THE
-^ OK 777
LIFE OF MAHOMET.
WITH INTRODUCTORY CHAPTERS ON THE ORIGINAL SOURCES
FOR THE BIOGRAPHY OF MAHOMET, AND ON THE
PRE-ISLAMITE HISTORY OF ARABIA.
WILLIAM MUIR, ESQ.,
Bengal Civil Service.
X'V.
LONDON:
SMITH, ELDER AND CO., 65, CORNHILL. 1861.
[The Right of Translation is reserved'].
CONTENTS.
VOL. IV.
CHAPTER EIGHTEENTH.
Sixth Year of the Hegira. A.D. 627, 628. ^Etat. 59.
Page
Numerous minor Expeditions undertaken in the sixth year of the Hegira . 1
Expedition by Mahomet against the Bani Lahyan. 1st Eabi, A.H. VI.
June — July, A.D. 627 . . - . . 2
Pursuit of Uyeina, who had fallen upon the camels of Mahomet near Medina.
1st Rabi, A.H. VI. July, A.D. 627 3
Affair at Dzul Cassa : party of Moslems cut up. 2nd Rabi, A.H. VI.
August, A.D. 627 5
A Meccan caravan plundered at Al Is. 1st Jumad A.H. VI. September,
A.D. 627 . . . . 6
Abul Aas and Zeinab, Mahomet's daughter ib.
Abul Aas taken prisoner at Badr, is freed on condition of sending Zeinab to
Medina 7
Conversion of Abul Aas. A.H. VI 8
Mahomet commands that the two Coreish who pursued his daughter be put
to death if caught 9
The Bani Judzam chastised for robbing Dihya, who had been sent by
Mahomet on an embassy to Syria. 2nd Jumad A.H. VI. Oct. A.D. 627 10 Second Expedition to Duma. Shaban A.H. VI. Nov. 627 . . . 11 The Bani Fezara chastised for waylaying a Medina caravan. Ramadhan
A.H. VI. December, A.D. 627 12
Barbarous execution of Omm Kirfa 13
Assassination of Abul Huckeick (Abu Rafi), a Jewish chief. Ramadhan
A.H. V. Dec. A.D. 627 14
Oseir ibn Zarim, and a party of Jews slain by treachery. Shawwal A.H. VI.
Jan. A.D. 628 16
Certain Urnee robbers executed barbarously for plunder and murder . . 18 Mutilation recognized as a legal punishment . ... . . . . 19
Attempt under the orders of Mahomet to assassinate Abu Sofian . . 20
CHAPTER NINETEENTH.
Pilgrimage to Al Hodeilia. Dzul Cdda A.H. VI. March, A.D. 628.
Mahomet and his followers anxious to perform the pilgrimage to Mecca . 22 Political considerations which added force to the desire . . . . ib.
a 2
iv CONTENTS.
Page
Inducements for making the Lesser Pilgrimage in the month of Dzul Cada . 23 The surrounding tribes invited to join the pilgrimage, but most of them
decline 24
Mahomet and his followers set out from Medina . . . . 25
Alarm of the Coreish, who arm, and oppose the advance of Mahomet . 26
Mahomet leaves the direct road and encamps at Al Hodcibia . . . ib.
Negotiations between the Corefeh and Mahomet 28
Deputation of Othman to the Coreish 31
The Pledge of the Tree in consequence of the report of the murder of Othman,
who had been sent as ambassador to Mecca .... .32
Treaty between Mahomet and the Coreish 33
The deputies of the Coreish depart . . . . . . . . 35
Mahomet and his followers sacrifice their victims ib.
Although the people were disappointed, the treaty gave to Mahomet great
poh'tical advantages ib.
In the Coran it is styled a victory ........ 36
Nature and effects of the victory H.
The Bedouins denounced for not joining the pilgrimage .... 38
Notices of this expedition in the XLVIII. Sura 39
The BaniKhozaa join alliance with Mahomet; the Bani Bakr with the Coreish 41
The son of Soheil given up by Mahomet . . • . . . . . $.
Abu Basir gathers a band of marauders and harasses the Coreish . . 42
Mahomet's support of him in contravention of the spirit of the treaty . 44
Rule as to women who fled from Mecca to Medina . . . . . if,.
Mahomet's dream of universal submission to Islam 46
Seal engraved, and despatches prepared for foreign princes . . . . 43
CHAPTER TWENTIETH. Embassies to various Sovereigns and Princes. A.H. VII. A.D. 627.
Glance at the state of the Roman and Persian empires . 49
Struggles between the Roman empire and Persia . . ib
Despatch of Mahomet to Heraclius ..... 50
Despatch of Mahomet to the Ghassanide Prince ..... 52
Despatch to the King of Persia
Conversion of Badzan, governor of Yemen 54
Despatch of Mahomet to the governor of Egypt .... 55
Despatch to the King of Abyssinia 57
Omm Habiba betrothed to Mahomet :— arrival of the Abyssinian refugees . 59
Mahomet's despatch to the Chief of Yemama . . ^
CHAPTER TWENTY-FIRST.
The Conquest of Kheibar. August— September, 628. JEtat. 60.
Mahomet resolves on attacking the Jews at Kheibar .... 61
The army marches:— Kheibar surprised ... 62 The fortresses one by one fall before Mahomet A general action before the fort of Camuss . •
CONTENTS. v
Page
The Jews beaten back with loss 66
Kinana, the chief, tortured and put to death . . ". • ,.- .- . . 67 The marriage of Mahomet with Safia, Kinana's bride, consummated at
Kheibar ...-•..:•-.: .-";"• . '. .' ''.'•.-'. 69
Safia's dream . . . . . . - . . . . . 70
Mahomet partakes of a poisoned kid ... . ' .'" ". . . . 71
The remaining fortresses, with Fadak, capitulate .-- . . . 73
Wadi al Cora besieged and taken. 2nd Jumad A.H. VII. Sept. A.D. 628 ib.
Division of the plunder . . . . . . . . . . -. . . ib.
Disposal of the lands .- .. ... . . . . - ' . . . 74
Special ordinances promulgated at Kheibar . ... . . . 70
A martyr in Paradise who had never prayed ... . . . 78
Mahomet welcomes Jafar and the other Abyssinian exiles . ... 79
And completes his marriage with Omm Habiba . . . . . 80
Mahomet bewitched by the Jews . . .' . V. . . . . ib.
The cxin. and cxiv. Suras ib.
Considerations as to the credibility of the tale . . . . . . 81
The sorcerer allowed to escape . . . . . ... . .. 82
CHAPTER TWENTY-SECOND.
Pilgrimage to Mecca. Dzul Cdda A.H. VII. Feb. A.D. 629.
Expeditions undertaken in the autumn and winter of. A.H. VII. A.D. 628 83
Mahomet sets out on the Lesser Pilgrimage to Mecca . . - . . 84
Precautionaiy arrangements before entering Mecca . . . . • . ib.
Mahomet enters Mecca, performs the circuit of the Kaaba, and slays victims 86
The guard over the weapons do the same . . . .... 87
Public prayer performed at the Kaaba . ... . . . . ib.
Mahomet takes Meimuna to wife ; . . . . . . . ib.
Mahomet warned to leave Mecca .. .- . .* . . . .- 88
Consummates his marriage with Meimuna . . . . . . . 89
Number of his Harem now complete . ib.
The sister and niece of his bride accompany him to Medina . . . 90
Khalid, Amru, and Othman ibn Talha, go over to Mahomet . . . ib.
Mahomet's position at Mecca improving . . • . . . . . . 92
A coup d'ttat becoming possible . . . . . . . ib.
CHAPTER TWENTY-THIRD.
Battle of Muta, and other Events in the first Eight Months of A.H. VIII. A.D. 629. JEtat 61.
Unfortunate expedition against the Bani Suleim . . ^,_ f; . . 93
A marauding party sent against the Bani Leith . . . . . . . 94
The Bani Murra chastised . . ib.
Mishap at Dzat Atlah. 1st Eabi A.H. VHI. July A.D. 629 . . . ib.
Perhaps the cause of the subsequent attack on Muta . '"} '"\ . . 95
A large army marches from Medina upon Muta . . . . . . . ib.
Preparations made by the Syrian Tribes for its repulse .. .. ;. . 97
a 3
vi CONTENTS.
Council of war held by the Moslems at Maan .... 97
Battle of Muta ........ . . . . 98
Khalid saves the broken army .... ... 100
Mahomet's grief at the death of Jafar and Zeid . . . .... 101
Martyrdom of Farwa . . . : . . . . . . . . . 102
Amru, reinforced by Abu Obeida, restores the prestige of Mahomet on the
Syrian border. 2nd Jumad A.H. VIII. Oct. A.D. 629 . 104
Expedition of the Fish. Eajab A.H. VIII. Nov. A.D. 629 . ' 106 Raid upon the B. Khudhra . ....
Various tribes tender their submission ... ... $'
CHAPTER TWENTY-FOURTH.
The Conquest of Mecca. Ramadhdn A.H. VIII. January, A.D. 630.
Pretext arises for attacking Mecca . ... , 109 The BaniBakr attack the Bani Khozaa. Shaban A.H. VIII. Dec. A.D. 629 ib.
The Hiozaa appeal to Mahomet, who promises aid ... no
Unsuccessful mission of Abu Sofian to Medina ... #.
Preparations for an advance upon Mecca ... Uo Hatib's endeavour to communicate the intelligence to his family at Mecca
frustrated The army marches. Ramadhan A.H. VIII. Jan. A.D. 630
Abbas joins Mahomet
Abu Sofian visits the camp of Mahomet . . $
Abu Sofian carries a message of quarter to Mecca . 119
Was there collusion between Abu Sofian and Mahomet ? 120
The army moves forward upon Mecca . ... 12i
Abu Cuhafa watches the advance of the Moslem army 194
Khalid encounters opposition, and pursues his enemy into Mecca' 125 Mahomet's concern at this encounter
Mahomet reposes in his tent
Worships at the Kaaba, and destroys the idols there
Mahomet's attachment to Mecca .... 12g
Abu Bakr brings his father to visit Mahomet
Certain citizens proscribed .
Huweirith and Habbar : the former executed
Two murderers and a singing girl put to death
Abdallah, an apostate, escapes . . . ,
Safwan, Ikrima, Hind, and Sarah escape
Treatment of Mecca by Mahomet magnanimous and forbearing '
Bloodshed prohibited .
Parties sent out to destroy the images in the neighbourhood
Cruelty of Khalid to the Bani Jadzima
• . • • . 135
CHAPTER TWENTY-FIFTH.
The Battle of Honein, and Siege of Tdyif.
M
13G
CONTENTS. vii
Page
Mahomet marches to Honein to disperse them 137
The B. Hawazin also advance upon Honein . . -, • -. . . . 138
Battle of Honein. 10th Shawwal A.H. VIII. 1st Feb. A.D. 630 . .139
The B. Hawazin beaten back . . . . . . , .' ?.'\ 141
Their families and camp captured . .. ... . ;. - . . 142
Pursuit of the fugitive columns . .- . '.' . , . . ' . ib.
Loss on the side of Mahomet . • . . . . - .. * . . ib.
Victory ascribed to angelic aid .- . . • . . . . . . . 143
Siege of Tayif. Shawwal A.H. VIII. Feb. A.I). 630 ... . . 144
Testudos and catapults tried without success . . . . . . ib.
Vineyards cut down, -and liberty offered to the slaves of the garrison . . 145
Siege raised: the army returns to Jierrana ... .. . . 146
Scene between Mahomet and his foster-sister . . • ..-• . . . 147
The prisoners of the B. Hawazin given up to them . . . • „ . -,,. . 148
Mahomet presents female slaves to Ali, Othman, and Omar - , . . 149
Mahomet is mobbed on account of the booty .150
Presents made to the Meccan and Bedouin chiefs ... . . 151
Discontent occasioned thereby among the older followers . - . . . 152
The subject noticed in the Coran . . . . . . . . . 154
Malik, the Hawazinite chief, gained over . . .. . , . . . . 155
Booty distributed. 26th Feb. to 12th March A. D. 630 . . ' . . 156
Mahomet performs the Lesser Pilgrimage . . . . . . . ib.
Attab left in the government of Mecca . . . . . . ib.
Despatches to Bahrein, &c. . . , . . ib.
CHAPTER TWENTY-SIXTH.
Mary, the Coptic Maid, and her son Ibrahim, jfitat. 61-62.
Death of Zeinab, Mahomet's daughter 157
Mary, the Coptic Maid, presents Mahomet with a son 158
Jealousy of Ayesha, and Mahomet's other wives .. . . . . 159
An affair with Mary creates scandal in Mahomet's harem . . . . 160
Mahomet's displeasure with his wives . . . . . . . . 161
Notice of the affair in the Coran . • . . ... . . 162
Sickness of Ibrahim . . ... . . .- .' ; . . 164
Ibrahim's death. 1st or 2nd Rabi A.H. X. June or July, A.D. 631 . . 165
Burial of Ibrahim .' . ... . ... . . K,6
Eclipse . . . . . . . . . . .''.-'. ib.
Reward of Ibrahim's nurse . . . . ' . .-" ... 166
General history anticipated . . "• . . . . •; . • . 157
CHAPTER TWENTY- SEVENTH.
First half of the Ninth Year of the Hegira. April to September, A.D. 630.
Political Supremacy attained by the conquest of Mecca .. ... . . 168
Spiritual power gained thereby : involving in its turn absolute secular
power . . .... . ' . .. . . . . . 170
viii CONTENTS.
Page
Collectors deputed to gather the tithes . .. . . . . 171
The B. Tamim attacked, and a number taken prisoners . . . ib.
They send a deputation for the release of the prisoners . . . . 172
The poet and orator of the B. Tamim worsted by Thabit and Hassan . . 173
Mahomet liberates the prisoners . ....... . . . 174
Notice of this deputation in the Goran ..... • .-, • . . . ib.
Deputation from the B. Mustalick. Moharram A.H. IX. May, A.D. 630 175
Expeditions against the Abyssinians at Jedda 176
Campaign against the B. Tay : conversion of the son of Hatim Tay . . 177
Conversion of the poet Kab ibn Zoheir . ... . -. . . 178
Deputations from Arab tribes . .. . . . . . . . 179
Mode in which they were treated . ... . ..... . 180
The IX. of the Hegira, called " The Year of Deputations " ... 181
The embassy from Najran noticed in the Second Volume . . . . ib.
CHAPTER TWENTY-EIGHTH.
Campaign of Tabuk, and other events in the second half of the Ninth Year of the Hegira. October, 630, to April, 631, A.D.
Gathering of the Koman feudatories on the Syrian border . . . .182
Mahomet projects a counter-expedition 183
Backwardness of the Bedouins and of some of the Medina citizens ib.
Exemplary zeal of the true believers .... 1 84
Arrangements at Medina on Mahomet's departure . 185
The army marhces for Tabuk. Rajab A.H. IX. Sept.— Oct., A.D. 630 186
Valley of Hejer ' ib
The army halts at Tabuk ; and Mahomet opens communications with sur rounding tribes . . ... . . . , 187
Treaty with John, the Christian prince of Ayla .... $.
Who was dismissed with honour . . . .. 189
Terms made with the Jews of Macna, Adzru, and Jarba . 190
Mahomet returns to Medina. Dec. 630 ... 191
Khalid conquers Duma, and takes its chief prisoner to Medina . . . ib.
The chief embraces Islam ...... 192
The malingerers and the hypocrites chided in the Coran . . 194
Mahomet desired not to pray for them on their death . . . 196
The Bedouins specially reprobated • . t . ^
Such as confessed were more leniently treated • . . . 197
Kab and his two companions : a ban put upon them . ." . n,
Kab received back into favour . , . . 100
Mahomet destroys a Mosque at Coba . '. ' ." ' . . ^
Death of Abdallah ibn Obey . . . . 200
The faction of the Disaffected dies out with him ... # Mahomet tells his followers that war shall be carried on by Islam even till Antichrist appear .....
Provision made for the study of theology, notwithstanding . 202
CONTENTS. ix
CHAPTER TWENTY-NINTH.
Embassy from Tayif, and pilgrimage of Abu BaJcr. Ramadhdn to Dzul Cdda A.H. IX. December 630, to March 631. A.D.
Page
Tayif continues to resist Mahomet's authority 203
Martyrdom of Orwa ib.
The people of Tayif send an embassy to Mahomet . . . . . 204
Having been admitted to terms, their idol Taghia is destroyed by Mughira . 206
Tayif the only place where the destruction of an idol excited sympathy . 207
Mahomet does not go up to the yearly pilgrimage. March, A.D. 631 . ib. Abu Bakr's pilgrimage. The "Discharge" (Baraaf) committed to Ali
for publication 208
Ali publishes the Baraat. 10th Dzul Hijj, A.H. IX. 20th March 631 . ib.
Ali reiterates the commands of the Prophet .' . . . . . 210
The concourse breaks up quietly . . 211
The universal annihilation of Idolatry, now the declared mission of Islam . ib. And also the reduction of Judaism and Christianity to a humiliating and
dependent position ib.
Contempt with which Judaism and Christianity are cast aside . . . 212
CHAPTER THIRTIETH.
Embassies of submission received at Medina. Ninth and Tenth Years, of the Hegira. A.D. 630-631. Mtat. 62-63.
Numerous embassies during the tenth year of the Hegira . . . .213
Embassies from the south and east follow the submission of Tayif . . ib.
Conversion of the Province of Oman ib.
Conversion of the Himyarite princes of Mahra and Yemen . . . .214
And of Bahrein and Hejer 216
Embassies from the Bani Hanifa and other Christian tribes . . . 217
A Christian tribe desired to demolish their Church 218
Deputations from the south 219
Submission of the Bani Azd and people of Jorsh ..... ib.
Chiefs of the Bani Kinda from Hadhramaut visit Medina .... 220
Al Ashath marries Abu Bakr's daughter 221
Muadz sent forth at the head of a band of collectors or envoys to the south
of Arabia . . . ......... . . . 222
Najran submits to Khalid. Rabi 1st. A.H. X. June, A.D. 631 .. . 224
Campaign of Ali to Yemen against the Bani Nakha, &c. . . . . 225
Numerous embassies and despatches ...._.. .- . . ... 226
The Bani Aamir ibn Sassaa. Abu Bera applies to Mahomet for a cure . ib.
Interview of Aamir ibn Tofail with Mahomet: conversion of the Bani Aamir 227
Prejudices of the Bani Jufi .. .: . . . . . - . . 228
Two of their chiefs cursed by Mahomet for robbing his tithe camels . . 229
x CONTENTS.
CHAPTER THIRTY-FIRST. The Farewell Pilgrimage. Dzul Hijj, A.H. X. March, A.D. 630.
Page Mahomet resolves to go up to the Greater Pilgrimage, in the tenth year of
the Hegira . . . . . ..'... . . 230
Journey from Medina to Mecca . . . " . . . . ib.
Most of his followers perform the Lesser Pilgrimage only .... 232
Mahomet performs the pilgrimage to Arafat 233
Returns to Mozdalifa ,. 235
Completes the pilgrimage at Mina ib.
Parting exhortation at Mina. . '. . . . . . . . .237
Abolition of the intercalary year ... . . . . . .239
Mahomet takes God to witness that he has fulfilled his mission . . . 242 He returns to Mecca : further ceremonies there ...... ib.
Mahomet returns to Medina 243
CHAPTER THIRTY-SECOND.
Opening of the Eleventh Year of the Hegira. April and Mai/, 632 A.D. The Pretenders who rise up against Mahomet.
Death of Badzan, and division of his territories ....... 244
Three impostors arise, claiming the prophetic office . . . 245
The moment propitious for such pretensions ... ib.
Tuleiha : his rebellion crushed by Khalid 246
Museilama : his advances indignantly rejected by Mahomet . . . ib.
Rebellion of Aswad : crushed about the time of Mahomet's death . . 249
CHAPTER THIRTY-THIRD.
Sickness and Death of Mahomet. June, A.D. 632. Mtat. 63.
The principles of Islam required continued prosecution of war . '. . 251
Osama appointed to command an army destined for the Syrian border . . 252
Banner presented, and camp formed at Jorf .... ib
Difficulty in weaving a connected narrative of the Prophet's sickness . . 253
Mahomet attributes his illness to the poisoned meat which he ate at Kheibar ib.
Circumstances which may have affected the strength of his constitution . 254 Notwithstanding increasing infirmity, Mahomet maintains his habits of sim-
Plicity . . ... . :. .. . t t t 255
His anticipation that his end was near ... fa
He visits the burying ground .... 257
Ayesha's raillery when he seeks her commiseration ... 258
Mahomet retires to Ayesha's house 259
He addresses the people regarding their murmurs against Osama's appoint-
men* .260
Announcing his conviction that the disease was his last, he directs the private
doors leading into the Mosque to be closed 262
He commends the citizens of Medina to the care of his followers . 263
CONTENTS. xi
Page
Abu Bakr appointed to lead the public prayers in the absence of Mahomet . 263 Mahomet thus signified the transfer of the ruling power to Abu Bakr as
deputy . . . ... - . . ... ... . . . 265
He urges the despatch of Osama's army, and that all embassies should be
treated well . . . . . . .' : . ;. . . . 266
Increase of his illness. Saturday night, llth of 1st Rabi, 6th June . . ib.
Sayings of Mahomet on his death-bed . . - . . . . . 268
Osama visits him on Sunday, the 7th June . .-.»•... . . ib.
Mahomet physicked by his wives 269
Mahomet curses the Jews and Christians 270
He calls for writing materials .^ . . . .271
He distribiites alms 272
Improvement on Monday morning. 13th of 1st Rabi, 8th June . . . 273 Mahomet comes out to the morning prayer, and takes his seat beside Abu
Bakr .. <.'..--> .-.'.. . . 275
Abu Bakr goes to visit his wife at Al Sunh 276
Mahomet speaks with the people around him in the Mosque . . . ib.
He retires exhausted to Ayesha's room . .. . . . . 277
The hour of death draws near ib.
Mahomet dies in the amis of Ayesha 278
Ayesha replaces his head on the pillow, and joins in the wailing ... . 280
CHAPTER THIRTY-FOURTH.
The Events which followed on the Death of Mahomet. 13th and 14th of 1 Ratt A.H. XI. Sth and Qth June, 632 A.D.
The news of Mahomet's death reaches Abu Bakr 281
Omar wildly declaims in the Mosque that Mahomet had only swooned away ib. Abu Bakr visits the scene of death, and coming forth convinces Omar and
the people that Mahomet is really dead 283
The army at Jorf breaks up and returns to Medina 285
Abu Bakr chosen as the Caliph, or successor of Mahomet .... ib.
The body of Mahomet is washed and laid out 288
Allegiance publicly sworn to Abu Bakr. Tuesday, 9th June . . . ib.
Speech of Omar .*..., 289
Speech of Abu Bakr on his inauguration ib.
Discontent of Ali and Fatima . 290
Fatima renounces the society of Abu Bakr . . , . . . . . . 291
CHAPTER THIRTY-FIFTH.
The Burial of Mahomet.
Grave prepared in Ayesha's house. Tuesday, 9th June . . - . J 293
It was dug in the vaulted fashion •.. .. . .. . = '., •.*•'. it.
The body is visited by the people : Orations of Abu Bakr and Omar . . 294
Mahomet's burial 295
Ayesha continued to occupy an apartment next the grave . . . . 296
xii CONTENTS.
CHAPTER THIRTY-SIXTH.
Campaign of Osama on the Syrian Border.
Page
Campaign of Osama. 1 and 2 Rabi A.H. XI. May, June, A.D. 632 . 297
Osama's triumphant return to Medina 298
The rapid spread of Mussulman conquest 299
Simplicity and earnestness of primitive Moslems after Mahomet's death, an
argument- in favour of his sincerity 301
CHAPTER THIRTY-SEVENTH.
The Person and Character of Mahomet.
General review of Mahomet's character . .. , 302
Personal appearance: gait and habits . . . . 303
Simplicity of his life 304
His urbanity and kindness of disposition 305
His friendship, moderation, and magnanimity . . 306
Cruelty towards his enemies 307
Mahomet's craftiness and perfidy 303
His domestic life : polygamy . . . . . 309
Conviction of a special Providence .... 311
Mahomet's conflict at Mecca and Medina : unwavering stedfastness . . 312
His denunciations of polytheism and idolatry . 315
Earnestness and honesty of Mahomet at Mecca . . 316 At Medina, worldly motives mingle with his spiritual objects . . .318
Rapid moral declension the natural consequence . 319
Benefits of Mahometanism outweighed by its evils . . 320
Inconsistencies in the character of Mahomet, and in the Coran . 322
SUPPLEMENT TO CHAPTER THIRTY-SEVENTH
ts from the icies regardi sposition: h: Customs at prayer
Extracts from the secretary of Wackidi . . 325
Prophecies regarding Mahomet ... -i
His disposition: his speech, gait, and moderate habits in eating . 326
327
Mahomet's refusal to make use of the tithes ... ^
The food he liked and disliked
Women and scents
His straitened means at Medina .
Appearance, habits, &c
Seal of prophecy ' ^
Hair, cupping, moustache, and dress .... 332
Golden and silver rings Articles of toilet, &c. His camels and flocks
His servants, property, &c.
oo7
INDEX
' • • •. - . . 339
LIFE OF MAHOMET.
CHAPTER ETOHTEENTH,
Sixth Year of the Hegira. A.D. 627, 628.
59. THE Sixth year of the Hegira was one of consider- Numerous
minor expe-
able activity at Medina. No important battle indeed (litions under-
taken in the
was fought, nor any grand expedition undertaken, sixth year of
J . the Hegira.
But small parties were almost incessantly in motion, either for the chastisement of hostile tribes, for the capture of caravans, or for the repulse of robbers and marauders. We read of as many as sixteen or seventeen such expeditions during the year. They generally resulted in the dispersion of the enemy, and the capture of flocks and herds, which greatly enriched the followers of Mahomet, and stimulated their zeal for active service. They also main tained or increased the name and terror of the new potentate. But few of them were otherwise
VOL. IV. B
2 Expedition against the Bani Laliydn. [CHAP.
attended with marked results; and it will not there fore be necessary to give a narrative of them all.* Expedition by TWO of the expeditions were led by Mahomet
Mahomet J
against the himself. One was against the Bani Lahyan, whom
Buni Lahyau. J
ist Rabi, he had long been desirous of chastising for their june-juiy, treacherous attack, two years before, on the little band of his followers at Raji.f In the early part of the year he set out with a selected body of two hundred men on camels, and twenty horse.J That he might the more surely fall upon his enemy un awares, he first took the road towards Syria. After two or three marches in that direction, he suddenly turned south, and travelled rapidly along the sea shore by the road to Mecca. But the stratagem wras of no avail, for the Bani Lahyan had notice of his approach, and taking their cattle with them, retired to the heights, where they were safe from attack. At the spot where his followers had been slaughtered, he halted, and invoked pardon and
* Weil regards the comparative insignificance of these expedi tions, and especially the smallness of Mahomet's following on the pilgrimage to Hodeibia, as a proof how low his authority had sunk. I see no grounds whatever for this conclusion. There was no object to call forth on these occasions any great exertion or any extensive gathering of his followers. I regard the authority of Mahomet as continuing steadily and uniformly on the advance, and as having been greatly increased by his successful resistance of the grand confederation which laid siege to Medina. The expedition to Hodeibia was purely for the purpose of pilgrimage.
f Vol. ii. p. 201.
J Mahomet took only one of every two who volunteered, telling hem that both should have the merit of the expedition.
xvin.] Attack of Uyeina. 3
mercy on them. Small parties were then, for one or two days, sent to scour the vicinity, but no traces of the tribe were found in any quarter. Mahomet being now about two marches only from Mecca, advanced to Osfan, with the view of alarming the Coreish. From thence he sent Abu Bakr with ten horsemen, as it were his vanguard, to approach still nearer.* Satisfied with this demonstration, the force retraced its steps to Medina. On his way back from this unsuccessful journey, Mahomet, who had been greatly incommoded by the heat, is said to have prayed thus : — " Returning and repentant, yet if it please the Lord, praising His name and serving Him, I seek Refuge in God from the troubles of the way, the vexation of return, and the Evil eye affecting family and wealth""\
Not many days after his return, Medina was, Pursuit of
. Uyeina, who
early one morning, startled by a cry ol alarm irom had fallen the adjoining height of Sila. Uyeina, chief of the camds of Bani Fezara, had come down during the night, with near Medina.
a troop of forty horse, upon the plain of Al Ghaba, within a few miles of Medina, had fallen upon the J*ly> A-D- milch camels of Mahomet which were grazing there, and driven off the whole herd, killing the keeper, and carrying away his wife a prisoner. A citizen, early
* He had halted at Ghiran, and thence marched to Osfan, distant five Arabian miles. Abu Bakr went on to Kara al Ghamim, three miles farther on the road to Mecca. Osfan is two ordinary stages from Mecca.
| Kdtib al Wdckidi, p. 114J ; Hishdmi, p. 308.
4 Uyeina is pursued by Mahomet. [CHAP .
on his way to the pasture lands, saw the marauding band, and gave the alarm. The call to arms was ordered by Mahomet. A troop of horse was im mediately at the gate of the Mosque. These were despatched at once in pursuit, — Mahomet himself, with five or six hundred men following shortly after. Sad ibn Obada, with three hundred followers, re mained behind, to guard the city. The advanced party hung upon the rear of the marauders, slew several of them, and recovered half of the plundered camels. On the side of the Mussulmans only one man was killed. Mahomet, with the main body, marched as far as Dzu Carad, in the direction of Kheibar; but by this time the robbers were safe in the desert among the Bani Ghatfan. The captive female effected her escape on one of the plundered camels, which she vowed, if she reached Medina in safety, to offer up as a sacrifice of thanksgiving. On acquainting Mahomet with her vow, he rallied her on the ingratitude of seeking to slay the animal which had saved her life, and which moreover was not hers to offer up. He bade her go to her home in peace. The force was five days absent from Medina.*
* K. Wdckidi, 115 ; Hishdmi, 309. The Secretary gives some stirring details connected with this adventure, — especially the narrative by Salma of his pressing, single-handed, on the enemy's rear along the narrow passes and thickets of the road. He and Abu Cotada greatly distinguished themselves.
Al Micdtld was the first to come up to the Mosque on Mahomet's
Mishap at Dzul Cassa. 5
Scarcity still prevailing in [the',' desert, and "rain Affair at Dzul having fallen plentifully in the direction of Medina, of Moslems
. cut up.
the Ghatfan tribes were tempted, in their search 2nd
for pasture, to encroach upon the bounds assigned to them in the treaty with Uyeina.* The herds of 627' camels belonging to Medina, greatly increased by the plunder of late years, had been sent out to graze in the same vicinity.f They offered a tempting prize for a foray, and the neighbouring tribes were suspected to be gathering for the purpose. Mohammad ibn Maslama was deputed with ten followers to ascertain how matters stood. J At Dzul Cassa, a place well advanced in the desert,§ he was surrounded in the night-time by over powering numbers ; after a short resistance, all his men were slain, and he himself, severely wounded,
call ; and Mahomet, having mounted the banner on his spear, sent him in advance with the horse ; some say that he was the leader of the party, but others give that honour to Sad ibn Zeid, also a citizen. For the curious anecdote connected with this point, see vol. i. Introd. p. Ixxxvi.
* See above, vol. iii. p. 226. The siege of Medina, in which these Bedouins took a prominent part, may perhaps have been regarded as obliterating that treaty, and this is the more likely with refer ence also to the raid on Al Ghaba.
•f They were sent out to Heifa, U_ju& seven Arabian miles from Medina.
\ This is not mentioned by tradition as the object of the expe dition ; but it could have been the only object of so small a party, unless, indeed, it was intended as a deputation, or embassy.
§ Dzul Cassa was twenty-four Arabian miles from Medina, on the road to Rabadza. K. Wdckidi, 116.
6 Plunder of a Mcccan Caravan. [CHAP.
left on the 'field as dead. An adherent of Mahomet, happening to pass that way, assisted him on his journey back to Medina. Immediately a force of forty well-mounted soldiers was despatched to chastize the offenders ; but these had dispersed among the neigh bouring heights, and excepting the plunder of some flocks and household stuff, no reprisals were effected. A Meccan During the Autumn of this year, a force of one
caravan plun
dered at AI is. hundred and seventy men was despatched toward A.H.'VL''' Al Is, to intercept, on its return, a rich caravan, which the Coreish had ventured to despatch by the route of the seashore to Syria. The attack was com pletely successful. The whole caravan, including a large store of silver belonging to Safwan, was plun dered, and some of those who guarded it, taken. prisoners. d ^mong the prisoners was Abul Aas, son-in-law
hornet's of Mahomet. His romantic story deserves recital,
daughter. ^ ^ J
as well for its own interest, as for the share which the Prophet himself bore therein. The reader will remember that, at Khadija's desire, Mahomet mar ried his daughter Zeinab to her nephew, Abul Aas, a prosperous trader in Mecca.* On the assumption of the prophetic office by his father-in-law, Abul Aas declined to embrace Islam. But he listened with equal unwillingness to the Coreish who bade him abandon Zeinab, and offered him the choice of their own daughters in her stead : — " I will not separate from my wife," he said, — "neither do I
* See vol ii. pp. 45, 264.
xvin.] Story of Abul Aas and Zeinab. 1
desire any other woman from amongst your daugh ters." Mahomet was much pleased by the faithful ness of Abul Aas to his daughter. The attachment was" mutual, for when Mahomet and the rest of his family emigrated to Medina, Zeinab remained behind at Mecca with her husband.
In the battle of Badr, Abul Aas was taken pri- Abul Aas soner. When the Coreish deputed men to ransom their prisoners, Zeinab sent by their hands such property as she had, for her husband's freedom. Among other things, was a necklace, whichKhadija Medina- had given her, on her marriage with Abul Aas. When the Prophet saw this touching memorial of his former wife, he was greatly overcome, and said to the people : — " If it seem right in your eyes, let my daughter's husband go free, and send back these things unto her." All agreed to this. But as a condition of his freedom, Mahomet required of Abul Aas that he should send Zeinab to Medina. Ac cordingly, on his return to Mecca, Abul Aas, having made arrangements for her departure, sent her away mounted on a camel-litter, under the charge of his brother Kinana. Some of the baser sort from amongst the Coreish, hearing of her departure, went in pursuit, determined to bring her back. The first that appeared was Habbar, who struck the camel with his spear, and so affrighted Zeinab, as to cause her a miscarriage. Kinana at once made the camel sit down and, by the mere sight of his bow and well-filled quiver, kept the pursuers at bay.
8 Story of Alul Aas [CHAP.
Just then Abu Sofian came up and held a parley with Kinaiia : " Ye should not," he said, " have gone forth thus publicly, — knowing the disaster we have so lately sustained at the hands of Mahomet. The open departure of his daughter will be accounted a proof of our weakness and humiliation. But it is no object of ours to keep back this woman from her father, or to retaliate our wrongs on her. Return, then, for a little while to Mecca, and when this excite ment shall have died away, then set out secretly." They followed his advice: and some days after, Zeinab, escorted by Zeid ibn Harith, who had been sent to meet her, reached Mahomet in safety. Conversion of it was between three and four years after this that
Abul Aas. J
A.H. vi. Abul Aas, as above related, was again made prisoner at Al Is. As the party approached Medina, he contrived by night to have an interview with Zeinab, who granted the protection which he sought. He then rejoined the other prisoners. In the morning, the people being assembled for prayers in the Mosque, Zeinab called out in a loud voice from her apartment, that she had given to Abul Aas her guarantee of protection. When the prayers were ended, Mahomet thus addressed the assembly: — "Ye have heard, as I have, the words of my daughter. I swear by Him in whose hands is my life, that I knew nothing of her guarantee until this moment. But the pledge of even the least of my fol lowers must be respected." Thus saying, he retired to his daughter, and desired her to treat Abul Aas
xvin.] and Zeinab. 9
with "honour, as a guest, but not to recognize him as her husband. Then he sent for the captors of the caravan, and reminding them of his close con nexion with Abul Aas, said, — "If ye treat him well, and return his property unto him, it would be pleasing to me ; but if not, the booty is yours, which the Lord hath given into your hands, and it is your right to keep the same." They all with one consent agreed to let the prisoner go free, and to return the whole of his property. This gene rosity, and the continued attachment of Zeinab, so wrought upon Abul Aas, that, when he had adjusted his affairs at Mecca, he made profession of Islam, and joined his wife at Medina. Their domestic happiness, thus renewed, was not of long continuance; for Zeinab died the following year from disease, said to have originated in the mis carriage caused by the attack of Habbar at Mecca.
The treatment of his daughter on that occasion, Mahomet
commands
and especially the unmanly and barbarous conduct that the two
_ Coreish who
of Habbar, greatly incensed Mahomet. Once, when pursued his
-, . . n daughter, be
a party was setting out on an expedition towards put to death, Mecca, he commanded that if Habbar, or the lf comrade who joined him in the pursuit* of Zeinab, fell into their hands, they should both be burned
* The name of this second person is not given, but it may possibly have been Huweirith, who was killed by Ali on the cap ture of Mecca, for having, as is alleged, made an attack on Fdtima and Omm Kolthum when they were leaving Mecca. Hishdmi, 3G3. I do not find any other evidence of an attack on Fatima arid Omm Kolthftm, which, had it actually occurred, would have been
VOL. iv. c
10
The Bani Judzdm chastized.
[CHAP.
The Bani Judzam chas tized for robbing Dihya, who had been sent by Ma homet on an embassy to Syria.
2nd Jumad, A.H. VI. October, A.D. 627.
alive. But during the night he reconsidered the order, and sent to countermand it in these words : — " It is not fitting for any to punish by fire but God only; wherefore if ye find the culprits, put them to death in the ordinary way."*
The following incidents are connected with the first communication held by Mahomet with the Roman Empire. Dihya, one of his followers, was sent on a mission to the Emperor, or perhaps to one of the Governors of Syria.f He was graciously received, and presented with a dress of honour. On his way home, he was plundered of everything at Hisma, beyond Wadi al Cora, by the Bani Jud zam. A neighbouring tribe, however, to whom Dihya at once complained, attacked the robbers, recovered the spoil, and restored it to him uninjured. On the robbery reaching the ears of Mahomet, he despatched Zeid with five hundred men, to chastize
plentifully spoken off. I conclude that the present was really the attack in which Huweirith was engaged; and that as All was his executioner, tradition consequently represents Ali's wife Fatima, instead of Zeinab, as the object of that ruffian's attack.
* Hishdmi, 234; K. WdcJcidi, 116£. It is satisfactory to find that at Mecca, the cruelty of Habbar was scouted as unmanly. Even Hind, wife of Abu Sofian, gave vent to her indignation at it. Meeting the party as it returned, she extemporized some severe verses against them:—" Ah! in time of peace ye are very brave and fierce against the weak and unprotected, but in the battle ye are like women with gentle speeches," &c.
f The nature of the mission is not stated by the Secretary. M. C. de Perceval says that it was to demand from the Emperor, in the name of Mahomet, liberty of commerce with the Roman Provinces. Vol iii, p. 157. •
xvin.] Second Expedition to Duma. 1 1
the delinquents.* Marching by night, and con cealing themselves by day, they fell unexpectedly on the Bani Judzam, killed several of them, including their chief, and carried off a hundred of their women and children, with a great collection of herds and flocks. Another chief of the same tribe, who had previously tendered his submission to Mahomet, hastened to Medina, and appealed against these proceedings. He produced the letter of terms which Mahomet had made with his tribe, and de manded justice.—" But," said Mahomet, " how can I compensate thee for those that have been slain? " " Kelease to us the living," was the chiefs reply;— " as for the dead, they are beneath our feet." Ma homet acknowleged the justice of the demand, and despatched AH to order restoration. He met Zeid on his way back to Medina, and the prisoners and booty were immediately surrendered to the chief.
Soon after, Abd al Rahman set out with seven Second hundred men, on a second expedition to Dumat al Duma.
Jandal. Mahomet bound a black turban in token
of command, about his head. He was to endea- November,
vour first to gain over the people of Duma, and
to fight only in the last resort: — "but in no case,"
continued the Prophet, " shalt thou use deceit or
perfidy, nor shalt thou kill any child." On reach
ing Duma, he summoned the tribes to embrace
* Zeid ibn Harith commanded five or six of the expeditions undertaken this year.
12 The Bani Fezdra chastized. [CHAP.
Islam, and allowed them three days' grace. Within that period, Al Asbagh, a Christian chief of the Bani Kalb, gave in his adhesion, and many followed his example. Others preferred to be tributaries, with the condition of being allowed to maintain the profession of Christianity. Abd al Rahman communicated these tidings by a messenger to Mahomet, who, in reply, desired him to marry Tamadhir, daughter of the chief. Abd al Rahman accordingly brought this lady with him to Medina, where she bore him Abu Salma (the famous jurisconsult of after days), and amid many rivals, maintained her position as one of his wives, till her husband's death.* The Bani After several warlike raids of inferior impor-
Fezara chas
tized for way- tance, Zeid ibn Harith set out upon a mercantile
laying a Me- . . . , , .
dina caravan, expedition to oyria, carrying with him ventures,
Ramdhan, for barter ^^ from many Qf ^ ^^^ The
Dec. A.D. caravan was waylaid near Wadi al Cora, seven marches from Medina, and plundered by the Bani Fezara. This occasioned much exasperation at Medina. When Zeid was sufficiently recovered from the injuries inflicted by the robbers, he was sent forth with a strong force to execute vengeance
* 1L Wackidi, 117, 2031. For some account of Abd al Rahmans conjugal relations, see vol ii. pp. 272, 273. Besides concubines, he had issue by sixteen wives, and may have married many others who bore him no children. As he could have no more than four wives at a time, the frequent changes and divorces may be imagined.
xviii.] Barbarous Execution of an Aged Woman. 13
upon them. He approached stealthily, and effecting a complete surprise, captured the marauders' strong hold. Omm Kirfa, aunt of Uyeina, who had gained celebrity as the mistress of this nest of robbers, was Omm Kirfa- taken prisoner with her daughter. Neither the sex, nor the great age of Omm Kirfa, saved her from a death of extreme barbarity. Her legs were tied each to a separate camel. The camels were driven in different directions, and thus she was torn in sunder. Two young brothers of the same family were also put to death. Zeid, on his return, hastened to visit Mahomet, who, eager to learn the intelligence, came forth to meet him with his dress ungirded; and learning the success of the expedition, embraced and kissed him. We read of no disapprobation expressed by the Prophet at the inhuman treatment of Omm Kirfa, and are therefore warranted in holding him to be an accomplice in the ferocious act. The daughter was given as a slave to Mahomet, who presented her to one of his followers. *
His old enemies, the Jews, were still the cause Assassination
4-* A \ 1
of annoyance to Mahomet. A party of the Bani Huckeick Nadhir, with their chief, Abul Huckeick, after being Jewish ehiefc
* K. Wdckidi, 117. Omm Kirfa was grand-daughter of Badr, a patriarch of the tribe, and had married her cousin Malk, uncle of Uyeina. They formed a branch of the Fezara, which again belonged to the Bani Dzobian, a tribe of the Bani Ghatafan, vol i. p. ccxxiv. table. Hisn, the father of Uyeina, was a leader in the battle of Jabala. Ibid. p. ccxxvi. The person who put Omm Kirfa to death was Cays ibn al Mohsin, a name I am not familiar with.
14 Assassination of Abul Huckeick. [CHAP.
expelled from Medina, had settled among their
A.H. VI.
December, brethren at Kheibar. Abul Huckeick (called also Sallam and Abu Kafi) had taken a prominent part among the confederates who besieged Medina, and he was now suspected of inciting the Bani Fezara and other Bedouin tribes in their depredations. An expedition, was undertaken by Ali, with one hundred men, against a combination of the Bani Sad ibn Bakr, said to have been concocted with the Jews of Kheibar ; but besides a rich booty of camels and flocks, it produced no other result.* As a surer means of putting a stop to these machina tions, Mahomet resolved on ridding himself of their supposed author, the Jewish chief. The Bani Khazraj, emulous of the distinction which the Bani Aws gained some years before, by the assassination of Kab, had long declared themselves ready to per form a similar service. Mahomet therefore chose five men from amongst that tribe, and gave them com mand to make away with Abul Huckeick. On approaching Kheibar, they concealed themselves till nightfall when they repaired to the house of their victim. Abdallah ibn Atik, the leader of the party, who was familiar with the Bani Nadhir, and spoke their language fluently, addressed the wife
* This expedition occurred in Shaban (November), i. e. a month before the assassination of Abul Huckeick. K. Wackidi, 117. Ali advanced as far as Hamaj between Kheibar and Fadak. The Bani Sad, a branch of the Hawazin, were among the confede rates who besieged Medina.
xviii.] Assassination of Abul Huckeick. 15
of the chief, who came at his summons to the door, and gained admittance on. a false pretext.* When she perceived that the men were armed, she screamed aloud, but they pointed their weapons at her, and forced her to be silent at the peril of her life. Then they rushed into the inner chamber, and despatched Abul Huckeick with their swords. They hastily withdrew, and hid themselves in some adjacent caves till the pursuit was over. Then they returned to Medina. When Mahomet saw them approaching, he exclaimed, " Success attend you!" — " And thee, O Prophet!" they replied. They recounted to him all that had happened; and as each one claimed the honour of the deed, Mahomet examined their weapons, and from the marks on the sword of Abdallah ibn Oneis, assigned to him the merit of the fatal blow.f
The assassination of Abul Huckeick did not re-2?eJribn.,
Zanm and a
lieve Mahomet of his apprehensions from the Jews Pa?y of Jew*
slain :
* According to one account, he pretended he had brought a present for her husband ; according to another, that he had come to traffic with him in corn .
f It is the same Abdallah ibn Oneis who had assassinated Sofian. See above, vol. iii. p. 200.
I have chiefly followed the secretary of Wackidi, p. 117|-. There are variations in Hishdmi, p. 306 ; and Tabari, p. 342, et seq. ; but none which diminish the share taken by Mahomet in the foul deed. The variations are chiefly caused by the eager ness of each member of the party, and their respective friends, to magnify the part taken by them in the assassination.
One account relates that Abdallah ibn Atik, in hastening from the victim's house, fell over the stair and had his leg broken, which Mahomet, touching, miraculously cured.
16 Oseir and a party of Jews slain. [CHAP.
of Kheibar; for Oseir ibn Zarim, elected chief in his
. v . 1 1 . \ J..
January, room, maintained the same relations with the Bani
A.D. 628.
Ghatafan, and was reported to be designing fresh movements against Medina. Mahomet deputed Abdallah ibn Rawaha, a leader of the Bani Khazraj, to Kheibar, with three followers, to make inquiries as to how Oseir also might be taken unawares. But Abdallah found the Jews too much on the alert to admit of a second successful attempt at assassination. On his re turn, therefore, a new stratagem was devised. Abdallah ibn Rawaha, was sent openly with thirty men mounted on camels, to persuade Oseir to visit Medina. They assured him that Mahomet would make him ruler over Kheibar, and would treat him with great distinction ; and they gave him a solemn gua rantee of safety. Oseir consented, and set out with thirty followers, each Moslem taking one behind him on his camel. The unfortunate chief was mounted on the camel of Abdallah ibn Oneis, who relates that, after they had travelled some distance, he perceived Oseir stretching forth his hand towards his sword. Urging forward his camel till he was well beyond the rest of the party, Abdallah called out, " Enemy of the Lord! Treachery! Twice hath he done this thing." As he spoke, he leaped from the camel, and aimed a deadly blow at Oseir, which took effect on the hip joint. The chief fell mortally wounded from the camel ; but in his descent he suc ceeded in wounding Abdallah's head, with the camel staff, the only weapon within his reach. At this
xvin.] Treacherous Murder of Oseir. ~ 17
signal, each of the Mussulmans turned upon the man behind him, and the Jews were all murdered, excepting one who eluded pursuit. The party con tinued their journey to Medina, and reported the trajedy to Mahomet, who gave thanks and said,— " Verily, the Lord hath delivered you from an un righteous People."
The reader will not fail to have remarked that By treachery. we have the evidence only of the practised assassin, Abdallah ibn Oneis, for the treachery of Oseir. This man knew that Abdallah ibn Rawaha had already been despatched on a secret errand with the view of getting rid of the Jewish Chief ; and from his previous history, it is too evident that he scrupled little as to the means employed for taking the life of any one proscribed by the Prophet. Abdallah alleges that Oseir suddenly repented of his determination to go to Medina, and meditated treachery. On which side the treachery lay may be gathered from the result. Oseir was unarmed, and so apparently were all his followers : for excepting the wound inflicted with the camel-staff upon Ab dallah, no injury was sustained by any of the Mos lems. The probabilities are entirely opposed to the charge of Abdallah ; and even supposing the sus picions against Oseir well-founded, they will hardly be viewed as a sufficient justification of the cold blooded massacre of his unoffending companions.*
* K. Wdckidi, 117£.
VOL. IV. D
18
Barbarous Execution of eight Robbers. [CHAP.
Certain Urnee robbers exe cuted barba rously, for plunder and murder.
A party of eight Bedouin Arabs * had some time previously come to Medina and embraced Islam. The damp of the climate disagreed with them, and they pined away from disease of the spleen. Ma homet bade them, for a cure, to join themselves to one of his herds of milch camels, which grazed in the plain south of Cuba, under the hill of Ayr, f and drink of their milk.J Following his advice they soon recovered; but with returning strength, there revived also the innate love of plunder. They drove off the camels, and attempted to escape with them. The herdsman, joined by a few others, pur sued the plunderers, but was repulsed and bar barously handled; for they cut off his hands and legs, and stuck thorny spikes into his tongue and eyes, till he died.§ When tidings of this outrage reached Mahomet, he despatched twenty horsemen in pur suit. || They surrounded and seized the robbers.
* Of the Urnee tribe. H. Y. Kremer has mistaken the name for that of a place. Campaigns of Wdckidi, notes, p. 4.
•f The place called Dzul Jidr was six Arabian miles from Medina. Mahomet had many herds which were sent to graze wherever there was good pasture. This one consisted of fifteen camels.
J And it is added, their urine also.
§ His name was Yasar. He was a slave captured in the war of the Bani Muharib and Thalaba, and had been freed by Mahomet. The cruelties of the Bedouins are possibly exaggerated to justify the barbarity of Mahomet.
| They were commanded by Kurz ibn al Jabir, whom we have seen above (vol. iii. p. 68,) as engaged in one of the first raids against Medina. At what period he was converted and came to Medina is not mentioned.
xvin.] Ordinances regarding Penal Mutilations. 19
and recovered all the camels but one. which had Mutilation
recognized as
been slaughtered and eaten. The captives were a legal punish ment.
conducted to Mahomet, who was justly exasperated at their ingratitude, and at their savage treatment of his servant. They had merited death ; but the mode in which he inflicted it was barbarous and inhuman. The arms and legs of the eight men were cut off,and their eyes put out. The shapeless, sightless, trunks of these wretched Bedouins were then impaled upon the plain of Al Ghaba, until life was extinct.* On reflection, Mahomet appears to have felt that this punishment exceeded the bounds of humanity. He accordingly promulgated a Reve lation, in which capital punishment is limited to simple death or crucifixion. Amputation of the hands and feet is, however, sanctioned as a penal measure ; and amputation of the hands is even enjoined as the proper penalty for theft, whether the criminal be male or female. This barbarous custom has accordingly been perpetuated through out the Mahometan world. But the putting out of the eyes is not recognized among the legal punish ments. The following is the passage referred to : —
" Verily the recompence of those that fight against God and his Prophet, and haste to commit wickedness in the land, is that
* What Mahomet was doing then nt Ghaba is not quite certain. According to Hishami, he was on his way home from Dzu Carad, which would make the transaction six or seven months earlier. The place is also called "Al Rodba, at the meeting of the waters," i.e. near Ohod. Qy. Al Zaghdba, which is another name for Al Ghaba. Burckhardt, p. 328 : K. Wdckidi, 118 ; Hislidmi, 454.
20 Attempt to Assassinate [CHAP.
they shall be slain or crucified ; or that their hands and feet of the opposite sides be cut off ; or that they be banished from the kind. That shall be their punishment in this Life, and in the Life to come they shall have great torment.
" As regards the Robber, and the Female robber, cut off the hands of both." *
Attempt, rpk Secretary of Wackidi assigns to this periodf
under the J ,
orders of Ma- an attempt made, under the orders ot Manomet, to
hornet, to . , -.
assassinate assassinate Abu Sofian. As its cause, he states that a Bedouin Arab had been sent by Abu Sofian to Medina, on a similar errand against Mahomet; but that the emissary was discovered, and confessed the object of his mission. According to Hishami (who makes no mention of this latter circumstance), the attempted assassination was ordered by Mahomet in the fourth year of the Hegira, in immediate revenge for the execution of the two captives taken
* Sura, v. 39, 44. For repeated robberies, a second, third, and fourth hand and foot may be cut off, rendering the criminal a helpless, shapeless, cripple.
| K. Wdclddi, p. 118. He makes the attempt to assassinate Abu Sofian follow the affair of the Urnee robbers, but without specifying the month. It may have occurred in Shawwal, or January, 628. It does not appear in the list of expeditions which prefaces Wackidi's campaigns. Our authorities are quite consistent as to the deputation of Amr, its object, and Mahomet's authority. There is just a shadow of possibility that the tradi tion may have been fabricated by the anti-Omeyad party to throw odium on the memory of Abu Sofian, as having been deemed by Mahomet worthy of death. But this is not to be put against the evidence of unanimous and apparently independent traditions.
xvm.] Abu Sofidn. 21
at Raji.* Whatever the inciting cause, there is no reasonable doubt that a commission was given by the Prophet to Amr ibn Omeya, a practised assassin, f to proceed to Mecca, and murder his opponent Abu Sofian. Amr was recognized, as he lurked near the Kaaba, before he could carry his design into effect, and he was obliged to flee for his life. True, however, to his profession, he claims the credit of having assassinated three of the Coreish by the way, and a fourth he brought prisoner to Medina.
* Hishdmij p. 451. To confirm this, Hishami adds that Amr passed by the spot of the execution, and saw men guarding the corpse of Khobeib the martyr.
f He is the same who, escaping from the massacre at Bir Mauna, assassinated the two travellers for whom Mahomet paid compensation. Vol. iii. p. 208. He is stated by the secretary to have been before Islam a professional assassin, — L— 5ols> p. 118, .and marginal note; so that the people of Mecca, in recognizing him, immediately understood what his errand was.
22
CHAPTER NINETEENTH.
Piljrimage to Al Hodeibia. Dzul Cada, A.H. VI. March, A.D. 628.
Mahomet and Six years had by this time passed away since Mahomet, and those who emigrated with him, had seen their native city: had visited the Holy house, and the sacred places around it: or joined in the yearly pilgrimage, which from childhood they had grown up to regard as an essential part of their social and religious life. They longed to re-visit these scenes, and once more to unite in the solemn rites of the Kaaba.
Political con- No one shared in these feelings more earnestly
whicifaTd'ed than Mahomet himself. It was, moreover, of great
desire.0 importance to his cause that he should practically
show his attachment to the ancient faith of Mecca. He
had, indeed, in the Goran, insisted upon that faith as
an indispensable element of the new religion ; he had
upbraided the Coreish for obstructing the approach
of pious worshippers to the Temple of God; and
had denounced them, because of their idolatrous
practices, as not the rightful guardians of it.* Yet
* Sura viii. 33. After threatening the Coreish, the passage proceeds, — "And what have they to urge that God should not
CHAP, xix.] Inducements to perform the Lesser Pilgrimage. 23
something more than this was needed practically to exhibit his attachment to the ancestral creed and customs of the Coreish. If he made no effort to visit the holy places, and fulfil the sacred rites, he would lay himself open justly to the charge of lukewarmness and neglect. His precept must be supported by example.
Meditating thus, Mahomet had a vision in the nio-ht. Followed by his people, he dreamed that thc lesser Pii
o * grim age in
he entered Mecca in peaceful security, and having the month of
* . . Dzul Cada.
made the circuit of the Kaaba, and slain the victims, completed all the ceremonies of the pilgrimage. The dream was communicated to his followers, and every one longed for its realization. It foretold nothing of fighting or contest; the entrance was to be quiet and unopposed. Now the sacred month of Dzul Cada was at hand, in which the Omra, or lesser pilgrimage,* might with much propriety and merit be undertaken. There would then be less chance of collision with hostile tribes, than at the general pilgrimage in the suc ceeding month. Furthermore, in the month of
chastize them, seeing that they have hindered his servants from the sacred Temple; and they are not the Guardians thereof, — veriiy, none are its Guardians but the pious. But the greater part of them do not consider.
" And their prayers at the Temple are nought but whistling through the fingers, and clapping of the hands. Taste, therefore, the punishment of your unbelief."
* See vol. i. p. ccv.
24 Preparations for the Lesser Pilgrimage. [CHAP.
Dzul Cada, war was unlawful throughout Arabia, much more within the inviolate precincts of Mecca. If Mahomet and his followers, therefore, should at this time approach the Kaaba in the peaceful garb of pilgrims, the Coreish would be bound by every pledge of national faith to leave them unmolested. On the other hand, should their ad vance be opposed, the opprobrium would rest with the Coreish ; and even in that case, the strength of the pilgrim band would secure its safety, — if not a decisive victory.
The surround- So soon as this course was resolved upon, the people of Medina were invited to join the Prophet in the lesser pilgrimage, and all made haste to pre- ine* pare themselves. To swell the camp and render it more imposing, the Arab tribes around, who had tendered their allegiance to Mahomet, were also summoned.* But few of them responded to the call; the most part alleged that their occupations and families prevented their leaving home.
Mahomet and Early in the month of Dzul Cada, in the sixth
his followers •
* I see no reason for holding with M. C. de Perceval (v. iii. p. 175,) that any of those summoned were heathen tribes. On the contrary, those who declined the summons are all reprobated in terms implying that they had professed themselves at the disposal of Mahomet, and consequently were Moslems. Sura xlviii. v. 2 ; and it is added as a punishment that they would not be permitted to go on any subsequent expeditions in which plunder might be expected, v. 15. et seq. The commentators say that the Bani Aslam Joheina, Mozeina, and Ghifar, are the tribes intended.
xix.] Mahomet and the Pilgrims leave Medina. 25
year of the Hegira, arrangements for the pilgrim- set out from
. _ Medina,
age being completed, Mahomet entered his house, Dzui cada, bathed himself, and put on the two pieces of cloth February, which constitute the covering of the pilgrim. He then mounted his camel, Al Caswa, and led the cavalcade, numbering about fifteen hundred men, across the valley Al Ackick, to Dzul Huleifa, on the road to Mecca.* There they halted, and Ma homet with the rest entered the pilgrim state by repeatedly uttering the cry,— Labbeik ! Labbeik ! which signifies, " Here am I, O Lord!" or — " I am entering, Lord, upon thy service !"f The victims were then consecrated for sacrifice; their heads having been turned towards Mecca, the custo mary ornaments were hung about their necks, and a mark affixed upon their right sides. Seventy camels were thus devoted; amongst them was the famous camel of Abu Jahl, taken on the field of Badr. This done, the pilgrims moved forward by the ordinary stages. A troop of twenty horse marched
* The Secretary gives the number at sixteen hundred: but adds that some traditions say fourteen hundred, others fifteen hundred and twenty-five. Hishami says that one account gives the number at seven hundred ; but that has evidently grown out of the fact that there were seventy camels, and that each camel was sacrificed for ten of the pilgrims. The remaining pilgrims had of course other animals, sheep, goats, &c. for sacrifice. K. Wdcfcidi, 118!; Hishami, 320.
f From this moment the pilgrim assumes the ceremonial state, and observes the abstinence enjoined in consequence, until the rites are ended and the victims slain, when the restrictions cease. See vol i. p. ccv. ; and Sura ii. 197, and xxii. 28.
VOL. i . E
26
The Coreish oppose his advance.
[CHAP .
Alarm of the Coreish, who arm them selves and oppose the advance of Mahomet.
Mahomet leaves the direct road, and encamps at Al Hodei- bia.
in advance to give notice of danger. The pilgrims carried no arms but such as were allowed by custom to the traveller, namely, each a sheathed sword.* The Prophet took one of his wives, Omm Salma, with him.
Tidings of Mahomet's approach soon reached Mecca; and, notwithstanding the pious object and unwarlike attitude of the Medina pilgrims, filled the Coreish with apprehension. They did not credit these peaceful professions; and, perhaps not without reason, suspected treachery. The citizens of Mecca, with their allies of the surrounding tribes, were soon under arms, and occupied a position on the Medina road,f resolved to perish rather than allow the enemy to enter. A body of two hundred horsemen, under Khalid and Ikrima.J was pushed forward in advance.
Mahomet had nearly reached Osfan,§ when a spy returned with this intelligence : — " The Coreish," he said, " are encamped at Dzu Towa, clothed in pan ther's skins ;|| their wives and little ones are with
* Some add among " the travellers' weapons " a bow and a quiver full of arrows; but generally, the sword in its sheath alone is men tioned. Mahomet had a bow and quiver, as will be seen below.
f At Baldah jjj The horse were posted at Kara al Ghamim, the place Abu Bakr formerly advanced to.- See p. 3, note.
t Son of Abu Jahl.
§ He had reached as far as a spot called Ghadir al Ashtzatz.
|| Expressive symbolically of the fixed resolution of the Coreish to fight to the last, like beasts of prey.
XIX.] Mahomet halts at Hodeibia. 27
them ; and they have sworn to die rather than let thee pass." Shortly after, the Meccan cavalry came in sight, and Mahomet's horse went forward to hold them in check. Further advance on the high road was now evidently impossible, without a pitched battle ; and for this Mahomet was not yet prepared. Having therefore halted and procured a guide, he turned off in the evening towards the right, and after a fatiguing march through rugged and difficult de nies, reached the open space called Al Hodeibia, on the verge of the sacred territory which encircles Mecca. Here his camel stopped, and planting her fore legs firmly on the ground, refused to advance another step. " She is wearied," said the people, as they urged her forward, " Nay," exclaimed Mahomet, " Al Caswa is not weary ; but the same hand restraineth her that aforetime held back the elephant," — allud ing to the preservation of Mecca from the invasion of Abraha.* uBy the Lord!" he continued, "no request of the Coreish this day, which they shall make for the honour of the holy place, shall be denied by me." So he alighted, and all the people with him, at Hodeibia. Some wells were on the spot, but having been choked by sand, there was
* See vol i. p. cclxvii. The inference intended is, that God was again interposing to prevent bloodshed and the devastation of Mecca, by staying the farther advance of Mahomet in the same supernatural manner as that by which he held back Abraha from advancing on the city. " The Elephant," the " Year of the Elephant," were used to designate the inroad of Abraha.
28 Negotiations at Hodeibia [CHAP.
little or no water in them. Mahomet, accordingly, taking an arrow from his quiver (the only imple ment at hand), desired one of his followers to descend a well, and with it dig and scrape away the obstructing sand. Abundance of water soon accumulated.*
The road though Hodeibia led by a circuitous route t0 Lower Mecca.f The Coreish no sooner learned that the pilgrims had taken this direction, than they fell back on the city for its defence, and began sending de putations to ascertain the real intentions of Mahomet. Hodeibia being only a short stage distant, the com munications were rapid and frequent.J Bodeil, a chief of the Bani Khozaa, with a party of his tribe, was the first to approach. He acquainted Mahomet with the excited state of the Coreish, and their resolve to defend the city to the last extremity. The Prophet replied, that it was not for war he
* This has been magnified into a miracle. As soon as the arrow was planted in the hitherto empty well, the fountain gushed up, so rapidly that the people sitting on the brink could draw water at ease. By another account, Mahomet spat into the well, on which the spring immediately Bubbled up. According to a third tradition, he thrust his hand into a vessel, on which the water poured forth as it were from between his fingers, and all drank therefrom :— « The stream would have sufficed for a hundred thousand people." K. Wdckidi, 118J, 119.
t It probably joined the Jedda road, some little distance from Mecca.
J The Secretary of Wackidi (p. 1181), makes Hodeibia nine Arabian miles from Mecca. M. C. de Perceval makes it twelve hours: vol iii. 177: but it can hardly have been so far.
xix.] between Mahomet and the Coreish. 29
had come forth. " I have no other design," he said, " but to perform the pilgrimage of the holy house: and whosoever hindereth us therefrom, we shall fight against them." Orwa, a chief from Tayif, connected with the Coreish, was the next ambassador. He came, saying " that the people of Mecca were desperate. They will not suffer this rabble of thine to approach the city. I swear that even now I see thee as it were, by the morrow, deserted of them all." At this Abu Bakr started up and warmly resented the imputation. Orwa, not heeding him, became still more earnest in his speech, and (according to the familiar Bedouin custom) stretched forth his hand to take hold of Mahomet's beard. " Back ! " cried a bystander, striking his arm. "Hold off thy hands from the Prophet of God!" "And who is this ?" said Orwa, surprised at the interposition of the youth. " It is thy brother's son, Moghira." "O ungrateful !" he exclaimed (alluding to his having paid compensation for certain murders committed by his nephew), " it is but as yesterday that I redeemed thy life." These and other circum stances which transpired at the interview, struck Orwa with a deep sense of the reverence and devo tion of the Moslems towards their Prophet ; and this he endeavoured to impress upon the Coreish, when he carried back to them a message similar to that of BodeiL* But the Coreish were firm. Whatever his
* Orwa had married Abu Sofian's daughter. There were fre quent intermarriages between the inhabitants of Tayif and Mecca.
30 Negotiations with the Coreish. [CHAP.
intentions, Mahomet should not approach the city with the show of force, and thus humble them in the eyes of all Arabia. " Tell him," they said, " that this year he must go back ; but in the year following, he may enter Mecca and perform the pilgrimage." One of their messengers was Jalis, chief of the Arab tribes that dwelt around Mecca. The goodly row of victims, with their sacrificial ornaments, and the marks upon their necks of having been long tied up for this pious object, at once convinced him of the sincerity of Mahomet's peaceful professions. But the Coreish. on his return, refused to listen to him. " Thou art a simple Arab of the desert," they said, " and knowest not the devices of other men." Jalis was enraged at this slight, and swore that if they continued to oppose the advance of Mahomet to the Kaaba, he would
Orwa was rough of speech: his dialogue with Mahomet and his followers is given with great detail and vividness by Hishami, p. 323. He told the Coreish that he had seen many kings, — the Chosroes, the Caysar, the Najashi, &c., but never had witnessed such attention and homage as Mahomet received from his fol lowers; — they rushed to save the water in which he had per formed his ablutions, to 'catch up his spittle, or seize a hair of his if it chanced to fall. But these are all fabrications of later days, — the intense veneration of which was reflected back upon this period, vol i. Introd. pp. xxix. and Ixiii. There is no reason to believe that there was any such abject worship of Mahomet during his lifetime.
Orwa, however, saw enough to convince him of the extraor dinary influence which Mahomet had gained over his followers ; and what he saw perhaps contributed to his own conversion. We shall find him in the end a martyr of Islam.
XIX.] Othman despatched to Mecca. 31
retire with all his Arabs. The threat alarmed the Coreish. "Have patience for a little while," they said, " until we can make such terms as are needful for our security." Negotiations were then opened in greater earnest.
The first messenger from the Moslem camp to Deputation
1 of Othman to
Mecca, a convert from the Bani Khozaa, the Coreish the had seized and treated roughly; they maimed the Prophet's camel on which he rode, and even threatened his life.* But the feeling was now more pacific, and Mahomet desired Omar to proceed to Mecca as his ambassador. Omar excused himself on account of the personal enmity of the Coreish towards him; he had, moreover, no influential rela tives in the city who could shield him from danger; and he pointed to Othman as a fitter envoy. Othman consented, and was at once despatched. On entering Mecca, he received the protection of a cousin, and went straightway to Abu Sofian and the other chiefs of the Coreish. " We come," said Othman, " to visit the holy house, to honour it, and to perform worship there. We have brought victims with us, and after slaying them we shall then depart in peace." They replied that Othman, if he chose, might visit the Kaaba and worship there; but as for Mahomet, they had sworn that this year he should not enter the
* Hishami also says that a party of forty or fifty Coreish went round about Mahomet's camp, seeking to cut off any stray fol lowers ; and that having attacked the camp itself with stones and arrows, they were caught and taken to Mahomet, who pardoned and released them. The Secretary has nothing of this.
32 TJie " Pledge of the Tree." [CHAP.
precincts of their city. Othman declined the offer, and returned with their message to the camp.
Meanwhile, during the absence of Othman, there had been Sreat excitement at Hodeibia. Some delay having occurred in his return, a report Tent asaam-en gained currency that he had been murdered at Mecca°r t0 Mecca.* Anxiety and alarm overspread the camp. Mahomet himself began to suspect treachery: he summoned the whole company of the pilgrims around him, and taking his stand under the thick shade of an acacia, required a pledge from each of faithful service even to death. When all had thus sworn, striking one by one their hand upon the hand of Mahomet, the Prophet struck his own left hand upon his right, as a pledge that he would stand by his absent son-in-law. While war and revenge thus breathed throughout the pilgrim camp, their fears were suddenly relieved by the reappearance of Othman. But " the pledge of the tree" is a scene to which Mahomet, and all who were then present, ever after loved to revert; for here the strong feelings of devotion and sympathy between the Prophet and his followers had found a fitting and ardent ex- pression.*)* Their martial spirit and religious fervour
* Hishami says that Othman was actually placed in confine ment at Mecca. But this is not stated by the Secretary; and it does not appear that his return was so long delayed as to render this probable.
f It is called "the oath of good pleasure;" — ^^J! 4*Ju i.e. well pleasing to the Lord, referring to Sura xlviii. 17, which will be quoted below.
xix.] Truce of Hodeibia. 33
had been excited to the highest pitch; and they were prepared to rush upon their enemy with a resistless onset. It was one of those romantic occa sions which lives in the memory of an Arab.
After some farther interchange of messages, the The Treaty Coreish deputed one of their chiefs, Soheil ibn Amr, homet and the
T -i . Coreish.
and other representatives, with full powers to con clude a treaty of peace. The conference was long, and the discussion warm. But at last the terms were settled. Mahomet summoned Ali to write them from his dictation. And thus he began: —
"IN THE NAME OF GOD, MOST GRACIOUS AND MER CIFUL !"--" Stop! " said Soheil. "As for God, we know him; but this new title of the Deity, we know it not. Say, as we have always said, In thy name, 0 God!" Mahomet yielded. "Write," he said,—
" IN THY NAME, O GOD ! These are the conditions of peace between Mahomet the Prophet of God, and of Soheil, son of" — "Stop again!" interposed Soheil. " If I acknowledged thee to be the Prophet of God, I had not taken up arms against thee. Write, as the custom is, thine own name and the name of thy father."* " Write then," continued Mahomet calmly, — "between Mahomet the son of Abdallah, and Soheil the son of Amr. War shall be suspended for ten years. Neither side shall attack the other. Perfect
* The second interruption by Soheil is not mentioned by the Secretary.
VOL. IV. F
34 Treaty of Hodeibia. [CHAP.
amity shall prevail betwixt us. Whosoever wisheth to join Mahomet, and enter into treaty with him, shall have liberty to do so; and whoever wisheth to join the Coreish, and enter into treaty with them, shall have liberty so to do. If any one goeth over to Mahomet, without the permission of his guardian, he shall be sent back to his guardian. But, if any one from amongst the followers of Mahomet return to the Coreish, the same shall not be sent back. Provided,— on the part of the Coreish,— that Ma homet and his followers retire from us this year without entering our city. In the coming year, he may visit Mecca, he and his followers, for three days, when we shall retire therefrom. But they may not enter it with any weapons, save those of the traveller, namely, to each a sheathed sword.* The witnesses hereof are Abu Bakr" $c.f
* I have mainly followed the Secretary of Wackidi, p. 119; his version is the same in substance as that of Hishami, p. 326 ; it differs, however, in one or two important points, in the arrange- ment of the clauses. It is clear from this that no copy of the treaty was preserved, but that the contents have been handed down by oral tradition. There is a separate tradition given by the Secre tary (p. 119-k) to this effect: — " And Mahomet wrote (i_^. j£) at the foot of the treaty, The same shall be incumbent upon you towards us, as is incumbent upon us towards you"
f Here follow eight other names, viz,— Omar, Abd al Rahman, Sad ibn Abi Wackkas, Ottoman, Abu Obeida, Muhammad ibn Maslama, Huweitib ibn Abd al Ozza, Mukriz ibn Hafaz (the two last belonged to the Coreishite party, see Hishami, p. 347), and below all followed this sentence : — " The upper part of this was written by Ali " (meaning probably the text of the treaty above the signatures.) Wackidi, 119.
XIX.] Advantages gained by the Treaty. 35
A copy of this important document, duly attested, was made over to Soheil and his comrades, who depart. then took their departure. The original was kept by Mahomet himself.
Though unable to enter Mecca, Mahomet re- Mahomet
... and his fol-
solved to complete such ceremonies or the pilgrimage lowers sacri- as the nature of the spot admitted of. So he sacrificed victims!*" the victims and concluded the solemnity by shaving his head. The rest of the pilgrims having followed his example,* the whole assembly broke up, and began their march honiewards.f
The people, led by the Vision to anticipate an Although the
J 4 \ people were
unopposed visit to the Kaaba, were disappointed at disappointed, this imperfect fulfilment of the Pilgrimage, and crest- gave to Ma-
. . hornet great
fallen at the abortive result of their long journey, political ad-
But, in truth, a great step had been gained byv<
Mahomet. His political status, as an equal and
independent Power, was acknowledged by the treaty :
the ten years' truce would afford opportunity and
time for the new Religion to expand, and to force
its claims upon the conviction of the Coreish ; while
_______ . — — •
* Some cut their hair instead of shaving it. There is a great array of tradition to prove that Mahomet blessed the " Cutters," aa well as the " Shavers," of their hair.
Amono; the miracles mentioned on the occasion is this, " that the
o
Lord sent a strong wind and swept the hair of the Pilgrims into the sacred Territory," which was within a stone's throw of the camp ; — thus signifying acceptance of the rite, notwithstanding its performance on common ground. K. Wdckidi, 120^.
f Mahomet's detention at Hodeibia is said by some to have lasted ten, by others twenty days. K. Wdckidi, 119.
