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Cransactions

THE SOCIETY

Biblical Archaeology.

VOL. VIII.

LONDON: PUBLISHED AT THE OFFICE OF THE SOCIETY,

ii, HART STREET, BLOOMSBURY, W.C.

1885.

HARRISON AND SONS,

PRINTERS IN ORDINARY TO HER MAJESTY.

ST. MARTIN "S LANE. LONDON

CONTENTS OF VOL. VIII.

PAGE

Les Anathernes d'une Mere Payenne contre sou Fils

devenu Chretien. Par M. Eugene Revillout i- 19

Pieces relatives a une Mariage du temps de Darius. Par

Eugene Revillout 20-29

The Poor Laws of the Ancient Hebrews. By Dr. Sigmund

Lou*s = . . . a 30_4I

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. By

the Rev. William Houghton, M.A., F.L.S 42-142

On a Tablet in the British Museum relating to two Archi- tects. By S. Birch, LL.D., D.C.L 143-163

The Antiquities found by Mr. H. Rassam at Abu-Habbah

(Sippara). By Theo. G. Pinches 164-1 7 1

Recent Discoveries of Ancient Babylonian Cities. By H.

Rassam 172-197

Egyptian Mythology, particularly with reference to Mist

and Cloud. By P. le Page Renouf 198-229

Akkadian Precepts for the Conduct of Man in his Private

Life. By George Berlin, M.R.A.S 230-270

Babylonian Legal Documents referring to House Property,

and the Law of Inheritance. By Theo. G. Pinches 271-298

Notes on Egyptian Stelae, principally of the Eighteenth

Dynasty By E. A. W. Budge, M.A 299-346

Babylonian Art, illustrated by Mr. H. Rassam's latest

Discoveries. By Theo. G. Pinches 347-35 7

Biblical Nationalities Past and Present, By H. Rassam,

F-R-G>S 358-385

IV CONTENTS.

page On the Shade or Shadow of the Dead. By Samuel

Birch, D.C.L., LL.D., F.S.A., &c. {President) 386-397

Handicrafts and Artizans mentioned in Tahnudical

Writings. By Dit. S. Louis 398-41 1

L'inscription de la Destruction des Hommes dans la

Tombeau de Ramses III. Par Edouard Nayille 412-420

The Tablet of Amenhotep in the British Museum. By

S. Birch, D.C.L., LL.D., &c. (President) 421

Terra-Cotta Seals. By W. H. Rylaxds, F.S.A. (Secretary) 422-424

Index 425

List of Members 437

-<&&-

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

FACE

Demotic Papyrus, in the possession of A. Dodgson, Esq. . . 9

Demotic Marriage Contracts in the reign of Darius : —

Anastasi 1054, Endorsement 20

Endorsement 20

Texts 21

Assyrian Birds, Plate 1 42

Plate II 46

-Plate III 52

Plate IV 60

Plate V 68

Plate VI 76

Plate VII 84

Plate VIII 92

Plate IX 100

Plate X 108

Plate XI. 116

Plate XII 124

Plate XIII, from Cylinders 130

Tablet of Har and Suti, Superintendents of Public "Works in Southern Thebes, XVIII Dynasty. From Thebes. In

the British Museum, No. 826 144

Tablet of Grey Schist, discovered by Mr. Rassam at Abu

Habba, 1883 165

Babylonian Objects from Abu Habba 1 74-182

Bronze from Bins Nimroud T88

VI LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

Akkadian Precepts, Obverse of Tablet in the British Museum, K. 256. Col. I

Col. II Col. Ill Col. IV

y 230-231

Tablet written in the Babylonian Character, referring to the buying of some property in Borsippa, dated in the second year of Nabonidus 273

Loan Tablet in the year of Nabonidus 274

Tablet written in the Babylonian Character, containing a declaration of a Babylonian Woman with regard to her property, dated in the ninth year of Nabonidus.

Obverse 278

Reverse 279

/ The Shade or Shadow of the Dead (Egyptian) : — Plate I

Plate II

Plate III

Plate IV

I Plate V

1

Inscription of the Destruction of Mankind in the tomb of Rameses III. Plate I

Plate II

Plate III

Sandstone Tablet of Amenhotep from Thebes; now in the

British Museum 421

Clay Seals, in the possession of M. Schlumbergcr 422

TRANSACTIONS

SOCIETY of BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.

Vol. VIII. JANUARY, 1883. Part i.

LES ANATHEMES D'UNE MERE PAYENNE CONTRE SON FILS DEVENU CHRETIEN.

Par M. Eugene Revillout.

Read 7th November, 1882.

Mon cher maitre et ami, Dr. Birch, m'a communique un papyrus demotique appartenaut a Mr. Dodgson, et, sur sa demande, le proprietaire veut bien m'autoriser a en donner la notice a notre societe. Ce papyrus est fort interessant. II contient une serie de maledictions prononcees, devant la divinite, contre un fils, par une mere, parlant aussi au nom des manes de son mari. II peut se comparer sous ce rapport au papyrus grec publie par Petrettini et qui renferme des anathemes du meme genre, ayant egalement un caractere religieux, mais qui proviennent d'une fille et ont pour objectif son pere, dont elle avait a se plaindre. Ce qui rend le papyrus de Mr. Dodgson beaucoup plus curieux que le papyrus Petrettini, c'est le motif meme des maledictions. II ne s'agit plus ici d'une cause toute personnelle de mecontente- ment. Non, la discussion a des bases plus larges, un interet plus eleve et veritablement social. II ne s'agit de rien moins que de la lutte du paganisme egyptien a son declin contre le Vol. VIII. 1

2 Ijes Anathhnes <¥uru Men. Payenne

christianisme a son aurore. Xotre papyrus est. a ce point de vue, unique dans son genre, et merite peut-etre l'attention bienveillante de nos savants confr-' 9.

II s'agit d'un nomnie Petuosor (Petosor). fils de Xespniete, fils de Petuariese, fils de Psepanofre. Ce Petosor s'etait con- verti au christianisme. et, au bapteme, il avait, suivant une coutume assez repandue, change son noni payen, qui signifie h don d' Osiris, contre un nom chretien. celui de Pierre, Petros, qu'avait porte ]e prince des apotres. II ne s'etait pas borne a abandonner ainsi la vieille religion de 1'Egypte j)our embrasser la nouvelle doctrine de l'Evangile, mais il parait que son zele de neophyte l'avait entraine tres loin et qu'il avait souvent profere des menaces contre le paganisme encore dominant.

Ceci se passait sans doute dans un des moments de paix relative de l'Egrise. En Egypte le christianisme fut moins persecute qu'aillem-s jusqu'a la persecution finale de Diocletien, dont les martyrologes coptes nous parlent si souvent. La raison en est bien simple. Les Egvptiens, depuis la conquete d'Auguste, avaient ete relegues au dernier plan parmi les uations soumises : non seulement, comme tant d'autres. ils n" avaient pas la cite romaine, mais il ne leur etait meme pas permis de Tobtenir individuellement. Xous voyons par les lettres de Pline et de Trajan, que Pempereur ne pouvait accorder en Egypte le droit de cite romaine qu'aux Alexandrins seulement, et que, pour y faire parvenir un egyptien de race, il fallait d'abord obtenir pour cet egyptien la cite alexandrine. II serait trop long d'enumerer ici les mesures rigoureuses qui faisaient deja des malheureux habitants de la vallee du Xil de veritables esclaves de la glebe, parques, chacun dans son nome, sans droit himutin, pour ainsi dire, des betes de somme des- tinees a produii*e le ble dont Rome avait besoin et hvrees pour cela au pouvoir despotique de l'Augustal, sans appel possible a l'Empereur. II importait peu alors aux maitres du monde de savoir ce que pensaient ou croyaient les pauvres Egvptiens. La munificence imperiale allait jusqu'a ordonner quelques reparations anx vieux temples, a payer quelques preti-es. qui servaient de ciceroni aux nobles etrangers et leur disaient la bonne avanture — car les Egvptiens etaient les gi'ands sorciers de l'epoque, et les missionnaires de la gnose dans l'enipire — et

Coidre so>i Pils deveuu Chretien. 3

puis tout etait fini : ou s'inquietait peu des doctrines qui circulaient dans le peuple et qui s'etaient repandues avec une etrange rapidite, a cause des consolations qu'elles ofFraient aux miserables au milieu de leur abjection. Aussi les persecutions contre le christianisme en Egypte ne debuterent-elles serieuse- ment qu'apres le moment ou, par une mesure generale, tous les peuples conquis devinrent romains, et ou, par consequent, les Egyptiens furent quelque chose.

A toute chose malheur est bon. Les chretiens d'Egypte meprises, et par cela meme cpargnes, s'etaient peu-a-peu fortifies. Les payens, que le prophete tribun Senuti devait plus tard poursuivre partout, le glaive et la torche en main, s'etaient deja vus, a l'epoque que nous etudions, en butte, aux attaques emportees de leurs compatriotes chretiens, et ils leur rendaient haine pour haine. Jamais la tolerance n'a ete en faveur dans la vallee du Nil. Les violents s'y font toujours une haute situation par leur violence meme, et tel est le role que Petuosor, ou Pierre, s'etait donne. Je serais tres porte a croire que notre heros occupait une place importante dans le clerge. Sa mere lui reproche, depuis qu'il s'est fabrique un dieu qui tue, de vivre avec d'autres dans l'abondance et d'abandonner sa famille, restee payeime. Elle parle de ses constructions et des menaces proferees alors par lui contre les temples, ainsi que de ses parodies sacrileges des rites divins. Elle le represente toujours comme une sorte de chef de parti; et c'est meme la un des principaux motifs de sa colere. Elle veut par ses maledictions venger la cause des dieux outrages et attaques par son fils, et c'est pour cela que, tant en son propre nom qu'en celui de son defunt mari, elle a ecrit la protestation solennelle dont nous allons donner lecture. Remarquons seulement pour l'intelligence de ce qui suit que la pieiise payenne ne veut plus conserver a Petosor le nom sacre qu'elle lui avait attribue a sa naissance, et quelle repugne egalement a accepter le nom profane pris par le converti; de son ancien nom Petuosor, " le don d'Osiris," elle supprime done dans fusage ordinaire l'element mythologique, Osor, '"Osiris," et se borne a l'appeler Petu ou Tu, "le don," abbrevia- tion dont nous avons deja des exemples a l'epoque ptole- maique et qu'on peut comparer au nom propre hebreu

4 Let Anathemes <Vune Mere Payenne

Nathan, abrege de Jonathan, ou Baalnathan, " donne par Jehovah,*' on " donne par Baal."

Voici maintenant, de notre document, line version bien rapidement faite et pom* laquelle je demanderai par conse- quent l'indulgeiice de mes bienveillants auditeurs;1 C'est Naichrat, la mere de Petosor, qui parle, en exposant d'abord le sujet en son nom personnel.

"Choiak 21. Naichrat, qui a enfante Tu, fils de Xesmete. fils de Petuariese, fils de Psepanofre, dit : — " Je suis a la porte- d'Osiris et d'Isis Hathor. Je me tiens debout3 pres de celle qu'on aime,4 pres de celui qu'on reconnait.5 Le miserable !6 Us7 me donneront ceci en main : a savoir de le maudire"!8

Ici elle s'arrete et fait intervenir d'abord l'ombre9 veneree du pere de famille : —

" Mol Osiris Nespmete, fils d'Isis, j'ai dit ceci : Petros- Psepoer!10 Je ne t'appellerai pas de ton nom,11 du nom que t'a donne ta mere !12 On appelle (maintenant) ton nom Petros (Pierre), fils de Petariese,13 fils de Psepanofre ! c'est ton nom !

I Je vais dormer les renvois permettant a tout egyptologue de se rendre compte de la premriee sommatiou. Cela suffira, je pense, pour le moment. Je me propose de publier plus tard le mot-a-mot philologique complet de nos text, s si importants dans la Revue Hgyptologique. (Paris : Leroux, editeur.) En attendant, on trouvera, jointe a cet article, la photographie du papyrus.

- Brugsch, Diet., S-42. La mere se represente comme pres de mourir et de -•omparaitre devant Osiris.

3 Brugsch, Diet., 927.

4 Isis Hathor, la Tenus egvptienne. (Conf. Brugsch, Diet., 38.)

5 Osiris. Pour ce mot reconnaitre, roir Setna contrats, etc., etc.

6 Cette exclamation s'apphque a Petosor. C'est le mot hierog. ^-' ^b^.

7 Les dieus nommes plus haut. — Pour les mots, " donner en main," Toir Brugsch, Diet., 1609, 1612, et 1664.

8 C^^OT. (Conf. Brugsch, Diet., 1280.)

9 C'est ici, comme nous l'avons dit, le pere rnort de Petosor qui est cense parler, e'est-a-dire Xespmete, qui en qualite de bienheureus est derenu un nouyel Osiris, suivant la doctrine egvptienne.

10 Psepoer est sans doute un siu-nom.

II C'est -a -dire comme nous le verrons plus loin, " Je ne le nommerai pas Petosor,'' car e'etait la son nom primitif. (Conf. Brugsch. Diet., 219 et 860.)

12 Conf. Brugsch, Diet., 731.

13 Petosor etait, comme nous l'avons vu, fils de Xespmete et petit-fils seulement de Petuariese ; mais son pe-re, dans son horreur du sacrilege, renonce pour ainsi dire a sa paternite et saute son propre nom dans la filiation du reuegat. C'est du reste ce qu'il dit plus loin, •' Je ne reconnais pas mon oeuvre."

( 'ontre son Fils devenu Chretien. 5

"Fais moi connaitre1 ton coeur!2 Je t'ai donne du pain,3 et tu as depouille4 ta mere5 au desespoir ! 6 Le Dieu que tu t'es fabrique tue.7 Va mourir loin de ce dromos d'Isis; car je ne reconnais pas mon oeuvre ! 8

" Tu t'es fait connaitre !9 tu as bu le vin de la demeure de la necropole 10 dans le lieu11 ou Ton prie12 le roi Osiris Ounnofre,

1 Brugsch, Diet., 868.

2 Voir aussi pour cette phrase et la suivante la seeonde sommation {verso). Tour le mot eceur, eonf. Brugsch, Diet., p. 933.

:t Conf. Brugsch, Diet., p. 111.

< S.CUCU depouiller ; comparer la seeonde sommation.

5 Le mot were (mau-t AJL&.&TG) est ici ecrit par une variante assez commune aux basses epoques et qui le confond avec la racine aina et niai (voir Poesies bilingues de Moschion dans la Revue egyptologique, Vol. II, p. 275), signifiant substance. M. Brugsch avait deja signale cette confusion dans sa Grammaire demotique, p. 29, et il expliquait ainsi le deterniinatif des membres qui accompagne le mot substance et se joint a la racine, aux basses epoques, meme quand il s'agit du Dom de la mere; e'est egalement le cas ici. Cette variante a e"te choisie dans ce passage pour rendre les reproches plus touchants : la mere est bien par excellence la substance meme du fils.

8 Confer.: Q J"3 £5 V\ ^^ Brugsch Diet., 1020, sup. 880. Ce reproche

de duret§ et d'ingratitude est souvent repete. Pour tout ce paragraphe il faut comparer notre texte a celui de la seeonde sommation, qui est plus correct. Ainsi l'affixe personnel de tui, " j'ai donne," est surtout visible dans la seeonde, etc.

7 C1DQ^^^^J|^^ Brugsch, Diet,, 411 et 665.

C'est du dieu des chretiens qu'il s'agit.

8 Je ne te reconnais plus pour mon fils. (Conf. Brugsch, Diet., 730, 399, 678, 1080, 868, 97.)

9 Pour un impie, uu miserable. (Brugsch, 868.)

10 On peut voir a ce sujet le curieux reglement des choacTiytes public par moi dans mon travail intitule Taricheutes et Choachi/tes (Zeitschrift de M. Lepsius, 1880, pp. 70, 103, 136). Les choachytes charges des services funebres pour les niorts etaient obliges, lors de leurs offices, de boire certaines quantites de vin dans la catacombe meme. C'etait la le lieu funebre (3Ianun), dont parle notre papyrus, comme les documents hieroglyphiques signales par M. Brugsch dans son dictionnaire geographique (pp. 260, 261). Les rites funebres qu'on y accomplissait etaient en l'honneur d'Osiris Ounnofre, le roi et le dieu des morts. Ur il parait que Petosor ou Pierre etait alle, peut-etre avec d'autres chretiens, contrefaire ces rites dans la catacombe, d'une fa9on reputee sacrilege, et boire le vin sacre des choachytes, qu'il leur etait interdit de transporter en leurs maisons, mais qu'ils deraient laisser dans le lieu funebre ou ils accomphssaient leurs liturgies (voir le reglement cite plus haut). Conf. Brugsch, Diet.. 1181, 102.

11 O I © avec le determinatif funebre m C~3 "\^^).

6 Lett Anathemes d\rne Mere Payenne

(et la) tu as fait honte1 a Isis ! tu as bu2 le vin des periples sacres, pendant que les deesses — pour sa fin — appelent ta femme.3

"II a dit (ce Petosor) : 'Hathor a jinx sa domination sur lepays! Frappez la sur le ventre* et sur les mamelles ' / Tu as chante. — Les hommes chantent.5 — Tu verras : — ils vont passer.6 —

www n v_i

Tu ressusciteras (ou tu te reveilleras I 7! -@^- Ite&CI)

avec Osiris7 en ame lors de son periple celeste.8

AJ'=^^^= + &to're'

H <^ /2- 0 <:==' \ k I AA/WSA

2 ['IglS^I nD\ ^'i ^KCaJ HPT1- g '

Diet., 1181, 102, et 1104.

3 Cette fin de phrase est peu claire. Yeut-on dire que pendant que Petosor faisait bonibance avec les chretiens, sa femme, delaissee par lui, se mourait dans

(] (J ^ <> KJ \*s\ rj] a sic)- C'est possible ; car dans la suite nous voyons

un reproche analogiie. II y est dit encore (comme plus baut) : " Je t'ai donne du pain, et tu as depouille ta mere." Puis le texte ajoute : " Euine moi, toi qui t'es bati des maisons : ils ont abondance en leurs maisons dans lesquelles tu te souilles — et toi tu veux demolir les fondations des temples, renverser les statues divines." Evidemment on reproche au converti son peu d'affection pour ses parents payens et l'abondance dont il est suppose jouir dans les nouveaux edifices sacres des chretiens, par lesquels il veut remplacer les temples des idoles. C'est dans cette pensee que Petosor se serait eerie : " Hathor a fini sa domination sur le pays ! Frappez (cette impudique) sur le ventre et sur les mamelles," etc., etc. Conf Brugscb, Diet., 661, 931, 1639.

4 Ou plus exactement encore : sur les parties sexuelles, \era (voir Brugsch, Diet., 1124). Pour les mamelles le mot employe est mna (ibid., p. 645).

5 Les hommes (n remit) sont au pluriel, et le verbe au singulier, suivant une regie bien connue pour les collectifs. Confer. : turba ruit ou rmmt, to. £ooa rpe^et, etc. Les bommes qui chantent sont les amis et les disciples de Petosor, suivant en tout son exemple.

6 Et alors ce sera pour etre juge par lui. (Pour le mot bi, ame, conf. Brugsch, Diet., 370.)

7 Ef na siiii. (Conf. Brugsch, Diet., 1240 ; Gram. D€m., 143.) La 3e pers. sing, est employee pour la 3e pers. plur., parcequ'il s'agit d'un collectif.

causative est

H

plus haut periples est

J\ (Brugscb, Diet., 1480) dont la forme D T ID q

(Ibid.) Le mot que nous avons traduit

Contre xon Fih deveuu Chretien. 7

Apres cette objurgation pathetique et vraiment eloquente, la mere continue d'une fa9on plus douce et plus attendrie : —

" Tu as cbasse1 les malheureux pour la libation du com- mencement de l'annee,2 et toi tu as bu3 avec les impies.4

" Maintenant dis : — Le soir5 (de la vie) est venu pour moi. Je suis oblige6 de passer.7 Le moment8 de la supplication9 est surmoi, c'est-a-dire la mort.10 lis vont m'entrainer11 pres de ma mere.

" (Car) il est pour toi, Osiris ! Tu passeras a l'instant en ses demeures funebres, en la main des chasseurs d'ames ! tu es ivre12 (mais ils le reveilleront)

"Ce sont leurs agents13 qui jettent14 l'homme au feu!15

I Brugsch, Diet., 940.

• Le commencement de l'annee sacree, concordant primitivement avec le lever de Sothis et, pensait on, avec l'inondation du Nil (voir le decret de Canope), etait une grande fete cliez les Egyptiens, fete que nous voyons indiquee dans tous les calendriers hieroglyphiques. II parait que ce jour la on faisait des libations sacrees auxquelles tout le monde prenait part, meme les pauvres. Pour les mots hat-renpe, commencement de l'annee, voir Brugsch, Diet., 931.

3 Brugsch, Diet., 1181.

4 Les Egyptiens avaient des lois ceremonielles sur les impuretes legales tres anahgues a, celles des Juifs. J'ai deja signale la sequestration des femmes dans une chambre speciale a, certaines epoques., usage que les contrats demotiques nous ont appris et que Ton trouve egalement dans le levitique. M. Chabas, notre bien regrette maitre, a signale bien d'autres interdictions curieuses du meme genre, et Mr. Miller est en train de publier une curieuse inscription grecque de Ptolemais, renl'ermaut a ce sujet des textes tres positifs et tres importants. Le mot que nous traduisons " impies," veut litterallement dire " ceil de mort." (Conf. Brugsch, Diet., 405 et 676.) En thebahi le mot £ i.X^JULOT s'employait aussi (comme Il<?>.ArtGJULCUO"TI en memjmitique) pour designer les Blemmt/es qui devasterent l'Egypte a, l'epoque romaine. Voir mon Memoire sur les Blemmi/es dans tome viii (2e partie, lre serie) des Meinoires presentes, etc., a l'Academie des Inscriptions, etc.

5 Brugsch, Diet., 868.

6 £,p<*- e&oX. (Conf. Brugsch, Diet., 982, et suiv.)

' Brugsch, Diet., 1210. s Brugsch, Diet., 777.

9 Brugsch, Diet., 1632. '" Brugsch, Diet., 676.

II COOK, trahere.

12 Brugsch, Diet,, 1565.

13 Pour ce sens de ret V\ voir ma " Chrestomathie demotique."

14 Pour ce mot voir les contrats de prets de ble.

13 Variante demotique fr^quente du mot |il, copte A.C1J ,

8 J^es Anathemes (Time Mhre Payenne

" Je penetre1 pres d'eux en disant : venez8 amener3 a purification (COTCJ) ! Ouvrez4 moila porte5 pour que je vous fasse supplication. Je parle sur votre tete ! 6 Je vous supplie ! .... — Mais toi, tu leur as ordonne7 de ne pas le faire (par tes crimes)."'

Ici les lacunes et 1'etat de deterioration du papyrus ne me permettent plus la traduction suivie; tout ce que je puis voir c'est que la mere continue a peindre les scenes d'outre tombe et le jugement qui attend son fils pecheur. II ne faut pas oublier en effet que les Egyptiens croyaient aussi que le feu, apres bien d'autres epreuves, etait destine a punir definitive- ment les damnes dans l'autre vie. Notre document n'est pas seul a nous parler des tourments de l'enfer egyptien et du feu prepare pour les peckeurs. Les peintures et inscrip- tions des sarcopliages, ainsi que le livre de l'hemisphere inferieur. etc., sont pleins de traditions du meme genre, dont la forme meme a ete conservee d'une fa9on bien remarquable par les Coptes convertis. On peut voir ce que j'ai dit la dessus dans mes articles sur les Affres de lo Mort cliez les Egyptiens, publies dans la Revue egyptologique? Aussi Naichrat, cette pauvi'e mere, ne tarit-elle point sur ce sujet — ainsi qu on le voit encore bien dans les versets tres deteriores qui suivent et oil elle peint son malheureux fils suppliant en vain le roi Osii'is Ounnofre et les monstres mangeurs d'hommes qui sont charges de tuer les mediants.

C'est sur cette question que se t ermine le recto du papyrus. Le commencement du verso appartient encore a la meme serie d'idees. II debute par la plirase finale de cette premiere sommation (ayant trait sans doute a la sentence du juge

- Brugsch, Diet.. 64; copte ^JULOT. * Bnigsnh, Diet., 82.

4 I ^^^ J\ r^pond au mot v.n, eopte OTCOrt. (Conf. Brugsch, Diet.. 1266.)

5 Brugsch, Diet., 1182-1183.

6 Brugsch, Diet., 1701.

" Conf. Brugsch, Diet., 1568. Ce mot signifia toujours ordonner dans les decrets de Rosette et de Canope. s Vol. 1, p. 139: II. pp. 18, 64.

1

lrftf%

-:-^-T **

c

Contre son Fils devenu Chretien. i*

supreme) : " II l'a chasse dehors du pays ! Faites entendre ces choses " !

Vient ensuite, apres un blanc, line seconde somrnation ou un second anatheme, comme on voudra l'appeler. Cette seconde somrnation est redigee sur le merae modele que la premiere et en reproduit les principaux articles, mais avec de nouvelles amplifications, peut-etre plus eloquentes encore.

La voici.

" J'ai dit ceci : —

" Ptu, fils de Nespmete, je t'ai enleve le nom que t'a donne ta mere. Je ne t'appellerai pas de ton nom, c'est-a-dire : Petosor, fils de Nespmete. — Fais moi connaitre ton coeur ; — je t'ai donne du pain, et tu as depouille ta mere. — Ruine moi,1 toi qui t'es bati tes maisons. lis ont abondance en leurs maisons, dans lesquelles tu te sonilles.2 Tu chantes : — De'mo- Hssez les! Quon enleve le temple et les statues divines! Avant qu'ils le fassent, je ferai3 aller vers toi. Je viendrai a toi. Je te ferai demolir toi-meme. Je te ferai ouvrir les yeux sur ces choses. Avant qu'ils le fassent, tu mourras, 0 le plus mauvais des pires !

" J'ai prie ! J'ai parle ! Celui la (le dieu) m'a fait t'immoler a lui avant qu'ils le fassent

" Voila ce que j'ai dit a Pamaut, fils d'Horsiesi,4 a savoir : — Ecris ces requetes. — Qu'on leur donne accomplissement !

" Reconnais toi, malheureux ! 5 Si tu ne lis pas ces choses devant eux (devant les dieux), eux ils te feront bien recon- naitre le mal (que tu as commis)."

A cet endroit la derniere ligne de la seconde somrnation se rencontre avec des lignes ecrites en sens inverse, c'est-a-

1 Cette insistence siir ce chapitre semble proiiTer que Petosor avait fait valoir contre sa mere les droits qu'il tenait de son pere et l'avait ainsi depouillee, probablement pour subvenir aux ceurres chretiennes et aux constructions qu'il avait entreprises.

^Z^5 (5 ^*-

3 C'est ici un dieu — sans doute Osiris —qui parle par la bouche de Na'ichrat.

4 II est tres probable que le scribe, auquel la mere s'Stait adressee, aura beaucoup contribue a, la redaction de ces petites compositions litteraires.

° Na'ichrat fait encore en terminant un appel a son fils afin de l'amener au repentir ; nous verrons, dans la troisieine somrnation, que ses efforts furents vains.

10 A< •-• AnatJiemes d'une Mere Payenne

dire en debutant par le bas du verso. Cest une troisieme sommation de Na'ichrat, mais celle-ci est si effacee qu'on ne peut presque rien en tirer; on remarquera qu'elle a ete ecrite plusieurs mois apres — elle est datee du mois d'epiphi. Apres la date, elle debute par ces mots : —

" A dit Naichrat, qui a enfante Tu, fils de Nespmete, fils de

Petuariese : — Je ne puis le caclier ( ). Je n'ai pu

ouvrir ses yeux. II n'a pas quand j'ai parle, quand

j'ai prie Petros Psepoer, je ne t'appellerai pas de ton

nom, du nom que t'a donne ta mere "

Je ne vois plus la suite, mais il me semble qu'en voila assez pour reeonnaitre le caractere tout particulier de ce document. Petosor est somme, a trois reprises, avec de longs intervalles, de revenir au bien, c'est-a-dire a la religion de ses peres, faute de quoi il est livre aux dieux vengeurs. Notre papyrus nous montre done a quel point les passions religeuses etaient alors surexcitees dans la vallee du Nil. II se livrait en effet un combat bien vif entre les partisans des divers cultes et des diverses doctrines philosopbiques. Les uns — comme notre payenne — etaient pieusement attaches a la vieille religion de leur pays ; les autres etaient devenus franche- ment epicuriens et n'accomplissaient plus que par habitude les rites funebres, sans pour cela croire a la vie future — comme nous le voyons dans l'en-tete biograpliique demotique du papyrus bilingue Rhind, que MM. Birch et Brugsch out les premiers fait connaitre. D'autres etaient devenus ardemment cln-etiens, comme sans doute notre Petosor et ces innombrables martyrs qui devaient bientot apres Ulustrer le christianisme egyptien. D'autres — comme les magiciens des papyrus gnos- tiques de Leide, Londres, et Paris — essay aient, au milieu des pratiques les plus immondes, de fusionner ensemble les diverses doctrines, et particulierement les religions egyptienne et grecque et la religion juive. Cest de ce mouvement, epure (par suite du contact et du nouveau melange des idees chretiennes) et plus savamment systematise suivant l'enseigne- ment de l'ecole saite,1 quest sorti, selon la remarque formelle et tres exacte de Tertullien, le singulier gnosticisme de

1 Je reviendrai sur cette hvanche trfe.« interessante de la question.

Contre son Fifo devenu Chretien. 1 1

Valentin.1 Enfin, il ne faut pas oublier l'ecole de philosophes sceptiques a laqnelle appartient le livre des entretiens du Chacal et de la Chatte. Ce livrc deniotique est egalement des plus interessants a consulter pour 1'histoire des premiers siecles du christianisme, auquel il fait visiblement allusion. Je ne puis echapper a la tentation d'en citer ici un passage curieux ou il est question de la doctrine de la charite chretienne a l'egard des ennemis, charite que parait, du reste, avoir peu pratiquee notre lieros Petosor.

Dans la partie des discussions2 de la chatte et du chacal a laquelle je fais allusion on en etait venu a ces grand es questions tout-a-fait vitales pour l'humanite, qui ont preoccupe l'esprit de Job et qu'il dramatise dans son admirable poeme : le bien, le mal, la responsabilite humaine. la retribution finale.

Ici le cadre de la dispute s'est encore elargi.

Job et ses amis croyaient egalement a Dieu et a la providence, lis discutaient seulement sur la maniere dont s'exer^ait cette providence, ainsi que la juste retribution du bien et du mal qui en est la consequence forcee, soit dans cette vie, soit dans l'autre. C'etait, sous une autre forme, l'objet des preoccupations de Socrate au moment de sa mort, preoccupations se rattachant toujours, comme a leur racine, au principe d'une divinite paternelle, presidant aux destinees du monde.

Dans notre livre demotique, c'est ce principe nierne qui est attaque. Pour trouver dans Fhistoire philosophique quelque chose de vraiment analogue aux theories que le chacal Koufi explique a la chatte ethiopienne, il faut des- cendre jusqu'a notre temps et consulter les livres d'un illustre savant anglais, Mr. Darwin.

Struggle for life. — Tel parait etre la devise de notre chacal, et c'est cette devise qu'il commente, pour ainsi dire, dans

1 Voir a ce sujet notre travail intitule " Premiere Etude sur le Mouvement des esprits pendant les premiers siecles de notre ere. Le philosophe Secundus."

2 J'emprunte ce passage des entretiens de la chatte et du chacal a mon article publie dans la numero de la Revue egyptologique qui va paraitre (2'' annee, p. 84, et suiv.) ; mais j'ai revu et corrige la traduction sur beaucoup de points, d'apres roes mot-a-mot posterieurs, faits pendant mon cours de demotique au Louvre.

\'2 Les AnatJihnes tTune Mere Payenne

les pages qui vont suivre, en en cbercbant les causes et en en deduisant les consequences avec une logique impitoyable.

Selon ce systeme, il n'y a ni divinite protectrice, ni retribution finale. Le mal, les violences qui se passent sur la terre, sont voulus par la divine nature ; tous les vivants sont faits pour s'entremanger. Le plus fort opprime le plus faible ; c'est la loi meme de son etre. II faut que les plus faibles disparaissent pour entretenir la vie des autres. Ventre aflame na pas d'oreilles et c'est bouder contre son estomac que d'avoir des idees de justice, de douceur, d'bonnetete, de retribution divine. Le mal est le souverain bien.

Notre cbacal est un erudit, et, d'ailleurs, il a pour lui la grande autorite du vautour — le vautour, symbole de Maut. mere des dieux ! II raconte a ce sujet comment Isis fut un jour scandalisee des procedes brutaux de cet oiseau divin. L'epouse de VEtre bon fit des reproches au vautour sur sa conduite. Mais le vautour lui repondit que, lui aussi, il avait eu des scrupules sous ce rapport, et que, degoute des exces dont le monde etait plein, il avait alors resolu d'etudier cette question, et, en attendant la solution, de s'abstenir de tout massacre. II tint parole jusqu'au soir. Mais le soil-, sa gorge etait dessechee et, dans l'intervalle, l'estomac aidant, il avait reflecbi.

Ce fut comme une vision : une revelation divine des secrets de Ra, le maitre des dieux ; et cette revelation etait celle que certains esprits devaient cbercber plus tard sous ces mots de Darwin : la lutte pour la vie.

On verra le detail des preuves dans le discours de notre cbacal. auquel nous voulons conserver intacts ses droits d'auteur. Qu'il nous suffise de dire que la cbatte etbio- pienne, imbue des vieilles traditions religieuses. ne voulut pas se rendre a ses arguments, qu'il etayait ponrtant de nombreuses citations, quelque peu transformees, des textes sacres de l'Egypte. Elle defendit meme avec un certain talent des idees se rapprocbant beaucoup, peut-etre incon- sciemment, des doctrines cbretiennes, qui tendaient a se repandre partout dans la vallee du Nil. Le cbacal fut done oblige de revenir a la cbarge. Cette fois, voulant en finir. il fit tete et s'attaqua directement, bien qu'en paraboles, a

Contre son Fils devenu Chretien. 13

cet axiome chretien, qu'on chercherait eu vain dans la morale egyptienne, deja si pure pourtant : Fais le Mien pour le mal, ou, sous la forme citee par lui : on complote contre toi — tu arriveras, tu /eras le Men.

L'apologue qu'il nous raconte a pour but de nous montrer que cette maxime n'est qu'une ruse de guerre des forts, qui sont habiles et qui veulent persuader aux faibles de se laisser manger. On se souvient sans doute de la fable du lion malade et du renard. L'apologue du lion et des chacals represente la merne donnee.

Nous allons maintenaut en arriver a notre texte.

C'est le chacal Koufi qui parle : —

" Vois l'oiseau ! Ecoute Foiseau ! II dit : — " Ce que le voisin me fait, cela aussi je le lui fais."

" — Le vautour devorait les abu1 de la montagne. Isis vit cet oiseau qui n'epargnait nul autre. II arriva un jour qu'Isis lui dit : Voyons ! oiseau ! mon oeil est choque de tes actions et ma vue de tes mefaits. L'oiseau dit : II en est ainsi parcequ'il m'est arrive ce qui n'est arrive a aucun autre oiseau volant, en dehors de moi. Isis lui dit : Oiseau, qu'est cela ? L'oiseau dit : C'est quand j'ai vu jusqu'au mauvais principe du monde, et quand j'ai connu l'univers jusqu'a l'abyme. Isis lui dit : Oiseau, comment cela t'est il arrive ? L'oiseau reprit : Cela m'est arrive parceque je me suis attarde a la maison, et que j'ai laisse mon repas en disant : Grande est la vision que je ferai. Je mediterai a cela, et je resterai dans ma maison. En consequence je n'ai pas mange apres cela, parceque, de meme que ton ceil etait choque, mon ceil aussi etait choque en voyant ces choses. Je restai done encore. Mais ce qui m'est arrive a moi n'est arrive a aucun autre oiseau volant, en dehors de moi. Cela m'a ete donne quand j'ai enchante le ciel pour ecouter ce qui s'y passe, quand j'ai entendu ce que Ra, le disque, le maitre des dieux, a etabli poui- le monde, chaque jour, dans la nuit. Isis dit : Voyons, oiseau, ce qui t'est arrive et pourquoi. II lui dit : Cela m'est arrive parce- que je n'ai pas porte la nourriture a ma bouche pendant le jour, et que je n'ai pas mange non plus apres que le disque

1 L'oiseau 0 \ A\J ~2^=j a^ es^ c^j^- °ieri comiu.

14 Les Anathemas d'une Mere Payenne

du soleil s'est couche ; car, lorsque je tarde ainsi jusqu'au soir, raa gorge est dissechee.

