these terms have been elucidated by Dr. Ross.^* Each process
may show, moreover, the phases of conscious and unconscious
manipulation of the subject matter. Lastly, these processes of
intensive development of a design motive, .... work both
singly and in combination. It is possible to detect much of the
counterplay.

^The general remarks made here are intended to apply solely to
decorative, as contrasted with representative, art.
^ Spinden, 1913, p. 38 ff.
^Ross, 1901, 1907.

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 365

"The processes are: i. Simplification. 2. Elaboration. 3.
Elimination. 4. Substitution. ,

"Careful analysis of one group of designs after another, dur-
ing which special attention is paid to the changes in homologous
parts, makes pretty clear the matter in which the imagination
works. In the first place, imagination does not create, it merely
reshapes and recombines, taking suggestions and material from
any thing lying within the field of experience

"Simplification. . . . Dr. Harrison Allen discusses the rela-
tions between natural forms and art forms. He finds that the
tendencies of conventional art are :

I st, to repeat the normal lines of the model ;

2nd, to diminish the normal lines of the model ;

3rd, to modify according to a symbol ;

4th, to modify according to mystic or religious ideas. . . .

"Elaboration. Of less real worth in the development of art,
but of more common occurrence, is the process of elaboration.
This process amplifies rather than reduces and by means of
adventitious ornament renders the original form more com-
plex. . . .

"Elimination. Elimination of one feature after another of a
natural motive till only one or two survive is a common phenom-
enon the world over in decorative art. In Maya art the process
is frequently observed in the case of the serpent. Very often
the entire lower jaw is omitted. . . .

"Substitution. The process of substitution likewise plays a
great part in all highly developed art, whether barbaric or
civilized. The substitution of new and striking details for old
and commonplace ones — even at the cost of the first meaning
of the design — is one of the simplest and most natural ways by
which imagination can reconstruct and revivify worn-out sub-
jects. . . . Especially in decorative art, details of a composi-
tion realistic or geometric may be progressively replaced by
other quite different details until in the end only a trace of
the original setting remains." ^^

Let us now seek carefully to apply the principles outlined
by Dr. Spinden to Proto-Chimu, Proto-Nasca and Tiahuanaco
II arts. We will take up the principles in order. We find, in
the transition from Proto-Chimu to Proto-Nasca and to Tiahu-
anaco II (at Tiahuanaco, on the coast, and at Chavin), that an
important part is played by the second aspect of Simplification.
We have in Proto-Chimu a highly realistic decorative art in
which both modelling and painting seek to approach as nearly

''Cf. Allen, 1881; Batchelder, 1910; MacCurdy, 191 1, 127.

366 Philip Ainsworth Means,

as possible to the outlines of natural models. The outcome of
this seeking is skillful modelling and the correct number of such
parts as fingers and toes. In Proto-Nasca art, on the other
hand, the principle of simplification finds reaction in the diminish-
ing of the tendency toward modelled representation and of the
habit of carefully representing the correct number of fingers and
toes. The result is a simplification of the form of the vessels
and of the outlines of the hands at the expense of truth. The
principle of simplification makes itself still more felt in the tran-
sition from Proto-Nasca to Tiahuanaco II. In the former it
had only begun to make itself apparent; modelling, of a simpli-
fied sort, to be sure, still survived, as did also five-fingered hands.
In Tiahuanaco II, however, pottery with modelled forms of men
or animals is more rare, though modelling in stone is still found,
probably on account of the influence of Tiahuanaco I. But five-
fingered hands are here in the minority to a decided degree.
Simplification has caused the vanishing of realistic hands from
the decoration on the monolithic gateway. The status remains
the same in coast Tiahuanaco II. In the greater Chavin stone,
however, we find the last result of the influence of the principle
of simplification. In this stone the modelling is at its lowest
ebb, and the hands, with but three digits here, have lost nearly
all semblance to reality, and have become mere elements in the
scheme of decoration. Thus we see that simplification leads us,
step by step, down the line of the arts of this period — Proto-
Chimu, Proto-Nasca, Tiahuanaco II — in the order named, with
the Chavin stone as the culmination of its influence.

Let us now find out what application the principle of Elaborcp-
tion has to these arts. In Proto-Chimu we found that fangs,
eye-painting, animal-masks, animal-disguises and other similar
features were represented. Each of these is acted upon by the
principle of elaboration. Fangs, it is true, are not a prominent
element of Proto-Nasca art. But they appear with great prom-
inence in Tiahuanaco art, both of the mountains and of the coast,
and on the Chavin stones they often form an element of decora-
tion of the highest importance. Eye-painting, animal-masks and
animal-disguises all survive in Proto-Nasca art and are all more
elaborate there than in Proto-Chimu. So much so, in fact, that
their development can go but little further, and they almost dis-
appear in Tiahuanaco II art. It may be suggested, however,

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 367

that eye-painting is elaborated into the tears and tear-lines of
Tiahuanaco II art while masking finds a faint elaborate revival
in the puma-heads at the mouth of the chief figure on the larger
Chavin stone. To show one more manifestation of the influence
of elaboration we will mention the "Multiple-headed God" motif
of Proto-Nasca art. The God is always distinguished by the
manner in which his subsidiary inverted heads proceed from one
another's mouths and by the presence of feather-like secondary
ornaments. Elaboration results in the multiple-headed figure on
the larger Chavin stone. That figure, like its Proto-Nasca proto-
type, has several inverted heads proceeding from one another's
mouths and it is marked by elaborate secondary decoration in
the form of feather-like ornaments. We must note here that as
nothing of the sort is to be observed at Tiahuanaco the trans-
mission from Proto-Nasca to Chavin must have been direct, and
that the two were at least partly contemporary. Likewise, as we
have pointed out, there are a number of Proto-Chimu elements
found on the Chavin stone. One more evidence of the influence
of elaboration should not be ignored. That is the contrast
between the staffs found in Proto-Nasca with those in Tiahuanaco
II and, above all, in Chavin. The contrast needs no comments,
save that here, again, the culmination of the process is found at
Chavin.

Nor do we lack for signs of the presence of influences on the
part of the principle of Elimination. As we have noted, the
Proto-Chimu art shows full realistic representation of the whole
of men and animals. Between Proto-Chimu and Proto-Nasca
we find an elimination of most of the body parts by the latter
art. In Tiahuanaco II, however, again probably on account of
the influence of Tiahuanaco I, the habit of showing the body is
revived, but some of the lines and curves of nature are markedly
absent, both in Tiahuanaco II art proper and at Chavin.

Finally, the principle of Substitution is readily seen to have been
at work. The eye-painting of Proto-Chimu and Proto-Nasca is
substituted by the tears and tear-lines of Tiahuanaco II. The
puma-head and ribbon-and-stone-ring tabs on the Weeping God's
headdress at Tiahuanaco are replaced by the serpent-heads that
occupy analogous places on the larger Chavin stone as well as
on the lesser one. Again, the fish-like breast ornament of the
Tiahuanaco figure finds a substitute at Chavin in the conventional

368 Philip Ainsworth Means,

breast ornament of the figure on the larger stone. Once more
the culmination of the process is at Chavin. Indeed, in the lesser
Chavin stone one may see an excellent example of what Mac-
Curdy describes as "transposition."^^ It is to be observed in
the breaking up of the hitherto harmonious and comprehensible
design into a chaotic melee of component parts and ill-assorted
decorative motifs. One would be but reasonable in thinking the
lesser Chavin stone to represent the art-stream, which we have
watched so long, at its vanishing point.

Such, then, in very broad outline, is the general trend of the
evidence afforded by a study of the application of the four great
principles to Proto-Chimu, Proto-Nasca and Tiahuanaco II art.^^
We must now endeavor to interpret the evidence in terms of
probable cultural migration'. There is not space here to go into
a detailed comparative analysis of the minor decorative motifs
in Middle American and South American cultures, but the writer
is convinced by careful study that the evidence of such an
analysis would not differ from that afforded by the broader lines
of modification.^®
\ To sum up the whole matter briefly, we find that a series of
I closely related arts is associated in turn with Chimu, Nasca,
iTiahuanaco (mountains and coast) and Chavin. We find the
[art a little older step by step as we go from one of these regions

*®MacCurdy, 191 1, p. 127.