36 Truce of Hodeibia a " Victory." [CHAP.
conquest, political and spiritual, might be pursued unshackled in other directions. The stipulation that no one under the protection of a guardian should leave the Coreish without his guardian's consent, was in accordance with the settled principles of Meccan society; and the Prophet had sufficient con fidence in the loyalty of his people, and the superior attractions of his cause, to fear no ill effect from the counter clause, that none should be delivered up who might desert his own standard. Above all, the great and patent success in the negotiation was the free permission accorded to Mahomet and his people to visit Mecca in the following year, and for three days to occupy the city undisturbed. A Eevelation was accordingly produced, to place in a clear light this view of the treaty, and to raise the drooping sPirits of the Pilgrims. At the close of the first march, the people might be seen hurrying across the plain, urging their camels from all directions, and crowding round the Prophet, " Inspiration hath descended on him," passed from mouth to mouth throughout the camp. Standing on his camel, Ma homet began his address with the opening words of the Forty-eighth Sura: —
•l Verily WE have given unto thee an evident Victory;— " That God may pardon thee the Sin that is past and that is to come, and fulfil his Favour upon thee, and lead thee in the right way ; —
" And that God may assist thee with a glorious assistance,"
SectsTthe Thls Vict°ry has Puzzled man7 of the commen- " Victory.- tators, who seek to apply it to other occasions; but
XIX<] Advantages of the Truce. 37
all their applications are far-fetched and untenable.* When the passage was ended, it is said that a by stander inquired, " What ! is this the Victory ?"- " Yea," Mahomet replied, " by Him that holdeth in His hand my breath, it is a Victory." Another reminded him of the promise that they should enter into Mecca unmolested. "True; the Lord hath promised that indeed," said the Prophet, " but when did He promise that it should be in the present year ? " The comments of Zohri (though somewhat exaggerated) are very much to the purpose.f (>c There was no previous Victory," he says, " in Islam, greater than this. On all other occasions there was fighting: but here War was laid aside, tranquillity and peace restored; the one party henceforward met and con versed freely with the other, and there was no man of sense or judgment amongst the idolaters who was not led thereby to join Islam. And truly in the two years that followed, as many persons entered the Faith as there belonged to it altogether before, or even a greater number." — " And the proof of this," adds Ibn Hisham, " is that, whereas Mahomet went forth to Hodeibia with only fourteen hundred (or fifteen hundred) men, he was followed two years later, in the attack on Mecca, by ten thousand." J
* As for instance, the conquest of Kheibar, of Mecca, &c. In vv. 18 — 21, it is true that such future victories are promised. But the words here are descriptive of an event already passed,
t Hishdmi, p. 331.
J Ibid. 328. The truth is, that men looked back upon this treaty
38 .Denunciation of the Bedouins. [CHAP.
The Bedouins In the Sura of which I have just quoted the
denounced for ..-.'..
not joining the opening verses, the Arab tribes which neglected the
pilgrimage.
summons to go forth with Mahomet to the pilgrimage are severely reprimanded; and (the severest punish ment for on Arab) they are forbidden to join the true believers in any future marauding excursion.*
in the light of subsequent events. It appeared strange that he who, in less than two years was supreme dictator at Mecca, could be now suing for permission to enter that city, and that he was not only satisfied with these scanty terms, but could even call them a " Victory." His present weakness was overlooked in the con sideration of later triumphs. Hence the vaunting speech put into Omar's mouth, that " had these terms been fixed by any other than by Mahomet himself, — even by a commander of his appoint ment, he would have scorned to listen to them ;" IL Wdckidi, 120; and the indignant conversation he is said to have held with Abu Bakr: — "What ! Is not Mahomet the Prophet of God? Are we not Moslems ? Are not they Infidels ? Why then is our divine religion to be thus lowered ?" &c. Hishdmi, 325. Hence also the alleged unwillingness of the people to kill their victims at Hodeibia; for, says Hishami, they were like men dying of vexation, p. 326.
* Not to swell the text unreasonably with quotations, I trans cribe the passage in this note : —
" The Arabs who stayed behind will say to thee, — Our Possessions and our Families engaged us ; wherefore thou ask Pardon for us. They say that with their tongues which is not in their hearts ; — say ; — And who could procure for you any (other) thing from God, if he intended against you Evil,— or if he intended for you Good. Verily God is acquainted with that which ye do.
'* Truly ye thought that the Apostle and the Believers would not return to their Families again for ever ; this thought was decked out in your Hearts ; ye imagined an evil Imagination ; and ye are a corrupt People.* *
" Those that stayed behind will say when ye go forth to seize the Spoil, Suffer us to follow you. They seek to change the word of God. Say ; — Ye shall not follow us I for thus hath God already spoken. And they will say; — Nay but ye grudge us (a share in the Booty). By no means. They are a People that understandeth little.
xix.] The Pilgrims praised for their constancy.
The pilgrims who took the solemn oath under the tree are in the same Sura applauded for their faithfulness ; it was the hand of God himself, not the hand of his Apostle merely, which was upon theirs when the pledge was given;* Victory and great spoil shall be their reward : —
" Verily God was well pleased with the Believers, when they Notices of this pledged themselves to Thee under the tree. He knew what was S in their hearts, and he caused Tranquillity! to descend upon them, Sura, and granted them a speedy Victory ; —
" And Spoils in abundance, which they shall take;J and God is Glorious and Wise.
" God hath promised you great Spoil, which ye shall seize; and He hath sent this (Truce) beforehand. § He hath restrained the
" Say unto the Arabs that stayed behind, Ye shall hereafter be called out against a People of great might in war, with whom ye shall fight, or else they shall profess Islam. Then if ye obey, God will give you a fair Reward; but if ye turn back as ye have turned back heretofore, he shall chastise you with a grievous chastisement." Sura xlviii. 11, et seq.
The meaning apparently is that these Arabs would first have to prove themselves in real and severe fighting (perhaps in Syria or elsewhere) before they were again allowed to join in easy expe ditions for booty.
* v. 10.
j Sekina, or Shechina, i.e. Divine influence overshadowing the heart.
J This may allude to the promise of future spoils. Mahomet had no doubt Kheibar, and other expeditions northward, in his mind's eye at the moment : the prospect is also intended to aggra vate the grief of the Arabs at the loss of so fine a prize.
If any portion of these or the following verses are to be construed in the past tense as booty already granted, we must suppose them to have been revealed after the conquest of Kheibar, and then placed in their present context. But this supposition I do not think necessary.
§ That is, cleared the way for victories by this preparatory truce.
40 Revelation regarding the Pilgrimage to Hodeibia. [CHAP.
hands of men from you, that it may be a sign unto the Believers, and that He may guide you into the right way.
" And yet other (Spoils are prepared for you), over which ye have (now) no power. But God hath encompassed them ; for God is over all things Powerful.
" If the Unbelievers had fought against you, verily they had
turned their backs. * *
"It is God that restrained their hands from you, and your hands from them, in the Valley of Mecca, after he had already made you superior to them ;* and God observed that which ye did.
" These are they which disbelieve, which hindered you from visiting the holy Temple; and (hindered) the Victims also, — which were kept back, so that they reached not their destination.
" And had it not been for believing men, and believing women, whom ye know not, and whom ye might have trampled upon, and blame might on their account unwittingly have fallen on you (God had not held thee back from entering Mecca ; but he did so) that God might cause such as He pleaseth to enter into his Mercy. If these had been separable, verily we had punished those of them j (the inabitants of Mecca) that disbelieve, with a grievous Punishment.
"When the Unbelievers raised scruples in their own hearts, —
* Or, " given you the victory over them." This is by some referred to the body of forty or fifty Coreish said to have been captured in their attempt to do mischief to the pilgrim camp, and who were liberated by Mahomet. See above, note p. 31. But even if that incident were certain, the mention of it would be here irrelevant, the words refer generally to the alleged supe riority in the negotiations, which it was Mahomet's interest and object to assume throughout.
•f i.e. those of the Coreish. Mahomet would here make it appear that there were numerous Believers in his mission at Mecca unknown to him, and that God held him back from attack ing- Mecca lest these should have been involved in the common de struction.
XIX>j Effects of the Truce. 41
the scruples of Ignorance,* — then God sent down Tranquillity upon His Apostle, and upon the Believers, and fixed in them the word of Piety ;f and they were the best entitled to it, and worthy of the same; — for God comprehendeth all things.
" Now hath God verified unto His Apostle the Vision in truth ; — Ye shall surely enter the Holy Temple, if it please God, in security, having your heads shaven and your hair cut. Fear ye not : for he knoweth that which ye know not. And he hath appointed for you after this, a speedy Victory besides.
" It is He who hath sent His Apostle with Guidance, and the true Religion, — that he may exalt it above every other."J
One of the first political effects of the Treaty was The Bani
-i Khoziia join
that the Bani Khozaa, who had irom the first shown alliance with
,,.,,, ... -,. -, Mahomet; the
favour to the new laith, 9 entered immediately into Bani Bakr open alliance with Mahomet. The Bani Bakr,
another tribe resident in the vicinity of Mecca, adhered to the Coreish.
The stipulation for the surrender of converts at The son of
.,-, -, Soheil given
the instance of their guardians, was soon illustrated up by Ma- by one or two peculiar incidents. The son of Soheil, himself the representative of the Coreish, appeared at Hodeibia, just as the Treaty was concluded, and desired to follow Mahomet. But his father claimed
* Alluding to their having objected to the use of the epithets of the Deity, &c. at the beginning of the treaty.
•f i.e. the right profession of faith, which ought to have been in the treaty. All this is a sort of apology for having yielded to Soheil.
J Sura, xlviii. 18-28.
§ See vol. i. p. cclxii. They had of old been closely connected with the branch of Abdal Muttalib, as distinct from that of Omeyn.
VOL. IV. G
42 Abu Basir and his Sand. [CHAP.
him, and although the lad earnestly remonstrated, the claim was admitted. "Have patience, Abu Jandal !" said Mahomet to him, — " put thy trust in the Lord. He will work out for thee, and for others like thee, a way of deliverance."* Abu Basir Some little time after the return of Mahomet. Abu
gathers a band
of marauders, Basir, a young convert, effected his escape from
and harasses * '
the Coreish. Mecca, and appeared at Medina. His guardians sent two servants with a letter to Mahomet, and instruc tions to bring the deserter back to his home. The obligation of surrender was at once admitted by Mahomet, and Abu Basir set out for Mecca. But he had travelled only a few miles, when he trea cherously seized the sword of one of his conduc tors, and slew him, The other servant fled back to Medina ; Abu Basir himself followed with the naked sword in his hand, reeking with blood. Both soon reached the presence of Mahomet; the servant to complain of the murder, Abu Basir to plead for his freedom. The youth contended that as the Prophet
* The story is told by tradition with much over-colouring. Abu Jandal came up just as the treaty was completed, having escaped from Mecca in his chains. His father beat him and dragged him away. He screamed aloud to the Moslems to save him : but Mahomet said that he could not diverge from the terms of the treaty just concluded. Omar walked by the lad as he was being led back, and comforted him with such ideas as these : — " The blood of these infidels is no better than the blood of dogs." The whole story is so exaggerated, that it is difficult to say what degree of truth there is in it. But I think it must have had some foundation in fact.
xix. j Harass the Coreish. 43
Lad once fulfilled the letter of the Treaty in de livering him up, he was now free to remain behind. Mahomet gave no direct reply. His answer was enigmatical: after an exclamation in praise of his bravery,* he added in a voice of admiration :— " What a kindler of War, if he had but with him a body of adherents !" Thus encouraged, Abu Basir quitted Medina and went to Al Is, by the sea shore, on the caravan road to Syria. The words of Mahomet were not long in becoming known at Mecca, and the restless youths of the Coreish, receiving them as a suggestion to follow the same example, set out to join Abu Basir, who was soon surrounded with about seventy followers desperate as himself. They waylaid every caravan from Mecca (for since the truce, traffic with Syria had again sprung up), and spared the life of no one. The Coreish were at length so harassed by these attacks, that they solicited the interference of Ma homet ; and, on condition that the outrages were stopped, waived their claim to have the deserters delivered up. Mahomet acceded to the request, and summoned the marauders to Medina, where they took up their abode.f
It seems obvious to remark that, however much Mahomet's
su pport of
Mahomet may have been within the letter of the Mm in con-
* " Alas for his mother !" signifying that his bravery would likely lead him to be killed in some daring conflict.
•f The story of Abu Basir is not given by the secretary.
44
Women not surrendered under the Truce.
[CHAP.
Rule as to women who fled from Mecca to Medina.
travention of truce in this proceeding, the encouragement held
the spirit of . r , . ,
the Treaty, out by him to Abu Basir and his comrades, in their hostility to the Coreish, was a breach of its spirit. Abu Basir professed himself an adherent of Islam, and, as such, implicitly subservient to the commands of the Prophet. To incite him, therefore, to a course of plunder and rapine, was a virtual contraven tion of the engagement to promote amity and peace.
The stipulation for the surrender of deserters made no distinction as to sex. A female having fled to Medina, whose guardians were at Mecca, her brothers followed her, and demanded her restoration under the terms of truce. Mahomet demurred. The Divine Oracle was called in, and it gave judgment in favour of the woman. All women who came over to Medina, were to be " tried," and if their profession was found sincere, they were to be retained. The unbelief of their husbands dissolved the previous marriage ; they now might legally contract fresh nuptials with believers, provided only that restitution were made of any sums expended by their former husbands as dower upon them. The marriage bond was similarly annulled between believers and their unbelieving wives who had remained behind at Mecca ; — and their dowers might be reckoned in adjusting the payments due to the Coreish on ac count of the women retained at Medina. Though the rule is thus laid down at length in the Goran,
xix.] Women not surrendered under the Truce. 45
but few cases of the kind are cited by tradi
tion.:
* ffishdmi, p. 330. The woman there mentioned as coming over to Medina was daughter of Ocba, so cruelly executed by Mahomet after Badr. See vol. iii. p 116. Another similar refugee is noticed by M. C. de Perceval as married to Omar (iii. 187). On the other hand, Omar divorced Coreina, his wife, who re mained at Mecca, and who was then married by Abu Sofian. Another similar case is cited by Ilishdmi, 330.
The rule is given in the Sixtieth Sura. It opens with strong remonstrances against making friends of Unbelievers ; for Mahomet probably found that his people were, since the truce, becoming too intimate with the Meccans, and feared lest the tendency of such friendships would relax the discipline and esprit de corps of Islam.
Then follows the passage regarding the women : —
" 0 ye that believe ! When believing women come over unto you as Refugees, then try them ; God well knoweth their faith. And if ye know them to be believers, return them not again unto the infidels ; they are not lawful (as wives) unto the infidels ; neither are the infidels lawful (as husbands) unto them. But give unto them (the infidels) what they may have expended (on their dowers). It is no sin for you that ye marry them, after that ye shall have given them (the women) their dowers.
" And retain not the (honour or) patronage of the unbelieving women ; but demand back that which ye have spent (in their dowers) ; and let the infidels demand back what they have spent (on the women which come over to you).
" This is the judgment of God, which he establisheth between you ; and God is knowing and wise.
" And if any of your wives escape from you unto the infidels, and ye have your turn (by the elopement of their wives unto you), then give to those whose wives have gone (out of the dower of the latter) a sum equal to that which they have expended (on the dowers of the former) ; and fear God in whom ye believe.
" O Prophet ! When believing Women come unto thee, and plight their faith unto thee that they will not associate any with God, that they will not steal, neither commit adultery, that they
46 Dream of universal Supremacy. [CHAP.
^^e Pi%r™age to Hodeibia is the last event of universal importance which occurred in the Sixth year of
submission to »
Islam. Mahomet's residence at Medina. But towards its
close a new and singular project occupied his atten tion. It was nothing less than to summon the sovereigns of the surrounding States and Empires to his allegiance ! The principles of Mahomet had been slowly but surely tending towards the univer sal imposition of his faith. "Wherever his arms had reached, the recognition of his Divine mission, and of his spiritual authority as the Apostle of God, was peremptorily required. An exception indeed was made in favour of Jews and Christians ; but even these, if they retained their faith, must pay tribute, as an admission of its inferiority. It may seem a ^chimerical and wild design in the Prophet of
will not kill their children, nor promulgate a calumny forged between their hands and their feet, and that they will not be dis obedient unto thee in that which is reasonable, —then pledge thy faith unto them, and seek pardon of God for them. For God is Gracious and Merciful." Sura,'lx. 10-12.
Stanley on Corinthians (1 Cor. vii. 1-40) quotes the above passage, and says that the rule it contains " resembles that of the Apostle." "Vol. i. p. 145. But there is reallyno analogy between them ; the gospel rule differs toto caelo from that of Mahomet : — "If any brother hath a wife that believeth not, and she be
pleased to dwell with him, let him not put her away." And
similarly the case of a believing wife with an unbelieving hus band (1 Cor. vii. 12-16). Whereas Mahomet declares the& mar riage bond de facto annulled by the unbelief of either party, which indeed was only to be expected from his loose ideas regarding the marriage contract.
xix.] Dream of universal Supremacy. 47
Medina, — scarcely able as he was to maintain his own. position, helplessly besieged twelve months before, and forced but lately to retire from Mecca with his purpose of pilgrimage unaccomplished, — that he should dream of supremacy, either spiritual or political, over Egypt, Abyssinia, and Syria, nay over the Roman and Persian Empires. But so it was. Besides the stedfast and lofty conviction which he had of his duty and mission as the Apostle of God, it is not to be supposed that a person so sagacious and discerning should have failed to per ceive in the signs of the times a grand opportunity of success. The Roman Empire was broken and wearied by successive shocks of barbarous invasion : and together with the Kingdom of Persia it had been wasted by a long and devastating war. Schism had rent and paralyzed the Christian Church. The Melchites and the Jacobites, the Monothelites and the Nestorians, regarded each other with a deadly hatred, and were ready to welcome any intruder that would rid them of their adversaries. The new faith would sweep away all the sophistries about which they vainly contended: holding fast the sub stratum of previous Eevelation, it substituted a reformed and universal religion for the effete and erring systems which the priesthood had introduced. The claims of truth, enforced by the army of God, would surely conquer. Such perhaps were the thoughts of Mahomet, when he determined to send
48 Despatches to various Kings and Princes. [CHAP.
embassies to the Caesar and the Chosroes, to Abys sinia, Egypt. Syria and Yemama.* Seal engraved It was suggested by one of his followers that the kings of the earth did not receive despatches, unless they were attested by a seal. Accordingly Mahomet had a seal made of silver, and engraved with the words MAHOMET THE APOSTLE or GoD.f Letters were written and sealed, and the six messengers simultaneously despatched to their various destina tions, on the opening of the new year, as shall be farther related in the following chapter.^
* Weil (p. 190) thinks that the good treatment of the Refugees by the Najashy (Abyssinian Prince) may have suggested the idea. But Mahomet's views had evidently, by degrees, been taking a wider range, independently of that circumstance, f K. WdcJcidi, 491 : see vol. i. p. Ixxvii.
J It is pretended that his messengers, " like the Apostles of Jesus," were immediately endowed with the faculty of speak ing the language of the country to which they were deputed. K. Wackidi, 51. But Mahomet evidently selected for the purpose men who, as travellers, merchants, or otherwise, had before visited the respective countries. So Dehya was sent to Syria. See above, p. 10.
Less trustworthy authorities make these embassies to have started from Medina, on various dates. But Wackidi's secretary states distinctly that all set out on the same day, in Moharram, A.H. VII. K. Wdclddi, 49 J.
In one place (p. 39£) the Secretary says that the embassy to Abyssinia started on the 1st Rabi, i. e. two months later than the date above given. The discrepancy may perhaps be accounted for by supposing that the original tradition placed the date seven years after the Hegira of Mahomet; — -one set of traditionists counting from the nominal opening of the Hegira era (Moharram), the other from the actual arrival of Mahomet in Medina, two months later. See vol. ii. p. 261.
CHAPTER TWENTIETH.
Embassies to various Sovereigns and Princes. A.H. VII. A.D. 627.
A BKIEF glance at the state of the Roman and Glance at the
T> • TI • i . state of the
Persian Empires may now be necessary, to connect Roman and the salient points of their external history with the *££?* em~ career of Mahomet.
From a period as far back as his assumption by struggles be-
-»*-i /» -i T-» i • rv» T T. tween the
Mahomet of the Prophetic omce, the two kingdoms Roman empire had been waging with each other a ceaseless and AD. eosf-ear. deadly warfare. Until the year 621 A.D, unvarying success attended the Persian arms. Syria, Egypt, Asia Minor, were overrun. Constantinople itself was threatened. At last, Heraclius awoke from his in glorious lethargy. About the time of Mahomet's flight A.D. 022. from Mecca, the Roman Emperor was driving his invaders from their fastnesses in Asia Minor. In A.D. 623-525. the second campaign he carried the war into the heart of Persia; during the three years in which, by this brilliant stroke, he was retrieving the for tunes of the Empire, Mahomet was engaged in his doubtful struggle with the Coreish. Then came the critical siege of Constantinople by the Avars and JulJ> G2$. Persians, which preceded, by little more than half a
VOL, IV. H
50
Despatch to Heraclius.
[CHAP .
March, 627.
A.IX 627. A.H. VI.
Feb. March, 628.
year, the siege of Medina, known as the battle of the Ditch. It is curious to remark that, while the Moslems attributed the sudden departure of Abu Sofian and his Arab hosts, to the special interposi tion of the Almighty, the Komans equally ascribed their signal deliverance from the hordes of the Chagan, to the favour of the Virgin. In the third campaign, Heraclius followed up his pre vious success, and on the 1st December, 627, achieved the decisive victory of Nineveh. In this action the forces of Persia were irretrievably broken and dispersed. On the 29th of that month, the Chosroes fled from his capital. Before the close of February, 628, he was murdered by his son i)zuicada,vi. Siroes, who ascended the throne, and concluded a treaty of peace with the Emperor. About the same epoch, Mahomet was at Hodeibia, ratifying his truce with the chiefs of Mecca.
In the autumn of this year, Heraclius fulfilled his vow of thanksgiving for the wonderful success which had crowned his arms; he performed on foot the pilgrimage from Edessa to Jerusalem, where the " true cross," recovered from the Persians, was with solemnity and pomp restored to the Holy Sepulchre.* While preparing for this journey, or during the
* The note by Weil, No. 309, p. 198, on the chronology of this journey, appears to me clearly to fix it in August, 628, and not (as usually placed) in the spring of 629. I refer the reader to that note, as, having no fresh authorities available for research, I could only recapitulate the arguments of Weil.
I. Despatch of Mahomet to Heraclius. A.D. 628. A.H. VII.
XXt-j Despatch to Heraclius. 51
journey itself, an uncouth despatch, in the Arabic character, was laid before Heraclius. It was for warded by the Governor of Bostra, into whose hands it had been delivered by an Arab chief. The epistle was addressed to the Emperor himself, from " Ma homet the Apostle of God," the rude impression of whose seal could be deciphered at the foot. In strange and simple accents, like those of the Pro phets of old, it summoned Heraclius to acknowledge the mission of Mahomet, to cast aside the idolatrous worship of Jesus and his Mother, and to return to the Catholic faith of the one only God.* The letter
Arab writers, in order to give sufficient time for the miraculous intimation by Mahomet of the death of Chosroes, place that event on the 13th of the first Jumad, A.H. VII., or 21st August 628. But the details of the Greek historians, and the despatch of He raclius to the senate of Constantinople, inserted in the Clironicon Paschale, leave no doubt as to the dates in the text.
Supposing the embassies to have started from Medina during the 1st Rabi (see the last note in the preceding chapter), i.e. in June or July, the despatch would reach Heraclius on his journey, as represented by tradition. If we take the earlier date of Mo ri arram (April, May,) for their despatch, it is open for us to suppose some delay on the road.
* The terms of the despatches are quite uncertain. The draughts of them given by tradition, with the replies, are apocryphal. (But see Mow as to the Egyptian Despatch.} The ordinary copy^of the letter to Heraclius contains a passage from the Goran which, as Weil shows, was not given forth till the ninth year of the Hegira (note, No. 309.) The passage was apparently inserted by the Traditionists as being a probable and an appropriate address from their Prophet to a Christian king.
Dehya, the bearer of this despatch, was desired by Mahomet to forward it through the governor of Bostra. K. Wdckidi, p. 50.
52 Despatch to HdritL [CHAI>.
was probably cast aside, or preserved, it may be, as a strange curiosity, the effusion of some harmless fanatic.* ii. Despatch Not long after, another despatch, bearing the
totheGhassan- J
idc Prince, same seal, and couched in similar terms, reached the court of Heraclius. It was addressed to Harith seventh, son of Abu Shammir, Prince of the Bani Ghassan,f who forwarded it to the Emperor, with an address from himself, soliciting permission to chastise the audacious impostor. J But Heraclius,
* Tradition of course has another story. " Now the Emperor was at this time at Hims, performing a pedestrian journey, in fulfilment of the vow which he had made that, if the Romans overcame the Persians, he would travel on foot from Constan tinople to Aelia (Jerusalem). So having read the letter, he commanded his chief men to meet him in the royal camp at Hims. And thus he addressed them : — " Ye chiefs of Rome ! Do ye desire safety and guidance, so that your kingdom shall be firmly established, and that ye may follow the commands of Jesus, son of Mary ?" " And what, O King ! shall secure us this ?" — " Even that ye follow the Arabian Prophet," said Heraclius. Whereupon they all started aside like wild asses of the desert, each raising his cross and waving it aloft in the air. Whereupon, Heraclius, despairing of their conversion, and unwilling to lose his kingdom, desisted, saying that he had only wished to test their constancy and faith, and that he was now satisfied and rejoiced by this display of firmness and devotion. The courtiers bowed their heads; and so the Prophet's despatch was rejected." K. Wdckidi, p. 50.
f See vol. i. p. clxxxviii,
J Tradition tells us that the messenger of Mahomet found Harith in the gardens of Damascus, busied with preparations for the re ception of the Emperor, who was shortly expected there on his way to Jerusalem. He waited at the gate of Harith three or four days,
xx.] Despatch to the King of Persia. 53
re^ardino- the ominous voice from Arabia beneath his
^O O
notice, forbade the expedition, and desired that Ha- rith should be in attendance at Jerusalem, to swell the imperial train at the approaching visitation of the Temple. Little did the Emperor imagine that the kingdom which, unperceived by the world, the obscure Pretender was founding in Arabia, would in a few short years wrest from his grasp that Holy City and the fair provinces which, with so much toil, and so much glory, he had just recovered from the Persians !
The despatch for the king of Persia reached the court probably some months after the accession of of Persia. Siroes. It was delivered to the Monarch, who, on hearing the contents, tore it in pieces. When this was reported to Mahomet, he prayed, and said: —
as audiences were granted only at certain intervals. During this delay, he communicated to the Porter information about Mahomet and his doctrine. The Porter wept and said, "I read the Gospel, and I find therein the description of this Prophet exactly as thou tellest me :" thereupon he embraced Islam, and sent his salutation to the Prophet. The story is in the stereotyped form of tradi tional fabrication.
On a set day, Harith, sitting in state, called for the messenger, and had the Despatch read. Then he cast it aside and said, — " Who is he that will snatch my kingdom from me? I will march against him, were he even in Yemen." He became very angry, and having called out his army in battle array, said to the messenger, — " Go, tell thy master that which thou seest." The messenger, however, was afterwards permitted to wait for the reply of Heraclius : on its receipt, Harith dismissed him with a present of one hundred mithcals of gold. When the messenger reported what had passed,
54 Conversion of Bddzdn. [CHAP.
" Even thus, 0 Lord ! rend thou his kingdom from him!"* ™ Connected with the court of Persia, but of date
of Badzan,
governor of somewhat earlier than this despatch, is a remarkable
Yemen.
End of incident, which was followed by results of consider- Beginningof able importance. A few months before his over-
A.D. 628. r
throw, Chosroes, receiving strange reports of the prophetical claims of Mahomet, and of the depreda tions committed on the Syrian border by his maraud ing bands, sent orders to Badzan, the Persian governor of Yemen, to despatch two trusty men to Medina, and procure for him certain information regarding the Pretender. Badzan obeyed, and with the mes sengers sent a courteous despatch to Mahomet. By the time they arrived at Medina, tidings had reached the Prophet of the deposition and death of Chosroes. When the despatch, therefore, was read before him, lie smiled at its contents, and summoned the ambas-
the Prophet said that the kingdom had departed from Harith ; and so Harith died the following year. K. WdcJcidi, 50-^.
* Tradition makes all this apply to Chosroes, whose deposition is accordingly postponed till the first Jumad, or August. But the dates are clear ; Chosroes died six months before ; — see note, above, p. 50.
We must either adopt the version in the text, with the recep tion of the despatch by Siroes, and not by Chosroes ; or suppose the embassy to have been despatched previous to the expedition of Hodeibia. And it is far less likely that tradition should be mistaken as to the chronology of the departure of the messengers from Medina, than as to the chronology and history of the distant court of Persia.
xx.] Conversion of Badzan. 55
sadors to embrace Islam. He then apprised them of the murder of Chosroes, and the accession of his son; — "Go," said he, "inform your master of this, and require him to tender his submission to the Prophet of the Lord." The glory of Persia had now departed. She had long ago relaxed her grasp upon Arabia ; * and the governor of Yemen was free to choose a protectorate more congenial to his people. Badzan, the distance however of whose province from Medina rendered its subordination at first little more than nominal, was glad to recog nize the rising fortunes of Islam, and signified his adhesion to the Prophet.f
* I refer the reader to vol. i. p. clxxxiii.
f The story of Badzan is surrounded with miracles and ana chronisms. The order given by the monarch to him is made to fol low, as its consequence, upon the receipt by Chosroes of Mahomet's despatch. But we have seen that the despatch itself did not leave Medina, till after the death of Chosroes. The message to Badzan must, therefore, have been anterior to, and independent of it. The order of Chosroes to Badzan would take some time to reach the distant province of Yemen, and the messengers of Badzan would be perhaps a month on the road to Medina ; so that a suf ficient interval is allowed not only for the revolution in Persia, but for notice of it to reach Mahomet in time for communication to the messengers. Intelligence of so important an event would be quickly obtained by Mahomet, and his reply may have been (in the disorganized state of the Persian empire) the first inti mation of the news received by Badzan.
The messengers of Badzan would naturally be startled at the unexpected intelligence communicated by Mahomet; butr whether he really represented his knowledge of the fact as super-
56 Despatch to the Governor of Egypt. [CHAP.
embassy to Egypt was received with courtesy of Egypt. kv Muckouckas, the Roman governor. While re fusing to admit the claims of the Prophet, he gave substantial proof of friendly feeling in the valuable presents which he forwarded to him, with this reply: — " I am aware," he wrote, " that a Prophet is yet to arise : but I am of opinion that he will appear in Syria. Thy messenger hath been received with honour. I send for thine acceptance two damsels, highly estimated among the Copts, a present of raiment, and a mule for thee to ride upon." Though Mahomet ascribed the unbelief of Muckouckas to sordid fear lest the government of Egypt should slip from his hands, yet he willingly accepted the gifts, which, indeed, were well adapted to his tastes. Mary, the fairest of the two Coptic sisters, was retained for his own harem; Shirin, the other, was presented to Hassan the Poet, who, since his recon ciliation with Ayesha, had entirely regained the Prophet's favour. The mule was white, — a rarity
naturally obtained, it is impossible to decide. Probability is against such a supposition.
Tradition, as usual, invents a marvellous story out of all this. When the messengers arrived, Mahomet dismissed them, we are told, and desired them to come on the morrow. Next day he addressed them thus: — "Tell your master that his lord, the Chosroes, hath been slain : the Lord delivered him into the hands of Shiruna his son, in this very night that hath just passed, the thirteenth of the first Jumad, at the seventh hour;" — which miraculous intimation being subsequently confirmed, was the oc casion of Badzan's conversion. K. Wdckidi, 50.
xx.] Despatch to the King of Abyssinia. 57
in Arabia ; it was greatly prized, and was constantly ridden by Mahomet.*
The court of Abyssinia stood in a different re- v. Despatch lation to Mahomet from that of any of the courts Abyssinia. ° to which he addressed his apostolical summons. There his followers had found, fifteen years before, a secure and hospitable retreat from the persecu tions of the Coreish; and although about forty of
* The Egyptian governor must have shrewdly apprehended the weakness of Mahomet, when he sent him these two slave girls ; — a strange present, however, for a Christian governor to make. The messenger was treated kindly: he was not kept waiting at the gate, and was not detained more than five days.
Though I have copied this reply from the Secretary of WCickidi (p. 50), I should note that the expressions are evidently from oral tradition only.
In the Journal Asiatique for December 1854 (p. 482), M. Rei- naud has given an interesting account of a curious discovery by M. Barthelemy of a parchment found within the binding of a Coptic manuscript, which bears some marks of being the original despatch of Mahomet to Muckouckas. The impression of a seal, with the required words decipherable on it, gives an air of possi bility to the conjecture. The process, however, of detaching the parchment from the overlying materials in the binding, has rendered the forms of most of the letters, as shown in the facsimile, very indistinct. The opening words .xx-s- ]\ &\.\\ +^1 and a few others appropriate to the despatch are recognizable. But without farther consideration, it would be rash to entertain the hypothesis, or to draw any conclusions from the few legible words. I may notice that the MS. cannot be drawn into exact correspond ence with the ordinary forms of this letter, as given by tradition. But this is no argument against its genuineness ; for as already stated, I believe the forms given by tradition of all these despatches to be apocryphal, — though they probably contain some of the sentiments and expressions of the originals.
VOL, IV, I
58 Despatch to the King of Abyssinia. [CHAP.
these exiles had rejoined the Prophet after his flight to Medina, fifty or sixty were still left behind, who during all this time had enjoyed the protection of the Abyssinian Prince.* Amr ibn Omeya was now the bearer of two despatches to him.f One was couched in language like that addressed to the other Christian kings ; and to this the Najdshy is said to have replied in terms of humble acquiescence, — embracing the new faith, and mourning over his inability to join in person the standard of the Pro- phet.J The answer was entrusted to the care of Jafar, son of Abu Talib, Mahomet's cousin, who was
* See vol. ii. p. 161; Hishdmi (p. 346) gives the names of twenty-six persons, men, women, and children, who now returned from Abyssinia, sixteen being men. But unless we suppose that any of the Refugees still remained behind in Abyssinia, which is very unlikely, or (which is more probable) that during the intervening six years other parties returned to Medina, the numbers were what I state in the text. There must have been occasional communications between the exiles and Medina ; for Mahomet had evidently received intimation of Obeidallah's death, and apparently also of his widow's willingness to marry him.
•f This is the person repeatedly mentioned above, as a noted assassin.
J I have, in a note to vol. ii. p. 172, given grounds for doubting the conversion of the Najashy. See also Weil's note, No. 305, p. 196. It was quite possible for a Christian Prince, more espe cially if he belonged to an Arian or Nestorian sect, and had seen or heard only certain portions of the Goran, — those for example containing strong attestations of the Jewish and Christian Scrip tures, exhortations against idolatry, &c. to have expressed an assent to the vague terms of Mahomet's epistle. For the efforts of the various Christian sects to gain over the Abyssinians, see Gibbon, chapter xlvii.
xx.] Abyssinian Refugees arrive at Medina. 59
still an exile at the Abyssinian court. In the second Omm
47 betrothed to
despatch, the Prophet begged that his remaining Mahomet, followers might now be sent back to Medina; and the singular request was added that, before their departure, the Prince would betroth to him Omm Habiba, whose early charms still held a place in his imagination. The husband of Omm Habiba was Obeidallah, one of the " Four Enquirers," who, as before related3 after emigrating as a Mussulman to Abyssinia, had embraced Christianity there, and died in the profession of that faith.* By this alliance Mahomet at once gratified his passion for fresh nuptials (he had been now a whole year without adding to his harem) ;f and, perhaps, farther hoped to make Abu Sofian, the father of Omm Habiba, more favourable to his cause. The Prince performed The Abys-
• . . smian re-
with readiness the part allotted to mm in the cere- fugces arrive
at Medina.
mony.'l He also provided two ships for the exiles, ist jumad, on which they all embarked ; and during the Autumn August, A.D. they reached Medina safely.§
The sixth messenger of Mahomet was sent to vi. Despatch
X-ST • • *i ™ to the chief
Haudza, the chief of a Christian tribe, the iJani
* See vol. ii. pp. 52, 109.
•f The last addition to the number of his consorts was Rihana, the Jewess, at the close of the fifth year of the Hegira.
\ The dower was four hundred dirhems. Khalid ibn Said was the guardian who gave her away. K. WdcJddi, 39£, vol. ii. p. 110.
§ They first made for Bowla on the Arabian shore, " which is the same as Al Jar;" then they reached Karnal Tzahar, and then Medina. K. Wdclcidi, 39 J- aad 49 \.
VOL. IV. 1 *
60 Despatch to the Chief of Yemdna . [CHAP. xx.
Hanifa, of Yemama. The messenger was hospitably entertained; and the chief, having presented him with changes of raiment and provisions for the journey home, dismissed him with this reply for his master, — " How excellent is that revelation to which thou invitest me, and how beautiful! Know that I am the Poet of my tribe, and their Orator. The Arabs revere my dignity. Grant unto me a share in the rule, and I will follow thee." When Mahomet had read the answer, he said: — "Had this man stipulated for an unripe date only, as his share in the land, I would not have consented. Let him perish, and his vain glory with him!" And so Haudza died, the tradition adds, in the following year.*
* K. Wackidi, 501.
6i
CHAPTER TWENTY-FIRST.
The Conquest of Klieibar. 1st and 2nd Jumdd, A.H. VII, August and September, A.D. 628.
60.
ON his return from Hodeibia, as I have before Mahomet re- related, in the spring of the year 628, Mahomet had tacking the promised to those who accompanied him in that pilgrimage the early prospect of a rich and extensive plunder. The summer passed without any enter prise whatever; and his followers began to be im patient for the fulfilment of their expectations. But quiet and peace still prevailed around. Mahomet probably waited for some act of aggression on the part of the Jews of Kheibar (it was the fertile lands and villages of that tribe which he had destined for his followers), or on the part of their allies the Bani Ghatafan, to furnish the excuse for an attack. But no such opportunity offering, he resolved, in the autumn of this year, on a sudden and unprovoked invasion of their territory.*
•--"•-- - — --••— -L— ™- — — - -• "- — — ' "• -"--- '
* HisMmi places this expedition in Moharram (April), or the second month after the pilgrimage to Hodeibia. In another place he mentions Kamadhan, or December, 627, which is evidently wrong. The date given by Wackidi and by his Secretary, which I have followed is (apart from their strong authority) probable, —
62 Mahomet marches against Kheibar, [CHAP.
The army The army marched from Medina, sixteen hundred
strong; being about the same number as had fol- lowed the Prophet on his pilgrimage to Hodeibia. But the force was greatly more powerful in cavalry : — the number on the present occasion being variously estimated at from one hundred to two hundred.* The Mussulman horse had never before exceeded thirty. Many of the other inhabitants of Medina, and the Bedouin tribes, who had neglected the Prophet's former summons, would gladly now have joined the tempting expedition ; but they were not permitted, and their mortification was great at being left behind. Omm Salma, the same wrife who accompanied the Prophet to Hodeibia, was again his companion on the present journey, f
Kheibar sur- The distance, perhaps one hundred miles, was accomplished in three forced marches.^ So quick
(1), because it gives sufficient time after the pilgrimage to Hodeibia for the embassy to travel to Abyssinia and return, as it did at the close of the Kheibar campaign ; and (2), because Wackidi distinctly says that Mahomet returned to Medina the following month, namely, the second Jumad (Sep.), and adds that in that month, he warred against Wadi al Cora, on his way back. * K. Wackidi, 121 and 122£. f K. WdcJcidi, 1201.
{ Kheibar is agreed by all the early historians to be eight stages (bend) from Medina. Each stage is said to be twelve Arabian miles (i.e. four parasangs, of each three miles); this would make the whole distance ninety-six Arabian miles; but the Arabian mile is a very uncertain quantity. Burckhardt, on hearsay, makes the distance " four or five days (some say only three) from Medina,1' p. 463. " Tayma is three days from Kheibar,
xxi.] and storms its Fortresses. 63
was the movement, the surprise so complete, that the cultivators of Kheibar, issuing forth in the morning to their fields, suddenly found themselves confronted by a great army, and rushed back to the city in dismay. This rapid approach cut off all hope to the Jews, of timely aid from the Bani Ghatafan.*
The rich vale of Kheibar was studded with vil- The fortresses
, one by one
lages and fortresses, strongly posted on rocks or fail before
7 , ~ . -, A Mahomet.
eminences, which here and there rose irom amidst the date groves and fields of corn. One by one, before any general opposition could be organized,
and as many from Hedjer, in an easterly direction." Kheibar is six hours off the Hajj route. K. WdcJcidi, 120-^. — These points may help to fix its position.
Burton (ii. 298,) thinks the distance between Kheibar and Medina in Burckhardt's map is too great by two degrees of latitude, and he would reduce it to eighty miles. But he perhaps unduly underrates it, especially when he says that "camels go there easily in three days."
Hishami gives three intermediate stages: — Isn, Sahba, and Raji.
* The Secretary does not allude to the Bani Ghatafan, but Hishami says that Mahomet took up a position so as to cut off their assistance, p. 332. He adds that the Ghatafan did go forth to aid their allies, but returned on a rumour that their own homes were being attacked. But the fact is, that Mahomet's advent was totally unexpected. So the Secretary : — " When the Moslem army alighted before Kheibar, they did not stir that night, nor did a fowl cackle at them, till the sun arose. Then the Kheibarites opened their fortresses as usual, and went forth to their labours with their cattle, their spades, hoes, and other instruments of husbandry ; suddenly they perceived the army in front of them, and fled back into their forts, screaming out, — " It is Mahomet and his hosts!" K. WdcJcidi, 120f.
64 Battle before the [CHAP.
these forts were attacked and carried.* " Kheibar is undone, f " exclaimed Mahomet, as he passed from one stronghold triumphantly to another: — " Great is the Lord ! Truly when I light upon the coasts of any People y wretched for them is that day ! J " From the villages in the valleys of Natah and Shickk, which were gained with little loss, Mahomet proceeded to the region of Kuteiba. Here the Jews, who had now had time to rally round their chief Kinana (he had succeeded to the command, on the assassination A general of his grandfather Abul Huckeick, and of Oseir, the Fort of several months before §), posted themselves in front of the citadel Camuss, and resolved on a desperate struggle. After some vain attempts to dislodge them, Mahomet planned a grand attack: — "Twill
* The Secretary mentions the following forts in Kheibar : — Al Natah ; the fort of Sabs of Nairn ; the castle of Al Zobeir ; Al Shickk ; of Obey ; and Al Nozar. Also the fortresses in the region of Al Kateiba, Al Camuss, Al Watih, and Salalim ; this latter belonged to the family of Abul Huckeick, lately assassinated.
•f A play on the word Kheibar, by inversion ju^ ^_^j y^,
\ The following remarkable prayer, of the genuineness of which, however, there is no sufficient evidence, is given by Hishami, as recited by Mahomet on his advance to the attack : — " 0 God ! Lord of Heavens, and of that which they overshadow ; Lord of all lands and of what they bear : Lord of the Devils and of those they mislead : Lord of the winds and of that which they drive before them ! We beseech thee to grant us whatever good is in this town, its inhabitants, and outskirts : and we implore pro tection from the evil thereof, from the evil of its inhabitants and of its outskirts. Forward I in the name of the Lord ! " p. 332.
§ See above, chapter xviii.
xxi.] Fortress of Camuss. 65
give the Eagle," he said, — " the great black Flag,— into the hands of one that loveth the Lord and his Apostle, even as he is beloved of them; he shall gain the victory."* Next morning the flag was placed in All's hands, and the troops advanced. At this moment, a soldier stepped forth from the Jewish line, and challenged his adversaries to single combat: — " I am Marhab," he cried, " as all Kheibar knoweth, — a warrior bristling with arms, when the war fiercely burneth." The first Moslem who an swered the challenge, aimed a blow at the Jewish champion with deadly force, but the sword recoiled upon himself, and he fell fatally wounded. f Marhab repeated his vain-glorious challenge, and then Ali himself advanced saying, — u I am he whom my mother named the Lion, — like a lion of the howling
* There had been no great standard like this before. It is said to have been made out of a black dress, or mantle, worn by Ayesha, — a gallant device, — and was called ucdb, the " Black / Eagle." There were two other smaller banners, held, one by Hobab, the other by Sad ibn Obada, both Citizens. K. Wdckidij J 120.
f The people cried out " Aamir " (that was his name) " hath killed himself : his works are vain " (/. e. because of his suicidal death). " Nay," said Mahomet, " he shall have a double reward !" On the road to Kheibar, this man had recited some martial verses before Mahomet, who thanked him, saying, — " The Lord have mercy on thee !" It is pretended that this mode of blessing from Mahomet, invariably portended an impending martyrdom. The verses, by the way, are the same as those ascribed to Mahomet at the battle of the Ditch. K. Wdckidi, 122.
66 The Jews of Kheibar defeated. [CHAP.
wilderness, I weigh my foes in a gigantic balance."* The combatants closed, and All cleft the head of Marhab in two. The brother of Marhab having The Jews rashly renewed the challenge, Zobeir went forth and s^ew him-t The Moslem line made now a general advance, and, after a sharp conflict, drove back the enemy. In this battle, Ali performed great feats of prowess. Having lost his shield, he seized the por tion of a door, which he wielded effectually in its stead. Tradition,. in its expansive process, has trans formed this extempore shield into a gigantic beam, and magnified the hero into a second Samson. J The victory was decisive, for the Jews lost ninety-three
* That is, " I will make a fearful havoc." The two words used here for lion by Ali, are Haida and Laith.
•j- As Zobeir walked forth to the combat, his mother Sana ran up to Mahomet in alarm, crying out that her son would be killed : — " Not so, my Aunt !" replied Mahomet, " he will slay his fellow, if the Lord will !" Many women went from Medina on this campaign to minister to the wounded. A story, very illustrative of the combined simplicity and coarseness of Arab manners, is given in the conversation of Mahomet with a young woman of the Bani Ghifar, who rode on the same camel, and confided to him certain of her ailments. Hishdmi, 340.
\ The story is in the ordinary cast of exaggerated tradition. Abu Kafi, Mahomet's servant, went after the battle to see the beam, in company with seven others, who together tried to turn it over, and were unable ! Hishdmi, 335. The Secretary does not give this foolish story.
According to Hishami, it was not Ali who killed Marhab, but Mohammad ibn Maslama; the latter, he says, was resolved to avenge the death of his brother Mahmood, who had been killed by a millstone cast on him from the Avails of the fortress first attacked. Ibid.
XXI.] Chief of Kheibar put to death. 67
men; while of the Moslems, only nineteen were killed throughout the whole campaign.*
After this defeat, the fortress of Camuss sur- Kinana, the
,. . 1-11. chief, tortured
rendered, on condition that the inhabitants were and put to free to leave the country, but that they should give up all their property to the conqueror. With the rest, came forth Kinana, chief of the Jews of Kheibar, and his cousin. Mahomet accused them both of keeping back, in contravention of the compact, a portion of their riches, especially the treasures of the Bani Nadhlr, which Kinana had obtained as a marriage portion with his wife, the daughter of the chief of that tribe.f " Where are the vessels of gold," he asked, "which ye used to lend to the people of Mecca?" They protested that they no longer pos sessed them. " If ye conceal anything from me," continued Mahomet, " and I should gain knowledge of it, then your lives and the lives of your families shall be at my disposal." They answered that it should be so. A traitorous Jew, having divulged to Mahomet the place in which a part of their wealth was deposited, he sent and fetched it. On the discovery of this attempt at imposition, Kinana
* The Secretary gives the number of killed at only fifteen ; but Hishami (who specifies the names), numbers twenty ; and both include Bishr, who was poisoned. Of the killed, four were Eefugees.
| The father of his wife Safia, was Huwey, who it will be remembered was sent into exile with the Bani Nadhir ; but he returned with the Coreish to the siege of Medina, and perished in the massacre of the Bani Coreitza.
68 Mahomet marries Safia. [CHAP.
was subjected to cruel torture, — " fire being placed upon his breast till his breath had almost departed," — in the hope that he would confess where the rest of his treasures were concealed. Mahomet then gave command, and the heads of the two chiefs were severed from their bodies. The marriage The scene of torture and bloodshed was hardly
of Mahomet
with Safia, ended, when Mahomet sent Bilal to fetch the wife of
Kinana's bride.
Kin&na, whose beauty was probably well known at Medina.* Bilal speedily performed his errand. Find ing with Safia another damsel, her cousin, he brought them both straight across the battlefield strewed with the dead, and close by the corpses of Kinana and his cousin. At the ghastly sight of their headless trunks, the companion of Safia screamed wildly, beating her face, and casting dust upon her head. " Take that she-devil hence," said Mahomet angrily : but aside he chided Bilal for his want of considera tion in bringing the women so near the bodies of their relatives. "Truly," said Bilal, "I did it de signedly ; I wished to see their grief and anger stirred up." But Mahomet was moved by tenderer emo tions ; — turning complacently towards Safia, he cast his mantle around her, in token that she was to be his own, and then made her over to the care of Bilal.
* I assume this to be the case, because (1) she was the daughter of a chief who had long lived at Medina, and was well known there ; and (2), because Mahomet, immediately upon Kinana's execution, sent for her and cast his mantle over her. Indeed he is not free from the suspicion of being influenced in the destruction of Kinana by the desire of obtaining his wife.
xxi.] Marriage with Sofia. 69
Dihya had also coveted this Jewish beauty; which, coming to the knowledge of Mahomet, he made him content with the present of her cousin.*
Mahomet did not long postpone his nuptials with Safia.f The wedding feast was celebrated with Kheibar- abundance of dates, curdled milk, and butter. Earth was heaped up into the shape of tables ; on these the viands were spread, and the guests ate and were merry. Meanwhile the Prophet had charged a female attendant with the duty of suitably arraying the bride, and making her ready for him. When the feast was ended, the people prepared for the march ; and they watched Mahomet, saying : " We
shall see now whether he hath taken her for his
w — — —
* I have followed chiefly the Secretary, p. 122; and Hishdmi, p. 336. Some traditions state that Safia fell to the lot of Dihya, and that Mahomet purchased her for seven camels from him. K. Wdckidi, 123. But the account in the text is the best supported and the most consistent.
| The interval is not exactly stated anywhere ; but it could not on any supposition have been of long duration. Hishami says, that the marriage took place at Kheibar, or on the way returning from it, p. 339. The tenor of other traditions implies no delay whatever. I do not find any credible tradition intimating Safia's conversion, as is commonly supposed, before her marriage. Under any circumstances, it is clear that the period (three months) prescribed as necessary to intervene before marrying a woman who had previously been the wife of another, was not on this occasion observed by Mahomet. Either such ordinance was not then imposed, or Mahomet exempted himself from its operation.
Omm Suleirn was the servant who dressed the hair of Safia, arrayed her in her bridal attire, and carried her to Mahomet. She was mother of Mahomet's servant Anis, a citizen of Medina. Safia's dower was her freedom.
VOL. IV.
70 Dream of Sofia. [CHAP.
wife or for a slave girl." And when he called for a screen to hide her from the public gaze, they knew from thence that she was to be his wife. Mahomet then lowered his knee to help her to ascend the camel: after some coy demur, she placed her foot upon his bended knee, and Mahomet (a bridegroom now of sixty years of age) raising her into the litter, conducted her to the bridal tent. In the morning he heard the noise of one rustling against the curtain of the tent. It was Abu Ayub, who had there kept watch all night with his drawn sword.* " What has brought thee here ? " asked Mahomet, surprised at the intrusion of his friend: "O Prophet!" he replied, " I bethought me that the damsel is young ; it is but as yesterday that she was married to Kin&na, whom thou hast slain. And thus, distrusting her, I said to myself, 1 will watch by the tent and be close at hand, in case she attempt anything against thee." Mahomet blessed him for his careful vigilance, and desired him to depart in peace. f
Safia's dream. The precaution was unnecessary : for (if tradition speak truly) Sana accommodated herself most readily to the new alliance. It is related that she bore the mark of a bruise upon her eye ; when the Prophet asked her tenderly the cause, she told him that while yet Kinana's bride, she saw in a dream as if the moon had fallen from the heavens into
* The citizen with whom Mahomet lived on his first arrival at Medina.
t -AT. Wdckidi, 123.
xxi.] Mahomet poisoned by a Jewess. 71
her lap; and that when she told Kinana, he struck her violently, saying : " What is the dream but that thou covetest this king of the Hejaz, the Pro phet, for thy husband!" The mark of the blow was the same which Mahomet saw.
But all the women of Kheibar were not equally Mahomet par- changeable and faithless. The nuptials of Mahomet poisoned kid. were damped by the revenge of Zeinab, the sister of the warrior Marhab, who had lost her husband, her father, her brother, and other relatives in the battle.* She dressed a kid, and having steeped it in a deadly poison, placed it with fair words before Mahomet, at the hour of his evening repast. Gra ciously accepting the gift, he took the shoulder (the part he loved to eat, and which Zeinab had there fore impregnated most strongly) for himself, tore off a choice bone for Bishr who sat next him, and distributed portions to Abu Bakr and his other fol lowers around. Scarcely had he swallowed the first mouthful, when he exclaimed: "Hold! surely this shoulder hath been poisoned;" and he spat forth what was in his mouth. Bishr, who had eaten more than Mahomet, at once changed colour, and stirred neither hand nor foot, until he died.f Mahomet
* Her husband was Sallam, and her father Harith, both chief men.
f Some say that he died on the spot, others, that he lingered for a year, but unable to stir his limbs, or to move from one side to the other.
It is a favourite tradition, that Mahomet said, u the shoulder tells me," or u lets me know that it is poisoned." It was natural
72 Kheibar completely subdued. [CHAP.
was seized with excruciating pain, and caused him self, and all those who had with him partaken of the dish, to be freely cupped between the shoulders. Zeinab was then summoned, and interrogated as to the motive of her offence: — "Thou hast inflicted," she replied boldly, " these grievous injuries on my people; thou hast slain my father, and my uncle, and my husband. Therefore I said within myself* if he is a Prophet he will be aware that the shoulder of the kid is poisoned, but if he be a mere pretender, then we shall be rid of him, and the Jews will again prosper." She was put to death.* The effects
for this tradition to grow up, as it might very easily do unin tentionally, from the various forms of expression in telling the story, or being in order to screen the Prophet from the charge of being devoid of prophetical knowledge. Mahomet did not assume for himself the ordinary possession of such knowledge ; but tradition soon did so to a great extent for him,
Mahomet at any rate swallowed ( £j£\\) his first mouthful before he perceived the evil taste.
Bishr said that he perceived the unusual taste at once, but did not stop eating, simply because he did not wish to set Mahomet against the food, — that he wished to die for Mahomet, &c.
* K. WdcTcidi, 121, 140£, 290| ; Hishdmi, 238. Some say that she was set free upon making this exculpatory statement. But the balance of tradition is decidedly as in the text. Certain traditions state that she was made over to the relatives of Bishr, to be put to death judicially, for having poisoned him. The woman's speech in justification is cast in a rather common tra ditional type. Still, under the circumstances, it is not so un natural as the common speeches of this kind are ; and, if true, it is a specimen such as we do not often meet with in servile tra dition, of undaunted opposition to the Conqueror, — a contrast to the fickle heartlessness of Safia.
xxi.] Rich Booty divided at Kheibar. 73
of the poison were felt by Mahomet to his dying day.*
After the victory at Camuss, the only remaining The remain-
J J ing fortresses,
strongholds of Kheibar, namely Watih, and Salalim, with Fadak,
5. J , r ' capitulate.
were invested; and, seeing no prospect 01 relief, capitulated. They were thus saved from being sacked; but, like the rest of Kheibar, their lands were subjected to a tax of half the produce. Fadak, a Jewish town, not far from Kheibar, profited by its example, and having tendered a timely submis sion, was admitted to the same terms.
On his march homewards from Kheibar, Mahomet Wadi a] Co™
besieged and
laid siege to the Jewish settlement at Wadi al taken-
2nd Jumad,
Cora, which after a resistance of one or two days, A.H. VIL
* Sept. A.D.
surrendered. The authority of Mahomet was thus 628.j established over all the Jewish tribes north of Me dina. J
The plunder of Kheibar was rich beyond all pre- Division of
1 the plunder.
vious experience. Besides vast stores of dates, oil, honey, and barley, flocks of sheep and herds of camels,§ the spoil in treasure and jewels was very
* Hence, the traditionists delight to hold that Mahomet had the merit of a martyr. And the same is also said of Abu Bakr, one of those who also partook of the kid.
t Wdckidi, p. 6.
J M. C. de Perceval says that the Jews of Tayma also tendered their submission, iii. 203. This is likely enough, though it is not mentioned by K. Wackidi or Hishami.
§ C. de Perceval, iii. 202. This detail is not given in my authorities, which deal in general terms. Hishami says, that from the time of Kheibar, slaves became very plentiful among the Moslems, p. 333. I do not find that, excepting the family of
74 Lands of Kheibar divided. [CHAP.
large. A fifth of the whole was as usual set apart for the use of the Prophet, and for distribution at will among his family and the destitute poor. The remaining four-fifths were sold by outcry, and the proceeds, according to the prescribed rule, divided into one thousand eight hundred shares, being one share for a foot soldier, and three for a horseman.* The lands, The villages and lands were disposed of upon of. another principle. One half was reserved for Ma
homet, and constituted thereafter a species of Crown domain ; it embraced the tract of Kuteiba and the forts of Watih and Salalim. The other moiety was divided into one thousand eight hundred portions, and allotted by the same rule as the personal booty. A large and permanent source of revenue was thus
Kin&na, any mention is made of slaves taken at Kheibar. But money, which the victors obtained plentifully at Kheibar, could purchase them cheaply in any part of Arabia.
* K. Wdckidi, 121. M. C. de Perceval represents the Prophet as taking one half ; but this was clearly not the case. He obtained one half of the land; but the personal plunder took its usual course. There is some discrepancy as to the number, and the shares, of the horsemen. All agree that there were one thousand eight hundred shares ; but some say that there were only one hundred horse, — each of which obtained three shares, which would make the army one thousand five hundred strong in foot, with one hundred horse. Others say, there were two hundred horse: of which each obtained two shares ; this would make the infantry one thousand four hundred in number ; — in either case, the total strength of both arms to one thousand six hundred. K. Wdckidi, 121, 122i.
M. C. de Perceval says that something additional was given to those who had chargers of pure Arab blood. But I do not find notice of this in my authorities.
xxi.] Lands of KJieibar divided. 75
secured for all those who had given proof of their faith and loyalty, by accompanying Mahomet to Hodeibia, and the promise made by the Prophet on that expedition was amply redeemed.
Even in those portions of Kheibar which were gained by storm, it was found expedient, in the absence of other cultivators, to leave the Jewish inhabitants in possession, on the condition already specified, of surrendering half the produce. An appraiser was deputed yearly to assess the amount, to realize the rents, and transmit them to Medina.* This arrangement continued till the Caliphate of Omar, when, there being no scarcity of Moslem husbandmen, the Jews were expatriated, and entire possession taken of their lands.f
* Abdallah ibn Rawaha first performed this duty, being a sort of arbiter between the Jewish cultivators and Moslem proprietors. Whenever the former charged him with exceeding in his estimate, he would say, "If it seem good unto you, take ye the estimated sum and give us the crop, or give us the estimated sum-, and keep ye the crop." The Jews greatly esteemed his justice. He was killed the year following at Muta. Hishdmi, 343.
f This is the plain and consistent statement of the Secretary. Advantage was naturally taken by Omar, in carrying out the expatriation of the Jews, of the fact that his son Abdallah had been wounded in his possessions there ; but it is distinctly admitted that there was no proof as to who committed the outrage. Omar concluded that it must have been the Jews, simply because it was the second case of the kind. The previous case was the murder of Abdallah ibn Sahal; but here, too, there was no evidence ; and therefore Mahomet justly paid the blood money himself.
Two other grounds to justify Omar's expulsion of the Jews
76
Ordinances promulgated at Kheibar.
[CHAP.
Special ordi nances pro mulgated at Kheibar.
Some special ordinances were promulgated in this campaign. The flesh of the domestic ass (which the army on their first approach to Kheibar were driven by want of other food to eat) was forbidden, as well as that of all carnivorous animals.* Some restrictions were laid upon the immediate liberty of cohabitation, heretofore enjoyed in respect of female captives ; but of whatever nature they were, it is clear that they did not fetter Mahomet in the marriage contracted with his female captive Safia.f
are given by tradition : — (1), Mahomet plainly stipulated that the Jews were to hold possession, pending his pleasure, — they were mere tenants-at-will. (2), Mahomet said on his death-bed that no religion but Islam was to be permitted throughout the Penin sula ; I doubt both grounds, and believe that they have been adduced simply from the desire to justify Omar's cruel expulsion of the Jews. Hishdmi, 344.
* See the similar rules in the Goran, Sura, v. 4 ; including what is torn, or dieth of itself, &c. There are some curious tradi tions on this part of the narrative. The soldiers were every where boiling asses' flesh in their pots throughout the camp, when the order was given, and fortlrwith they all overturned their pots. Horseflesh is allowed. K. WdcJcidi, 122.
f The subject is one into which, from its nature, I cannot enter with much detail ; but as it partly affects the character of Ma homet, in not having himself conformed to a law imposed upon his followers, I may remark that some traditions hold that Mahornet now prescribed that the " istibra" or interval required between divorce and re-marriage, was to be equally observed in the case of women taken in war as in all other cases. The Sonna has fixed this period for slaves at half the interval required for free women, — that is, two months (or possibly a month and a half), before the lapse of which, consorting with female slaves so cap tured is unlawful. Mahomet evidently did not himself conform to this rule in the case of Safia, as before explained. Some tra-
xxi.] Fraudulent appropriation of Booty. 77
The most stringent rules were issued to prevent fraudulent appropriation from the common stock of booty. " No Believer shall sell aught of the spoil, until it has been divided; nor shall he take a beast therefrom, and after riding upon it until it become lean, return it ; nor shall he take and wear a gar ment, and then send it back threadbare." A fol lower was convicted of plundering two sandal straps ; the articles in themselves were insignificant: yet, said the Prophet to the thief, " Verily there shall be cut out for thee hereafter two thongs like unto them of fire." * When the army alighted before Wadi al Cora, Abd al Ghal, a servant of Mahomet, was shot by an arrow, in the act of taking the litter down from one of the camels : — " Welcome to Para dise ! " exclaimed the bystanders. " Never ! " said Mahomet ; " by him in whose hand my life is ! Even now his vestment is burning upon him in the fire of Hell ; for he pilfered it before Kheibar from amongst the booty."f
ditions make the prohibition delivered on the present occasion to apply to pregnant women only: Hishdmi, 333 ; K. Wdckidi, 122; but if so, it is not apparent at what later period the farther and more general restriction was introduced. * K. Wdckidi, 122; and Hishdmi, 339.
| Hishdmi, 338. The story is very possibly exaggerated, it being an object among the Mussulmans to make the general right of the army in all the booty taken by it as secure and sacred as possible. But it shows the tendency and spirit of the system, under which a tradition of this nature could be put into the mouth of the Prophet, and as such, gain currency.
VOL. IV. L
78 A Frayerless Martyr. [CHAP.
A martyr in As a counterpart to this incident, and showing the
Paradise who . . .
had never certainty of Paradise secured by the mere profession of Islam, I may transcribe the following tradition. Al Aswad, the shepherd of one of the Jews of Kheibar, came over to Mahomet, and declared him self a believer. Abandoning his flock, he straight way joined the Moslem army and fought in its ranks.*
* It is said that he asked Mahomet what he was to do with his flock. On the principle that a believer must discharge all his trusts and obligations, even those contracted with idolaters, before joining the standard of Islam, the Prophet desired him to throw a handful of gravel in the faces of the sheep and goats, whereupon they all ran off forthwith to their owner in the fortress.
On the same principle, it is said, Ali and other converts first scrupulously discharged the trusts which the Coreish had com mitted to them, before leaving Mecca to join Mahomet at Medina. And a like principle has been applied by many strict Mahometans in decisive condemnation of the perfidy of the Sepoys in the late Indian rebellion. They were the servants, say they, of the British Government ; and (even if there had been grounds for a religious war) ought first, like Ali and Al Aswad, to have discharged their trusts in full, and rendered up, instead of plundering, the arsenals and treasures in their custody.
*No doubt the argument and inference are just, but they stand in unhappy contrast with the disregard of other principles of morality shown by Mahomet in his treatment of the Jews, and especially in the perfidious assassinations which he countenanced or ordered.
As a counterpoise to Al Aswad's integrity, I may mention the artifice by which Al Hajaj is said to have recovered his debts. With Mahomet's permission he went to Mecca, and he told the Coreish that Mahomet had been vanquished and, with all his followers, taken prisoner. The Coreish, in ecstasies at the intelli gence, paid off all his claims. Before leaving Mecca, he made known to Abbas, on condition of his keeping it secret for three
xxi.] A Prayerless Martyr. 79
He was struck by a stone and killed, before he had yet as a Moslem offered up a single prayer. But he died fighting for the faith, and therefore had secured a Martyr's crown. Surrounded by a company of his followers, Mahomet visited the corpse, which had been laid out for him. to pray over. When he drew close to the spot, he abruptly stopped and looked another way. " Why dost thou thus avert thy face !" asked those about him. " Because," said Mahomet, " two black-eyed houries of Paradise, his wives, are with the martyr now ; they wipe the dust from off his face, and fondly solace him."*
About this period, Mahomet had the pleasure Mahomet
welcomes
to welcome back his cousin Jafar, Ali's brother, Jafar and the
., j, r Abye-
wno, with some of the exiles just returned from sinian exiles. Abyssinia, went out to meet the army as it came back from Kheibar. " I know not," Mahomet said, " which of the two delighteth me the most, — Jdfar's arrival, or the conquest of Kheibar." The army cheerfully acceded to his proposal that their newly arrived friends should be admitted to share in the spoil.
days, that he had told a lie, — for that Mahomet had vanquished Kheibar, and married the king's daughter. K. Wdclddi, 121 ; Hishdmi, 342. The story is doubtful, however.
* Hishdmi, p. 341. Neither can I vouch for this story, but like the last, it illustrates the spirit of Islam, and the teaching of Mahomet, under the influence of which such tales grew up.
" Whenever a martyr is slain in battle," so runs the tradition, " his two black-eyed wives, the houries, draw near unto him, wipe the dust from off his face, and say, — ' The Lord cast dust on the face of him tvho hath cast dust on thine, and slay him ivho slew thee ! ' "
80
Mahomet bewitched
[CHAP-
And completes his marriage with Omm Habiba. Autumn, A.H. VI I. AD. 628.
Mahomet be witched by the Jews.
The cxiii. and cxiv. Suras.
On the return of Mahomet to Medina, he com pleted the marriage with Omm Habiba, daughter of Abu Sofian, which the Najashy had contracted for him in Abyssinia. There were now nine wives, besides two female slaves, in the harem of the Pro phet.
Before closing this chapter, which contains the last notice of the Jews of Arabia, I ought to men tion the tale of Mahomet's having been bewitched by a Jewish spell. On his return from Hodeibia, the Jews who still remained at Medina (ostensibly con verted, but hypocrites and enemies at heart,) bribed a sorcerer named Labid and his daughters to be witch Mahomet. This they did by secretly pro curing hairs combed from the Prophet's head, and tying eleven knots with them on the branch of a male palm, which was then put at the bottom of a well, with a large stone over it. The enchantment took effect : Mahomet began to pine away, — to fancy he had done things which in reality he never had done, to lose his appetite, and to neglect his wives. At last, Gabriel told him the secret of his ailment. The well was emptied, and the knots untied. Imme diately the spell broke, and the Prophet was relieved.
I must confess myself unable to decide what por tion of the tale is true, or whether it has any founda tion at all in fact. The common tradition is, that the two last Suras in the Goran were revealed on this occasion, containing a charm against all spells and
xxi.] by knots tied with his hair. 81
incantations; and, that during the recitation of the eleven verses which they contain, the knots un ravelled themselves one by one till the whole were unloosed, and the charm dissolved. The hundred and thirteenth Sura is as follows :
" Say: — I flee for Refuge to the Lord of the Daybreak, — from the evil of that which he hath created ; and from the evil of the darkness when it overshadoweth ; and from the evil of the Women that blow upon the knots; and from the evil of the envious when he envieth."
The story may possibly have grown out of the jjJ penultimate verse of this Sura, in which Mahomet £j|ity of the prays to be delivered " from the evil of the women blowing upon knots."* Or, on the other hand, it may be founded on suspicions actually entertained by Mahomet against the Jews, of sorcery by the tying of knots, and other forms of incantation ; and these suspicions may have led to the composition of the Sura.
The latter alternative is supported by the con- Its credibility
1 partly sus-
sideration, that Mahomet was by nature superstitious, tained- and that he had already suspected the Jews of be witching the Moslem women into barrenness. On the present occasion, he is said to have caused the well into which the mysterious knots had been cast to be dug up, and another sunk in its place. On his return from visiting the spot, he told Ayesha that " the date-trees in the garden were like devils' heads,
* Compare Ezekiel, xiii. 18, to end.
82 The Sorcerer allowed to escape. [CHAP, xxi .
and the water of the well dark as a decoction of Henna." She inquired whether the incident might with propriety be spoken of; he replied that it would be better that she should not divulge it, lest it might cause the evil of witchcraft to spread amongst his people. The sorcerer Some traditions say that the sorcerer was put to
allowed to,.. _ TI •-int/r
escape. death; but the more reliable account is, that Ma homet let him go free, but turned with aversion from him.*
* The Secretary, p. 140, has a profusion of traditions on the subject. The story, upon the whole, is given with great con sistency. Some say that it was Labid's sisters who assisted him ; and that it was two Angels who revealed the plot to Mahomet.
83
CHAPTER TWENTY-SECOND.
Pilgrimage to Mecca.
Dzul Cdda. A.H. VIL— February, A.D. 629. AFTER returning from Kheibar, Mahomet passed Expeditions
undertaken in
the rest of the autumn and the winter at Medina, the autumn
-r,. . ,. . T . . and winter of
1 ive or six expeditions were, during this period, A.H. vn. despatched, under command of different Moslem chiefs, in various directions. Beyond the chastise ment and plunder of some offending tribes, and an occasional reverse, they were not attended by any political results. But they show that the influence of Mahomet was fast expanding, and bringing him gradually into relations, hostile or friendly, with even distant tribes. It will be sufficient to enu merate these excursions in a note.*
* In Shaban, or November, there were three expeditions : —
1. Thirty men under Omar, went in quest of a tribe of the Bani Hawazin on the road to Sanaa and Najran, but without success.
2. Abu Bakr headed a considerable party against the Bani Kilab in Najd, many of whom were slain or taken prisoners. 3. Bashir was sent with thirty men against the B. Murra in the vicinity of Fadak. They had probably interfered with the territory con quered by Mahomet there. Bashir drove off their camels and flocks ; but he was pursued, the booty rescued, his followers slain, and, he himself wounded, with difficulty escaped to Mahomet.
84 Mahomet performs the Lesser Pilgrimage. [CHAP.
Mahomet sets The time had now come round when Mahomet,
out on the . .
Lesser pii- according to the treaty 01 Hodeibia, might visit Mecca. Mecca, and fulfil undisturbed the Omra, or Lesser A?H. VIL' Pilgrimage,* from the rites of which he had been in the previous year debarred. Besides those who had made the unsuccessful pilgrimage to Hodeibia, many others now accompanied him, so that the cavalcade numbered about two thousand men. Each was armed, according to the stipulation, only with a sword ; but, as a precaution against treachery, a large reserve of armour and lances was carried separately. Muhammad, son of Maslama, with a hundred horse, marched one stage in advance of the Pilgrims. Sixty camels for sacrifice were also driven in front. Precautionary At Marr al Tzahraii, one stage from Mecca, Ma- Sore enter-8 hornet sent forward the store of armour to the valley
ing Mecca.
In Ramadhan, an incursion by one hundred and thirty men was successfully planned and carried out against the Bani Uwal at Mayfaak, on the confines of Najd. The settlement was sur prised; many put to death; and the camels and flocks of the tribe driven off. In this expedition, Usama, son of Zeid, killed a man who shouted aloud the Moslem creed. Mahomet on his return, chided him, saying : "What! didst thou split open his heart, to see whether he told the truth or not ? " Usama said he would do so no more.
In Shawwal, January, 629, Bashir again commanded an expe dition to Yamn and Jabbar (in the vicinity of Wadi al Cora, Kheibar, and Salah,) against the Ghatafan, who were once more plotting mischief with Uyeina. They found their houses deserted, but carried off an immense herd of camel.
* This Pilgrimage is called Omrat al Cadhda, or the "fulfilled Pilgrimage;" i. e. the pilgrimage undertaken in fulfilment of the vision (p. 23), and of the abortive attempt at Hodeibia to realize it.
Mahomet visits the Kadba, 85
of Yajaj, where it remained outside the sacred terri tory,* guarded by two hundred well-armed soldiers, while the rest of the Pilgrims advanced to the Kaaba. The victims were also sent forward to Dzu Towa in the vicinity of Mecca.
Meanwhile, the Coreish, apprised of Mahomet's Mahomet
enters Mecca ;
near approach, retired from Mecca, and, ascending P the adjacent hills, watched with curious and anxious eye for the appearance of the exile who had so long been the troubler of their city. At last the cavalcade was seen emerging from the northern valley. At its head was Mahomet, seated on Al Caswa; Abdallah ibn Rawaha, a leader of the Bani Khazraj, walking in front, held the bridle ; around the Prophet crowded his chief companions ; and behind, in a long extended line, followed the rest of the Pilgrims on camels and on foot. Seven eventful years had passed since Ma homet and the Refugees last saw their native valley and its holy Temple. They hastened forward with the eagerness of long repressed desire, shouting the pilgrim cry, Labbeik ! Labbeik ! Still mounted on his camel, the pilgrim's mantle drawn under his right arm and thrown over the left shoulder, Mahomet approached the Kaaba, touched the Black Stone reverentially with his staff, and then accomplished the seven prescribed circuits of the holy House. The people followed, and, at the bidding of Mahomet,
* From thence the landmarks bounding the sacred territory were visible, close at hand. K. Wdckidi, 124. VOL. iv. M
86 Mahomet completes the Lesser Pilgrimage. [CHAP.
to show the Meccans that they were not weakened (as their enemies pretended) by the fever of Medina, they ran the three first circuits at a rapid pace.* Abdallah, as he led the Prophet's camel, shouted at the pitch of his voice some warlike and defiant verses.f But Omar checked him. And Mahomet said, "Gently! son of Kawaha! Recite not this; but say instead -.— There is no God but the Lord alone! It is he that hath holden his servant, and exalted his Army! Alone hath he discomfited the confederated hosts' " Abdallah proclaimed these words accord ingly: and all the people taking them up shouted loudly as they ran round the Kaaba, till the sound reverberated through the valley.
the The circuits completed,' Mahomet, still upon his camel, proceeded to the adjoining eminence of Safa, and rode from thence to the opposite rising ground of Marwa and back again, seven times, according to the ancient custom. J The victims having then been
* The same was done at Mahomet's final visit to the Kaaba, and became a standing ordinance. I confess that the reason given sounds childish. The Coreish must have had, in the battles and marauding excursions of the Refugees, proof of their physical strength, far more convincing than a race three times round the Kaaba could afford. Had not tradition been positive and unani mous on the point, I should rather have attributed the first rapid circuits to the burst of joyous feeling in the exiles at resuming an old cherished custom, after having been long debarred from it.
f The verses attributed to Abdallah are, in part at least, apo cryphal. I have explained this in a note, vol. i. Introd. p. Ixxxv.
