Field Museum of Natural History Founded by Marshall Field, 1893 Publication 317 Anthropological Series Volume XXII THE TANALA A HILL TRIBE OF MADAGASCAR BY Ralph Linton PROFESSOR OF ANTHROPOLOGY AT UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN FORMERLY ASSISTANT CURATOR OF OCEANIC AND MALAYAN ETHNOLOGY IN FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY Marshall Field Expedition to Madagascar, 1926 35 Text-figures Berthold Laufer CURATOR, DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY EDITOR r A NATURAL ( .J 1 HISTORY > £^;cagO Chicago, U.S.A.THEIWOFTHE 1933 APR 6 1933 UNIVERSITY OF II PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA BY FIELD MUSEUM PRESS / v. 2.2- CONTENTS PAGE List of Illustrations 7 Preface 15 I. Introduction 17 II. Nature of the Territory 20 III. Tanala Aborigines 22 IV. Composition and Origins of the Present Tribe 24 Divisions of the Ikongo 26 Divisions of the Menabe 34 V. Economic Life 37 Sources of Food 37 Agriculture 37 Domestic Animals 47 Pets 52 Hunting 52 Fishing 56 Honey and Beeswax 59 Wild Vegetable Foods 60 Preparation of Food 62 Fire Making 62 Pottery 66 Methods of Cooking 66 Utensils 70 Customs in Eating 74 Alcohol and Narcotics 75 Manufactures 78 Division of Labor 78 Artisans 78 Metal Working 79 Wood Working 83 Work in Horn, Bone and Hide 86 Matting and Basketry 87 Manufacture of Bark Cloth 95 Manufacture of Cloth 96 Cordage 106 3 N* Contents Dwellings 107 Artificial Light 115 Costume 115 Transportation 124 Trade 125 Forest Products 126 Property and Inheritance 127 VI. Social Organization 132 The Family 132 The Lineage 133 The Village 134 The Gens 136 Social Classes 137 Regulation of Marriage 140 The Levirate 141 Significance of the Bride Price 142 v Inter-Class Marriage and Inheritance of Rank 143 N* Relationship Terms 144 VII. Government 147 The Menabe 147 The Ikongo 149 Election of the King 151 Royal Powers and Functions 153 Administration of Justice 154 Trial by Ordeal 156 Menabe Legal System 157 VIII. Religion 159 Beliefs 159 Cosmology 159 Control of Human Affairs 161 Deities 162 Non-Human Spirits 164 Spirits of the Dead 165 Death and Burial 170 Ikongo Burial Customs 170 Menabe Burial Customs 173 I Contents 5 Tombs 175 Relics of Dead Chiefs 179 Lost Bodies 180 Mourning Customs 181 Erection of Memorial Stones 182 Ancestor Worship 185 Prayer and Sacrifice 185 Sacrifices to the Ancestors as a Whole 185 Priests 185 Ombiasy and the Ancestor Cult 188 Sacrifices on Behalf of the Gens 189 Sacrifices on Behalf of Individuals 189 Sacrifices to Individual Spirits 197 Ombiasy 199 Activities of the Ombiasy 203 Divination 203 Determination of Lucky and Unlucky Days. 210 Ikongo Calendar for Divination 214 The Cycles and the Years 214 The Months 215 The Days 215 Divination by the Stars 217 Spells 217 Manufacture and Use of Charms 217 Healing 224 Sleight of Hand 225 Sorcery 226 Fady 229 Omens 233 Dreams 234 Insanity and Spirit Possession 234 IX. Weapons and Warfare 241 Weapons 241 Warfare 247 X. Amusements 253 Toys and Games 253 Musical Instruments 264 XL Art 272 6 Contents N, XII. Life Cycle of the Individual 282 Conception 282 Pregnancy Taboos 282 Birth 283 Disposal of the Umbilical Cord 284 Destiny of the Child 285 Naming 286 Care of Infants 286 Circumcision 287 Status of Illegitimate Children 292 Orphans 292 Adoption 292 Disownment 293 Parental Authority 294 Childhood 295 Puberty 296 Children's House 296 Chastity 297 Incest 297 Berdaches 298 Marriage 299 Ceremonies of Betrothal and Marriage 302 Plural Marriages 304 Divorce 305 Remarriage 306 Blood Brotherhood 307 Old Age 310 Suicide 313 Attitude toward Death 313 XIII. Proverbs 315 XIV. A Legend 318 XV. Wars of the Tanala Ikongo 323 Tanala-Hova War 323 Tanala-French War 327 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 1. Cultivation and Preparation of Rice, p. 41 a. Dibble for Planting, Cat. No. 185475, Length 127 cm, b. Sowing Basket, Cat. No. 185706, Length 22 cm, c. Basket for Bean Seed, Cat. No. 185769, Length 38 cm, d. Basket for Bean Seed, Cat. No. 185768, Length 28 cm, e. Flail for Rice Thrashing, Cat. No. 185604, Length 46 cm, f. Knife for Reaping, Cat. No. 185530, Length 13 cm, g. Rice Pestle (Child's), Cat. No. 187198, Length 88 cm; Rice Mortar, Cat. No. 187141 (model), h. Win- nowing Tray, Cat. No. 187178, Diameter 60 cm, j. Winnowing Tray, Cat. No. 184802, Diameter 60 cm, k. Spade, Cat. No. 184486, Length 22 cm. 2. Hunting and Fishing, p. 55 a. Lemur Trap, Cat. No. 185697, from model, b. Hen's Nest, Cat. No. 185651, Diameter 42 cm, c. Rat Trap, Cat. No. 185609, Length 116 cm, d. Fish Spear, Ancient Type, Cat. No. 185646, Diameter Shaft 4 cm, e. Basket Dip Net, Cat. No. 185650, Length 91 cm, f. Dip Net, Cat. No. 185682, Width 29 cm, g. Netting Knot, Cat. No. 185682, h. Eel Hook, Cat. No. 185658, Length 12.5 cm, j. Eel Hook on Shaft, Cat. No. 185477, Length Iron, 9.5 cm, Total 103 cm. 3. Fish Traps, p. 57 a. Fish Scoop, Cat. No. 185603, Length 80 cm, b. Fish Scoop, Cat. No. 185801, Length 55 cm, c. Fish Drying Frame, Cat. No. 185684, Length 38 cm, d. Fish Trap, Cat. No. 185802, Length 65 cm, Width 51 cm, Depth 36 cm, e. Fish Trap, Cat. No. 185598, Length 72 cm, f. Fish Trap, Cat. No. 185461, Length 57 cm, g. Eel Cage, Cat. No. 185648, Length 48 cm. 4. Preparation of Honey; Fire Making Apparatus, p. 61 a. Honey Box, Cat. No. 185381, Length 32 cm, Width 20.5 cm, b. Sack for Pressing Honey, Cat. No. 185776, Length 57 cm, c. Honey Press, Cat. No. 185593, Length 81 cm, d. Flint and Steel, Cat. No. 185401, dl. Steel, Length 7 cm, d2. Flint, Length 5 cm, d3. Tinder Container, Length 8 cm, e. Honey Bowl, Cat. No. 185430, Diameter 7 8 List of Illustrations 38 cm, Depth 18 cm, f. Operation of Honey Press, g. Fire Saw, Cat. No. 185630, Length 49 cm, h. Fire Drill, Cat. No. 187188, Length 50 cm. 5. Tinder Boxes, Meat Hooks and Toasting Forks, p. 65 a. Rawhide Tinder Box, Cat. No. 185423, Length 9 cm, Width 8 cm, b. Wooden Tinder Box, Cat. No. 185410, Length 12 cm, c. Wooden Tinder Box, Cat. No. 185412, Length 6.7 cm, d. Belt Tinder Box, Cat. No. 185573, Length 50 cm, e. Horn Tinder Box, Cat. No. 185662, Length 30 cm, f. Pump Fire Drill, Cat. No. 185670, Length 40 cm, g. Meat Hooks, Cat. No. 185917, Length 56.5 cm, Cat. No. 185613, Length 80.5 cm, h. Toasting Fork, Cat. No. 185544, Length 60 cm, j. Toasting Fork, Cat. No. 185543, Length 59 cm. 6. Utensils, p. 69 a. Salt Strainer, Cat. No. 185683, Width 27 cm, b. Salt Mortar, Cat. No. 185481, Width 8 cm, Depth 6.8 cm, c. Salt Mortar, Cat. No. 185421, Height 9.5 cm, d. Salt Mortar, Cat. No. 185422, Height 10 cm, e. Bamboo Condiment Box, Cat. No. 185677, Height 15 cm, f . Basket Rice Dish, Cat. No. 185745, Width 22 cm, Depth 8 cm, g. Pandanus Leaf Dish, Cat. No. 185517, Length 14.5 cm, h. Leaf Dish, Cat. No. 187025, Length 38 cm, j. Leaf Spoon, Cat. No. 187038, Length 16 cm. 7. Wooden Utensils, p. 71 a. Wooden Spoon, Cat. No. 185558, Length 20 cm, b. Wooden Spoon, Cat. No. 185914, Length 22 cm, c. Wooden Spoon, Cat. No. 185441, Length 22.7 cm, d. Wooden Rice Ladles, dl. Cat. No. 185447, Length 68.5 cm, d2. Cat. No. 185442, Length 41 cm, d3. Cat. No. 185454, Length 73 cm, e. Wooden Bowl, Cat. No. 186010, Diameter 23.5 cm, f . Wooden Bowl, Cat. No. 185587, Diameter 29 cm, g. Wooden Bowl, Cat. No. 185586, Diameter 22 cm, h. Wooden Bowl, Cat. No. 185438, Diameter 29.2 cm, j. Spoon Hanger, Cat. No. 185708, Length 45 cm. 8. Wooden Utensils and Dish Rests, p. 73 a. Oval Bowl, Cat. No. 185436, Length 24 cm, b. Platter for Cutting Meat, Cat. No. 185463, Length 50 cm, c. Platter for Cutting Meat (Bottom), Cat. No. 185434, Length List of Illustrations 9 21 cm, d. Ginger Grater, Cat. No. 185433, Length 26 cm, e. Covered Bowl, Cat. No. 185585, Width 14 cm, f . Basket Dish Rest, Cat. No. 185743, Width 21 cm, Height 9 cm, g. Basket Dish Rest, Cat. No. 185742, Width 15 cm, Height 8 cm, h. Basket Dish Rest, Cat. No. 185741, Width 19 cm, Height 4 cm. 9. Drinking Horns, Pipes and Snuff Boxes, p. 77 a. Drinking Horn, Cat. No. 185664, Length 39 cm, b. Libation Horn, Cat. No. 185589, Length 50 cm, c. Water Pipe, Cat. No. 187088, Length 59 cm, d. Tobacco Leaves, e. Tubular Pipe, Cat. No. 186136, Length 13 cm, f. Snuff Box or Purse of Horn, Cat. No. 185425, Length 7 cm, g. Snuff Box of Wood, Imitating Bamboo, Cat. No. 185417, Length 8 cm, h. Gourd Snuff Box, Cat. No. 184695, Length 9 cm, j. Snuff Horn, Cat. No. 186465, Length 15 cm, k. Bone Snuff Box, Cat. No. 187094, Length 10 cm, 1. Bamboo Snuff Box, Cat. No. 185493, Length 9.5 cm. 10. Iron and Wood Working Tools, p. 81 a. Piston Bellows, Cat. No. 187746, Height 67 cm, b. Details of Piston Head, Diameter 15 cm, c. Furnace for Iron Smelting, d. Axe, Ancient Type, Cat. No. 185549, Length 79.5 cm, e. Axe, Recently Introduced from Betsileo, Cat. No. 185550, Length 85 cm, f. Chisel, Cat. No. 185556, Length 21.5 cm, g. Small Gouge, for Making Spoons, Cat. No. 185540, Length 20.5 cm, h. Whetstone in Sheath, Cat. No. 185520, Length 12 cm, j. Carver's Gouge, Cat. No. 185524, Length 21 cm. 11. Tools and Work in Hide, p. 85 a. Hide Box, Cat. No. 187111, Length 16 cm, Width 12 cm, b. Sandal, Cat. No. 184674, Length 24 cm, c. Heavy Gouge with Sheath, Cat. No. 185472, Length 21 cm, d. Hide Box, Cat. No. 185250, Length 28 cm, Width 21 cm, e. Plane-iron, Cat. No. 185657, Width 4 cm, f. Plane, Cat. No. 185470, Length 23.8 cm, g. Knife and Sheath, Cat. No. 185545, Length 40 cm, h. Hide Cap, Cat. No. 186695, Diameter 20 cm. 12. Mats and Baskets, p. 91 a. Small-necked Basket, Cat. No. 185778, Height 23 cm, b. Sock-shaped Basket, Cat. No. 185766, Length 30 cm, 10 List of Illustrations c. Large-necked Basket, Cat. No. 185767, Height 37 cm, d. Section of Sleeping Mat, Cat. No. 185794, Length 3 Strands to 1 cm, av. 109 cm, Width 52 cm, e. Pouch Covered with Braid, Cat. No. 185691, Height 21 cm, f. Covered Basket, Cat. No. 185761, Width 27 cm, g. Ox Jaw for Polishing Mats, Cat. No. 185518, Length 20 cm, h. Traveling Basket, Cat. No. 185757, Length 23 cm, Depth 24 cm. 13. Baskets, p. 93 a. Trinket Basket, Cat. No. 185138, Length 17 cm, b. Matting Stool, Cat. No. 184960, Diameter 34 cm, c. Detail of Open Weave, d. Wicker Work Basket, Cat. No. 185705, Height 13 cm, Diameter 19 cm, e. Gourd Covered with Open Weave, Cat. No. 185700, Diameter 20 cm, f. Egg or Spoon Basket, Cat. No. 185652, Length 36 cm, Width 8 cm. 14. Bark Cloth and Raffia Weaving, p. 97 a. Bark Cloth Beater, Cat. No. 185466, Length 33 cm, b. Tex- ture of Bark Cloth, Cat. No. 185806, Length 6 Squares to 1 cm, Average, c. Twist of Raffia, Cat. No. 184426, Length 75 cm, d. Comb for Shredding Raffia for Weaving, Cat. No. 185536, Length 12.5 cm, e. Frame for Laying Raffia Chain for Weaving, Cat. No. 185602, Length 100 cm, f. Frame for Laying Raffia Chain for Weaving, Cat. No. 185676, Length 80 cm, g. Bone Bodkin, Cat. No. 185561, Length 12 cm. 15. Raffia Weaving, p. 99 a. Loom for Raffia Weaving, Cat. No. 185832 (model), b. Detail of Leash for Raffia Weaving, c. Shuttles for Raffia Weaving, Cat. Nos. 185832 (model), 185673, Length 65 cm, d. Weaving Sword, Cat. No. 185552, Length 105 cm. 16. Raffia Cloth, etc., p. 101 a. Raffia Cloth Bag, Cat. No. 185841, Length 36 cm, b. Raffia Cloth Bag, Cat. No. 185833, Length 21 cm (without fringe), c. Man's Smock, Raffia Cloth, Cat. No. 185343, Length 88 cm, d. Woman's Dress, Raffia Cloth, Cat. No. 185344, Length 120 cm, e. Wooden Chains for Rolling Hafotra, Cat. Nos. 185467, Length 70 cm, 185468, Length List of Illustrations 11 42 cm, f. Hafotra Cloth Beater, Cat. No. 185497, Length 67 cm. 17. Loom for Hafotra Weaving, p. 103 a. Loom for Hafotra Weaving, Cat. No. 185006, Length Beams 120 cm, b. Detail of Leash, c. Shuttle, Cat. No. 185006, Length 26 cm. 18. Houses, etc., p. 109 a. Bamboo Thatching Needle, Cat. No. 185644, Length 34 cm, b. Pins for Mat Lining of House, Cat. No. 185696, Length 20 cm, c. Mat Dust Pan, Cat. No. 185711, Length 32 cm, d. Broom, Cat. No. 185685, Length 53 cm, e. Frame of Thatch House, f. Section of Wall of Wooden House, g. Wooden House, Zafimaniry. 19. Furniture, p. 113 a. Smoke Hole, b. Wooden Stool, Cat. No. 185943, Height 24 cm, c. Key, Cat. No. 184991, Length 30 cm, d. Wooden Bed, Length 175 cm, Average, e. Iron Lamp, Cat. No. 184493, Height 31 cm, f . Hanger, Cat. No. 185681, Length 33 cm, g. Clay Lamp, Cat. No. 185521, Height 6 cm, h. Ground Plan of House. 20. Garments, p. 117 a. Matting Smock, Old Style, Cat. No. 186980, Length 98 cm, b. Matting Smock, Present Style, Cat. No. 186961, Length 85 cm, c. Matting Dress, Cat. No. 185783, Length 100 cm, d. Man's Hat, Cat. No. 185738, Diameter 17 cm, e. Man in Lamba, Front, f. Man in Lamba, Rear, g. Method of Wearing Loin Cloth, Rear, h. Method of Wearing Loin Cloth, Front, j. Woman in Costume. 21. Hats, p. 119 a. Man's Hat, Cat. No. 185740, Diameter 15 cm, b. Man's Hat, Cat. No. 185730, Diameter 15 cm, c. Woman's Hat, Cat. No. 185719, Diameter 18 cm, d. Woman's Hat, Cat. No. 185525, Diameter 19 cm. 22. Ornaments and Combs, p. 123 a. Baby Cover, Cat. No. 185763, Length 54 cm, Width 25 cm, b. Matting Brassiere, Cat. No. 187242, Width 6 cm, c. Silver Bracelet, Cat. No. 185373, Width 6.5 cm, d. Silver Neck Ring, Cat. No. 185371, Width 18 cm, 12 List of Illustrations e. Hair Ornament, Fossil Ivory and Ancient Bead, Cat. No. 185508, Width 6.8 cm, f. Hair Ornament, Ancient Beads, Cat. No. 185506, Diameter Beads 2.5 cm, g. Wooden Comb, Cat. No. 185499, Length 11 cm, h. Bamboo Splint Comb, Cat. No. 185688, Length 10 cm, j. Wooden Comb, Cat. No. 185516, Length 6 cm, k. Wooden Comb, Cat. No. 185496, Length 8.5 cm. 23. Ceremonial Objects, p. 205 a. Sacrificial Ladle, Cat. No. 186195, Length 84 cm, b. Basket for Divining Set, Cat. No. 186851, Length 14 cm, c. Charm Bracelet, Cat. No. 187395, Diameter 6 cm, d. Charm Necklace, Cat. No. 185702, Length 26 cm, e. Charm for General Good Fortune, Cat. No. 185512, Length 12 cm, f. Charm in Form of Coffin, Cat. No. 186046, Length 9 cm, g. Charm for Good Health, Cat. No. 185701, Length 4 cm, h. Cupping Horn, Cat. No. 185699, Length 11.5 cm, j. Hat of Salamanga, Cat. No. 185710, Length 26 cm, k. Post for Sacrifice of First Rice (model), 1. Post for Circumcision Sacrifice, Cat. No. 185459 (model). 24. Weapons, p. 243 a. Wooden Blow-gun, Cat. No. 185623, Length 203 cm, b. Bamboo Blow-gun, Cat. No. 185625, Length 217 cm, bl. Detail of Reinforced Joint on Bamboo Blow-gun, c. Blow-gun Quiver, Cat. No. 186531, Length 50 cm, cl. Dart, Cat. No. 186531, Length 28 cm, d. Sling, Cat. No. 185815, Length 192 cm, e, el. Sling with Detail of Pocket, Cat. No. 185816, Length 168 cm, Width Pocket 8 cm, f. Iron Spear Head, Cat. No. 185614, Length 6 cm, g. Iron Spear Head, Cat. No. 185618, Length 25 cm, h. Iron Spear Head, Cat. No. 185619, Length 20 cm, j. Detail of Head of Wooden Spear, Cat. No. 185961, Length 30 cm, k. Wooden Spear, Cat. No. 185961, Length 160 cm. 25. Weapons, p. 245 a. War Axe, Cat. No. 185547, Length 76 cm, b. Shield, Cat. No. 186018, Length 45 cm, c. Throwing Cross, Cat. No. 185669, Length 47 cm. 26. Toys, p. 255 a. Stick for Making Ox Tracks, Cat. No. 185605, Length 51 cm, b. Teetotum, Cat. No. 185687, Length 8 cm, c. List of Illustrations 13 Bull-roarer, Cat. No. 185479, Length 14 cm, d. Bamboo Clapper, Cat. No. 185599, Length 138 cm, e. Netted Hoop, Cat. No. 185656, Diameter 30 cm, f. Boy Playing with Netted Hoop, g. Ordinary Hoop, Cat. No. 185590, Diameter 24 cm. 27. Toys, p. 257 a. Pith Ball and Reed, Cat. No. 185695, Length 22 cm, b. Puzzle, Cat. No. 185698, Length 25 cm, c. Throwing Cross Toy, Cat. No. 185668, Length 30 cm, d. String Top, Cat. No. 185489, Length 15 cm, e. Whipping Top, Cat. No. 185490, Length 8.5 cm, f. Whorl Top, Cat. No. 185483, Length 11 cm, g. Top Game, Cat. No. 185513, Diameter 5 cm, h. Carved Whorl for Top, Cat. No. 185483, Diameter 8.5 cm, j. Whorl Top, Stained Decora- tion, Cat. No. 185485, Length 20 cm. 28. Toys and Musical Instruments, p. 259 a. Diabolo Game, Cat. No. 185491, Length (cones) 9.5 cm, b. Toy Bow and Arrow, Cat. No. 185611, Length Bow (strung) 72 cm, c. Bamboo Pop Gun, Cat. No. 185635, Length 57 cm, d. Bamboo Whistle, Cat. No. 185562, Length 6.5 cm, e. Bamboo Rasp, Cat. No. 185660, Length 75 cm, f. Kididedra, Cat. No. 185462, Length 45 cm, g. Chess Board and Men, Cat. No. 185594, Board 30 x 45 cm, Tallest Piece 9 cm. 29. Chess Game, p. 263 Chess Board and Men (from "Le samantsy," Ardant du Picq, Bulletin de l'Academie Malgache, vol. X, p. 267). 30. Musical Instruments, p. 267 a. Musical Bow, Cat. No. 185612, Length 140 cm, b. Flute, Cat. No. 185638, Length 37 cm, c. Flute, Cat. No. 185637, Length 51 cm, d. Pitikilange, e. Shell Trumpet, Cat. No. 187155, Length 19 cm, f. Bamboo Trumpet, Cat. No. 185638, Length 18 cm, g. Bamboo Marovany, Cat. No. 186408, Length 74 cm, h. Rama Stem Marovany, Cat. No. 186407, Length 76 cm, j. Rattle Used with Musical Bow, Cat. No. 187083, Length 17 cm, k. Reed Rattle, Cat. No. 185643, Length 45 cm. 14 List of Illustrations 31. Drums, p. 269 a. Hazo Lahy Drum, Cat. No. 187254, Length 41 cm, Maximum Diameter 21 cm, b. Ordinary Drum, Cat. No. 185300, Length 42 cm, Diameter 32 cm. 32. Carved Boxes, p. 273 a. Cross Hatched Box, Cat. No. 185376, Height 33 cm, b. Small Carved Box, Cat. No. 185399, Length 10 cm, c. Smoke Hole Shutter, Cat. No. 185464, Width 26 cm, d. Plain Wooden Box, Cat. No. 185419, Length 18 cm, e. Carved Oblong Box, Cat. No. 185385, Length 33 cm, f. Large Oval Box, Old, Cat. No. 185918, Height 27 cm. 33. Carved Boxes, p. 275 a. Modern Carved Box, Cat. No. 185394, Length 15 cm, b. Modern Carved Box, Cat. No. 185392, Length 12 cm, c. Modern Carved Box, Cat. No. 185386, Length 26 cm, d. Old Carved Box, Cat. No. 185398, Length 16 cm, e. Flat, Rectangular Box, Cat. No. 185397, Length 12 cm. 34. Carved Boxes, p. 277 a. Modern Box, Side and Lid, Cat. No. 185583, Length 22 cm, b. Old Storage Box, Cat. No. 185375, Length 40 cm. 35. Stool and Boxes, p. 279 a. Carved Stool, Cat. No. 185595, Length 61 cm, b. Modern Carved Honey Box, Cat. No. 185384, Length 70 cm, c. Modern Carved Honey Box, Cat. No. 185385, Length 70 cm. PREFACE This publication is designed to be the first of a series presenting the scientific results of the Marshall Field Anthropological Expedition to Madagascar, undertaken on behalf of Field Museum of Natural History. The Tanala have been selected as the subject of the initial publication of the series because their culture appears to be archaic in many respects and because they have been, as yet, only slightly influenced by European contact. Contributions to the ethnology of other tribes will appear from time to time. Madagascar was selected as a field for research in continuance of Field Museum's long-established interest in Malayan ethnology. This island is the westernmost point reached by Malayan peoples, and it was hoped that investigations there would throw much light on early Malayan culture. There were, in addition, many unsolved problems connected with the settlement of the island by Malays and with the possible interaction of Malayan and African cultures there and on the continent of Africa. The final solution of these problems must await further comparative studies, but there are many indica- tions that the Malay settlement in Madagascar was ancient and that Malay culture preceded some of the modern cultures of African type in the island. The expedition was made possible by the generosity of Marshall Field. I left Chicago in October, 1925, and after a short stay in France sailed from Marseilles in December of the same year, arriving in Madagascar early in January, 1926. After a stay of two months in Tananarive, the capital, short trips for reconnaissance and collecting were made southward to Ambositra, in the territory of the Betsileo tribe, and northward to Lake Alotra, in the territory of the Sihanaka tribe. During July and August of that year, the northern part of the island was crossed from the head of Antongil Bay to Ampanihy, on the northwest coast, the Betsimisaraka, Tsimahety and northern Sakalava tribes being visited and studied. From Ampanihy I went by ship to Majunga and then returned overland to Tananarive with a side trip to Kandreo, in the central Sakalava territory. In November, 1926, I sailed from Tamatave to Farafangana, on the southeast coast, and after two months there, devoted to study of the Antaifasina and Antaimorona tribes, continued overland to Fort Dauphin. After a month's stay at Fort Dauphin I crossed the southern end of the island to Tulear, on the west coast, arriving in Tulear in April. There a month was devoted to the study of the 15 16 Preface Vezo Sakalava. From Tulear I went northeast to Betroka, in the territory of the Bara tribe, and, after some time spent in study there, continued on to Ambalavao, in the Betsileo territory. From Amba- lavao I went to Ambohimanga du Sud, the ancient capital of the northern Tanala, where two months were spent in collecting the material embodied in the present report. From Ambohimanga du Sud I returned to Tananarive and finally sailed from Tamatave late in the fall of 1927. I wish to express my gratitude to Gabriel Ferrand, Ministre Plenipotentiaire of France, for the invaluable assistance which he rendered me in Paris with the French Colonial Administration, and to Hugues Berthier, Administrateur-en-chef des Colonies, for his cooperation while in Madagascar. I also wish to thank my many native and European friends in the island, especially the missionaries of various denominations, for their kind and disinterested assistance. I wish to thank Carl F. Gronemann, Field Museum Staff Artist, for the care with which he executed the drawings for this publication. Ralph Linton THE TANALA, A HILL TRIBE OF MADAGASCAR I. INTRODUCTION The island of Madagascar lies off the southeast coast of Africa,; with its long axis running approximately north-northeast by south- southwest. It is the third largest island in the world, with a length of approximately 1,000 miles and an average width of 250 miles. It includes regions of rather diverse climate and natural resources. Along the eastern side of Madagascar, extending almost from end to end, there is a series of mountain ranges. These mountains rise to an elevation of 2,000 meters in places and form the watershed for the entire island. From them rivers flow eastward into the Indian Ocean and westward into the Mozambique Channel. In the north, the mountains are abrupt and rise directly from the sea. As one goes southward, they become lower and less abrupt, gradually dying out toward the southern end of the island, and there is a narrow coastal plain. At the southern end of the mountains this plain turns west- ward and includes all the southern tip of the island. On the western side of the massif there is a great plateau, also mountainous, which has an elevation of about 1,000 meters in the central part. This slopes off gradually toward the west and south. Along its western edge there are broken mountain ranges, lower than those on the east. The eastern slope of the massif and the eastern coastal plain are characterized by an extremely hot and humid climate. It rains almost daily during all months. Coast and mountains are covered by a dense growth of tropical jungle, so heavy as to be almost impassable. This is the most unhealthy part of the island and fever takes a heavy toll of both Europeans and plateau natives. The plateau is characterized by a rather dry, temperate climate with a moderate seasonal rainfall. From late May to early September there is hardly any rain and the temperature falls almost to the freezing point at night. Traditionally, the eastern and central parts of the plateau were once densely forested and this is borne out by the occasional finding of large logs buried in swamps. Agriculture by the cutting and burning method, coupled with cattle grazing, has completely deforested it and most of it is now open grass land. This region is comparatively healthy and there is said to have been little or no fever here prior to the construction of the railroad from Tananarive to the east coast. 17 18 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar On the western slope of the plateau and in the extreme south the climate is hot and semi-arid to arid. The ground is covered with clumps of low trees and thorny scrub, interspersed with stretches of grass land. In many places it is difficult to obtain water. In spite of the aridity there is much fever in this region, making it unhealthy for Europeans. The various environments just described are reflected in the culture of the natives of the different regions. The people of the east coast are mainly fishermen and agriculturalists, with little dependence on cattle. Those of the plateau are mainly agricultural, but with cattle of greater economic importance. Those of the south and west subsist almost entirely on their herds. (For a discussion of these differences see Linton: Culture Areas in Madagascar, American Anthropology, Vol. XXX, No. 3.) The Tanala occupy approximately the southern third of the eastern massif. Their territory lies roughly between 20° 30' and 22° 20' south latitude and between 46° and 46° 30' east longitude. On the east they extend, in places, to within a day's march of the sea, but nowhere reach the coast. On the west and south their territory everywhere ends at the edge of the open grass lands. As neighbors they have, on the south and southwest, the Bara, who are a cattle people with a culture of west coast type. On the west lie the Betsileo and on the northwest the Imerina, both of plateau culture. On the north are the Bezanozano, of mixed plateau and east coast culture, and on the northeast the Betsimisaraka, of east coast culture. On the east lie three tribes, the Antambahoaka, Antaimorona and Antaifasina, who claim Arab descent and unquestionably have come under strong Arab influence. The Tanala thus lie at the meeting point of four rather distinct types of culture. Influences from all of these can be traced in the historic culture of the tribe. However, the extent and importance of these influences vary greatly in different parts of the Tanala terri- tory. The region inhabited by the Tanala Ikongo, in the south, presented few natural obstacles to invasion and was relatively desir- able. It lay between the territories of two unusually vigorous and aggressive tribes, the Bara and Antaimorona. As a result, it was constantly being entered by groups coming from the southeast coast and cattle areas. These conquered and amalgamated with the earlier inhabitants, imposing much of their own culture. The territory of the Tanala Menabe, in the north, was much less desirable. It was extremely mountainous, with almost impenetrable Introduction 19 jungle and heavy rain throughout a large part of the year. There was little to tempt invaders, but in time it came to be occupied by defeated groups who had been driven from the more desirable coast and plateau. Once established, these groups had little contact with the outside world. There was almost no trade. Their neighbors to the east and north were lethargic and they were protected from the more warlike plateau tribes partly by their poverty in cattle and partly by the plateau people's dislike for jungle fighting. Diffusion from the neighboring areas was, therefore, reduced to a minimum. According to Menabe traditions the aboriginal inhabitants of their territory were of very low culture. They offered no resistance to the settlement of the invading people and soon amalgamated with them. The early invaders, coming from both coast and plateau, are said to have been fairly uniform in culture. Possibly many of the historic differences between these areas had not yet been developed. The method of life which they established has continued in the region down to the present time with only slight modifications. Certain new features have been adopted, but these can be checked by reliable traditions which give both the group from whom the new trait was borrowed and the approximate time of its introduction. The culture of the Tanala Menabe is still uniform in most details, the only really divergent division being the Zafimaniry, who came into the region from the plateau in relatively recent times. In com- parison with the other Madagascar cultures it is relatively simple and I believe it to be archaic. In many respects it agrees closely with the ancient culture of the more advanced tribes, as revealed in their traditions. II. NATURE OF THE TERRITORY The Tanala territory is, almost without exception, wooded and mountainous. On the eastern side of the divide there are still con- siderable areas of virgin forest. These, for the most part, are in regions too steep and broken for even the very primitive native methods of agriculture to handle them profitably. Enormous trees of many species rise a hundred feet or more and interlace their branches to form a roof which the sunlight never penetrates. Their larger limbs are covered with veritable hanging gardens of orchids, ferns and airplants. Below this roof the air is laced with a network of aerial roots and vines, with a few smaller trees climbing upward. At the ground there is a stratum of dense undergrowth, mostly succulent, which is so thick that it is almost impossible to travel outside the well-worn trails. The virgin jungle is gloomy and forbidding. It is not silent, for one is never away from the sound of water, gurgling in innumerable little streams and dripping from the high branches, but there seems, at first encounter, to be almost no animal or bird life. One discovers the footprints of wild boar and fossa (a cat-like carnivor) but never sees these animals unless accompanied by a pack of hunting dogs. The lemurs, which are actually fairly numerous, are all arboreal and mostly nocturnal, spending their days curled up in the tree tops. The birds, for the most part, keep to the jungle roof and the big black parrots are the only ones which advertise their presence. Even with modern firearms and a good knowledge of jungle lore it is impossible to live on the country. On the less abrupt slopes the original jungle has been cleared away by the natives, who burn new patches year after year and plant their crops in the ashes. The native forest trees grow slowly, for the most part, and land once cleared never again approximates the virgin growth. At the lower altitudes the old clearings are covered with bushes and low trees, with dense stands of the Traveler's Palm. Higher up, the Traveler's Palm becomes scarce and is replaced by great stretches of small bamboo with stems fifteen to twenty feet long. These grow separately or in small clumps and bend under the wind and rain so that, from a distance, they look like drooping fern fronds. Under and between them there is a thick growth of long grass and tough bushes, making it almost impossible to force one's way through. 20 Nature of the Territory 21 On the western side of the divide the forest is lower and more open, resembling moderately heavy second growth timber in the eastern United States. In the bottoms grow clumps of tall raffia palms. Forest and open grass lands meet in an irregular line. This line is the real western boundary of the Tanala country. A few of their villages are in the open, but hardly one is out of sight of the forest. On the eastern side of the divide there is daily rain at all seasons. On the west there is a seasonal change, comparable to that in the plateau, the rainiest months being December to February. Because of the altitude the climate is temperate throughout most of the Tanala country. During the winter season it becomes unpleasantly cold, with frost in the low places and heavy morning fogs that chill one to the bone. Even in summer it is rarely uncomfortably hot. Throughout the whole of the Tanala country there is a multitude of streams and rivers. These are mostly swift, with many falls and rapids so that canoe travel is unprofitable. There are a few small lakes. In the bottoms of some valleys one encounters rather exten- sive swamps, which become impassable during the rainy season. From the point of view of natural resources, the region is not especially tempting. Wild food is scarce and hard to get and agri- culture involves heavy labor in cutting and burning the forest. Grazing is rather poor and cattle do not thrive in such a wet climate. In opposition to this, the forest affords an abundance of good timber, far beyond the local needs, raffia, rubber and other products, and there are considerable deposits of iron ore. The latter are neither rich enough nor extensive enough to be of much value for export purposes. There are also deposits of other valuable minerals, crystal and gold, but these meant nothing to the first settlers. Although there are traces of ancient gold working in many parts of the Tanala territory, the natives do not seem to have mined the gold themselves. Perhaps the greatest gift which the region offers to settlers is a relative immunity from attack. The terrain makes large-scale invasion almost impossible. Moreover, the country was fairly healthy prior to the opening up of regular communication with the coast. People driven from the plateau could settle in the higher forest without fear of the deadly coast fevers. III. TANALA ABORIGINES Most of the Tanala clans claim to have originated either in the plateau or on the coast but there are two gentes of the Menabe, the Teroandrika in the south and the Zanakanony in the north, whom the others believe to be aboriginal. At the present time neither of these has a definite territory, their members living scattered in the villages of the other clans. TJiey, have intermarried until there are no.j^-blooded individuals left and have adopted the culture of the otbeiiljanala, but tnere are some curious and suggestive traditions in regard to them. The Teroandrika are said to have been very short and of slight build, like undeveloped boys. They were dark brown, almost black in color and had short, kinky hair, round faces and round staring eyes. The peculiarity of the eyes seems to have been their most striking feature, for three different informants men- tioned it first in describing them. They seem to have been in a low stage of culture, but the only thing clearly remembered is that they had no fady ("taboos"). The Zanakanony in the north were also short but taller than the Teroandrika, perhaps five feet to five feet four inches. They were light brown with long wavy or at most curly hair and were heavily muscled, with thick chests, broad shoulders, and heavy thighs and calves. Their waists, wrists, knees and ankles were slender. One informant said that they "were built like Frenchmen." When other clans entered the northern territory they found the Zanakanony living in caves. They built no houses except leaf shelters "like those the Tanala build when they have to spend a night in the forest." They had no metal, shaping their wooden implements with flakes of quartz crystal. These were made by holding a large crystal on end and striking the top with a round river boulder until it cracked into pieces lengthwise. The best fragments were chosen, used until blunted, and then thrown away. Naturally rough stones were used for grinding and polishing. They had neither the blow gun nor the bow. Their only weapons were spears made from the wood of the Lambinana or the Anivona, a species of palm. These spears were not barbed but might have two or more points if they could find a stick that forked properly. They also made forked spears by splitting the end of the stick with stone wedges and binding it below the split with vines, a technique still employed in making fish spears (Fig. 2, d). They made fire with a bamboo fire saw, although all the other clans made it with the firedrill. Informants were uncertain whether they 22 Tanala Aborigines 23 practised agriculture or had domestic animals but agreed that they were primarily hunters and food gatherers. They had neither chiefs nor slaves and had no gens fadys but spoke a language intelligible to the other Tanala. The present Zanakanony have adopted the fady of the Zafiakotry gens, which prohibit the killing or eating of the wild boar and the smoking of hemp. Also, when their women marry men of other gentes, they specify that the husband must not injure any of the mats or baskets in the house, for these are the woman's exclusive property. The details just given were obtained from several different inform- ants who agreed in all important points and I do not believe that they were invented. The description of the manufacture of stone imple- ments in particular must have a basis of observation, for the Tanala themselves claim to have used iron since very ancient times. If true, the traditions point to the presence in Madagascar of a group which was still culturally in the old stone age. This is of great importance, for no stone implements other than a few hammer stones, rubbing stones and drill weights of types still in use have been reported from the island. Moreover, the physical type of this paleolithic group and their use of the fire saw would seem to link them with Indonesia rather than the neighboring African mainland. IV. COMPOSITION AND ORIGINS OF THE PRESENT TRIBE The term Tanala means simplyc^fieople of the Fgjest." It is applied to all the inhabitants of a certamstretch of territory irrespec- tive of their origins and political affiliations. There has never been a Tanala tribe, if that term is used in the sense of a socially or politi- cally integrated group. In order to understand the composition of the Tanala, it is neces- sary to have some knowledge of the native social organization. The various social units are based on a combination of two factors, com- mon descent and common residence. The smallest unit, aside from the individual family, is the lineage, a localized group of relatives who claim descent from a single ancestor in the male line. This unit occupies a certain part of a village and usually holds its lands in common. Lineages which have few children, or which have been decimated by disease or otherwise weakened, pass out of existence. Strong lineages increase steadily in numbers and finally secede from the village and found a village of their own. By imperceptible degrees the lineage becomes a gens, new lineages springing up within it and new villages being founded. Throughout the whole process territorial unity is maintained. A lineage which moves too far away from its parent village soon loses touch and becomes a separate unit. Some- times the gens remains politically independent and continues to grow and occupy more and more territory until it becomes a tribe. More often, however, the tribal groups are made up of several gentes which have been brought together by conquest, or by alliance against some common enemy. There is usually no strong central control in such a tribe and individuals feel much more closely bound to their gens than to the larger unit. Gentes may belong to different tribes at different periods and a lineage from one gens may secede entirely and go into the territory of another tribe, with which it will, in time, become incorporated. Actually, the composition of the Tanala seems to have been con- stantly changing, various groups entering and leaving the territory, shifting their residence and alliance within it, expanding or contract- ing and often disappearing. This state of flux was stimulated by the local conditions. The gentes were usually small and were almost always at war with each other. A strong group of invaders could easily displace or conquer the natives, while weak immigrants, who entered peacefully, would be welcomed by any resident group for 24 Composition and Origins of Present Tribe 25 the addition to its man power. These alliances were aided by the common language of the natives and immigrants and by the great number of cultural features which they always had in common. Lastly, the region was never densely inhabited and the rapid, if temporary, exhaustion of the soil through the native methods of agriculture prevented the population from becoming too firmly fixed in one place. The Tanala always have been, and still are, a more or less acci- dental agglomeration of groups of diverse origin who have entered the territory at different times. Although all of them have numerous cultural features in common and speak mutually intelligible dialects, they cannot be said to resemble each other more closely than the various units, individually, resemble certain of the units in neighbor- ing tribes. In spite of this, the term Tanala seems to have more than a geographical significance for the natives themselves. They have a rather shadowy sense of unity, which is strongest in the case of gentes living close together. This is reflected in the different attitudes toward Tanala and foreign slaves and in the clear distinction between gentes which are Tanala and those which are not. Any informant can instantly place any gens which he has heard of as being inside or outside the tribe. Moreover, within the tribe there are certain large divisions, not necessarily political units, which are universally recognized. Apparently membership in the tribe is based mainly on length of residence in the territory. Any group which has lived in the region more than three or four generations is counted Tanala. The Tanala themselves recognize two main divisions of the tribe, the Tanala Menabe, who occupy the northern part of the territory, and the Tanala Ikongo, who occupy the southern part. The Ikongo take their name from Mount Ikongo, about 8 kilometers from Fort Carnot. Sadaro Antoine says: "Mount Ikongo was the refuge of all the inhabitants of the [southern] forest region in time of war. The top was level and could only be reached by one path, narrow and difficult. It was cultivated, providing food during sieges. This mountain was never conquered by the Imerina. The top was divided into two parts, Ananjamanga on the northeast and Tsiajopapango on the south. On the southwest corner of Ananjamanga, called Mitioka, there was a small, rocky hill where the ancient inhabitants sacrificed an ox to their ancestors for protection and victory before going to battle. This hill was shaped like a cattle tick, kongo, and gave the name Ikongo to the mountain." 26 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar There seems to have been little or no feeling of unity between these main divisions and I could not learn that they ever assisted each other in war. During the Imerina campaigns against the Ikongo, the Menabe, who had already submitted, remained quiet. Moreover, there were and still are certain cultural differences between the two. The Ikongo were better organized politically, with kings and a caste system like that of the southeast coast tribes. In their material culture they resembled the southeast coast in some respects and the Bara in others. The Menabe had no kings or castes until recent times. The division included one gens of pure plateau culture while the rest resembled the Betsimisaraka in many particulars. Divisions of the Ikongo (From manuscript of Sadaro Antoine) [That part of the manuscript dealing with the royal gentes and castes has been given in the chapter on Social Organization. Although the account contains much extraneous matter, it has seemed best to quote it in full because of the picture it gives of the constant state of flux in the population and the diverse origin of the various groups.] The Government of Ankarimbelo is divided into two Govern- ments Madinka: 1. Ankarimbelo, with the tribes [localized gentes] Manambondro, Vohitrosy, Vohimana-Sahafina and Marohala. 2. Ambatofisaka, with the tribes Zazanava and Tanalandravy. The whole group is known as Tanala or forest dwellers. All these tribes were independent, with their own chiefs, and were almost constantly at war with each other. Each tribe stayed in its own territory and knew nothing beyond it. [Here follows an account of the various castes and of the origin of the Zafirambo, the royal stock, which has been quoted in the chapter on Social Organization.] Manambondro Tribe. — Before the arrival of the Zafirambo in the Manambondro region it was inhabited by various gentes of different origin: the Sahavana, Antandroka, Ante-Varandrano and Ante-Maronony. The Sahavana had been established in the region for about three hundred years when the Zafirambo arrived. According to traditions they were the aborigines of the region. From the time of Rakonjavo, their ancestor, until that of Rafolo, in the fourth generation after him, they stayed on Mount Sahavana, from which they took their name. Rafolo's son, Ravanambe, married Volavano and had two Composition and Origins of Present Tribe 27 children, Vatomirehitra and a pretty daughter, Renivolondambo, who lived with their grandfather until a thunderstorm struck the village, doing great damage. After that Rafolo left his village, taking with him some water from the Manambondro River. He traveled south and finally settled beside a great river whose name he did not know. He threw the water he had brought into this river and from that time on it was called Manambondro. His descendants form the present gentes of Rabehavana and Rafolo in the Government of Amparihy. Ravanambe, son of Rafolo, remained at Sahavana with his two children, Vatomirehitra and Renivolondambo. When Andriampodimena arrived at Ambalavato he was unmarried and sent to Sahavana for Renivolondambo. Their descendants form the present Zafirambo caste. Vatomirehitra stayed alone at Sahavana and his descendants form the present Sahavana gens. The territory of the Antandroka is separated from that of the Sahavana by Mount Tangidy. They inhabit the valley of the Androkavato [lit. "stony river"], one of the tributaries of the Mati- tanana, and receive their name from it. The first inhabitant of Androka was named Idama. He lived at Karinoro, east of Mount Mandrizavo. Bara raiders, led by Tembongo and Andriamarony, arrived in the region and drove Idama and his family into the forest of Andohatadirary, where he established himself at Ankarongatsimi- tombe. There he was joined by Radiovola and Rafonimanga. The latter had a son, Raivakoa. Raivakoa had four sons, Andriampi- havana, Trangiteza, Tiabe and Ramahajano. The three last named raised many dogs to hunt wild pigs. The dogs killed the calves and damaged the standing crops of the inhabitants. Andriampihavana warned them to fasten up their dogs, but they paid no attention. He became angry and killed all the dogs, poisoning them with sefa bark. Tiabe and Ramahajano were so incensed that they left him and traveled north. They carried with them roots of the akondro mainly ["black banana"] and hofika and water from the Androkavato River. They settled for a time at Malazaravy, near Anosibe [Government of Fort Carnot], where they planted their bananas and hofika. They then moved north again and settled at Ambinany Lakandava on one of the tributaries of the Onila River. There a chief named Tsi- misotra gave them a good reception. They planted the rest of their bananas and hofika there and threw the water they had brought into the river. Because of this the upper part of the Onila River is still called Androka. 28 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar Trangiteza, the second brother, turned south and settled in the upper valley of the Manama. There he had two sons, Rajahambao and Andrianampovao. The three allied themselves with Vovombe, chief of the Ante-Manama and defeated the Antesiramena. Tran- giteza and his sons then left Andoha-Manama and established them- selves at Telana, in the territory of the Anterienana. Andriampihavana was the only one of the four brothers who stayed in his birthplace. He had a son named Andriamaroefaka. This son was attacked by Andriantsivy and fled to Andranomiangao, at the foot of Mandrizavo. He settled successively at Talamary and Ambanitadirary, dying at the latter place. He had a son Somotra, ironically called Trimo, because of his huge beard. The son of Somotra, called Andrianiha, lived on the rock of Analamaloka. He had a son, Andriarezo, who settled at Antanimena. There Andriarezo had two children, Imoty and a daughter, Ialo. She married a warrior of the Ante-Rienana, named Andrianahy, who lived at Sahakondro. Imoty, the son of Andriarezo, settled at Amboahena, at the foot of Mount Mandrizavo, and Andrianahy, the husband of Ialo, at Andranoira, east of Analamloka. Three Zafimanara named Andriantaroka, Solay and Sahabe, coming from the country of the Antaimorona tribe, established them- selves one after the other at Ambatoharana. Ralambohery, from the Zazanava tribe (Ambatofisaka) arrived and settled at Karinoro. At the same time an Antaimorona ombiasy ["medicine-man"] named Ramanontolo came from Androka and settled at Ambatoharana. The six great men just mentioned asked him to make an ody ["charm"] to improve their condition. They gave him a robe, silver and six head of cattle. He prepared his charm at Andranomeloka, which in consequence was afterward called Andranomahasoa. The water at Andranomeloka was very low at that time, but the ombiasy told the inhabitants: "If my ody is successful, this water will become deep and black and you will catch a large fanany [a species of snake which the Betsileo believe develops from the bodies of dead royalty]. All that will bring you good luck." After the ombiasy had left for the high plateau the water became deep and black and they saw a big fanany. Surprised at this the people cried out: "Oh, now our water has become Maintimbahatra" [lit "blackened by the vahatra," i.e., "amulets"]. This is the origin of the name of the river, Main- timbahatra. Finally, the six men, Imoty, Andrianahy, Andrianta- roka, Solay, Ralambohery and Sahabe lived peacefully at Androka and their descendants form the Antandroka gens. Composition and Origins of Present Tribe 29 The Ante-Varandrano live along the left bank of the Sahonjatsy River, a tributary of the Manambondro. They are made up of four families: 1. Ante-Fenoarivo, 2. Tsiempodrano, 3. Sarodry, 4. Vohijaha. The Ante-Fenoarivo originated as follows: Three brothers, Raberafy, Rabe and Rasamy, lived on Mount Ambohitra east of Ambohimakamasina [Ambalavao]. Because of a dispute with his brothers Rasamy went east with his family and settled at Mount Ankaramena. One cold night he lit a big fire to warm himself. The chief Fihorana, who lived on Mount Tangidy, sent a messenger to investigate. He sent this message to Rasamy: "If you want to be under my rule I will protect you and give you a good piece of land. If you do not, return to your home, for this is not your territory." Unwilling to return to his brothers, Rasamy accepted the offer and settled at Andakatoposa [south of Mamolifoly]. Later the Zafirambo [the royal gens of the region] transferred their kibory ["common tomb"] to a cave at Andakatoposa. Rasamy left the neighborhood and settled finally at Fenoarivo. Hence the name of the family. The ancestor of the Tsiempodrano was named Vorombelo. He lived on Mount Tsiempodrano [northwest of Anivorano] for a long time. He married Rasoavano and founded the family Zafindraso- avano or Tsiempodrano. The ancestor of the Sarodry was named Tsantsa. He belonged in the region and lived on Mount Sarodry [north of Anivorano]. He married Rano and founded the family. His son was Tahotra, who begot Ringa, who begot Ibiby, who begot Ilefaky, who begot Inahaky, who begot Tsaravita. Tsaravita had two sons, Itamy and Ivoky. Itamy begot Indriamizara, who begot Ipity. Ivoky begot Sam- bomana, who had three descendants (sons?), Masimana, Tsivahora and Imainty. The ancestor of the Vohijaha, also called Anivorano, was named Ramahafombo. He lived on Mount Vohijana [north of Anivorano]. He married Zafindravary and begot Ravelo, who begot Raman- alefitry, who begot Tsarandro and Tsihirena. Tsarandro begot Tsizaray, who begot Tsaramana and Ratsedika. Tsihirena begot Manongalaza, who begot Vazana, Havanony, Andriambola, and Rebeja. [In this and the preceding genealogy only those sons are given who were founders or heads of lineages. Apparently the record has been brought up to the time the manuscript was written, circa 1910.} 30 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar The Ante-Maronony gens is formed of four families: 1. Ante- Be, 2. Tsimanovo, 3. Maintimboho, 4. Tokanono. It occupies the left bank of the Matitanana River from the ancient village of Itoto to Behazava. Its ancestor, Ralamaka, lived at Managara, but its real origin is uncertain. Like the Sahavana, this gens is descended from the first inhabitants of the Manambondro. Vohitrosy Tribe. — The name of this tribe is formed from vohitra ["village," also the name of the commoner caste] and osy ["goat"]. Before the Vohitrosy arrived the Ante-Vongo and Vohibato, the first inhabitants of the high valley of the Matitanana River, raised many goats. When these two tribes had been driven out by Rabenontany, ancestor of the Vohitrosy, an ombiasy of the Antaimorona tribe, named Masindava, told him that he and his descendants must never raise goats. He said it was the cause of the defeat of the earlier inhabitants. This fady ["taboo"] is still observed. The Vohitrosy tribe originated as follows: Two brothers named Ravij and Rabenontany lived at Itrongea, a region between the boundaries of Ihosy and Ambalavao. At that .time the country was covered with an immense forest. One day a stroke of lightning fell there and burned a large part of the forest. Everyone was frightened and the brothers decided to leave the region. They went east and settled first at Lomaka [district of Ambalavao]. Later Ravij returned home. Rabenontany stayed at Lomaka and married a Betsileo woman named Raondra. He had two children, Rabezara and Rabelaza. Later he left Lomaka with his family and continued east to Tsirinentso, a wooded mountain to the south of Vinanimasy [Ankarimbelo]. This region was inhabited by several gentes, the Ante-Vongo, the Vohibato and the Ante-Varandrano, who were at war with each other. The chiefs of the last two sent to Rabenontany to demand why he had come. He told them he was traveling east in search of a fertile region. The chiefs, Andriamborindrano of the Vohibato and Rasoky of the Ante-Varandrano, allied themselves with him and said : "If you can vanquish our enemies the Ante-Vongo and drive them out of this region, your descendants shall be kings of it. Rabezara and Rabelaza, helped by their father and their allies, fought with the Ante-Vongo but were unable to drive them out of the territory for good. In order to police the region better, the two brothers separated. Rabezara installed himself at Anorimbato [south of Vinanimasy], fought the Ante-Vongo on the slopes and finally drove them to Sahatsama [district of Ivohibe]. Rabelaza stayed with his father at Andriamangidy [northeast of Vinanimasy]. Composition and Origins of Present Tribe 31 A gigantic Antaimorona warrior named Masindava arrived at Andriamangidy. Rabenontany demanded the object of his visit and he said that he sought a region to pacify. Rabenontany invited him to chase the Ante-Vongo. Masindava and Rabelaza fought the Ante- Vongo successively at Ambondro, Ananjavidy and Amboambiry and finished by driving them into the upper valley of the Sahafina, where they took the name of Vasiamainty. Some years later two brothers belonging to the Ante-Vongo, named Rahorova and Renanga, and their sister Soaboka returned to the region. The chief Rabezara took Soaboka to wife and their descendants formed the family Zafiraondra. Raondra, wife of Rabenontany, together with the descendants of Rabelaza, formed the family Ante-Be. In addition to these the region is occupied by two little families, the Zafindraharaha [Ambatombitra] and the Vinaninony [Anorimbato-Ankarimbelo]. Vohimana-Sahafina Tribe. — This tribe occupies the valleys of the Manama and Sahafina rivers. It is encountered two hours' march south of the post of Ankarimbelo. As the name indicates, the tribe is composed of two gentes: the Ante-Manama, commonly called Vohimana, and the Sahafina. The Ante-Manama were the original inhabitants of the region. Their ancestor was named Rakidinto. He lived in a village at the juncture of the Manama and Matitanana rivers. From there he went to Anosimasy, south of Kondromainty on the left bank of the Manama River, which in those days was called Sahanikatry. Appreciating the richness and beauty of the territory Rakidinto cried : "Manama itoy tany itoy" ["How seductive is this land."]. From this they gave the name Manama to the river which flowed near his house. The river gave the name to the gens, Ante-Manama. Rakidinto married Heankea and had a son named Rapipika. The son left Anosimasy and settled at Ifiahia, south of Ambahaka. His son, Radingadinga, had a child, Ravovombe, from whom the Ante-Manama are descended. The Zafintsira, who are also a part of the Vohimana, are the descendants of Ratsira, who first lived at the foot of Mount Vatovavy, situated in the upper valley of the Mananjary River, north of the district of Ifanadiana. As the result of a civil war, Ratsira left Vatovavy and went south to Vohibasia [northwest of Mitremaka]. Later he settled at Antanjongea [north of Ambatoharana]. There he had six children, Bibilahy, Mamaibay, Ratsimanely, Marodoby, Andriantsila and Tanandroa. Ratsira and his family were attacked by the Vohitrosy, who killed all except Tanandroa, his youngest child. Tanandroa fled, swam the Matitanana and settled at Mount Ifampa, 32 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar on the left bank of the river. He had a child named Fiankina. After his father's death, Fiankina left Ifampa and settled at Isobahy [northeast of Kondromainty]. There he died after having two children, Tsimamanga and Vorombe, from whom the Zafintsira are descended. About fifty years after the arrival of the Ante-Manama and Zafintsira, immigrant Antaimorona, called Zafindrafeno, arrived among the tribe. They fought with the natives and seized rule of the region. A hundred years later the Hova Vohimana [the royal gens of the Vohimana-Sahafina tribe] appeared. Their exact origin is unknown, but according to tradition they are the descendants of Andriamborondrano, who was born at Ambiliony near Isalo [Bene- nitra in the Bara territory]. He had a son, Andriamatahimana, who was defeated by an Imerina expedition and fled eastward. He settled at Beana, near Vohidroy [Ambalavao]. There he had a son named Andriamijonjo. This son left Beana and established himself at Vohitrarivo, north of Ambahaka. There he had a son named Andriamihana. This son had two children, Andriantsohary and Andrianonifeno. The former left Vohitrarivo and settled at Anosy [home of the Ante-Rienana]. Andrianonifeno lived with his father, but they were attacked by the Zafindrafeno and the father killed. Andrianonifeno sought refuge in the high plateau, being still young. When he was grown he returned to the region and stayed at Ambohi- mana [in territory of the Vohitrosy tribe]. The Ante-Manama heard of the return of their young king, sent for him, and brought him to Vohitrarivo. He recommenced the war against the Zafindrafeno, finally defeating them and leaving their chief, Ravorombe, dead on the field. After this conquest Andrianonifeno named his gens the Vohimana, in memory of Ambohimana, his residence while in exile. Marohala Tribe. — This tribe lies about two hours' march south- east from the post at Ankarimbelo. North and east of it are the Matitanana, south the Sahafina and west the Vohitrosy. The region was originally occupied by the Zafindrafeno, Vohimana and Sahafina. These gentes were defeated by the Ante-Manambondro, who com- pletely overran the region. The Vohimana and Sahafina asked help from the Marohala-Sandrananta. These sent an expedition against the Ante-Manambondro. It was directed by Andriamarosambo, Manjakamana and Mahery, with Tsilatsa, Ramasy and Laka as helpers. The Ante-Manambondro were defeated and driven back into their own territory. The victors remained in the region and formed the Marohala tribe. Composition and Origins of Present Tribe 33 Zazanava Tribe. — The villages of this tribe are nearly all on the left bank of the Manambondro, with the exception of Ampandramana, which is on the right bank. Before the arrival of the Zafirambo on the Sandramanta, the lower Manambondro was uninhabited. The Zafirambo, anxious to increase their territory, sent two members of their gens to occupy it. These were Andriamasilaza and Fonony, of the Saharamy family, with their children Ravalateza and Rasam- bohery. They settled at Ambinaninony, at the confluence of the Manambondro and Matitanana. Their descendants took the name Zazanava. The Sahavana, from Tangidy, joined Andriamasilaza and their descendants kept the same name. Several years later, various small families, Tsianary, Tambodiria, Zananfiringa and Sahanary, established themselves successively in the region. They joined with the first arrivals and the descendants of the group are the Zazanava. Tanalandravy Tribe. — This tribe is made up of small villages scattered in the forest. Its territory is bounded on the east and south by the district of Vohipeno, on the north by the Government of Fort Carnot, and on the west by the territory of the Zazanava. The region was first occupied by the Ante-Tsimatra. Later, these were conquered by the Antanony, Vohibolo and Zafindraony, coming from the upper valley of the Mananjary. The Antanony established themselves at Vohodroy, Ramahalaitra, Ramondo and Mahazomana. The Vohi- bolo established themselves at Rainilaiahitra and Ramondo. The Zafindraony established themselves at Fainilaimandro. The Ante- Tsimatra were driven to the right bank of the Matitanana. Later the Zafirambo sent one of their number, Tsirianony, into the Tanalandravy territory. He sought the chief Ramahalaitra and his allies and asked permission to settle in the region. "We will allow you to settle among us," Ramahalaitra said, "but we will not recognize you as king." Tsirianony said: "That is understood. All I ask is that all the cattle you offer to your ancestors shall henceforth have their throats cut by me and my descendants." [The right to kill cattle, Manom-bily, is often vested in a single gens in other tribes as well. The killers receive certain parts of the animal in payment.] This was agreed to and Tsirianony settled among them. Later he brought his mother, who belonged to the Ante-Maha gens at Vohi- peno, to stay with him. The little families, Ante-Saha, Antambahy and Ante-Omby, also established themselves in the region at this time. The descendants of all these form the Tanalandravy. This account is certainly incomplete as far as the minor divisions of the various main groups are concerned. I found that my 34 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar Tanala Menabe informants could give lists of the gentes within their own tribe and of lineages within their gens, but knew little about the composition of other units. In the following tabulation, worked out from the manuscript, the tribes have been given at the extreme left, gentes next and more or less independent sub-gentes next. Undoubt- edly some of the latter would be considered gentes by informants from within the next larger division. The Zafirambo, or royal caste, considered themselves a gens, but were distributed through the territory of several tribes. tanala ikongo Tribe Gens ' Sahavana Antandroka Manambondro < Ante-Varandrano .... > Ante-Maronony Zafiraondra Ante-Be Zafindraharaha . Vinaninony Vohimana-Sahafina f Vohimana Sahafina Marohala ' Zazanava Sahanava Tsianary Tambodiria Zananfiringa „ Sahanary ' Ante-Tsimatra Antanony Vohibolo Zafindraony Ante-Omby Ante-Saha Antambahy Sub-Gens {Ante-Fenoarivo Tsiempodrano Sarodry Vohijaha [Ante-Be i Tsimanovo j Maintimboho Tokanono {Vohimana Zafintsira Zafindrafeno Hova Vohimana Divisions of the Menabe The Tanala Menabe, the northern half of the forest dwellers, say !that they belong to two main divisions, the Teloarivo Atsimo and the Teloarivo Varitra. The terms mean respectively "The Three Thou- sand of the South" and "The Three Thousand of the North." The Composition and Origins of Present Tribe 35 various tribes composing the Teloarivo Varitra were never united politically prior to the French conquest. Those of the Teloarivo Atsimo were consolidated under a single rule about one hundred years ago. At this time the Zafiakotry, a gens of the Manandriana, were driven from their territory and appealed to the Imerina king, Andri- anampoimerina, for help. He aided them to reinstate themselves and finally, by persuasion rather than force of arms, they became the rulers of the whole division. Their capital was at Ambohimanga du Sud, which was given this name in honor of Ambohimanga, the old Imerina capital. They remained nominal vassals of the Imerina, under light control, until the French conquest. TELOARIVO ATSIMO Tribe Gens No name, but a single [ Temina chief | Tsimanaike I Sakaleona Mahasila Mahasila No name, but a single [ Farovory or Maromena chief j Zanakontavy (.Teroandrika Tsahanof a-Tsivoanana . . Zafindriantrova TELOARIVO VARITRA Sub-Gens Zafindiamanana Andrianihambana Andriavahoakarivo < Andriavahoaka 1 Andrianibiaka Zafiratonona ^Zafindianony Mentymandry Tsahanary Zafimaniry . Manandriana. Zafiakotry Manandriana Sahanjavy Ankaromasina Fonaomby Ankarana Ambohimanana Zafimaniry 'Zanavavy (Royal) Betsiratsy I Zafilambo | Zafindrasoa (?) Panjaro (?) sMahalangy (?) Zafimaronaka Zanakanony Marolahy Tevato .Tembatomarina 36 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar The preceding list of Menabe divisions is based on the statements of several different informants. Checks proved that no one of these had an accurate knowledge of the composition of the whole group. Moreover, they usually failed to distinguish between lineage, sub- gens and gens. All of them belonged to the Teloarivo Varitra and knew only the larger divisions of the Teloarivo Atsimo. The list is, therefore, both incomplete and inaccurate, but it is the best which could be gotten under the circumstances. The Zafindiamanana claim descent from Indriamanana, who entered the northern Tanala territory from the Betsileo country eight generations ago, including the present. He had six daughters, from whom the six divisions of this tribe trace their descent. They found the country almost uninhabited. Later some people of Antai- morona stock entered the region, but were absorbed by them. In recent times the Zafindiamanana were subject to the king of Ambohi- manga, who was also king of the Manandriana. They submitted voluntarily, on the advice of Andrianampoimerina, founder of the Imerina empire. Prior to this union they had had no chiefs and no castes, being ruled entirely by their village councils and the heads of the lineages. The Zafimaniry entered the region from the plateau in still more recent times, being forced out of their territory by war. They found some of their present divisions in the territory and incorporated them. Their culture is still largely of plateau type. The Zafiakotry and Manandriana proper are of very mixed origin. Some of their sub-gentes claim Arab descent and most of them apparently came in from the east coast. In historic times the Zafia- kotry were the noble gens of the Manandriana confederacy. The kingship was vested first in the Zafilambo, later in the Zanavavy. The sub-gentes in all the groups were small. The Zanavavy had three villages of approximately fifty houses each, the Betsiratsy, two of eighty houses each, and the Zafilambo, three of fifty houses each. ) V. ECONOMIC LIFE Sources of Food agriculture The foundation of Tanala economic life is agriculture and the natives cannot conceive of existence without it. During the seasons of planting and harvest all other activities are suspended. Tanala who have entered the employ of Europeans will always specify that they must receive leave at these times to return to their villages to attend to their rice, and will do so even when it entails a considerable financial loss. Every able-bodied member of the tribe takes part in the work and even kings do not consider it beneath their dignity to work on their own plantations. The account of Ikongo agriculture given by Sadaro Antoine is of such interest that it seems best to quote it in full. He says: "Our crops are rice, maize, manioc, beans, bananas, voemba and kalamaka [two varieties of ground nut] and many sorts of greens, anamamy, mangevotra, anatsonga, etc. "The growing of rice is our principal culture and it is the founda- tion of our food. Our ancestors knew only six varieties: vary lava, vary botrika, velomzy, vary mandinika, bemalady and malady. Rice is cultivated twice a year, the first crop being called vary aloha and the second vary afara. The Ikongo have three sorts of land: 1. Tavy [newly cleared forest]. 2. Haoka [swampy land]. 3. Hosy [terraced and irrigated land]. The vary aloha is sown in the haoka or hosy in the month Maka [July] and harvested in the month Asaramantsy [November]. The vary afara is sown in the tavy in Asaramantsy [November] and harvested in Valasira [April]. "This is how the tavy is made: The weather is fine, the sun bright. It commences to be hot. The ombiaty and famitra are in flower, seeds sprout, and the shoots of the amonta, volomboro and voamboa begin to open. The birds fitatram, railonga and olily sing from the trees. These are the signs foretelling the Sakave [time for cutting the tavy]. The men leave the village and go to some mountain or hollow covered with thick forest. They halt at the edge of the forest and divide the land to make the tavy. Each one sets up a mark on his part, the tampon tany. Satisfied with the division they return to the village loaded with faggots. The next morning all go to work. Everything, trees, bushes and vines, is cut down. After two or three days of individual work the men begin to help each other (in cutting down 37 38 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar the larger trees). While the men work the women prepare food and the children fish in the neighboring streams. At noon the workers eat, returning to work after their meal. After about an hour of work they return to the village. The owner of the tavy thanks those who have helped him. The clearing goes on for ten or fifteen days. The trees and brush which have been cut are allowed to dry for twenty to twenty-five days. By the beginning of the month Volambita [October] all are dry. At noon the proprietor of the tavy takes a dry bamboo, his kapaika, and goes to the field. He strikes a tree trunk lightly with his bamboo and calls out: 'Oh fahasivy [ancestral shades] who live in this neighborhood, go away, for I am about to set fire to the tavy. Send away your children, your old people and your blind.' Having said this, he sets fire to the tavy. The heat, flame and smoke are enormous. In an hour a tavy of twenty hectares will be burned. The fire spreads into the uncut timber and causes great damage to the forest. Some days later the women plant the rice, four to six grains in a hole. The men also lend a hand. With the rice the women plant maize and ground nuts and sow the seeds of plants used as greens. At the beginning of the month Asarama- nitra [December] they weed the rice, men, women and children working together. After the weeding they gather the maize, which has ripened. A few weeks later the rice begins to ripen and has to be guarded against birds, especially the fody [a red bird much like a sparrow] and the kitreoka [a little green and yellow paroquet]. This is the beginning of the valasira, the rice beginning to turn yellow. The man builds on his tavy a rice house, called homby. While he is doing this the wife makes tanty be [big baskets], harona [sacks of soft matting] and tanty [ordinary baskets]. On the morning of a fortunate day the wife goes to the tavy and plucks a few heads of rice that are still green. The grains are roasted, hulled and ground. This food is called lango. The husband takes a little of it on a leaf of longoza [a broad, smooth leaf often used as a plate] and places it on a flat stone in the tavy, speaking as follows: 'Oh Fahasivy, thanks to you the rice is ripe. We offer you the first harvest, for we cannot eat before you do. Take the meal reserved for you. Protect our harvest against wind, hail, locusts and wild pigs.' After this prayer the whole family divides and eats the rest of the lango. From that moment the rice harvest begins. The rice is cut with karima [reaping knives] by the women, while the men carry. It is placed in baskets which the men carry to the homby on their heads. The children prepare the food. It is at this time that one harvests the ground nuts Economic Life 39 and greens. When the harvest is finished and the rice in the homby the members of the family return to the village. They have been away for five months. The man repairs the tranoambo [rice granary] and the rice is brought to it from the homby, the whole village assisting. "Maize (tsako) is cultivated in the whole region and is second to rice. We distinguish a number of varieties: tsakoala, varadaja, ambosamboritra, tsakobiby, tsakofotsy, tsakodoroka and tsakorondra. Maize is grown in all seasons, but it is during the hot season that it gives the best yield. It is sown in the tavy at the same time as the rice, or planted in alluvial soil in the valleys. Small holes are made with a pointed stick from 50 to 70 centimeters apart and two or three grains put in each hole. It is ripe three or four months after planting. The maize for the next sowing is put in a dry bamboo filled with ashes to keep the insects from damaging it. That which is to be eaten is put in a dry place over the fire or hung up in the granary. Maize pounded and cooked in water with beans or honey forms an excellent food. We also eat it roasted. "Beans (voatelo) are very common in the region. We distinguish eight species: voatelokobo, voatelosoratra, velotompo, tsatsakoria, menavava, voatelo be, voatelosakay, and voatelovoronosy. Beans like alluvial soil or the site of an old village. Like maize, they are planted in small holes about 50 centimeters apart, two or three seeds to the hole. They are planted in the month Sakave [September] in newly burned ground. The crop is weeded when the plants have three leaves. At the end of the second month they flower and produce pods. At the end of the third month the pods break off and are harvested. "Manioc (kazaha) attains a height of 2 to 3 meters. There are two varieties, kazaha ala, which is best, and dompatry. It is planted by cuttings, which grow readily, even in very poor soil. It is planted in the month Sakamasy [August]. When the ground is ready, holes are made about a meter apart and a cutting put in each hole, care being taken to place it horizontally. It is weeded about forty-five days after planting. At the end of seven months one may begin to gather it. The root is sometimes eaten raw, but is more often boiled or roasted in hot ashes. The root is also preserved by cutting it in pieces and drying it in the sun." The above account needs to be supplemented in several details. In agriculture by the tavy method it is necessary to allow the land to lie fallow for from five to ten years between plantings. The growth which springs up during this time consists mostly of bamboo, 40 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar fern and low bushes and the second planting never yields as good crops as the first. Because of this, the natives try to clear new land each season, going farther and farther from their villages. There is little effort to keep the fires within bounds and if the season is dry large areas of uncut timber are often burned over. The result is a wholesale destruction of large timber and the final exhaustion of the lands about a village. When this occurs, the village must be moved to new territory but, curiously enough, the natives never gave land exhaustion as a reason for such movements. The village will move on the advice of an ombiasy ("medicine-man"), who will assign some supernatural reason for the crop failures. When the tavy is inconveniently far from the village, the people camp there, building small, temporary houses. Among the Menabe the members of each lineage formerly camped and worked together, as a protection from enemy raids. When a section of land was to be cleared and burned, the heads of families marked out sectors along its front and each family cleared back into the jungle as far as it thought necessary to provide food for the year. The families thus had strips of crop land of approximately equal width, but of a length proportionate to their industry. The crops were the absolute property of the family, but the land reverted to the lineage and was reappor- tioned at the next burning. At the present time, this method has largely lapsed, and families are holding and working their tavy independently. Seed for rice and other crops is usually collected shortly after the harvest and kept in joints of bamboo, small cloth bags, etc. These are hung up in the dwelling, over the fireplace, so that the smoke will help to protect them from insects. Sometimes wood ashes are mixed with the seed for the same reason. In a few houses I found soft bags of matting, stuffed with seed rice, in use as pillows. Seed beans are sometimes kept in peculiar baskets made in imitation of clusters of bean pods (Fig. 1, c, d). As far as I could learn, no special importance is attached to the selection of seed. There are no seed gathering ceremonies, no charms are placed with the seed, and there is no attempt to increase its yield by magical means. Seeds are usually soaked in warm water before planting, but this is not a universal practice. Apparently no rites to promote fertility are performed at planting time. This is rather curious in view of the wide occurrence of such rites in connection with Asiatic rice culture, but I am convinced that if they ever existed among the Tanala they have been forgotten. Economic Life 41 Fig. 1. Cultivation and Preparation of Rice, a, Dibble; b, Sowing Basket; c, d, Baskets for Bean Seed; e, Flail; f, Reaping Knife; g, Mortar and Pestle; h, j, Winnowing Trays; k, Spade. 