'• Voila qu'Isis vit l'oisean et les choses qui etaient dans son cceivr. II passa un moment a rire. L'oisean comprit qu'Isis avait vu pourquoi il riait. L'oiseau reprit : C'est une parole vraie que celle-ei. C'est une audition d'uu oiseau a Dieu celle qui fut a moi, une audition divine Tenant du ciel sur la terre. Le reptile meme fait annonce de cela devant moi, et je fais semblablement pour lui. reptile. L'iusecte wr (le ciron), qui est a Farrier e de Dieu par sa misere. le lezard le mange. Et ce qu'il fait, on le lui fait. La chauve souris mange le lezard. Le serpent mange la chauve souris. Le faucon mange le serpent sur la mer ; — car l'oiseau entend cela !

" Isis regarda l'oiseau pour voir si cela etait vrai. Isis vit dans la mer. Elle vit ce qui se passe dans Feau et se qui etait arrive au serpent et au faucon. Isis clit : Yois ! oiseau! C'est verite complete que toutes les paroles que tu as dites. Pendant que tu parlais. j'ai fait leur prise en consideration. Elles se sont toutes trouvees vraies devant moi.

'• L'oiseau poursuivit :

'• On a fait ' que le serpent et le faucon tombent dans la

mer. Mange cela le poisson at ( ^V,) clm v nabite.

On a fait que le gryphon mange le poisson at, et que le

poisson at devore d'auti-es poissons nommes nar I a X^ J.

II reste dans les cavemes : on en a fait un lion dans la mer. II fait proie du poisson nar dans les coins. lis ont fait cela (les dieux). Un gerref (oiseau monstrueux, le roch des arabes.

en hieroglvphes I j les flaire. II les saisit dans ses

griffes a l'iustant. II les emporte par la rapine dans les terres celestes. lis ont fait cela. Voila qu'il les depose. II les dechire sur la montagne devant lui. II en fait sa nourriture. Si je dis une parole fausse. viens avec moi a la montagne superieure ! Je te les ferai voir. O Isis ! dechires et palpitants devant lui tandis qu'il en fait sa nourriture. " A ces mots le vantonr ernporta Isis a la montagne :

1 Tint sef, ils ont fait cela. Cette expression, qui se repete sans cesse dans cette partie du recit, a trait a la fatalite.

Contre son Fils decenu Chretien. 15

toutes les paroles qu'avait dites Maut etaient des paroles vraies ; Isis vit, et entendit l'oiseau, crier :

" II n'y a rien sur la terre que ce que fait le dieu — la parole qu'il prononce dans la nuit. Celui qui fait une chose bonne la voit se retourner pour lui en chose mauvaise. Celle- la apres celle-ci.

" Ecoute l'oiseau ! Qu'en est-il du meurtre? — Le lion! le serref lui fait violence. — On le laisse les prier (prier les dieux). Entends l'oiseau ! Vois l'oiseau ! — C'est la verite !

" Est-ce que tu ne sais pas que le serref est le plus fort animal du monde entier, celui-la ! le roi terrible de quiconque est sur la terre, celui-la ! La retribution ! — II n'y pas de retri- buteur pour la lui retribuer! — Sonnez est celui de l'aigle, son ceil celui de l'honrme, ses fiancs ceux du lion, ses oreilles celles des .... ses ecailles celles de la tortue de rner, sa queue celle du serpent. — Quel souffle (quel etre anime) est de cette sorte quand il frappe. Qui done au monde est semblable ?

" La mort est la retribution supreme — le roi terrible de quiconque est encore sur le monde.

" Tu sais cela — Celui qui tue, est ce quon le tuera! Celui qui ordonne de tuer, ne le tuera-t-on pas lui meme1 comme retribution ? 2

" II faut3 que je te dise ces paroles pour faire entrer ceci dans ton coeur: qu'il n'y a pas moyen d'ecarter4 le dieu, le soleil, le disque sublime, la retribution venant de Dieu.

" Les dieux prennent soin de qui done sur la terre, depuis finsecte sir (le ciron) qui n'a personne plus petit que lui, et

1 C'est encore une citation des livres saints egyptiens, detournee de son sens veritable. Le chapitre 125 du Rituel contenant le decalogue egyptien, fait dire au def unt dans sa confession negative : " Je n'ai pas tue, je n'ai pas fait tuer," de meine qu'il lui fait dire : " point de craintif ni d'indigent par nion fait ; je n'ai pas fait ce qui est l'abouiination des dieux ; je n'ai pas fait tort au serviteur devant son raaitre ; je n'ai pas fait avoir faim ; je n'ai pas fait avoir soif ; je n'ai pas fait pleurer." — (Voir mon edition du Rituel demotique de Pamonth.)

" Mot-a-mot : " comme prix." C'est le mot set, copte CUL3T-, pretio redimere. Confer. Brugsch Diet., p. 1335.

3 Le texte a la forme optative COpIXCU , " que je dise."

4 Autre expressions des livres saints egyptiens (egalement detournee de son sens primitif) ; le chapitre 125 du Rituel dgfend d'arreter tin dieu dans sa manifestation. (Voir Rituel de Pamonth, pp. 24-25.)

lii Lies Anathema d'une Mere Payenne

qui puisse parveuir a son ignoininie, jusqu'au serref, qui n'a personne plus grand que lui ?

" Le bien, le mal, que Ton fait sur la terre, c"est Ra qui le fait recevoir en disant : Que cela arrive !

"On dit : Je suis petit de taille devant le soleil et il me voit. De mime quest sa true, de meme son flair, son audition. Qui done sw la terre lui e'ehappe encore ? II voit ce qui est dans Voeuf}

" — II en est ainsi — et celui qui mange un oeuf est comnie celni qui tue.2

•■ Leur priere (la priere des rictimes du meurtre) ne restera pas encore apres eux et pour eux. Si je me transporte dans la bonne demeure3 pour les y voir, la priere pour leur pro- tection— pour le sang des victimes qu on a tuees, — on ne la fait pas parveuir devant Ra.

•' On dit : lis meurent, mats on recherchera leurs os. On les eontentera apres leur mort. lis prient en implurant la pro- tection des dieux et des homines a Toccasion de leur sang.*

'•' — (Test pour calmer leur cceur! car si je parle de la retri- bution de leur vengeance.5 — de cette retribution qui accomplit ennn leur demande de protection pour leur donner paix — je ne dis pas la verite ; car la priere ne tue pas le coupable^ — jamais ! — II sera apres — il vivra — il niourra. II n ecartera pas cela aussi.

u Que je te fasse meme savoir, 0 chatte. que, toi meme, tu n'es pas celle que la retribution6 ne frappera point. Je t'apprendrai que la chatte meurt — cette autre immortelle — toi, 0 chatte, a qui on donne la retribution et la sentence du

1 Autre citation sacree : les textes religieux disent sans cesse que Ka a connu ses elus — et particulierement les rois qui devaient le representer sur terre- — pendant qu'ils etaient dans l'ceuf, e'est-a-dire des leur conception et bien avant leur naissance.

- II detruit de meme un etre vivant ; et cependant on ne se fait pas scrupule de manger un oeuf.

3 Nom ordinaire de la tombe dans les textes egrptiens, et particulierement dans les textes demotiques.

4 C'est une citation curieuse des crovances populaires a cette epoque.

5 C'est le mot JULCIIICIJ , svnonvme memphite de XIKS.i. (Voir " le martvre de St. Ignace," que je publie en ce moment daus la Eecue egyptologique.

6 La mort.

Contre son Fils devenu Chretien. 17

salut,1 car fille du soleil on appelle la chatte2 — On bavarde de cela du moins — et celle qui bavarde a uos oreilles c'est — le monde.

"Elle rit alors, la chatte ethiopienne. Son coeur fat doux pour les paroles qu'avait prononcees le petit chacal Koufi. Elle fit cette maxime, a savoir : Je ne te tuerai point. Je ne te ferai pas titer.3 Ma honte rend tenioignage au mal comme aux bons coinrnandements qui font ete donnes.4 Com- ment ma face te serait-elle hostile quand tu n'as fait aucun mal apres tons ces bons commandements ? Tu as ecarte de mon coeur la flamme de la colere, et tu l'as fait revenir a la joie.

" Elle lui dit encore : — Quand le faible est violente, la retri- bution approche. Le meurtrier n'arrive point au but ; car l'homme puissant ne chassera pas dieu de sa maison.

" Elle dit encore : II ne donne pas la chair en nourriture a la bete feroce ; car ce n'est pas lui qui fait faire violence. Le fort qui infLige de la peine — est plus fort que lui celui qui la supporte.

"Le ciel porte les nuees de l'orage — la tempete enleve la lumiere un instant. Les nuages viennent interposer leur ombre devant l'apparition du soleil le matin.5 II fera resplendir la

lumiere en son lieu, avec la joie, ses rayons, avec la vie " !

********

Ici les mots effaces, et les lacunes sont tenement nom- breuses que je ne puis saisir la suite du texte pendant sept

It

□ J^VJ (1(1 \ mai net', "le : qu'il soit sauve"

• Les textes sacres egyptiens appellent ceil du soleil et fille du soleil cbaeune des deesses a. tete de chatte ou de lionne, comme Tafnut, Bast, Sekhet, etc. Voir aussi but la legende de la fille du soled le decret trilingue de Canope.

3 La chatte fait ici allusion aux preceptes du chapitre 125 du Eituel, veritable decalogue egyptien. Les mots : je ne te tuerai pas, je ne te ferai pas tuer, se rapportent a l'un de ces preceptes deja, cites par nous. Le chacal venait de parler longtemps du meurtre. La chatte prend la chose en plaisanterie et lui dit qu'apres tout ces theses philosophiques n'ont pas lieu de la mettre en colere ; car tout cela n'est que theorique et pratiquement le chacal n'a fait aucun mal. Pourquoi done lui montrer un visage sombre ? II vaut mieux en revenir a la joie.

4 C'est 1'excellent argument tire de la conscience humaine.

5 En Egypte, particulierement au Cairo (Memphis), dans la coeur de l'ete, le ciel est toujours couvert le matin jusque vers huit heures, moment ou le soleil, echauffant l'atmosphere, dissipe les nuees produites par l'^vaporation diurne de I'eau du Nil.

Vol. YIII. t

18 Les Anathcmes dune Mere Payenne

lignes. Puis c'est de nouveau le chacal qui prend la parole et qui dit :

" Vivat ! — ecoute l'liistoire qu'on m'a racontee.

" II y avait des chacals sur la montague. lis disputerent but la verite de ce qu'on avait dit: On complote contre toi — tu arriveras : tu feras le bien.1 On ne fut par d'accord. Chaque cliacal parlait avec son compagnon. lis buvaient. mangeaient .... s'excitaient de coeur dans un bois de la montagne. Us apercurent un lion qui souvent les avait frappes — chassant et se dirigeant vers eux. lis s'arreterent. lis s'enfuirent. — Le lion fit arreter deux chacals et leur dit : — Est-ce que vous ne me voyez pas ? Je veux aller vers vous. Qu'est-ce que la fuite devant moi que vous faites ? — lis dirent cette parole veridique : — Xotre seigneur ! nous t'avons vu les frapp er, nous avons fait nos reflexions : a savoir que nous ne fuirions pas devant toi si tu nous epargnais et ne nous niangeais pas. X tie peau est sur notre dos, nous ne voulons pas la rendre, a plus faute raison que tu nous manges. Tu peines pour faire proie. C'est la ruort mauvaise qui arrive. Rugit la bete feroce qui me prendra. II faut que je fuie loin de sa bouche. — Le lion entendit la grande voix, la voix des chacals. Mais vraiment c'est comme si les grands ne pouvaient jamais rencontrer la verite. H s'en alia.

" Et voila pourquoi je repousse au loin cette parole aujourd'bui : ' Madame : On complote contre toi — tu arriveras : tu feras le Lien.' "

Evidemment la maxim e combattue ici par notre chacal etait toute chretienne, et du christianisme le plus pur : celui des apotres et des martyrs. Quoi qu'en dise notre philosophe sceptique, cette doctrine est bien preferable a celle de son froid egoisme, ainsi, du reste, qu'aux maledictions entrecroisees par Petosor et sa mere. C'est la charite qui a fait la societe chretienne et par elle la civilisation moderne dans ce qu'elle a de meilleur. Plus on s'en eloigne, plus on se rapproche de la vraie barbarie. Rien de plus interessaut que d'apercevoir ainsi les debuts du nouveau monde dans les ecrits et sous les carac- trres multiples du vieux monde 6gyptien, deja si loin de nous.

1 Mot-i-mot : tu feras un bienfait grand et bon iwww -O- ^^^^ I •

Contre son Fils devenu Chretien. 19

Mais vous allez sans doute me demauder la date exacte de nos deux documents. Je ne suis point en etat de vous reponclre d'une facon precise. La paleographie demotique seule (d'ailleurs bien cliangeante selon les scribes) doit nous servrr de guide, et elle est loin d'avoir livre tous ses secrets. Ce qui est certain, d'apres leurs caracteres paleographiques, c'est que ces deux papyrus appartiennent egalement a l'epoque romaine. Mais c'est justement une de ces epoques ou l'ecriture demotique est le plus diversement transformee L'anatheme prononce contre Petosor se rapproche beaucoup de certains recus demotiques du second siecle. II est certaine- ment posterieur au papyrus bilingue Rhind (siecle d'Auguste), et parait assez probablement anterieur au chacal Koufi. Celui-ci a son tour est anterieur aux ecrits gnostiques de Leide, Londres, et Paris, puisque le scribe meme (assez recent) qui a ecrit ces livres gnostiques, a trace apres coup une page de ses elucubrations sur notre document philoso- pliique. Mais pour eclaircir toutes ces questions, il faudrait obtenir un peu partout la publication des divers papyrus demotiques par les procedes de pliotographie reportee a l'encre d'imprimerie qui seront employees pour la planche annexee a cet article. On pourrait alors comparer les diverses ecritures, les diverses epoques, etc., et avoir enfin des repro- ductions veritablement scientifiques. Notre clier Maitre et President Dr. Birch a deja publie ainsi par facsimile les papyrus hieratiques du British Museum, et je sais par lui meme qu'il vouclrait bien en faire autant pour les papyrus demotiques. Mais les fonds manquent. Laissez-moi done, pour finir, vous recommander cette ceuvre, Messieurs et chers collegues. Obtenez des fonds. Faites faire cette publication phototypique, que j'accompagnerai bien volontiers des tra- ductions; car les papyrus demotiques du British Museum, deja taut de fois Studies par moi, renferment, je puis vous l'assurer, de veritables tresors. Nous aurons ainsi les uns et les autres rendu a la science les services qui lui sont dus.

20

PIECES RELATIVES A UN MARIAGE DU TEMPS DE DARIUS.

Par E. Revillout, &c., &c, &c.

Read 7th November, 1882.

Les contrats de mariage ont frequents dans les papyrus demotiques d'epoque ptolema'ique ; ils sont beaucoup plus rares dans les documents d'epoque anterieure. Le plus ancien1 est un acte demotique du temps de Psammetique, que j'ai deja publie. II s'agit d'une femme libre se faisant volon- tairement esclave, moyennant une somme, peut-etre Active, afin de deveniv la concubine de son nouveau maitre. Voici cet acte curieux dont je viens de re voir la traduction avec soin en le comparant a de nouveaux textes analogues.2

" An 4, Mesore, 27 du roi Psammetique.

"La femme Tenesi, fille d'Anachamen, dit a Amon, fils de Puta : —

" Tu m'as donne — et mon coeur en est satisfait — mon argent pour etre a toi servante. Je suis ta servante. Per- sonne au monde ne pent m'ecarter de ton service. Je ne puis m'opposer 3 (a, cet asservissement). Je te donne encore 4 jusqu'a

1 Les deux steles hieroglyphiques que M. Maspero norame des contrats de mariage lie sont, a proprement purler, que des dec-rets rendus au nom de la divinite et attribuant a la posterite de deux princesses les biens qui leur appar- tenaient. Ces decrets supposent un mariage au moins possible. Mais ils ne le specifient pas et n'indiquent pas meme le conjoint. Eestent done seidement les deux mentions fugitives de mariage hotep deja, signalees par notre cher maitre Dr. Bircb.

2 Le texte (dont l'original est au Louvre, et que je donne aux planches) est un peu efface en certains points. Je viens de le collationner scrupuleusement. Plusieui's mots (qui se trouvent dans les ventes d'esclaves analogues) ont ete retablis. Parmi ces mots se trouve le nouveau syllabique bok, que les ventes susdites et les preuves positives fournies par les bilingues greco-demotiques et hieroglyphico-demotiques, etc., etc., m'ont permis de preciser.

3 Pour le mot qui se lit nemm, coinparez la vente d'esclave publiee par Caillaud, pi. xxvi. (L'original en est k la Pibl. Xat.)

4 Le mot demotique an, encore (avec le determinatif des jambes), qui se rejiete plusieurs fois dans notre acte, vient d'etre precise par un contrat du temps d-'Arfcaxerces,

Trans. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. VIII.

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DEMOTIC MARRIAGE CONTRACTS,

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DEMOTIC ilAKUIAGE CONTRACTS, Anastasi, No. 1054.

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Pieces relatives a un Manage du temps de Darius. 21

la totalite de mes biens de dame de rnaison, a la totalite de mes biens au monde, a nies enfants que j'enfanterai, a tout ce que je possede et possederai, meme les vetements qui sont sur moil dos, depuis l'an 4, Mesore, ci-dessus, en annee quel- conque, jusqu'a jamais et toujours !

" Celui qui viendra a toi pour t'inquieter a cause de moi au nom de parole quelconque au monde, en disant : — ce n'est pas ta servante celle-la,— te donnera les biens quelconques de dame de maison qui seront a nous chez toi. Ta servante sera ta servante encore, et mes biens tu les auras en tout lieu ou tu les trouveras.

" Serment a Anion ! Serment au roi ! Point a te servir1 au dehors par esclave encore. Point a dire nous avons fait l'acte marital2 en toute similitude que ci-dessus. II n'y a point a faire de similitude de ces choses. Point a dire que tu peux m'ecarter3 du service de la cliambre dans laquelle tu es."

Evidemment il ne s'agit la que d'un mariage servile analogue a celui qu'ont connu les juifs, et dont la minute, par toutes ses formules, rentre plutot encore dans le titre legal de l'esclavage que dans celui du mariage.

Tout autre est le caractere de deux actes du temps de Darius. L'egalite j etait parfaite entre Fhomme et la femme. Voici Tun : — 4

" An 9, Epiphi, du roi Darius.

"Le choachyte de la necropole Petnofrehotep, fils de Neshor . . . dont la mere est Set-nek-ban, dit a la femme Tahei, fille de dont la mere est Tahonesi : —

" Je t'ai etablie pour femme. T'appartiennent toutes

1 La meme prescription se retrouve pour l'esclave concubine dans l'Exode xxi, versets 7 et suivants; tout ce passage de la loi juive est vraiment d'urie analogie bien frappante avec notre acte.

2 Ka )JL. Conf. Brugsch, Diet., 1435.

3 Cette partie du texte avait ete mal lue et mal reproduite dans la Revue.

4 Ce contrat a ete reproduit en facsimile dans les Denkmaler de Lepsius, Abth. VI, Bl. 125, 1. L'aimable conservateur du Musee de Berlin, Mr. Stern, a bien voulu m'en envoyer une photograpbie qui m'a permis dc rectifier plusieurs points.

22 Pieces relatives a un Manage du temps de Darius.

choses du monde dependant du /aire a toi mari} Je te les abandonne depuis le jour ci-dessus a jamais."

L'autre est fort analogue : — 2

" An 3, Payni, du roi Darius : —

" Le choachyte de la necropole Ptu, fils de Nesmin, dit a la femme Sebast (?), fille de Nesmin : —

" Je t'ai etablie pour femme. Je t'abandonne lefaire a toi mari depuis le jour ci-dessus. Je ne puis y echapper3 en tout lieu ou j'irai depuis le jour ci-dessus a jamais."

Dans ces contra ts rien d'autre que le mariage lui-meme n'est stipule ; on ne voit intervenir aucune des clauses et charges pecuniares si lourdes que la femme imposait au mari dans les contrats de mariage d'epoque ptolema'ique. Un troisieme document, de l'an 30 du roi Darius,4 que j'ai publie dans la Revue Sgyptologique va meme encore plus loin.

Ce n'est pas le mari qui dit a sa femme, comme dans les contrats ptolema'iques Thebains : '• Je t'ai prise pour femme ;

Je t'ai donne tant d'argenteus5 pom' ton don nuptial Si

je te meprise, si je prends une autre femme que toi, je te donnerai tant d'argenteus, en dehors de ceux que tu as recus

pour ton don nuptial La totalite de mes biens presents

et a venir est en garantie des paroles ci-dessus." C'est au contraire, la femme qui s'adresse au mari, et lui dit : " Tu m'as

1 Je traduis mot-a-mot.

2 Voir Denknuiler, Abth. VI, Bl. 125, 111. Pour eet acte encore Mr. Stern m'a enroye une photographic fort utile.

3 An-ei-rex ha ehol-het-f. " Je ne puis me tenir debout en dehors de lui."

4 Cet acte est publie dans les Denkmaler, Abth. VI, Bl. 115, 11, mais j'cn ai, de plus, pris une copie tres attentive lors de mon dernier voyage de Berlin.

5 Pour la question des monnaies egyptiennes mentionnees dans les contrats demotiqucs, et particuHerement la valeur de l'argenteus equiralant a 5 sekels = tefcradrachmea ptolema'iques, ou a 20 drachmes, voir Mevue egyptologique, Paris, Lcroux, editeur, 2e annec, No. 11, ct 3e annee, No. 11. Nos conclusinns viennent du rcste d'etre confirmees d'une facon bien remarquable par un bilingue du British Museum, la planchette 5849, portant dans le grec 70 drachmes (h e/3Soju?; vovra) , et dans le demotique, " trois argcnteus et -j^." Le

dixicme d'argenteus rtait un didrachme, et primitirement un Kati ( M fTTTTTl

confer: KIT6 = didracha), puisquc l'argenteus — outen (ou outen d' argent), posant 90 grammes, a etc d'abord as-iinile a 20 drachmes attiques, pesant s? grammes cm iron, puis a 20 drachmes ptolema'iques pesant beaucoup moins.

Pieces relatives a un Mariage du temps de Darius. 23

prise pour femme aujourd'hui. Tu m'as donne -^ d'argenteus ' fondu du temple de Ptah pour ma dot quand tu t'es etabli a moi comme mari. Que je te meprise, que j'aime un autre homme en dehors de toi, c'est moi qui te donnerai T% d'argenteus fondus du temple de Ptah, en dehors du dixieme d'argenteus fondu du temple de Ptah ci-dessus que tu m'as donne pour mon don nuptial. Je te cederai le tiers de totalite des biens qui sont a moi ou que j'acquerrai, sans alleguer aucun acte, aucune parole au monde." 2

Cette fois je viens de retrouver au British Museum, sous le No. 1054 Anastasi, un papyrus, du meme regne, qui se rapporte a un tout autre genre de conventions matri- moniales. A l'epoque ptolemaique, — en dehors des contrats Thebains auxquels nous faisions allusion tout a l'heure et qui assuraient a la femme : 1° un don nuptial, 2° une pension alimentaire, en partie en argent et en partie en nature (ble et hnile, pension qui parfois etait remplacee par la communaute du tiers dans les biens du mari), 3° une promesse d'etablisse- ment comme femme, 4° une indemnite pour le cas ou le mari mepriserait sa femme et en prendrait une autre, 5° la recon- naissance explicite du fils aine qui devait naitre de ce mariage, comme maitre de tous les biens presents et a venir du mari,3 6° l'hypotheque legale donnee comme garantie a l'epouse sur les biens de son epoux, — en dehors, dis-je, de ces actes Thebains auxquels Herodote et Diodore out fait allusion, nous trouvons aussi a la meme periode, et surtout a Memphis, des contrats bases sur un principe tout different et dont j'ai deja parte dans mon article intitule un quasi manage, paru dans le dernier numero de la Revue egyptologique. Am si que je le disais alors, aucun contrat de mariage proprement dit n'intervient

1 Ce contrat, dout le texte se trouve clans les Denkm., Abth. VI, Bl. 125, No. 11, debute par ces mots : " An 30, Thot, du roi Darius. La femme Isis, fille du choachyte de la necropole Anachamen, mere Tbahor, dit au cboacliyte de la necropole Haeroou, fils de P6chytes, dont la mere est Niftesop : tu m'as prise pour femme, etc."

2 Voir Revue egyptologique (Paris, Leroux, rue Bonaparte 28) , 2e annee, p. 270.

3 " Mon fils aine, ton fils aine, sera le maitre de tous mes biens presents et a venir." Ainsi que nous l'avons deja remarque, le fils aine etabli ainsi comme \vpios, avait ensuite a partager avec ses freres plus jeunes les biens venant du pere et de la mere. Voir les etudes panics dans la Revue egyptologique, et mon cours de droit egyptien. (Leroux, edileur.)

24 J' tes relatives ■ m Mortage da temps D ius.

dans _ ore d'unions; nous en avons la preuve positive:

car ces sorfcee atrats sent toujours cites dans les regle-

raents qui en sont la consequence. Au contraire. dans tous les faits connus de ce genre, il n'y eut pas (FScrit de i pour femme; il n'y eut pas d'dtablissement comme femme; et

ndant la feinine nonirne mart son conjoint ; elle ne fait aucun acte sans son consentement. a partir du 7rpoarayfia de Philopator sui' l'autorite inaritale. irpoarwyfia si contraire aux anciennes traditions : bref tout se passe comme dans un menage regulier : et si nous voulons voir l'origine et la preuve de ce nouvel etat civil, nous ne trouvons qu'un contrat de pret.

II est vrai que ce contrat de pret nous donne tous les elements pecuniaires qu'on rencontre d' ordinaire dans les contrats de manage ; on y rencontre a la fois la somme qui represente le don nuptial, la pension alinientaire qui doit etre soldee chaque annee par le mari a la femme. l'hypotheque legale grevant le mari. enfin la transmission hereditaire des biens aux enfants.

Mais ici nos contrats s'ecartent conipleterneut des forks de prise pour femme. Les enfants ne sont pas seulement nien- tionnes en prevision de Tavernr, ils existent deja. et e'est ce qui nous explique tout le mystere.

Si le mari ne promet pas de prendi-e sa fiancee pom- epouse et de FStabtir comme femme, e'est que l'union etait deja com- mencee avant le contrat. e'est que les enfants deja nes en faisaient le lien le plus solide, e'est qu*en un mot il s'agissait de legitimer une situation anorruale.

De la la formule qui transforme l'obligation future en une dette deja contractte et une dette, au sens propre du mot, que Ton fait reposer sur de l'argent : — 1

"Tu m'as donne. et mon coeur en est satisfait. 21 ar- genteus fondus du temple de Ptali. ou 20 argenteus plus ^ to to -sir ttV — -1 argent eus fondus du temple de Ptah en tout pom- ton saneh (ta creance).

•■ L'archentaphiaste Petese. fils d'Hercius. mon fils aine, ■ d fils aine. et l'liomme du meme rang Petese (le jeune), fils

1 Voir dans le Xo. ii-iii de la 2C annee de la Serue egypiologique. 1' article intitule ''Un quasi manage," et surtout les leeons que j'ai c-onsacrees a l'etude du manage Ian? inu.i conn . pi ■ (Leroux. eili:

Pieces relatives a an Manage da temps tie Darius. 25

d'Hereius, mon fils, ton fils, les deux, mes enfants, tes enfants, que tu m'as engendres, et les eufauts uouveaux que tu m'engendreras, seront les maitres de tous mes biens presents et a venir.

" Que je te donne 36 mesures d'olyre, dont les deux tiers font 24, 36 mesures d'olyre en tout, plus 2 argenteus fondus

et 4 dixiemes du temple de Ptali pour ta

pension alimentaire, au lieu que tu voudras. C'est a. toi qu'il appartient d'exiger le paiement de ta pension qui sera a ma charge. Que je te donne cela!

" La totalite de mes biens presents et a venir est en garantie de ton sanch ci-dessus. Je ne puis te dire : recois ton sanch ci-dessus (et va-t-en). Au temps ou tu le voudras je te le donnerai. Je ne puis faire de serment a rencontre de toi en dehors du lieu ou Ton en juge."

Nous avons aussi montre que ce genre de contrats mem- phites, qui n'est pas rare en demotique, etait aussi la cause du proces juge dans le papyrus grec XIII de Turin1 (de meine que la requete grecque d'Amadocus reposait sur un contrat de mariage thebain). Or voici que justement le papyrus Anastasi 1057 nous fait voir le lneme genre de transactions en l'an 5 du roi Darius.

La aussi le contrat de mariage est remplace par un contrat de pret, et les conventions proprement matrimoniales viennent se greffer sur cette creance. La, aussi l'enfant existe deja, et c'est lui qu'on a surtout en vue de legitimer. Seulement, au lieu de reunir en un seul acte la reconnaissance de sa femme et la legitimation de son enfant, notre egyptien contemporain de Darius a prefere faire a la meme date deux actes differents sur une seule feuille de papyrus.

Dans le ler de ces actes Ton lit : " L'an 5, Athyr, du roi Darius. Le choachyte Psenese, fils de Herir, dont la mere est Bast . . . . dit a la femme Tsenhor, fille de Nesmin, dont la mere est Reru : "Tu m'as donne trois argenteus fondus du temple du Ptah, quand je t'ai etablie comme femme. Que je te meprise je te donnerai .... en dehors des trois argenteus fondus du temple de Ptah que tu m'as donnes ci-dessus. Le

! Voir dans le N° deja cite de la Re cue egyptolugique, nies etudes sur un quasi mariage et sur le papyrus grec X1I1 de Turin.

•26 Pieces relatives a un Manage du temps de Darius.

tiers de tons mes biens presents et a venir que je te le donne." Le second acte est ainsi con9U : " L'an 5, Athyr, du roi Darius. Le choachyte Petese, fils de Herir, dont la mere est Bast .... dit a la femme Rem, fille du clioachyte Petese, fils de Herir, laquelle a pour mere Tsenhor, sa fille " (a lui Petese) : " Tu viendras en partage avec mes enfants que j'ai engendres ou que j'engendrerai pour tous mes biens presents et a veuir : maisons, terrains, esclaves, argent, airain, etofFes, bceufs, anes, bestiaux, contrats quelconques, totalite de biens au monde. A toi part d'eux (de ces biens), comme a mes enfants qui seront a jamais, ainsi que de mes catacombes de choachyte dans la necropole et dans le nome. A toi aussi part d'elles."1

Ces deux instruments out ete bien et dument rediges par le pretre de Mont neb uas, qui tenait l'etude de Thebes2 a cette epoque, et certifies au revere par 8 temoins, dont les noms, pom- correspondre a ces instruments, se trouvaient deux fois sur les deux cotes du verso de notre papyrus.

En meme temps que ces deux actes etaient consentis par Psenese, sa nouvelle epouse, Tsenhor, en faisait ecrire deux autres, que Caillaud a publies dans ses planches xxvii et xxviii, et dont les originaux sont maintenant a la Bibliotheque Nationale. Ces deux contrats constituaient un partage d'heredite entre les deux enfants que Tsenhor avait actuelle- ment. L'un de ces enfants etait la fille que Psenese venait de reconnaitre, l'autre etait un fils ne d'une precedente union. L'expedition adressee au fils portait : —

" L'an 5, Athyr, du roi Darius.

" La clioachyte femme Tsenhor, fille de choachyte de la necropole Nesmin, dont la mere est Reru, dit au choachyte de la necropole Petamenhotep, fils de Hahoreroou, dont la mere est Tsenhor : mon fils aine, a toi la moitie de latotalite des biens qui a moi dans la campagne, dans le sanctuaire, et dans la ville, maisons, champs, esclaves, argent, airain, etoffes, boeufs, anes, tombes de la necropole, totalite de biens au monde. A toi la moitie de la totalite de biens au monde

1 Voir aux planches les photographies de ces deux contrats du British Museum.

2 Voir sur les notaires de Thebes, mon article intitule V authentic'tte des actes dans la Efi-ue egyplologique, 2C annee, p. 103 et suiv.

Pieces relatives a un Mariage du temps de Darius. 27

appartenant an choachyte de la necropole Nesmin, fils d'Atef-en-Osor, mon pere, et de la totalite de Mens au monde appartenant a la femme Rem, fille du choachyte de la necro- pole Petemin, dont la mere est Resi (?) ma mere. A toi la moitie de la part qui me revient en leur nom. A toi ce dont je justifierai en mon nom, au nom de mes pere et mere. La femme Reru, fille du clioacliyte de la necropole PseneseV, dont la mere est Tsenlior, ta soeur caclette, a l'autre moitie de ma part qui me revient. soit en mon nom, soit au nom de mes pere et mere ci-dessus encore. Le fils que j'engendrerai depuis ce jour qu'il recoive sa part sans prendre sur la part des deux."

Le contrat destine a la fille etait tout-a-fait parallele. II est ainsi concu : —

" L'an 5, Athyr, du roi Darius. La clioacliyte femme Tsen- lior, fille du choachyte de la necropole Nesmin, dont la mere est Reru, dit a la femme clioacliyte Reru, fille du clioacliyte de la necropole Psenese, dont la mere est Tsenlior, sa fille : — A toi la moitie de la totalite des biens qui sont a, moi dans la cam- pagne, dans le sanctuaire, et dans la ville : maisons, champs, esclaves, argent, airain, boeufs, anes, bestiaux, catacombes de la necropole, totalite de biens au monde, et la moitie de ma part qui me revient au nom du clioacliyte de la necropole Nesmin, fils d'Atef-en-Osor, mon pere, et de la part de Reru, fille du clioacliyte de la necropole Petemin, dont la mere est Resi (?), ma mere. A toi la moitie de ma part qui me revient au nom de mes pere et mere ci-dessus, et au nom de leurs pere et mere encore, part dont le clioacliyte de la necropole Petamenliotep, fils de Hahoeroou, dont la mere est Tsenhor, ton frere aine, a l'autre moitie. Le fils que j'engendrerai qu'il recoive sa part sans prendre sur la part des deux."

L'enfant dont Tsenlior prevoyait la naissance et qu'elle sentait peut-etre deja sans son sein naquit en effet ; car il en est question dans le partage que Psenese fit plus tard de ses biens en mariant sa fille. Qu'on nous permette de traduire ici cet acte, qui porte le No. 2 parmi les papyrus demotiques de Turin : —

" L'an 24, Pliarmouthi, du roi Darius.

" Le clioacliyte de la necropole Psenese, fils de Herir, dont la mere est Bast .... dit a la femme Reru, fille du choachyte

28 Pieces relatives a un Manage du temps de Darius.

de la necropole, Psenese. fils de Herir, mere Tsenhor, sa fille : A toi la moitie de tous biens que je possede et que j'acquerrai dans la carnpague, le sauctuaire et la ville: maisons, champs, esclaves, argent, airain, boeufs, anes, bestiaux, catacombes de la necropole, totalite de biens au monde, biens dont le clioa- chyte de la necropole Ha, fils de Psenese, fils de Herir, mere Tsenbor, mon fils, ton frere. a l'autre moitie. Celui qm viendra a toi en mon nom, au nom de quiconque au monde, je le ferai s'eloigner de toi. A toi les actes (concernant ces heritage) en tout lieu ou ils sont. A toi ce dont je justifierai en leur nom."1

Ainsi, si Psenese avait eu d'autres enfants que ceux qu'il avait engendres avec Tsenhor (comme l'un des actes cites plus haut semble l'indiquer), ces enfants n'existaient plus et il ne restait en presence que sa fille nee avant le contrat et le fils qui s'appretait a venir au moment meme de ce contrat.

En somme, le mariage a l'essai ou plutot apres essai con- tracte par Psenese reussit assez bien ; car, nous l'avons dit, les enfants en formaient le lien principal. Hen d'autant plus serieux qu'en Egypte, selon Diodore, il n'existait pas de batards, que toute preuve authentique etablissant la filiation suffisait, que sans doute la recherche de la paternite etait permise, et que de plus les enfants avaient droit reel sur la succession de leurs pere et mere.