J See vol. i. Introd. p. ccv. For the places, see the plan of Mecca, in the same vol. p. 5.
xxii.] Mahomet marries Meimuna. 87
brought and placed in order at Marwa, were sacrificed there; — Mahomet calling aloud, — " This is the place of sacrifice, and so is every open valley of Mecca." Then he shaved his head, and thus ended the cere monies of the Lesser pilgrimage.
His next care was to relieve the soldiers on guard The guard
, . . over the
over the weapons at Y ajaj, who then visited Mecca weapons do and fulfilled their pilgrimage after the same example.
On the morrow, Mahomet entered the Kaaba and Public prayer remained there till the hour of mid-day prayer.* At the Ka£ba.at the appointed time, Bilal ascended the holy House, and from its summit vociferated the Moslem call to prayers. The Pilgrims assembled at the cry, and under the shadow of the Temple the service was led by the Prophet in the accustomed form.
While at Mecca, Mahomet entered none of the Mahomet houses there. He lived in a tent of leather pitched mUna toe\vifo. for him in the open space south of the Kaaba. But he held friendly communication with several of the citizens. And, during this interval, he was not de terred either by the sacred object of his visit, his
* The day is not mentioned : but it could hardly have been the day of first entering Mecca, as that would not have allowed interval sufficient for the various ceremonies of circuit and sacri fice, and also for spending some time in the Kaaba before mid day. It was probably the second day. My account differs in one or two particulars from that of M. C. de Perceval (iii. 208), who makes Mahomet visit Mina, and there slay the victims ; and from Weil (p. 203), who says that Mahomet was not permitted to enter the Kaaba. The Secretary, however, is very distinct in his statement; and I have followed him. K. Wdckidi, 124.
88 He leaves Mecca. [CHAP ,
advanced age (now exceeding three score years), or by the recollection that within the present year he had already welcomed three new inmates to his harem,* from negotiating another marriage. Mei- muna, the favoured lady, was sister to Omm al Fadhl, the wife of Abbas, into whose keeping, since her widowhood, she had committed the disposal of her hand. Mahomet listened to the overtures of his uncle that she should be added to the number of his wives, the more readily perhaps as two of her sisters were already allied to his family, one being the wife of Jafar,f and another the widow of Hamza. Mahomet Mahomet endeavoured to turn the present oppor-
warned to . ... , _.
leave Mecca, tunity for conciliating the citizens of Mecca to the best effect, and as the sequel will show, not without success. But the time was short. Already the stipu lated term of three days was ended, and he had entered on a fourth, when Suheil and Huweitib, chief men of the Coreish, appeared before him and said: — " The period allowed thee hath elapsed: de part now therefore from amongst us." To which the Prophet replied courteously : — " And what harm if ye allowed me to remain and celebrate my nup tials in your midst, and make you a feast at which ye might all sit down.?" " Nay," roughly answered the chiefs, " We have no need of thy viands :
* I say three j including the captive maid Mary, with Omm Habiba and Safiya.
f Her name was Asma bint Oneis. Abu Bakr married her, after Jafar's death.
xxn.] Number of Mahomet* Wives. 89
Retire ! " Mahomet gave immediate orders for de parture : it was proclaimed among the Pilgrims that ^ by the evening not one should be left behind in Mecca. Placing his bride in charge of his servant Abu Rafi, he himself proceeded at once to Sarif, distant from the city eight or ten Arabian miles.* In the evening, Abu Rafi, carrying Meimuna with him, reached the same place, and the marriage was there consummated. Early next morning, the march was resumed, and the cortege returned to Medina.
Meimuna is said to have been at this time fifty- Number of his one years of age.f She survived thirty years, and complete, was buried on the spot on which she had cele brated her marriage with the Prophet. The harem of Mahomet had reached its limit : for this was the last marriage contracted by him. He now had ten wives, besides two slaves or concubines. But Zeinab
* Ibn Cuteiba says ten ; M. C. de Perceval says eight : vol. iii. 209. Burton states that her tomb is still visited at this place in the Wady Fatima, iii. 241.
•f Mahomet's jealousy even of his elder wives maybe illustrated by the following anecdote: — A deputation from the B. Hilal ibn Amir came to Medina, asking Mahomet for help to discharge a debt, which he promised to do when the tithes came in. A young man, Ziad, nephew to Meimuna, being with this company, went to see his aunt. Mahomet coming suddenly into the place was dis concerted at the sight: his visage showed marks of wrath, and he turned to go away. " It is only my sister's son," cried Meimuna after him. So he returned. Then he took the young man into the Mosque for the mid-day prayer; and dismissed him with a blessing, placing both hands upon his head, and drawing them over his nose.
90 Conversion of Ktidlid and Amru. [CHAP.
bint Khozeima died before him ; the number conse quently was then reduced to nine, or, including concubines, to eleven.*
Mahomet brought with him to Medina his bride's bride accom- sister, Salnia, the widow of Hamza (who, it would
pany him to
Medina. seem, had not accompanied her husband in his exile), and Omarah, her unmarried daughter. Jafar, Ali, and Zeid ibn Harith, each contending for the honour of receiving Omarah into his family, Mahomet decided in favour of Jafar, because he was married to her aunt.
Khaiid, Amru, Another sister of Meimuna was the mother of
and Othman
ibnTaiha, go Khaiid ibn Walid,f the famous warrior who had
over to Ma-
homet. turned the tide of the battle at Ohod against the
Moslems. Not long after the marriage of his aunt to the Prophet, Khaiid repaired to Medina, and gave in his adhesion to the cause of Islam. Two others followed him. One, his friend Amru (ibn al Aas), whose poetic talents had often been used for the annoyance and injury of Mahomet. He was a man of weight in the councils of the Coreish, and had been employed by them in their embassy to Abys-
* I have not thought it necessary to mention two or three other women, whose intended marriage with Mahomet was broken off at various stages before consummation : more especially as doubt attaches to the several narratives. The families of these women would naturally try to suppress these abortive negotiations as not creditable to them. See Ibn Cuteila, p. 68.
•f His mother's name was Lobaba, the Less ; Omm Fadhl, her elder sister, being also called Lobaba : these two were by the same father, Harith. The other sisters were by another father, Omeis.
xxii. ] Conversion of Othman } son of Talha. 91
sinia.* The other was Othman, son of Talha, a chief of some note, and (as successor to the Hijaba) custodian of the Kaaba.f He had, no doubt, in that capacity, attended on the late occasion with the keys of his office to give Mahomet admittance to the holy House; and, perhaps, like many others, who gazed from a respectful distance on that memo rable scene, was gained over by the earnest devotion
* His name is properly Amr, the u at its close being added by Arab scribes to distinguish it from Omar, which it otherwise re sembles, when written. But Amru, the conqueror of Egypt, is a name familiar to the European reader, and the confusion from changing it would not be counterbalanced by the benefits of orthography. For his trip to Abyssinia, see vol. ii. p. 172.
Hishami gives a very improbable account of his conversion. After the siege of Medina, struck with the augmenting power of Mahomet, he resolved to go to the Najashy, and in Abyssinia await the result of the struggle between the Prophet and his country men. So he went thither with a company of Coreish, who carried a present of leather for the Prince ; and they were there when the messenger arrived with Mahomet's despatch in the sixth year of the Hegira. Amru desired to get hold of this messenger, and kill him ; but the Prince was indignant at the idea of giving him up, and exhorted Amru, on the contrary, to embrace Islam ; which he did secretly, signifying his allegiance to Mahomet by striking the Prince's hand. Then crossing the Red Sea, he went forth to go to Mahomet shortly before the conquest of Mecca, and met Khalid, who was on the same errand. Hishdmi, p. 308.
The original embassy of Amru has apparently been mixed up with this story, which, besides, is full of inconsistencies.
•f See vol. i., Introd. pp. cciv., ccxliv., ccxlvii. Othman was of the family of Abd al Dar, to which branch, it will be remembered, that three offices were reserved — the custody of the Kaaba, the Presidency in the Hall of Council, and the right of raising and presenting the Banner at the commencement of a war.
92 Mahomet? s Position at Mecca improved. [CHAP. xxir.
Mahomet's position at Mecca im proving.
A coup d'etat
becoming
possible.
of Mahomet to the national shrine, and by the ele vation and beauty of the services which he there performed.
The position of Mahomet at Mecca was greatly strengthened by the accession of such leading men. The balance was already wavering: it required little to throw it entirely on the side of Islam. To what extent persons of less note and influence about this time came over to Medina, or remaining at Mecca declared in favour of Mahomet, is not told to us. But there can be no doubt that the movement was not confined to Khalid, Amru, and Othman, but was wide and general ; and that the cause of Islam was every day gaining popularity.
His visit to Mecca enabled Mahomet to see and estimate the growth of his own influence there, upon the one hand, and the waning power and spirit of the Coreish, upon the other. The citizens of Mecca were weary of intestine war and bloodshed. The advocates of peace and compromise were growing in numbers and in confidence. Among the Coreish there were no chiefs of marked ability or commanding influence. A bold and rapid stroke of policy might put an end to the struggle which for so many years had depressed and agitated Mecca. A coup d'etat was possible.
93
CHAPTER TWENTY-THIRD.
Battle of Muta, and other Events in the first Eight Months of A.H. VIII. A.D. 629.
. 61. DUEING the summer, several military excursions Unfortunate
expedition
were undertaken. Some of these ended disastrously, against the About a month after the return of Mahomet from Dzui Hijj,
-i -i £ A A. A'H- V1L
pilgrimage, he despatched a party ol mty men April, AJD
to the Bani Suleim,* with the view apparently of6' demanding their allegiance to the faith of Islam. But the tribe, suspicious of their designs, received the strangers with a cloud of arrows. The most of them were slain, and the leader with difficulty escaped to Medina. The Bani Suleim must have seen cause shortly after to change their views, for we find them amongst the tribes which in the following year sent embassies of submission to the Prophet.f
* A branch, of the Bani Khasafa, and sister tribe to the Hawazin. See Introd. vol. i. p. ccxxiv. ; and vol. ii, p. 256. Some months farther on in the summer, a small expedition was sent against the B. Hawazin at Al Syya beyond Al Madan, and near Rakuba. Their object, the mere plunder of camels and flocks, was accomplished. I have not thought it important enough to be entered in the text. K. Wdckidi, 125.
t K. Wdckidi, 124 1 ; and the same authority for the following expedition.
VOL. IV. N
94
Various Warlike Expeditions.
[CHAP.
A marauding party sent against the Bani Leith. Safar, A.H. VIII.
June, A.D. 629.
The Bani Murra chas tised.
Mishap at Dzat Atlah ; 1st Rabi; A.H. VIII. July, A.D. 629.
Two or three months later, an expedition was planned against a petty branch of the Bani Leith, near Cudeid, on the road to Mecca, the object of which is not stated. The encampment of the tribe was surprised, and their camels plundered. But shortly after, the marauders were pursued, and were only saved by a rapid flight back to Medina.*
In the preceding winter, a small party sent by Ma homet towards Fadak, had been cut to pieces by the Bani Murra.f A well-appointed detachment of two hundred men was now despatched to inflict chastise ment upon them : "If the Lord deliver them into thy hands," said Mahomet to the leader, " let not a soul of them escape." The commission wras exe cuted with complete success. All who fell within reach of the avenging force were slain, and the camels of the tribe were carried off in triumph to Medina.
Soon after this, a party of fifteen men was sent to Dzat Atlah, a place on the borders of Syria. There they found a great assemblage of people, who were called upon to embrace Islam. A shower of arrows was the decisive answer. The Mussulmans fought desperately; one man alone sur-
* K. Wdckidi, 124|, and Hishdmt, p. 445. The place is given both as Kadid and Cudeid. It is pretended that a supernatural flood intervened between the Moslems and their pursuers, and frus trated the intentions of the latter.
t The same expedition of Bashir mentioned in the note at the beginning of the last chapter, p. 83.
xxiii.] A large Army sent against Mutd. 95
vived to tell the tale. Mahomet was much afflicted by this calamity, and planned an expedition to revenge the death of his followers. But tidings reached him that the place had been deserted, and he relinquished the idea for the moment.*
A reverse is generally described by tradition with Perhaps the
0 . * * ... cause of the
enigmatical brevity ; and, from the few details, it is attack on difficult to determine what was the object for which this little band was sent forth. It may have been an embassy to certain tribes; or a secret mission to spy out the cause of the rumoured gathering and uneasiness on the Syrian frontier. However this may be, I cannot but connect the above disaster with the great inroad directed by Mahomet about two months afterwards upon the border-districts of Syria.
The cause ordinarily assigned for this invasion of A large army
<f marches from
the Roman territory was the murder by Sharahbil, Medina upon
chief of Maab or Muta, of a messenger despatched by lst
.A..-LJ.. V J.-L1*
Mahomet to the Ghassanide Prince at Bostra.f It Sept. A.D.
_ __ : ___ ' 629.
* The spot is said to have been beyond Wadi al Cora, and to have been a part of Syria ; +\J^\ ,£ ,1 ~«. K. Wdckidi, 125.
j" The chief of Muta is called Shurahbil, son of Amr: see vol. i. p. clxxxix. ; and M. C. de Perceval, vol. ii. p. 253. No details of the murder are anywhere given ; and it is not men tioned at all by Hishami. It is remarkable that this messenger is called, by the Secretary, Ibn Omeir, and that the leader of the expedition just recounted (i. e. to Dzat Atlah) has the same patro nymic. The personal name, however, and the tribe, are given differently. He is said to have been the only ambassador of Mahomet that was put to death. I am much inclined to identify
96 Invasion of the Syrian frontier. [CHAP.
was, tradition tells us, immediately resolved to attack and punish the offending chief. A general assembly of the fighting men was called, and a camp of three thousand soldiers formed at Jorf. A white banner was prepared, and the Prophet, placing it in the hands of Zeid ibn Haritha as commander, bade him march to the spot where his messenger had been slain, summon the inhabitants to embrace Islam, and, should they refuse, in the name of the Lord to fight against them. If Zeid were cut down, then Jafar was to command ; if Jafar, then Abdallah ibn Kawaha ; * and if he too were disabled, then the army should choose their own commander. Ma homet accompanied them as far as the Mount of Farewell ;"f and as they passed onwards, blessed them
the expedition to Dzat Atlah with the embassy, and to regard its disastrous issue as the cause of the invasion of Muta.
* Abdallah was a poet, and Mahomet desired him to stir up the spirit of the army destined for Muta by reciting martial verses. He objected, saying that he had left off composing poetry ; but at last obeyed. The verses are precisely the same as those ascribed to Mahomet himself at the building of the Mosque, at the battle of the Ditch, and at Kheibar.
It is related that one day, as Abdallah was passing the Mosque, Mahomet called him, and bidding him sit down, asked how he contrived to compose poetry at will, expressing surprise at the faculty. Abdallah replied, " I think upon the subject for a while ; then I recite." Mahomet said, " Recite to me now something regarding the Unbelievers." He had nothing ready : but after think ing for a little, he repeated a poem to the purpose. Mahomet was pleased, and smiling, blessed him, and said, " The Lord strengthen thee." K. Wackidi, p. 283.
f Thaniat al Widd ; a rising ground a little way out of Medina,
xxin.] Preparations of the Enemy. 97
thus: " The Lord shield you from every evil, and bring you back in peace, laden with spoil ! "
Tidings of the approach of this formidable army Preparations reached Sharahbil, who summoned to his defence Syrian tribes
for its repulse.
all the tribes of the vicinity. The hostile incursions which Mahomet had from time to time directed against the Syrian border, the repeated attack on Duma, the conquest of Kheibar, and his generally aggressive attitude towards the north, had no doubt led to precautionary measures of alliance among the people of the frontier. Upon the alarm of inva sion, they quickly rallied round Sharahbil, a large and (compared with the troops of Medina) a well-appointed army.* On reaching Maan, Zeid Ckmndi of first received the startling intelligence of these pre- the Moslems
& r at Maan.
parations. The enemy, he heard, was encamped at Maab, in the territory of Belcaa; and his appre hension was increased by the rumour that the
on the Syrian road. Merchants proceeding in caravans to Syria probably took leave of their families here ; whence the name.
* The traditions pretend that he had collected one hundred thousand men. M. C. de Perceval quotes Theophanes to show that this great army was probably brought together by Theodorus, brother of Heraclius, which might account for the rumour reaching the Moslem camp that the Emperor himself was in the field with two hundred thousand men. Not having Theophanes by me, I must be content with this reference at second hand.
The Syrian army was composed partly of Eomans, partly of the semi- Christian tribes of the desert, — the Bani Bahra, Bali, Wail, Bakr, Lakhm, and Judzam. See Introd. ch. iii. vol. i. p. clxvi. The attack of Zeid upon the Bani Judzam two years before, will be in the reader's recollection, see above, p. 10.
98 Council of War. [CHAP.
Emperor was himself at their head. He halted, and for two whole days the Moslem chiefs discussed the difficulties of their position. Many advised that a letter should be sent to Mahomet. He had not contemplated, they said, an encounter with the Imperial forces : they were sent only to avenge the treachery of a petty chief; they ought not to risk an encounter with an enemy so vastly their superior : at least, the Prophet should be apprised of the new aspect of affairs, and solicited for fresh instructions. Abdallah, on the contrary, urged an immediate advance : — " What have we marched for thus far," he cried out indignantly, "but for this? Is it our numbers, or the help of the Lord, in which we trust ? Victory or martyrdom, — one or the other, — is surely ours ! Then forward!" Overcome by this fervid appeal, they all responded: — " By the Lord ! The son of Rowaha speaketh the truth. Let us hasten onwards!" So the camp advanced.
Battle of On entering the confines of Belcaa, they suddenly
found themselves confronted by the enemy ; alarmed at the glittering array, they fell back, notwithstand ing the enthusiastic aspirations which had just per vaded their ranks, on the village of Muta.* There,
* They met the Romans first at a village in Belcaa, called Masharif, said to be a little way south of Kerak, and half a day's march south of Moab. The backward movement is related by Hishami, but not by the Secretary, who, as usual in the narrative of reverses, is brief and unsatisfactory. He simply says, that the Moslems were met at Muta by the force of the Idolaters, which,
xxm.] Mussulman Army discomfited. 99
finding advantageous ground, they halted, and forming front, resolved to offer battle. The Eoman phalanx, with its cloud of Arabs upon either flank, moved steadily down upon them. Zeid seizing the white flag, led his columns forward, and fought man fully at their head, till he was pierced by the spears of the enemy, and fell to the ground. Then Jafar leaped from his horse, and maiming it in token that he would either conquer or die,* raised aloft the banner, and urged forward the attack. His body was soon covered with wounds, yet he fought on till a Eoman soldier closed with him, and dealt him a fatal blow, f
for numbers, and arms and equipments, and rich furniture, and vestments of silk and gold, far surpassed anything that had yet been met by any Moslem army.
* Eecorded as the first instance of a Moslem having hamstrung his horse on the field of battle.
f Hishami (but not the Secretary) gives the popular story of his right hand having been first cut off, and of his then carrying the standard in his left : when that too was lost, he held the standard with the mutilated remnants of his arms, till he was slain. This is rather a favourite and suspicious description of bravery in Moslem battles, more likely perhaps to occur in the single and scattered combats of Arabian warfare than in the general encounter which took place here. The Secretary speaks of seventy-two wounds having been counted on the front of his body. But I doubt whether the body itself was even recovered. The burial of the Moslem dead is not mentioned. They were apparently left on the field of battle. The believers were too glad to seek for safety in flight.
The song with which Jafar led the attack is no doubt apocryphal, but it strongly illustrates the fanatical feeling now rapidly growing up: — " Paradise ! How fair a resting-place. Cold is the water there, and sweet the shade ! Rome ! Rome ! thine hour of tribulation
100 Khalid saves the Moslem Army. [CIIAP.
Seeing Jafar fall, Abdallah seized the standard, but he, too, speedily met the same fate. Then, following the instructions of Mahomet, the chief men assembled in hasty council, and with one consent fixed on Khalid, who forthwith assumed the command. But the chance of victory had passed away. The ranks were already broken ; and the Romans in full pur- Khaiid saves sn^ made great havoc amongst the fugitives.* It only remained for Khalid to save his scattered and retreating columns from destruction, and even this taxed to the utmost his graat skill and prowess. By a series of ingenious and rapid movements, he suc ceeded in deceiving or eluding the enemy, and drew off the shattered remains of his army from the field, with little further loss. He dared not linger in this dangerous vicinity, but marched back straightway to Medina. As he drew near to the city, the people came out to meet the returning army, and reproach fully cast dust at them, crying out, — " Ah ye run-
draweth nigh. When I close with her, I will strike her down to the ground" Hishdmi, p. 350.
Jafar was displeased at Zeid having been appointed by Mahomet to the command before himself. IL Wdckidi, 187|-.
* So, distinctly, in the Secretary of Wdckidi, p. 125*. Some accounts (as the one which I will presently quote in a note) pretend that Khalid rallied the army ; and either turned the day against the Romans, or made it a drawn battle. But, besides that the brevity of all the accounts is proof enough of a reverse, the reception of the army on its return to Medina admits of only one conclusion, viz. a complete, ignominious, and unretrieved, discomfiture.
xxm.] Mahomet's grief. 101
aways ! Do ye indeed flee before the enemy when fighting for the Lord?" But Mahomet, who also had ridden out, carrying on the mule in front of him the little son of Jafar, put a stop to these reproaches, and reassured the downcast troops by saying,— " Nay, they are not runaways ; but they are men who will yet again return unto the battle, if the Lord will."
The loss of his cousin Jafar the brother of Ali, and Mahomet's
grief at the
of Zeid, the faithful and beloved friend of five-ana- death of thirty years,* affected Mahomet deeply. On the first intelligence of the reverse, and of the death of these dear friends, which he received early through a confidential messenger, he proceeded to the house of Jafar. His widow, Asma, tells us that she had just bathed and dressed her little ones when the Prophet entered, and calling for them, embraced the children tenderly, and burst into a flood of tears. Asma guessed the truth, and wailed loudly. A crowd of women soon gathering around her, Mahomet left the place, and returning to his own family, desired them to send provisions to Jafar' s house, " No food," he said, " will be prepared there this day ; for they are sunk in grief at the loss of their master." He then went to the house of Zeid ; and Zeid's little daughter rushed into his arms, crying bitterly. At this sight, Mahomet was overcome by tender emotion, and he
* For the age of Zeid, see vol. ii. pp. 47-50. Nothing is said about his wife, Mahomet's nurse, Omm Ayman, who must now have been very old.
VOL. IV. 0
102 Mourning for Jdfar and Zeid. [CHAP.
wept until he sobbed aloud. A bystander, thinking to check his grief, said to him. " Why is this, O Prophet ? " — " This," he replied, "is the fond yearning in fhe heart of friend for friend."*
In connection with the battle of Muta, I may mention here the -story of Farwa, an Arab of the
* K. Wackidi, 125£, 187J, 282-* ; Hishdmi, 350. The popular tradition is that Mahomet had supernatural information of the reverse instantly communicated to him ; that he explained to those round about him the incidents of the battle, as they were occurring at the moment ; and that, on going to Jdfar's widow, he told her that her husband had been killed that day. At the moment when Jdfar seized the falling standard, Mahomet called aloud to his com panions, announcing to them the fact, and saying : " Verily, just now the war is waxing hot 1" These fictions have probably grown out of the private nature and speedy arrival of the first message sent by Khalid to the Prophet.
The following tradition, though very loose on other points, is probably accurate on this. Abu Aamir relates that Mahomet sent him to Syria : on his way back, he passed the battle-field, and watched the fate of the Moslems. He saw their leaders fall, and the army pursued and scattered. But Khalid rallied them, and they pursued and slew the Romans: — "Then I went to Mahomet and gave him tidings of the event, and it grieved him sore, so that after the mid-day prayer, instead of conversing (as was his wont) with the people, he returned straightway to his house ; and so he did at the other prayers that day.
But next morning, he entered smiling into the Mosque, and when the people accosted him he said : — "That which ye saw in me yester day was because of sorrow for the slaughter of my companions, until I saw them in Paradise, seated as brethren, one opposite to the other, upon couches. And in some I perceived marks, as it were wounds of the sword. And I saw Jafar, an angel with two wings, covered with blood, — his limbs stained therewith." Thence forward Jafar is known as " the winged Martyr." K. Wackidi, 126.
xxiii.] Martyrdom of Fariva. 103
Bani Judzam, and Governor of Amman, who is represented by tradition (though upon imperfect evidence) as one of the early martyrs. He sent a despatch, announcing his conversion to Ma homet, with several presents, — a white mule, a horse, an ass, and raiment wrought with gold. The presents were graciously acknowledged in a letter from the Prophet, which contained directions for the spiritual guidance of the new convert. The Roman government heard of his defection, and sought to bribe the renegade, by offers of promotion, to return to the Christian faith. He refused, and was put to death.*
* K. Wdclcidi, 50L, 55, 68* ; Plishdmi, 429. I give the tradi tion in the shape in which I find it, without being able to say to what extent it is founded in fact. The reply of Farwa to the Emperor is in the stereotyped traditional style: — " I will not quit the faith of Mahomet. Thou thyself knowest that Jesus pro phesied before of him. But as for thee, the fear of losing thy kingdom deterreth thee from confessing the new faith." He was crucified.
He may have been put to death as a rebel or a traitor. I have no means of fixing the date of the event. M. C. de Perceval is of opinion that it took place after the battle of Muta, as a punish ment for Farwa's defection.
Theophanes mentions about this period the secession of the Arabs employed in guarding the Syrian frontier, as occasioned by the insolent refusal of a Roman officer to pay them their perqui sites. On this they are said to have organized an attack on Ghaza from Sinai. Such a movement may have occurred in connection with the numerous accessions to Mahomet's cause about this time, and the expedition to Tabuk next year. M. C. de Perceval, iii. 216 ; Theophanes, 278-9.
104 Successful Expedition. [CHAP.
Amru, re-. The repulse of his army from Muta affected dan-
inforcedby .
Abu obeida, gerouslj the prestige oi Mahomet among the tribes
restores the . -. ,
prestige of of the Syrian frontier. There were rumours that
the Syrian*1 the Bani Codhaa * had assembled in great force,
2nd ju'mad, and were even threatening a descent upon Medina.
. Amru, the new convert, was therefore placed at the head of three hundred men, including thirty horse, with instructions to subjugate the hostile tribes in that quarter, and incite those whom he found friendly to harass the Syrian border, f The name and ability of Amru justified the selection ; being, moreover, connected with the Bani Bali, a powerful community in the vicinity of the field of operations, he was possessed of personal influence which would aid in effecting the objects of the cam paign. J In the event of serious opposition, he was to call upon those Arabs who had already tendered their submission, to come to his aid.§ After a march of ten days he encamped at a spring called Salasil, near the Syrian confines. || There he found that the enemy were assembled in vast numbers, and that he
* The Bani Odzra, Bali, Bahra, &c. See Table, vol. i. p. cxlix.
•f The former object is mentioned by the Secretary, p. 126; the latter by Hishdmi, p. 443. Both objects were probably intended by Mahomet.
J His father's mother was of the Bani Bali. HisMmi, p. 443.
§ They are named as the Bani Bali, B. Odzra, and tribes of Balcua.
|i It is varioiisly called a spring of the B. Odzra, or of the Bani Judzam.
xxin.-j Successful Expedition. 105
could look for but little aid from the local tribes. He halted and despatched a messenger for reinforce ments. Mahomet at once complied, and sent two hundred men (among whom were Abu Bakr and Omar) under command of Abu Obeida ibn al Jarrah. On joining Amru, Abu Obeida wished to assume the leadership of the whole force, or at the least to retain the chief authority over his own detachment; but Amru, giving promise of that decision and firmness which characterized him in after days, insisted on retaining the sole command. Abu Obeida, a man of mild and pliant temper, succumbed. " If tliou refusest to acknowledge my authority," he said, " I have no resource but to obey thee; for the Prophet strictly charged me to suffer no altercation, nor any division of command." Amru replied imperiously : " I am the chief over thee. Thou hast only brought a reinforcement to my army." " Be it so," said Abu Obeida. Amru then assumed command of the united troops, and led their prayers. Thus early were the spiritual functions in Islam indissolubly blended with the political and military.
Strengthened by this addition to his forces, Amru went forward. He passed through the territories of the Bani Odzra and Bali, receiving their allegiance: when he reached their farther limits, the enemy which had assembled to oppose him iled in alarm. Thus Amru had the satisfaction of despatching a messenger to announce to Mahomet the complete success of his first campaign, and the re-establish-
106 Various tribes tender submission. [CHAP.
ment of the Prophet's influence on the frontier of Syria. He then returned to Medina. Expedition of In the month following, to compensate Abu Obeida
the Fish. .
Rajah, A.H. tor nifl disappointment in giving up the command November, to Amru, Mahomet sent him at the head of three
A.I). 629. ,
hundred men to chastise a refractory branch of the Bani Joheina on the sea-coast. There was no fight ing in this expedition, but it has become famous from the occurrence of a curious incident. Provi sions failed, and the troops were already well nigh famished, when to their joy a prodigious fish was cast opportunely on the shore, and sufficed amply to relieve their hunger.*
There was one °ther Petty expedition during the willter against a tribe of the Ghatafan, in Najd, which yielded large plunder in camels, flocks, and prisoners.f Various tribes Besides the Bedouin tribes in the direction of S vria
tender their . *
submission, gamed over by the success of Amru, several others now gave in their adhesion to Mahomet. Among these were the Bani Abs, Murra, and Dzobian ; and the Bani Fezara with their chief Uyeina, who had
* The Secretary (p. 126), relates the story as in the text ; but Hishami deals in extravagancies. The whole army, which had been reduced to a famishing state, fed for twenty days upon it, and from being lean and famished became strong and fat. One of its bones, being set up as an arch, a camel with its rider passed under without touching it, &c., p. 450.
t K. Wackidi, 126J. The object is not stated. A fair damsel fell to the lot of the leader, Abu Cotada. He presented her to Mahomet, who again gave her to one of his followers.
xxiii.] Submission of various tribes. 107
so long caused anxiety and alarm at Medina. The Bani Suleim,* a powerful tribe in the Hej&z, which, like the Fezara, had taken part in the siege of Medina, also joined the cause of Islam about this time ; they engaged to bring, when called upon, one thousand men into the. field. Most of the tribes in the vicinity of Medina, as the Bani Aslam and Ghifar, the Mozeina, Ashja, and Joheina, had already recog nized the supremacy of Mahomet.f The courteous treatment which the deputations of these various clans experienced from the Prophet, his ready atten tion to their grievances, the wisdom with which he composed their disputes, and the politic assignments of territory by which he rewarded an early declara-
* Vide supra, p. 90, and re/, quoted there.
j The Bani Ashja, who had joined in the siege of Medina, gave in their adhesion shortly after the massacre of the Coreitza ; they told Mahomet that they were so pressed by his warring against them, that they could stand out no longer. K. Wdckidi, p. 60. In the Secretary's chapter of " Deputations from the Tribes," &c., the Bani Ashar from Jedda, the B, Khushain, and the B. Dous, came to Mahomet at Kheibar, the latter with sixty or seventy followers, to all of whom were assigned shares in the booty. Ibid. 67, 68, 121. The Bani Sad ibn Bakr came over, A.H. V.; p. 581. The B. Thalaba, A.H. VIII. Ibid. The B. Abd al Keis (partly at least Christian) from Bahrein, in the same year. Ibid. 61^. The B, Judzam also in that year. The chief of the latter tribe carried back to them a letter from Mahomet, of this tenor : — " Whoever accepteth the call to Islam, he is amongst the con federates of the Lord : whoever refuseth the same, a truce of two months is allowed him for consideration." All the tribes of the vicinity accepted the invitation. Ibid. 68^.
108 Popularity of Mahomet. [CHAP. xxm.
tion in favour of Islam, made his name to be popular, and spread his fame as a great and generous Prince throughout the Peninsula. And the accession of so many tribes enabled him, whenever the occasion might require it, to call into the field a far more imposing force than he had ever before aspired to command.
109
CHAPTER TWENTY-FOURTH.
The Conquest of Mecca. Ramadlidn, A.H. VIII. January, A.D. 630.
. 61.
THE truce of Hodeibia had been now nearly two Pretext arises
n -i .-i -i-i T • ft . • f> . for attacking
years in force, when the alleged infraction of its Mecca, terms by the Coreish afforded Mahomet a fair pre text for attempting the grand object of his ambition, the conquest of Mecca.
The Bani Khozaa, as before noticed, acting on The the discretion allowed by the treaty, had declared themselves the partisans of Mahomet ; while the shaS,' A.H. Bani Bakr had ranged themselves on the side of the i)™.' A.D. Coreish. * Both tribes inhabited Mecca or its adjoin- 629' ing valleys. There had been sanguinary feuds of old standing between them, and though these paled before the excitement of the war with Mahomet, the murders which had been committed on either side still rankled in their breasts. The peace of Hodeibia allowed the Bani Bakr again to brood over their
* See above, p. 41. vot. iv. P
The Khozaa appeal to Mahomet, who promises aid.
Unsuccessful mission of Abu Sofian to Medina.
110 A pretext afforded for War with the Coreish. [CHAP.
wrongs, and they sought opportunity to make re prisals. Aided by some of the chief men of the Coreish,* who disguised themselves, they attacked by night an unsuspecting encampment of the Khozaa, and slew several of them.
A deputation of forty men from the injured tribe, mounted on camels, hastened to Medina, spread their wrongs before the Prophet, and pleaded that the treacherous murders might be avenged. Entreaty was little needed. The opportunity long expected had at last arrived. Starting up, with his raiment yet ungirded,f he pledged himself to the suppliants thus : — " If I assist you not with the same aid as if the cause were mine own, then let me never more be assisted by the Lord ! " A cloud at the moment chanced to overshadow the heavens ; ac cepting the augury, Mahomet added : — " As the rain poureth down from yonder cloud, even so shall succour descend upon the Khozaa from above." J
The Coreish, aware of this deputation, were thrown into great alarm. They despatched Abu Sofian to Medina in the hope of renewing and extending the
* Safwan ibn Omeya, Huweitib, and Mikraz, are mentioned by the Secretary as the chiefs of the Coreish who were concerned in this attack, p. 126|. M. C. de Perceval adds Ikrima son of Abu Jahl, iii. 220.
f Tradition adds this feature to show the eagerness of his response.
J The Bani Kab, a sub-tribe of the Khozaa, is the one men tioned in this interview.
xxiv.] Unsuccessful Embassy of the Coreish to Medina. Ill
compact of peace. On his way, he met Bodeil, a friendly Khozaite, who was returning from Medina after an interview with Mahomet.* The mission of Abu Sofian was not followed by any satisfactory result. He could gain from Mahomet no promise, nor any assurance of pacific intentions. Foiled in his endeavours, he took the only course open to him of expressing the friendly relations which the Coreish desired to maintain. He stood up in the court of the great Mosque, and cried aloud :— - " Hearken unto me, ye people ! Peace and protec tion I guarantee for all." To which Mahomet answered : " It is thou that sayest this, not any one of us, O Abu Sofian." Thereupon he de parted home to Mecca, and reported the affair to the Coreish. They perceived that they were in an evil plight ; but they did not suspect that Mahomet had any immediate designs against them.f
* The same Bodeil who had been one of the ambassadors of the Coreish at Hodeibia. See above, p. 28. Hishami says that Bodeil denied to Abu Sofian that he had been to Medina, and that Abu Sofian discovered the truth by the same process pursued by him before at Badr. See vol, iii. p. 88. But it will be seen below that there are reasons for suspecting collusion between Abu Sofian and Bodeil. Whether the collusion began at this interview, or upon Abu Sofian's return to Mecca, I cannot say. K. Wdckidi, 126J.
f The Abbasside current of tradition delights, as before ex plained, to cast contumely on Abu Sofiari. On the present occa sion it turns him into a laughing-stock. But from what will be noticed below, there will be seen some ground for supposing that communications of a less unfriendly character than those here represented, passed between him and the Prophet.
112 Preparations for attacking Mecca. [CHAP.
Preparations Mahomet had already resolved to make a grand
for an advance . . i i i •
upon Mecca, attack upon his native city. But he kept his counsel secret as long as it was possible.* To divert atten-
The following tradition is from Hithdm*, p. 354, but is not given by the Secretary: — "Arrived at Medina, Abu Sofian en tered the house of his daughter Omm Habiba, Mahomet's wife. He was about to seat himself on the carpet or rug spread upon the floor, when she hastily drew it away and folded it up. " My daughter !" he said, " whether is it that thou thinkest the carpet is too good for me, or that I am too good for the carpet ? " " Nay, but it is the carpet of the Prophet," she replied ; " and I choose not that thou, an impure idolater, shouldst sit upon the Prophet's carpet." " Truly, my daughter, thou art changed for the worse since thou leftest me." So saying, he went straight to Mahomet, but could get no reply from his lips. Omar, to whom he next addressed himself, received him with indignation. Ali was more cordial : — " Let me not go back unsuccessful as I came," urged Abu Sofian ; " intercede for me with the Prophet." " Alas for thee ! " said Ali ; " truly, the Prophet hath resolved on a thing concerning which we may not speak with thee." Then Abu Sofian adjured Fatima (Ali's wife) to let her little son Hasan take him under his protection, " and he will be the Lord of the Arabs till the end of time." But she told him that no one could be his protector against Mahomet. On this, he besought Ali for his advice. Ali said that he saw no other course for him, but to arise and call aloud that he took all parties under the guarantee of his protection: — " But will this benefit "me at all?" " Nay, I do not say so, but I see nothing else for thee." Having followed this advice, Abu Sofian returned to Mecca, and told the Coreish what he had done. " But did Mahomet sanction thy guarantee ? " asked they. He replied in the negative. " Out upon thee 1 " they cried ; "this will not benefit us at all ; the man meant only to make sport of thee." " I know it," said Abu Sofian, " but I could think of nothing else to do." The Alyite tendency will be ob served strongly developed throughout this tradition.
* Hishdmi, 355. Even Abu Bakr was kept in ignorance of it. Entering Ayesha's house, he found her busy preparing the
xxiv.] Mahomefs intentions kept secret. 113
tion, lie despatched a small body of men under Abu Cotada in another direction.* Meanwhile, he summoned all his allies amongst the Bedouin tribes to join him at Medina, or to meet him at certain convenient points, which he indicated to them, on the road to Mecca. At the latest moment he ordered his followers in the city to arm themselves, an nounced his intentions to them, and enjoined on all the urgent command that no hint regarding his hostile designs should in any way reach Mecca. To this effect he prayed publicly : — " 0 Lord ! Let not any spy draw near with tidings unto the Coreish : take away their sight, that they see me not until I come suddenly upon them and seize them unawares!^
Notwithstanding this injunction, Hatib, one of Hatib's endea-
, , . vour to corn-
Mahomet s most trusted lollowers,J despatched pri- mumcatethe
vately a female messenger with a letter to his friends hVfamljy at° in Mecca, containing intimation of the intended trate? * assault. Information of this soon came to the ears
accoutrements of the Prophet ; and inquiring the cause, was told that an expedition had been resolved on, but she did not know in what direction.
* This covert design is distinctly stated by the Secretary. K. WdcJcidi, 126-|. The expedition was sent to the valley of Idham, between Dzu Khashab and Dzu Marwa, three marches from Medina. There was no fighting on this occasion, as the tribe at once embraced Islam. On their way back, they received intimation that Mahomet had already left for Mecca, and they hastened to join him.
f K. Wdclddi, 126.
J He had been Mahomet's ambassador to Egypt.
114
Mahomet marches from Medina.
[CHAP .
The army marches.
Ramadhan, A.H.VliJ. January, A.D. 630.
of the Prophet, and he sent All with Zobeir in pur suit of the messenger. They overtook her, and after a long search discovered the letter carefully hidden in her locks. Hatib excused himself by the natural desire he had to save his unprotected family at Mecca ; and the plea, in view of his former services, was graciously accepted.*
On the 10th of Ramadhan, the 1st January, A.D. 630, the army commenced its march. It was the largest force Medina had ever seen. The tents of the Bedouin auxiliaries darkened the plain for miles around, and several important tribes fell in with Mahomet on the line of march. Two of these, the Mozeina and Suleim, contributed each a thousand soldiers.f Mahomet now found himself at the head of between eight and ten thousand men. Two of his wives, Zeinab and Omm Salma, accompanied him.J The march was made with such rapidity,
* K. Wdckidi, 126. The Secretary says nothing more. But Hishami, as is his wont, deals in the supernaturaly and says that Mahomet had information of the despatch of the letter " from the Heavens." The opening verses of the Sixtieth Sura are said to refer to Hatib ; but they appear to have a general bearing against too great intimacy with the Coreish during the truce, and to be therefore of a prior date. Hishdmi, 355.
•f The tribes specified by Hishami and the Secretary are the B. Suleim, Mozeina, Ghifar (four hundred strong), Aslam (four hundred), Ashja, Joheina, Tamim, Cays, Asad.
J K. WdcJcidi, 123 ; Hishami, 371. Omm Salma seems to have been the favourite companion of Mahomet on his marches. Ayesha is not mentioned as accompanying him after the affair in the expedition against the B. Mustalick.
xxiv.] Abbas joins Mahomet. 115
that the army encamped at Marr al Tzahran, one stage from Mecca, on the seventh or eighth day.*
Meanwhile, Abbas had joined Mahomet on the road. The traditions of the Abbassides, of course, claim him as having been long a true believer, and class him among the exiles from Mecca, — the Kefugees, — whose favoured number was now about to close. f But Abbas was only worldly wise. He had waited till the supremacy of his nephew was beyond a doubt ; and now, at the last moment, when there was no merit in the act, openly espoused his cause. Nevertheless, he was welcomed by the Prophet with favour and affection.J
And now we come to a curious and somewhat Abu
visits the camp
mysterious passage in the campaign. Mahomet com- of Mahomet, manded his followers that every on'e should kindle a fire that night on. the heights above the carnp. Ten thousand fires soon blazed on the mountain tops of
* K. Wdckidi, 128. The Secretary says he was seven days on the road. One tradition, however, represents him as leaving Medina on the 6th Ramadhan ; and another makes the occupation of Mecca take place ten days before the end of that month, which would allow a much longer period for the road.
")* After Mecca had become subject to Mahomet, there was, of course, no longer any merit in emigrating to Medina. Abbas is therefore held to have been the last of the Refugees.
} He is said to have joined Mahomet at Johfa, near Rabigh, about half-way between Medina and Mecca. It is highly probable that he came by previous appointment. Abbasside tradition natu rally makes every thing as favourable to Abbas as possible. The truth is (see vol. ii. p. 234, and iii. p. 153), that he always sailed
116 Abu Sofidn meets Albas : [CHAP.
Marr al Tzahran. The Prophet trusted that this first intimation of his approach would burst upon the city with alarming grandeur, and prove the hope lessness of opposition. No certain information of the march of Mahomet from Medina had yet reached the Coreish. Their enemy had carefully cut off all sources of intelligence, and it is not improbable that there were traitors within Mecca itself who sought to lull suspicion. At last the chief men became uneasy at the portentous calm, broken only by vague reports of a coming storm ; and they sent forth Abu Sofian to reconnoitre. In the evening, accompanied by Hakim (the nephew of Khadija, who had shown kindness to Mahomet when shut up with Abu Talib), and Bodeil the Khozaite chief, Abu Sofian sallied forth on the Medina road. The fires on the mountain tops began to appear in full sight, and
with wind and tide. It is quite possible that ever since the treaty, and especially since the Pilgrimage, he may have been in collu sion with Mahomet, and secretly forwarding his cause at Mecca.
Two other persons of some note also tendered allegiance to Mahomet on the march : Abu Sofian, son of Mahomet's uncle Harith, and Abdallah ibn Abi Omeya, son of Mahomet's aunt Atika, and brother of his wife Omm Salma. Omm Salm& inter ceded for them ; but Mahomet at first refused to receive them. Both had incurred his severe displeasure, — the former having, in company with Amru and Abdallah ibn Zibara, greatly annoyed him with their satires ; and the latter having also been a keen opponent. Abu Sofian, being repulsed, declared that he would go forth into the desert with his little son, and that there they would both die of hunger ; whereat Mahomet relented. Hishdmi, 357.
xxiv.] And is taken by him to Mahomet. 117
to engage their speculations, when suddenly, in the dark, a stranger approached, and thus accosted Abu Sofian : " Abu Hantzala ! * Is it thy voice I hear ? " " Yes, I am he," said Abu Sofian ; " and what hast thou left behind thee?" "Yonder," replied the stranger, " is Mahomet encamped with ten thousand followers. See ye not the myriad fires which they have kindled in their camp? Believe and cast in thy lot with us, else thy mother and thy house shall weep for thee ! " It was Abbas who spoke. Mounted on the Prophet's white mule, he had issued forth (tradition tells us), hoping that he might meet some wayfarer on the road, and send him to the Coreish, if haply they would come and sue for peace, and thus save Mecca from destruction. " Seat thee upon the mule behind me," continued Abbas. " I will conduct thee to the Prophet, and thou shalt seek for quarter from him." They were soon at the tent of Mahomet. Abbas entered, and acquainted him with the arrival of his distinguished friend : — " Take him to thy tent, Abbas," replied the Prophet; " and in the morn ing come to me with him again." In the morning accordingly they sought the Prophet's tent: — "Out upon thee, Abu Sofidnf" cried Mahomet as the Coreishite chief drew near. Hast thou not yet dis covered that there is no God but the Lord alone?" " Noble and generous Sire ! Had there been any
* Abu Sofian was so called after his son, Hantzala. VOL.- iv. Q
118 Abu Sofian joins Mahomet. [CHAP.
God beside, verily he had been of some avail to me." — "And dost thou not acknowledge that I am the Prophet of the Lord ? " continued Mahomet. " Noble Sire ! As to this thing, there is yet in my heart some hesitancy."* " Wo is thee !" exclaimed Abbas ; " it is no time for hesitancy, this. Believe and testify at once the creed of Islam, or else thy head shall be severed from thy body ! " It was, indeed, no time for idle pride or scruple; and so Abu Sofian, seeing no alternative left to him, repeated the formula of belief in God and in his Prophet. What a moment of exultation it must have been for Mahomet when he saw the great leader of the Coreish a suppliant believer at his feet ! " Haste thee to Mecca !" he said ; for he knew well when to show forbearance and gene rosity. " Haste thee to the city : no one that taketh refuge in the house of Abu Sofian shall be harmed. And hearken! speak unto the people, that whoever closeth the door of his house, the inmates thereof shall escape." Abu Sofian hastened to retire. But before he could quit the camp, the forces were already under arms, and were being marshalled in their respective columns. Standing by Abbas, he watched in amazement the various tribes, each defiling with
* Hishdmi, 359. This conversation with Mahomet is not given by the Secretary. It is very uncertain ; but it is interesting, and not improbably founded on fact. An episode in which Omar interfered, wishing to strike off Abu Sofian's head, is certainly apocryphal ; he is always introduced by tradition with this speech ready made.
xxiv.] Abu Sofian carries terms to Mecca. 119
the banner given to it by Mahomet, into its proper place. One by one, the different clans were pointed out by name, and recognized. " And what is that black mass," asked Abu Sofian, " with dark mail and shining lances ?" " It is the flower of the chivalry of Mecca and Medina," replied Abbas, — " the favoured band that guards the person of the Prophet," " Truly," exclaimed the astonished chief, " this king dom of thy uncle's is a mighty kingdom." " Nay, Abu Sofian ! he is more than a king, — he is a mighty Prophet!" "Yes; thou sayest truly. Now let me go." " Away ! " said Abbas. " Speed thee to thy people ! "
Abu Sofian hurried back to Mecca, and as he
cars -
entered the city, he shouted at the pitch of his sage of quarter voice : "Ye Coreish ! Mahomet is close upon us. He hath an army which ye are not able to withstand. Whoever entereth the house of Abu Sofian shall be safe ; and whoever shutteth his door upon him shall be safe ; and whosoever entereth the holy House shall be safe ! " So the people fled in all directions to their houses, and to the Kaaba.*
Such is the account given by tradition. But Was there
0 e collusion be-
beneath the narrative, I find symptoms of a previous tween Abu
* Hishdmi, p. 360, Hind, the wife of Abu SoMn, is represented as seizing him by the hair of his head and face, when she heard the words of his proclamation, and abusing him thus : — " Away with this fat fellow from the earth ! " On which he repeated that it was in vain to try and deceive themselves, for the force moving upon them was irresistible. But the traditions about Hind must be received with caution.
120 Secret understanding between [CHAP.
understanding between Mahomet and Abu Sofian. Whether there was any collusion so early as the visit of Abu Sofian to Medina, whether Abbas was charged by the chiefs of Mecca with the conduct of negotiations with the Prophet, and from which side the overtures first came, can be matter for conjecture only. But there seems strong reason to believe that the meeting by night of Abu Sofi&n with Abbas was a concerted measure, not the result of accident. That Abu Sofian, wearied with the long protracted struggle between tfie Prophet and his people, — a struggle now about to be renewed with all the prospects of internecine strife ; assured, from what he saw and heard at Medina, that the chances of victory lay on Mahomet's side ; and anxious to avert a bloody battle,- — conspired to lull alarm and prevent a timely and a general rising at Mecca against the invader, seems to me hardly less evident. As hereditary leader of the Coreish, he possessed more influence to effect that object than any other chief at Mecca, and of his influence Mahomet wil lingly availed himself. To the treason, or the patriotism, of Abu Sofian, it is mainly due that the submission of Mecca was secured with scarcely any bloodshed. Such at least is the conclusion which I draw from the garbled tale of tradition.*
* I have reserved my reasons for a note : — 1. Abbas evidently went forth from the camp at Marr al Tzahran by the authority of Mahomet. He rode upon his mule. He went,
.] Abu Sojidn and Mahomet. 121
To return to the camp of Maliomet. The army The army
* moves for-
was now in full march on Mecca. It was an hour ward upon
Mecca.
it is said, with the intention of meeting " some hewer of wood or seller of milk," whom he might send into the city to announce the arrival of the army, in the hope that the citizens would come out and sue for terms. Would he have dared to enter even on such a mission, without Mahomet's knowledge, seeing that up to this time every effort had been made to keep the expedition secret ? Such being the case, it is hardly to be supposed that he would go forth towards Mecca, in the dark, on the mere chance of falling in with some wayfarer to send in as a messenger to the city. He surely must have had some more settled expectation than this.
2. The companions of Abu Sofian were Hakim, a Coreishite, whose antecedents inclined him towards Mahomet, and Bodeil, a Khozaite chief, an ally of Mahomet, who had gone to Medina to consult with him.
3. Abu Sofian must have had some knowledge of the approach of Mahomet to induce him to go out at all. It is pretended that he was entirely unaware of Mahomet's advance, and at first fancied the fires to be those of a Khozaite encampment. Then why was he deputed by the chiefs of Mecca to go and procure terms from Mahomet ? — " If ye meet Mahomet," said these chiefs to Abu Sofian, " take from him a pledge for our security." K. Wdclcidi, 127. The approach of the Prophet was thus clearly known in some circles at Mecca.
4. The happily timed meeting of Abu Sofian and Abbas ; their sudden recognition in the dark ; the ready consent of Abu Sofian to proceed straight to the tent of Mahomet, and from an enemy to become his subservient follower (and that, too, before he had seen the extent of his force), all tend to strengthen the idea that there was a previous understanding. Otherwise, the first impulse of Abu Sofian would surely have been to rush back, rouse the threatened city, and organize some means of defence, rather than go on and spend the night quietly in the enemy's camp.
5. The armed opposition offered at one of the approaches of the city, shows the spirit that still dwelt in Mecca, even when opposition must have been seen to be hopeless. There is no doubt
122 MaJiomefs advance on Mecca, [CHAP.
of deep anxiety for the Prophet. But when he reached the plain of Dzu Towa near the city, it became evident that his precautions had been
that unless Abu Sofian, and one or two other influential men, had so acted as to quiet suspicion, the city would have bristled with arms, as it did two years before, when Mahomet came with peace ful, and not as now with hostile, intentions. Where were the Bani Bakr and the numerous citizens who had good reason to dread the vengeance of Mahomet ?
6. Mahomet forbade fighting. Would he have done so unless he had had some special assurance that there would be no oppo sition ? When he perceived that fighting was going on in one quarter, he exclaimed in anger, — " What, did I not forbid it ?" Would his surprise be at all natural, unless he had had some understanding with the influential men of Mecca ?
It may be alleged that he took the city by surprise, and (then, when within one march of Mecca, and no time was left for an organized attack), sent a message of peace, which the people had no option but to accept. But even supposing it possible, which I doubt, to conceal from all the chiefs of Mecca, the approach of ten thousand men along the high road to Syria, no long prepara tion was required for Arab warfare; and at the notice of a few hours, the population would have armed and gone forth as before, " clothed in panthers' skins, and swearing rather to die than yield," had there not been some counter influence among their leaders. A severe struggle might naturally have been looked for, and had there been no previous understanding, Mahomet would have expected it. That he did not, establishes a strong presump tion of extensive collusion.
The strongest objection to the views above suggested, is that there is no mention made in tradition of such collusion ; and that the friends of Abu Sofian did not perpetuate the knowledge of a fact (according to Moslem ideas), so meritorious. But the proceedings were necessarily secret, and the strong current of Abbasside tradition naturally gives the credit of Abu Sofian's visit entirely to Abbas, making Abu Sofian a mere passive tool, who was frightened by menaces into the profession of Islam.
xxiv.] Mahomet's advance on Mecca. 123
effectual. Had any general opposition been organized to check his farther progress, this was the place where a stand would have been made ; yet no army appeared in sight. In token of his gratitude, he bowed low upon his camel, and offered up to God a prayer of thanksgiving. The troops were told off in four divisions, and to each was assigned a different road, by which they were simultaneously to advance upon the city. They now separated to perform their several parts, with strict injunctions from Mahomet not to fight or offer violence to any one. Zobeir, leading the left battalion, was to enter from the north. Khalid, with the Bedouin tribes, was on the right ; passing the city on the west, he was to make his way into the southern or lower suburbs. The men of Medina under Sad ibn Obada, were to force their way into the western quarter. Abu Obeida, commanding the Refugees, and fol lowed by Mahomet himself, took the nearest road skirting the hill of Jebel Hind.* This disposition of his forces was wisely made : if opposition were offered to any column, one of the other divisions would be at hand to take the enemy in the rear. As Sad led on the citizens of Medina, he sang : " To day is the day of slaughter ; there is no security this
* See the plan of Mecca, vol. i. p. 5. Mahomet's column apparently came by the route marked " modern road to Jedda cut through the hill by steps," or by some similar pathway. See further, note below, p. 125.
124
Advance of the Moslem Army.
[CHAP ,
Abu Cuhafa watches the advance of the Moslem army.
day for Mecca!" Hearing these martial and vin dictive words, and apprehending evil from the fiery temper of Sad, Mahomet took the Medina banner from, his hands, and gave it to Cays, his son — a per son of towering stature, but of milder disposition than his father.*
About this time, an old man, blind and decrepit, might have been seen climbing with the help of his daughter one of the heights of Abu Cobeis, which overhang the city. It was Abu Cuhafa, the aged parent of Abu Bakr. To his frequent inquiry whether anything was yet in sight, the maiden at last replied : " A dark moving mass has just emerged from yonder valley." " It is the Army ! " said the aged man. " And now I see a figure hasting to and fro amid the columns of that mass." — " This is the leader marshalling the force." " But the blackness is dispersing rapidly. It spreads " — continued the girl. " Ah ! then the Army is advancing ! " ex claimed Abu Cuhafa. " Haste thee, my daughter, and lead me to my house." It was full time to do so, for the troops were already sweeping along the approaches to the town on every side ; and a rude assailant snatched the maiden's silver necklace from her neck while she was yet guiding her father's tottering steps toward their home.
* Hish&mi makes the standard to have been made over to All ; but, besides that the Secretary is decisively in favour of the state ment in the text, it is not likely that the Medina standard would have been given to any one but a citizen of Medina.
xxiv.] Khdlid fights his way into Mecca. 125
The several columns entered peaceably, excepting Khaiia en-
* counters oppo-
that of Khalid. On the road by which he was to sition, and
. . pursues his
approach, the bitterest of Mahomet s enemies, and enemy into those most deeply implicated in the attack upon the Bani Khozaa, had taken up a defensive position, or perhaps in despair they were preparing for a hasty flight towards the sea-shore. They were led by Safwan, Suheil, and Ikrima son of Abu Jahl. As the battalion of Khalid appeared in view, it was saluted by a discharge of arrows. But Khalid was ready to receive his opponents, and soon put them all to flight. Flushed with success, arid unmindful of the Prophet's order, he pursued with his wild Bedouins the fugitive Coreish into the streets of Mecca. The leaders escaped ; but eight-and-twenty citizens were killed in the. conflict. Khalid lost only two men.*
As this encounter was going forward, Mahomet, Mahomet's
c it • i T ^-i-r-»^ concern at
following the column of the Refugees, crossed the this encounter.
* Hishami says twelve or thirteen men were killed. The Secretary more accurately gives the number at twenty-four of the Coreish, and four of the Hodzeil. The two men killed on Khalid's side, Kurz ibn Jabir (the Arab who attacked Medina, vol. iii. p. 68), and a Khozaite, are said to have lost their way, and to have thus fallen into the enemy's hands. The absence of other casualties on the side of Mahomet shows the defence to have been hasty, and entirely wanting in solidity and organization. If the army was expected by this road, and a defence was really intended, one would have looked for some more effective effort than this.
The road to Jedda and Yemen led out from this quarter, so that the .supposition of flight being contemplated by the leaders and their followers is also tenable.
VOL. IV. R
126 Mahomet encamps in the Valley of Mecca. [CHAP.
eminence of Adzakhir, and a full view of the valley burst upon him. But his pleasure at the grateful prospect was at once turned into concern as his eye caught the gleaming of swords on the farther side of the city, and the troops of Khali d in pursuit. "What!" he cried in surprise and anger, " did I not strictly command that there should not be any fighting?" The cause was soon explained, and Mahomet said, — " That which the Lord decreeth is the best." * Mahome^re- From the pass, Mahomet descended into the tent. valley, at a spot not far from the tombs of Abu Talib
and Khadrja. He was there joined by the division of Zobeir, and having assured himself that Mecca was now wholly at his will, he directed his tent of leather to be pitched in the open space to the north of the city.f " Wilt thou not alight at thine own house?" inquired his followers. " Not so," he said, " for have
* K. WdcJcidi, 127 ; Hishdmi, 361.
f See the map, v. i. p. 5. The pathway north of Jebel Hind brought him into the valley near the burying ground of Al Juhun; a little below this he pitched his tent, and the two northern divisions of the army encamped. The two other divisions were probably encamped to the south of the city.
The tradition of the Prophet's route is still retained, though in a loose and inaccurate form. "Mounting our animals," says Burton, " we followed the road to the Jannat al Maala, the sacred cemetery of Mecca. A rough wall, with a poor gateway, encloses a patch 'of barren and grim-looking ground, at the foot of the chain which bounds the city's western suburb ; and below Al Akaba, the gap through which Khalid bin Walid entered Mecca with the triumphant Prophet." As regards Khalid, this (as will have been seen from the text) is wrong. Vol. iii. p. 349.
xxiv.] Mahomet worships at the Kdaba. 127
they left me yet any house within the city?"* The great banner was planted at the door of his tent, and Mahomet entered to repose, and to reflect on the accomplishment of the dream of his life. The abused, rejected, exiled, Prophet now saw the city at his feet. Mahomet was lord of Mecca.
But Mahomet did not long repose. Again mounted Worships at
the Kaaba,
on Al Caswa, he proceeded to the Kaaba, reverently and destroys saluted with his staff the sacred stone, and made the there, seven circuits of the temple. Then pointing with the same staff one by one to the numerous idols placed around, he commanded that they should be hewn down. The great image of Hobal, reared as the tutelary deity of Mecca in front of the Kaaba, shared the common fate. " Truth hath come," ex claimed Mahomet, as it fell with a crash to the ground, " and falsehood hath vanished; for false hood is evanescent."f Going now to the Station of Abraham, twenty or thirty paces from the Kaaba, J he bowed himself in worship ; and sitting down, he
* K. Wdclidi, 227. The original is " Hath Ackil left for me yet any house ? " Ackil, the son of Abu Talib, had probably taken possession of all the family property at Mecca.
t K. Wdckidi, 127, quoted from Sura, xvii. 82. Tradition says that there were three hundred and sixty idols ranged round the Kaaba, and that as Mahomet pointed to each in succession with his staff, reciting the-verse above quoted, the idol fell forwards on its face. The use of a metaphorical expression in describing the actual scene would easily give rise to these tales.
J See the Plate II. vol. ii. p. 18 ; and the account of the Kaaba, pp. 34, et seq. (where the Plate should have been inserted).
128 Mahomet's attachment to Mecca, [CHAP.
sent Bilal to summon Othm&n ibn Talha with the key of the temple. When it was brought, he took the key, and opening therewith the door of the Kaaba, he entered and again performed devout pros trations. He then returned to the doorway, and standing upon the elevated step seized hold of the two rings attached to the door, and gazed around on the multitude which thronged below. " Othman ibn Talha!" he called aloud, — "here, take back the key to be kept in custody by thee and thy posterity, —an hereditary and perpetual office. No one shall take it from thee save the unjust. — And thou Abbas," turning to his uncle, — " I confirm thee in the office of giving drink unto the pilgrims : it is no mean privilege this which I give now unto thee."*
Having destroyed the images and obliterated the pictures of Abraham and of the angels which, it is said, covered the walls of the Kaaba,f Mahomet
* Hishami represents All as standing with the key before Mahomet, and urging that the custody of the Kaaba should be conferred on him. The request was refused, on the ground that Mahomet wished to settle everything on its previous basis ; — " it is for me a day of kindness and fulfilment of claims." This is evidently an Alyite tradition to excuse Ali's having been passed over in the assignment of these offices.
•f It is said that Omar was sent to perform this task, and that Mahomet did not enter the Kaaba until every picture had been erased. K. Wdckidi, 128 J. Hishami [adds that the first thing Mahomet saw on entering was the wooden figure of a dove, which he broke with his own hands. On the wall, beside the angels, was a figure of Abraham in the act of divining by arrows, at the sight of which MahomeMvas greatly indignant, Hishami, 364.
xxiv.] Mahomefs attachment to Mecca. 129
sent a crier through the streets of Mecca with this proclamation, — "Whoever believeth in God and in the last day, let him not leave in his house any image whatever, that he doth not break in pieces." He likewise deputed a party of the Bani Khozaa to repair the boundary pillars around the sacred ter ritory.* Thus he gave practical proof that, while determined to root out idolatry from the land, he was equally resolved to cherish and perpetuate the sanctity of Mecca. He won the hearts of the in habitants by his passionate declaration of attach ment to their city: — "Thou art the choicest por tion of the earth unto me," he said, " and the most loveable thereof. If I had not been cast forth from thy borders, I never had forsaken thee ! " The men of Medina now began to fear that as the Lord had given him the victory over his native city and country, he would return to it as to his home. Mahomet over heard them conversing thus, and calling them around him, assured them all that he would never quit Medina: "God forbid it," he said, — "where ye live there shall I live, and there too shall I die."f
* The Alamain were then, as at the present day, pillars placed at the limits of the sacred territory on either side of all the main roads leading to Mecca. See Burton, v. iii. 251, 341, 369. They had probably become neglected or injured, as Mahomet may have observed in passing. The distance of these land-marks from Mecca seems to vary in different directions. On the Jedda road they are nine miles from Mecca ; towards Al Omra, only three.
f Hishdmi, 360. This is said to have occurred on Safa, as he was praying on that eminence. For the account popularly given
130
Citizens proscribed and put to Death.
[CHAP .
Abu Bakr brings his father to visit Mahomet.
Citizens pro scribed.
Huweirith and Habbar: the former executed.
Mahomet now retired again to his tent. Soon after, Abu Bakr approached the door, leading his father, Abu Cuhafa, who was bowed down with great age, and his locks " white as the flower of the mountain grass." * Mahomet accosted him kindly : " Why didst thou not leave thine aged father in his house, Abu Bakr? and I would have gone and seen him there." "-It was more fitting that he should visit thee, O Prophet, than that thou shouldst visit him." Mahomet seated Abu Cuhafa beside himself, and affectionately pressing his hand upon the old man's breast, invited him to make profession of the Moslem faith, which he readily did.
From the general amnesty extended to the citizens of Mecca, Mahomet excluded ten or twelve persons. Of these, however, only four were actually put to death.
Huweirith and Habbar were proscribed in conse quence of their barbarous conduct in having pur sued Zeinab, Mahomet's daughter, while endeavour ing to effect her escape from Mecca.f The former
of Mahomet's receiving the pledge of loyalty from the citizens of Mecca, I can find no authority. M. C. de Perceval, v. iii. p. 233.
* Hishdmi, 360. The fine image is spoiled by the addition that Mahomet desired him to dye his snow-white hair.
f See above, p. 9. Huweirith, as there stated, is accused of having perpetrated a similar attack on Fatima and Omm Colthum when they were on the road to Medina under charge of Abbas; but the circumstance is noticed nowhere else ; and it will be remem bered that these ladies were taken to Medina by Zeid and not by Abbas. I have little doubt that Huweirith was proscribed in con-
xxiv.] Four Citizens put to Death. -131
was put to death by All ; the latter concealed him self; and some months later, appearing at Medina, a repentant convert, he was forgiven.
The two next were renegade Moslems, who, having Two mur- shed blood at Medina, had fled to Mecca, and ab- slngT^gfrf jured Islam. They were both slain, and also a sing- put to death' ing girl belonging to one of them, who had been in the habit of annoying the Prophet by abusive verses.*
The rest escaped. Among them was another Abdaikh, an apostate, Abdallah ibn Sdd,f whom Mahomet had employed at Medina in writing out passages of the Goran from his dictation. His foster brother shel tered him till quiet was restored, then brought him forward and implored forgiveness for him. The Prophet, unwilling to pardon so great an offender, for some time held his peace ; but at last granted him quarter. When Abdallah retired, Mahomet thus addressed his companions who were seated about him : u Why did not one of you arise and smite Abdallah on the neck. I remained silent expecting this." " But thou gavest no sign unto us," replied
sequence of his having been the accomplice of Habbar in the attack on Zeinab. As Ali put • him to death, the tradition might naturally grow up that it was his wife Fatima, and not his sister, to whom the indignity was offered.
* Their names are Abdallah ibn Khalal and Mikyas ibn Subaba. The murder committed by the former is said to have been wilful, that of the latter unintentional. Abdallah had two singing girls. Both were sentenced to death, but one escaped and afterwards obtained quarter ; the execution of the other appears to have been the worst act committed by Mahomet on the present occasion. Abdallah was killed clinging to the curtain of the Kdaba.
f Abdallah is also called Ibn Abi Sarah.
132 The rest of the proscribed Meccans pardoned. [CHAP.
one of them. " To give signs," said Mahomet, " is treachery ; it is not fitting for a Prophet in such fashion to ordain the death of any." Safwan ikri- Safwan and Ikrima. after eluding the pursuit of
ma, Hind, and
Sarah, escape. Khalid, fled towards the sea-shore ; they were on the point of embarking, when the assurance of for giveness reached them and they were persuaded to return.* Hind, the wife of Abu Sofian, and Sarah, a singing girl who had in the discharge of her pro fession given offence to Mahomet, escaped the sen tence of death by an opportune submission. f
* Ikrima was brought back by his wife who, had obtained a pardon from Mahomet, and hurried after him to Jedda. M. C. de Perceval tells a romantic story of her reaching the shore just as he had embarked, and waving her scarf to bring him back, v. iii. 239.
Omeir, a Meccan chief, went after Safwan, taking as a pledge the red striped turban worn by Mahomet around his head .as he entered Mecca. He asked for two months' quarter ; Mahomet gave him four. Hishdmi, 367.
•f Sarah is said by Abul Feda to have been the same that car ried Hatib's letter. But this is not mentioned by the Secretary, or by Hishami, as it would, no doubt, if it had been true. The cause assigned is, that she persecuted Mahomet at Mecca. Of others not mentioned among the proscribed, is Abdallah ibn Zibara, a poet who used to write satirical verses against Mahomet. He fled to Najran, but was induced to return to Medina by some friendly verses of Hassan.
Wahshi, the Abyssinian slave, who slew Hamza, fled -to Tayif, and eventually obtained pardon, in company with its inhabitants.
Omm Hani gave refuge to two men of her husband's tribe whom her brother AH wished to kill. She went to Mahomet to ask quarter for them. He received her graciously, saying, " I give protection to whomsoever thou dost give protection." A curious scene is at the same time described of Mahomet's camp life. The Prophet, wearied and covered with dust, had retired to
xxiv.] Mahomet's forbearance toward Mecca. 133
The proscriptions were thus comparatively few Treatment of
* Mecca by
in number ; and capital sentence, where actually Mahomet,
magnanimous
carried into effect, was, perhaps, (with a single ex- andVorbear- ception,*) justified by other crimes than mere politi- * cal antagonism. The conduct of Mahomet on the conquest of Mecca, was marked by singular mag nanimity and moderation. It was indeed for his own interest to forgive the past, and to cast all its slights and injuries into oblivion. But it did not the less require a large and generous heart to do this.f And he had his reward, for the whole popu lation of his native city at once gave in their adhesion, and espoused his cause with alacrity and apparent devotion. There were no " disaffected " inhabitants at Mecca, as there had been at Medina. Within a few weeks we find two thousand of the citizens fighting faithfully by his side.
On the niffht after the occupation of Mecca, some Bloodshed
& prohibited.
men ol the Bam Khozaa, to gratify an old standing enmity, rose upon a party of the Bani Hodzeil, and
a corner of the tent across which Fatima held a screen ; there he bathed himself, and then came forth to meet the persons waiting for him.
M. C. de Perceval mentions seventeen persons proscribed. Vol. iii. p. 230. I do not find authority for so many, K. Wackidi, 129 ; Hishdmi, 363.
* I allude to the singing girl of Abdallah, as explained in a previous note. The murder committed by Mikyas, though described as not wilful, was probably attended with some other act of criminality, or he would not have fled from Medina.
•f Mahomet is said to have compared himself in his treatment of Mecca to Joseph forgiving the injuries of his brethren. K. Wackidi, 128f
VOL. IV. S
134 Mahomet guards the sanctity of human Life. [CHAP.
put one of them to death. The clay following, Mahomet took advantage of the incident, and ad dressed the congregation which had assembled in front of the Kaaba for the mid-day prayer in these words : " Verily the Lord hallowed Mecca in the day that he framed the heavens and the earth. Nor was it common unto me, but for a single watch of the day, — then it returned to its sacredness as be fore. Neither was the plunder thereof lawful unto me. Let him that is present tell it unto him that is absent. Ye Bani Khozaa! withdraw your hands from shedding blood. The man whom ye have killed, I will myself pay the compensation for him ; but whoso slayeth any man after this, verily the blood of him that is murdered shall be required at his hands." Parties sent During the succeeding fortnight, which was occu-
out to destroy ° ° 7
the images, pied in the arrangement of public affairs at Mecca, Mahomet sent forth several armed parties to destroy the idolatrous shrines in the vicinity, and secure the submission of the surrounding tribes. Khalicl demolished the fane of Al Ozza at Nakhla, — the famous goddess of the Meccan tribes; Amru broke in pieces Suwa, an image adored by the Bani Hodzeil; and Manat, the divinity worshipped at Cudeid, was destroyed by a band of the citizens of Medina who had formerly been especially devoted to its service.*
* Some traditions assign the command in this last expedition to Ali, but the balance of evidence is in favour of the statement in the text ; and it was, moreover, in keeping with his character that Mahomet would send its former worshippers to destroy the image. It used to be worshipped by the Bani Aws, Khazraj, and Ghassan.
xxiv.] The Bani Jadzima attacked by Khalid. 135
On his return from Nakhla, Khalid was sent with Cruelty of
. ,..; Khali d to the
a large detachment to require the adhesion of the Bani Jadzima, who dwelt a day's march south of Mecca. They tendered an immediate submission, professed themselves converts,* and at the bidding of Khalid, laid down their arms. But Khalid, actuated by an ancient enmity, and thus early giving proof of the unscrupulous cruelty which marked his subsequent career, and gained for him the title of The Sword of God, made them all prisoners, and gave command for their execution. A portion were put to death by his Bedouin followers, but fortu nately there were also present some citizens of Medina and Refugees, who interposed and saved the rest. Mahomet, displeased and grieved at the intelli gence, raised up his hands to Heaven, and said : " O Lord ! I am innocent in thy sight of that which Khalid hath done." To prove the sincerity of his displeasure, he sent forth AH with money to make compensation for the slain, and for the plunder.
Curious stories are told about these deities. When Khalid returned from Nakhla, Mahomet asked him what he had seen. He replied, Nothing. " Then thou hast not yet destroyed the goddess ? Return and do so." On his going back, a naked female, black, and with dishevelled hair, rushed out, and Khalid cut her in pieces. " That was Ozza," said the Prophet, when it was re ported to him. A similar tale is told of Manat. K. Wdclcidi, 129.
The servitor of one of the images, after suspending his sword about its neck, retired to an adjoining hill, and cried out to the image to wield the sword and save itself. Hishdmi, 371.
* M. C. de Perceval says that they professed themselves Sabeans, but I do not find this stated in any of my authorities. Vol. iii. p. 243.
136
CHAPTER TWENTY-FIFTH.
The Battle of Honein and Siege of Tdyif. The B. Hawa- WHETHER from the rumour of Khalid's sanguinary
zm assemble »
against Ma- treatment of the Bani Jadzima, or from fear of
hornet :
Mahomet generally, and jealousy of his aggressive career, the great and warlike tribe of the Hawazin resolved to anticipate any attack upon their liberties, by themselves assuming an offensive front. They appointed a rendezvous at Autas, a valley between Mecca and Tayif, where they began rapidly to assemble.
fore°obTJgeede"to This movement obliged Mahomet to cut short his leave Mecca. stay at Mecca. Although the city had cheerfully accepted his supremacy, all its inhabitants had not yet embraced the new religion, or formally acknow ledged his prophetical claim. Perhaps he intended to follow the course he had pursued at Medina, and leave the conversion of the people to be gradually accomplished without compulsion. However this may have been, the threatening intelligence from Tayif called him away from Mecca after little more than a fortnight's stay. Moadz ibn Jabal, a young citizen of Medina, well skilled in the Goran and in
CHAP. xxv.] Mahomet marches against the B. Hawdzin. 137
all questions of religious practice, was left behind to instruct the Meccans in the tenets and requirements of Islam ;* and Attab a youthful Coreishite, of the house of Abd Shams, was placed over the secular administration of the city.f
Four weeks had iust elapsed since he had quitted Mahomet
** sets out to
Medina, when Mahomet marched forth from Mecca disperse them, at the head of all his forces, swelled now, by the A.H. viii.