42 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar Brockway1 says: "At planting time the Tanala [Menabe] kill oxen. . . . What is killed, with a considerable quantity of toaka [rum] is laid upon altars in the fields as an offering to their ancestors. . . . The altar stones on which the offerings are made are a curiosity and I have seen them nowhere else in Madagascar." The "altar stones," which lie describes, are evidently memorial stones of the usual Tanala form and he probably mistook a special for a general practice. Sacri- fices are necessary when crops are planted in a zintana (place belong- ing to the ancestral spirits, see p. 168) but not for ordinary planting. After the tavy has been burned, little or no attempt is made to prepare the field further. At most, piles of ashes left by large trees will be leveled and some of the ash carried and spread on bare spots. The planting is done with a dibble of hard wood 4 to 5 feet long and about V/i inches in diameter (Fig. 1, a). One informant said that the point must always be made from the root end of the sapling, as otherwise the plants would not grow strong and erect. Holes are punched in the soil to a depth of 3 or 4 inches, the seed dropped in and covered with the foot. There is no attempt to plant in regular rows. Seeds of all sorts are carried mixed together in a deep, narrow basket which is slung from the waist in front or on the right side (Fig. 1, b). Among the Menabe, at least, seeds of several sorts are often planted in the same hole. The planting is usually done by men, but the women often assist. Aside from the dibble just described, the only Tanala agricultural implement is the spade. This has an iron blade 1 foot to 18 inches long and 4 or 5 inches wide. The blade is flat or slightly concave and the cutting edge straight. At the top there is a rounded shoulder and a deep socket for the insertion of a handle (Fig. 1, k). The handle is straight and about 5 feet long and is made from hard, heavy wood. The shoulder of the spade is too narrow to be used as a step in forcing it into the ground. It is swung with both hands, driven into the ground, and a piece of earth levered out. Tanala spades are identical with those of the neighboring plateau tribes and nearly all of them are imported from that region. Among the groups which live exclusively by tavy agriculture they are little used and I found that many families did not own one. Their main use is in the construction of terraces and in the preparation of the earth before planting wet rice and I suspect that many of the gentes did not use them in ancient times. Hoes are unknown in Madagascar. brockway, T. A., A Visit to Ambohimanga in the Tanala Country, Antan- anarivo Annual, 2nd Ed., No. 2, p. 181. Economic Life 43 There is no cultivation of standing crops. Weeding is done by | hand, usually by the women and children. The fields are sometimes fenced with posts and saplings bound crosswise with withes, some- what like our own post and rail fences, but this seems to be rare. It is only resorted to in places where the wild pigs are numerous. When the grain begins to ripen, members of the family are on guard day and night to drive away birds and wild pigs, whose nocturnal raids often cause serious damage. Cords with bits of cloth or leaves attached are sometimes suspended over the fields, but there seem to be no elaborate scarecrows comparable to those of Malaysia. Bamboo bull-roarers are often used to frighten away the birds, but this task is usually delegated to small boys armed with slings. They are very expert with these weapons and I have seen a boy bring down a bird no larger than a sparrow at twenty yards. At night the men keep guard with spears, to drive off pigs. Also, traps are set in their runs and at gaps in the fence. The Menabe, like the Ikongo, sacrifice before beginning the \ harvest, but their method is slightly different. A post, called fatotra, is set up in the tavy of each family. It is about 4 feet high and 2 or 3 inches in diameter (Fig. 23, k). The top is split in the form of a cross and little wedges inserted with their ends projecting almost horizontally, forming a small stand or platform about 6 inches across. The husband, not the wife, gathers the green rice and makes the lango. He places a little of it, on a piece of the leaf of the Traveler's Palm, on the fatotra and says: "Oh Fahasivy [ancestors], you have given us a good harvest. We give you this meal as your share." The neighboring Betsimisaraka make their harvest sacrifice in the same way, but mix rice chaff with the lango. After the sacrifice has been made, the harvest commences. The rice is headed with small iron knives identical with those used in weaving, as razors, etc. (Fig. 1, f). The stalks are cut between the knife blade and the thumb, two or three at a time, and the heads dropped into a basket held in the left hand. The heads are often dried on mats in the sun before they are stored. No use is made of the straw, which is left to rot in the fields. The granaries, homby, are small houses, shaped like miniature dwellings. The walls and floor are of split and interwoven bamboo and the roof heavily thatched with the leaves of the Traveler's Palm. They are always raised on smooth posts, to keep out the rats, but the height varies greatly. The average is about 6 feet, but some are as low as 4 feet, and others as high as 12 feet. There is a small door 44 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar in one end and often a shallow porch, formed by the overhang of the roof. The size of the homby is very variable. Some are not more than 4 feet square, while others are as much as 8 feet long by 5 feet wide. They serve for the storage of tools and equipment as well as grain and may even be used as sleeping places if the fields are far from the village. The door is reached by a ladder made from a notched log. Inside, the rice is stored in large baskets about 2 feet deep and 2 to 4 feet in diameter. Most of the Menabe keep their rice in the homby throughout the season, going to get a basketful at a time. They do this even when the granary is as much as a full day's march from the village. The rice needed for immediate use is usually kept in a basket in the dwelling, although I saw small outside granaries in a few villages. The Ikongo granaries in villages are built on the same lines as the homby, but are of better and more permanent construction. In a few cases the walls and floor are made of planks instead of woven bamboo. The supporting posts are larger and more smoothly polished, and are provided with wooden disks, 2 feet to 2 feet 6 inches in diameter, which are placed between the posts and the floor as an additional protection from rats. At the present time, inverted tin dish pans are often used for this purpose. On the western edge of the Ikongo territory there is a limited use of clay granaries, copied from the southern plateau tribes. These are conical, 4 to 5 feet in diameter and 6 to 8 feet high. The walls are 8 to 10 inches thick and may be solid earth, but are more com- monly of wattle work heavily daubed. They are smoothly plastered, inside and out, with a mixture of clay and cow dung which is bright red in color. The only opening is a small door, about 2 feet square, which is placed high up in the side. The top is heavily thatched with straw. Subterranean granaries of the sort used by the Betsileo and Imerina are unknown among the Tanala. The rice in the granaries is likely to become moldy and the owners will take it out from time to time and spread it on mats in the sun. The Menabe transport their rice to the village in the head and thrash it a little at a time, as needed. The heads are laid on a clean mat and the grain trodden out with the bare feet or beaten out with a short club about 1 inch in diameter and 18 inches to 2 feet long (Fig. 1, e). The straw is gathered up and thrown away and the remaining mixture of grain and chaff winnowed by tossing it into the air from a winnowing tray. Three types of winnowing tray are Economic Life 45 in use: a stiff, rectangular piece of matting about 2 feet square, a large, circular tray of basketry with a wooden rim, and a circular tray of light wood (Fig. 1, h, j). Thrashing and winnowing are usually done by women. After winnowing, the dark skin of the rice grains is removed by pounding in a mortar with a pestle. This is woman's work, although men and boys sometimes assist. The pestles are made from a variety I of hard, heavy woods and are finely shaped and finished (Fig. 1, g). They are 4 to 5 feet long and 3 to 3J/£ inches in diameter at the ends, tapering to a smooth central grip about 18 inches long and 13^ to 2 inches in diameter. A good pestle balances exactly in the center. The two ends are used interchangeably. Three types of mortar are in use. The oldest, now employed only as a makeshift, is made by digging a hole in hard ground and lining it with a smooth coat of clay. A fire is then kindled in it and the clay burned hard. Stone mortars are known, but no specimens were seen and I could learn nothing concerning their form or manufacture. The ordinary mortar is of wood, with an oblong top and truncated pyramidal base (Fig. 1, g). Although not set in the ground, it is so heavy that it is rarely moved. In some villages I saw the mortars for an entire lineage set up together under an open roof, with the pestles leaning against a bar beside them. Although the mortars seemed to be used indiscriminately, pestles are strictly personal property. They are made for the women by their husbands and1 a woman will resent another's using her pestle without permission. Each woman usually does her rice pounding alone, but occasionally two people will pound together, striking into the mortar alternately, in perfect time. This seems to be commoner with half-grown boys and girls than with adults. When a great deal of rice is being pounded at one time, a stiff sleeve of matting, like a basket without a bottom, is set on top of the mortar. It is not attached to the mortar and is not used at ordinary times. After pounding, the rice is winnowed again, to remove all hulls and dust. That used at ordinary times is rarely pounded to complete whiteness. Even the best is not polished. The grain is prepared a little at a time, as needed for cooking. Ainong most of the Menabe gentes cultivation of dry rice by the tavy method is certainly older than the cultivation of wet rice. This I probably holds for the Ikongo as well. Most of the Menabe have ' 46 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar no taboo against wet rice, but rarely raise it, because of the labor involved. The Zafimaniry still have a strong taboo against it. According to their own tradition, they were the last of the Menabe gentes to settle in the territory. They originally lived in the Ankara- tra, a mountainous part of the plateau, and raised wet rice, like the other tribes of this area. Enemies attacked them when their men were dispersed, repairing their rice terraces. They were driven out of their territory and when they re-established themselves, they tabooed wet rice cultivation, which they held responsible for the calamity. The taboo is so strong that when Betsileo immigrants began to cultivate wet rice in their country, some twenty-five or thirty years ago, they broke down the terraces and destroyed the crop. Tanala wet rice culture is still crude in comparison with that of the plateau tribes. They do not use fertilizer, sow in seed beds, or transplant. Terrace systems are still very rare. The soil of a natural swamp is turned over with spades to a depth of about 1 foot, all but the largest vegetation being dug in. Cattle are then driven back and forth over the plot until the earth is churned to a soft muck. The rice is sown broadcast but not trodden in. Later, the crop is weeded once or twice. The harvest sacrifice is the same as for ' the tavy. In addition to rice and the plants grown in the tavy, the Menabe grow bananas, sweet potatoes and sugar cane. None of these are of great economic importance. Bananas are planted in or near the village, often in solitary clumps. The young plants are sometimes fenced to protect them from pigs, but require no other care. The fruit is small and of indifferent quality. It is cut green and hung up over the fireplace, where it soon becomes blackened with smoke. It is allowed to become soft and thoroughly ripe, then eaten raw. The plantain seems to be unknown. The Tanala do not use banana fiber. The Betsileo, their neigh- bors, formerly used it extensively in weaving and raised certain varieties of banana almost exclusively for it. They claim that it was the first material woven by them. Sweet potatoes are grown from the shoots. Bunches of these are planted in holes at intervals of about 2 feet. The ground is not pre- pared. New patches may be weeded a month or two after planting, but the growth of the vines is so luxuriant that they soon strangle all other vegetation. The plants begin bearing in six to eight months and continue to produce for two or three years, after which the tubers become small and fibrous. The roots are dug a few at a time, as Economic Life 47 needed, the digger locating them by prodding the soil with a pointed stick. The patches are small and are always near the village. Sugar cane grows in isolated clumps in or near the villages. I saw no plantations. The stalks are chewed, like candy, and bundles of the leaves are sometimes used as torches. The juice is also extracted by crushing the cane between wooden rollers. This is allowed to ferment and is then drunk as beer or distilled into rum. No sugar or syrup is made. Castor oil plants are often to be seen growing near the villages and a few of them are sometimes planted in the tavy. The oil is extracted with a crude press, like that used for honey. It is used in hair dressing and is often a part of charms. Whole beans are also used to make a sort of taper or night light. Small and extremely hot red peppers are used as a condiment. They grow wild on old village sites and abandoned fields. The Tanala believe that all their crops are indigenous. A very careful investigation failed to reveal any traditions of the introduction of maize, manioc or tobacco. DOMESTIC ANIMALS The Tanala originally had the following domestic animals: dogs (amboha), cattle (omby), goats (bengy), chickens (akoko), and a very large duck with dark plumage and red wattles (dokotra). Sheep, cats, ordinary ducks and geese and turkeys have all been introduced within the historic period, but are of little economic importance. In the drier and less heavily forested parts of the Tanala territory guinea fowl have been semi-domesticated since ancient times. Eggs are taken from the nests of the wild birds and the young hatched and reared by hens. They are fed on a special diet of termite eggs and larvae. Apparently guinea fowl will not breed in captivity and are usually killed as soon as they become full grown. The native dog is almost extinct, due to repeated crossing with other breeds. It stands about 18 inches at the shoulder and is solid yellowish brown or black, with white under parts. The coat is medium long, fine and glossy. The tail is fringed and is carried low. The head is wide between the ears, with a muzzle of medium length and strong jaws. The ears are rather large, pointed, and erect. The animal appears stealthy in its movements and rarely barks. Dogs are used to trail wild pig and to bring the animal to bay, so that it can be speared by the hunters. They are never used 48 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar for herding or driving cattle and the natives seemed much surprised at the idea. They are not eaten and the idea is considered disgusting, although there is no definite taboo on it. There seemed to be no dogs in many villages and their economic importance is slight. Cattle are all of the humped or zebu variety, with moderately long sideward curving horns. The size of the hump varies with the animal's age and condition and is hardly noticeable in many cases. There is a great variety of colors and markings, each known by a special name, but black and white seem to predominate. There are said to be a few wild cattle, descendants of escapes, which are very shy and live in the heavy forest. (The cattle belonging to each village are herded together by boys, with, in the old days, a few armed men for protection. During the day they are allowed to graze anywhere on land that is lying fallow. At night they are driven into pens, which are now on the outskirts of the villages. In the old days the pens were often in the village and the cattle were driven within the stockade if an attack threatened. The Menabe cattle pens are like large, roughly built houses with thatched roofs and open sides. Among the Ikongo, who live in less rainy territory, the pens are usually open. They are made from posts planted about 2 feet apart and laced together with withes or vines. Two posts, planted one behind the other, stand on each side of the entrance, which is closed by dropping long saplings in between them. Semi-subterranean pens of the plateau type are unknown among the Tanala. The pens are never cleaned and in some I saw the manure had accumulated to a depth of over 3 feet. h The Ikongo have a regular system of ownership marks, made | by cutting one or both ears in various patterns. These marks are 'hereditary in lineages and there are sometimes stories to account for their origin. Families within the lineage usually have no indi- vidual marks. The Menabe rarely earmark their cattle, their herds being so small that ownership is never in question. There is no attempt at systematic cattle breeding and it does not seem to have occurred to the natives that their herds could be improved in this way. One informant expressed surprise when I told him of our methods, then said that after all the matter took care of itself, for the best bull would defeat the others and take all the cows. Young bulls are often castrated, but solely with the idea of im- proving the flesh. A Menabe informant said that two bulls in a herd must always be castrated at the same time, so that they could Economic Life 49 give each other sympathy in their affliction. If one was castrated alone, he would die of grief. The Betsileo have a similar belief, but I could not learn whether it was universal among the Tanala. Most of the Tanala territory is poorly suited to cattle culture because of the heavy forest and constant rain. It is only along the western margin of their lands, where they border on the plateau, that one finds real grazing country. The Tanala herds are usually small and, although cattle have great social significance, they con- tribute little to the physical well-being of the people. They are only killed in connection with ceremonies, and the average Tanala does not taste beef once a month. Indeed, cattle killings are so rare that to dream of cutting or eating beef is a bad omen, presaging a funeral in the family. Hides are so little used that, until European traders provided a market for them, it was customary to cut up the animals without flaying them and cook meat and skin together. The Menabe consider milk a luxury, and it is almost impossible to purchase it in their territory. It is a by-product, taken only when the cow seems to have more than enough to feed her calf. Milking, like everything else connected with cattle, is done exclusively by men. The explanation given for this is that it is a dangerous occupa- tion. Actually, it is a laborious process, requiring three persons. One man holds the calf where the cow can see and lick it, another milks, usually squatting on the right side, and a third holds the cow's tail over her back and gently rubs her vagina with his fingers. The milk is boiled at once, while still warm. It is considered disgusting to drink it fresh. After boiling, it is either drunk or cooked with rice. The Ikongo make more use of milk and are somewhat more expert at milking, although they use the same method. They rarely boil their milk. A little is drunk fresh, but most of it is deliberately soured. A little sour milk is always left in the milking gourd so that the new milk turns almost at once. The curds are eaten with a spoon and the whey drunk. None of the Tanala know how to make butter or cheese. Apparently cow's milk was rarely if ever used to supplement or replace mother's milk in feeding nursing infants. The idea has recently been borrowed from Europeans, but it is still considered rather unnatural and is used only as a last resort. The wheel and plow were unknown in Madagascar prior to European contact. The Tanala never use their cattle for draught or transport and this holds for the rest of the island, with one or two exceptions. The Imerina and Betsileo now use ox carts and 50 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar formerly had a few riding oxen. Both of these are due to European contact. The Tsimahety, at the northern end of the plateau, use oxen as pack animals and apparently have done so since pre-European times. The loads are placed in cloth bags, which are slung across the animal behind the hump, one hanging on each side. It is safe to say that if all the cattle belonging to the Tanala Menabe were destroyed over night, no member of the tribe would miss a meal or suffer any other serious hardship. Their loss would be somewhat more serious to the Ikongo, but they would still be able to get along quite well without them. In spite of this lack of practical value, cattle are everywhere of great social importance. With the possible exception of slaves, which no longer exist, they represent the only form of interest-bearing investment possible under native conditions. Every man tries to accumulate as many as possible and his standing in the community is largely determined by the size of his herd. Charms to increase the fertility of cattle are common and cattle are only sold or killed in case of absolute necessity. They are regarded almost as members of the family and the idiosyn- crasies of each animal are well known. One informant told me that they are the only animals which possess souls. They are not regarded as sacred, but the killing of an ox, either as a sacrifice or for meat, is an integral part of practically all important ceremonies. Although the Tanala consider ordinary theft as one of the most serious of all offenses, cattle stealing is regarded as honorable so long as the members of one's own village are not molested. In fact, it is considered a proper occupation for a young man of spirit and offers an easy road to wealth and advancement. The native attitude is comparable to that of our own Plains Indians toward horse stealing. Cattle formed the most important part of the spoil in warfare and a successful theft was in the nature of a war exploit. European efforts to suppress it have rather heightened the thief's prestige by increasing his hazards. Bull baiting and watching fighting bulls were both important sports in pre-European times. They still persist, but are becoming rare. I could get no information on bull baiting among the Ikongo, but it was probably a regular part of important funerals there, as among the Menabe. In the latter group it was customary, in the course of the funeral festivities, to drive up one or two bulls. These were baited by the young men, who would incite them to charge and then avoid their rushes, swing by their tails, leap on their backs, etc. A favorite trick was to await the charge, catch the bull's Economic Life 51 horns and vault over his head, alighting on one's feet. The present natives say that the sport was designed to give the young men a chance to exhibit their strength and agility, but its almost exclusive association with funerals suggests that it may once have had a deeper significance. A good bull baiter enjoyed considerable prestige and there were numerous charms to insure success in the sport. Watching fighting bulls seems to have been a commoner sport among the Ikongo than among the Menabe. There, villages would pit their best bulls against each other and wager heavily on the outcome. The men of the two villages would line up on opposite sides of the arena and beat the ground with heavy sticks to encourage their bulls. Excitement ran high and the meets often broke up in a fight. In order to incite the bulls a young heifer was sometimes led up. Another method was to collect ticks filled with blood from the bulls themselves. A small patch of ground in the center of the arena was torn up as though bulls had been fighting there and the blood from the ticks squeezed out on it. It is said that when the most cowardly bull saw and smelled this he would stand and give battle. Goats are much less numerous than cattle and several of the Tanala gentes have taboos on raising them. The few animals I saw were large and shaggy, with long, well-developed horns. Most of them were black, but with a few black and white individuals. Goats are never milked and rarely killed for meat. As far as I could learn, they are never employed for sacrifices, although the gentes who raise them have no taboo against this. Chickens are numerous in all villages and are the main source of fresh meat. No breeds are recognized and those I saw were of all sizes and colors. They are fed with the refuse of the rice pound- ing, but have to forage for most of their food and are, in consequence, lean and athletic. Eggs are considered a delicacy. Nests are made for the hens by splitting and spreading one end of a six-foot section of large bamboo, interweaving other bamboo splints to form a crude basket (Fig. 2, b). This is lined with straw. The nests are planted in the ground close to the sides of the dwelling. The overhanging eaves protect them from rain, while the smoothness and height of the bamboo give protection from snakes and other vermin. Sitting hens are usually kept in a corner of the dwelling. Hens with chicks are brought into the house every night until the young are old enough to fly. Grown birds roost on the roofs or in low trees. There are no wild chickens. 52 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar Chickens are much used for small sacrifices, such as those made in fulfilment of vows. Usually only the head and feet are actually offered, the rest being eaten by the sacrificer. They are also largely used in payment of fees to midwives, circumcisers and medicine-men. Cock fighting, which is an important sport in the plateau, seems to be rare or lacking among the Tanala. Dokotra, the large native ducks, are valued much more than chickens and can be bought only at exorbitant prices. They are relatively rare and I never saw more than four or five in a village. Their eggs are considered a great delicacy. They usually sleep and nest in the dwelling. PETS The Tanala are moderately fond of pets. The zafimbato, an animal much like an ordinary tabby cat in size, color and general appearance, is sometimes caught young and tamed. It is allowed to run free and helps to keep down rats and mice. The natives say it does not breed in captivity. Apparently it will cross with the ordinary domestic cat, a recent introduction, but I could not learn whether the offspring are fertile. In nearly all the villages I saw pet lemurs. Three or four species were represented, a medium-sized gray animal and the large black and white lemur being the commonest. They were always kept tethered by a band around the waist. They seemed to be imperfectly tamed, although this may have been partly due to my being a white man. However, I never saw a native attempt to fondle one and I was often warned that they would bite. In the southern part of the Menabe territory I saw a few birds kept in cages of open wicker work. These were usually hung up outside, under the eaves of the houses, but I saw one fastened to the top of a long pole. The birds were small and looked like larks or thrushes. Although parrots are common in this region, they do not seem to be kept as pets. HUNTING The heavy forests of the Tanala country contain many sorts of small game but the only large species are the wild pig and fossa, a cat-like carnivor related to the genets. These will attack a human being when cornered, but are not dangerous ordinarily. There are a few Tanala families who live in the forest and subsist entirely on game and wild plants, but they are not numerous. There are no hunting tribes and no individually owned hunting territories. The Economic Life 53 bulk of the population hunts only for sport or to vary its regular vegetable diet. Pigs are coursed with dogs, brought to bay, and killed with spears which are shorter, heavier and broader in the blade than the ordinary fighting spears. Old boars fight fiercely and hunters are not infrequently wounded or even killed. Lemurs, birds and other small game are hunted with the blow gun and there is a limited use of the bow (see Weapons). Most animals are trapped. Pigs are caught with nooses spread across their runs. The noose is attached to a drag pole, 3 or 4 inches in diameter and about 5 feet long, which soon becomes entangled in the underbrush and holds the animal fast. They are also caught in a wooden cage with a drop door held up by a stick. The stick is jerked out by a spring pole which is held down by a trigger inside the cage. The cages are baited with lines of bait leading to them. Pitfalls for pigs are dug in the fields. They are about 4 feet across and 5 to 7 feet deep, with pointed bottoms so that the animal becomes wedged. Two sharpened bamboos are often set upright in the bottom. They are covered with a light framework of sticks and grass, and sweet potato vines are planted around and trained to grow over them. Lemurs are caught in unbaited traps. These animals are arboreal and rarely descend to the ground. The natives, cut long lanes, too wide for the animals to jump across, through the forest. At intervals these lanes are bridged by poles or long bamboos. In the center of each bridge a small V-shaped gate is fastened in such a way that the lemur must pass through it (Fig. 2, a). In the gate there is a slip noose connected with a spring pole or heavy stone held by a trigger in the gate. The animal thrusts its head into the noose and displaces the trigger so that the cord is drawn taut. The cutting of the lanes requires considerable labor, but the same ones may be used for years. Each lane belongs to the family which has cut it and no one else may set traps there. At the present time the govern- ment roads are often used in this way. The neighboring tribes say that if a Tanala traps several lemurs at the same time he will release those he does not want, putting an earmark on them. If they are males he will also castrate them, so that they will grow large and fat. Anyone who catches such a marked animal is expected to return it to its owner. I neglected to verify this among the Tanala, but think it is probably true. The trandra, sora and sokona, hedge- hog-like animals of which the trandra is the largest, are caught in bottle-shaped pits. The mouth of the pit is covered with grass, 54 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar with bait on top and trails of bait leading to it. These animals are common only on the eastern edge of the Tanala territory, where the forest is less dense. Rats are never eaten, but they often become a pest, destroying the stored rice. They are caught in a variety of traps. The simplest is a deadfall made from a large stone or billet of wood supported by three sticks arranged in a figure four, as in American rabbit traps. A more elaborate form has a wooden base with two upright pegs which pass through holes in the weight and serve to guide it in its fall. Here also the weight is supported by a figure four. Another trap is made from a length of large bamboo, with a spring pole and noose of small cord. The cord passes through a hole in the bamboo and the noose is spread around the interior of the joint, the cord above the noose being held down by a small trigger. The bait is put at the bottom of the joint, beyond the noose, and in trying to reach it the rat releases the trigger and is snared. The most interesting of the rat traps is made on the bow principle. Two heavy strips of springy wood are tied together at both ends. In the center a tube of bamboo is placed with a close-fitting wooden plunger. In the side of the tube there is a hole large enough to admit the rat's head. The bows are drawn apart until the plunger is at the level of the top of the hole. It is then fastened there by a cord which passes through perforations in the sides of the tube and under the end of the plunger. This cord is soaked in meat juice and when the rat gnaws it away the bows bring the plunger down with enough force to crush the animal's head (Fig. 2, c). Guinea fowl are caught with a spring pole and noose held down by a trigger. The noose is laid flat on the ground with bait in the center and is surrounded by a fence of little sticks so that the bird will be sure to enter it. Guinea fowl are also caught by digging a little pit 3 or 4 inches deep and putting in the bottom a wooden cross with ground nuts impaled on the ends. A noose is spread about the sides of the pit, just below the edge. In attempting to pick out the nuts the bird, when it raises its head, displaces the noose and draws it taut. Long guinea snares with a series of hanging loops, which are used by the plateau tribes, do not seem to be employed by the Tanala. Hawks, which do a great deal of damage to the native poultry, are also caught in snares. A rod is laid on the ground supported on two little sticks half an inch high. A little chicken or duckling is bound to this and the noose spread around it, over the rod. When the hawk seizes its prey it lifts rod and all and the noose tightens about its feet. Ground birds other than guinea fowl are caught in cages Economic Life 55 i uu Fig. 2. Hunting and Fishing, a, Lemur Trap; b, Hen's Nest; c. Rat Trap; d, Fish Spear, Ancient Type; e, Basket Dip Net; f, Dip Net; g, Netting Knot; h, j, Eel Hooks. 56 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar of split bamboo which may have either a slide door released by a trigger or a conical entrance of grass, shaped like the entrance of a fish trap. When the bird enters the grass falls together and con- ceals the opening. Small birds are caught with snares made from the long hairs of a cow's tail or, rarely, human hair. These snares are set, several together, around a nest or on the ground near the village rice mortars, where the birds come to pick up the grain. Birds are also caught with bird lime, which is smeared on slender twigs or splints of bamboo and placed in trees where they congregate. There are several varieties of lime. The commonest is made from the sap of a creeper called tandrakosy. This is chewed as it begins to solidify and is then ready for use. Another variety is made from the juice of the samata vine. This is kneaded into a cold, boiled sweet potato until the two are thoroughly mixed. The mixture is kneaded and washed in running water until the soluble portion has been removed. It is then ready for use. The best lime of all is made from the sap of the samata tree (not the vine mentioned above). The sap is collected in bamboo cups which are attached to the trunk of the tree below cuts, as in collecting rubber. The full cup is then put in an open fire and left until the bamboo has burned away. The viscid mass remaining is thoroughly washed and is then ready for use. This lime is very strong and will not dry for a long time. Twigs which had been smeared with it remained sticky for four months. FISHING Fishing is somewhat more important than hunting in the native economy, but there are no professional fishermen. Large fish are speared either in daylight or at night, with torches. Two types of spear are employed, a double-pointed, double-barbed iron spear called fitreka and an unbarbed wooden spear with four points. This is made by splitting the end of a hardwood pole, inserting wedges to hold the points apart, and lashing the base of the head with split vines (Fig. 2, d). The wooden spears are now almost obsolete but are said to have been used by the aborigines of the Tanala country. Eels are caught with a large iron hook, either single or double (Fig. 2, h, j), attached to the end of a pole from 2 to 4 feet long. The hook has a single barb and usually a socket into which the head of the shaft fits loosely. A long cord is attached to the base of the hook by lashings. Eels sometimes grow as much as 8 feet long and when a large animal is struck the hook detaches itself from the pole and the eel is played with the cord until the fish becomes exhausted. Economic Life 57 58 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar IThe spear and eel hook are employed only by men but both sexes fish with the hook and line, using long flexible bamboo poles. The ancient Tanala fish hook was made of iron with a single barb. It had a flattened shank with a groove around it for the attachment of the line. At the present time trade hooks have entirely replaced the native article. The lines are made from twisted raffia or bark fiber. Set lines are used for eels. The neighboring coast tribes employ double-pointed bone gorges with these lines, in place of hooks, but the Tanala claim that they have never used gorges. The Tanala Ikongo make a considerable use of nets, employing both dip nets and seines. The dip nets, fisoroka, are made in the form of a pocket, the sides being threaded over the arms of a forked stick. When a suitable fork cannot be found, the frame is made by splicing on a second stick (Fig. 2, f). The ends of the fork are connected by a heavy cord, so that the opening of the net is triangular. The seines, harato, are often quite large. The floats are made from pieces of light wood, apparently a species of hibiscus, and the weights from stones. The net material is the bark of various trees, lelahena, aviavy, haro-fotsy, etc., and two bushes, tsipiaka and manasa. The netting knot is shown in the accompanying sketch (Fig. 2, g). The Tanala Menabe say that they have had no nets until recent times and even now do not employ seines. Their dip nets are of two types, one like the Ikongo net already described, the other a sort of openwork basket woven from split vines. In the latter the ends of the forks are brought around and lashed together to form the rim of the weaving (Fig. 2, e). The dip nets are used for catching small fish in shallow water. Two types of fish scoop (Fig. 3, a, b), are used by women for collecting small fish, larvae, etc. One of these is in the form of a half cylinder while the other is conical (see Matting and Basketry). There are also three types of fish trap: a cylindrical trap made from a roll of bark with a conical opening of bamboo splints (Fig. 3, f ) ; a bottle-shaped trap made from split bamboo, with an entrance similar to that of the bark trap (Fig. 3, e) ; and a large, heart-shaped trap woven from split vines (Fig. 3, d) (see Matting and Basketry). The first two are used primarily for eels, the third for other fish. The traps are baited with cooked maize or manioc or with frogs, and left over night. Eels are often kept alive in cylindrical bamboo cages (Fig. 3, g). [Fish poisoning seems to be peculiar to the Tanala. I found no trace of it among either the plateau or coast tribes. The roots of the rantomboka tree are taken to the river and beaten on stones, Economic Life 59 the juice being allowed to float downstream with the current. The fish rise to the surface stupefied or dead and are taken by hand. A large quantity of roots is required and the whole lineage or even village usually takes part. At the present time the method is rarely used, because of the labor involved. The natives are very fond of two sorts of crayfish. One of these has short legs and large claws, like a lobster, while the other has long legs and no claws. Parties often go several miles from the village to catch crayfish in the small, swift mountain streams, stay- ing out all night. The animals are usually caught by the light of torches, which stupefies them so that they can be picked up. In the daytime they are lured from their holes by means of a white or glittering object on the end of a stick. A bit of tin from a can is now used. They are then caught by hand or between two bits of wood, to avoid their claws. Eels and other fish are preserved by smoking, without salt. They are not cleaned. The smoking is done on small platforms of open- work bamboo which are hung over the fireplace in the dwelling (Fig. 3, c). In spite of the crudity of the method, fish preserved in this way can be kept for a year or more and, when cooked in native fashion, are hardly inferior to the fresh article. Fish are nearly always boiled. HONEY AND BEESWAX Honey and beeswax are of great importance to all the Tanala. The latter is one of their main exports. The native bees are rather small and dark brown or black. Most of the swarms live in hollow trees or among the rocks, but the Tanala make hives, put them near old swarms, and wash them inside with honey in the hope that new swarms will settle in them. Such swarms belong to the maker of the hive, while wild swarms belong to the finder. The hives are made from hollowed-out logs with loosely fitting, inset ends. The cracks around the ends are large enough to allow the insects to enter. The hives are usually 3 to 5 feet long and about 1 foot in diameter. They are laid horizontally in the forks of trees, often as much as twenty feet from the ground. This is to protect the swarm from animals. To obtain the honey and wax, the swarm is first stupefied with smoke from torches. The end of the hive is then pried out and all the comb removed at once, destroying the colony. A large wooden bowl of special form is used for collecting the honey (Fig. 4, e). The I I! 60 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar bowl has four equally spaced lugs which are pierced vertically. Slender ropes of equal length pass through these and are tied together above the bowl, where a single long rope is attached. Sometimes the bowl is encased in rawhide, as a precaution against breakage. A few specimens are provided with flat wooden covers which slide on the four small ropes. The honey bowl is hung from a limb beside the hive and lowered to the ground when full. The comb is taken to the village, where it is put into a sack of coarse matting (Fig. 4, b) and the honey squeezed out by means of a press made from a split log (Fig. 4, c) . The sack is inserted between the halves and the projecting ends of the press wrapped with a rope. A short stick is then passed through the rope and pressure exerted by torsion. The solid end of the press is fastened to a post or the corner of a house. The honey is collected in a bowl below (Fig. 4, f). After pressing, the honey is strained through cloth or matting and stored in deep, oval wooden boxes (Fig. 4, a). The sides of the box are cut from a single piece. The bottom is a separate piece, accurately fitted, inset, and cemented in place with beeswax or gum. There is a tight-fitting lid. The honey boxes of the Zafimaniry gens are often elaborately carved. Identical honey boxes are used by the Betsileo and Imerina, but are rare or lacking in other areas. Honey is considered best after it has begun to thicken and crystallize and it is usually kept for some weeks or months before being used. It is used for sweetening other foods and also eaten alone, like candy. Much of it is employed in the manufacture of betsabetsa ("honey beer") and rum. After the honey has been pressed out, the residue is boiled and strained to collect the wax. This is poured into shallow bowls, where it solidifies. Most of the wax is exported. The natives themselves employ a little of it for coating blow-guns to make them airtight, for cementing the bottoms of wooden boxes, etc., but it is not im- portant in their technology. WILD VEGETABLE FOODS (The Tanala are familiar with a great variety of edible wild roots and fruits. These are gathered in their season, but are of little im- portance except in times of food shortage. At most, they afford a little variety to the standard diet of rice and boiled greens. The principal wild fruits are the voasindriry, voandroy, voandongoza and via. Wild roots include the ovylava, ovytaretra, matika, antady, hofika, pikopiko, and hafy. Economic Life 61 ,A. ■ W Fig. 4. Preparation of Honey; Fire Making Apparatus, a, Honey Box; b, c, f, Honey Press; d, Flint and Steel; e, Honey Bowl; g, Fire Saw; h, Fire Drill. 62 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar Preparation of Food fire making The Tanala make fire by the following three methods: the saw, the drill in two forms, and flint and steel. According to native traditions the saw, called didiafo, is the oldest and was the only method employed by the aborigines of the Tanala country. At the present time it is rarely used and seems to be unknown to the other tribes of Madagascar. The apparatus is made from very dry bamboo, a rounded section being employed as the bed and a straight, flat piece as the saw. A shallow transverse groove is cut in the round side of the bed, without piercing its inner surface. The operator squats on the ground holding the bed in front of and parallel to his body with his feet. The saw is grasped by both ends and its edge inserted in the groove. It is then drawn rapidly back and forth, at right angles to the body (Fig. 4, g). Charred cotton, as tinder, is placed under and around the bed. The spark may be caught either in the hollow under the bed, when the saw pierces its lower surface, or at the side when the glowing dust runs down. Operators seemed to have a good deal of difficulty in catching the spark, but this was probably due to lack of familiarity with the apparatus. The method is fairly rapid, the saw beginning to smoke in about thirty seconds. The simpler form of fire drill (Fig. 4, h) has a rectangular bed about % inch wide by Y^ inch thick and 1 foot to 18 inches long. A slight depression is cut in the upper surface with a notch or groove running from it to the edge. The drill is about 14 inches long and 3^ inch in diameter. It is made of hard wood while the bed is of soft wood. The operator squats, holding the bed with his feet or having it held by an assistant. He inserts the point of the drill in the depression in the bed and twirls the shaft rapidly between his palms. He begins near the top of the drill and, as he twirls, brings his hands down, then lifts them to the top again. Considerable pressure is exerted. Cotton tinder is piled beside the bed against the notch. Wood dust ignited by the friction is forced out through the notch into the tinder. Fire is made in from forty seconds to a minute. This method is used by all the Madagascar tribes with only slight variations. Pump drills are also used for fire making, but are much rarer than the plain drills. The bed is like that just described. The drill shaft is made from soft wood with a hard wood head attached. The whorl is also of wood, in the shape of a figure eight. The pumping stick is usually 8 inches to 1 foot long. The cord attached to it Economic Life 63 passes over a notch in the tip of the drill shaft (Fig. 5, f). In fire making, one man holds the bed while another pumps the drill up and down with both hands. No pressure is applied to the upper end of the drill shaft. The time required to produce a spark is about the same as with the ordinary drill. Pump fire drills are also used by the Sihanaka and probably by other tribes, but they are nowhere common. At the present time flint and steel is by far the commonest fire making appliance throughout Madagascar. The Tanala say that the historic clans, as distinct from the aborigines, have always used it. The striker is shaped somewhat like an adze blade, the narrow upper end being bent down over the back to form a grip (Fig. 4, dl). A variety of stones is used: flint, chalcedony, jasper and even quartz crystal. The tinder is made from charred cotton or cotton cloth. It is carried in the tip of a horn, the open end being provided with a tight stopper of gourd shell (Fig. 4, d3). The entire outfit is usually carried in a small box of wood or rawhide, in a horn, or in a hollow hide belt. Tinder horns and belts are used by all the Madagascar tribes, but the wooden tinder boxes appear to be limited to the Tanala. Nearly all of them are manufactured by the Zafimaniry division, which trades them to the neighboring clans. At least 80 per cent of the boxes conform to a single pattern (Fig. 5, b). The body has a long oval section, with flat, squarely cut ends. It is hollowed from a single block of rather soft, light colored wood which exhibits a beautiful curling grain. The bottom, in the form of a long pointed oval, is made separately and inset, being held in place by pins of wood, bone or horn. It is usually of red wood. The cover is made from a moderately hard red wood and fits closely over a sort of sleeve or projection, so that the joint is almost watertight. Its outer surface is flush with the body. It is surmounted by a comb, the width of the flat ends of the box, which is notched along the upper edge. Holes are pierced horizontally through the ends of the body a short distance below the lid and through the base of the comb near either end. A long cord passing through these holds the cover on and also serves for suspension. In a second and much rarer type one side of the box is flat and the other convex (Fig. 5, c). The lid may have a low comb along the flat side, but usually has a low flange running across the flat side and extending forward for a short distance on the curved side, at either end. A single double box of this type was collected and a modification in which the body of the box was crescent shaped in section was seen. In a third type, which 64 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar is extremely rare, the body of the box is flat on one side and convex on the other and tapers to a point at the bottom. Tinder boxes are rarely if ever carved, but those of the first type are sometimes decorated with inset studs of metal or bone. They are always finely finished and with use and repeated oiling acquire a high polish. When traveling they are worn hanging on the breast or, rarely, at the belt. Rawhide tinder boxes are rarely used by the northern Tanala, only two examples having been seen. They are made from long, rectangular strips of hide with the hair removed. While the hide is still soft, two-thirds of the strip is folded back upon itself and sewn together along the edges with a thong, forming a pouch. The remain- ing third is then bent down over this as a cover. Slits are cut in the rear of the pouch, or strips are sewn on, so that it can be strung on the belt. The flap is usually decorated with tooled designs (Fig. 5, a). This type seems to be peculiar to the Tanala, but hide tinder boxes of a different form are used by the Bara and other southern tribes. The horn tinder boxes are made from sections of cow horn 8 to 18 inches long. The edges of the open end are cut off smoothly except at the inside of the horn's curve, where a rectangular pro- jection about 1 inch wide and Yl inch to 1 inch long is left. An oval piece of wood, which has on one side a projection corresponding to that on the horn, is fitted into the opening and fastened solidly with wooden or horn pins. In the center of this there is an oval opening about 1 inch in diameter which is closed by a close fitting cork or stopper. This stopper is attached to the projection on the side of the horn by a short piece of cord. Heavier cords are attached to the horn at both ends so that the whole can be worn as a belt, the curve of the horn fitting against the wearer's side. The cords are of braided raffia (Fig. 5, e). Such boxes are rarely decorated but in one specimen the end of the horn has been cut into a series of knobs. Similar boxes are used by practically all the Madagascar tribes. The hollow belts are made from the skin of a cow's tail drawn off whole. The skin is dried and flattened, the hair being left on. The smaller end is sewn up and a loop of hide attached. The larger end is pierced near either side. A wide thong is split for several inches and the ends of the split portion passed through the holes in the belt and fastened to either end of a flat strip of bamboo. The other end of this thong and the loop sewn to the smaller end of the Economic Life 65 l! SK ss %. ** q, •- pa • ** •J a. * 3 66 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar tail are tied together. The tension draws the strip of bamboo against the belt, closing the opening (Fig. 5, d). Similar belts are used by the southeast coast tribes but are rare or lacking elsewhere in Madagascar. POTTERY According to the legends and traditions of the Tanala Menabe, the Zafimaniry were the only gens of that division to manufacture or use pottery in ancient times. Later, several other gentes learned the art from them and from the Betsileo, but they never became good potters and abandoned clay vessels as soon as iron pots became common. It is remembered that the pottery was limited to crude cooking pots except among the Zafimaniry, who had bowls and water jars as well, but the methods of manufacture and even the shapes have been forgotten. According to the manuscript of Sadaro Antoine the Tanala Ikongo manufactured cooking pots as recently as twenty years ago. The ware is said to have been hard and well fired. It was given a black, glossy finish by rubbing it with graphite. A number of Madagascar tribes, including all those on the east coast, make no pottery. Other tribes, who now use it, say that they have only begun to do so within the last five or six generations. It seems probable that it was introduced into Madagascar in relatively late times. The local center for its diffusion seems to be among the Imerina and Betsileo, in the plateau, with a possible second center among the northern Sakalava, on the west coast. METHODS OF COOKING In describing the methods of Tanala cooking it is necessary to distinguish between the ancient methods, in vogue before the introduction of pottery and later of iron pots and toasting forks, and those now in use. At present the former survive only as a part of ceremonial, or as makeshifts used in the absence of proper utensils. Traditionally, the earliest method of preparing rice was to crack the grains and toast them over a fire. This survives as a feature of the harvest sacrifice (see Agriculture), but is otherwise obsolete. Later, rice and other vegetable foods were boiled in large joints of green bamboo. The joint was propped up in an open fire and the food would be cooked before it burned through. Meat was laid on a bed of coals or cooked in a sort of earth-oven called antongatra. A hole was dug and lined with large leaves. The Economic Life 67 meat was cut, each piece wrapped in leaves, and the whole packed in. Stones, heated in a near-by fire, were placed on top and the whole covered with more leaves, but no earth or embers. The moisture from the meat and leaves made a little broth, which collected in the bottom of the hole. This method continued in use long after the introduction of pottery and one locality is still known as Anton- gatra because it was the usual practice of the people living there. Calves or small cattle were sometimes cooked whole by means of thick spongy vines of two species called vahipika and vahimarana. The ends of two or three of these vines were inserted into each nostril and into the anus, while the other ends were put in a fire. The hot sap and steam conducted into the animal in this way cooked it thoroughly. It is said that this method is still used by cattle thieves when they wish to devour their booty on the spot. At the present time nearly all food is boiled in iron pots obtained from the traders. Such pots are highly valued and when a Tanala leaves his own territory to work in a town he will usually purchase one with his first wages. Some native families have a number of them displayed on the shelf above the fireplace as a sign of wealth. They are readily loaned to neighbors or travelers, but etiquette I requires that the borrower leave a little food in the pot when he returns it. Pots are supported in the fire by a low tripod made from three pointed stones bedded in the earth of the fireplace. The amount of rice to be cooked for a meal is measured out by means of a small, stiff basket. This is of standard size and holds slightly more than the cup used as a unit in our own recipes. One measure of dry rice is allowed for each adult, with a smaller measure for each child. In some houses I saw a number of graduated rice measures, used for children of different ages. The rice, which has previously been pounded and winnowed, is washed until the water drains off clear. It is then put in the pot with about twice its amount of water. It is allowed to boil dry. Most of the grains are crisp and flaky, but a layer of burned rice adheres to the vessel. After the unburned rice has been taken out, water is put in the pot, stirred and brought to a boil. This water, which tastes somewhat like weak coffee, is drunk with the meal and is considered a delicacy. As a luxury, rice may be boiled with milk or broth. It is rarely if ever salted while cooking. Although boiled rice is the staple diet, it is never served without a side dish of some sort to give it flavor. Even the very poor have boiled greens, made from the leaves and shoots of a great variety 68 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar of plants. Thick stews of beans or ground nuts are the commonest accompaniment. Sweet potatoes are also eaten with rice, but manioc rarely is, because it is too tasteless. Eggs, meat and fish are considered luxuries. Eggs are always boiled. Large fish are allowed to boil dry and then browned in their own grease. Meat is usually boiled, the broth forming an important part of the meal. Iron meat hooks with ornamental handles are used to remove it from the pot (Fig. 5, g). Meat may also be cut into thin steaks and broiled over a bed of coals. Iron toasting forks with three, five or seven tines are used for this (Fig. 5, h, j). At the present time, broiling is not popular, partly because much of the fat is lost and partly because of the extreme toughness of the native beef. The only materials used for seasoning are potash, salt and chilies. The potash is a substitute for salt and now that the latter has become cheap and plentiful it is only used for variety. The natives say that it must be taken sparingly, as it is bad for the digestion. Potash is made by burning the roots of a certain rush, mixing the ashes with water, and straining off the liquor. The strainers are of matting, triangular at the rim and tapering to a point (Fig. 6, a). The liquor is put in shallow, wooden bowls and allowed to evaporate. The potash is pale gray and granular and is readily crumbled with the fingers. Salt has always been obtained in trade. Formerly it came from the east coast, where the natives made it by evaporating sea water. It brought a high price locally and Tanala who left their territory to serve as bearers would bring back as much of it as they could. Even now it has an exaggerated value in the eyes of the natives. Traders told me that a handful of salt given with a purchase would delight them more than a gift of three or four times its real value. The native salt comes in large, creamy white crystals. It is somewhat coarser than that we use in making ice cream. It often contains earth and other impurities and the Tanala dissolve it, pass it through strainers like those used in potash making, and then recrystallize it. It is kept in small gourds, joints of bamboo, or little sacks of cloth or matting. The salt has to be crushed before use and every household has one or more small wooden mortars for the purpose. These mortars are commonly shaped like an hourglass and have a tight-fitting cover (Fig. 6, c). Sometimes two mortars are joined side by side, one being used for salt and the other for chilies (Fig. 6, d). There Economic Life 69 Fig. 6. Utensils, a, Salt Strainer; b, c, d, Salt Mortars; e, Bamboo Condiment Box; f, Basket Rice Dish; g, Pandanus Leaf Dish; h, Leaf Dish; j, Leaf Spoon. 70 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar are a few other forms and one rectangular salt mortar, with a handle, was collected (Fig. 6, b). The native chilies are small, rarely over an inch in length, and bright red. They are extremely hot. The natives pound them up, seeds and all, in mortars similar to those used for salt. They are usually taken fresh from the bushes, which seem to be in bearing most of the year, but are occasionally dried. Salt and chilies are sprinkled over the food after it has been served, each person seasoning his portion according to his taste. UTENSILS In describing Tanala utensils it is necessary to distinguish between the Zafimaniry gens, with its immediate neighbors, and the other members of the tribe. The Zafimaniry, who are recent immigrants from the plateau, resemble the Betsileo in their extensive use of wooden utensils and drinking horns. These have been diffused to the gentes in contact with them. The other Tanala gentes rarely use wooden utensils and have no drinking horns. In this respect they resemble the tribes of the east coast. It seems curious that in a heavily forested region the only group to use wooden utensils should be one which has come from an area in which wood is much less abundant, but there are other anomalies as well. None of the Tanala employ bark utensils, although there is plenty of good material available. Gourds, which grow well in the region, are very little used. The Menabe have practically no gourd utensils. The Ikongo use gourds for milk bottles, but this is probably in imitation of the Bara. All the Tanala, except the Zafimaniry, serve their boiled rice on small square mats or in shallow rectangular baskets (Fig. 6, f). The basket or mat is first covered with a layer of green leaves. Liquids are served in short joints of bamboo or in leaf dishes. These dishes are made from pandanus or other long, broad leaves which are folded to make an oblong receptacle. Usually the ends of the leaf are simply turned up and tied (Fig. 6, h). There are a few well- made dishes of pandanus in which the ends are cut short, folded and sewn together. A narrow splint of bamboo is used to reinforce the end (Fig. 6, g). Spoons are made from strips of leaf, folded and tied (Fig. 6, j). All except the sewn dishes are made from green leaves and renewed at every meal. Large wooden ladles are used by all the Tanala for dishing food from the pot (Fig. 7, d). Some of those used at feasts and sacrifices Economic Life 71 t* 1 A tQ 72 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar are nearly 3 feet long. At the present time, families often have one or two wooden bowls, but these have mostly been gotten in trade. White enamel ware and metal spoons are just beginning to come into common use. The Zafimaniry do not use mats for serving rice and have no leaf dishes or spoons. Small, finely woven baskets are sometimes used for individual servings of rice, but this is not common. All food is regularly served in wooden bowls or platters. These vary considerably in size and depth and may be either round or oval (Fig. 7, e, f, g, h). Bowls sometimes have a low base. In several specimens there is a small lug protruding from one side, just below the rim. A loop of cord is passed through this and the bowl is hung up by it when not in use. Oblong bowls or platters, with four short legs, are used for cutting up and serving meat (Fig. 8, a, b). One of the most characteristic Zafimaniry utensils is that used for grating ginger root. It is long and narrow, with four short legs and a spout (Fig. 8, d). In the center of the bottom, a number of small bone studs are set in the form of a rosette. The shape is said to represent a crocodile, but none of my informants knew the significance of this. The ginger graters are used in preparing some kinds of medicine. Two unique specimens were collected: a small platter with a design carved on the bottom in relief (Fig. 8, c), and a small, finely made bowl with a close-fitting cover and cords for suspension. The latter was used as a trinket box (Fig. 8, e). The Zafimaniry use small wooden spoons. The shape is much like that of European ones, except for the decorative handle (Fig. 7, a, b, c). Horn and bone spoons seem to be unknown, although they are commonly used by the Betsileo. The horns of cattle are used as drinking and libation cups. The finest, used in ceremonies, are nearly 2 feet long. The horns are scraped and polished and their tips are sometimes carved into simple forms. One specimen, used as a libation horn, has a design of small circles incised a short distance below the rim (Fig. 9, a, b). All the Tanala use sections of large bamboo, from 6 to 10 feet long, as water bottles. The septa are burned out with a hot iron. The open end of the bottle is usually cut at an angle, so as to form a sort of spout. The bottle is usually kept leaning against the wall in a corner of the house. When water is needed, one person tilts it while another holds a bowl below. Economic Life 73 Fig. 8. Wooden Utensils and Dish Rests, a, Oval Bowl; b. Platter for Cutting Meat; c, Platter for Cutting Meat (Bottom); d, Ginger Grater; e, Covered Bowl; f, g, h, Basket Dish Rests. 