"One piece of pottery, reported on by Uhle (1913b, p. 363), almost con-
stitutes in and of itself a proof of the blending or fusion of Proto-Nasca
art into Tiahuanaco II art. The vessel in question is a shallow bowl
from Tiahuanaco. On the broad rim is painted, in easily recognizable
Proto-Nasca style, a serpent, the head of which is strikingly like the
puma heads so often found in Tiahuanaco II art. The fact that the vessel
comes from Tiahuanaco proves that Proto-Nasca art was carried thither,
and the association of it with Tiahuanaco II art on the same vessel proves
their close relationship.

** The reader's attention is here called to the art of Chiriqui. In many
ways strikingly similar both in form and in content to the three early
Peruvian arts, the art of Chiriqui is also similar to them in the matter of
its development toward conventionalism from realism. It may well be
that some day a close connection will be proved between the earliest
(realistic) forms of Chiriqui art and the earliest (realistic) forms of
Peruvian art. The reader is urged to consult the following works:
MacCurdy, 1906, 191 1, pp. 127 fif., 1913 ; Holmes, 1885, 1887; Joyce, 1916,,
pp. 144 ff.

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 369

to the next, a little older, that is, in point of development; the
age in point of time from our own day decreases as we go up
the series of sites. This does not mean, however, that one site
was abandoned before the next began to flourish. In fact, the
evidence proves that the first and last steps have much in com-
mon, and that they must have been at least partly contemporary.
The opinion of the writer is that one should conceive of the
slowly ageing art as the result of a slow spread of related peo-
ples in several directions during a long time. While the spread
was going on new sites were founded and new phases of the
common art-ideal developed, but neither the old settlements nor
the old phases of art were thereby at once robbed of vigor.
What the political status of these people was we shall never
know. We must remain content with what evidence we can
wring from the vestiges of their culture.

4. A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE EPIGONAL AND
RED-WHITE-BLACK CULTURES.

So far, we have studied three cultures which we have just
seen to be intimately linked together by lines of cultural descent.
We have hitherto considered a cultural series that spread from
the coast to the mountains. We have now come to a fork in
that stream.

It is clear from the evidence presented by the architectural
remains and by the artifacts that the three cultures so far con-
sidered were of a high order. What brought the last of them,
the Tiahuanaco II culture, to a close we can but guess at this
distant date. It is clear enough, however, that at the end of
the Tiahuanaco II period something happened which checked
the development of civilization in both mountains and coast.
Vague whispers of the cataclysm persisted in the folklore of the
country down to Spanish, and even into our own, times. The
early chroniclers report the traditions of the event in various
ways, none of which needs to be particularized here. In the
nature of the case, the character of the catastrophe must have
been gigantic in order to bring about the far-reaching results
that it did. Whether it was a terrible earthquake, an invasion
of savage peoples or some great epidemic of disease or a com-
bination of these things we cannot tell. We only know that in

37© Philip Ainsworth Means,

the Titicaca drainage the result was a sudden and very marked
lowering of the culture-level, while on the coast and in other
regions remote from Lake Titicaca the subsidence in culture,
though noticeable, was not so marked. One more thing seems
to be disclosed by known facts. As we have seen, Tiahuanaco
II art spread far from Tiahuanaco itself. As we shall see, a
decadent form of Tiahuanaco II art lingers on around the edges
of the old Tiahuanaco "Empire." It is chiefly at Tiahuanaco
itself and in the region between Lake Titicaca and Cuzco that
the drop in culture is most noticeable. This would seem to
indicate that the cataclysm, whatever it was, took place in the
mountain regions. The divergence in culture-level that thus
sprang up between the mountain regions and the coast resulted
in a wide breach between the later arts of the two regions.^^

The cultures which we are to consider in this section are both
coast cultures. The "Epigonal" art is mainly identified with
the southern parts of the coast — Pachacamac, Nasca and lea —
where the influence of the Tiahuanaco II period had been
strongest. Uhle is the scientist to whom the most credit for

^The author thinks that it is only fair to warn his reader here that
the explanation offered to account for the marked lack of connection
between Tiahuanaco II art and Inca art is open to a number of objections.
In the first place, if Tiahuanaco II influence did spread into the Cuzco
region, it must inevitably have left its stamp upon the art of that region.
Archaeology does not permit us to deny that Tiahuanaco II art did spread
to Cuzco, — and far beyond it. Why, then, is there so little of Tiahuanaco
influence in Cuzco or Inca art? Why is there not at Cuzco, as at
Titicaca, Koati and Tiahuanaco, an intermediate type of art which,
though much lower in grade than Tiahuanaco II art, still preserves some
vestiges of the old tradition? If the forces that brought the Tiahuanaco
II art in the Titicaca drainage to an end .were unable completely to
obliterate the older style of that region, why ..were they so much stronger
at Cuzco than at Tiahuanaco that they .were able to wipe out completely
the older art? An answer to these three questions, which were suggested
by Dr. Roland B. Dixon, may perhaps be found in the study of the dis-
tribution in Peru of the type of culture represented by the Colla-Chulpa
type. An examination of this distribution shows that Colla-Chulpa culture,
or something very like it, is found throughout the Peruvian highlands
from Bolivia to Cuelap in Chachapoyas. It is not like the coast cultures
of the time (that is, the period just before the rise of the Incas). Place-
names, it is true, have a character remotely suggestive of the coast, but
this may have been the result of Inca mitimaes (transferred colonies).

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 371

the study of this period should be given, and the reader is urged
to examine some of his Plates.^^ When we compare Tiahu-
anaco II art with "Epigonal" we at once see wherein the dif-
ference Hes. The latter is but an unskillful and decadent attempt
to continue the traditions of the former. Again and again it
is possible to recognize portions of well-remembered Tiahuanaco
II motifs on "Epigonal" artifacts, but always the latter are
far inferior to their prototype in both line and color. So close
is the resemblance sometimes that one would be tempted to
say that the "Epigonal" things were indeed made in the Tiahu-
anaco II period, blit by unskilled artists. This, however, is inter-
dicted by the irrefutable stratigraphic evidence. The "Epigonal"
wares and textiles occur in later strata than the Tiahuanaco II
artifacts. The Weeping God, the puma-heads, the bird-figures
and many other Tiahuanaco II motifs occur again in ''Epigonal'*
art.

Closely associated with the "Epigonal" art is another art-
type which, for want of a better name, we call red-white-black
ware after the colors in which it is painted. This type is asso-
ciated with the coast from Pachacamac northwards to Trujillo
(Chimu) and even beyond; it occurs in the same strata with
"Epigonal" at Pachacamac, which proves the approximate con-
temporaneity of the two. Our Plate XI, Figures i and 2, shows
two excellent examples of this ware. The originals, in the»
Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass., came from Recuay, north-
ern coast region. The colors are red, white and black. In
Figure i we see a dragon-like figure that is very distinctive of
this site. As Joyce points out,^^ it is very similar to a motif
found on some Proto-Chimu vases, and a crude derivative of
it appears in northwestern Argentina. In the face that adorns
the front of the vessel's neck we perceive a very strong tinge
of Proto-Chimu tradition. The ear-plugs and headdress are
both reminiscent of the analogous portions of the vase shown
in Plate I, Figure 2. A great deal less skill in modelling is
shown, however.

To sum up the features of the "Epigonal" and red-white-black
arts, we may say that each flourished in the area in which the

'"Uhle, 1903, Plates V and VI.
" Joyce, 1912, p. 183.

372 Philip Ainsworth Means,

previous culture from which it derived most of its characteristics
had flourished. This explains why "Epigonal" art, which differs
from Tiahuanaco II only in its imperfection, throve in the region
where Tiahuanaco II had been at its best, and why red- white-
black art, similar in many respects to Proto-Chimu, existed in
the same territory as the latter. On the whole, this period was
one of stagnation. At any rate, nothing appears to have been
done to advance the development of art in Peru.

Of what went on in the mountains during this period we know
absolutely nothing. Perhaps the shock caused by the putative
cataclysm had been so great as to result in a state of affairs
almost verging on savagery. There is a possibility that it was
at the beginning of this period that the very low-cultured Urus
entered the Titicaca basin. They came from the south.^-

5. CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE CHIMU AND NASCA
CULTURES.

As we have already noted, we know something definite in
regard to the political, social and ethnological aspects of the
people of this period. It will be our task in the present section
to study their art, and in doing so we shall observe several close
similarities between this coast-culture and the Proto-Chimu and
Proto-Nasca cultures. We can but hope that the close artistic
correspondence between the two is a token of social corre-
spondence.