II est a noter que nos documents sont thebains, et que par consequent le genre de transactions dont nous venons de parler n'est pas exclusivement memphitique. II y avait tout lieu de le supposer puisqu'il ne s'agissait pas d'une coutume

1 Psenese avait, a cette epoque, aggrave deja les clauses faites en fareur de sa fernme dans son contrat de mariage. Cinq ans apres celui-ci, en l'an 10 de Darius, Psenese donnait a Tsenhor la moitie d'une maison sise a Thebes. Toir l'ancien Xo. 5, ou le Xo. 231 actuel de Turin.) Cette maison etait voisine d'une autre maison achetee par Psenese en l'an 12, suivant les indications contenues dans un autre contrat que j'ai recemment acquis pour le Louvre. D'une autre part, Tsenhor faisait, en son propre nom, et sans autorisation d'aucune sorte diverses acquisitions parmi lesquelles je signalerai celle d'un jeune esclave. Cet esclave lui fut vendu en l'an 6 du roi Darius, par un certain Hor, fils de Nesmin, qui l'avait achete lui-meme en l'an 5, d'un nomme Ahmes. (Voir, Caillaud, pi. xxvi, et un contrat de Turin que je publierai bientut.) Je n'en aurais jamais fini si je voulais donner ici toutes les pieces relatives a ce menage et a cette fatnille. Ce sera le sujet d'une serie d'articles daus la Revue igyptologi<iv.e. Disons seuleinent qvu- plusieura contrata do cette serie sont des plus infe'ressants

Pieces relatives a un Mariage du temps de Darius. 29

locale pour tous les manages, mais d'un mariage celebre clans eertaines conditions speciales — plus frequentes, il est vrai, a Memphis qu'a Thebes. D'une autre part, ainsi que nous en avons deja fait la remarque, on trouve aussi a Memphis des contrats de mariage du genre thcbain. J'en ai deja public un d'apres un papyrus de Leide. J'en viens de trouver un second dans un papyrus du British Museum (Anastasi 41), malheureusement en tres mauvais etat. Mais on y remarque les memes modifications au contrat thebain que dans le papyrus de Leide, c'est-a-dire : 1° le changement du don nuptial sep fait par le mari a la femme en apport fictif fait par la femme au mari ; 2° La licence expresse accordee a la femme de s'en aller d' 'elle-meme quand elle voudrait en repren- ant sa dot. II y a d'ailleurs certaines modifications impor- tantes particulieres a ce contrat. Ainsi la pension alimentaire annuelle parait seulement-conditionnelle. La preoccupation des enfants qui ne sont pas encore nes est aussi moins grande que dans les contrats thebains de bonne epoque. On ne trouve pas la clause: mon fils aine, ton fils aine, est le maitre de tous mes biens presents et a venir. Si la femme peut s'en aller quand elle voudra, tf elle-meme, en revanche, elle ne peut pas exiger d'amende dans le cas ou son mari la mepriserait. On specifie encore pour 1'avenir V etablissement solennel comme femme. Mais c'est tout. Nous avons bien affaire a un systeme mixte entre le vrai mariage et le mariage a base pecuniaire de seconde categorie dont nous parlions tout-a-1'heure, avec cette difference pourtant qu'il n'y avait pas de situation pre- existante a regulariser. II faut remarquer aussi que ce contrat est seulement du regne d'Aulete, et qu'a cette epoque, comme nous l'avons dit ailleurs, les liens matrimoniaux tendaient a se relacher. A Thebes meme, a l'epoque recente, les contrats de mariage subissent de profondes modifications. C'etait, du reste, en Egypte, la volonte de parties qui fixait, comme elle l'entendait, les regimes matrimoniaux.

30

THE POOR LAWS OF THE ANCIENT HEBREWS. By Dr. Sigmcxd Louis.

Read 3rd April, 1883.

AMONG the many and varied laws handed down to us in the Mosaic legislation, the laws relating to the poor exhibit some very distinctive features, when compared with the scanty provisions for the same class found among other nations of antiquity. We may confidently assert that these Mosaic enactments form the basis from which has sprung the gigantic structure of charity organization which adorns our own age.

According to the Midrash,1 the Scripture idiom contains eight words conveying the idea of poverty ; these are, alpha- betically arranged : —

ttn ^ pun y2 mbn -p bn ;vn«

As is always the case with synonyms, all these words differ in shades of meaning, but I will not enter into a philological discussion of their respective significations; indeed, the only two words which concern our subject are ]V2N and "^, as they alone are employed in the scriptural passages containing the poor laws. Etymologically, ]V2N? derived from PQN (Latin avere), " to desire," means desirous or needy, whilst vyp, from TMy, " to oppress," means the oppressed, the lowly, the poor. It would be difficult to mark a distinction between the two expressions in the several passages in which they occur, but so much may be said, that 'IVIlN designates a lower grade of poverty than ^2? ; the p^lN is necessarily ^22, but the *W need not always be ]"T2N •

In Rabbinical writings, the poor, as a class, are always called D^S? ; it is possible that these writers avoided the term D*WDM» as it might have been misconstrued to allude 1 Vayikra Rabba, 34.

The Poor Laws of the Ancient Hebrews. 31

to the Ebionites, a religious sect which existed in the early ages of the Christian era, and whose tenets were a sort of compromise between Christianity and Judaism.

It has been asserted that in Biblical times there were no beggars properly so called. This assertion is based on the circumstance that the Hebrew idiom has no special word for beggar or mendicant. I think the argument weak ; I do not believe that the absence of the word beggar from the Old Testament offers any guarantee that beggars did not exist in those times ; at all events, in the time of Christ we read of a man sitting at the gate of the temple, " asking alms of them that entered;"1 the Talmud speaks of beggars going from door to door ;2 and the Mishna mentions even itinerant beggars, who tramp from town to town,3 so that beggary must have been known in the first centuries of the current era.

Before proceeding to the consideration of the laws them- selves, it will be as well to make clear what was understood by the term " poor " from a legal point of view, that is to say, to what state of poverty must a man have fallen to be entitled to participate in the provisions made for paupers. The Mishna. supplies a very precise definition of the term ; it says :4 " He who possesses 200 TIT (equal to a little over £6 of English money), must not share in the gleanings and other portions set aside for the poor," the amount of 200 TIT being held sufficient for one year's maintenance and clothing.

Incidentally this passage throws some light upon the state of trade in those times ; it goes on to say :5 " He who possesses 50 TIT (a little over 30s.), which he uses for trading purposes, must not participate in these grants to the poor." It follows that 50 TIT employed as a trading capital was con- sidered equal to an annual income of 200 TIT.

The trade here referred to was probably the retail trade in provisions, such as cereals, fruit, oil, wine, &c. Now the

1 Acts iii, 2.

- n^nncri hy *"PTrro> Baba bathra, 9«. 3 EPpcb Dipoo "aiyn W Peah' Tiii> 7-

4 Peah, viii, 8. a Peah, viii, 9.

32 The Poor Laws of the Ancient Hebrews.

extreme limit of profit legally permitted in this trade, accord- ing to the Talmud,1 was 20 per cent., so that a man, in order to gain four times the amount of his capital in a twelvemonth, must be supposed to turn it over twenty times in the year, or very nearly once in a fortnight ; this gives the idea of a fairly active state of trade, though by no means unreasonably so in the particular branch to which it refers.

I ought to explain that the Talmudical phrase is : " the profit must not exceed the sixth part," but this is understood to mean the sixth part of the selling price,2 that is, 1 in 5 of the cost price, or 20 per cent.

It may be interesting to mention that among the articles exempted from this rule of restricted profits were eggs ;3 the reasons assigned for this exemption are, first, because eggs are not strictly necessaries of life, and then because the seller has the trouble of going about from place to place to collect them ; probably the perishable nature of the article was like- wise taken into consideration.

After these preliminary observations, I will turn to the poor laws referring to the produce of the land. According to Leviticus xix, 9 and 10, not a field was to be harvested, nor the fruit of a tree to be gathered, without leaving a portion of it for the poor ; these portions were called mND , " corners." The Mosaic text does not fix the quantity to be left, but the Mishna 4 gives the minimum at the sixtieth part. This law applied to all kinds of cereals and of pulse, to the produce of the vineyard, the olive plantation, and nearly all other fruit trees ; some of the latter were, however, exempted ; such, for instance, was the fig tree, because the fruit of the same tree does not arrive at maturity all at the same time, so that it would have been difficult to determine at what season of the year a portion was to be left. The poor were not allowed to take these portions until the owner of the field or the tree had declared that he had set them aside for them ;

1 Baba bathra, 90*. nUTOft "l]TP *OJW ^N ^^7271-

2 Menacbotb, 77a, -Q™ift t"$rVir\1£7-

3 Baba bat bra, 91//.

4 Peah, i. 2.

The Poor Laics of the Ancient Hebrews. 33

but the law prescribed1 that the proprietor should make his appearance in his field three times each day — in the morning, at midday, and in the afternoon, so as to give the poor oppor- tunities of hearing his declaration.

Besides these so-called "corners," there were the gleanings. Single ears dropping from the hands of the reapers, small bunches of grapes, olives, almonds, dates, &c, accidentally falling to the ground during the gathering, were not to be picked up, but were to be left for the poor to take away. Even if a whole sheaf had been forgotten in the field, or some of the fruit had been left on the tree, the owner was not to return for them,2 but had to leave them for the benefit of the poor.

With reference to the distribution of these yearly harvest perquisites (if we may so call them), the proprietor was not permitted to favour one poor person more than another, and non-Israelites were admitted to participation equally with the poor Israelites."3

A more important provision for the poor, at least quantita- tively more important, was the tithe for the poor ("^ ItZ^ft). This was levied every third year in the following manner : — After the produce of the land had been housed, 2 parts in each 100 were set aside for the priest, then 10 of each 100, that is the tithe, had to be given to the Levites ; the tenth part of what remained, that is, nearly 9 per cent of the original quantity, was then set aside. In the first and second, as well as in the fourth and fifth year in each cycle of seven years, this second tithe was not given away, but it had to be consumed by the owners within the gates of Jerusalem. In the third and sixth year, however, the second tithe was dis- tributed among the needy, and was called the tithe for the poor. In the distribution of this tithe, some liberty of action was conceded to the owner ; he was allowed to favour a poor relative or a poor acquaintance, at least as far as half the quantity was concerned which he had to distribute.

Thus, the corners, &c. amounting to about 2 per cent, and the second tithe, to about 9 per cent every three years, or an

1 Peah, iv, 5. - Deuter. xxiv, ]9.

3 Maimon., " Gifts for the Poor," i. 9.

Vol. VIII. 3

34 The Pooi' Laics of the Ancient Hebrews.

average of 3 per cent in each year, we find that 5 per cent of the produce of the field and the tree was devoted to the relief of the poor. We may ask ourselves how far these arrangements were effectual in supporting the poor. In the absence of statistics it is extremely difficult to form an accu- rate opinion : but we may arrive at some estimate by referring to an instance of modern statistics. Taking into account that Palestine was an essentially agricultural country. I think we shall not overstate the case in basing our calculations on the statistics of such a county as Buckinghamshire. In that county the proportion of paupers to the population in 1882 was about 3f per cent. Assuming that the proportion in Palestine was somewhat similar — which I think is a high estimate — we may conclude that if 5 per cent of the whole produce was distributed among 3| per cent of the popula- tion, the poor were by these arrangements alone safeguarded against starvation.

These measures provided for six years out of every cycle of seven ; the seventh, being the year of release, or the Sabbatical year, was subject to different arrangements. According to Exodus xxiii. 10 and 11, there was to be no sowing nor reaping in the 7th year, and the spontaneous pro- duce of the soil during that year was free to every one, rich and poor alike. The Rabbins endeavoured to carry out the spirit rather than the letter of the Mosaic text ; and as it is evident that if field-labour had been continued to the very end of the sixth year, the growth of the seventh year would not have been quite spontaneous, they fixed the time when certain agricultural operations had to cease in the sixth year, and also when they might be resumed in the seventh, without influencing that year's produce. Nearly a Avhole treatise of the Mishna is taken up with the discussion of these regula- tions. It is impossible to estimate how the poor fared during the Sabbatical year, as the spontaneous produce of the earth must be subject to many accidental circumstances ; but if we take into consideration that the rich not only refrained from gathering any of the fruits of the field so long as they could draw sustenance from their own stores, but were also obliged to distribute some of their reserve provisions among the

The Poor Lrncs of the Ancient Hebrews. 35

poor when nothing more could be found in the fields, we may infer that the pauper classes were not in danger of being left without food.

Another boon conferred upon the poor by the advent of the Sabbatical year was the cancelling of debts. A careful perusal of the Mosaic ordinances concerning loans unques- tionably leads to the conclusion that the Lawgiver intended entirely to discountenance debts. The prohibition to take interest for loans, the restrictions which were put upon the mode of talcing pledges as security, and the circumstance of all debts being cancelled in the Sabbatical year, rendered it impossible to make money-lending a profitable business. In fact, to lend money to those who were in need was enjoined as an act of benevolence. In this sense, the Psalmist says, " A good man shows favour and lendeth" ;* and the Rabbins declare, " Greater is he who lends than he who gives alms.-"- The following rule is laid down with respect to granting loans : — " Give the preference to Israelites over non-Israelites, to a poor man over a rich man, to thy own relations over other townsmen, and to townsmen over strangers."3

The law of cancelling debts in the seventh year was intended to protect the poor from sinking into debt; another ordinance of the same tendency is contained in Deuter. xxiv, 25, where it is enjoined to pay the day labourer his hire each day, no doubt to enable him to obtain the necessaries of life for ready money. On the other hand, in order that credit might not be refused for these necessaries when required, the law exempted debts contracted with the petty traders from the effects of the Sabbatical year; the Mishna declares that shop debts are not to be cancelled by the advent of the year -of release.4

It was, however, found in the process of time that this law of cancelling debts paralysed commercial transactions, as persons hesitated to grant loans near the year of release; Hillel therefore introduced a remedy, which consisted in the creditor executing a document called TQWlQ5 (a word of

1 Ps. cxii, 5. 2 Sabbath, 63a. 3 Baba metzia, 71a.

4 shebiith, x, i, nwxpti n^N m:nn nspn-

5 Grittin, 36a-.

36 The Poor Laics of the Ancient Hebrews.

Greek derivation, meaning " a provision "). By this document the creditor transferred his claim to a tribunal, so that by a legal fiction the court was technically considered the creditor, and consequently the debt was not liable to be cancelled. Though debts were cancelled in the Sabbatical year, it was considered honourable for a debtor to pay his debt even after the Sabbatical year had passed ; in that case, the creditor had to remind him that the debt was cancelled ; but if the debtor insisted, he was to accept payment.1

Besides cancelling debts, the Sabbatical year had also the effect of rendering their liberty to those who had sold them- selves, or had been sold, into slavery from poverty.

The law of the Jubilee, though in restoring the land to the previous owners it affected the poor beneficially, cannot properly be regarded as a provision enacted for the advantage of the poor; its real object was to prevent the accumulation of landed property in the same hands ; whilst the period of fifty years intervening between one Jubilee and another was too long for the poor to derive any substantial benefit from this institution.

If we compare these legal measures with the enactments in favour of the poor passed among the Romans and Greeks, notably with the Licinian rogations, which we may consider as the prototype of all subsequent agrarian laws, and with the law of Solon, known by the name of aeiaaxOeca2 (literally, the shaking off of a burden), which was properly a financial measure reducing the standard of the coinage, and thus relieving poor debtors of a portion of their liabilities, we shall find that these laws of the Romans and Greeks were purely remedial, whilst the Mosaic laws were radically pre- ventive. The Romans and Greeks passed those laws under pressure, when the condition of the poor threatened to become a danger to the State ; but there never was any such pressure among the Hebrews. The incident recorded in the fifth chapter of Xehemiah, when the people complained that their lands, their vineyards, and their houses were mortgaged, and their sons and daughters sold into bondage, did not amount to a rising of the poor, and the abuses

1 Shebiith, x, 8. 2 Plutarcb's " Life of Solon."

The Poor Laws of the Ancient Hebrews. 37

complained of were rectified by the people themselves voluntarily making restitution when the case had been emphatically placed before them by Nehemiah.

As a general rule, remedial measures are more effective, but their effect is only temporary, and they are apt to relieve one class at the expense of another. Preventive measures have this defect, that they do not always adapt themselves to the changes which take place in the social conditions of nations. With reference to these laws for the poor, we are bound to confess that they did not effect the purpose for which they were designed, they did not altogether prevent pauperism. Indeed, it was anticipated that these provisions would not entirely extinguish poverty, for it is declared : " The poor will never cease out of the land."1 How difficult it is for a man who has once fallen into poverty, to raise himself from his lowly position, is pithily expressed by the Rabbins in the proverbial saying: " Poverty stalketh behind the poor";B meaning, that wherever the poor man wends his steps, poverty is sure to follow him.

The truth once acknowledged, that there always would be needy persons, there was then a field open for charity properly so called, or almsgiving.

The word which has obtained currency among the Jews for "charity," or rather "alms," is the Hebrew word Hpl^. Throughout the Old Testament this word signifies "justice " or " righteousness," its Greek equivalent being ScKatocrvyr} ; but in several instances — eight in all — -the version of the Septuagint has rendered the word by eXevfioavvn, "mercy" or "benevolence," thus showing that among the Hellenistic or Alexandrian Jews the popular acceptation of npTJ had already gained ground.

In Rabbinical writings the term np"T!£ is only used in the signification of " benevolence " or " charitable gifts." The transition from the meaning of " righteousness " to that of " benevolence," and from the abstract noun to the concrete signification of "alms/' is curious, and it deserves to be noted that our own word " alms " is a descendant of eXev/xoavv?],

1 Deuter., xv, 11.

2 Baba Kamma, 92«, N.TVP2}f NTW N"OJ^ "1]~Q-

38 The Poor Laws of the Ancient Hebrews.

the first signification of which is the abstract idea of "'pity " or " mercy."

In the Mosaic law almsgiving "was not left to the spon- taneous promptings of the individual, but was enjoined as a religious duty ; and in very early times regular organisations existed for the relief of the poor. In every Jewish community unpaid officers were appointed called n~12 "lN23 (collectors of charity), who were charged with the collection and dis- tribution of charitable gifts. The communities were very scrupulous in selecting well-known and trusty men for this office, and those who had been elected were held in great esteem by their fellow citizens. The following practice may show in what light their position was regarded. It was always considered of the highest importance that the priestly tribe should be preserved in its purity. When a priest wished to intermarry with a family of another tribe, it was necessary to institute inquiries into the pedigree of the family for four generations, to make sure that no blemish attached to anyone conuected with it ; but when the chosen bride was the daughter of one of these " collectors of charity," no such inquiry was necessary; the fact of the father having held that office was regarded as sufficient guarantee that the reputation of the family was unimpeachable.1

The collectors of charity went round every day to collect all kinds of eatables from those who were willing to con- tribute; this collection was called *inon»s a word signifying a •• dish " — a vessel to contain food : it was distributed every evening to all comers, and the overseers mostly endeavoured to provide each recipient with food sufficient for two meals. From this source relief was given to the most destitute ; " a man who receives his maintenance from the public dish," is a phrase often used iu Talmudical parlance to indicate the lowest grade of pauperism.

In addition, the collectors went every Friday to collect contributions in money; this was called nCV (literally a "box"). The distribution was made once a week, and it was chiefly intended for the poor of the town in which the funds had been collected ; it was, however, left to the

1 KiJJushin, 76a. - Baba batkra, 8b.

The Pooi" Laics of the Ancient Hebrews. 39

discretion of the community to modify these arrangements. It was laid down as a rule that non-Israelites were to be relieved as well as Israelites.1

These money contributions were not altogether voluntary; in many communities the householders were assessed accord- ing to their means — it was, in fact, an actual poor rate ; and where this had been done the authorities had power to enforce payment, and in case of refusal even to distrain on the chattels of the defaulter.2

These contributions represented what we may call public charity; besides these there was naturally a large amount of private almsgiving ; even the poor man was expected to give something, however small his gift might be. With reference to the amount which a person should devote to charitable purposes, no precise limit was fixed, but the tenth part of a man's income was considered a proper proportion. The Rabbins ordain that a man should not expend more than the fifth part of his income in charitable donations.3 The New Testament goes beyond this limitation, for it is stated : "the half of my goods I give unto the poor;"4 and again: " if thou wilt be perfect, go and sell that thou hast, and give to the poor."5

One of the most essential conditions of almsgiving was, that it should not be done in public. The same principle is most emphatically expressed in the beginning of the sixth chapter of Matthew, in the passage commencing: " Take heed that ye do not your alms before men," &c. ; but the leading ideas seem to be somewhat different. The passage just quoted appears to be directed chiefly against ostentation, denouncing the conduct of those whose object in doing good " is the praise and glory coming from man," and insisting upon the purity of motives. In the Rabbinical precept, the leading idea is a tender regard for the feelings of the recipient ; this is often expressed in very emphatic language. When R. Janai saw a man giving alms to a poor person in public, he said to him: "You would do better not

1 Gittin, 61a. 2 Baba batbra, 8b.

3 Ketubotb, 50a, t^ftE W tin"' *?N tltlD!!. 4 Luke xix, 8. s Mattbew xix, 21.

40 The Poor Laws of the Ancient Hebrews.

to give at all, than to give and put the man to shame.'" In the Ethics it is stated : " He who calls forth a blush on the face of his fellow-man. in the presence of others, forfeits his claim to beatitude.'12 Another passage in the Talmud says : " It were better for a man to throw himself into a blazing furnace than to put his neighbour to shame in public."3

It deserves to be mentioned that the expression invariably used in Rabbinical writings for putting a person to shame is " to cause the face to turn white." The word most fre- quently used is V'TTO, "to cause to become white"; but we also find in the same sense ^P5, derived from F|D3« "silver," and meaning, "to grow pale as silver"; another word used in the same signification is TH)!. " IO be white." The pecu- liarity of this expression is explained by a celebrated com- mentator of the fifteenth century, Obadja di Bertinoro, who states that when a man feels ashamed, his face first becomes red, but afterwards turns white. I do not know that this mediaeval commentator had any psychological grounds for his assertion ; but it is interesting to find his opinion confirmed by Darwin, who in his work " On the Expression of Emotions," says: "According to Dr. Burgess, the reddening of the skin

is generally succeeded by a slight pallor In some rare

cases, paleness instead of redness is caused under conditions which would naturally cause a blush."

The most delicate consideration was exhibited in the case of those who had once been in affluent circumstances, but had become reduced. In the temple at Jerusalem there was a room set apart called Q^NIITI FOlis?* "the chamber of the silent," where pious persons deposited money for charitable purposes in secrecy, and where persons of good families who had become reduced in circumstances secretly received support. Every kind of pretext was resorted to with the object of inducing such persons to accept the proffered gift. It is related that R. Jochanan, meeting a man who was descended from a wealthy family, and had lost his property. went up to him and said: "I have heard that a legacy has

1 Chagigah, 5a. -' III, 11.

:f Berachotb, 43i. « Sliekalim. v, 6.

The Poor Laws of the Ancient Hebrews. 41

been bequeathed to you in some distant town, take this sum, and repay me when you ean." When the man had accepted the money, R. Jochanan told him that he had intended it as a gift.1

Such is a brief outline of the benevolent laws and usages which regulated the treatment of the poor among the ancient Hebrews. It would be difficult to prove that these institutions were simultaneously in force at any one period. But we may safely assume that the laws relating to agri- cultural produce were observed while the Jews inhabited Palestine, and the cancelling of debts must have been practised in the time of Hillel, who lived in the reign of the Emperor Augustus. The other usages to which I have referred are found in the Tulmud, in passages acknowledged to date from the second century of the current era ; we are therefore fully justified in concluding that the latest of these charitable practices were introduced not later than the second century of the Christian era, while many of them undoubtedly belong to a period of much greater antiquity.

1 Shekalim, v, 15.

42

THE BIRDS OF THE ASSYRIAN MONUMENTS

AND RECORDS.

By the Rev. William Houghton, M.A., F.L.S.

Mead ~th February, 1882.

Before I introduce some of the various names of birds mentioned in the records, or the actual figures represented on the monuments, to your notice this evening, it will be desirable to make a few remarks on the subject generally. And first I wish to say a few words on the nature and value of the evidence afforded. We have to depend on the infor- mation supplied by actual figures on the monuments, such as on the slabs, cylinders, bronze dishes or other objects, and by the description of the birds given in the records. Unfor- tunately, the figures occur very sparingly, and when they do occur they are almost always very rudely drawn. The Assyrians either were not able or did not care to attempt any- thing like artistic effect, or even rude accuracy, in their deli- neations of bird-life ; these stand out in striking contrast to then often successful efforts to pourtray the forms of horses, cattle, sheep, goats, lions, dogs, hares, and other mammalia to which 1 have referred in my former paper on this subject. In the case of such birds as present at a glance some striking characteristic in real life, the absence of any correct pictorial form is, so far as relates to identification, of slight conse- quence. The figures, for instance, of the ostrich, ludicrous and grotesque as they are, at once speak for themselves. The ostrich is a peculiar looking bird, and therefore the drawings cannot be mistaken for anything else. The figures of the head and neck of the swan clearly point to that bird and to no other; but, on the other hand, where there is nothing strikingly peculiar in the form of a bird, it is often impossible to say to what species, or even to what family, the representation refers. The figures of the large rapacious birds which occur as accompaniments of a battle-field scene, do not clearly tell us whether they are meant for eagles or for

ns. %c£ibl.Ar6)v. VoLP/JE.

: frtmv Jfonyiuyik Layardi II ph .40

ASSYRIAN BIRDS. .Plate i

-

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 43

vultures, though they bear a more general resemblance to the former. The representations of certain smaller kinds of birds are still more puzzliug ; and were it not for slight clues afforded by other evidence, such as the presence of trees, or of nests and young birds on the trees, together with the parent-forms, or to that of fortresses or other buildings in close proximity to the birds, all attempts at identification would be absolutely fruitless. I may mention especially the figures of certain birds represented as being shot by bow and arrow, and carried in the hand, as climbing trees, after the fashion of woodpeckers and tree-creepers, and in other attitudes. At one time I thought that some of these birds were meant for some of the Perdicido?, or partridge family, such as the francolins, now common in Turkey and the adjacent lands, and doubtless well known to the ancient Assyrians ; but the presence of these birds with their nests and young ones in the nests on trees, at once excluded francolins, which always build on the ground. Then I thought of pigeons, but the deep nest at once put a stop to that idea, for all the Columhidw, I believe, make shallow nests ; and then L thought of rooks, and as the figures of the birds in question may possibly be meant for rooks, and as the surroundings, such as congregating and building deepish nests on trees near inhabited places, are on the whole more or less satisfactory, I think that the evidence is more in favour of the rook than of any other bird ; but still the figures may be intended for some bird quite different. The specimen shown as climbing a tree may well denote a woodpecker, the habits of which bird having been much noticed by the Assyrians. Pigeons are evidently here and there intended ; the raven appears, and I think francolins are also intended to be represented.

As to the nature and value of the evidence afforded by the names of birds occurring in the records, we have to depend almost entirely (1) on the cursory notices of the feathered tribe in the Historical Inscriptions, or (2) to their simple names as they are given on the Bilingual and Tri- lingual Tablets. Now the value of the evidence afforded by the Historical Records is very small indeed if taken by itself; the notices are too general and vague, and the

44 The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records.

information very .scanty. " Like a bird he fled," a phrase of frequent occurrence, can convey no definite meaning beyond that of swiftness; ''like a cu-mu or tns-mu bird he placed the ensigns of his royalty"; "like a Su-din-nu bird he fled," "like to Su-su-di birds their hearts were terrified" — all these are sentences which leave us almost in the dark as to what kind of birds these names respectively denote : all that the two last instances convey to us is that some timid species is intended ; but in connection with other evidence such as that supplied by the Bilingual Lists, these and similar phrases may afford some information, more or less important, as to the bird intended.

The nature of the evidence afforded by the Bilingual and Trilingual Lists is chiefly, if not solely, philological ; in the former we meet with columns of bird-names given sometimes in two of Assyrian, or in one of Assyrian and one of Accadian columns; in the Trilingual we meet with two Assyrian columns and their equivalents in one Accadian. The value of this kind of philological evidence is variable ; we have to depend on the derivation of the name, and to compare that name with names occurring in the cognate languages in the case of Assyrian ; in Accadian we have to ascertain the meaning or probable meaning of the syllabic parts which compose the whole bird-name. Where the similarity between an unknown Assyrian word and an ascertained Hebrew or Arabic name exists, there is, of course, very often strong- evidence to believe that the bird itself is the same, other points, if such there be, being equal. But we must see, before we identify any bird-name with some particular species, that the philological evidence is in accordance with the general zoological facts, whether as regards the habits, form, or geographical locality of a species or family : or, the philological evidence, if it lacks actual zoological corrobora- tion, should, at least, incorporate with it some notion or other, even if erroneous, prevalent at any time among the people who make use of the name. Fanciful and erroneous notions on natural history subjects, so common formerly, and still existing amongst uneducated persons in our own country, would naturally now and then find expression in a

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. Ah

name. This has to be taken into consideration. Bnt still, as a rule, we must take care that the philological information conveyed by a name should be not contradictory to zoo- logical fact. If, for instance, the meaning of a name points to a long-legged creature, and we identify that creature with a short-legged one, the evidence supplied by philology and natural history facts is contradictory and our identifica- tion false. This is an extreme illustration of what I mean ; but caution is necessaiy in all our attempts to discover the meaning of the various names which in ancient times, whether in Asiatic records or in the works of the classical writers of Greece and Rome, were used for some mammal, bird, reptile, fish, insect, or other creature. If we identify any bird or other animal-name with some species which is known never to have existed — I speak, of course, within historical or at least post-pa lasontological times — in the districts indicated, or which it is extremely improbable ever could have there existed, such identification must be erroneous. If evidence afforded historically by description, or philologically by the simple meaning of a name, point to some strong and fierce creature, and we refer the name to some animal which is almost harmless, our conclusion is wrong. But philological evidence, when taken by itself, may be misleading, and identity of sound between names in allied languages be no proof of the identity of the animal. It is also very important to bear in mind such a thing as the geographical distribution of animals in our attempts at identification as I mentioned just now* Again, birds or other animals may have existed within, comparatively speaking, recent historical times, in certain localities, and be no longer found there now; the absence of a certain creature in a particular area does not of necessity forbid the possibility of its existence there in early days ; still there must be more or less probability of such an occurrence, a probability based on what we know of the actual conditions necessary for the maintenance and well-being of the life of such and such an animal. We must have regard to what knowledge we possess of the geographical distribution of animals, and thus compare the k?iown present with the probable past.

46 The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Record*.

In the writings of the Greek and Roman authors we meet with descriptions of animals, more or less full ot information, sometimes very erroneous, sometimes very correct ; now vague and uncertain, now vivid and exact. But in the Assyrian Records we meet with scarcely anv help of this kind; descriptive accounts fail us almost entirely, the references to birds are scant in number and poor in information, and consequently we are driven to depend almost entirely on such philological evidence as is conveyed by the meaning of the names on the Bilingual or Trilingual Tablets, on the derivation and meaning of the Assyrian names and their Accadian equivalents.

These Accadian names often supply important materials for consideration. The frequent use of the determinative prefixes or suffixes is almost always of some definite value. In the case of the birds whose names occur in the lists the presence of the suffix j-|<| (Jehu) informs us that the name is that of some bird. Here we start : we know that we have to do with the class ares, and no other. Then as to the probable bird denoted by the name. Although much at present remains obscure, most interesting and valuable help sometimes meets us on the analysis of the Accadian name. W hen the meaning or meanings of the syllabic parts which constitute the whole Accadian compound name are reallv known, then often the whole is known, and one peculiarity in the form or habits of a certain bird is admirably pourtrayed in one well expressed and well selected compound Accadian name ; and when the information thus conveyed by the graphic single-word description accords with the form or habits of the bird supposed to be indicated, and when its equivalent Assyrian name answers to that of some ascertained species in the kindred languages, our evidence is perfectly satisfactory. Sometimes the Accadian bird-name clearlv reveals itself, even without Assyrian help. I think that, for instance, the Accadian names of the swallow, which combined give the meaning of '• the insect-bird which builds its nest or makes its seat on beams or wood-work, and which (in flight) closes its tail," are sufficiently indicative of that bird. Unfortunately, the part of the tablets which

Trca ' I

•

Battle a eerie. Layard>I.pL6t

L aywrdb I pb. 22 Battle Scene- .

.ZayaroO I.ph. 26J3altle' Scene*.

iyoj -dlj I.ph. H. Battle, Scene .

Yiljjsr' Brooks I>ay.*3onXllh

Jjayard/ 1. pl18.Mattt& .Scene. ASSYRIAN BIRDS Plate II.

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 41

once contained these Accadian bird - names are often mutilated — sometimes absolutely nothing, sometimes next to nothing, is left. The Assyrian names of course we must compare with Hebrew or Arabic, and. see whether similar words occur in these or other cognate Semitic languages, and discover what is their ascertained or probable significa- tion. But unfortunately we are sometimes in the dark as to the birds which the names here represent, and we may in the interpretation of some Assyrian name be merely com- paring one unknown quantity with another, or sometimes explaining in fact ignotum per ignotius. Modern Arabic (vernacular) names sometimes afford a clue to identification, but they are used often in a vague and general sense, and seldom bring important aid. Again, the Accadian and Assyrian characters of the syllabary are frequently poly- phones : they have more phonetic values than one attached to them ; so we do not always know for certain the real sound of a name, and how it was pronounced, so that the uncertainty of reading is added to that of identification. Sometimes, though rarely, we can obtain a clue by referring back to the earliest forms of the characters through their archaic types, as pictorially represented. When we consider therefore that the almost entire materials for help in attempts at identification stand on a philological basis, we must pro- ceed with caution. Philology is in our case a very important factor in the solution of the ornithological equation, but as I said before questions relating to zoology of necessity present zoological claims.

It is from want of this recognition that some writers on this class of subjects and commentators have been led into very great mistakes, and given very unlikely or altogether impossible explanations of certain bird or other animal names under their consideration : thus we have the Hebrew Rem, an animal described as being of great size, powerful, and fierce, identified with the oryx (0. leucoryx), one of the most harmless of antelopes, simply because the Hebrew name is in sound at least similar to the Arabic word for that animal. The narwhal (Monodon monoceros), that curious marine cetacean with its one developed tooth, a creature

48 The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records.

almost exclusively confined to the North Sea, has been suggested as the nakhiru of the Assyrians obtained from the Mediterranean Sea. Parrots have been unhesitatingly placed as native birds in Palestine and the neighbouring countries, in utter disregard of the extreme improbability of their occurrence there, seeing that they belong pre-eminently to a tropical or sub-tropical group of birds. The frigate bird

(Fregetta) has been suggested as the SJidldc ( =|VU/j of the

Hebrew Bible, a bird which in the case of both species of this genus is exclusively confined to tropical or sub-tropical parts. I hope that We have at last seen the end of the claims of the Oryx leucoryx to represent the r'&m of the Hebrew Bible, and the remu or am of the Assyrians and Accadians. At length, amongst our German friends the rSmu is understood to denote a ••wild-bull." Haupt. Lotz. Hommel, and quite recently Delitzseh, have decided in its favour. It seems surprising, when we consider the abundant evidence in favour of some large species of wild-ox. that its claims have not been universally accepted as being the rem of the Hebrew Scriptures.1 I believe that Bochart, the learned author of the Hierozoicon, who died in 16(31, was the first — at any rate, the first author of note — who contended that the Hebrew r'tm (D^^H «CfcO pD'H) was identical with the Arabic *j ,. the white antelope of North Africa and lands adjacent to Palestine. Bochart was followed by Rosenmiiller, Winer, and most modern German commentators, as Ewald, Franz Delitzseh, Kalisch. etc. But did not Arnold Boot, in his Animadtersiones Sctcrce, as far back as 1644, show that the rim was probably some species of Urus, or wild ox ? Did not the learned Schultens in his Comment, in Jobam xxxix. translate the Hebrew word by Bos sylvestri- •■ / Did not Gesenius {Thes^ p. 1249) show very forcibly that some Bos ferns or bnlaliis was to be preferred to the dorca alba of Arabian writers ? Parkhurst. Manrer, Carey, Robinson,

1 So long ago as 1862 I showed the probable identity of the Bos primigenius with the Scriptural R' em (An. and Mag. Xat. Hist., November, 1862). Tristram confirmed this opinion in his " Land of Israel," and the Assyrian records and figures also bear clear testimony.