-,-... n T .,..,, -,-r 28th January,
addition of two thousand auxiliaries from Mecca, to A.D. 63o;— the large number of twelve thousand men. Safwan, at his request, made over to him one hundred suits of mail and stand of arms complete, and as many camels. The array of tribes, each with a banner waving at its head, was so imposing, that Abu Bakr broke forth, as the marshalled forces passed, with the exclamation : " We shall not this day be worsted by reason of the smallness of our num bers ! " Mahomet smiled with a complacent assent. J The vainglorious boast was remembered by the
and reaches
Prophet afterwards with self-reproach. In three or
* Moadz belonged to the Bani Khazraj ; he was only twenty or twenty-one years of age at the battle of Badr, and was now twenty-six or twenty-seven.
•f He was at this time but twenty-one years old, according to M. C. de Perceval, (iii. 247), though a chief of great influence. He belonged to the same branch as Othman and Abu Sofian : for its origin see vol. i. p. ccl. When Mahomet first occupied Mecca, he set over the market Said ibn Said, but this person went forth with him to T£yif. K. Wdclddi, 129.
\ Some attribute this saying to Mahomet himself.
138 Mahomet reaches Honein. [CHAP.
four marches the army arrived near the entrance of the valley of Honein. TheB.Hawa- The greater part of the tribes of the Bani
zin also ad- A . .
vance upon Hawazin, including the Bani Thackif. who inhabited
Hone in. .
Tayif, having rallied round their chief Malik ibn Awf, at Autas, had meanwhile also been advancing upon the valley of Honein. The women and chil dren, the property, herds, and flocks, of the Hawazin, followed in their rear. Malik hoped, by the presence of their families, and consciousness of the disastrous results of a defeat, to nerve his troops to victory. Doreid, a very aged warrior, who accompanied the army in his litter, protested against the fatal mea sure. But the youthful leader derided his advice. During the night, after Mahomet's arrival in the vicinity of Honein, Malik drew up his men in a masked position, commanding a steep and narrow defile, which formed the entrance to the valley, and awaited in silence the approach of the enemy.*
* Malik was only thirty years of age. K. Wackidi, 130; Hishdmi, 372. Doreid ibn Simna was a famous chief in his day. See M. C. de Perceval, v. ii. 539 et seq. After the battle, he was cruelly put to death in cold blood, by a youth of the B. Suleim, who captured him as he was endeavouring to escape in his camel- litter. The first cut of the youth's sword took no effect. " How badly has thy mother furnished thee ! " said the old man, cold and unmoved at the prospect of death, " There, take that sword hung up behind the litter, and strike just between the spine and the head. It was thus I used to slay the adversary in my day. Then go and tell thy mother that thou hast killed Doreid. Many are the days in which I have saved the lives of the women of thy tribe." He had, in fact, saved the lad's mother, and his two
xxv.] Mahomet's Army surprised and broken. 139
Very early in the morning, while the dawn was Battle of
Honein.
yet gray, and the sky overcast with clouds, the loth staww&i
- A.H. VIII
army of Mahomet was in motion. Clad in a full ist February, panoply, as on the day of Ohod, he rode on his white mule Duldul towards the rear of the forces. The vanguard, formed of the Bani Suleim, and led by Khalid, were defiling leisurely up the steep and narrow pass, when suddenly the Hawazin rushed forth from their ambuscade, and charged them with impetuosity. Staggered by the unexpected onslaught, the Bani Suleim broke and fell back. The shock was communicated from, column to co lumn. Aggravated by the obscurity of the hour, and the straitness and ruggedness of the road, panic seized the whole army : all turned and fled.f As
grandmothers. The skin of his legs resembled paper, from con stant riding on the bare backs of horses. Hishdmi, 377.
* K. WdcJcidi, 131 J. It rained that day.
| Clearly the whole army did so, from the accounts both of the Secretary and Hishami ; the latter says that all fled, each for him self, none heeding his neighbour : p. 374. The Secretary adds that the B. Suleim first broke, then the new soldiers from Mecca, then the whole army ; which supposes the Meccans to have been in front, immediately behind the vanguard: p. 130.
A number of traditions are given by Hishami of supposed spiteful speeches made by the Meccans on the occurrence of this reverse. Abu Sofian said : " They are running so hard that they will never stop till they reach the sea ! " Jabala, son of Safwan (included in his father's four months' truce, see above, p. 127, note) said, " Mahomet's magic spell is this day broken." His father rebuked him : " Quiet, my son ! Wottest thou not that I would rather one of the Coreish should lord it over me, than these Hawazin!" Sheiba, son of Othman ibn Abi Talha, killed at
140 Battle of Honein, ["CHAP.
troop by troop they hurried past him, Mahomet called out : " Whither away ? The Prophet of the Lord is here! Return! return !"- —but his words had no effect, excepting that a band of devoted friends and followers gathered round him.* The confusion increased, the multitude of camels jostled wildly one against another; all was noise and clamour, and the voice of Mahomet was lost amid the din. At last, seeing the column of Medina troops bearing down in the common flight, he bade his uncle Abbas, who held his mule, to cry aloud; " O! citizens of Medina,f 0 men of the Tree of Fealty ! Ye of the Sura Bacr !" J Abbas had a stentorian voice, and as he shouted these words over and over again at the pitch of his voice, they were heard far and near. At once they touched a chord in the hearts of the men of Medina. They were arrested in their flight, and, " like she camels when their bowels are
Ohod) vowed that he would slay Mahomet, &c. Nothing of all these tales is mentioned by the Secretary, and they look very like Abbasside fabrications. I do not find anything in the bear ing of the people or chiefs of Mecca to warrant the charge of dis affection. They fled like the rest. Like the rest they returned to the charge : and were faithful ever after.
* The names of those who stood firm by Mahomet are given as follows : — Abbas, and his son Fadhl, Ali, Abu Sofian ibn Harith, and Eabia, his brother ; Abu Bakr, Omar, Osama, and Ayman.
•f Ansdr, or Helpers, as explained above, vol. iii. p. 26.
J Alluding to those who took the oath of fealty under the Acacia at Hodeibia ; and to Sura Bacr, the first revealed at Medina. The double allusion would thus remind them of their conversion, and of their oath to defend Mahomet to the death.
xxv.] The Enemy discomfited. 141
stirred towards their young," hastened to Mahomet, crying aloud, " Yd Labeik I Here we are, ready at thy call ! " One hundred of these devoted followers, disengaged with difficulty from the camels that jammed the narrow pass, threw themselves upon the advancing enemy, and checked his progress. Re lieved from the pressure, the army rallied gradually, and returned to the battle. The conflict was severe ; and the issue, from the adverse nature of the ground and the impetuosity of the wild Bedouins, remained for some time doubtful. Mahomet ascended an eminence, and watched the struggle. Excited by the spectacle, he began loudly to exclaim : " Now is the furnace heated : I am the Prophet that lieth not. 1 am the son ofAbd al Muttalib /" Then bidding Abb&s to pick up for him a handful of gravel, he cast it towards the enemy, saying, " Ruin seize them ! " They had indeed already wavered. " They are Tlie B
J t J ziri beaten
discomfited," he cried out eagerly, " I swear by the back- Lord of the Kaaba ! God hath cast fear into their hearts." The steadiness of the Medina band, and the enthusiasm of the rest when once recalled to their duty, had won the day. The enemy fled, and the rout was complete. Many were slain, and so fiercely did the Moslems press the pursuit, that they killed among the rest some of the little children, — an atrocity which Mahomet had strictly forbidden.*
* K. Wdckidi, 130|. KMlid, as usual pre-eminent in cruelty, was reprimanded for slaying a woman. Hishdmi, 379.
VOL. IV. T
142 Prisoners and Booty captured at Honein. [CHAP.
Their families and camp captured.
Pursuit of
fugitive
columns
Loss on the side of Ma homet.
Malik, taking his stand with the flower of his army upon a height at the further end of the valley, covered the escape of his broken forces ; but he was unable to rescue the women and children. They fell into the hands of Mahomet, with the camp and all that it contained. Six thousand prisoners were taken ;* and the spoil included twenty-four thousand camels, forty thousand sheep and goats, and four thousand ounces of silver. The prisoners and the booty were removed to the valley of Jierrana, and kept there in the shelter of huts and enclosures, awaiting the return of the army from Tayif. Mahomet knew that the Bani Hawazin would seek to regain their fami lies, and an opportunity was skilfully left open for negotiation.
The fugitive army was pursued with slaughter as far as Nakhla ; from thence part fled back to Autas, and part to Tayif. The former entrenched themselves in their previous camp. A strong de tachment was sent to dislodge them, which they accomplished after severe fighting, and the loss of their leader from the wound of an arrow. The dispersed fragments of the enemy found refuge in the surrounding hills.
The victory was thus complete, but not without some considerable loss on the part of Mahomet. Only five of his immediate followers are named
* I cannot vouch for these numbers being even approximately correct. One tradition states that there were a hundred thousand prisoners ! K. Wdckidi, 131^-. They were, 110 doubt, from col lateral notices, a great multitude.
xxv. j The Victory of Honein ascribed to Divine aid. 143
among the slain.* But some of the auxiliaries must have suffered greatly ; for two tribes are spoken of as almost annihilated. For these Mahomet offered up a special prayer, and said : " O Lord ! recompense them because of their calamities ! "f
The reverse sustained at the opening of the day. victory as-
, ^'cribedto
was attributed by the Prophet to the vainglorious angelic aid. confidence with which the believers looked upon their great army. The subsequent success was equally ascribed to the aid of invisible hosts which fought against the enemy. The engagement is thus alluded to in the Goran.
" Verily God hath assisted you in many battle-fields ; and on the day of Honein, when indeed ye rejoiced in the multitude of your host. But their great number did not in any wise benefit you : the earth became too strait for you with all its spaciousness, J Then ye turned your backs and fled.
"Afterwards the Lord sent down his peace § upon his Prophet and upon the Believers, and sent down Hosts which ye saw not, and punished them that disbelieved ; and that is the end of the Unbelievers.
" Then God will be turned hereafter unto whom he pleaseth ; for God is gracious and merciful." ||
* K. Waclddi, 13Q1-. Among these was Ayman, son of Ma homet's nurse, Omm Ayman (Baraka), and uterine brother of Osama son of Zeid. He was the son of Obeid the Khazrajite.
\ Their names are given as the Bani Nadhr ibn Muavia, and Bani Rubab. Ibid.
\ Alluding to the narrow and precipitous character of the pass, where their great numbers, of which they had been vain- gloriously proud, only added to the difficulty. See above, p. 137, the vaunting remark of Abu Bakr and Mahomet.
§ Sekina or Shechina, as before explained; meaning, perhaps a sense of the divine presence.
|| Sura, ix. 26-28. The last verse is construed by the com-
144 Siege of Tdyif. [CHAP.
Siege of As soon as the detachment had returned from
JL ayif,
shawwai, Autas, Mahomet pushed forward his army by way February, ' of Nakhla, and laid siege to Tayif. But the city
A.D, 630. " *
was surrounded by strong battlements ; it was pro visioned for many months, and there was a plentiful supply of water within the walls.* The besiegers were received with showers of arrows, so thick and well sustained that they are described as darkening the sky like a flight of locusts. It was soon dis covered that the camp was pitched too near the city. Twelve men were killed, and many wounded, among whom was a son of Abu Bakr.f The encampment was speedily withdrawn beyond the range of the enemy's archery. A tent was erected for Omm Salma, and another for Zeinab. Both had followed their lord through all the dangers of the way. Between these tents Mahomet performed the daily prayers ; and on this spot the great Mosque of Tayif was afterwards erected. Testudos and The siege did not advance, for no one dared to
catapults tried i • -, n -, r -.
without sue- expose himself before the galling archery from the walls. This had been anticipated, and a remedy
mentators as referring to the mercy afterwards shown to the B. Hawazin. It more probably means forgiveness for the vainglory and cowardice described in v. 26. As usual, the angels are a favourite subject of tradition. Their red uniform is described. K. Wdckidi, 130|. A cloud was observed to fill the valley like ants : this was the angelic troop, HisMmi, 377.
* Burckhardt, p. 85.
t Abdallah. He never recovered ; but he did not die till after Mahomet, K. Wdckidi, 132; Hishdmi, 383.
xxv.] Siege of Tayif. 145
already sought. The Bani Dous,* who lived at some distance south of Mecca, were famous for their acquaintance with the use of the Testudo and Cata pult. Tufeil, one of their chiefs, had joined Mahomet at Kheibar with a party of his tribe.f He had lately been despatched from Mecca or Honein to secure the allegiance of his people, and to seek their aid in the reduction of Tayif. They accepted the summons ; and Tufeil, having burned their tutelary image, the famous Dzul Kaffein, joined Mahomet four days after siege had been laid to Tayif. The besieging engines were speedily prepared, and par ties pushed forward under cover of them. But the citizens were prepared for the stratagem. They cast down balls of heated iron from the battle ments, and set the machines on fire. The soldiers labouring under their shelter fled in alarm. A dis charge of arrows opened upon them ; some were killed, and many wounded before they escaped be yond their range. The testudo and catapult were not tried again.
Seeing no other way of bringing the city to vineyards cut
_~ . J J down and
terms, Mahomet gave command to cut down and liberty offered burn the far-famed vineyards which surrounded of the garrison. the place. J This order was being carried into
* They belonged to the great Azdite tribe, vol. i. p. clvi.
t K. WdcJddi, 121; Hishdmi, 120. Tradition gives him the credit of having been converted at Mecca, before the Hegira ; but this is apocryphal.
J They lie at the foot of the low mountains encircling the
146
Siege of Tayif.
[CHAP .
Siege raised, and army returns to J lemma. Dzul Cada, A.H. VIII. end of Feb. 630.
effect, as the unfortunate citizens from the wall could descry, with merciless vigour, when they succeeded in conveying to Mahomet an earnest ex postulation ; they besought " for the sake of mercy and of God," that he would desist. He listened to the appeal, and stayed farther destruction. But he caused a proclamation to reach the garrison which grievously displeased them, that if any slaves came forth from the city, they would receive their freedom. Only ten men however were able to avail themselves of the offer.
The siege had now been protracted for half a month without producing the slightest effect.* The army was beginning to exhibit symptoms of im patience, and of anxiety for the distribution of the spoil at Jierrana. Mahomet took counsel with the principal men : " What thinkest thou," said he to Naufal, the Duilite, " what thinkest thou of this stubborn city ? " " A fox in its hole," replied the astute and sententious chief. " Remain long enough and you will catch it : leave it alone, and it will not
sandy plain, in the middle of which Tayif stands. They are still as famous as they were 1,200 years ago. The nearest is " now about a half or three quarters of an hour from the city." See Bvrckhardt, p. 85, quoted above at p. 201, vol. ii.
* The Secretary says that the siege lasted fourteen days ; some say fifteen, others eighteen days. K. Wdcfa'di, 132. Mahomet returned to Jierrana on the 5th Dzul Cada, or 26th February (K. Wdckidi, 131) ; — which would admit an extreme limit of eighteen days spent before Tayif, and eight days for the march to and from Honeiu.
xxv.] The Siege is raised. 147
harm you." A dream was seen by the Prophet which ratified this view.* It was not the Divine will that operations should be continued. The siege was therefore raised, and the army marched back to Jier- rana, which it reached about the end of February.
Here occurred an interesting incident, already Scene between
1 • T -i • i . , PI. . Mahomet and
described in the opening chapter 01 this work. An his foster aged female among the captives, being roughly treated like the rest, warned the rude soldiery to beware,— " For," said she, " I am the foster-sister of your chief." Hearing this, they carried her to Mahomet, who recognized in the complainant the little girl that used to tend and carry him, when he was nurtured by Halima, among the Bani Sad. He seated her affectionately beside him, and offered to take her to Medina. But she preferred remaining with her tribe. And accordingly he dismissed her with a handsome present.f
* Mahomet dreamed that a bowl of cream was presented to him, which a hen pecked at and spilled. Abu Bakr interpreted the dream to mean that he would not at this time obtain his desire against Tayif, and Mahomet thought so too. Hishdmi, 381,
A story told of Uyeina illustrates the feelings and motives of the Bedouin auxiliaries. He was lauding the garrison of Tayif for their brave and determined resistance. — " Out upon thee, Uyeina !" said his neighbour; "dost thou praise the enemies of the Prophet, — the very people whom thou hast come to aid him in destroying." " Verily," said the Bedouin chief, " I had another object in view in coming hither. I hoped that if Mahomet gained the victory, I should obtain one of the damsels of Tayif ; and then I should have had worthy issue from her ; for truly the tribe of Thackif are a warlike, noble race." Hishdmi, 382.
f See vol. i. p. 26, and references there quoted. The mark of
148 Prisoners of the B. Hawdzin released. [CHAP.
The prisoners Encouraged by the kind treatment of their kins-
of the B. J t
Hawazm given woman, a deputation from the various tribes of the Hawazin presented themselves before the Prophet. Among them was an aged man who claimed to be his foster-uncle.* They professed their submission to the authority of their conqueror, recounted the calamities which had befallen them, and thus urged their special claims to favour: " There, in these huts among the prisoners, are thy foster mothers and foster sisters, — they that have nursed thee and fondled thee in their bosoms. We have known thee a suckling, a weaned child, a youth generous and noble : and now thou hast risen to this dignity. Be gracious therefore unto us, even as the Lord hath been gracious unto theeP'f Mahomet could not withstand the appeal. Turning kindly to them, he said : " Whether of the two, your ' families or your property, is the dearer to you ? " " Our women and our children," they replied; "we would not give anything in exchange for them," "Then," continued the Prophet," whatsoever prisoners fall to my portion and that of my family, I give them up unto you : and I will presently speak unto the people concerning the rest. Come ye again unto me at the mid- day prayer, when they are assembled, and
a bite, recognized by Mahomet as having been inflicted by him self, on Shima's back, is no doubt a traditional embellishment.
* His name is variously stated by the Secretary. K. Wackidi 21 and 131.
I See vol. i. p. 25.
xxv.] Prisoners of the B. Hawdzan released. 149
beg publicly of me to make intercession with them for you." At the appointed time they appeared and made their petition. The men of Medina and of Mecca cheerfully followed the example of Mahomet. But some of the allies, as the Bani Tamim, and the Bani Fazara, with Uyeina at their head, declined to do so. Mahomet urged the claims of his new con verts, and promised that such of the allies as were unwilling to part with their share of the prisoners should be recompensed hereafter from the first booty the Lord might give into their hands, at the rate of six camels for every captive. To this they agreed, and the prisoners were all released.
not here to omit a curious illustration of Mahomet
presents
the Prophet's mode of life. Among the captives female slaves
to AH, Oth-
were three beautiful women, who were brought to man, and Mahomet. One, named Reeta, was presented by him to All; the second, Zeinab, to Othrnan; and the third to Omar. Omar transferred the latter to his son Abdallah,, who returned her uninjured to the tribe, when the prisoners were given up.* Whether the other two were restored likewise is not stated : but be this as it may, it throws a strange light on the domestic history of Mahomet, that he should have presented such gifts as captive damsels to the father
* Abdallah had sent this slave girl to be kept in readiness for him after he had visited the Kaaba ; but mean while the prisoners were given up. It does not appear from the tradition that Ab dallah felt himself debarred from consorting with her till the period of Istibra had expired. See above, p. 76.
VOL. iv. u
150 Mahomet is mobbed at Jierrdna. [CITAF.
of one of his wives, and to the husbands of two of his own daughters.
Having arranged for the restoration of the pri soners, Mahomet had already mounted his camel and was proceeding to his tent, when the people, fearing lest the spoil, as well as the prisoners, should slip from their grasp,* crowded round him with loud cries : " Distribute to us the booty, the camels and the flocks ! " The crowd thronged him so closely and so rudely, that he was driven to seek for refuge under a tree. While thus pressed on every side, his mantle was torn from his shoulders. " Re turn to me my mantle, O man ! " cried Mahomet, who had now secured a more free position. " Re turn my mantle : for I swear by the Lord that if the sheep and the camels were as many as the trees of the Tihama in number, I would divide them all amongst you. Ye have not heretofore found me niggardly or false." Then he plucked a hair from his camel's hump, and holding it aloft said : " Even
* This, I think, may safely be assumed as the cause of Ma homet's being mobbed, since Hishdmi makes it to folloAv imme diately upon the restoration of the prisoners. I might have been inclined to connect this display of popular displeasure with the gifts invidiously made to the Meccan and Bedouin chiefs, but that Hishami makes the presentation of the gifts a subsequent trans action; and they were, in fact, probably intended to calm this excitement. The Secretary, indeed, makes the giving of the pre- vsents to come first: but I do not place confidence in his version, for he omits the mobbing altogether. Hishdmi, 385 ; K. Wdckidi,
xxv.] Presents to the Meccan and Bedouin Chiefs. 151
to a hair like this, I shall not keep back aught but the fifth,* and that, too, I give up unto you." The people were pacified, and Mahomet went on his way. He took an early opportunity of making good M» promise, and at the same time of gaining, by a and Bedouin princely liberality, the hearts of the leading Chiefs of Mecca and of the Bedouin tribes. To those of the greatest influence, he presented each one hundred camels. Among them we find Abu Sofian, with his two sons, Yazid and Muavia ; Hakim ibn Hizam, Safwan, Suheil, Huweitib, Uyeina, and several others, who but a few weeks before were the Pro phet's deadly enemies. To the lesser chiefs he gave fifty camels each. And so liberal was he that, in some instances where discontent was expressed with the amount, the gift was without hesitation doubled.f .
* This I take to refer to liis intention of distributing the fifth, or a part of it, on the present occasion, among the chiefs. It is also capable of the more general meaning (as Weil, p. 239) that he always employed the fifth for the advantage of his people.
•f Abu Sofian and each of his sons received, besides, forty ounces of silver ; the former is said to have lost an eye before Tayif. Hakim asked for an additional hundred camels, and they were given him. The following, besides those in the text, re ceived one hundred camels each: Nadhr ibn al Harith; Oseid, a chief of the B. Thackif ; Harith ibn Hisham; Cays ibn Adi; Nora, a chief of the Tamim. Among those who got fifty camels each are Al Ala, a Thackifite chief; Makharrama ibn Noufal, Said ibn Yarbo. Omeir and Othman ibn Wahb of the B. Jumoh; Hisham of the Bani Amir; Adi ibn Cays of the B. Sahm.
Abbas ibn Merdas was not contented with fifty camels, and re-
152 Discontent occasioned by the Gifts at Jierrdna. [CHAP.
Discontent Although the largesses were taken from the Pro- therehy among phet's Fifth* yet the favour and honour lavished
the older fol- ' J
lowers. on these recent and doubtful adherents, gave great
umbrage to the old and faithful followers of Ma homet. Thus one complained that such Bedouin chieftains as Acra and Uyeina received each one hundred camels, while a faithful believer like Jueil got nothing at all.f — "And what of that?" re plied the Prophet. " I swear that Jueil is the best man that ever stepped on earth, were it filled never so full with Acras and Uyeinas ; but I wished to gain over the hearts of these men to Islam, while Jueil hath no need of any such inducement."
cited verses in which he complained that, though his dignity was greater than that of Uyeina and Acra, he had received less than they. Mahomet said, " Go and cut out his tongue (i. e. quiet him) ; give him more until he be satisfied." In speaking with Abbas, Mahomet quoted his poetry, asking him what he meant thereby, and in so doing he transposed the words Uyeina and Acra, thus spoiling the metre: the story is told, like many similar ones, to show that Mahomet was not a poet, and could not even dis tinguish poetry from prose. See vol. ii. p. 146.
* There appear, however, to be traditions of an opposite tenor ; for the Secretary says that " those authorities which represent the presents as taken from the Fifth, appear to him to be the most certain." K. Wdckidi, 131. Of course, if there had been any suspicion that the people's four-fifths were being trenched upon for this purpose, the- discontent would have been much greater.
j" Son of Suraca the Dhamrite. At what period he was con verted, and why he is singled out in this remonstrance, I do not know. The B. Dhamra entered into treaty with Mahomet in the second year of the Hegira. See vol. iii. pp. 67, 69. He is the man so often personated by the devil.
xxv.i The Men of Medina appeased by Mahomet. 153
A man of the Bani Tamim, who watched the pro ceeding, openly impugned its equity. Mahomet became angry, and said, "Out upon thee! If justice and equity be not with me, where will ye find them !"* But what concerned Mahomet the most, were the murmurs of the citizens of Medina. u Truly," thus they spake among themselves, " he hath now joined his own people and forsaken us." The dis content proceeded so far that Sad ibn Obada thought right to represent it to the Prophet, who bade him call the murmurers together. He then addressed them in these words : " Ye men of Medina,f it hath been reported to me that ye are disconcerted, because I have given unto these chiefs largesses, and have given nothing unto you. Now speak unto me. Did I not come unto you whilst ye were wandering, and the Lord gave you the right Direction? — needy, and he enriched you;— at enmity amongst yourselves, and he hath filled your hearts with love and unity?" He paused for a reply. "Indeed, it is even as thou sayest," they answered ; " to the Lord and to his Prophet belong benevolence and grace." "Nay, by the Lord ! " continued Mahomet. " But ye might
* Omar, as usual, threatens to decapitate the audacious caviller Khuweisra : but Mahomet desired that he would leave him alone, prophesjdng that he would become the author of a heresy which would have nothing of Islam left in it ; and so it turned out. Hishdmi, 387.
f Ansdr, ic helpers," as before explained ; and so throughout this address.
154 Address to the Men of Medina atJierrdna. [CHAP.
have answered (and answered truly, for I would have verified it myself,) — Thou earnest to Medina rejected as an impostor, and we bore witness to thy veracity : tlwu earnest a helpless fugitive and we assisted thee • an outcast, and we gave thee ' an asylum • destitute, and we solaced thee. Why are ye disturbed in mind because of the things of this life, wherewith I have sought to incline the hearts of these men unto Islam, whereas ye are already stedfast in your faith ? Are ye not satisfied that others should obtain the flocks and the camels, while ye carry back the Prophet of the Lord unto your homes ? No, I will not leave you for ever. If all mankind went one way, and the men of Medina another way, verily I would go the way of the men of Medina. The Lord be favourable unto them, and bless them, and their sons and their sons' sons for ever ! " At these words all wept, till the tears ran down upon their beards; and they called out with one voice, — " Yea, we are well satisfied, O Prophet, with our lot ! " The subject It will be seen that Mahomet made no attempt to
noticed in the
Goran. hide the motive which dictated these munificent
gifts. The chiefs who received them are referred to in the Goran as " those whose hearts have been gained over ; * " and they retained the appellation ever after. The passage is as follows : —
* Miiallafa culiibuhum.
xxv.] Booty distributed, and Lesser Pilgrimaye performed. 155
" There are that blame thee in the (distribution of the) alms;* if they receive therefrom they are well pleased, but if they do not receive a part they are indignant.
" Now, if they had been well pleased with whatever God and his Apostle gave unto them, and had said, — * God will suffice for us ; .God will give unto us of his bounty, and his Prophet also, — verily unto God is our desire,' — (it had been better for them).
" Verily, Alms are for the poor and the needy, and for the col lectors of the same, and for them whose hearts are (to be) gained over, and for captives, and for debtors, and for the service of God, and for the wayfarer. It is an ordinance from God ; and God is knowing and wise." \
Malik, the chief who had led the Bani Hawazin, Malik, the
Hawaziriite
was still in Tayif. Mahomet desired to gam him chief, gained
over
over also. So he directed his tribe to make known to him that if he embraced Islam, his family and all his property would be restored, and a present of one hundred camels bestowed upon him. He soon joined Mahomet and became an exemplary be liever. Being confirmed in his chiefship, he engaged to maintain a constant warfare with the citizens of Tayif. He cut off their cattle whenever they were sent beyond the precincts of the city to graze, and reduced them to great straits.J
Mahomet spent about a fortnight at Jierrana, Booty dis-
-, . . 'nil TT • tributed.
during which period the booty captured at Honein 5 to 19 Dzui was all distributed. Four camels, and forty sheep VIIL
* Sadacdt ; the Prophet's fifth being put aside for charity, &c. along with the tithes, •f Sura, ix. 60-62. t Hishdmi, 385.
156 Mahomet returns from Jierrdna to Medina. [CHAP. xxv.
26th Feb. 12th March, 630.
Mahomet performs the lesser Pil grimage.
Attab left in the govern ment of Mecca.
Despatches to Bahrein. &c.
or goats, fell to the lot of each foot soldier, and three times that amount to each horseman.*
The distribution being ended, Mahomet took upon him the pilgrim vows, and fulfilled the lesser pil grimage at Mecca. But he made no stay there. He returned to Jierrana that same night ; and the fol lowing day, striking through the valleys by a direct route, joined at Sarif the main road, and marched homewards to Medina.
The youthful Attab was confirmed in the Govern ment of Mecca, and an allowance assigned him of one dirhem a day. f Attab presided over the annual pilgrimage, which took place in less than a month after Mahomet's departure. Believers and Idolaters were still permitted to join promiscuously in its ceremonies. Moadz was left behind by the Prophet to complete the spiritual instruction of the city.
After leaving Jierrana, Mahomet despatched letters to the Chiefs of Bahrein, Oman, and Yemen, the result of which will be shown in the narrative of the following year.
* If a man had more than one horse in the field, it gave him no claim to a larger share. K. Wdckidi, 131.
•)• Attab was quite content with this moderate allowance. He said, "Let the Lord make hungry that man's liver, who is hungry upon a dirhem a day. The Prophet hath appointed that as my sustenance. I have no farther claim upon any one." HisMmi,
157
CHAPTER TWENTY-SIXTH,
Mary, the Coptic Maid, and her Son Ibrahim. A.H. VIIL, IX. A.D. 630, 631.
61, 62.
IN the ninth year of the Hegira, Mahomet lost his Death of daughter Zeinab, who had never recovered the Mahomet's
T . ^ , -, T . T ,* daughter.
barbarous treatment which she had received irom the Coreish, on her escape from Mecca. Omm Kol- thum, the wife of Othman, had already died, so that of his daughters Fatima alone was left. But his heart was now solaced by the birth of another child.
I have before related that Muckouckas, the Mary, the
Coptic maid,
governor of Egypt, sent two Coptic maids, Shirin and Mary, as a gift to Mahomet.* They were both comely, but it was not lawful, according to his own strict precept, for the Prophet to place two sisters in his harem. The beauty of Mary, whose fair com plexion and delicate features were adorned by a profusion of black curling hair, fascinated the heart of Mahomet.f So he kept Mary, and gave her
* See above, p. 56.
j K. Wdckidi, p. 25. The hair was crisp, in the Coptic style.
VOL. iv. x
153 Mary presents Mahomet with a Son. [CHAP.
sister to another.* Omm Salim, the wife of his ser vant Abu Ran, was entrusted with the new charge.f Mary was not at once placed in the harem at the Mosque, but a garden house was prepared for her in Upper Medina, where in the heat of the summer and the date harvest, she used to receive the visits of the Prophet. J presents A singular fortune elevated Mary to a dignity
Mahomet J & J
with a son. which the charms of her person alone could not
Dzul Cada,
A.H.VIII. have secured. Shortly after the return ot her
630. ' master from Jierrana, she gave birth to a son.
Salma, who had long ago attended at the birth
of Khadija's children, now performed the same
office for Mary.§ And Omm Burda was selected
* The later traditions on the subject I believe to be without foundation ; e. g. Mahomet was so overcome with the beauty of both that he felt unable to decide which to keep, and so he prayed God to direct him, — which was accordingly done, a divine inti mation pointing out Mary as the favoured one, because she was the first to recite the creed. See Jour. Asiatique, No. 16, Deer. 1856, p. 508.
f The same that made ready Sana for Mahomet at Kheibar.
t See Burton, ii. pp. 142, 324. The place is shown to the present day. It lies in the quarter called Ambariya, on the S.E. side of the city, where the road to Yenbo and Mecca emerges ; it is separated from the rest of the town by the stream and low inter vening land- A Mosque called Masjid Mashrabat Omm Ibrahim (the drinking place of Mary) still marks the spot. At what period Mahomet provided this garden for her is not certain : possibly after the birth of Ibrahim, or on her becoming enceinte. Certainly it was an honour one would not have expected to be conferred on a slave girl without some special cause, 8 Vol. ii. 26.
xxvi.] Mahomet's joy at the Birth of Ibrahim. 159
from amongst many candidates to be the infant's nurse. His name was called Ibrahim.* More than five-and-twenty years had elapsed since the birth of Mahomet's last child, and his numerous marriages at Medina had given no promise of any progeny. His joy, therefore, at the birth of a son in his old age was very great. On the seventh day, following the example of Khadija, he sacrificed a kid ; and, having shaved his head, he distributed silver among the poor to the weight of the hair, which then was buried.f He used daily to visit the house of the nurse, (where according to custom Ibrahim was brought up,) and calling for the little child would embrace him in his arms and kiss him fondly.
The wives of Mahomet were envious of Mary, jealousy of who as the mother of Ibrahim was advanced be-
yond the position of a slave, and enjoyed peculiar ot favour. J As the infant grew and throve, Mahomet
* The name, I need hardly inform the reader, is the Arabian form for Abraham. Another tradition says that the child was given to be nursed by Omm Saif, wife of a blacksmith, who used to be blowing his forge when Mahomet came to see the child, and the house was consequently full of smoke. K. Wdckidi, 25^-.
"j" Ibid. The weight must have been trifling, as he had only shaved his head a month or six weeks before, at the lesser pilgrimage.
J She became the " Omm al Walad " of Mahomet, which ap pellation is given, in Mahometan parlance, to the female slave who is fortunate enough to bear her master a child. She has certain privileges, cannot be sold, and obtains freedom at her lord's death. But I find no hint anywhere that by her becoming his Omm Walad,
160 Jealousy of Mary in the Harem of Mahomet. [CHAP.
one day carried him to Ayesha. and with pride ex claimed. " Look, what a likeness his countenance shows to me ! " " I cannot see any likeness," said Ayesha, who would gladly have put Mahomet out of conceit with the child. "What ! " repeated Mahomet ; " dost thou not see how closely he resembleth me, and how fair and fat he is ? " " Yes," she replied, " and any child that drank as much goats' milk would be like him, both fat and fair." A flock of goats was kept for the especial service of the child.*
But the jealousy of Mary's " sisters " showed itself in a more practical manner, and led to an incident in the Prophet's life surpassed in scandal only by his amour with Zeinab. The biographers pass over the scene in decent silence, and I should gladly have followed their example if the Goran itself had not accredited the facts, and stamped them with un avoidable notoriety. An affair with it once happened that Haphsa paid a visit to her
Mary creates .
scandal in father on the day which, in due course, Mahomet
Mahomet's
harem. was passing in her house.? Keturnmg unexpectedly,
Mahomet, according to the notions of the day (as M. C. de Per ceval seems to hold) forfeited any of the privileges he before pos sessed in regard to her person. M. C. de Perceval, v. iii. 268.
* Another tradition makes Ayesha say, — " Any infant that drinks little camel's milk will be both fat and fair." I do not find in the early authorities that Mahomet was jealous of Mary or had any suspicion of her fidelity. Such traditions as those given at p. 509 of the No. of the Jour. Asiatique above quoted are not reljable, and need not be alluded to here.
•f Possibly ITaphsa laid a trap for him. I have before ex plained how Mahomet used to divide his time among his wives.
Scandal created by an affair with Mary. 161
she surprised the Prophet in her own private room with Mary. She was indignant at the wrong. The affront was the more intolerable from the servile position of her rival. She reproached her lord bitterly, and threatened to make the occurrence known to all his wives. Afraid of the exposure, and anxious to appease his offended wife, "Mahomet begged of her to keep the matter quiet, and pro mised to forego the society of Mary altogether. Haphsa, however, did not care to keep the secret to herself. She told all to Ayesha, who equally boiled with indignation. The scandal spread apace over the harem, and Mahomet soon found himself re ceived by his wives with coldness and with slight.
As in the case of Zeinab, Mahomet produced a Mahomet's
displeasure
message from Heaven, which disallowed his pro- with his
wives.
mise of separation from Mary, chided Haphsa and Ayesha for their insubordination, and hinted the possibility of all his wives being divorced for their demeanour, so disloyal towards himself. He then withdrew from their society altogether, and for a whole month lived alone with Mary. Omar and Abu Bakr were greatly mortified at the desertion of their daughters for a menial concubine, and grieved at the scandal of the whole proceeding. At length Ma homet, unwilling longer to continue the disgrace of
He would say, " This" (i. e. living in rotation with each) " I have power to do : but thou, O Lord, art the master over that in respect of which I have no power " (meaning love in the heart). K. Wdckidl,
162 Mahomet is reconciled to his Wives. [CHAP.
his wives, or impatient at his self-imposed seclusion from them, listened to their prayer. Gabriel, he said, had spoken in praise of Haphsa, the chief offender, and desired him to take her back again. Accordingly, he pardoned them all and returned to their apartments as before. -. 1th6 The narrative may well be left without comment.
affair in the *
Coran. j w[\\ Only draw attention to the strange fact that
this exhibition of frailty and petulance, supported as it was asserted to be by the direct interposition of the Almighty, did not in any perceptible degree affect either the reputation and influence of the Pro phet, or the credit and character of the pretended divine revelation, among his followers. The passage in the Coran relating to the affair is as follows : —
" O Prophet ! Why hast thou forbidden thyself that which God hath made lawful unto thee,* out of desire to please thy wives ; for God is forgiving and merciful ?:
" Verily God hath sanctioned the revocation of your oaths ; f and God is your Master. He is knowing and wise.
11 The Prophet had entrusted as a secret to one of his wives a certain affair ; and when she disclosed it (to another J), and God made known the same unto him, he acquainted (her) with a part thereof, and withheld a part.§ And when he had acquainted
* Meaning the company of his female slave.
•j" Alluding to the previous revelation on the subject, permitting the retractation of oaths, subject to a certain expiation. See Sura, v. 98.
| i. e. when Haphsa disclosed it to Ayesha.
§ The passage is enigmatical. It probably is impossible (and cer tainly it is of no great consequence) to fix the precise signification. The meaning is apparently this : — He told a part, — that is, a part of what he pretended he had supernaturally learned, that Haphsa had said to Ayesha ; and withheld a part, i. e. refrained from up-
xxvi.] Revelation regarding the affair ivith Mary. 163
her* therewith, she said, Who told thee this? He replied, He told it to me, the Knowing and the Wise.
"If ye both turn with repentance unto God (for verily the hearts of you both have swerved) — Well. But if ye combine with each other against him, surely God is his master ; and Gabriel and (every) good man of the Believers, and the Angels, will there after be his supporters.
" Haply, his Lord, if he divorce you,j" will give him in your stead Wives better than ye are, submissive unto God, believers, pious, repentant, devout, fasting ; — both Women married pre viously, and Virgins. "J
braiding her with a part of what he had thus learned : — the one part perhaps relating to Mahomet's misdemeanor in Haphsa's room ; the other, to his promise that he would not 'consort with Mary again. According to another tradition, Mahomet, with the view of appeasing Haphsa, told her that Abu Bakr, and after him her father Omar, were to succeed him ; this being the part which, from fear of its getting abroad, he did not mention ; but such an interpretation is altogether unlikely.
The tradition, which makes the oath or promise to have been to the effect that he would not again partake of a species of strong- scented honey disliked by his wives, is childish and unsupported. The version given in the text is accredited by Jelalood deen, Yahia, Beidhawi, Zamakshari, &c., though the two latter add the other story also. See the Notes of the Commentators quoted by Maracci in loco ; and also Weil's note, p. 276.
The secret (if conjectures might be hazarded) may have been in connection with the child Ibrahim, perhaps that Omar and Abu Bakr were to be its guardians.
* i. e. Haphsa.
f " You," here in the plural, not as before in the dual number, — implying that all his wives were involved in his displeasure.
J SurOjhtVi vv. 1-5. The Sura is a short one of only thirteen verses. After the passage quoted, there follow admonitions to obedience and repentance, addressed to Believers generally, with references to Heaven and Hell. The Sura closes with a preg nant allusion to two wicked women, who, although the wives of two good men, Noah and Lot, were yet condemned to hell-fire, —
164 Ibrahim, Marys Son, falls sick. [CHAP.
sickness of I turn gladly to a more edifying and inviting
Ibrahim. J J &
scene. A year and more had passed ; and the child Ibrahim was now advanced to an age at which the innocent prattle and winning ways of infancy stole upon the fond heart of Mahomet. His hopes and his affections centred for a while in his little son. There is, indeed, no ground for holding that Mahomet ever contemplated the building up of a kingdom to be perpetuated in his own family. The prophetical office was purely personal, and his poli tical authority was exercised solely in virtue of that office. But he regarded his children with a loving and partial eye ; and no doubt rejoiced in the pro spect, dear to every Arab, of having his name and memory perpetuated by male issue ; and he might also naturally expect that his son would be cherished and honoured by all the followers of Islam. But his expectations, of whatever nature, were doomed to be prematurely blighted. When aged but fifteen or sixteen months,* Ibrahim fell sick, and it was soon apparent that he would not survive. The child lay in a palm grove near the house of his nurse.
signifying that bis own wives, unless they repented, might possibly find themselves in the same category ; and to two good women, the wife of the tyrant Pharaoh, and Mary, the mother of Jesus, examples propounded for their imitation.
* Two traditions, given by the Secretary, make. Ibrahim to die sixteen months old : another fixes the date at the 10th of the 1st Rabi, which would make him only fifteen months. A fourth tradition says that he was eighteen months. K. Wdckidi, 26, 27.
xxvi.] Death of Ibrahim. 165
There his mother Mary, with her sister Shirin, His death, tended his dying bed. And there too was Ma- Rabi, A.H. x.
i . -ii« • n n i i 1'iT J"ne or 'fu'y,
hornet in deep and bitter grief. Seeing that the child A.D.esi. was soon to breathe his last, he took him up in his arms and sobbed aloud. The bystanders tried to comfort him. They reminded him of his exhor tations to others that they should not wail. " Nay," said Mahomet, calming himself by an effort as he hung over the expiring infant: — " it is not this that I forbade, but loud wailing and false laudation of the dead. This that ye see in me is but the working of pity in the heart : he that sheweth no pity, unto him shall no pity be shewn. We grieve for the child ; the eye runneth down with tears, and the heart swelleth inwardly: yet we say not aught that would offend our Lord. Ibrahim ! O Ibrahim ! if it were not that the promise is faithful, and the hope of resurrection sure, — if it were not that this is the way to be trodden by all, and the last of us shall join the first, I would grieve for thee with a grief deeper even than this ! " But the spirit had already passed away, and the last fond words of Mahomet fell on ears that could no longer hear them. So he laid down the infant's body, saying,— " The remainder of the days of his nursing shall be fulfilled in Paradise."* Then he comforted Mary
Ibn Coteiba makes him twenty months and eight days, at his death.
* Mahomet held two years to be the proper period for suckling a child. See Sura, ii. 234.
VOL. iv. y
166
Burial of Ibrahim.
[CHAP,
Burial of the child.
and Shirin, and bade them, now that the child was gone, to be silent and resigned.
Mahomet, with his uncle Abbas, sat by while Fadhl, the son of the latter, washed and laid out the body. It was then carried forth upon a little bier. The Prophet prayed according to his usual practice over it, and then followed the procession to the grave-yard. He lingered over the grave after it was filled up ; and calling for a skin of water, caused it to be sprinkled upon the spot. Then observing some unevenness, he smoothed it over with his hand, saying to the bystanders,* — " When ye do this thing, do it carefully, for it giveth ease to the afflicted heart. It cannot injure the dead, neither can it profit him : but it giveth comfort to the living."
An eclipse of the sun occurred on the same day, and the people spoke of it as a tribute to the death of the Prophet's son. A vulgar impostor would have accepted and confirmed the delusion ; but Mahomet rejected the idea. " The sun and the moon," he taught them, " are amongst the signs appointed by the Lord. They are not eclipsed on the death of any one. Whensoever ye see an eclipse, then be take yourselves to prayer, until it passeth away."
In gratitude for the services of Omm Burda, the
* Another tradition makes this to be addressed to the grave- digger, to whom he gave a clod, and desired him to close up a chink in the earth over the tomb. K. WdcJcidi, 26 J. The tra ditions describe very minutely the site of the grave.
General History anticipated. 167
nurse of his little boy, lie presented her with a piece of ground planted as an orchard of palm trees.
In this chapter I have anticipated the march of General his-
t > tory antici-
political events by about a year, in order to bring pated. under one view the circumstances connected with Mary the Copt.
168
CHAPTER TWENTY-SEVENTH.
First Half of the Ninth Year of the Hegira. to September, 630, A.D.
20th April
THE conquest of Mecca opens a new era in the pro gress of Islam. It practically decided the struggle for supremacy in Arabia. Followed by the victory of Honein, it not only removed the apprehension of any future attack upon Medina, but elevated Mahomet to a position in which it was natural for him to assert a paramount authority throughout the Peninsula. It is true that no such authority had ever been vested in the chiefs of Mecca. The suzerainty of Arabia, enjoyed in remote times by the kings of Himyar,* had been transferred to the dynasty of Hira, which represented the court of Persia. But Hira had now fallen to the rank of an ordinary Satrapy ; and the Chosroes, discomfited by the Arabs themselves on the field of Dzu Car, and more lately humbled by the Roman arms, no longer commanded respect.f There was actually at the moment no political power paramount in Arabia.
* See Introduction, vol. i. cfa. iv. sec. v. t Ibid. sec. ii, pp. clxxxii. et seq.
CHAP.XXVII.] Increase of Mahomefs Spiritual Power. 169
Besides Mahomet himself, no one laid claim to the dignity, or ever dreamed of aspiring to the claim. The possession of Mecca now imparted a colour of right to his pretensions ; for Mecca was the spiritual centre of the country, to which the tribes from every quarter yielded a reverential homage. The conduct of the annual pilgrimage, the custody of the holy house, the intercalation of the year, the commutation at will of the sacred months, — institutions which affected all Arabia, — belonged by ancient privilege to the Coreish, and were now in the hands of Mahomet.* Throughout Arabia, who could with greater propriety assert his right to a paramount authority than the Prophet of Medina and the conqueror of Mecca ?
Moreover, it had been the special care of Ma- Possession of hornet artfully to interweave with the reformed faith creased Ma- all essential parts of the ancient ceremonial. The one was made an inseparable portion of the other. It was riot, indeed, till the expiry of another year that Mahomet ventured to take full advantage of his position, by admitting none but the adherents of Islam to the Kaaba and its rites. Yet the spiritual power which the author of the new faith had gained by combining it with the Pilgrimage, was
* In illustration of the power of the Coreish to modify the practices of the Pilgrimage, and introduce new customs, see the account of the Horns, established after Mahomet's birth. Intro duction, vol. i. ch. iv. p. cclxvii.
170 Absolute Secular Authority of Mahomet. [CHAP.
universally felt from the moment that Mecca submitted to his arms. There remained but one religion for Arabia, and that was Islam. which, in its Again, the new religion was so closely bound
turn, involved •
an absolute together with the civil polity, that the recognition authority. of Mahomet's spiritual power necessarily involved a simultaneous submission to his secular jurisdic tion. It was an essential tenet of Islam, that the convert should not only submit to its teaching, and adopt its ritual and code of ethics, but also that he should render an implicit obedience in all things " to the Lord and to his Prophet" and that he should pay tithes annually (not indeed as a tribute, but as a religious offering, which sanctified the rest of his wealth), towards the charities and expenses of Mahomet and his growing empire.*
* The Tithes are called Sadacat, " alms" — the portion of every believer's wealth sacred to the service of God, and described in the Goran as purifying the rest. The practice was evidently borrowed from the Jews, who called their alms by the same name, Sadaca, whence the Greek Zucaioavvi) in Matthew, vi. i. See Sale's Introduction, sec. iv.
For the collection of the tithes, the verb ,\_& (to take the tenth part) is used. K. Wdckidi, 52^. By this no doubt is meant a tenth of the increase ; though this is not stated. In after times, the ordinary proportion taken was 2^ per cent, of the whole (see Sale, as above), which might very well represent a tenth of the increase.
For the purposes to which Mahomet applied the tithes, see Sura, ix. 62, quoted above, p. 155.
Mahomet assisted debtors from the fund thus collected. A debtor once applied for aid: — "Wait," said Mahomet, " till the tithes come in, and then I will help thee." K. \Vdckidi, 60 J.
xxvii.] Appointment of Tax-gatherers. 171
It was under these circumstances that, on his Collectors
. deputed to
return from Jierrana, at the opening of the ninth gather the year of the Hegira, the Prophet demanded from the ut Mohan-urn, tribes which had tendered their adhesion, the pre- 2oth'Aprii, scribed offerings or tithes. Collectors were deputed by him in every direction to assess a tenth part of all the increase, and to bring it to Medina.* They were well received, and accomplished their mission without obstruction, excepting only the following instance.
A branch of the Bani Tamim chanced to be TheB.Tamim
1 , .. , , having driven
encamped close at hand, when the tax-gatherer away a tax- arrived to gather the tithes of a neighbouring tribe. Stacked, ami
While the herds and flocks of their neighbours were ak being collected, in order that the tenth might be pru taken from them the Bani Tamim, anticipating a similar demand upon themselves, came forward armed with bows and swords, and drove the tax- gatherer away. Mahomet resolved on making a prompt example of the offenders. Uyeina, with fifty of his Arab horsemen,f travelling with haste
* Nine such parties are mentioned by the Secretary as having started, on the first day of the new year, to the following tribes : Tamim, Aslam, Ghifar, Suleim, Mozeina, Joheina, Fazara, Kilab, Bani Kab (Khozaite), Hodeim (?). K. Wackidi, 1 32. They were instructed to take the best and most unblemished part of the property, but not to interfere with the capital or source of increase; at least, so I read it —
d ijj. K. Wdckidi, 132|.
f There was not one man either of Mecca or Medina in the party. K. Wdckidi, 57-J-, 132.
172 Deputation from the Bam Tannm. [CHAP.
and secrecy, fell unexpectedly upon them, and making above fifty prisoners, men, women, and children, — carried them off to Medina, where they were kept by Mahomet in confinement.* They send a The Bani Tamim, some of whom had fought by release, the side of Mahomet at Mecca and Honein, lost no time in sending a deputation, consisting of eighty or ninety persons headed by their chief men,f to beg for the release of the prisoners. As these passed through the streets of Medina, the captive women and children recognized their friends, and raised a loud cry of distress. Moved by the sight, the chiefs hastened onwards to obtain their liberty. They reached the Mosque, and after waiting impatiently for some time in its spacious court, at last called out in aloud and familiar voice (for they were rude children of the desert,) to Mahomet, who was in one of the female apartments adjoining the hall of audience, — "0 Mahomet, come forth unto us ! " The Prophet was displeased at their roughness and importunity, for he loved to be addressed in low and submissive accents. But as the mid-day prayer was at hand, he came forth ; and while Bilal was summoning the people, he entered into discourse with the strangers and listened to their application.
* Eleven men, eleven women, and thirty children.
f Among them was Acra, one of the chiefs, who had received one hundred camels from Mahomet at Jierrana. K. Wdckidi, 1321.
xxvii.] Oratorical and Poetical Contest. 173
The prayers beino: ended, Maliomet seated him- The p°et an(1
r J orator of the
self in the court of the Mosque, when a scene B-
.,, . ~ worsted by
occurred illustrative at once 01 Arab manners, Thabit and and of the successful readiness with which Ma homet adapted himself to the circumstances of the moment. The chiefs sought leave to contend in rhetoric and poetry with the orators and poets of Medina.* It was hardly the right issue for Ma homet on which to place his cause ; but to have refused would have injured him in the eyes of these wild Bedouins ; and the Prophet was confident in the superior eloquence of his followers. So he gave permission. First arose Otarid, the orator of the tribe, and in an harangue of the ordinary boastful style, lauded his own people for their prowess and nobility. When he had ended, Ma homet motioned to Thabit ibn Cays that he should reply. Thabit descanted on the glory of Mahomet as a messenger from Heaven, on the devotion of the Refugees, and on the faithful and generous friendship of the citizens of Medina. He finished by threaten ing destruction against all who should refuse Islam. Then Zibrican, the Bedouin bard, stood up, and recited poetry, in which he dilated on the greatness and unequalled hospitality of the Bani Tamim. When he sat down, Hassan the son of Thabit, by
* Al Acra said — " Give us permission to speak ; for, verily, my praise is an ornament and my reproach a disgrace." — "Nay," replied the Prophet, "thou speakest falsely; that may be said of the great and Almighty God alone." K. Wdcltidi, 58.
VOL. iv. z
174 Embassy of the Bani Tamim. [CHAP.
Mahomet's command, replied in glowing and well- measured verse. After dwelling upon the more ordinary topics, he ended thus :—
" Children of Darim ! * contend not with us : Your boasting will turn to your shame.
" Ye lie when ye contend with us for glory. What are ye but our Servants, our Nurses, and our Attendants ?
"If ye be come to save your lives, and your property, that it may not be distributed as booty ; —
" Then make not unto God any equal, embrace Islam, and abandon the wild manners of the Heathen." *f
The strangers were astonished at the beauty of Hassan's poetry, and abashed at the force and point of the concluding verses. — " By the Lord! " they said, " how rich is this man's fortune ! His poet, as well as his orator, surpasseth ours in eloquence ! " Mahomet Mahomet liberated their prisoners, and having
liberates the . _ . T-II i_ • j?
prisoners. entertained them hospitably, dismissed trie cniels with rich presents and provisions for the way. All the branches of the tribe which had not yet given in their adhesion were now converted.
Notice of this But the Prophet did not forget the first rude and
deputation in .
the Goran, impatient address of the Bedouin deputation. To guard against such familiarity for the future, the following divine commandment was promulgated : —
* Ddrim, an ancestor of the tribe.
f The orations are, no doubt, apocryphal ; but portions at least, and especially the concluding verses of Hassan's poetical effusion, are probably genuine. There is nothing in the latter anticipative of universal conquest, as there certainly is in the oration of Thabit. Poetry was more likely to be preserved in its original form than prose. See Canon III. E, and note, vol. i. p. Ixxxv. The whole poem is given by M. C. de Perceval, v. iii. 272.
xxvii.] Deputation from the B. Mustalick* 175
" O ye that believe ! Go not in advance (in any matter) before God and his Prophet ; and fear God, for God heareth and knoweth.
" O ye that believe ! Raise not your voices above the voice of the Prophet ; nor speak loudly in discourse with him as the loud speech of one of you with another, lest your works become vain, and ye perceive it not.
" Verily, they that lower their voices in the presence of the Apostle of God, are those whose hearts God hath disposed unto piety. These shall have pardon and an abundant reward.
" Verily as to those that call unto thee from behind the private apartments, the most part of them understand not.
" If they had waited patiently, until thou wentest forth unto them, it had been better for them. But God is forgiving and merciful."*
The tax-gatherer deputed to the Bani Mustalick, on Deputation
.. from the B.
approaching their encampment, was encountered by Mustalick. a large body of the tribe who went forth on camels A.H. ix. to meet him.f Apprehending violence, he fled back 63oy> to Medina ; and Mahomet was preparing a party to avenge the affront, when a deputation appeared to explain the circumstance. What had been mistaken for hostile preparations, were in reality (they said) marks of joy and welcome. The deputation was received with courtesy. The tax-gatherer was re prehended, and his misconduct deemed not unworthy of a special revelation. Another of his followers was then deputed by Mahomet to levy the tithes and to instruct the people in their religious duties. J
* Sura, xlix. 1-5.
•f The Bani Mustalick had held steadily to their profession of Islam.
t K. Wdckidi, 132 J ; Hishami, 314. The passage in the Goran relating to this incident is in immediate continuation of that just
176
Expedition against the Abyssinians.
[CHAP.
"Expeditions during the summer of A.H. IX. A.D. 630,
against the Abyssinians at Jedda. 2nd Eabi, July.
During the summer of this year several lesser expeditions were undertaken for the chastisement of rebellious or recusant tribes.* They are marked only by the ordinary features of surprise, and the capture of prisoners and plunder. The largest of them was directed against a combination of the Abyssinians with the people of Jedda, the nature of which is not clearly explained.f It was, how ever, deemed by the Prophet of sufficient importance to require the services of an army of three hundred
quoted in the matter of the Bani Taraim, and runs as follows : — " O ye that believe ! if an evil man come unto you with intel ligence, make careful inquiry, lest ye injure a people through inadvertence, and afterwards repent of what ye have done. And know that, verily, the Apostle of God is amongst you. If he were to listen to you in many matters, ye would fall into sin," &c. Sura, ix. 6, 7.
* I may note the following expeditions as given by the Secretary, p. 132, et seq. besides those given in my text.
In Safar (May) Cotba was sent with twenty camel riders against the B. Khatham, to Besha, near Turba. He surprised and killed many of the tribe, and drove away their camels.
In the 1st Eabi (June) Dhahak was deputed to Corta to call on the B.^Kilab to embrace Islam. On their refusal, he attacked and discomfited them.
In the 2nd Eabi (July) Okkasha ibn Mohsin was despatched with a force towards the Syrian frontier, to subdue the B. Odzra and Bali, as will be further noticed at the beginning of the following chapter,
| The circumstance is remarkable, and not the less so on ac count of the brevity of the Secretary, and the silence of the other biographers. Apparently, a body of Abyssinians had crossed the Red Sea to join the Arabs of Jedda in opposing Mahomet. Were the eyes of the Najfishi now opened to the futility of the expectation that Mahomet would support Christianity ? K. Wackidi, 133.
xxvii.] Conversion of the son of Hatim Tay. 177
men. This force reached an island on the shore of the Red Sea which the enemy had made their rendezvous, and forced them to retire.
About the same time, Ali was sent in command of two hundred horse,* to destroy the temple of Fuls belonging to the Bani Tay, a tribe divided between *on of Hatim the profession of Idolatry and the Christian faith.f 2nd Kabi, He performed his mission effectually, and returned with many prisoners and laden with plunder. Amongst the prisoners was the daughter of Hatim Tay, the Christian Bedouin Arab so famous for his generosity. This chieftain had died many years before ; and his son Adi, on the first alarm of All's approach, had fled with his family to Syria. His sister prostrated herself at the feet of Mahomet, and told her plaintive story. She was at once released, and presented with a change of raiment and a camel, on which, joining the first Syrian caravan, she went in quest of her brother. At her solicitation, Adi presented himself before the Prophet, and having embraced Islam, was again appointed to the chief- ship of his tribe.J
* So K. Wdckidi, p. 63. At p. 133 the number is given at one hundred and fifty, of whom only fifty were horse, and one hundred men mounted on camels.
| See Introduction, vol. i. p. ccxxviii., where there is also a notice of Hatim Tay.
J Or rather to collect the tithes of his tribe. K. Wdckidi, 63, 133 ; Hishdmi, 424. There is a long and romantic tale in the latter ; but its details are quite apocryphal : e.g., in his conference with Adi, Mahomet bids him not to be scandalized at the present
178 Conversion of Kab ibn Zoheir. [CHAP.
Conversion of The submission of the poet, Kab, son of Zoheir.
the poet Kab .
ibn Zoheir. took place about this time. His lather was one of the most distinguished poets of Arabia ; * and the poetical mantle descended upon several members of his family. After the capture of Mecca, his brother Bojair wrote to warn Kab of the fate which had overtaken certain of the poets there, and urged him either to come in to Medina, or seek for himself elsewhere a secure asylum. Kab was imprudent enough to reply in verses significant of displeasure at his brother's conversion. Mahomet, highly in censed, gave utterance to threats ominous for the safety of Kab. Again the poet was warned, and urged by his brother to delay no longer. At last, in despair, he resolved to present himself before Ma homet and sue for pardon. A stranger appeared in the Mosque : addressing the Prophet he said, " Kab
poverty (?) of the Moslems, as the time was at hand when wealth would pour in upon them, so that they would not have room to receive it ; neither was he to be offended at the numbers and power of their enemies, as a woman would soon be able to travel in security alone from Cadesia to Mecca ; the white towers of Babylon would be conquered, &c. Hishdmi, 426.
A deputation from the Bani Tay, headed by their chief, Zeid al Khail, came to Medina to ransom the prisoners, soon after All's expedition. Mahomet was charmed with Zeid, of whose fame, both as a warrior and a poet, he had long heard. He changed his name to Zeid al Kheir (the beneficent), granted him a large tract of country, and sent him away laden with presents. See vol. i. p. ccxxviii.
* See his Moallaca, translated ly M. C. de Perceval, v. ii. 531 ; see also vol i. p. ccxxvi. note.
xxvii.] The " Poem of the Mantle,." 179
the son of Zoheir cometh unto thee repentant and believing. Wilt thou give him quarter if I bring him to thee ?" The promise having been vouchsafed, the stranger made known that he himself was Kab. To signalize his gratitude, Kab presented to Ma homet the famous " Poem of the Mantle," in which he lauded the generosity and glory of his bene factor. When reciting it in public, he came to this verse : —
Verily, the Prophet is a Light illuminating the World, A naked Sword from the armoury of God, —
Mahomet, unable to restrain his admiration and delight, took his own mantle from off his shoulders and threw it to the poet. The precious gift (from which the poem derived its name,) was treasured up with care. It passed into the hands of the Caliphs, and was by them preserved, as one of the regalia of the empire, until Baghdad was sacked by the Tartars.* To gain over such a poet was no empty triumph, for Kab wielded a real power which was now thrown as a fresh weight into the scale of Islam.
The Mosque of Mahomet began this year to be the scene of frequent embassies from all quarters tribes
* Hishdmi, 389 ; C. de Perceval, iii. 280. The poem has been published by Freytag, with a Latin translation and valuable pre face. Halw, 1823. The mantle was bought by the Caliphs from the heirs of Kab for 40,000 dirhems.
The Khircd i Skarifa, which forms one of the relics at Constan tinople, is believed by the Turks to be this self-same mantle. But
180 Embassies received at Medina. [CHAP.
A.H. ix., x. of Arabia. His supremacy was everywhere re-
A.D. 630,631. J J
cognized ; and from the most distant parts of the Peninsula, — from Yemen and Hadhramaut, from Mahra, Oman, and Bahrein, from the borders of Syria and the outskirts of Persia, the tribes hastened to prostrate themselves before the rising potentate, and by an early submission to secure his favour. They were uniformly treated with consideration and courtesy ; their representations were received in public in the court of the Mosque, which formed the hall of audience ; and there all matters requiring the commands of Mahomet, — the collection of tithes and tribute, the grant of lands, recognition or conferment of authority and office, adjustment of international disputes, — were discussed and settled. Simple though its exterior was, and unpretending its forms and usages, more real power was wielded, and affairs of greater importance transacted in the court-yard of the Mosque of Mahomet, than in many an imperial palace.
thed werchich ^^ messengers an(i embassies were quartered by
treated. Mahomet in the houses of the chief Citizens of
Medina, by whom they were hospitably entertained.
On departure they always received an ample sum
for the expenses of the road, and generally some
this is ordinarily understood to have been burned by the Tartar Khan. Others say that the mantle which was burned on that occasion was another, presented by Mahomet to the people of Ayla, on the expedition which will be related in the following chapter. See below, p. 189.
The Year of Deputations. 181
further present corresponding with their rank. A written treaty was often granted, guaranteeing the privileges of the tribe, and not unfrequently a teacher was sent back with the embassy to instruct the newly converted people in the duties of Islam and the requirements of Mahomet, and to see that every remnant of idolatry was obliterated.
These embassies having commenced in the ninth Thcix.of
the Hegira,
year of the He£ira, it is styled in tradition " the called " The
J YearofDepu*
year of deputations ; but they were almost equally tntions." numerous in the tenth year. It would be tedious and unprofitable to enumerate them all. Those that have been already mentioned, or which will be incidentally noticed in future pages, afford a sufficient specimen of the rest.
I have before, in its appropriate chapter, described The embassy
from Najran
the remarkable embassy from the Christians of Naj- noticed in
. the second
ran, which visited Medina about this period.* volume.
* See vol. ii. ch, vii. p. 299. The embassies of the B. Taghlib and B. Hanifa are also there noticed.
VOL. IV. A A
182
CHAPTER TWENTY-EIQHTU.
Campaign of Tabuk; and other events in the Second Half of the Ninth Year of the Hegira.
October 630, to April 631, A.D.
Gathering of DURING the summer of the year 630 A.D., a force feudatories on had been despatched from Medina towards the
the Syrian <*•!»••
border. Syrian frontier ; it was directed, apparently, against
certain disaffected clans of the Bani Odzra and Bali, who since the operations of Khalid in that quarter were at least nominally the adherents of Mahomet.* Whether to guard against the recurrence of similar marauding inroads, or in consequence of the rumour of Mahomet's growing power and pretensions, the Roman emperor, who is said to have been then at Hims, directed the feudatory tribes of the border to assemble for its protection. This precautionary measure was magnified by travellers and traders
* K. Wdckidi, 133. See above note, p. 176. The expedition was led by Okkasha ibn Mohsin to al Junab, in the country of the Bani Odzra and Bali, in the 2nd Rabi, or July. No further par ticulars are given regarding it. In what follows, I assume that there was really some gathering of the Roman allies on the border, at the instigation of the Emperor or his Governor, to justify the reports which reached Medina from Syria ; and I have given the likeliest cause for such preparations, although it will be seen below that when Mahomet did reach the vicinity he found no troops to oppose him.
CHAP, xxviu.] Expedition against the Romans. 183
arriving from Syria into the assemblage of a great and threatening army. A year's pay, they said, had been advanced by the Emperor, in order that the soldiers might be well furnished for a long campaign ; the tribes of the Syrian desert, the Bani Lakhm, Judzam, Amila, and Ghassan, were flocking around the Roman eagles, and the van guard was already at Balcaa. Mahomet at once Mahomet resolved to meet the danger with the largest force counter- he could collect. His custom at other times had Autumn, ' been to conceal to the very last the object of an A!D. 630. intended march, or rather by pretending to make preparations for a campaign in some other direction, to lull the suspicions of his enemy.* But the journey now in contemplation was so distant, and the heat of the season so excessive, that timely warning was deemed necessary in order that the necessities of the way might be foreseen and provided for.
All his adherents and allies, the inhabitants of Backwardness
of the Be-
zens.
Mecca as well as the Bedouin Arabs, received from aouins and of
some of the
Mahomet an urgent summons to join the army. Medina citi- But the Arabs of the desert and the citizens of Medina showed little inclination to obey the com mand. The anticipated hardships of the journey, the long-continued drought and overpowering heat, and perhaps the memory of the execution done by the Roman phalanx at Muta, made them loth to
* Hishdmi, 392.
184 Zeal of the Believers. [CHAF.
quit the ease and shelter of their homes. Multitudes pleaded inability and other frivolous excuses. These pleas were accepted when tendered by the men of Medina, for Mahomet, conscious of the debt of gratitude he owed their city, always treated them with tenderness.* But the Arab tribes were refused permission to remain behind.f
Exemplary On the other hand, extraordinary eagerness per- true believers, vaded the ranks of all the earnest and faithful Moslems. Tithes poured in from every direction, and many of the chief men at Medina vied with one another in the costliness of their gifts. The contribution of Othman, which surpassed all others, amounted to one thousand dinars. From these sources carriage and supplies were provided for the poorer soldiers ; though, after every effort, they did not suffice for all who longed to share in the merit or in the spoils, of the campaign. A party for whom Mahomet could make no provision, retired in tears from his presence, and their names are em balmed in tradition under the title of The Weepers.^.
* An exception to such tender treatment is stated by Hishami. Mahomet heard that certain disaffected citizens were assembling in the house of a converted Jew, and were stirring up the people against the expedition to Tabuk. So he sent Talha with a com pany of men to burn the house over their heads ; — which effectually dispersed the clique: p. 198. The Secretary does not give this tradition.
t K. Wdckidi, 134 ; Hishami, 392.
\ Al Bctkkd-un. The word is the same as that employed in Judges ii. 1, 5, where a place is named Bachim, or "Weepers/'
xxviii.] Arrangements dnriny Mahomefs Absence. 185
At last the army was marshalled and encamped Arrangements
•> * at Medina on
in the outskirts of the city. Abu Bakr was appointed Mahomet's
T L m departure.
to conduct the prayers in the encampment until the Prophet himself should assume command. Mu hammad son of Maslama was placed in charge of the city, and Ali also was left behind to take care of the Prophet's family.* Abdallah ibn Obey pitched a separate camp for his numerous adherents near the main army ; but eventually, as it would appear with the consent of Mahomet, he remained behind.f
because the children of Israel wept there. The Weepers are praised in Sura, ix. v. 94, which alludes to the present occasion.
* Perhaps the affair of Mary may have induced Mahomet to make special precautions against any outbreak of jealousy among his wives during his absence. A story is told in Hishdmi, of the " Disaffected" going to Ali and telling him that Mahomet had left him behind because he would be a burden to him on the expedition. Ali, indignant at the reproach, put on his armour arid hurried out to the camp at Jorf ; there he told his grievance to Mahomet, who said, "They lie: I left thee behind in charge of my family and thine. Art thou not satisfied to be towards me as Aaron was to Moses, excepting only that after me no other Prophet shall arise" (and therefore the dignity is in thy case greater) ? On this Ali returned satisfied to Medina. The incident is not related by the Secretary, and it appears like an Abbasside invention to explain why Ali was left behind.
f There is some doubt as to whether Abdallah stayed behind by permission or not; but v. 45, Sura ix. (which will be quoted below), and the express declaration of the Secretary (K. Wdckidi, 133 A), that the excuses of the people of Medina were accepted, support the text. Abdallah was probably old and infirm, for he died five or six months afterwards. What was the nature of the pretexts his followers brought forward, does not appear ; but they were probably among those so severely handled by Mahomet in the Goran on his return. [Abdallah's
186 Expedition to TabuL [CHAP.
The army The army, after all these diminutions, was pro-
marches for .... «• • _*
Tabuk. bably the lamest effective force ever before put
Rajab, J
A.H. ix. in motion in Arabia. Its numbers are given,
AJXeso. though probably with some exaggeration, at thirty
thousand, of whom no less than ten thousand are
said to have been cavalry. The march was marked
only by the heat and discomfort of the way, and by
valley of the want of water. A curious scene occurred at
Hejer.
the valley of Hejer, whose rocky sides were hewn out (according to local tradition) into dwellings, by the rebellious and impious Thamudites. The army having alighted there and drawn water from its refreshing fountains, began to prepare their food, when suddenly a proclamation was made through the ranks that none should -drink of the water or use it for their ablutions, that the dough which had been kneaded should be given to the camels, and that no one should go forth alone by night: " Enter not the houses of the transgressors, except with lamentation, lest that overtake you which happened unto them." On the morrow, a plentiful shower of rain, ascribed to the miraculous inter vention of the Prophet, compensated for the loss of the wells of Hejer.*
Abdallah's camp is mentioned as not inferior to the other in numbers. This, of course, cannot mean the general camp, which numbered (it is said) thirty thousand men ; but the separate encampment of the Ansdr or Medina citizens, who formed a com paratively small body.
* See vol. i. p. cxxxix. ; Hishdmi, 396. The story is not confirmed by the Secretary. HisMmi deals greatly in the
xxvni.] Treaty with John, Prince of Ay la. 187
Having; reached Tabiik, where there was plenty The army
* halts at Tabuk:
of shade and water, the army halted. The rumours and Mahomet
. opens com-
of the Roman invasion had by this time melted mumcations
. with surround -
away. There was nothing at the present moment mg tribes, to threaten the border, or engage the attention of Mahomet in that direction. So he contented him self with sending a strong detachment under Khalid to Duma, and with receiving the adhesion of the Jewish and Christian tribes on the shores of the ^Elanitic gulph, towards the east of which he was now encamped.
To the chief of these, John, the Christian Prince Treaty with of Ayla,* or Acaba, Mahomet addressed a letter, tian Prince of summoning him to submit, on pain of being attacked y a
marvellous regarding the journey. The tale of two men who, neglecting Mahomet's caution, went out alone, and were maltreated by the evil spirits, — one having his neck wrenched, and the other being carried by the wind to the hills of the Bani Tai, is told by Hishami with his usual gravity. So also the following : — By the way, they came to a trickling fountain, where hardly two or three men could have slaked their thirst. Mahomet bade none to touch it before himself. But the prohibition was not attended to. Coming up, he found it empty, and cursed the men who had disobeyed him. Then he took up a little of the water in his hand, and sprinkling the rock, wiped it with his hand and prayed over it. Floods of water immediately gushed forth, with a noise as it had been thunder, and all drank thereof. Mahomet said, " Whosoever of you shall survive the longest, will hear of this valley being greener with trees and verdure than any other round about ; " — meaning that the great stream now created would be permanent. Hishdmi, 401 ; see also a tradition at p. Ixxii. vol. i. note.
* Malik : prince or king.
188 Expedition to Tabuk. [CHAP.
by his great army.* The Prince, with a cross of gold upon his forehead, hastened to the camp of Mahomet, and bowed himself reverentially in his presence. He was received with kindness, and Bilal was commanded to entertain him hospitably. The following treaty was concluded with him : —
* K. Wdckidi, 53^. I have no reason to doubt the genuineness of this letter. It is as follows : — " To John ibn Rubah and the Chiefs of Aylah. Peace be on you ! I praise God for you, beside whom there is no Lord. I will not fight against you until I have written thus unto you. Believe, or else pay tribute. And be obedient unto the Lord and his Prophet, and the messengers of his Prophet. Honour them and clothe them with excellent vestments, not with inferior raiment. Specially clothe Zeid with excellent garments. As long as my messengers are pleased, so likewise am I. Ye know the tribute. If ye desire to have security by sea and by land, obey the Lord and his Apostle, and he will defend you from every claim, whether by Arab or foreigner, saving the claim of the Lord and his Apostle. But if ye oppose and displease them, I will not accept from you a single thing, until I have fought against you and taken captive your little ones and slain the elder. For I am the Apostle of the Lord in truth. Believe in the Lord and in his Prophets, and in the Messiah, son of Mary ; verily he is the Word of God : I believe in him that he was a messenger of God. Come then, before trouble reach you. I commend my messengers to you. Give to Harmala three measures of barley. And indeed Harmala hath interceded for you. As for me, if it were not for the Lord and for this (intercession), I would not have sent any message at all unto you, until ye had seen the army. But now, if ye obey my messengers, God will be your protector., and Mahomet, and whosoever belongeth unto him. Now my messengers are Sharahbil and Obey, and Harmala and Horeith ibn Zeid. Unto you is the guarantee of God and of Mahomet his Apostle, and peace be unto you if ye submit. And convey the people of Macna back to their land."
xxviii.] Treaty with John, Prince of Ayla. 189
" In the name of God the Gracious and Merciful:— A compact of peace from God, and from Mahomet the Prophet and Apostle of God, granted unto Yuhanna (John) the son of Rubah, and unto the people of Ayla. For them who remain at home,* and for those that travel abroad by sea or by land, there is the guarantee of God and the guarantee of Mahomet the Apostle of God, and for all that are with them, whether they belong to Syria, or to Yemen, or to the sea coast. Whoso contraveneth this treaty, his wealth shall not save him ; it shall be the fair prize of him that taketh it. Now it shall not be lawful to hinder the men of Ayla from any springs which they have been in the habit of frequenting, nor from any passage they desire to make, whether by sea or by land. This is the writing of Juheim and Sharahbil, by command of the Apostle of God."f
In token of his approbation, Mahomet presented John with a mantle of striped Yemen stuff, and dismissed him honourably. The tribute was fixed at three hundred dinars in the year.J
* /*£>-ft~j I am not quite sure of the proper rendering.
t K. Wdckidi, 57 ; Hishdmi, 400. The treaty is evidently genuine. The variations in the two authors are very slight, con sisting only of the transposition of a word or so. The original was no doubt retained as a precious charter of right by the chiefs of Ayla. For the credibility of this species of evidence, see Canon m. D. vol. i. p. Ixxxi.