The distinctive ware of the Chimu period is the black ware
that comes from the northern half of the coast and from various
regions here and there in the highlands. Though the ware in
question has a wide distribution, one may generalize by saying
that it is especially distinctive of the northern half of the coast.

In Plate XI, Figures 3, 4, 5, and 6, are shown four very good
specimens of the type. The originals are all in the Peabody
Museum, Cambridge, Mass. Besides the fact that the vessels
are made of black clay, another new and distinctive feature
presents itself. This is the important part played by bas-relief
in the decoration of the vessels. In every case, the technique

"^ Chamberlain, 1910, pp. 417 ff. ; Bandelier, 1910, pp. 36 ff. ; Garcilasso,
II, pp. 224 ff. ; Balboa, 1840, Chap. XI ; Roman, 1908, p. 71 ; Polo, 1901.

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 373

is the same square-edged variety that is to be noted in the bas-
rehefs on the monoUthic gateway. This similarity may or may
not be significant. In the case of Figure 5 modelHng in the
round also plays an important part, and the human head with
its large fan-shaped headdress recalls some of the figures of
Proto-Chimu art. A further development of this headdress is
seen on some of the specimens in the American Museum of
Natural History. The development takes the form of the addi-
tion of great plume-like ornaments that rise in a curve from the
headdress and fall down on both sides of the wearer's face. In
decorations with this motif there is to be observed a very marked
residue of the old Tiahuanaco II tendency toward bilateral
symmetry, and also a number of other criteria typical of that
period. For example, one vessel in the New York collection
shows a personage with a perfectly symmetrical plumed helmet
who is holding two staves or weapons in his symmetrically
arranged four-digit hands. Indeed, four-digit hands are by
no means uncommon in this period. It was a tendency inherited
from the previous periods. A great many vessels however,
like Figure 4, show no such symmetry and lack entirely any
seeming resemblance to Tiahuanaco II art. Indeed, the anthro-
pomorphic figure on that flask seems to be in the clutches of a
creature more closely resembling the dragon-like animal we
noticed in connection with the red-white-black ware than any-
thing else. Again, there is a large class of black ware vessels
like Figures 3 and 6 totally devoid of either anthropomorphic or
zoomorphic decoration.

If skill in modelling is one of the strong points of Proto-
Chimu art, it is so of Chimu art as well. Evidence of this is
given by the large class of ''portraits" in both black ware
and in red ware. Above all, the modelled vessels representing
peanuts, potatoes, guanacates, squash, paltas, and other vegeta-
bles and fruits are especially eloquent of the high artistic capa-
bilities of the potters in the Chimu period. These vessels are
adorned with modelled forms which, except in the matter of
color, are absolutely true to nature.

All this does not mean to imply that the Chimu people used
solely this black clay for their vessels. The black is emphasized
merely because it is the most predominant and characteristic.
Red clay painted in white slip was used, but it lacked the excel-

374 Philip Ainsworth Means,

lence and the diversity, as well as some of the distinguishing
motifs, of the Proto-Chimu pottery. As we have said, "por-
traits" continued to be produced in this period, and we find
them in both black ware and red. It is often difficult definitely
to assign a "portrait" to one or the other of the two possible
periods.

Still other striking products of this period were the textiles
and the stucco wall-decorations derived from them. In Plate
XII, Figures i and 2, we see reproductions of textiles of this
period. Brighter colored cloths with animal and human figures
combined with conventional ones were also fairly common.
There is, however, nothing especially new about them, and we
would better take up the very remarkable architectural achieve-
ments of the period. Only by referring to Rivero and von
Tschudi and to Squier can one get a really adequate view of the
wonderful city of the Qiimu kings.^^ Great walls thirty feet in
height and ten feet thick at base by five feet thick near the top
are distinguishing features of one type of ruins of the Chimu
period. Another type does not have a tapering cross-section.
Adobe is the usual material, of- course, and it was one which
lent itself admirably to the construction of a huge city of dwell-
ings, canals, reservoirs, gardens and palaces. The interior sur-
faces of some of the walls are decorated with arabesques in
stucco which arouse hearty admiration in the beholder. Squier
gives numerous pictures of the various specimens of arabesque.
We will content ourselves with noting three main classes of
arabesque. The simplest type is that of the three specimens
shown by Squier (1877, p. 154 f.), as consisting of lozenge-
shaped depressions, or square ones, let into the surface of the
wall in such a way as to form a lattice or checker-board pattern.
In the same class, but a bit more elaborate, is the design which
consists of a raised pattern in the form of a double line of
stair-sign design.^* The second type, while still largely geo-
metric, is obviously derived directly from textiles of the type
shown in Plate XII, Figure i. The technique, as in the case
of the simplest type, is of the square-edged variety.^^ It com-
bines, like the textile-type with which it is related, a mingling

^Rivero y von Tschudi, 1851, pp. 268 ff.; Squier, 1877, pp. 135-192.
'' Cf. Middendorf, 1894-95, II, pp. 375 ff.
^ Squier, 1877, p. 137-

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 375

of geometric with zoomorphic elements. The third and final
type mighL_ be described as curvilinear on account of the
predominance of curved lines. In this type zoomorphic and
anthropomorphic elements play a very important part. One
decoration of this final type seems to be of a simpler nature than
one other. It is made up of a series of large hollow squares
in stucco relief. Below them are some extraordinary figures
resembling conventionalized tapirs. These figures have their
"probosces" down and their "legs" to the observer's right with
their arched "backs" on the left. There are two of them under
each square.^^ One is at a loss to explain this combination of
motifs and likewise the motifs themselves. More comprehen-
sible is the other specimen of this type. It is distinguished by a
very rich composition (still in the square-edged technique) made
up of conventionalized men, birds, fishes, crabs, lobsters and other
such things. It is plainly the work of a people who were closely
in contact with the sea. Two things are very interesting in
connection with the human figures, namely, that they wear pre-
cisely the same headdress as the figures already described as
occurring on the pottery of this period, and that, like those
figures, they have less than the real number of digits. The
crabs and lobsters in the design are almost life-like. Interwoven
with these elements is another one which is like nothing else in
Peruvian art. It is a curving device not unlike a W on which
are shown some of the animals referred to. The reader is
urged to turn to Plate XVI in Joyce (1912) for an adequate
presentation of this remarkable design.

To sum up, then, our impressions of Chimu art, we will say
that it bears a general and marked resemblance to the Proto-
Chimu, both in the subject-matter and in the treatment. As is
only natural, there are accretions from the intervening arts, new
motifs and a new tendency to use dark-colored clay for vessels.
Likewise, it is not difficult to see in the remarkable wall-decora-
tions of this period an attempt to continue the tradition of richly
carved ornament found to be so prominent in Tiahuanaco II art.
The choice of material — stucco — is easy to explain on the ground
that the coast people were already used to stucco as a wall-
coating and that suitable stone for the purpose of carving into
bas-reliefs was scarce on the coast.

"See Squier, 1877, p. 154.

376 Philip Ainsworth Means,

Let us now turn to a brief examination of the same period
further down the coast, designated by the name of Nasca. The
reader is urged to consult Uhle, 1913b. The tradition of rich
coloring jioticed hitherto in the southern coast-region did not
die out with the Tiahuanaco period. As we have already seen,
the Epigonal period carried on the forms of Tiahuanaco art to
the point where they were on the verge of falling to pieces
as the direct result of too-long repetition. The last pre-Inca
period of the southern coast exhibits an art which derives its
color from both the Proto-Nasca and the Tiahuanaco periods
and which still preserves a few of the motifs that mark the
latter art. Look, for example, at Plate X, Figure 9 of Uhle,
1913b. On the vessel there shown the reader will notice a bird-
figure which is considerably like the bird-figures in Tiahuanaco
art or in Epigonal. All the other motifs on the vessel, however,
are new, and they are distinctive of the period we are now
studying. At the same time, the matter of pottery forms is an
interesting one. Besides the more usual bowls and dishes, Nasca
art shows a new pottery form, namely, the large globular vessel
with a fairly wide flaring neck. In most cases, it should be
noted, the body of the vessel has a slight tendency to be oval
rather than spherical. In the Inca period this tendency becomes
emphatic, in the Nasca region, as we shall see. The textiles
of this period are practically all adorned with geometric designs.
Our old friend the "stair-sign" is a motif that is often found.
Color in the textiles becomes duller.