The Will* of the Assyrian Monuments and Reeords. 4H

Tristram, and lately Mr. Cheyne, in his valuable work on the Prophecies of [saiah, have decided against the white antelope; ;md though some of these writers are wrong in referring the r'em to the buffalo, which found its way westerly from [ndia only in, comparatively speaking, recent times, yet such an animal would answer better to the fierce creature spoken of in the Book of Job, than "the white doe of Golius." The identity of the rem or rthnu with the Bos primigenius is, I maintain, fully established by the most convincing evidence, as I have shown in a former paper in the Society's "Transactions/' evidence which stands on bases zoological, palaeontological, and historical, as shown by the figures of the wild cattle on the Assyrian monuments compared with the form and size of the horn-cores and skulls preserved in our museums, as well as by the interesting fact that remains of this bos have been found in the very localities where an Assyrian monarch states he killed these animals. I should state that recently Dr. W. Lotz, in his valuable work, "Die Inschriften Tiglath Pileser's 1," has written to show that the am and the "m-si of the Accadian records are two distinct animals, the former being the rimu, or "wild bull," the latter the "elephant,"' names which, with other writers, 1 had considered as synonymous, the latter term being merely the fuller form of the other. There are a few difficulties which at present strike me as attending Dr. Lotz's explanation; but these will probably vanish after a thorough investigation of the whole argument, and Dr. Lotz will be found to be right.

You will observe, in the course of this paper, that the names of several birds are onomato-poetic, mere human attempts to give an idea of the sounds emitted by various birds by incorporating that idea in the word thus imitatively formed. This is to be expected. Without saying a word on the question of the possibility of any language having been formed on the principle of imitation, or seeming in any way

to be a disciple of what has been called the Bbw-WOW school

of philologists, it is quite certain that, the Bow-wow theory is to a considerable extent true in the formation of bird and other animal names. The old Accadians and Assyrians had their ku-cus and their dic-dic-4 birds just as we have, and they Vol. Vlir. l

."><> The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records.

made use of such imitative words to a considerable extent to express different kinds of birds in their ornithological voca- bulary. In some eases the resemblance of the name thus formed to the actual voice of the bird is self-evident, as for instance in the simple and easily simulated note of the cuckoo, the name of the bird almost everywhere wherever it is known. Similarly our peewit, or the Arabic tadirit. or the French diay-huit, discloses at once the bird intended by the name. But though it is. perhaps, generally the case that we may be able to say whether such or such a name, be it Acca- dian or Assyrian, Greek or Latin, or in other languages, is or is not meant to be imitative of a bird's voice, it is not 3y to say what bird is actually denoted, partly because many birds of different kinds utter not very dissimilar notes, partly because it is not easy for the unpractised voice to utter ornithic sounds in human language, and partly, also, because the same notes sound differently to different ears.

Practised persons can sometimes most successfully imitate bird-voice, and counterfeit their call-notes so admirably as to deceive the birds themselves ; but even such persons would find it a difficult matter to put into writing such a well-chosen selection of syllables as to express in any natural way the sound of the notes they had themselves learned so closely to imitate. The toroto-tiiuv. torolo-tinw, popopoi-popopoi of the birds of Aristophanes, can but give a very faint idea of the sounds uttered by a chorus of feathered songsters. Similarly. the imitative words in the Assyrian lists can but give us a very imperfect notion of the bird-voices which the names thus formed are intended to represent. Sibilants, speaking generally, are meant to express the chirping or warbling notes of the song birds, while gutturals will give us the harsh notes of some croaking raven or crow.

I have already stated that the references to birds in the records are few in number and almost destitute of informa- tion, consequently there are many questions relating to our subject which at present will have to remain either wholly unanswered or only partially responded to. What birds were domesticated, what kinds used as food, what methods did they employ to kill or take captive living birds? Did

TIip Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 51

the Assyrians practise falconry, or keep song-birds for the sake of their music? What particular birds were held sacred to their gods ? All these are questions which can only very imperfectly be answered. Certain birds, we may be sure, were used for food ; and the lists which have the determinative prefix (jrTyyj:') of food enumerate some birds in the catalogue, but here again unfortunately the tablets are sadly broken, and the useful Accadian is often almost entirely lost. Such kinds as were considered to be injurious to the crops are mentioned as being good for food. This would comprise sparrows, finches, larks, buntings, and a host of the small insessorial birds. We may also be quite sure that they ate pigeons, wild-ducks, partridges, quails, francolins, and many other kinds perhaps. The swan, whose head and neck are drawn on the monuments as a figure-head of a soldier's bow — fitly there, perhaps, as emblematic of strength — perhaps was used as food. Whether any of the rapacious birds of prey were ever used as food, I know not ; but we may be certain that the Assyrians made use of birds' eggs. To what extent, if to any, poultry-keeping, or the rearing of thoroughly domesticated fowls, ducks, and geese, as we understand the term, was practised, we know not. There is no mention of domestic fowls in the Old Testament writings, though we know7 that the art of hatching hens' eggs by artificial incubation was largely practised by the ancient Egyptians. The tame duck, howrever, as we understand the term by the familiar waddling bird of our farmyards, was not domesticated by the Egyptians, I believe, and even the Greeks and Romans kept ducks only in a semi-domesticated state, for they had to enclose their duck preserves (nesso- frophiva) with nets to prevent the birds flying out. With regard to domestic fowls, when we remember that the cock is called by Aristophanes the Persian bird, and that the domestic fowl is said to be figured on a Babylonian cylinder of the sixth or seventh century before Christ, and that the cock under several names is mentioned in the food-lists, it is pretty certain that the Assyrians kept domestic poultry. Natural history evidence points to the East, as to India, lor the origin of our domestic bird, with all its immerous

52 The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records.

varieties, and it is from this source that our domestic fowls came, through Persia, to Greece and Koine, and elsewhere westerly. We know that the Assyrians kept different kinds of birds in confinement in what we may call aviaries, and that wild water fowls formed a pleasing feature in their gardens, and on their artificial ponds or lakes. From this source they may have obtained a portion of their egg's, which doubtless were used as food. Figures of ducks in a recumbent posture were carved out of marble and other kinds of stone, and used as weights. Specimens of these duck-weights may now be

i in the British Museum.

A- regards the question whether the ancient Assyrians kept song-birds, there is no positive informati< >n. Sennacherib tells us that he made captive Hezekiah. King of Judah, and kept him as a bird in a cage (ina kuppi), Le., in some confined place. Mention is made in the lists of a bird called j>ir.<j><rsu and its-tsur rabi. It is called a small bird. Pdspaiu is, I think, imitative, denoting some singing bird. The words its-tsur rabi can only mean bird of the great. These birds bred in confinement, for the young of these birds of the great are mentioned. Therefore the chirping or " singing bird of the great'' seems to allude to some rare and perhaps foreign bird, which kings and great men would keep in their houses, or in their aviaries, and prize for its singing powers. Could they possibly know anything of parrots? A parrot-like bird is figured on the monuments. Parrots were known to the ( rreeks in the time of Aristotle, and there are several notices of these birds in the classical Greek and Latin authors, to whom they were first made known, perhaps, about the time of Alexander's Asiatic campaigns. The green Paloeornis torquatus1 is the species with which they were familiar. It is quit'- pr< '1 'able, therefore, that the Assyrian monarchs obtained parrots from India, and possibly some kind of parrot might 1»' meant by the expression " small piping bird of the great." As to the methods adopted in killing winged-game, the monuments show us that the bow and arrow were effectively used. The larger kind were sometimes killed with clubs.

1 P. ton j a a Ins, t he rose-ringed parakeet, is well-known in Nubia, Ahv>sinia, as well as in India. The allied species, P. Alexandri, might also have been known.

.-. Soc. Bibl. Arch,. Vol ML.

layaj-d, T. pi 20. Battle.' Scene.

Laycwdj.i.fZ 78- ButiZe Scen&

Layardb I. pi. 67

Cylinder. Bibl. Ned/. Pans. GcuteU&.Arch. 1880. p. 254.

■ '.-'///■/// from, bronze, vessel/ from NvmrouAi. LtVfardbJLpTj. 68.

Bottaylpi .

ASSYRIAN BIRDS. PI ffl

The. Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 53

These, I suppose, would be such large birds of prey which, from being gorged with food, were unable to fly. Gins, nets, and such like devices were doubtless used by the Assyrians, though I am not aware of any definite statement to that effect.

That ideas of good or ill fortune prevailed among the Assyrians, as belonging to different lands of birds, appears nearly certain, for the character (*~TI^)i which among others is that of " destiny," is also used to denote a " swallow," the bird or a bird of destiny, as foretelling or pro- claiming (nidm) by its periodic returns the advent of spring, while the old pictorial form of the character, as I have on a previous occasion endeavoured to show, represents the figure of a bird in flight dropping its eggs, together with an ideograph which may be interpreted as representing " going away and again returning in the vault of heaven." The swallow clearly was, as among ourselves, so with the ancient Accadians and Assyrians, the harbinger of spring, and of the warm returning rains, when the herbage would grow again, and good fortune and prosperity attend mankind ; and in connection with this idea it is interesting to note that one of the different Assyrian names for the swallow is bu-li-M, i.e., "the bird of beneficial rain," — for the Arabic word to which I think it is to be referred denotes both '"rain or moisture " and " prosperity " — as if the one depended on the other, which, indeed, is neither more nor less than absolute fact. Similarly the cuckoo was favourably regarded as a bringer in of prosperity.

The common Accadian character (*~T<T) khu, though, perhaps, not generally pronounced, representing birds as a class, is the ordinary determinative suffix : the names of " eggs," " nests," young brood, &c, will be noticed by- and-by. In Assyrian the general name of a bird is its-tsu-ru (-J £.g= *JJJ), which like the Hebrew tsippor ("nS?) is an imitative word, expressive of the chirping or twitter- ing of many kinds of birds. A nest was called kennu (11:11 £t-^rW *ZL) ^k-e ^e Hebrew ken (||?) from the root pf? or I12p " to form or build."

t't

The ornithological character of the fauna of Assyria.

."> I The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records.

Babylonia, Syria, and Persia is varied. The different species which have been noticed in these lands will be found in Dr. Ainsworth's appendix in CoL Chesney's "Expedition for the Survey of the Rivera Euphrates and Tig-rig in the years 1835 1837," and published in the first volume of that work : an interesting account also of many of the birds noticed or known to exist in these lands will be found in the same author's artiele on "The Natural History and Resources of Turkey," published in Colburn's New Monthly Magazine, \ . LIV. June. 1876, pp. 646—656. I beg to express my best thanks to Dr. Ainsworth for numerous letters with which he has favoured me on certain questions on which I desired information ; some notice of the buds observed in Assyria, &c, will be found in the published " Travels'' of various authors, such as those of Loftus, Rich, Layard, and others. Much interesting matter on the birds of Palestine will lie found in the papers by Canon Tristram, published in various articles in the '• Proceedings of the Zoological S iety of London." and an excellent review of the Natural History of Palestine will be found in the same author's •• Natural Hist' >ry of the Bible/' published by the " Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge."' For the birds of Persia, Mr. W. T. Blanford's work. " Eastern Persia.*' vol. ii, Zoology and Geology. 1876, must especially be consulted, because all the animals known to inhabit Mesopotamia are included in this beautifully illustrated and valuable work. The territorial limits of the region to which Mr. Blanford's work specially refers are those of the present kingdom of Persia, but the inhabitants of Mesopotamia are also included, ''because it is scarcely possible that any should be found on the Tigris and Euphrates, which do not exist in the Persian portion of the plains cast of these rivers; and similarly the wading and swimming lards of the Caspian are all comprised in the lists, because all of them are believed to be met with at times on tli'- Persian Coast." (See Introduction, p. 3.) From this it will be seen that in Mr. Blanford's work we meet with a _ at deal of information which closely concerns the subject 1 have brought before you this evening.

I need now give no more than a general sketch of the

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 55

principal groups of birds which occur in the countries with which we are concerned. The number of species of birds known to inhabit Persia is estimated at 384, but further research will doubtless add to the catalogue. Of the Vultu- ridce, I may mention the griffon {Gyps /ulcus), and the Egyptian species (Neophron percnopter us). The large Falconidce include the Lammergeier (Gypaetus barbatus), the imperial eagle (Aquila heliaca, Sav.), the golden eagle, the white-tailed sea eagle (Haliaetus albicilla, L.) ; the osprey (Pandionido?) Pandion haliaetus) is common about the Caspian. Besides the large kinds of diurnal birds of prey may be mentioned falcons of different species, as the peregrine, now employed by Persian falconers, the Babylonian and others, and kites (Milcus). Of the smaller hawks, we have the sparrow- hawk and the kestrel ; the harriers, both hen and marsh, buzzards, &c. Of the Strigidce, the great eagle owl (Bubo ascalaphus), the long and the short-horned owls, the little Scops, and the Athene glaux may be noted.

Of the order Picarice (fam. Picidce), several kinds of woodpeckers ; among cuckoos there is the common bird and the great spotted species. The bee-eater, hoopoe, king- fishers of different kinds, night-jars, swifts, are more or less common. Of the order Passeres I may mention shrikes, thrushes, nightingales, blackbirds, golden orioles, wagtails, finches, various kinds of sparrows, besides our common domestic species ; these smaller incessorial birds were doubt- less included in the term of " birds destroyers of crops,"' abicta ekili; larks, starlings, called little shepherd-birds by the Accadians and Assyrians as being so often found with cattle and sheep, and the locust birds (Pastor roseus) are found more or less common in many parts. Of the family Corvidce one meets with the common raven (C. corax), and the smaller brown-necked (Corvus umbrinus) of more gregarious habits, and crows, chiefly the hooded variety. The jackdaw is common in the highlands of Armenia, but rare, if it occurs at all, in Persia; rooks occur in Palestine, but not in Assyria, and have not been observed in Southern Persia.

The order Columbidce is well represented, both in species and individuals ; pigeons are common everywhere, and tarne

56 The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records.

varieties, as tumblers, jacobins, and camera are known; wood pigeons, rock pigeons, and turtle-doves. Several names occur

on the monuments which appear to designate different kinds of doves. Of the order Gallince, sand-grouse (Pterocles aren- arius) abound in the large semi-desert plains, cultivated only where water is available for irrigation, in south Persia: this is the most abundant game bird, Dr. Ainsworth tells us, of Arabia, Syria, and Mesopotamia. The birds of this family {Pteroclida ) are very pour and insipid food. Pheasants abound in the Caspian forests, but not in Assyria: rook partridges and francolins are more or less common; sand partridges (Ammoperdia;) are scarce.

Coots, water-hens, land-rails, and water-rails, among the Balliila', occur; and that beautifully coloured bird, the Porphyria veterum, the purple gallinule. conspicuous with its brilliant blue plumage, and red legs and beak, is said to be abundantly found on the Caspian. Of the Scolopacidm mention must be made of woodcocks, snipes, sand-pipers, stints. dunlins, curlews, stilt-plovers, and avoeets. Among the family of Cliaradriidce lapwings abound in the plains of the Euphrates valley, and are common everywhere. The golden plover (stragglers), the spur-winged Boplopterus spinosus, the collared pratincole, oyster-catcher (very common), and others of the family have also been recorded. The Otid<r, three species ; Otis tarda, -the great bustard"'; 0. tetrax, "the little bustard"; and the 0. McQueenii (Gray), i.e.. the Hobara, or Hubri, or common bustard of Persia. The Otis tarda is said by Ainsworth to be generally a solitary bird, or to live in pairs, but sometimes it is found in flocks. It is frequently met with in the stony districts of Syria. The Gruidm are represented by the common crane [Grus communis), very plentiful hi South Persia, but only on passage, and by the Xumidian species {Anthropoides virgo). Of the Ciconida the white stork (C. alba) is especially common, and the C. nigra also occurs. The Ibis surra, the saered bird of the Egyptians, is not found hi Mesopotamia, nor in any part of Asia ; but its allied relative hi general form, if not strictly in ornithological characters, i.e.. the Comatibis comata. Great Bald Ibis, is very common in some parts of the country.

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 57

Many kinds of herons (Ardeidce) abound, such as the buff-heron, or " cow-bird" (Ardea russata), so-called from its association with cattle and sheep, like oar common starling — a habit noticed in the bird lists. The common heron (A. cinerea), white heron or egret (J. alba), the little egret (A. garzetta), bitterns both small and great (Botaurus stellaris and B. minutus), have been noticed.

Spoonbills (Plataleidce) are found on the shores of the Caspian. The order Anseres is represented by numerous families, and the species often occur in amazing numbers on migration. Of the Phasnicopterce, the Flamingo {P. antiquorum) is seen in marshy places, and said to be common on the shores of the Caspian. A curious story of this bird has been recorded which I will notice further on. Of the Anatidce, or duck family, the common wild-duck, teal, pochard (several species), pintail, golden-eye, shell-drake, ruddy shell- drake ; wild-geese, as the white-fronted, bernicle, and red- breasted species, have been mentioned as occurring in various localities, but only on passage. Dr. Ainsworth says that ducks and geese are little cared for, and rarely domesti- cated by the Mahometans.

Swans abound on the Caspian in winter, and, in some localities, thousands are sometimes to be seen, represented by the two species, viz., Cygnus ferus and perhaps C. olor. The Assyrians ornamented the ends of their bows with the heads of swans, as represented on the monuments. Probably they domesticated these birds, and ate their flesh and their eggs. Of the Laridce several sea-gulls are found, especially on the Caspian and the Persian Gulf. The commonest species are said to be the Larus canus and the Ij. ridibundus. Some kinds are quite tame, and fearlessly approach the fishermen's boats on the shore, or even enter villages. The large black-headed gull, sometimes called the Royal Eagle- gull (L. ichthyaetus), the most magnificent of the Laridce, is found throughout the southern coasts of Persia in winter, resorting to the Caspian, where it breeds, in the summer. Dr. Tristram noticed this gull on the Sea of Galilee, where he found it quite tame ; whereas Mr. Blanford speaks of it in the Caspian as being difficult of approach. Several species

58 The Bird* of the Assyrian Monuments and Records.

of Terns (Sterna) are recorded. Among the ProceUariadce Mr. Blanford mentions Puffinus obscurus, one of the Shear- waters, as occurring on the Makran coast, and as being probably common in the Persian Ghilf. Birds of this family are remarkably swift on the wing — can fly to windward in the stormiest weather, or rest on the water with the greatest composure in the most tremendous seas. Some of them might have been observed by the Assyrians. The Peli- canidce are represented by the well-known species Pelicanns o) tor rot a f us, common on the Caspian, and by the P. crispws, also found on the Caspian. The specific name, onocrotahi*, of course refers to the ass-like voice of this bird; and it is curious to find that this idea is conveyed by one of the Assyrian names of the PelicaD, namely, the "she-ass of the rivers" or waters. Cormorants abound on the lakes and rivers of Southern Persia, as well as on the Caspian. The species are the Phalacrocora.v carlo (the great black cor- morant), and the P. pygmceus (the little cormorant). The StrvthionidcB are represented by the ostrich (Struthio camelus), which however is rarely if ever seen now in Mesopotamia. It formerly reached, as Canon Tristram tells us, as far as the sandy plains of Sindh, in Western India, but is now extinct there. It was evidently knoAvn to the ancient inhabitants of Assyria, who have treated us to very grotesque figures of this bird, in some very extraordinary attitudes, on the monuments, and have left on record that it was known to them as the "long-legged beneficent bird."

After this imperfect sketch of the species of birds now known to occur in the lands with which the subject is connected, I proceed at once to consider the various names which are mentioned in the Records.

(1.) The Vulture ( Vultur gryphus)wa& definitely known to the Assyrians by the names of no-os-m and 'e-ru-u. although these words are also used more generally to denote any large raptoral bird, either of the family of VulturidcB or Falconidai. Na-as-ru is identical with the Heb. *^tt?w (jiesher) Arabic J^j (nasr) a "vulture" or "eagle," from a root meaning to " tear in pieces." The word ' e-ru-u is to be referred to the ( 'haldee"Vy (ar) gryphus, a "vulture": with which maybe com-

77ie Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 59

pared the verb H"^ " to be naked," and probably alludes to the naked neck of the griffon vulture. The Accadian equiva- lent ID KHU, perhaps pronounced eru (^*M »~Y<Y), signifies " the powerful bird," and, like the two Assyrian names, is doubtless generic. References to these powerful birds of prey are frequent in the inscriptions, as " the birds of heaven," in allusion to their lofty soarings in the air, or they are men- tioned as building their nests and having their abodes on rocky and inaccessible mountains. Figures of these Raptores are not unfrequent on the monuments. They occur as accompaniments in battle - scenes, feeding on the dead bodies of the slain, tearing out their entrails, and sometimes carrying off aloft the decapitated head of some unfortunate soldier. The figures are rudely drawn, and more closely resemble eagles than vultures, the bare neck of the latter bird being not often definitely represented. The figures of Nisroch, the Eagle Divinity, certainly have the long powerful beak of the griffon vulture, and, I think, have more decided reference to that bird than to any eagle. To the Oriental mind there was nothing in the griffon conveying the idea of a repulsive bird — on the contrary, it was a type, as Tristram well says, of the lordly and the noble. Both eagles and vultures are carrion-feeders as a rule, and prefer food already dead rather than be at the trouble of killing it themselves. I have already mentioned some of the species of eagles which occur in Assyria, and which would be known to the people, and referred to in a general way in their writings.

(2.) The za-ai-khu and la-kha-an-tuv denote some " screaming bird of prey," and more than this cannot be said. The word za-ai-khu (XI Y» YJ >~T<T) connects itself with the Hebrew ITI^ (tsdvakh), "to cry out," or "to scream"; la-kha-an-tuv f>~£:Y yt\ ^^f- ^^ItO *s no^ ^ess c^ear* ^ is identical with the Arabic word ^J (lahim) " carnivorous," ^sal " to kill," with which the modern Arabic name lah/uun, " a butcher," may be compared. Dr. Delitzsch suggests its possible identity with the Arab. ~^' rakham (Heb. EDM " to be affectionate," and compares it with the Hebrew name

60 The Birds of the Assyrian Monument* and Records.

for the Egyptian vulture, a bird supposed to be excessively devoted to its young ones ; but the Accadian equivalent of GA SU CUD da, a bird, that is. which "tears with beak and talons," is against this identification, for the Egyptian vulture has, comparatively speaking, weak claws and a weak hill, not fitted for tearing* its prey in any remarkable degree.1 All that can be said of these names is that the bird denoted is some rapacious bird which tears its food with violence — in fact, that it was a regular "tooth and nail bird" — more cannot be definitively affirmed.

(3.) I am strongly inclined to believe that the Egyptian vulture (Neopliron peraioj't'ius). that very common scavenger of the East, is definitely signified by the names ca-ti-ma-tuv C-CfcJ ^|< £|£«Ig)and 'e-ru-uMuv (&]} *J]]_ <^* -£-). The first name very likely points to the verb ca-ta-rnu, " to cover," of very common occurrence in Assyrian. The second name 'erulluv may certainly be traced to the Hebrew root

'")% ('a rel), " to be uncircumcised "; and I think that the idea of this bird, with its neck covered with feathers — in this respect so unlike that of the griffon vulture, whose neck is bare, or covered only with down— and feeding on carrion like it. staining itself with the clotted gore of the carcase it was feeding on, naturally suggested itself, and found ex- pression in the name of the uncircumcised or impure bird.

(4.) The tas-ba-luv, or ur-ba-luv, klia-khar ill or ca-ri-ib bar-kha-a-ti, has been referred by Dr. Delitzsch with much probability to the bearded vulture or lammergeier {Gypaetus bardatus). The first word Dr. Delitzsch reads ur-ba-luv, coinparing it with the Arabic ^jS- ghariba, "to be black,"

the Assyrian word being a quadriliteral, but the lammergeier cannot in the slightest sense be said to be black in its adult or mature stage of growth. The young ones it is true are blade downy creatures, and the brown hue of the back of immature birds is very dark ; but I think it is hardly likely that tin; name refers to this stage of the bird's life. The adult bird is of a greyish-brown colour, dashed with white

Moreover, though many eagles and hawks scream when tliey tear their food, the Egyptian vulture never does so.

.. ,i .-. . rh ■ '•■""

Vwupxb }\xunan {icnwe.

Botov.VolI.pb.74. ASSYR i/i M B i R D c PJ 3 ! e TV

:

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 61

on the upper surface. The word may with equal probability be read as taS-ba-luv, and be referred to the Hebrew T^D iabal, "to bear or carry," in allusion to this bird's habit of carrying some of its food, whether in the shape of snakes, or tortoises, or marrow bones, high into the air, and the n letting it fall, so as to break it, and be able the more readily to consume it. The kha-khar-ili, "raven of the gods," may allude to the lammergeier, and the third name of carib barkhdti, "the antelope attacker," may refer to another habit of this bird in approaching these and other animals with menacing violence and actual assault in knocking them down precipices.1 There is, however, the name of a bird men- tioned which you will see by-and-by, where the urbaluv or tasbaluv again occurs; it is called its-tsar Sennit, i.e., bird of a " bluish or slaty-brown colour " ; it has also the name of kha-akh, an imitative word usually expressive of the Corvidce or crow family. This very possibly stands for the same bird, whatever kind be denoted. The hha-hhar, or kha-akh, is better suited to some of the Corvidm than to the lammergeier, and the expression of approaching dead antelopes would quite well suit the raven, as would also the notion of black- ness conveyed by the name of urbaluv. We have, it is true, another name of the raven, viz., a-ri-bu, but as there are two well-known species of raven, namely, the Comix cora.r and the C. umbrinus, occurring frequently in Assyria and the adjacent lands, it is not at all improbable that the urbaluv kha-khar-ili, or " black raven of the gods," stands for the large well-known common raven, while the latter bird, which is of more gregarious habits, and will explain a dis- puted passage by-and-bye, is denoted by urbaluv khdkli sdmu, i.e.. " the black cawing bird with a brownish neck."

(5.) As to the bird denoted by the saradu-sa cipratu, " terror of heaven (regions)," Sayce, " Syll.," 428), as meant by its name of Sar-rad cipri or lal-la cip-par (?)

1 The modern Greeks tell curious stories of the ravenous nature of the lammergeier. Not only marrow bones -will it swallow, hut' a small ase's head into the bargain. "Whereupon a writer in the " Ibis" humorously remarks that the meeting- of the marrow-bones and the cleaver in such a situation must have been most affectins.

The Birds or' fh> Assyrian Monuments and Records.

(tit! -IT- ~? — YT<T' r ^Y —J1 *T)« mention wil1

be mack- b'y-and-by.2

(6.) The zi-i-tm MY^S fc£ VH mfl ar-ru-hh*-ai

{^^ -*fll y{< II fy) is certainly the "wolf bird"; in

Accadian this bird is called nu-um-ma, '"the highlander " (^- J:^Y* £|Y), the ordinary name of the carnivorous niamnial in that language. Zibu is the Hebrew —NT, "a wolf." Mur-ru-khdi niavbe the Arabic murrukh ( 1 _* ), with the same meaning; but I think we should read kltar-ru-hhai as an onomatopoetic word. Nothing more definite can be learnt than that these two names denote some rapacious bird, whether vulture, eagle, hawk, buzzard. &c.

1 7. As instances of the names of owls I will select three ; the great eagle owl. Bubo maximus, or rather B. asca- laphtts, which in Asia appears to be the representative of the European species, is, I think, denoted by the words es-*e-bu (<« ^ ^S~) and hhu-si-i (^|<y *^[\ £fc). Dr. Delitzsch compares es-se-pu with the Heb. F^ttJF (yan&hupK), which Rabbinical writers identify with the kiphupha, "the large horned owl." I am. however, rather inclined to think that both the names of essepu and Musi are borrowed from the Accadian. The first word denotes a "prince." and the latter a '" pilot," or •' commander " : u the prince of buds " would be a very appropriate designation for this majestic owl.3 The only bit of word in the Accadian column is J^fwf; but the full form occurs in AY.A.L, V. 21. 37, where it is explained as "the bird of evil." The

1 This character is perhaps a misapplied t^: (ar).

- In W.A.I. J >-^Y £^^= ^IM = sirrad cipri; this name must be read lal-la-ar-tuc, the exact equivalent to sar-rad cipri, '' terror of regions," in WJLL, II. 24, 55, T^ {l<tl)=$i-ra-du sa UB. " terror (T1D) of the district." showing that here we have to deal with a bird of prey. The Accadian part of this name, ^ £- «i— S"rT^ adim-ma (W.A I., Y, 29, 69. 71), is equated with **r- 5^*- £^T£ tar-bu, growth, "greatness," increase (!"I2"I).

3 Es-se-pu = sar, " king"' ; see W.A.I.. V.30, 1. 5. obv. KhuS' =racipu, "driver," " pilot 'A'.A.I., IV. 32. 32 j cf. Del. Tabl., Trans. Bib. Soc, III. p. 543;

and Khui = Khinnu, '-rudder of ship,"" W.A.I., II. 62, 1. 52. 2, obv.

The Birds of the Assyrian Monument* and Records. <>H

eagle owl, from its large size and fierce look, is a bird which is mentioned in some of the incantations; it is there also called itslsur limutti, or "bird of evil" (omen).

The essebu is mentioned as a bird of evil omen in a tablet relating to evil spirits, W.A.T., IV, pi. 1, line 20, 21, where the full Accadian form of »>-Y "jV^f K<<T K<(T »~Y<T occurs as the equivalent of ((( "^ ^»- essebu. This evil bird, the Great Eagle Owl, wanders about the city causing disaster. Essebu has been explained as meaning " a prince," doubtless in reference to the size and majestic appearance of this bird. 1 ne reading of the Accadian name is unknown, but the meaning is obvious: it is "the bird of the god so and so''; K<<K<<Y signifying " such an one, I do not care to mention him." Compare Smith's Assurb., p. 2S7.

m <TTT I ^U < -ETI! A~T - »

Cu - um D.P. Ai -u ta ah ina-manamma

instead of Yautah or so-and-so

as- cun -su ana sar -u- ti

I appointed him to the kingdom.

Perhaps in the instance of the bird, the idea is that of a god or demon whose name is too evil or dreadful to mention. The reluctance to express an object, whether too sacred or too detested for pronunciation, by its right name, is well known to have prevailed amongst the Jews ; we may, for instance, compare with the case of the bird-god before us, that of the name of the pig, which the Jews held in such detestation that sometimes they would not designate the unclean beast by its Hebrew name of khxxzir O^tH), but replaced the odious word by the euphemism of dabar akhar (HJ1N "fll), i-e., "the other thing," "the thing," as being too abominable to mention by name. It may perhaps seem strange that the same bird should be regarded in the two very opposite lights of being both "a grand prince" and "an agent of evil": but this is what we meet with in the natural history

64 77" Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records.

lore of many nations: plain facts regarding the appearance or habits of animals, mixed np with fanciful and superstitions notions held concerning them. "Zoological Mythology" is full of such instances. The same animal is at one time a foreteller of prosperity, at another of evil, according to the ideas which have been suggested to the primitive but imaginative mind of man. dependent on certain phenomena which occur in connection with the animal, either in respect of its peculiar form or colour, the noise emitted by it. the time of its emission, be it at early dawn, middle day, at sun-set, or at midnight, or as relates to its periodic appearance or disappearance at certain times of the year ; or, in the case of birds, according to the mode of flight, whether to the right hand or to the left of the observer. .V few instances will serve by way of illustration. The swallow, in Aryan mythology, as the joyful herald of spring and fertility, is regarded as a propitious bird : towards the winter season it is of sinister omen, as foretelling the approach of the cold and inclement season. The same may be said of the stork and the cuckoo and other migratory birds. The turtle dove as emblematic of spring is a bird of good omen; as being of a sombre hue, it is a funereal bird in the Rigvedas, the grey colour - _ drying the nocturnal or wintry darkness : see" Zoological Mythology," by Prof. A. de Gubernatis (II. p. 226), to which work the reader is referred for numerous illustrations of the same ideas. Now with respect to tins double aspect of the Great Eagle Owl. the essepu and its-tsur li-m.vi.-ti of the Assyrian records, the same occurs in ancient Aryan mythology, and the idea has persisted, and still exists, in the traditional natural history lore of some of the nations of western Europe. The owl. from its Lootings or other cries einitted during the night, is still in Hungary called the ''bird of death"; in the Rigvedas the devotee is ordered to curse death and the angel of death, "to conjure them away," when lie hears the painful cry of this monster that wanders in the night ; thus reminding us of the passage already alluded to in the tablet concerning evil spirits, where the e**rhu. or "bird of the god so-and-so," figures as an evil incubus on the inhabitants of cities or villages, as well as to the con-

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. Q5

stantly occurring form of conjuration or anathema in the tablets of Exorcism, " may the spirit of heaven conjure, may the spirit of earth conjure"! But the owl as a night wanderer symbolises the moon in Aryan mythology, and thus aids to dispel the terrors of night by its brightness ; hence it is beneficient, and is called by the Sanskrit name of kdkdris, i.e., "the crow's enemy": this latter bird from its colour representing the dark night. It is curious to note that the idea conveyed by the word essebu, " prince," " king," &c, still exists amongst the French people as one of the names of the Great Eagle Owl, viz., Le Grand Due ; while the smaller species, the long-horned owl, Otus vulgaris, rejoices in the name of Le Moyen Due; and the beautiful little Scops Owl (Scops Aldrovandi) is called Le Petit Due. See Littre's "Diet, de la Lang. Franc.," p. 1249, and the "Portraits d'Oyseaux." The Italians also used the same word Duco or Dugo for this owl.1 The same ducal eminence appears in the pages of Aldrovandi under the heading " De Bitbone," where (lib. VIII, cap. 2) in the middle of the page there occurs the word DIGNITAS in grand Roman characters. " What word," asks Broderip ("Zool. Res.;' p. 96), " can be more appropriate? What presence among the feathered bipeds is more dignified than that of the Great Horned Owl, Le Grand Due, as he is most appropriately named in the kingdom of Clovis ? Who can look at his feathered highness, as he sits solemn and sedate, without inquiring —

" What doth gravity out of his bed at midnight " ?

1 We have evidence to show that this ducal title attached to this owl as early as in the year 1300 ; for in the articles against Bernard Saget, recorded by Du Cange, we read as follows : " Aves elegerunt Eegem quemdam vocatam Due, et est avis pulchrior et major inter onmes aves, et accidit semel quod Pica conquesta f uerat de Accipitre dicto Domino Regi, et congregatis avibus, dictus Bex nihil dixit nisi quod flavit (flevit ?). Vel (veluti) idem de rege nostro dicebat ipse Episcopus, qui ipse est pulchrior homo de mundo, et tamen nihil scit facere, nisi respicere homines." I quote the above from De G-ubernatis, II, p. 245, note. The learned writer suggests, instead of the word " flavit " (flevit ?). I suspect that " flavit" is the correct reading. In addition to the ordinary hollow tone of this owl's voice, when angry it bristles its feathers, and emits a peculiar sound, difficult to describe, but which partakes of the characters of something between hissing and blowing.

A modern writer thus speaks of the awe-inspiring voice of the " Grand Duke," as he calls this bird : " By the last fortnight in March the eagle owls

Vol. VIII, 5

66 The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Record*.

i 8. ) The mar-ra-tuv (s^\- £Z^\ >^HD and i^4tur tu-ba-ci (jrY /*~~* >-^^T ""^T (]>z![) *s doubtless another species of owl. The first name may well be referred to the Heb. ""HE '• to be bitter or sad," and denote a species of owl which is peculiarly characterised by its mournful wailings ; this is the little owl {Athene glaux), whose low-wailing note Dr. Tristram speaks of as sine to be heard at sunset, while the little comical fellow himself is " seen bowing and keeping time to his own music "; but the common Scops owl (S. gin), and the little owl, possessed of horns, which the other has not, is, I think, also included in the Assyrian names. Though these little owls are not often met with, there is not a garden of any size in Persia which does not contain a couple, at least, making night " hideous with their melancholy cry." The words its-tsnr tu-ba-ci I interpret as the " bird of the dust or ground," from the Hebrew word p2Nt " dust." Now the first-named species of owl, the little Athene glaux, abounds in the great desert plains of the Persian highlands, and is often gregarious, five or six being often seen together ; being more diurnal in cha- racter than most owls, it was very likely to have often been observed by the Assyrians ; moreover, it lives in holes during the day, and sometimes breeds in holes in the ground, so that the owl of the dust is literally exact as a description of this species. I may also mention that Buxtorf, in his Lexicon, under the word abah (p^NtV gives the word abkuth (/TlplN), which is explained by " luctatio in pulvere "; so that, in any

commence preparations for breeding. At this season may be heard their hollow, muffled cry of ' Poohoo, poohoo,' which is distinguishable at a great distance through the woods: and it is not to be wondered that the timid are frightened at it. In the silent dark recesses of the mountain forest, a variety of noises, well calculated to make one's flesh creep, fall upon the ear : the shrill, mocking laugh, a sound as of snarling hounds ; the whoop of the hunter, the snorting of horses : these are all calculated to impress the uneducated and superstitious with the truth of the legend of the wild huntsman. Even to the ear of the better informed these hideous cries, the loud screech of the female, or the ' poohoo ' of the male, intermingled with the snapping of the beak and curious wailings, sound somewhat weird ; and the boldest of mortals can scarcely repress a cold shudder, when a company of these forest spirits favour him with one of their demoniacal nocturnal concerts." (Brehm's " Bird Life," p. 567, &c.)