!J; Ibid. The annual rate was a dinar a head, there being three hundred persons or families in the town. The mantle has been alluded to in a former note, p. 179.
VOL. IV. B B
1 90 Treaties with Jewish tribes on the Gulf of Ackaba. [CHAP . Terms made At the same time deputations from the Jewish
with the Jews
ofMacna, settlements of Macna, Adzruh, and Jarba, pre- ' sented themselves with a tender of submission to the Prophet. To each was given a rescript, speci fying the amount of their tribute, and binding them to afford refuge and aid to any Moslem travellers or merchants who might stand in need of their good offices.*
* As these treaties are genuine and interesting, I give their substance.
First: Rescript given to the Bani Janbah, a Jewish tribe of " Macna, and to the people of Macna (now Macna is near Ay la). Your messengers came unto me on their way home. Now when this my letter reacheth you, ye are safe under the guarantee of God and of his Apostle. Verily the Apostle hath forgiven you your faults and all your crimes : and unto you is vouchsafed the protection of God and his Apostle. There shall 110 oppression be practised against you. Verily the Apostle of God is your protector against all that he defendeth himself from. Now unto the Apostle of God belongeth the cloth that ye make, and every slave amongst you (?), and the cattle, and the arms, excepting what the Apostle or his messenger shall remit. Now after this condition, a fourth of your dates, and a fourth of the fish which ye capture in your rafts (t_j. ^), and a fourth of what your women spin, it will be in cumbent upon you to pay: and thereafter ye shall be free from every other tax or demand. And if ye hearken and obey, the Prophet of God will be gracious unto the excellent amongst you, and wilJ pardon the wicked. Now of the Moslems, whoso treateth the people ofMacna well, it shall be well for him, and whoso treateth them ill, it shall be ill for him. And there shall no chief be set over you, but one of yourselves, or one of the people of the Prophet. Peace be to you ! " K. WdcJcidi, 53J-.
Second. The following despatch was copied by Wackidi, appa rently from the original : " In the name of God, &c. This writing is from Mahomet the Prophet to the people of Adzruh, — to the effect that they are included in the truce of God and in the
xxviu.] Khdlid attacks Dumat al Jandal. 191
Having; concluded these matters, Mahomet quitted Mahomet
0 * returns to
Tabuk. after having halted there for twenty days. Medina.
'. * 'Ramadhan
and returned to Medina. He reached home in the ix.
Dec 630
beginning of Ramadhan, or December A.D. 630.*
Meanwhile Khalid had been travelling across the Khalid con- desert from Tabuk to Duma, with four hundred and and takes the twenty horse, the flower of the army. So rapidly to did he march, and so unexpectedly appear before Duma, that Okeidar,f the Christian chief, was sur prised by him while hunting with his followers a
truce of Mahomet. They are to pay one hundred dinars every year, in Rajab, full weight and good money. And God is their guarantee that they shall behave towards the Moslems with probity arid kind ness. And whoever of the Moslems taketh refuge with them from danger and in quest of assistance, in case there should be ground of fear for such Moslems, and they are themselves in security (they are to protect them) until they hear that Mahomet is preparing to set out (for their aid)." K. Wdckidi, 57. A proof of the authen ticity of this document is that " Mahomet" is mentioned through out by Jiis simple name without either the affix Prophet or Apostle, or the reverential addition, " Prayers and blessings be on him." Such affixes were, in general, later additions by the pious trans criber. Another version of the same treaty is given, addressed to the Jews of both Jarba and Adzruh ; but from it is omitted the latter part, regarding aid to be rendered to the Moslems, — pro bably as being derogatory to Islam.
* I may allude here to a miraculous tale by Wackidi regarding the deputation of the B. Fazara, who waited on Mahomet on his way back, and complained of the prevailing drought. He prayed for rain, and it rained without intermission, so that the sky was not seen for six whole days ; then again at their entreaty he prayed that they might be relieved from the inundation, and forthwith " the clouds cleared off, as it had been a garment rolled up." K. Wackidi, 58^-.
•j" Hishami embellishes his story, as usual, with miraculous details. Mahomet foretold to Khalid that he would find Okeidar
192 Okeidar, Christian chief of Dumat al Jandal, [CHAF.
a wild cow. Khalid pursued the party, and after a short struggle, in which Hassan the chiefs brother was killed, took Okeidar captive. His life was spared on condition that the gates of Duma should be at once thrown open. The city was ransomed at two thousand camels, eight hundred sheep, and four hundred suits of mail, and as many stand of arms. With this booty, and carrying with him Okeidar and another brother, Khalid returned to Medina.* The Chief The Christian chief, wearing a golden cross, and
embraces ° °
Islam. clothed in raiment of velvet which attracted the
admiration of the simple citizens of Medina, was brought to the Prophet, f who pressed him to em brace Islam. The inducements presented by the
hunting the wild cow. It was a moonlight night when Khalid came in view of the Fort. Okeidar, with his family, was on the roof of his castle, when just then a wild cow came and rubbed her horns noisily against the lower gate of the fortress. Okeidar at once saddled his horse and went in pursuit of it, and Khalid sur prised him thus engaged : — p. 400.
* I conclude that Khalid marched back to Medina by the direct route. Duma is spoken of as fifteen days' march from Medina; though Wallen makes it (i.e. Jal al Jawf) not more than nine. See the 24^ No. Journal R. Geog. Society, p. 151. The traditional accounts are a good deal confused, so much so as in some places to make it appear as if Khalid rejoined Mahomet at Tabuk. But the most consistent traditions point to his rejoining him at Medina.
f They stripped Hassan of his silken or velvet dress, which was lined with gold. The Moslems greatly admired it; whereupon Mahomet said, " I swear by him in whose hand is my life, that the very handkerchiefs of Sad ibn Muadz (the Judge in the tragedy of the Coreitza) in Paradise, are more gorgeous than these
XXVIIL] is taken prisoner, and converted to Islam. 193
new religion proved too strong for his faith in Chris tianity, and he was admitted to the favoured terms of a Moslem ally.*
vestments." A similar speech is attributed to Mahomet, in refer ence to a silken or velvet dress said to have been presented to him by the Roman Emperor, and which Mahomet sent as a gift to the Najashy. K. Wdcttdi, 89.
* Wackidi says, that an old man, a resident of Duma, showed him a letter which the Prophet wrote to Keidar (or Okeidar) ; and he gives us the following copy, taken by himself from the original : 11 In the name of God, &c. ; — from Mahomet the Prophet of God to Keidar (when he accepted Islam and put away from him the images and idols, by the hand of Khalid, the Sword of God,) re garding Duma of the waters of Jandal and its environs: To Mahomet beloDgeth the unoccupied land with its streams and fountains, its i unenclosed and fallow ground, and the armour, weapons, camels, and forts ; and to you belongeth the occupied land with the fruit-bear- ; ing date-trees, and springs of water, after payment of the fifth. Your cattle shall not be molested in grazing on the waste lands ; that which is ordinarily exempt from tithe (farida) shall not be taxed ; the old date-trees shall not be taxed, excepting the tenth thereof: so as that they observe prayer regularly, and pay the 'tithes faithfully. A true and faithful treaty. God is witness .thereto, and all that are present of the Moslems." K. Wdckidi, 56|. Another treaty is given at p. 65 ; at what period it was written does not appear : perhaps later than the above, or it may have been given to some older converts, as the terms seem more /favourable. Hamal ibn Sadanah and Haritha ibn Cutn came as I ambassadors from the B. Kalb, who chiefly inhabited the territory of Duma. Mahomet gave the former a banner which he carried at Siffin on Muavla's side. He gave to Haritha the following treaty : " The writing of Mahomet, the Apostle of God, to the people of Dumat al Jandal, and its dependencies of the tribes of Kalb, to gether with Haritha ibn Cutn ; — to me belong the outlying lands I and trees ; and to you the enclosed date-trees ; one tenth shall be \ taken of those on running water, and one twentieth of those not on running water (i. e. artificially irrigated)," &c.
Duma must in former times have enjoyed much greater pros-
1 94 The Malingerers rebuked in the Coran. [CHAP .
The maiin- When Mahomet returned to Medina, those of his
gerers chided . ,
in the Goran; lollowers who had remained behind without permis sion came forward to exculpate themselves. Mahomet reserved his reproaches to be embodied in a special revelation. He thus avoided the odium that would have attached to a personal rebuke proceeding directly from himself, while the admonition came with all the force of a message from Heaven. The ninth Sura, the latest of all in chronological order, abounds with invectives against the disaffected "hypocrites," who still lingered in Medina, generally, and against those in particular who had neglected the order to join the late expedition. The following passages will suffice as examples : —
" 0 ye that believe ! What ailed you, that when it was said unto you, Go forth to war in the ways of God, ye inclined heavily towards the earth ? What ! do ye prefer the present life before that which is to come ?
"If ye go not forth to war, he will punish you with a grievous punishment, and he will substitute another people for you : and ye shall not hurt him at all ; for God is over all things powerful.
perity than it does now, as the considerable remains of buildings and works of irrigation shew. There are several towns in the vicinity. See Wallin's interesting account of his journey to it (z. e. to Jal al Jawf ) quoted above. It was probably one of the outlying towns to which Abdal Rahman came on a former expe dition, and married the daughter of its chief.
The mercenary character of Okeidar's conversion led him to revolt after Mahomet's death. What the images and idols spoken of in the above-quoted treaty refer to, whether Christian or hea then, does not appear.
XXVTII.] The Hypocrites of Medina reproached. 195
— " If it had been plunder close at hand, and an easy journey, they had surely followed thee. But the way seemed long unto them. They will swear unto thee by God, If we had been able we had gone forth with you. They destroy their own souls : for God knoweth that they are Liars.
" The Lord pardon thee ! Wherefore didst thou give them leave, until thou hadst distinguished those that speak the truth, and known the Liars ? * * *
" If they had gone forth with thee, they had only added weak ness to you, and had run to and fro amongst you, stirring up sedi tion. And amongst you, some had listened to them ; for God knoweth the unjust.
" Verily they sought to stir up sedition aforetime ; and they disturbed thy affairs until the Truth came, and the command of God was made manifest, although they were averse thereto, f
" Among them there is that saith, Give me leave to remain, and throw me not into temptation. What 1 have they not fallen into temptation already ? Verily, Hell shall compass the Unbelievers round about." J
The hypocrites, and the persons who privately and the hypo- scoffed and jested at the true faith, and at those who spent their money in its propagation, are reprobated bitterly. Mahomet might pray for them seventy
* From this it would appear that Mahomet repented afterwards that he had so easily and indiscriminately accepted the excuses of those to whom he gave permission to remain behind.
f Alluding to the conduct of the " disaffected " at the battle of Ohod, or perhaps to the affair on the Mustalick expedition.
t Sura, ix. 39-51. Tradition assigns this last verse to the case of a man who begged Mahomet to excuse him from the campaign, as he feared the attractions of the Greek women. But a great number of the stories belonging to this campaign may be suspected (on the analogy of similar traditions regarding other texts) to have been fabricated to suit the passages of the Goran they were brought to illustrate.
Mahomet not to pray for them on their death.
The Bedouins
specially
reprobated.
196 Malingerers of Medina, and the Bedouin Tribes. [CHAP.
times ; it would avail nothing with God for their pardon —
" They said, Go not forth to war in the heat. Say, the fire of Hell is a fiercer heat, if they understood.
" Wherefore they shall laugh little and weep much, for that which they have wrought." *
These unfaithful followers are never more to be allowed the opportunity of going forth to fight with Mahomet — " Neither do thou ever pray over any of them that shall die, nor stand over his grave, for they do reject God and his Prophet, and they shall die transgressors. "f
The Arabs of the desert, who were the chief offenders, because they had stayed away notwith standing the direct refusal of leave, are censured unsparingly for their disobedience ; — ignorant, stub born, unbelieving, fickle, — " they watched but the changes of fortune."!
" Turn from them. They are an abomination. Their resting- place shall be hell- fire, the reward of that which they have wr ought. "§
* Sura, ix. 83—86.
•f Ibid. v. 86. This is ordinarily applied to Abdallah ibn Obey, But I take it to have a wider scope, and to have no personal or special reference to him. He was probably, as before observed, infirm and unfit for the active duties of a campaign by this time.
J Ibid. v. 100. A character sufficiently substantiated by their universal rebellion on the death of Mahomet.
§ Ibid. v. 97.
Kdb iln Malik, and two others, punished. 197
Those believers who did not dissemble their fault, Such as con fessed, more but honestly confessed it, were the most leniently leniently
* treated.
dealt with : —
" And others have acknowledged their offences ; they have mingled a good action with another that is evil. Haply God will be turned unto them, for God is forgiving and merciful.
" Take offerings of their substance, that thou rnayst cleanse them and purify them thereby ; and pray for them, for thy prayers will restore tranquillity unto them.
" And there are others waiting the command of God, whether he will punish them, or whether he will be turned unto them, for God is knowing and wise." *
The last verse refers to Kab ibn Malik, a poet, ™™£_hl* who had done good service to Mahomet, and to panions: a
ban put upon
two other believers, who had incurred his special them, displeasure. They had no pretext to offer for their absence from the army, and their bad example had encouraged the hesitating and disaffected citizens in their neglect of the Prophet's summons. These could not with any show of justice be reprimanded or punished, if the far more serious offence of those three his professed followers were passed over. A ban was therefore placed upon them. They were cut off from all intercourse with the people, and even with their own wives and families. Fifty days passed thus miserably, and the lives of the three men became a burden to them. At length the heart of Mahomet relented ; and, by the delivery of the following revelation, he received them back into his favour : —
* Sura, 104-108.
VOL. IV C C
1 98 Kab and his Companions received back into favour. [CHAP .
Kab received back into favour.
Mahomet destroys a Mosque at Coba.
" Verily, God is reconciled unto the Prophet, and unto the .Refugees and the men of Medina,* those who followed him in the hour of difficulty, f after that the hearts of a part of them had nearly swerved. Thereafter he turned to them, for he is com passionate unto them and merciful.
"And he is likewise reconciled unto the Three; — those that were left behind, so that the earth became straitened unto them with all its spaciousness, and their souls became straitened within them, and they felt that there was no refuge from God but by fleeing unto him ; — then he turned unto them, for God is easy to be reconciled, and merciful.''^
After the promulgation of this passage, Kab was again treated by Mahomet as before with kindness and consideration^
The displeasure of the Prophet was also at this time kindled against a party at Coba, who had built a Mosque there, and desired Mahomet that he would come and consecrate it by praying in it him self. As he was at the moment preparing to start for
* Muhdjerm and Ansdrs, as before explained.
j" i.e. the journey to Tabuk, hence called in tradition " the campaign of difficulty."
J Sura, ix. 119, 120.
§ There is a long and tedious account of the affair from Kab himself, in which he admits that he was never better off in his life, than when called on to join the army. He had property at Kheibar besides ; and had therefore no excuse for staying behind. Hishdmi, 404. He says that, while under the ban, a Nabathean merchant arrived with a letter to him from the Ghassanide Prince, written on silk, intimating that he had heard how ill Mahomet had used him, and desiring that he would join his court; — which Kab says was the crisis of his calamity, viz. that he should be suspected of the possibility of treason. It is a groundless story.
xxviii.] Mosque at Cola destroyed. 199
Tabuk, he deferred to comply with their request until his return. Meanwhile he received information that the new Mosque was built with a sectarian and hostile bias, to draw off men from the original Mosque at Coba, and even to afford shelter to certain disaffected persons. On his return from Tabuk, therefore, he not only sent a party to destroy the new edifice, but gave utterance to the following command from the Almighty : —
" There are men who have builded a Mosque with evil purpose, out of unbelief, to make divisions among the Unbelievers, and as a lurking place for him that hath fought against God and his Apostle aforetime.* Yet they will swear, Verily we intended nothing but good. But God beareth witness that they are Liars.
" Stand not up (for prayer) therein for ever. There is a Mosque which from the first day hath been founded upon piety. It is more just that thou shouldest stand up therein; —
" Therein are men that love to be purified : for God loveth the Pure.
" What, therefore ? Whether is he better that hath builded his foundations upon the fear of God and his good pleasure, or he that hath built his foundations upon the brink of a crumbling bank, to be swept away with him into the fire of Hell : for God doth not guide the race of transgressors.
" The building which they have built shall not cease to be a
* The biographers do not mention who is here alluded to. The Commentators specify Abu Amir the hermit, whom I have noticed elsewhere: see vol. iii. p. 167. After the battle of Honein he is said to have fled to Syria. There is no evidence to support this conjecture, although not in itself altogether improbable ; the passage more probably refers to some other person outwardly a convert, whom Mahomet feared as likely to create a secret combination against him. This description would not apply to Amu Amir.
200
Death of Abdallah ibn Obey.
[CHAF.
cause of doubting in their hearts, until their hearts be cut in pieces. And God is knowing and wise."*
Death of Abdallah ibn Obey.
About two months after the return of Mahomet from Tabuk, Abdallah ibn Obey, the leader of the disaffected citizens at Medina, died. Mahomet had almost uniformly followed the advice given to him on his first arrival in the city, to deal tenderly with this chief. Except on occasion of the rupture which occurred on the march back from the Bani Musta- lick, when the Sixty- third Sura was revealed, and one or two other occasions when Abdallah openly took the part of his Jewish confederates, the Pro phet was careful to avoid any harsh or humiliating treatment which might have driven him, with his large and influential body of adherents, into open and active opposition. This course was observed to the last. Mahomet prayed over his corpse, thereby professing to recognize Abdallah as having been a faithful Moslem ; he walked behind the bier to the grave, and waited there till the ceremonies of the funeral were ended.
After Abdallah, there was no one left in the ranks of the disaffected party possessed of power or out with him. influence. There was none whom Mahomet needed any longer to treat with delicacy or caution. The faction had died out.f
The faction
* Sura, ix. 109-112.
f Abdallah ibn Obey, as I have remarked before, is in tradition the impersonation of hypocrisy and disaffection. Most of the
xxviii.] Warfare to be the constant lot of Islam. 201
The campaign to Tabuk was the last expedition undertaken during the Prophet's lifetime. The fol- that war shall
* t be carried on
lowing; curious tradition, if authentic, shews how by Islam even
till Antichrist
little the real spirit of Islam, as aggressive and appear, tending necessarily to universal conquest, had yet dawned upon the understanding of the people, although the principles from which such a con clusion was legitimately to be deduced, had long been inculcated by Mahomet. Looking around them,, and seeing no enemy remain, — the Romans even having retired and left them alone in their deserts, the followers of the Prophet began to sell their arms, saying, " The wars for religion now are ended." But when this reached the ears of Mahomet, he forbade it : — "There shall not cease," he said, " from
passages impugning the " Disaffected " are construed to refer to him: e.g. Sura, ix. vv. 82 and 86, — forbidding Mahomet to pray over, or attend the funeral of, the disobedient malingerers. But tradition here, as elsewhere, evidently makes a scapegoat of Abdallah. The context alludes to great numbers who had in curred Mahomet's anger, and some of them much more than Abdallah, for he apparently had received the Prophet's permission to remain behind, however much he may afterwards have regretted that he had given it. It is evident from his being at the funeral, that Mahomet continued his forbearance to Abdallah till the last. But as the faction of the "Disaffected" broke up soon after Abdallah's death, it was natural for tradition to refer to him the reprehensions directed against the party of which he was the head. The fact that so few of the names have been preserved of others against whom the rebukes in the passages I have quoted were addressed, may be accounted for by the rapidity with which this party threw off their disaffection, and made a real and hearty profession of the Moslem faith.
202 Provision for the Study of Religion, [CHAP. xxvm.
the midst of my people a party engaged in crusades for the truth, even until Antichrist appear."* Provision Pointing to this normal state of warfare, is the
made for the „ ,..
study of toil owing passage in the Ninth Sura, which makes
theology, not- . . . , ... , .
withstanding, provision, notwithstanding this normal state of war fare, for the maintenance of students and teachers of religion :
" It is not necessary that the whole body of Believers should go forth to war. If a certain number from every party go not forth to war, it is that they may give themselves to study in religion, and may admonish their people when they return (from the wars) unto them, so that they may take heed unto themselves. "f
* K. WdcJcidi, 133i. f Sura ix. v. 124.
203
CHAPTER TWENTY-NINTH.
Embassy from Tdyif; and Pilgrimage of Abu Bakr.
Ramadhdn to Dzul Cada, A.H. IX. December, 630 to March, 631 A.D.
A.D. 630.
IT was now ten months since Mahomet had raised Tayif con- the siege of Tayif. The citizens were still wedded ^SSKSm to idolatry, and they maintained a sullen isolation.
Orwa, a chief of Tayif, who will be remembered Martyrdom as one of the ambassadors of the Coreish to the A.H.rix! Moslem camp at Hodeibia,* was absent during the siege of his native city, having gone to Yemen to be instructed in the use of warlike engines for its defence. On his return, finding that all Mecca and the surrounding tribes, excepting the men of Tayif, had submitted to Mahomet, and being himself favourably impressed with what he had seen of the Prophet at Hodeibia, Orwa went in quest of him to Medina, and there embraced Islam. His first generous impulse was to return to Tayif, and invite his fellow citizens to share in the blessings im parted by the new faith. Mahomet, well knowing their bigotry and ignorance, warned him repeatedly of the danger he would incur; but Orwa, pre- ^suming on his popularity at Tayif, persisted in
* See above, p. 29.
204 Martyrdom of Orwa. [CHAP.
the design. Arriving in the evening, he made public his conversion, and called upon the people to join him. They retired to consult upon the matter. In the morning, ascending the top of his house, he called out at the pitch of his voice the cry to prayer. Hearing this, the rabble ran together ; and some discharged arrows at him, by one of which he was mortally wounded in the arm. His family and friends rallied around him, but it was too late. He had offered up, he said, his blood unto its master for the sake of his people : he blessed God, with his dying breath, for the honour of martyrdom ; and he prayed his friends to bury him by the side of the Moslems who had fallen at Honein. When the tidings reached Mahomet, he lauded the memory of Orwa. " He may be compared," was his ex clamation, " to the Prophet Yasin, who called his people to believe in the Lord, and they slew him."* The people of The martyrdom of Orwa compromised the in-
Tayifsend J
an embassy habitants of Tayif, and forced them to continue
to Mahomet. 111 -11
Kamadhan, the hostile course they had previously been pur- Dec. AJ). 630. suing. But they began to suffer severely from the marauding attacks of the Bani Hawazin under Malik. That chief, according to his engagement,! maintained an unceasing predatory warfare against them. The cattle were cut off in their pasture lands, and at their watering places ; and at last no man was safe beyond the walls of the city.
* K. WdcJcidi, 61. j Above, p. 155.
xxix.] Embassy from Tdyif to Medina. 205
" We have not strength," they said among them selves, " to fight against the Arab tribes all around, that have plighted their faith to Mahomet, and bound themselves to fight in his cause." So they sent a deputation to Medina, consisting of six chiefs with fifteen or twenty followers, who reached their desti nation a fortnight after the return of the army from Tabuk. Mughira (nephew of the martyr Orwa),* meeting the embassy in the outskirts of the city, hastened to announce the approach of the strangers to the Prophet, who received them gladly, and pitched a tent for their accommodation close by the Mosque. Every evening after supper he visited them there, and instructed them in the faith, till it was dark. They freely communicated their apprehen sions to him. As for themselves, they declared that they were quite ready at once to destroy their great idol, Taghia (or Lat) ; but the ignorant amongst the men, and especially the women, were devoted to the worship, and would be alarmed at its demolition. If the idol were left for three years, and the people meanwhile familiarized with the requirements of Islam, the wishes of the Prophet might then without difficulty be carried into effect. But Mahomet would not consent. Two years, — one year, — six months, — were asked successively, and successively refused. " The grace of one month might surely be conceded ; "
* See above, p. 29. He says he was at the time feeding Ma homet's camels, a duty which, it is added, each of his followers performed in turn.
VOL. IV. D D
206
Treaty concluded with Tdyif.
[CHAP .
Having been admitted to terms their idol Taghia is destroyed by Mughira.
but Mahomet was firm. Islam and the idol could not co-exist. The idol must fall without a single day's delay. They then begged to be excused perform ance of the daily prayers, and that some one else might be deputed to destroy the image. " As for the demolition of the idol with your own hands," replied Mahomet, " I will dispense with that ; but prayer is indispensable. Without prayer religion would be nothing." " In that case," said they, " we shall per form it, though it be a degradation." They also pleaded hard that the forest of Wajj, a famous pre serve for the chase in the vicinity of Tayif, should be declared inviolate. To this Mahomet acceded^; and the embassy having finally tendered their alle giance, were dismissed with a rescript to the effect, — " that neither the trees nor the wild animals of Wajj should be intermeddled with. Whoever was found transgressing there should be scourged, and his garments seized. If he transgressed again, he was to be sent to the Prophet. This is the com mand of Mahomet the Apostle of God."*
Abu Sofian and Mughira, both men of influence with the tribe, were deputed by Mahomet to accom pany the strangers, and destroy their idol. Mughira,
* This rescript is given similarly, both in substance and ex pression, by Hishami and the Secretary, but is fuller in the former. Hishami, 412; K. Wdckidi, 56. In both is added, " Khalid ibn Said wrote this by command of Mahomet the Prophet, son of Ab- dallah : let no one, therefore, wrong his own soul by transgressing that which Mahomet the Apostle of God hath commanded."
xxix. J Mahomet absents himself from Yearly Pilgrimage. 207
wielding a pick-axe, and surrounded by a guard of armed men from amongst his immediate relatives, proceeded to the work, and, amid the cries and lamentations of the women, with his own hand hewed the image to the ground. The debts of the martyr Orwa were defrayed from the jewels and spoil of the temple.*
Tayif is remarkable as the only place where a Tayif the only
. place where
strong demonstration of popular feeling attended the the destruction fate of any of the idols of Arabia. Everywhere excited sym- else they appear to have been destroyed without pa y' sympathy and without a pang.
The sacred season of annual pilgrimage now Mahomet
does not go
again drew near. Mahomet had hitherto abstained up to the
yearly Pil-
from being present at its ceremonies because the great grimage. mass of the pilgrims were heathens, and mingled A.H. ix.'
. , , , n . .-,. March, A.D
idolatrous practices with the holy rites, llie same esi. cause kept him away from the present festival. But he resolved that this should be the last in which the pilgrimage would be dishonoured by unworthy customs, and the holy places polluted by the pre sence of unbelievers. He was now strong enough to banish heathenism entirely and for ever from his native city. When thus purified, the ceremonies might, without compromising his holy office, be per formed by himself in the succeeding year.
* The son and nephew of Orwa had fled to Medina after his martyrdom. Mahomet was prevailed on to allow the debts of the nephew also to be defrayed from the proceeds of the temple.
208 The Pilgrimage of Abu Bakr. [CHAP,
Abu Bakr's The caravan of pilgrims from Medina was there-
Pilgrimage.
The « i)is- fore limited on the present occasion to three hundred (Baraa't) com- men, with Abu Bakr as their chief. Shortly after
mitted to All _ , . P T -.-... -, ~
for pubiica- its departure the opening verses or the Ninth Sura were revealed, with the view of carrying out the object above explained. The passage is styled Barctat, or "liberty," because Mahomet is therein discharged, after the expiry of four months, from any obligations otherwise devolving upon him to wards the heathen Arabs. This important record was committed to Ali, who was despatched after the caravan. When he had reached it and com municated the nature of his errand, Abu Bakr inquired whether the Prophet had put him in command over the pilgrimage. " No," replied Ali, " but he hath directed me to recite this revelation in the ears of all the people."*
AH publishes Towards the close of the pilgrimage, on the great
the Baraat. . ^ & S 1
iot,h Dzul day of sacrifice,*)" at the place of casting stones near 2oth March, Mina.t Ali read aloud to the multitudes who crowded
631. *
* K. WdcJcidi, 134. According to Hishami, Mahomet said that no one should deliver this revelation to the people but a man of his own family. The reason, however, of his not giving it to Abu Bakr was probably his imperfect scholarship. Hislidmi, 413.
f Youm al Nahr. See Burton, iii. 240. That this was in Dzul Hijj, all authorities agree, excepting Mujahid, who says it occurred in Dzul Cada; K. Wdckidi, 137^. I shall have to con sider this tradition more at length below, in connection with Dr. Sprenger's theory, that the Greater pilgrimage was not confined to Dzul Hijj.
J Jamra. K. Wdckidi, ibid. See Burton, ii. 282, and his pic ture of the spot.
xxix.] Declaration of War against the Heathen Arabs. 209
round him in the narrow pass, the heavenly command, as follows :—
" A DISCHARGE by God and his Apostle, in reference to those of the Idolaters with whom ye have entered into treaty.
" Go to and fro in the earth securely four months. And know that ye cannot hinder God, and that verily God will bring dis grace upon the Unbelievers ; —
" And an Announcement from God and his Apostle unto the People, on the day of the greater Pilgrimage, that God is dis charged from (liability to) the Idolaters, — and his Prophet like wise. Now, if ye repent, that will be better for you ; but if ye turn your backs, know that ye cannot hinder God ; and acquaint those who disbelieve with the tidings of a grievous punishment ; —
" Excepting those of the Idolaters with whom ye have entered into treaty, and who thereafter have not failed thee in any thing, and have not helped any one against you. Fulfil unto these their treaty, until the expiration of their term ; for God loveth the pious.
" And when the forbidden months have elapsed, then fight against the Idolaters, wheresoever ye find them ; take them cap tive, besiege them, and lay in wait for them in every ambush ; but if they repent, and establish Prayer, and give the Tithes, leave them alone, for God is gracious and merciful.
" And if any of the Idolaters ask a guarantee of thee, give it unto him, until he shall have heard the Word of God ; then convey him back unto his place of security. This because they are a people that do not understand. *
" O ye that believe ! Verily the Unbelievers are unclean. Wherefore, let them not approach the holy Temple after this year. And if ye fear poverty, God will enrich you of his abundance, if he pleaseth, for God is knowing and wise." *
* Sura, ix. 1-7, and 29. It is not mentioned how far on in the Ninth Sura, Ali was commissioned to read. I have added the last verse, as it contains one of the special orders which Ali was deputed to promulgate. The 18th and 19th verses are something to the same effect, but not so decisive. The verses intermediate
210 AWs announcement to the Pilgrims at Mina. [CHAP. AH reiterates Having finished the recitation of this passage,
the commands
of the Prophet. Ali continued ; — "I have been commanded to de clare unto you that no unbeliever shall enter Para dise. No idolater shall after this year perform the pilgrimage ; and no one shall make the circuit of the holy house naked. Whosoever hath a treaty with the Prophet, it shall be respected till its termi nation. Four months are permitted to every tribe to return to their territories in security. After that the obligation of the Prophet ceaseth."*
between the 7th and the 29th refer to attacking the Idolaters and those who had broken their treaty, to the necessity of preferring " God and his Apostle " before any earthly relation, and to the victory at Honein. Some of these verses, as v. 14, which contains an exhortation to fight against those who expelled the Prophet from their city (f. e. the Meccans,) are certainly not applicable to the occasion of Ali's harangue.
The passage which follows the 28th verse relates to the Jews and Christians, and is strongly hostile to them. It can have no connection with the first section, or with Ali's mission, whatever.
It is a patently erroneous conceit of tradition, that this Sura was revealed in one piece, or even in uniform chronological order. The last portion, about Tabuk, appeared, by the testimony of tradition itself, before the first section just quoted.
* There seems a kind of contradiction between the 1st verse, in which all treaties are cast aside, and the subsequent verse and intimation by Ali that treaties would be respected. Perhaps it was meant that, notwithstanding any treaty, idolaters would be prevented from coming to the Pilgrimage, though the treaty would be in other respects observed. Or it may mean that, although Mahomet had permission given him in the first verse to cast aside treaties with idolaters, yet he nevertheless voluntarily engaged to respect those treaties which had been faithfully kept. The latter interpretation is not so suitable as the other to the style of the Goran.
xxix.] Annihilation of Idolatry the Mission of Islam, 211
The vast concourse of pilgrims listened peaceably till Ali ended. Then they broke up and departed quietly every man to his home, publishing to all the tribes throughout the Peninsula, the inexorable ordinance which they had heard from the lips of Ali.
The passage just quoted completed the system
Mahomet so far as its relations with idolatrous tribes of idolatry,
now the de-
and races were concerned. The few cases of truce ciared mission
of Islam; —
excepted, uncompromising warfare was declared against them all. No trace of idolatry was to survive within the expanding circle of the influence of Islam. And as Islam was the universal faith intended for all mankind, so its mission was now plainly set forth to be the absolute annihilation of idolatry throughout the world.
In juxtaposition with this passage, though eyi- dently revealed in an altogether different connection, we find the following verses declaratory of the to a humi-
0 •* . Hating and
final principles on which the professors of Judaism dependent
position.
and Christianity were to be treated. After long neglect and silence, the Goran now notices the Jews and Christians, only to condemn them to a per petual vassalage : —
" Fight against those who do not believe in God nor in the last day, and who forbid not that which God hath forbidden, and profess not the true religion, — those, namely, who have received the Scriptures,* — until they pay tribute with the hand, and are humbled,"
Meaning both Christians and Jews.
212 Jews and Christians to be made tributary. [CHAP.
" The Jews say that Ezra* is the Son of God, and the Christians that the Messiah is the Son of God. This is their saying, with their mouths. They imitate the saying of the Unbelievers before them. God destroy them ! How have they devised lying vanities ?
" They have taken their priests and their monks as lords besides God, — and also the Messiah the son of Mary. Yet they were not bidden but to worship one God; — There is no God but he, far exalted above that with which they associate him !
" They seek to extinguish the light of God with their mouths. But God refuseth to do otherwise than make his light perfect, even though the Unbelievers be averse thereto.
" He it is that hath sent his Apostle with the true guidance, and the religion of truth, that he may make it superior to all other religions, even though the Idolaters be averse thereto.
" O ye that believe ! Verily many of the Priests and Monks devour the wealth of the people in vanity, and obstruct the way of God. And those that treasure up gold and silver, and spend it not in the way of God, announce unto them a grievous punish ment ; —
" On the day on which it f shall be heated in the fire of Hell, and their foreheads and their sides and their backs shall be seared therewith, — This is that which ye have treasured up for yourselves, wherefore taste that which ye have treasured up." J
Contempt Thus, with threats of abasement and with bitter
with which
Judaism and curses, Mahomet parted finally from the Jews and
Christianity ' x .
are cast aside. Christians, whom he had so long deceived with vain professions of attachment to their Scriptures, and from whose teaching he had borrowed all that was most valuable in his own system. Having reached the pinnacle of prosperity and power, he cast contemptuously aside the supports to which in no small measure he owed his elevation.
* Odzeir, by which name Mahomet meant Ezra.
f i.e. the gold and silver. J Sura, ix. 30-36.
213
CHAPTER THIRTIETH.
Embassies of Submission received at Medina. Ninth and Tenth Years of the Hegira. A.D. 630, 631.
62, 63. THE life of Mahomet was now drawing to a close : Numerous
embassies
but his work was nearly completed. The proof of during the
. P , . . Tenth year
this was amply shewn in the stream or submissive of the Hegira. embassies which from all quarters of Arabia now flowed uninterruptedly towards Medina.
The adhesion of Tayif and the destruction of its Embassies famous idol produced a wide and powerful effect in south and east the south and east of the Peninsula. Within a few submission of months after those events, and before the close of the Decr.'eso to ninth year of the Hegira, many of the chiefs and A.D?h princes of Yemen and Mahra, of Oman, Bahrein, and Yemama, had signified by letter or by embassy their conversion to Islam and submission to the Prophet.
Some of them had been converted even earlier. Conversion of
r\ i • P i p mA •/• T the province
On his return irom the siege of Tayif, towards the of Oman; close of the eighth year of the Hegira,* Mahomet vm. sent Amru with a despatch to Jeyfar, king of Oman,
* See above, p. 156.
VOL. IV. E E
214 Embassies from Oman, [CHAP.
summoning him and his brother to make profes sion of the true faith. At first they gave answer " that they would be the weakest among the Arabs, if they made another man possessor of their pro perty." But as Amru was about to depart, they repented, and calling him back, embraced Islam. The people followed their example, and without demur paid their tithes to Amru, who continued till the Prophet's death to be his representative in Oman.* and of the At the same time, Ayash. ibn Harith was deputed
Himyarite J
princes of to Abd Kelal and other Himyarite princes of the
Yemen; Christian faith in Yemen. f He carried with him a
letter in which Mahomet expressed his belief in Moses
and Jesus, but denied the Trinity and the divinity
of Christ.J Their reply, accepting the new faith
* K. Wdckidi, 50|. I conclude that Amru remained in the capacity of representative or governor on Mahomet's part. It is said that he distributed the tithes among the poor of the country, which probably made the people less unwilling to pay them. The king's brother's name was Abd : called also by Hishami, Ayadh.
^ Their title is given as " Cayl of Dzu Roein, Muafir and Hamdan." K. Wdckidi, 69 ; Hishami, 428. The Secretary does not specify the date ; and Hishami places the embassy at the close of the ninth year. M. C. de Perceval, on the authority of the Khamis and Sirat al Rasul, says the embassy was despatched simultaneously with that of Amru ; another name is also given by him to the ambassador.
J The instructions which Mahomet gave to Ayash are curious. He was to be very particular in his purification and prayers on reaching the country. He was to take the Prophet's despatch in his right hand and place it in the right hand of the Princes. He was to recite the xcviiith Sura, and then call upon them to submit, saying that he was able to refute every argument and
Mahra, and Yemen. 215
with all its conditions, reached the Prophet after his return from Tabuk ; and he acknowledged it in a despatch, praising the alacrity of their faith, setting forth the legal demands of Islam, and commending his tithe collectors to their favour.*
book they could adduce against Islam. When they spoke (or perhaps recited their belief in Islam) in the Himyar tongue 0*J1> i), he "was to desire them to translate what they said into Arabic. (See Vol i. Introduction, p. x.) Then he was to repeat Sura xlii. 14th and 15th verses, in which it is asserted that there is no real controversy between Mahomet and Christians. A strange part of the instructions was, to call upon the people, after they believed, to produce three sticks, — two of which were gilded white and yellow, and one a black knotted cane, — which they used to worship. These he was to burn publicly in the market-place. K. Wdckidi, 55.
* " From Mahomet, the Apostle of God, to Hdrith, $c. I praise God on your behalf, — that God beside whom there is no other. Now, your messenger hath reached me at Medina, on my return from the land of Greece ; and he hath conveyed to me your despatch, and given me intelligence regarding your conversion and your fighting against the idolaters. Now, verily hath the Lord guided you with the right direction, that ye should amend your lives, obey God and his Apostle, set up prayer, pay the tithes, and from your booty set aside a fifth as the share of God and his Apostle." So far the Secretary (p. 69) and Hishami (428) agree. The latter adds a long detail of what the tithes should be : — namely, of the produce of land, if watered naturally by streams or rain, a tenth ; if by buckets, a twentieth. Of camels, they must give for every forty, a two year-old she camel ; for thirty, a he camel ; for five, a goat. Of cows, one for every forty, or a calf for every thirty. For every forty sheep or goats, one kid. " This is what is obli gatory, and whoever exceedeth, it will be for his own benefit. Every one that shall fulfil this, and believe in Islam, and assist the Believers against the Idolaters, he verily is one of the faithful : he shareth in what they share, and is responsible for that for
216 Embassies from Bahrein and Hejer ; [CHAP.
and of Bah- Simultaneously with the mission of Amru, or a Hejer. little later,* Mahomet sent Ala " the Hadhramite "
towards the Persian Gulph with a letter to Mundzir ibn Sawa, the chief of Bahrein. Mundzir at once embraced Islam, and forwarded a reply to Mahomet saying, "that of the people of Hejer to whom he had read the Prophet's letter, some were delighted with the new religion, but others displeased with it ; and that among his subjects there were Jews and Magians, regarding whom he solicited instructions." A rescript was granted by Mahomet securing Mund-
which they are responsible. Thus it shall be with all Jews and Christians who embrace Islam. But they that will not abandon Judaism and Christianity, shall pay tribute, every adult male and female, whether bond or free, a full dinar of the Mliafar standard, or its equivalent in cloth. Whosoever shall pay this, is embraced in the guarantee of God and his Apostle: whoever refuseth is their enemy."
Then he commends his messengers, teachers, and tithe collec tors, to the Princes' good offices,1 — specifying Muadz as their chief, and desiring that the tithe and tribute should be made over to him. He forbids oppression, " for Mahomet is the protector of the poor as well as of the rich amongst "you." The tithe is not for Mahomet or his family : it is a means of purifying the rest of the giver's property, and is to be devoted to the poor and the wayfarer.
See also the account of the deputation from Hamadan, who sang as they approached Mahomet, — u We have come to thee from the plains of Al Eif ; in the hot whirlwinds of summer and kharif." (Kharif, " autumnal harvest," a word familiar to the Indian administrator.) Mahomet's reply secured to them their hills and dales, &c. Hishdmi, 433.
* K. Wdclddi, 50. The Secretary says, on Mahomet's way home from Jierrana. Hishami, however, makes it occur before the taking of Mecca, p. 422.
xxx.] and from Yemdma. 217
zir in the government of his province so long as he administered it well, and directing that tribute should be levied from the Jews and Magians. To the Magians he dictated a separate despatch, in viting them to believe in the Coran : — " If they declined, toleration would be extended to them on the payment of tribute ; but in such case, their women would not be taken in marriage by true believers, nor would that which they killed be lawful as food to any Moslem."* Ala remained at the court of Mundzir as the representative of Mahomet.
Among the tribes of Bahrein which • sent em- Embassies
0 . from the
bassies to Medina before the close of the ninth year Bani Hanifa
. and other
of the Hegira, were the Bam Bakr, who had so Christian
-IP p -r-» • tribes. End
gloriously overthrown the forces of Persia twenty of A.H. ix : years before ; f the Abd al Cays ; and the Bani eai Hanifa, a Christian branch of the Bani Bakr, who inhabited Yemama. One of the deputation from the Bani Hanifa was Museilama, who, from what he then saw, conceived the idea that he too might suc cessfully set up pretensions to be a Prophet. When the customary presents were distributed amongst them, the deputies solicited a share for him, saying that he had been left behind to guard the baggage.
* K. Wdckidi, 51. This passage refers to the distinction made by Mahomet in favour of the Jews and Christians, whose women might be taken in marriage, and what was killed and cooked by them might be eaten by the Moslems. See also two despatches to the people of Hejer, pp. 53 and 53|-.
j See vol. i. Introduction, pp. 182, 233.
218 The Bani Ilanifa desired to 'demolish their Church. [CHAP .
A Christian tribe desired to demolish its church.
Mahomet commanded that lie should have the same as the rest, — " for his position," he said, " is none the worse among you because of his present duty." These words were afterwards converted by Musei- lama to his own ends.*
On the departure of the embassy, the Prophet gave them a vessel with some water in it remaining over from his own ablutions, and said to them : " When ye reach your country, break down your church, sprinkle its site with this water, and in place of it build up a Mosque." These commands they carried into effect, and abandoned Christianity without com- punction.f To another Christian tribe, as I have shewn before, he prohibited the practice of baptism, so that, although the adults continued to be nomi nally Christian, their children grew up with no pro fession but that of the Coran.J It is no wonder
* K. Wdckidi, 61. The words of Mahomet were : —
f See the tradition, given in full, in vol. ii. p. 304. I have there stated the story to be improbable. But I am now inclined to think that during the last year or two of Mahomet's life, there was quite enough of antagonistic feeling against Christianity, as it presented itself in the profession of the Arab and Syrian tribes, to support the narrative. The following tradition is illustrative of Mahomet's relations to our faith at this period. Among the Bani Abd al Cays was a Christian named Jarud. He said, " O Pro phet, I have hitherto followed the Christian faith, and I am now called on to change it. Wilt thou be surety for me in the matter of my religion ! " " Yea," replied Mahomet, " I am thy surety that God hath guided thee to a better faith than it." On this Jarud and his comrades embraced Islam. Hishdmi, 422 ; K. Wdckidi, 6 1^.
J See vol. ii. p. 303; K. Wdckidi, 64; Hishdmi, 426.
xxx.] Deputations from the South of Arabia. 219
that Christianity (which, as I have shewn before, never had obtained in Arabia a firm and satisfactory footing,) now warred against, and, where her adher ents remained faithful, reduced to tribute, — her dis tinctive right prohibited wherever the professors were passive and careless, — her churches demolished and their sites purified before they could be used again for worship by the Christian converts, — it is no wonder that Christianity, thus insulted and trampled under foot, languished, and soon dis appeared from the Peninsula.
The tenth year of the Hegira opened with fresh Deputations
* 01 from tke
deputations from the south. The Bani Morad and South-
. . . . Beginning of
Zobeid, inhabiting the sea coast of Yemen, the A-H; x. Bani Khaulan, who lived in the hilly country of May, 532. that name, and the Bani Bajila, were among the first whose embassies appeared at Medina. The latter tribe at Mahomet's command destroyed the famous image of Dzul Kholasa, of which the Temple, from the popularity of its worship, was called the " Kaaba of Yemen."*
About this time, a party of fifteen or twenty men Submission of of the Bani Azd from Yemenf presented themselves, and people of with Surad, one of their chiefs. This person was recognized by Mahomet as the ruler of his clan, and a commission was given to him to war against the heathen tribes in his neighbourhood. The in-
* Vide 0. de Perceval, v. iii. p. 292.
f That portion of the tribe which was left behind after the northern migration. See vol. i. p. clvi.
220 The Chiefs of Hadhramaut visit Mahomet : [CHAP.
junction was promptly fulfilled. After besieging Jorsh, the chief city of the idolaters, for more than a month without success, Surad made the feint of retiring to a hill. The enemy falling into the snare pursued him, and in a pitched battle sustained a signal defeat. The people of Jorsh immediately sent an embassy of submission to Medina.* Chiefs of the From Hadhramaut, two princes of the Bani
Bani Kinda i
from Hadhra- Kinda, Wail and Al Ashdth, the former chief of
maut visit . . .
Medina. the coast, the latter of the interior, visited the .Pro phet at the head of a brilliant cavalcade, arrayed in garments of Yemen stuff lined with silk. " Will ye embrace Islam?" said Mahomet to them, after he had received their salutations in the Mosque. — " Yea ; it is for that end we have come." " Then why all this silk about your necks ? " The silken lining was forthwith torn out and cast aside.f To mark his delight at the arrival of the embassy, Mahomet desired Bilal to call aloud the summons to general prayer.J When the citizens were as-
* It is pretended that Mahomet had immediate intimation of the victory, and communicated the intelligence at the moment to two men of that country, who going home found it to be as he had said; and that the thing becoming known, was the occasion of the conversion of the whole tribe. The same remark will occur to the reader here as in the intimation regarding the battle of Muta. See above, p. 102. K. Wackidi, 65 J; Hishdmi, 426.
f K. Wackidi, 64 ; Hishdmi, 426. Mahomet disapproved of silk and velvet for men's attire.
J <U^l^»- *»Ld\ i.e. the same as the Friday service, at which all attended, joined in the "common" prayer, and heard the sermon. K. Wackidi, 67-J-.
xxx.j Wail ibn Hejr and Al Ashdth. 221
sembled, the Prophet introduced the strangers to the congregation. " O People ! " he said ; " this is Wail ibn Hejr, who hath come unto you from the region of Hadhramaut, out of desire to embrace Islam." He then presented Wail with a patent securing him in his rights : " Since thou hast be lieved, I confirm thee in possession of all thy lands and fortresses. One part in every ten shall be taken from thee : a just collector shall see to it. I guarantee that thou shalt not be injured in this respect so long as the faith endureth. The Prophet, and all believers, shall be thine allies."* Muavia, son of Abu Sofian, was desired to carry Wail to his house and entertain him there. On his way, the haughty prince dis played what Mahomet styled " a remnant of heathen ism." He would not allow Muavia to mount behind him : the ground was scorching from the mid-day sun, yet he refused the use even of his sandals to his host, who was obliged to walk barefooted by the camel : — " What would my subjects in Yemen say," he exclaimed in disdain, " if they heard that a com mon man had worn the sandals of the king ! Nay, but I will drive the camel gently, and do thou walk in my shade." Such insolent demeanour was alto gether foreign to the brotherhood of Islam : but it was tolerated by Mahomet, for the accession was too valuable to be imperilled.
The other chief, Al Ashath, sealed his adhesion AI Ashath
marries Abu
to the cause of Mahomet by marrying Omni Farwa, Bakr's
.. daughter.
* K. Wdckidi, 56J, 67|.
VOL. IV. F F
222
Muddz deputed to the South of Arabia. [CHAP.
Muadz sent forth at the head of a band of col lectors or envoys to the south of Arabia.
Abu Bakr's daughter. The marriage was not then consummated, her parents declining that the bride should leave them for so distant a home as Hadh- ramaut.*
The supremacy of Islam being thus widely recog nized in the south of Arabia, Mahomet sent forth a band of officers charged with the instruction of the People> and tne collection of the public dues. Over ^^ fa p]aced Muadz ibn Jabal, who had by this time fulfilled his mission at Mecca.f " Deal gently with the people," said the Prophet to Muadz, as he dismissed him to his new scene of labour, " and be not harsh. Scare them not, but rather cheer. Thou
* C. de Perceval, vol. iii. 293. Al Ashath joined the rebellion which broke out upon the death of Mahomet, but subsequently returned to his allegiance, was pardoned, and then received Omm Farwa his wife.
A member of the royal family in the deputation besought Mahomet to pray that his stammer might be removed. This the Prophet did, and appointed him a portion from the tithes of Hadhramaut. Another tradition relates that this man was seized with a paralytic affection on his way home. His followers came and told Mahomet, who desired them to heat a needle and pierce his eyelid with it; and this remedy healed him. Mahomet attri buted the illness to something which the chief must have said after leaving Medina. K. WdcTcidi, 68.
| K. Wdckidi, 2921. The Secretary places the deputation of Muadz in Rabi second, or July A.H. IX. or 631. I conceive that this may be a mistake for A.H. X. On the other hand, Muadz is mentioned in the letters sent to the Himyarite Princes (see above, p. 216), written at the close of A.H. IX. The dis crepancy may be reconciled by supposing that this was the second deputation of Muadz. Hishdmi, 428.
xxx.] Muddz deputed to the South of Arabia. 223
wilt meet with Jews and Christians who will ask thee, What is the key of Paradise ? Reply, Verily the key of Paradise is to testify that there is no God but the Lord alone. With him there is no partner." * These envoys of Mahomet were invested to some extent with a judicial authority. Acceptance of the new faith implied of necessity the simultaneous re cognition of its social and juridical institutions. Every dispute must be brought to the test of the Goran, or of the instructions of Mahomet, and the exponents of these became, therefore, the virtual judges of the land.f
* I do not find in my authorities the honorific address given by Mahomet to Muadz, according to C. de Perceval, vol. iii. p. 294. MuMz was inextricably involved in debt, and his creditors had been clamorous before Mahomet for payment. Muadz surrendered all his property, but it fell far short of the claims. When Ma homet therefore sent him away, he said, " Go, and perchance the Lord will relieve thy wants." Muadz would appear to have made good use of his position, for Omar, when he subsequently met him at Mecca performing the Pilgrimage, reprimanded him for the state in which he appeared, followed by slaves, &c. He is said to have been very particular in following the practice of Mahomet, and never spat on his right side. He was lame, and was obliged to stretch out his legs at prayer. The people (as they always imitated the Imam in all his postures) did the same, till he for bade them.
•f Mahomet asked Muadz before he left, how he would adju dicate causes : " By the Book," he replied. But if not in the Book? " Then by thy precedent." But if there be no precedent ? " Then I will diligently frame my own judgment ; and I shall not fail therein." Thereupon Mahomet clapped him on the breast and said: " Praise be to God, who hath fulfilled, in the messenger sent forth by his Apostle, that which is well pleasing to the Apostle of the Lord ! " K. Wackidi, 292|.
224 The people of Najr an submit to Khd lid. [CHAP.
sub- Towards the close of the Prophet's life, the sound
nuts to Kbalid.
Kabi ist. of war had almost died away at Medina. Only two
/\»-Li. .zv.
June, A.D. expeditions of a hostile character were undertaken during the tenth year of the Hegira. The first, under command of Khalid, set out against the Bani Harith, of Najran, during summer. About a year before, a deputation consisting of the bishop and clergy of Najran had visited Mahomet, and (as I have before recounted) had obtained terms of secu rity on the payment of tribute.f Khalid was now instructed to call on the rest of the people to em brace Islam ; if they declined he was, after three days, to attack and force them to submit. Having reached his destination, he sent mounted parties in all directions, with this proclamation, "Ye people! Embrace Islam, and ye shall be safe." They all sub mitted, and professed their belief in the new faith.J Mahomet in a despatch to Khalid acknowledged with delight his report of these proceedings, and sum-
* So the Secretary, p. 134. Hishami makes it a month or two later, in Rabi 2nd, or Jumad 1st.
| See vol. ii. p. 299, et seq. I conclude that the operations of Khalid were directed against the portion of the Bani Harith still idolaters ; — at all events not against the Christian portion already under treaty.
J Hishami tells this naively: — " So they, being worsted, believed, and embraced the invitation to profess their adhesion to the new faith. Thereupon Khalid began to teach them the nature of Islam, and the word of God, and the regulations of the Prophet." p. 430. Surrendering at discretion before an armed force is belief according to the language of tradition, and it preceded the teach ing of what Islam itself was.
XNX>] Campaign of Aliin Yemen. 225
moned him to return and bring with him a deputa tion from the Bani Harith. An embassy from the tribe accordingly visited Medina, and were treated with courtesy.*
As the Bani Nakha and some other tribes of the Campaign of
All to Yemen
Madhii f stock in Yemen still held out. All was against the
' Bani Nakha,
sent in the winter at the head of three hundred &c.
, Ramadhan,
well equipped horse, to reduce them to submission. A.H. x. Yemen had repeatedly sent forth armies to subdue esT.' the Hejaz ; this was the first army the Hejaz had ever sent forth to conquer Yemen. Ali met with but feeble opposition. His detachments ravaged the country all around, and returned with spoil of every kind, — women, children, camels, and flocks. Driven to despair, the people drew together, and attacked Ali with a general discharge of stones and arrows. The Moslem line charged and put them to flight, with the slaughter of twenty men. Ali held back his troops from pursuit, and again summoned the fugitives to accept his terms. This they now hastened to do. The chiefs did homage, and pledged that the people would follow their example. Ali accepted their promise ; he then retraced his steps with the booty, and reaching Mecca in the spring, joined Mahomet in his last pilgrimage. The Bani Nakha fulfilled their pledge, and submitted them-
* This must have happened in the winter, as the deputation did not return again to Najran till Dzul Cada, or February, 632. Ilishdmi, 431.
•f Descendants of Cahlan : see vol. i. p. cxlix.
226 The B. Aamir : — Abu Bera. [CHAP.
selves to Muadz, the Prophet's envoy in Yemen. Two hundred of them set out to tender a personal allegiance to Mahomet. It was the last deputation received by him. They reached Medina at the beginning of the eleventh year of the Hegira.* Numerous Numerous other embassies are described by the
embassies and . t •
despatches. Secretary of Wackidi, who has devoted a long chapter to the subject, and a chapter also to the despatches and rescripts of the Prophet. Those which I have already described will afford a sufficient conception of the whole ; further detail would be tedious and unprofitable. But one or two incidents of interest connected with them may be subjoined.
The Bani The part played by the Bani Aarnir ibn Sassaa at
Aamir ibn .
Sassaa. the massacre of Bir Mauna, will be in the memory
Abu Bera _ , 1 . . , •• i
applies to of the reader, f This tribe had taken little share a cure. with the rest of the Bani Hawazin (of which they
formed a branch) in the battle of Honein. It main tained, under its haughty chieftain Aamir ibn Tofail, an independent neutrality. The aged chief of the tribe, Abu Bera, still exhibited friendly feelings towards Mahomet, but with advancing years his influence had passed away. Labouring under an internal ailment, he sent his nephew Labld, the poet of the tribe, to the Prophet, with the present of a beautiful horse, and an urgent request that he would point out a cure for his disease. Mahomet declined the gift, saying courteously, "If I could ever
* K. Wackidi, 67 and 124. t Vol. iii. p. 204.
xxx.] Aamir ibn TofcdL 227
accept the offering of an idolater it would be that of Abu Bera." Then taking up a clod of earth, he spat upon it, and directed that Abu Bera should dissolve it in water, and drink the mixture. Tradi tion tells us that when he had done this, he recovered from his sickness.*
The following year Aamir ibn Tofail, at the interview of
v -, ,. PI- •! Aamir ibn
solicitation ot his tribe, presented himself before Tofaii with
Mahomet, and sought to obtain advantageous terms. Convewfon of
icWhat shall I have," he asked, "if I believe ?" Aami?"
"That which other believers have," replied Ma- ID! fa i, 632
hornet, "with the same responsibilities." "Wilt
thou not give me the rule after thee ? " " Nay, that is
not for thee, nor for thy tribe." " Then assign unto
me the Nomad tribes • and do thou retain the rest."
" This," said Mahomet, " I cannot do ; but I will give
thee the command over the cavalry, for thou excellest
as a horseman." Aamir turned away in disdain :
" Doth this man not know," he cried, " that I can
fill his land from one end to the other with troops,
both footmen and horse ? " Mahomet was alarmed
at the threat, for the Bani Aamir were a formidable
tribe ; he prayed accordingly for deliverance from
this foe : " O Lord ! defend me against Aamir ibn
Tofail. O Lord ! guide his tribe unto the truth ;
and save Islam from his stratagems ! "
* Labid is famous for his Moallaca, or " suspended " poem. See vol. i. p. ccxxvi. According to another tradition, Mahomet gave Labid a leather bottle of honey, of which Abu Herd ate, and so he recovered. WdckidVs Campaigns, p. 341.
228 Two Chiefs of the Bani Jufi. [CHAP.
The haughty chieftain never reached his home ;
he sickened by the way, and died miserably in a
deserted hut.* The Bani Aamir shortly after gave
in their adhesion to the Prophet.
Prejudices The Bani Jufi, a tribe inhabiting Yemen, had a
of the Bani . .
jufi. deeply-rooted prejudice against eating the heart ol
any animal. Cays, one of their chief men, came to Mahomet with his brother, and professed belief in the Goran. They were told that their faith was imperfect until they broke through their heathenish scruples, and a roasted heart was placed before them. Cays took it up and ate it, trembling violently. Mahomet, satisfied with the test of his sincerity, presented him with a patent, which secured him in the rule over his people.f But before Cays and his brother left the presence of Mahomet, the conversa tion turned upon the guilt of infanticide : " Our mother Muleika," said they, " was full of good deeds and charity ; but she buried a little daughter alive. What is her condition now ? " " The burier and
* He died of a virulent boil or blain. Tradition delights to dwell on the miseries of Aamir's end. Arbad, a chief who accom panied him, was about the same time struck by lightning.
The text chiefly follows the Secretary, p 6(H. Hishami adds the popular story, that Aamir visited Mahomet with the design of assassinating him ; but that Arbad, who was to deliver the stroke while Aamir engaged the Prophet in conversation, was restrained by a supernatural power : p. 419. The tale is apocryphal. It is of the same class as that described in vol. i. p. Ixxx.
f This document seems to have been preserved, for the Secre tary speaks of a " copy " of it.
xxx.] reject the Doctrines of Mahomet. 229
the buried are both in hell," replied the Prophet. The brothers turned away in wrath. " Come back," Mahomet cried ; " my own mother, too, is there with yours." They would not listen. " This man,1' they said, as they departed, " hath not only made us eat the heart of animals, but saith that our mother is in hell : who would follow him ? "
On their way home, they met one of Mahomet's TWO of their
. _ chiefs cursed
followers returning to Medina with a herd of camels by Mahomet
for robbing
which had been collected as tithe. They seized MS tithe the man, left him bound, and carried off the camels. Mahomet was greatly offended ; and he entered the names of the robbers in the curse (the repetition of which seems still to have been kept up) against the perpetrators of the massacre at Bir Mauna.*
* K. Wdckidi, 63J. A second deputation from the same tribe visited Mahomet, and was well receive. We do not hear anything more of Cays. Mahomet healed the hand of the leader of the second deputation from a protuberance which had prevented him holding his camel's rein, by striking an arrow on it and then stroking it, when it disappeared. He changed the name of this chief's son from Aziz (glorious) to Abd al Rahmsin ; — saying, " There is none glorious but the Lord." Ibid.
VOL. IV. G G
230
CHAPTER THIRTY-FIRST.
T7ie Farewell Pilgrimage. Dzul Hijj. A.H. X. March. A.D. 630.
63.
Mahomet re- THE period for the annual Pilgrimage again ap- uplvtosth°ego proached. Nothing now appeared to hinder Mahomet from the fulfilment of its ceremonies. There was no longer the possibility of offence from idolatrous objects or the rites of heathenism. Every vestige of an image in Mecca and its outskirts had been cleared away. And after the threatening announcement of the previous year, none but professed believers might venture near. Mahomet had not performed the greater Pilgrimage since his flight from Mecca. He now announced his intention of going up to the coming festival.* journey from Five days before the opening of Dzul Hiii, the
Medina to J
Mecca. month of Pilgrimage, the Prophet assumed the
* The Secretary says that Mahomet had not performed the greater Pilgrimage " since he became a Prophet," p. 135. After his assumption of the prophetical office, and before his flight, he certainly attended the processions to Arafat, Mina, &c., though he may not as a worshipper have taken part in them. The tradi tion probably originated in the axiom that after the assumption of his holy office, Mahomet could not possibly have participated in anything idolatrous. Another tradition makes him to have per-
CHAP, xxxi.] Mahomet sets out on the Farewell Pilgrimage. 231
pilgrim's garb in the manner already described ; and, followed by vast multitudes, set out on the journey to Mecca. All his wives accompanied him. One hundred camels, marked by his own hand as victims, were led in solemn procession. Along the road, mosques had already sprung up at the various halt ing places ; at each, the people prayed, Mahomet leading the devotions. On the evening of the tenth day, he reached Sarif, an easy stage from Mecca ; there he rested for the night,* and on the following .morning, having bathed, and mounted Al Caswa, he proceeded towards Mecca. He entered the upper suburbs by the same route which he had taken two years before ; and, passing down the main street of the city, approached the Kaaba. As he passed through the Bani Sheyba gate,f with the holy temple full in view, he raised his hands to heaven, and said:— " 0 Lord ! Add unto this House in the dignity and glory, the honour and the reverence, which already
formed the greater pilgrimage twice before he became a Prophet ; K. Wdckidij 138. The lesser Pilgrimage was celebrated three times by Mahomet after the flight; viz. 1st, at Hodeibia; 2nd, the year following; and 3rd, when he was at Jierrana. Ibid. 134.
* This calculation makes Mahomet reach Mecca on the llth day from his leaving Medina. Other statements give the date of his arrival at Mecca as the 4th Dzul Hijj. Ibid. 135-J-. But it seems certain that he started on Saturday, 25 Dzul Cada (23rd February, 632), reached Sarif on Monday evening, the 10th day, and entered Mecca on Tuesday.
| See the Plan, vol. ii. This was the ancient gate leading into the court-yard of the Kaaba. It was situated N.E. by E. of the Kaaba, and beyond the Macdm Ibrahim.
232 Most of the Pilgrims perform the lesser Pilgrimage. [CHAP.
tliou hast bestowed on it. And they that for the greater Pilgrimage and the lesser frequent the same, increase them much in honour and dignity, in piety, goodness, and glory! " Then, mounted as he was on his camel, he performed the prescribed circuits, and other rites, and afterwards retired to a tent pitched for him in the valley. The most of The greater part of the pilgrims had brought no
his followers . .
perform the victims with them. These were directed by Ma-
lesser Pil- 1 ^
grimage only, nomet, alter completing the customary forms of the Omra, or lesser Pilgrimage, to divest themselves of the pilgrim garb. They accompanied the Prophet and the others who had brought victims, in their farther procession to Mina and Arafat, but only as spectators. AH, who in the meantime had returned from Yemen, received the same directions as the rest of those who had no victims : u Go," said Mahomet, " and encircle the holy house ; then divest thyself of the pilgrim's garb as thy fellows have done." But Ali was anxious to fulfil the full rites of the yearly festival ;— " for," said he, "I have taken upon me vows to perform the same pilgrimage as the Prophet, whatever that might be." Mahomet yielded, and allowed him to fulfil the greater Pilgrimage, and to be a sharer in the victims he had brought for himself.*
* The sacrifice of victims is an, essential part of the greater pilgrimage, but not of the lesser.
According to the rules of Islam, the pilgrim must resolve, before he assumes the pilgrim's garb, which pilgrimage he will perform. In connection with this custom, there is a great mass
XXXI>] Mahomet proceeds to Ara/dt. 233
On the 7th of Dzul Hiii, the day preceding the Mahomet
t}J1 m J - ° performs the
opening rites of the greater Pilgrimage, Mahomet, Pilgrimage
after the mid-day prayer, preached to the concourse sth DZUIHIJJ.
assembled at the Kaaba. Next day,* followed by
the whole multitude of pilgrims, and shaded from
the sun's glare by Bilal, who walked at his side with
a screen,f he proceeded to Mina, where he performed
the. ordinary prayers, and passed the night in a tent.
The following morning at sunrise, he moved onwards,
and passing Mozdalifa, reached Arafat, an abrupt
eminence, about two hundred feet high, in the
middle of the valley, which, though elsewhere
of contradictory tradition as to whether Mahomet set out from Medina with the vows upon him of the lesser Pilgrimage, or the greater, or of both together ; and the question is very warmly discussed.
When Mahomet desired those who had no victims to conclude their Pilgrimage with the Omra, or lesser festival, they objected, saying, " How then can we go on with thee to Mina, after quitting the holy state of a pilgrim, and returning to the impurities of the world ? " Mahomet told them that there was no harm in doing so, for that, if similarly circumstanced, he would have done it himself; and that if he had foreseen these objections, he would not have brought any victims. K. WdcTcidi, p. 138. Perhaps it was Mahomet's wish to show that visiting Mecca at the time of the greater Pilgrimage did not necessarily involve the performance of that pilgrimage, which was reserved for special occasions.
* The eighth, termed tarwiyah, ti*fi\ **.> , because on that day the Pilgrims drank of the water made ready for them. Vide Introduction, vol. i. p. ccxlviii. Other derivations are given, — Burton, iii. 238 ; Weil, 293. For the direction and distances of Mina, Mozdalifa, and Arafat, from Mecca, see Introduction, vol. i. p. ccv.
•f It is described as a staff, with a cloth attached to it. K. Wdckidi, 136.
234 The Pilgrimage at Arafat. [CHAP.
narrow, and on the farther side pent in by lofty granite peaks, here spreads out bare and stony to the breadth of nearly a mile.* On the summit of the sacred mount, the Prophet, standing erect upon his camel, said : — " The entire valley of Arafat is the holy station for Pilgrimage, excepting only the vale of Urana."f After he had bowed himself in prayer, he recited certain passages of the Goran,
* See the pictures of this hill in AH Bey (vol. ii. p. 67) and Burton (vol. iii. p. 257). The following is the description of it by the latter: — "A mass of coarse granite split into large blocks, with a thin coat of withered thorns, about one mile in circum ference, and rising abruptly from the low gravelly plain, — a dwarf wall at the southern base forming the line of demarcation, — to the height of one hundred and eighty or two hundred feet. It is separated by Batn Arna (<U -c), a sandy vale, from the spurs of the Taif hills. Nothing can be more picturesque than the view it affords of the blue peaks behind, and the vast encampment scattered over the barren yellow plain below." So also Ali Bey : — " Arafat is a small mountain of granite rock, the same as those that surround it ; it is about one hundred and fifty feet high, and is situated at the foot of a higher mountain to the E.S.E., in a plain about three quarters of a mile in diameter, surrounded by barren mountains." Vol. ii. p. 67.
•f For the valley of Urana (or Arna) see preceding note. The popular tradition regarding the reason for its exclusion is given thus by Burton: — " This vale is not considered ' standing ground,' because Satan once appeared to the Prophet as he was traversing it:" p. 258. The last pilgrimage is regarded as the type of all succeeding ones : there is accordingly a tendency to make Mahomet foresee this, and provide anticipatory instructions on all possible points. These must be received with caution: take, e.g. the following tradition : Mahomet, as he went through the various rites, said: "Observe, and learn of me the ceremonies which ye should practise, for I know not whether after this I shall ever perform another pilgrimage." K. Wdckidi,
xxxi.] Mahomet returns to Mozdalifa and Mina. 235
regarding the ceremonies of Pilgrimage, and con cluded with the verse, " This day have I perfected your Religion unto you, and fulfilled my mercy upon you, and appointed Islam for you to be your Religion.'" *
As the sun was going down, Mahomet quitted Returns to
0 . Mozdalifa.
Arafat. Retracing his steps with Osama, son of Zeid, 9th Dzui injj. seated behind him on the camel, he travelled hastily back by the bright moonlight along the narrow valley to Mozdalifa, where he said the sunset and evening prayers both together : in this, and every other point, his example has been closely imitated by the pilgrims yearly, to the present day. He passed the night at Mozdalifa, and very early in the morn ing sent forward the women and the children, lest the crowds of pilgrims that followed should impede their journey : but, touching them on the shoulder as they went, he said: "My children, have a care that ye throw not the stones at Acaba, until the sun arise."
When the morning of the tenth day of the month Completes the broke, Mahomet arose to perform the early prayer ; at Mina. after which, he mounted his camel, and took his stand on a certain spot, saying, — " This place, and the whole of Mozdalifa, is the station of pil grimage, excepting only the vale of Muhassir."f
* K. Wdclcidi, 138. This is the only passage of the Goran which, according to the Secretary, Mahomet repeated at Arafat. The traditions which bring together many other verses deemed appropriate to the occasion, and represent them as repeated at this and the other stages of the Pilgrimage, appear to me very doubtful.
•f I do not know the origin of the allusion here to the valley of
236 The Ceremonies performed at Mina. [CHAP.
Then, with Fadhl, son of AbMs, seated behind him, he proceeded onwards amid a heavy fall of rain to Mina, shouting as he went the pilgrim's cry:—
" Labbeik ! O Lord ! Labbeik ! Labbeik ! There is no other God but thee. Labbeik ! Praise, blessing, and dominion be to thee. Labbeik ! No one may share with thee therein. Labbeik, Labbeik ! *
He ceased not to utter these ejaculations till he had reached Mina, and cast stones (an ancient rite before described) at the Acaba, a projecting corner of the valley. f Afterwards, he slew the victims brought for sacrifice, and then ended the pilgrimage by shaving the hair of his head and partly also of his face,J and paring his nails ; the hair and parings he ordered to be burned.§ The scanty dress of pilgrimage was now put away, perfumes were
Muhassir ; it is a part of the road to Mina. Burton, iii. 280. A picture of Mozdalifa will be found in All Bey, ii. 66.
* Labbeik signifies, " Here am I, O Lord ! " See above, page 25,
f See above, vol. i. p. ccvi. There are minute traditions as to the kind of stone to be used on this occasion. Abdallah, son of Abbas, picked up some gravel for Mahomet to throw, and the Prophet said, — "Yes: just such as this is the kind to throw. Take care that ye increase not the size. Verily they that have gone before you have come to nought, because of thus adding to the rites of their religion." K. Wdckidi, 136|-. But see above, on the tendency to put into Mahomet's mouth rules framed for the guidance of pilgrims in time coming.
t So the Secretary, p. 135; <U^U ^ fcjli, ^ JeU j .
§ Ibid. Another tradition says that the hair was all caught up by his followers : p. 136^. In after days, when a single hair of the Prophet was treasured up as a relic and talisman, this tradi tion may have grown up.
xxxi.] Mahomet's Address to the People at Mina. 237
burned, the flesh of the victims and other cattle * was distributed for food, and proclamation made that the restrictions of the pilgrim state being ended, it was now a day for eating and enjoyment, and for the remembrance of God. f Mahomet remained at Mina from the 10th to the 12th of Dzul Hijj. Every evening as the sun declined he repaired to Al Acaba and repeated the rite of casting stones.
On the second of these three days, the Prophet Parting ex- mounted his camel, and taking up a central and Mina, nth prominent position in the Mina valley,! addressed D the vast crowd of pilgrims in a memorable speech, which was looked upon by the people, and probably was felt by Mahomet himself, as his parting ex hortation. Fragments of the discourse have been preserved ; of these the following passages are the most important. §
* K. Wackidi,
f It is said that AH, mounted on the Prophet's white mule, made this proclamation amongst the pilgrims. Ibid. p. 138.
J The Secretary says that "he stood between the two places for casting stones." Burton mentions two such places, iii. 282. Ali Bey's plan gives the chief one, or " the Devil's house," on the Meccan side of Mina, and " two small columns raised by the Devil," in the middle of the narrow street of the village of Mina: vol. ii. p. 64. The position of Mahomet while delivering this famous discourse was thus within Mina itself, but somewhat on the side of Mecca. Hishami and others represent the discourse as delivered at Araf&t, but the Secretary is very distinct in the statement which I have followed : pp. 135, 137.
§ Hishami professes to transcribe the actual discourse in regular order as it was delivered: p. 436. But had any such document been preserved in a genuine form, the Secretary would
VOL. IV. H H
238 Mahomet's Address at Mina. ]CHAP.
" YE PEOPLE ! Hearken to my words ; for I know not whether, after this year, I shall ever be amongst you here again.*
li Your Lives and Property are sacred and inviolable amongst one another until the end of time.
" The Lord hath ordained to every man the share of his in heritance : a Testament is not lawful to the prejudice of heirs.
" The child belongeth to the Parent : and the violator of Wed lock shall be s toned. f
" Whoever claimeth falsely another for his father, or another for his master, the curse of God and the Angels, and of all Man kind, shall rest upon him.J
" Ye People ! Ye have rights deinandable of your Wives, and they have rights demandable of you. Upon them it is incumbent not to violate their conjugal faith nor commit any act of open impropriety ; — which things if they do, ye have authority to shut them up in separate apartments and to beat them with stripes, yet not severely. § But if they refrain therefrom, clothe them and feed
certainly have presented us with it ; yet he gives only detached fragments.