To sum up the period just before the Inca period on the coast
in one sentence we may say that the northern half of the littoral
preserved the old tendency toward modelled forms in pottery and
toward animal forms in textile-designs, and, at the same time,
that the southern half of the coast continued to make many-
colored pottery although both the pottery and the textiles show
a preponderance of geometric forms over life forms. In both
parts of the coast it was essentially a period in which creative
forces of the race's imagination were at a low ebb. This may be
indicative of the state of affairs in other branches of human
activity at that time. The old culture of Tiahuanaco had died
away from some shock at the centre and the communities on
the coast that had been dependent on it for artistic stimulation
fell into a period of stagnation which was only brought to a
close by the Inca invasion.

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 377

6. A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF LATE INCA OR CUZCO ART.

In Inca art we come to the last phase of aboriginal art in
Peru, Ecuador, Bolivia, Chile and Argentina. As the type from
which all variants of the Inca types were derived was peculiar
to Cuzco and its region, we will examine the art of that district
before tracing its spread over the wide area it eventually covered.
As we have noted before, the collection of pottery and other
artifacts made by the various Yale Peruvian Expeditions in the
Cuzco region is the most representative collection of Cuzco pot-
tery now in this country. The articles by Dr. Bingham show
excellently well the nature of the site in which most of these
things were found. ^^ Important also for our purposes, is the
recent publication by Dr. Eaton.^^ The evidence presented by
him proves conclusively that most of the burials at Machu
Picchu are relatively recent, probably dating not farther back
than sixty or eighty years before the Conquest. Since this is
so, we must assume that the artifacts from there are also recent.
None have been found that are pre-Inca.

Besides the Yale collection, that in Berlin and that of Dr,
Caparo Muiiiz at Cuzco are the best two.^^ It will be well to
note that the late Inca period which we are now to discuss
includes the reigns of the last three unmolested Incas : Pachacutec,
Tupac Yupanqui and Huayna Capac. The period began, prob-
ably, somewhat after 1400. When Inca Pachacutec assumed
the red fringe of sovereignty the Inca dominion already included
most of the territory between Chincha and Huanuco on the
north and Arica and Tucuman on the south. It was extended
by Pachacutec and his successors so as to include all the territory
between the northern part of the modern Ecuador and the River
Maule in Chile and between the ocean and the montaiia or forest-
region. In the last days just before the Spanish conquest, when
the ill-fated Atahualpa was Inca, Quito, Cajamarca, Cuzco and
the island of Titicaca were the chief centres of importance.
Cuzco still remained the capital.*^

'^Bingham, 1913, 1915, 1915b, 1916.

^ Eaton, 1916.

^' Seler, 1893.

^'Cf. Means, 1917; Pedro Sancho, 1840.

;

378 Philip Ainsworth Means,

We will first discuss the matter of forms in Cuzco (i. e. Inca)
pottery before taking up that of decorative motifs. First comes
the stately aryballus, at. once the most typical Cuzco form and
the most universally adopted one wherever Inca power pene-
trated. Our Plate XIII shows two good examples of this type.
There are several sub-types of aryballi. A tentative classifica-
tion is to be offered later. Next in order of frequency of occur-
rence come the beaker type, shown in Plate XV, Figure 2, the
pelike type, Plate XIV, Figure i, the bowl, dish and numerous
other forms.

In the matter of decoration we find that the geometric figures
are in a large majority over anthropomorphic or zoomorphLc
ones. At the same time, modelled ornament, save for the uni-
versal cat's-head nubbin, is found to be essentially foreign to
Inca pottery. It does occur, of course, but it is an extraneous
element. (Plate XIV, Figure 3; Plate XV, Figures 3 and 4.)
By far the greater part of Inca pottery decorations are made
up of combinations of a comparatively small number of motifs.
We will describe several of these. One of the most widespread
is that seen in Plate XIII, Figure i. An old Indian at Cuzco
told the writer that the design represented a conventionalized
quipu or knot-record and that the design was applied particularly
to the vessels of the quipucamayoc who looked after the quipus.
Without accepting this as an absolute fact, we will call this
design the "quipu-motif." Another frequently seen motif is the
meander (Plate XIII, Figure 2). A third is the lines-and-
cross motif (Plate XIV, Figure i). A fourth we will call the
"diamond motif' (Plate XIV, Figure 3). A fifth might be
described as the "saw-tooth motif" (Plate XIV, Figure 3).
There are numerous other motifs that might be enumerated if
space permitted, but the five named are the commonest and one
rarely finds a vessel of Inca type that has not at least one of
them upon it. In regard to color the Inca or Cuzco type is
rather sombre. Black, dark brown, light brown, red and some
white are the usual tints.

Cuzco types tend to vary but little from the original model.
Nevertheless, local variations do occur in several regions, and
in the Inca pottery at Cuzco itself marked influences from the
arts of subjugated peoples are to be seen. We shall take up

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 379

in turn our consideration of these departures from the usual
type.

It may be said that the Inca dominion spread first south then
north. The Inca artifacts found in northern sites are, on that
account, likely to be more recent than those found in the southern
sites. In Argentina and Chile Inca vessels are frequently met
with. Boman (1908, 1, Plate X) shows two aryballi from Lapaya
in north-western Argentina. The shape of the vessels and the
arrangement of handles and nubbins are exactly the same as in
vessels from Cuzco or Machu Picchu. The pattern on the better
of the two pots is divided into two motifs which are the "diamond
motif" in two forms, and a debased form of the "saw-tooth
motif." Boman's Plates XI and XIV (vol. I) show other
Cuzco-type vessels from Lapaya which do not call for special
mention. His Plate XVIII (vol. I) shows two aryballi from the
Argentine site of Lerma. One shows the "saw-tooth motif"
and the "dianlond motif." The other combines a perfect Cuzco
shape with a well-modelled snake whose head is near the neck
of the vessel and slightly raised as if to strike. In general, then,
these designs, though obviously derived directly from Cuzco
prototypes and totally unrelated to any other Peruvian art, are
marred in some cases by a crudeness and uncertainty of execu-
tion that may, perhaps, be attributed to a lack of skill on the
part of local makers. An examination of Cuzco pottery from
Chilean sites reveals a similar situation. Oyarzun (1910, p.
363 if.) shows six Inca or Cuzco aryballi from places in northern
Chile. In three cases both shape and decoration are of the best
Cuzco style, but in the other three the .designs, though derived
directly from Inca ones, are crude in point of execution. Turn-
ing our attention to Ecuadorian sites we find that the state of
affairs is much the same as in the far south of the Inca dominion.
Dorsey (1901, Plate XLII) shows a fine Inca aryballus from
the island of La Plata in the Bay of Guayaquil. It is exactly
of the same shape as the Cuzco of Machu Picchu vessels and
it is adorned with the "quipu motif." Bamps (1879, Plates II,
III, and IV) shows many Inca vessels from points further north
and east in Ecuador. Again, both in shape and in the execu-
tion of the designs, these vessels could not be told apart from simi-
lar ones from Cuzco or Machu Picchu. So far as archaeological

Trans, Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI 26 1917

380 Philip Ainsworth Means,

work has thus far shown, the potters of the north were more
successful in their attempts to copy the Cuzco style than were
those of the south. We should bear in mind, however, the likeli-
hood that cruder specimens of vessels of the Inca type have not
been reported on. A vessel from Ibarra, Ecuador, is noteworthy
in this connection. It is shown by Seler (1893, Plate 48, Figure
20). It is an aryballus, but the graceful shape of the prototype
is not preserved in this copy ; the flowing line that, in the Cuzco
vessels, merges the neck with the body is here broken by a
pronounced shoulder. The decoration, however, combines the
"quipu motif" with the "diamond motif."