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 67

case, the name of its-tsur tu-ba-ci is admirably suited to one or other or both of these two small owls.

(9.) The screech owl, or common barn owl (Strix Jlammea), is very probably represented by the ka-du-u (A-T £^T ^TTT*1) and ac-cu-u (*~+-]*~\ T^T ^T|TsO of the bilingual lists. The second name appears to be imitative of the bird's hoot, for though the screech owl does not usually emit the long mono- tonous hoot of the tawny oavI (Syrnium stridida), yet it does occasionly do so. The Assyrian kadu is identical with the kadyu (NHp) of the Targum, winch is described as having its eyes, not at the side of the head as in birds generally, but in front like men, and as having a face like that of the cat. This well-known appearance arises from the arrangement of the feathers in front of the head, the facial disk in the white or screech owl being very large and complete. It resembles a cat, too, in respect of its beautifully soft plumage ; this character, like the soft scales of the puss-moth, giving to it the name of the " feathered cat," by which it is sometimes known. This species is not known to occur in Persia, but Tristram says it is very common in Palestine ; and Ainsworth also mentions it as one of the commonest owls of Turkey.

(10.) There are apparently three or four names which occur in the list as those of woodpeckers. Thus we have ci-K-luv «Jg[ -£gjy £+) or cu-U-li Qgf *fgfl -^gfT)' represented by the Accadian GIS-khu (izf *^]<-]\ probably " wood-bird," for the word is incomplete ; the Assyrian names are evidently onomatopoetic, expressive of the wood- pecker's peculiar note. Another name in Assyrian is an-pa-tuv (>->f~ jfc J^T^), evidently allied to the Hebrew nuph ( ?V0), " to wave up and down " (compare nophet, " a chopping down"), an admirable description of the peculiar waving flight of many, if not all, of these birds.1 The Accadian name is GIS-SIK (izl >~/^), which is, literally, "bright," and is

1 A philologist pure and simple would perhaps identify the anpatur with the Heb. HS3X which it resembles in sound. There is very little doubt that the andphah is the "heron"; but the "bright meteor bird of the wood" of th? Ari-u'lian column would by no means suit the heron.

68 The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments cuid Records.

well suited to either the green, pied, or other species of bright-winged Picidce.

"We are told (W.A.L, V, 11, 37, a. b. c, and elsewhere) that the character fz) *-^£^ is to be read hunt, "brightness"; so that the Accadian Gls" 6lR applied to a bird may denote merely its " bright " colour. "We must not, however, forget that the full Accadian word is clearly a combination of the two characters SiY gii, "wood," and ^^^ fir, "light," "meteor," &c, so that the idea of " wood " originally held a place, most likely, in the signification of this composite group ; the character J:Y (^T<y) for the cililuv, Wr.A.L, II, 37, 1. 11, 61, denotes " wood," and suggests " woodpecker "; so that the name Gis sir KHU may originally have meant the " wood bright " bird.

It is well known that the woodpecker played an important part in ancient mythology, as being the personification of fire and lightning — sharing with other birds in this respect — as the Vedic fire-bhuranyus, the Hellenic Phoi'oneus, the Latin P'tcus Feronius, " the Avis incendiaria, the picus that carries thunder." The fire, which the bird was supposed to bring from heaven, was kindled in the wood by the boring of its beak into the stem or branch of a tree; and perhaps the bright red top of the male woodpecker's head also suggested "fire" to the primitive man. It is not a very great stretch of the imagination to see in the old Babylonian linear form of the character *~^£^ for a " meteor," viz., \ /\ or

^> \^> a rude representation of a fiery meteor, so

that the translation of this Accadian bird-name, whether we regard it as the bright active denizen of woody glades, or as embodying in some of its characteristics the mythological notion of the fire-bringer, may not inaptly be given as " the meteor bird " of the woods. It is true that, thanks to the genius of Kuhn, Max Miiller, De Gubernatis, Steinthal, G. Cox, Kelly, and others, we know of these mythological legends, with their explanations, chiefly as they pertain to the great Aryan race, but when we consider how, in all primitive times, the mind of man is similarly constituted, and

:>

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 69

likely to be affected by similar natural phenomena,1 only presenting modified forms of the same ideas, and when we reflect how eagerly, patiently, and religiously the old star-gazing people of Chaldea studied the various aspects of the heavens, and the forms of various animals, we may readily imagine that they too had their mythological systems, which admit of an explanation similar to that of Indo-European legend; indeed, as Mr. Sayce ("Chaldean Genesis," p. 123, ed. 1880) has shown, the story of the god Lugalturda, who was transformed into a Zu bird, or " divine storm-bird," for stealing the destiny tablets, is only another edition of the old Hellenic legend of Prometheus, who stole the lightning from heaven. The historical development of mythology among the Hebrews has been treated by Dr. Gold- zieher, and though one may hesitate to adopt some of his theories and explanations, he has abundantly shown that the Semitic mind was able, if not always to invent, at least to appropriate with modifications certain pre-existing ideas, and that Hebrew myth enters deeply into many of their stories. But the admission of the mythical element in any account relating to birds or other animals by no means implies the necessary elimination of all natural history matter of fact, or frustrates the attempt to identify the creature. The animal, from some peculiarity in habit, colour, form, or other character, in fact created the myth or the superstition held with regard to it. The large size and fierce aspect of the great owl, for instance, produced in the Accadian mind the idea of majesty; hence it was called " the prince."2 Its melancholy voice and nocturnal habits suggested the idea of " bird of evil," or " bird of the deity so-and-so." Owls from time immemorial have been regarded as foreboders of death and disaster. The expressions of Virgil, " ferali carmine Bubo," " feralia Bubo

1 Goldzieher (Introd., p. xvi, R. Martineau's Translation, 1877) lias well expressed this idea in the following words : "I start from the conviction that the Myth is something universal, that the faculty of forming it cannot d priori be denied to any race as such, and that the coincidence of mythical ideas and modes of expression is the result of the uniformity of the psychological process which is the foundation of the creation of myths in all races."

- According to M. Littre, this owl received its names of Due from its being thought to have served as a guide to other birds. We have already seen that the Accadian Jchuii means " a pilot," or " steerer."

70 J'/ic Birds of the Asst rian Monuments and Records.

damna canens," come at once to the menioiy. The veiy fact of the occasional appearance of this funereal bird — generally a 1< rver i f b< -eluded localities — in the neighbourhood of cities, increased the impending calamity, as Pliny say-. "Noctis monstrum nee cantu aliquo vocalis. sed gemitu. Itaque in urbibus ant omnino in luce visas, diruui ostentum est." {Nat. Hist, x. 12.) Similarly Shakspeare and other poets allude to the owl as a bird of evil :

'• Out on ye. owls, nothing- but songs of death."

To the red Indian of America the Virginian horned owl is equally a source of superstitious terror. But notwithstanding all the prevalent superstition concerning owls, these birds had then bright side, as we have seen, and one small species was sacred to Athene, the goddess of wisdom, and its night- flight was a good sign to the Athenians that the goddess pro- tected their city. We need therefore not be surprised to find in the Assyrian records the same bird designated as "prince " or "pilot " on the one side, and "bird of evil" on the other.1 Another name, dulimmassat (£j^T ^T*- >^- V"). repre- sented by the Accadian seb-tir-ra," the jungle shepherd-bird"

(j!tYBTT ^ttt? ^TD' is- * tllink' meantfor a woodpecker.

The Accadian name, " shepherd-bird of the jungle, or planta- tion." may. without any stretch of the imagination, allude to woodpeckers, which the shepherd, hi his wanderings among' the jungles, interspersed with beautiful glades, or grassy pas- turages, might often have observed. The Pious syriacus, which is the Asiatic representative of our larger pied wood- pecker (P. major), wonld well suit this description, though of course other birds of this genus having like habits would doubtless be included in the names given above.

1 I have purposely dwelt on this marked recognition in zoological mytho- logy of a two-fold phase, implying opposite characters in the same creature, because in the discussion that followed the reading of my paper, it was thought by some of the Members present that where birds or other animals are mentioned in incantations or mythical legends, all attempts at identification are futile : as if all natural history, in the popular sense of the term, whether among the ancients or the moderns, was not mixed up with fact and fiction ! The presence of legend does not preclude that of fact ; indeed, legend would often not exist without fact. The natural history fact -characteristics of the great ow' instance, have created the superstitions with regard to the ''direful bird of the unmentionable goddess," and help to explain them.

The Birch of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 71

(11.) The Cuckoo (Cuculus canorus) was known to the Assyrians by the names of khu-u-ku (»~T<T ^TTT^" >^>^) an(^ kha-zu-u (Jf^( *~*~\Y ^-flT*-)' ^ne nrs^ name is imitative of the well-known note of the bird ; the second name I refer to the Hebrew khozeh (Htn), a "prophet," in allusion to the periodic returns of this bird to the countries which it visits, as being the foreteller or announcer of Spring and refreshing warm showers, as I have already mentioned ; so the swallow or swift was also the proclaimer (nabu) of returning warmth. The Accadian expression su lu ( izf *"»m) "hand," and "man," refers to the form, more or less prehensile, of the cuckoo's foot.1 The cuckoo is a migratory bird in Palestine, Syria, and Mesopotamia, and in the northern parts of Persia, but in southern Persia it is probably resident during the winter mouths. The great spotted cuckoo (Coccystes glandarius) occurs also, sometimes extremely abundantly, in these countries.

(12.) The nam-bu-ub-tuv (-f^ "£*- £^: J^HQ or a-dam-mu-mu (|J -jV^^Y >^ »^) is referred by Dr. Delitzsch to the lapwing or peewit (Vanellus cristatus). The former is probably an imitative word, and may be compared with the Arabic ndbdha (JJo), "to bark," a root which has given use to sounds produced by various animals, as the lion, dog, and stag. Certainly, the word nambub is not a bad imitation of the noise produced by the lapwing, as it strikes its wings together during the breeding season when disturbed, causing the well-known thud or dull hollow sound which every one must have frequently observed. The second name of a-dam-mu-mu may be compared with the Hebrew feminine adjective adummdh (ilft'TN), "ruddy," root D"TN "to be red"; compare the pdrdh, adummdh, "red heifer" of Numb, xix, 2, or the 6u§ ddam, "bay horse" of Zech. i, 8. Although the lapwing cannot be called a red bird, the Assyrian word may

1 The cuckoos are zygodactylous birds, with broad and flat toes, which are arranged in pairs, two before and two behind, formed for grasping a branch firmly, though not like the woodpeckers, adapted for climbing ; the outer toe is reversible, so as with the first to oppose the rest in grasping : hence from the grasping powers the foot suggested to the Accadians " The Man's Hand Bird."

72 The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records.

very likely refer to the tail covers of the lapwing, conspicuous by their rich reddish-chestnut colour, and thus have given name to the bird. Freytag in bis Arabic Lexicon, however,

gives the word nobhah v_IjOJ as upupa gemebunda, "the

hoopoe," which is of a decided red or buff colour in ils whole plumage, and thai may be the species indicated. As to the

sounds produced by different birds, it must lie remembered

thai the same bird often produces very dissimilar sounds; the "houp, houp" of the hoopoe, whence its name, marked out softly, but rapidly, may remind one of the note of the dove, while a writer in Hie "Ibis" (vol. iii, p. 255) describes its note as a kind of hissing sound. The Accadian part of the tablet is broken, and gives us no help.

(13.) The swallow, and perhaps also the swift, have several names. This bird — I think the swallow ( / / i m ndo urbica) i&more especially meant — was called by the Assyrians the as-ci-ci-tuv (^P ^Ir-T ^Ir^! >-^I^)' ^1C es-ci-ni-ni-two or escilituv, borrowed from the AccadiaE (£^T ^I^J J5I £ff^ ^1^)"' ^ was also called tsi-li-li-tuv (^fl *"t^JT *"t^J| >-^It)' the kka-tsi-ba-ruv (yy< £.£]] ^^f >^)> and the bu-M-li ("^S- >-^^|Y ^^^yy). Tsililituv is evidently imitative of the swallow's note, and is to be referred to the Hebrew 772 " to tingle," and tsMtsal ^4?$), "a tinkling instrument," as a "cymbal." The same may be said of the word ascicituv, with which the Arabic schacsh&ka

( jA:'i£> ) " pipivit passer," is to be compared. Escininituv is obscure. With this name is associated another, bu-li-li, with which, perhaps, the Arabic balled ( <5Ly "moist wind bringing rain and fertility" (Hebrew7 7^1 " rain "), may be compared; or the Assyrian word may be referred to the Hebrew Tvl bdlal (with which, however, the above-named Arabic word is connected) "to mix," to "compose," hence "to speak confusedly," and applied to a bird, "to chatter." Gesenius gives conj. II of the Arabic balbal, "balbutivit" "'confuse locutus est psittaci instar, "he

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 73

Bpoke confusedly like a parrot." There still remain other names of the swallow: there is the sum-tsi-tsi yum-u, "the day swallow," and the mat-ti-ib-nu tsal-mu, "the night i How,'' which latter name Dr. Delitzsch thinks may refer to the "goat swallow" or "night-jar"; sum-tsi-tsi is doubtless the Hebrew ?.lii>mets (Y^ttJj, " a sharp quick sound," another imitative sound, while mat-ti-ib-nu (\^ >~ <T< T^J *^-) may well be compared with the Arabic ttihina (^sj\, "he saw acutely," in allusion to the quick sight of the night-jar, which can see to catch its insed food quite late in the summer evenings. The swallow was also called tga-pirtuv. This nam'- occurs both in the Accadian and the Assyrian columns. I fancy that it is also imitative, and borrowed by the Accadians from the Assyrians. The NAM KHU (Vy<y^ ^y<|J "destiny bird," of the Chaldean Deluge Tablet, phonetically *>^yy * — ^TT* — *^^ •> ti-nun-tuv, is re- presented by the Rabbinical word s^muutha. ('^$^^2?l2p,), and also denotes a "swallow." The name kha-Ui-ba-ru is definitely explained in the fifth vol. of W.A.I.. PL 27, 3 obverse, line 39, by the Accadian khu rub ba cu GUSDB ra (*-y<y ^t"^"! £eI *Tt ^^T^TT)^^^ is "some insectivorous bird, which makes its nest on beams." Another Accadian name is run oil (^y^^>yyy £j), " the tail-closer." The common swallow (Hirundo urbiea) seems to be prominently intended by the above words; but otln r -peoies, as house martins, sand martins. &c., are perhaps also included in the name nam KHU, or " destiny bird." The swift also, a bird in general outward form resembling a swallow, though not now classed even in the same order, probably is included. In Palestine the swift is more of a true migrant than the swallow, but in Assyria both species are only local summer residents. The common swift (Cypselus apus) breeds in certain localities in Persia in enormous numbers. From the middle of April till the end of October, near the city of Shiraz, the air every fine evening is filled with swifts, m-ossing and recrossing in every direction, chasing the insects, which, towards sunset, rise from the tanks of water which occupy the middle of every courtyard " No

74 The Bird* of the Assyrian Monument? and Records.

where else." writes Major St. John, "have I seen birds in such numbers."

(14.) The bulbul, or Asiatic nightingale, so celebrated in Persian story, is perhaps denoted by the Assyrian name of tsu-la-mu (£-gE -£] ^) Or tsa-lam-du (}} <<*-]] ^5|), and by that of " the bird of night" {its-tsur must). The first and second names are clearly identical with the Hebrew

tsdlam, Arabic zuhnat (<£♦!]?) k* shade," or "darkness." Musi is

the Arabic masd f*H^) " evening." The bird of the evening and the night may, of course, be intended to denote the nightingale, and I should, without hesitation, have considered this bird to be the its-tsur must, "bird of the night," of the trilingual tablet, if it was supported by the Accadian. The Accadian name in the column which stood as the equivalent of tsalamu and tsalamdu is lost, by reason of the fracture of the tablet : but in the next line the its-tsur musi is represented by the Accadian word A (Ty) " water." It is evident, though there is a fracture-gap in this part of the trilingual tablet, that the whole of the Accadian name of this bird remains ; and we read, as the synonym of its-tsur musi, the name of A KHU, " water-bud,'" very indefinite indeed. Had the name immediately above this one been entire, and able to give us the Accadian rendering of the Assyrian tsalamu. we might perhaps have had some certain clue to identification : for the nightingale can hardly be sufficiently aquatic in its habits of frequenting trees and bushes by the river or pool, to merit the simple name of " water bird," without some limitation. Therefore, the claims of another night-singing warbler naturally present themselves for recog- nition here. Such a bird, which will completely fulfil all the necessary conditions is found in the sedge-warbler. The same almost may be said of the reed-warbler, but I have another place for this little songster, in which I think it will rest as comfortably as if it were in its own beautiful nest. The sedge-warbler (Salicaria phragmitis) is always found near water. It sings late at night, and early in the morning before it is light. Its notes, though somewhat hurried and confused, arc sweet and varied. They are often mistaken by persons,

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 15

not familiar with the notes of the nightingale, for those of that bird ; and I have frequently been called up at night time in summer to listen to the song of the sedge-warbler, whose notes have been thus mistaken. I cannot help thinking, therefore, that the claims of this little bird to represent " the water songbird of the night," are certainly equal to, if not better, than those of the nightingale; if the sedge - warbler is a native of Mesopotamia.

(15.) The oriole or golden thrush (Oriolus galbula) is very probably denoted by the Assyrian words ma-ac-lat up -la (£jY >^T^ V" J^t^ *~^f) anc^ khu-ra-tsd-ni-tuv (>-Y<T ^^T! n Vr £ui J^TB) ; mdclat is the participle of a-ca-lu, " to eat " (Heb. ^5^), and up-luis a "worm" or vermiform creature, as the larva of an insect : it is to be referred to the Arabic root Jj " pediculos venatus fuit," hence any small worm-like creatine found in chinks or holes („? " to cleave"). Mdclat upla then signifies "a worm -eater." Khuratsanituv is from the Assyrian word khurats, "gold" (Heb. Y^H), and the whole name would be " the golden coloured worm-eater." This answers to the golden oriole, whose food consists of caterpillars, worms, and insects, as well as fruit, of which, like its relative the thrush, it is very fond. The Accadian part left is MU UN DU, which is pro- bably " a worm."

(16.) "The bird of the papyrus," its-tsur ci-i-Si1 (t^ ^^ ^l^J *-£ **~m)' *s evidently a singing or chirping bird ; from its other name, tsi-tsil-du (Ztz\] * — TTTT* — ^D' some warbling bird of the reeds is denoted, and no more suitable one can be found, I imagine, than the reed warbler (Salicaria arundinaceti), whose singularly constructed nest, supported by four or five stems of the large reed (Arundo phragmitis), or on those of the papyrus, must have been observed by the Assyrians, who appear to have taken special notice of the various kinds of reeds and tall grasses common to the marshy places of the lowlands of Mesopotamia.2 The

1 The Accadian is gi-zi {-^-^ HfT^)' fr°m which ci& is borrowed. In W.A.I., V, 32, 62, cisu is explained as " the reed of Egypt," i.e., the papyrus. - See the long lists of reeds and grasses in W.A.I. , V, 32 ; II, 21.

76 The Bird* of t/o- Assyrian Monuments and Records.

nest, formed of the seed-branches of the reeds and long grass, with a little wool and hairs, is so deep that the eggs do not roll out when the reeds are shaken by the wind. The Accadian word is KIP SLT, of uncertain meaning. The reed warbler and the sedge warbler are both found in similar situations, but the latter bird builds its nest near the ground, and seldom makes use of reeds as a support ; but see Appendix.

(17.) Various kinds of insectorial birds, such as the Frm- giUidce, "finches," and Emberi:ida>, -'buntings and sparrows," are included under the head of ''buds injurious to the crops," and were used as food, as I have already mentioned. I think, however, that our little impudent friend, the common sparrow, is definitely spoken of under the name of di-ik-di-hu

«y^ -y<y^ <y^z jr^> or duc-duc-eu jpfl* t|f* igf)

and its-tsur ia-me-di; the first two names are evidently imitative of the bird's chirp, while the last may be rendered "bird of destruction," ia-me-di being referred to the Hebrew root shdmad (T2&*), "to destroy" or "lay waste," notwith- standing the UJ instead of the D ; or the Assyrian sa-< ,.

may be connected with the Hebrew TlD sod, " an assembly," in allusion to the congregatory habits of sparrows. The opinion of Dr. Delitzsch, however, may be preferable to any of these conjectures; he compares the Arabic savida or asvad, "to be black," and as in Arabic one name of the sparrow is associated with its colour, its-tsit7* savedi of the list may be rendered "bird of dark colour," and be identified with the sparrow on that account. Still the idea of destruction to crops caused by its devouring properties is certainly implied in the Accadian ^Tyf, the representative of the Assyrian word.

The sparrow, as an agricultural pest in the destruction which it causes to various crops, figures conspicuously on the Egyptian monuments. The little bird, which stands as a determinative of " evil" in the hieroglyphic system, without doubt denotes a sparrow, as Champollion first showed. This has been called in question by Sir G. "Wilkinson (" Anc. Egypt," V, p. 213, 3rd ed.), who believed the bird to be, not a sparrow, but a water-wagtail (MotacUla). In connection with the fact of this hieroglyphic bird being regarded " as the type of an

Trans.Soc.Bill.Jlrdv.VoLW

xtouw i pO.h'Z.

from* Konyuniuo. Mil iMus. Place. Vol m.pl.57. fig Z.

-cm Zc»r. injik. in, British. Museum. Retain trarrv Svcrduuj. ' u> ..'■ Ill pi ■ ' • bu . fio 2.

from, Ktwrsabacb

Hantuw scene

Place. VolMpl 18. fiq '£■

ASSYRIAN BIRDS Plate VI.

' ■■ -* ■••-■*vl*^jtl,iit

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 11

impure or wicked person," Wilkinson states that the wag-tail is still called in Egypt aboo fussdd, " the father of corrup- tion," as if in memorial of the hieroglyphic character assigned to it by the ancient Egyptians. The delineations of birds and animals generally in the hieroglyphic system of the Egyptians are often excellent, and afford pretty safe guides to identifica- tion, and I have not the slightest doubt that the little bud in question is meant for the sparrow, and not a water-wagtail. In reply to some questions I asked Dr. Birch, always ready, out of his abundant stores of deep learning, to give help — he writes that there are two birds very like in form but different in meaning in the hieroglyphic texts, such as the swallow "^^ distinguished by its forked tail, called in the texts mena, and used for the syllable ur, with or without the <=^>, as ^^ or

"^* • The other bird has a more rounded tail, "^s,, and is called by Champollion " a sparrow," the name of which appears in the hieratic papyri as tu hi, a kind of plague or affliction of the fields, hence used for " evil " in general as a determinative. From this it is seen that the Egyptians and the Assyrians held similar views as to the destructive nature of sparrows.

(18.) The common starling (Sturnus vulgaris) there can, I think, be no doubt is denoted by the Assyrian name of al-kd-luv (g:^<y | t^^)' wnicn the Accadian SIB TUR (S^I^If *-^) satisfactorily explains. A l-lal-luv is imitative, and must be compared with the Hebrew dial T> 7SI " to ciy out," a term which may imply voices of grief or of joy. Compare for this latter idea Isaiah lii, 5 (p^l), and the Greek oXoXv&tv. As applied to the starling, the voice is distinctly one of joy. No one can have walked along roadsides or in the fields in the autumn or early winter, without having witnessed large flocks of starlings assembling on various trees, and immediately setting up their joyful allalals in full chorus of exuberant gladness. The Accadian SIB ttjr, "little shepherd " bird, is exactly descriptive of the starling, so often seen in meadow lands among sheep and cattle, search- ing for food on the ground, or frequently perched on the back of some cow or sheep, helping to rid it of unpleasant

78 The Bird* of the Assyrian Monuments and Record--.

parasites. As meution is made of the little shepherd bird, so we may expect that a greater shepherd bird was also known to the Assyrians, and this is what we actually do find. In the same tablet we meet with a bird which in Accadian is designated as the '"shepherd" by the single name of SIB, and this bird is recognized in its pastoral character under the name of rihu (^|T<y ^*->f- ^Tlf^) by the Assyrians, rihu meaning "a shepherd," and answering exactly to the Hebrew word roeh (n}HY from the root !"CH "to feed a flock." What is this shepherd bird ? If I am right in the identification of the little shepherd bird, I must not refer this one to the beautiful rose-coloured pastor (Pastor roseus), because I want a bird larger, more or less, than the starling, the SIB TUR, or "little shepherd," and the rose pastor and the starling are about the same size, i.e., about 8^ inches long. What kind of wild bird in England do Ave consider to be perhaps the most agricultural? I think we shall say the rook (Corvus frugilegus), the bird of pasture and arable land frequently associating with its smaller cousins the starlings in company with sheep and cattle, or following the ploughman for the sake of the worms or other food turned up by his labours. Ainsworth mentions rooks as occurring commonly in Meso- potamia, though they do not seem to be common in Persia, Mr. Blandford and Major St. John not having met with these birds in Southern Persia. Rooks are common in Palestine. and were probably well known to the inhabitants of Syria, Armenia, and the northern parts of Mesopotamia. I think that the rook is the bird intended, as represented on the monuments near inhabited buildings, having its nest and young ones on trees, as I have already suggested. The Pastor roseus, or "locust bird," is also eminently an agricultural species, being frequently seen associating like the common starling with cattle and sheep ; hence its name of pastor, or the " shepherd." It is curious to think that the generic name of Pastor, first proposed by the French naturalist M. Temmiuk for certain birds which exhibit various rela- tions to starlings and crows, for the reason just mentioned. should have been, ages long ago. anticipated by the inha- bitants of Chaldea and Assyria.

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 79

(19.) This shepherd bird (Pastor roseus) is noted also as a devourer of locusts; hence, its name of "locust bird," and it is in this character that its name occurs in the Assyrian records. In Accadian it is called KHU RUB, i.e., "insect" or " locust bird," and its Assyrian equivalent is identical, viz., 'e-ri-bu (iz\] ^\<] ^^), "a locust." This bird was knoAvn to the Arabs by the name of smurmur, and is said by Russell, in his " Natural History of Aleppo," to be held sacred by the Turks on account of its destruction of locusts. The Pastor roseus "is quite a feature" in Mesopotamia, as Dr. Ainsworth writes to me. It occurs in Palestine, Syria, Asia Minor, and South Eastern Europe, but has not been observed by Major St. John and Mr. Blandford in any part of Persia. It is, however, abundant in Armenia, the Cau- casus, and Western Persia, and has occasionally visited this country. Its food, besides locusts and other insects, consists of various kinds of fruits. In Corfu it haunts the orchards early in the month of June, feeding almost entirely on mulberries ; hence it is known to the peasantry of that island by the name of scanmophagns (afcafAvocfrayos), i.e., " the mulberry eater." The identity of this bird with the KHU RUB and the 'e-ri-bu of the Accadian and Assyrian lists is thus settled beyond dispute.

(20.) Among the Corvidw, or crow family, several kinds are mentioned, though it is not always easy to speak posi- tively as to the names of the species. First comes the world- wide-known bird, the raven (Corvus corax). This bird was known by the name of a-ri-bu (V, *~TT<T ^»~)? and kha-khar (Jr1r( -t^^E) • The expression of "eye-picker," budhur ini (^>- TTTEJ TJ*~T >^ £^yT), is found in the list above the name of the raven, and doubtless refers especially to this bird, and to the common crow as well. Khakhar is clearly imitative of the "cawing" family ; Aribu is the Heb.

oreb (^*!^) "a raven," and the Arab, ghoreb L , ~) ; the

name is generally referred to a Hebrew root, meaning " to be black," which is quite suitable to the bird, which may have thus obtained its name from the black colour of its plumage. I rather incline, however, to the opinion that the word is

80 The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records.

originally onomato-poetic. and expresses the hoarse guttural cry of the raven. Like our word crow, so common in various languages, is the word '"raven" itself; the Latin corvus, Sanskrit, kdrava ; German, Babe, pace Max M tiller, who instances the fact of the Sanskrit kru or ru as embracing many cries, from the harshest to the softest, all of which may be perfectly true, but does not in the least affect the question that the word originally designated the caw of the raven; for the word era might subsequently have been used to express soft sounds as well as harsh ones. The bird -name aribu must be distinguished from the insect- name 'e-rir-bu (^Tt *"Tf<f ^*~) Jias^ mentioned in con- nection with the locust bird. 'Eribu is to be referred to the Heb. root rdbdh (^21), "to be multitudinous," as locusts pre- eminently are ; the same idea of multitudes is conveyed by the Accadian word BIR ("^t) "hosts," "swarms," &c. Dis- tinction must be made between the Assyrian names of aribu a "raven," and 'eribu a '"locust," and Dr. Delitzsch has already pointed this out in his explanation of one or two passages in the History of Sennacherib. One passage reads thus: " like an invasion of many aribi on the face of the country forcibly they came to make battle." Another passage is similar : " from the midst of the ships arabis " (an adverbial form) " like aribi they came." Xow the word aribi has generally been rendered by "'locusts"; swarms of these devastating insects seemed so natural, while on the other hand, " swarms of many ravens " seemed to convey, at a first glance, a natural history error ; ravens being almost always more or less solitary in their habits, seldom asso- ciating in numbers more than two together all the year round. It is true that the common raven does occasionally assemble, but not generally in great multitudes, when food in the shape of carrion presents itself;1 but Dr. Delitzsch is correct, both philologically and zoologically ; for in these pas-

1 The raven's habit of congregating occasionally in flocks is, perhaps, more frequent than is usually supposed. See Seebohm's '•' History of British Birds," (Pt. ii, p. 535), now in course of publication. ^Naturalists will hail with delight the appearance of this admirable work, which breathes freshly of field, forest, hill, moor, lake, river, and sea.

The /liit/s of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 81

sages special reference is probably made not to the common raven (Corvus coraa), but to another species of raven, namely, the brown-necked species, the Corvus umbrinus; and this bird is like the rook, to a very considerable extent gregarious in its habits. " Of all the birds of Jerusalem,"' Canon Tristram writes, " the raven tribe are the most characteristic and con- spicuous, though the larger species is quite outnumbered by its smaller companion, Core us umbrinus. They are present everywhere to eye and ear, and the odours that float around remind us of their use. The discordant jabber of their evening sittings round the temple area is deafening. The caw of the rook and the chatter of the jackdaw unite in attempting to drown the hoarse croak of the raven ; but clear above the tumult rings out the more musical call-note of hundreds of the lesser species. We used to watch their great colony, as every morning at daybreak, they passed in long lines over our tents to the northward ; the rooks in solid phalanx leading the way, and the ravens in solid phalanx bringing up the rear."— Nat. Hist, of Bible, p. 200-201. Ed. 1867. that this is the species more decidedly alluded to as coming forcibly in multitudes on the field of battle there can be no doubt ; but of course such individuals as the larger species as might collect together with them would be also included. That ravens are meant, and not locusts, by the word a-ri-bi, besides the reasons I have already given, can be finally settled by a passage in the history of Assurbanipal, where the Elamites overspreading Accad are compared to an invasion ofar&ri; the Cuneiform has the reading of ^VyJ >^< "^S- "^Y ^y<y^ ^y *-f<T» c^ma ti-bu-ut XAM-BIR-KHU, the Accadian name denoting most definitely birds, and not insects ; and this Accadian word is in other places represented by the Assyrian word aribi, that is, "ravens."

(21.) The bird "called pa'hu ( ȣ: ^>f -HI-) and ka-ka-nu (^-T ^-T ^-) probably denotes the " crow." Pa-hu is the Hebrew peah (H^Q) " to cry out," and again is an imitative word. Kakanu may well be compared with the Arabic kdh ( -ili) or kik (j^) "a crow." The species intended is the hooded crow, sometimes in this country called Vol. VIII. 6

82 The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records.

the Royston crow {Corvus comix). This is the Asiatic repre- sentative of the common black crow, Corvus corone, popularly known among the peasantry of this country as the " carrion crow." Though formerly specifically considered distinct, these two birds evidently belong to the same species. They breed freely together in such localities where the two varieties meet. They are similar hi form and habits, and differ only in respect of colour. The black variety common in various parts of this country does not appear to occur in Palestine or Mesopotamia, where it is replaced by the hooded crow, the variety not so generally known in this country on account of its local habits. This is the common crow of Palestine. Syria, Mesopotamia, and Persia. The grey feathers of the back and under surface of the body of the hooded crow, Major St. John tells us, have in Persia some- times quite a roseate flush.

(22.) Of the ur-bal-luv or tas-bal-Iuv, Jcha-akh, or its-tsur sdmu, I cannot speak at all definitely. The name its-tsur §a-mi points apparently to some bluish-brown cawing bird, and this is all that can be said.

(23.) The jackdaw (Corvus monedula) is supposed by Dr. Delitzsch to be the bud spoken of in the Assyrian lists as the -'occupier of graves" or ''graveyards." It is called casid cab-ruv or casid ca-bar-ti C*^ * — TTT *~> "^ *~^w_[ >T_ *~<T^)- A somewhat similar name of a bird occurs in the Talmud as the bath eibrayya (H^lllp J"Q), " daughter of sepulchres," which Buxtorf (Lex. p. 1963) explains as "the name of a bird, said to adorn itself with other birds' feathers, like the jackdaw" (gracculus). Lewysohn (Zool. des Talmuds. p. 175) quotes a writer (Sachs) who identifies a bud called kibrin with the " screech owl " as a " grave bird." In this country the jackdaw is often seen in the vicinity of churches and churchyards, building its nest in belfries and such like places. Ainsworth says that there is a small owl, " a dignified little fellow," which passes the day on the top of a tombstone in cemeteries, where it finds plenty of food at night, and, being regarded as a sacred bird, is never disturbed in its serenity." It is, therefore, quite possible that this little owl, and not the

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 83

jackdaw, may be the casid cibarti of the bilingual list. The Accadian equivalent is in this tablet entirely lost, with the exception of about four characters, mere endings of names, and as no other Assyrian word occurs, no other help is afforded us. On the whole, however, I think that the jackdaw is the bird which Buxtorf designates as the " daughter of sepulchres," and has decidedly the best claim.

(24.) There is good reason to identify the bal-lu-tsi-tu (^KISJ^!H) ov tu-bal-la-ats (-E£]^]*>£]ttt) with the Arabic word bilissi (^-^t')? which is said to

be the same as the bird called sorad (-O), defined by Freytag to be " a black and white bird, larger than a sparrow, with a thick head, which pursues sparrows."' The second word is identical with the first, having merely the noun formative prefix of t. The modern Arabic name of the magpie is \ik-ak; the "green magpie'"' is shakrdk, and denotes the Roller. In one of the columns, after the word tuballats, the words ci-na-sa, "its nest," or "its slave," appear.1 Did the large conspicuous nest of the magpie appear worthy of mention? Perhaps the figures on the monuments of some long-tailed bird are meant for the magpie (Pica caudata).