74 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar customs in eating The Tanala family rises at dawn and goes to work at once, to take advantage of the morning coolness. If any food is left from the previous night's meal, there will be a cold breakfast, but no cooking is done at this time. The first regular meal is served a little before noon and the second at sunset. Hospitality is casual and universal. Anyone who is in the house when a meal is ready partakes as a matter of course. On all ordinary occasions the food is regularly served, not eaten from the pot. The woman of the house spreads a clean mat on the floor near the fireplace and everyone washes his hands and mouth. The woman then dishes out the rice and vegetable foods while the man divides and distributes the meat, if there is any. The husband's rice, and that of honored guests, is served separately, while the woman and children eat from a common dish. In most gentes it is customary to place the dish of the husband or guest on a small stand of basket- work, 13^ to 2 inches high (Fig. 8, f, g, h). This symbolizes his elevation above the rest of the household. The rice is served first. When a mound of it has been piled on each dish, the woman flattens the top of it with the back of her rice ladle and pours on the other food. The salt and pimento mortars have been placed on the mat and each one seasons his own food with them. The head of the house is served first and no one else can begin eating until he has commenced. Each person has his own spoon and it is considered the height of ill manners to plunge the hands into the common dish. Foods which have to be eaten with the fingers, such as meat, are served separately. Simple forks, made from straight pieces of bone, are sometimes used. The natives usually eat rapidly and almost in silence. When the food has been consumed, the hands and mouth are washed again and everyone relaxes. They loll about and chat for a half hour or more. The woman gathers up the dishes and throws the scraps of food out of the door, to the chickens. Wooden utensils are washed after each meal and hung up to dry. Spoons, after washing, are placed in small openwork baskets (Fig. 13, f ) or thrust through holes in a narrow strip of matting (Fig. 7, j). These spoon holders are usually hung from the center post of the house, above the fireplace. The cooking pots are rarely washed, this being considered a waste of time. The natives have enormous appetites. A Tanala man will eat two to three times as much, by bulk, as a white laborer. They are Economic Life 75 extremely fond of grease and sweet things of all sorts, but seem to have little taste discrimination. All their cookery is simple and the main thing they require of a meal is quantity. Although the native food is simple and not very varied, their ration seems to be well balanced. There are no diseases of malnutri- tion and I did not see a single rachitic child among natives who adhered to their primitive diet. Alcohol and Narcotics Beer, called betsabetsa, has been used by the Tanala since pre- historic times. It is usually made from a mixture of honey and water, but the natives also employ sugar cane juice, bananas, sweet potatoes and anything else with a high sugar content. The mixture is allowed to stand in open jars for a few days, until it ferments, and then drunk before it turns sour. Rice beer was made in ancient times, but it is now obsolete and I could not learn the process of manufacture. There are some indi- cations that it was formerly used in ceremonies and sacrifices very much as rum is used at the present time. It is said to have been somewhat stronger than the modern beer. Most of the native beer is so mild that it is impossible to become intoxicated upon it. It is of little importance in the native diet and there is nothing comparable to the regular beer drinking one finds among the African tribes. Women occasionally make it for their families, as a treat, and quantities of it are prepared for feasts, but a household may go for weeks without having any. The manufacture of rum (toaka) was probably learned from Europeans, but it has been in use for at least a hundred and fifty years. It is distilled from beer of any sort although honey beer and sugar cane juice are preferred because of their greater alcoholic content. Pieces of astringent bark are usually steeped in the beer before it is distilled, to give the rum more flavor. The still consists of a large jar with a tight-fitting cover. In one side of the cover there is a small hole in which a long section of bamboo, or an old gun barrel, is inserted. The joints are sealed with clay. Rum is regularly offered to the gods and ancestors and is also a prescribed part of the fees paid to medicine-men, the gifts given to witnesses of adoption, blood brotherhood, etc. Good rum is as color- less as water. At the present time, clear glass bottles are in great demand among the Tanala, who will pay two or three times as much for them as for colored glass. These are used as containers for cere- 76 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar monial rum, so that everyone can see the excellence of the liquor. The rum is always drunk without aging and is extremely potent. Quantities of it are drunk at feasts and it is felt that a person who does not get intoxicated at such a time has failed to enter into the spirit of the occasion. However, there seems to be little or no solitary drinking and alcoholism is almost unknown. Tobacco is universally used by both men and women. The local variety grows from 3 to 4 feet high and is large leaved and white flowered. It is probably a variety of Nicotiana tabacum. It is never regularly cultivated, the plants growing wild in abandoned tavy and on old village sites. The Tanala are thoroughly convinced that it is a native plant. The leaves are plucked when they begin to turn yellow and skewered side by side on a sliver of bamboo thrust through the bases of the stems (Fig. 9, d). The bunches are hung up in the shade until moderately dry, then brought into the dwelling and hung over the fireplace, where they soon become black with smoke. They are usually left in the smoke until used, but if the coating becomes too thick they may be taken down and hung in some other part of the house. Because of their brittleness, they are handled as little as possible. The Tanala Menabe never smoke their own tobacco. A few of the younger men now use European cigarettes, but this seems to be an affectation. The Ikongo men smoke a little. Two types of pipe are employed, a straight pipe and a water pipe. The straight pipes are about 5 inches long, made from joints of bamboo about 3^ inch in diameter. One end is sometimes inserted in the neck of a brass cartridge shell with the base cut off. The whole pipe looks very much like a cigarette holder. These pipes are identical with those used by the Bara and were probably borrowed from them (Fig. 9, e). The water pipe is made from a maize stalk about 2 feet long. The upper joints are hollowed out and a short section of reed is thrust through the side of the stalk into the lowest cavity. On the end of the reed a small bowl is impaled. This may be made of clay, but is usually hollowed from a bit of manioc root and renewed at each smoking. The bowl and reed form an acute angle with the maize stalk (Fig. 9, c). The stalk is filled with water to nearly the level of the bowl. The smoker squats on his heels, resting the lower end of the pipe on the ground. This type of pipe is identical with that used by the southeast coast tribes. Economic Life 77 Fig. 9. Drinking Horns, Pipes and Snuff Boxes, a. Drinking Horn; b, Libation Horn; c, Water Pipe; d, Tobacco Leaves; e, Tubular Pipe; f, Snuff Box or Purse of Horn; g, Snuff Box of Wood, Imitating Bamboo; h, Gourd Snuff Box; j, Snuff Horn; k, Bone Snuff Bottle; 1, Bamboo Snuff Box. 78 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar All the Tanala employ tobacco in the form of snuff. To make this, a leaf is toasted over the fire until it begins to change color, then crushed to powder in a small mortar and mixed with a fixed propor- tion of sifted wood ashes. The ashes are prepared from several different plants and they, rather than the tobacco, seem to be con- sidered the important ingredient. As a rule, each person makes his own snuff, mixing the ashes to suit his taste. It is made up a little at a time, as it is thought to lose flavor if kept. Snuff is carried in small boxes made from bamboo, horn, bone, or small gourds (Fig. 9, f, g, h, j, k, 1). In taking it, a little is poured out on the palm and tossed into the open mouth with a quick movement. It is never snuffed. It is doubtful whether the narcotic properties of hemp were known to the Tanala in pre-European times. A few of the younger men now smoke it in water pipes like those used for tobacco, but the practice is rare. Manufactures division of labor The work of the family is rather evenly divided between husband and wife. The man takes complete charge of the cattle, hunts, cuts and burns the jungle for the tavy, does most of the fishing and builds the house and keeps it in repair. He is not expected to do any of the house work, but will often relieve his wife by helping with the cooking and tending the baby. The woman tends the house and children, cooks, draws water and pounds rice, the last two being heavy tasks. Both sexes work in the tavy, but women do most of the cultivation in the small gardens and in the fields of wet rice. All manufactures are rigidly assigned to one or the other sex. Men do all the work in metal, wood, bone, horn and hide. They also weave certain types of mats and baskets and make bark cloth. Women make the balance of the mats and baskets, do all weaving of cloth, and make the family garments and keep them in repair. The only exceptions to this rule are the sarombavy ("berdaches"), who adopt the women's industries as part of their role. ARTISANS The only professional artisans are smiths and a very few stone- cutters, who prepare the memorial stones. Smiths may be drawn from any gens and do not form a separate caste. The occupation tends to be hereditary, but anyone may enter it. There is no formal Economic Life 79 apprenticeship. A boy who becomes interested in the trade will hang about the smith's workshop, blowing the bellows for him and doing other minor tasks. Finally he will be allowed to help with the forging and may accompany the smith on his travels. When he thinks that he knows the trade, he will set up in business for himself. No regular payment is made to the teacher, but if the new smith prospers, it is customary for him to visit his former master, thank him publicly, and present him with an ox. Every smith has a house and land in some particular village and spends most of his time there. During the slack season between harvest and the next planting, the smiths travel about repairing old implements and forging new ones. When a man is in need of the ] smith's services, he first bargains with him, then, when the price has ! been fixed, takes him into his house and feeds him until the task is completed. Smiths seem to be much more numerous among the Ikongo than among the Menabe. The stonecutters are mostly Betsileo living among the Tanala. They go where their services are required and are similarly boarded during the work. As far as I could learn, there are no ceremonial observances or taboos connected with any industry. There seem to be no charms to give success in occupations, with the possible exception of house building, although I was unable to get a satisfactory check on this for metal working. METAL WORKING According to Tanala traditions, the aborigines of their territory were ignorant of the use of metal, but the ancestors of all the invading gentes were familiar with iron at the time they entered the region. The next metal to become known to them was silver. There are no known deposits of silver ore in Madagascar and the metal was certainly obtained from Arabs or Europeans. Nevertheless, the Tanala have no legends of its introduction. It has been thoroughly incorporated into the culture, figuring in the invocations to the gods and in a number of rites and ceremonies. In general, it seems to occupy the place that gold occupies among the tribes of the plateau and west coast. Gold, in the form of dust or small nuggets, is found throughout much of the Tanala territory, but the Tanala themselves make no use of it and seem to have no beliefs in regard to it. It does not figure in any ceremony, and is mentioned in only one or two invocations. 80 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar It seems probable that the Tanala were ignorant of its value, if not of its existence, until they were instructed by foreign traders. A few abandoned gold workings have been found by prospectors, and one or two caches of gold dust, but there is no way of determining their age. Copper is still almost unknown, the only objects in use being a few bracelets obtained from the Betsileo. Brass, in the form of ornamental knife hilts and bracelets, is used by the Ikongo. They do not manufacture these articles, but buy them from the Bara, who are clever brass casters. The metal itself is of European origin and most of the knife hilts are made from old cartridge shells melted down. The most important iron deposits are in the territory of the Tanala Ikongo. There are also deposits in the territory of the Zafimaniry, among the Menabe. There are a great number of smiths in this gens and they formerly carried on a regular trade in metal and finished implements with their neighbors. No account of Ikongo iron working was obtained, but their methods probably are the same as those of the Zafimaniry. The ore used by the Zafimaniry is hematite, with a rich iron con- tent. It occurs in the soil in the form of small pebbles and is simply washed preparatory to smelting. If the pieces are more than % inch in diameter, they are broken up with hammers. The furnace is of the simplest sort (Fig. 10, c). A hole 2 to 2J^ feet across and 18 inches to 2 feet deep is dug in the hard clay soil, with a sloping groove or trench entering it from one side, to accommodate a pipe leading to a bellows. The air pipe enters the pit 3 to 4 inches above the bottom. Sometimes a rim of clay 3 to 4 inches high is built around the furnace. The smelting is done with charcoal, made by the ordinary I European method. A layer of ignited charcoal is put in the bottom of the pit, then a layer of ore, then more charcoal and more ore until the furnace is filled. Two men work the bellows in shifts, keeping up a steady draft, and more charcoal is added as the mass burns down. The smelting requires about five hours. The molten iron collects in the bottom of the pit forming an ingot called voromby. This is drawn out and hammered as soon as it solidifies. Because of the small size of the furnace only a little iron can be smelted at a time. The metal is soft and malleable and the native smiths say that it is much easier to work than European iron. The bellows employed in smelting and forging is typically Malayan (Fig. 10, a). It consists of two wooden cylinders from Economic Life 81 :r l~Ti "~ ~ ^-~-=«S^-.-.- ■■■ .... i^l asisij-Pi'JV^L Pig. 10. Iron and Wood Working Tools, a, Piston Bellows; b, Details of Piston Head; c, Furnace for Iron Smelting; d, Axe, Ancient Type; e, Axe, Recently Introduced from Betsileo; f, Chisel; g, Small Gouge; h, Whetstone in Sheath; j. Carver's Gouge. 82 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar 3 to 5 feet long with a bore of about 6 inches. The bore is much more constant than the length and rarely varies more than an inch. In each cylinder there is a piston with a long handle of light wood or bamboo and a round, flat wooden head only slightly smaller than the bore. A ring of cloth about an inch thick is loosely attached to the lower side of the head by means of cords passed through holes drilled around its rim (Fig. 10, b). On the up stroke the cloth ring falls away from the head, allowing the air to enter. On the down stroke the friction of the cylinder wall forces the ring upward against the head, closing the apertures and compressing the air below. In the side of each cylinder, at the bottom, there is a hole about an inch in diameter. A bamboo pipe 2 to 3 feet long is fitted into this and the joint sealed with cow dung. The two cylinders are cleated together in such a way that the bamboo pipes converge, forming a V. The apex of the V is inserted in a short conical tube of burned clay or soapstone, which conducts the air into the fire. The operator works the two pistons alternately, keeping up a steady draught. All iron implements are forged, casting being unknown. The metal from broken and worn-out tools is welded into bars and then worked up into new implements. The smiths' tools consist of two or three hammers of different sizes, an anvil, chisels, files, wooden tongs and a roughly hollowed trough of wood or stone to hold the water for tempering. The hammers are of iron with wooden handles and are shaped much like the European ones. One side of the head usually tapers to a sharp edge, used for cutting the hot metal. The anvil is also of iron, with a flat top not more than 3 inches square and a long wedge-shaped or pointed bottom. The lower part is sunk in the ground or driven into a log and the smith always squats at his work. The chisels are shaped like European cold chisels. All the files seen were of European manufacture and I suspect that this tool is an innovation. Perhaps pieces of rough sandstone were originally used. Tongs are made from sticks of green wood 13^ to 2 inches in diameter and 3 to 5 feet long. The end of the stick is split back for 18 inches to 2 feet and it is then wrapped with withes or vines immediately above the split. Sometimes a loop of tough, green vine is used instead. This is slipped over the iron and the ends twisted about each other. Tanala iron work is comparatively poor. Even their best imple- ments are roughly finished. Their axes and knives are poorly tempered and require constant sharpening. Iron meat hooks and toasting forks are sometimes decorated by twisting the handles while Economic Life 83 the metal is hot. Some knife and meat hook handles terminate in spiral antennae (Figs. 1, f; 5, g). Iron is never inlaid with other metals. There are very few Tanala silversmiths, most of their ornaments being bought from the Betsileo. The ornaments are usually made from French five franc pieces and, at the time of my visit, the govern- ment had prohibited silver working as part of a campaign to introduce paper money. Because of this, the silversmiths carried on their work surreptitiously and I could learn nothing of their methods. WOOD WORKING With the exception of the Zafimaniry gens, the Tanala are rather inferior wood workers. Their tools consist of the axe, chisel, knife, plane, drill, and two types of gouge. Adzes are unknown and saws were unknown until introduced by Europeans. They are still rarely used. The axe (antsi) is used both as a tool and as a weapon. All native men carry one when traveling. The blade is shaped like that of an American cleaver, flat, with a square end and a straight or slightly curved cutting edge 4 to 6 inches long (Fig. 10, d). It has a straight, horizontal tang about 3 inches long which is inserted in a straight wooden handle 18 inches to 2 feet long and about 1 inch in diameter. In mounting the blade the tang is heated red hot and used to burn a hole of the proper size in the end of the handle. When this is deep enough the tang is fixed in it with a strong vegetable cement, made from a berry. The handle is then reinforced about the tang with a metal ferrule or a band of rawhide taken from a cow's tail and slipped on wet. Chisels are of solid iron and are shaped much like our own cold chisels. They are used for fine work in hollowing wooden utensils and in dressing joints in timbers (Fig. 10, f). Planes are shaped much like the small planes used by our own carpenters (Fig. 11, f). The plane-iron tapers to a point, which is usually recurved. It is held in place by a wooden wedge. The Zafimaniry often use plane-irons with a fluted edge (Fig. 11, e), pro- ducing a corrugated surface. Planes are used for dressing house timbers and the outside of large wooden utensils, especially boxes. Drills are identical with those already described under Fire Making except that they are fitted with chisel-shaped iron bits. They are rarely used in wood working, small perforations usually being made with a hot iron. 84 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar Large, heavy gouges are used for hollowing out large boxes and canoes. The blade is provided with a socket by which it is fitted on the end of a heavy, straight wooden handle, like a spade handle. This gouge is swung with both hands, like the native spade. The head of the gouge is usually carried in a rawhide sheath (Fig. 11, c). Small gouges with curved blades are used for hollowing out spoons and other small utensils (Fig. 10, g). They are sometimes provided with a long handle which is gripped in the arm pit so that the blade is held rigid while the utensil is pressed and turned against it. All wood working tools are sharpened with whetstones, which are carried on the belt in a hide sheath (Fig. 10, h). The greater part of the Tanala territory is heavily forested, but because of their wasteful agricultural methods large timber is becom- ing scarce. It is often necessary to go several hours' march from a village to find trees suitable for making large utensils, canoes, and house timbers. In such cases the workmen build rude shelters at the place and live there until the work is finished. It is considered wise to begin the felling of large trees on an auspicious day. It is not obligatory, but if this is neglected there may be accidents. If the trees selected are in a zintana ("place inhab- ited by spirits") the workmen make a small sacrifice before the felling begins and warn the spirits to go away so that they will not be injured. The trees are felled with axes, never with fire, and are cut off 2 to 3 feet above the ground. The Tanala apparently make no use of wedges or other appliances for splitting the wood. Timbers, utensils, etc., are hewn out bodily and brought to nearly their final form on the spot, to save labor in transport. They are then carried to the village to be finished at leisure. The Tanala never work with seasoned wood if green wood is obtainable. After objects have been roughed out with the axe and heavy gouge they are dressed with planes and knives. If a very smooth surface is desired, the object is gone over with a heavy iron rasp of European manufacture, and the surface then rubbed down with a slightly rough stone or with damp sand on a piece of hide. Final smoothing is done with leaves. Wooden utensils are never polished intentionally, although they may become glossy through use. The Zafimaniry do a good deal of wood carving. Their carving tools are knives and small chisels and gouges (Fig. 10, j), used without mallets. There is no carving in the round. The designs are incised after the surface has been rubbed smooth. Oval wooden boxes, beds and the timbers and doors of houses are the objects most Economic Life 85 86 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar commonly decorated. The house carvings are made after the house has been erected and the owner will work on them intermittently for years. The other Tanala gentes carve very little. Some of the Menabe blacken the edges of wooden bowls and sections on the handles of wooden ladles by charring them with a hot iron and rubbing the surface smooth. Simple designs are then cut through the black layer into the underlying white wood (Fig. 7, d). Such decorations are very striking when the utensil is new, but soon disappear with use. A similar technique is used by the tribes of the southeast coast and those of the extreme south, and is also common in Africa. It seems to be a recent introduction among the Tanala. The handles of wooden spoons are given ornamental shapes and are sometimes decorated with series of small incised circles. This form of decoration is much commoner on horn and bone and the method of making the circles is described in that section. WORK IN HORN, BONE AND HIDE Animal products are of little importance in Tanala industry. All the horn, bone and hide used is obtained from cattle. Cow horns are occasionally used as containers for fire making sets (Fig. 5, e) and charms (Fig. 23, e). There are also a few horn snuff bottles (Fig. 9, j) and small horn boxes, used as snuff boxes or purses (Fig. 9, f). Only the Zafimaniry use horns as drinking and libation cups (Fig. 9, a, b). In all except the charms and drinking cups, the large end of the horn is closed by a carefully fitted wooden stopper, smoothly rounded on the outside. This stopper is held in place by small pins of horn or bone, cut off flush with the outer surface. Similar pins are sometimes used to fasten the bottoms of small wooden boxes. None of my informants knew of any method for softening horn so that it could be twisted and spread, but the small horn boxes could not have been made in any other way. Probably the material was scraped thin and then softened by boiling. Ordinarily the horn is cut into shape with knives, scraped to remove the loose, fibrous surface, and then rubbed smooth with some abrasive. Lastly, it is oiled and polished. The final polishing is done with leaves which contain crystals of silica. Horn objects are nearly always well made and often show a fine, glossy finish. Bone is used even less than horn. Snuff bottles are sometimes made from sections of long bones with wooden stoppers fixed in the Economic Life 87 ends (Fig. 9, k). Bodkin-like bone points are used as head scratchers and also to disentangle the warp in weaving (Fig. 14, g). Women often carry them thrust into their hair, but they are not ornaments and are rarely decorated. Other long bone points are occasionally used as meat forks. The jawbones of oxen are often used in mat making, to smooth and polish the fabric (Fig. 12, g). Bone is shaped with knives while still fresh and polished like horn. Both horn and bone objects are sometimes decorated with series of small incised circles, each circle having a dot in the center. These are made with a slender, forked, iron drill which is shaped like a heavy needle with the tip of the eye broken off. The drill is set in a wooden shaft about a foot long. The shaft is twirled between the palms. One point of the drill makes the central dot, while the other revolves about it and incises the circle. When on bone, the circles are usually rubbed with soot, to heighten the effect. Hide is used for sandals, thongs, a few pouches and knife sheaths, and for skull caps. Of these, only the sandals are common. There is no tanning of any sort. The hide is roughly fleshed with a small knife, but the hair is usually left on. Sandal soles are cut from dry rawhide, the flesh side being worn next the foot. Thongs for attach- ment pass through holes in the edges of the sole and are knotted beneath (Fig. 11, b). Caps are made from the skin of an ox hump, dried over a form (Fig. 11, h). Pouches are usually rectangular, like boxes. They are made by drawing the fresh hide over a block of wood, folding it, and sewing the ends together. When it has dried, the block is removed but the stiffness of the hide keeps it in shape (Fig. 11, a, d). Knife sheaths are made in the same way. The Zafimaniry occasionally tooled their knife sheaths and small pouches. The hide was first dried, then soaked in water until the hair could be rubbed off with the fingers. It was then bent over a wooden form, flesh side in, and sewed. Lastly, designs were pressed into the surface with a blunt point of hard wood or bone. A pouch j and sheath decorated in this way are illustrated (Figs. 5, a; 11, g). The sheath may be of Betsileo manufacture. This type of decoration is now obsolete. MATTING AND BASKETRY Mats and baskets are the commonest of all Tanala manufactures. Every woman is expected to make those used by her own household. A bride spends the month before her marriage in making a supply, including one especially fine mat which she presents to her parents- 88 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar J in-law on arrival at her new home. Later, she constantly makes more 'as the old ones wear out and usually keeps an unfinished mat or basket to work on in her spare time, as our own housewives keep fancywork. Only two techniques are employed in mat making, checkerwork and twilled work. The former is practically limited to the large, rigid mats of split and flattened bamboo which are used for house walls and floors. These are made exclusively by men. Large green bamboos are split lengthwise and flattened out by pounding them with a mallet. The strips, which are from 3 to 4 inches wide, are then interwoven and the ends trimmed off. Only one flexible mat woven in checkerwork was seen, a small square used as a dust pan (Fig. 18, c). All ordinary mats (sihy) are twilled, the usual weave being over two and under two, although the number is varied for decorative effect. The twilled mats may be divided into two types, hard and soft. The hard mats are used for lining the walls of houses in the cold season (Jandambanana), as floor coverings, sleeping mats, and, in many gentes, for serving cooked rice. The soft mats are used mainly for clothing. The hard mats are made from several species of rushes, two varieties of fan palm, and, where it is available, pandanus. The rushes and pandanus are harvested just as the leaves begin to turn yellow. For palm mats the young, unopened leaves are taken. In both cases the material is cut into long strips, the midrib or other heavy portions removed, and the strips dried in the sun. When nearly dry, the strips are drawn between the thumb and the edge of a sliver of bamboo, to make them softer and more pliable. The thumb is protected by a cloth guard. The material is then done up in bundles and stored in the house until needed. In mat weaving, the worker sits on the ground with the work in front of her on another mat. No lapboard is used. In a few very fine mats the strips are probably moistened before weaving, but I never saw this done. From time to time the work is smoothed and flattened with a polisher. These polishers are usually made from the central portion of the lower jaw of an ox, but large shells of the cowrie variety and smooth river pebbles are also used. Bone polishers are sometimes decorated with incised circles (Fig. 12, g). The Tanala hard mats are strong and well made but are, as a rule, of coarser weave than similar mats from the plateau. Those of pandanus are considered the most serviceable, with those of rushes Economic Life 89 next. Mats of palm leaves are the handsomest, as they are almost white with a glossy surface, but they do not wear well. Floor mats, etc., are always woven as a whole, not made from pieces sewn together, as among some other Madagascar tribes. At least 80 per cent of the hard mats are undecorated. The commonest decoration consists of a line of broader twilling running around the mat 2 to 4 inches from its edges and parallel with them. When there is further decoration, the space inside this border is divided into a series of squares which are separated by bands of wide twilling. The twilling within each square differs from that of the adjoining squares, the various types of twilling being arranged symmetrically (Fig. 12, d). The designs are not named and have no special significance. They are of the simplest geometric type and there are no attempts to reproduce natural forms. At the present time a few colored mats are made, but these are a recent development and the dyes are always anilines. In many cases the colored patterns are nothing more than diagonal strips which intersect at various points, the woven designs running across them unbroken. Soft mats are made principally by the southern Tanala, who employ them as a substitute for cloth. They are identical with those used by the southeast coast tribes and may have been introduced from that region. They are woven from various tough sedges, harefo and herana being the best. In some localities these are cultivated in flooded beds, like rice. The leaves are very dark green, tubular, like garlic, and grow 18 inches to 2 feet high. They are harvested when the tips begin to turn yellow, rolled in powdered kaolin until thoroughly coated, then spread out on mats in the sun. When nearly dry, they are made up into bundles about 2 inches in diameter and beaten with a cylindrical wooden mallet or rice pestle until they become soft and pliable. They are never split. The technique of weaving is the same as for the hard mats, except that the soft mats are usually woven in strips not over 18 inches wide. These are later sewn together to form blankets and garments. The best ones are made from small stems and are so closely woven that they resemble coarse canvas. They are rarely decorated. After weaving, the mat is taken to running water, kneaded and worked under water with the feet, to make it more pliable. All Tanala basketry is of the hand- woven type.1 Coiled basketry is unknown and its general distribution in Madagascar suggests that 1 The classifications used are those of Otis T. Mason, Aboriginal American Basketry, Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. I 90 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar it has been introduced from Africa in relatively recent times. Four types of weaving are employed: twilled work, wicker work, an open weave for which there is no term in English, and twined work. At least 90 per cent of all baskets are twilled over two and under two, the technique being identical with that employed for ordinary mats. The members always run diagonally with respect to both the rectan- gular bottom and sides. The materials are, as a rule, the same as those used in mat weaving, but large, coarsely woven baskets are often made from split papyrus. There is also a limited use of the inner bark of various trees, called hafotra, which is more commonly employed for cloth and cordage. Soft sedges of the sort used for clothing mats are rarely used for basketry, but are employed for certain flat baskets or sacks. Although twilled-work baskets vary greatly in size and material only a few shapes are in use. The commonest form has a square bottom with sides which are rectangular below, becoming more rounded as they rise until, in the deeper examples, the rim is circular. Stiff, shallow baskets of this type, with sides 2 to 3 inches high, are used as dishes for serving food. Deeper and more flexible ones are used for all ordinary purposes. Small ones of carefully determined content are used as rice measures. These show a regular gradation in size and are the only type of basket for which specialization in manufacture has begun, the rice measures for each village usually being woven by one woman. Square, covered baskets, made by fitting two baskets of equal depth together, are used in dwellings for the storage of clothing, etc. (Fig. 12, f). Deep, oblong baskets are next in frequency of occurrence (Fig. 1, b). They are woven from a rather stiff rush and are used as sowing baskets. They are filled with seed and worn attached to the sower's waist. Covered baskets of the same shape and material, with a broad sling of cloth or matting, are used for carrying clothing and valuables when on journeys (Fig. 12, h). Bottle-shaped baskets are fairly common. There are two types, one with a deep, narrow body, slight shoulder and large neck (Fig. 12, c), the other with a short, wide body, flat shoulder and small neck (Fig. 12, a). Small baskets of the first type are used as containers for salt and larger ones for seed. Those of the second type seem to be primarily seed baskets, used to store maize, rice, etc., until sowing time. One seed basket collected is shaped very much like a sock, with a short lateral sleeve and opening (Fig. 12, b). No others of this type were seen and its shape is probably a result of the maker's fancy. Seed beans are stored in peculiar baskets having Economic Life 91 ffl.S I s e« r £tr< T - ca S «s5 _i o c =! * 1 4 M.<5 3« s a 11 a E .- 92 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar from two to four long, narrow, cylindrical tubes which branch out from a flat central portion. When in use they are hung with the flat part above and the tubes pendant. The opening is in the center, on the lower side of the basket as hung (Fig. 1, c, d). This form is said to be an imitation of a cluster of bean pods and may have originally had a magical significance but, if so, this has now been forgotten. The Tanala also make several types of flat baskets which might better be classed as sacks or pouches. Small pouches, pointed at the bottom, are hung on the walls of dwellings as receptacles for spoons, matches, etc. (Fig. 13, a). Their purpose seems to be as much decorative as utilitarian and they are the only Tanala baskets which are woven in colors. Flat, oblong, covered pouches are carried when traveling and serve the purpose of a pocket. These pouches are hung from the shoulder by a string across the chest. One example, made by the Zafimaniry gens, has the outside of the cover and the bottom of the inner pouch covered with sewn braid (Fig. 12, e). The braid is made from hafotra in a three-strand plait. No other examples of such work were seen. Deep, flexible sacks woven from sedge or strips of hafotra are used for carrying rice and other dry foods when traveling. The open end is usually sewn up except for a slit about an inch long. Similar sacks are sometimes stuffed with grass or leaves and used as pillows. Small basketry stands are used to elevate the food dishes of the head of the house and of honored guests. The forms vary greatly, for the makers seem to allow their imaginations free reign. The commonest rests are simply rings of stiff matting two or more layers thick. Another form consists of a basket with a base of the same size and depth as the rim, the effect being that of two baskets joined bottom to bottom (Fig. 8, h). Still another form consists of a well- made basket dish with a high, woven base of smaller diameter (Fig. 8, f). Triangular conical baskets, usually of small size, are used as strainers for purifying salt. This is dissolved, strained through, and then allowed to recrystallize. They were formerly used for leaching wood ashes, the potash being used as a salt substitute (Fig. 6, a). Collars of matting about a foot wide, like baskets without bot- toms, are placed about the mouths of rice mortars to prevent the grain from falling to the ground. Basketry stools, stuffed with straw, are in common use. They consist of a wide circular band of matting which is drawn inward Economic Life 93 ,)77 ,|77 ,m-^P-r^l..-^a liiliiiiiiii*i mmmmmmm Fig. 13. Baskets, a, Trinket Basket; b, Matting Stool; c, Detail of Open Weave; d. Wicker Work Basket; e, Gourd Covered with Open Weave; f, Egg or Spoon Basket. 94 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar along the sides by means of draw strings threaded through the binding. Small separate squares of matting are inserted under the edges of the band, forming the ends of the stool. When first made, these stools are nearly spherical (Fig. 13, b). Pouches and stools are sometimes decorated with simple woven designs like those used on mats, but the bulk of Tanala basketry is devoid of ornament and rather coarsely woven. Baskets of wicker work and open weave are made exclusively by men. The material is a tough, flexible vine called vahy. This is split and flattened. Wicker work baskets are extremely rare, only one specimen being collected. This is a small, cylindrical, covered basket identical with those manufactured by some of the southeast coast tribes and was probably made in imitation of these (Fig. 13, d). The members run vertically and horizontally. Wicker work technique is regularly employed for one type of fish scoop. This has the form of a half cylinder, the rigid vertical elements of the wicker work running crosswise. The flat ends of the scoop are formed by bending the longitudinal splints inward and fastening them together with rough twined work in bark (Fig. 3, b). Wicker work technique is also used for house doors, the material being split bamboo, and for small open frames used for smoking fish. In the technique which I have called open weave, the foundation consists of two series of parallel, diagonal members intersecting at regular intervals. Horizontal members are woven over and under these immediately above each intersection (Fig. 13, c). The finished fabric has large six-sided meshes. This technique is employed for deep, narrow, oblong baskets, one of which is to be found in nearly every household (Fig. 13, f). It is hung up beside the fireplace and utensils are dropped into it after washing, the open meshes allowing them to drain and dry quickly. Because of their stiffness, such baskets are also used for storing eggs and other breakables. The same technique is used for the close-fitting, semi-rigid network woven about gourds used for storing grease (Fig. 13, e), and in the manufacture of a large heart-shaped type of fish trap (Fig. 3, d). It seems to be almost universal in Indonesia and may have been brought to Madagascar from that region. Twined work is employed in the manufacture of fish traps, eel cages, fish scoops and hanging platforms, but never for real baskets. The traps are conical or bottle shaped and the cages cylindrical. They are made from closely spaced, lengthwise strips of bamboo, about }/2 inch wide. At intervals of 5 to 8 inches these strips are Economic Life 95 fastened together by bands of twined work, usually three rows wide. The twining material is unsplit vahy vine. The traps have a conical entrance way, made from pointed slips of bamboo. On one side there is an aperture opened and closed by sliding slips of bamboo into the first row of twining (Fig. 3, e, g). The fish scoops are conical, 2 to 3 feet across the mouth and 3 to 5 feet long. They are made from long, slender, somewhat flexible splints taken from the midrib of the raffia palm. At intervals of 3 or 4 inches these are fastened together by single rows of twined raffia fiber running at right angles to their length. The mouth of the scoop is held open by a hoop of roughly plaited vines. When not in use, this hoop is removed and the scoop rolled up laterally (Fig. 3, a). The hanging platforms are made with the same materials and technique as the scoops just described. They are rectangular, rein- forced with splints of bamboo at the edge, and are used in house- hold sacrifices and for smoking fish (Fig. 3, c). The Tanala also make a few trays or baskets from sections of large pandanus leaves. The heavy midrib is pared thin and the ends and sides of the section bent upward. The ends are then folded and sewn together (Fig. 6, g). Small baskets of this type are some- times made of the sheaths of the giant bamboo, which are similarly folded and sewn. There seems to be little or no use of bark containers. Fish traps are sometimes made from rolls of bark held in position by bands of twisted vine (Fig. 3, f). MANUFACTURE OF BARK CLOTH The Tanala Menabe claim that in the earliest times their clothing was made exclusively of beaten bark, called fanto. They have now learned how to weave and with this and the introduction of European cloth fanto has become obsolete. I never saw it in use, but speci- mens were made for me by a few of the older men, who still remember the process. Fanto is made from the bark of the voara tree. When a wide piece is desired, trees up to a foot in diameter are used. The hard outer bark is scraped away on the tree until the soft inner bark is exposed. This is then detached by ringing the tree above and below and making a single vertical cut. The bark is laid in the sun until nearly dry, then beaten. The beater (pdintana) is shaped like a European mallet, with a head of hard wood and an inserted handle » < 96 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar of softer wood (Fig. 14, a). Both sides of the head are covered with cross-hatching. The anvil is a rectangular piece of wood about 8 inches wide, 6 inches thick, and 16 to 18 inches long, with a smooth, flat top. After the first beating, the bark is laid on the earth in a damp, shady place and left for three or four days. It absorbs moisture and when it has become damp and flexible it is beaten a second time. The material is then ready for use. It is not washed at any stage of the manufacture. The beating expands the bark to, at most, three times its original width. In making smocks, blankets, etc., these strips are sewn together with fiber thread. The finished bark cloth is reddish brown in color, fading to a pinkish tan on exposure to the sun. It is rather stiff and thicker than any Oceanic bark cloth. It plainly shows the marks of the beater (Fig. 14, b). Apparently it is never painted or otherwise decorated. MANUFACTURE OF CLOTH According to their own traditions the Tanala were originally ignorant of weaving. The Ikongo and other southern Tanala dressed in mats, like the southeast coast tribes, and still do so except where they have obtained cloth through trade. The Menabe dressed in bark cloth, but adopted weaving shortly before the beginning of the historic period and now dress entirely in cloth. The art entered the Menabe territory from two directions. Raffia weaving was learned from the neighboring Betsimisaraka tribe and gradually spread to all the gentes. Hafotra weaving, on the other hand, was brought into the area by the Zafimaniry when they fled from the plateau. It has spread little, if at all, among the other gentes, although the neighbors of the Zafimaniry purchase and use the finished product. The preparation of raffia has been described under Forest Prod- ucts. When it is to be manufactured into cloth, it is first shredded into thin filaments. This is done by tying one end of a hank to a post and combing it with an iron comb. These combs usually have four sets of teeth, used for shredding to different sizes (Fig. 14, d). After shredding the filaments are tied end to end to form a continu- ous thread, the ends of the knots being cut as short as possible with a small iron knife. The tying is done on a frame, two types being used. One of these consists of a raffia midrib through one end of which a stick is thrust at right angles while a second stick is driven into the upper surface near the other end. The whole form is reminis- cent of a cross-bow (Fig. 14, e). The thread is passed over one Economic Life 97 Fig. 14. Bark Cloth and Raffia Weaving, a, Bark Cloth Beater; b, Texture of Bark Cloth; c, Twist of Raffia; d, Comb for Shredding Raffia; e, f, Frames for Laying Raffia Chain for Weaving; g, Bone Bodkin. 98 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar arm, around the vertical stick, over the other arm, and back, new lengths being knotted on as needed. The other frame consists of a plank with two rows of holes into which pegs about 8 inches long are fitted. The arrangement of the pegs can be changed to give hanks of different lengths (Fig. 14, f). When enough of the filaments have been knotted on, the hank is removed and laid aside to be dyed. The plateau method of boiling raffia with lye and then twist- ing it into thread seems to be unknown. At the present time European aniline dyes have almost supplanted the original vegetable colors in raffia weaving and only a few of the older women know the native processes. Black is made by crushing the leaves of the lalona, boiling them and adding ferruginous earth. When the mixture is cold the raffia is put in and soaked for a day. This gives a fine and very fast color which continues in regular use in spite of the imported dyes. Yellow is made with turmeric. The root is pounded in a mortar, mixed with cold water, and the raffia steeped in it for half a day to a day, according to the depth of color desired. It is then washed in running water and dried. This dye is still occasionally used. A good orange dye was formerly made from the roots of the vazavaritra, a bush or small tree. The bark from the roots was pounded to powder in a mortar and boiled for an hour with the raffia, which was then washed. This dye was never used with hafotra, but simply because the plant grows in the territory of the raffia weaving gentes and sparsely if at all in that of the Zafimaniry. Red was made by boiling the raffia with the bark of the nato tree, and a pale grayish blue was made with indigo. The vazavaritra, nato, and indigo dyes are rarely used today. All dyeing is done before the fabric is woven. The Tanala make a very limited use of differential warp dyeing. After the chain is ready for the loom groups of threads are drawn together and tightly wrapped with raffia. The chain is then dyed, the exposed portions taking the color while the others remain un- colored. Stripes with alternate plain and colored sections are made in this way, but there are no real designs and dyeing with several colors is unknown. The technique is rarely used and only one example was collected. Threads of mixed color are made by twisting together two filaments dyed in different colors, as black and yellow. The loom (tenona) used in raffia weaving is identical with the oldest Betsimisaraka type (Fig. 15, a). The modern Betsimisaraka type, with treadles, is unknown. The warp is laid on the loom con- tinuously, passing round and round both beams. Tension is secured Economic Life 99 100 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar by tying the beams at their ends to four low posts set in the ground. Beams and heddle rod are round and the heddle rod is relatively heavy. The leash, made from untwisted raffia, is continuous. It is wound around the heddle rod and a second much smaller rod which rests on the top of the heddle rod, in a series of figure eights (Fig. 15, b). The shed stick is oblong in section and about twice as wide as it is thick. Laze rods, made from two strips of bamboo fastened at the ends with a single turn of raffia fiber, are inserted about 18 inches beyond the shed stick, being moved along as the work progresses. The shuttle is very long, in some cases almost the width of the loom, and has forked ends (Fig. 15, c). It is usually of wood, but sometimes of bamboo. The weft thread is wound on it spirally, making either one or two complete turns between the ends. The sword is a long, straight-edged piece of wood pointed at one end and straight at the other (Fig. 15, d). The weaver squats behind the breast beam. Either three or four laze rods are first inserted and pushed close together, to give resistance to the sword. The heddle rod is then raised to form the shed. When in this position its ends are supported on short rests, usually made from stalks of manioc with a few root stubs left attached. When the shuttle has been thrown and the thread beaten in, the heddle rod is slipped off the rests, and the shed stick is turned to form the counter shed. A small, pointed piece of bone or wood is drawn rapidly back and forth across the warp to separate odd and even threads (Fig. 14, g). Both shuttle and sword are inserted from the right side. When a section of cloth has been woven, it is wound backward over the breast beam, gradually passing along the bottom of the loom and up over the warp beam. The laze rods inserted to give resistance are left in place until the cloth is finished. When all but a few inches of the warp has been woven, the remaining portion is cut across and the cloth removed. Nearly all Tanala raffia cloths are decorated with simple stripes made by introducing bands of different-colored thread into the warp. The weft is of uniform color and usually undyed. Checked patterns are produced by having bands of the same colors in both the warp and weft. They are rather rare and do not appear to be ancient. At the present time the most prized cloths are made with a warp of dyed raffia, usually black with colored stripes, and a weft of com- mercial cotton thread. A few bands of the same thread are often introduced into the warp to give clear white stripes. The stripes are commonly arranged in such a way as to give a border along Economic Life 101 Fig. 16. Raffia Cloth, etc. a, b, Raffia Cloth Bags; c, Man's Smock, Raffia Cloth; d, Woman's Dress, Raffia Cloth; e, Wooden Chains for Rolling Hafolra; f, Hafotra Cloth Beater. 102 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar one edge of the fabric. When the cloth is to be made into a woman's dress, the long strip which has come from the loom is cut in two and the ends of each half sewn together. The plain edges of the two sections are then sewn and the border appears at the top and bottom of the simple tubular garment. Hafotra is a bast obtained from three different species of trees. All the Madagascar tribes use it for cordage, but its use for cloth is now limited to the Tanala and some of the neighboring Betsileo. The Imerina and Bara also made hafotra cloth in early times. The best hafotra is obtained from the hafotra potsy, inferior grades from the hafotra keoka and hafotra ambany akondro. Hafotra potsy is cream colored when prepared, the other varieties light gray. Trees 2 to 3 inches in diameter are cut into 4-foot lengths and the hard outer bark scraped away. The inner bark is then split lengthwise and taken off in a single sheet. This is done by men. The sheets of bark are taken to the village, where the women split them into ribbons about Y^ inch wide. The bark is then boiled with water and wood ashes for about two hours and the mixture left standing for a day. It is then washed in running water and, while still wet, is picked into fibers suitable for thread. After this it is washed again, being kneaded on stones with the feet. It is wrung out and dried for a day in the house, never in the sun. A bundle of the still damp fiber is then hung on a hook or threaded through the links of a wooden chain (Fig. 16, e). The operator seats herself on the ground or on a low stool and bares her right thigh. The bundle of fiber is hung beside her, at about the level of her head. She draws down the fibers one by one and rolls them between the palm and the thigh, knotting on new fibers as needed. The finished thread is wrapped around two sticks set in the ground about 2 feet apart. When enough has been rolled to make a hank, it is removed from the sticks and laid aside to be dyed. Even at the present time, only vegetable dyes are used for hafotra. The favorite color is blue, engitra, which is made as follows: Indigo is pounded to powder in a mortar and dried. Banana stalks and a plant called ambiaty are also pounded and dried, then mixed with dried grass of the variety called tsipontina and the whole burned to ashes. The ash and powdered indigo are thoroughly mixed in hot but not boiling water. The yarn is put in and left over night, while the mixture cools. It is taken out, wrung dry, then put in again and left for a day. After this it is washed in running water and dried in the house, never in the sun. The same solution is used Economic Life 103 104 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar for several successive dyeings, each of which gives a lighter color. The first dyeing gives a good medium blue called lohony ("head"). The second gives a lighter grayish blue called atony ("neck"). The third gives a greenish gray called heringy ("back") and the fourth a still paler greenish gray called farindasa ("tail"). The lohony shade is the most prized. A brownish red called vony (lit. "yellow") and a dull brownish purple (esa) are made with the bark of the nato tree. The bark is cut into small pieces and boiled with the yarn for one to two hours each morning and evening, the mixture being kept warm between boilings. Water is added from time to time. This is kept up until the right depth of color is obtained, which takes two to three days for the vony and four or more for the esa. The yarn is then washed in running water and dried. Yellow is made from turmeric, the process being the same as for raffia, and black from a mixture of tannin and ferruginous earth. The tannin is obtained from several plants, including the young leaves of the eucalyptus. Differential warp dyeing and the use of threads of mixed color are unknown. The loom used for hafotra weaving (Fig. 17, a) differs in some respects from that used for raffia. It is identical with the ancient Betsileo loom, which has recently been replaced in that tribe by looms of Imerina type. The warp is continuous, as in the raffia loom, but the beams are semicircular in section and are grooved at the ends to receive the tension ropes. They are usually made from the midribs of raffia palm leaves. The warp beam is tied to two low posts at a height of about 2J^ feet but the breast beam is attached by short ropes to the ends of a wooden back rest (tevoho). Along either side of the loom there is a long bamboo pole one end of which rests on the warp beam and the other on the ground. These poles support the ends of the tevoho, the laze rods, and the heddle rod. Instead of being horizontal, like the raffia loom, the whole apparatus slants downward toward the weaver. The heddle rod is much slenderer than that of the raffia loom, about y% inch in diameter, but is also round. A continuous alternate leash of hafotra cord is used (Fig. 17, b). The shed stick is round and about % inch in diameter. The laze rods are made of wood and are somewhat heavier than the heddle rod. Three of them are inserted a short distance beyond the shed stick, their ends being tied together with cord. The shuttle is a plain, blunt-pointed stick about }/2 inch in diameter and 14 inches long, about which the thread is wrapped spirally (Fig. 17, c). Economic Life 105 The weaver sits flat on the ground with her legs extending for- ward under the loom and maintains the tension by leaning against the back rest. The position is tiring and the Betsileo give this as the principal reason for their abandonment of this type of loom. The weaver first inserts two laze rods, made from very thin splints of bamboo, then, when two or three threads have been woven and loosely beaten in, a strip of bamboo about an inch wide is passed through the warp and used as a base for beating in the rest of the weft. Each time the counter shed is to be formed, the heddle rod is slipped off the bamboo poles, the weaver releasing the tension by leaning forward. When the cloth is nearly finished, narrow bands of very simple design are sometimes woven across the strip to serve as borders for the completed garment. In making these bands, needles, or simply the fingers, are employed, never the shuttle. The weft threads are carried across in pairs, passing over and under different numbers of warp threads. Twining is sometimes used in addition to true weaving. After the border has been made, the ordinary weaving is continued for an inch or more. The remaining warp is then cut and the cloth removed. The edges are turned in and sewed, to prevent raveling. Newly woven hafotra cloth is stiff and harsh to the touch, and the colors appear dull. Before wearing, it is taken to a stream and beaten on a smooth stone with a cylindrical wooden club (Fig. 16, f). During the beating the cloth must be kept very wet and, if the water is too cold, the threads will not felt properly and may break, making holes in the fabric. Cloth that has been properly beaten has a smooth, glossy surface and bright colors. It is cold and some- what slippery to the touch, like linen. The beating is always done by women. Hafotra cloth is principally used for lambas ("mantles") but loin cloths were formerly made from it and a few belts are still manufactured. Lambas are made from two strips of cloth sewn side by side. At least 90 per cent of these show the same general pattern. The ground color, called aditra, is made from one of the shades of indigo. On this are arranged narrow stripes of red, purple, yellow, natural color and, if the ground shade is light, dark blue. A stripe of natural color is called famotsy, and a line of it famotsy kely. The other stripes go by their ordinary color names. Stripes of mixed color, always along one edge, are made by introducing alternate light and dark warp threads. In lambas of this pattern II 106 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar the weft is always dyed red. The only variations from the pattern which were seen were several specimens made entirely of undyed hafotra and a single specimen which had four widely spaced stripes of combined blue and yellow on a ground of natural color. The Tanala, like most of the Madagascar tribes, display extraor- dinarily good taste in the combination of colors. Even when glar- ing aniline dyes are used their compositions are almost always pleasing. The outstanding feature of their textile design is the use of narrow lines at the edges or in the body of their stripes. If the stripe and ground are both fairly light in color, the stripe will be edged with a black or very dark line. A wide dark stripe will have a few lines of light color incorporated. These lines are invisible at a little distance but give emphasis to the whole. Delicate shadings are also produced by lines of graded color. In one specimen a stripe is composed of three yellow threads in the center with two black threads, two dark blue, two light blue, two red and two white on either side. CORDAGE The best native material for cordage is raffia. Long ribbons of this fiber, just as it is striped from the leaf, are used for all the pur- poses for which we employ light string. Heavier cord is made from twisted raffia in two strands. The strands are rolled between the palm and the bare thigh, the maker rolling first one strand and then the other and allowing the two to twist about each other. New lengths of fiber are rolled in as needed and the work proceeds with great rapidity. Heavier rope is usually braided from bundles of the untwisted fiber in a three-strand plait. Rope an inch in diameter can be made in this way. It is soft, light and extremely strong, but is rarely used at present because of the commercial value of the raffia. Inferior rope and cordage are made from the inner bark of various trees, called hafotra. The use of this material in weaving has already been described. In rope making the fiber is boiled, shredded and cut into pieces 4 feet long. The rope is braided in three-strand plaits from bundles of these. New pieces are introduced a few at a time, so as to keep the rope of uniform size and strength. Hafotra ropes are light and soft, but do not wear well. Small cordage is rarely made from it. Strips of fresh bark are frequently used in place of string. Per- manent lashings are usually made from split vines, while large vines Economic Life 107 take the place of heavy rope. The latter are considered better than rope for very heavy work, such as the erection of memorial stones. Dwellings In describing Tanala dwellings it is necessary to distinguish sharply between the Zafimaniry and the rest of the tribe. The former still live, for the most part, in strongly built wooden houses identical with those used by the Betsileo in ancient times. They are beginning to adopt mud houses, like those of the modern plateau natives. The other Tanala gentes build their dwellings of bamboo, leaves of the ' Traveler's Palm, etc., and show no tendency to adopt the mud houses. • In this they conform to the culture pattern of the east coast tribes. All Tanala houses are grouped in villages. This was originally I a defensive measure, but even now, when the danger of attack has. ceased, they show no tendency to live in isolated families. Tanala dwellings, aside from those of the Zafimaniry, show only minor differences. In general, those of the northern gentes are rather larger and better built than those of the southern ones. All the houses are rectangular and oblong, with gabled roofs. The average dwelling is about 20 feet long by 10 to 12 feet wide, but the dimensions vary greatly. The interior height is usually 10 to 12 feet at the ridge- pole and 5 to 6 feet at the walls. The houses are always oriented with their long axes north and south. The entire house is raised on posts, the floor being 18 inches to 2 feet above ground at the closest point. As houses are often built on steep slopes, the clearance may be as much as 6 feet at the lower end. The space between the posts is often filled in with stones, to prevent enemies from crawling under and spearing the inhabitants through the floor. A rectangular enclosure of planks or bamboo, near the south end, supports a block of earth which rises to the level of the floor and serves as a fireplace. The framework of the house usually consists of three main timbers, one at either end and one in the center, a ridgepole, corner posts, stringers at the top and bottom of the walls, rafters and door frames. Another type of framework may be seen in the accompanying drawing (Fig. 18, e). Except for the stringers and door frames, the timbers are simply peeled, not dressed. The main vertical timbers are usually planted in the ground. The floor is made from planks or from a mat of split and flattened bamboos woven in checkerwork (see Matting and Basketry). Beside 108 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar the fireplace a short section of large bamboo is usually fastened vertically, with its top flush with the floor. This serves as a drain for pouring out dish water and small scraps of food. The walls are made from bamboo mats, rushes, or midribs of Traveler's Palm leaves. The rushes or midribs are skewered side by side on long slivers of bamboo and pressed closely together, so that they are almost air- tight. The material is made up in large panels, which are then trimmed to fit the wall. These wall panels are attached to the inside of the timbers, so that the inner walls of the house are smooth and unbroken while the framework is visible on the outside. The rafters are made from small bamboos, about 2 inches in diameter, which are lashed to the ridgepole and wall plates. They extend out about 2 feet over the walls, forming eaves. The roof is heavily thatched with leaves of the Traveler's Palm. The leaves are folded together along the midrib and laid on horizontally, overlapping like shingles. They are sewn to the rafters with strips of bark, a bamboo needle being used (Fig. 18, a). Grass is used for thatching in a few places. Across the south end of the house, on a level with the tops of the walls, there is a deep shelf of bamboo. This is used as a storage place. There are always two and sometimes three doors. These are about 5 feet high and 2 feet 3 inches wide, extending down to the floor. The main doorway is in the west side, near the southern end. Directly in front of it is the fireplace. The second door is in the eastern side, near the north end. The third, if there is a third, is in the middle of the north wall. The northeastern and northern doors are opened for light and ventilation but are rarely used for entrance. The door itself is made from a stiff panel of bamboo woven in wicker work. It rests against the inside of the door jambs, with its lower edge on the floor. Doors are only fastened when the owner is absent. A string is fastened to the center of the door and its other end attached to a stick which is wedged across the jambs on the outside. In cold weather, the walls of the house are lined with rush mats which are fastened up with bamboo pins (Fig. 18, b). Similar mats are used to cover the floor, except immediately around the fireplace. The only furniture consists of matting stools (Fig. 13, b) ;and there are rarely more than one of these in a house, such seats 1 being reserved for guests and family heads. The beds are simple mats which are unrolled on the floor at night and put away in the daytime. In a few places, tent-like mosquito nets of raffia cloth Economic Life 109 5^3 W/Z/iMMMW Fig. 18. Houses, etc. a, Bamboo Thatching Needle; b, Pins for Mat Lining of House; c, d, Dust Pan and Broom; e, Frame of Thatch House; f, Section of Wall of Wooden House; g, Wooden House, Zafimaniry. 110 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar are in use. These are made from three long strips of cloth sewn together side by side and at the ends. They are hung from the rafters and reach to the floor, the lower edges being tucked in under the sleeping mat. iThe Tanala houses are comfortable and well adapted to the limate, the only disadvantage being that they are rather smoky. The fire is kept going constantly, and in time the rafters and inside (of the thatch become thoroughly blackened. For some reason, perhaps the general humidity, this smoke deposit is as glossy as black lacquer and gives a really decorative effect. Most of the houses are kept scrupulously clean. The floor mats are changed frequently, and the whole house swept at least once a day. Brooms made from palm splints and dust pans of matting are employed (Fig. 18, c, d). There seem to be no special ceremonies attendant on house building or on first entering the new house, although the work is usually begun on an auspicious day. One informant mentioned a charm for house building, but I could not learn its composition or how it was used. The Zafimaniry dwellings are also rectangular and are oriented in the same way as those of the rest of the tribe, but they are greatly superior in workmanship and solidarity (Fig 18, g). They seem to be identical with the houses used by the Betsileo at the beginning of the historic period, and the Zafimaniry no doubt brought the type with them when they fled from the plateau. The houses are rather small, the largest rarely being more than 15 feet long, and are rather wide in proportion to their length, some being almost square. They are usually built on terraces or on stone- faced earth platforms 18 inches to 2 feet 6 inches high. If on a terrace, a ditch 18 inches wide and of the same depth is dug round the house about 2 feet out from the walls, for drainage. The disposition of the houses in villages is very irregular and hardly two will be at the same level. All the main timbers are made of hard wood and are carefully squared and dressed. The three main posts are oblong in section, 3 to 4 inches thick and 8 to 10 inches wide at the base, tapering to about 6 inches wide at the top. They are firmly planted in the ground at either end and in the center of the house, their broad faces being at right angles to its long axis. The center post is usually slightly larger than the other two. Their tops are deeply notched to receive the ridgepole, which is also of hard wood, round, and about 4 inches Economic Life 111 in diameter. The height of the ridgepole varies, but is usually 12 to 15 feet. The walls are supported by four corner posts about 5 inches square and 5 to 6 feet high, which are also planted in the earth. These are connected by heavy stringers at the top and bottom. The stringers are 4 to 6 inches wide and 3 to 4 inches thick, and are placed with their broad faces vertical. They are cut into tenons at the ends and mortised into the corner posts. The walls are made from alter- nate thick and thin strips of wood. The former are of the same thickness as the stringers and 3 to 4 inches wide. They are mortised into the stringers at the top and bottom and grooved along the sides to receive the edges of the alternate thin strips. These are only %toz/i inch thick, with an exposed face of the same width as the wide strips. They are set in between the wide strips with their ends resting in grooves in the stringers (Fig. 18, f). All the posts, stringers, wall boards, etc., in a given house are of the same dimensions throughout and carefully finished. The work shows a regularity almost equal to that of good European carpentry. The joining is extraordinarily good. Each piece is fitted and adjusted before it is put in place and the joints are so close that neither air nor light is admitted. The tenons and mortises are so exact that no pins or lashings are required. The entire house can readily be knocked down and reassembled on a new site and apparently this was sometimes done when new villages were established. The gable ends of the house, above the walls, are filled with mats of split and woven bamboo. These are double, with a layer of clay or cow dung between to make them air tight. In the southern gable, high up, there is usually a smoke hole, framed with wood and closed with a wooden shutter (Fig. 19, a). Rarely, the gable ends are thatched, a few strips of bamboo being fastened across over the thatch to keep it in place. The roof is rather steeply pitched. The rafters are made from ! small bamboos or peeled saplings, reinforced with transverse pieces of bamboo at intervals. The roof is sometimes thatched with leaves of the Traveler's Palm or grass, but is more commonly composed of several layers of bamboos. These are split, flattened, and bent over the ridgepole, their ends extending down to the eaves. The eaves are very narrow, extending only 3 or 4 inches beyond the house walls. Planks are often fastened against the roof at either end with the broad face out. This serves to confine the thatch and also to protect it from the wind. In the Betsileo houses, these planks cross at the 112 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar peak of the roof and project about 3 feet above it. They are pointed, or carved into graceful curves, like horns. I never saw this among the Zafimaniry, but informants said it sometimes occurred. The points represent the horns of cattle, but none of my informants knew why they were used, or attached other than a decorative significance to them. The standard house has eight windows, most of which are never opened. There are two in each wall, placed rather nearer the ends than the center. Some of the more recent houses depart from this plan, limiting the number to two or three. The main window, which is used for entrance, is near the southern end of the west wall. All the windows are usually of the same size and construction. They are square, about 2 feet 6 inches on a side, with a well-made frame and a solid wooden door turning on pin hinges. The sill is 2 feet 6 inches to 3 feet above ground. Stone pillars about 6 inches in diameter and 18 inches high, or sections of tree trunk, are planted just inside and outside the entrance window to serve as steps. These are called tokonana. The use of such a doorway requires a good deal of agility, but the natives say that the high sills serve to keep pigs, etc., out of the house and small children in. They also give the house- holder a great advantage in case of attack. The windows open inward and are secured by heavy wooden bolts sliding under cleats. The southwestern window is provided with a crude sort of lock. The center of the bolt is cut into a series of squares with ridges between. In the jamb of the window, or sometimes in the shutter itself, there is a small hole. On leaving the house, the householder inserts a curved iron (Fig. 19, c) through this hole, catches its point on one of the ridges carved on the bolt, and slides the bolt home. Security during his absence is assured by varying the distance of the bolt from the hole, so that too long or too short a key will not work. The northern half of the house is usually ceiled with transverse rafters. These rest on the top of the wall. Over the rafters bamboos are laid longitudinally. They are often covered with first a layer of grass and then a layer of clay, making a strong, smooth floor. The attic formed in this way is really a small room, high enough in the center for a man to stand erect. It is used for storage of all sorts, but never for sleeping. The attic is reached by a ladder made from a notched log (tohatra) or, less frequently, by notches cut in the center post of the house. The foot of the ladder is usually planted immediately in front of the entrance to the house. Economic Life 113 1 a H J yr Kl 3 r ~""it «■£ F- © A - ZX>or f - Serf B - W//K70WJ C - Ch*sf- C - Sfpo H - Hanging 3*>«t* W Z> - £.«&<**?- J - l.t>*t- ** A" - Fire-p'acm K - r-fam posts '© Fig. 19. Furniture, a, Smoke Hole; b, Wooden Stool; c, Key; d, Wooden Bed; e, Iron Lamp; f. Hanger; g, Clay Lamp; h, Ground Plan of House. 114 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar The fireplace is southwest of the center post. It is always far enough away from the walls so that it can be approached from all sides. It is rectangular, about 3 feet on a side, and is depressed 2 to 3 inches below the floor level. It is surrounded by small slabs of stone set on edge. One or more tripods, made from slender stones planted in the earth, serve to support the cooking pots. Among the Betsileo these stones are sometimes carefully shaped, but all those seen among the Zafimaniry were rough. Along the southern wall there are commonly one or more hanging shelves loaded with utensils, baskets, etc. On the center post, or on the wall opposite the entrance, a small openwork basket for spoons is hung. In the southeast corner there is usually a wooden chest. In front of this is a stand for a water jar. This is usually made from a small tree with its branches lopped to form a support for the jar. It is about 18 inches high. Against the west wall, to the left of the entrance and filling the rest of that side of the house, is the bed (Fig. 19, d). This is a huge wooden structure, resembling a wardrobe. It is built in permanently, the walls of the house forming the back and southern end. The front and northern end are nearly as high as the house wall. The top is open. The inner walls of the bed are constructed of grooved lumber, like the house walls. There are longitudinal beams halfway up. In the center of the east side there are two doors, one above, the other below. The lower half of the bed is used for storage, setting hens, etc., the upper half for sleeping. The bed itself is made of split bamboos or saplings laid longitudinally, with grass and mats on top. At night, the father and mother of the family retire into this structure and shut the door. Everyone else sleeps on mats laid on the floor. The beds are usually carved. The Zafimaniry use matting stools, like the other Tanala, but have in addition well-made wooden stools, usually with three legs (Fig. 19, b). These are carved from a section of log. I never saw more than one wooden stool in a house. This stool is the property of the father and no one else can use it while he is present. The Zafimaniry houses are well suited to their environment, for the winter season in their territory is cold, with chilling fogs, but they are poorly kept. The floors are rarely swept and spilled food, etc., is simply trodden in. When the floor mats become too soiled, new ones are laid down on top, the floor itself being of earth. In one house I counted sixteen layers of mats, each with its accumu- Economic Life 115 lated filth. Vermin thrive under such conditions and it is almost impossible for a white man to sleep in one of these dwellings. ARTIFICIAL LIGHT The Tanala usually keep to the house after sunset, except on moonlight nights. The only lights used in the open air are torches, usually flaming brands of resinous wood. Better torches, for night fishing, are made from bundles of long, dry leaves tied together at intervals of 3 to 4 inches. Inside the house, most families are content with the light of the fire. The Zafimaniry make a limited use of small iron lamps (Fig. 19, e) like those of the Betsileo. The lamp consists of a small bowl attached to the side of a long spike. The whole is usually forged from a single piece of metal. The lower end of the spike is pointed and is thrust into either the earth floor or a heavy block of wood. The upper end is bent down over the bowl and then recurved, form- ing a small hook. Sometimes this is forked and spread, resembling the horns of cattle. The bowl is filled with grease and has a floating wick, twisted from a bit of bark cloth or commercial cotton fabric. A lump of fat is impaled on the hook above the bowl and slowly melts down, feeding the lamp. Iron lamps with multiple bowls seem to be unknown. All the Tanala use tapers made by impaling the kernels of castor oil beans side by side on a thin splint of bamboo or other stiff material. The first bean is lit at the fire and the taper laid horizontally across a bowl or other raised object with the burning end protruding beyond its side. When the first bean is nearly consumed, the taper is picked up and inverted to light the next. Such tapers require almost con- stant attention. They are reminiscent of the candle nut tapers used in Polynesia. Costume In describing Tanala clothing it is necessary to distinguish between the Ikongo, the Menabe in general, and the Zafimaniry. The garments of the first two resemble those of the east coast tribes while those of the Zafimaniry are of the plateau pattern. The two types differ so widely that it seems best to describe the Zafimaniry separately. In pre-European times, the Ikongo dressed exclusively in soft mats. They made no use of true cloth and bark cloth was employed only for women's belts. The Menabe, on the other hand, rarely 116 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar used mats for clothing. Their garments were made from bark cloth in the earliest times, then, after the introduction of weaving, from raffia cloth. Except among the Zafimaniry, Tanala costume has been little influenced by European contact. Commercial cotton cloth is begin- ning to come into use, but the garments are still made according to the ancient pattern. The men regularly wear a smock (akanjo) . The Tanala say that this garment was originally made from a single long strip of material with a hole in the center, for the head. This strip covered the body front and back, but was so narrow that the sides did not meet. It was allowed to hang loose, the lower edges coming to a little above the knee. Later, the strip was made wider and sewn up along the left side. The edges overlapped on the right side and were held together by a tie or by a wooden button and loop (Fig. 20, a). Still later, it was sewn up both sides — the modern form. The original poncho type did not become obsolete among the Menabe until about sixty years ago. The matting akanjo of the modern Ikongo is made in five pieces, one for each half of the front and back and a large, circular piece for the skirt (Fig. 20, b). Each garment is made to its owner's measure. The neck is cut square or V-shaped and there are no sleeves. The skirt, which comes to a little below the knee, flares somewhat, to permit free leg movement. Sometimes a pocket is woven into the front of the skirt on the right side. The raffia akanjo, worn by most of the Menabe, is made from a single broad strip of raffia cloth with a hole cut in the center for the head. The neck is reinforced with a yoke of the same material (Fig. 16, c). Work akanjo are sleeveless, but those worn on dress occasions are often made with full-length sleeves puffed at the wrist. This is probably due to European influence. The skirt is moderately full and somewhat longer than in the matting akanjo. The pocket, if any, is in the middle of the back, between the shoulder blades. ilt opens inside the garment. It is difficult for the wearer to reach it, but quite impossible for anyone else to pick it. This is the reason which the Tanala assign for placing it in such an inconvenient position. At the present time, all Tanala men wear a loin cloth (salaka) under the akanjo. This is considered essential for decency and is worn even with European trousers. The Menabe say that they have always used the salaka. I could get no information on this | point for the Ikongo, but I doubt whether they used it in the earliest period. The men of the southeast coast tribes, who used mat Economic Life 117 Fig. 20. Garments, a, Matting Smock, Old Style; b, Matting Smock, Present Style; c, Matting Dress; d, Man's Hat; e, f, Man in Lamba, Front and Rear; g, h, Loin Cloth, Rear and Front; j, Woman in Costume. 