* So Hishami. The words, however, may be an afterthought of tradition. There is no other intimation that Mahomet felt his strength to be decaying at this time, or that either he or his followers anticipated his end to be near.
t So I read, ^\ yj,UU ^ ^l^i jty! J\ ^ :—K.Wdckidi,
137. There is room for different interpretation. I take the passage to mean, that in all cases of birth after divorce, or of posthumous birth, &c., the lineage is to be traced to the actual parent, and in event of bastardy to the mother: — to the latter especially in case of the oath of imprecation. See above, vol. iii. p. 302.
The second clause reads literally, " and for the adulterer a stone : " as the word adultery includes also fornication, which is not punishable by stoning, some construe " stone " metaphorically as meaning "exclusion," i.e. that the father has no claim to the paternity of a child born out of wedlock.
J K. WdcJcidi, 137; Hishami, 438.
§ M. C. de Perceval has it, " but not to a point such as would endanger life." This paragraph regarding women is in Hishami,
-j Mahomet's Address at Mina. 239
them suitably. And treat your Women well : for they are with you as captives and prisoners ; they have not power over any thing as regards themselves. And ye have verily taken them on the security of God : and have made their persons lawful unto you by the words of God.*
" And your slaves 1 See that ye feed them with such food as ye eat yourselves ; and clothe them with the stuff ye wear. And if they commit a fault which ye are not inclined to forgive, then sell them, for they are the servants of the Lord, and are not to be tormented.
" Ye People ! hearken to my speech and comprehend the same. Know that every Moslem is the brother of every other Moslem. All of you are on the same equality " (and as he pronounced these words, he raised his arms aloft and placed the forefinger of one hand ont he forefinger of the other). "f Ye are one Brotherhood.
" Know ye what month this is ? — What territory is this ? — What day ? " To each question, the People gave the appropriate answer, viz., " The Sacred Month,— the Sacred Territory, — the great day of Pilgrimage." After every one of these replies, Mahomet added : — " Even thus sacred and inviolable hath God made the Life and the Property of each of you unto the other, until ye meet your Lord.
" Let him that is present, tell it unto him that is absent. Haply, he that shall be told, may remember better than he who hath heard it."
Mahomet then proceeded to recite the 37th and Abolition of
•L tne inter-
38th verses of the Ninth Sura, which abolish the triennial intercalation of the year, and fix the month of Pilgrimage according to the changing seasons of the lunar year.
" Verily, the number of the months with God is twelve months, accord ing to the Book of God, on the day in which he created the Heavens and the Earth. Of these, four are sacred : — this is the true Religion : —
but not in the Secretary. It will be observed that part of it is a verse from the Goran formerly noticed.
* Hishdmi, 436.
•f Intending thereby to signify that all were absolutely on the same level.
240 Mahomet's Address at Mina. [CHAP.
" Verily, the changing of the months is an excess in infidelity, which causeth the Unbelievers to err. They make a month common in one year, and they make it sacred in another year, that they may equalize the number which God hath made sacred. Thus do they make common that which God hath hallowed.*
* For an explanation of the practices here altered, see vol. i. Introduction, p. ccvi. In the Zeitschrift der Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 1859, p. 134, there is a long and elaborate paper by Dr. Sprenger to prove that intercalation, in the ordinary sense of the word, was not practised at Mecca: that the Arab year was a purely lunar one, performing its cycle regularly, and losing one year in every thirty-three; and that the observance of the Pil grimage was kept constantly to the season of spring, by altering it from one month to another whenever such alteration was found to be necessary for that purpose. Practically, therefore, instead of confining the Pilgrimage (according to the received theory) invariably to the same month, Dzul Hijj, which they accomplished by intercalating one month after every three years,— the Arabs, according to Dr. Sprenger's theory, held the Pilgrimage indif ferently in any month of the year, shifting its observance from month to month, every three years, or whenever necessity re quired, in order to keep it uniformly close to the vernal equinox. It was by observing the constellations this adjustment was effected.
The hypothesis, ingeniously framed, rests, so far as tradition is concerned, on a single authority, quoted by the Secretary of Wackidi, at p. 137|, to the effect that Abu Bakr performed the pilgrimage which preceded the farewell pilgrimage in the month of Dzul Cada (the month before Dzul Hijj); the tradition pro ceeds : — « In the days of heathenism they used, for two years at a time, to perform the pilgrimage (successively) in every month of the year. Now the pilgrimage of the Prophet fell out in the month of Dzul Hijj ; wherefore he saith, This day hath the time revolved as it was on the day God created the heavens and the earth." The tradition is from Mujahid, good authority; but, alone and unsup ported, it appears to me quite inadequate as a basis for the theory. Dr. Spreriger, indeed, would strengthen it, by shewing that the biographers compute from the Hegira downwards, for several years, by reckoning only twelve months to each year; thus the first month of the fifth year after Mahomet's arrival in Medina is spoken of as the forty- ninth month of the Hegira, from which it appears that no
xxxi].
Makomet's Address at Mina. 241
" And now," continued Mahomet, " on this very day hath time performed its cycle, and returned to the disposition thereof exist ing at the moment when God created the Heavens and the Earth.
Ye People ! Truly Satan despaireth of being worshipped in your land for ever. But if in some indifferent matter, which ye might be disposed to slight, he could secure obedience, verily he would be well pleased. Wherefore beware ye of him !
allowance was made by them for intercalation, else the month in question would have been styled the fiftieth month. This is true; but it proves only that the biographers had become so habituated to the lunar year, that they had lost sight of the ancient practice of intercalation.
Against the tradition of Mujahid is to be put the otherwise con sentaneous testimony that the greater Pilgrimage was always held in the month of Dzul Hijj ; and that Mahomet, when hindered from going to Mecca, performed the Eed al Zoha, or festival of sacrifice, (corresponding with the day of sacrifice at Mina) in that month : see, e.g. 2'abari, 326, for the festival in the second year of the Hegira. This universal belief must have had a foundation in fact. At least it requires stronger evidence than that adduced by Dr. Sprenger to disprove it. Had the facts been as he assumes, we should have had a multitude of traditions from the Prophet, directly reprobating the heathenish practice of holding the high festival in any other month but that of Dzul Hijj.
Moreover, it is possible that Mujahid's words may bear another meaning. Holding the pure lunar year to be the only true one, he says that the real or divine calculation was going uniformly in ages past, unaffected by the unhallowed alterations made by the Coreish. The preceding pilgrimage presided over by Abu Bakr, though (according to the heathenish calculations of the Coreish) held ostensibly in Dzul Hijj, was (Mujahid would say) according to the true divine and indefeasible era, held really in Dzul Cada. Thus also the effect of intercalation is described by him as leading to the celebration of the feast, really and by divine calculation, in the successive months of the lunar year, though made by inter calation and the erroneous system of the Coreish, to fall apparently always in Dzul Hijj ; — and this would (according to the received theory) be a true representation of the case, if Mujahid had not erroneously said that the alteration took place every two, instead of every three, years.
to
mission.
242 Mahomet returns to Mecca. [CHAP.
" Verily, I have fulfilled my mission. I have left that amongst you, a plain command, — the Book of God, and manifest ordinances — which, if ye hold fast, ye shall never go astray." *
Then> looking up to heaven, Mahomet said : " 0 Lord! I have delivered my message and fulfilled filled his my mission." " Yea." cried all the people who crowded round him, " yea, verily thou hast." " 0 Lord ! I beseech thee bear thou witness unto it." With these words, the Prophet concluded his address, and dismissed the great assembly.f 10 After staying three days at Mina,J the concourse hroke up and proceeded to Mecca. Mahomet de sired the mass of the pilgrims to travel thither by day. He himself accompanied his wives on the journey by night. On reaching Mecca, he went straightway to the Kaaba, and performed the seven circuits of it on his camel. He next proceeded to the well Zemzem close by, and calling for a pitcher of its water, drank part of its contents ; then he
* This paragraph, and that preceding, are from Hishami. They are not given by the Secretary.
f This last scene bears an aspect somewhat suspicious : it is the sort of theatrical farewell and conclusion of the mission, which it would be natural for the traditionists to conceive as winding up the Prophet's last address, — while there is no sufficient ground for believing that Mahomet was persuaded that it was his last. But the passage occurs both in the Secretary (p. 137) and in Hishami (p. 437), and may be admitted with this cautionary note.
The passages in Hishami about bygone claims for interest on money and for bloodshed being given up, appear to be taken from the speech of Mahomet on the capture of Mecca. They are not given by the Secretary.
J Mahomet said: " The days for staying at Mina are three; but if one stay only two it is no sin, nor if he stay more than three is it any sin." K. Wdckidi, 136.
xxxi.] Further Ceremonies at Mecca. 243
rinsed his mouth in the pitcher, and desired that the water remaining in it should be thrown back into the well.* After this, taking off his shoes, he ascended the doorway of the holy temple, and prayed within its walls.f Having now ended all the ceremonies, and being fatigued with the journey, he stopped at the house of one who kept Nabidz, or date-water, for the Pilgrims to drink, and desired the beverage to be furnished to him. The son of Abbas, who accompanied him, interposed : — " The hands of the passers-by," he said, " have been in this all day, and fouled it : come unto my father's house, where we have some that is clean and pure for thee." But the Prophet, refusing to drink of any other, quenched his thirst upon the spot.J
Three days more were spent at Mecca, and then Return to Mahomet with his followers returned to Medina.
* K. Wdckidi, 136i.
f Mahomet is said to have regretted that he entered the Kaaba on this occasion. When asked the reason he said, " I have this day done a thing which I wish I had left undone. I have entered the holy house. And haply some of my people, pilgrims, may not be able to enter therein, and may turn back grieved in heart (i.e. at not having completed the Pilgrimage fully after their Prophet's example.) And, in truth, the command given unto me was only to encircle the Kaaba: it is not incumbent on anyone to enter it."
This appears to be founded upon the notion before explained, that Mahomet intended this pilgrimage to be the final type and exemplar for all future pilgrims.
J K. Wdckidi, 137. Nabidz is water in which dates or raisins have been steeped or washed. So accurately do the pilgrims follow their Prophet, that some regard the rites of the Pilgrimage as not properly completed unless Nabidz be drunk as it was by Mahomet.
244
CHAPTER THIRTY-SECOND.
Opening of the Eleventh Year of the Hegira. April and May, 632, A.D.
The Pretenders who rise up against Mahomet.
A.D. 632.
Opening of THE eleventh year of the Hegira opened in peaceful-
the eleventh J
year of the ness at Medina. Mahomet was now chiefly occupied 29ethMarch, in the issue of despatches, the nomination of envoys
A T"» coo J
and governors, and the consolidation of his authority in the more distant regions of Arabia. The native chiefs or princes were ordinarily maintained in the government of their respective territories when they were found suited to the Prophet's purpose. Instruc tors and collectors of the tithes were also deputed as his representatives, charged with political and judicial functions.
Badzan, the Persian governor who, as we have division ofliis seen, had early submitted himself to Mahomet, died about this time. His son Shahr was continued in the government of Sana and the surrounding district. But the other provinces hitherto combined under his authority, as Mareb, Najran, and Hamadan, were divided by Mahomet among different governors,
Death of Badzan and
territories.
CHAP, xxxii.] Three Impostors arise in Arabia. 245
of whom some were natives of the several districts, and others persons specially deputed from Medina.*
But a new cause of danger began suddenly toThreeim-
J . posters arise,
cloud the horizon. Three claimants of the prophetic claiming Pro-
. A . phetic office.
office arose, in various quarters of Arabia, to dis pute with Mahomet the supreme authority. Their assumptions were not, however, developed till near the close of his life, and the tidings which he received of their proceedings were hardly of so grave a nature as to raise serious apprehensions in his mind. I shall not therefore do more than very briefly notice these remarkable impostors.
Besides the temptation to follow in his steps occa- The moment
propitious for
sioned by the marvellous success of Mahomet, the such preten-
• • • PI sions-
present moment was especially propitious for the
assertion of such claims. The Bedouin tribes, and distant people who had but lately succumbed to Islam, began to find its rites irksome, and its restraints unpalatable. How deep and general was this feeling, is evident from the almost universal rebellion which followed the Prophet's death, and which probably would never have been fully stifled had not the energies and passions of the Arabs been directed to foreign conquest. Mahomet was now well stricken in years, and strangers might perceive in him the marks of advancing infirmity. His death could not be far distant. No provision had been
* See detail of these in Tabari, p. 53, et seq. (Kosegarten, 1831.)
VOL. IV. I I
246 Tulcika, the Impostor. [CHAP.
made for a successor, nor for the permanent mainte nance at Medina of a supreme authority over the Peninsula. If any one were bold enough to assert that he had received a divine commission, like that of Mahomet, why should his efforts not be crowned with similar success ?
The least important of the three impostors who
His rebellion
crushed by now started up with these notions, was Tuleiha,
Khalid.
chief of the Bani Asad, a warrior of note and influence in Najd. * His tribe once journeying through the desert were overpowered by thirst, when Tuleiha announced to them that water would be found at a certain spot. The discovery* con firmed his authority and the claims to inspiration which he had already made. Subsequent to the death of Mahomet he broke out into open rebellion, and was defeated, after a severe engagement, by Khalid.f Museiiama. Museilama has already been noticed as having
His advances
indignantly accompanied the deputation 01 the Bam Hanifa to Mahomet7 Medina. J He was a man of small stature and of insignificant appearance, but ready and powerful in speech. Following the example of Mahomet, he gave forth verses, professed to have been received from heaven, and he pretended also to work
* Vide vol. iii. p. 199.
f On Omar's summoning the conquered rebels to join his standard, Tuleiha submitted, and afterwards with his tribe fought bravely on the side of Islam.
| See above, p. 217.
xxxii.] Museilama,) the Impostor. 247
miracles.* He claimed an authority and mission concurrent with that of the Prophet of Medina ; and he deceived the people of Yem&ma by alleging that the claim had been admitted.f Mahomet, hearing the rumour of his insolent pretensions, sent him a summons to submit to Islam. J Museilama returned the reply that he, too, was a prophet like Mahomet himself: — " I demand therefore that thou divide the earth with me ; as for the Coreish, they are a people that have no respect for justice." When this letter was read before him, Mahomet turned with indigna tion to the messengers: — " And what do ye yourselves say to this ? " he asked. " We say," they replied, "even as Museilama doth." "By the Lord!" ex claimed Mahomet, " if it were not that ambassadors are secure, and their lives inviolate, I would have beheaded both of you ! " Then he indited the fol lowing answer : — " I have received thine epistle, with its lies and its fabrications against God. Verily, the earth is the Lord's : He causeth such of his servants as he pleaseth to inherit the same. Prosperity shall attend the pious. Peace be to him that folio we th
* So M. C. de Perceval, v.iii. p. 310. He had learned the art of sleight of hand, &c. from conjurors. One of his miracles was to slip a'n egg into a narrow- mouthed phial. None of the verses attributed to him are worth quoting.
f See the words of Mahomet which he is said to have drawn into this construction — above, p. 217.
J K. Wdckidi, 52^. The messenger was Amr ibn Omeya, the Dhamrite, whom we have met before.
248 Asivad, the Impostor. [CHAP.
the true direction !"* The rebellion and the fate of Museilama belong to the Caliphate of Abu Bakr. Rebellion of Aswad, the third impostor, differed from the
Aswad, ;
others, in not only advancing his pretensions, but in casting off the Mussulman yoke, while Mahomet was yet alive. A prince of wealth and influence, he assumed the garb of a magician, and gave out that he was in communication with the unseen world. He prosecuted his claims at the first secretly, and gained over those chiefs who were dissatisfied with the distribution of power made by Mahomet on the death of Badzan. About the close of the tenth year of the Hegira, he openly raised the standard of rebellion, and drove out the officers of Mahomet, who fled for refuge to the nearest friendly country. He advanced on Najran, which rose in his favour ; he then suddenly fell upon Sana, where having killed Shahr the son of Badzan, put his army to flight, and . married his widow, he established himself in undisputed authority. The insurrection, fanned by this sudden success, spread like wild-fire, and the greater part of the Peninsula lying between the provinces of Bahrein, Taif, and the coast, was soon subject to the usurper.f
* M. C. de Perceval relates that this letter was written after Mahomet had been prostrated by fever. I do not find this stated by the early biographers. Hishami makes the incident to occur at the end of the tenth year of the Hegira: p. 135. It probably happened early in the eleventh year.
f Talari, p. 56. The proper name of Aswad was Ayhala son
XXXI1 .] Rebellion of Aswad crushed. 249
At what period intimation of this rebellion crushed about
the time of
reached Mahomet, and what was the nature of Mahomet's
death.
the intelligence he received, is not apparent. The accounts could not have been very alarming, for he contented himself with despatching letters to his officers on the spot, in which he desired them according to their means, either to assassinate the pretender, or to attack him in battle.* Fortu nately for the cause of Islam, Aswad, in the pride of conquest, had already begun to slight the com manders to whose bravery he was indebted for his success. The agents of Mahomet opened up secret negotiations with them ; and, favoured by the tyrant's wife, who detested him, and burned to avenge her late husband's death, plotted the assas sination of Aswad. The usurper was slain, according to tradition, on the very night preceding the death of Mahomet.f The insurrection immediately ceased ;
of Kab, styled the Ausite, because he sprang from that tribe. He is also called JDzul Khimdr, " the master of the ass," because it is said that he had an ass which used to make obeisance before him. According to others, the name is Dzul Himdr, from the wizard's 11 veil " or " cloak " which he wore.
* The officers describe this order thus, ij^tjj ^\ l^Jo U^ol> * <ui jlaxJ j\ <uljUycJ JUj^l Talari, p. 58; the meaning of which I take to be as in the text.
f The event occurred probably somewhat later.
It is pretended that Mahomet had supernatural intimation of the Pretender's death on the night preceding his own. Tabari, p. 56.
But elsewhere it is said that tidings of the success did not reach Abu Bakr till the. close of the second Kabi, i.e. above a
250 Rebellion of Aswad crushed. [CHAP.XXXH.
and, excepting the disquiet occasioned by some bands of the pretender's army which continued to infest the country, the authority of Mahomet's name was fully re-established.
month and a half after the Prophet's death. Tabari, p. 74. News of such an event would travel swiftly, probably in not more than a fortnight or three weeks at most. I am therefore inclined to believe that the overthrow of Aswad did not take place till several weeks after Mahomet's death; — which supposition will likewise admit of the whole career of the Impostor being dated later, and will explain why Mahomet and Abu Bakr had not earlier intimation of its alarming progress.
Tradition naturally clings to the miraculous supposition that Mahomet had supernatural information of the event before his decease ; and hence antedates the event itself.
251
CHAPTER THIRTY-THIRD.
Sickness and Death of Mahomet. Moliurram, A.H. XI. June, A.D. 632.
63.
MAHOMET, now sixty-three years of age. was to The principles
J . . ° of Islam re-
OUtward appearance in ordinary health, when on quired con- the last Monday of the month Safar (unaware cution of war, of the storm lowering in the south) he com manded his followers to make themselves ready for an expedition against the Eoman border. It was more than a year and a half since any important campaign had been undertaken. The inroad upon Tabuk was the last occasion on which Mahomet had called out a general levy of his followers. But he had by no means lost sight of the necessity for maintaining a warlike spirit in his people. It was essential to the permanence of Islam that its aggres sive course should be continuously pursued, and that its claim to an universal acceptance, or at the least to an universal supremacy, should be enforced at the point of the sword. Within the limits of Arabia this work appeared now to be accomplished. It remained to gain over the Christian and idolatrous
252
Army marshalled for a Syrian Campaign. [CHAP.
Osama, son of Zeid, ap pointed to the command of an army destined for the Syrian border. 28th Safar, A>H. XI. 25th May, A.D. 632.
Banner pre sented, and camp formed at Jorf. IstMohurram, 27th May.
tribes of the Syrian desert, and then in the name of the Lord to throw down the gauntlet of war before the empires of Rome and Persia, which, having treated with contempt the summons of the Prophet addressed to them in solemn warning four years ago, were now ripe for chastisement.
The present incursion was intended to strike terror into the tribes of the border, and to wipe out the memory of the reverse at Muta, which still rankled in the heart of Mahomet. Accordingly, on the day following the general summons above men tioned, it was declared that Osama, the son of Zeid, the beloved friend of Mahomet, who had been slain at Muta, was, notwithstanding his extreme youth, to command the army. Having called him to the Mosque, the Prophet thus addressed him :— " Lead the army unto the place where thy father was killed, and let them destroy it utterly. Lo ! I have made thee commander over this army. Fall suddenly at early dawn upon the people of Obna, and devour them with fire. Hasten thy march so that thine onset may precede the tidings of thee. If the Lord grant thee victory, then shorten thy stay amongst them. Take with thee guides, and send before thee scouts and spies."
On Wednesday following, Mahomet was seized with a violent headache and fever ; but it passed off. The next morning he found himself sufficiently recovered to bind with his own hand upon the flagstaff a banner for the army. He presented it
XXXIIL] Decay of Mahomet's Strength. 253
to Osama with these words : — u Fight thou beneath * this banner in the name of the Lord, and for his cause. Thus shalt thou discomfit and slay the people that disbelieveth in the Lord ! " The camp was then formed at Jorf ; and the whole body of the fighting men, not excepting even Abu Bakr and Omar, were summoned to join it. The attention of all was soon occupied by a more engrossing sub ject, which suspended for the time the preparations of Osama' s force.
The history of Mahomet's sickness, according to Difficulty in
. . <? T ' weayin& a
the wont of his biographers, is made up of a multi- connected
0 • * . narrative of
tude of distinct and unconnected traditions, often the Prophet's
r . sickness.
trifling, and sometimes contradictory, from which it is not easy to trace the correct sequence of events, or to weave a continuous and consistent narrative. It will be my endeavour to omit no important incident in relating the story of this interesting period.
Mahomet had not hitherto suffered from any Mahomet
. ,, n . -, attributes his
serious illness. About the close of the sixth year mness to the
. n T -in •! poisoned meat
of the Hegira, he is said to have ailed temporarily which he ate from loss of appetite and a pining depression ofa health and spirits, ascribed, as we have seen, to the incantations of the Jews.* Again, in the middle of the seventh year, his system sustained a shock from partaking of poisoned meat at Kheibar, for which he was cupped, arid the effects of which he is said
* See above, p. 80. VOL. iv. K K ,
254 The last Illness of Mahomet. [CHAP.
to have complained of periodically ever after. In deed the present attack was attributed by Mahomet himself directly to this cause. When he had been now for several days sick, the mother of Bishr (who had died from the effects of the same poison,) came to inquire after his health ; she condoled with him on the violence of the fever, and remarked that the people said it was the pleurisy. " Nay," answered Mahomet, " the Lord would never permit that sick ness to seize his Apostle, for it cometh of Satan. This, verily, is the effect of that which I ate at Kheibar, I and thy son. The artery of my back feeleth as though it would just now burst asunder." circumstances Whether his constitution was really impaired
which may
have affected by £ne poison, or whether this was merely the
the strength J .
of his con- Prophet's fancy, it is certain that the frailties of
stitution. .
age were imperceptibly creeping upon him. His vigorous, well-knit frame began to stoop. Though frugal, if not abstemious in his habits, and in all things (the harem excepted) temperate, yet during the last twenty years of his life there had been much to tax his mind and body. At Mecca, hard ship, rejection, persecution, confinement, exile ; — at Medina, the anxieties of a cause for some years doubtful, and now the cares of a daily extending dominion, — pressed upon him. Nor must we forget the excitement and agitation (possibly of an epileptic character) which occasionally overpowered him in the moments of so-called inspiration and intercourse with unseen visitants. " Ah ! thou that art dearer
xxxui.] His Anticipation of approaching Decease. 255
to me than -father or mother!" exclaimed Abu Bakr, as Mahomet entered one day from his wives' apartments into the Mosque. — " Alas ! grey hairs are hastening upon thee ! " and the eyes of the • Prophet's bosom friend filled with tears as he saw him raise his, beard with his hand, and gaze at it.— " Yes," said Mahomet, " it is the travail of inspira tion that hath done this. The Suras Hud, and the Inevitable, and the Striking, with their fellows, have made white my hair." *
But Mahomet did not yield to the infirmities of Notwithstand
"
m i ••!••/» °
old age. To the very last the severe simplicity 01 infirmity,
_ „,, Mahomet
robuster years was preserved unaltered. ' 1 he maintains his people throng about thee in the Mosque," said his piidty. uncle Abbas to him ; — " what if we make for thee an elevated seat, that they may not trouble thee ? " But Mahomet forbade it : — " Surely," he said, " I will not cease from being in the midst of them, dragging my mantle behind me thus,f and covered with their dust, until that the Lord give me rest from amongst them." J
Mahomet himself was latterly not unconscious ms anticipa- (if we may believe the traditions of Ayesha) of end was near. the premonitions of decay. He used frequently
* These are called the Terrific Suras. See also vol. ii. ch. iii. p. 88. The withering effects there ascribed to the fits of inspira tion, if they really at all resembled the description given by tradition, cannot but have told on his constitution.
| Le. hurrying along and being jostled by the crowd.
\ K. Wdckidi, 139.
256 The last Illness of Mahomet. [CHAP.
to repeat the hundred and tenth Sura, as fol lows : —
" When the help of God shall come, and the Victory, And thou shalt see men entering the Religion of God in troops ; Then celebrate the praises of thy Lord, and ask pardon of him, for he is merciful." *
These expressions he would refer to the multitudes now flocking to the faith in Yemen and the farther coasts of Arabia. He would further declare that the sign received from the Lord of the completion of his work was thus fulfilled, and that it remained for him now only " to busy himself in the praises of his Lord and to seek for pardon."f
* The period when this was revealed is doubtful. In the Appendix to vol. ii. I have placed it in the third Meccan stage ; but it may have been later.
| The reader must bear in mind that all traditions of sayings by Mahomet, thus directly anticipatory of his decease, are sus picious. They are just the kind of stories that would grow up amongst his loving and superstitious followers, in conversations which continued unrecorded for many years. There is nothing improbable in what I have placed in the text ; still I cannot vouch for it.
Of the manifest fabrications, similar in tendency, take the following as a specimen. When the CXth Sura was revealed, Mahomet called Fatima, and said, — " My daughter ! I have received intimation of my approaching end." Fatima burst into tears. " Why weepest thou, my child ? " continued the Prophet ; " be comforted, for verily thou art the first of my people that shall rejoin me." Whereupon Fatima dried her tears and smiled pleasantly." K. WdcJcidi, 139, 151. As Fatima died within six months after her father, it is easy to see how this tale grew up. Similar are all the traditions in glorification of Fatima : e. g. where Mahomet calls her "the Queen of all the females of Paradise after Mary the Mother of Jesus." Ibid. So with all the tradi tions predicting divisions, sects, intestine war, &c. A shade of
xxxin.] His Visit to the Burying Ground. 257
When attacked by his last illness, Mahomet, He visits the though probably feeling it to be serious, did not at ground, the first succumb; for a day or two he still main tained the custom he had prescribed to himself of visiting his wives' apartments in rotation. One night lying restless on his bed. he arose softly, cast his clothes about him, and followed by a servant, walked to the burial ground, Backi al Gharcad. There he waited long absorbed in medi tation. At last winding up his thoughts, he prayed aloud for those who were buried there, apostrophi zing thus : — " Verily, ye and I have both received the fulfilment of that which our Lord did promise us. Blessed are ye! for ye enjoy a lot far preferable to the lot of those who are left behind. Temptation and trial approach like portions of a dark night fol lowing rapidly one upon another, each portion darker than those preceding. 0 Lord ! grant pardon unto them that are buried here ! " Then he turned and departed to his house. By the way, he told his attendant that he too was hastening to the grave :— " The choice hath verily been offered me of con tinuance in this life, with Paradise thereafter, or to meet my Lord at once ; and I have chosen to meet my Lord."*
the same tendency will be observed in the prayer quoted below, at the burial ground, which, notwithstanding, I have given entire.
* For this latter saying, repeated again, see note below. By " continuance in this life " is probably meant only a longer life.
We have now reached a point in Mahomet's biography which has become the arena for the contending traditions of party and faction.
comimsera-
258 The last Illness of Mahomet. [CHAP.
Ayesha's In the morning, passing by the door of Ayesha,
raillery when .
he seeks her who was suffering from a severe headache, he heard her moaning : u My head ! — oh, my head ! "* He
First, Ayesha, who had the closest opportunities by far of all others for watching the last moments of Mahomet, has made the most of her position; throughout her statements there is a patent endeavour to exclude even the mention of Ali and his partisans. There is, secondly, the party of Ali, who (with the view of strengthening their dogma that the divine right of suc cession was vested in their hero and his posterity) would attribute to him every important part in the scene. And, lastly, there are the Abbassides (holding the right of succession to reside in the near relatives of the Prophet and their heirs), whose tendency is to magnify Abbas and his family. Every tradition is coloured by these factions ; and it is necessary to steer very cautiously among them. Compare vol. i. Introd. pp. xxxvii.-xli.
For the scene in the text, we have the following variations : — I. Ayesha perceiving Mahomet go forth, sent her maid Barida to watch where he went: this Barida did, and managed to get back before her master. II. Ayesha herself followed Mahomet, who reproved her at the grave-yard for her curiosity. III. Ayesha says that ^frequently visited the grave-yard at night, IV. A fourth tradition from Ayesha says that his servant Abu Kafi accompanied Mahomet on the occasion. V. A tradition from another source makes Fadhala (alias Abu Muweihiba, a Yemen slave of his) to have gone with the prophet. The two last tra ditions are otherwise very similar with the tenor of the text. K. Wdckidi, 1411. Hishami gives only the last : p. 455.
The probability seems to be that there was only one night- visit to the grave-yard ; and that the several parties desirous of the honour of being associated with so remarkable a scene invented the other occasions.
There are other traditions which say that after his illness commenced, Mahomet went also to pray at Ohod for those who fell there. But this is evidently unfounded. K. Wdckidi, 142.
* In another tradition, Ayesha says: — "As often as Mahomet passed my door, he would speak a word to me, which the Lord used to bless to my good. Now for two days he passed by and
XXXTII.] Ayesha's Raillery. 259
entered and said : " Nay, Ayesha, it is rather I that have need to cry my head, my head ! " Then in a tender strain : — " But wouldst thou not desire to be taken whilst I am yet alive ; so that I might pray over thee, and wrapping thee, Ayesha, in thy winding sheet, thus commit thee to the grave ? " " That happen to another," exclaimed Ayesha, " and not to me ! " archly adding : — " Ah, that is what thou art desirous of! Truly, I can fancy thee, after having done all this, return straightway to my house, and spend that very evening sporting in my place with another wife ! " The Prophet smiled at Ayesha's raillery, but his sickness pressed on him too heavily to admit of a rejoinder in the same strain; and so again with a sad complaint of the grievous ailment in his head, he returned to the apartment of Meimuna, whose day it was.*
Mahomet had not been long there before the Mahomet
retires to
fever returned upon him with increasing violence. Ayesha's
0 house.
So calling his wives around him, he said : "Ye see that I he very sick : I am not able to visit your houses in turn ; if it be pleasing to you, I will remain in the house of Ayesha." All agreed to
did not say a word. So I made my maid place my pillow at the door, and I reclined there with my head bound round with a napkin; when the Prophet passed by, he asked me what ailed me. I replied, " My head pains me," and so on as in the text. K. Wdckidi, 147£.
* Hishdmi, 455; K. Wdckidi, 142, 146. The tradition in the latter authority ends with a fabricated passage intended to support the claim of Abu Bakr, as against AH, to the Caliphate.
260 Mahomet Retires to Ayeshcts Apartment. [CHAP.
the proposal. His clothes having been wrapped loosely around him, and his head bound about with a napkin, the Prophet walked with the support of Ali and Abbas to the apartment of Ayesha.* Though not yet twenty years of age, and though she had never before waited upon any one in sick ness, Ayesha watched with the utmost solicitude and tenderness over the death-bed of her aged husband. Headdresses For seven or eight days, the fever, although gardingPtheier" unchecked, did not confine Mahomet entirely to the
murmurs , ._.-.. , , . -, * -» «-
against house. He was able to move into the Mosque appointment (the door of his apartment opening into its courts) and lead, though feebly, the public prayers. He had been ill about a week,f when perceiving that the sickness gained ground, and was aggravated by occasional fits of swooning, he resolved upon an effort to address the people, whose murmurs at the appointment of the youth Osama to the com mand of the Syrian army had reached his ears.J
* K. Wdckidij 147|-; Hishdmi, 456. Ayesha does not name Ali. Some mention Fadhl in place of his father Abbas.
f The dates are to some degree conjectural. I suppose this to have happened about Wednesday or Thursday, the 8th or 9th Mohurram (4th or 5th June) ; after which Abu Bakr was appointed to lead the public prayers. The Secretary speaks of it as occurring on the Saturday, i. e. ten or eleven days after he was seized by the fever ; but in another place he mentions the address as being delivered five days before his death, which would bring it to either Wednesday or Thursday: p. 138£. Hishami says it occurred after he had once swooned away.
J " And the people spake, saying, ' He hath put this stripling in command over the chiefest of the Refugees.' The Prophet
XXXITI.] He addresses the Congregation in the Mosque. 261
" Fetch me," he said, " seven skins of water from as many different wells, that I may bathe and then go forth unto them." They procured the water, and seating him in Haphsa's bathing vessel, poured it upon him from the skins till he held up his hand and cried " enough ! " Meanwhile the people, both men and women, had assembled in the Mosque ; it was told the Prophet that they had come together, and that many wept. Being now refreshed by the bath, he went forth to them with his head bandaged, a sheet being drawn loosely round him, and seated himself in the pulpit. After prayer, and certain introductory phrases in the usual style, he proceeded: — " Ye people ! What is y this which hath reached me, that some amongst you murmur against my appointment of Osama to com mand the Syrian army ? Now, if ye blame my appointment of Osama, verily heretofore ye blamed likewise my appointment of his father Zeid before him. And I swear by the Lord, that he verily was well fitted for the command, and that his son after him is well fitted also. Truly Osama is one of the men most dearly beloved by me, even as his father was. Wherefore, do ye treat him well, for he is one of the best amongst you."
After a pause he continued : — " Verily, the Lord Announcing hath offered unto one of his servants the choice that the dis- betwixt this life and that which is nigh unto him- \^t, he directs
heard of this, and was very wroth. Then he came forth with his head bandaged," &c. K. Wdclddi, 138|.
VOL. IV. L L
262 Private Doors opening into the Mosque closed. [CHAP.
the private self; and the servant hath chosen that which is nigh intothe ' ' unto his Lord." Mahomet by this saying intended
Mosque to be , /» -. -,
closed. to communicate by way of euphemism to the people,
his anticipation that the illness would prove his last. But they were slow of apprehension. Abu Bakr alone perceived his meaning, and burst into tears. Mahomet, in accents of affection, desired him not to weep. Then turning to the people, he said, — " Verily the chiefest among you all for love and devotion to me is Abu Bakr. If I were to choose a bosom friend it would be he : but Islam hath made a closer brotherhood amongst us all. Now let every door that leadeth into the Mosque be closed, excepting only the door of Abu Bakr." Accordingly the relatives of Mahomet and the chief men, whose houses skirted the quadrangle of the Mosque, closed their doors, that of Abu Bakr alone remaining open.* Thus the busy hum and tread
* K. Wdckidi, 139^, 146| ; Hishdmi, 457. Each reader must judge for himself whether there is not too much of anticipation in this scene to be consistent with its reality ; I see no ground for not regarding it as natural. The same remark applies to the following paragraph.
It is likely that the expression used by Mahomet regarding the choice of death or life was of a more general nature, such as "that he preferred to depart and be near his Lord," (something, perhaps, in the manner of Paul's words, Phil. i. 21); — which tradition would easily and naturally convert into the mysterious phrase " that he had made election of Paradise." Against the text it might be urged that after such a declaration the people ought to have been more prepared for the Prophet's death when it did happen. But the scene after his death was justified by the circumstances, as will be seen below, and is to my apprehension
xxxin. J Mahomefs Care for the Citizens of Medina. 263
were hushed, as became the precincts of death, and the courts of the Mosque were frequented only by worshipers at the hour of prayer, and by knots of whispering followers, inquiring anxiously after the Prophet's health.
As he was about to re-enter Ayesha's room, He commends
* . the citizens of
Mahomet turned again, and in testimony of his Medina to the gratitude to the people of Medina, thus addressed followers. the assembly : — " Ye that are refugees from Mecca and other quarters, hearken to me ! Ye increase, and throng into the city daily. But the men of Medina do not increase. They will remain ever as they are this day. And verily they are dear unto me, for among them I found a refuge. Where fore honour their honourable men, and treat well their excellent ones." Then having urged the early departure of the Syrian expedition, he retired into the room of Ayesha.*
The exertion and excitement of delivering this Abu Bakr
, r\ i appointed to
address aggravated the Prophet s sickness. On the lead the public
p , . prayers in the
following day,f when the hour ot public prayer absence of
Mahomet.
quite consistent with even a more explicit statement by Mahomet than this, of his forebodings.
* K. Wdckidi, 151; Hishdmi, 458.
•f This was probably Friday. I have assumed that the previous scene occurred on Thursday : but it may possibly have been on Friday, Mahomet taking advantage of the congregation usually assembling on that day to make his address ; if such were the case (but there is no express tradition to support the supposition) the present scene would be fixed for Saturday.
Tt is said that Abu Bakr led the prayers for three days before the Prophet's death, which fixes the present incident as occurring
264 The last Illness of Mahomet. [CHAP.
came round, he called for water to perform the preparatory ablutions ; but on attempting to rise, lie found that his strength had failed, so he com manded that Abu Bakr should conduct the prayers in his stead; and having given this order he fell back in a fainting fit. Soon recovering, he in quired whether the commission had been conveyed to his friend. Ayesha replied. " 0 Prophet ! Truly Abu Bakr is a man of a tender heart, and weepeth readily. The people would with difficulty hear his voice." " Command that he lead the prayers," repeated Mahomet in a loud and impera tive tone. Ayesha, still clinging to the hope that Mahomet would be able himself to perform the duty, began again in a similar strain. Displeased and irritated, Mahomet exclaimed : " Truly, ye resemble the foolish women in the story of Joseph : * give command forthwith as I desire." The command was given, and Abu Bakr conducted the public
on Friday or on Saturday, according as Monday is counted in the three days or not. Another tradition makes him to have led the prayers on seventeen occasions, which would be equal to three days and part of a fourth, bringing the date to Friday. K. Wdckidi, 145f
In one place it is said that Mahomet, throughout his illness, came out to the prayers whenever he could ; and that if he came out late, he made up at the end of the service what he had missed at the beginning of it. K. Wdckidi, 145^. But the tradition is unsupported.
* See Sura, xii. The Commentators refer this expression to the scene in which the women of Egypt cut their hands in astonishment at the beauty of Joseph : v. 32.
xxxni.j Abu Bakr appointed to lead the Prayers. 265
prayers during the few remaining days of the Prophet's life.*
The right of presiding at the public prayers was always recognized as the mark of the chief secular nified the
* . . transfer to
power. And there can, I think, be little doubt him, as his
. . . -, ./> deputy, of the
that Mahomet by his nomination intended to signify ruling power, the delegation of the supreme authority to Abu Bakr while he was laid aside, if not to mark him as his successor after death. It is related that on one occasion Abu Bakr happened not to be present when the summons to prayer was sounded by Bilal, and that Omar having received, as he erroneously believed, the command of Mahomet to officiate in his room, stood up in the Mosque, and in his power-
* K. Wackidi, 144, 145 ; Hishdmi, 459. Tradition is quite unanimous as to this scene. The only point on which I have ventured to deviate from it, is the motive of Ayesha. She herself says that she objected simply from the fear that the people would ever after dislike her father for having stood up in the Prophet's place, and would attribute any evil that might happen to ill-luck arising out of his usurpation. This I believe to be an after thought. Ayesha was ambitious enough, and no doubt rejoiced greatly at this indication of her father to the chief command. But she was also overcome at the moment by concern for her husband, and could not bear the admission that he was so danger ously ill as the nomination appeared to imply. It seemed to her to be a foreboding of his end : an inauspicious forestalling of the succession. Hence she deprecated the idea.
One set of traditions makes her to propose that Omar should conduct the prayers in her father's stead. This is unlikely, but supposing it to be true, her proposal may have arisen from the same cause; — she knew well that Mahomet would not pass over Abu Bakr, and may from false modesty, or it may be real delicacy, have suggested that Omar, and not her father, should be nominated to the invidious post.
266 The last Illness of Mahomet. [CHAP.
fill voice commenced the TaMr, " Great is the Lord ! " preparatory to the public service. Mahomet overhearing this from his apartment, called aloud with energy,—" No ! No ! No ! The Lord and the whole body of believers forbid it ! Let no one lead the prayers but only Abu Bakr ! "* He urges the While thus unable to leave the room of Avesha
despatch of -,.--, J
Osama's army, Mahomet was too weak to attend to any public busi-
and that all v i n •
embassies ness. let the Syrian expedition weighed upon his
should be . -, -, . , .
treated well, mind : ne continued saying y to those around him, — " Send off quickly the army of Osama." He also enjoined that all embassies which might arrive, should be treated with the same consideration, and receive the same largesses, as he had been wont himself to bestow.
increase of On the night of Saturday, the sickness assumed a
illness; Satur- . J
day night, very serious aspect. The fever rose to such a pitch Kabi,°6thS that the hand could hardly be kept upon his skin from its burning heat.J His body was racked with
* K. WdcJcidi, 145-J ; Hishdmi, 459. This tradition is not be yond suspicion; yet I do not see sufficient cause for its rejection. But there is one form of it which may be summarily cast aside : namely, that in which Haphsa gives orders to Bilal to make her father (Omar) conduct the public prayers, whereupon Mahomet chides her, and says that " she resembles the females in the story of Joseph ; " adding these words, " Speak to Abu Bakr that he lead the prayers ; for verily if I make him not my deputy, the people will not be obedient unto him." K. Wdckidi, 145-J, It is certain that Mahomet never expressed himself in this manner, whatever he may have desired to imply by the order appointing Abu Bakr to the duty.
t JyL: J*>- K. Wnckidi, 138-1,
i Ibid. 1424.
June.
XXXTII.] Intensity of the Fever. 267
pain; restless and moaning, he tossed about upon his bed. Alarmed at a severe paroxysm of the disease, Omm Salma, one of his wives, screamed aloud. Mahomet rebuked her : — " Quiet ! " he said. " No one crieth out thus but an unbeliever." During the night, Ayesha sought to comfort him, and suggested that he should seek for consolation in the same lessons he had so often taught to others when in sickness : — " O Prophet ! " she said, " if one of us had moaned thus, thou wouldst surely have found fault with it." " Yes," he replied, " but I burn with the fever-heat of any two of you together." " Then," exclaimed one, " thou shalt surely have a double reward." u Yes," he answered,— •" I swear by him in whose hands is my life, that there is not upon the earth a believer afflicted with any calamity or disease, but the Lord thereby causeth his sins to fall from him, even as leaves are shed in autumn from a tree." At another time he said, — " Suffering is an expiation for sin.* Verily, if the believer suffer but the scratch of a thorn, the Lord raiseth his rank thereby, and wipeth away from him a sin." " Be lievers," he would affirm, " are tried according to their faith. If a man's faith be strong, so are his sufferings; if he be weak, they are proportioned thereunto. Yet in any case, the suffering shall not be remitted until he walk upon earth without the guilt of a single transgression cleaving unto him."
268 Sayings of Mahomet on hi* Death-bed. [CHAP.
Sayings of Omar, approaching the bed, placed his hand on
Mahomet on .__.., IPI T i -i -i i • ^
his death-bed. Mahomet s forehead, and suddenly withdrew, it from the greatness of the heat : — " 0 Prophet ! " he said, " how violent is the fever on thee ! " " Yea, verily," replied Mahomet, "but I have been during the night season repeating in praise of the Lord seventy Suras, and among them the seven long ones." Omar answered : — " But the Lord hath forgiven thee all thy sins, the former and the latter ; now then, why not rest and take thine ease ? " " Nay," replied Mahomet, " for wherefore should I not be a faithful servant unto him ?"
An attendant, while Mahomet lay covered up, put his hand below the sheet, and feeling the excessive heat, made a remark similar to that of Omar. Ma homet replied : — " Even as this affliction prevaileth now against me, so shall my reward hereafter be enhanced." " And who are they," asked another, "that suffer the severest trials ?" " The Prophets and the righteous," said Mahomet; and then he made mention of one Prophet having been destroyed by lice, and of another who was tried with poverty, so that he had but a rag to cover his nakedness withal : " yet each of them rejoiced exceedingly in his afflic tion, even as one of you would rejoice in great spoil." *
On the Sunday, Mahomet lay in a very weak
* These sayings are all taken from the Secretary, p. 142, et seq. The sufferings of Mahomet may have been magnified, and some of these sayings exaggerated if not entirely fabricated : but they are all truly illustrative, I think, of the death-bed scene.
12th Rabi, 7th June.
xxxn T.] Mahomet physicked by hi* Wives, 269
and helpless state. Osama, who had delayed his departure to see what the issue of the sickness might be, came in from Jorf to visit him. Eemoving the clothes from the Prophet's face, he stooped down and kissed him, but there was no audible response. Mahomet only raised his hands to heaven in the attitude of blessing, and then placed them upon Osama. So he returned to the camp.*
During some part of this day, Mahomet com- Mahomet
,.,%..,.., , .J ' . , physicked by
plained 01 pain in his side, and the suffering became his wives. so great, that he fell into a state of unconsciousness. Omm Salma advised that physic should be given him. Asma, the sister of Meimuna, prepared a draught after an Abyssinian recipe, and they forced it into his mouth.f Reviving from its effects he felt the unpleasant taste in his mouth, and cried, " What is this that ye have done to me ? Ye have even given me physic I " They confessed that they had done so, and enumerated the ingredients of which Asma had compounded it.J " Out upon you ! " he angrily exclaimed; " this is a remedy for the pleurisy, which she hath learned in the land of Abyssinia; but that is not a disease which the Lord will suffer to attack me. Now shall ye all partake
* K. WdcUdi, 138f '
j" Her name was Asma bint Oneis ; she had emigrated to Abys sinia with her husband Jafar, brother of Ali. After his death, she married Abu Bakr, whose wife she probably at this time was. After Abu Bakr's death, Ali married her. She had issue by all three. See above, p. 88, and 101.
J Indian Wood ^jj^ll J>*xJ\ ; a little Wars seed mixed with some drops of olive oil. K, Wdckidi, 148|.
VOL. IV. M M
270 Mahomet curses the Jeivs and Christians. [CHAP.
of the same dose. Let not one remain in the house
without being physicked, even as ye have physicked
me, excepting only my uncle Abbas." So all the
women arose, and they poured the physic, in presence
of the dying Prophet, into each other's mouths.*
curses^he After this the conversation turning upon Abyssinia,
Jews and Omm Salma and Omm Habiba. who had both been
Christians.
exiles there, spoke of the beauty of a cathedral in that country, called the church of Maria (St. Mary) and of the wonderful pictures on its walls. Mahomet listened quietly to them, and then said, — " These verily are the people who, when a good man hath lived amongst them, build over his tomb a place of worship, and they adorn it with their pictures. These, in the eyes of the Lord, are the worst part of all the creation." He stopped, and covered himself with the bedclothes ; then casting them off in the restlessness,f and perhaps delirium, of the fever, he said : " The Lord destroy the Jews and Christians ! J
* This scene is well attested by several traditions. How strangely it must have contrasted with the solemnity of the Prophet's death-bed ! K. Wdckidi, 148 ; Hishdmi, 458.
Meimuna pleaded that she was, in pursuance of an oath by Mahomet, under a vow of fasting, and could not, therefore, allow anything, even medicine, to pass her lips; but the excuse was unavailing. Another tradition represents Mahomet as grounding his displeasure at being forced to take physic, on the fact, that " he was then fasting,1' He had, probably, made some vow to this effect in reference to his sickness.
f K. Wdclddi, 149. Traditions from Ayesha and the son of Abbas. " He kept drawing the clothes over his face, and then pulling them off again." Ibid. p. 153.
J Some authorities omit the Christians from this tradition. K. Wdckidi, 149 1-.
xxxm.] He calls for Writing Materials. 271
Let his anger be kindled against those that turn the tombs of their Prophets into places of worship. O Lord, let not my tomb be an object of worship ! * Let there not remain any faith but that of Islam throughout the whole land of Arabia ! " f
About this time, recognizing Omar, and some He calls for
writing mate- Other chief men in the room, he called out, — rials.
" Bring hither to me ink and paper,J that I may record for you a writing which shall prevent your going astray for ever." Omar said, — " He wandereth
* This last clause may be an after-thought, f Lit. " Let there not remain two Religions," &c. K. Wdckidi, 149!, 152i- Vide vol. ii. p. 302, note. I have there ventured to doubt that Mahomet gave this command, because the Christians of Najran were not expelled till long after, and then only on a charge of usury. So also the Jews of Kheibar were allowed for several years to remain, and then exiled because of some alleged deeds of violence: see above, p. 75.
I think these facts prove that there was no command by the Prophet, recognized by the Moslems, to this effect. Had there been, Abu Bakr and Omar would no doubt have made it one of their first objects to fulfil the order, — existing treaties and engagements notwithstanding. A command of Mahomet was never questioned by them during his life, much less after his death. I conclude that either the sentence is a fabrication, or that having been uttered in delirium, it was not felt to be binding. If uttered at all, even in deli rium, it is a significant index of the current of Mahomet's thoughts. In some traditions the command is connected with a scene in which Mahomet said that he had three injunctions to deliver; one concerned the treatment of the embassies arriving at Medina (see above, p. 266); the second directed the ejection of Jews and Chris tians from Arabia; before he could explain the third, he became unconscious. Other injunctions are given, as being kind to slaves ;
paying tithes; observing prayer, &c. K. Wdckidi, 150, 152; Hishdmi, 487.
J One tradition has it that he called for "a shoulder blade " to
write upon. K. Wdckidi, 150.
272 Mahomet distributes Alms. [CHAP.
in his mind. Is not the Goran sufficient for us ? " But the women wished that the writing materials should be brought ; and a discussion ensued. There upon one said, — u What is his condition at this present moment ? Come let us see whether he speaketh deliriously or not." So they went and asked him what his wishes were regarding the writing he had spoken of ; but he no longer desired to indite it. " Leave me thus alone," he said, " for my present state is better than that ye call me to.*" ^distributes in the course of this daj5 Mahomet called
Ayesha to him, and said, — " Where is that gold which I gave unto thee to keep ? " On her re plying that it was by her, he desired that she should spend it at once in charity. Then he dozed off in a half conscious state ; and some time after asked if she had done as he desired her. On her saying that she had not yet done so, he called for the money (which was apparently a portion of the tithe income) ; she placed it in his hand, and
* K. Wdckidi, 149^, 150; — either speaking incoherently, or meaning that he did not feel equal to the task. Abbas is repre sented as lamenting the irreparable loss sustained by the absence of what Mahomet intended to dictate, and saying that his followers lost it through their quarrelling. But Mahomet was evidently wandering, when he called for the writing materials.
When the women were about to bring the writing materials, Omar chided them: — " Quiet ! " he said. " Ye behave as women always do ; when your master falleth sick ye burst into tears, and the moment he recovereth a little, ye begin embracing him." Mahomet, jealous even on his death-bed of the good name of his wives, was aroused by these words, and said, — "Verily, they are better than ye are." Ibid. If this tradition be true, it shews that Mahomet was only partially delirious at the moment.
xxxin.] Sis Illness temporarily abates. 273
counted six dinars. He directed that it should be divided among certain indigent families ; and then lying down he said, — " Now I am at peace. Verily it would not have become me to meet my Lord, and this gold in my possession."*
All Sunday night the illness continued unabated, improvement
on Monday
He was overheard praying : one of his ejacula- morning,
r J J 13th of 1st
tions was to this effect: — "0 my soul! WhyRabi; seekest thou for refuge elsewhere than in God alone ? " f The morning brought some measure of relief. The fever and the pain abated ; and there was an apparent return of strength.
The dangerous crisis of the Prophet's sickness on Mahomet
comes out to
the preceding night having become known through- the morning
out the city, the Mosque was crowded in the
morning, at the hour of prayer, by men and women
who came seeking anxiously for tidings. Abu Bakr,
as usual, led the devotions ; as Imam he stood in
the place of Mahomet before the congregation, his
back turned towards them.J He had ended the
* K. Wdckidi, 148^-, 149. The story is told in various ways, but the version in the text is probably correct. Some traditions unite the incident with one of those strange tales of Ayesha which contrast the Prophet's poverty with his benevolence. She was obliged to send (she says) to a neighbour to get oil for her lamp when Mahomet was on his death-bed. See vol. i. Introduction, p. Ix. There are many traditions to show Mahomet's unwillingness to retain money in his possession. He used to give every thing away in charity ; and did not even like retaining money in his house over the night. All this is probably exaggerated.
•f K. Wdckidi, 153. In all his previous illnesses, Mahomet had prayed for his recovery. This prayer, according to tradition, signified that now his expectation was to depart.
| It will be remembered that in Mahometan prayers, the whole
274 Mahomet's last Illness. [CHAP.
first RaJcaat, or series of prostrations, and the people had stood up again for a second, when the curtain of Ayesha's door (to the left of the audience, and a little way behind Abu Bakr), slowly moved aside, and Mahomet himself appeared. As he entered the assembly, he whispered in the ear of Fadhl son of Abbas, who with a servant* supported him : " The Lord verily hath granted unto me refreshment f in prayer ; r and he looked around with a smile of inexpressible pleasure, which was marked by all who at the moment caught a glimpse of his countenance. J That smile no doubt was the index of deep emotion in his heart. What doubts or fears may have crossed the mind of Mahomet, as he lay on the bed of death, and felt that the time was drawing nigh when he must render his account to that God whose messenger he professed to be, — tradition affords us no grounds even to conjecture. The rival claims of Aswad and Museilama had per haps suggested misgivings such as those which long before distracted his soul. What if he too were an impostor, deceiving himself and deceiving others
congregation, the Imam included, look towards Mecca. The people are ranged in rows behind the Imam, and follow his motions.
* Thouban, a slave from Yemen. Alyite tradition substitutes Ali for him.
f Lit. " Cooling of the eyes." K. Wackidi, 145.
\ That is by the portion of the congregation in a line with the door, who were standing sideways to it, and by all the ranks behind them. Those in front had their backs partly towards him ; but some of them also may probably have turned round to see the cause of the general sensation.
xxxiii.] His last Appearance in the Mosque. 275
also ! If any doubts and questionings of this nature had arisen in his mind, the sight of the great con gregation, in attitude devout and earnest, may have caused comfort and reassurance. That which brings forth good fruit, he would argue, must itself be good. The mission which had transformed gross and debased idolaters into spiritual worshippers such as these, resigning every faculty to the service of the one great God, — and which, wherever accepted and believed in, was daily producing the same wonderful change, — that mission must be divine, and the voice from within which prompted him to undertake it must have been the voice of the Almighty, revealed through his ministering spirit. Perhaps it was a thought like this which passed at the moment through the mind of the Prophet, and lighted up his countenance with that smile of joy, diffusing gladness over the crowded courts of the Mosque.
Having paused thus for a moment at the door, and takes his
' seat beside
Mahomet, supported as before, moved on towards Abu Bakr- the front where Abu Bakr stood. The people made way for him, opening their ranks as he advanced. Abu Bakr heard the rustle (for he never when at prayer turned himself or looked to the right hand or the left), and apprehending the cause which alone at that time could create so great a sensation, stepped backwards to join the congregation, and vacate the place of leader, for the Prophet, But Mahomet motioned him to resume the post, and taking his hand walked on towards the pulpit. There he sat on the ground by the side of Abu
276 Mahomefs last Illness. [CHAP.
Bakr, who resumed the service, and finished it in the customary form. Abu Bakr When the prayers were ended, Abu Bakr en-
goes to visit . . , , .- , TT . . j
his wife at tered into conversation with Mahomet. He rejoiced
Al Sunh. i rr r\
to find him to all appearance convalescent. Prophet," he said, — " I perceive that by the grace of God, thou art better to-day, even as we desire to see thee. Now this day is the turn of my wife, 'the daughter of Kharija ; shall I go and visit her? " * Mahomet gave him permission. So he departed to her house at Al Sunh, a suburb of the upper city. Mahomet Mahomet then sat himself down for a little while
\VltQ
the people near the door of Ayesha's room, and addressed the
around him m J
the Mosque, people, who, overjoyed to find him again in the midst of them, crowded round. He spoke with emotion, and with a voice still so powerful as to reach beyond the outer doors of the Mosque. " By the Lord ! " he said, " as for myself, verily, no man can lay hold of me in any matter ;f I have not made lawful anything excepting what God hath made lawful ; nor have I prohibited aught but that which God in his book hath prohibited." Osama was there ; when he came to bid farewell, Mahomet
* This was the wife whom he had married at Medina, from the Bani Harith ibn al Khazraj : see vol. iii. p. 8. The Moslems imitated Mahomet's custom of spending a day in succession with each of their wives.
| In this expression probably originated the traditions that Mahomet called upon all claimants to advance and state what demands they had against him; some creditors having claims of trifling amount came forward, it is said, and he discharged their debts. The appeal somewhat resembles that of Samuel; 1 Sam. xii.3.
xxxui.] His last Appearance in the Mosque. 277
said to him : " Go forward with the army ; and the blessing of the Lord be with thee ! " Then turning to the women who sat close by : — " O Fatima ! " he exclaimed, " my daughter, and Safia, my aunt ! Work ye both that which shall pro cure you acceptance with the Lord : for verily I have no power with him to save you in anywise." Having said this, he arose and re-entered the room of Ayesha.*
Mahomet, exhausted by the exertion he had He retires
-I.-.T n i exhausted to
undergone, lay clown upon his bed ; and Ayesha, Ayesha's
-i • -i i • -i i • -I -i i room.
seeing him to be very weak, raised his head and placed it on her bosom. At that moment, one of her relatives entered with a green tooth-pick in his hand.f Ayesha observed that the eye of Mahomet rested on it, and knowing it to be such as he liked, asked whether he wished to have it. He signified assent. Chewing it a little to make it soft and pliable, she placed it in his hand. This pleased him ; for he took up the tooth-pick and used it, rubbing his teeth with his ordinary vigour ; then he put it down.
His strength now rapidly sank. He seemed to The hour of
& . death draws
be aware that death was drawing near. He called for a pitcher of water, and wetting his face, prayed thus : — " O Lord, I beseech thee assist me in the
* In this narrative I have followed the Secretary, pp. 144, 145 ; and Hishami, p. 460.
•f In the east, the fresh and tender wood of trees is used for this purpose, cut into thin and narrow pieces.
VOL. IV. N N
near.
278 The last Illness of Mahomet. [CHAP.
agonies of death ! " Then three times he ejaculated earnestly, — " Gabriel, come close unto me ! " * Mahomet dies At this time, he began to blow upon himself,
in the arms 7 *
perhaps in the half- consciousness of delirium, re peating the while an ejaculatory form which he had been in the habit of praying over those who were very sick. When he ceased, from weakness, Ayesha took up the task, and continued to blow upon him and recite the same prayer. Then, seeing that he was very low, she seized his right hand and rubbed it (another practice of the Pro phet when visiting the sick), repeating all the while the earnest in vocation, f But Mahomet was too far
* K. Wdclddi, 153.
f A great many traditions are given by the Secretary (p. 143), explaining how Mahomet used this form of prayer, accompanied by rubbing or blowing, after the fashion of a charm or incanta tion. The prayer was, " Take away evil and misfortune, 0 thou Lord of mankind ! Grant a cure, for thou art the Physician. There is no cure besides thine ; it leaveth nought of the disease behind"
I have omitted, of course, in the text, all mention of the incantation which Gabriel is said to have recited over the dying Prophet ; the story of the Angel of Death coming to ask permis sion before he proceeded to exercise his vocation upon him ; the voices of unseen visitants wailing, &c. But I may subjoin the following tradition from Jafar ibn Muhammad, as illustrative of Mahometan ideas on the subject: —
" Three days before the death of Mahomet, Gabriel came down to visit him : — l O Ahmad ! ' he said, « the Lord hath deputed me thus as an honour and dignity and a peculiar favour unto thee, that he may inquire of thee concerning that, indeed, which he knoweth better than thou thyself: He asketh, How thou findest thyself this day?' <O Gabriel!' replied the Prophet, 'I find myself in sore trouble and agony.' The next day, Gabriel again visited Mahomet, and accosted him in the same words ; Mahomet replied as before. On the third day, there descended with
xxxiii.] Death of Mahomet. 279
gone to bear even this. He wished now to be in perfect quiet : — u Take off thy hand from me," he said ; " that cannot benefit me now." After a little he prayed in a whisper, — " Lord grant me pardon ; and join me to the companionship on high." Then at intervals : — " Eternity in Paradise ! " — " Pardon ! " " Yes ; the blessed companionship on high ! " He stretched himself gently. Then all was still. His
Gabriel the Angel of Death ; and there also alighted with him another angel, called Ismail, who inhabiteth the air, never ascending up to heaven, and never before having descended to the earth since its creation ; and he came in command of 70,000 angels, each one of which was in command of 70,000 more. Gabriel, proceeding in advance of these, addressed Mahomet in the same words as before, and received the same reply. Then said Gabriel, — * This, O Mahomet ! is the Angel of Death. He asketh of thee permission to enter. He hath asked permission of no man before, neither shall he ask permission of any after thee.' Mahomet gave permission ; so the Angel of Death entered in, and stood before Mahomet, and said:-- ' O Ahmad, Prophet of the Lord ! Verily God hath sent me unto thee, and hath commanded me to obey thee in all that thou mayest direct. Bid me to take thy soul, and I will take it ; bid me to leave it, and I will do accordingly.' To which, Mahomet replied : — * Wilt thou, indeed, do so, O Angel of Death ! ' The angel protested that his mission was to do only that which Mahomet might command. On this, Gabriel interposed, and said : — l O Ahmad ! verily the Lord is desirous of thy company.' ' Proceed, then,' said Mahomet, addressing the Angel of Death, « and do thy work, even as thou art commanded.' Gabriel now bade adieu to Mahomet: — ' Peace be on thee,' he said, < O Prophet of the Lord ! This is the last time that I shall tread the earth ; with this world I have now concern no longer.'
" So the Prophet died ; and there arose a wailing of celestial voices (the sound was audible, but no form wTas seen), saying, ' Peace be on you, ye inhabitants of this house, and mercy from the Lord, and his blessing ! Every soul shall taste death] " — and so on. K. WdcJcidi, p.
Death of Mahomet. [CHAP< Xxxm.
head grew heavy on the breast of Ayesha. The Prophet of Arabia was dead.*
So% removing his head from her bosom, Ayesha
Placed ^ on the Pillow> and rising up joined the wailing. other Women, beating her face in bitter lamentation.
burriiftie The sun had but shortly passed the meridian.
after Md-day. jt was only an hour or two since Mahomet had entered the Mosque cheerful, arid seemingly con valescent. He now lay cold in death.f
* There is a vast concurrence of trustworthy tradition support ing, in one or other point, the narrative I have given. The story that Mahomet died in Ali's lap is an evident fabrication.
I have ventured to bring together the several separate ejacula tions which distinct traditions give as his last words. They were probably spoken at short intervals, as represented in the text.
t The day of Mahomet's death was Monday the 8th June. The popular date assigned is the twelfth of Rabi i. (which, it will be remembered, was also the date of his arrival at Medina) ; but the date in Rabi i. corresponding with the 8th June, is the thirteenth, which many traditions name as the day of Mahomet's death. The month depending on the moon, any supposed date might often, in popular conversation, be a day on one side or the other of the real date.
There is a great array of authorities fixing the age of Mahomet at sixty-three years. Other traditions give sixty, and some sixty- five years. K. Wdckidi, 163. For the cause of the variation, see [vol. i. p. ccvi. note, and p. 14, note f. There is a curious tradition of a saying by Mahomet, that every prophet exercised his public ministry for a period equal to half his age at the time of assuming the prophetical office. As, at that time, Mahomet was forty years old, he by this calculation lived only sixty years. Jesus, it is added, was eighty years old when he became a pro phet, and he finished his ministry at the age of one hundred and twenty years. Another strange conceit is that each prophet exercised his functions for one half only of the term of the pro phet's public ministry who preceded him.
281
CHAPTER, THIRTY-FOURTH.
The Events which followed on the Death of Mahomet.
[13th and \4th of 1 Rabi, A.H. XI. Sth and 9th June, 632, A.D.]
THE news of the Prophet's death spread rapidly The news of
-1 . Mahomet's
over Medina, and soon reached Abu Bakr in the death reaches suburb of Al Sunh. Immediately he mounted his horse, and rode back to the Mosque in haste.
Meanwhile, a strange scene was being enacted Omar wildly
0 D t declaims in the
there. Shortly after Mahomet had breathed his Mosque that
Mahomet had
last, Omar entered the apartment of Ayesha ; and, only swooned lifting up the sheet which covered the body, gazed wistfully at the features of his departed master. All was so placid, so natural, so unlike death, that Omar could not believe the mournful truth. Starting up, he exclaimed, " The Prophet is not dead : he hath only swooned away." Mughira, who was standing by, vainly endeavoured to convince him that he was mistaken. " Thou liest!" cried Omar, as, quitting the chamber of death, they entered the courts of the Mosque; — " the Apostle of God is not dead: it is thy seditious spirit which hath suggested this thine imagi nation. The Prophet of the Lord shall not die until
282 Omar declares that Mahomet is not dead. [CHAP.
P
he have rooted out every hypocrite and unbeliever."
The crowd which, at the rumour of the Prophet's death, rapidly gathered in the Mosque, was attracted by the loud and passionate tones of Omar, and flocked around him ; he went on to harangue them in a similar strain. " The disaffected people would per suade you, O Believers ! that Mahomet is really dead. Nay ! but he hath gone to his Lord, even as Moses the son of Imran, who remained absent forty days, and then returned after his followers had said that he was dead. So, verily, by the Lord ! the Prophet shall return, and of a certainty shall cut off the hands and feet of those who dare to say that he is dead." Omar found a willing audience. It was but a little while before that Mahomet had been in the midst of them, at their head had joined in the public prayers on that very spot, and gladdened their hearts by the hope of his speedy convalescence. The echo of his voice had hardly yet died away from the courts of the Mosque. Sudden alterna tions of hope and despair tend to disturb the equili brium of the mind, and unfit it for the exercise of a calm and dispassionate judgment. The events of the day had been pre-eminently of the kind calcu lated to produce this effect upon the people, who, now carried away by the fervour of Omar, gladly persuaded themselves that he might be in the right. Abu Bakr Just then appeared Abu Bakr. Passing; through
visits the scene
of death; the Mosque, he listened for a moment to the frenzied words of Omar, and without pausing further,
xxxiv.] -r46w Pah1 Visits the Body of Mahomet. 283
walked onwards to the door of Ayesha's room. Drawing the curtain softly aside, he asked leave to enter. " Come," they replied from within, " for this day, no permission needeth to be asked." Then he entered, and raising the striped sheet which covered the bed, stooped down and kissed the face of his departed friend, saying : " Sweet thou wert in life, and sweet art thou in death." After a moment, he took the head between his hands, and slightly lifting it, gazed on the well-known features, now fixed in death, and exclaimed, — " Yes, thou art dead ! Alas, my friend, my chosen one ! Dearer than father or mother to me ! Thou hast tasted the bitter pains of death ; and thou art too precious in the sight of the Lord, that he should give thee this cup a second time to drink ! " Gently putting down the head upon its pillow, he stooped again and kissed the face ; then replaced the covering on the body, and withdrew.
Having left the room of Ayesha, Abu Bakr pro- and coming
J forth, con-
ceeded at once to the spot where Omar, in the same vinces Omar
and the people
excited state as before, was haranguing the people. that Mahomet
is really dead.
" Silence !" cried Abu Bakr, as he drew near. " Omar! sit thee down ; be quiet ! " but Omar went on, not; heeding the remonstrance. So Abu Bakr, turning from him, began himself to address the assembly ; no sooner did they hear his voice open with the cus tomary exordium, than they all quitted Omar, and gave attention to the words of Abu Bakr, who proceeded thus : " Hath not the Almighty revealed
284 Abu Bakr convinces Omar that Mahomet is dead. [CHAP.
this verse unto his Prophet saying, — ' Verily thou shalt die, and they shall dieV And again, after the battle of Ohod, — i Mahomet is no more than an Apostle ; verily the other Apostles have deceased before him. What then! If he were to die, or to be killed, would ye turn back on your heels ? ' * Let him then know, whosoever worshipeth Ma homet, that Mahomet indeed is dead : but whoso worshipeth God, let him know that the Lord liveth and doth not die." The words of the Goran fell like a knell on the ears of Omar and all those who with him had buoyed themselves up with the delusive hope of Mahomet's return to life. The quiet and reflecting mind of Abu Bakr had no doubt frequently recalled these passages during the Prophet's illness. To the people in general they had not occurred, at least in connection with the present scene. When they heard them now repeated, " it was as if they had not known till that moment that such a passage existed in the Goran ;" and, the truth now bursting upon them, they sobbed aloud. Omar himself would relate, — u By the Lord ! it was so that when I heard Abu Bakr reciting those verses, I was horror-struck, my limbs trembled, I dropped down, and I knew of a certainty that Mahomet indeed was dead." f
* Sura, xxxix. 30; iii. 144.
| I have, on a previous occasion, expressed a strong dissent from the opinion of Dr. Weil, that these verses were extempo rized by Abu Bakr for the occasion. Introduction, ch. i. p. xx.,
xxxiv.] Camp at Jorf broken up. 285
The greater part of the army, when the Profmet The army at
J I Jorf breaks up
died, was at Jorf, three miles distant from Medina, and returns to
Medina.
Encouraged by his seeming convalescence that morn ing in the Mosque, they had rejoined their camp. Osama, mindful of his master's strict injunction, had given the order for immediate march, and his foot was already in the stirrup, when a swift messenger from his mother Omm Ayman announced the Pro phet's death. The army, stunned by the intelligence, immediately broke up, and returned to Medina. Osama, preceded by the standard-bearer, went direct to the Mosque, and planted the great banner at the door of Ayesha's house.
It was now towards the afternoon when a friend Abu Bakr
. chosen as the
came running hastily to Abu Bakr and Omar with Caliph, or the tidings that the chief men of Medina, with Sad Mahomet. ibn Obada at their head, had assembled in one of the halls of the city,* and were proceeding to choose Sad for their leader : — " If ye, therefore," he said,
note. The sudden revulsion of the people's sentiment, on Abu Bakr's reciting the verses, shews the power they contained; and their power was solely due to their being at once recognized as a part of the Coran. It is perhaps hardly necessary to remark that neither Omar nor the people pretended to believe that Ma homet was immortal or not liable to death. They only hoped that his death would be long postponed. The verses quoted by Abu Bakr shewed, on the contrary, that nothing out of the common course of nature was to be expected, and that the ap parent symptoms of death were therefore real.
* It was called the "Saclcifa of the Bani Saida," Sackifa signi fies a thatched or covered place, where the tribe and their friends met together for discussion and friendly intercourse.
VOL. iv. o o
286 Assembly of the Citizens of Medina. [CHAP.
" desire to have the command, come quickly thither before the matter is settled, and opposition become dangerous." Immediately on the receipt of this re port, Abu Bakr, after giving strict command that the family and near relatives of the Prophet should be left undisturbed while they washed the corpse and laid it out, hurried, in company with Omar and Abu Obeida, to the hall where the people had assembled. There was urgent necessity for their presence. The men of Medina were brooding over their super- cession by the once dependent strangers whom they had received as refugees from Mecca : — " Let them have their own chief," was the general cry; " but as for us, we shall have a chief for ourselves." Sad, who lay sick and covered over in a corner of the hall, had already been proposed for the chiefship of the Medina citizens, when suddenly Abu Bakr and his party entered. Omar, still in a state of excitement, was on the point of giving vent to his feelings in a speech which he had prepared, when Abu Bakr, afraid of his rashness and impetuosity, held him back, and himself addressed the people. Omar used in after days to say that Abu Bakr anti cipated all his arguments, and expressed them in language the most eloquent and persuasive. "Ye men of Medina ! " he said, " all that ye speak of your own excellence is true. There is no people upon earth deserving such praise more than ye do. But the Arabs will not recognize the chief command elsewhere than in our tribe of the Coreish. We are
xxxiv.] Abu Bakr elected Caliph. 287
the Ameers; ye are our Wazeers"* "Not so," shouted the indignant citizens, " but there shall be an Ameer from amongst us, and an Ameer from amongst you." "That can never be," said Abu Bakr, and he repeated in a firm, commanding voice, " We are the Ameers ; you are our Wazeers. We are the noblest of the Arabs by descent ; and the foremost in the glory of our city. There! Choose ye whom ye will of these two (pointing to Omar and Abu Obeida), and do allegiance to him."f "Nay!" cried Omar, in words which rose high and clear above the growing tumult of the assembly ; " did not the Prophet himself command that thou, O Abu Bakr, shouldst lead the prayers? Thou art our master, and to thee we pledge our allegiance, — thou whom the Prophet loved the best amongst us all !" J and so saying he seized the hand of Abu Bakr, and striking it pledged faith to him. The words of Omar, touching as they did chords which vibrated in every believer's heart, and his example, had the desired effect; the opposition died away, and Abu Bakr was saluted as the Caliph, or successor of the departed Prophet.§
* Ameer, Chief, or Leader. Wazeer, or Vizier, Deputy, Councillor.
•f There was nothing in the antecedents of Abu Obeida to sustain a claim to the Caliphate. He was simply named by Abu Bakr as being the only other Coreishite present. He subsequently bore a conspicuous part in the conquest of Syria.
J K. Wdckidi, 146.
§ K. Wdckidi, 155V ; Hishdmi, 463. The tale of Ali being- threatened that his house would be burned over his head because
288 Body of Mahomet laid out. [CHAP.
The body of Meanwhile All, Osama, and Fadlil the son of
Mahomet is
washed and Abbas, with one or two of the Prophet's servants,
laid out.
had been busily employed in the room of Ayesha. There on the spot on which he died they washed the body of Mahomet and laid it out.* The gar ment in which he died was left upon him : two sheets of fine white cloth were wound around it ; and above all was cast a covering of striped Yemen stuff. Thus the body remained during the night, and until the time of burial. Allegiance On the morrow, when the people had assembled
publicly sworn •-,-,,-
to Abu Bakr. in the Mosque, Abu Bakr and Omar came forth to
Tuesday, ,
uth i. Kabi. meet them. Omar first addressed the great asseni-
9th June.
he declined to acknowledge Abu Bakr, is given in a marginal gloss in the MS. of K. Wackidi. The tradition does not appear genuine.