('25.) Some kind of wild pigeon, probably the wood- pigeon" (ColumLa palumbus),2 is designated by the names of ur-sa-mi (TT^J £fa ^f~) and ta-am-si-lu (j*^ ^^ ^T^ IHI)' the first name is by Delitzsch referred to the Arabic warashan (J,il£'t), which is translated Columba sylvestris, " wild dove." The second name looks like the Talmudic tasil or tasilah (v^pri), which is explained as " the young of pigeons or doves," or " some kind of dove." Lewysohn (Die Zoologie des Talmuds, p. 205) considers that tasil denotes some full grown small dove, and suggests the rock-dove (Columba lima) as the species. These birds are called beni yonah ("HIV ^l), ''sons of the dove," and Lewysohn thinks that

1 The pallutsitu is explained by tupallats cinaga, "the twp allots of her nest " or " of her slave," but the explanation is by no means easy.

- Pnlumbes is the ordinary Latin name of a " dove," but Columella and Martial use the form palumlus.

8-4 The Birds of tin- Assyrian Monuments and Records.

some small kind of dove, distinct from the turtle dove, is intended. Both the rock-dove and the wood-pigeon are common in Mesopotamia, and perhaps one or the other is intended by the Assyrian names.

(26.) Nothing at all definite can be said of the species of dove mentioned under the Assyrian name of ir-ca-bu ( £jtt *-Z-]*~~] i£*~) or *ne Babylonian form, ri-ga-bu f_YY<T ^|TT^ V")- Dr. Delitzsch compares the Ethiopic (C*M) '. regebe) "a dove." which he thinks is so called from its shyness, comparing the name "with the Arabic verb rajaba (^^~\ "to be timid." Some kind of dove is certainly therefore meant.

(27.) Another dove is denoted by the word su-um-mu (>-£lTi j^YTY *^\ which occnrs both in the Accadian and Assyrian columns ; the word is doubtless of Semitic origin, and borrowed by the Accadians. The summatu is one of the birds sent out from the ship in the Chaldean story of the Flood ; the swallow and the raven, it will be remembered, being the other two birds. Dr. Delitzsch compares the Arabic sdmmat or iammata, "a bird like a swallow,"' and translates the Assyrian word by " sand-martin." But when we compare this part of the Deluge Tablet with the account of the birds sent out by the Biblical Xoah, and remember the position which the dove holds there, there seems more reason to suppose that the §ummu or iummatu is a form of the

Arabic hamdmat (j^1,^^). a dove or pigeon — the s and h being here interchanged — than that a "sand-martin" is meant. In modern Arabic hamdmat and zamamat are both names of the u pigeon."' The Accadian name in the Deluge Tablet is TU khu (^BEf HMD'* ** *s not certain why the name of the "descending bird"' (for TU=eribu, "to descend") should be given to a pigeon or dove, but I think it is quite probable that the idea refers to the habit of pigeons gene- rally making a momentary suspension or hovering motion a

1 The Sumerian name is ^ I *"p| te-khu (Haupt, "Accad. und Sumer. Keikchr.," I, p. 43, 1. 49).

ft,

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 85

few feet iu the air — which everybody must have noticed — before finally alighting on the ground.1

(28.) The turtle dove is clearly pointed out. It is the tar-ru (*>rr ^JTT) or ca-ca-ba-a-nu of the Assyrian column; and the IGI MUL of the Accadian. Tarru is clearly the Hebrew tur (TlJn), the Latin turtur, and our English turtle dove. The name of tur is also evidently imitative of the soft coo of the turtle dove. The Accadian name of " eye-star " or " eye bright " is expressive of the bright, soft eyes of this lovely little dove ; in the Canticles the eyes of the beloved, it will be remembered, are compared with those of the turtle dove, and I dare say that Oriental poetry is full of such expressions. The Assyrian name caccabdnu,

"star-bird," cf. 23i!> "a star," Arab. ^A "a star," "to

twinkle like a star," corresponds with the Accadian. The turtle dove {Turtur auritus) is common in Mesopotamia, Persia, and Palestine, and the T. risorius, another species, occurs in some of these countries.

(29.) Partridges are common in Mesopotamia and the neighbouring countries. The commonest species in Persia by far is the Caecabis chukar. It is a red-legged species, and specifically distinct from the Caecabis grceca or saxa- tilis ; the common partridge, Perdix cinerea, is not found iu Mesopotamia. In Assyrian the partridge is called the cu-hc-cu-cu, the cilippu, and the hu-hi-ul-luv ; this latter

name is probably identical with the Arabic Jcaukal (jj»j)'

which Freytag explains as the male partridge, and also the bird called hatha, i.e., one of the sand grouse ( Pterocles), which occur in amazing numbers in certain localities. Another bird belonging to the partridge family, the Francolinus vulgaris, or common francolin, is very common in Mesopotamia and Persia, and must have been known to the Assyrians. It is found in great numbers in the tamarisk jungles and reed beds of Mesopotamia, and doubtless would be included among the

1 Prof. Sayce suggests to me that the " Tumbler" pigeon is meant by the "descending" bird; considering the very early domestication of pigeons, this seems a very natural and probable explanation.

86 The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Record*.

birds mentioned as having a resting* place among the reeds (W.A.I., V, pi. 32, 56, &c.) The two other Assyrian names for the partridge are probably onomato-poetic, and if pro- nounced rapidly with repetition are not bad imitations of the call of these birds during the pairing season, or of the cry of the scared birds when suddenly disturbed.

(30). Mention is made in the historical inscriptions of some long-pouched bird under the names of gilgiddnu and iudinnu. Mcrodach Baladan "is said to have been struck with fear, and to have fled from Babylon like sudinni birds."

The name of gi-il-gi-dd-nu {^\\-^ £~£^TT *•*"!! -^ **~T! *^~) has rather an Accadian aspect, and if so was used by the Assyrians as a loan word. I am inclined to think that the Accadian words, GIL and gid, are exhibited in the name. Now, gid is a well-known word, and denotes "long," whether applied to a long-legged bird, or a long kind of ship or other object. It occurs in the Accadian name of the ostrich, as we shall see by-and-bye. Gil, whether expressed by the ideograph V^ or J^y^^ has various meanings. It means an enclosure as represented by the character !*^Y among other significations. The character £yr^^ as occurring in Sennacherib's will (W.A.I., III, 16, 3), can scarcely mean anything else than a " cup " or " goblet," as Prof. Sayce has already translated it, This Assyrian monarch bequeathed to his son Esarhaddon amongst other valuables, "'golden bracelets, heaps of ivory, and a golden goblet (Vyy^^) gil khuratsi." It is true that this explanation needs absolute confirmatory proof, and I therefore cannot speak positively. The idea therefore involved in this explanation is probably that of a bird with a, large cup or pouch. The other word has a Semitic aspect: iudinnu (*-£-]] <T< *^~), as Delitzsch has pointed out. bears in sound at least a resemblance to the Arabic word saddnat Q-j-jj^J, which Freytag renders by "columba vel nomen columbse cujusdam," "a dove of some kind." I think that the word sudinnu may be referred to the Arabic

sadan ((iA-)' " a sail," or sadul Q jH). The verb stiddla

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 87 lias with other meanings that of "running swiftly," and

(S ' O s «.

mentioned as "nomen avis vorantis napellum," "the name of a bird which devours the herb napellum," whatever that may be. The idea gathered from the whole consideration of the two words seems to be that of " some long-legged pouch bird which runs with great swiftness," and I am strongly disposed to believe that the great bustard (Otis tarda) is denoted. This bird runs with great swiftness, using its wings sail-like, after the manner of ostriches, to accelerate its speed. When it flies, it moves its wings slowly like a heron, the flight of which bird we often speak of as " sailing " in the air. They are shy and timid birds, easily scared, expressing strong marks of fear on the appearance of even a small hawk overhead. The male bird is charac- terised by a peculiar membranous pouch or bag, capable of holding seven wine pints of liquid ; the entrance into it is between the under side of the tongue and the lower mandible of the bill. The function of this remarkable anatomical peculiarity is, I believe, not known; female birds are destitute of it, neither is it present in all the males. The great bustard is mentioned by Ainsworth as occurring in Mesopotamia ; it is frequently met with in the stony dis- tricts of Syria ; sometimes as a solitary bird or in pairs, sometimes in large flocks. According to Blanford and Major St. John, the great bustard is found in the Caspian Islands, near Astrabad, in Armenia, and is believed to be an occasional visitant to many parts of Northern Persia. In the Transcaucasian provinces of Russia it is common. Such a bird would certainly have been known to the ancient Assyrians and Accadians. As an article of food the flesh of the bustard is highly esteemed ; and, according to the late ornithologist Mr. Gould, this bird is frequently seen on the Continent exposed for sale in the markets.1 Doubtless the ancient dwellers in the lands where the great bustard was found used to hunt it, and eat its flesh. So remarkable a structure as the gular pouch possessed by the male bird, is a character which the observant Accadians could not fail to

1 Xenophon {Anab., I, v, 4) says " the flesh of the bustard is very sweet."

88 The Birds of the Assyrian Monument* and Records.

have noticed on occasions of its being prepared for cooking, and I think that the presence of this gular bag is intimated by the Accadian word ail the first component part of the bird name gih-gid-anu, which stands for the great bustard. Other species of bustards are found in the lands with which we are concerned.

(31.) The common crane (Gtus einered) is mentioned in the bilingual lists as the ur-nir*gu (™*~* £n. t^"*0 or ur^a*r^u QH Zfh ^^)- and cn-U-u^^ ^gW jrTYJjr). The first name appears to be identical with the Arabic ghir-nlk ((J^JfZ )• "a water bird with a long neck," a very indefinite explanation, it is true, when taken by itself; but it is certain that the crane is meant. Under the name of Ghornai, Forskal mentions a white bird which feeds on gadfly larvae found on the backs of cattle, "aestris pascitur in tergo bovum nidificantibus." which, as we shall see by-and-by, is the buff- backed heron. As a warning of the necessity of being acquainted with the natural history of the bird, or any animal under consideration, before we make some positive assertion, a matter to which 1 have already alluded. I will add just this one more. Rosenmiiller, the great German orientalist and commentator on the Scriptures, whose name cannot be mentioned without feelings of the greatest admira- tion. Rosenmiiller. in his very valuable notes to Bochart's '•Hierozoicon,*' has this short comment on Forskal's Ghornak, " Patet banc avem non esse gruem," '-It is evident that this bird is not a crane." True, the bird is not a crane, but a heron ; but the improbability of a heron in such situations would appear as great as that of a true crane. Ghurnuk and Hr-ki are modern vernacular for the crane in Arabic.

The word ca-li-u or ca-lu-u is identical with the Chaldaic (cela) (^*7r) "to call out," in allusion to the loud, sonorous •s of these birds, which they utter high in ah- on their periodic migrations. The Gtus cinerea is not uncommon in many parts of Mesopotamia, and is plentiful in South Persia.

_.i The st<>rk (Ciconia alba) is a common feature in

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 89

Turkey, where it is held in esteem as a scavenger and a destroyer of snakes. It is mentioned in the lists under the name of rak-rakk-u (t>- T>- ^I^^Z^) or la-ka-la-ka (*-£:T A-T >-^T ^— TY which is evidently identical with the lak-lak ( dii] ) °f the Arabs, at present used in Turkey to denote this bird. Although the white stork is included in the name of lak-lak, or rak-kak, originally meant in Arabic to be expressive of the sound produced by the bird, it would appear that the black stork is the species which the Accarlians had in view when they named the stork. By them it was called the Si-zi bird, i.e., " the green bird"; for si-zi (^Jf ^TT^)' or ideo- graphically ~=T \ is the equivalent of the Assyrian arkn, " green," and the khu-si-zi bird is, in one of the bilingual lists (W.A.I., II, 26, 56 1.), identified with the ra-ak-ra-ku (^yy ^Q £^yy £^J) "a stork." Now there is not a bit of green colour in the plumage of the white stork, neither in its beak nor legs ; but in the black stork ( Ciconia nigra) the whole of the dark plumage is varied with purple and copper-coloured and green reflections, so as fully to justify the name which the Accadians gave to this bird. The colour signified by the 6l-Zl and arak is either " green," like grass, hence urciiu " verdure," or yellowish-green, or yellow, or golden-yellow, or any colour of varied green. The Hebrew word yerakrak (p^p")"?) is used of the feathers of a dove in Ps. lxi, 14 ; and the golden colour refers to the beautiful play of metallic lustre observed in the neck of several wild pigeons ; compare Tennyson —

" In the Spring a livelier iris changes on the burnished dove."

— (" Locksley Hall," 1. 19.)

'■The common stork is found all over the plateaux of Persia, building its nests on minarets, and oftener on the low towers which flank the mud walls of Persian villages. It is uot molested by Persians, who say that it makes a pilgrimage to Mecca during its annual winter absence, whence its name

1 The pronunciation of g^f as *>-\] si or si(t) isgiven in W.A.I.,Y, 27,1. 6 : *ll Y fcEl *~|| *"PP* = " some green insect."

90 The Buds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records.

of HdjjL" — (Blanford, ii. 297.) It is common also in Mesopo- tamia. Palestine, and other countries. The black stork which is a more shy bird than the former, is less common.

(33). Some kind of bird, which I am inclined to think denotes the black ibis, is mentioned under the names of um-mt mi i. (>=^|TT (^X- ]} f**"**")> "mother of waters," and ar-bar-ya Cfl ^^T ^^Tr)- The first name, so far as its meaning is concerned, is clear, but it is not so with the word a-ba-ya. Lenormant gives the word as an Accadian form, but without suggesting its signification. Perhaps it is onomatopoetic. Delitzsch compares it with the Talmudic ibbu, which is supposed to represent the Biblical anaphah (H^2S) and to signify "a kite " (?) and he suggests the osprey as the probable meaning. But do not the words " mother of waters " imply some more decided aquatic 1 ard than the osprey ? Some water - presaging bird ap- pears to be intended: perhaps the bald ibis (Comatibis comata), a bird of very similar habits to the Egyptian ibis (Ibis religiosa), which was held sacred by that ancient people. This latter bird always appears on the Nile at the times of its periodic rise, just as the waters showed signs of overflow: hence the bird was regarded as a prescient creature, foretelling the longed-for inundation and the con- sequent fertility of the land. Some such idea. I think, is intended by the expression " mother of waters," though both the Hebrews and the Arabs frequently employed the words " father " or " mother " to many kinds of animals as being " possessors " of some peculiarity, whether of habitat, form, or periodic appearance. The terms abu hannes, "father of John," and abu mengal, '"father of the sickle." are both names of the Egyptian ibis : the former referring to the appearance of the bud about St. John's day, the latter to the peculiar shape of the bud's bill. The glossy ibis is found in large numbers on the Murdab, near the Caspian, where another species, the Tantalus ibis, also occurs. The glossy ibis is also at times very common on the Euphrates. The appearance of these buds happening about the same time as the welcome rain, caused them. among other reasons, to be looked upon with more or !• --

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. \)\

of reverence, and to have thus earned the name of " mothers of waters."

(34) The name of a bird called A GUS O^T Sf^f)' "long horn," by the Accadians, and na-adh-ru (*-"**"! ^^T "\JH) by the Assyrians, occurs in the fifth volume of W.A.I., 27, 3, ob., 1. 46. I have no doubt that the long-horned or long stiff-crested heron is intended. Nadharu or nddhru is the Heb. ndtar 0^2, Arab, lij), " to guard," " keep watch "; these attributes both suit the heron (Ardea cinerea), with its long, slender, occipital feathers, which will watch patiently, standing for hours together motionless, watching for any passing fish, mostly with its feet in the water, remaining " still as if carved out of wood."

(35.) The buffed-back heron (Ardea russata or Herodias bubulcus) has peculiar habits, which were very likely to attract the notice of the observant Accadians and find expression in a name. This heron is known as the "cow bird" in countries where it is found, from its habit of associating with cows and sheep. It is, a writer in the "Ibis" (III, vol. ii, p. 245), speaking of this heron, writes, " always seen among cattle. I have seen a buffalo walking along with three or four of these birds or (Herodias intermedia) sitting on its back, reminding one of an itinerant vendor of plaster-of-Paris images." The buff- backed heron is common in Mesopotamia, as are also some other species. The Accadian character is ]t||T^ Tr (»~T<y) the UA or cattle bird. The Assyrian equivalent is unhappily lost by fracture of the tablet.

(36.) Some magnificent bird is evidently denoted by the Accadian word dhar-lugal-luv,1 borrowed by the Assyrians, and represented in the Accadian column by dudurranu. The Assyrian name means literally " the variegated royal bird." I think that the flamingo is here intended. The Phcenicopterus antiquomm is a magnificent bird, and is quite a feature in certain marshy places in Mesopotamia. A wood- cut figure of this bird is given in Colonel Chesney's work,

1 Un-gal (^jyy £|*~) to be read lu-gal, is one of the Accadian names for a king. (W.A.I., V,30, 1. 12.)

92 The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records.

" The Expedition for the Survey of the Rivers Euphrates and Tigris," 1850, Vol. II, p. -1-1. where it is called the Tair-el- Raouf, ox the magnificent bird (Arabic raft, *_vj.). ''noble," •• exalted." '"These extraordinary birds,'* it is said, '"frequent the livers Sajur and Koweik." Dr. Heifer, a German naturalist who joined the expedition, says that these birds " are seen in large flocks, and it is known that they have the surprising habit of forming a kind of artificial embankment across the rivers Saggeoar and Kouweik. Having for this purpose chosen the shallowest spot, they arrange themselves side by side in several close ranks, and sit down with their tails to the current, and then- feathers spread out. By this contrivance they in some degree check the course of the water, which in consequence overflows at the chosen spot, and one of the flock, previously placed as a sentinel a little distance from the rest, gives as a signal a cry not unlike that of the stork, but much more shrill; upon which the rest of the flock dart upon the fish, frogs, toads. &c., which are then almost without water, and make a sumptuous repast of all that are thus caught." (Appendix, p. 722.)

It is extremely improbable that this extraordinary and cunning proceeding has been corroborated by other evidence. (Jan the Accadian name of this " royal bird " be under- stood as in any way a confirmation, if not of a veritable fact, yet of an idea that at all events is at present held by the natives of these districts?

In a letter which Dr. Ainsworth has kindly favoured me with, in answer to my inquiries, he writes : " I never heard of anyone corroborating the story told of the flamingo, under the name of Tdir-el-Raouf, " the splendid bird," by Colonel (late General) Chesney ; but I know that he had it from an old resident in Aleppo on his first journey. I met the gentle- man, whose name I forget, afterwards at Aleppo, and I have every reason to believe that he was a conscientious man, and in every way to be trusted, although the story has an Oriental savour about it." Now the Accadian name answering to the dhar lugalrluv C^f^f »^^ff* a^E"-)' ""tne royal bird" of the Assyrian column, is complete. It is wrongly transcribed

>

The Birds of the . I ssyrian Monuments and Records, 93

in W.A.I., II, 37, 1. 37 ; but Mr. Pinches, with his usual good nature, has given me the correct reading from the tablet itself: the name of this bird appears as T^J T^J £:£z|T *^f~ *-{<}-> dudurranu ; now we find the word TBT T^T ^T[\ given (in W.A.I., II, 33, 1. 25) as the equivalent of the word £:£lTy lr( "J^-^Ej ra-kha-tsu sa a-sa-bi, an "inundation" or "flood of a seat."1 The ending of the bird-name in the Accadian column looks very like this dudurru, with the usual adjective Semitic ending of <lnu. Is it not therefore possible, or perhaps probable, that the "royal variegated bird" is also the " inundation bird " ? and that we thus have a corrobora- tion of a story, which, even though it be doubtless destitute of actual fact, is evidently current to this day among the natives of North Syria ? We know how persistently old beliefs maintain their ground, and how traditional stories about animals are handed down from one generation to another; so that this story about the flamingo appears to exist in its old Accadian name of " the inundation bird," while the old Assyrian name of " the royal bird " appears with the very similar title of " the magnificent bird " in the vernacular Arabic of the people of modern Syria.2

(37.) We are indebted to Dr. Delitzsch for the very satis- factory explanation of the Assyrian names of the pelican. It is a great thing to get hold of some particular feature in a bird's form, voice, or habits — something which at once arrests the attention, and stamps some definite idea upon the mind of the observer — some peculiarity which the possessor of a certain attribute and structural formation exhibits different from other creatures of the same class. It is natural to suspect that what strikes us now-a-days as remarkable, also

' Cf. also W.A.I., II, 21, 1. 53 T^Y, Jgf *ffl = ■*£} 1HJ < V h (=ff calu-sa-me, "damming of the water" ; 24, 1. 45 = ra-kha-tsu sa a-sa-bi, "inunda- tion of the seat."

2 Another explanation of this bird-name may, however, be given : TBT dor. = marcaiu, a " diadem," or "girdle" (W.A.I., 11,31, 1. 10); and Y£Y ^f^TT dur-makh = JL^AJ^I £Y *-T<| d(h)ur ma-khu (1. 13), so that the whole bird- name would read as the " royal-banded bird," which I am unable to identify.

'.'4 Tic3 Birds of the Ass ri ■>>. Monuments and Records.

appeared remarkable to a greater or less extent to observers of j sf ges. Now the pelican is a very remarkable bird.

The wonderful pouch of its lower mandible marks it at oner ; and such a peculiarity one would naturally suppose would mid especial mention in any account, whether descriptive or verbal, that we may meet with. Yet. Strang- to say. in the 3e of the pelican, its very name is a misnomer. Our English word is from the Greek TreXe/cdv or TreXe/civo?. a name manifestly derived from ireXeKaco. '"to hew with an axe." The name thus derived was first used by the Greeks to denote i- a woodpecker." It was the woodpeckers. ire\eicaves. who acted as the clever carpenters that hewed out the gates of the City of Cloud — Cuckoo-borough, in the birds of Aristophanes, and the name is admirably suited to the woodpecker, which be < its bill in making holes in trees. Aristotle uses the word 77e\efcdv for the large web-footed bird of that name, but nowhere alludes to its extraordinary bill. He says it is migratory, and devours shell-fish. The etymology of the Greek word would show that the name was originally na - 1 for the woodpecker. Subsequently, it would appear, the name was applied to denote the web-footed bird, probably on account of its large bill. ^Elian also mentions this bird under the name of pelican, but says nothing about its pouch. The pelican, under the name onocrotalus. is well described by Pliny, who is the first writer, as far as I can learn, to speak of a pouch under the throat. But the name pelicanus never found its way into classical authors. It is used by Jerome in his commentary on the 101st Psalm. The story about the pelican feeding its young with its own blood was originally told of the vulture, and found its way from Egyptian fable into the writings of Patristic theologians. In the devices of a bird tearing its breast and feeding its little ones with its own blood, so frecpiently Been on monuments, and in old church architecture, you will always find that the bud is not a pelican, but a vulture, or an eagle. The word onocrotalus, - 1 by Pliny, and evidently borrowed from the Greeks — but by whom, and when, and where used by that people I know not — is both in its definition and in the account which Pliny gives. admirably suited to the pelican, and to no other bird.

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 95

The name takes its origin from the pelican's voice, which was supposed to resemble the cry of the ass, and which, indeed, as a matter of fact, it does resemble. Wishing for information on this point, I wrote to Mr. Bartlett, the well-known naturalist of the Zoological Gardens, and he writes to me as follows : " The pelican utters a loud and single note, after the fashion of a bray or blare, and this is not unlike the voice of an ass." Similarly we have applied the term " Laughing Jackass " to the great kingfisher (I)acilogigas) of Australia. We now come to the Assyrian and Accadian names of the pelican.

This bird is mentioned by several names in the lists, and once in the Historical Inscriptions : it is called tus-mu-u (Tgf ^ ^IffcO, ah-bu-un-nu (*£\ ^ ^\}} ^-), and a-ta-an nahari (H ^TyT *~*{~ Tf T^f) by the Assyrians. Tusmu may, of course, be read cu-mu, but in that form the word is not easy of explanation. This tusmu is mentioned in the Annals of Sargon (Botta, 129), who relates his campaign with Merodach Baladan, king of Babylon. Being hard pressed, the Babylonian monarch shut himself and his army within the city of Dur Yakin, which had been surrounded by canals turned off from the Euphrates during the overflow of its waters. Of his position here, Sargon writes, " He, together with his auxiliaries and his forces, like a tusmu bird, amid the canals placed the ensigns of his royalty." The spectacle of an army placing itself within the water-protected area is compared to that of a flock of pelicans ; the king himself, with his royal or state accoutrements, being, "perhaps, sur- rounded by his forces, on the look out for any meditated attack from the enemy. It is possible that reference here may be made to a peculiar habit of the pelicans, recorded by Dr. Ainsworth, in arranging themselves so as to provide against the attack of jackals, or other carnivorous enemies. " These birds congregate in the evening and have a grand soar in the air; after which they alight where the plain is open, and the vegetation low and grassy ; disposing them- selves carefully in circles, with their heads outwards, so that jackals, or other enemies, ever hunting in the evening for

96 The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records.

their prey, cannot approach them unseen." On the great rivers, the pelicans more wisely select islands as their resting places. The position therefore of the king of Babylon, amid water-surrounded lands for safety, may not unaptly be compared to that of pelicans when threatened by their enemies.

As to the meaning of the word tus-mu, it may be com- pared with the Hebrew ndsham (Ott?2), "to blow " or "puff out"; the n (2) having dropped out of the Assyrian word, just as madata, "tribute," has come from mandatta, from (]~TJ) "to give." The puffing -out bird being of course referable to its swollen pouch. The name of abbunnu may with equal probability be compared with the Arabic verb

habtn (iS^)' "Aqua intercute tumuit "hrflavit" tumidum reddidit," " to be puffed out with fluid," which is strikingly true of the pouch of the pelican's bill, which is capable of enormous expansion, as every menagerie showman always takes care to exhibit to the visitors. The name of atdn nahar% however, gives the best key to the explanation of the other words. Atan is the Hebrew dton (|in^) a " she ass," and nari is the genitive case of nam " a river." The she ass of the waters, with its swollen mandibular bag, is the name of the Pelicanus onocrotalus as represented in the Assyrian names. The Accadian names, which are two in number, are not so easily explained. They are (1) NAM BIR MUKH DIL LUV

HMf* *y<^H - tfcs=) and (2) RAG GU* *A (£■ 5?! Jm)-

Rag GUS SA may mean " the female pelican on her nest," or, more definitely, " with her young ones." Rag is the usual character for a " female " of any animal ; GUSSA is compared with tardin-nu, "offspring." (W.A.I., II, 29, 1. 64, with II, HO, 1. 46, where tir dinnu = mar, " son," " offspring.") Pelicans like many other buds are very tame when they have nests or young ones, and would thus have readily presented opportu- nities for close observation under such circumstances. They have been seen in large quantities on the Caspian, on the shallow marshy shores of which they breed. The ordinary species which is common on the Caspian is the Pelicanus onocrotalus, though P. crispus also occurs there.

The Birds of ike Assyrian Monument* and Records. 97

(38.) I have already alluded to the question whether the Assyrians kept domesticated poultry : I think there is suffi- cient evidence to show that the answer may be given in the affirmative. There are several names of one and the same bird mentioned in a food list in W.A.I., II, 42, lines 67-70, the most common being1 those called TBJ >yy ^*~ cw-ni-pu and J:Yy *~yT^ *~^"H 'e-zi-zu. All these words demand examination. There can be no reasonable doubt that the domestic cock is the bird denoted. At one time I was inclined to think that the swan was intended, but my friend Mr. Sayce was able to point out one of three occurring names which served as a key to the problem. The cunipit and 'ezizu denote the same bird, and the 'ezizu in line 19 of

the same plate (42) is equated with >— >~< dil-bat as an edible

bird. Fortunately dilbat is well known : it is " the announcer,' "the proclaimer," or "herald"; see W.A.I., II, 7, 37-, where dilbat z= nabu, to proclaim, &c, and *->?- >— >-< or £:£:][>- >^- >— >~< is the planet Venus (Istar), the " announcer" of the dawn or of the evening. It follows therefore that all the names which are equated with 'ezizu must also be equated with dilbat. The cock as the " announcer of dawn," as the " trumpet of the morn," is proverbial almost everywhere. As the announcer of news the cock was sacred to Mercury, as the curer of diseases to iEsculapius, as a warrior to Mars, Hercules, &c. Among the Persians the cock not only awakened Aurora and aroused men from sleep, but it also caused the demons of night to depart. In the Avesta the cock is called Parodars, " upon whom evil-speaking men impose the (nick) name of Kahrkatds "; " this bird," it is added, " lifts up his voice at every godly morning dawn, (saying) ' Stand up, ye men, praise the best purity, destroy the Daeva.' " (See Vendidad, xviii, 34-37 ; Bleek's translation, p. 128.) The demon which the cock puts to flight is the Daeva Bushajangta, " with long hands," i.e., the demon of long sleep. In extracts from the Avesta, p. 197, the following Jewish prayer is given, " Blessed art Thou, 0 Lord our God ! King of the universe, who grantest to the cock understanding to distinguish between day and night," We are further told that the Vol. VIII. 7

98 lite Birds of the Assyrian Monument* and Record*.

Parsees do not eat a cock after it has begun to crow. We know that the ancient Romans took augury from cocks and y< nmg fowls : so we may expect to find this bird figuring in the Assyrian records. I do not know, however, of any allusion to these birds as birds of augury ; but that they did appear in early times on sacrificial occasions is certain, from the impression of the conical seal obtained by Sir A. H. Layard at Babylon, an engraving of "which may be seen in Layard's "Nin. and Babyl.," p. 538. The seal is " an agate cone, upon the base of which is engraved a winged priest or deity, standing in an attitude of prayer before a cock on an altar; above the group is the crescent moon."

There is a cylinder in the British Museum in which there is a subject very similar. "A priest, wearing the sacri- ficial dn.ss, stands at a table before an altar bearing a crescent, and a smaller altar, on which stands a cock." The Hebrew commentators thought that Xergal, the idol of the men of Cuth, had the form of the cock, writes Layard, refer- ring to Selden, " De Dis Syris," p. 251. I may mention that Montfaucon, in his "Antiquities," gives a similar sacrificial representation in the plate " Duodecim Anni Menses," where Jaimarius is depicted as a priest burning incense on one altar, and having on his left hand another conical shaped altar, a cock standing at his feet. We know that fowls played an important part as birds of augury. As Pliny (" Xat. Hist.," x, 21) says, it is from the feeding of these birds that the omens are derived, " tripudia solistima : it is these which regulate day by day the movements of our magistrates, and open or shut to them their own houses ; it is these that command battles or forbid them, and furnish auspices for victories to be gained in every part of the world ; it is these that hold supreme rule over those who are themselves the rulers of the earth, and whose entrails and fibres are as pleasing to the gods as the first spoils of victory." It is not improbable that the sacrificial rites and consultation by augury, in which cocks figured amongst the Romans, came originally from Babylonia, and that as some of the zodiacal signs had their earliest origin in Babylonia, so the sacred rites connected with the Roman months had some of them a similar oriein. I think that

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 99

the figure of the cock perched on an altar before a priest making his offerings, leads us to conclude that this bird was to some extent sacred, and that one of the numerous names of the cock, viz., fe-na-nu £:Y* *~~^] *jf~ (P2? "to divine," " augurans," " observans somnia " (Vulgate), represents this bird in this capacity as a soothsayer. The following names occur as denoting the cock ; all have the determinate prefix of ^yyy^, " food," before them.

(a.) gj S^I "^S~, cu-ni-pu, or JgJ ^ fcjj ^|<| cu-ni-ip (khu). The derivation of this word is uncertain : it may be connected with the Hebrew f]23, " a wing," and allude to the constant clapping of its wings in the act of crowing (ef. Pliny, x. 21, "ipsum verum cantum plausu laterum"), hence called the " wing-bird"; or it may refer to the original meaning of the Hebrew word for a wing, i.e., "to cover," " to hide," in allusion to the hen bird covering and brooding over its chickens. As some other names of the domestic fowl refer to the bird's voice, it is not improbable that cunipu may more definitely denote the covering or brooding hen, but was not used exclusively in that sense.1

(b.) g=yj J^l^ ^yy '«-«, "the strong bird," Heb. (ft^). This is a suitable name for the bold pugnacious cock, the emblem of Mars, able, according to the Latin tradition, to inspire terror even in the lion. With the Assyrian name we may aptly compare the Aramaic word 153, " the strong bird," occasionally used by Talmudic writers as one of the names of the cock : see Buxtorf, "Lex. dial.," pp. 384, 385. The fem., H1"^ gabrith, is also given as the name of the hen. (c.) With 'e-zi-zu is also associated the Accadian name Y \>^ -^E£ f -«-«-«-« gar-mi-kharmes (?), a word which awaits explanation.

(d.) Another name as an equivalent of 'e-zi-zu is ly >^y "^ a-gus-se ; but as another very similar word, H *~^~ V" a~vv-s<>i als° occurs as a synonym, the two may be

1 Our English word " cock" is borrowed from the French coc, and is not of Anglo-Saxon origin. The old word for a cock was Hana, a masculine word, corre- sponding to English hen ; cf. German, der Halm ; and see Skeat, " Etym. ]>iet,," p. 118.

100 The Bu\l< of the Assyrian Monuments and Records.

connected, and read as avusse and a-vu-se respectively. This name is probably to be referred to the Aramaic C^N dovish, " personare,w perstrepere, "sonum edere," a fit name for the Doisy crowing rock.1 The avuse in W.A.I., II. pi. 42. 1. 18,

comes just before tin:* 'e-zi-zu, and like it is called the dilbat (*— >~<), "the announcer."' The name may, however, be of Accado-Sumerian origin: g = Sumerian ni or p.

(e.) Another name, *pYT^b ^^T ^ sag-gus-u, perhaps has reference to the cock's comb or crest ; *^^^z J^f is "the top of the head," and / is given as having as one of its significa- tions, a " peak": the idea of elevation seems to be implied in the form of the character when turned up. ^V : s*^ or ^ may be explained in one of its most general significations as "lord." The bird's name would read, " top of the head." or " head" + "lord" : a suitable name fur the proud cock, as he struts about with uplifted head —

" How high his highness holds his haughty head " !

( f. ) The a-vu-se has also as an equivalent the name j:^Y >— «*~T *j(- 'e-ncHvu, to which reference has already been made. The cock is the "diviner" or "soothsayer" (|^> ) : as presaging coming events from the appearance of its viscera, or for other reasons. All these names occur in pi. 42, Vol. II, of AV.A.L.andall have the D.P. of "food" (^ffj^) before them.

(39.) The ostrich is one of the few birds whose figures occur on the monuments to which I have alluded. It was known to the Assyrians by the names of sa-ka-tuv

Gs >M ^Ih) *Hp «-"* t> fcU f? z£Hl) and^'»-

gam-mu (\ \ *~^ )' tm^ hatter name being borrowed from the Accadian gam gam (^-<^Z£Es^ ^-<^ZSi)- Another

1 It is to be noted that we hare, at present, no onomato-poetie name for a " cock," like our cock-a-doodle-doo, of which " cock " is simply an abbreviation ; <•/". "Soph. Fraj..'' 900, KoKKopoac opvic, 6 aXficrpi'iij', "the cock, the bird that cries coc"; but the idea, if not the actual voice, of the bird, is manifest in the "word a-vu-se, just as the old English word Hana ( = " Cock '"), is to be compared

with the Latin canere, the Sanskrit ?f\^U, kvau, " to sound." The Sanskrit

Tkukkuta (<f\ Sfi^), " a cock," is clearly onomato-poetie.

Troi ■ " ■ Ar<h. Vol.WT.

Bcttcu.LpL.IU6

Bottoul.pl.m

ASSYRIAN BIRDS. Plate IX.

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 101

Accadian name is GIR gid da (^^ V*" £!?TT)' "^ie ^onS~ legged bird. Sakatuv may be compared with the Arabic f-'ilp (sakd) " abiit, declivavit, deflexit a via recta," and may allude to the well-known habit of these birds always running in circles when hunted. Gam gam is in the syllabaries (W.A.I., III, pi. 70, 1. 48-49) compared with <ji-mil-lu (bt2^ "to recompense,") and sikru, "a reward (12 IT). It is not easy to see the exact meaning of this expression as applied to the ostrich. Delitzsch thinks it to be synonymous with what is said of the stork (ITppn) "the pious bird." The Hebrews, it is known, regarded the ostrich as a cruel bird in neglecting its young, as they supposed, and the Arabs considered this bird as the emblem of stupidity. Still the Arabs used the

word nadm ( ^[^ j as the name of the ostrich, although the

verb from whence the name is derived always refers to what is pleasant and good. Whatever reasons there may be for these names, implying "benefit" or "good, disposition," whether the benefit refers to that derived from man by the birds' capture, or to the supposed good the birds showed to each other, it is certain that they are names by which the ostrich was known ; and with this knowledge I suppose we must be content.