118 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar akanjo identical with those of the Ikongo, did not wear the salaka until compelled to do so by their Imerina conquerors. The salaka consists of a strip of soft fabric 6 to 10 inches wide and 6 to 8 feet long. In adjusting it, 3 to 6 inches at one end is turned back and held against the abdomen with one hand. The rest is then passed backward between the legs, up over the right buttock, and around the waist from right to left. The forward end is then released and hangs down outside the waist band, forming a short apron. The long rear end is then pushed under the strip coming from between the legs behind, carried back around the waist once more, from left to right, and finally tucked in at the front or side (Fig. 20, g, h). Belts are rarely worn. They are put on under the akanjo, so that they are concealed. Small boxes for fire-making outfits and flat pouches of rawhide are often worn hanging on the breast, also inside the akanjo. On long journeys men wear simple rawhide sandals (Fig. 11, b). Men sometimes wear caps made from the skin of an ox hump (Fig. 11, h). I was also told of caps of lemur fur, worn on dress occasions, but these have always been rare, and I saw no examples. From the descriptions, they seem to be made from a whole pelt sewn together at the ends. The top is open. Both sexes wear brimless caps woven from the glossy outer layer of the papyrus rush, from palm leaves, or from sedge. The strips employed are, as a rule, narrower than those used in mat or basket weaving, some specimens running sixteen strips to the inch. The simpler caps are nothing more than small, square-bottomed baskets. In those made from soft sedge, the body of the basket is allowed to mold itself to the head, like a skull cap, while its edges are rolled back around the rim (Fig. 20, d). In other caps, made from stiff er material, the basket is turned partly inside out, the reversed portion forming a band on the outside of the cap. This type has the disad- vantage of exposing the rough side of the material. To avoid this, various composite forms have been developed. One type is made with a wide flat band which encircles the head, the lower third of its width being turned up inside, and a separate crown whose edges are turned down and sewn or woven into the band about % inch below its upper edge (Fig. 21, b). In another type the crown is flat and square, and is sewn directly to the upper edge of the band, which is rolled outward instead of inward. The outside edge of the band is brought up almost to the crown and pulled in with a Economic Life 119 120 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar draw string, so that the crown juts out above it (Fig. 21, d). In still another type, a narrow strip is sewn in between the flat crown and the band. I was unable to trace the distribution of these various types of cap. The skull caps of soft sedge seem to be more popular with the Ikongo than the more elaborate forms, but I am under the impression that all the forms are used by all the Tanala gentes except the Zafimaniry. The one-piece caps are usually worn by men and the composite forms by women. Among the eastern gentes, who are in contact with the Betsimisaraka, women's caps are usually deco- rated with woven colored designs similar to those used on mats, but finer and more elaborate. Elsewhere, they are usually plain. Men's caps are rarely colored, but are usually embroidered with dyed raffia or hafotra in simple geometric designs (Fig. 21, a, b). The main garment of Tanala women is a straight, tubular dress, like a sack open at both ends. This is large enough to be easily slipped on over the head and long enough to reach from the arm- pits to about 3 inches below the knee. It is held in place by a narrow belt. The fabric is so stiff that the upper part stands up and covers the body. When working in the fields, the upper part is folded back over the belt and hangs like an overskirt. In rainy weather, the belt is removed, and the whole garment pulled up until the upper part covers the head like a hood (Fig. 20, j). The mat dresses of the Ikongo are made from two or three cylin- drical sections sewn edge to edge (Fig. 20, c). The construction of the raffia dresses of the Menabe (Fig. 16, d) has been described under Manufacture of Cloth. In both cases, the belts are narrow bands of bark cloth or commercial fabric tied in front. They are not decorated. (Married women usually have the breasts bare. In the presence of strangers they draw up their dresses and hold the upper edges under their arms. Unmarried women and girls wear short, tight- fitting, sleeveless jackets of commercial cloth, or brassieres. The jackets are probably due to Arab influence. The ordinary brassieres are plain strips of soft matting 3 to 6 inches wide. Those worn on dress occasions are made in two parts, a broad strip, tapering slightly toward the ends, which is shaped to fit and support the breasts, and a narrower strip, often of very fine weave, which goes across the back (Fig. 22, b). An important article of clothing for women is the baby cover. This is a square mat, about 18 inches across, which is worn hanging Economic Life 121 over the shoulders. It is held by a string about the neck. Another type of baby cover is shaped like the three sides and bottom of an oblong box (Fig. 22, a). Apparently each of these types is used by different gentes, but I could not learn their distribution. The baby cover is intended primarily to protect the child from sun and rain when it is carried on its mother's back, but it also serves to keep the woman's back warm and I often saw the covers worn when no child was being carried. The Zafimaniry have never dressed in either mats or bark cloth and make little use of raffia cloth. In pre-European times their garments were made from finely woven hafotra cloth. Men wore the salaka, already described, and a mantle or blanket (lamba). The lamba is a rectangular piece of cloth 6 to 8 feet long and 4 to 5 feet wide. It is always made from two strips sewn side by side. It is draped about the shoulders, the right end, which is somewhat longer, being thrown over the left shoulder so that it hangs down the back (Fig. 20, e, f). It is taken off during violent labor. For easy work, the two sides are folded back on the shoulders, leaving the arms free. Women formerly wore the lamba and a kilt, made from a cloth wrapped about the waist, which extended to just below the knee. The brassiere was not worn, and there were no baby covers in this group. Simple basket caps were worn by both sexes, but women frequently went bareheaded. At the present time the original Zafimaniry costume is quite obsolete. Men wear trousers and shirts or long-sleeved smocks, usually of cotton flannel. Women wear wrappers of the Mother Hubbard variety. Both sexes retain the lamba and do not appear in public without it. The raffia akanjo is sometimes worn as a work garment, but never as full dress. Conversely, the other Tanala Menabe often wear the lamba as a part of full dress, but not when in ordinary costume. The Tanala appear to be singularly indifferent to ornaments and rarely wear any when in ordinary costume. Both sexes occasionally have a string of beads tied about one wrist, and men often wear a small bracelet of plain brass or copper wire, but both these are really charms. The women of some of the eastern gentes of the Menabe wear curious neck rings of silver. These are about Y% inch thick in the center, tapering to J/g inch thick at the ends. The two ends hook together at the back (Fig. 22, d). A few of the younger women also wear earrings of European manufacture. i 122 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar When in full dress, both men and women wear flat silver brace- lets, open on one side (Fig. 22, c), and heavy silver neck chains. A few of the bracelets are made locally, but most of them, together with the chains, are obtained from the Betsileo. I never saw a finger ring worn. Feathers, flowers, or other natural products are never used for decoration. Body and face painting occur as a part of some ceremonies, but never for decoration. At present, nearly all men wear their hair cut short, European fashion. Women retain the ancient hair-dressing, which was orig- inally the same for both sexes. The scalp is divided by a series of lengthwise and crosswise partings into a number of rectangular patches, each about 2 inches square. The hair from each patch is then rubbed with grease and water, and braided. In braiding, it is drawn out as tightly as possible, to eliminate the natural kink. If the hair is short and woolly, the end of the braid is wrapped with a thread of raffia and the braids stand out from the head in all direc- tions. If the hair is long, each braid is rolled into a flat, oval plaque, like a leaf, and securely sewn with thread. The plaques lie flat on the head, overlapping. The coiffure is then soaked with oil, to discourage vermin. The hair is rarely dressed oftener than once a month. Combs of wood or bamboo splints are used for dressing the hair, but are never worn (Fig. 22, g, h, j, k). In former times, Zafimaniry men sometimes attached a short string of large beads or some other small charm to the central braid on the back of the head (Fig. 22, e, f). The native beard and body hair are naturally light. There is a good deal of individual variation, but even the hairiest natives are less so than the average north European. Men are almost always clean shaven. I was told that old men sometimes grew beards, but I never saw one. If the facial hair is sparse, it is plucked out with small iron tweezers. If it is fairly heavy, it is shaved off with a small knife of ordinary form (Fig. 1, f). In shaving, the beard is moistened with cold water and scraped off a few hairs at a time. The razors are dull and rough-edged, and the process is slow and painful. Both sexes pluck the pubic and axillary hair. Both men and women tattoo slightly on the arms and breast, but never on the face. The most extensive tattooing is seen among the Zafimaniry, where women often have bracelets tattooed on the wrists and a sort of band or collar on the chest. The designs used here are similar to those used in the native wood carving, but simpler. Economic Life 123 P^^K?\ Fig. 22. Ornaments and Combs, a, Baby Cover; b, Matting Brassiere; c, Silver Bracelet; d. Silver Neck King; e. Hair Ornament, Fossil Ivory and Ancient Bead; f. Hair Ornament, Ancient Beads; g", j, k, Wooden Combs; h, Bamboo Splint Comb. 124 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar The tattooing is purely decorative and informants say that it is a matter of fashion and seems to run in cycles. It will sometimes be out of style for years, then some popular young person will be tattooed and many of his or her friends will follow suit, often using the same designs. The patterns are pricked in with an ordinary needle and then rubbed with soot. There seems to be no ornamental scarification and no mutilation. Transportation The Tanala make no use of animals for draft or burden and are unfamiliar with the wheel. Women carry loads on the head, but rarely take heavy ones and never act as professional bearers, Men sometimes carry on the head for short distances, but do it clumsily, being accustomed to using a shoulder pole. This pole is made from a large bamboo or sapling of light wood 2^ to 3 inches in diameter and is usually 5 to 6 feet long. If of wood, the bark is removed, but the pole is not shaped in any way. The load is divided as equally as possible and slung from the ends. Heavy loads are carried on a longer pole between two men. The Tanala carry light loads, about thirty pounds per man being the standard pack for long distance travel. However, they march fast, making twenty to thirty miles a day over very difficult country. They march without rests, but halt for two hours or more in the middle of the day, cooking a meal and perhaps sleeping for a time. The trails are mostly very steep and narrow and take the most direct line, with little attention to the slope. There are no bridges. At the present time, white travelers and the richer natives are carried in sedan chairs (filanjana), which are borne on the shoulders of four men. The Tanala Menabe say that they did not use this appliance in pre-European times. There seems to have been very little long distance travel prior to the European conquest and even now the average native, unless drafted for labor, rarely goes more than twenty or thirty miles from the village of his birth. Canoes are used, but are relatively unimportant. Most of the streams in the Tanala territory are shallow and swift, with many falls and rapids. There is no regular river transport and most of the canoes are used for ferrying or fishing. They are identical with the river canoes used by the east coast tribes, but are inferior in workmanship. Some of the largest are as much as 25 to 30 feet long, but none of them exceed 2 feet in width. Economic Life 125 Canoes are always hewn from green logs, the work proceeding as rapidly as possible, to take advantage of the initial softness of the wood. The outside is roughly shaped with axes and the inside hollowed out through a long slot about one-half the diameter of the log in width. When the sides have been worked to a thickness of 13^ to 2 inches, they are spread until they are nearly vertical. To do this, a row of small fires is kindled along the bottom of the canoe. When they are burning briskly, the cavity is filled with the leaves and stems of a green, succulent plant. The steam from this softens the wood and the sides are gradually opened out by driving in longer and longer thwarts. When the sides have been spread, the canoe, with the thwarts still in place, is weighted and sunk in a stream for a few days until the wood has set. Afterward, the thwarts are removed and the canoe worked smooth inside and out. The above account was obtained from a member of one of the eastern Tanala gentes. It seems certain that all the Tanala do not spread the sides of their canoes by this method, but I was unable to determine its distribution. Most of my informants had never seen a canoe made. Sails are unknown. Paddles, like the canoes, are crudely made. The usual type is about 4 feet long with a moderately broad blade, in the form of a pointed oval, and a plain handle. I often saw spades, or even simple sticks, used as paddles in ferrying and there was a taboo against the use of paddles in one of the large rivers in the Menabe territory. This taboo is now ignored but the old people say that while it was in force the crocodiles in this river never attacked people. Trade The Tanala are not a trading people and I doubt whether, even now, there is a single Tanala merchant or shopkeeper. Until relatively recent times the only commerce has been a little barter with the Betsileo for iron implements, silver jewelry and fine cloth and with Europeans for firearms and beads. The government has attempted to establish weekly markets at a few of the principal towns, but has met with little success. What trade there is, is in the hands of Betsileo and Imerina who have settled in the larger villages. Their stock consists mostly of trinkets and luxuries, the average Tanala family still producing nearly everything it needs. The value of money is thoroughly understood, but most of the trade is still by barter, the Tanala 126 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar bringing in various forest products and exchanging them for the merchant's wares. Forest Products The most important articles of trade are beeswax, rubber and raffia. The preparation of the first has already been described. Rubber was formerly an important export, but its value has declined in recent years, due to exhaustion of the wild supply and the low price it brings in competition with cultivated rubber. The Tanala were familiar with the properties of rubber in pre- European times, but made little use of it themselves. The only uses I could discover were as a cement and as a material for small, conical tinder boxes. The latter were made only by some gentes of the Ikongo. Rubber is called herotra. The natives divide it into herotraza, obtained from trees, and hero-bahy, obtained from vines. Herotraza is obtained from two trees, the hero-potsy and hero-mena, literally "white rubber" and "red rubber." The hero-potsy is the best. The same methods are used with both species. In one method, the tree is tapped with a series of diagonal cuts and the latex collected in bamboo cups fastened below. It is then poured into a large vessel and coagulated by adding the juice of various acid fruits, voasarimasy, voatrotrokala, or voandongoza. The other method consists of felling the tree and cutting the trunk into sections 3 to 5 feet long. A section is placed on two wooden horses 18 inches to 2 feet high and a fire kindled underneath. The section is turned constantly, so that all parts will be roasted evenly, and is removed when the bark begins to catch fire. The bark is then stripped off and left in a damp place for eight or ten days. After this, it is pounded in a mortar and washed to free the rubber from dirt and fiber. It is sold in balls which contain a large proportion of impurities. The hero-bahy is obtained from several different vines: voahentenso, voahembory, herobanda and heromava. The herobanda yields the most latex, but it is hard to coagulate. The heromava gives the best grade of rubber. The vines are cut into pieces 1 foot to 18 inches long. These are set upright in bowls or in cups made from the leaves of the Traveler's Palm. Even the roots are dug up and cut into slices to obtain the latex. The rubber is coagulated by boiling it with the juice of acid fruits. Economic Life 127 One of the most important forest products is raffia. This is not only an article of trade, but figures largely in native industries. The raffia palm usually grows in low, moist ground. It attains a height of from 20 to 30 feet. The natives cut the young fronds from the heart of the leaf head just before they begin to open. Care is taken not to cut too deeply, which would injure the tree. | The leaflets are then cut from the midrib. The raffia fiber is a thin, tough membrane which covers both the inner and outer surface of the leaflet. It must be stripped while the leaflets are still fresh. The membrane is loosened from the leaflet at its base, the operator using his thumb nail. A dozen or more leaflets are then gathered into a bundle and the ends of the membranes seized and stripped off with a single long pull. The raffia strips are then knotted together at the small end and hung over horizontal poles to dry. They are kept in the shade for about a day, then completely dried in the sun. When dry, the raffia is done up in large twists and is then ready for the market (Fig. 14, c). The native use of raffia for cordage and in weaving has already been described. The natives also gather various wild resins and gums for trade to Europeans, but they make little use of them themselves. Property and Inheritance To the casual visitor it appears as though all the inhabitants of a Tanala village were on much the same economic level. There are no marked differences in the housing, clothing or food of the different families. No one appears rich, but, on the other hand, there are few signs of extreme poverty. The only individuals who seem really poor are a few old women living alone. It is only on closer acquaintance that one begins to realize the extreme importance of property in the social structure. The material wants of the Tanala are few and easily satisfied, but property looms as large to them as to any group of European peasants and their attitude toward it is much the same. There is no display of wealth and all unnecessary expenditures are frowned upon, but there is a great love of money for its own sake. Any actual cash which comes into their hands is carefully hoarded. In spite of the severe penalties for theft and its relative rarity, the natives do not trust even their own families where money is con- cerned. A man who has a hoard of silver keeps it buried in some place known only to himself and usually does not divulge the fact 128 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar even to his sons until he thinks he is about to die. Loans and other business transactions involving money are always made publicly, in the presence of witnesses, even when they are between members of the same lineage. In discussing the Tanala ideas of property it is necessary to distinguish at the outset between land and property of all other sorts. To understand the native attitude toward land, the local conditions must be kept in mind. In pre-European times the popula- tion was sparse and apparently almost static. The villages lay far apart, each one surrounded by a great stretch of uninhabited forest. The natural supply of forest products and of land for pasture always exceeded the local needs. Moreover, the tavy method of agriculture required that the land be allowed to lie fallow for from five to ten years between plantings. Under such conditions there was little incentive for individual ownership. In pre-European times the ultimate ownership of land was vested in the village. Each village owned a definite territory whose limits were established at the time it was founded. The boundaries were usually rivers, mountain ranges or other natural divisions. The villages were jealous of their rights and serious trespass, such as pasturing cattle or cutting tavy, would result in war. Transfer of land between lineages of the same village was permissible and not uncommon, but its sale to outsiders was impossible without the consent of the council. Actually, it was so rare as to be almost unknown. The ownership of land within the village stockade was vested in the various lineages, except for the kianza ("village square"), which was common property. Each lineage owned a ward, which was usually a segment extending from the kianza to the stockade (see The Village) . If a lineage grew too large for its ward, all the members contributed to buy land from the adjoining lineages. When one or more families withdrew to form a new lineage, the ward was divided. Among the Menabe, fallow land and virgin jungle were, for all practical purposes, held in common. A villager was entitled to place beehives, set traps and gather timber and forest products on any land which was not in use. Cattle could also be pastured anywhere, those of the entire village usually being kept in a single herd. For agricultural purposes the land was, at least in theory, divided into sectors running from the village to the limits of its territory. Each sector lay in the same direction with regard to Economic Life 129 the village that a ward within the village occupied with relation to the kianza and was the property of the lineage occupying that ward. Actually, the outlines of these lineage holdings were irregular. Their limits were set by natural boundaries and there was an attempt to equalize their value. At the time of making the tavy, the lineage land was temporarily divided among the various families, but it reverted to the lineage as soon as the crop was harvested. Lineage land, or, more correctly, the right to use it for agricultural purposes, was sometimes sold to members of other lineages within the village. This was a last resort and was only considered justifiable when some member of the lineage had been enslaved and his ransom could not be raised otherwise. It seems that such sales were often considered rather as pledges for loans, for every lineage tried to keep its land intact and would go to great lengths to buy back any which had been sold. When a lineage seceded from a village, it forfeited its land rights and its former territory could be occupied by the other lineages without recompense to it. Among the Menabe two new developments in land ownership have occurred in recent times. Due to the increasing value of forest | products, the lineages now preempt for their members the right to gather honey, wax and raffia within their territories. There is also ' an increasing tendency toward individual ownership of land. This is correlated with the introduction of irrigated rice culture. The preparation of rice beds requires much labor and they must be kept in repair constantly. A family which builds a terrace system is felt to have established its individual right to the land and retains it as long as the terraces remain in use. If the land is allowed to lie fallow for any length of time, however, it reverts to the lineage. This development is so recent that, as yet, there seems to be no rule regarding the sale of rice beds to members of other lineages. Among the Ikongo the rules regarding land ownership seem to be much the same as among the Menabe except that individual ownership of rice fields is much older and better established. Such fields are inherited within the family and the lineage has little or no right over them. All property other than land is individually owned. This extends even to the least important tools and utensils. Everything in the establishment, from the house down, belongs to some particular member of the family. These rights of ownership are recognized even between parent and child in spite of the great theoretical power I 130 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar of the father. A clear distinction is maintained between the property of husband and wife. A woman owns all the baskets, mats, etc., which she has made and everything which she has received through gift or inheritance. Similarly, the wife has no claim on anything belonging to the husband at the time of their marriage, or on any- thing which he may make or inherit later. The economic independence of wives is well illustrated by the provisions which exist among the Menabe for the division of any increase in the family wealth after marriage. The rules vary slightly with the gens, but in general the wife is entitled to one half of the increase, other than inheritances. This becomes her absolute prop- erty and is retained even when she is divorced with cause. She can demand a division at any time and it is not uncommon for wives who do not get on well with their husbands to take their share of the profits as they come in and bank them with their own relatives. This holds for an only wife, or a first one. The rights of subsidiary wives are less clearly defined, but the husband is expected to make gifts to them from time to time. These become their absolute property. Among the Ikongo there is no such regular division of profits, but a husband is expected to make his wives frequent gifts. In both groups it is considered bad form for a husband to make gifts to his subsidiary wives without the first wife's permission. Inheritance is fixed by law and it is impossible for a person to make a will. At the same time, a man or woman can give property away even when on the deathbed and the legal heirs have no redress. The only limitation is that land cannot be given outside the family. Old people frequently use this right as a threat to obtain obedience from their children and it is not uncommon for a man to give most of his estate to some favorite son or daughter before his death. As a rule, he will not do this until he thinks his end is imminent, for a gift once made cannot be recalled. In all matters pertaining to inheritance, individuals who have been adopted have the same rights as those born into a similar relationship. It is universally prohibited for a husband to inherit from his wife or a parent from a child, but in other respects the rules of inheritance differ somewhat in the northern and southern division^ of the tribe. Among the Ikongo a wife cannot inherit from her husband. Apparently this works little hardship except in the case of barren women. The wife usually has her own property and seems to possess an informal life interest in her children's share of the husband's estate. Economic Life 131 She continues living with them and is supported by them. Barren women return to their own families on the death of the husband. The estate of a childless person is divided equally among the surviving brothers and sisters by the same mother. If none of these are living, it is divided among the brothers' children. The sisters' children, who will belong to other lineages, do not share in it. A woman's estate is divided equally among her children. A man's estate is divided into two or more equal shares, one for his children by each of his wives. Each share is then further subdivided accord- ing to the number of children. Brothers and sisters inherit in equal portions except that daughters rarely receive land if there are any sons. This is designed to keep land in the lineage, for if inherited by a woman it would ultimately pass to her children and thus be lost. If a daughter has married within the village she is given the equivalent of her share of land in money or cattle. If she has married outside she forfeits her right to inherit land or its equivalent and usually receives less than her normal share of the other goods. Among the Menabe, the estates of unmarried men and all other childless individuals are divided as among the Ikongo. An only wife, or the first wife in a polygamous household, has an absolute right to one-third of her husband's estate, exclusive of property which he may have inherited after the marriage. This holds even if she is barren. The largest share of the residual estate, usually amounting to about one-half, goes to the eldest son, who becomes head of the family group on his father's death (see The Lineage). The rest is divided equally among the other sons and daughters except that women who have married outside the village receive a smaller share. A woman's estate is divided equally among her children unless she is the mother of the family's eldest son. If so, he receives the greater part of her estate as well as his father's. Secondary wives in polygamous households cannot inherit from the husband. He usually provides for them by gifts before his death. Individual ownership of land is so recent in this group that there are, as yet, no fixed rules governing its inheritance. Most of it seems to be taken by the eldest son and it is rarely given to daughters. VI. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION The Family The Tanala family consists of a man, his wife or wives and their children. Among the Menabe the father is, in theory, the absolute head of the family with authority over the persons and property of not only his own children but his sons' children as well. Actually his authority varies with his personality and I even found a few cases in which fathers had been deserted by their children and reduced to want. Sons are not considered heads of families until after their father's death. Among the Ikongo authority over the children seems to be vested in the mother, while control of the family property is vested in the father. Such a condition might easily arise in a group which was in transition from a matriarchal system with communal ownership to a patriarchal one with individual ownership. In both groups the whole family, including married sons, normally lives together in part of the ward belonging to their lineage (see The Village). Although no exact figures are available, at least two-thirds of the Menabe families seem to be monogamous. Polygyny is common, but is only possible to a man with some wealth and social prestige. Among the Ikongo, polygyny is somewhat commoner, but by no means universal. In both cases each wife has her own house, built by the husband at the time of their marriage. In all but two or three of the Menabe gentes the husband must spend one day with each wife, in regular rotation. On that day he assists her and sleeps in her house. If he stays with one wife on another's day, the injured wife is entitled to divorce with alimony (see Divorce). She usually waives this, but the husband must make her a public apology and a substantial present. Among the Ikongo, who hold land individually, each wife is assigned a share of the husband's land. He has to help her to cultivate this on her day, while she feeds herself, her children, and the husband while with her, from its produce. The first wife is called the Vady Be, the second Vady Ivo, and the third Vady Masay. There is no special term for additional wives and a man rarely has more than three. The Vady Be, who is always the first wife married, is superior to the others socially and helps the husband to administer the family finances. Often she holds the family purse for current expenses and the others, including the husband, have to apply to her for money. Wives pride themselves on economy and good manage- 132 Social Organization 133 ment and money is never disbursed without a long argument. The husband keeps most of his belongings in the Vady Be's house and considers it his real home. In spite of the separate housing for the wives and married sons, the Tanala family is well integrated. It is customary for the entire group to eat together in the house where the father is on that day and cooking is done in rotation. The wives aid each other in all their activities, look after each other's children, etc. There can be no doubt that polygyny does a great deal to lighten the labor of the women and they are quite as much in favor of it as the men. The family is normally patrilocal, but among the Menabe a strong and rich family may insist that their women continue to live with them after marriage. In this case the husband comes to the wife's village or ward in the village, builds the new house there, and assists the men of her lineage in working their common land. Widows with children continue to live with their husband's family or lineage and if they remarry the new husband is usually compelled to come and live with them. This is to safeguard the children, who might otherwise be slighted or abused by their stepfather. Under the matrilocal arrangement the father has little authority in the family and the children feel more closely bound to their mother's lineage than to their father's. It is considered rather disgraceful for a man to consent to live with his wife's kin and ordinarily only one who is poor or of little account will do so. The Lineage I have chosen this term to designate a relationship group which is very important in Tanala social and economic life. It is inter- mediate between the family proper and the larger units of village and gens. The lineage is composed of the recent descendants of one man and his wife or wives, tracing in the male line. Attached to it, but not altogether a part of it, are the wives of lineage members, children of lineage women whose marriages have been matrilocal and, in many cases, one or more families of hereditary slaves. . The lineage might be described as either an expanded family or an embryonic gens. The natives themselves take the former view and use the same term for it as for the family, but it is much larger than a family in the European sense, often numbering as many as seventy- five to one hundred persons. At the same time, it differs from a true gens in the closer blood relationship existing between members, its closer social and economic integration and its rather transitory nature. 134 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar Thus, while the village and gens are permanent units, the lineages of which they are composed are constantly dissolving and changing, a given lineage rarely persisting more than four generations. The lineage is a direct outgrowth of the family. It has already been said that married sons build their houses close to that of the father and that they and their children are under his control as long as he lives. If the brothers are friendly to each other, as is usually the case, they continue to live together after his death, keeping the family land holdings and cattle herd intact. The eldest son becomes the head of the group, in the father's place. He directs the common activities, settles internal disputes and acts as its representative in councils and minor sacrifices. His position is almost like that of the father and he is shown great respect by the other members. At the same time, he has no legal authority over his brothers or their children and must gain his ends by persuasion. As he usually receives more of the father's property than the younger sons, he is generally the richest member of the group and strengthens his position by gifts and loans to the rest. When he dies, his eldest son succeeds to the leader- ship and the group holds together until split by some serious internal dispute. The reason for such disputes is usually economic, but jealousy is also important in the third and fourth generations. A rich man who cannot succeed to the leadership of the lineage will often demand his share of the common property and found a new lineage. The members of each lineage live together in a separate ward within the village. They herd their cattle together and help each other in making the tavy ("fields for hill rice"). All contribute to the support of poor and old members and, at funerals, all are assessed according to their wealth. Individual property rights are fully recognized, but there is a good deal of informal communism. Within the limits set by good taste, any member may use the tools, etc., belonging to any other, even in his absence. Food is shared freely. In many cases the members will deposit their money with the head of the lineage, who acts as a sort of banker. Blood ties between members of the same lineage are felt to be almost as close as those between members of the same family. Men and women use the same terms of relationship for each other as for actual brothers and sisters. Marriage within the lineage, although permitted in some cases, is generally frowned upon. The Village Until very recent times, isolated dwellings have been unknown among the Tanala, due to the constant danger of attack. The village Social Organization 135 organization is now breaking down and the following description applies to conditions among the Menabe fifty to seventy-five years ago. All theTanala lived in villages of from fifty to eighty families. These villages were built in defensive positions, usually on hilltops, and were fortified by log palisades 10 to 12 feet high and often by deep ditches as well. There was always a ditch at the gate with a narrow bridge of earth leading to the entrance. The bridge was broken down if the villagers learned of an impending attack. In the center of the village there was an open space, long if the village was long and round if it was round, which was called the kianza. Bordering on this there was a large house, called by some gentes the trano be, by others the lapa. This was usually to the east of the kianza, but might be to the north or south, never to the west. It was used as a residence by the village chief or the head of one of the lineages. The kianza and trano be were employed for assemblies of all sorts. The village was divided into wards, each the property of a lineage. As a rule, each ward fronted on the kianza and extended back to the palisade. The number of wards in a village was variable, ranging from two to ten or more. In general old villages showed the greatest number, due to the formation of new lineages through internal disputes. At least in theory, the land belonging to each lineage lay in the same direction in relation to the village that its ward occupied in relation to the kianza. When a village moved, each lineage took up a ward and land in the same relative position at the new site. This arrangement was not correlated with differences in social rank or prestige, nor was one direction considered more desirable than another. The only explanation given by the Menabe was that this was an ancient custom. There were certain things which belonged to the village as a whole. The tepanony was a charm or fetish concocted by an ombiasy at the time the village was founded. It was believed to protect the villagers from sickness, lightning, and the attacks of malevolent ghosts, but did not protect against enemies. It was buried inside a small stone enclosure in the kianza (see Manufacture and Use of Charms). Although great importance was attached to it, it figured little, if at all, in the religious and ceremonial life of the villagers. The village sacred place, always outside the palisade and sometimes a mile or more away, was used for all the more important rites. Here the stones commemorating the dead were set up and the sacrifices made to the ancestors, without distinction of lineage. Each village also had its tomb or tombs, varying from one to three in number, which 136 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar were used by all the lineages indiscriminately. The tombs were hidden in dense forest, never less than a half hour's march from the village and usually more (see Tombs). Villages were moved only if they had been taken and sacked by an enemy, or if an ombiasy advised removal. In either case the new site was chosen by an ombiasy. The villagers carried along their tepanony and buried it in the kianza of the new village. The sacred place was abandoned, the sacrifices being performed at temporary altars until deaths had occurred at the new site and memorial stones had been erected. Corpses were carried back to the old tombs for a time, then new tombs were built and all the bodies transferred. New villages, as distinct from removals, were founded as a result of quarrels between factions within a village. One or more lineages would secede in a body and settle at a new site. The place would be chosen by an ombiasy, who would also concoct a new tepanony for them. The new village would continue to use the sacred place and tombs of the old village for a time, but would establish its own as soon as possible. The Gens The gens was the largest social or governmental unit recognized by the primitive Tanala. All larger groupings are directly traceable to outside influences. There was no native name for this unit, but each gens was named and considered itself a separate entity. The members of a gens always occupied a continuous territory, the limits of their land being marked by various natural boundaries such as rivers, ridges, etc. Trespass on this territory by members of another gens was cause for war. If, as sometimes happened, one or more lineages migrated to a distance, the emigrants soon lost touch with the parent body and founded a new gens. In theory, membership in a gens was based on descent from a common ancestor in the male line and each gens had arisen through the gradual expansion of a single lineage. Traditionally, these lineages entered the country separately and at different times, some coming from the coast, others from the plateau. Each lineage founded a village, new lineages and villages arising through increasing popula- tion and internal disputes. Actually, the Menabe also recognized descent in the female line as giving gens membership, if it was coupled with residence with the mother's group. Although informants always gave male descent as the basis, all admitted that their own gentes included illegitimate children of gens women and outside fathers, Social Organization 137 descendants of inter-gens marriages which had been matrilocal (see The Family), descendants of slave men and free women, etc. Such per- sons were attached to their mother's lineage. In the case of matrilocal marriages they would keep their father's taboos in the first generation, but if they married into their mother's gens, as was usually the case, their descendants would be considered full gens members. Individ- uals connected with the gens through female descent were entitled to use of its land and suffered from no disabilities except that they were debarred from a few offices which were strictly hereditary in the male line. The Ikongo paid more attention to male descent than the Menabe and in historic times their gens membership is said to have been strictly based upon it. I believe that residence was originally almost as important as descent in establishing gens membership. Certain gentes mentioned in traditions have completely disappeared and it was explained that, having lost their lands through conquest, they had broken up. Their lineages had settled in the villages of other gentes, by permission, and had finally been absorbed. Each gens was composed of from one to fifty villages all of which recognized the domination of a single chief. Among the Menabe there was rarely more than one gens represented in a village. Among the Ikongo, lineages belonging to the royal gens often lived in the villages of the other gentes, but this was probably a late development, linked with the rise of royal power in that group. Social Classes Until about one hundred and twenty-five years ago the Menabe recognized only two classes in society: the hova, who were free persons belonging to a gens, and the ndevo, who were prisoners of war or their descendants. There were no hereditary distinctions among the hova although differences in wealth and ability were, of course, recognized. Most of the ndevo were slaves. Some distinction was made between slaves who were Tanala by birth and those captured from other tribes. The former would often be ransomed by their relatives and their bondage was, in general, lighter. Marriages between such slaves and free people were quite common, especially if the slave was a member of a good family in his own gens. At death, the body of a Tanala slave would be returned to his own gens for burial in his village tomb, unless his village lay at too great a distance. Slaves, both Tanala and foreign, were further divided into chattel slaves and family slaves. The former were usually prisoners of war, the latter 138 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar persons born into servitude, but there was no strict rule. A docile prisoner who served his master well would come to be considered a family slave, while a born slave who was lazy or troublesome would be degraded to chattel slavery. Chattel slaves simply represented so much wealth and labor power and could be sold at will. Family slaves, on the other hand, were united to their owners by ties of affec- tion and were very rarely sold. The master could sell them, but such an act would be reprehended by the entire village. Families which had been slaves for three or four generations acquired a certain status in the village. They were permitted to own property, had their own tombs, and would only be sold if guilty of some crime. A slave family of this sort would be attached to some lineage and its economic status would differ little from that of a free family. After the Menabe came under the domination of the Imerina empire, free persons were occa- sionally enslaved for debt, but this was always rare and the slavery was light. The individual was considered as a pledge rather than a true slave, for his lineage would make every possible effort to ransom him. A slave who had been ransomed by his relatives at once regained his social position. Good slaves were often freed by their master and would then attach themselves to his family as clients. These, their descendants, and the offspring of certain marriages between slave and free formed a class of free ndevo who were socially intermediate between the slaves and the hova. Individuals of this class might rise to wealth and importance in the community, but they were debarred from holding office and from burial in the village tomb. During the reign of Andrianampoimerina, founder of the Imerina empire, a third class came into existence among the Menabe. The Zafiakotry gens, which had been defeated by its neighbors, tendered voluntary submission to him. He helped it to conquer several of the other gentes and recognized it as the ruling gens for this division of the Tanala. All the Zafiakotry then assumed the rank of andriana, i.e. nobles, while their chief became a king. Although the assumption of andriana rank brought with it social prestige, most of the Zafiakotry continued to live in their own gens territory and to cultivate their own land, etc. The conquered gentes recognized the authority of the Zafiakotry chief, but they paid no tribute to the Zafiakotry gens, nor were they displaced from their land. The Tanala Ikongo were also divided into three classes, called hova, vahoaka and ndevo. These corresponded to the andriana, hova, and ndevo classes of the Menabe. All that has been said of Social Organization 139 the two lower classes among the Menabe is equally applicable to the Ikongo. There were, however, two gentes of hova rank. One of these, the Zafirambo, claimed Arab descent, the other, called simply hova, apparently was an offshoot of the Bara tribe. The Zafirambo established their claim to hova rank as follows (MSS. of Sadaro Antoine): "After Andriamarofela [head of the original lineage] had settled at Maromanditra, on the left bank of the Manambondro River, his descendants multiplied rapidly and soon occupied almost the whole Sandrananta valley. They were excellent warriors, respected by the neighboring gentes. They always occupied Sandra- nanta, but at a later time, when the neighboring gentes were con- stantly at war with each other, some of them asked the 'hova Zafi- rambo' of Sandrananta to govern them and put an end to strife. The children of Rabelaza and Rabezara [heads of the Vohitrosy gens] constantly fought among themselves, wanting to be king. One of the sons of Rabelaza, called Tsizaky, went to Sandrananta to ask for a king. He was given Ramanavivitry, who installed himself first at Ambalavolo and later at Vohibalotra. Part of the Vohitrosy gens was hostile to him and he conquered it, bringing the whole gens under his rule. The establishment of Zafirambo kings put an end to war, for no chief of the Vahoaka [original inhabitants] would dare to attack a gens governed by a Zafirambo. If he did, all the Zafi- rambo of Sandrananta would be against him. The Zafirambo kings married Vahoaka women and the two groups soon became a single family. It is for this reason that we now have Zafirambo and Vahoaka living in the same villages." Under the Tanala system social class and gentile affiliation were inseparable. When a gens succeeded in dominating other gentes and making them recognize the control of its chief, or of chiefs of its blood, all members of the gens assumed noble rank. The bulk of the "nobles" would continue to live in their own territory and while their new status brought social prestige its economic value was almost nil. Their main duty in the state was to act as a police force, keeping peace among the subject gentes and protecting them from outside aggression. Among the Tanala the whole institution of nobility was relatively new and I could learn of no case in which a noble gens had lost its domination. Among neighboring tribes, who had essentially the same system, a noble gens which had been conquered was not degraded to the common level. Such gentes formed a class inter- mediate between nobles and commoners and retained a certain social prestige. They were distinguished by a class name and might have 140 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar special rights, as that of killing cattle for the commoners, but they were rigidly excluded from any part in the government. Regulation of Marriage Courtship, the ceremony of marriage, ceremonies used for lifting the ban on certain degrees of relationship, etc., have been described in the section, Life Cycle of the Individual. Only the social control of marriage will be treated here. The only bar to marriage among the Tanala is relationship in certain degrees, but there are opinions as to the desirability of certain types of union which, although not formulated as prohibitions, do much to influence individual choice. Marriages between the members of different generations, or between persons with a marked disparity in age, are usually looked upon with disfavor and are infrequent. Marriages within the lineage are con- sidered undesirable and are very rare. The Menabe were formerly strongly in favor of marriage within the village, but there has been a change in their attitude within the last fifty years. They now favor marriaorp nntsidft the village, saying that such marriages~give the young people a greater range of choice and are more permanent. The Ikongo have always favored marriage outside the village, perhaps because of their greater fear of incest. Marriages within the gens are considered highly desirable by both groups and were normal in ancient times. Since the French domination has put an end to wars, inter- gens marriages have increased considerably. Relationships controlling marriage are based on actual blood relationship, on relationship through marriage, and on relationship established by the mifanangena ("blood brotherhood") ceremony. In polygynous families the children stand in the same relation to the relatives of their father's plural wives as to those of their own mother. «5lf a widow with children remarries, the children stand in the same Relation to the new husband's family as to that of their actual father. Relationship based on marriage is as binding as blood relationship in regulating marriages. The children of persons who have performed the mifanangena stand in the same relation to each other as the children of actual brothers, sisters, or brother and sister, but, as a control on marriage, this relationship is usually allowed to lapse in the second or third generation. The Ikongo forbid marriage between parent and child, brother and sister, uncle and niece, aunt and nephew, and between the chil- dren of two brothers, two sisters or brother and sister. These prohibi- tions are more extensive than is usually the case in Madagascar and Social Organization 141 suggest the Betsileo system, in which marriage is prohibited between persons having a common ancestor within four generations on either side. The Ikongo do not carry their restrictions as far as the Betsileo and they have a ceremony for lifting the ban on the more remote degrees, but I could not learn which ones. The Menabe system is quite different. Marriage is prohibited between parent and child, brother and sister, uncle and niece, aunt and nephew, and between the children of a brother and sister who have married a sister and brother. The last are considered as closely related as children of a single couple. Marriage between the descend- ants of two sisters, tracing in the female line, is also absolutely prohibited, no matter how remote their actual relationship. The ban on the foregoing marriages cannot be lifted. In all but the Zafindia- manana gens it is forbidden for a man to marry the daughter of his first cousin. This is considered almost equivalent to a marriage between father and daughter. However, the ban can be lifted by a ceremony and such marriages are not unknown. A woman does not seem to be forbidden to marry the son of a first cousin, but such a union would be considered unnatural and informants knew of no instance. The children of two brothers may marry, but there is some feeling against it. The ban-lifting ceremony is often per- formed as a precaution, although it is not absolutely necessary. The children of a brother and sister, i.e. cross cousins, are expected to marry, although they are not forced to do so. If they do not, their children are still more strongly urged to marry and this, cross cousins in the second generation, is considered the ideal match. Cross-cousin marriage seems to be most developed among the Zafindiamanana. Here the cross cousins address each other as Anjaravady ("potential spouse")- If they fail to marry, the same reciprocal term is used by their children. It is also used by a man and his cross cousin's daughter, whom he is expected to marry. This is the only case in which marriage across generation lines is approved. The other Tanala have no corresponding term. The Tanala say that cross-cousin marriage is pleasing to the ancestors, who like to see their descendants closely knit together, and that it helps to keep property within the related group. The property aspect was always stressed and I believe that this is the main reason. The Levirate The Tanala Ikongo regularly practice the levirate in the case of widows with children. It is considered desirable because the children 142 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar are thus assured of a good stepfather and will continue to live with their real father's lineage. However, it is not compulsory and the first husband's family cannot prevent the widow from marrying an outsider. Childless widows return to their own families and marry whom they please, a new bride price being paid for them. The first husband's family has no claim on this. The Menabe rarely practice the levirate. It was explained that a man who married his brother's widow would be suspected of having poisoned him to obtain her. However, such marriages are not pro- hibited and I heard of one or two instances. Marriage with a deceased wife's sister is permitted by all the Tanala. The ceremony, bride price, etc., are exactly the same as for an outsider and such marriages are neither encouraged nor discouraged. Significance of the Bride Price I Throughout Madagascar it is the payment of a bride price which distinguishes a legal marriage from concubinage. Without it, no amount of ceremony can make a union regular. The price is paid by the husband or his father to the bride's parents and must be paid in full before she is taken to the husband's house. The size of the price varies with the tribe, being highest among the cattle people of the south and west. It is usually fixed by custom and I never heard of two families haggling over it. Among the Tanala Menabe the bride price is so small as to be almost negligible. The giving of the bride price in no sense constitutes a purchase of the woman herself. She retains full membership in her own gens and lineage and can return to them at any time. Among the Tanala the husband cannot claim a refund even if she deserts him during the betrothal period preceding the final marriage. Among the cattle tribes the husband can demand a refund, but everyone will despise him for doing so. In no case will the wife be returned by her family against her will. * The real significance of the bride price is that, through i^, the husband acquires all rights in a woman's potential children) The Malagasy are quite clear on this and it is verified by many bits of native custom and law. Thus the Ikongo say that children formerly belonged to the mother because no bride price was paid. Since they have adopted the custom of paying the bride price, the children belong to the father. The father's exclusive right to the children in a divorce is explained on the same basis. A man who marries a Social Organization 143 woman with an illegitimate child is expected to give the regular bride price and to pay a small sum for the child as well, if he wants it. If he does not, it belongs to the mother's family and is reared by them. The most extreme example of this idea of the purchase of potential children is found among the Vezo Sakalava, a tribe on the southwest coast. Here there is no refund of the bride price in case of divorce, but the consent of the first husband is necessary for a remarriage. He will bargain with the new husband as to how many children born of the new union will be given to him and is entitled to demand from one to three. Such children are considered the first husband's legal heirs, without formality of adoption. Informants said specifically that such children were to reimburse him for the loss of the bride price. Inter-Class Marriage and Inheritance of Rank Slavery has been abolished among the Tanala and class distinc- tions are rapidly breaking down, so that the statements made here refer to past conditions. The native attitude toward inter-class marriages was much like the European one, the higher classes dis- approving and the lower approving. Marriages between noble and common and between common and ndevo were fairly common, but marriages between noble and ndevo were almost unknown. Noble men frequently had ndevo concubines. If the mother was a slave, the father would free both her and their child, but would not make her a legal wife. The child's status was doubtful. He would not be considered ndevo, but the nobles would rarely acknowledge him as a full member of their class and gens. Affairs between noble women and ndevo men were vigorously opposed by the nobles and the ndevo lover would be sold out of the village or even killed. Informants knew of no offspring from such unions. Marriages between nobles and commoners were not uncommon. The ceremonies were the same as for marriages within either class. Among the Ikongo, children of such unions took the father's rank and gens. Among the Menabe they took those of the lower parent. Marriages between commoners and free ndevo seem to have been rather frequent. If the ndevo had been born free and had a family in the village, the ordinary marriage ceremony was performed. The children took the rank and gens of the father. Such unions were rather looked down upon and were rarely contracted by any but the poorer commoners. Matings between commoners and slaves seem to have been regarded more favorably. It must be remembered that many of these 144 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar were Tanala prisoners of war whose antecedents were well known. If the slave came of a good family, the fact that he or she was a slave carried little social stigma and the children would be accepted as equals by their relatives. In unions of commoners and slaves there was no marriage cere- mony. If a common man took a slave woman as a concubine, her status was not changed unless a child was born to them. After this, the father was in honor bound to buy her and their child from her owner. He would usually free both of them by calling together his family and pronouncing a curse on anyone who thenceforth considered them as slaves. If he did this, the child inherited his gens and rank. If he failed to do it the child and mother remained slaves and might be sold by his heirs after his death. If a woman who had been captured and enslaved bore a child to her master, her relatives might remove her slave status by paying a partial ransom. This was called lanjalanganana ("to replace carrying the bamboo") in reference to the long bamboo bottles used by slave women for carrying water. It was usually about half the woman's market value as a slave, perhaps four to six head of cattle. The payment of this ransom not only freed the woman and her offspring, but gave her an honorable position in the household equal to that of any of the regularly married wives. Marriages between common women and slave men were less frequent, but by no means unknown. Middle-aged widows who wished to be only wives frequently took slave husbands. The first step was to buy the man, if he belonged to someone else. The woman then made a feast, killed an ox and distributed the meat to her rela- tives, and announced that this man was henceforth free and her husband. The wife had a whip hand in such unions. The husband, even though officially free, could not return to his own people. More- over, if he behaved badly or paid attention to other^ women, his wife could reduce him to slavery again and even sell him. Children of common women and slave mentook the gens and rank of the mother. However, if the father was a Tanala and had been a man of good family, or a noble, before his enslavement, the children might go back to his people when they were grown and could legitimately claim his gens and rank. Relationship Terms The Tanala system of relationship terms is comparatively simple. It was impossible to get an authoritative list of the terms used by Social Organization 145 the Ikongo, but informants knew of no differences between these and the terms used by the Menabe. Among the Menabe, lists were obtained for the Zafindiamanana tribe, as characteristic of the Teloarivo Varitra, and from the Zafindriantrova gens, as character- istic of the Teloarivo Atsimo. The terms agree in most cases, but where there are differences the Varitra terms are marked V and the Atsimo terms A. Vady, "Spouse." Used as a reciprocal term of address by husband and wife, and also for reference. In the V group it is applied by the husband to the wife and all her sisters and by the wife to the husband and all his brothers. Tompontranoko, "Master of my house." Term used in the A group by the husband for the wife's sisters and by the wife for the husband's brothers. It is a polite equivalent for vady, used for greater exactness. Vady Lahy, "Male spouse." Term used in both groups by the husband for his wife's brothers and his sisters' husbands and by the wife for the husband's sisters and her brothers' wives. The wife uses it for her husband's sisters because they are vadys on the male side. Zanakay, "Child." Zanakay Lahy (V) or Dahy (A) for boys and Zanakay Viavy for girls. Term applied by parents to children and, ordinarily, by uncles and aunts to nieces and nephews. Zanaka Anabavy, "Child of my sister." Used by both sexes in referring to sisters' children or as term of address, for precision. Zanadrahalahy, "Child of my brother." Used by both sexes in referring to brothers' children or as a term of address, for precision. Baba, "Father." Used as term of address by actual children. Bebe (an abbreviation of Baba Be, "great father"), "Grandfather." Used as a term of address for grandfather or great-grandfather and for all male relatives in their generations. Vavy, "Grandmother." Used for grandmother or great-grand- mother and for all female relatives in their generations. Zafy, "Grandchild." Used as a term of address by grandparents or great-grandparents and all persons in their generations. Talanolo (V) or Zokonzanako (A), "Firstborn." Used by parents in speaking of their eldest child of either sex, but not as a term of address. Zoko Be (A) or Zoky (V). Term used by other children in addressing or referring to the eldest brother or sister. 