It may seem odd at first that the widest divergences from
the Cuzco standard do not occur in the regions furthest fi-om
Cuzco. Pachacamac and lea are the two sites which show the
most strongly localized arts. The reader is urged to consult
Uhle's publications on this point.*^ In the period that preceded
the Inca period at Pachacamac, as we have seen, the people made
a great number of black clay vessels with one-handled globular
bodies and necks adorned with rather coarsely modelled human
faces. The combination of this art with Inca vessels of the
aryballus type resulted at Pachacamac in giving two handles to
the vessels and in adding paint to the modelled face. We should
not fail to note that in many cases where the hands appear in
the Inca vessels they have five fingers. This emphasizes the
breaking away from the old Tiahuanaco tradition. At lea, as
we have previously observed, large vessels of a slightly oval
shape were made in the last pre-Inca period. These develop
into a definitely egg-shaped or cask-shaped type decorated some-
times with Inca motifs and sometimes with Nasca motifs.

This brings us to the consideration of the other type of varia-
tion from the Cuzco standard. It is the class of variation which
Consists in a manifestation of the influence of local pre-Inca arts
jjon the Cuzco type. The reader has just seen the effect that Inca
art had upon the modelled black ware of the coast. He is now
tasked to turn his attention to its corollary, the type which shows
the influence of the black ware of the coast upon the Cuzco
types. In Plate XV, Figure 4, we have an excellent specimen of
this class. Though both come from Machu Picchu, Figure 3 may

*'Uhle, 1903, Plates VIII and XIII, 1913b, Plate X.

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 381

well be the coast-form which served as a model for the other.
In both examples there is but one handle, and the general shape
is the same in both. Figure 4, however, is definitely associated
with Inca art by the "quipu motif" on its body.

We will now draw up a classification of Inca pottery on a
basis of form and decoration :

Type I Large open-necked vessels (often painted with geo-
metric designs).

a Deep bowls without handles (Seler, 1893,

Plate I),
b Various types with handles gradually ap-
proaching aryballus.
Type II Aryballus type. Narrow neck, two handles and
nubbin.

a With geometric designs only.

b With painted designs both geometric and

animal.
c With modelled anthropomorphic element and

painted design in combmation.
d Miscellaneous sub-types.
Type III Plates, bowls, braziers, cups, etc.
a With geometric designs,
b With animal or human designs.
c With both.
Type IV Miscellaneous beakers, bottles and pots.

We must now turn our attention to the question of Inca or
Cuzco textiles. To the modern eye they appear the most beau-
tiful of all Peruvian textiles. As we shall see, however, they
are not technically sO wonderful as the Proto-Nasca embroideries.
Plates XVI and XVII show four typical Inca textiles. A glance
will show the reader that those on Plate XVI are of a very dif-
ferent type from the other two. They come from the island of
Titicaca, and the originals are in the American Museum of
Natural History, New York. In Plate XVI it is seen that the
decorative tendency is to break the surface up into small patches
of color. This same tendency may be remarked on Inca pottery
from the same site. The number of decorative motifs is too
great to dwell upon at length ; we shall have to content ourselves
with noting that the motif which consists in a slanting band
ended off by two squares each containing a dot, which squares
are repeated on each side of the band, occurs on an Inca cloth

382 Philip Ainsworth Means,

from Ica.*^ Variants of the "saw-tooth motif" and of the
"diamond motif" are present in each of these ponchos, recalUng
the Inca pottery. Both also show the frequent use of rectilinear
spirals. Plate XVII, Figure i, is also a poncho from the island
of Titicaca. It is in several shades of red and has a white
cruciform figure much like that on the cask-shaped vessel from
lea shown by Uhle (1913b, Plate X, A). Figure 2 comes from
the coast and shows a slight influence, in the form of cat-like
figures, from the Chimu period. >-^ijJi/^^

We must now simimarize our impressions of Inca art. We
may do so by saying that geometric decoration has a great pre-
ponderance over animal or human motifs. While Inca pottery
derives most of its charm from its graceful form, it is by no
means to be despised because it has not a great range of color.
The designs are usually simple but pleasing, and in most cases
they are peculiar to Inca art. In the textiles the same tendency
toward geometric designs is to be noted, although here again
other elements do occasionally play a part. In general, the color
of the textiles is brighter and more various than that of the
pottery.

^'Uhle, 1913b, p. 344.

IV. THE QUESTION OF CHRONOLOGY AND DATES
IN EARLY PERUVIAN ART

As was said at the beginning of the paper, the writer, after
surveying the development of art in ancient Peru, wishes to
present a date-chronology of the various cultures. The dates
here to be presented are only approximate. In the nature of
things, we must be prepared to allow for an error of a century
or more in the remoter epochs.

It is necessary that a word should be said as to the methods
employed in drawing up the chronology. In the total lack of
all written records of any sort we have to meet a great obstacle.
This is partly overcome by certain things which we will speak
of soon. Moreover, tradition, which sometimes does much to
aid in the establishment of an approximate chronology, is here
limited almost wholly to the Inca period. These are the chief
disadvantages to be met with. We will now examine the
conditions which are more favorable to our end.

In trying. to construct a date-chronology for the various higher
cultures of the Andean region, one must bear in mind that it
is inherently improbable that the ^ cultures of South America
possess an antiquity greater than those of Middle America. The
researches of Dr. Hrdlicka have clearly shown this improbability.
He has shown four very important truths: (i) Man is zoolog-
ically a newcomer in this hemisphere; (2) Man, when he arrived
on this continent, was in a stage of culture "superior to that of
the late Pleistocene" ; (3) Man, since arriving in this hemisphere,
has inevitably undergone certain secondary modifications as to
physical type and culture; (4) There exists to-day in north-
eastern Asia a racial element that is descended from the same
ancestors as the American Indians.^

Since, from the point of view of the zoologist, Man is an Old
World animal- that reached America by way of Siberia and the
Aleutian Islands, it must be assumed that the northern parts of
the continent were peopled sooner than the southern parts. This
supposition applies to any tribes, no matter what their cultural
grade may be. Nor is mythology lacking in indications of the

^ Cf. Hrdlicka, 1912, 1912b, 1912c, I9i2d.

384 Philip Ainsworth Means,

southwardly shift of the high-cultured people of the west coast
of South America. In the face of all this, then, the onus pro-
handi rests upon him who would maintain that the South Ameri-
can populations are older than the North American or Middle
American.^

Let us, then, assume for the purposes of the present discussion
that Man entered America from the north and slowly spread
southward. The primary migrations of Man in America have
a southward trend. His secondary migrations often do not.
In the Middle American region (Mexico, Yucatan, Guatemala,
Honduras, Salvador, Nicaragua, Costa Rica and Panama) we
have a number of very high cultures. Those of Mexico and
Yucatan are, in many respects, as high or higher than those we
have been studying. Up to about 752 A. D. all is vague and
uncertain as to cultural events in Mexico. In or about that year,
however, the Toltecs founded Tula.^ More important for us
is the culturpil type described by Tozzer as "archaic." It is
much older than the Toltec culture and much more widespread.
Indeed, we may say that the archaic type occurs scatteringly
from the valley of Mexico down to Panama.* It will perhaps
be proved to be the ancestor of most of the later high cultures
of Middle and South America. At any rate, the meager seven
centuries from the founding of Tula to the Spanish conquest
is obviously not long enough to account for the development and
wide distribution of the calendar-system and the various related
dialects in Middle America. We must assume that the people
of the archaic period flourished long before the time when the
earliest high cultures of Middle America began to develop their
own peculiarities, peculiarities which, however, never succeeded
in blotting out the fact that all the cultures had a common origin.^

^ This is not the place to go into the question of geologically ancient man
in America. Those .who wish to do so are urged to read Hrdlicka, 1912,
and the numerous works listed in the Bibliography of that publication.
All that it is necessary to say here is that Hrdlicka has shown the extreme
unlikelihood of the existence of any of the morphologically primitive types
of men in America.

^ Tozzer, 1916, p. 464.

* Tozzer, 1916, p. 466; Spinden, 1915 ; see Appendix for discussion of
"archaic type."

° Means, 1917.