(40.) W.A.I., II, pi. 37, No. 1, obv., 1. 8, <J- >~^]] *-tz^ft -jV^ si-li-in-gu, ^>- >— YY< Y £^T bu-ri-du, compared with hue 48, No. 2, obv., jrA^_ ^TpT £^^ azrci-ku, and (]*- IfcJ £^£^ si-likrku = Accad. nam bir xam khu.

The Accadian name clearly points to some bird of omen or destiny, and the silinqu of the Assyrian column is, I think, also to be referred to an Accadian origin, viz., to the word silik, " propitious," beneficial. The name of bu-ri-du is explained in the Talmud as " a bird of a speckled colour," (NTQ fNlN-Q (N~TN 12), "Vogel von gesprenkter Farbe," Arab, jj (see "Aruch Completum," Dr. Alex. Kohut, p. 172). Lewysohn (" Die Zool. des Talm.," p. 187; quotes Landau, who identifies this barda with the "Snow Finch." The word buridu seems to point to some bird which is found in cold

102 The Bird* of the Assyrian Monuments and Records.

snow-clad districts; cf. Arab. j'.>, "firigidus fait,*' j..'« "grando," •• hail"; or the name mar refer to the hail-like spots such as occur on the plumage of the nutcracker {Niicifraga cataractes), which Lewysohn suggests as being perhaps the bird denoted. The Snow Finch {MontifringiUa alpicola, Pall.), a species closely allied to M. nivalis, occurs on the Caucasus, and is a permanent inhabitant of the Elburz, whence Major St. John obtained specimens shot in the snow in the month of February. FL icks are found at an elevation of between 9,000 and 10,000 feet above the sea. Like the M. nivalis, this species is probably at times migratory, and would thus suit the requirement of the buridu, being '• a bird of destiny" or migration.1

The Accadian equivalent of the siliku (silingu) or buridu is IL LUM bi khu. a word which it is difficult to explain. The word az-ci-ku may be onomatopoetic. Nothing more definite can be said of the buridu than that it denotes a "speckled or pied bird of omen," which the Assyrian and Accadian names imply.

(41.) Obv. No. 1, 1. 10, g?Tf tc] £J A^+ K

dha-ab-bi-u, or >-Hfr-| ^<<< Tr J^f ea-cis na'ari. admits of easy identity. The former name, dkabbiu, is to be referred to the Hebrew >212 dkdba', " to sink." " dip," " plunge," or "dive."' With the latter word ca-cis (na'ari), "the cacis of the river," Delitzsch very aptly compares the Arabic u^Jl.*

mukavkis, which Freytag ("Lex. Arab.," s.v. IV. p. 198) explains by " nomen avis collari praeditse, columba similis, albae cum nigro mixta?." This explanation, together with the idea of diving implied by the other name, dhabbiu, at once suggests the little Grebe (Podiceps minor) as the bird intended. This grebe is included in the list given by Blanford (" Zool. of Persia," p. 304) of the family of Colymbidae, as occurring in the neighbourhood of the Caspian and other places. The Podiceps minor is an inhabitant of the Caspian, and also the

1 The destruction caused by hailstones is an object of dread in many countries. In a fragment of a hymn to Marduk, we have ina pi pvridica mannu iparassid. " in the face of thy hail who can escape "? ("W.A.I., IV, 26, 45.) The snow- bunting, as inhabiting hail-visited districts, would thus naturally be regarded as a bird of omen.

The Birth of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 103

Persian highlands. It is about the size of a turtle-dove, and in its winter plumage the adult bird has a patch of white with ash-brown markings on the chin. Other grebes, such as the crested species, P. cristatus, P. nigricollis, P. auritus, occur on the Caspian, on the Baluchistan coast, and on the Kazrun Lake, and the smaller species, as P. auritus and P. nigricollis, were ji>robably included under the names of the dhabiu and cacis naari, i.e., "the small diving bird of the rivers or water." The English name of dabchick or didapper = dive + diver or dapper, i.e., " the double diver or dipper," from the perpetual diving habits of the bird, expresses the same idea as the Assyrian name of dhabbiu. Dr. Delitzsch suggests a " sea- gull " (eine Movenart) ; but no sea-gull is known to dive, whilst the little grebe or dabchick fulfils all the require- ments.

(42.) obv., No. i, i. is, >^yy jjy ^<y ^yyy^ m-ur-du-u,

*-t-£~\ *^-yy >i^|y ca-su-su. There can be no doubt that these two bird-names are to be referred to that of the ^^yy^z £p >~y<y Sur-clu, which occurs in the Accadian column of W.A.I., V, pi. 27, 1. 48. Unfortunately, in this tablet the whole of the Assyrian portion is broken, and not a vestige of the Assyrian equivalents remain, whilst in the tablet hi which the two Assyrian names of iurdu and casusv, are preserved, only a fragment of the corresponding Accadian name is left. This remaining bit is ^r *-]<], which is evidently the remains of the complete Accadian word in

vol. v, be. dt. The ^yyrif= sp ^y<y, >^yy fly ^y ^yyy,,,

and ^J^J '-^yy ^^yy, are therefore the names of the same bird. The Accadian name ^JlYYjftz £r >~1<1, winch may be read either Sur-du, "might-making," or cuS-du, "rest- making," has been inadvertently read by the late Mr. G. Smith and by M. Lenormant as ra-pa-kak khu, " the rapakak bird," the parts of the name having been wrongly separated, as Dr. Delitzsch ("Assyrische Lesestucke," p. 31,171) has already pointed out. The name of iurdu, which occurs in the Assyrian column in pi. 37, No. 1, 1. 15, is therefore evidently a loan word, and borrowed from the Accadian, and shows us, more-

104 The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records.

over, that we must road the Aceadian word as iurdu, and not as cui-du. Prof. Delitzsch thinks that the Assyrian name caiuiu is a reduplicated form of the Hebrew Di3 (cut), which he identifies with the screech-owl, the Hebrew name being explained in the Talmud by the Aramaic word ^lj2, which, as we have seem is probably that species of owl. Mr. Pinches, to whom I am indebted for valuable suggestions, and for copies from the tablets not yet published, tells me that he thinks he has found a tablet which seems to show that the Assyrians practised falconry, and that the bird used for that purpose is none other than the kirchi in question ; so that the idea conveyed by the name of the bird, "which makes might,"' is very fitting for some of the larger falcons, which the Assyrians very probably employed as helping agents in their capture of winged, or possibly even running, game. This use of the Surdu would, of course, exclude all the owls, and point to some falcon, as, perhaps, the Peregrine, or one or other of allied species or varieties. The Assyrian caiuiu may be referred to the Heb. DD3 (allied to y2g), "to divide," " distribute," or the Aramaic DD3, " to eat," " masticate." From the idea of dividing by cutting came that of reckoning up or assigning a certain portion, hence the Aramaic 002, " a fixed or reckoned portion," " a share." The ancient art of hawking was practised for the sake of securing the prey, and little account was taken of the sport itself, as in later times of the noble art of falconry. It was the custom of ancient people, who employed kites or falcons to aid them in the capture of their game, to encourage the birds by always dividing a portion of the prey with them. In India, as we learn from Ctesias, foxes and hares were hunted by the use of birds of prey. It is probable that the Greeks derived from India and Thrace their first information concerning falconry. Aristotle expressly mentions certain parts of Thrace in which the people made use of rapacious birds in their fowling expe- ditions, and Aelian ("Nat. Hist.," ii, 42) tells us that when the Thracians catch any birds " they divide them with the hawks, by which means they render them faithful partners in fowling; if they did not give them a share of the booty they

Tlte Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 105

would be deprived of their assistance.'' This custom of giving the falcon a portion of the prey killed seems to have been in general use, and the falconers of more modern days similarly used to share their booty with the birds. It would 1 e hazardous, in the absence of positive proof, to assert that this custom of allowing the bird to share is implied in the name of caSastt ; but the ancient custom seems worthy of being mentioned. I think that some falcon is designated by the names which have passed under our consideration, and that it is probable that it was employed by the ancient inhabitants of Assyrian lands to aid them in the capture of winged or other game. In col. No. 2 the name of "-*--yT -<&£■£= £^T iu-vur-du — another Semitised form of the Accadian word — occurs as the equivalent of casusu.

(43.) PI. 37, rev., 1. 7, ^^ ^] A-| «^, khar-ba-ka-nu,

or a^^E *~y<T "^tj Tt >j(~i khar-bac-ca-a-nu. These two forms of the same bird-name should be compared with some names which occur on pi. 40, 4, rev., 11. 24-26, where we meet with fly -^K ISJ tas-bal-luv, or §£* ^^ -^ &-] ^ khar-ba-ka-nu, and |t^ ^^TT }}( }y "^ *jf~-> ta-kha-tsa-se-nu, all of which seem to relate to the same bird, or to birds of prey of different allied species or similar habits. The word tasballuv, another form of tasbaluv, has been already con- sidered. The kharbacdnu, or the full form hharbaccdnu, has an Accadian origin, and appears in the Assyrian column with the usual adjectival Semitic ending of dnu. Etymologically, the name is composed of ^^E (khar) " entrails " + >~T<T (jpak or bale), "a bird in flight," and ^T^j (cd), "a mouth," and. I suppose, designates some eagle or other rapacious bird which accompanies battle-scenes, and feeds on the carcases of the slain. Figures of eagles carrying off the entrails of the dead occur on the monuments (see plate). The takhatsasenu designates the same bird of " the battle " fields. The names in the Accadian column are, unfortunately, lost, only fragments remaining. The character of >— < (*~T<T) opposite kharbacdnu, probably denotes "a dead body" (pagru, Assyr., bat, Accad.), and refers to the habit above mentioned. Oppo- site the name of hliarbacch.u in pi, 40, 4, rev., 1. 25, occur the

106 The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records.

characters ^y >-^Y PmJ (?) sa-fo [tu~] "spoil," perhaps referring to the same habits of these birds of prey. " Wheresoever the carcase is there will the eagles be gathered together."

(44.) PL 37, No. 1, rev., 1. 12, }} ^g= *fe *^- a-riir-su-nii ; this word is simply repeated hi the other Assyrian column, arid only a fragment (^TYjJfz) is left in the Arcadian. I think it must be referred to the ur-sa-nu or tdmsilu already considered, " some kind of pigeon." I am inclined to think, with Norris ("Assyr. Diet.," p. 28), that avurianu is an Assyrian form of an Accadian word, and that ursanu is to be similarly explained; that a-vur-sa-nu is the

parent bird (Y» "father") of the ursanu. which the Assyrian

. L tdmsilu, the Tahnudic wTp-V), explains as "a pigeon."

(45.) Of the Z^} ><]< t^\ fz]^fz it-ti-du or ^}]] ^<\< ^5f >^Y^ ta-ti-du-tur. in pi. 37, Xo. 1, rev., 1. 16, nothing at all certain can be known, and the question of identity must remain undecided.

(i6.) pi. 37, i. 67, Tgf *m <sn M' -*H £ M

and ^J=Y \Pjj ^*~> cu-ru-uc-eu, ea-i-ac-cu, and cu-ru-bu. The three words are, perhaps, all onomato-poetic, and refer to some cawing bird.

(47.) L. 19. Of the X-] ^^ &]]]*1 *a~h™> a^d »->^ *^Y ^11"^ I^yi tar-ma-zi-lu, I have nothing to say, but that the former word is imitative; that the latter appears to be of Accadian origin ; and that some " cawing bird " is denoted.

(48.) In pi. 37. No. 2, obv., we have a bilingual list of birds' names, which is nearly perfect, a great many of the Accadian names being preserved. In 1. 28 we have

^ jryyyjr -yy<y ^yyy ^- and ;g|>- -yy^< ^ ; the first

character in the first name should, perhaps, be altered to ^j:»yy», and the name read as tir-ri-ta-rur, a reduplicated form. Tin- second word is incomplete: perhaps the lost portion Avas J:Y ^^ istsur, and the whole bird-name, itstsur kJial-zi, "bird of the fortress.' From such uncertain data attempts at identification must be mere guess-work.

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 107

(49.) In line 32 occur the words £^ ^J[[ ^t]]] *] hur-ru-um-tav, and ^Y^T dhar-rn, on the Assyrian columns,

and [^y<f]^ ^\ ^T^I HM [NAM] BIR DHAR KHU in the Accadian. These words admit of easy explanation ; but the result is too indefinite for identification. The Assyrian

bu-rum-tav is the Hebrew D*^, Arab. . , "to twist two or

more threads together" ; hence EPft mS beromim, Arab. . ,

fiji

barim, " variegated garments," as composed of two or more coloured threads. The Assyrian dharru is from the Accadian dhar, " variegated." We see therefore that some " bird of varied plumage," but whether of two or more colours, or of what colours, we are not informed, so that nothing more definite can be determined ; but as we have the Accadian P. NAM BIR, denoting "multitude," I think it probable that the sand-grouse (Pterocles) is meant.

(50.) In line 33 we next meet with "^S- "jVrf= bu-tsu, and ^y ^*~~* ^^f- *~yy^ its-isur khar-ri ; the latter means "the bird of the ravine1' ("Vlll, "to hollow out"). lean give no explanation of butsu. Delitzsch compares it with

the Arabic .t, bdz, "a falcon." The Accadian name

J • [^y<y] -^S -^ V"^y<y ^y<y NAM bir us khu, awaits explana- tion, as the meaning of the character Us is unknown.

(51.) We arrive at something more definite and interesting in the next bird-name. In the names of £~Sf / £i*y du-dn and T^H ^^^| £IM£: ib-bil-tuv, represented by tlio Accadian *-y<y^ >~y<y NAM KHU, " destiny bird," we recog- nize the love-bird, or dove of Istar, the Assyrian Venus. The Assyrian dudu is the Hebrew TH dod or TT\ dud, " love," "to love," and ibbil-tuv is clearly the cooing or " mourning" bird, from ^5N " to mourn," in allusion to the plaintive yet soothing notes of the turtle-dove and others of the same family of birds. The bud of destiny alludes probably to the migratory habits of the turtle-dove, and to its being sacred to Astarte. Other names of the dove which occur have been already considered.

108 The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records'.

(52.) Line 38. Immediately after the royal bird of variegated plumage occurs the name T^J -^j*- "^BT cu~P^lh having as its only other representative the Accadian >-w:yy izV^ *i< Yy ^f- ^|<y su ux kur sa nu khu. The meaning of this latter word is unknown. The Assyrian may possibly mean the " bending " bird, from HE2 " to bend " or " bow down.'" This may be another name f< >r the flamingo, whose curved bill is such that the bird is obliged to curve down its whole neck and to reverse the position of its bill in the water, in order to be able to feed; but this is mere con- jecture, and further evidence is required for identification. The bending — even if the name has this meaning — would also suit the avocet (Reeurvirostra), the curlew, etc.1

(53.) In line 41 we meet with iz] <^ |f ^ >~]]^ its-tsur a-sa-gi, which has as its equivalent the name already considered, viz., the ^|5^ H^f^ K]^1 H^f^ di-k-di-ic, which two Assyrian names are equated with the Accadian

>-y<y^ ^} ?=y ^yyy^ ^^-yyy *-y<y nam bir °is ° gir kb^-

The dicdic, as we have seen, is " the sparrow " ; its-tsur asagi means "the bird of the thorn-bush "; the word asagu, I think, must be referred to the Amharic ftfift e-so-ke, the /Eth. ^^1 so-l-e, " spina " ; v. Ludolf, " Lex. Amhar.," p. 58. I may here mention in passing that the Amharic name of the Hyrax Syriacus (the Shdphan of the Heb. Bible, "Coney" of our A. V.), is, according to Bruce, Ashkoko, so called in allusion "to the long herinaeeous hairs which like small thorns grow upon its back." The Accadian name is made up of the following elements: GIS = -'wood.*' £qY|>= = "food, and GIR = ••thorn," the whole denoting "a thorny tree which affords food." The bird, therefore, is the sparrow (Passer salicarius), which is known to frequent in large flocks haw- thorn bushes and other berry-producing trees, and breeds always in thorny bushes. In W.A.L, V, 18, 6, the dicdicku

has >-y<y *~>4-< *~^-yy *-yyy^ ^y^y ^»-^,_; "",,/'/ (-o ^m &s ^

equivalent in the Accadian column. I can give no explanation. (54.) In the 43rd line one of the Assyrian columns is,

1 Cf. the Sanskrit krauncha, "a curiew," from krunch, " to curve."

Tran

Weight Lay curd Jpl.95c

h nas at" Bows, Bokta, I ph. 159.

Ends of Bows BottaLvl 73

Ends of Bows BoUa.Ipl.105.

Paruer. Botbou . ph. 16Z enlarged; from PL. 28.

'

ASSYRIAN BIRDS. Plat- A*.

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 10'.*

shaded, and the reading of the word uncertain; we find here £E=H IHJ i da~lu-u and ^f* IgU Z^Wi hal-la-du. The Accadian column has ^<^ *^] »— J^yf^ >— Y<Y^ KHU & RUM U KHU. The word dalu means " long" in Assyrian, and is to bo compared with the Hebrew V ^ P\ " to be long," or we may read dhalu, and refer the name to the root V^t2, "to be spotted," or " variegated with black and white." It is not improbable that the full word in the shaded column was bal-lu-tsi-tuv, a inline which, as has been already shown, perhaps denotes "the magpie." The idea of "the long" bird would have quite well suited the long-tailed Pica caudata, while the other reading is equally suitable. Khu si in the Accadian column has been shown to signify "a prince," " governor," or "pilot." I know not the meaning of the remaining part of the word, but I think that a magpie is the long bird intended.1

(55.) As to the })}}]} >-]<] za-ai-ht, and ]} ^Jlff ^S-£|§ a-ra-bu [it] of the 44th line, represented by the Accadian (£^ >-]]■& t^£: *~T<y GIR GI lum KHU' nothing more can be said than that the names together point to some " long- legged, black, screaming bird," zaikhu being apparently onomato-poetic ; but I am unable to identify the bud.

(56.) In W.A.I., V, 27, 3, obv., 1. 36, there occurs the single Accadian name of a bird called lal-la-ri (V~ *^\ * — TT'^T *~pT) ' the tablet is fractured at this part, and there does not appear to have been an Assyrian equivalent expressed in that column. In W.A.I., II, 40, 34, the name lal-la-ar-tuv (y*"" >-^y V^:£l JZ^T^:) is equated with 4a?r-rad 'Mp-ri, "terror of the regions" ("Sen.," p. 20). In W.A.I., II, 25, 71, r ^ *HI lal-h-ru is identified with Jr£ ]gj ]} ^^gj| i-lu-a-li, " high ;' (?) ; similarly in .pi. 32, 1, 18. In II, 5, 29, the same Word, la-la-ar-tuv V~ *^\ ^T^yf^ >^I^» occurs alone, the Accadian .portion being broken, as the name of an insect, and again in the same plate, 1. 16, where it equals

*~M ^T {H H^ (khu rub kha munu)> *'-e-> "tne bee."

1 The magpie, as it flies athwart the observer, is eminently suggestive of i'i : " Such a length of tail behind"!

110 7 he Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records.

Again in V, 27, 1. 8, where it is written T~ ^\ tzjp J^^. , as the same insect. In Dr. Delitzsch's very valuable work, "Wo Lag das Paradies"? p. 103, one of the peaks of Mount Amanus is mentioned as occurring in Salm. ob.. 31 (Layard's " Inscriptions "), as Mount Lal-la-ar, which the Professor interprets " Honigberg (?),"' lallaru being synonymous with par nubtu, " Erzeugniss der Bieue" = Assyr. di&pu and matku, "honey,*' "sweet." Thus it would seem that we have to deal with honey in the matter of the Accadian word lallari, and the investigation of the bird-name would lead us to some honey-eating or honey-insect-eating species. But what is our lallari or honey bird? Can it denote the bee-eater. Merops apiaster, which Blanford speaks of as abounding during the summer time in the Persian highlands, and which Dr. Ainsworth tells me is quite a feature in Mesopotamia ? This bird, as its name imports, feeds on bees and other hymenopterous insects. In the "Annals and Magazine of Natural History,"' 1839, a traveller in Asia Minor, speaking of the habits of the bee-eater. says : " They utter a rich, warbling chirp when on the wing; they are often observed among the turpentine trees, from which bees collect much honey ; and are sometimes attracted to the valleys by the numerous aviaries of the peasantry."' At the Cape of Good Hope, according to Montague, it serves as a guide to the Hottentots by directing them to the honey which the bees store in the clefts of the rocks.'" Like some other birds, notably the Indicators amongst the Cuculidiv, the bee- eaters serve as guides to the natural honey stores in the rocks or trees; hence it would well merit the name of the honey-bird, and when we consider how precious a commodity honey was esteemed before the introduction of sugar, we can well under- stand that great attention would be given to those agents which served as a guide to its discovery. But this bird will not fulfil all the necessary conditions, because, as was seen above, the lallari is also called "Terror" of heaven, which probably implies some bird of prey. I would therefore suggest the honey buzzard (Pemis apivorous), one of the Buteonidce represented in Mesopotamia and Elam. This is one of the Raptores, and, like the rest of the family, is far less majestic in appearance and less com-ageous in habits than

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. Ill

most of the Falconidae ; but it might merit the name of terror of heaven, perhaps, because it feeds on the combs of the bee and the contained larvae, as well as on the bees and other hymenopterous insects.

(57.) Pea-fowl were probably known to the ancient Assyrians, and the word >=TTTt= >^YY<Y fcj^Si *j/~ (expressed ideographically by £t£TJ7-£), urinnu, has been translated a " peacock," and the plural, urinni, "pea-fowl." M. Lenormant has shown that urinnu is the name of the character ^ » .", -£ ; but that some living creatures are also intended is shown by a passage in the inscription of Tiglath Pileser, W.A.I., I, 15, 1. 57. This monarch speaks of himself as the descendant of Adar-pal-esir sa nu-ba-hi-sa ci-ma u-ri-in-ni eli md-ti-su su-par-ru-ru," "who destroyed his enemies (?) like urinni over the country." The passage is a difficult one, but in the absence of the D.P. or D.S. for "birds, it is not certain that any kind of birds are meant. Norris, p. 297, for varini or varinni, translates "Peacocks," and compares the Heb. D^IH, " screaming birds." I should state that pea-fowl, thougli they may have been known to the Assyrians, and kept in their aviaries or ornamental gardens, are very unlikely birds to occur in a wild state — a condition required by the Assyrian monarch's words — in any part of the countries known to them. The genus Pavo is found from the Himalayas to Ceylon, in Siam, south-west China and Java, but not so far north and west as Mesopotamia and the adjacent countries.

It now only remains for me to notice the different names of birds' nests, eggs, and young, which we find in the texts or records: but before I do this I have a few remarks to make on the determinative prefixes or affixes which occur. The character *~Y<|, which has the phonetic values of Mm andpo^ — the former signifying "bird" in a general sense, the latter referring to something which pertains to birds, as e.g., their flight,1 — is in the Accadian lists of birds always present as a determinative affix ; see W.A.I., II, 27 ; V, 27. In the

1 See W.A.I., V, 29, 63, 'e-ii-ru sa itstsur, " the direct flight of birds " ; Haupt, "Accad. and Sumer. Keilschrif.," IV, p. 172.

112 The Birds &f the Assyrian Monuments and Records.

Assyrian lists this determinative does not occur. In the Accadian texts the determinative khu is always present. In the Assyrian texts, historical or other, the Accadian mono- gram >-T<y is of far more frequent occurrence than the Assyrian full phonetic form of £:| ^*~* "^TTT : Norris says "one in a thousand" (AsSyr. Diet., p. 370). Where an Accadian bird-name is mentioned in the Assyrian annals the determinative monogram of »-Y<Y is generally postfixed ; occasionally it is prefixed, as in Botta, III, 8 ; W.A.I., III, 15, col. i, 1. 15 ; sometimes it is omitted, as in Taylor Cylinder, V, 1. 43. The presence of this determinative is sometimes of great use in aiding us to determine whether birds or insects are intended by a name ; thus the word for locusts, 'eribi, is very like that for ravens (Corvus umbrinus), aribi. In Taylor Cylinder, loc. bit. (Smith's "Sennacherib," p. 119), we have elm a tibut aribi, "like an invasion of aribi." Mr. Smith translates "locusts"; but in Assurbanipal (Smith's "History," p. 103) the aribi are expressed ideogrammatically, >-Y<Y^ ^X >~Y<Y with the determinative affix, which even by itself is sufficient to show that birds and not insects are meant.1 The ideogram- matic character just mentioned requires a short notice.

This character >-Y<y^ ^ nam bir, is placed as a deter- minative before some of the names of birds in the Accadian lists, but by no means before all. Sometimes this character is used in the Assyrian records, as above, for some definite well-known birds, as ravens. The distinction between the above D.P. for some birds and that used to denote insects, viz., >~Y<Y^ ^l khu bir,2 is always maintained.3 There are two apparent exceptions to tins rule, but I agree with Dr.

1 It lias been noticed above tbat a-ri-lu fy >~|Y<| ^ *" denotes ''a raven" ; 'e-ri-bit ZzIZ *— TT<Y j^>- "a locust"; and this distinction, which Dclitzsc-h has pointed out, I believe holds good in all cases where the scribe has not made a mistake.

2 The proper phonetic reading of this character appears to be khu etjb.

3 This character sometimes enters into the composition of a name, as in Khurub-ba-cu-yusurra khu, the "insect (eating) bird, which settles on beams." In this country the spotted fly catcher, from its often building on the wood of out-buildings, is someti:n 's provrncially called "The Beam bird."

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 113

Delitzsch that the scribe is in error. These exceptions occur in W.A.I. , II, 24, 14, 15, in a list which contains the names of dog, deer, serpents, &c. ; the names of two insects are given, one, 'e-ri-bu, " a locust," the other " zir-zir-bu," which the Accadian tells us is a ''very little insect," i.e., "the ant," Instead of the usual D.P., ^|<y ^J khu bir, of an insect, the scribe has written *~y<JV *} NAM BIR, the D.P. of a bird. What is the real import of these two determinatives ? Before what kinds is the bird-D.P. placed, and why is it placed before these and not before others ? Unfortunately, in two of the tablets on plate 37, W.A.L, Vol. II. the Accadian word is in every single instance lost, with the exception of a few fragments of character, though the usual bird affix ^y<T is in almost every instance preserved. In the larger tablet, No. 2 (same plate), out of about forty-five words, not more than twenty-two are complete. In W.A.L, V, 27, we meet with nine- teen birds' names with the Accadian preserved. In this tablet the D.P. NAM BIR does not once occur. Of the twenty-two complete Accadian names on plate 37, only four have the D.P. complete ; these are the itstsur cisi, " bird of the papyrus " ; itstsur asagi = diddle, the buridu or silikku, and the atdn ndri or abbunnu ; but from remains of characters in two other places (lines 32. 33), it is clear that both the burrumtu or dharru have, and the but*u or itstsur kharri had, this prefix NAM BIR in the corresponding Accadian columns. The compound ideo- graph »~y<Y-^ -^1 resolves itself into the two elements of >~y<y^ and "^y ; the first character denotes abstract nouns in Accadian, as well as ''destiny"; the second "hosts," ''multi- tudes," &c. Sometimes the first character stands alone for some bird, as for the swallow (sinun tuv) in the Deluge Tablet. It is clear that the composite character is not synonymous with its first element, because sometimes the full com- pound character occurs with its latter element in the same bird-name. Thus we have NAM BIR NAM KHU (1. 48) for the silikku. I think that the composite prefix denotes, and originally had special, if not exclusive, reference to, birds which associate, either habitually, or at certain times, as in their migrations, in large numbers, though this distinction is Vol. Till. 8

114 The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records.

by no means always observed. We have, therefore, the idea of abstraction in some sense and degree preserved in NAM as a "flock," bird-ship, if I may coin a word, and that of multi- tudes in the other component part, viz., BIR. If we apply this test to the instances given above, we find — supposing that the identifications are correct — that the idea of birds congregating suits those kinds which those names seem to point out, but is more applicable to some kinds than to others. The sparrow is a familiar instance ; the pelicans at times associate in enormous numbers, covering pieces of water nearly a mile square ; the sand-grouse, perhaps denoted by the congregating bird of chequered plumage (burrumtu) are noted for their numbers. And to a considerable extent this i< true of the mountain finch and the nut-cracker (buridu), and fairly suits the habits of the warbling birds of the reeds. In Sennacherib (Smith's Tr., p. 119) we have cima tibut a-ri-bi ma-ha-di, "like an invasion of many ravens"; the name 'of the bird being written phonetically, the numbers are expressed 1 >y a definite adjective. In Assurbanipal (Smith's Tr., p. 103), Ave have cima tibut (nam bir) >~f<y^ ^y *— Y<T' " n^e an invasion of ravens"; but the idea of multitudes is here expressed by the meaning of the ideograph, and requires not a separate expletive adjective. I by no means mean to assert that this is an invariable rule ; but I think that where there is this D.P. attached to any bird-name, there is reasonable probability that the identification should be sought in some species of bird of congregating habits. It is true that in W.A.I., V, 27, 3 obv., this D.P. is absent in two instances where we should have expected it to occur, viz., in the starling (" little shepherd bird '') and in the locust bird (KHU RUB KHU). which sometimes darkens the air by its multitudes; but the absence of this D.P. in certain instances does not affect the general rule. Its presence may denote birds that associate, but its absence from a bird-name does not thereby of necessity imply a negative.

The character >-|<Y*^ NAM, which sometimes, irrespective of the D.P. nam BIR, enters into the composition of a name, implies the idea of " destiny," either as relates to the destined periodical returns of the migratory birds, or to some notion

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Record*. 115

of an augural or sacred nature held with regard to certain kinds. The swallow is a NAM KHU, " destiny bird," by reason of its migrations; the turtle-dove is a NAM KHU, as being- sacred to Astarte. But this idea is not always expressed, for in many migratory birds, the indicating character is not expressed, nor should its absence be understood of necessity to imply a negative. I may mention that the periodic migra- tion of birds is sometimes referred to in the historical records : thus Esarhaddon (W.A.I., I, 46, col. v, 1. 8) speaks of the land of Patusarra as a district whence the birds >-Y<Y Y*^*" return, - in the country of Media, afar off."

To what extent, in what manner, and on what occasion the Assyrians and Accadians practised augury, I believe we have no means of determining. Notions of good or ill luck seem to be implied in some of the cuneiform characters, thus >-Y<ySl pacac, Accad. ; sumelu, Assyr. ; " the left hand," " the left," is a compound of " bird " -f " making." The character >~|T ^*~"*£Z4^ sa = nabu, "to proclaim," is made up of "bird " -f- "to settle," > — TTT gab = -sumelu, "left hand," seems to consist of " bird " + " foot," or " bird " + " good fortune" (T = ^Y = gimillu). The idea of augury seems to be implied in the flight of birds to the left hand, or other modes of " settling down," as amongst the Romans.1

The name of a bird's nest is in Assyrian kinnu. frequent in the inscriptions ; in Accadian it is written u-ci-Si-ga (jzYYYji ^T^Y ^jzl f:|YY^\ an instance of the happy mode of writing words so as to harmonise with their mean- ing so frequent among the Accadians: for J^YY*^ = "food," ^TBJ " place," and >_£:{ ^YYY^ = " &i^n&" ^e-> " the place where food is given." Another Accadian word for a " nest,"

or rather a "pigeon hole," is ££:Y V~ ] ) j ? with which the

Assyrian |y J^z >~£:£;Y a-pa-tu is identical ; apatu is to be referred to the Heb. HHS or PlilS, " to open." All these

1 Cf. Cicero, " Div.," I, 30, " Quid Augur, cur a rtextra corvus. a sinistra comix Fa i it ratum " ?

llti The Bird* of the Assyrian Monuments and Records.

four names for "a nest" or •■ a pigeon bole '" may be seen together in W.A.I.. IV. 27, 1. 14-18. Among other dreadful things caused by evil demons, they drove pigeons from the dove-cot, and swallows from their nests. In Accadian —

^T ^Y<Y .~J p ~ j£W ^t KJ| «f ^ ^ ~ £&&

Tu khu ab-lal-bi- ta ba - da - an -dib-dib-bi- ne The pigeon from within its hole they cause to -

-T<T^ -r ~V -HTT* ^ 5^YTT ^ ^ <^T Z&I Z3&I

Xam-bir id - pur - bi - ta ba - ra -dul-du- ne The bird on its wings they cause to ascend.

-T<T^ ^T j-YYY^ <Y|Y ^ j-YTy* ^ ^YYY - -Y ^YY ^JL ^YY<Y

nam -khu u - ci - si - ga - bi - ta ba - ra - an - ri - The swallow from its nest they cause to mount

ri - e - ne

aloft.

The Assyrian version is very similar; the word for pigeon is summatu, and from the mention of the holes of the dove- t, it is evident that this bird was early domesticated among the Semites, contrary to the opinion of Victor Heyn, who main- tain a comparatively recent culture (see '• Kulturpflanzen unci Hausthiere," pp. 296, 297). The summatu. or tu {Te Sumerian) of the Deluge Tablet, is evidently the same bird, and doubtless a domesticated pigeon. The Accadian name

of j ' j j, "house" + "filling," is ideographic-ally expressed

by ^? t~V. winch is a picture of the young (H 'a = son + T"" lal = - to fill ") inside the enclosure or nest M^ ; but as the hole of the dove-cote is the nest where it rears its young as well as its general home, the same word and the same mono- gram express both ; so that I think the ucisiaa is the general name for any bird's nest, while the eslal is the pigeon's nest or home. A difference between the uciSiga of the swallow and the es-lal of the pigeon is, at all events, maintained in

Tr,,r.:. %C. B-ihl.Ardv.Yob.Vm.

from orruvnuavU, luyard/.I.pli.^-l.

from.' ninamaTjU, Layarcb I.pl. 4.3.

6/hnder. Cabinet' Royal &e la- Has;& . Gcriette Arch~>olcgiqii& 1880 p 250 ■

fyhnder, Bvblioth. Ned,. Pans. Gazette Arotv. 188C. p. 255.

ASSYR I An Bl « D S I'lalP XI

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 117

the interlinear Assyrian version, the former Accadian word being represented by kinnu, and the latter by apatu, "an opening."

A bird's egg is bi-e-tsu (^ J=yj t^Efe) m Assyrian, with winch the Heb. n^55 Arab. I^A), is to be compared ; it is generally referred to Heb. y*Q, Arab. 'j^, "to be white." The Assyrian word is equated with the Accadian words sag-gis-ra (^yy^b J=y ^y); seeW.AJ., V, 18, 19; and with another word, tur (^]])f{^] = tarbitsu, " rest " or " echpse "), in line 10. But the true Accadian word for an egg is ^y >^- J £r^£iy £Z<f£= (SUKUR SU NE TU?) and is definitely defined by the corresponding Assyrian fully expressed, as bitsu sa itstsuri, "the egg of a bird" (1. 11). Perhaps the Assyrian word ought to be referred to the Heb. 3^1, " to break " (forth), as it is compared to an Accadian word denoting " an eclipse." I can throw no light on the meaning of the long Accadian ideograph for an egg. SaggiSra is equated with some other Assyrian words, and its meaning is obscure.

The young of birds are mentioned under the names of na-akh-tu (>^r] ^*ftf *T)' n™P~Uu (Ptf fcTf £"£&)> 'abal itstsuri (j:g= <^) W.A.I., II, 37, rev. 1. 11. The first word is, perhaps, to be compared with the Heb. rnTTN akhavah, " brotherhood " or a " brood " ; niptsu may be referred to y$D, " to break " (forth) ; cf. bitsu, " egg,,f above ; 'abal, expressed by the Accadian word £jfc, is the ordinary Assyrian for "a son." The following also occur as the names of young birds, viz., admu (C^T *^)> and liddnu (*-^^jy %E.]] ]} *?f~)- For admu compare D"1N, "a man" = marn, "young." The Accadian name for a "brood " is j-^XTi T'^T LU GIL, for which i^ T*~y ^>- is-hhap-pu is the equivalent (II, W.A.I., 2, Syll. 329). Iskhappu is aptly compared by Delitzsch with the Arabic ^j^^, "small," "weak";c/. also ^j^^. , " fissus," "ruptus fuit (uter)." Esarhaddon calls Samas-ibni, king of

118 The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records.

Bit-Pakkurri, iikhappu khabbilu (W.A.I.. I. 45. coL 2, 1. 45), "a

wicked young fool,1 who did not reverence the memory of

the gods." He seems to have been a sort of lean and hungry

Cassius of his day.