146 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar Zandry (V). Term of address by children to youngest brother or sister. Faranolo (A) or (V). Faralahy for boy or Faravavy for girl. Term for youngest child used by parents or other children. The sense is "last born." Rahalahy, "Brother." Used by a man for real brothers, male first and second cousins and wife's sisters' husbands. Anakavy (V) or Anabavy (A), "Sister." Used by a man for real sisters, female first and second cousins and wife's brothers' wives. Analahy (V) or Anadahy (A), "Brother." Used by women for real brothers, male first and second cousins and husband's sisters' husbands. Rahavavy, "Sister." Used by women for real sisters and female cousins and sometimes for husband's brothers' wives. The brother and sister terms will be used by practically all the people in a village who are of the same generation although properly applicable only to the degrees of relationship given. Anjaravady, "Potential spouse." Reciprocal term used in the V group by the children or grandchildren of a brother and sister, if of opposite sex, and by a man and the daughter of his cross cousin. In the A group such persons call each other by the usual brother and sister terms. Rahalahiandray (V) or Rahalahiandraiko (A), "Father's brother." Used by children of both sexes. Anabavaniabako (V) or Anabavanbaba (A), "Father's sister." Used by children of both sexes. Analahiandreny (V) or Anadahiandreny (A), "Mother's brother." Used by children of both sexes. Rahavaviandreny, "Mother's sister." Used by children of both sexes. VII. GOVERNMENT In describing Tanala government it is necessary to treat the Menabe and Ikongo divisions separately. Until about one hundred years ago the Menabe had no political or governmental unit larger than the gens. Later, with the aid of the Imerina empire, the Zafiakotry gens succeeded in bringing several of the other gentes under its domination and a kingdom was established. This kingdom tried to copy the organization of the Imerina kingdom, but it never became well integrated or thoroughly organized. The Ikongo, on the other hand, had kingdoms of long standing and had developed a stable system of government with officials of varying rank. The Menabe Among the Menabe each village was practically autonomous. The authority of the chief of the gens was recognized, but he never interfered in village affairs and was only appealed to in disputes between villages or in serious criminal cases. Each village had a chief, the Andriambavety, who was elected informally and could be deposed at will. There were no ceremonies of investiture and he had no special insignia. He was considered simply the first among equals. To be eligible for the office a man had to be personally popular, rich, generous, a good diplomat, a good warrior and a good orator. The Andriambavety had no authority over the persons or property of the other villagers. His duties were to advise and help them, to act as arbitrator in minor disputes, if brought to him voluntarily, to organize and coordinate communal activities, seeing that labor and expense were equitably divided, and to act as representative for his village in its dealings with other villages or with the chief of the gens. The office carried no salary or perquisites, beyond personal exemption from labor. Under French control the office of Andriambavety has been retained and its powers and its responsibilities considerably increased. He must provide the quotas of men demanded by the government for forced labor and cannot be deposed by the village without government consent. Bribes to the Andriambavety are now common. The affairs of the village were controlled by a group of important men, comparable to the "key men" of American communities. The position was unofficial and the natives seem to have had no generic term for such leaders. They are now referred to by the French word 147 148 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar Notables. The Notables were heads of lineages or large families, rich men, famous warriors, etc. They were usually middle aged or old, but age in itself brought little prestige and no authority. Practically every village was divided into two or more political factions, which would oppose each other on principle. There was a great deal of petty politics and scheming for control. The Andriam- bavety was always allied with some faction and would favor it when possible. Membership in factions seems to have always followed lineage lines and when the disputes became too acute the lineages making up the defeated faction might secede in a body and found a new village. Matters of general policy, internal disputes and minor criminal cases were settled by the Fokonolona ("council")- Some informants said that membership in the Fokonolona was limited to Notables, others that it included the entire adult male population. The distinc- tion is not an important one, for the meetings were always public and all villagers, including women, had the right to speak. The proceedings of the Fokonolona were quite informal. The Andriambavety presided, but there were no rules of order, no minutes of previous meetings, and no proceedings for opening or closing the session. The meetings were called kabary, which is an exact equivalent of the term "palaver" as used on the west coast of Africa. It is a generic term for meetings, discussions, speeches, etc. The Malagasy love to talk and even small matters were made an excuse for hours of kabary, with a great flow of oratory. There was no voting nor, as far as I could learn, any other formal method of coming to a decision. The matter was threshed out until it was felt that the whole group was in agreement. The Andriambavety might formally announce the decision, but even this was often thought unnecessary. In case of a deadlock, the meeting was adjourned and the Notables went into private caucus, reconvening when they had reached a compromise. In all matters the majority ruled, but it had to be a large majority. The gens as a whole had a chief, called the Anakandriana, who was chosen by an assembly of the Andriambavety and Notables from all the villages. Theoretically, he was chosen on the same personal basis as the Andriambavety and might be picked from any village or lineage. Actually, favor was shown to the lineages which were in most direct line of descent from the gens ancestor, i.e., traced from him through eldest sons, and which lived in the original village of the gens. There also seems to have been a tendency for the office Government 149 to become hereditary, the ablest of a deceased chief's sons being chosen to succeed him. The Anakandriana usually held office for life, but could be deposed for misconduct. The Anakandriana was in no sense a king and his establishment I differed little from that of other well to do natives. He seems to have had no special insignia of office and I could learn of no taboos govern- ing his conduct or that of the other members of the gens in dealing with him. No taxes were paid to him. In some gentes he received a part of fines levied on criminals, but this was not universal. His duties were to act as arbitrator in disputes between villages and as a court of last appeal in serious criminal cases, especially those involving sentence of death. After the Zafiakotry conquered the neighboring gentes their Anakandriana was recognized as a king, Mpanzaka. At first he seems to have been chosen by the gens alone, like any other Anakandriana. Later he was chosen by the Anakandriana of all the gentes, the only prerequisite for office being that he must belong to the Zafiakotry gens. Still later the royal power was strengthened and it became possible for the king to nominate his successor. The king Rainilevola had children by eight of his wives and before his death indicated the succession for twelve places. Lemangivy, a son, was designated to succeed him, then Iovana, a daughter, then Raindriamanava, a son, and after him nine other sons. The mother of Raindriamanava was of ndevo caste, but his right to the succession was never questioned. During the reign of Queen Iovana he was the most influential man in the kingdom. He never became king because the French abolished the office. I was unable to get any coherent account of the exact powers and functions of the Menabe kings, or of their regalia, or of the ceremonies performed when they were inducted into office. No two informants were in agreement on these points and apparently they had never become formalized. The kingdom was short lived and constantly subject to Imerina influences. The Ikongo The political organization of the Ikongo cannot be understood without some knowledge of their history. In the earliest period their territory was occupied by many politically independent gentes which were probably similar to those of the Menabe in their organization and government. Later at least two gentes of foreign origin forced their way into the region, partly displacing the aborigines. At first 150 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar the invaders lived in compact gentile groups, but in time certain families or lineages left the gens territory and settled among the aborigines, seizing control. These small ruling groups kept touch with their parent gens for a time and relied on it for support, but they intermarried with their subjects and fused with them racially and culturally. Their descendants in the male line came to constitute a noble caste with representatives in all the groups. Although these nobles claimed a common origin and were jealous of their social privileges they no longer considered themselves as a political unit. Although they would assist each other if the commoners rose against them, they frequently fought among themselves, leading their follow- ers of aboriginal stock against each other. Even in such wars they still recognized the blood bond to the extent that it was taboo for a commoner to kill the enemy king, although a noble would do so without hesitation (see Warfare). Apparently there were many Ikongo villages which did not include lineages of hova ("noble") caste. Even when they were present their influence was not preponderant in local affairs. The village govern- ment was essentially the same as the Menabe. There was an elected chief, usually not a noble, who acted as executive, and a Fokonolona ("council"). Each gens had a chief called the Mpanzaka who was elected from the members of the hova caste. Prerequisites for the office were the same as for the Menabe Anakandriana. The Mpan- zaka was chosen by the village chiefs and Notables of the entire gens, irrespective of caste, and could be deposed at will. Associated with him were one or more officials called Anakandriana, who were elected on the same basis and in the same way as the Mpanzaka, but must be of vahoaka ("common") caste. Theoretically the Anakandriana acted as counselors and executives, but actually they often seem to have had as much power as the Mpanzaka, who was unable to remove them from office. The whole arrangement strongly suggested a dual chieftainship. Kingdoms arose, as among the Menabe, through one gens acquiring domination over others. The king, also called Mpanzaka, was chosen from among the hova of the dominant group. Like the gens chiefs, he was assisted by elected Anakandriana whom he could not dismiss. These Anakandriana might be chosen from any gens within the kingdom, but were always of vahoaka caste. Usually all gentes were represented among them and they formed a sort of permanent council with a sharp check on the conduct of the Mpan- zaka. They exercised executive functions and continued in office Government 151 from reign to reign. The most influential of the royal Anakandriana were called the Anakandriambe. ELECTION OF THE KING The following account of the election and investiture of an Ikongo king is quoted from the manuscript of Sadaro Antoine: "When a king had died the Anakandriambe summoned all the Anakandriana and Notables of the two castes in the kingdom to choose a new king. The hovalahy [nobles] assembled in one house and the vahoaka in another. The commoners deliberated as to who should be king and when they had decided went to the house where the nobles were assembled and designated for the office the one they liked best. This man was separated from his comrades and taken to a house in the corner of the village. There he stayed, rarely going out, until he was invested with office. A few days after the election the whole population constructed a large house, the trano be, or lapa, to be the royal residence. "On a fortunate day selected by an ombiasy, everyone went to the village of the new Mpanzaka to celebrate his solemn entry into the lapa. About noon all the Notables entered the house where the future king was. The Anakandriambe placed the satro mena [a red hat with a tassel] on his head, dressed him in an akanjo jaky [a dark red garment like a long shirt or smock], a lamba mena [shoulder blanket of red silk], and samboritra lamba mena [shawl of red silk]. They placed a silver necklace on his neck and a silver bracelet on his right wrist, and gave him a tehim-bolofotsy [long ebony staff encrusted with tin or silver] to carry. When everything was ready the king seated himself on his filanzana [carrying chair] which was usually the house door, and the vahoaka carried him to the royal house. They formed a procession with the chief Anakandriambe first, then the king's wife, on foot, then the king, followed by his escort of Notables, etc., and then the whole population, singing. They sounded conch shell trumpets and fired guns. The young people sang and danced to the sodina [flute] and draitra [a variety of large drum]. A public fete was organized in the village. Before entering the royal dwelling the king, followed by the population, walked around the house three times. Each time he arrived opposite the east side of the house he halted and fired a shot in the air. The first shot was in honor of the king, the second in honor of the Anakandriana, and the third in honor of the people as a whole. If the first shot failed to go off, it was a bad sign for the king. He would have a misfortune 152 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar or would not reign long. The ombiasy might change his destiny by bathing him with water containing magical materials, but he was sometimes dismissed then and there and another king chosen. "The king entered the house by the big door on the east, taking care to place his left foot on the door sill first. He seated himself on the eastern side of the house on a clean mat, his counselors on the right and his wife on the left. An ox was tied to the fatora with its head east. [The fatora was a pointed post about six feet high, usually made of teza wood. It was set up east of the royal house to com- memorate the ancestors.] The Anakandriana left the house. They threw water on the roof of the house and on the ox three times, while the chief Anakandriambe said: 'Oh Zanahary of the east, the south, the north and the west, come assist at this ceremony. We have chosen one to direct us, to counsel us and to protect us. We offer you an ox lava trafo [lit. with a long hump, i.e., fat]. We ask your protection that our new king may live and reign long, that we may be protected from all dangers, that the army of the Imerina may not come to our region, that the wild pigs and locusts may not injure our plantations, that we may be exempt from all sickness, that our women may have many children and that our wealth may be in- creased.' After making this invocation the Anakandriambe entered the house and the young men of hova caste killed the ox and cut up the meat. Rice and pieces of the meat were cooked and placed on a leaf of the Traveler's Palm or a clean china plate. This was then put on a handsome mat before the east door of the house. Every- one then uncovered his head and stood silent. The Anakandriambe advanced and addressed the razana [ancestral spirits]. He invited all the ancestors of the king to take part in the repast. He explained why they had been called, then asked their protection, good fortune and prosperity. When the prayer was finished a great quantity of rice and meat was cooked and the king offered toaka [sugar cane rum] to the Anakandriana, the singers and dancers. There was a great feast. There was a great uproar in the royal house, ending in shouts of laughter. The next day the king and his family gave two or three cattle to the people. These were killed [not sacrificed] and the meat distributed to everyone. The people then returned home talking of the incidents of the ceremony." There seems to have been no formal procedure for deposing an undesirable king and it was extremely rare in practice. Kings were selected with great care and were watched and admonished by the Government 153 Anakandriana. I was told that a deposed king would usually be killed to prevent later complications. ROYAL POWERS AND FUNCTIONS The king was supposed to stand in the same relation to his sub- ■ jects as the father of a family to its members. In theory he had absolute power over their persons and property, but it was a power which he never dared to exercise arbitrarily. The Tanala kings never developed the elaborate palace organization which, in some other tribes, interposed a barrier between ruler and subject and made oppression safe and easy. A king who sold a subject into slavery or seized the property of even the poorest commoner would arouse a storm of protest. The whole community would feel that its rights were in danger and the offender was liable to be deposed or murdered. Bad kings occasionally mulcted rich subjects on trumped-up charges, but even in this they had to move with caution. In general the rule was benevolent and the duties attached to the royal office balanced its advantages. A king was expected to aid and counsel his subjects, maintain order throughout the realm, lead his people in war, and above all administer justice. Stinginess was a severe reproach and in bad seasons the king was expected to help his subjects to the limits of his property. Any subject could apply to him for advice and he was also expected to hold kabary ("palavers") from time to time and counsel his people in formal fashion. One kabary was always held in the spring, before planting began, at which the king addressed his subjects and encouraged them to plant plenty of crops and culti- vate them well. At another kabary he advised the gathering of forest products. He was also expected to protect and stimulate trade, especially with Europeans. The maintenance of order was in the hands of the Anakandriana of the various gentes. Each gens was expected to keep down law- lessness and banditry within its territory and to surrender to the king any of its members who had been guilty of offenses against members of other gentes or the subjects of another king. Each Anakandriana was personally responsible to the king for the behavior of his followers and might, in extreme cases, be fined, although apparently he could not be deposed without the consent of his own people. The activities of the king as war leader have been described in the section on Warfare. 154 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar administration of justice The Ikongo had a well-developed legal system with a concept of law quite similar to our own. Most of the laws received their sanction from immemorial usage, but new ones could be enacted to meet emergencies. A new law would be formulated by the Mpanzaka in council with the Anakandriana and publicly announced by him at a special kabary. There seems to have been no machinery for the repeal of laws. Unpopular or antiquated ones would simply be allowed to lapse. The more important regulations were known to the entire community, but there were certain individuals who were recognized as especially conversant with the law and from whom litigants would seek advice. In trials, previous decisions were often cited, but I could not discover how binding such precedents were. The distinction between civil and criminal cases was clearly recognized. The former consisted of disputes over property. Ap- parently it was impossible to sue for damages. Criminal actions were brought for theft, murder and witchcraft. Incest, in spite of the very strong feeling against it, was not technically a crime, and neither was mayhem. Actually, deliberate murder and mayhem were so rare that informants were uncertain as to the exact procedure. Fights between sober adults were considered disgraceful to both parties and most of the natives had never witnessed one. If one person injured another by accident, or while drunk, the matter was settled informally by an apology and gift to the injured party. Minor civil cases were settled by the Fokonolona with the village chief presiding. Criminal cases and the more important civil ones, especially those involving persons from different villages, were tried before the Anakandriana of the gens with a number of Notables in attendance. All trials were public. The Mpanzaka ("chief") of the tribe might attend, but it was always the Anakandriana who gave the verdict, after consultation with the Notables. In cases involving persons of different gentes, the litigants would agree to accept the Anakandriana of one or the other gens as judge, or, if the matter was very important, refer the case to the Anakandriambe ("chief counselor to the king' ' ) . If the persons involved belonged to different kingdoms, the plaintiff could appeal to either king to act as judge, but that king's decision had to be generally recognized as just and impartial. If it was not, the loser would refuse to abide by it and his own king would support him, causing war between the kingdoms. In civil cases it was not unusual for the litigants to be represented by counsel. Both parties were allowed to state their case and to call Government 155 witnesses. These were not put on oath, but could be informally cross-examined by anyone present. The spectators took part in the trial and their attitude had considerable influence on the Anakan- driana's decision, which was final. I was unable to learn how the awards of the court were enforced. There seems to have been no special machinery for this, the pressure of public opinion being sufficient. Criminal cases dealt with theft, very rarely murder, and witch- craft. Theft was a very serious offense and the thief, if caught in the act, might be killed out of hand. Suspects were tried by the village chief and Fokonolona. They were not allowed representation by counsel and the proceedings seem to have been less formal and more heated than in civil cases. Witnesses were called when possible, but a thief might be convicted on circumstantial evidence alone. If found guilty he was forced to make full restitution and would usually be badly mauled by the spectators and jeered at for a long time afterward. If accused of a second or third offense, the thief would be sent to the Anakandriana of the gens for judgment. This official might fine him to the extent of his property, or have him beaten, or both, but apparently he could not order him sold into slavery, or officially sentence him to death. However, if the culprit died as a result of the beating no one was held responsible. A criminal might appeal from the judgment of the Anakandriana to that of the king, but this was not encouraged. An old offender who did so was likely to be brought in dead, with the explanation that he had tried to escape from his guards on the way. If he reached the king, the case was laid before the Anakandriambe, who made a thorough investigation and then submitted it to the king with a recommendation. The king's judgment was final, and if the accused appeared displeased he was fined an ox for contempt of court. This fine went to the king, as did any other fine levied by him. In most places only the king had the right to pronounce sentence of death. Murder was so rare that I could learn nothing of the procedure except that the murderer would probably be sent to the king, who would sentence him to death. Although the Ikongo lacked the exaggerated fear of witchcraft which is present in many African tribes, they believed that there were certain persons, called mpamosavy, who caused illness and death by magical means. This was the most serious of all offenses, being con- sidered the equivalent of wholesale murder. An mpamosavy always 156 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar had to be denounced to the authorities by some individual who thereby assumed responsibility. In order that such charges should not be brought casually or without good cause, the accuser was fined a large, fat ox if the accused established his innocence. This ox was killed and its meat distributed, most of it going to the accused as indemnity. Suspected mpamosavy, unless their guilt was unquestionable, were subjected to some form of tangena, i.e., trial by ordeal. Three forms of this were in use. Two of them, which were not fatal, were also employed for the detection of thieves, although only when the evidence seemed evenly balanced and ordinary procedure had failed. TRIAL BY ORDEAL Sadaro Antoine describes the tangena as follows: "The com- monest and worst form is called milela-by. One heats a flat piece of iron, usually a spade, red hot. The Anakandriana examines the tongue of the accused and searches him to make sure he has no charms concealed on his person. He then invokes the Zanahary and all the ancestors of the chief, asking them to assist at the ceremony. He asks them to punish the accused severely if he is guilty and to prevent his injury if he is innocent. The Anakandriana then picks the iron out of the fire with a pair of tongs and holds it before the victim at a moderate height. The latter opens his mouth and licks it once. After this he is placed in a house and closely guarded. The next day he is brought out and his tongue examined. If there are buttons or colored patches he is guilty, and the chief condemns him to death or to a fine according to the gravity of his offense. "Mangaron-drano. — Water was boiled in a large pot and a stone fastened to a cord, like a plumb-line. The stone was dropped verti- cally into the pot, but was not submerged. The cord was attached to a stick which rested across the mouth of the pot so that the stone hung about 5 mm above the water. The suspect's hand was washed and examined to see whether he had any scars on it, also whether it had been rubbed with medicine. After the Anakandriana had made the usual invocation, the accused approached the pot and seized the stone from below, plunging his hand into the boiling water. He then plunged his hand into cold water. The hand was bandaged and the accused shut up in a guarded house. The next morning all assembled to see his condition. If there were blisters on the hand he was guilty. If accused of sorcery he was killed on Government 157 the spot, or, if the king was merciful, he was expelled and all his goods seized. "Milano-rano. — The Tanala firmly believe that certain crocodiles are endowed with a faculty which makes it possible for them to render justice. They are employed to judge an affair which seems dark. The ceremony is held on the bank of a river inhabited by ferocious crocodiles. Everyone assembles there and keeps silence so as not to frighten the animals. The Anakandriana places an open tandra [pair of blacksmith's tongs] on the edge of the river and strikes the water three times. He invokes the Zanahary and the ancestors, asking that the accused be devoured if guilty and allowed to pass safely if innocent. When he has finished the accused advances, steps over the tandra and plunges into the river. He swims to the other bank and back. If he is guilty, the crocodiles take him, if innocent he passes safely. When he gets back all raise a cry of Vita! Vita! [Finished!] and the young people plunge into the river to receive him. After the ceremony he returns to his village and his accuser kills an ox to indemnify him." Although all these ordeals appear severe to a European the natives seem to have submitted to them without much trepidation. There were a fair number of acquittals. An old Menabe informant who had himself undergone the ordeal of the hot spade told me that he had been helped by an ombiasy, who rubbed his tongue with an evil tasting root. This produced profuse saliva and as he barely touched his tongue to the iron he was unharmed. A guilty mpamosavy was practically always killed and his goods appropriated by the king. There was no official executioner, the bystanders falling upon the man and spearing him to death. Special offenders were sometimes burned alive. Menabe Legal System The legal system of the Menabe was less developed than that of the Ikongo, due to the absence of large political groupings. Nearly ! all their laws had been handed down from such ancient times that their origin had been forgotten. New laws could be enacted by the Notables and chief of the gens, but seem rarely to have been made. Court procedure was less formal and in civil cases the litigants were not represented by counsel, although they would seek advice from persons skilled in the law before coming into court. Evidence was taken as among the Ikongo. In criminal cases there was still less formality, the Fokonolona as a whole deciding whether the accused 158 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar was guilty. Fines were rarely levied, thieves being punished by a severe beating and repeated offenses by formal disownment and expulsion from the village. Trial by ordeal was less common than among the Ikongo and the ordeal was administered by an ombiasy, not by the village chief. It was used in doubtful cases of theft, but mainly for the detection of mpamosavy. The hot spade ordeal was used, also another in which the village ombiasy took a chicken belong- ing to the accused and administered medicine to it, saying: "If so-and- so has committed this crime, die. If he has not, live." If the person was guilty the chicken would die. Guilty mpamosavy were killed on the spot. Although the Menabe had much less fear of mpamosavy than the Ikongo, one gens, the Zafindiamanana, subjected the whole adult population to an ordeal when the presence of one was suspected. An ox was killed and the ombiasy took the liver, cut it into small pieces, and mixed it with water and earth from the village tomb, placing the whole on a spade. While he mixed the ingredients he prayed: "Zanahary and Fahasivy [ancestral shades], if anyone eating this is an mpamosavy, let him die." Everyone then came forward and ate a piece of the liver and the guilty person would die within twenty-four hours. Failure to eat was considered a confession of guilt. Informants from this gens said that they used no other ordeals. In general the ideas of formal legal procedure and of trial by ordeal seem to have been least developed among those gentes which had least contact with the more advanced tribes of the coast and plateau. It seems probable that the whole legal complex, at least among the Menabe, was due to outside influence and that originally all cases were settled informally by the village council. VIII. RELIGION The outstanding feature of Tanala religion is its extreme practi- cality. All its energies are directed toward acquiring benefits or averting misfortunes. There is no place in it for the mystic, the philosopher or the theologian. Its practices are stereotyped, with minute attention to detail, but most of its beliefs are vague and imperfectly formulated. In the absence of any organized religious authority most of them have remained matters of personal opinion and I found a wide divergence in all but a few main points among even the priests and medicine-men. To make this account intelligi- ble, it has been necessary to introduce a somewhat greater system- atization than exists in the native mind. Beliefs cosmology The Tanala believe the earth to be flat, with the sky fitting down over it like a bell glass. There is a wide expanse of sea in which are two islands, Madagascar and another, vaguely known as Andafy ("over there"). Some thought Andafy was the same as the island of Reunion, of which they had heard. All foreigners, irrespective of race or color, are supposed to come from this other island. Above the sky, which is thought of as a solid, material shell, there is another world. This is inhabited by the gods and possibly by the souls of the dead. The natives have no beliefs as to its appear- ance or nature and seem to have no name for it. Below the earth there is a third world, called Tsivalanorona. This is a rich and fertile country exactly like the world we live in. Informants were not sure whether the geographic features of our world were reproduced there point for point, but thought not. Tsivalanorona is connected with our world by very deep lakes and rivers, and persons who dive deep enough may catch a glimpse of it. It is inhabited by a race called tsivalamo onga, who are like men in all respects except that their noses are set crosswise on their faces. They live in villages, raise rice, etc., like ordinary mortals. The Tanala have no legends of human beings having visited it and say the souls of the dead do not go there. The belief m superimposed worlds seems to be universal among the more primitivepagan tribes of Madagascar, as does the belief that the entrance to the lower world is through lakes and rivers. 159 160 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar The plateau tribes have legends of human women being carried off to the under world. If they steadfastly refused to eat, the people there would take pity on them and send them back, but if they ate they could not return. It is interesting to conjecture whether the under world was ever considered the abode of the dead. No such belief is held by any of the groups with whom I worked, but certain practices seem to suggest it. There is an ancient Tanala belief that the soul is drawn back after death to the place where its afterbirth was buried. On the southeast coast each tribe has a sacred river. Unless the umbilical cord of an individual has been thrown into this river, he is not con- sidered a member of the gens, no matter what his descent, and he is debarred from burial in the common tomb. This, in turn, debars his soul from joining those of the ancestors. The tomb is built beside the sacred river when possible and all important ancestral sacrifices are performed on its banks. In some cases part of the blood of the sacrifice must be thrown into the water. There is also a belief in malevolent human spirits who live in the water and are responsible for sudden drownings. Although there is no proof, it seems highly probable that it was once believed that the dead went to the under world through the rivers, returning by the same route to receive the sacrifices. Tanala ideas in regard to the heavenly bodies are vague. The sun masoandro ("day's eye") is said to be a ball of fire, but there is no explanation of its motion. At sunset it descends through a hole in the western end of our world and traverses the sky of the under world during our night, rising again through a hole in the east. One account of the Tanala says that they believe that the sun travels back over our sky during the night, but all informants whom I asked considered this ridiculous and it certainly is not the present belief. The moon, ambolona, is a ball of some shining substance, which moves across the heavens of the middle and under worlds on the same track as the sun. None of my informants had ever heard a myth explaining its changes, although its phases were named. The new moon is velombolona, first quarter rimbamborona, full moon vorifotsy, and dark of the moon matinvolona. There seems to be no name for the last quarter. The stars are said to be "things fastened to the sky." Apparently only three groupings of stars are recognized: Efidanitsa, the Milky Way, Kiotokely mididango (lit. "children who fight for a rice mortar"), Religion 161 the Pleiades, and Telonrefy, three very bright stars in a line, at equal intervals. I could not identify the last and it seems to be applied to more than one grouping. Only one star is named, Fanjire, the planet Venus. The sun and moon were considered as deities or powers and were often included with the other Zanahary in invocations. All inform- ants insisted that they knew no creation myth and I believe that their ignorance was genuine. I found a similar lack among their neighbors the Betsileo and can only conclude that, if such myths ever existed, they have now been completely forgotten. CONTROL OF HUMAN AFFAIRS The core of Tanala religion is the belief that human affairs are subject to a dual control, that of Beings and that of Fate. The two are of nearly equal importance and both good and evil may derive from either. The Beings interfere capriciously and can be influenced by prayer and sacrifice. Fate, on the other hand, is impersonal and mechanistic. It cannot be influenced by prayer or sacrifice, but its workings can be forecast and its direction changed by magical means. This basic dualism is reflected in a clear cut distinction between the activities of the priest and those of the ombiasy ("medicine-man"). The former deals only with the Beings, especially the ancestral spirits, while the latter specializes in the detection and control of Fate and has little to do with the Beings. The interrelation between the Beings and Fate has never been clearly formulated by the natives. Priests and ombiasy whom I interrogated agreed that both derived their powers from the same source, Zanahary. It was Zanahary or the Zanahary (plural) who fixed the destiny of the individual at birth. Whether the ancestral spirits had any hand m shaping it was uncertain, but the majority thought not. In changing destiny Zanahary was appealed to, but in a formal fashion, the real efficacy lying in the magical acts accom- panying the invocation. Apparently there was a feeling that the ancestral spirits could modify the destiny in minor details, but could not change it as a whole. The whole matter was very hazy in the minds of even the best instructed natives and it was clear that they had not thought about it until I questioned them. Beings are believed to be of three sorts, a Deity or Deities, Non- Human Spirits, and Spirits of the Dead. The Deity or Deities are conceived of as first causes and sources of the power exercised by Beings of the other two categories. They are remote and shadowy 162 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar to the native mind and are never invoked alone. The Non-Human Spirits are minor Beings of little power, comparable to our own fairies and goblins. They are sometimes mischievous and terrifying, but are not taken seriously. The Spirits of the Dead take an active interest in the affairs of the living and constantly interfere to assist or injure. They are also partially dependent upon the living, their i j well being in the spirit world being increased by the sacrifices made to them. They are the objects of Tanala worship to the practical exclusion of all other Beings. DEITIES The native term for Deity is Zanahary (za, article, nahary, "creator"). As a noun the word is used to designate a powerful Being or class of Beings who have never been human. As an adjective it carries the significance of "divine," "supernatural" or simply "extraordinary." I have heard it used with little more weight than the English "wonderful." The Menabe are vague as to the number of Zanahary. Ordinary individuals uniformly say that there is only one. Priests and ombiasy hesitate when the question is put to them and I have seen two priests discuss it earnestly,. citing passages from the rituals. All the longer invocations include a number of names of Zanahary and the point at issue was whether these referred to different Beings or to forms or attributes of the same Being. All finally decided that there must be several Zanahary, basing this on the use of certain plural grammatical forms, but it was plain that the question had not occurred to them until I brought it up. The reason for this vagueness is that prayers and sacrifices are always addressed to Zanahary and the ancestors jointly. The ances- tors are all important and the Zanahary invocation little more than a polite gesture. My priestly informants were doubtful whether Zanahary ever interfered directly in ordinary human affairs. At the same time, as Zanahary had made everything and had given power to the ancestors, they had to be mentioned in all rituals. However, Zanahary are thought of as individuals, not simply as supernatural power. The concept has nothing of the impersonal, mechanistic quality of Mana. It seems almost certain that the Zanahary were at one time more important in the native religion and more clearly individualized. The present monotheistic trend is due partly to contact with Chrio tians and other monotheistic native groups and partly to a steady Religion 163 ^increase in the importance of ancestor worship.} An ombiasy told me that the ancient Tanala believed that every human group and species of animal, and even every individual, had its own Zanahary, who had created it and looked after its welfare. This belief is still held by the neighboring Bara tribe and there are hints of it in several other tribes. The names of the Zanahary given in the invocations certainly suggest Beings with different attributes. They include Andrano- falafa (god who lives in a house thatched with falafa), Mandiovaz- ankoho (god with the clean finger nails), Rangidana (a small, slim- waisted insect, a symbol of speed) and Masomamakizahana (a ceremonial name for the sun). There are a number of other names which can no longer be translated even by the priests. The rituals further indicate that these Beings were believed to live above the sky. One passage suggests that they slept unless awakened by an invocation. Others speak of them as sitting on gold or silver stools, watching men and sending them good and evil. They visited earth when summoned to partake of the sacrifice, returning when they had eaten their share. They went from earth to heaven by means of a chain of gold or a cord of silver. Beyond the names and facts embalmed in the rituals, even the wisest of the priests know nothing. A single gens of the Menabe, the Zafimaniry, consider the sun and moon as Deities and pray and sacrifice to them in sickness or trouble. These sacrifices are made at the regular sacred place or in the kianza ("village square"). The ritual is the same as for other sacrifices, the invocation including the ancestors, but the sun and moon are especially appealed to and stressed. Apparently there are no ceremonies for eclipses. The Ikongo may have originally held the same shadowy beliefs ' as the Menabe, but they have been monotheists since the beginning of the historic period. To them Zanahary signifies a single great and all-powerful deity, creator and ruler of the world. Proverbs indicate that he is considered just and benevolent. He protects the widow and orphan and punishes wrongdoers. At the same time, there is much doubt as to how far he interferes in human affairs. Apparently he is thought to delegate his power to the ancestors, directing them and acting through them. Only great catastrophes or strange and inexplicable events are ascribed to his direct inter- vention. He is never prayed to except in connection with the ancestors. The term Zanahary is also applied here to the souls of dead kings, being linked with their names, like a title. 164 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar The Ikongo have had a good deal of contact with the tribes of the southeast coast, where there have been Arab settlements since the eighth century, and one of their noble gentes claims Arab descent. Their concept of Zanahary is probably due to an attenuated Moham- medan influence. The relation of Zanahary or the Zanahary to Fate is so vague in the minds of the natives that they can hardly be said to have any opinion on the subject. In general they conclude that Fate must emanate from the Zanahary, who are the source of everything, but they doubt whether the Deities ever intervene after the mechanism had been set going. The attitude toward Zanahary is due to the practical outlook of the natives. Although the Zanahary are great and powerful, they are remote and little interested in human affairs. Nothing is to be gained from them, so there are no emotional attitudes in regard to them. They have been relegated to the abyss of first causes and their number, nature, etc., have ceased to be matters of interest. NON-HUMAN SPIRITS The Tanala have a vague belief in the existence of non-human spirits but, like the Deities, these are of no importance in comparison with the ancestors. They never worship or sacrifice to them and doubt whether they interfere in human affairs. The angalampona (from angatra, "spirit," and ampona, "foolish") are little Beings about 3 feet tall who live in dense forest. They look like miniature men but are covered with hair and have very long hair on their heads. Their hands and faces are human, but they have pointed teeth, like lemurs. Bits of their hair are often found caught on bushes. They go nude but, although they are both male and female, the sexes cannot be distinguished. During the day they hide in holes, coming out at night to hunt shrimps, which they eat raw. They also steal food from the fields and from houses, and can make the occupants of a house fall into a deep sleep. They are very partial to cooked food and never steal anything else from dwellings. Shrimp catchers, who build rough shelters in the woods and spend the night there, often see them but are never able to catch them. They are considered slightly mischievous but quite harmless. The tsiombiomby (lit. "not an ox") are large Beings in the form of four-footed animals, somewhat like horses. They chase people on lonely roads. There is one on the road between Tombony and Religion 165 Manambo which has chased the mail carriers several times. Ap- parently no one has ever been caught or injured by them. The tandranomalany are mermaids. Three hours' march to the north of Ambohimanga there is a lake called Androrangovola Varitra which is one of their favorite haunts. On the edge of this, one some- times sees two to four or more women sitting and working raffia or weaving. If approached, they dive into the lake and disappear. Two informants claimed to have seen them themselves. They are thoroughly human in appearance and very handsome. Four or five generations ago a man of the Zafiakotry gens made friends with one of them and she consented to marry him if he would never tell anyone that she was a tandranomalany. She came to his village and lived there for several years, bearing him two boys and two girls. Other men in the village often asked him where she came from and envied him his handsome wife. Finally, when drunk, he told them that she was a mermaid. One of their children overheard him and came running to ask her whether it was true. She was very angry and when he returned home she told him that she was going back to her people and would take the children with her. She took the children to the lake and gave each of them a hand of bananas, telling them to dive in and eat the whole bunch under water. Two, a girl and a boy, were able to do this and she plunged into the lake, taking them with her, and never returned. The other two returned to their father, grew up and married ordinary mortals. Their descendants still live in the village and are handsome and of fine physique. The tsivalamo onga are inhabitants of the under world (see Cosmology). They are like men except that their noses are set crosswise on their faces. They never visit our- world. SPIRITS OF THE DEAD The cult of the dead is all-important in Tanala religion. It forms a complex of interwoven beliefs and practices. The Tanala Menabe believe that man is composed of three parts, the body, the aina, and the ambiroa. The aina is the life or vital force and is identified with the breath. It has no form or consciousness and leaves the body only at death. Its fate after death is not clear in the native mind. Some informants said that it ceased to exist, others that it returned to the Zanahary who had given it. The word ambiroa signifies "the second part" or "the double." The ambiroa has consciousness, personality and form. It is, in fact, 166 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar the mind and soul of the individual inhabiting a body which is exactly like the fleshy body except that it is composed of much more tenuous matter. It preserves a certain detachment from the physical body even during life. It leaves the body during sleep, unconscious- ness or insanity, and dreams and hallucinations are its actual experi- ences. It may also leave the body when the person is awake and sane, and may stay away for days or even weeks. The mind and body continue to function during its absence, but with reduced vigor, and if it stays away too long, the body dies. The natives cannot explain the inconsistency between this belief and the belief that the ambiroa and mind are inseparable. Apparently they have not analyzed their beliefs that far. There is no connection between the ambiroa and the shadow. Ambiroa of both the dead and living are often seen. They look exactly like the person but usually appear at a little distance and fade away if approached. Those of the living do not speak, but those of the dead sometimes do, counseling people or demanding sacrifices. Ambiroa of the living are seen most frequently when the person is ill, or when he is away from home and longing to return. They have no special significance and are not a sign of approaching death. Ambiroa of the dead appear most frequently in deserted villages, near tombs, or in lonely places. They are not dangerous unless offended and do not seem to be particularly feared, although such meetings are never sought by the living. I asked one informant whether it was a good or bad omen to encounter the ambiroa of a deceased relative and he answered emphatically: "A bad omen! He will ask you to sacrifice an ox to him." The ambiroa of the living frequently meet and talk with the ambiroa of the dead in dreams, returning to their bodies with a memory of the encounter. This may also occur in trances. It is most frequent in the case of ombiasy, some of whom claim to be constantly directed in this way. When the ambiroa is absent from the conscious body it goes to the place of the ancestors, just as if its body were dead, but when it returns all memory of its sojourn among them is effaced. A person whose ambiroa has left him is said to be mitoitraloka. It must be recalled as soon as possible, for if it is allowed to remain with the ancestors too long it will build a house and plant rice fields in the spirit world and will refuse to return. When an ombiasy has diag- nosed a disease as being due to the absence of the ambiroa, a sort of mush is prepared by pounding and boiling a small wild grain. The Religion 167 sufferer squats on the floor with the pot of steaming mush between his feet and covers himself completely with a lamba, inhaling as much of the steam as possible and taking a small sweat bath. When the mush has cooled he eats it. After this, his ambiroa will return. Maladies due to this seem to be fairly common and are often diag- nosed and treated without calling in an ombiasy. If the sickness recurs frequently a charm against it may be worn. The ambiroa leaves the body once for all in incurable insanity and at death. Apparently there is no idea that the insane are possessed. Their actions are due to the aina, which continues to function in the absence of the ambiroa. If they are quiet and peace- ful, their needs are provided for, but if they are troublesome, violent, or appear to be in pain, they are killed as quickly and painlessly as possible. If a corpse revives after the funeral ceremonies are well under way, its movements are also thought to be due to the aina, and it is quietly strangled. With a few exceptions, to be noted later, all ambiroa have the same fate after death. Ethical conduct while alive does not affect this, except that a person who has been formally disowned, a notori- ous sorcerer, or a man of extremely evil life, may be rejected by the spirits of his ancestors and refused a place in their village. Such souls become vagabonds, working evil upon the living and hanging about at sacrifices to intercept the good souls and seduce them into injuring their descendants. In some sacrificial rituals the ancestral spirits are asked to return to their village as soon as they have eaten and to be careful not to talk to any of these vagabonds whom they may meet on the way. Souls who have been accepted by the ancestors live in villages and carry on an existence exactly like that while alive. They have their chiefs, marry, have children, build houses, plant rice and raise cattle, go on journeys, etc. When bodies are to be moved to a new tomb, the dead are given several days' notice with an admonition to pack their baggage and recall any of their number who are away. Their state is thought to be somewhat more felicitous than that of the living, but they are not exempt from troubles and even sickness. In one ritual the souls are requested to take a share of the offering to any of their number who may be absent through illness. Each soul has exactly the same form as its body at the time of death, even to mutilations and deformities. The location of the spirit villages is not clear in the native mind. Several informants said that the ambiroa lived on Mount Ambon- 168 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar drombe, a real mountain in the Ankaratra range. The Imerina and Betsileo believe that the souls of their dead live there, and the Tanala have probably borrowed the idea from them. A very few said that, as the ambiroa were close to the Zanahary, their villages must be in the sky, where the Zanahary live. One ombiasy, who was unusually well versed in the old tribal lore, said that the spirit villages were actually in the villages of the living, the ambiroa being drawn back or held there by their afterbirths, which had been interred before the doors of the houses where they were born. All agreed that the ambiroa often took up their residence in abandoned villages. The commonest belief seems to be that the spirit villages are located near the village tomb or sacred place or in certain localities called zintana. The zintana may be the sites of ancient tombs which have been abandoned, old village sites, hilltops, places where one suddenly feels the air to be cold and clammy, or patches of forest in which the growth shows abnormalities. If the vines are twisted and knotted upon themselves and the trees turn in loops, or have stems that divide and unite again above, the place is certainly a zintana. Before such places can be cultivated an ox must be sacrificed, but after they have been brought under cultivation an annual sacrifice of rum at planting time seems to be enough. If this is not made, there will be no harvest and the persons who have planted the zintana will die. Sometimes a special part of the zintana is set aside for the sacrifices and left uncleared. Although the fate of practically all ambiroa is that already described, there are two exceptions. The Manandriana gens of the Menabe believe that the ambiroa of persons killed with spears, and of those not buried in the village tomb, change into beings called ziny. The latter group would include lost bodies, lepers, smallpox victims, and the more flagrant thieves and sorcerers. The ziny are substantial and have the form of birds about the size of turkeys. They have fire under their wings which shows when they raise them. They are most frequently seen just before the rice is ripe, when people have begun to parch and eat it. They come into the villages at night and eat the chaff where the parched rice has been pounded. It is not dangerous to see them, but they sometimes attack people and that is fatal. The east coast tribes and the Betsileo also believe in the existence of these beings, but do not consider them of human origin. They appear to be derived from the Arab djinns and it seems probable that the Tanala, who think very little of non-human spirits, have added the idea of their human origin. Religion 169 At the present time the Menabe believe that the souls of their kings pass into fanana, large snakes apparently of the boa family, but the belief has arisen in the last hundred years, in imitation of the Betsileo. The story told of its origin, if true, affords an interesting example of how such ideas may spread. Shortly after the death of King Rainlevola a fanana came into the royal house at Ambohimanga and although it was put out several times it always returned. It was plainly a portent of some sort and the family called an ombiasy ("medicine-man") to see what it meant. He could get no answer from the sikidy ("divination") but said he thought the snake must want to tell them something. They called a second ombiasy with the same result. Then a man of the Betsileo tribe who was living at Ambohimanga said: "If that happened in our country we should know that it was the soul of a king returning. Perhaps it is so here, since you now have kings." At that time kingship was newly established among the Menabe under the overlordship of the Imerina. The people went through the Betsileo ritual, under his direction, and at the name of Rainlevola the animal crawled upon the lamba spread out for it. After that the Tanala accepted the fanana belief and ceremony. Another visit of the same sort occurred just before the idols were burned at the order of the Imerina queen. In ordinary practice the term ambiroa is applied only to the souls or doubles of the living. The ambiroa of the dead are called angatra, the difference between the two terms being very nearly the same as our own distinction between "soul" and "ghost." Angatra is also used as a general term for spirits, including minor Beings not of human origin as well as ghosts. Angatra of human origin are divided into two classes, the fahasivy and the zina. The fahasivy are the ambiroa of deceased members of the gens. The term means literally "ninth," in reference to the ninth place in the arrangement of the sikidy, which is the place which represents the ancestors. The fahasivy supposedly are ever present and take an active interest in the affairs of their descendants, helping and punishing them. They are constantly invoked and sacrificed to and their worship is the core of the native religion. They may be invoked anywhere, but are thought to hear best and be most accessible at the village sacred place, where the memorial stones are erected. They appear to the living as ghosts, or in dreams. The zina are the ambiroa of remote ancestors whose names and personalities have been forgotten, or of people who occupied a terri- tory before the ancestors of the present inhabitants arrived. They 170 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar occupy definite localities, the zintana already described, and do not interfere in human affairs except to punish trespass on their territory. They are never appealed to for aid and only receive sacrifices when their land is used, or when it is thought that an illness is due to trespass. They never appear to the living. Although the zina now play the role of local spirits, all informants agreed that they are of human origin. Death and Burial ikongo burial customs The following account of death and burial among the Tanala Ikongo is given in the manuscript of Sadaro Antoine: "If a person is sick enough to cause anxiety the members of the family assemble in the house where he is. If he dies the body is washed in cold water and after the bath the hair is braided and oiled. The bathing and hairdressing are done by relatives of the same sex as the deceased. After the body has been wrapped in lambas [mantles] or mats it is carried to the trano be [village assembly house] with the head uncovered. A piece of silver is put in the mouth and beads on the neck and hair. After this has been done the family sends for the relatives who live at a distance. The able-bodied men of the family go to the forest to make a loka [coffin], a tree trunk hollowed out and provided with four feet, in which to lay the body. One or two cattle are killed, according to the wealth of the family, and the meat distributed among the inhabitants of the village. Sometimes the messengers invite strangers to come to the feast and sometimes an ox is sent to the forest to be eaten by the workers there. When the loka is finished the men bring it to the village joyfully. The women and children go out to meet them and lead the way back also rejoicing. The loka is placed on the east side of the house, where the body is also laid. The next day the body is placed in it and it is closed with a made cover or plank bound on with vines. It is then hung up in the house. The length of time the body stays in the trano be depends on the wealth of the family. Ordinarily it is carried to the kibory [clan tomb] after two or three days, but if the family is rich it may hang there ten or fifteen days. During this time the family kills cattle, feasting the village and visitors and burning the fat in the trano be to overpower the smell of the decaying body. If the body decomposes and matter drips from the coffin they take it out of the village and empty it, then bring it back. Before the cortege leaves for the kibory some people go ahead to prepare food for the Religion 171 mpandevina [assistants]. An ox is killed near the tomb and a great j deal of rice cooked. Men, women and children follow the cortege j to the tomb dancing and singing. After the interment the- mpandevina take their meal in the open air, returning to the village afterward. To end the fete one or more oxen are killed and the meat distributed to all the assistants. The funeral ceremony is called mandrava lanona. A funeral without cattle killing is scorned by the people. "On the day of a funeral, before the cortege leaves for the kibory [clan tomb] the chief of the kibory stands before the body and makes the following speech: 'Oh thou who art dead, today we are separated forever, not by our wish but by the will of Zanahary. We will carry thee to the tomb where thy ancestors rest. Remain there with them and do not return to bring evil into the house. If, however, thy1 death has been caused by sorcery, may thy ghost quickly slay the evil doer. Do good to us and drive away all diseases.' After the body has been placed in the tomb the chief of the kibory or his representa- tive makes the following speech : 'Oh you who are in this house, listen to what I say. We are now sending you so-and-so [giving name], one whom Zanahary has taken from us. Receive him to rest with you. Do not let him wander everywhere. Do not scorn him, for he is one of the last little children of one from whom we are all descended.' "In former times Mpanzaka [kings] were usually interred secretly. When a king was ill no one except the members of his family could enter the house where he was. A post, adiby, was set up in front of his door as a prohibition to enter. If the king died he was buried secretly that night by the village chiefs and Notables. His wives, children and relatives were forbidden to weep or to wear any sign of mourning. If asked how the king was they must answer that he was mafanafana [indisposed]. The reason for this was that the tribes were constantly at war and the king was the military leader. If the enemy learned the king was dead they would attack the leaderless tribe and almost certainly defeat it. After some months, during which the people had chosen a new king, guns were fired on the highest hill in the tribe's territory. This announced the death of the king. On learning the sad news everyone wept in the villages. As a sign of grief they unbraided their hair and wore it hanging loose, and dressed in old mats. All the people went to the king's village. There they feasted for several days during which cattle were killed and the meat distributed. The new king was placed in a special house and no one might approach him except the Anakandriana 172 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar [village chiefs] and Notables. At the end of the f§te the new king, accompanied by all the people, left his hiding to enter the trano be. There was a great feast, the rejoicing being kept up until morning. Before they returned to their homes the new king gave the people one or two oxen which were killed and the meat distributed. "Certain kings requested before their death that they should not be buried secretly. In this case the people chose a new king quickly, always from the royal family. The new king was put in a house in a secluded part of the village until the funeral was over. After his election the body of the dead king was placed in the trano be surrounded by women of the noble caste. A man of the Antimanga gens lay down close to the body and did not leave it until it was placed in the coffin. The men went to the forest to make a loka [coffin]. When it was ready they brought it into the village at night, unknown to the inhabitants. The body was placed in it and hung up in the trano be. Next day, at cockcrow, conch shell trumpets were sounded and guns fired in the air to announce the king's death. All the people wept and hastened to the king's village. All bulls which had lived in the same time as the king were killed, the meat dis- tributed among all the people and the fat burned in the trano be. [The first part of this passage is not clear. The writer may mean bulls born in the year of the king's ascension or bulls born on the king's birthday.] The neighboring tribes were invited and during fifteen or thirty days tribesmen and strangers alike did nothing but feast. The king's body decomposed in the coffin, which was taken down and emptied from time to time. Sometimes only the bones were left to take to the kibory. At the end of the fifteen or thirty days they buried the skeleton and the new king made his solemn | entry into the trano be." j Shaw, who visited the Ikongo shortly after 1870, says: "They make no tombs but bury their dead in the forest with no other mark ' than a notched tree to keep the spot in remembrance. The carrying of the body to its last resting place is accompanied by yelling and screaming but I saw no ostentatious mourning and weeping, as with the Betsileo. At certain places on the road the body is placed on the ground and a series of games is commenced in which wrestling and spear exercise form an important part. Burying is called 'throwing away the corpse.' " (Shaw, George A., Notes on Ikongo and Its People, Antananarivo Annual, Vol. 1, 1875, p. 69.) Grandidier also says: "The Ikongo do not erect any tombs; they inter their dead in the forest and are content with marking the place by the help of a notch Religion 173 cut in the nearest tree. Their funerals are unaccompanied with cries or weeping." (Grandidier, A., Funeral Ceremonies among the Malagasy, Antananarivo Annual, Vol. IV, 1889-92, p. 314.) My own informants denied that the Ikongo buried in this way, insisting that all the gentes used the kibory ("gens tomb"). It is possible that the above quotations refer to an ancient form of disposal which is now obsolete, or that it was the practice of only a few clans, or, less probably, that they refer to a temporary disposal prior to the real funeral, like that which still exists among the Menabe. MENABE BURIAL CUSTOMS Among the Manandriana division of the Tanala Menabe the funeral ceremonies are practically the same for all people, for in the old days there were no castes. The differences are simply in the expensiveness of the feast. If a family has not enough food to make a good funeral the relatives may quietly take the body to the forest and leave it there until after the rice harvest, when it is brought back, the funeral made, and the bones taken to the tomb. Immediately after death the body is washed and the hair arranged by relatives of the same sex. If it is a king this is done on the knees of slaves or officers. It is then wrapped in a lamba of raffia or of natural colored hafotra ("bast"). The latter is called sembo avoha. The lamba is drawn up over the head but the face is left uncovered. If it should be covered the spirit could not find its road. Some of the other Menabe gentes occasionally wrap the body in a mat rubbed with wood ashes and put it in a large container of folded bark, as a crude attempt at preservation. The body is laid in the middle of the northern half of its own house with the head east. Some gentes con- sider it a hardship to bury quickly and keep the body in the house as much as a month, burning the fat of cattle to overpower the smell, but the Manandriana keep it only two or three days, never more than a week even for kings. During this time persons under twenty years old are excluded, also, according to one informant, pregnant women. The other people enter the house, mourn and also sing and dance. The songs are funeral chants called misejo. While the body lies in the house a few cattle are killed each day to feast the people and quantities of rice are pounded in preparation for the great feast on the day before the interment. Most of the cattle are also saved for this. On the day before the interment the cattle to be killed are driven to the kianza ("village square") and the pounded rice piled up there 174 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar on mats. A man belonging to the family of either the father or the mother of the deceased makes a kabary ("speech") thanking everyone for his sympathy and announcing what each person has given to the bereaved family, together with his name. It is customary for relatives and friends to make small gifts to help defray the funeral expenses. The speaker then thanks everyone again and announces that the interment will take place next morning in such and such a tomb. He also says that anyone who lives at a distance, or who has important business, is now free to return home. After this there is a feast. Cattle are killed and the rice and part of the meat cooked, the rest of the meat being distributed to the people to take home. The next morning the body is taken to the tomb by the angoma, members of the village who always perform this office. In the village of Raindranaivo, my principal informant, there were four of these, but the number does not seem to be fixed . The office is not hereditary and they seem to be chosen for their willingness to enter the tomb and handle the corpses. If an angoma is away and a member of his lineage becomes seriously ill he is sent for and is in duty bound to return. Each angoma receives a chicken and 2.50 francs for his services. The body is carried out of the house by the regular door and taken directly to the tomb. If an ordinary person it is usually lashed to a pole, for ease in transport, but if a chief the angoma carry it in their : hands. The people accompany the body singing and dancing. When they reach the tomb there is a small kabary at which those who have come this far are again thanked and told that they can go back as what remains to be done is the work of the angoma. They return except for four or five of the closest relatives who remain until the body is placed in the tomb. The angoma arrange the bodies in the tomb to make a place for the new corpse and take up the skulls of the parents and grandparents of the deceased, placing them above his body. After the funeral the relatives return to the house of death and stay two or three days, then go home. Only one king of the Menabe, Raindranaivo, is known to have been buried at night and this was done in imitation of the Imerina practice. In further imitation he was buried in a separate tomb, not in that of his gens. He died at a distance and his body was brought back to his capital. He was mourned for three days and buried at midnight. Grandidier says of the Tanala, presumably some of the northern gentes: "The free Tanala do not inter their dead until they have lain Religion 175 in state for a month or so. For three days they leave the corpse uncovered ; but after this they wrap it in red lamba [mantles] and place it in a coffin, which they do not carry to the cemetery until the completion of the month. The liquid products of decomposition flow upon the earthen floor of the house and are simply covered with earth. During all the time of the lying-in-state the surviving partner (hus- band or wife) sleeps in the house as if his or her spouse were still living. This custom obtains also among the Betsimisaraka, Tanosy and other tribes. The coffin is deposited in a solitary place in the forest and is surrounded by a palisade of tree trunks which hides its cover. "The andriana or chiefs whose ancestors are of foreign (Arab) extraction, are, on the contrary, interred on the very day of their death. The coffin, with a lid in the shape of a roof, on which is fixed a pair of horns, is carried into the dense forest and placed under a kind of shed. An image, suspended in a corner of the house where the death took place, receives for six weeks all the signs of grief and marks of regret from the people, after which it is thrown into the nearest river with great ceremony. The royal cemetery is visited from time to time to renew the coffins when they fall into decay and also to change the lamba in which the bones are enveloped." (Gran- didier, op. cit., pp. 313-314.) All my Menabe informants denied the existence of most of the features in which the above account differs from my own and I can only assume that the practices described are those of some gens with which I never came in contact. TOMBS All the Tanala employ communal tombs known as kibory, but there is a good deal of variation in detail. Some of the present differ- ences may be due to the diverse origin of the various gentes, but there can be little doubt that the Tanala burial practices have been influenced by those of their neighbors on the east and west. To make these influences clear it seems best to give a brief description of the tombs used by the tribes bordering on their territory. The Imerina and Betsileo, who occupy the plateau to the west, employ family vaults. When a man becomes sufficiently rich he will build a tomb for himself and his descendants. This will be used by his children, grandchildren, etc., in the male line until one of them decides to found a tomb of his own. A person who does this acquires great prestige and becomes the ancestor of a new family. New tombs are constantly being erected and the whole line of descendants will II *Wr 176 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar rarely use the same tomb for more than three or four generations. The tombs are always built in prominent places, beside roads, etc. The Imerina sometimes sacrifice at them but the Betsileo do not. Neither group has special persons appointed as tomb guardians. The tribes of the southeast coast, who border the Tanala on the east, employ gens tombs founded, at least in theory, by the original gens ancestor. No new tombs are founded by individuals and as the gens grows and expands its territory the single tomb comes to be used by a number of villages. The gens tomb is always in a secluded place, surrounded by a grove of trees, and, if possible, near the sacred river. Only the tomb guardian or persons he designates can approach it at ordinary times. It is, however, the center of the religious life of the gens. Important sacrifices are made there and trials for sorcery are held at it. There is an hereditary official known as the Lahy Kibory ("chief" or "guardian of the kibory") who is the religious head of the gens with powers approaching those of the secular chief. He not only has charge of the kibory and everything pertaining to it, but offers the sacrifices to the ancestors and punishes infractions of tribal custom, such as incest. The Tanala practices vary between these two extremes without fully arriving at either. In a very general way it may be said that the southern clans lean toward the southeast coast practice while the northern ones lean toward that of the plateau. Among the Tanala Ikongo the kibory almost conforms to the southeastern pattern. Sadaro Antoine says: "The kibory is situated far from villages so that the ghosts will not disturb the tranquillity of the living. It is in a cave. The bodies are laid one upon another with the exception of the Mpanzaka [king] who is placed in a coffin on an elevated place to the east. Persons who die of contagious diseases [lepers and smallpox victims] or children who die under a month old are not admitted to the kibory. The latter are buried in marshy ground. Sorcerers are also excluded unless a number of cattle have been killed to rectify the fault. The chief of the kibory is a simple chief of the family but he receives a certain respect from the natives. He makes regulations that no one may burn the forest near where the kibory is located, or enter the forest or cut a single tree in it. Anyone who breaks these rules has to pay a fine of a large ox. When the tomb has to be repaired or when the ancestors wish a new tomb, it is the chief of the kibory who calls the family together to do this. For this work he has to kill many cattle and furnish a quantity of rice for the workers. A sacrifice of twenty or thirty cattle is an average for a Religion 177 rich family. It is the chief of the kibory who offers the sacrifices and addresses the prayers to the ancestors." Very little additional information was obtained but this seems to indicate that all the members of a gens do not necessarily use the same kibory and I suspect that every village of long standing has one of its own. The office of guardian of the kibory also seems to be much less important than among the southeast coast tribes. Early writers say that the Ikongo simply buried their dead in the forest and it seems possible that their use of the kibory has been borrowed from the eastern tribes in comparatively recent times. Informants from the Tanala Menabe say that some of their northern gentes have true gens tombs which are used by as many as ten or twelve villages. These consist of houses containing stone lined pits with three compartments. The bodies of men are placed in one compartment, those of women in another and those of children in the third. The type would seem to be almost identical with that used by the southeast coast tribes, but informants thought that there was no special guardian of the tomb. They were not sure of this and spoke from hearsay rather than personal knowledge. Among the rest of the Menabe each village has two or three tombs which are in simultaneous use. As a rule the corpses are put in the different tombs in rotation, but the village chief or council may also designate the tomb to be used. New tombs may be built either by the village as a whole, when the old ones are in danger of becoming overcrowded, or by individuals. The builder of a tomb acquires prestige and can specify certain things in regard to it, as that it shall be used only for men or that the men's and women's bodies shall be kept separate in it, but its use never seems to be limited to his direct descendants. The tombs themselves are of three types: natural caves, rock shelters and houses. Caves are used when possible and if a good one is discovered within a reasonable distance of the village the dead are often moved into it. In the case of rock shelters a large box of heavy planks with a plank cover is built under the overhang where it will be protected from the weather. Some of these boxes are said to be very large, with room for a hundred or more bodies. If neither caves nor rock shelters are available, the kibory consists of a large rectan- gular pit lined with dry stone masonry and covered with stone slabs or planks. The earth is heaped above in a mound and a house built over the whole. The kibory are always hidden in dense brush at least a half hour's march from the village. 