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 385

In Yucatan we can fairly carry the beginning of protohistory
back many centuries. This is largely due to the work of Mr.
Bowditch and to that of Mr. Morley.® As the present writer
has explained elsewhere, the difference between the chronologies
of these two authors is neither serious nor great. The earliest
dated Maya remains are, respectively, the Tuxtla statuette and
the Leyden plate. The former bears the Maya date 8.6.2.4.17
(about 100 B. C.) ; the date on the latter is 8.14.3. 1. 12 (about
40 A. D.).'^ In spite of the fact that these inscriptions are so
early, the system in which the dates are set down is absolutely
the same as that in which those of the "Old Empire" cities
in southern Yucatan are written. The significance of this is,
of course, that even so early as 100 B. C. the Mayas had gone
through the centuries-long process of evolving their calendar
system. We must postulate, in Mr. Morley's opinion, at least a
thousand years of preparatory development.^ This period of
development should be understood to include the migrations of
the various branches of the original stock to the place in which
they are found in later eras. From about the time of Christ
to the end of the seventh century the "Old Empire" of the
Mayas was running its course. From then to the middle of
the fifteenth century the "Transitional Period" and "New
Empire" rose and fell.

We will now summarize the chronological conditions known to
be true of Middle America. For at least eleven centuries before
Christ various migrations (mainly southward) were accom-
panied by the steady development of individual cultures, all
variants of a common origin, albeit influenced by environmental
and psychological conditions. By the time of Christ, the high
cultures of Middle America had almost crystallized into their
final forms.

® Bowditch, 1901 ; Morley, 1910, 1915 ; Means, 1917b, p. 3-
^ While on his most recent expedition for the Carnegie Institution of
Washington, Mr. Morley discovered an important site in northern Guate-
mala. He gave it the name of Uaxactun— Eight-stone— because he found
there a large stela bearing the Maya date, 8.14.10.13.15, equal to about
50 A. D. Another inscription at that site may possibly be eighth cycle,
also. We have, consequendy, at least three inscriptions dating from 50
A. D. or earlier. (Information given by Mr. Morley to the writer.)
* Morley, 1915, p. 194-196 ; Holmes, 1916.

386 ■ Philip Ainsworth Means,

In South America, what do we find? We find a series of cul-
tures following one another in logical succession. We find that
the earliest are the most like the Middle American cultures.
We find, besides, two independent criteria which enable us to
build up an approximate chronology. Each will be described in
turn.

The list of "kings" of Peru given by Fernando Montesinos
on the authority of Bias Valera has only lately begun to receive
the attention it merits.® While it emphatically cannot be accepted
as real history, it is, nevertheless, important as indicating that
popular legend in the time of the Incas preserved the memory
of many generations of rulers. Counting the Incas, the ''kings"
on the list number 102. Markham, an accomplished historian in
other fields as well as in the Peruvian, considers that 27 years is
a fair average for the length of a reign. Accepting this in its
totality for the nonce, we find that the list of rulers is thought
by Montesinos to cover a period of 2,754 years, or, in other
words, that the first ruler flourished about 1224 B. C. (1530 A. D.
minus 2,754). This date, then, is the very earliest that even
Montesinos is willing to accept. Everyone will agree that this
date is hardly tenable. As Markham says (1912, p. 41), we
must allow for repetitions, overlappings and other errors. Let
us, then, be conservative and consider that there were but seventy
reigns. This gives us about 1,900 years as the period covered
by the list, and it puts the earliest ruler about 350 B. C. Sir
Clements Markham (loc. cit.) prefers the initial date 200 B. C.
We may say, then, that in all probability, the earliest "king" of
Tiahuanaco I (it was of the moimtain races that Montesinos
wrote) flourished about 200 B. C. Probably, however, culture
was low and local for many generations. We find that the
"first dynasty" of Montesinos is frequently marked by the name
Pirua. It consists of eighteen rulers. Let us call it fifteen;
15 X 27 = 405 years; or, in other words, the Pirua "dynasty"
came to a close about 200 A. D. Was not this perhaps the end
of the Tiahuanaco I period? The next "dynasty" is marked by
the name Amauta in many cases. Montesinos gives it forty-five
rulers. Let us call it thirty; 30X27 = 810; this brings us

* Montesinos, 1840, 1882 ; Markham, 1912, p. 303 ff.

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 387

up to about 1000 A. D. This date, however, does not fit well with
loiown historical facts. Let us, then, say that the Amauta
"dynasty" (perhaps of Tiahuanaco II) flourished from about
200-900 A. D. Montesinos calls the dark period that followed the
Amauta "dynasty" the "Tampu Tocco period." In it we may
see our Colla-Chulpa period. He gives it twenty-seven rulers.
Let us call it ten ; 10 X 27 = 270 years ; or, to put it differently,
the dark period began to draw to a close about 1170 A. D. This
brings us, to the threshold of the Inca period. The late Dr.
Gonzalez de la Rosa constructed a date-chronology of the Inca
period which seems to the writer wholly acceptable. A modified
version of it is given here.

10

Reigns of the Incas, According to
Dr. Gonzalez de la Rosa.

Sinchi Rocca 1 134-1197

Lloque Yupanqui 1 197-1246

Mayta Capac 1246-1276

Capac Yupanqui 1276-1321

Inca Rocca 1321-1348

Yahuar Huaccac 134&-1370

Viracocha 1370-1425

Pachacutec 1425-1478

Tupac Yupanqui 1478-1488

Huayna Capac * 1488-1525

It may be more satisfactory to some to reduce the thing to
round numbers, thus : Viracocha, 1370- 1420; Pachacutec, 1420-
1480; Tupac Yupanqui, 1480-1490; Huayna Capac, 1490-1525.
Either step will result in a fairly accurate basis on which to fix
one's idea of the reign-periods.

So much, then, for one of our two criteria. It has been noted
that this one concerns the mountain region primarily. The other
is important for the coast cultures. It is unfortunate that it
has not yet been fully studied.

The islands off the coast of Peru have long been famous for
their deposits of guano. These lie in masses of enormous thick-
ness. Markham says that two and one-half feet a century is
approximately the rate of accumulation. The rate no doubt
fluctuated slightly, but the careful investigations made by Mark-

Gonzalez de la Rosa, 1909; Means, 1917, p. 2^\-

388

Philip Ainsworth Means,

ham have led him to accept the above rate as a fair average.
According to Gonzalez de la Rosa, antiquities occur in the guano
at depths varying from nine feet to forty or more.^^ This means
that in 1870 (at which date the investigations were made) the
antiquities presumably varied in age from about four centuries
(i. e. 9 feet gives a date of about 1450) to about sixteen cen-
turies (i. e. 40 feet gives a date roughly equal to 200 A. D.).
Perhaps future work will yield more detailed information as to
which cultures are found at various depths in the guano. At
all events, it seems possible that for want of a better criterion
we must bear the evidence of the guano deposits in mind.

It is now well for us to summarize and tabulate the general
results of the evidence brought out by the foregoing discussion.
Once again the reader is asked to remember that the dates here
offered claim to be no more than roughly approximate guides to
the imagination.

An Approximate Chronology of the Early Cultures
OF Peru.^^

Coast Regions Dates

Primary

Migrations and ? -200 A. D.

Proto-Chimu and
Froto-Nasca

Mountain Regions
Primary Migrations
Tiahuanaco I

Tiahuanaco II

Coast Tiahuanaco
n, followed by
"Epigonal" and
red-white-black

2CX)-900

wares

Colla-Chulpa period Continuance of
(called "Tampu Tocco" above styles
by Montesinos)

900-1100

Early Inca Chimu and Nasca

I 100-1400

Late Inca dominion approaching its zenith

1400-1530

" Gonzalez de la Rosa, 1908.

" The reader is particularly reminded that there is much evidence to
show that Proto-Chimu, Proto-Nasca and Tiahuanaco I all contributed

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 389

This brings us to the end of our subject. When, in 1531, the
Spanish conquest of Peru began, the Inca dominion — Ttahua-
ntin-suyu — was being torn to pieces by a civil war between the
legitimate ruler, Huascar and the usurper Atahualpa. Subse-
quent evolution in Peruvian Art lies beyond the scope of the
present work.

towards the formation of Tiahuanaco II. Moreover, as Tiahuanaco II
art grew older it became more and more complex, spreading, at the same
time, into regions very far away from Tiahuanaco itself. The fact that
the specimens of Tiahuanaco II art from the more distant regions often
show the admixture of elements taken over directly and bodily from
Proto-Chimu and Proto-Nasca art, shows that, even when Tiahuanaco II
was approaching its end, the two early coast arts were still vigorous.
The dates on the above table, therefore, should not be regarded as the
terminal dates of the culture periods, but as the approximate dates at
which each was at its strongest development.