* As usual, when the name of Ali is introduced, tradition is overspread with fiction. A heavenly voice was heard ordering the attendants not to make bare the Prophet's body, for the eyes of any one that looked upon his nakedness would forthwith be destroyed. When Ah' raised the limbs, they yielded to his touch, as if unseen hands were aiding him ; another, assaying to do the same, found the weight unsupportable. Thus also Fadhl, who had ventured on the task, was well nigh dragged down, and called out for help: " Haste thee, Ali ! Hold, for my back is breaking with the weight of this limb."
Abbas himself would not enter the room at the time, " because Mahomet had desired him always to be hid from him while he bathed."
Besides the three named in the text (who, as the nearest and most intimate relatives, naturally superintended the washing of the body), one of the Medina citizens, Aws ibn al Khawla, was admitted by Ali into the room. Another son of Abbas (Ackil or Cutham) is named by some authorities as having been present. The servants were Shakran and Salih. Kr Wackidi, 157.
xxxiv.] Omar's Speech on Abu Bak^s Installation. 289
blage : — " 0 ye people ! that which I spoke unto Speech of you yesterday was not the truth. Verily, I find that it is not borne out by the Book which the Lord hath revealed, nor by the covenant we made with his Apostle. As for me, verily I hoped that the Apostle of the Lord would continue yet a while amongst us, and speak in our ears a word such as might seem good unto him and be a perpetual guide unto us. But the Lord hath chosen for his Apostle the portion which is with himself, in preference to that which is with you. And truly the inspired word which directed your Prophet is with us still. Take it, therefore, for your guide, and ye shall never go astray. And now, verily, hath the Lord placed the administration of your affairs in the hands of him that is the best amongst us ; the companion of his Prophet, the sole companion, the Second of the two when they were in the cave alone* Arise ! Swear fealty to him ! " Then the people crowded round, and one by one they swore allegiance upon the hand of Abu Bakr.f
The ceremony being ended, Abu Bakr arose and Speech of Abu said : — " Ye people ! now, verily, I have become inauguration. the chief over you, — although I am not the best amongst you. If I do well, support me ; if I err, then set me right. In sincerity is faithfulness, and in falsehood perfidy. The weak and oppressed among you in my sight shall be strong, until I restore his
* Sura, ix. 42; see also above, vol. ii. ch. vi. p. 256. f K. Wdckidi, 156; Hishdmi, 464.
290 Speech and Inauguration of Abu Bakr as Caliph. [CHAP.
right unto him, if the Lord will : and the strong oppressor among you shall be weak until I wrest from him that which he hath usurped. Now hearken to me ; when a people leaveth off to fight in the ways of the Lord, he casteth them away in disgrace. Know also that wickedness never aboundeth in any nation, but the Lord visiteth it with calamity. Wherefore, obey ye me, even as I shall obey the Lord and his Apostle : Whensoever I disobey them, obedience is no longer obligatory upon you. Arise to prayers ! and the Lord have mercy on you!"*
Discontent ^he homage done to Abu Bakr was almost uni-
of Ah and
Fatima. versal. Sad ibn Obada, deeply chagrined at being superseded, is said by some to have remained alto gether aloof. f It is probable that Ali, while the people were swearing allegiance, remained in his own apartments, or in the chamber of death. It is alleged by his adherents, that he expected the Caliphate for himself ; but there was nothing in his previous position, nor in the language and actions of the Prophet towards him, which should have led to this anticipation. It is possible, indeed, that as the husband of Mahomet's only surviving daughter, he may have conceived that a claim existed by
* Hishdmi, 465. This speech is not given by the Secretary. The words may be partly apocryphal; but there is little doubt that Abu Bakr delivered himself something to this effect.
J" It is even said that he retired in disgust to Syria, where he died. Tabari, on the other hand, relates that he submitted to Abu Bakr, and acknowledged his authority.
xxxiv.] Discontent of All and Fdtima. 291
inheritance. Whatever his expectations were, it is certain that he considered himself aggrieved when Abu Bakr denied the title of his wife to the Pro phet's share in the lands of Fadak and of Kheibar. Fatima failed in producing any evidence of her father's intention to bestow this property on her, and the Caliph justly held that it ought to be reserved for those purposes of state to which Ma homet in his lifetime had devoted it.
Fatima took this denial so much to heart that she Fatima re nounces the held no intercourse with Abu Bakr during the short society of Abu
remainder of her life. It was probably she who stirred up Ali and his friends to form a hostile faction, the result of which was in after days disas trous to the interests of Islam. Whether Ali swore allegiance at the first to his new chief, or refused to do so, it was certainly not till Fatima's death, six months after that of her father, that Ali recognized with any cordiality the title of Abu Bakr to the Caliphate.*
* Some traditions say that he swore allegiance at the first, with the rest ; others, that he refused to do so till after Fatima's death.
The traditions of Fatima's deep grief at the loss of her father, and of her joy at his prophecy that she would soon rejoin him in heaven, &c., ill accord with the sordid manner in which she urged her claim to the property. " On the day after her father's death," we learn from Wackidi, " Fatima repaired with Ali to Abu Bakr, and said, — ' Give me the inheritance of my father the Prophet.' Abu Bakr inquired whether she meant his household goods or his landed estates. ' Fadak and Kheibar ,' she replied, ' and the tithe lands at Medina, — my inheritance therein, even as thy daughters will inherit of thee when thou diest.' Abu Bakr re-
292 Discontent of Fdtima. [CHAP, xxxiv.
plied : — ' Verily, thy father was better than I am ; and thou art better than my daughters are. But the Prophet hath said, No one shall be my heir ; that which I leave shall he for alms. Now, there fore, the family of Mahomet shall not eat of that property; for, by the Lord, I will not alter a tittle of that which the Prophet ordained ; all shall remain as it was in his life-time. But,' con tinued he, ' if thou art certain that thy father gave thee this property, I will accept thy word, and fulfil thy father's direction.' She replied that she had no evidence excepting that of Omm Ayman, who had told her that her father had given her Fadak. Abu Bakr, therefore, maintained his decision," K. WdcJcidi, 164* .
293
CHAPTER THIRTY-FIFTH.
The Burial of Mahomet.
WHEN Abu Bakr had ended his speech, preparations Grave pre- were made for the burial of the Prophet. The people Ayesha's
house.
differed regarding the place most fitting for his grave. Tuesday, Some urged that the body should be buried in the 9th June. Mosque close by the pulpit ; and some, beneath the spot where as Imam he had so long led the daily prayers ; while others wished to inter him beside his followers in the grave-yard of Back! al Gharcad. Abu Bakr, with whom as Caliph the matter now rested, approved none of these proposals : for, said he, " I have heard it from the lips of Mahomet himself, that in whatsoever spot a Prophet clieth, there also should he be buried." He therefore gave command that the grave should be dug where the body was still lying within the house of Ayesha.
Another question arose as to the form in which Tt was dus i
1 the vaulted
the tomb should be prepared. Two fashions pre- fashion, vailed in Arabia : in one kind, the bottom or pave ment of the grave was flat ; * in the other, the bottom was partly excavated for the reception of
* This species of grave was called Shackle.
VOL. IV. P P
294 The Corpse of Mahomet visited bij the People. [CHAP.
the body, a ledge being left on one side of the vault or cavity.* The former was the plan followed at Mecca, the latter at Medina ; and for each there was a separate grave-digger. Both were now sum moned. The man of Medina first appearing, dug the grave in the vaulted form; and so this fashion is followed by all Mahometans to the present day. The body is The body of Mahomet remained upon the bier people. Ora- for about four-and-twenty hours, namely, from the
tion of Abu n 'PUTT
Bakrand afternoon or the evening of Monday to the same hour on the following day. On Tuesday, it was visited by all the inhabitants of the city. They entered in companies by the door of the apartment which opened into the Mosque ; and, after gazing once more at the countenance of their Prophet and praying over his remains, retired by the opposite entrance. The room was crowded to the utmost at the time when Abu Bakr and Omar entered together. They prayed as follows :— " Peace be upon thee, O Prophet of God; and the mercy of the Lord, and his blessing ! We bear testimony that the Prophet of God hath delivered the message revealed to him ; hath fought in the ways of the Lord until that God brought forth his religion crowned with victory, hath fulfilled his words, commanding that he alone is to be worshiped in his Unity ; hath drawn us to himself, and been kind and tender-hearted to believers; hath sought
* Called Lahd.
xxxv.] Burial of Mahomet. 295
no recompence for delivering to us the Faith, neither hath he sold it for a price at any time ! " And all the people said, Amen! Amen!" The women fol lowed in companies, when the men had departed ; and. then even the children crowded round the bier for a last look at their Prophet's face.
In the evening the final rites were paid to the Burial, remains of Mahomet. A red mantle, worn by him, was first spread as a soft covering at the bottom of the grave ; then the body was lowered into its last resting-place by the same near relatives who had washed and laid it out. The vault was built over with unbaken bricks, and the grave filled up.*
Ayesha continued as before to live in her house Ayesha con tinued to thus honoured as the Prophet's cemetery. She occupy an
* There was a wonderful rivalry, at least among the tradi- tionists, as to which person was the last to leave the interior of the tomb. Mughira asserts that, having dropped his ring into the grave, he was allowed to go down and pick it up, and thus was the last. Others hold that Ali sent down his son Hasan to fetch the ring. Others, that Ali denied the story of the ring altogether. Some allege that one or other of the sons of Abbas was " the first to enter, and the last to leave the grave." K. Wdckidi, 162. These variations form a good example of the Alyite and Abbas - side influences.
I must not omit a tradition which seems to me to illustrate the scepticism of Omar regarding the Prophet's death. Omm Salma, one of his wives, says, — " I did not really believe that Mahomet was dead, till I heard the sound of the pickaxes at the digging of the grave, from the next room." Ayesha also says that the sound of the pickaxes was the first intimation she had of the approach ing interment. She had apparently retired, with the other wives, into an adjoining apartment. K. Wdckidi, 162^-.
296 The Grave of Mahomet in Ayeshds Room. [CHAP. xxxv.
apartment occupied a room adioining that which contained the
next the J &
grave. grave, but partitioned off from it. When her father
died, he was buried close by the Prophet in the same apartment, and in due time Omar also. It is related of Ayesha that she used to visit the room containing the graves of the Prophet and her father, unveiled ; but after the burial of Omar there (as if a stranger had been introduced), she never entered that room unless veiled and fully dressed.*
* Ayesha tells us, she once dreamt that three moons fell from the heavens into her bosom, which she hoped portended the birth of an heir. After her husband's death, Abu Bakr told her that the grave of Mahomet in her house was the first and best of the moons. The other two were the graves of Abu Bakr himself and of Omar.
Wackidi tells us that there was no wall at first round Mahomet's house. Omar surrounded it with a low wall, which Abdallah ibn Zobeir increased. K. Wdckidi, 160J.
297
CHAPTER THIRTY-SIXTH
Campaign of Osama on the Syrian Border. Concluding Observations.
THE first concern of Abu Bakr. on assuming the Campaign of
' Osama.
.
Caliphate, was to despatch the Syrian army, and i and 2 thus fulfil the dving wish of Mahomet. But the May, June,
, . ", . , A.D. 632.
horizon all around was lowering ; and many urged. that the Moslem force should not be sent upon this distant expedition. Even Omar joined in the cry, — " Scatter not the believers ; rather keep our soldiers here together : we may yet have need of them to defend the city." " Never 1 " replied Abu Bakr ;— " the command of the Prophet shall be carried out, even if I be left here in the city all alone, a prey to the wolves and beasts of the desert." Then they besought that a more experienced soldier might be appointed to the chief command. Abu Bakr arose in wrath : — " Out upon thee ! " he cried, as he seized Omar by the beard ; — " hath the Prophet of the Lord named Osama to the leadership, and dost thou counsel me to take it from him ! " The Caliph would admit of no excuse and no delay ; the force was soon marshalled again at Jorf, Abu Bakr repaired to the camp, and treating Osama with the profound respect due to a commander appointed by
298 Campaiyn of Oxdma on the Syrian Border. [CHAP.
Mahomet himself, begged permission that Omar might be left behind at Medina as his counsellor. The request was granted. Abu Bakr then, bidding Osama farewell, exhorted him to go forward in the name of the Lord, and fulfil the commission he had received at the Prophet's hands. The army marched ; and the Caliph, with Omar alone, returned to Medina.* His trium- Within twenty days of his departure from Jorf,
pliant return ^ / , , ,
to Medina. Osama had overrun the province of Belcaa. In fire and blood, he avenged his father's death and the disastrous field of Muta. " They ravaged the land," says the historian, " with the well-known cry of Yd Mansur Amit (c Strike, ye conquerors ! ') f they slew all who ventured to oppose them in the field, and carried off captive the remainder. They
* Talari (Kosegarteri), pp. 42, 51 ; K. WdcTcidi, 138. The period at which the expedition started is given by the Secretary as the beginning of the 2nd Rabi, that is, more than a fortnight after the Prophet's burial. The narrative given by Tabari would lead to the supposition that Osama marched earlier ; since Abu Bakr is represented as ordering the fulfilment of Mahomet's commands regarding the campaign a day or two after his death. On the other hand, the general anxiety to keep the troops back, in con sequence of the threatened rising of the Arabs, makes it probable that some little time had elapsed.
According to the Secretary, it was Abu Bakr who desired to keep back the troops from their march, in consequence of the rebellion of the Arabs; and it was Osama who insisted on an immediate march, in pursuance of the command of Mahomet. K. Wdckidi, 139. But the traditions on the subject in Tabari seem stronger, and I have followed them.
t For this battle-cry, see vol. iii. p. 105.
xxxvi.] Osama? s Triumphant Return to Medina. 299
burned the villages, the fields of standing corn, and the groves of palm trees : and there went up behind them, as it were, a whirlwind of fire and smoke." * Having thus fulfilled the Prophet's last command, they retraced their steps. It was a triumphal pro cession as they approached Medina ; Osama rode upon his father's horse, and the banner, bound so lately by Mahomet's own hand, floated before him. Abu Bakr and the citizens went forth to meet him, and received the army with acclamations of joy. Attended by the Caliph, and the chief companions of the Prophet, Osama proceeded to the Mosque, and offered up prayer with thanksgiving for the success which had so richly crowned his arrns.f
With the return of Osama' s army to Medina The rapid a new era opens upon us. The Prophet had Mussulman hardly departed this life when Arabia was convulsed by the violent endeavour of its tribes to shake off
* K. WdcJddi) 139. The Secretary represents Osama as killing in battle the very man that slew his father.
•f The tidings of this bloody expedition alarmed Heraclius, and he sent a strong force into Belcaa. The attention of Abu Bakr had first to be directed nearer home. Reinforced by the army of Osama, he had to quell the fierce spirit of insurrection rising all around. But a year had not elapsed, when he was again in a position to take the field in Syria, and to enter on the career of conquest which quickly wrested that fair province from Christendom.
300
The Rapid Conquests of Islam.
[CHAP.
Simplicity and earnest ness of pri mitive Mos lems after Mahomet's death, an
the trammels of Islam, and regain their previous freedom. The hordes of the desert rose up in rebellion, and during the first year of his Caliphate Abu Bakr had to struggle for the very existence of the faith. Step by step the wild Bedouins were subdued, and forced to tender their submission. By a master stroke of policy, they were induced again to take up their arms, and aroused, by the prospect of boundless spoil, to wield them on the side of Islam. Like blood-hounds eager for the chase, the Arabs were let forth upon mankind, — the whole world their prey. They gloried in the belief that they were the hosts of God, destined for the con version of his elect, — for the destruction of his enemies. The pretexts of religion thus disguised and gilded every baser motive. The vast plunder of Syria was accepted as but the earnest of a greater destiny yet in store. Once maddened by the taste of blood into a wild and irresistible fanaticism, the armies of Arabia swept their enemies everywhere before them. Checked towards the north by the strongholds of the Bosphorus, the surging wave spread to the east and to the west with incredible rapidity, till in a few short years it had engulphed in a common ruin the earliest seats of Christianity, and the faith of Zoroaster.
But this is a province of history upon which it is not my object to enter. In some respects, indeed, it might be connected indirectly with the subject of these volumes. The simplicity and earnestness of
xxxvi.] The Rapid Conquests of Islam. 301
the early caliphs, and the first burst of zeal and argument in
* favour of his
devotion exhibited by his followers after the Pro- sincerity. phet's death, are strong evidence of their belief in his sincerity: and the belief of these men must carry undeniable weight in the formation of our own estimate of his sincerity, since the opportunities they enjoyed for testing the grounds of their con victions were both close and long continued. It is enough, that I here barely allude to this con sideration, as strengthening generally the view of Mahomet's character, which in these volumes I have endeavoured to support.
VOL. IV. Q Q
302
CHAPTER THIRTY-SEVENTH.
General review of Mahomet's character.
Personal appearance.
The Person and Character of Mahomet.
IT may be expected that before bringing this work to a close, I should gather into one review the chief traits in the character of Mahomet, which at different stages of his life, and from various points of view, have in the course of the history been presented to the reader. This I will now briefly attempt.
The person of Mahomet, as he appeared in the prime of life, has been pourtrayed in an early chapter ; * and though advancing age may have somewhat relaxed the outlines of his countenance and affected the vigour of his carriage, yet the general aspect there described remained unaltered to the end. His form, although little above the ordinary height, was stately and commanding. The depth of feeling in his dark black eye, and the winning expression of a face otherwise attractive, gained the confidence and love even of a stranger. His features often unbended into a smile full of grace and condescension. " He was," says an ad miring follower, " the handsomest and bravest, the brightest-faced and most generous of men. It was
* Vol. ii. p. 28.
CHAP, xxxvn.] Mahomet's Person arid Character. 303
as though the sun-light beamed in his countenance." Yet when anger kindled in his piercing glance, the object of his displeasure might well quail before it : his stern frown was the certain augury of death to many a trembling captive.*
In the later years of his life, the formerly erect His gait, figure of Mahomet began to stoop. But his step was still firm and quick. His gait has been likened to that of one descending rapidly a hill. When he made haste, it was with difficulty that his followers kept pace with him. He never turned round, even if his mantle caught in a thorny bush, so that his attendants might talk and laugh freely behind him, secure of being unobserved.
Thorough and complete in all his actions, he His habits
i . -, ! 1 • i ... thorough.
never took in hand any work without bringing it to a close. The same habit pervaded his manner in social intercourse. If he turned in conversation towards a friend, he turned not partially, but with his full face and his whole body. " In shaking hands, he was not the first to withdraw his own ; nor was he the first to break off in converse with a stranger, nor to turn away his ear."
* Nearly all the illustrations of character in this chapter are drawn from the Section of his work devoted by the Secretary to the appearance and habits of the Prophet. I will not therefore crowd my pages with references. Some of the anecdotes narrated in that Section may prove of interest to the curious reader, and I have therefore placed the most remarkable of them in a Supple ment at the close of this chapter.
304 Character of Mahomet. [CHAP.
simplicity of A patriarchal simplicity pervaded his life. His
lus life. J \ /• i • ic -TS i
custom was to do every thing for himself. If he gave an alms he would place it with his own hand in that of the petitioner. He aided his wives in their household duties ; he mended his own clothes ; he tied up the goats ; he even cobbled his sandals. His ordinary dress consisted of plain white cotton stuff; but on high and festive occasions, he wore garments of fine linen, striped or dyed in red. He never reclined at meals. He ate with his fingers; and when he had finished, he would lick them be fore he wiped his hands. The indulgences to which he was most addicted were " Women, scents, and food." In the first two of these, Ayesha tells us, he had his heart's desire ; but when she adds that he was straitened in the third, we can only attribute the saying to the vivid contrast between the frugal habits prevalent at the rise of Islam, and the luxu rious living which rapidly followed in the wake of conquest and prosperity. Mahomet, with his wives, lived in a row of low and homely cottages built of unbaked bricks ; the apartments were separated by walls of palm branches rudely daubed with mud ; curtains of leather, or of black hair-cloth, supplied the place of doors and windows. His abode was to all easy of access, — " even as the river's bank to him that draweth water therefrom." Yet we have seen that he maintained the state and dignity of real power. No approach was suffered to familiarity of
Simplicity and Urbanity. 305
action or of speech. The Prophet must be addressed in subdued accents and in a reverential style. His word was absolute. His bidding was law.
A remarkable feature was the urbanity and con- Urbanity and
* kindness of
sideration with which Mahomet treated even the disposition. most insignificant of his followers. Modesty and kind ness, patience, self-denial, and generosity, pervaded his conduct, and rivetted the affections of all around him. He disliked to say No; if unable to reply to a petitioner in the affirmative, he preferred to remain silent. "He was more bashful," says Ayesha, " than a veiled virgin ; and if anything displeased him, it was rather from his face, than by his words, that we discovered it ; he never smote any one but in the service of the Lord, not even a woman or a servant." He was not known ever to refuse an invitation to the house even of the meanest, nor to decline a proffered present however small. When seated by a friend, " he did not haughtily advance his knees towards him." He possessed the rare faculty of making each individual in a company think that he was the most favoured guest. When he met any one rejoicing, he would seize him eagerly and cordially by the hand. With the bereaved and afflicted he sympathized tenderly. Gentle and un bending towards little children, he would not disdain to accost a group of them at play with the salutation of peace. He shared his food, even in times of scarcity, with others ; and was sedulously solicitous for the personal comfort of every one about him. A
306
Moderation towards Friends.
[CHAP.
kindly and benevolent disposition pervades all these illustrations of his character.
Mahomet was also a faithful friend. He loved Abu Bakr with the romantic affection of a brother ; Ali, with the fond partiality of a father. Zeid, t^ the Christian slave of Khadija, was so strongly attached by the kindness of Mahomet, who adopted him, that he preferred to remain at Mecca rather than return to his home with his own father : " I will not leave thee," said he, clinging to his patron, " for thou hast been a father and a mother to me." The friend ship of Mahomet survived the death of Zeid, whose son, Osama, was treated by him with distinguished favour for his father's sake. Othman and Omar were also the objects of a special attachment ; and the enthusiasm with which the Prophet, at Hodeibia, entered into " the Pledge of the Tree " and swore that he would defend his beleaguered son-in-law with his last breath, was a signal proof of faithful friendship. Numerous other instances of Mahomet's ardent and unwavering regard might be adduced. And his affections were in no instance misplaced ; they were ever reciprocated by a warm and self- sacrificing love.
In the exercise at home of a power absolutely magnanimity, dictatorial, Mahomet was just and temperate. Nor was he wanting in moderation towards his enemies, when once they had cheerfully submitted to his claims. The long and obstinate struggle against his pretensions maintained by the inhabitants of his
xxxvu.] Cruelty towards Enemies. 307
native city, might have induced a haughty tyrant to mark his indignation in indelible traces of fire and blood. But Mahomet, excepting a few criminals, granted an universal pardon ; and, nobly casting into oblivion the memory of the past, with all its mockings, its affronts, and persecutions, he treated even the foremost of his opponents with a gracious and even friendly consideration. Not less marked was the forbearance shewn to Abdallah and the disaffected party at Medina, who for so many years persistently thwarted his schemes and resisted his authority ; nor the clemency with which he received the submissive advances of the most hostile tribes, even in the hour of victory.
But the darker shades of character, as well as the Cruelty to-
« • -i i T -IT /» • -i *» i -i • wards his
brighter, must be depicted by a faithful historian, enemies. Magnanimity or moderation are nowhere discernible as features in the conduct of Mahomet towards such of his enemies as failed to tender a timely allegiance. Over the bodies of the Coreish who fell at Badr, he exulted with savage satisfaction ; and several prisoners, — accused of no crime but that of scep ticism and political opposition, — were deliberately executed at his command. The Prince of Kheibar, after being subjected to inhuman torture for the purpose of discovering the treasures of his tribe, was, with his cousin, put to death on the pretext of having treacherously concealed them : and his wife was led away captive to the tent of the conqueror. Sentence of exile was enforced by
308 Duplicity and Perfidy. '[CHAP.
Mahomet with rigorous severity on two whole Jewish tribes at Medina; and of a third, likewise his neighbours, the women and children were sold into distant captivity, while the men, amounting to several hundreds, were butchered in cold blood before his eyes.
Craftiness and In his youth Mahomet earned amongst his fellows the honourable title of " the Faithful." But in later years however much sincerity and good faith may have guided his conduct in respect of his friends, craft and deception were certainly not wanting towards his foes. The perfidious attack at Nakhla, where the first blood in the internecine war with the Coreish was shed, although at first disavowed by Mahomet for its scandalous breach of the sacred usages of Arabia, was eventually justified by a pretended reve lation. Abu Basir, the freebooter, was countenanced by the prophet in a manner scarcely consistent with the letter, and certainly opposed to the spirit, of the truce of Hodeibia. The surprise which secured the easy conquest of Mecca, was designed with craftiness if not with duplicity. The pretext on which the Bani Nadhir were besieged and expatri ated (namely, that Gabriel had revealed their design against the prophet's life,) was feeble and unworthy of an honest cause. When Medina was beleagured by the confederate army, Mahomet sought the ser vices of Nueim, a traitor, and employed him to sow distrust among the enemy by false and treacherous reports; "for," said he, "what else is War but a
xxxvii.] Domestic Life. 309
game at deception ? " In his prophetical career, political and personal ends were frequently com passed by the flagrant pretence of Divine reve lations, which a candid examination would have shewn him to be nothing more than the counter part of his own wishes. The Jewish and Christian systems, at first adopted honestly as the basis of his own religion, had no sooner served the purpose of establishing a firm authority, than they were ignored if not disowned. And what is perhaps worst of all, the dastardly assassination of political and re ligious opponents, countenanced and frequently di rected as they were in all their cruel and perfidious details by Mahomet himself, leaves a dark, and indelible blot upon his character.
In domestic life the conduct of Mahomet, with Domestic life?
i A T, i i
one grave exception, was exemplary. As a husband
his fondness and devotion were entire, bordering, however, at times, upon jealousy. As a father he was loving and tender. In his youth he is said to have lived a virtuous life. At the age of twenty five he married a widow forty years old ; and for five-and- twenty years he was a faithful husband to her alone. Yet it is remarkable that during this period were composed most of those passages of the Goran in which the black-eyed Houris, reserved for believers in Paradise, are depicted in such glowing colours. Shortly after the death of Khadija, the Prophet married again ; but it was not till the
VOL. IV. R R
310 Passion for Women. [CHAP,
mature age of fifty-four that he made the dangerous trial of polygamy, by taking Ayesha, yet a child, as the rival of Sauda. Once the natural limits of restraint were overpassed, Mahomet fell an easy prey to his strong passion for the sex. In his fifty- sixth year he married Haphsa; and the following year, in two succeeding months, Zeinab bint Khozeima, and Omm Salma. But his desires were not to be satisfied by the range of a harem already greater than was permitted to any of his followers ; rather, as age advanced, they were stimulated to seek for new and varied indulgence. A few months after his nuptials with Zeinab and Omm Salma, the charms of a second Zeinab were by accident discovered too fully before the Prophet's admiring gaze. She was the wife of Zeid, his adopted son and bosom friend; but he was unable to smother the flame she had kindled in his breast ; and, by divine command she was taken to his bed. In the same year he married a seventh wife, and also a concubine. And at last, when he was full threescore years of age, no fewer than three new wives, besides Mary the Coptic slave, were within the space of seven months added to his already well filled harem. The bare recital of these facts may justify the saying of Ibn Abbas, — " Verily the chiefest among the Moslems (meaningMahomet) was the foremost of them in his passion for women ; " * —
K. Wackidi, p. 72.
xxxvn.] Conviction of a special Providence. 311
a fatal example imitated too readily by his followers, who adopt the Prince of Medina, rather than the Prophet of Mecca, for their pattern.
Thus the social and domestic life of Mahomet, fairly and impartially viewed, is seen to be chequered by light and shade. While there is much to form the subject of nearly unqualified praise, there is likewise much which cannot be spoken of but in terms of severe reprobation.
Proceeding now to consider the religious and Conviction of prophetical character of Mahomet, the first point vidence. which strikes the biographer, is his constant and vivid sense of an all pervading special providence. This conviction moulded his thoughts and designs, from the minutest actions in private and social life to the grand conception that he was destined to be the Reformer of his people and of the whole world, He never entered a company " but he sat down and rose up with the mention of the Lord." When the first fruits of the season were brought to him, he would kiss them, place them upon his eyes and say, — " Lord as thou hast shown us the first, show unto us likewise the last." In trouble and affliction, as well as in joy and prosperity, he ever saw and humbly acknowledged the hand of God. A fixed persuasion that every incident, small and great, was ordered by the divine will, led to the strong ex pressions of predestination which abound in the Goran. It was the Lord who turned the hearts of mankind: and alike faith in the believer, and un-
312
Mahomet Superstitious.
[CHAP ,
Mahomet's conflict at Mecca t his unwavering stedfastness.
belief in the infidel, were the result of the Divine fiat. The hour and place of every man's death, as all other events in his life, were established by the same decree; and the timid believer might in vain seek to avert the stroke by shunning the field of battle. But this persuasion was far removed from the belief in a blind and inexorable fate ; for Mahomet held the progress of events in the divine hand to be amenable to the influence of prayer. He was not slow to attribute the conversion of a scoffer like Omar, or the removal of an impending misfortune, as when Medina was delivered from the confederated hosts, to the effect of his own earnest petitions to the Lord. On the other hand Mahomet was not alto gether devoid of superstition. He feared to sit down in a dark place until a lamp had been lighted ; and his apprehensions were sometimes raised by the wind and clouds. He would fetch prognostications from the manner in which a sword was drawn from its scabbard.* A special virtue was attributed to being cupped an even number of times, and on a certain day of the week and month. He was also guided by omens drawn from dreams: but these perhaps were regarded by him as intimations of the divine will.
The growth in the mind of Mahomet of the con viction that he was appointed to be a Prophet and a Reformer, was intimately connected with his belief
Campaigns of Mahomet, p. 217.
.] His Moral Courage. 313
in a special providence, embracing as well as the spiritual the material world : and simultaneously with that conviction there arose an implicit con fidence that the Almighty would crown his mission with success. The questionings and aspirations of his inner soul .were regarded by him as proceeding directly from God; the light which gradually illu minated his mind with a knowledge of the divine unity and perfections, and of the duties and destiny of man, — light amidst gross darkness, — must have emanated from the same source ; and he who in his own good pleasure had thus begun the work would surely carry it to an end. What was Mahomet himself but a simple instrument in the hand of the great Worker ? It was this belief which strength ened him, alone and unsupported, to brave for many weary years the taunts and persecutions of a whole people. In estimating the signal moral courage thus displayed by him, it must not be overlooked that for what is ordinarily termed physical courage Mahomet was not remarkable. It may be doubted whether he ever engaged personally in active conflict on the battle field: though he accompanied his forces, he never himself led them into action, or ex posed his person to unavoidable danger. And there were occasions on which (as when challenged by Abdallah to spare the Bani Cainucaa, alarmed by the altercation at the wells of Moraisi, or pressed by the mob at Jierrana,) he showed symptoms of a
314 Fortitude in the struggle at Mecca, [CHAP.
faint heart.* Yet even if this be admitted, it only brings out in higher relief the singular display of moral daring. Let us for a moment look back to the period when a ban was proclaimed at Mecca against all the citizens, whether professed converts or not, who espoused his cause; when they were shut up in the Sheb or quarter of Abu Talib, and there, for three years without prospect of relief, endured want and hardship. Those must have been stedfast and mighty motives which enabled him, amidst all this opposition and apparent hopelessness of success, to maintain his principles unshaken. No sooner was he released from confinement, than, despairing of his native city, he went forth to Tayif and summoned its rulers and inhabitants to repent ance; he was solitary and unaided, but he had a message, he said, from his Lord. On the third day he was driven out of the town with ignominy, blood trickling from the wounds inflicted on him by the populace. He retired to a little distance, and there poured forth his complaint to God : then he returned to Mecca, there to carry on the same outwardly hopeless cause, with the same high confidence in its ultimate success. We search in vain through the pages of profane history for a parallel to the struggle in which for thirteen years the Prophet of Arabia, in the face of discouragement and threats, rejection
* Vol. iii. pp. 136-238. Vol. iv. 146.
xxxvii.] Earnestness and honesty of purpose. 315
and persecution, retained his faith unwavering, preached repentance, and denounced God's wrath against his godless fellow citizens. Surrounded by a little band of faithful men and women, he met insults, menace, danger, with a high and patient trust in the future. And when at last the promise of safety came from a distant quarter, he calmly waited until his followers had all departed, and then disappeared from amongst his ungrateful and re bellious people.
Not less marked was the firm front and unchang- And at ing faith in eventual victory, which at Medina bore him through seven years of mortal conflict with his native city ; and enabled him while his influence and authority were yet very limited and precarious even in the city of his adoption, to speak and to act in the constant and undoubted expectation of entire success.
From the earliest period of his religious con vie- Denunciation * • i P ^ T-» • i • t • -, of polytheism
tions, the idea 01 ONE great Being who guides with and idolatry, almighty power and wisdom the whole creation, while yet remaining infinitely above it, gained a thorough possession of his mind. Polytheism and idolatry, being utterly at variance with this first principle of his belief, were condemned with abhor rence as levelling the Creator with the creature. On one occasion alone did Mahomet ever swerve from this position, — when he admitted that the goddesses of Mecca might be adored as a medium of approach to God. But the inconsistency of the admission was
at Mecca.
316 Mahomet's pretended Inspiration, oracular, [CHAP.
soon perceived ; and Mahomet at once retraced his steps. Never before nor afterwards did the Prophet deviate from the stern denunciation of idolatry. Earnestness As he was himself the subject of convictions so
and honesty
of Mahomet deep and powerful, it will readily be conceived that the exhortations of Mahomet were distinguished by a corresponding strength and urgency. Being also a master in eloquence, his language was cast in the purest and most persuasive style of Arabian oratory. His fine poetical genius exhausted the imagery of nature in the illustration of spiritual truths ; and a vivid imagination enabled him to bring before his auditory the Eesurrection and the Day of Judgment, the joys of believers in Paradise, and the agonies of lost spirits in hell, as close and impending realities. In ordinary address, his speech was slow, distinct, and emphatic ; but when he preached, " his eye would redden, his voice rise high and loud, and his whole frame become agitated with passion, even as if he were warning the people of an enemy about to fall on them the next morning or that very night." In this thorough earnestness lay the secret of his success. And if these stirring appeals had been given forth as nothing more than what they really were, — the outgoings of a warm and active conviction, they would have afforded no ground for cavil ; or, if you will, let him have represented his appeals as the teaching of a soul guided by natural inspiration, or even enlightened by divine influence, — such a course would still have been nothing more than that trod-
xxxvii.] but at the first Honest. 317
den by many a sincere, though it may be erring, philanthropist in other ages and in other lands. But in the development of his system, the claims of Mahomet to inspiration far transcended any one of these assumptions. His inspiration was essentially oracular. His mind and his lips were no more than a passive organ which received and transmitted the heavenly message. His revelations were not the fruit of a subjective process in which a soul, burning with divine life and truth, seeks to impress the stamp of its own convictions on all those around ; the process, on the contrary, was one which Ma homet professed to be entirely external to him self, and independent of his own reasoning and will. The words of inspiration, whether purporting to be a portion of the Goran, or a message for general guidance, were produced as a real and objective intimation, conveyed in a distinct form by the Almighty, or through the angel Gabriel, His messenger. Such was the position assumed by Mahomet. How far it was fostered by epileptic and apparently supernatural paroxysms (which do not however come prominently to view at least in the later stages of his career) or by similar physiological phenomena, it is impossible to deter mine. We may readily admit, that at the first Maho met did believe, or persuaded himself to believe, that his revelations were dictated by a divine agency. In the Meccan period of his life there certainly can be traced no personal ends or unworthy motives to
VOL. IV. S S
318
Character of Mahomet.
[CHAP.
At Medina worldly mo tives mingle with his spiritual objects.
belie this conclusion. The Prophet was there, what he professed to be, " a simple Preacher and a Warner;" he was the despised and rejected teacher of a gainsaying people; and he had apparently no ulterior object but their reformation. Mahomet may have mistaken the right means for effecting this end, but there is no sufficient reason for doubting that he used those means in good faith and with an honest purpose.
But the scene altogether changes at Medina. There the acquisition of temporal power, aggran disement, and self-glorification, mingled with the grand object of the Prophet's previous life; and they were sought after and attained by precisely the same instrumentality. Messages from heaven were freely brought forward to justify his political conduct, equally with his religious precepts. Battles were fought, wholesale executions inflicted, and territories annexed, under pretext of the Almighty's sanction. Nay, even baser actions were not only excused, but encouraged, by the pretended divine approval or command. A special license was produced, allowing Mahomet a double number of wives; the discredit able affair with Mary the Coptic slave was justified in a separate Sura; and the passion for the wife of his own adopted son and bosom friend, was the subject of an inspired message in which the Pro phet's scruples were rebuked by God, a divorce permitted, and marriage with the object of his unhallowed desires enjoined ! If we say that such
XYXVII . ] Rapid deterioration at Medina. . 319
"revelations " were believed by Mahomet sincerely to bear the divine sanction, it can be but in a very modified and peculiar sense. He was not only responsible for that belief, but, in arriving at any such conviction, he must have done violence to his judgment and to the better principles of his nature.
As the necessary result of this moral obliquity, we Rapid moral
* . declension :
trace from the period of Mahomet's arrival at Me- the natural
. . consequences.
dina a marked and rapid declension in the system he inculcated. Intolerance quickly took the place of freedom ; force, of persuasion. The spiritual weapons designed at first for higher objects were no sooner prostituted to the purposes of temporal autho rity, than temporal authority was employed to im part a fictitious weight and power to those spiritual weapons. The name of the Almighty, impiously borrowed, imparted a terrible strength to the sword of the State; and the sword of the State, in its turn, yielded a willing requital by destroying " the enemies of God," and sacrificing them at the shrine of a false religion. " Slay the unbelievers where soever ye find them ;" was now the wachword of Islam : — " Fight in the ways of God until opposition be crushed and the Eeligion becometh the Lord's alone ! " The warm and earnest devotion breathed by the Prophet and his followers at Mecca, soon became at Medina dull and vapid ; it degenerated into a fierce fanaticism, or evaporated in a lifeless round of cold and formal ceremonies. The Jewish faith,
320 Benefits of Islam [CHAP.
whose pure fountains were freely accessible to Maho met, as well' as the less familiar system of Chistianity, in spite of former protestations of faith and allegiance, were both cast aside without hesitation and without inquiry ; for the course on which he had entered was too profitable and too enticing to permit the exercise of any such nice research or close question ing as (perhaps he unconsciously felt) might have opened his eyes to the truth, and forced him either to retrace his steps, or to unveil himself before his own conscience in the fearful form of an impostor. To what other conclusion can we come than that he was delivered over to the judicial blindness of a self- deceived heart ; that, having voluntarily shut his eyes against the light, he was left miserably to grope in the darkness of his own choosing?
BenefitsofMa- And what have been the effects of the system which, established by such instrumentality, Mahomet has left behind him ? We may freely concede that it banished for ever many of the darker elements of superstition which had for ages shrouded the Peninsula. Idolatry vanished before the battle-cry of Islam ; the doctrine of the unity and infinite per fections of God, and of a special all-pervading Pro vidence, became a living principle in the hearts and lives of the followers of Mahomet, even as it had in his own. An absolute surrender and submission to the divine will (the very name of Islam) was demanded as the first requirement of the religion. Nor are social virtues wanting. Brotherly love is
xxxvii.] outweighed ly its Evils. 321
inculcated within the circle of the faith ; orphans are to be protected, and slaves treated with con sideration ; intoxicating drinks are prohibited, and Mahometanism may boast of a degree of temperance unknown to any other creed.
Yet these benefits have been purchased at a costly outweighed
. . by its evils.
price. Setting aside considerations of minor import, three radical evils flow from the faith, in all ages and in every country, and must continue to flow so long as the Goran is the standard of belief. FIRST : Polygamy, Divorce, and Slavery, are maintained and perpetuated; — striking as they do at the root of pub lic morals, poisoning domestic life, and disorganizing society. SECOND: freedom of judgment in religion is crushed and annihilated. The sword is the in evitable penalty for the denial of Islam. Toleration is unknown. THIRD : a barrier has been interposed against the reception of Christianity. They labour under a miserable delusion who suppose that Ma- honietanisin paves the way for a purer faith. No system could have been devised with more con summate skill for shutting out the nations over which it has sway, from the light of truth. Idolatrous Arabia (judging from the analogy of other nations) might have been aroused to spiritual life, and to the adoption of the faith of Jesus ; Mahometan Arabia is, to the human eye, sealed against the benign in fluences of the Gospel. Many a flourishing land in Africa and in Asia which once rejoiced in the light ^ and liberty of Christianity, is now overspread by
322 Inconsistencies pervade the [CHAP.
gross darkness and a stubborn barbarism. It is as if their day of grace had come and gone, and there remained to them " no more sacrifice for sins." That a brighter day will yet dawn on these coun tries we may not doubt ; but the history of the past and the condition of the present is not the less true and sad. The sword of Mahomet, and the Goran, are the most fatal enemies of Civilization, Liberty, and Truth, which the world has yet known, inconsistencies In conclusion, I would warn the reader against
run through . .
the character seeking to pourtray in his mind a character in all its parts consistent with itself as the character of Mahomet. The truth is that the strangest incon sistencies blended together (according to the wont of human nature) throughout the life of the Pro phet. The student of the history will trace for himself how the pure and lofty aspirations of Mahomet were first tinged, and then gradually de based by a half unconscious self-deception ; and how in this process truth merged into falsehood, sincerity into guile, — these opposite principles often co-existing even as active agencies in his conduct. The reader will observe that simultaneously with the anxious desire to extinguish idolatry, and to promote religion and virtue in the world, there was nurtured by the Prophet in his own heart, a licen tious self-indulgence ; till in the end, assuming to be the favourite of Heaven, he justified himself by " revelations" from God in the most flagrant breaches of morality. He will remark that while Mahomet
Character of Mahomet and the Goran. 323
cherished a kind and tender disposition, " weeping with them that wept," and binding to his person the hearts of his followers by the ready and self-denying offices of love and friendship, he could yet take pleasure in cruel and perfidious assassination, could gloat over the massacre of an entire tribe, and savagely consign the innocent babe to the fires of hell. Inconsistencies such as these continually pre sent themselves from the period of Mahomet's arrival at Medina; and it is by the study of these inconsistencies that his character must be rightly comprehended. The key to many difficulties of this description may be found, I believe, in the chapter " on the belief of Mahomet in his own in spiration." When once he had dared to forge the name of the Most High God as the seal and author ity of his own words and actions, the germ was laid from which the errors of his after life freely and fatally developed themselves.
I might have extended these remarks (had thev and through
,,,,... , , - -, ^ the Goran!
not already exceeded the limits intended for them) to an examination of the doctrines and teaching of Mahomet as exhibited in the Goran. That volume, as I have before observed, does not contain any abstract or systematic code. It grew out of the incidents and objects of the day ; and the best mode of ascertaining its purport and its bearing, is not to draw into one uniform system its various lessons and dogmas, liable as they were (excepting in one or two fundamental points) from time to time to differ;
324 Conclusion. [CHAP, xxxvir.
Conclusion, but to trace the development of its successive pre cepts and doctrines in connection with the several stages of the Prophet's life, and the motives from which he may be supposed at the moment to have acted. This with reference to some of its main doctrines and institutions, I have sought in the course of the foregoing pages to do.
MAHOMET and the GORAN, the author of Islam and the instrument by which he achieved its suc cess, are themes worthy the earnest attention of mankind. If I have to any degree succeeded in contributing fresh materials towards the formation of a correct judgment of either, many hours of study, snatched not without difficulty from other engrossing avocations, will have secured an ample recompense.
325
SUPPLEMENT TO CHAPTER THIRTY-SEVENTH.
I PROPOSE in this appendix to place before the reader some speci- Extracts from
-,. , , if-, n -ITT i • T • the Secretary
mens of the traditions embodied by the Secretary of Wackidi in of wackidi. the section of his work devoted to the person and character of Mahomet. These will, I hope, prove interesting from the facts they relate, as well as illustrate generally the style and contents of the Mahometan biographies of the Prophet.
" Description of Mahomet in the Old Testament and the Gospel — Prophecies Mahomet was thus foretold : < O Prophet ! We have sent thee Mahomet, to be a Witness and a Preacher of good tidings, and a Warner, and a Defender of the Gentiles. Thou art my servant and my messenger, I have called thee Al Mutawalckil (he that trusteth in the Lord). He shall not be one that doeth iniquity, nor one that crieth aloud in the streets ; he shall not recompense evil with evil, but he shall be one that passeth over and forgiveth. His kingdom shall be Syria. Mahomet is my elected servant ; he shall not be severe nor cruel. I shall not take him away by death, till he make straight the crooked religion ; and till the people say, — There is no God but the Lord alone. He shall open the eyes of the blind, and the ears of the deaf, and the covered hearts.' "
These are evident perversions of passages in Isaiah xlii. and Ixi. Ayesha in one set of traditions represents them as prophecies from the Gospel, in ignorance apparently that they were quoted there (Matt. xii. 18) as applying to Jesus.
His disposition. — When Ayesha was questioned about Mahomet, His disposition, she used to say : " He was a man like yourselves ; he laughed often and smiled much." — But how would he occupy himself at home ? " Even as any of you occupy yourselves. He would mend his clothes, and cobble his shoes. He used to help me in my household duties ; but what he did oftenest was to sew. If he had the choice between two matters, he would choose the easiest, if no sin accrued therefrom. He never took revenge excepting where the honour of God was concerned. When angry with any person he would say " What hath taken such a one that he should soil his forehead in the mud /''
VOL. IV. T T
326 traditions on the Character of Mahomet.
His humility was shewn by his riding upon asses, accepting the invitation even of slaves, and when mounted, by his taking another behind him. He would say, "I sit at meals as a servant doeth, and I eat like a servant : for I really am a servant ; " and he would sit as one that was always ready to rise. Pie dis couraged (supererogatory) fasting, and works of mortification. When seated with his followers, he would remain long silent at a time. In the Mosque at Medina, they used to repeat pieces of poetry, and tell stories regarding the incidents that occurred in the days of ignorance, and laugh ; and Mahomet, listening to them, would smile at what they said.
Mahomet hated nothing more than lying, and whenever he knew that any of his followers had erred in this respect, he would hold himself aloof from them until he was assured of their re pentance.
His speech. His manner of speech. — He did not speak rapidly, running his
words into one another, but enunciated each syllable distinctly, so that what he said was imprinted in the memory of every one who heard him. When at public prayers, it might be known from a distance that he was reading, by the motion of his beard. He never read in a singing or chanting style; but he would draw out his voice, resting at certain places. Thus, in the opening words of a Sura, he would do so after aJJ| ^^j after .xxr>-J! , and after \\ \ ' ^^
f^
Gait- His walking. — One says that at a funeral he saw Mahomet
walking, and remarked to a friend how rapidly he moved along ; it seemed as if he " were doubling up the ground." He used to walk so rapidly that the people half ran behind him, and could hardly keep up with him.
Habits in eating. His eating. — He never ate reclining, for Gabriel had told him that such was the manner of kings ; nor had he ever two men to walk behind him. He used to eat with his thumb and his two first fingers ; and when he had done he would lick them, beginning with the middle one. When offered by Gabriel the valley of Mecca full of gold, he preferred to forego it, — saying, that when he was hungry he would come before the Lord lowly ; and when full, with praise.
Moderation. Excellence of his Morals. — A servant maid being once long in
returning from an errand, Mahomet was annoyed and said, " If it
Traditions on the Character of Mahomet. 327
were not for the law of retaliation, I should have punished you with this toothpick" (i. e. with an inappreciably light punishment.)
Mahomet at Prayers. — He used to stand for such a length of time Customs at at prayer that his legs would swell. When remonstrated with, he said — " What ! Shall I not behave as a thankful servant should ?" He never yawned at prayer. When he sneezed he did so with a subdued voice, covering his face. At funerals he never rode : he would remain silent on such occasions, as if conversing with him self, so that the people used to think he was holding communication with the dead.
While he accepted presents, he refused to use anything that had been Refusal to make offered as alms ; neither would he allow any of his family to use the tithes" what had been brought as alms ; for, said he, " alms are the im purity of mankind" (t. e. that which cleanses their impurity.) His scruples on this point were so strong, that he would not eat even a date picked up on the road, lest perchance it might have dropped from a load intended as tithes. One day, little Hasan was playing by his grandfather when a basketful of dates was brought in: on inquiry, Mahomet found that they were tithes, and ordered them to be taken away and given to the poor Refugees. But Hasan having taken up one to. play with, had put it in his mouth ; the Prophet seeing this, opened the boy's mouth, and pulled it out — saying, "the family of Mahomet may not eat of the tithes."
Food which he relished. — Mahomet had a special liking for Food, sweetmeats and honey. A tailor once invited him to his house and placed before him barley bread, with stale suet; there was also a pumpkin in the dish ; now Mahomet greatly relished the pumpkin. His servant Anas used to say as he looked at the pumpkin — " Dear little plant, how the Prophet loved thee!" He was also fond of cucumbers and of undried dates.
When a lamb or a kid was being cooked, Mahomet would go to the pot, take out the shoulder, and eat it. Abu Kafi tells us, " I once slew a kid and dressed it. The Prophet asked me for the forequarter and I gave it to him." Give me another, he said ; and I gave him the second. Then he asked for a third: — "O Prophet!" I replied, "there are but two forequarters to a kid." " Nay" said Mahomet, " hadst thou remained silent, thou wouldst have handed to me as many forequarters as I asked for."
328
Traditions on the Character of Mahomet.
Food disliked.
Women aud scents.
He used to eat moist dates and cooked food together. What he most relished was a mess of bread cooked with meat, and a dish of dates dressed with butter and milk. When he ate fresh dates he would keep the bad dates in his hand ; one asked on a certain occasion that he would give him the dates so rejected: — " Not so" he answered ; " ivhat I do not like for myself, I do not like to give to thee." Once a tray of fresh dates was brought to him ; he sat down on his knees by them, and taking them up by handfuls, sent one to each of his wives ; then taking another handful, he ate it himself. He kept throwing the stones on his left side, and the domestic fowls came and ate them up.
Mahomet used to have sweet (rain) water kept for his use.
Food which he disliked. — On Mahomet's first arrival at Medina, Abu Ayub used to send him portions of baked food. On one occasion the dinner was returned uneaten, without even the marks of the Prophet's fingers. On being asked the reason, he explained that he had refrained from the dish because of the onions that were in it ; for the angel which visited him disliked them ; but others he said might freely eat of them. So also as to garlic ; he would never allow it to pass his lips ; "for" said he, " / have intercourse with one" (meaning Gabriel) "with whom ye have not." He disliked flour made of almonds, saying that it was " Spend thrifts' food." He would never partake of the large lizard (dhabb) ; for he thought it might have been the beast into which a party of the children of Israel were changed ; but he said there was no harm in others eating it.
When drinking milk Mahomet once said — " When a man eateth let him pray thus: — 0 Lord! grant thy blessing upon this, and feed me with better than this ! But to whomsoever the Lord giveth milk to drink, let him say, — 0 Lord! grant thy blessing upon this, and vouchsafe unto me an increase thereof; for there is no other thing which doth combine both food and drink save milk alone."
Mahomet's fondness for women and scents. — A great array of traditions are produced to prove that the Prophet liked these of all things in the world the best.
Ayesha used to say,— " The Prophet loved three things, — women, scents, and food ; he had his heart's desire of the two first, but not of the last." In respect of scents further traditions have been quoted in the Supplement to Vol, iii.
Traditions on the Character of Mahomet. 329
Narrowness of his means at Medina. — A long chapter is de- voted to this subject, containing many such traditions as the following. Fatima once brought Mahomet a piece of bread ; it was the first that had passed his lips for three days. Ayesha tells us that for months together Mahomet did not get a full meal. " Months used to pass," she says again, " and no fire would be lighted in Mahomet's house either for baking bread or cooking meat. How then did ye live ? By the 'two black things ' ^IjjjJH — dates and water, and by what the citizens used to send unto us: — the Lord requite them ! such of them as had milch cattle would send us a little milk. The Prophet never enjoyed the luxury of two kinds of food the same day ; if he had flesh there was nothing else ; and so if he had dates ; so likewise if he had bread. We possessed no sieves, but used to bruise the grain and blow off the husks. One night Abu Bakr sent Mahomet the leg of a kid. Ayesha held it while the Prophet cut off a piece for himself in the dark ; and in his turn the Prophet held it while Ayesha cut off a piece. ' What] exclaimed the listeners, ' and ye ate without a lamp I ' ' Yea,' replied Ayesha, ' had we pos sessed oil for a lamp, think ye not that we should have used it for our food ? "
Abu Hureira explains the scarcity thus. " It arose," he says, "from the great number of Mahomet's visitors and guests; for he never sat down to food but there were some followers with him. Even the conquest of Kheibar did not put an end to the scarcity. Because Medina has an intractable soil, which is ordinarily cultivated for dates only, — the staple food of its in habitants. There did not exist in the country means of support sufficient for the greatly increased population. Its fruits were the common products of the soil, which want little water ; and such water as was needed the people used to carry on their backs, for in these days they had few camels. One year, moreover, a disease (premature shedding) smote the palms, and the harvest failed. It is true that a dish used to be sent for the Prophet's table from the house of Sad ibn Obada, every day until his death, and also in the same manner by other citizens ; and the Kefugees used to aid likewise ; but the claims upon the Prophet increased greatly, from the number of his wives and dependants."
I have noticed this subject before: Introduction, p. Ix. The
330 Traditions on the Character of Mahomet.
products of the surrounding country were no doubt at first in adequate to the wants of the great numbers who flocked with Mahomet to Medina. But it is evident that although Mahomet, in the early years of the Hegira, may have been reduced to common fare, he could hardly have ever suffered want, especially with so many devoted followers about him. It was the contrast between the luxury prevalent in the days when tradition was growing up, and the simplicity of Mahomet's habits, which mainly gave rise to these traditions. Thus Abd al Rahman, when in after years he used to fare sumptuously on fine bread and every variety of meats, would weep at the contrast between his table and the Prophet's straitened fare. Another upbraids a comrade who could not live without bread made of the finest flour, — " What ; " said he, " the Prophet of the Lord, to the last hour of his life, never had two full meals on the same day, of bread and of oil ; and behold thou and thy fellows vainly luxuriate on the delicacies of this life, as if ye were children ! "
Appearance, On Mahomefs Personal appearance. — The chief traditions on
tints, &c. ^s jiea(j have been embodied in the text. The following are of a more special character.
He used to wear two garments. His izdr (under-garment) hung down three or four inches below his knees. His mantle was not wrapped round him so as to cover his body; but he would draw the end of it under his shoulder.
He used to divide his time into three parts: one was given to God, the second allotted to his family, the third to himself. When public business began to press upon him he gave up one half of the latter portion to the service of others.
When he pointed he did so with his whole hand ; and when he was astonished he turned it over (with the palm upwards ?) In speaking with another, he brought his hand near to the person addressed; and he would strike the palm of the left, on the the thumb of the right hand. Angry, he would avert his face ; joyful, he would look downwards. He often" smiled; and, when he laughed, his teeth used to appear like hailstones.
In the interval allotted to others, he received all that came to him, listened to their representations, and occupied himself in disposing of their business and in hearing what they had to tell him. He would say on such occasions: — "Let those that are
Traditions on the Character of Mahomet. 331
here give information regarding that which passeth, to them that are absent; and they that cannot themselves appear to make known their necessities, let others report them to me in their stead; the Lord will establish the feet of such in the day of judgment."
The Seal of Prophecy on the back of Mahomet. — This, says one, Seal of prophecy, was a protuberance on the Prophet's back of the size and appear ance of a pigeon's egg. Abdallah ibn Sarjas describes it as having been as large as his closed fist, with moles round about it. Abu Kamtha, whose family were skilled in surgery, offered to remove it; but Mahomet refused, saying, — " The Physican thereof is he who placed it where it is." According to another tradition, Mahomet said to Abu Ramtha " Come hither and touch my bach: " which he did, drawing his fingers over the prophetical seal ; and behold there was a collection of hairs upon the spot.
I have not noticed this " Seal " in the body of the work, because it has been so surrounded by tradition with supernatural tales that it is extremely difficult to determine what it really was. It is said to have been the divine seal which, according to the predictions of the scriptures, marked Mahomet as the last of the Prophets. How far Mahomet himself encouraged this idea it is impossible to say. From the traditions quoted above, it would seem to have been nothing more than a mole of unusual size ; and his saying that " God had placed it there," was probably the germ of the supernatural associations which grew up concerning it. Had Mahomet really attributed any divine virtue to it, he would have spoken very differently to one who offered to lance or remove it.
On his hair. — It reached, says one of his followers, to his Hair, shoulders ; according to another to the tip of his ears. His hair used to be combed: it was neither curling nor smooth. He had, by one authority, four curled locks. His hair was ordinarily parted, but he did not care if it was not so. According to another tradition, — " The Jews and Christians used to let their hair fall down, while the heathen parted it. Now Mahomet loved to follow the people of the Book in matters concerning which he had no express command from above. So he used to let down his hair without parting it. Subsequently, however, he fell into the habit of parting it."
On his being cupped. — Some of the many traditions on this Cupping.
832
Traditions on the Character of Mahomet.
Dress.
head have been quoted elsewhere. It was a cure which Gabriel directed him to ma.ke use of. He had the blood buried lest the dogs should get at it. On one occasion Mahomet having fainted after being cupped, an Arab is said to have gone back from the profession of Islam ; (I suppose because the bodily weakness so exhibited was regarded as inconsistent with the prophetic office ?) Moustache. On his moustache. — Mahomet used to clip his moustache. A Majian once came to him and said, " Yon ought to clip your beard and allow your moustaches to grow." " Nay," said the Prophet, " for my Lord hath commanded me to clip the moustaches and allow the beard to grow."
On his dress. — Various traditions are quoted on the different colours he used to wear, — white chiefly, but also red, yellow, and green. He sometimes put on woollen clothes. Ayesha, it is said, shewed a piece of woollen stuff in which she swore that Mahomet died. She adds that he once had a black woollen dress ; and she still remembered as she spoke, the contrast between the Prophet's white skin, and the black cloth. " The odour of it, however, becoming unpleasant, he cast it off, — for he loved sweet smells."
He entered Mecca, on the taking of the city (some say), with a black turban. He had also a black standard. The end of his turban used to hang down between his shoulders. He once received the present of a scarf for a turban, which had a figured or spotted fringe ; and this he cut off before wearing it. He was very fond of striped Yemen stuffs. He used to wrap his turban many times round his head, and " the edge of it used to appear below like the soiled clothes of an oil-dealer."
He once prayed in a silken dress, and then cast it aside with ab horrence, saying, " This it doth not become the pious to wear" On another occasion, as he prayed in a figured or spotted mantle, the spots attracted his notice; when he had ended he said, — "Take away this mantle, for verily it hath distracted me in my prayers, and bring me a common one." His sleeve ended at the wrist. The robes in which he was in the habit of receiving embassies, and his fine Hadhramaut mantle, remained with the Caliphs; when worn or rent these garments were mended with fresh cloth ; and in after times the Caliphs used to wear them at the festivals. When he put on new clothes, (either an under-garment, a girdle, or a turban,) the Prophet would offer up a prayer such as this: — •
Traditions on the Character of Mahomet. 333
"Praise be to the Lord who hath clothed me with that which shall hide my nakedness, and adorn me while I live, — I pray thee for the good that is in this, and the good that hath been made for it ; and I seek refuge from the evil that is in the same, and from the evil that hath been made for it."
Mahomet had a piece of tanned leather which was ordinarily spread for him in the Mosque to pray upon. He had also a mat of palm-fibre for the same purpose: this was always taken, after the public prayers, into his wives' apartments for him to use there.
He had a small apartment partitione'd off from the Mosque and laid with matting, into which he used to retire for the evening prayer. The people, in their zeal to observe the fast of Ramadhan, gathered together at a late hour in the Mosque for the nightly prayer; and some of them, fancying that the Prophet had fallen asleep in his apartment, began to cough, as a sign for him to issue forth. He came out and said, — " I have observed for some days your coming for the nightly prayer into the Mosque, until I feared that it would grow by custom and prescription into a binding ordinance for you so to come; and verily, if this were com manded, my people could not fulfil the command. Wherefore, my people, pray at evening-tide in your own houses. For truly the best prayer of a man is that offered up in his own house, excepting the prayers which are commanded to be offered in the Mosque."
On his golden ring. — Mahomet had a ring made of gold ; he Golden ring, used to wear it, with the stone inwards, on his right hand. The people began to follow his example and make rings of gold for themselves. Then the Prophet sat down upon the pulpit, and taking off the ring said, — " By the Lord, I will not wear this ever again;" so saying, he threw it from him. And all the people did likewise. According to another tradition, he cast it away because it had distracted his attention when preaching ; or because the people were attracted by it. He then prohibited the use cf golden signet rings.
On his silver ring — I have given the purport of these traditions Silver ring, elsewhere. Introduction, p. Ixxvi.
On his shoes. — His servant, Anas, had charge of his shoes and shoe?. of his water-pot; after his master's death he used to shew his shoes. They were after the Hadhramaut pattern, with two thongs. VOL. iv. u u
334 Traditions on the Character of Mahomet.
In the year 100 or 110 A.H., one went to buy shoes at Mecca7 and the shoemaker offered to make them exactly after the model of Mahomet's, which he said he had seen in the possession of Fatima, the granddaughter of Abbas. His shoes used to be cobbled. He was in the habit of praying with his shoes on. On one occasion, having taken them off at prayers, all the people did likewise ; but Mahomet told them there was no necessity for doing so, for he had merely taken off his own because Gabriel had apprised him that there was some dirt attaching to them. The thongs of his shoes once broke and were mended by a new piece ; after the service Mahomet desired his shoes to be taken away, and the thongs restored as they were; "for," said he, " I was distracted at prayer thereby."
Tooth-picks. On his tooth-picks. — Ayesha tells us that Mahomet never lay
down, by night or by day, but on waking he applied the tooth pick to his teeth before he performed ablution. He used it so much as to wear away his gums. The tooth-pick was always placed conveniently for him at night, so that when he got up in the night to pray, he might use it before his lustrations. One says that he saw him with the tooth-pick in his mouth, and that he kept saying U U: (a'a, a'a,) as if about to vomit. His tooth picks were made of the green wood of the palm tree. He never travelled without one.
Articles of toilet. His articles of toilet. — I have noticed these in the Supplement to Vol. in. He very frequently oiled his hair, poured water on his beard, and applied antimony to his eyes.
Armour. His armour. — Four sections are devoted to the description of
Mahomet's armour, — his swords, coats of mail, shields, lances, and bows.
Miscellaneous. The Prophet used to snuff simsim (sesamum), and wash his
hands in a decoction of the wild plum tree. When he was afraid of forgetting anything, he would tie a thread on his finger or his ring.
Horses. On his horses, &c. — The first horse which Mahomet ever pos
sessed was one he purchased of the Bani Fazara, for ten owckeas (ounces of silver) ; and he called its name Sakb (running water), from the easiness of its paces. Mahomet was mounted on it at the battle of Ohod, there being but one other horse from Medina on the field. He had also a horse called Sabdha: he raced it.
Traditions on the Character of Mahomet. 335
and it won, and he was greatly rejoiced thereat. He had a third horse named Murtajis (neigher).
When his white mule arrived from Muckouckas, Mahomet sent it to his wife Omm Salma; and she gave some wool and palm- fibre, of which they made a rope and halter. Then the Prophet brought forth a garment, doubled it fourfold, and throwing it over the back of the beast, straightway mounted it, with one of his followers behind him. It survived till the reign of Muavia.
Farwah (the Syrian governor, said to have died a martyr) sent the Prophet a mule called Fizza, and he gave it to Abu Bakr ; also an ass, which died on the march back from the farewell pil grimage. He had another ass called Ydfur.
Ali was anxious to breed a mule similar to that of Mahomet ; but Mahomet told him that " no one would propose so unnatural a cross save he who lacked knowledge."
His riding camels. — Besides Al Caswa, Mahomet had a camel Ridins camels, called Adhba, which in speed outstripped all others. Yet one day an Arab passed it when at its fleetest pace. The Moslems were chagrined at this ; but Mahomet said — " It is the property of the Lord, that whensoever men exalt anything, or seek to exalt it, then the Lord putteth down the same."
His milch camels. — Mahomet had twenty milch camels, the Milch camels, same that were plundered at Al Ghaba. Their milk was for the support of his family: every evening they gave two large skins full. Omm Salma relates : — " Our chief food when we lived with Mahomet was milk. The camels used to be brought from al Ghaba every evening. I had one called Aris, and Ayesha one called Al Samra. The herdman fed them at Al Juania, and brought them to our homes in the evening. There was also one for Mahomet.
Hind and Asma, two herdmen, used to feed them one day at Ohod, the other at Himna. They beat down leaves from the wild trees for them, and on these the camels fed during the night. They were milked for the guests of the Prophet, and his family got what was over. If the evening drew in and the camels' milk was late in being brought, Mahomet would say, — u The Lord make thirsty him who maketh thirsty the family of Mahomet at night."
His milch flocks. — Mahomet had seven goats which Omm Ayman Milch flocks, used to tend (this probably refers to an early period of his residence at Medina). His flocks grazed at Ohod and Himna
336 Traditions on the Character of Mahomet.
alternately, and were brought back to the house of that wife, whose turn it was to have Mahomet. A favourite goat having died, the Prophet desired its skin to be tanned.
Mahomet attached a peculiar blessing to the possession of goats. " There is no house," he would say, " possessing a goat, but a blessing abideth thereon; and there is no house possessing three goats, but the angels pass the night there praying for its inmates until the morning."
Servants. Mahomet's servants. — Fourteen or fifteen persons are mentioned
who served the Prophet at various times. His slaves he always freed.
Houses. The houses of his wives. — Abdallah ibn Yazid relates that he saw
the houses in which the wives of the Prophet dwelt, at the time when Omar ibn al Aziz, then governor of Medina, demolished them.* They were built of unburnt bricks, and had separate apartments made of palm branches, daubed (or built up) with mud: he counted nine houses, each having separate apartments, in the space from the house of Ayesha and the gate of Mahomet to the house of Asma, daughter of Hosein. Observing the dwell ing place of Omm Salma, he questioned her grandson concerning it; who told him that when the Prophet was absent on the expe dition to Duma, Omm Salma built up an addition to her house with a wall of unburnt bricks. When Mahomet returned, he went in to her and asked what that new building was. She replied, "I purposed, O Prophet, to shut out the glances of men thereby 1" Mahomet answered, " O Omm Salma ! verily, the most unprofit able thing that eateth up the wealth of a believer is building." A citizen of Medina, present at the time, confirmed this account, and added that the curtains (purdas) of the doors were of black hair-cloth. He was present, he said, when the despatch of the Caliph Abd al Malik (A.H. 8G-88) was read aloud, which com manded that these houses should be brought within the area of the Mosque, and he never witnessed sorer weeping than there was amongst the people that day. One exclaimed — "I wish, by the Lord ! that they would leave them alone thus as they are ; then would those that spring up hereafter in Medina, and strangers
He was Caliph about one hundred years after the Hegira.
Tfaditions on the Character of Mahomet. 337
from the ends of the earth, come and see what kind of abode sufficed for the Prophet, and the sight thereof would deter men from extravagance and pride."
There were four houses of unburned bricks, the apartments being of palm branches ; and five houses made of palm branches built up with mud and without any separate apartments. Each was three Arabian yards in length. Some say that they had leather curtains for the doors. One could reach the roof with the hand.
The house of Haritha was next to that of Mahomet. Now whenever Mahomet took to himself another wife, he added a new house to the row, and Haritha was obliged successively to remove his house and build on the space beyond. At last this was repeated so often that the Prophet said to those about him — " Verily, it shameth me to turn Haritha over and over again out of his house."
Mahomet's private property. — There were seven gardens which Properties. Mukheirick, the Jew, left to Mahomet. Omar ibn al Aziz, the Caliph, said that when governor of Medina, he ate of the fruit of these, and never tasted sweeter dates. Others say that these gar dens formed a portion of the confiscated estates of the Bani Nadhir. They were afterwards dedicated perpetually to pious purposes.
Mukheirick is said to have been a learned Jewish priest and a leader of the B. Cainucaa, who " recognized Mahomet by his marks, and identified him as the promised Prophet." But the love of his own religion prevailed, — so that he did not openly join Islam. Nevertheless, on the day of Ohod he put on his armour, notwith standing it was the Sabbath day, and went forth with the Moslems and was killed. His corpse was found and was buried near the Moslems ; but he was not prayed over, nor did Mahomet beg mercy for his soul then or afterwards ; the utmost he would say of him was, " Mukheirick, the best of the Jews ! " He had large possessions in groves and gardens, and left them all to Mahomet.
Mahomet had three other properties: —
I. The confiscated lands of the Bani Nadhir. The produce of these was appropriated to his own wants. One of the plots was called Mashruba Omm Ibrahim, — the summer garden of the slave girl, Mary, the mother of Ibrahim, — where the Prophet used to visit her.
338 Traditions on the Character of Mahomet.
II. Fadak ; the fruits of this were reserved as a fund for in digent travellers.
III. The fifth share in Kheibar. This was divded into three parts. Two were devoted for the benefit of the Moslems generally (i.e. for state purposes) ; the proceeds of the third, Mahomet assigned for the support of his own family; and what remained over he added to the fund for the use of the Moslems.
Weils. The wells from which Mahomet drank. — A variety of wells are
enumerated out of which Mahomet drank water, and on which he invoked a blessing, spitting into them. One night as he sat by the brink of the well called Gharsh, he said — " Verily, I am sitting beside one of the fountains of Paradise." He praised its water above that of all other wells, and not only drank of it, but bathed in it. He also drank from the fountain of Budhaa, taking up the water in both his hands and sipping it. He would send the sick to bathe in this fountain ; " and when they had bathed, it used to be as if they were loosed from their bonds."
The well called Ruma belonged to a man of the Bani Mozeina. Mahomet said that it would be a meritorious deed if any one were to buy this well and make it free to the public. Othman, hearing this, purchased the well for 400 dinars, and attached a pulley to it. Mahomet again happening to pass the well, was apprised of what Othman had done ; he prayed the Lord to grant him a reward in Paradise, and calling for a bucket of water he drank therefrom, and praised the water, saying that it was both cold and sweet.
APPENDIX TO VOL. IV.
[The D
|
MAHOMETAN MONTH. |
1st Year of the Hegira ; begins 19 April, 022, A.D. ^Itat. 54. |
Hnd Year of the Hegira; begins 7 May 623, A.D. uEtat. 55. |
I Ilrd Year of the Hegira; begins 26 April 624, A.D. jEtat. 56. |
I Vth Year of the Hegira; begins 15 April 625, A.D. JEtat. 57. |
|
Moharram. |
April, 622. |
May, 623. |
,, (Expedition against flffN the Bani Suleim °**' ((CarcaratalCadr) |
. ., (Expedition of April, 1 AbuSalmato Ma'J- \ Catan. Assassination of Sofi&n ibn One is. |
|
Safar. |
May. |
June. Expedition of Ma homet to Abwa. All marries Fatima. |
June. Expedition against the B. Ghatalan. |
,, (Mishap at Al *f<± \ Raji; and at Jane. { Bir Mafma. |
|
Rabi I. |
June. Mahomet arrives in Medina, and lodges with Abu Ayub |
July. Expedition of Ma homet to Buwdt. Ex pedition of Mahomet against Kurz, the rob ber. |
July. Kdb ibn al Ashraf assassinated. |
June, I BANI NADHIR July, i EXILED. |
|
Rabt II. Jumad I. |
July. |
August. |
August. |
August. |
|
August. |
September. |
September. Expedition to Bohran against B. Suleym, |
September. |
|
|
Jumad II. |
September. |
October. Expedition to Osheira. |
October. Expedition to Al Carada. |
October. |
|
Rajab. |
October. |
November. Expedition of Abdalla to Nakhla. The Kibla changed. |
November. |
November. |
|
Shaban. |
November. |
December. Fast of Ra madhan imposed. |
December. Mahomet marries HAPHSA. |
December. |
|
Ramadhan. |
December. Hamza sent in pursuit of a caravan from Mecca. |
r ( BATTLE OF BADK. 7** \ Asmd assassi- 624' I noted. |
January, 625. |
j ( Mahomet marries a-.?. ' < ZEINAB, DAUGHTER •°- ( OF KHOZEIMA. A grandson born to him. |
|
SbawwSl. |
January 623. Mosque completed. Mahomet goes into his own house. Marries AYESHA. Ex pedition of Obeida to KiUiigh. |
Feby. BANI CAINUCAA EXILED. Abu Afak assassinated. |
T ( BATTLE OF OHOD Jg* ] Expedition to *coy- (Hamrd al Asad. |
Feby. Mahomet marries OMM SALMA. |
|
Dzul Cada. |
February. Expedition of Sad to Al Kharrar. |
March. |
Feruary, March. |
March. Second expedi tion to Badr. |
|
DzulHijj. |
Afarrh f Jewish Fast ££{£2—~ \_A month intercalated.] |
April. Expedition of Suweick. Mahomet ob serves the Eed ool Zoha at the Eedgah of Medina |
March, April. |
April May. [A month intercalated."] |
r. CHRONOLOGICAL VIEW OP EVENTS
Dates are according to M. C. de Perceval's Calculations.]
|
VthYearoftheHegira; begins 3 May 626, A.D. JEt&t. 58. |
Vlth Year of the Hegira ; begins 23AprilG21, A.D. Mt&t. 59. |
Vllth Year of the Hegira ; begins 12 April 628, A.D. JEt&t. 60. |
|
May. Expedition of Dzat al Rica. |
April, May. |
1 Despatches sent ir to Constanti- Avril \ nople' Fersi<i' ApriL and other l_ courts. |
|
June. Mahomet marries ZEINAB, DAUGHTER OF JASH. |
May, June. |
May. |
|
July. His expedition to Duma. |
r Expeditions Tline \ against the B. **<l\ Lahyan, and •""»• I tlie robber V. Oyeina. |
June. |
|
August. |
July, ( Minor expedi- Auf/ust. I tions. |
July. |
|
September. |
/ Abul Aas, Ma- Anm.,f \ hornet's son- St I in-lawbrought *epl" 1 a prisoner to (. Medina. |
August. CAMPAIGN AGAINST KHEIBAR. Mahomet marries SAFIA. Is poisoned. |
|
October, |
Sept. C Minor expedi- Oct. ( tions. |
September. Returns by Wddi al Cora. |
|
November. |
K. {** |
October. Mahomet mar ries OMM HABfBA. Takes MART the Copt as a concubine. |
|
Deer. Campaign against the B. AJustalick. Ma homet marries JUWEI- RIA. Misadventure of Ayesha. |
•^ ( Campaign of Ab- ™ \ dalKahmanto ' (. to Duma. |
November. Several small expeditions. |
|
January, 627. |
nan f Expedition against r*f' ) the B. Fezara. cZo* \ Omm Kirfa torn 628' I in pieces. Abu Rdfi assassinated. |
December. Ditto ditto. |
|
February. |
f Oseir ibn Zarim Jan. J assassinated. Feb. } Urnee robbers (. crucified. Attempt to assassinate Abu Sofidn. |
January, j Ditto ditto |
|
Feb, \ SIEGE OF ME- March. ) D!NA. |
Feb. ( Pilgrimage to March. ( HODKIBIA. TllUCE WITH COREISH. |
Febuary. LESSER PIL GRIMAGE. Mahomet marries MAIMUBTA. |
|
March, f Massacre of the April. \ B. Coreitza. Mahomet takes RIHANA as a concubine. |
TUT „ j, ( Second grand- M.arc^ \ son born to APnL \ Mahomet. |
( Unsuccessful March, \ expedition April. } against the (. B. Suleim. [A month intercalated.'] |
OP EVENTS AT MEDINA.