178 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar The bodies are laid in the tomb with the heads east, without coffins. Men and women are piled together indiscriminately unless the builder of the tomb has specified otherwise. Even chiefs are interred with the rest, although a few of the kings demanded indi- vidual tombs in imitation of the Imerina practice. Lepers and small- pox victims are excluded, but in some cases their bones seem to be put in after a few years of temporary interment in the ground. Sor- cerers and other criminals are also excluded, their bodies being left for the dogs to eat. It is a universal rule that only members of the gens can be buried in the kibory. The tomb is transferred if the village is transferred or if a better site has been found. When the new tomb is ready, the day before the transfer, the two or three most important men of the village come to the tomb and call: "Hallo, so-and-so and so-and-so," giving the names of all the important dead they know, "you are the great ones of the family here. Your tomb and residence here are bad. You know this and we know it too. We are going to transfer you tomorrow to such and such a place. Assemble all the family here, assemble the children and all your baggage, for tomorrow we will go there." Next morning all the Fokonolona ("village council") come to the tomb and kill an ox to the east of it, i.e., by the heads of the dead. They spread out mats with raffia lambas ("mantles") on top. They then take out all the bodies and lay them on the lambas and sew them up into bundles. The bodies of wives and husbands are sewn up together, when known, all the children are put in one bundle and the oldest dead, who have fallen to pieces, in another. The bundles are then wrapped in mats and tied to carrying poles with vines. It is forbidden to use ropes. A little of the sacrificed ox is grilled and eaten at the old tomb, but most of it is carried along for the feast at the new tomb. If it is a long trip a stop may be made and a meal cooked en route. On the way the people sing and play tricks on each other and sometimes wrestle. One trick is for the man on the rear end of the carrying pole to push suddenly and try to throw the front man down. When they reach the new tomb all the bodies are put down out- side. A special house has been built there and the people spend the night in this, singing and dancing. They feast that night and again the next morning, killing sometimes as many as ten oxen, depending on the wealth of the village. After breakfast they put the bodies in the new tomb. The body of the most important ancestor, except for his skull, is put at the bottom of the pit or box Religion 179 and the others on top. Care is taken to have the heads of each sort behind those of the more important kind. Thus a child would be laid with its head extending only to its parent's throat. The skull of the most important ancestor is laid on top of all the bodies and is moved up at each new interment so that it will always be on top. The Menabe seem to lack entirely the idea of a Laky Kibory ("guardian of the tomb") and no ceremonies are held at the kibory except at funerals or when it is transferred. In general it is taboo to cut wood or gather forest products in its vicinity and the place is shunned by everyone. Enemy gentes have been known to destroy the kibory if they held a special animosity, but this is rare. RELICS OF DEAD CHIEFS According to Sadaro Antoine the Ikongo have the practice of preserving relics of dead chiefs. A similar practice exists among the Sakalava. My Menabe informants had never heard of anything of the sort and I was unable to verify it for the Ikongo, but Sadaro's account is so circumstantial that I feel sure it exists. He says: "The kovavy, which the Marohala also call lambo hamba, is a collection of the upper eye teeth of famous kings preserved in memory of their services. The kovavy is made up of a series of crocodile teeth in which the canines are preserved. The crocodile teeth are attached side by side on a piece of cotton cloth bordered with silk called kilambony or tsy maroavaratra. The whole is kept in the kiraki- drakitra, a small covered basket of fine weave. This basket is usually kept on a small shelf above the eastern door of the house. Guardian- ship of the kovavy is confined to a man of the Antimanga gens or to a king of the noble caste. It is forbidden for the guardian to eat black bananas or boroboaka bananas [two species]. It is also for- bidden to raise guinea fowl or pigs in the village where the kovavy is kept. "The festival of fampandroana kovavy [bathing the kovavy] is celebrated in the month Volambita [October] or Asaramanitra [December]. The bathing is done in a part of the river where the water seems to be asleep. For the Manambondro gens the bathing place is Ambinanindrano, a place situated just above the confluence of the Manambondro and Sahonjatsy rivers. Before the departure of the procession for the river the men enter the house where the kovavy is kept. The women gather to the east of the house and sing. A man of noble caste approaches the place of honor, respectfully takes the basket, places it on his head, and then carefully deposits it 180 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar on a sariry [finely woven mat] before the eastern door. A person of either sex, but always of noble caste, carries the little basket on his head to the river. The procession marches around the house three times singing. When the procession arrives at the river an ox is killed, sora mamanta [black and white] or mazava loha [black with white marks on the forehead]. The throat is cut at the edge of the river so that blood falls into the water. The kovavy is taken from its basket and a man of the noble caste wears it as a bandoleer while swimming. While he crosses the river the rejoicing increases. The drahitra [a variety of drum] is beaten and the women chant in monotone. After a few minutes the swimmer returns to the edge of the river and puts the kovavy back in its basket. After a feast all return to the village with rejoicing and the little basket is put back in its place. "The famanana kovavy [feeding the kovavy] may be held at any time. For this they kill an ox, always one of the previously mentioned colors. It is killed to the east of the kovavy' s house by a man of noble caste. After a prayer they take a part of each of the different sorts of meat [i.e., the parts used in sacrifice] which are cooked and eaten by the assistants. They then pull off the hump and salt it with sira ranto [sea salt]. When it has been salted it is fastened on top of the crocodile teeth with raffia and left for a minimum of three or a maximum of six days. At the end of this time it is eaten by the guardian. In case of a calamity, such as an epidemic of locusts, etc., the protection of the kovavy is asked." LOST BODIES The loss of a body causes much grief to the relatives and every effort is made to recover it. The main causes of such loss are now death at a distance and drowning. In the first case the body is buried without ceremony and a year or more later, when the flesh has decayed, some of the male relatives dig it up and bring it home. A regular funeral is then held and the bones put in the gens tomb. If the person has been drowned the core of a banana tree is taken and a silver bracelet put upon it. It is then thrown into the water near where the person disappeared and is believed to float along until it comes over the place where the body lies, when it stops and balances. The relatives then dive for the body. If the body cannot be recovered the Ikongo hold a brief funeral over his sleeping mat and pillow, which are placed in the kibory ("gens tomb"), and later erect a stone in his honor. Among the Manandriana division of the Menabe the pillow and mat are not Religion 181 used. If the person is rich and important they raise a stone for him. If not the whole family assembles in his parents' house, kills an ox if rich enough, feasts, drinks rum and sings and dances all night and until the noon meal the next day. There is no invocation or ceremony and nothing is taken to the tomb. Among some of the other Menabe the relatives take a banana trunk, wrap it in cloth, lay it in the house in the place the corpse would occupy, and go through the complete funeral ceremony, including mourning, over it. The banana trunk is thrown away after the ceremony and the cloth may be used. A similar practice existed among the Imerina but there the cloth was wrapped around a tsangambato ("upright stone") erected in honor of the deceased. A banana tree is used as a substitute for the body because the banana plant symbolizes a man. Like fortunate human beings it dies only in old age, after it has borne fruit, and leaves offspring, i.e., the new shoots that push up from the root of the plant. The form of the fruit is another reason the Menabe give for choosing it, for the banana is to the natives a phallic symbol and an emblem of fertility. MOURNING CUSTOMS Mourning is never violent. There is no loud wailing, beating of the breast or self mutilation. Mourners of both sexes wear old and dirty clothes, allow their hair to hang loose and disheveled and rarely bathe. Distant relatives wear mourning for one or two months, a husband or wife usually for six months, and a parent who has lost a beloved child may wear it for a year or more. Among the Menabe the relatives assemble at the house of death one or two months after the funeral to put off mourning. All persons who have entered the house while the body lay in it are expected to be there. An ox is killed and a person who is the only child of his or her mother asperges the place where the corpse has lain with the blood. The same person then takes more of the blood, rum, white powder made by grating the olotafina fungus, and the plants arian- dro, tsiontsiona, vilona, vahipika and longoza, cut in small pieces, and puts all in a large wooden bowl with water. He then takes some of the mixture in a cupped leaf and pours a little into the hands of everyone present. They wash their faces with it and this ends the mourning period. Some begin at once to grease and braid their hair while others sing and dance. The ceremony ends with a feast. The Ikongo also have a ceremony to end mourning, but I could not learn the details. 182 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar erection of memorial stones (Among the Tanala Ikongo a second ceremony for the dead is held some time after the funeral. The interval does not seem to be fixed and may vary from a few months to two years. Sadaro Antoine says : "The orimbato or festival commemorating the dead consists in raising one or more stones in memory of a person who has died either in the village or at a distance." There seems to have been a feeling that it was much more necessary for those whose bodies had not been placed in the gens tomb. "It is always celebrated immediately after the harvest of wet rice, i.e., between the months of January and April. The size of the stone depends on the wealth of the dead person or his family. There are some stones more than 8 meters high and more than a meter across. Before the ceremony begins the members of the family are called together to discuss how many professional dancers and musicians will be invited and how many oxen killed and to pound the rice which will be given to the visitors. The festival is begun on a lucky day, a Thursday, at four or five o'clock in the after- noon. All the women assemble in a house called the tranombavy [lit. "woman's house"]. The head of the family and the other men assemble to the east of the sacrifice post, lonaka. Conch shell trumpets and the hazolahy [small double-headed drums, always played in pairs] are sounded three times to assemble the spirits that may be absent. The head of the family then says: 'Oh you [naming the person commemorated] and all the ancestors, your relatives and the whole tribe are celebrating a festival. May the weather be good and none of the people fall ill. Heap up the goods of all your relatives and save them all from ennui.' At the end he asks that the soul of the person for whom the festival is given may be received by the other ancestral souls, for according to the super- stition the soul of a person whose f§te has not been celebrated is not received by the others. At the sound of the trumpets and hazolahy everyone weeps. After this the festival usually lasts three or four days but if the person is rich it continues fifteen or twenty days, during which time they feast and sing and dance to the hazolahy and adabo [two forms of drum]. The relatives of the dead and some others go to the forest to cut vines and to make a lakana, a sort of canoe on which the stone is laid to make it easier to transport and to keep it from breaking." Actually the lakana is a crude sledge. "During this time one or two oxen are killed for the stone cutters. After this all the people, accompanied by dancers and drummers, assemble to bring the stone. The men drag it while the women Religion 183 sing to urge them on. During the transport two or three cattle are killed. When the stone has arrived at the place where it is to be set up, the brother or son of the dead man mounts upon it. While the stone is being dressed and before its erection the members of the family take vessels of water and asperge it and the helpers. They ask the protection of Zanahary and the ancestors that the stone may not break. When the stone has been set up, the family begins toi distribute cattle in the following way: one for the young women,! one for the young men and one for the important people. After these have been killed and the meat distributed everyone returns home." The Ikongo erect only tall upright stones, identical with European menhirs, and place them wherever they wish, usually beside a road or on an elevation where they can be seen from a distance. The menhirs of an entire family may be grouped together, but this is rather rare. No sacrifices are offered at the menhirs. Among the Menabe the erection of memorial stones is less frequent than among the Ikongo and they are not thought necessary for the peace of the dead person's soul. The stones may be of either of two types: menhirs, which are called vato lahy ("male stones"), or tables consisting of a large irregular flat slab supported by three upright stones. The latter are called vato vavy ("female stones") by most of the gentes, but the Zafindriantrova sometimes refer to them as aloalo, a term which the southwestern tribes of the island apply to memorial carvings placed on tombs. The vato lahy are always raised to commemorate men, the vato vavy usually commem- orate women, but may be raised for men if the family is poor or if no stone suitable for a menhir can be found. The three upright stones are said to symbolize the three stones set in a fireplace to support the cooking pots, hence the woman's half of the work and family. The use of vato lahy appears to be very ancient, that of vato vavy somewhat more recent. An informant of the Zafiakotry gens says that they erected their first vato vavy when he was ten years old, i.e., about 1870. Both types may be erected anywhere, the relatives choosing the place they think the deceased would have preferred, but as a rule all the memorial stones of a village will be grouped together in a single sacred place. The two types are usually arranged in pairs, the table immediately to the west of the menhir, but each monument commemorates a different individual and those of a pair are rarely erected simultaneously. The Zafimaniry say that in the most ancient times they used cut stones for their memorials, then lost the art of stone cutting. II 184 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar At the present time their more pretentious memorials are of cut stone, Betsileo stone cutters being employed. Among the other gentes the memorial stones are almost uniformly rough or only slightly shaped. The largest Tanala menhir I saw was approximately 9 feet high, 3 feet wide at the base and 18 inches thick. The largest table was approximately 4 by 5 feet and 1 foot thick and raised 2 feet 6 inches above ground. The country of the Menabe is so broken and so heavily forested that the use of sledges for drawing the great stones is impossible. A large stretcher is made with two very long poles as thick as a man's leg and wooden crosspieces and on this the stone is lashed with vines. It is carried bodily by fifty or sixty men, others going ahead to cut a road. In a recent erection three hundred men assisted, carrying in shifts. When the menhir comes to the place of its erection a pit approximately the size of the base is dug and the stone laid beside it with the base overhanging. It is then levered up and blocked until it drops in. Then the base is tamped. Memorial stones may be raised by the relatives of their own accord, or on the advice of an ombiasy, who tells them so-and-so desires a memorial, or by individuals in pursuance of a vow. The last method is the least frequent and such vows are only resorted to in times of great stress as when a beloved child lies at the point of death. The vow may be made anywhere, with or without wit- nesses, but is usually made publicly, in the kianza ("village square"). If one of the ancestors demands a vato lahy, either in a dream or through the medium of an ombiasy, the relatives will often ask for time, promising to erect it later, say after the next harvest. There is no fixed time for the erection of the memorial stones. They may be raised at once, while the body still lies in the house, or several years later. If erected at once there is no sacrifice, as all sacrifices are forbidden while a dead body lies in the village, but an ox is killed as soon as it has been set up and the meat distributed. If the stone is raised some time after the death, one ox is sacrificed with the regular formula at the time that the cutting or transporta- tion of the stone is begun, the priest praying that it may not break and that there may be no accidents. A second ox is sacrificed when it is set up. In either case the hump of the ox killed after its erection is rendered down and the stone painted with the grease, the natives using crude brushes made from the rongoza plant. Feasting and dancing continue while the stone is being transported and raised. All the Menabe memorial stones are used as places of sacrifice, but they are never erected for the purpose of sacrificing to the gens Religion 185 ancestors as a group. Each stone commemorates a single individual who is invoked and sacrificed to there by his descendants. The largest combined vato lahy and vato vavy in the village sacred place are, however, employed for sacrifices to the ancestors as a whole. Ancestor Worship prayer and sacrifice Prayer and sacrifice are inseparable in the native mind as all dealings with the ancestral spirits are conducted strictly on a basis of exchange. It is universally felt that prayer without sacrifice, or a promise to sacrifice, is useless. Moreover, the size of the sacrifice is, in genera], proportional to that of the favor asked. An important request requires a large offering while a small one is enough for a small matter. Tanala sacrifices fall into two classes: those addressed to the gods and ancestral spirits as a whole and those addressed to the spirits of individuals. The former are performed by priests or family heads and are public, the whole village, lineage, or family participating. They constitute a reaffirmation of the close bond existing between the ancestors as a whole and their descendants as a whole. The latter are performed by individuals and indicate that a relation has been established between one of the dead and one of the living. Sacrifices of this sort are usually small and are not felt to be of public interest, although anyone who wishes to may attend. SACRIFICES TO THE ANCESTORS AS A WHOLE Sacrifices to the ancestors as a whole fall into two classes: sacrifices performed in behalf of the whole community and sacrifices performed in behalf of individuals. The former are resorted to only in time of general calamity or to insure success in some communal under- taking, such as a war party. They are relatively infrequent. The latter are performed whenever an individual feels the need of super- natural assistance. Illness is the main cause and the one mentioned first by all informants, but such sacrifices also are made for success in business enterprises, safe return from journeys, or safe return from a war expedition. Priests. — All important sacrifices to the ancestors as a whole are performed by professional priests. Less important ones are made by heads of families. The priesthood seems to have been a direct outgrowth of the sacrificial functions of heads of families. 186 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar According to native belief each gens has arisen through the expansion of a single family (see Social Organization) which increased to a lineage, then to a village, and finally to a series of villages. At first the head of the family sacrificed to the ancestors, then, as the related group grew larger, the office became more formal and was vested in the head of the family which was in most direct line of descent from the gens ancestor, reckoning through eldest children. Finally through various causes such as settlement of part of the group at a distance, failure of the direct line, etc., the strict succession was broken down. Among the Menabe at the present time every village of long standing has its priest. When a new village is founded, the priest of the parent village is expected to come to it on request and make sacrifices there. Finally, when the new village has existed for two or three generations and lost its feeling of unity with the old village, or when the priest becomes weary of making the necessary journeys, the head of the ranking family in the new village asks permission from the original priest to assume the priestly office. This then becomes hereditary in his family. There seems to be no formal investiture for a new priest, but the office cannot be assumed without the original priest's permission. In the Zafindriantrova gens the priest of the parent village is called the Tena Pitankazomanga, those of the offshoot villages simply Pitankazomanga. The Tena Pitankazomanga officiates at sacrifices in his own village and at those performed in behalf of the group of villages as a whole. The Pitankazomanga are considered his deputies and ask his permission when they are to perform the more important sacrifices. Most of the Menabe gentes seem to have a similar, but rather less formal organization. In general, the priest of the parent village has no real control over the priests of the younger villages and there is no central religious authority, even within the gens. Although the priestly office remains in the family of the original priest of a village, the exact method of inheritance varies somewhat with the gens. Among the Zafindiamanana the priests are always men. The office passes, at the death of a priest, to his younger brother and thus through the whole line of brothers. At the death of the last it reverts to the eldest son of the original priest, his brothers' children being debarred even if their fathers have held the office. If the eldest child of the original priest is a girl, the office, after it has been held by her brothers in succession, reverts to her children. Religion 187 Among the Zafiakotry, the office may be held by either men or women. The new priest is, if possible, chosen from among the children of the deceased priest, but within this group the office is elective. The main requirement is a thorough knowledge of the rituals, but primogeniture seems to be important also. Thus, al- though men are usually preferred to women, in a choice between an eldest sister and her brothers the sister will be chosen if all are equally skillful. In the next generation, the children of the priest previously chosen will be given first consideration. This appears to be the commonest system among the Menabe, occurring in more than half of the gentes. Priests hold office for life but, if they become old and infirm, may delegate their duties to some one else. Such substitution is temporary and does not affect the inheritance of the office. A priest may appoint three or four different persons as substitutes on different occasions. Priests wear no special costume or distinguishing mark even when officiating, but must possess certain objects which are inherited from their predecessors. These are renewed without ceremony when they have been used up or worn out. The most important of these is the hazomanga. The term means literally "blue wood," but blue, being the color of the sky, is used in a figurative sense to indicate good or holy. The Zafindiamanana call it hazomanitra ("fragrant wood"). The hazomanga is a dry piece of the wood or bark of a tree having a strong aromatic odor, like camphor. This wood is thought to possess magical powers and only priests and ombiasy are allowed to keep pieces of it. Scrapings from it are used in all important sacrifices. Apparently it is considered a sort of seasoning which makes the offering more acceptable to the ancestors. The tree itself does not seem to be especially rare and is not sacred. Any one can cut it and pieces were formerly traded to the Betsileo, who have similar beliefs in regard to it. Among the Zafindiamanana only ombiasy may own hazomanga, loaning them to the priests for use in the sacrifices. The priests also keep olotafina and taniravo or ravoravo. The olotafina is a species of fungus growing on dead trees. It is used in a ceremony to avoid the bad results of discarding a charm. Taniravo or ravoravo is white earth, used to mark people in various ceremonies. Among the Zafiakotry, and probably some other gentes, the priest also inherits a wooden bowl, used for serving the food cooked as a sacrifice, and a knife, used for scraping the hazomanga. 188 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar All priests are subject to certain fady ("prohibitions" or "rules of conduct") which usually extend to their families as well. The com- monest of these seems to be a prohibition on eating pork. (Ombiasy and the Ancestor Cult. — Native medicine-men or magicians, called ombiasy, have been described elsewhere (see section on Ombiasy) and only their activities in connection with the ancestor cult will be described here. They are practitioners of divina- tion and magic and are sharply distinguished from the priests, who do not work with either. Throughout most of Madagascar the same person may not hold both offices and if an ombiasy inherits a priest- hood, he must give up his magical paraphernalia and practices at once. At the same time, there is no hostility between the two groups and they are not considered rivals. The ombiasy are thought to be more skilled than the priests in everything pertaining to the super- natural and the priests constantly consult them as to the best means for propitiating the ancestors. Ombiasy frequently instigate sacrifices, announcing that illness or calamity is due to offended ancestral spirits, or that the spirit of so-and-so has appeared to them and demanded an offering from some one of his descendants. They are always consulted as to the most propitious time and place for communal sacrifices and for individual sacrifices as well, if the sacrificer is rich enough to pay for their services. Among the Tanala they also act as stage managers in the more important sacrifices. This results in great variation in minor details of ceremonial procedure for, although the general pattern is always the same, the ombiasy is expected to change some detail each time. If he fails to do this, there seems to be a feeling of disappointment and a tendency to doubt his ability. In general, only ombiasy belonging to the gens are allowed to manage sacrifices, for outsiders will not be familiar with the usual ritual of the group, or with the names of its ancestors. However, if a foreign ombiasy of great reputation is present, he may be asked to take charge. He consults with the priest and, when the time comes to say the invoca- tion, stands beside him and repeats the invocation with him, the priest speaking in a low voice and the ombiasy in a loud one. Minor priests, or those who feel uncertain of their own ability, may delegate their office to the ombiasy of their village, who thenceforth both direct and perform all sacrifices. The arrangement is temporary and the office reverts to the priest's family at his death. The Tanala appear to be the only tribe in which it is permissible j for an ombiasy to sacrifice to the ancestors, except in his own behalf Religion 189 or for his immediate family. The Imerina may have been an excep- tion to this rule, but accounts of the early conditions there are vague and conflicting. Elsewhere, priests cannot delegate their functions to ombiasy even temporarily. Among the western tribes, where the distinction between the two offices is most rigid, ombiasy may not even direct sacrifices. Sacrifices on Behalf of the Gens. — Among the Menabe, sacrifices on behalf of the entire gens were made only in time of national calamity, such as pestilence, very serious crop failure, or an attack which threatened to drive the gens from its territory or subjugate it. They were performed on the tops of sacred mountains, the idea being that the worshippers were thus lifted closer to heaven and their prayers made more easily audible to the gods and ancestors. Each gens had one or more of these mountains within its territory. The Zafiakotry had three, which were the sites of three of their ancient villages, later abandoned. I could not learn whether the sacred mountains of other gentes had ever been inhabited. At present it is not taboo to visit the mountains or even to cultivate their lower slopes, but the summits are shunned as the abode of spirits. These high places are not marked by memorial stones or other permanent altars. A temporary wooden altar (see Sacrifices on Behalf of Individuals) was erected for the ceremony. When there was more than one sacred mountain, the leading ombiasy of the gens, or some foreign ombiasy of great power, indicated which one should be used. He also selected the priest who was to officiate from among all those in the gens and indicated the ritual to be used, especially whether the sacrifice was to be boiled or grilled. The ritual was the same as for individual sacrifices. Apparently no sacrifices on behalf of a gens have been performed in recent times. Sacrifices on behalf of a village or group of villages were performed before setting out on a war party. These have been described in the section on Warfare. They may have been performed on a few other occasions as well, but informants were uncertain. Since the establishment of French control they also have become obsolete. Sacrifices on Behalf of Individuals.— Sacrifices of this type are the commonest of all Tanala ceremonies. Although they are always made on behalf of some individual, the larger and more important ones are participated in by the entire village and are felt to be a reassertion of the close relation existing between the living ' and the souls of their ancestors. They may be performed during ' 190 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar illness or before beginning the activity in which supernatural aid is hoped for, but are usually made after help has been received, in fulfilment of a vow. Vows are called tsikafara. To make a vow is manovava and to fulfil one manalavava. A vow may be made by any one at any time or place in case of sudden danger or other emergency, but deliberate vows, especially those for the cure of illness, seem usually to be made by the village priest at the head of the sick person's bed. An ox is given to the priest by the person or his family after his recovery. Most vows are made publicly, the people of the village being called on to witness them. In the vow, the nature of the sacri- fice, as a black ox, is specified and often the place where it will be performed, but there seems to be no fixed formula. All vows are rigidly fulfilled, for failure in this would result in the death of the individual and possibly the wiping out of his entire family by the enraged spirits. Although all Tanala sacrifices conform to a general pattern there seems to be an almost infinite variation in details. Each gens has its own invocation and even different lineages within a gens may have peculiarities of procedure. From accounts of participants it seems that even two sacrifices performed by the same priest for the same purpose are rarely identical at all points. These individual variations are not due to carelessness, or to a poor development of ritual, but reflect a feeling that the circumstances surrounding two sacrifices are never the same. In approaching the gods and ancestors the workings of fate must also be considered. Each day has its special significance, with favorable and unfavorable aspects (see Vintana, pp. 212-214) and each individual has a particular destiny. These must be taken into account to obtain results, and it is for this reason that ombiasy are consulted as to the best place, day and exact procedure for each sacrifice. The methods used by the ombiasy in determining these details are known only to themselves and the priests follow their directions blindly. In most of the Menabe gentes the sacrificial procedure is as fol- lows: The place of sacrifice may be indicated in a vow; if not, it is chosen by an ombiasy. Most sacrifices are performed at the ampiseo- fana, the village sacred place, where the memorial stones to the ancestors have been erected (see Erection of Memorial Stones). These stones are set up in pairs, a flat slab resting on a tripod of small stones, called the vato vavy ("female stone") and a tall upright stone called the vato lahy ("male stone"). The vato lahy is erected Religion 191 immediately to the east of the vato vavy, touching its edge. Each stone commemorates a different individual, but in sacrifices to the ancestors as a whole the largest pair will be used. If the regular sacred place is not used and there are no memorial stones at the place chosen, a temporary altar is built. This must be made entirely of rotra wood. Four posts about 3 inches in diameter and 3 feet high are planted in the form of a square with its corners northeast, northwest, southeast and southwest. In the middle of the eastern side of the square a fifth post is planted. This is some- what thicker than the other four and about 18 inches longer and is forked at the top. The tops of the posts on the northern and southern sides are connected by crosspieces, lashed on with vines. Small, closely spaced sticks are laid across to form a table. The finished altar is 2 to 3 feet square. It is erected without special rites before the ceremony begins. The altar, whether of wood or stone, is covered with the finest new mat obtainable. Over this is laid a layer of fresh leaves from the Traveler's Palm. Cattle are the principal offering in all important sacrifices. The most desirable sacrifice is a fat ox. The animal is led to the place of sacrifice, thrown and tied, and laid with its head west, south or east, according to the direction of the ombiasy, but never north. Its throat is cut by some member of the family of the person in whose behalf the sacrifice is performed. No invocation is repeated at the killing and there seems to be no idea that the soul of the ox is sent to the ancestors. It is simply the source of the meat later offered to them. The ox may even be killed elsewhere and its meat brought to the place of sacrifice. Rum and rice are also brought to the place of sacrifice, but are of less importance than the ox. After the ox has been killed, pieces are cut from different parts of it to make the sacrifice. The parts chosen vary somewhat in different groups and ceremonies. Among the Manandriana ten parts are taken, as follows: hump, trafony, breast, lengontratrany, shoulder just below the hump, manangana, rump, fotopeny, liver, atiny, lungs, tsikavony, white intestines, tsinainipotsiny, kidneys, voany, large stomach, tabohany, and small stomach, vorovorony. Apparently most of the groups take only five: the hump, rump, liver, white intestines, and one other which is variable. The pieces to be offered are taken from the right side of the animal or organ. The head is cut off and placed on the altar at the base of the upright stone, or in the fork of the highest post. It is laid with the nose 192 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar west and its horns are decorated with silver bracelets and chains. The rest of the animal is then cut up and part of the meat is usually put to boil, while the rest is laid aside to be distributed at the close of the ceremony. Rice is cooked at the same time, in preparation for the feast which usually concludes the proceedings. All the Menabe have two methods of offering the sacrifice, called tsemoka and sorona. Either method may be used, on the advice of the ombiasy, but some families normally employ one, some the other. In the Zafindiamanana gens the tsemoka ceremony is as follows: While the sacrificial parts are being cut, a fire is kindled to the west of the altar, without ceremony. The sacrificial parts are laid on the coals or grilled on a long iron fork with three or five tines. As soon as they have been placed on the fire, the person on whose behalf the sacrifice is made and his family take up a position to the west of the fire, facing the altar. They stand and remove their hats. The priest stands in front of them, also facing the altar, with the hazomanga in his left hand and the sacred knife in his right. He holds the hazomanga pointing eastward and upward and scrapes it three times, counting "One, two, three" in a loud voice. After the third stroke he calls out: "Zanahary, give us life." He then begins again and scrapes and counts up to six, calling after the sixth stroke: "Zanahary, give us life and health." Telo and enena, the native words for three and six are, by a pun, supposed to signify life and health respectively. After scraping the hazomanga the priest looks upward and repeats the invocation in a high, shrill voice. That used when sacrificing for a sick person is as follows: "Listen, listen, Zanahary male, Zanahary female, Rangidana, Rantimoa, the sun, Beeronerona, Rangamina, Andrangofalafa, Madiovazankoho, Tsimangano nahan- anga, the moon, the sun, and stars. [Note: The sun is invoked twice, once by its ceremonial name, once by the ordinary name.] See, you others who are in the sky! Man is blood which you have made solid and to which you have given life and intelligence. You have advised: 'If there is anything which grieves you or gives you joy, come and let us know.' Well, so-and-so is sick and the ombiasy has found by divination that you, Zanahary, demand an ox. Observe there the sacrificial parts [names of these repeated]. Eat well in our presence, then cure this sick person to the bottom." After the invocation everyone remains perfectly quiet for about five minutes, then the priest says: "You, Zanahary, do not take long to eat. Mount again by the golden rope and place yourselves Religion 193 on the golden seats, from which you watch us to give us life." There is then a pause of two or three minutes to allow the gods to depart. When the gods have gone, the priest calls out: "We call you equally, oh ancestors [calling by their life names all the ancestors he knows and also naming five or six tombs where the bodies of ancestors are or have been buried], for it is you who have brought us into the world, exalted ones. You have gone where you are changed into Zanahary. So-and-so is sick and the ombiasy has found by divina- tion that you demand an ox. Observe there the sacrificial parts [names of these repeated]. Eat well in our presence and cure this sick person thoroughly. Free him of all his pains. If some one of you, oh ancestors, is sick and therefore absent, take him part of the food." The ancestors are allowed about twenty minutes to eat and then the priest dismisses them. When the priest finishes speaking, the small boys, six to eight years old, scramble for the grilled meat and each one can eat the piece he gets. This meat is simply the scraps left by the gods and ancestors. After this the whole company feasts on the boiled meat and rice or, if no feast has been prepared, the meat of the ox is divided and all disperse. The lungs are given to the priest. In the sorona ceremony of this gens the ox is killed either at the sacred place or in the village. The sacred parts are put to cook in a new earthen pot and rice is boiled in another. While it is cooking the rest of the animal is divided and those who have both parents living can cook and begin to eat their share at once. Orphans, on the other hand, can not take their share of the meat until the sacrifice has been made. When the food is cooked, a wooden bowl is partly filled with rice, with a heap of boiled meat on top. This is taken to the place of sacrifice and laid on the altar. The person in whose behalf the sacrifice is made seats himself to the west of the altar, facing it, and the priest stands behind him, also facing it. The priest scrapes the hazomanga, as already described, and repeats the following invocation: "Listen, listen, we call you Zanahary, Zanahary male and female, Rangidana, Beeronerona, Rantimoa, the sun, Andrangofalafa, Madiovazankoho, the moon, the stars, water, earth, and the twelve mountains." He then explains the reason for the sacrifice, ending with: "Here are pieces of all the parts of the ox. Eat them and bless us." After a few minutes' silence he says: "The gods do not take long to eat. You have now eaten. Return to your place in the sky by the golden chain and sleep in the sky. From there send us blessings and give us life." 194 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar When the gods have gone, the priest calls the ancestors, first calling by their life names all the ancestors of the person giving the sacrifice, then all the known ancestors of the village and gens, and lastly giving a general invitation to all souls between the sea and Ampatrana (the mountains which form the western boundary of the Tanala territory). He explains the reason for the sacrifice and asks them to eat, using the same formula as for the gods. About twenty minutes of silence follow, then he tells them to return to their place as the family is about to eat. After this everyone feasts, eating even the food from the altar. Apparently the differences between the two invocations are not directly connected with the form of the ceremony. The form is varied to suit the sacrifice, on the advice of the ombiasy. In most of the other Menabe gentes the procedure for the tsemoka is practically the same as that given. The sorona, on the other hand, is rather more elaborate. The ox is killed at the place of sacrifice and its meat boiled in a new pot on a special fire to the west of the altar. The invocations do not begin until the offering has been arranged on the altar. Rice is boiled at the same time as the meat, but on a different fire. When both are done, the rice is ladled out with a very large wooden spoon (Fig. 23, a). Seven piles of rice are made on the altar at equal intervals, each pile containing three spoonfuls. Three piles are arranged across the back of the altar, three across its center, and one in front. A hollow is made in the top of each pile with the sacrificial ladle, and this is filled with meat and broth . The three piles at the rear of the altar are for the ancestors of highest rank, the three center piles for ordinary ancestors, and the single pile for the souls of ndevo ancestors. If the altar is small only four piles are made, three in the rear for important ancestors and one in front for all other ghosts. In the Manandriana gens the procedure for the sorona is as follows: The sacrificer and his family stand or sit to the west of the altar with the priest standing in front. The priest scrapes the hazomanga as described. He then makes the following invocation: "Listen, listen, Zanahary male, Andiodotra, Vorombetsivazana, Andranofalafa, and Madiovazankoho. You are called because so- and-so is sick [or because he has made a vow, repeating vow and circumstances]. Because of this we give you a sacrifice." After a few minutes of silence the priest says: "The Zanahary do not ask much time to eat. Return to your place, mounting by the chain of gold and the rope of silver. Return to the place in the sky where Religion 195 you live, for we are going to call the ancestors also." One priest explained the reference to the gold chain and silver rope by saying that, as the sky was high, the gods must have some means of going up and down and, since they were gods, everything belonging to them would be of precious metal. After the gods have been sent back the priest calls the ancestors of the person sacrificing by name, but not the ancestors in collateral lines. He explains the reason for the sacrifice and invites them to eat. The whole company then keeps silence for about half an hour. At the end of this the priest says: "We called you because [again reciting reason]. Now that you have eaten, return to your place, for we are going to eat in our turn." The relatives then eat all the rice and meat which has been cooked, including most of the sacrifice. If the ombiasy has advised the offering of rum, a little of it is placed in a bamboo which is planted in the ground to the east of the altar. The rest is drunk. At the close of the ceremony it is customary to leave a little meat and rice on the altar, but the priest takes the mat which has lain under the sacrifice. This, with the heart of the ox and 1.25 francs in money, constitutes his pay for performing the ceremony. The ombiasy who has directed it receives the head and right fore foot as his pay. The Zafiakotry, one of the subdivisions of the Manandriana, had a* slightly different method of arranging the sorona offering. This group originally used only upright memorial stones about as tall as a man. When the offering was ready, equal portions were put in two wooden bowls. One of these was placed on top of the stone, the other on the ground. The lower one was set on a new mat to the east of the stone. The bowl on the stone was for the gods, that on the ground for the ancestors. The tsemoka rite was never per- formed at the sacred stones. If performed in the village, both the sorona and tsemoka were usually held indoors, either in the house of the person in whose behalf the offering was made, or in the trano be ("public house of the village"), if the sacrificer belonged to the same lineage as the village chief. At present they use stone tables, but continue to make the bulk of their sacrifices indoors. The invocation and general procedure was the same as for the rest of the Manandriana. My informant for this group, who was himself a priest, told me that he had been interested in the attributes of the gods named in the invocation and had tried to learn something about them from the other priests and from old people. No one 196 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar could tell him anything and he concluded that they must be members of Zanahary lahy's (Zanahary the male's) family. In the Zafindriantrova gens stone tables are employed for sacri- fices at the sacred place, but all but the most important offerings are made in the dwelling of the village priest, or in that of the person responsible for the offering. The ox is killed to the east of the house and the meat and rice cooked on the regular fireplace. In the sorona rite a mat is laid on the floor in the sacred northeast corner of the house, with a covering of Traveler's Palm leaves. Six piles of rice and meat are made on this in two rows, as on the altar. Southwest of this leaves are laid, but no mat, and a single pile is made for the ndevo and strange ghosts. The sacrificer scrapes the hazomanga only three times, with the usual counting and invocation. He then addresses the spirits as follows: "Sambatsinana. Antsinanana firy razana. Mangaiky anao, Zanahary; Zanahary lahy, Zanahary vavy, Rangidina, Andrianan- tomoa, Madiovazankoho, Beerongeronga, Vorombetsivazana, Andra- nofalafa, Avia fahisaofana. Mandroronga amny tady volomena mipetraka aminy farafara vola." "Hail [or salute] to the East. In the East there are many ancestors. You are being called Zanahary male, Zanahary female, etc. Come for we wish to offer you a sacri- fice. Descend by the golden cord and sit upon the bed of silver." The reason of the sacrifice is then explained and the gods invited to eat. After a short pause the ancestors are called and allowed about twenty minutes to eat, after which the gods and ancestors are sent back together. The priest who was my informant for this gens had also made inquiries as to the nature of the gods, but could learn nothing. In all the gentes the less important sacrifices are made by the head of the family in the sacred northeast corner of the house. Most of the gentes use a small hanging altar which is almost identical with the frames used for smoking fish (Fig. 3, c) . This is covered with a mat and leaves, but usually only one pile of food is made. The head of the house invokes Zanahary and the ancestors simultane- ously, repeating no individual names, and the whole procedure is rather informal. The frequency of small family sacrifices varies with the customs of the group and the piety of the individual. Many families make an offering at every meal, placing a few grains of rice on the altar or simply throwing a little of the food toward the east. No rituals or eyewitness accounts of sacrifices among the Tanala Ikongo were obtained. Apparently there are no village sacred places. Religion 197 Their memorial stones are erected anywhere and are not used for sacrifices to the ancestors as a whole. Many of their sacrifices are made at pointed wooden posts, about 5 feet high and 3 inches in diameter. Numbers of these posts are to be seen in their villages. In some cases each family has one or more, erected to the east of the dwelling. Apparently both the tsemoka and sorona rites are employed, but I was unable to learn whether temporary altars were built, how the offerings were arranged, etc. The sacrifices are per- formed by hereditary priests under the direction of ombiasy, as among the Menabe. SACRIFICES TO INDIVIDUAL SPIRITS Sacrifices to individual spirits seem to be fairly common among the Menabe, although they are of less importance than those made to the ancestors as a whole. Apparently the Ikongo have similar ideas and practices, but no exact information could be obtained. The Menabe honor both ancestral and non-ancestral spirits. Sacrifices to individual ancestors may be made because the ghost has demanded them, to placate a malicious or offended ghost, or in fulfilment of a vow. In general, the appearance of an ancestor in a dream or vision is interpreted as a demand for a sacrifice. If the apparition has not made its wishes known, the person who has seen it will consult an ombiasy as to the sort of sacrifice required, the proper place, etc. Ombiasy are believed to be in close touch with the ancestral spirits, who visit them from time to time and, through them, demand sacrifices from specified descendants. After such a visit, the ombiasy notifies the victim, who is bound to comply with the demand, under penalty of sickness or other misfortune. Persons bilked in this way often grumble and may even ask the ghost for a postponement, but they do not seem to doubt the genuine- ness of the communication. The belief offers a good opportunity for blackmail and one informant remarked cynically that it seemed to be only the ancestors of the rich who demanded sacrifices through ombiasy. The ombiasy may also decide, by divination, that an ill- ness, or persistent ill fortune, is due to the malevolent activity of a special ghost and advise that a sacrifice be made to placate it. Vows to individual ancestors are commonest in time of sudden danger. They arise from a feeling that a close relative, as a father or grandfather, will be more attentive and helpful than the ancestors as a whole. The greatest vow is that to erect a memorial stone, because of the expense involved. Informants knew only one instance of such a promise. Commonly an ox is vowed. 198 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar If the ancestor to whom the sacrifice is made has a memorial stone the sacrifice will normally be made there. The fat of the ox may be rendered down and smeared on the stone, but the Menabe seem to regard this as an innovation. If there is no stone, the ombiasy is consulted for the most propitious place. The southern gentes of the Menabe have, in addition to memorial stones, wooden posts which are set up in their villages. These are called vato lahy hazo (lit. "wooden memorial stones") or teza. They are erected for sacri- fices to individual ancestors, although two or three ancestors may be commemorated by a single post. The posts are the property of individual families and are usually planted east of the dwelling. If an ox is sacrificed, the regular priest is employed and the ritual, except for the invocation, is identical with that used for sacrifices to the ancestors as a whole. In the invocation the priest calls first on Zanahary, then on the ancestor who is being honored, and lastly on the other ancestors. If the offering is less than an ox, the sacri- fice is performed by the person himself and only Zanahary and the special ancestor are invoked. Sacrifices to non-ancestral spirits are of two sorts, those made in acknowledgment of their claim to certain localities and those made to obtain their help. If a man desires to cultivate a patch of land on which there is a memorial stone, he must first sacrifice an ox to the individual whom it commemorates. Sacrifices to obtain help are based on the belief that certain souls are possessed of more than ordinary power. An old man or woman will frequently announce that he or she will answer prayers after death. The promise is made repeatedly and publicly and there appears to be a set formula, ending with the proviso, "I will do this if what the ancestors [or the ombiasy] have said is true." In the promise the person specifies what shall be offered to him. One old woman requested snuff of a special kind and an old man voampoa and anamamy, vegetables of which he was especially fond. In nearly all cases the promise is to respond to prayers for a single purpose, as success in business, safe return from journeys, offspring, etc. After the death of the person a memorial stone is erected to him and anyone, related or not, may repair to it to vow and pray to him. If the first few requests are not granted, the people conclude that the ghost lacks power and pay no more attention to it. If, on the other hand, the prayers are granted, a regular cult may develop, and the worship may continue for several generations. Religion 199 It is thought that the souls of such persons reside in their memorial stones. The suppliant approaches the stone and slaps it several times with his open hand, to awaken the spirit. If he does this properly, his request is sure to be granted. He then says: "Listen, listen, so-and-so. I am going on a journey [giving details of his route, etc.]. If I come back safe and the trip is a success, I will bring here and sacrifice to you so much honey [or snuff, rum, etc.]." When the prayer has been granted, the vower makes the offering himself, with no ceremony except a second awakening of the spirit and a brief announcement. Ombiasy The term ombiasy signifies a medicine-man or magician. The Menabe recognize two main classes, ombiasy manangatra and om- biasy mpsikidy. The latter are divided into ombiasy ndolo and ombiasy nkazo. All the types of ombiasy include both men and women. Men are more numerous, but some of the most famous are women. The ombiasy manangatra are spiritualist mediums. They are usually marked by some slight mental or nervous abnormality. No special training is required and they begin practicing as soon as they become conscious of their powers. Their main activity is the discovery of the cause of illness and the means for curing it. Inform- ants thought that they might be appealed to in other matters, but could give no instances. Seances are held in the ombiasy's house, always at night. The ombiasy spreads a mat in the northeast corner of the house, placing on it a bottle of rum and certain charms. He sits beside it or lies on it. Sometimes both ombiasy and mat are covered with a tent-like mosquito net of raffia cloth. This tent is about 5 feet high and comes down to the floor, giving complete concealment. The sick person and his relatives seat themselves on the floor, apparently without any fixed order, and the fire and all lights are extinguished. The people begin clapping and singing softly. After a time a knock- ing is heard on the walls, or voices are heard repeating: "We have come. We have come." There are sometimes as many as ten or twelve spirits, distinguishable by their different voices. The voices are nasal and seem to come from the east or west of the ombiasy, sometimes high, sometimes low, but never far from him. The head of the family, or the sick person, then tells the spirits why they have been called. After this the ombiasy explains the situation fully and 200 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar the spirits tell the cause of the illness and the medicine to be given, always speaking. If the sick person is not present, the ombiasy tells the spirits to go and look at him, and he will be conscious of cold hands touching him all over. After answering the questions, the spirits drink the rum, dance and sing. The dancing and singing are accompanied by rhythmic rappings on the floor and walls, but always near the ombiasy. If a great deal of rum has been provided the spirits may pass it around to the living after they have drunk all they wish. If there is a doubter present they will seize his wrist when he reaches out for the cup. Finally they say they are tired and must go, and troop off noisily. The spirits are the souls of ancestors, but no individuals can be identified. Perhaps the most interesting feature of this belief is the large number of natives who are, or have been, skeptical as to the authen- ticity of the phenomena. I found this quite common among persons who had had little or no contact with outsiders and am convinced that it is not due to European influence. It is reflected in the general attitude toward the ombiasy manangatra, who rank far below the ombiasy mpsikidy in popular estimation. Several informants declared flatly that the seances were faked and that the ombiasy produced the voices, etc., himself. Others had been skeptical, but had been convinced by personal knowledge of cures or by having felt the spirit hands during seances. The stories told by the latter were curiously similar to our own spiritualists' accounts of ectoplasm. They said that the hands of the spirits were strong but so soft that they seemed boneless and that their flesh was moist, excessively cold, and had a different texture from human skin. Within the last twenty-five or thirty years another type of ombiasy manangatra has come into existence. At one end of most Tanala houses there is a shelf or partial ceiling which forms a dark loft about 8 feet deep and 6 feet above the floor. The practitioner places a mat here with charms on it and the spirits come and rest on it. The spirits whistle or make cheeping noises when persons enter the house. If the intruder is frightened or runs away the ombiasy reassures him and tells him that it is only the spirits asking who has come. He puts questions to them and interprets their whistling answers. They are present both day and night. Apparently ombiasy ndolo are beginning to adopt this trick. It is said to be of foreign origin but I know of nothing like it among the neighboring tribes. Intelligent natives are even more skeptical of it than of the regular seances. Religion 201 Although the ombiasy mpsikidy may perform certain functions in connection with the cult of the dead, their main activities are in connection with divination, the manufacture of charms, etc. While the priests direct their activities toward placating and con- trolling Beings, whether Deities or ghosts, the ombiasy mpsikidy specialize in forecasting and controlling the operations of Fate. Even when they are in close touch with spirits, they do not control their ghostly advisers, but simply act as their mouthpieces. The controls rarely demand anything for themselves. They simply know what will happen and tell the ombiasy. Ombiasy mpsikidy are divided into ombiasy ndolo and ombiasy nkazo. The two groups perform identical functions, but derive their magical abilities from different sources. Ombiasy ndolo (lit. "spirit ombiasy") are under the control of some individual ghost, although it seems that a few may have more than one ghostly adviser. The ghost is usually that of an ancestor, com- monly one who has himself been an ombiasy. The spirit selects the person and notifies him that he has been chosen by a dream or vision. If the person is reluctant to accept the appointment, which is not infrequent, the ghost may desist. However, if it appears a second time and repeats the demand, the person must obey, on pain of death. Apparently the ghost visits the ombiasy at will and is dominating rather than dominated. At first it makes its will known through dreams, later, as the ombiasy becomes more accustomed to it, it will speak to him while he is awake and engaged in ordinary activities. Apparently some practitioners of this class do have auditory halluci- nations and are convinced of the genuineness of the control. The spirits will often notify them in advance when their services will be required, so that they will have the medicine or the charm ready when the person comes to ask for it. They cure the sick, make charms, direct ceremonies, etc., like other ombiasy, but most of them do not use mechanical means of divination, relying on their controls for information. Although most of them are considered slightly inferior to the ombiasy nkazo, exceptional ones are accorded the highest rank of all by the natives. Ombiasy nkazo (lit. "wood ombiasy") are far more numerous than1 all the others put together. They do not claim spirit control and, while the others are often nervously or mentally abnormal, they are, with few exceptions, thoroughly normal and above the average inj mentality. All those with whom I became personally acquainted showed an unusual degree of shrewdness and common sense and had 202 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar entered the profession deliberately. Although they made their activi- ties as mysterious as possible, to impress the uninitiated, their own attitude toward their work seemed to me to be sane and almost scien- tific. They practiced some deliberate trickery and sleight of hand, but were sincere in their belief in the efficacy of their charms and divination and were on the lookout for anything which would increase their efficiency. On occasion, they experimented with new charms and remedies and when established ones failed they ascribed it to error of some sort rather than malevolent counter activity. Although they never confessed their mistakes to their patients and were extraordinarily clever at shifting the blame for failure to them, they seemed to admit their errors to themselves. After many discussions with them I was convinced that they were no more con- servative or self-assured than the average European doctor of a hundred years ago. The profession of ombiasy nkazo is open to any free person, and is selected by bright young men in much the same spirit that one of us would enter medicine or the law. The aspirant goes to an ombiasy of established reputation and asks to be instructed, paying him an initial fee of 0.20 franc. Each piece of instruction is then paid for separately. The first thing learned is the sikidy, a mechanical method of divination. When this has been mastered the student pays his instructor 5.00 francs. He then learns the calendar of lucky and unlucky days, or some other method of determining whether a given day is propitious. The fee for this and the subsequent items is fixed by bargaining, while that for the sikidy is constant. When the calendar has been learned, the student buys directions for making a number of charms for various purposes, paying for them piece by piece. When he thinks his repertoire is large enough, he leaves his teacher and sets up as an independent practitioner. There is nothing in the nature of an examination and no final fee. It is considered etiquette for the new ombiasy to make a substantial present to his teacher when he has become well established, but this is not obliga- tory. An ambitious man continues his education throughout life, visiting other ombiasy to learn charms and remedies which have proved unusually effective. All agreed that there was no one ombiasy in the tribe who knew all charms and medicines. The ombiasy are not organized and each one guards his own secrets, sometimes to the extent of refusing to sell. There is little professional etiquette, patients breaking off relations with one ombiasy and going to another at will. At the same time, there seems to be little real Religion 203 competition. There is usually only one ombiasy in a village and never more than two. I could learn of no case in which two ombiasy had pitted themselves against each other, at least publicly. Even in the old days of constant intertribal warfare there were a few foreign ombiasy operating among the Tanala. Most of these belonged to the Antaimorona tribe, which still enjoys a great reputa- tion for magic. They are said to have been responsible for the intro- duction of a regular calendar of lucky and unlucky days. The foreigners were looked up to and could command higher fees for both services and instruction than the native trained men. They were especially in demand when a new village was to be founded. By similar reasoning, Tanala ombiasy who had settled among the Betsileo were thought superior by that tribe. ACTIVITIES OF THE OMBIASY DIVINATION Divination is probably the most important of all the ombiasy's activities, for it is the prerequisite for nearly all the others. By means of it the ombiasy discovers the cause of illness, the hazards which will attend a journey or business enterprise, the chances of a person in love, etc., and deduces which remedy or charm will prove most effective under the circumstances. The Tanala word for divination of all sorts is sikidy, a term applied to both the process and the mechanical means used. The Ikongo practice three forms, divination by water, divination by sand, and divination by seeds. The Menabe say that only divination by seeds is native and very few of their ombiasy know any other form. Haruspi- cation is altogether lacking and there is no real divination from the flight of birds, etc., although certain acts of birds and animals are considered ominous. Divination by water is rare and has apparently been borrowed from the southeast coast tribes in very recent times. Water is put in a clear glass bottle, shaken vigorously and then held up and exam- ined. Some practitioners do not look directly at the bottle but study its reflection in a small mirror. The answer is deduced from the movement of the water, its cloudiness, the way in which sediment collects, etc. Apparently each practitioner has his own rules. In divination by sand, a thin layer of dry sand, usually black, is spread smoothly over a wooden tray. The operator makes marks at random with a small stick, or his finger, and studies the resulting patterns. I was unable to learn the rules, but suspect that it has a 204 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar definite arithmetical basis. It is a rare form and has been borrowed from the southeast coast tribes. These tribes probably borrowed it from the Arabs, whose influence is strong there. Divination by seeds is by far the commonest and is known to all ombiasy. There are two forms, one relatively simple, which the Tanala claim is aboriginal, and one complex. The latter is unques- tionably of Arab origin. It is commonly used by the Ikongo, but few Menabe ombiasy are familiar with it. In the simpler form of seed divination, the seeds of a tree called rahiaka are used. These seeds are about Y% inch long by % inch wide. The color is a medium brown and they acquire a high polish with use. There are usually about fifty seeds in a set, although it is forbidden for the ombiasy ever to count them or know the exact number. They are kept in a small bag, or a little bottle-shaped basket with a long neck and a cap-like cover (Fig. 23, b). The top of the cover is often woven in the shape of a hand or in some other fanciful form. Rarely the seeds are kept in a small gourd or a wooden box similar to those for fire making sets. A quartz crystal and a piece of hazomanga wood are always kept in the basket with the seeds and some ombiasy add other objects as well. The crystal is believed to make the sikidy see more clearly, while the hazomanga strengthens it and is also used in divination for sickness. In divining, the ombiasy pours out the seeds in a pile on a mat and mixes them gently with his hands, repeating the following invoca- tion: "Rise up, Alanana. [This is an archaic Tanala name for this form of divination. It is no longer used except in the ritual.] While you were on the tree you were not eaten by the lemurs and on the ground you were not devoured by the wild boars. You are the son of the sister of Zanahary. I am the son of the sister of man. You sleep in a basket and I sleep on a mat. Your dreams are not my dreams and my dreams are not your dreams. Rise, a sick person has come. Say what is the cause of the evil." After this, the ombiasy takes a handful of seeds at random and begins to take the seeds away in groups of three. The remainder, one, two or three seeds, is laid in a pile on the mat. The process is then repeated and the next remainder laid to the right of the first. This continues until eight piles have been laid out in a row. The ombiasy then takes the crystal and lays it between the fourth and fifth piles, with its long axis at right angles to the row. He then begins a new row, laying the first pile below pile 8 and continuing to the left until sixteen piles have been made. Religion 205 Fig. 23. Ceremonial Objects, a, Sacrificial Ladle; b, Basket for Divining Set; c, Charm Brace- let; d. Charm Necklace; e, Charm for General Good Fortune; f. Charm in Form of Coffin; g, Charm for Good Health; h, Cupping Horn; j. Hat of Salamanga; k, Post for Sacrifice of First Rice (fatotra) ; 1, Post for Circumcision Sacrifice. 206 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar When the figure has been completed, the sick person stands or sits facing the east and holds out his hands side by side, the palms upward and slightly cupped. The ombiasy scrapes dust from the hazomanga into his hands, or pours into them water with which the dust has been mixed. The person then prays: "Oh Zanahary, I beg pardon of you with both hands, holding the hazomanga. Be so good as to pardon me and cure me, for I ask this of you with the hazomanga in my hands." After this the ombiasy interprets the figure. A relative may act as proxy if the sick person is unable to be present. Each of the sixteen positions in the figure has a name and sig- nificance, as follows: 1. Taley: "First" or "head," represents the head of the family. 2. Mady: "Wealth" or "medicine," sense of something good. 3. Fahatelo: "Third," significance of a relative of the sick person. 4. Bilady: "Land," "country," or "native place." 5. Fianahana: "Children." 6. Abidy: "Old woman." 7. Betsimishe: "Wife." 8. Fahavalo: "Enemy," also used in the sense of the illness. 9. Fahasivy: "Ancestors." 10. Ombiasy: The person who has made the sikidy. 11. Haza: "Food." 12. Andriamanitra (or Zanahary) : "God." 13. Sholtana: "Very old person." 14. Shedy: "Young person." 15. Safary: "Road" or "journey." 16. Trano: "House," also used in sense of home or dwelling. The number of seeds in each pile is also significant. One seed is called Tareky ("one only"). It indicates weakness. Two seeds are Asimbola, name of a month. This is the most favorable arrangement. Three seeds are Alakarabo, also the name of a month. It indicates, strength but also that there will be difficulties. In interpreting the sikidy one position is taken as representing the person on whose behalf the divination is made. If it is a man, this position will be Taley (1); if a woman, Betsimishe (7); if an old woman, Abidy (6); if a child, Fianahana (5), etc. The ombiasy observes the number of seeds in this position, then deduces the result from this and from the other positions in which the same number of seeds occur. Religion 207 Let us suppose that a sick man has come to ask the cause and cure of his illness and the figure has come out as follows : 1 2345678 oo oo o o o oo o oo 16 15 14 13 12 11 10 9 oo ooo o ooo o ooo oo o Taley (1) is taken as the key. The number of seeds in this position is Asimbola, a favorable sign indicating that the cure will not be difficult. The same sign occurs in the positions Mady ("medicine"), Abidy ("old woman"), Fahavalo ("enemy"), Ombiasy ("doctor"), and Trano ("house"). The arrangement would be interpreted to mean that the sickness has been caused by an old woman who is an enemy and has secreted a charm in the house. It can be cured by medicine administered by the ombiasy. The interpretation is always by a similar association of ideas. If seeds of the same number as the key appear in a position which seems to have no bearing on the question, they may be ignored. In the more complicated seed sikidy any sort of grain may be used. After an invocation, which was not obtained, the operator takes a handful of the seeds and draws them aside two at a time, putting the remainder (one or two) in the upper right hand corner of a square figure. He repeats this until he has made a vertical line of four places, then begins another vertical line to the left of the first and continues until there are four lines. The completed figure contains eight lines, four vertical and four horizontal. The arrangement of seeds in each line has a special significance. There are sixteen possible groupings of combinations of one and two in four places. These groupings are arranged in four divisions which are known as trano (lit. "houses"). Each trano is named after one of the cardinal points. The Four Trano EAST WEST 12 3 1 2 3 4 5 OO oo oo oo oo o o oo o oo o o o oo oo oo o o oo oo o oo o oo oo o oo o o ooo NORTH SOUTH 12 3 4 1 2 3 4 o o o oo oo o o o oo oo o oo oo o o o o oo o o oo o oo oo oo oo oo oo oo o oo o 208 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar The names and meanings of the figures in the divisions are as follows: eastern trano, Tantinana 1. Alitsimae. — This sign has power to keep in their place enemies or robbers. It is a strong agent. 