APPENDIX I : THE ARCHAtC TYPE.

Dr. Herbert J. Spinden kindly wrote at the writer's request
this summary of his views as to the significance of the "archaic
type.''

"An archaic culture allied to that of Mexico and Central
America seems once to have spread across Colombia and Ecuador
to the coast of Peru. In Peru the culture has not been isolated
in pure form — if we may use this chemical phrase in archae-
ology— unless it should prove to be that which Uhle briefly
describes from the earliest shell-heap remains at Ancon. He
figures several heads that resemble very closely those of the
lowermost horizon in Mexico and he finds associated with them
pottery characterized by incised and plastic decoration.^ It need
hardly be pointed out that the pottery of the Archaic horizon
in the north is also characterized by plastic decoration and that
when incised or painted decorations occur the designs are
exceedingly simple. Highly "conventional" designs based upon
an animal motive are not found in the truly archaic, but are
characteristic of the second crop of cultures after religion and
ceremony had developed to the point that it could react strongly
upon art.

"But in the absence of other data we may be permitted to rest
our theory upon the presence in the coastal region of Peru of
figurines presumably related to those of the Archaic horizon
although found among the products of a later time. At Ancon,
and at other sites as well, are found nude female figurines with
the short stubby arms that are so characteristic of the products
of the Archaic horizon from Mexico to Colombia. These
figurines are usually moulded rather than modeled and it seems
unlikely that moulds came into use until the upper archaic or
even later. The standing pose is more common than the sitting
one. In the American Museum collections there are perhaps
twenty-five examples of these figurines, and others are reproduced
by Putnam.2

^ Uhle, 1912, pp. 22-45.

' Putnam, 1914, Plate XIX.

A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 391

"In addition to female figurines there are many examples of
pottery vessels from Ancon, Trujillo, etc., in which a human
figure is represented in a fashion that harks back to the archaic,
namely with the elbows and knees both flexed and the former
directly over the latter. Of course, in the cases of both the
figurines and the vessels the qualities peculiar to Peruvian art
had already become set.

"The theoretical considerations that connect the spread of
archaic ceramic art with the spread of agriculture are very
strong. No one can get away from the fact that maize, beans and
squashes constitute four species (Zea mays, Phaseolus vulgaris,
Cucurbita maxima, and C. pepo) wherever agriculture is found in
America. The Lima bean (Phaseolus lunatus) had a more
restricted use.

"It seems not unreasonable to suppose that careful research will
bring to light more evidence on the occurrence of figurines of
early type. These objects may have been neglected in favor of
those of greater artistic interest. For instance, Dorsey, in
discussing the finds on the Island of La Plata, says : —

" 'Practically all this pottery was in fragments, only two pieces
were found in perfect condition. With the exception of not
more than a dozen pieces, all the fragments were parts of small
images in the form of human figures. . . . From fragments
representing perhaps a thousand images not more than half a
dozen pieces were found which bore any trace of paint. . . .
All the pottery, with a very few exceptions, is hand made; that
is, it was not made in a mould, which was commonly employed
on the mainland of Ecuador and throughout a large extent of
Peru.'^

"Many of the fragments figured by Dorsey are distinctly
archaic in treatment. Of course it might be argued that the
archaism is absolute rather than relative but a comparison of
special features gives ample evidence of transitions from one
region to the next."

To these remarks by Dr. Spinden the writer would like to add
a few of his own.

As has been said, the "archaic type" is stratigraphically the
earliest in Middle America. Therefore, if it does occur in South

^ Dorsey, G. A., 1901, pp. 266-267.

392 Philip Ainsworth Means,

America it must be expected to be the earliest there also. I£
one is to believe that the "archaic type" was a very early type
which spread all over the northern half of Latin America, must
not one also assume that the various later cultures were devel-
oped from it in the several regions involved? Such a develop-
ment would occur after religion and ceremony had gained
considerably in strength, as Dr. Spinden says. On the other
hand, if the "archaic type" is looked upon as a cultural land-
mark rather than as a culture in itself, the finding of it in the
wide area mentioned does not prove much. In other words, if
we are to believe that all art at some time or other passes through
a stage wherein it shows "archaic type" characters, the mere
fact that art with archaic characters is found in both Middle
America and South America does not mean much. The writer,
however, finds that the former interpretation is the better. There
can be but little doubt as to the absolute priority in point of time
of the archaic culture of the Peruvian shell-heaps. The work of
Uhle has shown that in Peru, as in Middle America, the earliest
culture of all was the archaic type, and we now know that this
type was uniform throughout Middle America and on the Peru-
vian coast. It is the foundation whereon all other cultures were
built.

APPENDIX II.

A TABLE TO SHOW ROUGHLY THE CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER
OF THE EARLY PERUVIAN CULTURE PERIODS.

Names. Areas. Remarks.

Proto-Chimu. The coast from Turn- Characterized by realism

bez to Ancon. and light tonality.

Proto-Nasca. The coast from Pacha- Distinguished by conven-

camac to Arica. tionalization and rich color-

ing.

Tiahuanaco I. In the mountains, from, A culture rich in architec-

Samaipata to Cuzco, and tural remains. Endowed with

especially about Lake a stone technique. Not like

Titicaca. P-C or P-N, possibly Ara-

wakan.

' ^/Tiahuanaco II. In mountains and on Probably a complex of the

r^ coast, from Colombia to three foregoing cultures.

Argentina and Chile.

v^^Epigonal" and On the Peruvian coast. Decadent forms of Tiahu-

1 Red- white-black. anaco II culture.

Chimu and Nasca. On the Peruvian coast. Revival of some of the

features of Proto-Chimu and
Proto-Nasca.

rColla-Chulpa. Around Lake Titicaca. Low culture with faint

traces of Tiahuanaco II in-
fluence. ,

Early Inca. Cuzco region. Beginning of new period

in the mountains,

Inca "Empire." From Ancasmayo in The last pre-Columbian

Ecuador to Maule in culture. Graceful forms, re-
Chile, strained coloring.

Separates contemporaneous cultures.

— — — Separates partly contemporaneous cultures.

Separates non-contemporaneous cultures.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WORKS REFERRED TO IN
THIS PAPER.

ABBREVIATIONS

AA American Anthropologist.

AASP American Antiquarian Society Proceedings.

AJA American Journal of Archaeology.

AJS American Journal of Science.

AMJ American Museum Journal.

APAMNH Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History.

BAE Bureau of American Ethnology.

BGA Berliner Gesellschaft fur Anthropologie.

BSGL Boletin de la Sociedad Geografica de Lima.

BSGLP Boletin de la Sociedad Geografica de La Paz.

CAAS Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences.

CIA Congres Internationale des americanistes. (See also, ICA.)

CIAAP Congres internationale d'anthropolgie et d'archeologie pre-

historiques.

FCMP Field Columbian Museum Publications.

FFLSA Facultad de Filosofia y Letras, Seccion Antropologica (Buenos

Aires).

HS Hakluyt Society.

ICA International Congress of Americanists. (See also, CIA.)

JAP Journal de la Societe des Americanists de Paris.

JRGS Journal of the Royal Geographical Society.

MFAB Museum of Fine Arts Bulletin (Boston).

NAMS Nouvelles Archives des Missions Scientifiques.

NGM National Geographic Magazine.

PAAAS Proceedings of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.

RBAE Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology.

RH Revista Historica (Lima).

SMP Smithsonian Miscellaneous Publications.

TCCC Trabajo del Cuarto Congreso Cientifico.

ZE Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie. -

Allen, Harrison.

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A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 395

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Joyce, T. A.

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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

PLATE I.

Fig. I. A Proto-Chimu vessel showing two hunting-scenes, one
modelled and one painted in dark brown on a cream-
colored slip.

Courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Massa-
chusetts.

Fig. 2. A Proto-Chimu vessel with a modelled scene represent-
ing some ceremony, and an engraved landscape.
Courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Massa-
chusetts.

Fig. 3. A somewhat grotesque Proto-Chimu vessel of the
portrait type. Note the fangs and the feather-like
headdress.

Courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Massa-
chusetts.