Calculations.]
|
VIIthYearoftheHegira; begins 12 April 628, A.D. JEtat. (30. |
VHIth Year of the Hegira; begins 1 May 629, A.D. ^Etat. 61. |
IXth Year of the Hegira; begins 20 April, 630, A.D. uEtat. 62. |
Xth Year of the Hegira ; begins 9 April, 631. .(Etat. 63. |
Xlth Year of the Hegira; begins 29 March, 632. |
|
J Despatches sent to Constanti- 4nril , nople, Persia, ApriL and other l_ courts. |
May. |
April. Collectors of tithes and envoys sent to va rious countries. Expe dition against the B. Tamim. |
April. Deputations con tinue throughout this year from all quarters. |
April. Asdd, the Im postor, revolts in Yemen. |
|
May. |
June. Minor expedi tions. |
May. YEAK OF DEPU TATIONS TO MEDINA. Minor expeditions. |
May. |
May. Preparations for Osama's expedition to Syria. |
|
June. |
July. Ditto ditto |
June. Expedition against the Abyssinians at Jedda Ditto of Ali against the B. Tai. |
June. Expedition of Khalid to Najran. IBRAHIM DIES. |
June. DEATH OF MAHO MET. |
|
July. |
August. |
July. Minor expeditions. |
July. Moadh sent to Ye men as chief collector and envoy. |
|
|
August. CAMPAIGN AGAINST KllEIBAR. Mahomet marries SAFIA. Is poisoned. |
Sept. DISCOMFITURE AT MOTA. |
August. |
August. |
|
|
September. Returns by Wddi al Cora. |
October. Expedition of Dzat Al Salasil towards Syria. |
September. |
September. |
|
|
October. Mahomet mar ries OMM HAsfBA. Takes MARY the Copt as a concubine. |
November. Expeditiou of the Fish. |
October. \ Expedition \ to TABUK. |
October. |
|
|
November. Several small expeditions. |
Deer. Expedition against the B. Khudhra. |
November.! Khalid re duces Dumat al Janaal. |
November. |
|
|
December. Ditto ditto. |
•Jyj MECCA TAKEN. |
December. Submission of Tayif. |
December. Expedition of Ali to Yemen. |
|
|
^"^'l Ditto ditto. |
Feby. Battle of HONEIN. Hiege of TAYIF. |
January, 631. |
January, 632. |
|
|
Febuary. LESSER PIL GRIMAGE. Mahomet marries MAIMUNA. |
March. Mahomet per forms the Lesser Pil grimage, and returns to Medina. |
February. |
February. |
|
|
( Unsuccessful March, ) expedition April. \ against the (. B. Suleim. [A month intercalated.] |
April. Birth of Mary's son, IBRAHIM. |
March. Pilgrimage of AbuBakr. Ali notifies that Mecca will be closed against idolaters. |
March. THE FAEEWELL PILGRIMAGE. |
INDEX,
341
INDEX.
Aamir ibn Sassaa, Bani, I. ocxxiv, et
seq. III. 204, 208. IV. 226 Aamir ibn Tofail, I. ccxxvi. III. 205,
208. IV. 226; his death, 228 Aasim III. 1 68 Abbas, I. xxxviii, cclxx, 31. II. 46,
234. III. 109, 153. IV. 88, 115,
etseq. 128, 140, 166 Abbas ibn Merdas, IV. 151 Abbassides, I. xxxix, xl, ccl Abd al Ashal, Bani, II. 218, 237 Abd al Dar, I. ccxliv, cclxx. II. 33 Abd al Harith, a bishop, II. 301 Abdal Keis, Bani, IV. 107 Abdallah ibn Abbas, I. x, xxiv
ibn Abi Omeya, IV. 112
ibn Abi Rabia, II. 172
ibn Atik, IV. 14
, father of Mahomet, I. cclix,
cclxx, 9 ibn Jahsh, II. 161, 246. III.
70, et seq.
ibn Jodaan, II. 3, 11, 108, 123
ibn Khalal, IV. 131
ibn Masud, I. iv, vii, xvi;
impugns Zeid's Goran, xvii, Ixxv.
II. 107, 160. III. 108
ibn Obey, I. Iviii, ccxxxiii,
ccxxxv. 11.241. III. 28, 136, 138, 159, 162, 211, 237, 239, et seq. 246, 251. IV. 185, 200
ibn Omar, II. 171. IV. 149
ibn Omm Maktum, II. 128.
III. 161 ibn Oneis, III. 200. IV. 15,
16 ibn Oreikat, or Arcad, II.
249. III. 14
ibn Rawaha, III. 128. IV.
16, 75, 85, 86, 96, 98; killed, 100
ibn Sad, I. iii. IV. 131
ibn Zibara, IV. 116, 132
— • — ibn Zobeir, I. Ixxv
, son of Abu Bakr, II. 258,
260, 265. III. 14. IV. 144
-, son of Mahomet, II. 26, 46
Abd al Malik, I. cii
VOL. IV. X X
Abdal Masih, II. 301
Abd al Mottalib, I. clxiv
Abd al Rahman ibn Awf, II. 106, 133, 162, 272. III. 110. IV. 11, 12, 194, 330
Abd Kelal, I. clix
, Himyarite prince, IV. 214
Abd Menaf, I. ccxliv, cclxx. II. 32
(Abdallah), son of Mahomet,
II. 26, 46
Abd Shams ibn Abd Menaf, I. ccxlvi. cclxx. II. 5, 33
Abd Shams Saba, I. cl
Abd Wudd, III. 262, 263
Abo-Charib, I. clxxxvii, ccxx
Aborigines of Arabia, I. cviii, et seq.
Abraha, I. Ixxx, clxiii, clxiv, cclxii. II. 64
Abraham, I. cxi, cxxvii, cxci, cxcii, ccix, ccxv, et seq. II. 9, 33, 155, 187, 294; station of, 127. IV. 128
Abrahamic tribes, I. cxi, et seq. cxxv, cxxvii
Abs, Bani, I. ccxxiv, et seq. IV. 106
Abu Afak, III. 132
Amir, III. 27, 155, 167. IV. 199
Ayub, III. 11, 12, 22. IV. 70
Abu Bakr, I. iii ; orders collection of Goran, xii, xix, xx, liii. II. 66, 100, et seq.; names, 102, 129, 166, 208, 220, 248, et seq. 254, 260. III. 1, 6, 8, 14, 16, 18, 21, 93, 97, 101, 117, 183, 215, 247, 251. IV. 3, 29, 34, 71, 73, 83, 105, 112. 130, 140, 147, 161, 185, 208, 222, 253, 255, 259, 262, 264, 265, 273, et seq. 275, 276, 281; visits the corpse of Mahomet, 282, 285; chosen to be caliph, 287; his speech, 289 ; prayer over the corpe of Mahomet, 294, 296 ; des patches Osama to Syria, 297
Abu Bara, II. 236, 237, 238
Basir, IV. 42
Bera, II. 5. III. 204. IV. 226
Cays, II. 213, 219
Cobeis, hill of, I. 2, 11, 176
Cotada, IV. 113
Cuhafa, Abu Bakr's father, II.
102. IV. 130
342
Index.
Abu Baud, I. xliii
Dujana, III. 168
Dzarr Ghifari, II. iii
Fokeiha, II. 123, 130
Hantzala (Abu Sofian), IV. 117
Hodzeifa, son of Otba, II. 109,
161. III. 70, 105, 114 ...... Ishac, I. Ixxxix
Jahl, I. Iviii. II. 162, 164, 167,
169, 179, 244, 251, 259. III. 64, 91,
95, 98, etseq. 107, 114, 120 Jandal, son of Soheil, IV. 42
Karib (Tibban Asad), I. clvii,
ccxxxi. II. 40
Abul Aas, II. 45, 264. III. 14, 127.
IV. 6, et seq. Abu Lahab, I. Iviii, cclxx, 18, 19, 31.
II. 26, 46, 80, 113, 165, 175, 177, 182, 196. III. 89
Abul Bokeir, II. 119,247
Bokhtari, II. 179, 192. III. 109
Casim, name of Mahomet, II. 26
Haysar, II. 214
Haytham, II. 215, 238
Huckeick (Abu Rafi) assassi nated, IV. 13, et seq. Abu Lubaba, III. 271
Mashar, I. Ixxxviii
Naila, III. 145
Obeida ibn al Jarrah, II. 106.
III. 174. IV. 105, 106, 123, 282 Orneya, II. 37
Ozza, III. 127
Rafi, III. 13, 139. IV. 14, 89
Rughal, I. cclxiii
Salma, II. 106, 172,246. III. 122,
199; his death-bed, 227. IV. 12
Sofian, I. xxxvii, Ivii, Ixi, cclix,
cclxx, 30. II. 45, 110, 162. III. 65, 69, 82, et seq. 127, 138, 154, 166, 175, 198, 259, 267, 220. IV. 8 ; attempted assassination of, 20; 31, 110, 111, 115, et seq. 151, 206
Sofian ibn Harith, IV. 116, 140
Talib, I. Ixxxiv
Talib, son of Abd al Muttalib, I.
31, 32, 33. II. 12, 15, 46, 67, 99, 131,
163, et seq. 174, et seq. 193, 195, 209 Abwa, I. 27. III. 67, 91, 156 Abyssinia, first emigration to, II. 132;
return from, 149, 153; second, 160;
embassy of Coreish to, 172; despatch
to court of, IV. 57 Abyssinians invade Yemen, I. clxi,
clxiii; subdued, clxv, clxxvi, ccxii,
ccxxxviii; their invasion of Mecca,
clxiv, cclxiii. IV. 176 Acaba, first pledge of, II. 216 ; second
pledge of, 232. Acaba, Al, near Mina, IV. 235, 237
Acaba, or Ay la, IV. 187
Ackick, Al, III. 2, 156. IV. 25
Ackil, son of Abu Talib, II. 47. III. 127. IV. 127.
Acra, IV. 152, 172, 173
Ad, I. cxxxviii. II. 64
Addas, II. 85, 201. III. 98
Aden, I. cxxxiii, clxv
Adhl, Bani, III. 201
Adi, Bani, III. 92
ibn Rabia, I. clxx
, the poet, I. clxxix
Adnan, I. cvii, cxli, clxvi, cxcii, cxciii, cxciv, cxcv, ccix
Adultery, III. 249
Adwan, Bani, I. cxcv, cxcvi. ccxix. ccxxiv
Adzakhir, IV. 126
Adzdn, or call to prayer, III. 53.
Adzraat, III. 137
Adzruh, IV. 190
Aelius Gallus, I. cxxi, cliv
Afra, sons of, III. 108, 121
Afrikin, I. cliii
Ahmad, title of Mahomet, I. 16. II. 104, 313
Ajyad, Jebel, II. 12, 13
Akaba (Ayla), I. cxvii, cxxxiv
Akk, I. cxciv, cxcv * Ala ibn Hadhramite, IV. 216
Alamain, boundary pillars of the sacred territory, IV. 129
Al Ashal, Bani, III. 181
Al Ashath ibn Cays, I. ccxxii
Alcama., I. clxxxviii
Aleishra, I. civ
Alexander the Great, I. cliii
Ali, I. iii, xviii; his knowledge of the Goran, xix, xxxvi, xl, cclxx, 5. II. 46, 66, 98, 113, 194, 196, 248, 254, 258, 264. III. 8, 17, 69, 95, 103, 110, 152, 247, 262, 270. IV. 11, 14, 33, 34; exploits at Kheibar, 65; 66, 90, 112, 114, 128, 131, 135, 140, 149, 177, 185, 208; campaign in Yemen, 225, 232, 260, 287, 288, 290, 295
Alilat, I. ccx
Al Is, IV. 6
Allat, I. ccx
Al Mamun, I. xl
Alms (Sadacdt), IV. 155, 170
Al Shaikhain, III. 162
Alyite faction, I. xxxviii, xl
Amalekites, I. cxiv, cxvii, cxxiv, cxxv, cliii, cxcii, ccxi, ccxxix
Ambariya, IV. 158
Ambition of Mahomet, II. 73
Amila, Bani, IV. 183
Amin (Faithful), title of Mahomet, II. 15,38
Index.
343
Amina, mother of Mahomet, I. 15, 26,
27, 28. III. 156 Amir al Mominin, III. 75 Amir ibn Tzarib, I. clxviii, ccxix Amman (Philadelphia), I. cxxxiv,
clxxxviii, 33. IV. 103 Ammar, I. Ixxiv. II. 125, 130, 131 Ammonites, I. cxiv Amr (III) I. clxxviii, clxxxviii, ccxxiii.
(IV) Abu Shammir, I. clxxxviii
al Macsur, I. clxxxvi, ccxx
ibn Abasa, II. Ill
ibn al Aas (Amru), II. 172. III.
166. See Amru
ibn al Hadhrami, Ilf. 73, 89
ibn Awf, Bani, III. 5, 6
ibn Colthum, the poet, I', clxxviii,
ccxxiii
ibn Foheira, II. 107, 130, 258, 261
ibn Jahsh, III. 210, 214
ibn Lohai, I. cxcviii, ccxii
. ibn Omeya, I. Ixi. III. 208. IV.
21, 58. 247
Mozeikia, I. cxlfx, clvi, clxxxv
the Hadhramite, III. 99
Amru (Amr ibn al Aas), IV. 90, 104,
106, 116, 134, 213. See Amr ibn al
Aas
Anastasius, I. clxxv Anaza, Bant, I. cxcvi Anbar, I. clxvi Anemone, the, I. clxxxi Angels, I. Ixiv, Ixv. II. 137, 156. III.
124; at Honein, IV. 143 Anis, IV. 69 Anmar, I. cxciv, cxcv Ansar, II. 249. III. 26 Antara, I. ccxxvi Anticipations of Mahomet and Islam,
I. Ixvii. II. 53, 215, 238 Anushirvau, I. clxxv Apostles of Christ, II. 208 Arabia, described, I. cxli ; expulsion
of the Jews and Christians from,
IV. 271
Arabic language, I. cxvi, cli Arabs' love of poetry, I. v, Iv, Ixxxiv ;
migration northwards, I. cxli Arafat, I. ccv, 2. IV. 232, 233, 235 Area, son of, III. 263 Arcam, house of, II. 109, 110, 117, 163,
169
Aretas, I. cxxi, cxxiv, clxxxiv Arj, III. 2 Aryat, I. clxiii Asad, Bani, I. cxcv, cxcvi. III. 256.
IV. 114, 246
ibn Khozeima, Bani, III. 199
ibn Zorara, II. 215, 218, 236, 238.
III. 12, 59
x x 2
Asbagh, Al, a Christian chief, IV. 12
Ascension of Jesus, II. 286
Ashar, Bani, IV. 107
Ashath, Al, chief of Bani Kinda, IV.
220; marries Abu Bakr's daughter,
221
As ibn Wail, II. 7, 162 Ashja, Bani, I. ccxxiv. et seq. ccxxxiv.
111. 142, 256, 266. IV. 107, 114 Aslam, Bani, I. cxlvi. IV. 107, 114,
171
Asma bint Omeis, IV. 269
daughter of Abu Bakr, II. Ill,
258, 260
daughter of Marwan, III. 130
sister of Ayesha, II. 101
wife of Jafar, II. 1 1 1
Assassination of Asma, III. 130 ; of Kab ibn Ashraf, 143; of Ibn Sanina, 149 ; of Sofian ibn Khalid, 200 ; of Abu Rafi, IV. 14 ; of Oseir ibn Za- rim, 15; attempt to assassinate Abu Sofian, 20, et seq.
Asses' flesh forbidden, IV. 76
Aswad, Al, the shepherd of Kheibar , IV. 78
father of Zamaa, III. 128
the impostor, IV. 248, 274
Atick, a name of Abu Bakr, II. 102
Atika, III. 90
Attab, IV. 137, 156
Autas, IV. 138, 142
Aws Allah, II. 214, 219
Aws, Bani, I. cxlix, clxxxv, cxcviii, ccxxx, et seq. II. 212, 216, 218, 232, 235. III. 5, 26, 247, 273. IV. 14
Aws Monat, II. 214
Ayash ibn Abi Rabia, II. 244
Ayash ibn Harith, IV. 200
Ayesha, I. xi, xxviii, Ix, Ixv, Ixxv. II. 100, 111, 254, 265. III. 14, 16, 22, 151, 229, 236, 238, 243; her mis adventure, 244, et seq. 252. IV. 81,
112, 114, 160, 161, 258, 260, 272, 277, et seq. 295, 325, 329.
Ayham, son of Jabala, I. clxxxix
Ayla, IV. 187, 189
Aylan, I. cxcv, cxcvi, ccxiv
Ay man, IV. 140, 143
Ayr, Jebel, III. 4. IV. 18
Azdites, I. cxlix ; their migration,
clvi, clxv, clxxxiii, cxcvii, cxcviii.
IV. 219
Bab al Nisa (" women's porch ""),
III. 20 al Salam, a gate of the Kaaba,
II. 37, 38
344
Index.
Backi al Gharcad, Mahomet's visit to,
IV. 257, 293
Bacr, Sura, I. vi. IV. 140 Bacura, a Greek captain, II. 32 Badr, battle of, I. Ixiv. III. 69, 81, el
seq. 88, 91, 96 ; the second, 220 Badzan, I. clxv. IV. 55, 244, 248 Bahira, I. cclxx
the monk, I. 35
Bahra, Bani, IV. 97
Bahram Gour, I. clxxi, clxxiii
Bahrein, IV. 156, 180, 213, 216, 217,
248
Bajila, Bani, TV. 219 Bakr, Bani, IV. 109 . ibri Abdmonat, Bani, I. cxcv,
cxcvi, cxcviii, cci. III. 90; their
alliance with the Coreish, IV. 41 iba Wail, Bani, I. clxxiii ; their
victory over the Persians, clxxxii;
cxcv, cxcvi, ccxx, et seq. ccxxvii.
IV. 97, 217
Bali, Bani, IV. 97, 104, 105, 176, 182 Balkis, I. civ Bani Ghanam, II. 247
Sheyba, gate ot'Kaaba, IV. 231
Ban of the Coreish, II. 174, et seq.
190
Biptism, II. 289, 303. IV. 218 Baraat, IV. 208, et seq. Baraka, see Omm Ayman Baruch, I. cvii, cxciii Bashir, IV. 83, 84, 94 Basus, war of, I. clxxvii, ccxxi Batn Marr, I. cxcvii Becca, or Mecca, II. 33 Bedouin Arabs, IV. 183, 196 Beit-allah, I. ccxiv. II. 43 Belcaa, IV. 97, 98, 298 Belisarius, I. clxxvii, clxxxvii Bilal, II. 107, 129. III. 54. IV. 68,
87, 128, 172, 220, 233, 266 Biographies of Mahomet, I. xxxii, xl,
Ixxxix Bir Mauna, disaster at, III. 204 ; curse
against the perpetrators of the mas sacre at, 207. IV. 226, 229 Birradh, II. 4 Birth of Mahomet, I. 12 Bishr, IV. 253 Black stone, I. cxcix, ccx ; sketch of,
II. 18, 34, 49. IV. 85, 127 Boath, battle of, I. ccxxxiv. II. 210,
212. III. 136, 185 Bodeil, IV. 28, 111, 116, 121 Bohran, III. 141 Bojair, IV. 178 Bokhari, I. xliii, xliv, xlv Booty, denunciation against fraudulent
appropriation of, IV. 77
Borac, II. 221
Bostra, I. 33. II. 17, 18. IV. 95
Bowat, III. 67
Broach, I. cxxxvi
Brotherhood at Medina, III. 17
C.
Cahlan, I. cxli, cxlix, cli, ccxix
Cahtan, I. cvii, cxli, cxlviii, et seq. cl
Cainucaa, Bani, I. ccxxx, et seq. III. 134
Callinicus, battle of, I. clxxxvii
Camels of Mahomet, IV. 335
Camuss (Kheibar), IV. 64, 67
Canons of criticism for tradition, I. liii, et seq.
Cara, Bani, III. 201
Caravans, I. cxxx ; Meccan, ccxlix, ccl. II. 16, 44, 65, 213
Carcarat al Cadr, III. 140
Casim, son of Mahomet, II. 26, 46, 70
Casting stones at Mina, I. ccvi. IV. 236
lots by arrows, I. cclvi; forbid den, III. 295
Caswa, Al, I. cclxvii. II. 249, 260. III. 9, etseq. 119. IV. 25, 27, 85, 127, 231
Catan, III. 199
Catholic faith of Abraham, II. 294, 314
Catura, Bani, I. cxii, cxcii, cxciv
Caussin de Perceval, M., I. cxliii, cxlviii
Cave of Thaur, II. 255
Cayl, title of Himyarite princes, IV. 214
Cays, I. cxcv, cxcvi, ccxxii, ccxxiv
ibn Sad, IV. 124
Chastity, II. 272
Chosroes, II. 223. IV. 50, 54
Christianity, in Yemen, I. clix, clx, clxiii; in Arabia, cxxix; at Hira, clxxi, clxxii, clxxv, clxxx; at Me dina, clxxxv, ccxvii,ccxxiii, ccxxviii, ccxxxvi, et seq. II. 7, 18, 44, 49, 50, 52, 124, 134, 147, 189, 212, 224, 277. III. 23; cast aside by Mahomet, IV. 212; crushed in Arabia, 219
Christian Scriptures, II. 189, 290, 297
Christians, their supposed testimony to Mahomet, I. Ixviii; massacre of, in Najran, clxii, clxxvi. II. 223, 293, 297, 299; to be subjected to tribute, IV. 211, 214, 217, 224, 251; Mahomet curses them on his death bed, 270
Index.
345
Christian tradition in Syria, commu nicated to Mahomet, II. 309
Circumcision, I. cxxix. III. 46
Citizens (of Medina), IV. 263, 286
Clergy, Christian, II. 304
Coba, II. 244. II f. 4, et seq., 8. IV. 198; mosque of, destroyed, 199
Codhaa, Bani, I. cxlviii, cxlix, clxv, cxcvii. IV. 104
Collectors of tradition, I. xxxii, xl, xli, xliv, xlvi
Commander of the Faithful, III. 75
Commerce, early lines of, I. cxxxi; with India, cxxxvi; decline of, in Arabia, cxxxviii. II. 44
Commutation of holy months (Nasaa), I. cxcix, ccv, ccviii. IV. 240
Companions of Mahomet, I. xxix, liii
Contests, chivalrous, II. 2, 7
Contributions required, III. 80
Goran, I. ii; collected by Abu Bakr, xi ; recension by Olhman, xiii ; various readings, xv, xxiii ; sup posed changes in, xvi, xx; descrip tion of, xxii; passages withdrawn, xxv; abrogated, xxvi; genuineness of, xxvii ; value of, xxvii, xxxi; compared with tradition, li ; early fragments, II. 59; early suras, 60 et seq.; terrific suras, 88, 135, et seq.; an imposture, 145, 183 ; corre spondence with Old Testament, 185; called fables, 189, 266, 314; super sedes Bible, 292, 297; passages of, regarding Ohod, III. 190; exile of Bani Nadhir, 215 ; a vehicle for "general orders," 224; siege of Medina and massacre of Bani Co- reitza, 279 ; a depository of secular ordinances, 295; marriage and di vorce, 302; warlike spirit of, 307; poetical passages, 309 ; arrangement of Medina portion, 311. IV. 323
Coreish, I. cxci, cxciv, cxc v, cxcvi, et seq. cciii, cclxviii, 18. II. 2, 10; rebuild Kaaba, 32; 41, 44, 67, 151, 159, 162, 172, 174, 231, 240, 247, 251. III. 64, 77, 83, 89, 94; defeated at Badr, 106; 308. IV. 26; enter into a truce with Mahomet, 33; 85, 88, 110, 116
Coreitza, Bani, I. Iviii, Ixiv, clvii, ccxxx, et stq. III. 259, 266 ; besieged, 270; massacred, 276
Coss, I. ccxxix. II. 7, 9
Cossai, I. ix. cxcv, cxcvi, cxcvii, cxcix, et seq. ccxlii, cclxx
Cotba, IV. 176
Crown lands at Kheibar, IV. 74
Crucifixion, II. 286, 289, 306
Cuba, see Coba.
Cudeid, II. 91, 262. IV. 94, 134
Cupping, IV. 331
Curtain of the Kaaba, II. 39
Cushites, I. cviii
D.
Dahis, war of, I. ccxxv
Darim, Bani, IV. 174
Date-trees, cut and burned by Ma homet, III. 213
David, I. cxviii. II. 12, 187
Day of Atonement, III. 51
Dedan, I. cxiii
Deputations to Mahomet, I. Ixxxiii
Description of Mahomet, II. 28, et seq.
Despatches of Mahomet, IV. 50, et seq.
Dhahak, IV. 1 76
Dhamdham, III. 83, 88
Dhamra, Bani, I. cxcv, cxcvi. III. 67, 69. IV. 152
Dihya, IV. 10, 69
Disaffected, the, I. Iviii ; of Medina,
III. 29, 233 ; citizens of Medina rebuked for not going to Tabuk,
IV. 194; die out, 200
Ditch, dug round Medina, III. 256;
battle of the, 261 Divine commission of Mahomet, II. 73,
77, 113 Divorce, II. 272. III. 234, 304; the
irrevocable, 306
Door of Kaaba, II. 41, 42. IV. 128 Doreid ibn Simna, IV. 138 Dous, Bani, IV. 107, 145 Dudan, Bani, I. cxcv. II. 110, 247 I) nil, Bani, I. cxcv, cxcvi Duldul, Mahomet's mule, IV. 139 Duma, IV. 191, et seq. Dumat al Jandal, I. cxii; expedition
to, III. 225; second expedition to,
IV. 11; Khalid's conquest of, 187 Dzakwan, II. 215. III. 163
, Bani, III. 206, et seq.
Dzat al Rica, III. 223
Dzat Atlah, IV. 94
Dzobab, III. 137
Dzobian, Bani, I. ccxxiv, et seq. IV.
106 Dzu Amr, III. 141
Car, battle of, I. clxxxii, ccxxiii
Carad, IV. 4
Khashab, IV. 113
Marwa, IV. 113
Nowas, I. cxlviii, clxi, clxiii,
clxxvi, ccxxix, ccxxxi
Shenatir, I. clxi
Towa, III. 156. IV. 26, 85, 122
346
Index.
Dzu-1-Adzar, I. cliv
Dzul Carnain, Essab, I. cliii
Cassa, IV. 5
Ficar, Mahomet's sword, III. 105,
113
Huleifa, III. -156. IV. 25
Kaffein, an idol, IV. 145
Kholasa, its temple the Kaaba of
Yemen, IV. 219
. Majaj, II. 1, 181
Marwa, III. 83
Eagle, Mahomet's standard, IV. 65
Eclipse of the sun, IV. 166
Eed at Fitr, III. 50
Eed al Zoha, III. 51,140
Egypt, Mahomet's despatch to go vernor of, IV. 56
Elephant, expedition of, I. clxiv, cclxiii
of Abraha, IV. 27
Elizas, I. cxcv, cxcvi
Embassies to Medina, IV. 213, et seq.
Emigrants, II. 249. III. 25
Emigration to Abyssinia. See Abys sinia
Enquirers, the Four, II. 7, 52, 109
Execution, Oriental mode of, II. 230
Ezekiel, II. 187
Ezra, II. 188, 288. IV. 212
F.
Fadak, II. 4. IV. 73, 291, 338 Fadhl, son of Abbas, IV. 236, 243, 274,
288
Falling stars, II. 89 Falsehood, when allowable, I. Ixxiii Farwa, martyrdom of, IV. 102, et seq. Fasting, II. 56. III. 47 Fatima, daughter of Mahomet, II. 21,
46, 100, 194, 264. III. 14, 152, 177,
178. IV. 9, 112, 133, 157, 256, 277,
291
, wife of Said, II. 109, 111, 168
Fatrah, or intermission of inspiration,
II. 86 Fezara (or Fazara), Bant, IV. 3, 12,
14, 107, 149, 171, 191 Fifth, royal of booty, I. ccxxi Fight, command to, II. 240, 250. III.
32, 77
Fihr Coreish, I. cxciv, cxcv, cxcvi Fijar, or sacrilegious war, II. 3 Fire worship, II. 224 Fish, expedition of the, IV. 106 Flood, the, II. 188
Fokeiha, II. Ill, 123 Fornication, punishment for, III. 249 Foster-relationship, I. 18 Friday, II. 218. III. 9, 41, 56
service, III. 300
Fulfilled pilgrimage, IV. 84, et seq. Fuls, an idol, IV. 177
Gabriel, I. Ixiv. II. 74, 76, 83, et seq.
138, 150, et seq. 219, 312. III. 43,
106, 117, 269. IV. 178 Games of chance forbidden, III. 300 Gates of Kaaba, II. 41. IV. 231 of the Mosque of Medina, III.
15, 19
Genii, II. 77, 89, 90, 203, 204 Gerra (Lachsa), I. cxxxii Gbaba, Al, III. 3, 156, 164, 258. IV.
3, 19
Ghalib, I. cxcv Ghassan, Bani, IV. 183 Ghassanide dynasty, I. clxv, clxxxiii,
cxc, cxcviii, cxxiv, ccxxxvii. II.
44, 212 Ghassanide Prince, despatch to, IV.
52 Ghatafan, Bani, I. cxcv, cxcvi, ccxiv.
III. 140, 141, 223, 265. IV. 63, 84,
106
Ghaza (Gaza), I. cclii. II. 20 Ghifar, Bani, IV. 24, 107, 114, 171 Gnostics and Docetae, II. 306 Goats of Mahomet, IV. 335 Golden ring of Mahomet, IV. 333 Gospel History, II. 278 Gospel, in Arabic, II. 51, 291. IV. 325 Gospels, apocryphal, II. 308 Government, form of, at Mecca, I.
ccxlii. II. 44
Grave of Mahomet, IV. 293 Greeks, II. 224 Greek ship wrecked in Red Sea, II. 32
H.
Habaa, battle of, I. ccxxv
Habbar, IV. 7, 9, 130
Hadda, Al, III. 92
Hadhramaut, I. ex, cl. IV. 180, 220
Hagar, I. cxi, cxci
Hajun, Al, burying-place at Mecca,
I. ccxlv, 29 Hakim ibn Hizam, II. 48, 179. III.
91, 98, 102. IV. 116, 121, 151
ibn Keisan, III. 73, 75
Halima, I. Ixxix, 19, 24. IV. 147
Index.
347
Hamadan, IV. 244
Hami, I. cclxx
Hamna, daughter of Jahsh, III. 246,
251 Hamra al Asad, expedition to, III.
182, 184 Hamza, I. cclxx, 10, 18, 31. II. 23,
166, 171. HI. 18, 64, 69, 103, 135;
kills Othman, 168, 169 ; is slain,
170; and mutilated, 173, 178, 181,
182. IV. 88, 90
Hanefite, or Catholic faith, II. 9, 294 Hanifa, Bani, I. ccxxiii. II. 303. IV.
60, 217, 246 Haphsa, I. iv, xiii. III. 151. IV. 161,
162, 163. 261, 266
Haram, sacred territory, I. ccvi, ccxiii Harb, father of Abu Sofian, I. viii,
cclix, cclxi, cclxx, 30. II. 5 Harith al Raish, I. cliii , Bani, I. ccxxvii, ccxxviii. IV.
224, 225
(I.), I. clxxxv
(II.), I. clxxxv
(IV.), I. clxxxvi
• (V.), I. clxxxvii, ccxx
(VIL), I. clxxxviii. IV. 52
ibn Abdal Muttalib, I. cclvi,
cclix, cclxx, 31 ibn Suweid, III. 133 ; executed,
185 , son of Amral Macsur, I.
clxxiii, ccxxi
the Less, I. clxxxviii
Harrat, or ridge near Medina, III. 6 Hasan (son of AU), IV. 295 Hashim, I. ccxxxvii, ccxlvi, et seq.
cclxx Hashirmtes, I. cclxxi. 30. II. 5, 11,
175, 178, 190, 250 Hassan, grandson of Mahomet, III.
152 ibn Thabit, I. Ixxxvi, clxxxviii,
clxxxix, ccxxxii. II. 256. III. 246,
251. IV. 56, 173 Tobba, I. clix; the Less, clviii,
clx, clxvii, ccxxxi Hatib ibn Arar, II. 111. IV. 113 Hatim Tay, I. ccxviii. IV. 177 Hattab, II. Ill, 123 Haudza, chief of Yemaraa, IV. 59 Haura, I. cxxxi. III. 83 Hawazin, Bani, I. cxcv, cxcvi, ccxxiv,
19, 25. II. 2, 203. IV. 136, et seq. 148, 204 Heart, heathenish prejudice against
eating the, IV. 228 Heavenly journey of Mahomet, I. Ixvii.
II. 219 Hegira, II. 261
Hejaz, I. cxlv
Hejer, or Hatim, II. 41, 43. IV. 186
Hell, II, 63, 78, 145
Heraclius, II. 223. IV. 49, et seq.
Hijdba, charge of the Kaaba, I. cciv,
ccxliv, ccxlvii, cclxxi. IV. 91 Hijr, I. cxxxviii, 33 Hilf al Fudhul, confederacy of, II. 10 Himyar, I. cxlvi, cli, ccxx, ccxii,
ccxxxv
Himyarite alphabet, I. ix, cxlvii; in scriptions, ibid.; dialect, cli Himyarites, I. cxi, cxvi, clxvi, et seq.
clxxv Hind, wife of Abu Sofian, II. 110. III.
128, 155, 175. IV. 10, 132
, wife of Adi, I. clxxix
Hira, I. clxv, et seq. ; becomes a
Satrapy, clxxxiii, ccxxii, ccxxxv,
ccxxxvii , hill of, II. 53, 55, et seq. 74, 82,
84, 206
Hirta, I. clxxi Hisham ibn al As, II. 244
ibn Amr, II. 179
ibn Walid, II. 132
Hisma, IV. 10
Hisn al Ghorab, I. cxlvii
Hobab, III. 96, 98
ibn al Mundzir, III. 157
Hobal, I. cclvi. II. 41. IV. 127
Hobeib ibn al Asaf, III. 8
Hodeibia, I. cclxvii. 11.88. IV. 27;
treaty of, 33
Hodheir al Ketalb, I. ccxxxiv Hodzeifa recommends recension of
Coran, I. xiii, xxix. HI. 268 Hodzeil, Bani, I. cxcv, cxcvi, 18. III.
199. IV. 133 Hojr Akil al Morar, I. clxi, clxxxvi,
ccxx
Holeil, I. cci, ccii Holy Spirit, II. 138, 287,311 Horns, I. cclxvii. II. 268 Honein, battle of, I. Ixiv. IV. 136,
139
Horims, I. cxiii, cxvii Horses of Mahomet, IV. 337 Hosein, grandson of Mahomet, III. 152 Hostilities with Mecca, H. 265. III.
63 Houries, II. 141, et seq. ; of paradise,
IV. 79
Houses of Mahomet, IV. 336 Hud, Sura, IV. 255 Human sacrifices, I. cclxi Husbands, duties of, IV. 238 Huweirith, IV. 10, 130 Huweisa, III. 149 Huweitib, IV. 110, 151
348
Index.
Huwey, III. 139, 255, 259, 277. IV.
67 Hypocrites, the, III. 30
Ibn Caraia, wounds Mahomet, III. 172
Hisham, I. xl, xciii
Ishac, I. xl, xc
Ibrahim, son of Mary the Copt, IV.
159; death of, 165 Idham, Wddi,IV. 113 Idolatry, I. ccxii, ccxxxvi. II. 41, 140,
155, 157, 217, 219. III. 306; sup pressed at Mecca, IV. 127 ; to be
annihilated, 209, 211 Idols round about the Kaaba, II. 41.
IV. 127, 193, 194 Idumeans, I. cxiii, cxvii Ifddha, I. cxcix, ccxliv Ihram (assuming pilgrim garb), I. ccv Ijaza, I. cxcix, ccxliv Ikrima, son of Abu Jahl, III. 107, 163,
166, 262. IV. 26, 109, 125, 132 Imam (leader of prayer), I. v. IV. 223 Imrul Cays (I.), I. clxxi
(III.), I. clxxxiv
Indian commerce, I. cxxxvi Incantations of the Jews, IV. 253 ;
used by Mahomet, 278 Infanticide, I. cclxi. II. 53. IV. 228 Inheritance, law of female, III. 197 Injil, II. 291 Inspiration, so called, of Mahomet, II.
68 et seq. 75, 81, et seq. 87, 136,
189, 230, 312; nature of, IV. 316 Intercalation of the year (Nasaa), I.
cxcix, ccv, ccviii; abolished, IV. 239 Isabah, I. civ Ishmael, I. cxi, cxci, cxcii, ccix, ccxv,
et seq.
Ishmaelites, I. cxi Islam, unity of civil and religious
elements in, I. xl ; existed before
Mahomet, Ixviii. II. 147, 217, 295 Isra (night journey to Jerusalem), II.
222 Istibra (interval before re-marriage of
females), IV. 76, 149 lyad, Bani, I. clxvi, clxxi, cxciv, cxcv,
cxcviii, cxcix
J.
Jabala (VI.), I. clxxxvii
Jabbar (near Wadi al Cora), IV. 84
Jabir, III. 223
Jabr, II. 122
Jadzima, Bani, IV. 135, 136
Jafar, II. 47, 172. IV. 58, 79, 88, 90, 96; killed, 99, 100, 101, 102
Jahja, III. 239
Jal al Jawf, or Duma, IV. 191, 192, 193
Jalis, IV. 30
Janba, Bani, IV. 190
Jarba, IV. 190
Jebel Ared, I. cxlv
Hind, IV. 123
Kora, I. 2. II. 199, 201
Sham mar, I. cxlv
Jerash, I. cxxxiv, cxxxvii, 33
Jeremiah, I. cvii, cxciii
Jesus, picture of, II. 41; parallel be tween the temptation of Mahomet and that of, 91 et seq. ; further parallel, 273, 283, et seq. ; divine son- ship of, 287. IV. 212
Jewish scriptures, II. 183, 290, 297 ; witness, 184, 312; legends in Coran, 185; sorcery, III. 61
Jewish tribes, IV. 187, 190
Jews, their supposed testimony to Mahomet, I. Ixviii. II. 184, 211 ; legendary history of Arabia bor rowed from their Scriptures, I. Ixix, cvii, cxxv, clvii, ccxvi, ccxxix, et seq. II. 183, 293, 297, 314; sent back from Ohod, III. 162 ; of Kheibar, IV. 14, et seq. 61, et seq.; expatriated by Omar, IV. 75; to be subjected to tribute, 211, 216, 217, 223, 253 ; Mahomet curses them on his death bed, 270
. of Medina, II. 211. HE. 31, et
seq. 119, 130, 137; new treaty made with them, 150, 289; denunciations against, 290 ; their hatred of Ma homet, 291
Jeyfar, IV. 213
Jierrana, IV. 142, 146, 147, 155, 156
Jirjir, or Gregory, I. cliv
Jodzeima, I. clvii, cxlviii, clxx
Joheina, Bani, I. cxlix, ccxxxiv. III. 65, 83. IV. 24, 106, 107, 114, 171
Johfa, III. 90, 111
John the Baptist, II. 279
, prince of Ayla, IV. 187, et
seq.
Joktan, I. cvii, ex, cl
Jorf, III. 156, 258. IV. 96, 253, 285, 297
Jorhom, Bani, I. cxcii, cxciii, cxcvii, cxcviii, ccix, ccxi, cclvi
Jorsh, capital of Bani Azd, IV. 220
Joseph, II. 187. IV. 266
Journey of Mahomet to Jerusalem and Heaven, II. 219
Index.
349
Judaism, I. clviii, clxii, ccxvi, ccxxxi, ccxxxvi. II. 7, 8, 14, 183, 211, 217; cast aside, IV. 212
Judgment, temporal, threatened by Mahomet, II. 144, 226
Judzam, Bani, IV. 10, 97, 107, 183
Jueil ibn Suraca, IV. 152
Jufi, Bani, IV. 228
Juhan, Al, IV. 126
Julian the Emperor, I. clxxxv
Justin, I. clxii, clxxvi
Juweiria, Mahomet's wife, III. 242
K.
Kaaba, I. cxxvi, clvii, cxcii, cciv, ccix, et seq. ccxxxvi. II. 9; plan of, 18, 31, 40, et seq. 154, IV. 86, 127, 169, 231, 242
Kab, Bani, IV. 110
ibn Asad, chief of Bani Coreitza,
III. 259, 277
ibn Ashraf, assassinated, III. 143
ibn Malik, I. xi, Ixxxvi. III. 173.
IV. 197
ibn Zoheir, the poet, IV. 178, 179
Kafir, II. 147
Kalb, Bani, I. cxlix, clxvi. II. 50.
IV. 193
Kara al Ghamim, II. 88. IV. 3, 26 Katib al Wackidi, I. pref. vi, xcvi Kedarenes, I. cxii Keidar, IV. 193 Keturahites, I. cxii Khadija, I. iii, 18, 24. II. 16, 21,
et seq. 45, 56, 66, 82, et seq. 98, 179,
193, 194, 208 Khaithama, III. 160 Khalid ibn al Bokeir, III. 70
ibn Said, II. 110
ibn Walid, defeats the Moslems
at Ohod, III. 170, 263. IV. 26; his
conversion, 90; 123, 125, 134, 135,
136, 139, 187, 191, 192, 224, 246 Khariba, I. cxlvii Khar ij a ibn Zeid, III. 8 Kharijites, I. xxxviii Kharrar, III. 66 Khasafa, Bani, I. cxcv, ccxxiv Khatham, Bani, I. cxcv, cclxiii. IV.
176
Khatrna, Bani, III. 132 Khattab, Omar's father, II. 7 Khaulan, I. cxlv
, Bani, IV. 215
Khawarnac, I. clxxi, et seq.
Khazaz, battle of, I. ccxx
Khazraj, Bani, I. cxlix, clxxxv, cxcviii.
IV. 14, 85
Kheibar, campaign of, I. Ixiv. IV. 61,
253, 292, 338 Khindif, Bani, I. cxcvi. IV. 59, et seq. ;
position of, 60 Khobab ibn al Aratt, I. Ix. II. 108,
130, 168
Khobeib, III. 202 Khoneis, II. 109. III. 151 Khozaa, Bani, I. cxcviii, cci, cclxii,
cclxviii. II. 262 ; their alliance
with Mahomet, IV, 41, 109, 110,
129, 133, 134 Khozeima, I. cxcv, cxcvi Khushain, Bani, IV. 107 Khuweilid, II. 7, 16,22 Kibla, II. 238. III. 40 Kilab, I. cxcv, cxcix
, Bani, IV. 83, 171, 176
Kinfina, Bani, I. cxcv, cxcvi, cclxviii.
III. 210 , chief of Kheibar, IV. 64; put to
death, 67 Kinda, Bani, I. cxlix, clxxvi, ccxx,
et seq., ccxxvii. II. 301. IV. 220 Kiyada, leadership in war, I. ccxliv,
cclxxi, 30 Kobad, I. clxxiv Koleib, I. ccxxi Kolthum, III. 7, 8, 59 Kulab, battle of, I. ccxxi, ccxxvii Kurz ibn Jabir, III. 68. IV. 125 Kuteiba (Kheibar), IV. 64
L.
Labeik, or Labbeik, IV. 25, 236 Labid bewitches Mahomet, IV. 80
the poet, I. ccxxvi. IV. 226
Lahyan, Bani, III. 199, 201, 202, 207;
expedition against, IV. 2 Lailat al Cadr, II. 138 Lakhm, Bani, I. cxlix, clix. IV. 97, 183 Lakhmite dynasty at Hira, I. clxx,
clxxii Lapse of Mahomet, I. Ixxiii, xciv. II.
149, et seq. Lat, I. ccx, cclxiii. II. 41, 150, 152,
199. IV. 205
Layth, Bani, I. cxcv, cxcvi Leaders, the twelve, II. 238 Leith, Bani, IV. 94 Lion of God (Hamza), II. 171. III. 103,
179 Liwa, mounting the banner at'4Mecca,
I. cciv, ccxliv, ccxlvii, cclxxi. II. 40,
41. III. 166
Lord's Supper, II. 285, 289 Low ay, I. cxcv Lustration, III. 40
350
Index.
M.
Maab, IV. 95, 97
Maadd, I. cxciii, cxciv, cxcv, cxcvii,
ccix, ccxix, et seq. Ma-al-Sama, I. clxxiv Maan, IV. 97
Mabad ibn Wahb, III. 110, 117 Mat-am Ibrahim, I. ccxvi. II. 38
Ismail, I. ccxvi. II. 43
Macna, IV. 190
Madaini, I. xl, Ixxxix
Madhij, Bant, I. cxlix, ccxix
Madicarib, I. clxiv
Magians, IV. 216, 217
Mahmood ibn Maslama, IV. 66, 87
Mahomet, glorified by tradition, I.
xxviii, Ixiii ; his miracles, Ixv, Ixvi.
II. 257, 262. IV. 28 ; whether he dyed his hair, I. Ixxvi ; his ring, ibid. ; attempt on his life, lxxx,clxxxii, clxxx viii, cxcv ; age, ccviii, ccxl, cclxx, birth-place, 5; birth, 12, 16; nursed, 18, 19; seized with a fit, 21, 23; visits Medina, 26 ; adopted by Abdal Muttalib, 30 ; by Abu Talib, 32 ; first journey to Syria, 33 ; supposed journey to Yemen, 37. II. 6, 11; youth of, 12, 14 ; second journey to Syria, 16; marriage, 23; descrip tion of, 28; assists in rebuilding the Kaaba, 34; solitary contemplation, 35; belief in his own inspiration, 60; depression, 70 ; thoughts of suicide, 71, 84; supposed reception of a divine commission, 74; makes con verts, 97; his lapse, 149; refuses compromise with idolators, 163; is persecuted, 165; shut up with Abu Talib, 174; released, 192; journey to Tayif, 198; marries Sawda, 207; meets inquirers from Medina, 209, 216, 231; his lofty front at Mecca, 225, 228 ; authority assumed over his own followers, 229; in the cave, 255; flight, 260; reaches Medina,
III. 5; builds the Mosque, 18; super stitions, 61 ; first military expedi tion, 67 ; at Badr, 97 ; his dream before Ohod, 158; wounded, 170; picture of, at the weekly service, 194; his revengeful prayer against his enemies, 207 ; marches to Duma, 225 ; scandal caused by his marrying Zeinab, 228; released from the obli gation to consort equally with his wives, 236 ; estranged from Ayesha, 246 ; curses the Coreishite army, 263 ; his distress at the siege of Medina, 264 ; conduct at the mas
sacre of the Coreitza, 276, 282; his concubine Rihana, 278 ; simplicity of his habits and tastes, 296; reve rence exacted by, 297; the favourite of heaven, ibid.; makes the lesser pilgrimage to Hodeibia, IV. 23; his prospect of universal supremacy, 46 ; his despatches, 48, et seq.; poisoned, 71 ; bewitched by the Jews, 80; performs the lesser pil grimage, 84 ; enters the Kaaba, 87 ; affected by the death of Zeid and Jafar,101 ; enters Mecca, 12 7 ; mobbed, 150 ; scandal caused by his affair with Mary, 160; attains supremacy in Arabia, 168; performs the fare well pilgrimage, 230; his speech at Mina, 217; enters the Kaaba for the last time, 242 ; his despatch to Moseilama, 247 ; his visit to the burial ground, 257; his last sickness, 261; sayings on his death-bed, 268, et seq. ; his last appearance in the mosque, 274; his death, 278; his burial, 295 ; his character, 302, et seq.; personal appearance, ib. ; modera tion, 306; cruelty, 307; polygamy, 309 ; moral courage, 313 ; moral declension at Medina, 318; descrip tion of, in the Bible, 325 ; traditions regarding his habits and character, 326, et seq. ; his property, 337
Mahometanism, its benefits, IV. 320; its evils, 321
Mahra, I. clxv. IV. 180, 213
Makhzum, Bani, H. 33, 37, 132
Malik ibn Ajlan, I. ccxx
ibn Awf, IV. 138, 142, 155, 204
ibn Nadhr, I. cxcv
, the Azdite, I. clxvii
Mallal, III. 70
Manat, II. 150, 152. IV. 134
Mareb, IV. 244
Marhab, IV. 65, 66
Mariaba, or Mareb, I. cxxi, cxxii, cxlvii, cl, cliv, clvi
Maria Dzat al Cartain, I. clxxxvi
Marr al Tzahran, II. 1, 21. III. 91. IV. 84, 115
Marriage of son with father's widow, II. 52. III. 303
Marthad, I. clx
Martyrdom, zeal for, III. 159; of Zeid and Khobeib, 202; of Far wa, IV. 102 ; of Orwa, 203
Martyrs of Ohod, III. 187; blessedness of, 193
Marwa, I. cxcii, ccv, 8. IV. 86, 87
Mary the Copt, I. Ixxiv. IV, 56, 157. etseq. 165, 337
Index.
351
Mary, the Virgin, II. 19, 41, 74, 138 278, 310. IV. 256
Mavia, I. clxxxvi
Mayfaak, IV. 84
Mazdak, I. clxxiv
Mecca, how first peopled, I. cxxv,cxxxi, cxli, cxci, ccii, ccix, ccxi, ccxiv, ccxxxvi, ccxlii, et seq. ccxlv, ccxlviii ; description of, 1. II. 33, 246; con quest of, IV. 123, et seq.
Meccan rites, II. 140, 268
Medina, or Ydthreb, how first peopled, I. cxxv, cxlii, clvii, ccxxix, cclvi, 26 ; pilgrims from, meet Mahomet, II. 209, 225, 243, 246; description of,
III. 3; climate, 15; besieged, 124, 255.
, men of, II. 209, 216, 231, 235,
240, 247. HI. 26. IV. 129, 153, 184 Mediterranean Sea, II. 20 Medlij, Bani, III. 69 Meimuna, Mahomet's wife, IV. 89 Meisara, II. 17, 21, 22 Messiah, II. 212. IV. 212 Micdad, III. 66, 116. IV. 4 Michael, I. Ixiv. III. 106 Midianites, I. cxiii Mikyas ibn Subaba, IV. 131, 133 Mile of Arabia, IV. 62 Mina, I. ccvi, ccxiv, 2. II. 216, 233.
IV. 208, 232, 236, et seq. 242 Miracles of Mahomet, I. Ixv. II. 257,
262. IV. 28 Mirdj (Mahomet's ascent to Heaven),
II.' 222
Mistah, III. 246, 251 Moabites, I. cxiv
Moadz ibn Jabal, IV. 136, 156; Ma homet's envoy to the south of Arabia, 222, 223, 226 Modllacat, I. ccxxii, ccxxiii, ccxxvi. II.
2. IV, 178, 227 Mocha, I. cxxxvi Modadh, I. cxcii, cxcviii Modhar, I. cxciv, cxcv, ccxxiv Modrika, I. cxcv, cxcvi Monks, II. 18, 304. IV. 212 Months, the four holy, I. ccvi Morad, Bani, IV. 219 Moseilama, the impostor, I. xi. II.
303. IV. 274. See Museilama Moses, II. 188, 314. III. 21. IV. 214 Mosque of godly fear, III. 9. IV. 199
of Medina, III. 12, 15, 18, et
seq.
of Cuba destroyed, IV. 198,199
Motazelites, I. xl
*' Mothers of the Faithful," Mahomet's wives, III. 232
Mount of Farewell, IV. 96
Mozdalifa, IV. 233, 235
Mozeina, Bani, I. cxcv, cxcvi, ccxxxiv.
IV. 24, 107, 114, 171 Muadz ibn Amr, III. 107 Miiallafa Culubukum, chiefs to whom largesses were given by Mahomet, IV. 154 Muatta, I. xlii Muavia, son of Abu Sofian, I. xxxviii,
xl, cclxx. IV. 151, 221 Muckouckas, IV. 57, 157 Mudhahabat, see Modllacat Mughammis, I. cclxiii. Mughira, I. clxxxi. IV. 29, 205, 206 Muhajerin, II. 249. III. 25 Muhammad, see Mahomet
. ibn Maslama, I. 16. III. 144,
210, 272. IV. 5, 66, 84, 185 Muhassir, valley of, IV. 236 Muheisa, III. 149 Mujaddzir, Al, III. 186 Mujanna, II. 1, 181 Mukheirick, the Jew, IV. 327 Mundzir (I.), I. clxxiii
(HI.), I. clxxiv ; his war
against the Romans, clxxvii, clxxxvi, clxxxviii, ccxxi, ccxxxiii
. (IV.), I. clxxix
Muraisi, III. 238
Murra, Bani, HI. 256. IV. 83, 94,
106
Musab ibn Omeir, II. 119, 133, 162, 217, 218, 232. HI. 98, 116, 161; killed, 170
Musa ibn Ockba, I. Ixxxviii Museilama, the impostor, IV. 217, 246.
See Moseilama
Mustalick, Bani, HI. 237. IV. 175 Musulman, II. 147
Muta, IV. 95; battle of, 98, 252, 298 Mutariba, and Mustariba, Arab races
of, I. cli, cxcii Mutilation forbidden, III. 178; a legal
penalty, IV. 19 Mutim, II. 192, 206 Muttalib, I. ccxlvi, cclii, cclxx
N.
Nabatheans, I. cxii, cxx, cxxiv, cxxvi,
cxxxiv, cxcii, ccxvi, ccli Nabidz, a beverage of date-water,
IV. 243
Nabigha, I. clxxxviii Nabit, I. cxcii Nadhir, Bani, I. Iviii, ccxxx, et seq.
III. 300. IV. 67, 337
352
Index,
Nadhr, I. cxcv, cxcvi
ibn al Harith, III. 115
Nahorites, I. cxiv
Najashy, or Negus, I. clxiii. II. 133,
172, et seq. IV. 58, 91, 176 Najd, I. cxlv. III. 4. IV. 83, 84 Najran, I. cxlv, cliv, clxii, clxxvi,
ccxxviii. II. 146, 299. IV. 83, 224,
225, 244
Nakha, Bani, IV. 225 Nakhla, II. 203. III. 70 Namus (Nomos), II. 84 Natah (Kheibar), IV. 64 Naufal ibn Abd Menaf, I. ccxlvi, ccliv,
cclxx, 31. II. 5, 33
, the Duilite, IV. 146
Nebuchadnez/ar, I. cxciii, ccix, ccxxx
Nestorius, II. 18
Nizar, I. cxcv
Nofail, I. cclxiii, cclxv, cclxvii
Noman (I.), I. clxxi
(III.), I- clxxiii
(IV.), I. ccxxiv
(V.), I. clxxix, et seq. II. 4
Nowfal, grandson of Mughira, III.
73, 75.
ibn Khuweilid, III. 110
Nueim, III. 220, 265 Nur, Jebel, I. 2. II. 55
O.
Oaths, II. 77, 121, 135
Obada ibn Samit, II. 238. III. 137, 138
Obeida, son of Harith, II. 106. III.
65, 103 Obeidallah ibn Jahsh, II. 52, 109.
IV. 59 Obey ibn Kab, I. iii, xiv, xxi v. III. 1 53
ibn Khalf, his death, III. 171
Obna, IV. 252
Ocatz, fair of, II. 1, 181
Ocba ibn Abi Mait, III. 116
Odenath, or Odzeina, I. clxviii
Odzeir, or Ezra, IV. 212
Odzra, Bani, I. cxlix,cc. IV. 105, 176,
182
Ohaiha, I. clviii, ccxxx, ccxxxii, ccli Ohod,III. 4, 16, 156, 164, etseq.
, battle of, III. 107, 118, 153, et seq.
Okeidar, IV. 191, et seq.
Okkasha, III. 70, 172
Old Testament, IV. 325
Oman, I. cxlvi, cl. IV. 156, 180, 213,
214 Omar, I. iv, x; advises the collection
of the Goran, xi; xix, xx, xxiv, xxxiv,
Iviii, Ix, Ixxiv. II. 119, 168, 171,
244. III. 18, 93, 117, 151, 215, 241.
IV. 31, 75, 76, 83, 105, 112, 128, 140,
149, 161, 223, 253, 265, 266, 271,
282, 283, 284, 285, 286, 287, 288 ;
speech on installation of Abu Bakr
as Caliph, 289 ; 294, 295, 296, 297,
298
Omar (II.), I. xxxii. Omarah, IV. 90 Omeir ibn Abi Wackkas, III. 84, 105
ibn Adi, III. 131, 132
ibn Wahb, III. 99
Omeya, I. cclxi, cclxx
Omeyads, I. xxxvii, ccl, cclxxi, 30
Omeya ibn Abd Shams, I. ccl
ibn Khalf, II. 7. III. 68, 110,
114
Omm al Fadhl, wife of Abbas, IV. 88 Ay man (Baraka), I. 11, 26,27,
29. II. 49, 98, 247, 265. III. 14.
IV. 285
Burda, IV. 158, 166
Farwa, daughter of Abu Bakr,
IV. 221
Habiba, II. 109; married to
. Mahomet, IV. 59, 80, 112, 270
Hani, II. 220. IV. 132
Kirfa barbarously put to death,
IV. 13 Kolthum, daughter of Mahomet,
II. 26, 46, 264. III. 14, 120. IV.
157
Mabad, II. 262
Human, III. 14
Salim, IV. 158
Salma, Mahomet's wife, II. 106,
172, 246. III. 122, 227, 238. IV.
26, 62, 114, 144, 269, 270, 295, 335,
336
Siba (Omm Amnar), II. 108
Suleim, IV. 69
Omm Walad, IV. 159
Ortira, or Lesser Pilgrimage, I. ccv.
IV. 84, 232, 233
Oraidh, I. ccxxxiv. III. 139, 145 Orna, III. 200 Orwa, I. xxxiv, Ixxxviii, cii , a chief of Tayif, IV. 29, 203;
his martyrdom, 204, 206, 207
murdered at Fadak, II. 4
Osama, son of Zeid, II. 49, 265. III. 14,
121, 247. IV. 84, 140, 235, 252,
260, 261, 266, 268, 269, 276, 285,
288, 297, et seq.
Oseid ibn Khuzeir, II. 218. III. 247 Oseir ibn Zarim, a Jew, slain trea cherously, IV. 16 Osfan, II. 91, 261. IV. 3, 26 Osheira, III. 68 Otarid, IV. 173 Otba ibn Ghuzwan, III. 70, 74
Index.
353
Otba ibn Rabia, II. 5, 1 62, 200. III. 98,
103, 114 , son of Aba Laliab, II. 46, 67,
105
Oteiba, son of Abu Lahab, II. 46 Otheil, III. 115 Othman I. iii ; his recension of Goran,
xiii ; his copy of Coran, xiv, xxxvi,
xxxvii, Mv. III. 151. IV. 31, 32,
149, 184, 338 , brother of Talha, killed, III.
167 , grandson of Mughira, III. 73,
75, 184 ibn al Huweirith, II. 7, 22, 44,
50
ibn Matzira, II. 106, 133
ibn Talha, IV. 91, 92, 128
Oweim, III. 187
Ozza, II. 41, 150, 152. IV. 134, 135
P.
Palmyra, I. cxxxi, cxxxii, clxviii, clxix
Paraclete, I. 16. II. 313
Paradise, II. 141, et seq. III. 79
Pentateuch, II. 183
Persecution at Mecca, II. 114, 126, et
seq., 146, 160, 165, 196, 242 Persia, despatch to Court of. IV. 53 Persian conquests, II. 223 Petra, I. cxvii,cxix,cxx,cxxxv, cxxxvii,
33
Philostorgius, I. clxi Pilgrimage, Greater, I. ccv. IV. 232 , Lesser, I. ccv; of Hodeibia, IV.
22, etseq., 232 to Mecca, I. ccv, ccxlvii, cclxviii.
II. 268. IV. 156, 169, 207; farewell,
performed by Mahomet, 230 " Pillar of Repentance," III. 272 Pledge of the Tree, IV. 32, 39 Pleurisy, Mahomet's fear of the, IV.
269
Poem of the Mantle, IV. 179 Poet, Mahomet taunted as a, II. 77,
145, 230 ; disliked to be called a,
146. III. 18
Poetry, a biographical source, I. Ixxxiii,
et seq. ; of the Coran, III. 306 Polygamy, III. 23, 234 Poverty of Mahomet, I. Ix. II. 209,
230
Post, the moaning, III. 55, 58 Prayer, II. 202, 219, 267. III. 39,
41, 53
Precepts of the Coran, II. 267 Predestination, II. 139 IV. 311 Proscriptions at Mecca, IV. 130
Queen of Sheba, I. cxviii, civ. II.
187
R.
Rabadza, IV. 5 Rabia, I. cxciv
, king of Yemen, I. clviii, clxx
Rabigh, III. 65. IV. 115
Rafi ibn Malik, II. 238
Rahrahan, battle of, I. ccxxv
Raji, disaster at, III. 201
Rakaat, III. 41
Ramadhan, fast of, III. 48
Rebuilding of the Kaaba, II. 31
Redemption, II. 289, 306
Resurrection, II. 78, 145
Rifaa, II. 244
Rifada, providing food for pilgrims,
I. cciv, ccxliv, ccxlvii, cclxxi, 31 Rihana, Mahomet's concubine, III. 272,
276
Ril, Bani, III. 206, 207 Rizali, I. cci Rockeya, daughter of Mahomet, II. 26,
46, 105, 133, 161, 264. III. 14, 85,
120 Rome, connexion of, with Syrian Arabs,
I. clxviii Ruha, III. 2, 9 2
Hukn Yamani corner of the Kaaba,
II. 36
S.
Sacrifice, III. 52
Sacrilegious war, II. 1, 22
Sad, Bani, I. 19, 24. III. 256. IV. 14,
147 son of Abu Wackkas, I. Ixxv.
II. 103, 116. 111.66,69,70,74,180
ibn Khaithama, III. 7, 84
ibn Muadz, I. Ixv. II. 218. III.
70, 93, 97, 98, 117, 144, 259, 265,
273; his bloody judgment against
the Coreitza, 274; his death, 284.
IV. 192 ibn Obada, II. 242. III. 29, 70,
84,259,265. IV. 4, 123, 153, 285,
290 329 ibn Rabi, II. 272. III. 154 ; his
widow entertains Mahomet, 195 Sadick, a name of Abu Bakr, II. 102,
220
Safa, I. cxcii, ccv, 8. IV. 86 Safia, aunt of Mahomet, mourns for
Hamza, III. 178 IV. 277
354
Index.
Safia, Mahomet's wife, IV. 68, etseq.;
her dream, 70 Safra, II F. 87, 183 Safwan ibn Moattal, his misadventure
with Ayesha, III. 245, 251 ibn Omeya, III. 142, 166. IV. 6,
110, 125, 132, 137, 139, 151 Saiba, I. cclxx
Said ibn Zeid, II. 109, 168. III. 83 St. Mary, church of, in Abyssinia, IV.
270
Sakran, II. 162, 207 Salah, IV. 84
Salalim (Kheibar), IV. 64, 73 Salasil, IV. 104
Salih, Bani, I. clxvi, clxxxii, clxxxiv Sallam, III. 210.
(Abu Kafi), IV. 14
Salma, maid of Safia, II. 26. IV. 158
, widow of Hamza, IV. 90
Salman, the Persian, III. 256
Samayda, I. cxcii
Sana, I. cxlvii ; cathedral at, clxiii.
IV. 83, 244, 248 Sapor's trench, I. clxxi Sarah, IV. 131, 132 Sarif, IV. 156, 231 Sauda, Mahomet's wife, II. 162, 207,
264. III. 14, 22, 121 Sawick, affair of, III. 138 Sayyar, III. 107 Scriptures (Bible), attested by Mahomet,
I. Ixx; imputations against, Ixxi.
II. 183, 290; Mahomet's testimony in their favour, III. 293 ; imputations against genuineness of, 294
Seal of Mahomet, I. Ixxvii. IV. 48
of prophecy, IV. 331
Second of the two (Abu Bakr), II. 256 Secretary, Mahomet's, I. iii. III. 218 Sekina, IV. 39, 143 Serafil, I. Ixiv. III. 106 Sermon, the Friday, III. 41, 57 Servants of Mahomet, IV. 337 Service of Danger, III. 224 Seventy, the, II. 237 Shahr, son of Badzan, IV. 244, 248 Shaitain, battle of, I. ccxxvii Sharahbil, I. clxxxix. IV. 189 Sheba, I. ex, cxiii
al Hamd, I. cclii
Sheb Jabala, battle of, I. ccxxv
Sheb, quarter of Abu Talib, II. 176, et
seq. 190, 233 Shechina, see Sekina. Shepherd, Mahomet a, II. 12 Sheyba, son of Rabia, II. 162, 201.
III. 98, 103, 114
, Bani, II. 37, 38, 40, 41
Shid, tradition, I. xlii, xlvi
Shickk (Kheibar), IV. 64
Shima, I. 25. IV. 148
Shirin, Coptic slave girl, IV. 56, 157,
165
Shueiba, II. 32, 133 Sicaya, giving drink to pilgrims, I.
cciv, ccxliv, ccxlvii, cclxxi, 31 Siege of Medina, III. 255 Sila, III. 257, 258. IV. 3 Simeon the Stylite, I. clxxii Sinan, III. 239 Sinnimar, I. clxxii Slaves, II. 102, 107, 122; female, II.
140. III. 300, 303. IV. 76; to be
well treated, 239 Small-pox, I. cclxv, cclxvi Sodom, II. 1 88 Soffah, men of the, III. 21 Soheil ibn Amr, IV. 33 Solma, I. ccxxxii, ccli. II. 213. III.
10
Solomon, I. cxviii, civ. II. 187 Sommeya, II. 123 Soothsayer, Mahomet taunted as a,
II. 77, 83, 89, 145, 230
Special Providence, Mahomet's con viction of a, IV. 311
Spoil, III. Ill
Stone-Worship, I. ccxiii
Successors, or Tabium, I. xxxii
Suez, I. cxxxvii
Sufa, Bani, I. cxcv, cxcix, cci
Suheib, II. 123, 130
Suheil, III. 95, 123. IV. 125, 151
Suicide contemplated by Mahomet, II. 71, 84, 85
Sulafa, III. 168
Suleim, Bani, I. cxcv, cxcvi, ccxxiv.
III. 140, 141, 205, 256. IV. 93, 107, 114, 139, 171
Sullan, battle of, I. ccxx
Sunh, Al, III. 8, 22
Sunnat, or custom of Mahomet, I. xxxi
Sunni, tradition, I. xli
Superstition of Mahomet, II. 39. III. 61
Snraca, II. 262. III. 90
Surad, chief of Bani Azd, IV. 214, 220
Suras, I. vii. II. 61, 136; arrange ment of Medina, III. 310
the Terrific, II. 88. IV. 255
Suwa, an image, IV. 134
Suweid ibn Samit, I. ccxxxiii. II. 215
Swine, flesh of, II. 268
Sword of God, appellation of KMlid,
IV. 135, 193
Syria, first journey to, I. 33; second II. 16
Index.
355
T.
Tabari, I. pref. vi, xxxiv, c
Tabuk, expedition to, I. Ixxii. IV. 14,
186, 187, 188; et seq., 198, 199, 205 Taghia (or Lat), an idol, IV. 205 Taghlib, Bani, I. cxcv, cxcvi, ccxx,
et seq. II. 303 Tahir, II. 26 Talha ibn Obeidallah, II. 104. III. 1,
14, 83 ; saves the life of Mahomet
at Ohod, 172,182. IV. 184 , son of Abd al Ozza, IH. 166;
killed, 167
Talib, son of Abu Talib, II. 47 Tamadhir, IV. 12 Tamim, Bani, I. clxxviii, clxxxi, cxcv,
cxcvi, ccxxv. IV. 149, 171, 172,
173, et seq.
Tashrick, days of, II. 233 Tay, Bani, I. cxlix, clix, ccxix, clxxxii,
ccxxvii, ccxxviii. II. 50. IV. 177 Tayib, II. 26 Tayif, I. cclxiii, 2. II. 198; siege of,
IV. 144, et seq., 155, 203, et seq., 213 Taym Allat, Bani, I. clxvi, ccxxx
, Bani, II. 11,33
Tayma, I. ccxxviii. IV. 62 Temptation, the, II. 91, et seq. Temple of Jerusalem, II. 221. III. 44 Testudo and catapult, IV. 145 Thabit ibn Cays, IV. 73 Thackif, Bani, I. cxcvi, ccxxiv, cclxiii,
18, 198. III. 155. IV. 138, 147,
151
Thalaba, son of Amr, I. clxxxiv Thamud, I. cxxxviii. II. 64 Thamudites, IV. 186 Thaniat al Marra, III. 2 Thaur, Mount, II. 254, 261 Theophilus, Bishop, his mission to
Yemen, I. clx, ccxxviii Thouban, a slave, IV. 274 Thubeir, Mount, II. 84 Thueiba, Mahomet's nurse, I. 18 Tihama, I. cxlv. IV. 150 Tithes, IV. 154, 171 Titles of Mahomet, I. 17. II. 15, 26 Tobba al Akran, I. clvi Tobbas, dynasty of the, I. clii Tonukhites, I. clxvii, clxxxiii Town-hall at Mecca, I. cciv, ccxliv,
ccxlvii, cclxxi. II. 40, 41 Towrat, II. 293 Tradition, I. xxviii ; when recorded,
xxxiii ; chief features, when im pressed, xxxviii, xlii ; form of, xlvi ;
fragmentary, xlvii; uncertainty of,
xlix; compared with Goran, li, Ixxix.
II. 81, 220
Treaties of Mahomet, I. Ixxxi
Treaty of Medina, III, 31
Tree of fealty, IV. 140
Trinity, II. 287, 310. IV. 214
Truce of Hodeibia, IV. 33
Tufeil, a chief of the Bani Dous, IV.
145
Tuleib, II. 121, 162 Tuleiha, the Impostor, III. 199. IV.
246 Tyre, I. cxxxi, cxxxiii
U.
Unity of God, II. 139, 269
Upper Medina, III. 6
Urana, valley of, IV. 234
Urnee robbers, barbarously executed,
IV. 18
Usseya, Bani, III. 206, Uwal, Bani, IV. 84 Uyeina, son of Hisn, I. ccxxv. IV. 3,
84, 106, 147, 149, 151, 152, 171
V.
Veil, directed for Mahomet's wives,
III. 231
Victims, slain at Mma, IV. 236 Virtues inculcated in Coran, II. 140,
271 Visions, II. 82; of Gabriel, II. 74, 76,
83, etseq. 139, 150
W.
Wackid, II. 109. in. 70, 73
Wackidi, I. xl, xcv
Wadi al Cora, III. 137, IV. 10, 12;
Jewish settlement of, subdued, 73 Wadies of Arabia, I. cxlvi Wahshi, the Ethiopian, IU. 155. IV.
132 Wail, Bani, I. cxlix. IV. 97
, chief of Bani Kiiida, IV. 220
Wajj, IV. 206
Walid ibn al Mughira, II. 32, 80, 129,
151, 162
ibn Walid, II. 132
, son of Otba, III. 103
War, the normal state of Islam, IV.
201 Waraca, I. iii. II. 51, 52, 66, 83, et seq.
100
Wasila, I. cclxx Wata, III. 156 Watih (Kheibar), IV. 64, 73
356
Index.
Weepers, the four, IV. 184
Wells of Mahomet, IV. 338
Wine forbidden, III. 299
Wives, duties of, IV. 238
Wives of Mahomet, II. 23, 207, 208. III. 22, 151, 226,227,228; order of the veil for them, 231 ; 235, 236, 243 ; cautioned, 253, 278. IV. 59, 69, 80, 88, 89, 309
Women, at the battle of Ohod, III. 167; restrictions on dress, &c., 233; degraded by Islam, 304; treatment of, under the truce of Hodeibia, IV. 44
Word of God (applied to Jesus), II. 287
Writing, when introduced, I. viii; more prevalent at Mecca than Me dina, III. 123
Y.
Yajaj, IV. 85 ^
Yajuj and Majiij, I. cliii
Yamani corner of Kaaba, II. 18, 36
Yamn (near Wadi al Cora), IV. 84
Yarob, I. cl, cli, clii
Yasar, II. 122
Yasir, II. 123
Yathreb, see Medina
Yazid, Bani, I. clxvi
, son of Abu Sofian, IV. 151
Yemama, IV. 60, 213, 217, 247 Yemen, I. cxxxiii, cxxxvii, cxxxix,
cxlv; history of, cxlvi. IV. 54, 55,
156, 180, 213, 219, 225 Yenbo, III. 68, 83
Z.
Zacharias, II. 278 Zamaa, III. 95, 109
Zebba, I. clxviii
Zeid al Kheir, I. ccxxviii. IV. 178
ibn al Dathinith, his martyrdom,
III. 202
ibn Amr, II. 7, 52, 109
ibn Khattab, II. 109
ibn Thabit, I. Hi; collects Goran,
xii ; superintends recension of it,
xiii, xvi, xxvi, xxxiii. III. 123;
learns Hebrew, 218 , son of Harith, II. 47, et seq. 98,
198, 200, 206, 222, 265. III. 13, 18,
119, 141 ; divorces Zeinab, 228. IV.
8, 10, 11, 12, 90, 97; killed, 99, 101,
252 Zeinab bint Khozeima, Mahomet's
wife, III. 226. IV. 90 , daughter of Jahsh, Mahomet's
wife, II. 109. III. 228; scandal
caused by the marriage, 230. IV.
114, 144, 161 , daughter of Mahomet, II. 26,
46, 264. in. 14. IV. 6, et seq. 130,
157 , the Jewess, poisons Mahomet,
IV. 71; is put to death, 72 Zemzem, I. cxxv, cxcviii, cciv, ccxiv,
ccliv, cclvi, 32. II. 41. IV. 242 Zenobia, I. clxix Zibrican, IV. 173 Zobeid, Bani, IV. 219 Zobeir, son of Abd al Muttalib, I. 31,
37. II. 5, 11 , son of Al Awwam, II. 103, 133,
162, 173. III. 103, 169, 178, 215.
IV. 66, 104, 123 Zocack al Hajar, II. 21, 100 Zohair ibn Abu Solma, I. ccxxvi. II.
192. III. 277 Zohra, Bani, II. 11, 33. III. 92,
154 Zohri, I. xxxiii, xxxiv, Ixxxviii
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