2. Dabara. — Significance same as above, but less strong. 3. Alahamora. — Significance same as above, but it is feeble and a sign of decadence. western trano, Tahandrefana 1. Alahotse. — Sign of coolness or good health. It is also called sikidy maintsy ("cool sikidy"). It is always favorable. 2. Alikaosy. — Sign of death or other great evil. If the sikidy is made for an illness, the sick person will die. 3. Alokola. — Sign of a sickness called hanem-boky, caused by eating food offered by a married person who has committed adultery. The stomach swells. To cure it the guilty one confesses and draws a vertical line on the victim's stomach with white earth. 4. Anakarabo. — Sign of cries of pleasure or joy or of an illness called birike, which makes one weep. (This sign was formerly counted as 4 in the eastern trano, but was ill-treated and changed to the western trano. Some practitioners still place it in the eastern trano. In that house it is feeble and a sign of decadence.) 5. Alikisy. — Sign of good news. An enemy has been defeated, a girl will accept you as lover, etc. northern trano, Antavaratse 1. Adalo. — Sign of glory or that one will occupy a place of honor. 2. Alimiza. — Foretells the possession of many oxen or other wealth, or indicates that one will be honored by the king. 3. Karija. — A very good sign. One will get everything one wants. 4. Alibeavo. — Sign that one will be protected from ghosts. southern trano, Antatsimo 1. Asimbola. — Sign of alarm and burning. 2. Tareke. — Sign that one is loved by women and has fallen into complete indolence. 3. Alahasade. — Sign of the hunt. One will kill game or succeed in enterprises. 4. Alikasajy. — Sign of a slave, also of a short alarm, or a combat which begins and ends suddenly. Religion 209 The position of each line in the figure also has a special signifi- cance. Let us suppose that the following figure has been formed : 1 2 3 4 o oo o o 5 oo o oo o 6 o o oo oo 7 oo oo o oo 8 The meaning of the position is as follows: 1. Earth. 2. Brother. 3. Goods or wealth. 4. Chief (represents the person for whom divination is made). 5. Child. 6. Servant or slave. 7. Woman. 8. Enemy. The arrangements in the horizontals are read from left to right. In interpreting the figure position 4 is taken as the key. The significance of the arrangement is first noted by the ombiasy and then the figure is consulted to see whether the same arrangement occurs in any other position. If so, this position will be of the greatest importance. If there is no agreement of this sort, as in the example given, one notes the arrangements which fall in the same trano as the arrangement in the key position. In this case the arrangement in the key position is Alahasade, No. 3 in the southern trano. The only other arrangement belonging to the same trano is Alikasajy (No. 4) which occurs in horizontal 5. The figure reads "successful hunt" in the key position and "slave" or "short combat" in the child position. This will be interpreted by the ombiasy in the light of the question. The signs are neither very good nor very bad. After the first reading, a second figure is formed as follows: Two arrangements are compared place by place. If the sum of the seeds in the two places is even, two seeds are put in this place in the new row. If the sum is odd, one seed is put in the place. Thus: o OO O oo Combined with o Gives o o o oo o oo o In the new figure there are eight groupings. The example shown here is derived from the figure previously given. 210 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar 11 13 12 17 14 16 15 18 o oo o o o o oo oo o oo o oo o oo o o o oo o oo oo oo oo oo oo oo oo o oo o o o (I it 5 tt 6 u tt 11 it 12 tt tt 1 it 2 tt tt 3 It 4 tt tt 14 It 15 a It 13 (( 16 it t( 1 17 it 4 The new groupings are formed by combining the original groupings as follows: Groups in positions 7 and 8 give group in position 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 The positions in the new figure have the following meanings: 11. Spirit or ghost. 12. Food. 13. Ombiasy (the practitioner himself). 14. Father. 15. Road. 16. Mother, or reunion. 17. God. 18. House or home. The new figure is compared with the trano given by position 4 in the original figure and groupings not in this trano are ignored. In the example only one position and grouping are significant: Asimbola (1 in south trano), which means alarm or burning. It occurs in posi- tion 13, representing the practitioner. It reinforces the "short com- bat" significance of the grouping in position 5 in the original figure. Interpretation is by association of ideas. Apparently there is some variation in the practice of different ombiasy. Although the names of the groupings are always the same, the significances may vary some- what. The methods of combining to give the second figure are also somewhat variable. In most of the tribes which use this method these features appear to be stereotyped and I suspect that the Tanala variations are due to an imperfect knowledge of the system. DETERMINATION OF LUCKY AND UNLUCKY DAYS One of the main duties of the ombiasy is to determine propitious days for sacrifices, the commencement of enterprises, etc. The Religion 211 destiny of a child is also determined by the day of its birth and the ombiasy must discover what this is, and, if evil, take steps to change it. The Tanala year consists of twelve lunar months called volona (lit. "moon"). These run continuously and there seems to be no idea of the year beginning with any one of them. The Menabe month names are as follows: January, Vatravatra May, Afosa September, Shakave February, Asotry June, Bolaha October, Volambita March, Hatsiha July, Maka November, Sharamasina April, Valasira August, Shakashe December, Sharamanitra The month begins with the new moon and continues twenty- eight days. Each month is characterized by certain climatic features, the blooming of a certain plant, etc., and when the month count seems to lag too far behind the seasons a month is repeated. This is done informally and by general consent. There is no central authority to which the rectification of the calendar can be referred. Each month is divided into four weeks of seven days. Among the Menabe the month count is only used incidentally in determining lucky and unlucky days. At the present time the better practitioners use a regular calendar based on the position of the days in the month, but all informants agreed that this is a recent innova- tion, learned from the Antaimorona tribe. I did not learn how the significance of birth days was determined in ancient times. Lucky days for activities were determined as follows: The time from new to full moon was propitious for sacrifices and beginning enterprises; the time while the moon was waning was not propitious. Thursdays and Sundays were also unpropitious and children born on these days had a bad destiny. In appointing the time for a sacrifice or beginning an enterprise the latter half of the month and Thursdays and Sundays were eliminated. The ombiasy then selected one of the remaining days at random and made the shorter form of seed sikidy. If the arrangement OO Asimbola appeared in the positions 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 10, 12 and 16, the day was propitious. The sikidy was repeated five times and if this arrange- ment did not appear, another day was tried. The calendar now used to determine lucky and unlucky days is as follows, the month beginning on Monday. 212 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar first week Monday (Alatsinainy) Ravena, "leaves." A propitious day. Tuesday (Talata) Vahana, "root." Idea of attachment and continuance. Good day for plant- ing, marriage, or house building, but bad to become ill on, to pay fines or debts on, etc. A death on this day means other deaths in the family. Wednesday (Alarobia) Alamahady (month name). A very good day, a keen day, a red day. A child born on this day has a royal destiny. Thursday (Alakamisy) Ambotona, "to dig." A good day, espe- cially favorable for building cattle pens and planting. Friday (Zoma) Ankodidy, "enclosed." A good day for everything. Saturday (Sabotsy) Alahasaty (month name). A favorable birthday. The child will be strong. Sunday (Alahady) Fiaravany, "diminishing." A good day to set out on a war party, as the enemy will be diminished, but otherwise bad. SECOND WEEK Monday Lohasimbola, "Head of the month Asimbola." A good day for every- thing. Tuesday Loava, "laid waste." A bad day for everything. Wednesday Vavasorotany, "mouth of Asorotany" (a month). A good birthday. The child will have long life and good health. Thursday Ankandrony, "small lake or pool without outlet." A good day. Anything re- ceived on this day cannot get away. Friday Sandrasody, "forbidden to return." Bad for marriage and journeys, but good for making tombs and funerals. Religion 213 Saturday Alakarabo (month name). Good for cul- tivating crops, but a child born on this day will be sickly. Sunday Ankaravoany, "pleasure." Best day for fetes, etc. THIRD WEEK Monday Alakaosy (month name). A good day for everything. Tuesday Atsidiny, "entering." A good day to hunt for bee trees, also to lay off mourning. Wednesday Alakaforo, "lost." A bad day, especially for building or marrying. Thursday Ankonkony, "reinforced." Anything one gets this day will increase. Friday Soria (not translated. Nearly the same word as that for meat). A good day for hunting but a bad one to buy cattle as they will die or be killed for meat. Saturday. Antalo (not translated). A good day for everything. Sunday Fanoniriany, "wish fulfilled." A good day, especially favorable for making charms. FOURTH WEEK Monday Lohalohotsy, "head of Alahotsy" (a month). A good day for everything. Tuesday Far any or Faralohotsy, "last." Good for everything. An enterprise begun this day will end well even if it does badly at first. Wednesday Andranomaso, "weeping." A bad day for everything. Thursday Apaningany, "departure." Good for marriages and commencing journeys. 214 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar Friday Ahifiny, "thrown away." Good for bad things but bad for good ones. Best day to put off mourning, treat sick- ness, etc., but bad for marriage as it will lead to divorce. Saturday Alohadaro, "head of Adaro" (a month). Good for construction and business. Sunday Faminany, "to grasp tightly." Good for cattle buying, marriages, and the pur- chase of some charms. The month names given to certain days in the calendar are those used by the Antaimorona. The calendar as a whole is known as the vinta or vintana. IKONGO CALENDAR FOR DIVINATION [The following is a free translation of an article published by Captain Ardant du Picq in the Bulletin de TAcademie Malgache, vol. X, 1912, pp. 263-266.] The Tanala Ikongo divide the time into cycles of twelve years, each year into twelve months and each month into twelve weeks of two or three days each. The Cycles and the Years. — Each of the twelve years of the cycle bears a different name. The cycle revolves, the thirteenth year taking the first name again. This is a list of the years with the pecu- liarities which the ombiasy ascribes to each : 1. Alahamaly Only young girls will give birth. 2. Asaora . .The bulls will bellow and there will be plenty of rice. 3. Alizaoza Only boys will be born and these will later have all the women they desire. 4. Asaratany The thunder will be violent. 5. Aldhasady Men born in this year will be vigor- ous, great boar hunters, expert at throwing the spear. 6. Asimbola Girls born in this year will know how to sing well and boys how to tell lies well. Religion 215 7. Alimizana Boys who are born will become kings or chiefs of tribes. 8. Alakarabo Girls born in this year will lead irreg- ular lives while the boys will be industrious. 9. Alakaosy Children born will be sorcerers and will have many progeny. 10. Alizady Rain is abundant and the crocodiles dangerous. 11. Adah Salamanga (spirit possession) will be the cause of all illness. 12. Alohotsy All old people who become ill will die. The twelve years of this cycle bear the same names as the twelve weeks of the Ikongo month. The Months. — The twelve months of the Ikongo year are as follows: 1. Sakasay. — In this month the vine roimainty flowers and the harongana flowers for the third time. 2. Sakave. 3. Volambita. — In this month general flowering begins, new shoots put forth and the birds mate. 4. Asaromantsy. — Flowering is at its height. The harongana flowers for the first time. 5. Asaramanitra. 6. Vatravatra. — Second flowering of the harongana. Fruits ripen. 7. Asotry. — Time of heaviest rain. 8. Atsiha. — The rice becomes ripe. 9. Valasira. — Harvest time. 10. Faosa. 11. Maka. — The coldest month, the manioc loses its leaves. 12. Hiahia. The month Vatravatra corresponds to January. The rainy season extends from Asaromantsy to Valasira inclusive. The Days. — The Tanala month is a lunar month of twenty-eight days. The days are grouped in twelve weeks of two or three days each. Each of these has something peculiar to it. According to the diviners one can tell the color of an ox without seeing it if one knows the day on which it bellows. The days also determine the sex of the 216 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar children born on them. On the first, or first two days of each of the twelve weeks only boys will be born, on the last day only girls. The ombiasy gives them names determined by the days of their birth. The following table gives the names of the weeks and days and the peculiarities of each. Weeks 1. Alahamaly (3 days) 2. Asaora (2 days) 3. Alizaoza (2 days) Days 1. Lohanalahamaly 2. Vontonalahamaly 3. Faranalahamaly 4. Asaora 5. Alahaka 6. Lohanalizaoza 7. Faranalizaoza Color of the Ox that Bellows Name of Children Red Spots of white on the hump, head and limbs White face, one horn broken Red and white spots Mouth edged with white Boys Idama Isoza Speckled black and Imosa white Speckled only on the stomach Girls Ihaova Isiza Imasy 4. Asaratany (3 days) 5. Alahasady (2 days) 6. Asimbola (2 days) 7. Alimizana (3 days) 8. Alakarabo (2 days) 9. Alakaosy (2 days) 10. Alizady (2 days) 11. Adala (2 days) 8. Lohanasaratany 9. Vontonasaratany 10. Faranasaratany 11. Lohanalahasady 12. Faranalahasady 13. Lohanasombola 14. Faranasombola 15. Lohanalimizaha 16. Vontonalimizaha 17. Faranalimizaha 18. Lohanalakarabo 19. Faranalakarobo 20. Lohanalakaosy 21. Faranalakaosy 22. Lohanalizady 23. Vontonalizady 24. Faranalizady 25. Lohanadalo 26. Faranadalo 28. Faranalohotsy Striped black and Isambo white Two white spots on the flanks White end of tail Red stripe on the Ihasa back to the hump Yellow Mostly white Iboba White with the top of the hump black Chestnut color Imonja Piebald Yellow Without a spot Imoha Black with red reflec- tion in sun Red nape of neck Ijo White spots on throat White spots on Iharo cheeks White pasterns Dirty white A large white spot on Imara each flank Red, showing yellow when stroked Face and hump white Ibabila Pure white Isana Itema Ivola Imija Imoma Imaho Ikajy Inoor Religion 217 Friday, January 1, 1904, was, in the Tanala style, the second day of the tenth week of the sixth month of the year Adalo (the first year of a cycle). Once this correspondence has been established it is easy to prepare a comparative calendar. To count the days, the ombiasy has a piece of bamboo pierced with twenty-eight holes, arranged in groups of two or three, according to the number of days in each week. A pin is used as a marker, being moved daily. The Menabe apparently lack such bamboo calendars, but keep day counts by means of notched wooden tallies and knotted strings. These are sometimes used for other numerical records as well. DIVINATION BY THE STARS The Tanala Menabe do not forecast events from the stars, but I they know that such divination exists and believe it to be effective. | Apparently it is sometimes practiced by visiting ombiasy of the Antai- morona tribe, but they guard the secret. Information received from the Tanala is based on hearsay. They say that divination by the stars requires a lifetime of study, and that one who devotes himself to it must expect many years of poverty. He must go out to watch the stars every clear night, so has to sleep in the daytime and cannot work on his land. The student of the stars goes to a high open place and keeps glancing at the sky and then glancing away again. He must not look at the stars long or fixedly, for each man has one which is his special watcher or guardian and if he looks directly at this he will die. Even among the Antaimorona I was unable to learn whether there were any fixed rules for this divination. SPELLS A very striking feature of Tanala magic is the almost complete absence of any belief in the efficacy of spoken formulae. Prac- tically all magical practices are associated with some material object, which is the source of the power exercised. Even in the manufacture of charms spoken formulae are rare and, when used, they are variable in form and are considered of little importance. MANUFACTURE AND USE OF CHARMS The Tanala believe that the future is fixed by Fate, but also in the- efficacy of charms. I have never found an ombiasy who was conscious ! of this inconsistency until I brought it to his attention. Even when the course of coming events has been determined by divination, the 218 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe op Madagascar future can nearly always be modified by the proper magic. This magic takes the form of a charm which is worn, soaked in water which is then drunk or bathed in, etc. Even medicines given for the cure of illness always follow the charm pattern. The native attitude toward charms is of considerable interest in view of the theories of primitive magic now extant. Their manufac- ture is a thoroughly mechanical process. They can be made by any- one who knows the proper formulae and adheres to them. Many persons who make no pretensions to being ombiasy are familiar with one or more charms which they regularly manufacture and sell. The manufacture of most charms is not accompanied by invocations and there is no belief that the charm is inhabited by a ghost or spirit, or even that it serves as a link between its owner and any Being. The charm owes its efficacy to its various ingredients and to the exact proportions and manner in which they are compounded. The magical potency of the finished product is, however, greater than the sum of the potencies of its ingredients, in fact the ingredients individually have little or no potency. The charm retains its potency indefinitely, its strength increasing rather than decreasing with age. Some charms are so strong that they become animate and can move and speak, but even then they do not require sacrifices or special service. The foregoing facts strongly suggest the presence of a belief in mana, i.e., impersonal magical power, which is concentrated and made available by the charm, but I am convinced that no such con- cept is consciously present. There is no native word for such power and I found great difficulty in explaining the idea to even the most intelligent of my informants. The Tanala are thoroughly convinced that the charms possess supernatural power which is exerted in favor of their owners, but no ideas as to the source or nature of this power, or as to the exact way in which it is applied, have been formulated. The natives are unconscious of any need for formulation. In this they are quite comparable to persons in our own culture who believe in the efficacy of lucky coins, etc., without being able to explain why they are efficacious. The Tanala have charms for every phase of their existence and a complete list would be a catalogue of all their activities and vicis- situdes. There are charms to aid the individual, the family and the village. Individual charms are the most numerous. They include charms to bring general good fortune, to avert or cure illness, to avert specific injuries, as from gunshot wounds, lightning or croco- diles, to frustrate enemies and render their charms innocuous, to Religion 219 give success in all possible activities, to bring wealth and to kill enemies. Charms for the family or lineage include those to bring general good fortune, to protect the crops from hail or locusts, to avert sickness, etc. Lastly, each village has its charm or charms which are given to it at the time it is founded and protect it from pestilence or enemy attack or both. Most charms are compounds, but there are a few exceptions. A bracelet of thick brass or copper wire (Fig. 23, c) protects the wearer from all sorts of malevolent ghosts and consequently from attacks of vertigo, drowning and, some believe, crocodiles. Vertigo and drowning are thought due to the attack of spirits, while crocodiles may be under spirit control. No magic is connected with the manu- facture of these bracelets. They are made by the Imerina and sold by all traders. Large, roughly spherical beads of translucent white glass, half an inch in diameter, were formerly considered powerful charms to insure general good fortune. They were usually worn attached to a lock of hair (Fig. 22, f). They were the most suitable gift from a man to a beloved wife or child and were highly valued, good ex- amples being worth as much as an ox. At the present time they have largely gone out of use. These beads are not of native manu- facture, and their source is unknown. They were probably obtained from the Arabs in early times. The wearing of other beads as charms is not a Tanala custom, but they are gradually coming into use as a result of contact with the plateau tribes. The use of beads as charms reaches its highest development among the Imerina, who distinguish at least fifty different sorts, each with its special magical quality. A piece of vine which has turned back on itself and grown through the loop, forming a knot, or two twigs which have crossed each other and grown together, make an efficient love charm. It may be cut and used or sold by anyone who finds it. Such charms are never worn openly. Most charms are compounds. Vegetable substances predominate, but earth, insects, bones, etc., may also be incorporated. The mixture is put in a container of some sort so that it can be readily worn or carried. 04y zaza (charms to obtain children) must be done up in cloth and a few other charms are not efficacious unless they are put up in wood. Usually, however, the container does not affect the powers of the charm and its form varies with the fancy of the maker. Most Tanala charms are put up in small, cylindrical 220 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar wooden boxes with or without covers. Small rectangular boxes are also used and there are a few fantastic shapes, like the coffin model shown in Fig. 23, f. This is a charm for success in wrestling and the shape of the box may be significant. Some of the larger charms for general good fortune, which are kept in the dwelling, are put up in finely woven covered baskets. Horn containers, which are very common among the southern and western tribes, are rarely used here (Fig. 23, e). Such containers may be decorated with a band of bead work around the larger end, but this is purely for ornament. Few formulae for charms were obtained. They have to be bought individually, often at exorbitant prices, and there is no way of checking on their authenticity. One ody basy (charm to protect against gunshot wounds) is made by placing together pieces of wood from the following trees or bushes: (1) Tsihabeza, tree, virtues not defined. (2) Vahita, a vigorously growing bush. This gives strength and vitality. (3) Anivo, a species of palm with hard wood. Gives the person a hard surface. (4) Berano (lit. "much water"), a plant. This turns the enemy's bullets to water as they leave the gun. (5) Tsilaitra (lit. "impenetrable"), a tree. This makes invulner- able. (6) Vahimavany (lit. "brave creeper"), a vine. This makes brave. (7) Kelimivany (lit. "little brave"), a small tree. This makes brave. (8) Famehilefona, a tree. This protects from spears. (9) Famakibady (lit. "gun breaker"), a tree. This will cause the enemies' guns to explode. The substances are gathered and combined with- out any spell or ceremony and put in a container of wood or horn. They are usually soaked with grease or honey, but this is not necessary. A charm used for killing an enemy is more complicated. Take a root from the west side of the arongana ("poinsettia") plant and one from the east side of the hazodinga (a plant). Take the end of an aerial root of the tsirikomby (a large tree, apparently of the fig family) just before it touches the ground, also a root of the longoza (a large-leafed plant like a caladium, growing in water) before it touches the water. Add to these a small insect called sakodiavatra which lives in rotten wood. Pound the materials together in a mortar and fill the shell of a fresh-water snail with the mixture. The person who wishes to use this charm takes it and seven grains of rice, which have been husked by hand, and goes to a new tomb, usually at night. He makes a hole in the earth at the head of the tomb and names the person to be killed. He then waits until he hears any animal cry. After this he places the charm and the seven Religion 221 grains of rice in the hole and covers them with earth, saying: "There is your food. Go into the tomb." After this he dances at the tomb. A charm which protects from the stings of scorpions is made by taking inner leaves from the unopened center of the pandanus, small peppers and the roots of tsingolovolo, a sort of grass. These are ground together on a stone and a little of the material rubbed into incisions on the palm of the hand and the tongue. A single inoculation gives immunity for life. The person can even pick up scorpions with impunity if he spits on them first. It has already been said that the Tanala ombiasy are not averse to experiments, and they will invent new charm compounds to meet new circumstances. They even go a step farther and test the efficacy of their charms before selling them, or at least claim to do so. If the charm is an ody basy (charm against gunshot wounds) the ombiasy will hang it up in front of a lamba ("cloth mantle") and fire at it from a distance of ten or twelve feet. If it has been made properly, the lamba will be uninjured and the bullet will be found lying on the ground flattened, as though it had struck a rock. If the charm is an ody omby (cattle ody, protecting herdsmen and bull baiters) the ombiasy puts it on and tries its efficacy by thrusting against his thigh an ox horn which has been made as sharp as possible. If the charm is good, the horn cannot pierce his skin. Every charm has its associated fady, a taboo or prohibition, which must be learned by the maker as a part of the formula, and which is told to the purchaser. Apparently it is not necessary for the maker to observe this j rady himself, except while actually engaged in the manufacture of the charm, but the person using the charm must observe it consistently or the charm will immediately lose its virtue. The jady for ody zaza (charms to obtain children) are most numerous. It is forbidden for a woman wearing one to eat food directly from the pot, to lend her mat or lamba to another person, or for anyone to use them. She is forbidden to run races, or to poke her finger into a child's cheek to make it laugh. It is also forbidden for anyone to stop a woman wearing such a charm by standing in front of her with both arms held out sidewise. At the time a woman assumes an ody zaza she announces these fady to everyone in the village and a person who breaks or causes her to break one of them will be called before the village assembly, reprimanded and, if it was done maliciously, fined. The ody basy has as a fady the pointing of a bamboo water bottle toward the door of the owner's house, unless water is being poured 222 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar out at the time. The owner of an ody vary (charm to promote the growth of rice) has two fady: to throw out the burned rice from the bottom of a cooking pot instead of eating it and to arrange the hair while in the rice field. The owner of an ody tolona (charm for wres- tling) must not eat mashed manioc, which would make the muscles soft. The owner of an ody omby (cattle charm) must abstain from boiled taro leaves for the same reason. The charm against scorpions (ody hold), the contents of which have already been described, has three fady associated with it. The owner must never kill scorpions, pick up live coals or a brand from the fire with his hands, or eat the fruit of the lofika vine unless he has peeled it himself with his teeth. Ody tembote (for curing illness) have a great variety of fady varying with the nature of the complaint. If the owner of a charm breaks its fady, the charm immediately loses all power. He must take white earth and make a spot with it in the middle of his forehead and on either cheek. The power of the charm then returns. A person usually acquires the benefits of a charm by simply wearing it or keeping it in his house, at the same time observing the fady, but there are a few charms which require an inoculation, like that already described for the scorpion charm. When an ody folaka (a charm for skill in curing fractures) is bought, an incision is made in the heel of the purchaser's right hand and a little of the medicine rubbed in. Part of a charm to make blow-gun arrows deadly also consists in splitting the lip and inserting a little of the medicine. Apparently these were the only charms with inoculation in ancient times, but some forty years ago an Imerina slave who was very expert in bull baiting introduced a charm for that purpose which required it and it is now sometimes used with charms against lightning, ody tandraka, in imitation of the Imerina practice. All charms must be treated with respect and must not be handled more than is necessary. Especial pains are taken to keep them out of the way of children, for if they play with them injuries may result. Charms for working evil, such as killing enemies, etc., are especially dangerous and it is thought unsafe to keep them in the house. Charms can be sold without ceremony either by their makers or by persons who have themselves bought them. The transfer is complete and there is no danger to the seller. On the other hand, it is dangerous to discard a charm, for this offends it and it may turn its powers against its owner. To prevent this, the owner takes a fungus called olotafina, grates it on a stone and puts some of the Religion 223 powder on the middle of his forehead, on either cheek and on his tongue. In general, the only charms which will be discarded are evil ones which have accomplished their object. Charms for the family or lineage are much less numerous than those for the individual. Nearly all such groups seem to have ody andro (charms to bring general good fortune), which are kept in the dwelling of the family head. There are also charms against hail and locusts. Apparently one family or individual in each village will have such a charm which is used for the benefit of the whole group. The locust charm, ody valala, consists of a small basket containing scrapings from the roots and shoots of a plant called ramanjavana. The name means "to make clouds," because a little vapor flies up when the plant is cut. When a locust swarm is sighted, the charm is brought out and hung on a pole on the side of the kianza ("village square") from which the locusts are coming. A fire is made under it with the leaves of the same plant, producing dense clouds of smoke. The charm against hail was not learned. Among the pagan Imerina, every village had its hail and locust charms, each with its guardian, who received a small subsidy from the inhabitants. Every Tanala village has a charm and many have two. The main charm is called the tepanony. Some famous ombiasy is called in to make it at the time the village is founded. He determines the proper materials by divination, pounds them together, adds a piece of silver money, and then buries the whole in the center of the kianza ("village square"). Over the charm are planted roots of fourplants, the sonjo ("taro"), sodyfafana,ahibita,&nd arivotombelona. The spot is usually enclosed by a little rectangle of stone slabs set on edge. In some villages the plants are watered and tended, in others they have been allowed to die. If the village moves as a whole, the tepanony is usually dug up and reinterred at the new site. The tepanony protects the village from pestilence, also from lightning and malevolent ghosts, if the divination has shown that there will be danger from these at the site chosen. It does not protect from enemy attack. The second village charm is known as the kovavy and has the special function of protecting from enemies. Apparently most villages had a kovavy in ancient times, but with the establishment of peace they have become unnecessary and have mostly disappeared. The kovavy was placed in a small fenced enclosure just outside the principal gate. Apparently the form was rather variable. In a few cases it seems to have been a wooden image, set with its face toward 224 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar the path. That at Ambohimanga, the former capital of the Tanala Menabe, was made from various leaves buried in the earth. Over this a large-leaved plant, also called the kovavy, was planted. Each year the top of the plant was cut off and the bark scraped from the stump for 2 or 3 inches below. The right ear of an ox was cut and blood from it rubbed on the stump. Leaves were plucked from the plant, pounded, and mixed with water which was given to the ox to drink. The ox was the property of the village ombiasy and the same one was used each year. After this inoculation the ox was turned loose in the forest. The ox was restless, wandering constantly, and whenever he crossed the trail of an enemy coming to attack the village he would begin bellowing and would come at once to the kovavy and stand there bellowing. The direction from which he came showed that from which the enemy was coming and the villagers would have time to prepare for the attack. In addition to the types of charms just outlined there were charms to bless houses and bring fortune to their inhabitants. These were buried on the site before the house was built. The crocodiles in the Manandriana River were rendered innocuous by a charm thrown into the river long ago. The fady for this charm was that in crossing the river one must paddle with a spade or axe instead of a regular paddle and that one must not wash a lamba mena ("shroud") in it. So long as these rules were observed the croco- diles did no damage, but they have been ignored since the coming of the French, with the result that crocodiles now carry off domestic animals, although they still do not attack people. The native name for charms in general is tamango, mohara or ody, the terms being used interchangeably. HEALING One of the principal duties of the ombiasy is healing. When a person becomes ill he goes to the ombiasy, or sends for him, and pays an advance fee of 1.20 to 1.50 francs, arranging at the same time for a larger fee to be paid after the cure. The ombiasy makes the sikidy to learn the cause of the illness and prescribes from his knowledge, or, if the case is not clear, makes the sikidy a second time to find the remedy. The remedy is usually a mixture of herbs, com- pounded as a charm. Part of the charm is put in water. The sick person drinks some of this and bathes his whole body with the rest. Another part of the medicine is done up in a little cloth bag and worn around the patient's neck. There is always a fady which the patient Religion 225 must observe. If the patient dies, the ombiasy does not receive the final fee, but he retains the initial fee and is not punished, except by loss of prestige. In case of an epidemic the ombiasy gives protec- tive medicine to everyone in the village. As a rule the ombiasy is only applied to in serious cases. In every village there are old people of both sexes who treat minor ailments without any pretensions to magic. These practitioners use herb remedies, for the most part, and some of their medicines possess real value. Inflammation is relieved by cupping. The operator makes a small incision in the skin, places the tip of a horn over it, and exhausts the air by suction. The small end of the horn is covered with a lump of soft wax and when the vacuum has been formed this is pressed together with the tongue, sealing the opening (Fig. 23, h). The horn is left on until the suction has filled it with blood. Boils and abscesses are never lanced, but may be poulticed to bring them to a head. Fractures are treated by the ombiasy or by persons having a special charm for the purpose. In some cases the art seems to be hereditary in families. A decoction is made by boiling the leaves of various plants in water, or they are pounded and mixed with grease, and the limb is rubbed with this. The bone is set and the limb placed in leaves with a heavy bandage. No splints are used. SLEIGHT OF HAND The Tanala ombiasy make comparatively little use of sleight of hand. The idea that illness is due to some foreign body which has been thrown into the afflicted person seems to be lacking, so there is little reason to exercise it. However, some practitioners use sleight of hand to show their powers and impress their clientele. A Tanala ombiasy resident among the Betsileo staged an exhibition for me as follows: He spread a new mat on the floor and placed upon it two large bowls, one empty, the other filled with water. Beside these he laid a club made from half of a sawfish's saw. This, he said, was a sort of magician's wand. Anyone struck by it would die. For the exhibition, it simply increased the power of the other charms. When these objects had been arranged, he drew from his waistcloth a charm made from sticks of wood packed into the hollow of a small horn. He placed this, large end down, in the dish of water and allowed it to steep for about ten minutes. He then removed it and placed it in the dry bowl. After this, he asked me to give him something that he could chew up and swallow. I offered him a piece of ordinary paper about three inches square. He steeped this in the water for a short time, then folded it and pressed it to the 226 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar open end of the charm, immersing both in the water. He repeated this several times, asking me to examine it each time to be sure that he had not made a substitution. Then he swallowed the paper and drank most of the water, at least a quart and a pint. After this he rested for a moment, belched, and spat out a wad of thread. He told me to pick this up and draw on it. The thread ran down his throat and after pulling out about 15 feet of it I cut it off with a knife. The thread was ordinary commercial cotton. He had evidently swallowed a ball of it, holding the upper end in-his mouth in some way. After a short rest he asked me to get him a piece of glass and I gave him a fragment of broken bottle about V/i inches long by % inch wide. He treated this as he had the paper, then put it in his mouth and chewed up about half of it, swallowing it. There was no trickery in this part of the performance. He then drank more water from the bowl, which had been refilled, and asked that the dry bowl be held in front of him. After a short time he began to retch and spat into the bowl a double handful of dark blue berries about the size of huckleberries. Following another rest he took a second piece of paper, went through the same performance as before, and spat out a live chame- leon iyi inches long. I caught the animal, which was very active, and found slight bruises on either side of its neck, probably due to its having been held between his teeth. Lastly, he took another piece of paper, repeated the performance, and spat out a live snake 16 inches long. This completed the show. The various objects produced must, of course, have been slipped into his mouth each time, but this was done very cleverly. He talked almost constantly and although I watched him closely I was unable to see when he made the transfer. His native audience was much impressed and seemed to believe that the transformations were authentic. Sorcery The Tanala Menabe seem to lack the almost hysterical fear of sorcery which characterizes the tribes of the east coast and plateau. They admit that a certain amount of it goes on, but trials for sorcery are rare and few stories about it are current. Sickness and ill fortune are usually ascribed to the malevolence of ghosts rather than men. All but one of my informants denied any first hand knowledge of the sorcerer's methods and none of them believed that they them- selves had been the victims of sorcery. Religion 227 Apparently the power to work evil to an enemy is dependent on the possession of a charm. Nearly all ombiasy know formulae for making such charms and will sell them to clients with directions for their use. The transaction is kept secret, but even if it is discovered the ombiasy is rarely punished. It is considered part of his legitimate business. Directions for the manufacture and use of one killing charm have been given (see Manufacture and Use of Charms), but there are many others. Apparently human bones or earth from tombs is the most important ingredient in most of these. There are a number of methods for directing the evil power against an enemy. The commonest seems to be to bury the charm beside or in a person's house or in his rice patch. It may also be placed in the spring or river from which he draws water, where it will injure the person who has been named to it, but no one else. The power of certain charms may be directed by pointing the finger at the enemy, looking at him fixedly, mentioning his name when he is present, or touching his person or food with the finger. One of the favorite methods with children is to touch the head and a stranger or enemy who does this is almost sure to be suspected if anything happens to the child. Some charms are mixed with the victim's food, or put inside a banana given him to eat. There can be little doubt that such "charms" are often genuine poisons. It seems prob- able that injury may also be caused by bringing into contact with the charm some object which has been in close contact with the victim, such as a lock of his hair, one of his garments, etc., but I could not verify this. At least it is a common belief among all the neighboring tribes. When a person believes himself to be the victim of sorcery he appeals to an ombiasy, who verifies it by the sikidy and, as a first step, tries to find and destroy the charm which is the source of the trouble. One informant gave an amusing and spirited story of such a search. The ombiasy located the charm under the floor of the victim's house and began to dig for it but it evaded him, moving rapidly about under ground, like a mole. Finally he drove it into a corner, dug it up and carried it off. The ombiasy also gives the victim a charm to wear, to counteract that of the enemy. One of the favorite remedies is scrapings from the araharaka, a pole on which raffia is hung to dry. Most Tanala sorcery is sporadic, based on the momentary need of some individual who may never have practiced it before and may never practice it again. There are, however, a few individuals 228 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar who are professional sorcerers, working evil repeatedly for the pleasure they derive from it. Such persons are called mpamosavy and are universally feared and hated, although the practice of occasional sorcery is condoned. Apparently mpamosavy have become much more numerous since the Imerina conquered the Tanala and many informants denied that they existed prior to the conquest. There may be some truth in this, for stories told of their antics are very much like those told by the Imerina about their own sorcerers. The mpamosavy, who may be either men or women, are not content to injure their enemies by charms. They steal out of their houses at night, nude except for a white lamba which is wrapped around the head like a turban. They go to tombs, especially shortly after a burial, and dance there, rejoicing. This strengthens the influences which have caused the death and brings about the deaths of others. They rob tombs, carrying off valuables deposited with the dead and taking bones and parts of bodies, which are used to concoct evil charms. During my stay an mpamosavy stole a skull from a tomb and placed it in the middle of the village square, where it was found next day. The natives were less terrified than one might have expected and one of the men whose duty it was to shift old bodies at a burial gathered it up without ceremony, wrapped it in a lamba and took it back. There were no ceremonies for purification or to avert evil and within a week the incident seemed to have been forgotten. When anyone in the village is ill, the mpamosavy will come and cry outside the house at night, mourning as if he were already dead. This strengthens the evil influences and makes the person die. They also scratch at doors and windows, terrifying persons in the house and acting as though they wished to break in, although they never enter. Sometimes they ride cattle until the cattle are exhausted, break down fences and do other wanton damage. Although they are greatly feared; they have no power to injure a person who con- fronts them boldly and several informants expressed a wish to en- counter one. The reason for this was that, as the punishment for the crime was death, if one captured an mpamosavy one could demand a huge sum for releasing him and concealing his identity. Tanala mpamosavy apparently are solitary, not operating in organized groups like those of the Imerina. Several informants expressed the belief that a person might be an mpamosavy without knowing it himself, citing instances. Such a person would be forced to become one by the power of some evil charm. There seemed to Religion 229 be no idea of spirit possession. The unconscious mpamosavy would go to bed like anyone else, then rise and do his evil deeds and night running in a somnambulistic condition. One man did not know that he was an mpamosavy until his wife told him that he rose every night after they had gone to bed, went out, and returned some hours later with his body icy cold and his feet covered with dew. A similar case among the Betsileo seemed well authenticated. The child of a wealthy Christian family had died and been buried in the cemetery. It was found that some one came at night and trampled on the grave, tore up flowers that had been placed on it, etc. A watch was set and it was found that the offender was a female servant of the family. She had been the child's nurse and her devotion to it was unquestion- able. She was overwhelmed with grief when she found what she had done, and all those who knew her were convinced that her acts had been unconscious. With such instances in mind it is not hard to understand why persons accused of being mpamosavy often doubt their own innocence, or why even the victims of trial by ordeal believe in its efficacy. Fady The term fady is equivalent to the Polynesian taboo. It means a prohibition of any sort and, by an extension of the idea, the act or thing prohibited. The term is applied equally to acts which are simple breaches of good manners, punished only by popular disap- probation, and to those which are offensive to the ancestors and bring supernatural punishment. There are hundreds of fady and no one person is familiar with the entire series. In general, a few of the most important are known and obeyed, while the rest are known only to the ombiasy and afford them an unfailing supply of reasons for illness and misfortune. Tanala fady may be roughly classified as general fady, observed by the entire tribe, fady of the gens and village, and individual fady. The latter are nearly always associated with charms and have been described under that heading. Many of the general fady are associated with ideas of sympathetic magic. Thus it is fady to bring a flaming brand into the house, as this will bring in danger. It is also fady to carry a burden across the village square if it is slung on a pole between two men. This is because corpses are carried in this way and if one does it there will soon be a death. There are no doubt other fady of similar import. There are also a number of general fady on foods. Dogs, rats, snakes and crocodiles are never 230 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar eaten. There is no explanation of this, except that the idea is con- sidered disgusting. Nearly every gens has its special fady, although there are a few which lack them. Those of the Zafiakotry gens are as follows: (1) To kill or eat wild or domestic pigs, to allow them to be cooked in their pots, or even to have pig meat brought into the village. There are two explanations of this fady: (a) The pig eats excrement and other filth and is therefore unclean, (b) The village in which the founder of the gens lived was attacked and taken by the enemy. He fled and took refuge in a thicket. The enemy, following to kill him, were charged by a wild boar which was lying asleep in the same thicket. They concluded that he could not be hidden there or the pig would have run away, so passed on. In gratitude, the ancestor enjoined his descendants never to injure pigs. (2) To injure the bird called railongy, a dark-colored bird about as large as an American grackle, having a crest of one or two feathers which project forward. The Zafiakotry not only do not trap or kill these birds, but will buy and release any that they see in cages. The railongy is considered the king of the birds, for it takes feathers of all the other species to build its nest. This fady dates from the time that the Zafiakotry became the royal gens of the Tanala Menabe and it is believed that its infraction will endanger their political power. It was imposed by an ombiasy at the time he gave the first Tanala king a charm in which parts of the railongy were included. The Zanakanony, an aboriginal group who now live among the Zafiakotry, have adopted these fady. Originally the group had none. The Zafimaraonaka have the following fady: (1) To kill or eat the tsingetry, a small black bird with two white feathers in its tail. This is explained by the story that when enemies were searching for the founder of this gens they stopped to watch a tsingetry. While they were doing this their friends shouted to them that dinner was ready and, being tired and hungry, they abandoned the chase. In gratitude the fugitive made the bird fady to his descendants. (2) To shout to persons to call them to a meal. This is also explained by the foregoing legend. (3) To eat the sokona, a small insectivore which rolls itself into a ball when attacked. This is because a pregnant woman of the gens once ate one and her child was born bent like a bow. (4) To eat the njohi, a bird with a long curved bill. A pregnant woman ate one and her child had a long hooked nose. The last two fady are observed by both men and women, but apply only to eating the flesh. Members Religion 231 of the gens will kill these animals and trade them to other groups to whom they are not fady. The Marolahy have a fady against eating wild pig, but can kill it or keep the meat in their houses. This is because they were once very fond of the meat, and, after a hunt, gorged themselves with it so that many became ill and the chief of their village died. The Tevato have the following fady: (1) To eat wild or domestic pig, because these animals are filth eaters. (2) To eat eels, either the large spotted tona or the ordinary eel. (3) To eat meat killed by other gentes. (4) To eat or cook with utensils used by persons of other gentes. They say that all these fady are inherited from their ancestors who had them when they came to Madagascar from "Maka," i.e., Arabia. They are known to have entered the Tanala territory from the southeast coast and probably do have some Arab blood. In this gens a man who is accused of any offense will say: "I will eat a tona if I did it." This is a binding oath, and, if the accuser still doubts his word, he has the right to attack him seriously, with a knife or axe. The Zafindranolava do not eat wild or domestic pig, saying they are filth eaters. The Andriavahoakarivo do not kill or eat parrots, the fady being explained by the following story: The founder of the gens was attacked by robbers, beaten unconscious, and buried in a shallow grave. He recovered consciousness, but thought he was dead and made no move to escape until he heard the clamor of parrots in a neighboring tree. Then he concluded he was alive and dug his way out. In gratitude he made the parrot fady to his descendants. The Zafindiamanana do not kill or eat goats, saying that once a goat which had been improperly butchered lived for a long time, disturbing the village with its cries and disgusting the people so that they were unable to digest the meat. The Zafimaniry have the same fady in all their divisions. These are: (1) To kill or eat lemurs. This is because they have hands and finger nails like human beings, and are the descendants of men who long ago became lost in the forest. (2) To eat the sora, a small spiny insectivore. This is because in eating one of them a man once got a spine stuck in his throat. It became infected and the man died. A second reason is that the sora lives with rats, which are unclean, and sometimes rats turn into sora. (3) To kill or eat the sohi, a very small bird. This is because when the ancestor of the gens was hiding in a thicket from enemies a flock of sohi came and settled on the 232 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar branches. The enemy saw them, thought no man could be there, and went on. The Zafindrasoavory and the Zafisomotra have no fady. The latter are a newly arrived group who have come from the Betsileo country within six generations. They live among the Zafiakotry and imitate their fady to some extent. In marriages between gentes, men always keep the fady of their gens and these descend to their children even if the family is matri- | local. At the same time, children of a matrilocal marriage will usually observe the fady of both their father's and mother's gentes, . as a matter of courtesy. Women retain the fady of their own gens until after the birth of the first child, when they adopt those of their husbands. Very often they will practice both. If a woman belongs to a gens which has no fady, she will adopt her husband's fady at once. The gens fady just described is the only thing in Tanala culture which might suggest totemism and it would require a considerable stretching of even that much abused term to include such phenomena within its scope. There is nowhere any idea of descent from, or even collateral relationship with, the fady animal and in many instances the members of the gens are quite willing to kill it. Even those who will not kill it themselves will often encourage Europeans to do so. I was more than once asked to hunt wild pig which were damaging plantations belonging to gentes to which they were fady. There are no ceremonies to increase the fady animals, no representations of these animals are used in art, and their names are never used to designate gentes. In addition to the fady observed by gentes, each village has its own particular fady, given by an ombiasy at the time the village was founded. I suspect that such fady are a part of the tepanony or village charm, which was also given to the village at this time, but the natives were not clear on this point. In some villages it was fady to allow strangers to enter on certain days of the week. If the visitors were important they would be lodged in a house outside the stockade and their wants attended to there. Pork could not be brought into Ambohimanga or Apasinambato, or castor oil beans or oil into Avohitarivo. In certain villages it was fady to bring a rice mortar in unless the mouth was covered with a lamba. This was because the mortar had a big opening and to bring it in uncovered would leave a big opening in the magical defenses of the village, through which all sorts of evil could enter. Religion 233 The breaking of a village fady entails injury to the whole village and may be punished by a fine or by rough handling on the part of the villagers. However, there seems to be no attempt at purification. The breaking of a gens fady affects only the person who has broken it. If forbidden food has been eaten, the offender puts a silver bracelet in water and then gargles with the water, saying: "I have eaten something forbidden, and for this reason I gargle with silver water. I wash myself now that I may be purified and that the offense may not cause me illness or accident." The purification is performed in private and neither gods nor ancestors are invoked. Fady are imposed by ombiasy or by an ancestor upon his descend- ants. Apparently there is no method by which they can be revoked. I The only thing which corresponds to the temporary and revokable taboos which are such an important feature of Polynesian culture is the prohibition which a person may put upon entering his house. If a man wishes to be undisturbed, he will set up a ring of grass or vine in a cleft stick outside the door. The observance of such a prohibition is simply a matter of good manners and the custom seems to have no religious implications. OMENS The Tanala pay relatively little attention to signs or omens.! Those which are recognized are known to everyone. A man may; sometimes consult an ombiasy to learn the meaning of some peculiar and unnatural happening which he feels must be significant, but I could not learn that ombiasy themselves ever consult omens before coming to a decision. They believe the sikidy to be so effective that all other forms of divination are unnecessary. The commonest and most generally recognized omens are as I follows: If one sees an antsangoa (a species of large walking stick insect) it is a sign of approaching death in his family or village. This is because the legs of the animal stretch out in front and behind like the poles of a bier. The size of the animal indicates the importance of the person who will die and its color that of the shroud in which the body will be wrapped. If a snake called fandiovarika (a small species about 2 to 2^ feet long and 1 inch in diameter) crosses one's path or enters the house, a member of the family will die. If a person going on a journey sees a crocodile lying in the sun, it is a sure sign that he will die on the journey. 234 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar If a hen lays a very small egg, or eats its eggs, or crows, it is a sign of danger, sickness or death in the family. After the kovavy ("guardian charm") was set up at Ambohimanga, if a single crow flew over the village it was a sign that enemy scouts were near. If there were two or more crows, the enemy was at a distance and would not arrive. If a wild boar or lemur came to the village of its own accord, it was a sign of great and imminent danger. This only happened once, in the time of Queen Iovana, and an ox was sacrificed to the ancestors at once to avert the evil. DREAMS The significance attached to dreams of ancestors has already been discussed. Other dreams were interpreted as actual experiences of the ambiroa and were not considered ominous. I could learn of no instances of dream interpretation. INSANITY AND SPIRIT POSSESSION There is a very sharp distinction in the native mind between spirit possession and insanity. The latter is believed to be due to the absence of the normal personality, equated with the soul. Although the insane are usually well treated, they receive no special respect and are not thought to be under spirit protection. Formerly those who were violent or otherwise troublesome, or who appeared to be suffering, were put to death as painlessly as possible. This was considered a merciful act. At the present time even the more con- servative tribes usually send their insane to be cared for by the government. All the Malagasy believe in spirit possession, but its importance in the culture pattern varies considerably with the tribe. The idea appears to be most developed among the Sakalava, on the west coast, moderately strong among the plateau tribes, and weak among those of the southeast coast. The Antaifasina, who belong to the last- named group, insisted that they were unfamiliar with it prior to about 1910, when it was introduced by tribesmen who had worked on west coast plantations. Some of these men became possessed by Sakalava spirits, who returned with them. Even now, many of the Antaifasina claim to be possessed by the souls of Sakalava chiefs and speak Sakalava during their seizures. In view of the unquestionable antiquity of spirit possession among the other east coast tribes, it seems probable that the idea was already present, but received a great impetus from the Sakalava contact. It could not have been Religion 235 very strong, however, for the Antaifasina say that they are unable to cure the malady and are accustomed to turn over the victims to the French medical authorities for treatment. The ceremonial side of spirit possession is most highly developed among those tribes which show the most African influence and it] seems possible that the whole idea is ultimately traceable to Africa, j However, it has become thoroughly incorporated into the native1 culture. I never heard a non-Christian native express scepticism regarding it and even the Christians are convinced of its reality and treat it by prayer and exorcism. Spirit possession is always intermittent. Physically it is charac- terized by trembling and twitching, increasing in violence until the subject begins to dance. The attack usually ends in unconsciousness and rigidity. When the subject is revived he is normal and has no memory of what has occurred. A few of the victims may be true epileptics, but in most cases they seem to suffer from nothing more than acute hysteria. A Tanala woman of the Manandriana gens told me that she might become possessed at any time or place. Her heart would begin to beat violently and everything before her eyes would become wavering and indistinct "as though she were looking through heat waves in strong sunlight." When this happened she knew that the possessing spirit was coming and would begin to dance. She had never seen or heard the spirit and this was the only way in which she was conscious of its presence. Ratzakoba, a Tanala informant of the Zafindiamanana gens, told me that a person subject to possession would begin to tremble and twitch when he heard a drum, or a person crying, or when he felt any strong emotion, as joy at the return of a long-absent relative. All informants agreed that the malady was contagious and that if one person became possessed all those present who were subject to possession would also be attacked. I witnessed a case of this sort during a ceremony at the royal Sakalava tombs at the village of Mahabo. A woman became possessed and a man near her was seized almost immediately. As he was a person of importance all attention was centered on him and the woman recovered in a few minutes without help. Among the Imerina there was a great epidemic of possession in 1863-64, which seems to have been quite comparable to some episodes in medieval European history. Satisfactory accounts of spirit possession and the methods for its cure were obtained from the Zafindiamanana and Manandriana gentes of the Tanala Menabe. It is known to occur with at least equal frequency among the Ikongo, but no exact information was 236 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar available. It seems to play a relatively unimportant role in the cul- ture of the Menabe and the native attitude toward it is much the same as that toward any other disease. Although the possessed receive much care and attention during the seizure, to be subject to possession decreases rather than increases the prestige of the indi- vidual. Even persons who give oracles while possessed are, with few exceptions, rated below the regular ombiasy ("medicine-men"). All informants agreed that a person who was not subject to possession would make no attempt to become so. There can be little doubt that spirit possession is becoming more frequent at the present time. This is probably due in part to increased contact with tribes who hold the concept. Thus Raindranaivo, my best informant from the Manandriana gens, says that the ceremonial features of possession have been taken over by his gens from the Betsileo, some of whom now live among them, and that the frequency of possession has greatly increased within his adult memory, about fifty years. Emotional stresses resulting from the break-up of the old culture may also play a part, for the epidemic outbreaks of possession among the Imerina occurred at the time when European culture began to make itself felt as a menace. In both gentes the term salamanga is applied indiscriminately to the malady, the spirit causing it, the person suffering from it (during the time he is possessed) , and the ceremony for its cure. The Zafindia- manana recognize two types of salamanga, the ordinary one and the salamanga sakalava, in which the possessed gives spirit messages, directions for making medicines, etc., during the seizure. There seems to be a good deal of confusion about the spirits causing the ordinary salamanga. In general they are regarded as ancestral, but there seems to be no complete agreement on this, or as to whether more than one spirit can possess the same individual at different times. The ordinary salamanga usually does not know who his possessing spirit is. He is seized without warning and will drop whatever he is doing and run toward the village tomb or to some near-by lake or river, where he plunges in. His relatives pursue him and carry him back to the village bodily. Once there, he is released and begins to dance. If the bystanders do not sing and clap, to help him, he falls unconscious and becomes rigid, as though dead. After the victim has danced for a time and begins to show signs of exhaus- tion, one of his relatives takes the hazomanga (see p. 187), scrapes it with the regular invocation, and puts the dust in water. The victim drinks some of this and pours the rest over his head. He recovers Religion 237 at once. The Zafindiamanana have no charms to prevent possession J and say that no permanent cure is possible. The salamanga sakalava is always possessed by a known ancestral spirit. In many cases he is a regular practitioner who can throw him- self into the salamanga state at will. The Zafindiamanana seem to use the terms salamanga sakalava and ombiasy ndolo as synonymous, although in other gentes the latter term has a different significance (see Ombiasy). However, they rate such persons below the regular ombiasy and say that the profession is dangerous, often leading to insanity. The salamanga sakalava seems to occupy himself mainly with curing diseases. The situation is explained to him before the seizure comes on. During the attack he behaves like the ordinary salamanga, but if he runs to water at the onset of the possession he will dive to the bottom and bring up something from it. This will be the medicine for the malady. After he has been brought back, and while he is dancing, his spirit will answer questions or declare the cause and cure of the sickness. Finally, he is cured with hazomanga water, like the regular salamanga. Among the Manandriana the ideas and practices connected with the salamanga are much more elaborate. They call the ordinary salamanga (without messages) bilo. It manifests itself by violent twitchings and a compulsion to dance. It may attack people while they are asleep or seriously ill in bed. It may also be brought on by eating the first of the new rice or maize at harvest time. Sometimes, apparently, the ombiasy diagnoses an illness as bilo when the ordinary symptoms are lacking. When the attack commences the ombiasy ("medicine-man") employs the sikidy ("divination") to discover what sort it is. There are three varieties, andiha, andamalama and evobola, which are the same in symptoms but differ in treatment. Apparently the real difference lies in the strength and obstinacy of the possessing spirit, but Raindranaivo remarked cynically that rich people were usually possessed by the andiha, which required the longest and most expensive ceremony. The cure of salamanga andiha is as follows: A bed in the form of a stretcher is hung from the roof of the house in such a position that its edge will be against the north side of the center post and its head east. Directly over the ordinary fireplace another fireplace is made. This is a platform raised on four posts about 2 feet high and covered with a mat. On the mat is a square enclosure of boards full of earth in which stone tripods for two pots are planted. One tripod 238 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar is used for cooking meat, the other for cooking rice and brewing herb medicine. The salamanga lies on the raised bed and all his food must be cooked on the raised fireplace. The reason is that the pos- sessing spirit is important and high, so everything must be elevated. To the center post of the house is tied a plant of red sugar cane, a banana plant which has not yet borne fruit, branches of the fatakala and sily and some other plants. A decoction of herbs, brewed on the fireplace, is put in a drinking horn with a silver bracelet hooked over the edge and this is tied to the bottom of the post. The salamanga lies on the bed until about three o'clock in the afternoon when he is given an evoka ("steam bath"). Plants selected by the ombiasy are boiled in a pot and when the steam is thick the pot is thrust under the bed or the salamanga crouches with it between his knees. Man and pot are covered with many lamba ("mantles") so that he can inhale the vapor and sweat. After he has sweated the ombiasy paints him with alternate stripes of red, black and white, employing earth colors and charcoal. The forehead, breast and back are striped vertically, with cross stripes on the arms. The salamanga formerly went bare to the waist but now, if a woman, a lamba is worn just high enough to cover the breasts. Several of the family's most valuable lamba are wrapped around the patient's waist and, if a woman, she wears all the family jewelry. Both sexes wear a peculiar hat of matting which has a hole in the top (Fig. 23, j) and usually carry a staff. In some cases the salamanga is too sick to dance and some relative whom the sikidy ("divination") shows to be suitable takes his place. The ombiasy paints both, putting stripes of the same color on one and the other alternately. The substitute does not take the steam bath or eat the special food. The salamanga leaves the house at sunset and dances until about eight o'clock while all the people clap and sing to help him. He then goes back into the house and is fed and put to bed. In the morning he dances again from about nine to ten o'clock. If, after several days, there are not enough people to clap and sing for him he cuts the night performance short. While he is dancing a woman who bears a for- tunate name takes the horn containing the medicine and asperges him with it from time to time, using a sort of brush made from the abita plant. This is so that he will dance strongly and work off the salamanga. The salamanga is expected to feed all the people who help him. When word goes out that a rich person is afflicted in this way neigh - | boring villages send messengers offering to come in a body and help Religion 239 on a certain day. The relatives fix days for each village, usually two or three days apart. When there are many people the salamanga dances all day until three or four o'clock, then does not dance at night. During the dancing other persons who have been salamanga are likely to be seized again, but asperging them with the medicine in the horn is enough to cure them. The dancing continues a week or more, the time depending on the wealth of the salamanga and the seriousness of the attack. The last day of the ceremony is called langonana biavy or "the woman's day," although men also take part. A little house, so small that the salamanga will have to crouch in it, has been built just at the edge of running water. All the plants which have been fastened to the center post of the house are brought down to it. The salamanga is conducted to the river by all the people, singing, clapping and dancing as violently as possible. He enters the little house and the ombiasy asperges him with medicine from the horn. When he has done this a woman called the vady ombiasy (lit. "wife of the ombiasy," although she is actually only his assistant) sets fire to the house. The sala- manga leaps out and plunges into the water, diving seven times down- stream and six times upstream. The ombiasy then rubs him with the rest of the medicine from the horn, washing off the paint, and paints white spots on his forehead and both cheeks. The banana and sugar cane plants are planted on the site of the burned house and it is afterward fady ("taboo") for the salamanga to eat their fruit, although others can. The people return quietly to the village and the sufferer is cured. The salamanga andamalama has a mat bed made in the same place as the stretcher bed of the salamanga andiha. The eastern end of it is built up so that the head is high and the body on a slant. His food is cooked on the ordinary fireplace. The rest of the para- phernalia and ceremony are the same, but the latter is somewhat shortened. The salamanga evobola has no special bed or fireplace. He dances only on the first night, but longer than the others, usually from sunset to nine or ten o'clock. On the other days he simply takes the evoka ("steam bath"). The steam baths seem to be the essential feature of this variety of salamanga for its name, evobola, signifies the silver steam bath. This is simply an honorific term for the bath and no silver is actually put in the boiling mixture. At the end of the period the salamanga evobola bathes in his own house with water containing medicine. 