Fig. 4. A portrait, probably belonging to the Proto-Chimu
culture.

Courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Massa-
chusetts.

Fig. 5. A dipper-shaped Proto-Chimu vessel adorned by a
conventionalized starfish or octopus.
Courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Massa-
chusetts.

PLATE IL

Fig. I. A Proto-Nasca vessel of the semi-realistic type. Note
realistic hands and the modelling of the head.
Courtesy of the American Museum of Natural History,
New York City.

Fig. 2. A Proto-Nasca vessel with some realism, especially in
the spears and spear-thrower. Note the eye-painting,
and the type of dress.

Courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Massa-
chusetts.

404 Philip Ainsworth Means,

Fig. 3. A Proto-Nasca bowl showing Centipede-God motif.
Note four-digit hands.

Courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Massa-
chusetts.

Fig. 4. A Proto-Nasca vessel with two narrow spouts.

Courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Massa-
chusetts.

Fig. 5. A Proto-Nasca vessel decorated with the Multiple-
headed God motif. Note the four digit-hands.
Courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Massa-
chusetts.

Fig. 6. A semi-realistic modelled vessel, of the Proto-Nasca
culture.

Courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Massa-
chusetts.

PLATE III.

Fig. I. A Proto-Nasca vessel. Note the headdress, the mouth-
mask, the ribbon-and-ring decorations, and the conven-
tionalized spear-thrower.

Courtesy of the American Museum of Natural History,
New York City.

Fig. 2. A Proto-Nasca vessel with a variant of the Centipede
God motif. Note the four-digit hands and the pro-
truding tongue.

Courtesy of the American Museum of Natural History,
New York City.

Fig. 3. A Proto-Nasca vessel. Note the feather-like mouth-
mask, the ribbon-and-ring decorations, and the bilateral
symmetry of the design.

Courtesy of the American Museum of Natural History,
New York City.

PLATE IV.

Fig. I. An embroidered Proto-Nasca textile. Note the head-
dress, mouth-mask, and the four digit-hands.

List of Illustrations. 405

Courtesy of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Massa-
chusetts.

Fig. 2. A Proto-Nasca vessel decorated with a variant of the
Centipede God motif and with a painted human face.
Note the four-digit hands, the protruding tongue and the
"tears."

Courtesy of the American Museum of Natural History,
New York City.

Fig. 3. A Proto-Nasca textile. Note the headdress, the mouth-
mask, the four-digit hand, and the elaborately decorated
protruding tongue.

Courtesy of the American Museum of Natural History,
New York City.

PLATE V.

A richly embroidered Proto-Nasca textile. The design
combines elements from the Centipede God motif with
elements from the Multiple-headed God motif.
Courtesy of Dr. Denman Waldo Ross and of the
Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Massachusetts.

PLATE VL

A large and beautiful embroidered Proto-Nasca gar-
ment. Made entirely of wool.

Courtesy of Dr. Denman Waldo Ross and of the
Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Massachusetts.

PLATE VH.

The Weeping God on the monolithic gateway at Tia- ^

huanaco.

Photograph by courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cam-
bridge, Massachusetts.

PLATE VHL

Fig. I. A finely woven garment, probably of the Tiahuanaco H
culture.

4o6 Philip Ainsworih Means,

Courtesy of the American Museum of Natural History,
New York City.

Fig. 2. A garment from the coast of Peru, probably of the
Tiahuanaco II culture.

Courtesy of Dr. Denman Waldo Ross and of the
Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Massachusetts.

PLATE IX.

The Greater Chavin Stone.

Photograph by courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cam-
bridge, Massachusetts.

PLATE X.

Two textiles, either late Tiahuanaco II or Epigonal.
Note the results of long-continued conventionalization
and elaboration.

Courtesy of the American Museum of Natural History,
New York City.

PLATE XL

Fig. I. A Red-white-black ware vase. Note the headdress, the
modelled face and the painted animal-figure.
Courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Massa-
chusetts.

Fig. 2. A Red-white-black ware vessel in the form of a cat-like
animal.

Courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, .Massa-
chusetts.

Fig. 3. A Black-ware vessel, Chimu culture.

Courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Massa-
chusetts.

Fig. 4. K Black-ware flask, Chimu culture.

Courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Massa-
chusetts.

Fig. 5. A Black-ware vessel, Chimu culture.

Courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Massa-
chusetts.

List of Illustrations. 407

Fig. 6. A Black-ware flask, Chimu culture.

Courtesy of the Peabody Museum,' Cambridge, Massa-
chusetts.

PLATE XII.

Fig. I. A Chimu textile. Note the combination of geomet^
decoration with greatly conventionalized animal-heads
or bird-heads.

Courtesy of the American Museum of Natural History,
New York City.

Fig. 2. A very fine pouch, Chimu culture.

Courtesy of the American Museum of Natural History,
New York City.

PLATE XIII.

Fig. I. An Inca or Cuzco aryballus of exquisite shape, deco-
rated with quipu motif.

Yale Collection; courtesy of the Connecticut Academy
of Arts and Sciences.

Fig. 2. An Inca or Cuzco aryballus, decorated with rectilinear
meander.

Yale Collection; courtesy of the Connecticut Academy
of Arts and Sciences.

PLATE XIV.

Fig. I. An Inca or Cuzco pelike, decorated with lines-and-cross
motif.

Yale Collection; courtesy of the Connecticut Academy
of Arts and Sciences.

Fig. 2. A deep bowl with handles, Inca or Cuzco type.

Yale Collection; courtesy of the Connecticut Academy
of Arts and Sciences.

Fig. 3. A shallow dish, decorated with saw-tooth motif and
with diamond-motif. Note the handle in the form of a
human head. Inca or Cuzco type with influence from
the art of the coast.

Yale Collection; courtesy of the Connecticut Academy
of Arts and Sciences.

4o8 Philip Ainsworth Means.

Fig. 4. A shallow dish, Inca or Cuzco type.

Yale Collection ; cour^esjr-of the Connecticut Academy
of Arts and Sciences.

PLATE XV.

Fig. I. An Inca or Cuzco aryballus. .

Yale Collection; courtesy of the Connecticut Academy
of Arts and Sciences.

Fig. 2. An Inca or Cuzco vessel.

Yale Collection; courtesy of the Connecticut Academy
of Arts and Sciences.

Fig 3. A vessel with anthropomorphic decorations. Although
the specimen was found at Machu Picchu, it may have
been carried there from the coast. It is of the Chimu
type, not of the Inca or Cuzco type.
Yale Collection; courtesy of the Connecticut Academy
of Arts and Sciences.

Fig. 4. A vessel combining Chimu art with Inca or Cuzco art.
Compare with Figure 3.

Yale Collection; courtesy of the Connecticut Academy
of Arts and Sciences.

PLATE XVI.

Two Inca or Cuzco type ponchos. Very rich in color,
and beautifully woven.

Courtesy of the American Museum of Natural History,
New York City.

PLATE XVII.

Two Inca or Cuzco type textiles.

Courtesy of the American Museum of Natural History,

New York City.

Tpans. Conn. Aead. Vol. XXI.

PLATE

Trans. Conn. Aead. Vol. XXI.

PLATE II.

Trans. Conn. Acad. Vol. XXI.

PLATE III.

Trans. Conn. Aead. Vol. XXJ

PLATE IV.

f-

Trans. Conn. Acad. Vol. XXI.

PLATE V.

Trans. Conn. Acad. Vol. XXI.

PLATE V]

Trans. Conn, Acad. Vol. XXI.

PLATE VII.

Trans. Conn. Aead. Vol. XXI.

PLATE VIII.

Trans. Conn. Aead. Vol. XXI.

PLATE IX.

Trans. Conn. Acad. Vol. XXI

PLATE X.

Trans. Conn. Acad. Vol. XXI.

PLATE XI.

Trans. Conn. Acad. Vol. XXI.

PLATE XII.

Trans. Conn, Acad. Vol. XXI.

PLATE XIII.

Trans. Conn. Acad. Vol. XXI.

PLATE XIV.

Trans. Conn. Acad. Vol. XXI.

PLATE XV.

Trans. Conn. Acad. Vol. XXI.

PLATE XV]

u^-.:^

Trans. Conn. Acad. Vol. XXI.

PLATE XVII.

>->

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