240 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar The salamanga menabe is a form of possession by an ancestral spirit. The spirit speaks through the person possessed and prophesies coming misfortunes to the entire group such as pestilence, floods or the attack of an enemy. The menabe carries a staff with which he points out where bad ody ("charms") are hidden. During the seizure he is "like an ombiasy" ("medicine-man") but the state cannot be induced and he is not consulted regularly. A peculiarity of this form is that no one may wear a hat while the menabe is dancing. If he sees a person wearing one he tries to take it off and, failing in this, falls unconscious. He is revived by drinking and being asperged with water containing medicine. The salamanga sakalava is rare and occurs only in the north. It is also due to possession by an ancestral spirit, but the possessed does not prophesy. The movements are the most violent of all and the victim vomits blood. This is caught and carefully kept, for if any of it falls on the ground the victim will die at once. Informants did not know the method of cure for this variety. IX. WEAPONS AND WARFARE Weapons The Tanala Menabe have a number of traditions regarding the \ introduction of various weapons. According to these, the aborigines I of their territory had no arms except wooden spears. These were ■ made from Lambinana, a large tree with moderately hard, heavy wood, or Anivona, a small palm which has an extremely hard rind Yl to % inch thick. The latter wood is said to be somewhat poisonous, wounds received from it festering and healing with diffi- culty. The Lambinana spears were sometimes plain, sometimes forked, like those used until recent times for fishing (Fig. 2, d). The Anivona spears were simply pointed staves. Neither was barbed. The first invaders are said to have been armed with Anivona ; spears, a peculiar missile weapon called kitala or antalaka, slings, iron axes of two types and shields. The blow-gun came into use later, although still in remote times. Spears with iron heads did not come into use until near the beginning of the historic period. They were copies from those of the plateau tribes. Guns were obtained from the east coast tribes, who acted as middlemen between the Tanala and European traders. Swords and fighting knives were unknown until the Imerina domination and never became popular. In historic times the principal weapon has been the spear, lefona. Spears of Anivona wood are still occasionally used and are said to be little inferior to those of iron. They are usually simple poles, 5 to 6 feet long and about 1 inch wide, ground to a smoothly tapering point. In a few specimens the shape of the iron spears has been imitated (Fig. 24, k). Iron spears are divided by the natives into three types, based on the shape of the blade (Fig. 24, f, g, h). They are usually crudely made and lack the spade-like butt piece characteristic of other Madagascar spears. Heavy spears (Fig. 24, f) were, and still are, used in pig hunting, the lighter forms only in war. They were always thrown, the axe being used for close fighting. It is said that war spears were sometimes poisoned, but the composition of the poison has been forgotten. The kitala is of considerable interest. It seems to have no parallels outside Madagascar but may be distantly related to some African throwing knives. It is made from two straight spikes of Anivona wood about Y% inch in diameter and 16 to 18 inches long (Fig. 25, c). These are notched in the center and bound together 241 242 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar with cord in the form of a cross. The ends are ground to keen points. The weapon is thrown with an overhand motion and has an effective range of about 15 yards. Natives say that it is feared because, when it strikes a shield, it will pivot around it and wound the man behind. At present it has fallen into disuse, like all other weapons. The Antaisaka, on the southeast coast, have a similar weapon which they call fivingo. The Mahafaly also say that this was the principal arm of the Kimosy, the aborigines of the southwestern part of the island. Slings are still in ordinary use for hunting birds. The Tanala are not considered especially good slingers by the other tribes, but I was often amazed by their skill. The maximum effective range seems to be about 75 yards while at 50 yards slings are as dangerous as firearms in native hands. Slings are made from raffia or, less frequently, bast. Occasionally the pocket is formed by dividing the sling into two strands (Fig. 24, d) but this type seems to be rare. Most slings have a pocket about 4 inches long and V/i to 2 inches wide at the center, tapering toward the ends (Fig. 24, e, el). The cords are usually wrapped for 2 to 3 inches beyond the pocket on each side. The total length of the sling, folded for use, is about 30 inches. The release cord ends in a knot. The retained cord is longer and tapers to a slender tail which is wrapped around the palm. In about 50 per cent of Tanala slings one cord is of plaited and the other of twisted fiber. The natives could give no reason for this except that it was an ancient practice. Slings from the Marquesas and Society Islands show the same pecu- liarity. Smooth river pebbles are used as ammunition. There are no indications that prepared slingstones have ever been used. The ordinary axe, antsi, has already been described in the section on Wood Working (Fig. 10, d). It serves both as a tool and as a weapon and native men never travel without one. At the time the tribe was disarmed the natives surrendered their spears and other weapons readily, but maintained their right to carry axes, saying that they could not live in the jungle without them. In addition to the ordinary axes there are war axes, antsi lava. These have long heads pointed at the end, like a heavy single-edged knife. The handle is often as much as 3 feet long (Fig. 25, a). Such axes are now rare. Shields, patsy, have been obsolete for many years. They were round or slightly oval and quite small, the largest not over 2 feet in diameter. The body of the shield was made of soft, light wood. Weapons and Warfare 243 Fig. 24. Weapons, a, Wooden Blow-gun; b, Bamboo Blow-gun; bl, Detail of Reinforced Joint on Bamboo Blow-gun; c, Blow-gun Quiver; cl, Dart; d, e, Slings; el, Detail of Sling Pocket; f, g, h, Iron Spear Heads; j, Head of Wooden Spear; k, Wooden Spear. 244 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar The outer surface was convex, to allow room for the handle. This was cut from the solid piece, its inner surface being flush with the rim of the shield (Fig. 25, b). The average thickness of the wood was 13^ to 2 inches. The face of the shield was covered with rawhide with the hair on. This was put on wet, stretched tight, and fastened with wooden pegs driven through it into the rim. Apparently, shields were never decorated. They were used mainly for fending spears, being too small to afford much shelter. However, one old man said that in attacking a village the warriors would run in and crouch under their shields while they hewed a way through the stockade with their axes. The blow-gun, faly, was an important weapon in ancient times. It was rarely employed in open battle, but was effective in the defense of villages and for sniping from ambush. The Tanala say that it was much dreaded by their neighbors in the plateau, who were unaccustomed to jungle fighting. It is still in constant use for hunting lemurs and other small game and few households are without one. Two types of blow-gun are in use, natural tubes made from thick reeds or a long-jointed species of bamboo, and wooden blow-guns, which have to be pierced. The former are rarely over % inch in diameter and are 10 to 12 feet long. The septa are pierced with a hot iron. Such guns are often reinforced at the joints with rings of rawhide, made by drawing on sections of the skin from a cow's tail while wet (Fig. 24, b, bl). The wooden blow-guns are thicker and shorter, but never over \Y/i inches in diameter. They are made from shoots which have a pithy center or from whole stems of a small species of palm. The bore is hollowed out with an iron spike about 10 inches long and }/i inch in diameter. This is heated red hot and forced down into the soft center of the stem. As the hole becomes deeper, it is shaken down by striking the bottom of the stem on the ground. A number of reheatings are, of course, necessary. When the pith has been burned out from end to end, the spike is heated once more and is slid rapidly back and forth to smooth the bore and make it of uni- form diameter. The ends of wooden guns are often reinforced with bands of rawhide, like those already described. Occasionally they are coated with melted beeswax, to make them more nearly air- tight. I saw a few specimens in which the muzzle had been marked by scraping the wood flat on a strip about Y± inch wide and 1 inch long. This showed which side of the gun was to be kept uppermost in shooting and was also useful as a sight. Weapons and Warfare 245 Fig. 25. Weapons, a, War Axe; b, Shield; c, Throwing Cross. 246 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar The darts are made from splinters of bamboo, the smaller species being preferred because of their greater hardness. The shaft is about Y% inch in diameter and 10 to 11 inches long, tapering to a plain needle point. The feathering covers 2 to 2^ inches at the upper end (Fig. 24, cl). It is made of floss obtained from the half- ripe seed heads of a small purple flower, one of the Cichoriaceae. When the shaft is ready for feathering, the maker takes a slender filament of raffia and ties one end of it to the top of the dart, holding the other between his toes. He takes a seed head, splits the calyx with his thumb nail, and holds it against the shaft. He turns the shaft slowly, winding the filament around it in a descending spiral and at the same time presses the floss out of the head with his thumb. The filament catches the floss and binds it firmly to the shaft. Lastly, the filament is wrapped around the shaft two or three times, below the feathering, and tied. A single seed head will feather three to six turns, about % inch and new seed heads are fed in as needed. The feathering requires only ten seconds and the complete dart can be made in less than a minute. There has been some question as to whether poisoned blow-gun darts have ever been employed in Madagascar. Attempts to increase the efficacy of the weapon are almost universal, but most of the sub- stances used are not actually poisonous. The Sakalava use the blow- gun in war to shoot charmed pieces of bone and pellets of earth from tombs against the enemy, both of these being powerful evil charms. The people of the east coast soak the darts designed for bird hunting in lemon juice, believing that it irritates the wound. In several groups there are charms for both the gun and the darts and the latter are sometimes smeared with magical preparations. I am convinced that the Tanala Menabe use a genuine poison on their darts. The tribes who have fought against them certainly believe so, and I have myself seen lemurs which had been killed by small and apparently superficial wounds. The natives are rather reticent in regard to it, but the following formula for making it was obtained from a man of the Zafindiamanana gens: Take scorpions, wasps, ants of a large, solitary species having a very poisonous sting, small black water beetles, the end of a cock's bill, a bit of cloth from the packing of a piston bellows and the heart wood of the hisika tree, a species of ebony, and grind them to a paste. I suspect that the insects, at least, must be added in a fixed number for each variety, but the informant was unwilling or unable to tell. Apparently no charm is recited at any stage of the work. The insects Weapons and Warfare 247 are selected for their poisonous qualities, but the other ingredients are considered magical. The cock's bill gives the dart sure direction and force, like a cock pecking, the rag from the piston bellows in- creases the force of the air, and the hisika wood, which is dark red, will cause the animal to bleed to the last drop. The poison is made into a cake. Just before shooting a little of it is smeared on the head of the dart and a pinch put on the shooter's tongue. The Tanala say that this poison will kill a large lemur in four or five minutes and that it does not injure the flesh. It is possible to eat even the parts immediately about the wound. I suspect 1 1 that the active principle in the poison comes from the hisika wood, , or from some compound which it forms with the insect poisons, for the area within which effective blow-gun poison is known seems to correspond closely with the natural range of this tree. In addition to the actual poison just described, there is a belief in magical poisons. One informant told me that if a blow-gun was rubbed with the juice of a certain plant all arrows shot from it would be poisonous. Another spoke of a medicine made from a certain root which was so deadly that if it was placed under a house everyone inside would suffer from stomach ache. The hunter inoc- ulated himself with this by rubbing a little of it into a cut in his lower lip and thereafter all darts he shot would be poisonous. The darts are carried in quivers of wood or bamboo with tight- fitting wooden covers to protect them from the constant rain (Fig. 24, c). Their maximum effective range is 50 to 60 yards. The bow seems to have been known to all the Madagascar tribes, but the Tsimahety, in the northern part of the central plateau, were the only ones who used it in war. It is said to have been their main arm. Elsewhere it was little more than a toy and was rarely used by adults. The only Tanala bow seen was a toy (Fig. 28, b), but it is said that large boys formerly used them for hunting. The hunting bows were about 3 feet long and roughly made. The arrows were about 2 feet long and unfeathered. They were usually simply whittled to a point, but one informant had heard of iron arrowheads, made from bits of thin metal with a socket for the shaft. Warfare The Tanala were not lacking in courage or fighting ability, as is proved by their long and successful resistance to the Hova empire, but they were one of the least warlike tribes in Madagascar. A melange of defeated gentes, numerically weak and politically divided, J 248 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar they were content to remain in their own territory, only asking to be let alone. They had little incentive for internal strife, for there was no great spoil in cattle to be gained and only the southern gentes were in reach of slave markets. The various political groups fought among themselves from time to time, but their wars were rarely of long duration. I The Tanala Ikongo seem to have been considerably more warlike than the northern division and had a rather better military organization, patterned on that of the neighboring tribes. Sadaro Antoine says: "The king was the commander of the army and had charge also of recruiting. In time of peace there were no soldiers but in war all served. Before going on an expedition the king called together all the gens and village chiefs and informed them that an attack was projected against such and such a gens. He ordered the mobilization of the fanalolahy [reserve officers], the recruiting of soldiers, the purchase of guns and ammunition, if there were not enough, and the making of spears and the gathering of food. The gens and village chiefs promised to fulfil his orders and returned to their villages. On a day fixed by the ombiasy [medicine- man] all the soldiers, commanded by the fanalolahy, presented them- selves before the king. He made them the following speech: 'I thank you for answering my appeal. I wish to attack such and such a gens and ask your courage and devotion. I hope that you will always be brave and valiant.' An armed fanalolahy then advanced and replied: 'Sire, have confidence in us. We will be prompt to carry out your wishes.' To show his strength and agility he threw his spear into the air and caught it again, advanced, retreated and danced about before the crowd." The actual speeches were long and flowery and a number of officers from different gentes and villages replied. "After the kabary [speech making] the king gave cattle to the soldiers. These were killed and the meat distributed among them . The fanangany [withers] and the trafony [hump] were given to the fanalolahy. The morning of the day fixed for their departure the king put a silver bracelet on his fatora [sacrifice post] and addressed a prayer to Zanahary and the ancestors to give their protection and i grant victory. The expedition took the road with the fanalolahy first, then the soldiers, then the king surrounded by the warriors of his household, and lastly the rearguard and the porters with the supplies. When they had arrived within a few miles of the enemy village they camped for the night in the forest or some hidden place. The fanalolahy sent forward patrols to study the position of the Weapons and Warfare 249 enemy. When they had this information they divided the men into several sections, each under the command of a fanalolahy. In order to be recognized the soldiers wore a felana [disk of white shell] on the forehead or hair. About 2 a.m. the army took the road again to surround the village and attack it. The king and his company remained at the camp. The signal for assault was a volley fired into the village. The people in the village seized their arms and hurried to the defense. The battle began, the people fighting with spears and axes. If the defenders were defeated they took to flight. All the enemy men captured were killed on the spot; only women and children were taken as slaves. As for the enemy king, even if the village was taken he never left his house. He put his weapons beside him and sat at the eastern door waiting to go out. If he had the bad luck to fall into the hands of the anakova, brothers of the hostile king, he was killed on the spot, but if he was captured by a commoner, he was saved. The soldier lifted the enemy king on his shoulders and bore him out of the village to help his escape. After looting, the village was burned and the ompiady [combatants] went back to their camp with the booty. After complimenting the army and the soldier who had saved the enemy king, the king gave the order to retire. When he arrived at his own village the booty was divided. The king received the largest share, then the fanalolahy, then the ordinary soldiers. If there were prisoners the king always kept his share and employed them in his service. Those falling to the fanalolahy and soldiers were usually sold or exchanged for cattle. The proceeds were divided among them. After the war the relatives of the prisoners sent their king to buy them back. The king liberated them for from ten to fifteen cattle each. If they were not ransomed, they were sold to the east coast tribes for guns and powder." These tribes sold them in turn to European and Arab slave traders. It has seemed best to give this account in full, but a few comments are necessary. The fanalolahy were simply warriors who had distinguished themselves in previous expeditions. The rank was conferred by general consent and not as a reward for any specific act of bravery or even for length of service. Although they acted as officers or leaders in action, their powers over the other soldiers were very indefinite and there was nothing like military discipline. The ombiasy ("medicine-man") certainly played a much more important part in the expedition than has been ascribed to him, but the extent of his activity is uncertain. Among the Menabe, as will ' be shown presently, he was practically the leader. The peculiar i 250 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar arrangement by which an enemy king took no part in the combat and was saved by any commoner who captured him was due to the social organization of the Ikongo. Among them one gens had attained royal rank and nearly all the kings belonged to it. The commoner was thus saving the life of one of his own king's relatives. Among the Menabe the whole arrangement was looser and more democratic. There were no kings in the old days and war was decided i upon by the influential men of the gens. Later, when royal institu- tions had been introduced, the king and council decided on war vand the king then had a trumpet blown to summon the whole village to the public square. There he announced that they would make war on such and such a village on such and such a date. The date was always a propitious one chosen by an ombiasy who had been selected for his skill in such matters and who would look after the magical details of the expedition. Messengers were sent to the other villages of the gens and to allied gentes. If it was a great undertaking all the able-bodied men of the tribe participated, if a small expedition each village furnished a quota fixed by the king. The fanalolahy seem to have had less authority here than in the south. To distin- guish them from the other soldiers they wore a felana ("shell disk") and crocodile-tooth charm on the left side of the forehead and a broad bandoleer hung with charms (called tamango) passing over the right shoulder. There were no other war costumes, although all warriors wore charms. Painting for war was unknown. On the day fixed the warriors assembled in a camp outside the village. This was usually near the village sacred place, where the ancestral stones were erected. There seem to have been no taboos in connection with the camp. Women and children could visit it and young men about to go on the expedition often celebrated their marriages there. Cattle were killed, the number depending on the size of the war party, and the best ox was chosen for sacrifice. The sacrifice was made at the ancestral stones by the regular ritual (see Prayer and Sacrifice). The officiating mpisaorana, the hereditary sacrificial priest, was chosen by the ombiasy from among the mpisa- orana present, and he also advised whether the parts offered were to be grilled or boiled. The usual invocation was made to the gods and ancestors, but they were asked to bless the expedition and the chief against whom it was directed was named. The party sometimes remained in camp as much as three days. The expedition left the camp at the exact moment set by the ombiasy and both he and the king accompanied it. The ombiasy' s Weapons and Warfare 251 ody ("charms") were carried at the very head of the column by a man chosen because he had a fortunate name such as Vanona ("successful"), Ndrembita ("one who finishes what he has begun") or Tongalaza ("honorable"). It was forbidden for anyone to pass this man on the march. The ody were special ones carried on all war parties and their power increased with success. At night the ombiasy stayed with them in a special hut. After the ody marched the fanalolahy, then the king and ombiasy, and last the ordinary soldiers. When they had come close to the enemy village they went into camp and sent forward three or four scouts to reconnoiter the position. These reported to the ombiasy on their return and he arranged the plan of attack and decided whether or not to split the force into detachments. They spent the night in camp and attacked at dawn, at a trumpet signal. Neither the king nor ombiasy took part in the actual fighting. If the village surrendered with little or no resistance \ it was not looted or even fined, but was taken as a vassal. If the 1 resistance was fierce and the attackers lost heavily, all the meni were killed and the women and children enslaved. As a special' severity the men's heads were cut off and hung up in the village for the hawks to eat. In rare cases the tomb of an enemy village was also burned, but this showed unusual rancor. The spoils were divided on the return of the party, the rules being much the same as in the southern division except that the ombiasy had first choice of the loot. No ceremonies attended the return. If a village accepted vassalage, the heads of all the families in i it went through a ceremony of submission. Water was prepared in I a bowl with the same ingredients as for the oath of blood brotherhood. A spear was held in this head down, all the family heads grasping the shaft with the right hand. If there was not room enough for all, some of them held the left hands of those grasping the spear. The ombiasy of the victors tapped the shaft with a knife, repeating the blessings and curses of the blood brotherhood oath, except that the victors remained unbound by the agreement. An ox was killed and after taking the oath the family heads ate pieces of the liver. No ceremony attended its killing and it was not considered a sacrifice. Vassal villages paid no tribute but were expected to assist their overlords in war. In addition to the regular war parties small slave-stealing raids were rather common. Sometimes as few as two warriors would go to a village and lie in wait near the spring, seizing a woman or child and carrying it off. There was usually a pursuit and the practice 252 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar was a fruitful cause of wars. If the captive's village was too weak to fight, it sent some neutral to treat for ransom. Prisoners might be exchanged against each other, or a family would give a slave of the same value for one of its members. The regular ransom was a silver chain reaching to the waist, or a number of cattle, ten being the maximum. Women were always valued above men. Villages were fortified with stockades and at least some clans also employed deep ditches outside the stockade, but this does not seem to have been universal. At the gate a narrow bridge of earth was left. This was broken down on news of the approach of an enemy. X. AMUSEMENTS Toys and Games The Tanala have a number and a variety of toys. Although these are, in theory, used only by children, they seem to retain a certain lure for adults. I often saw grown men and women playing with the less strenuous toys when there were no children present and when they thought they were not observed. On seeing me, they stopped at once and seemed as embarrassed as an American parent caught under similar circumstances. A few of the more complicated toys may be made by men, to please their children. However, most toys are made by the children themselves. In this, the boys from ten to fourteen seem to excel, displaying considerable ingenuity and a feeling for good craftsman- ship. Girls rarely make toys. The use of various toys seems to ' run in cycles. At one time all the children in the village will be stilt walking, or playing with bamboo clappers, while a week later something else will have taken their fancy and not one of last week's toys will be in evidence. I believe the following list of toys to be fairly complete, for during my stay at Ambohimanga I was on excellent terms with the children and enlisted their help to round out my collection. Tanala children are fond of noise-making appliances. The most efficient toy for this purpose is a bamboo clapper, made from a 5-foot section of the largest variety. One end of the bamboo is split back about 2 feet and the halves held apart by a wooden pin placed inside, a few inches back from the outer end. A cord is fastened to the center of this pin, passing out of the bamboo through a hole about halfway down. When the pin is jerked out with the cord, the halves come together with a report like that of a small rifle. This toy seems to be used mainly by the larger boys (Fig. 26, d). The bull-roarer, tavovoka, is used mostly by small boys from seven to twelve years old. It is made from a flat strip of bamboo about z/i inch wide and 5 inches long, bluntly pointed at the ends. One end of this is attached to a slender stick by a cord about 2 feet long. The bull-roarer is swung round the head and makes a whistling, rushing noise of no great volume. It is sometimes used to frighten birds away from the standing crops, but has no ceremonial use or significance (Fig. 26, c). 253 254 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar Teetotums, also called tavovoka, are among the commonest toys, being used by children of both sexes and all ages and even by adults. They are made from flat pieces of wood in the form of two triangles joined at the apex. Small crosspieces are usually attached to the ends of the cords (Fig. 26, b). Hoops are used by small children. They are of three types: a simple hoop made from a piece of vine or a withe bent into a circle and the ends lashed together, a hoop of twisted vine (Fig. 26, g), and a netted hoop. The first two are rolled along with the hand or a small stick. In the netted hoops the interior is filled with a rough network of bark cord to the center of which a short stick is fastened. The hoop is trundled along by this handle. The netted hoop seems to be the favorite of very small children (Fig. 26, e, f). A wooden cross about 1 foot across is thrown into the air and lassoed with a loop of cord as it falls. The sides of the arms are usually notched, making it easier to catch. It is played by one person, who both throws and catches. This game is called kintana (Fig. 27, c). It is a favorite with boys and young men. There is a toy identical with the European diabolo. A double cone of wood is tossed and caught on a string between two sticks. The resemblance to the European game is so close that I suspect it may be an introduction, but the natives, who are usually reliable in such matters, insist that it is old (Fig. 28, a). It seems to be a favorite game with adolescents. One of the most important Tanala toys is the top, tandriana, three types being in use. The simplest consists of a straight stick, 3 to 7 inches long and pointed at one end, which is thrust through a round, flat, wooden whorl, much like a spindle whorl (Fig. 27, f, j). The top of the shaft is grasped between the fingers and thumb and it is set spinning by a quick twist. Tops of this type are often very well made and the whorl may be carved or stained (Fig. 27, h). Tops of the second type have a heavy, conical body of solid wood with a short stick projecting above. They are spun with a cord, which is wrapped around the projection and then drawn off rapidly. The cord passes through a hole in a flat strip of bamboo. The bamboo is pressed against the stem of the top as the cord is drawn off, insuring even tension (Fig. 27, d). Tops of the third type are shaped like those of the second except that they lack the stem (Fig. 27, e). They are spun with whips of plaited bark. Top spinning seems to be limited to boys and young men. Amusements 255 i Fig. 26. Toys, a, Stick for Making Ox Tracks; b, Teetotum; c, Bull-roarer; d, Bamboo Clapper; e, g, Hoops; f, Boy Playing with Netted Hoop. 256 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar The top principle is also employed in a game of skill played by men and older boys, often with wagers. The tops used in this game are made from large, flat seeds about V/2 inches in diameter and Ysto}^ inch thick. A round hole about % inch in diameter is cut in one side of the seed and the kernel removed. A bone point is then attached to the lower side with beeswax (Fig. 27, g). The player spins the seed by inserting the tips of the index fingers of both hands in the opening in its top and giving it a quick twirl. The players stand and flip their tops at another seed of the same variety lying on the ground, or at a small hole or other mark. The player who strikes the mark with the bone point on his seed wins. Stilts, known by a term which means literally "wooden feet," have been used since prehistoric times. They are made from saplings about V/2 inches in diameter and 5 feet long. About 18 inches from the bottom the stub of a small branch is left projecting as a foot rest. The upper ends of the stilts are grasped in the hands. Stilt walking seems to be a solitary sport, practiced mainly by young children. Among minor toys may be mentioned slender forked sticks, used by boys to imitate cattle horns when they play at fighting bulls or bull baiting. A heavier stick, with a cow's hoof carved on the end, is also used to make artificial cattle tracks in games of cattle stealing or pursuing thieves (Fig. 26, a). Pop guns are also to be reckoned among the minor toys, although they are pretty certainly of European origin. They are made from sections of bamboo about V/2 inches in diameter and 2 feet long. A strip of bamboo is bent into U form and inserted in a slit in the top of the tube, to serve as a spring. This is drawn back and held by another strip of bamboo which is pivoted to the tube by a wooden pin (Fig. 28, c). These pop guns are used to shoot small stones or clay pellets. An interesting toy consists of a short section of reed or small bamboo with the end split and spread into a cone. A pith ball is placed in the cone and the player balances it there by throwing back his head and blowing through the tube with exactly the right force (Fig. 27, a). While I was in Ambohimanga the boys frequently brought me small models of traps which they had made. These were offered for sale and I doubt whether such models were used in their own play. They begin to make real traps for small birds and mammals at a very early age. Tanala toys seem to be characterized by an almost Amusements 257 u ^F* •$" g-— «^m^i r • o — 258 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar complete absence of replicas of things used by adults. I never saw any small figures of cattle or chickens, although such playthings are very common among the plateau tribes, or any miniature tools or utensils. The girls did not even have dolls. At least one form of mechanical puzzle is in use (Fig. 27, b). The object of this puzzle is to transfer the seeds from one-half of the stick to the other without untying the string. I saw several examples of this puzzle, all exactly alike, and informants said it was the only one known to them. String figures appear to be entirely lacking. I showed several children how to make some of the simpler ones, but the idea seemed to be quite new to them and they soon lost interest. I doubt whether any of the Malagasy made string figures in ancient times. The Imerina seem to be the only tribe familiar with them at present and they have only a few, very simple figures which they could easily have learned from Europeans. I Boys begin to use the bow and arrow, blow-gun and sling at an early age. The bow remains a toy, used by older boys for hunting small game (Fig. 28, b), but the blow-gun and sling become, for adults, important weapons. Natives of all ages are expert in throwing stones by hand, but they have no ball games and most of them have great difficulty in catching an easily thrown ball. While still very young, boys begin to practice throwing palm ribs and reeds at a mark and the skill thus acquired is very helpful when, as adults, they begin to use the spear. Before the natives were disarmed by the French, men often engaged in spear-throwing contests. Athletic sports are common. The boys of a village will divide into two groups and play at war, one group defending the village and another attacking. Scouts are sent out on both sides and the boys maneuver as in real warfare. This sham fighting is carried on under the direction of old men who prevent real fights and at the same time train the boys in the best way to take cover, advance under fire, etc. Aside from this, there seem to be no sports which require team work. All the Tanala know how to swim, but it is rarely indulged in as a sport. I never saw them swim, as I was in their territory during the cold season, but was told that they used a crawl stroke. Ap- parently they do no fancy swimming or diving. The Tanala Ikongo are fond of wrestling, although it is less important here than among the Bara or Sakalava. The wrestling is of the "catch as catch can" variety and a fall consists in having Amusements 259 1 _J ZJ L., "" T Fig. 28. Toys and Musical Instruments, a, Diabolo Game; b, Toy Bow and Arrow; c. Bamboo Pop Gun; d, Bamboo Whistle; e, Bamboo Rasp; f, Kididedra; g. Chess Board and Men. 260 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar both the loser's shoulders touch the ground simultaneously. The wrestlers display more strength than science and apparently there are no named grips. Strangling or striking an opponent is considered unfair, but there are no other fouls and injuries are not uncommon. The bystanders act as umpire and will separate the contestants if they lose their tempers. However, the Tanala seem to have a fairly strong sense of fair play and the loser usually takes his defeat very good-naturedly. The Tanala Menabe rarely do "catch as catch can" wrestling, pre- ferring two milder forms of the sport. In one of these the contestants stand facing each other, seize each other round the waist, and try to trip each other. In the other, a man stands with his right arm extended and elbow bent, the clenched fist being held in front of his face. His opponent seizes the wrist with both hands and tries to throw him off balance. If he moves his feet, he loses the bout. This sport is also a favorite with the Betsileo. Both these forms of wrestling are indulged in at funerals, but simply as a part of the general jollification. Boxing is almost unknown, although it is a favorite sport of both the east coast and plateau tribes. In this boxing, blows are delivered with a wide swing, not from the shoulder as with Europeans. Al- though the fighting looks clumsy, the blows arrive with great force and I have seen both bones of a man's forearm broken in attempting to ward one off. Fighting with the feet, which the Imerina have brought to a fine art, is quite unknown to the Tanala. Bull baiting should also be mentioned among athletic sports, for it is regularly practiced at funerals and a good bull baiter possesses great prestige. A description of it will be found in the section on Domestic Animals. Watching fighting bulls was a favorite amusement in ancient times, but seems to be rapidly becoming obsolete (see Domestic Animals). As far as I could learn, other animals were rarely pitted against each other. There is no systematic cock fighting here, although it was common among the plateau tribes. There are a few games. Small children play a game with buttons or shells, etc., on a series of irregularly drawn connected rectangles. The pieces represent various members of a family: the husband, wife or wives, and the children. The husband is usually represented by a long, pointed object and the wives by round ones. Each piece represents the same individual throughout the game. The player moves them about the diagram at will, acting out long and com- Amusements 261 plicated plots. The family will be taken through all sorts of adven- tures, with marriages, births, deaths, building of new houses, and all the routine of daily life. This game is a pure exercise of imagina- tion, comparable to our own children's "playing house" except that the player does not participate. Several children may play at it together, but the players are never identified with the characters and there is no element of contest. Games of chance appear to be entirely lacking, but there are two games of skill, played by adults. One of these, katra, is known all over Madagascar, although the rules probably vary somewhat from tribe to tribe. The other, a form of chess, is certainly of Arab origin and seems to be limited to the Tanala Ikongo and a few tribes on the southeast coast. Katra is played mainly by women and older children, chess only by men. Katra is played on a diagram having from twenty-four to forty positions which are arranged in four parallel rows. Many tribes employ regular gaming boards with pits at the positions and a larger pit at one end for spare pieces, but the Tanala content themselves with marking the positions on the ground. The pieces used are every- where large, round gray seeds about the size of marbles. These seeds do not grow in the plateau and the tribes there import them from the east coast. The Tanala normally employ thirty-two pits, arranged in four rows of eight each. The method of play can best be described with the aid of a diagram. In this the letters indicate the position and the numbers show the number of seeds in each position. Before beginning the game two seeds are placed at each pit. 1 I J K L M N 0 P 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 A B C D E F G H 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 a b c d e / 9 h 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 i J ft I m n 0 V 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 Diagram 1 represents the initial set-up. The first player selects a position at random, usually one in the back row, takes out the seeds and drops them one at a time into the other pits along the 262 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar row. He may start out either right or left, but this initial move determines the direction he must follow throughout the game. Let us suppose he begins with the position L and elects to move to his right. He takes the two seeds from L and drops one each in K and J. He then takes the three seeds from J and drops one each in /, A and B. Ending in B, which already contains seeds, he is entitled to take those of his antagonist's hole 6, which lies opposite. After this capture he has five seeds, which he deposits successively in C, D, E, F and G. At G, he captures the seeds in g, giving him five in hand once more. He drops these successively in H, P, 0, N and M. Taking the three from M, he drops them successively in L, K and J. As J has been empty, he is unable to move farther and "sleeps" there while his antagonist makes the next move. At this stage of the game the arrangement will be as follows: 2 I J K L M N 0 p 8 1 4 1 0 3 3 3 A B C D E F G H 3 0 3 3 3 3 0 3 a 6 c d e / g h 2 0 2 2 2 2 0 2 i j k I m n o p 22222222 Let us suppose that the second player begins at / and elects to move to the right also. He drops the two seeds taken from / succes- sively in m and n, and the three from n in o, p and h successively. At h he captures the three in H, giving him six in hand, which he deposits successively in g, f, c, d, c and b. As both b and B are empty, he is compelled to "sleep" and the move passes to the first player. This player can begin at any point again, but must move to the right. If the last seed is deposited in an empty hole and there is only one seed in the antagonist's hole opposite, this cannot be captured, but if there is more than one in the player's last hole, the antagonist's single seed can be taken. The play goes on until one side or the other has gathered all the seeds. When an antagonist's front row has been cleared, the player takes seeds from his back row under the same rules as if it were his front row. A single game may last for hours and the natives show consider- able skill in figuring out the results of a movement many places ahead and selecting their starting point accordingly. The game is Amusements 263 Farasy Tt>p View A Vorona Zaza Zaza Vorona Farasy Zaza Zaza Farwy Basy Zaza (0 X (S) Zaza Basy Hova Zaza "^ W «) Zaza Hova Anankova Zaza (3) (it) Zaza Anankova Baay Zaza («•) \(D Zaza Baay Farasy Zaza (9) (to) Zaza Farasy Vorona Zaza Zaza Vorona B Fig. 29. Chess Board and Men (from "Le samantsy," Ardant du Picq, Bulletin de l'Academie Malgache, vol. X, p. 267). 264 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar sometimes shortened by agreeing that the player shall capture the seeds in the antagonist's front and back rows simultaneously. Thus if a play came out with the capture of the seeds at D, those at L would be taken simultaneously. The Imerina call this katra boaoaka, but the Tanala seem to have no name for this variation. Native chess, called samantsy (Figs. 28, g; 29) is not played by the Tanala Menabe. For the following description of the game, as played by the Ikongo, I am indebted to an article published by Captain Ardant du Picq, in the Bulletin de l'Academie Malgache, vol. X, pp. 267-268. Fig. 29 is copied from his article. Captain du Picq says: "The game is played on a board divided into 64 squares. Each side has 16 pieces, as follows — 8 Zaza, 2 Vorona, 2 Farasy, 2 Basy, 1 Anankova and 1 Hova. The shapes of the pieces are shown in the accompanying illustration [Fig. 29], also their arrangement on the board. Those of one side are of white wood, those of the other black. The general rules of play are that the game is won when the opposing Hova is blockaded; that one piece, when it takes another, takes its place; and that no piece except the Farasy can move over another piece. The moves of the various pieces are as follows: "1. The Zaza moves from A to B, straight before it for any clear distance and captures neighboring pieces on the diagonals, as (1) and (2). When it arrives at B it acquires all the properties of the Anankova for moves and captures. "2. The Vorona moves rectangularly for any clear distance and cap- tures in the same way. "3. A Farasy placed, for example, at (3) can move to (4), (5), (6), (7), (8), (9), (10) or (11). It captures in the same way. It is the only piece which can pass over other pieces. "4. The Basy moves diagonally passing over one square and captures in the same way. "5. The Anankova moves diagonally square by square and captures in the same way. "6. The Hova moves rectangularly or diagonally square by square and takes in the same way. It cannot be taken by any other piece and Hovas cannot take each other." Musical Instruments Tanala musical instruments include stringed instruments, wind instruments, drums and rattles, all of a fairly primitive sort. The Amusements 265 simplest stringed instruments are the musical bow and a peculiar instrument called pitikilange, for which there is no English name. The pitikilange (Fig. 30, d) appears to be limited to the Tanala and the adjoining tribes on the east coast. It is really a toy rather than a true musical instrument, for it is rarely played by adults. A flexible pole % to % inch in diameter and 4 to 6 feet long is planted in the ground so that it slopes at a slight angle. Below its tip a pit is dug, 8 or 9 inches across and 4 to 5 inches deep. A cord of twisted raffia is attached to the tip of the pole and passed through the center of a small square piece of dry bark. It is fastened on the under side of the bark by a wooden crosspiece about 1 inch long. The pole is then bent over and the bark pegged down over the pit. The player plucks the taut string with the right hand and can alter the pitch somewhat by sliding his left up and down it. The pit and bark act as a resonator. The musical bow, jejolava, is used by all the Madagascar tribes and is everywhere of very much the same form. The bow is round in section, about 1 inch in diameter at the center and tapering slightly toward the ends. It is from 4^ to 6 feet long. There is a single slender string made from twisted raffia. A movable resonator, made from the stem end of a gourd about 6 inches in diameter, is attached to the bow by a loop of cord which passes over the string and slightly compresses it. The end of the gourd lies directly against the wood of the bow (Fig. 30, a). This resonator is usually placed about 18 inches from the lower end of the bow, but the player will change its position until he gets the desired tone. In playing, the instrument is held vertically, with the resonator pressed hard against the player's chest and about half the bow rising above his head. The string is tapped with a slender stick about 18 inches long, usually made from the midrib of a palm leaflet. This is held in the right hand. The bow is pressed against the body with the left forearm and the fingers of the left hand used to fret the string. In the hand which wields the tapping stick the player also holds a peculiar rattle, made from a sewn pandanus leaf containing a few seeds or small pebbles (Fig. 30, j). The rattle is triangular in section and about 8 inches long. It is grasped with the last two fingers and projects below the hand. The marovany is the most complicated of the Tanala stringed instruments. It might be called the national instrument of Madagas- car, for it is the favorite with all tribes. The Betsileo and Imerina call it valiha. There are two forms, one made from bamboo, the other 266 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar from the midrib of a raffia palm frond. The bamboo instrument appears to be the oldest and the Tanala use it to the practical exclusion of the raffia one. The bamboo marovany is made from a section of large bamboo, about 3 inches in diameter, which is cut off 2 to 3 inches beyond the septum at both ends (Fig. 30, g). The strings are made by cutting two parallel grooves a sixteenth of an inch apart ending an inch within the septa. The strip of fiber between the grooves is then detached from the body of the bamboo, but left attached at the ends. Above and below the strings, the joint is wrapped with several turns of split vine, to keep the ends of the strings from tearing out. The number of strings varies from eight to sixteen, evenly spaced around the entire circumference of the instrument. It is tuned by inserting a bridge, cut from dry gourd shell, under each end of each string. The varying height and position of these bridges give different tones. I was unable to understand the Tanala method of tuning. Appar- ently each player arranged his instrument to suit himself. The Imerina and Betsileo now tune their instruments on the European scale, covering two octaves. The player sits and holds the instrument on his knees vertically, with the upper end directed slightly outward, and picks the strings with his fingers. Among the Imerina, young dandies often permit the nails on the little fingers of both hands to grow very long, as much as an inch and a half, and use them as picks to reach the strings on the farther side of the instrument. Such nails also indicate that their owner does not perform manual labor, so they are highly valued. The player often sings and accompanies himself. The instrument has a pleasing tone and could easily be adapted to European music. The raffia stem marovany is identical in principle with the bamboo one just described (Fig. 30, h). The section of midrib is first split longitudinally and hollowed out for about three-quarters of its length. The two halves are then lashed together by vine wrappings at the ends. The tone is rather inferior to that of the bamboo marovany. The lokanga, a curious three-stringed guitar with a large resonator made from an inverted half gourd, and the true guitar, both seem to be unknown to the Tanala. The former is identical with an instrument used in the Congo, in Africa, and is almost certainly an importation from that continent. It is a favorite instrument with wandering musicians, who are fairly numerous in the plateau and among the tribes of the west and south. The guitar, from its form, is probably of Indian origin. Amusements 267 * Fig. 30. Musical Instruments, a, Musical Bow; b, c, Flutes; d, Pitikilange; e, Shell Trumpet; f, Bamboo Trumpet; g, Bamboo Marovany; h, Raffia Stem Marovany; j, Rattle Used with Musical Bow; k, Reed Rattle. 268 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar The principal wind instrument of the Tanala is a flute, the sodina (Fig. 30, b, c). This is made from a section of bamboo about 2 feet long and % inch in diameter, open at both ends. There are six evenly spaced holes. The finer specimens are often bound at inter- vals with rings of bark stripped from a sapling of the same diameter and drawn on while wet. Flutes may also have flaring, trumpet-like mouths made by attaching a section of hollowed-out horn or the stem end of a small gourd. These additions do not contribute to the effectiveness of the instrument and seem to be primarily decorative. Bamboo whistles (Fig. 28, d) are now used as toys, but may well be of European origin. Trumpets, antsiva, are important ceremonially. They are blown at funerals and sacrifices, and are used to give the alarm in case of attack and to summon the people to council. They are of two types: shell trumpets, which are universal in Madagascar, and bamboo trumpets, which seem to be peculiar to the Tanala. The shell trumpets are imported from the east coast and are highly valued. They are usually made from Triton shells and are often quite small, as little as 4 inches in length (Fig. 30, e). They are blown through a hole cut in the side a short distance below the apex. There is no mouthpiece. The bamboo trumpets are simple tubes about 1 inch in diameter and 6 to 8 inches long (Fig. 30, f). They are blown with a vibrating lip, like a bugle. An unskilled person cannot make a sound with them, but a trained one can blow a piercing blast audible for over a mile. Drums are the main instruments used for dances. They are of two types, the amponga and the hazo lahy (lit. "male wood"). The amponga is beaten for social dances or simply for amusement. It is double headed, 18 inches to 2 feet in diameter and usually about 18 inches high. The body is a straight wooden cylinder, cut from a log. The heads are made from thin calfskin put on wet. They are held in place by double rings of heavy withes and elaborate lashings of rawhide (Fig. 31, b). In this type the heads cannot be tightened except by removing the whole arrangement of rings, etc., and replacing it, and this is rarely done. The amponga is beaten on one end only, the player using his hand or a short stick with a small ball of cloth on the end. It usually rests on the ground, although players some- times carry it slung over one shoulder and hanging in front. It is played by both men and women. The hazo lahy are played only by men, who are usually at least semi-professionals. They are always played in pairs, the two drums Amusements 269 Fig. 31. Drums, a, Hazo Laky Drum; b, Ordinary (Amponga) Drum. 270 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar being of different size. The body of the drum is long and biconical. The maximum diameter comes at a point about one-third the length of the drum from its larger end. The total length is about 18 inches, with a maximum diameter of about 9 inches for the larger and 7 inches for the smaller drum of the pair (Fig. 31, a). The heads are made of very thin skin, put on with double rings of withes, as in the amponga. On the outer side of the smaller head of each drum there is a third ring, made from a roll of cloth. This is rather loosely fastened, with small cord, to the lashings below. The longitudinal lashings, which unite the two heads, are of bark or raffia rope, never of hide. They are tightened by means of notched stretchers, which can be slid up and down the sloping body of the drum to get the correct tension. The drum is suspended from the shoulders of the player, hanging horizontal at about the level of his waist with the large end to the right. The large end is beaten with a small stick while the small end is simultaneously struck with the palm or knuckles. Four main tones, with numerous variations, can be produced by the two drums played in unison. Some of the drum rhythms are quite complicated. The hazo lahy are not used for ordinary social dances, although they do not seem to be definitely taboo. They are played at funerals and sacrifices, at the erection of memorial stones, at the dances preceding the setting out of a war party and on other serious occasions. The Tanala have nothing resembling the drum signaling found in various other parts of the world. The only place in Madagascar where this occurs is among certain Mahafaly gentes in the extreme southwest of the island and even there the code appears to be rudimentary. Rattles are of two types, that used with the musical bow, already described, and dance rattles, called kaiamba. The latter are made from joints of bamboo or large reeds about 1 foot long and 1 to 1 3^ inches in diameter. In the bamboo rattles, a hole is burned through the septum at one end, seeds or small stones inserted and the hole plugged. In the reed rattles, one side of the tube is split while still green and the seeds or pebbles forced in. The slit closes as the reed dries. These rattles are carried in dances by the women, who shake them in time to their movements, and are also used as toys by children (Fig. 30, k). A crude musical instrument is made by cutting notches along one side of a joint of bamboo. A sliver of wood or bamboo is rubbed Amusements 271 rapidly back and forth across these. This musical rasp is used only by children and might be classed as a toy (Fig. 28, e). Another children's instrument called kididedra consists of a joint of bamboo with the outer end cut into a number of strips about 8 to 10 inches long and l/i to Yi inch wide. The bamboo is cut away between these strips, forming slots of equal width. The player holds the uncut part of the bamboo in his armpit and beats the strips with two small sticks (Fig. 28, f). XL ART The art of the Malagasy, although nowhere very rich or varied, is pure art, in the sense that it is inspired entirely by aesthetic con- siderations. Aside from a few naturalistic carvings used as memorials to the dead, for magical purposes, or as decorations on containers for charms, their art products seem to have no religious or magical connotations. Even the Sihanaka, who have developed and named a variety of elaborate mat designs, claim that the purpose of such designs is purely decorative. In most tribes the designs are not named and no significance is attached to them. Some tribes even go a step farther in aesthetic expression and make art objects which serve no utilitarian purpose. Thus the Sakalava manufacture small baskets of fantastic shapes, mats and fans embroidered with raffia, etc., which are never used, but which hang on the walls of the dwellings much like pictures in our own houses. The tribes of the far south take delight in elaborately deco- rated baskets and keep many empty ones standing on their shelves. The Sihanaka weave amusing figures of men and animals from papyrus and carve small paddles which the men carry as a part of full dress, like swagger sticks. The Bara even carve small images of men and animals which are pure bric-a-brac and take delight in deliberate caricatures, especially of unpopular white officials. I In contrast with these art loving tribes, the Tanala, with the single exception of the Zafimaniry gens, seem to have very little i aesthetic sense. The little that they have expresses itself in good craftsmanship rather than decoration. Their houses, although well built and neatly kept, are severely plain. Their tools and utensils are simple in form and devoid of ornament. Cloth, where woven, is decorated with plain stripes and even their mats and baskets are, for the most part, undecorated. Only wood carving shows any development, and that only among the Zafimaniry. Until about twenty years ago the only Tanala who did any I wood carving were the Zafimaniry gens of the Menabe. Individuals in other gentes sometimes scratched zigzag lines on the handles of ladles and cut the handles of their spoons into ornamental outlines (Fig. 7, a, b) but such decoration was exceptional. In recent years there has been an increase in wood carving. At present there are a few semi-professional carvers among the Ikongo. These men have learned the art from the Bara. Their work consists, for the most 272 Art 273 Fig. 32. Carved Boxes, a, Cross Hatched Box; b, Small Carved Box; c, Smoke Hole Shutter; d, Plain Wooden Box; e, Carved Oblong Box; f, Large Oval Box, Old. 274 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar part, of small figurines of men and animals which are made for sale to Europeans, and is indistinguishable from that of the Bara. Among the Menabe, other than the Zafimaniry, there are no professional carvers. However, men who make large ladles for sale now decorate the handles of these with simple designs. The handle is first blackened for a few inches above the bowl. This may be done either by searing the wood with a red-hot iron and then rubbing the charred surface with a rag dipped in grease, or simply by rubbing with a mixture of grease and soot. The designs are then cut through this black layer, exposing the lighter wood beneath. They are large and very simple. They consist of bands, spots, etc., symmet- rically arranged (Fig. 7, d). The carving is so shallow that when the black color has disappeared through use it is often difficult to tell whether the ladle has been decorated or not. I could not trace the origin of this type of decoration, but it is said to be a recent develop- ment. It may have been borrowed from either the Bara or the tribes of the southeast coast, both of whom use a similar technique. The ladle makers say that it increases the salability of their wares. The Zafimaniry are excellent wood carvers and, in former times, decorated their houses, beds, and some of their wooden utensils with beautiful and rather complicated designs. At the present time wooden houses and the large enclosed beds (see Dwellings) are obsolete, but the carving of utensils is still common. Zafimaniry carvings are in demand with Europeans and civilized natives and they have recently begun to produce objects of new types, especially folding tables and purely ornamental boxes. The latter are rectangular, a shape unknown in ancient times (Figs. 32, e; 33, c; 34, a), or graceful modifications of the comb-topped type formerly used for tinder boxes (Fig. 33, a, b). At the time of my visit there was even a small factory at Ambositra, where several Zafimaniry carvers worked under the direction of the Imerina owner. The products of this factory were marketed in the capital. Although the carvings made for sale are technically inferior to the old work and rarely show the more complicated designs, there has been little European influence on the art itself. In over a hundred specimens which I examined I could not detect a single European motif. (The Zafimaniry say that their art of carving was already fully developed when they entered the Tanala territory from the plateau. However, they have certain stories in regard to its development which probably contain much truth. They say that, in the earliest times, they did not carve designs but decorated their wooden objects Art 275 sr><>^ fit £ S> <> A J8-/ ^3p ■ <» <> <3^ ~„ ^? w,?^£ 246; quiver, 247 Bodkins, 87 Body painting, 122, 238 Bone, decorations on, 87; use of, 86 Bow, 22, 247 Bowls, 72; for honey, 59 Boxes, 274 Boxing, 260 Boys, activities of, 296 Bracelets, 121, 122, 219 Brass, 80 Brassieres, 120 Breakfast, 74 Bride price, 142 Broom, 110 Bulls, baiting of, 50, 260; castration of, 48; fighting, 50, 260 Calendar, 211, 215; count, 217 Canoes, 124; manufacture of, 125 Caps, 87; of fur, 118; of matting, 118- 120 Castor oil, 47, 115 Cats, 47 Cattle, 48-51; attitude toward, 50 breeding, 48; cooking whole, 67 herding, 48; ownership marks on, 48 pens, 48; sacrifice of, 191; stealing, 50 Chains, 122 Charms, 217-223; attitude toward, 218; bead, 219; blow-gun, 222; bracelet, 219; crocodile, 224; discarding of, 222; against enemies, 227; family, 223; fertility, 219; formulae for, 220; against gun shot wounds, 220; in- gredients of, 218, 219; for killing, 220; lineage, 223; loss of power of, 222; love, 219; manufacture of, 218; pur- chase of, 202; purpose of, 218; sale of, 222; against scorpions, 221; taboos associated with, 221; treatment of, 222; trial of, 221; village, 223 Chastity, 297 Chess, 264 Chickens, 51; nests for, 51; sacrifice of, 52 Chiefs, 23; duties of, 147; gens, 148, 149; as magistrates, 154; village, 147, 150; relics of, 179 Children, conduct toward parents, 295; in divorce, 142 Chilies, 70 Chisels, 82, 83; carvers', 276 Cigarettes, 76 Circumcisers, professional, 287 Circumcision, 287-291; ceremony, 287; songs, 289, 290; water for, 290 330 Index 331 Circumstantial evidence, 155 Civil cases, trial of, 154 Clapper, 253 Climate, 17 Cloth, 96; decoration of, 100 Clothing, 115-122; of mats, 115 Coffins, 170, 175 Combs, hair, 122; raffia, 96 Commoners, 143 Compasses, 276 Contempt of court, 155 Cooking, 66-68 Copper, 80 Cosmology, 159 Council, 154; as court, 157; gens, 148; village, 148 Counsel, legal, 154 Counselors, royal, 150 Court procedure, 157 Courtship, 300 Crayfish, 59 Criminal cases, trial of, 154, 155 Crops, protection of, 43 Crystal, quartz, 21, 204 Cupping, 225 Days, lucky and unlucky, 210 Dead, abode of, 160 Death, 170, 313; violent, 314 Death rate, 311 Deities, 161-162 Depilation, 122 Designs, 278; significance of, 280 Destiny, 161, 285 Diabolo, 254 Dibble, 42 Dish rests, 74, 92 Disownment, 293 Disrespect for parents, 295 Divination, 203-209; for illness, 206; sand, 203; by seeds, 204; by stars, 217; by water, 203 Divorce, 305-306; causes of, 306; chil- dren in, 306 Dogs, 47 Dokotra, 52 Dreams, 166, 234 Dresses, 120 Drills, 83; forked, 87; pump, 62 Drums, 268; signaling, 270 Dualism, 161 Ducks, 47 Dust pans, 110 Dwellings, 107 Dyes, 98, 102-103 Earth oven, 66 Eating customs, 74 Ectoplasm, 200 Education, 296 Eel cages, 58; hooks, 56; traps, 58 Eldest son, powers of, 134 Enforcement of court awards, 155 Factions, political, 148 Fady, 22, 229-233; breaking of, 223; gens, 230; imposition of, 233; in- heritance of, 232; in marriage, 232; in pregnancy, 282; tribal, 229; village, 232 Fallow land, 39 Family, 132; housing of, 132; location of, 133 Fate, see Destiny Father, authority of, 132, 133, 294 Fertility rites, 40 Fever, 21 Fights between adults, 154 Fines, 158 Fire, drill, 62; making, 62-63; saw, 62 Fish, cooking of, 68; hooks, 58; nets, 58; poisoning, 58; scoops, 58, 95; smoking, 59; spears, 56; traps, 94, 95 Flint and steel, 63 Flute, 268 Food, serving of, 74 Forest, 20, 21; products, 126 Forging iron, 82 Forks, 87 Fortifications, 135, 252 Fossa, 20 Fractures, 225 Funerals, 170-173; games at, 172; royal, 171 Furniture, 108 Geese, 47 Gens, 24, 136; size of, 36 Ghosts, 166 Gifts, 130, 134, 313 Ginger grater, 72 Girls, activities of, 296 Goats, 51 Gold, 21, 79 Gouges, 84 Gourds, 70; for grease, 94 Granaries, 38-39 Greens, 39, 67 Ground nuts, 38 Guinea fowl, 47; traps for, 54 Guitar, 266 Guns, 241 Hafotra, 96; cloth, 105-106; dyeing, 102; preparation of, 102; rope, 106 Hair dressing, 122 Hammers, 82 Harvest, 43; ceremonies, 38 Hawks, traps for, 54 Hazomanga, 187, 204 Healing, 224 Hematite, 80 Hemp smoking, 78 Herb doctors, 225 Hides, 49, 87 Homosexuals, 298 332 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar Honey, 60; boxes, 60; presses, 60 Hoops, 254 Horn, use of, 86; working, 86 Horns, drinking, 72 Houses, 107-115; building, 110; mud, 107; orientation of, 107, 110; at tavy, 40; thatched, 108; wooden, 110 Hunting, 52 Hysteria, 235 Ikongo, Mount, 25 Illegitimacy, 292, 293 Illness, treatment of, 224 Images, 223, 272, 274 Imerina, 18; conception beliefs, 282; ombiasy, 189; sorcerers, 228; tombs, 175 Incest, 154, 293, 297 Individuals, cult of dead, 198 Industries, observances connected with, 79 Infanticide, 285 Infants, 287; care of, 287; clothing of, 287; feeding of, 287; mortality of, 287 Inheritance, 130 Insanity, 166, 167, 234 Invocations, 192-194, 196; for divina- tion, 204 Iron, 79; decorative work in, 82; ore, 21,80 Justice, administration of, 154-155 Kabary, 153, 248 Katra game, 261 Kingdoms, 147; formation of, 150 Kings, 149-153; coronation of, 151-152; deposition of, 152; election of, 151; enemy, 249; functions of, 149, 153 Kitala weapon, 241 Knife sheaths, 87 Labor, division of, 78 Ladles, 70 Lamba, 121; of hafotra, 105 Lamps, 115 Land, ownership, 128, 129; sale of, 129 Law, civil and criminal, 154 Law code, origin of, 157 Laws, new, 154 Leaf, dishes, 70; spoons, 70 Lemurs, 20; castration of, 53; pet, 52; traps for, 53 Levirate, 141 Life, 165 Lineage, 24; composition of, 133; property of, 134 Loads, carrying of, 124 Loans, 128, 134 Locks, 112 Loin cloth, 116, 118 Looms, hafotra, 104; raffia, 98 Lost bodies, 180 Maintenance of order, 153 Maize, 39 Malnutrition, 79 Man, composition of, 165 Mana, 218 Manambondro, 26 Manandriana, 36 Manioc, 39 Markets, 125 Marohala, 32, 34 Marovany musical instrument, 265, 266 Marriage, 299-303; arranged, 300; cere- monies, 302, 303; of cross cousins, 141; inter-class, 143, 144; lifting ban on, 141, 301; prohibited degrees of, 140, 141; regulation of, 140, 141; of sisters, 304 Mats, 87-89; decoration of, 89; hard, 88; manufacture of, 87-89; presented to parents-in-law, 87; soft, 89; techniques of making, 88 Mayhem, 154 Meat, cooking of, 68; hooks, 68 Mediums, spirit, 199, 200 Memorial stones, 180-183, 197, 199 Menhirs, 182-184; transportation of, 182, 184 Menstruation, 296 Metals, former knowledge of, 79 Midwives, 283, 284 Milk, 49 Money, 125, 127 Moon, 160-161, 163, 211 Mosquito nets, 108 Mother, authority of, 294; treatment of during childbirth, 283, 284 Mountains, 17; sacred, 189 Mourning, 171, 181; putting off, 181 Murder, 154, 155 Musical bow, 265 Names, ceremony of giving, 286; choice of, 286 Ndevo, 137-138 Nobles, 138, 139, 143, 150 Notables, 147-148 Oath of allegiance, 251 Olotafina, 187 Ombiasy, 199-225; character of, 201, 202; foreign, 203; instruction of, 201, 202; manangatra, 199; mpsikidy, 201; ndolo, 201; nkazo, 201; relation to priests of, 188; sacrifices made by, 188, 190, 197; types of, 199; war activities of, 250, 251 Omens, 233 Index 333 Ordeals, 156-158; attitude toward, 157; chicken used in, 158; community, 158; crocodile used in, 157; hot iron used in, 156; hot water used in, 156 Ornaments, 121 Orphans, 292 Oxen, draught, 50; for packing, 50; for riding, 50 Paddles, 125 Pigs, hunting, 52, 53; traps for, 53; wild, 20 Pillows, 180 Pitfalls, 53 Pitikilange, musical instrument, 265 Planes, 83; fluted, 276 Planting, 42 Plateau, 17 Plow, 49 Poisons, 227 Polyandry, 304 Polygyny, 132, 304; women's attitude toward, 305 Pop guns, 256 Potash, 68 Pot rests, 67 Pots, iron, 67 Pottery, 66 Pouches, basketry, 92; hide, 87 Poverty, 127 Prayer, 185 Prisoners, ransom of, 252 Priests, 185; inheritance of office of, 186; insignia of, 187; taboos for, 188 Prohibited degrees of relationship, 140, 141, 301 Property, 40, 127; of husband and wife, 130; land, 128; personal, 129 Proverbs, use of, 315 Puberty, 296 Puzzles, 258 Raids, 40 Raffia, 21, 96, 127; combs, 96; dyeing, 98; rope, 106; thread, 96; weaving, 98 Rank, inheritance of, 144 Ransom of wife, 144 Rasps, 270 Rattles, 270 Rat traps, 54 Relationship terms, 144 Remarriage, of divorced, 306; of widows and widowers, 306 Resin, 127 Rice, 37-39, 42-46; baskets, 70, 72; cooking, 67; cultivation, 37 ; granaries, 43, 44; harvest, 38; irrigated, 46; mats, 70; measures, 67; mortars, 45; pestles, 45; planting, 38; preparation of, 45; straw, 43; terraces, 46; thresh- ing, 44; toasted, 66; varieties of, 37; weeding, 38; winnowing, 44 Rings, ear, 121; finger, 122; neck, 121 Rivers, sacred, 284 Romantic love, 300 Roots, wild, 60 Rubber, 21, 126 Rum, 75 Sacks, 92 Sacrifice, 185-197; to ancestors, 185; arrangement of, 192; causes of, 189, 197; posts, 289; to individual spirits, 197, 198. Place: in dwelling, 196; in priests' house, 196; procedure, 190, 192-196; at memorial stones, 184; prohibited times for, 184; at tomb, 178; at zintana, 168. Purpose: for healing, 189-197; for incest, 298; for war, 250. Time: at coronation, 152; at harvest, 43; propitious for, 211; variations in, 188, 190 Sacrificial parts of ox, 191 Sahavana, 26, 34 Sails, 125 Sakalava, spirit possession, 234 Salt, 68 Sandals, 87 Sarodry, 29, 34 Saw, 83 Scarification, 124 Seances, 199; attitude toward, 200 Sedan chairs, 124 Sedge, 89 Seed, 41 Sexual abstinence, during wife's preg- nancy, 281; after birth, 284 Sexual license, 291 Shadow, 166 Shaving, 122 Sheep, 47 Shields, 242 Shelves, hanging, 114 Sikidy, divination, 203; learning, 202 Silver, 79 Silversmiths, 83 Slave raids, 251 Slaves, 23, 137, 143; adoption of, 293; freeing, 138; marriage with, 144; old, 312 Sleight of hand, 225 Slings, 242 Smelting, 80 Smiths, 78 Smocks, 116, 121 Snakes, 169 Snuff, 78; boxes, 78 Social classes, 137 Somnambulism, 229 Sorcerers, 228; society of, 228 Sorcery, 226; charges of, 156; protection against, 227; punishment of, 157; trials for, 155 Sororate, 142 334 The Tanala, a Hill Tribe of Madagascar Soul, 165-170; absent, 166; fate of, 167-168; as helper, 198 Souls' villages, 167 Southeast coast tribes, tombs of, 176 Spade, 42 Spear, 22, 241 Spells, 217 Spirit possession, 234-240; cure of, 237; increasing frequency of, 236; healing of, 237; practitioners of, 237; proph- ecies during, 240; seizures, 236 Spirits, ancestral, 169; in animal form, 164; forest, 164; of human origin, 169; under world, 165; water, 165 Spoons, 72; baskets for, 74; hangers for, 74 Stars, 160-161; divination by, 217 Sterility, 282 Stilts, 256 Stone cutters, 79 Stone cutting, 183 Stone implements, 22 Stone tables, 183 Stools, basketry, 92; wooden, 114 Strainers, 92 String figures, 258 Sugar cane, 46 Suicide, 313 Sun, 160-161, 163 Sweet potatoes, 46 Swimming, 258 Swords, 241 Tables, 274 Taboo, see Fady Tanala, composition of, 24; Menabe, 35; solidarity of, 25 Tanalandravy, 33, 34 Tattooing, 122, 124 Tavy, 37; burning of, 38; division of, 37 Teetotum, 254 Teloarivo Atsimo, 35 Teloarivo Varitra, 35 Termites, 47 Thieves, treatment of, 155 Timbers, dressing of, 84 Tinder boxes, 63-64 Toasting forks, 68 Tobacco, curing of, 77; pipes, 77-78; plant, 77 Tombs, 175-177; arrangement of bodies in, 178; caretakers of, 174; guardians of, 176, 179; procession to, 170, 174; repair of, 176; robbery of, 228; trans- fer of, 178 Tongs, 82 Tops, 254 Torches, 115 Totemism, 232 Town house, 151 Toys, 253 Trade, 125 Traps, 53-56; models of, 256 Traveler's Palm, 20, 108 Trays, winnowing, 44 Tree-felling ceremonies, 84 Tribe, 24 Trumpets, bamboo, 268; shell, 268 Tsiempodrano spirits, 29, 34 Turkeys, 47 Twined weaving, 105 Twins, 285 Umbilical cord, 160, 283, 284 Vassalage, 251, 310 Village, charm, 135, 223; government, 147; house, 135, 170, 289; moving of, 40, 135, 136; sacred place of, 135, 183; square, 135; tomb, 135; wards, 135 Villages, 128, 134; new, 136 Vohijaha, 29, 34 Vohimana-Sahafina, 31, 34 Vohitrosy, 30, 34 Vows, 190, 197 War, 247-252; announcement of, 248, 250; ceremonies of, 250; discipline during, 249; expeditions, 248; play- ing at, 258; prisoners of, 249; sacri- fices during, 250 Warp dyeing, 98 Weaving, 96-105 Weeding, 43 Wheel, 49 Whetstones, 84 Whistles, 268 Wild cat, 52 Wills, 130 Witchcraft, see Sorcery Witnesses, 155 Wives, rights of, 132 Wood, blackening of, 274; carving, 84, 272, 274; utensils, 72, 274 Worlds, sky, 159; stratified, 159; under, 159 Wrestling, 258, 260 Zafiakotry, 36 Zafimaniry, 36 Zafindiamanana, 36 Zafindrafino, 32, 34 Zafintsira, 31, 34 Zafirambo, 33 Zanahary, 161, 162; attributes of, 163; intervention by, 163; relation to destiny of, 164 Zanakanony, 22 Zazanava, 33, 34 Zina, 169 Ziny, 168 Zintana, 168, 170 THE LIBRARY OF THE APR 6 1933 Mivt^n of ii 3 0112 084204608