Of the following names of birds I can give no opinion as

t< i their meaning : —

. . .„.-.*«*.»** ^*t fa— ^_ fWJLL, III. 15, Klin si-si-in-ni (stsinnx) ^|<T Pf] EJ| ^>m ^ j cq1> ^ j 65>

ZAtt sv«wi (susudi) Hf<y «~n >-^yy <y»^ Sen., P. 126.

its-tsu-ri su-su-di „ tf £^{e -Yy<y „ „ Sen., p. 132.

In the former case some bold rapacious bird is denoted, in the latter some timid kind.

The following occur in W.A.I., V. 27 : — <V][£Ty *ET l& ^T h >-T<T Accadian = 55^T »-« Assyrian.

^t^ ( -^^ ^n<T JT^7 ) -Y<f . . [Tablet broken.]

You see how much of nncertainty attaches to the real meaning of several of the names of the Assyrian birds, whether as shown on the monuments or as they occur in the records. Possibly further materials and a more close study may result in more satisfactory results. I shall be only too glad for any suggestions that may be made at any time that may tend to throw more light on a confessedly difficult subject. In these and kindred studies, one only desire should animate the student, and that is to get at the truth, at simple facts, if possible ; and every step made in this direction, or any knowledge acquired, however small, is of some value ; and the step made is one in the right direction. I cannot conclude without expressing my best thanks to my friend Mr. Rylands, to whom you, as well as myself, are indebted for the bird-life diagrams which have helped me to

1 " Weak of intellect " is one of the chief meanings of the Arabic word (see Freytag, s. v.).

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 119

illustrate this paper. I also express my gratitude to Mr. Sayce, who, as always, has helped me much, and to Mr. Pinches. We wait only for more, and more variable material from Mesopotamia, for further progress in Assyrian studies. Thanks to the genius of Sayce, Pinches, Lenormant, Schrader, Delitzsch, Haupt, Lotz, Hommel, and others, whose critical skill, combined with the most praiseworthy and cautious system, is conspicuous, real lasting difficulties can hardly be expected to occur which their efforts will not be able to surmount. May ever-increasing success long inspire future researches and achieve noble results !

Additional Remarks. Note on the character >~{^^, o/nd on the Bird izf >-^£^ *~TTT-

Since writing on the bird denoted in the Accadian Column by the sign J:T >^05, I have discovered that Mr. Boscawen (" Trans. Soc. Bib. Arch.," Vol. VI, Part 1, page 276) insists strongly on the original meaning of the character >~(^^ as denoting not the ordinary solar light, but the lightning or thunderbolt, as shown by the hieroglyphic picture of this sign as it appears in Chaldean signet-rings. This idea of fire being produced by boring into wood, is, as Mr. Boscawen has admirably shown, expressed by the ideographs of this element, iz] >^-, and ^^^^y ; the first part of the compound character izi >?- intimates that "wood" has something to do with the fire, the second sign exhibits pictorially in its oldest form the actual operation of the fire-stick, as I have pointed out in a previous paper ("Trans. Soc. Bib. Arch.," Vol. VI, p. 46(5), and also intimates the same idea in one of the meanings of the sign carara, "to revolve"; while the fifth month of the Accadian calendar, ^^^^f ^^^f ^ nc-ne-gar, "fire makes fire," was under the patronage of the deity Nin-gis-zi-da, " Lord of the wood of life." The woodpecker by boring was supposed to

120 The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records.

be a producer of fire. The birds to which the lightning-cloud is compared in ancient folk-lore may be an eagle or other rapacious bird, a woodpecker or a red-breast, according as some peculiarity in the bird's habits, form or colour, suggested some similarity t< i the lightning-cloud. Thus the high-soaring and .swift rapacious eagle represents the terrific and destructive thunder-cloud, the boring woodpecker the fire which the cloud contains and which it was supposed to create, while the mere red breast of the harmless robin suggested by its colour the idea of fire. In the historical accounts of the wars of the Assyrian kings, it was very natural and in accord with their martial spirit, for them to relate how their warriors darted upon the enemy " like a divine Zu bird." The eagle is doubt- less the Zu bird here; but I do not think that the Zu bird is to be restricted to the eagle. The Zu-god. of the Chaldean legend, who dwelt in the lower part of the forest, and who for stealing the tablets of destiny was changed into the divine storm bird, may perhaps be the woodpecker, the antetype of the Hellenic Phoroneus. the Latin Picus feronius. Thus we seem to have the main features of the Promethian story in the Chaldean legend. So far as the Chaldean and Hellenic myth run parallel, Lugalturda ("powerful king") represents Prometheus, the destiny tablets are the fire (divine knowledge) from heaven, and the bird into which the fire-stealing god is changed is the wood-boring, fire-producing woodpecker, or the Avis incendaria, to which the lightning-cloud is compared.

Note ox Augury by the Assyrians.

It is very probable that the early inhabitants of Mesopo- tamia and Elam practised augury to a considerable extent. In W.A.I., III, 52, there is a catalogue naming various subjects which were possessed by the royal libraries of Babylonia ; among other matters there is mention of one relating to omens to be derived from the appearance, flight, and cries of birds. The passage is obscure. On my referring to my friend Mr. Sayce, he gives me such an explanation of certain words, as to induce me to suggest what appears to me to be near the meaning, and what may prove to be the clue to the more

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 121

complete understanding of the whole passage, which runs as follows : —

W.A.I. Ill, Plate 52.

28. y rw hf- *w n -w m* Hrr <m ^ -w

itstsur same a - khu - u sa ci - i simta

D.P. mu - lu sapta zak - na - at

29. *t£3 #- tfflf ^1 ^T <^H <£ElT I ^ *= ca - bu - un - na - at eli sepi - su zak - ap

izu - zu ip - tu - u - va

so. & ^i ^n < ~ry r- ^ i <i>- ^ .*« jr

i - na ali u na - me - e - su innamar pi - su

^ £T ^Idfl<<« I fffl !Yr ^

iptu - va pani - su a-tsa - a - ni

31. TH< © TCHMf^ "ST <IiI ^ HMf HF-*fi

nun tsutsi a -khu- u sa ci - i itstsur same

IT <£E!T ,1! ffif -M HF- ^TTT *T-

ditto sepi - su lu ka - an dup - pi

32. ffif -HI *T- _ Hf<T _ £BE< < -Til ft s fcff

lu cap - pi itstsuri imna u sumeli za - bi - ib pi - su ipta - va lisan - su

33. - ai -^ un ^n w v ^

ina . . mu - ru - da - a sa - kal

" Bird of heaven screaming, which, according to the destiny of man in lip is old, the cabunnat (?) over its feet, the stake (which) one has fixed it has opened; and in the city and its canals is seen, its mouth it has opened, and its face comes forth (is an omen).

122 I he Birds of thf Assyrian Monuments and Records,

Fish of the marsh (frog) crying, which like " bird of heaven screaming. &c, over its feet,"' whether on his reed of the tablet (papyrus), or in the claw of the bird (it be seen) ; whether on the right hand or on the left it croak, its mouth it opens, and its tongue in a balance (?) is weighed" (is an omen).

•* The screaming bird of heaven, which, according to the destiny of man, in its beak grows old.'" may possibly denote the eagle : and I think there is an allusion to the old fable mentioned by Aristotle ("Hist. Anim.."' IX. 22. 4). that when eagles grow old. the beaks become crooked, so that they die of famine: '"that this bird, as the story goes (iiriXeyerai Bi Ti? Kal fivdos), was once a man, and that it suffered this calamity from its inhospitality to a guest." One or other, or both, of the mandibles of some birds occasionally grow as to cross one another, and render them unable to feed. This is also alluded to by Pliny and other writers: the meta- morphosis of men into eagles was a current myth. The general meaning may be this : if an old eagle with its abnormally twisted beak escape from its perch, or from its cage, by removing one of the stakes where it was confined, and appear in the city and its canals, uttering shrieks : this is an omen. Or the passage may be better translated thus: •' Bird of heaven which like mankind has a beard on (its) chin, (and) is bound over its feet. &c " ; zakndt and cabunnat being regarded as pennansive forms (pt and \22)- Refer- ence is, I think, made to the "bearded vulture1' {Gypaetus barbatus), conspicuous for its black beard and bright red eyes, whose aspect when irritated, said to be '"perfectly diabolical," is likely to have made it a bird of omen. The expression, '"bound over its feet." may well refer to the feathered tarsi, also conspicuous in this bird.

If a frog,1 similarly with the old crooked-beaked screaming eagle, &c., were heard to croak among the papyrus reeds, or Been in the claw of a bird, whether it croaked on the right hand or the left of the observer: this is also an omen.

The "crying" (akhu) (nnN) of the frog may be literally illustrated by a remark made by Pliny ("" Nat. Hist.," XI, 65),

1 This is Mr. Sajce'a happy interpretation of the nun tfutti, " fish of the marsh."

Jlte Birds of tlie Assyrian Monuments and Records. 123

who says that the male frogs, at the season when they croaked, were called ololygones. (See also Aristot., "Hist. Anim.," IV, 9, 6, rr}v oXoXvyova irotel.) The passage about " vibrating its tongue " is not clear ; but it may refer to a belief in the modus operandi in croaking. Pliny says that the frog sinks the lower lip to the surface of the water, takes a small quantity into the mouth (" libramentum modicse aquae"), and then by quavering with the tongue ("palpitante lingua"), produces the croaking sound.

There seems to be much similarity in these two passages between the Assyrian tablets and some Greek and Latin authors. Now, Pliny specially mentions the Magi as having discoursed about frogs ("Nat. Hist.," XXXII, 18), and we know that Pliny borrowed considerably from Democritus, who himself visited Babylonia. It is probable that a good deal of the popular beliefs among the Greeks and Romans on matters relating to animals and plants or other subjects, found its way to Greece and Rome from this source. Democritus had been a great traveller, and occupied himself much in natural history and philosophical speculations; nay, according to Diogenes Laertius, he had been a pupil of some of the Magi and Chaldeans, from whom he learned the principles of astronomy and theology. It is a great pity that his works have not been preserved to us.

Postscript.

The chief difficulty which still makes me hesitate in not accepting the explanation so well advocated by Dr. Lotz (Die Insehriften Tiglatlipilesers 7, Leipsig, 1880), that the animal denoted by the Accadian name of amsi is none other than the elephant, lies in the fact that the shin* (>-j^YY su) of the amsi are sometimes mentioned, together with the teeth, as articles of value, even as tribute offerings among such things as precious stones, gold, silver. &c. See Senacherib, Smith's " History," p. 64, where we read of "^m (skins) of am$i, ca (teeth or horns) of am&i" as forming

\2i The Birds of the Assyrian Monument* and Record*.

part of a great treasure ; also in Esarhad don's records (AY.A.L. I. pi. 4o. 1. 20), where the skins are mentioned among- the treasures of the palace of Abdimilcutti. king of Sidon. The skins of the am&i were taken home from his hunting expeditions by Tiglathpileser I, and appear to have held a high place in the estimation of the Assyrian monarchs. One naturally inquired on what account elephants' hides •were so much prized. Again, the scribe who, in his records on the Broken Obelisk (W.A.I.. I. pi. 28), gives an account of one of Tiglathpileser's hunting excursions, states that the amsi were killed by the king's bow ; no mention is made of any other destructive weapon; and as some auxiliary methods of capture must have been employed in the destruction of a thick-skinned elephant, one naturally looks for some hint of the same ; still, I do not consider that this point contains any real difficulty, because some auxiliary weapon might have been employed, though not definitely mentioned, the king or the scribe caring merely to record the destruction of the animals, in which the strong bows of the Assyrians formed the chief implement.1

1 Strabo ("Geogr.," XIT, 4, 10), Diodorus (III, cap. 27), and Pliny («' Nat. Hist.," Till, 8) are careful to mention the various modes of capturing wild elephants as practised by the Elephantophagi or "elephant eaters" of the Arabian Gulf. Stealthily the hunters would approach the animals, and, unperceived, ham- string them (vevpoKonoiKxi) by a sharp sword-stroke ; or the arrows were dipped in the poison of serpents. According to Diodorus, the hunters hide near a tree, and as the elephant passes, he seizes it by the tail, and with his own feet he clasps the animal's thighs ; then with a small sharp axe. which is fixed on his shoidder, he hacks away at the animal's leg with wonderful adroitness and activity. The elephant thus wounded either falls down or runs away as fast as he is able, the pursuer following; aud still hackins away at the poor creature's leg ; at length completely disabled, he falls, and the Ethiopian hunters run in crowds, and horrible to narrate, " cutting off collops of the flesh while the animal is still alive (kcii £<dvtos<=ti Ttpvovres ras aapicas (ktwv o-rrivBev /zepajfy, they feast mer- rilv." (111,26; ed. Dindorf.) The bows, according to Strabo {loc. cit.) and Pliny (" Nat. Hist.," loc. cit.), the elephant hunters used were of enormous strength ; were fixed in the ground at intervals in places frequented by the animals ; the bows were kept steady by young men remarkable for their strength ; while others, exerting themselves to the utmost, would bend them and shoot and wound the elephants as they passed. In the battles of the Romans against Pyrrhus, it was found an easy thing to cut off the trunks of the elephants with a sharp sword, and they would soon bleed to death (Pliny, ''Nat. Hist.," viii, 7). It is interesting to note that this was the method employed in time of the Egyptian king Men-kheper-ra, or Thothmes III, " the Alexander the Great of Egyptian history."

Trans. Soc. Bibb. ArrJv. Vol. \TH.

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Record*. 12. >

What use did the Assyrians make of the hides of the elephants ? Could they have been made into vessels for holding water, or for the covering of tents or houses? The natives of South Africa to this day use the inner and thin skin of the elephant for holding water. Were they ever used in the making of their ships, and be sometimes the masaci gabrie, "the hardened skins" (Hommel conjectures t£QD, "a sheep"), used for transport? Were they made into bucklers as Pliny states was done with elephant hides, which were valued as being quite impenetrable? Hecateeus, an early distinguished Greek historian (circa B.C. 520), says (" Hecatasi Milesii Fragmenta," ed. Klausen, p. 249) that the people of Cerne (an island off the West Coast of Africa, and the great emporium of the Carthaginian trade with Western Africa) trafficked with the Ethiopians, and got from them in exchange for their commodities "the skins of stags, lions and leopards, together with the hides and tusks of elephants

(ttu>Xov<tl he irpos Sep/xara iXecpdvrcov fxer 686urcov).

Here we have literally in juxtaposition the su and ca audi of the Assyrian records ; the hides of the elephants were probably prized by the Assyrians, who employed them for some useful purpose or other.

Although the ca amii are frequently mentioned in the records as the tusks of the elephant, either as ivory obtained by them as prize booty from conquered peoples, or (once) as chase-spoil in Tiglathpileser s expedition ;* the animals them- selves are rarely alluded to. The only Assyrian monarch who, so far as we know, has left it on record that he hunted the amii, is Tiglathpileser I (circa B.C. 1120-1100). He states that he killed ten fine amii in the neighbourhood of Kharran

The account is given by the captain Araenemhib, who served in the monarch's campaigns ; he says : " Again [I admired] another extraordinary deed which the lord of the country performed in the neighbourhood of .Ni. He hunted one hundred and twenty elephants for the sake of their tusks on [his chariot (?)]. I encountered the greatest among them, which attacked his holiness. I cut through his trunk. Being still alive [he pursued me] ; then I went into the water between two rocks." (Brugsch's " Egypt under the Pharaohs," I, p. 306 ; Murray, 1881.) The word rendered " trunk " is in the original tef, " a hand."

1 Dr. Lotz has omitted to notice this fact. He says that the ka amii are never alluded to at all as chase-boot3- (pp. 160, 161).

1 - G The Birds of the Assyrian Monument* and Records.

and by the banks of the Chabur, i.e., somewhere between the Tigris and Euphrates, a district which was doubtless well wooded and watered, suitable for the abode of elephants. Perhaps Dr. Lotz is correct in referring both ka and ca amSi to the product of the elephant, and ivory is intended, but that the horns of the rimit, or wild bull, were also used and prized by the Assyrians can admit of no doubt. Horn is a substance which is now, and always has been, valued; it is capable, like ivory, of being wrought into various useful articles, such as drinking cups, trumpets, lan- terns, &c, or for inlaying wood and other materials. Both the skins and horns of the am or rimu, which animals the Assyrians killed, and depicted on the monuments, are fre- quently mentioned as being of sufficient value to carry home to Nineveh. Pliny ("Nat. Hist.," XVI, 43) tells us in his chapter on veneering ("De Lignis Sectilibus "), that the horns of animals were often stained with various colours, and cut into sections for decorating wood, as well as ivory, and that, " later mankind sought materials from the sea, and tortoise-shell" (testudo) "was used." Homer ("Odys.," xix, 563) speaks of doors (-n-vXat) made of polished horn (gearcbv fcepdwv), through which true dreams came, while the dreams which came through the sawn ivory (Bia 7rpcarov i\e<fiai>To<;) proved false. This is a sufficient reply to Dr. Oppert (" Rec. Past." p. 34, note), who says that the ha audi cannot possibly be bull's horn, because such a material " could never occupy a prominent place in the construction of palaces." When we read of "ivory palaces," which ancient monarchs erected, whether in Assyria or in Judaea, one can only understand by the expression that ivory was extensively used for decorating purposes. Ivory, being a hard and enduring substance, has survived to tell the story of its value in the articles that have been brought to light from the excavations at Koyunjik ; horn, whether in the substance of bull's horn, tortoise-shell, • •laws, nails, whalebone, &c., having a composition inter- mediate between albumen and gelatine, and containing very small quantities of earthy matter, is perishable, and cannot exist as a long-buried material to tell the story of its uses, which, as I have said, are known to be manifold and various.

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 127

The Accadian ideograph ^J^J |«<, which, as we have seen, must represent the " teeth " or " tusks " of the elephant, denotes the "horns" of the rhnu or wild ox. In connection with the animal called nakhiru which Tiglathpileser killed in the Mediterranean Sea, the ha must signify " teeth," probably those of a grampus or other cetacean. It was a question discussed amongst the ancients whether it was correct to call the tusks of the elephant by the name of horns or teeth. ".Tuba," says Pliny (VIII, 8), "called them horns, but by Herodotus, a much older writer, as well as more appropriately. by general usage they were called teeth "; and these latter he remarks are the only part of an elephant which men are anxious to procure. See on the question whether tusks should be called horns or teeth, ^Elian (" Nat. Anim.," iv, 31 ; Pausanias, v, 12; Juba ap. Philostr., "Vit. App. ii," 13, p. 92; Oppian, Cyneg., ii, 491, and a much later writer, Philes of Ephesus (A.D. 14th century), " Carm. Gr.," viii, 87 ; Camus "Notes on Aristot. Hist. Anim.," p. 298, note. The linear Baby- lonian forms of the Accadian ideograph *~CzT*"~ T would seem to show that the original picture was " a mouth with teeth," and most of the meanings of this sign imply a reference to the mouth. The character *>=TY (ii) appears to have been a picture of the " horn of an ox "; but in time this picture origin was lost, and ca and ii were used indiscriminately for horns or teeth ; the former sign being employed to denote almost any projecting body, like the Greek /cepas.

With respect to the meaning of the word ^^-TT ^fTT^" ^^"TT su-u-su, which occurs in one of the epigraphs of the Black Obelisk of Shahnaneser, I desire to make a few remarks. Dr. Lotz believes that this word is the name of the elephant, being the Assyrian representative of the Accadian amii. I confess I fail to be convinced by his arguments. It is a curious fact that the only instance of occurrence of the word iitSu in the Assyrian record is to be found in the epigraph of the Black Obelisk. The employment of this word by Assyriologists to represent the Accadian ideograph (^J^E V" £*-TT) f°r k'a noi'se" is purely conventional, and

128 The Bird* of the Assyrian Monuments and Records.

there is not the slightest authority for it as Delitzseb and Bommel have remarked: and we now know that *isn was the ordinary Assyrian name of the horse. Dr. Lotz thinks that the Assyrians called the elephant by the name of Susu, and that the Hebrews iu later times applied the same name fas' (DID' to the horse : and he very appositely instances the Gothic albandus, the H. G. olbanta, and the M. G. olbente, which originally applied to an elephant, afterwards signified a camel. "Dwelling in a land which produced no elephant, the Canaanitish people forgot the appearance of the beast which their forefathers had known under the name of sus, and when they employed the word they associated it merely with some indefinite form, perhaps of some large and strong beast, which was used as a riding animal in peace or war, as well as for draught purposes." This is quite probable, and I will further illustrate Dr. Lotz's instance of the employment of the name of one animal to designate another,bxthe old Cornish word caurmarch, a camel; literally = •' the mighty horse," from caur, " a giant " and march, "a horse." The camel being employed as a beast of burden like the horse, " a beast without equals *" {Origo Mundi, 124), came to be called by the same name.

Does the word susu denote the elephant ? Some of the names of the animals on the Black Obelisk still remain to exercise the ingenuity of philological interpreters. I admit with Dr. Lotz that the names of the figured animals follow the order of the animals themselves ; but I entirely fail to - *' that each name is placed directly under its corresponding representative.-' The animals occur in the following order on the obelisk: — (1) two Bactrian camels; (2) a horned bovine animal; (3) a rhinoceros ; (4) a large antelope with lyrate horns; (5) elephant and monkeys; (6) apes. The names occur in the following order: — (1) 4- Camels of which double are their backs ; (2) " ox of 1 he River Saceya ; (3) Susu ; (4) Pirati; (5) Bazidti; (6) UdumL Hence it will be seen that there are six kinds of animals figured, and six names given- The problem is to attach these names severally to their individual figured representatives. Now, as the animal and name agree for the camels, and occupy the first place in point of order, of which there is no doubt ; and as the name

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 129

and figures which stand for the monkeys or apes occupy the sixth place, it is probable, though not positively certain, that the four intervening names also correspond in point of order of arrangement. Consequently we have the name of " ox of the River Saceya " to stand for the bovine animal, (No. 2) ; the 6u6u, for the rhinoceros, (No. 3) ; the Pirdti, for the antelope, (No. 4) ; and the Bazidti, for the elephant, (No. 5).

It is true that the word ivhi occurs in the epigraph nearly over the elephant; but that this position of animal and name is not in its proper place is evident from the fact that the whole arrangement — so far as relates to the names of the epigraph corresponding with the space occupied by the animals — has been thrown out of such order and corres- pondence at the very beginning by the words, "Tribute of the land of Muzri " being placed over the two Bactrian camels. Accordingly we have the words, "whose humps are double," over the space occupied by the bovine animal, the rhinoceros and the antelope. This want of correspondence between the animals and their names, locally considered, has been already pointed out by Hommel. But in order to make the desired arrangement of the word Sdsu harmonise with the position occupied by the elephant, Dr. Lotz is obliged to comprise the three animals, " ox, rhinoceros and antelope," under one general name, " ox of the River Saceya." Dr. Lotz objects to a plural number (Baziati) representing a single figure of the elephant ; and yet he considers that a singular number may stand for three animals so diverse in form and character as an ox, a rhinoceros, and an antelope. Of course a singular noun can be used collectively to denote many individuals of the same kind ; but I cannot suppose that the Assyrians could have " lumped together " three such dis- similar animals as the above, and employed a collective noun to denote them. Such a designation as " ox of the River Saceya " standing for an antelope, which is an animal of the deserts or plains, is most inappropriate.

With respect to the names of the Black Obelisk animals, I am strongly inclined to think that they are to be assigned to the respective animals as follows : —

(1). Camels with two humps: (2) "ox of the River Vol. VIII. 9

130 The Birds of the Assyrian Monument* and Records.

Saceya " = the bovine animal; (3) 6ii6u = the rhinoceros; (4) Pirdti = the lyrate-horned antelope; (5) Baziati = elephants; (6) Udumi = the different monkeys or apes.1

(2). As to the ox of the River Saceya " ; it may denote the yak (Bos grunniens) ; but I rather incline to the opinion that the arnee or wild buffalo of India is intended, considering the figure of the head which shows the curved horns of a Bubalus.

(3). I regard the word S0.su asAccadian, meaning ''double skinned" (*^|T). a very suitable name for the Indian rhino- ceros, the double folds of whose hide are so conspicuous in this great pachyderm.

(4). Pirdti. I regard this word as being connected with the root N"13 or «"nS, "to ran swiftly,"' nouns from which root being used to designate several active animals, as "young bullocks," <; wild asses," and i- mules." The antelope of the obelisk maybe intended for the Chikara (Tragops Bennetii). the GOAT-axtelope of Europeans in the Deccan.2

(5). Baziati. Hommel and Lotz say that this word is most likely an adjective, because it lacks the usual plural sign of T<<«. But surely the omission of this plural sign is not at all unfrequent in Assyrian. Have we not the forms

T? -IIT^ ^1=11 (**»-*). *£ JU ^(Wft "calves" and '■ oxen," (?) occurring with no definite plural signs ? The Assyrians did not always deem it necessary to emphasise a plural number (in the case of a word already grammatically in the plural) by the additional plural sign Y««. There is no occasion to quote instances where the cases are so numerous. Neither do I see the slightest objection to the name Baziati in the plural being taken to signify elephants because only one is represented on the monument ; two or more of these

1 Since I have come to this conclusion, I have found that I have been anticipated by Lenormant (" Trans. Soc. Bib. Arch.," Vol. VI, Part 2, page 408), who has given the same names to the same animals. I can congratu- late myself on having thus independently arrived at the same conclusion with so excellent an authority. Alas ! that we have to lament his recent death !

: Cf. Mr. Pinches on the " Progress of Cuneiform Research," Philol. Soc-, 11th Report, May, 1882 ; and sign-list in his "Texts in the Babylonian Wedge- Writing," where he explains the word pirati by elephants. — W.H.R.

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 131

animals might have formed part of the tribute of the Land of Musri, but the representation of one only was sufficient for the purpose of illustration. The representation on the obelisk of either one or more animals was probably optional on the part of the sculptor, and would depend on the space available for portraiture and inscription.

Some scholars, including Lenormant, refer the word Bazidti to an Aryan origin, and compare it with the Sanskrit rasita (^rf%rT), "a female elephant." I will only observe

that the figure of this proboscidean on the obelisk is a male, as the well-developed tusk clearly shows. The Indian female elephant is destitute of tusks ; the African species has them. I still am inclined to adhere to my suggestion {Transactions, V, p. 350) that the Assyrian bazidti may be referred to the Hebrew root ft!l, Arabic % "to seize," "take hold of"; and with this idea of the elephant being " the seizing animal," I would compare the Sanskrit hastin ("^f%*f), "an elephant,"

and hasta (%?$), "the hand," "an elephant's trunk," and

again, kara (^f^), "the hand," "the trunk of an elephant," as being the instrument with which the animal " does " any- thing ; (ka?xi = h'i+ a). One of the names of the male elephant

is dantin (^f%*Fj, from danta (Latin dens), " a tooth"; as being the animal with tusks ; this may illustrate the amii of the Accadians, if that name really designates the elephant, and be not a fuller form of the am merely. The tablet to which Delitzsch {Assyrische Lesestucke, p. 29) refers, where the amsi kharran is explained by i-hi[lu'?~\, 5=^ ^ LI^M • J» whatever ibilu may definitely mean, would show that the animal was not always an " elephant "; ibilu seems to be some strong - horned ruminant — the plural form ibili occurs with agali iu W.A.I. I, column vi, 1. 55, pi. 42, and it seems almost certain that the ibi\_hi\, which represents the amii kharran of the tablet, must represent the amsi kharran of Tiglath Pileser's hunting expedition ; so that I consider ka when used alone to signify " ivory," but when used with amisi to refer to the " horns " of the aurochs.

132 Tine Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records.

ASSYRIAN BIRDS.

EXPLANATION OF THE PLATES.

Plate I. A workman felling timber in a mountainous country. Birds with two nests and four young ones in each, in a fir tree ; the bird standing up between the two nests looks like a pigeon, but the depth of the nests, and the number of the young, preclude this idea ; the proximity of buildings would seem to point to some semi-domesticated bird.

Plate II. Figures of eagles or vultures as depicted iu battle-scenes ; the bird shown in the top drawing represents the kharbaccanu, " entrail-eating bird," and the takhatsasenu, " battle-bird " of the lists. (See p. 105.)

Plate III. Fig. 1, an eagle ; 2. Raven feeding on the dead body of a soldier ; 3. Large figure of an eagle, probably carried with the Assyrian armies as a standard ; the Persian royal standard was an eagle of gold, with spread-out wings, on the top of a spear, -i. Man slaying eagles. 5. Vulture-headed deity. 6. Raven. 7. Notwithstanding the parrot- like form of this figure, it is probably meant for a bird of prey ; it occurs on a very conventional representation of a lion hunt.

Plate IV. Winged human figures with heads of the griffon-vulture.

Plate V. The upper drawing represents a battle-scene, with birds of prey feeding on the slain ; the bird depicted in the act of picking out a man's eye is a raven; compare the expression, budhur in I, "eye-picker," p. 79. The figures on the bronze dish are those of two bare-necked griffon-vultures about to feast on the dead body of a kid or fawn.

Plate VI. Represents various birds iu the act of flying, descending from trees, or falling after having been shot with bow and arrow. The long- tailed bird (top centre) is probably meant for a magpie ; compare the name dahi, "the long bird," of the lists (p. 109). The men with hare, living birds in the hands, and birds' nests with young ones, are returning from a hunting or fowling expedition ; it is quite impossible to say what birds are intended.

Plate VII. Return from hunting with hares and birds ; the birds in the men's hands and the one in flight are probably meant for partridges or francolins ; the bird ascending the trunk of a fir tree may be intended for a woodpecker, or other seansorial kind, but the beak is too much curved for a woodpecker, and the artist has not represented tbe downward affixed position of the tail to the tree, as generally exhibited in a climbing woodpecker.

Plate VIII. Living birds in flight, about to perch, or captured ; francolins seem to be intended.

Trans. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. VIII.

:*»

I ', >*- ^

FROM CYLINDERS AND CONES IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM.

I.

LI"

FROM

BABYLONIAN

BOUNDARY

STONES IN THE

BRITISH MUSEUM

'9

%

w

ASSYRIAN AND BABYLONIAN BIRDS.

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 133

Plate IX. The three birds on the ground amongst the trees are evidently pigeons ; the artist here has been more successful than usual in bird delineation ; the attitudes of the pigeons are well expressed and true to nature, while the middle figure shows the characteristic fleshy skin of the upper mandible. The building is probably a dove-house ; the drawing may be compared with that given by Professor Rawlinson of "pigeon towers near Isfahan," in his Ancient Monarchies, II, p. 297. The long-tailed birds may be meant for magpies, the others for francolins which, with partridges, are readily captured.

Plate X. The drawing on the left hand represents a " duck-weight " formed of greenstone ; the bird is shown with its head bent upon its back, in its attitude of sleeping or resting. There are many of these duck- weights in the British Museum, varying from 40 lbs. to about a pennyweight, and made of agate, marble, baked clay, &c. The attitude of the duck with its head on its back would seem to indicate that this bird in a domesticated or semi-domesticated state was known to the Assyrians. The ends of bows have the figure-head of a swan or duck. The bird -figures on the panier or basket frequently represented on the Assyrian sculptures, appear to be those of a dove ; but they may be almost anything else in bird form.

Plate XL Figures of the ostrich from ornaments and cylinders. The central drawings, as well as those on the left, at the bottom of the plate exhibit the bisulcous form of the ostrich's foot ; this would show that all the figures are intended for this bird, and not for the bustard, the only other bird of somewhat similar form with which the Assyrians woidd be acquainted. The ostrich is occasionally depicted on the monuments with outspread wings in rapid flight on foot, which may illustrate the remark of Xenophon : " it uses its feet for running as well as its wings, which it raises like a sail" (wcnrep tffrifp' XP^H-^'])- Anab., I, v, 3.

Plate XII. A very conventional drawing of some bird of prey, as shown by the claws ; the general form reminds one of the raven ; but considering the character of the claws, possibly the Egyptian vulture may be intended ; but the whole figure is ideal, and perhaps therefore not intended for any special bird.

134 The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records,

NAMES OF BIRDS FROJ

ASSYRIAN.
	Families. — Vulturidae, Falconidae.
1.	*ff3M*fflfe	'e-ru-u	-nmgn	na-as-ru
2.	^nu-H	za-ai-klm	^y W Hf j^h	la-kha-an-tuv
3.	-sHfH^T^H	ca-ti-ma-tuv	mb an <*=t* **	'e-ru-ul-luv
	(IKf ^T *s	tas-ba-luv	*-T HM Id! >f	ka-ri-ib bar-
4.	< OR	kba-khar-ili	w n ^t<	kha-ti
5.	s&ukshm	sar-rad cip-ri	r^i e3*t	lal-la cip-par
G.	>-yy^ s£ **■	zi-i-bu Stri^	jidee.	fkhar] s /-ru-kha- (mur j
7.	<« ^ ^v	es-se-bu	-y<y *fl ^	khu-si-i
8.	^^yy^n	mar-ra-tuv	*ic:*m^<B	its-tsur tu-ba
9.	xy ^y 8=^	ka-du-n	-Bigf-irr-	ac-cu-u
		Pic	idae.
10.	<Igf-E^!T^	ci-li-luv	Igf-^TT^^fT	cu-li-li
11.	~f«*=egi	an-pa-tuv
12.	Mf <T- + *	du-lim-mas-sat
		Cuci	llidae.
13.	-f<^yy^	kha-zu-u	-T<T tTTTc ^	khu-u-ku

Upupidse. 14. »f4^^»-£££3i uam-bu-ub-tuv I y^ ^^| ^ ^

a-dam-mu-mi

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records.

^E LISTS AND MONUMENTS.

135

ACCADIAN.

BIRDS KNOWN, OR PROBABLY INDICATED.

Families.— Vulturidee, Falconidae.

IfcT Hf<T 1D KHU> ERU (?) j Griffon Vulture {Gyps fidvus), Eagles

included.

Some Screaming Bird of Prey. Egyptian V. {Neophron percnopterus) .

y j=y »v ££yy >-y<y ca-su-cud-da

NU-UM-MA

iihtw<t .. .

►^^ >-y<y gis sir

£PQ[ ^Jflf ^ SIB TIR-RA

SU LU

Liimmergeier {Gypaetus barbatus).

Honey Buzzard {Pernis apivorus) (?). Some Screaming Bird of Prey.

Strigidae.

Eagle Owl {Bubo ascalaphus).

Scops Owl {Scops giu) or Little Owl

{Athene glaux). Screech Owl {Strix flammea).

Picidae.

Great Spotted Woodpecker {Picus S'yriacus), or Green Woodpecker {P. viridis).

Picus Syriacus.

Cuculidae.

£»m

Common Cuckoo {Gucxdus canorus) ; and Great Spotted {Oxylophus glandarius){\).

Upupidae.

Hoopoe {Upupa epops), or perhaps Peewit ( Vanellus cristatus).

136

The Bird* of the Assyrian Monuments and Record*.

NAMES OF BIRDS FRCtt

ASSYRIAN.

15.

Hirundinidae rg= <^gf <^gY ^Y or as-ci-ci-tuv ££Y <YjjY ^ £j£ £<r| ab-ci-ni-ni-tuv tsa-pi-tav

H*P-*1

^^gtt^^Wggs ui-li-li-tuv

tt< tgfl ^T VU. kha-tsi-ba-ruv ^ ^ -g^T bu-li-li

16

ftM£ ~Y ^

>^

Sylviadee tsu-la-mu £Y <^ *^ KT"- ite-tsni mu-si MIT kiP"^

17.

£T <^ < rX & ^TT it5"tsur ki'i-'i

18. tT^O1^^-^ ma-ac-lat ub-la

$ <C_YY £<Y tsa-lam-<iu

^YJ ^YYYT >^Y tsi-Uil-du

_Y<Y £-" ;; -z £<YJ; khu-ra-tsM

Fringillidae, Emberizidae, &c.

19. ^TYYjr <V <T- V iD.P.food)abicta r ^Y^b -T<T£ <Y*fc £^ di-ik-di-ku

"(tW* tT|^ E| <luC-dllC-CU

t| <^ >Sl f»- <7»fc its-tsur sa-m

Sturnidae.

21. t=I<J r ^ al-lal-luv

22. -YY<Y ^^Y -YYY- ri-hu

23. t« -YY<Y (^) 'e-ri-bu

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records.

137

IE LISTS AND MONUMENTS.

ACCADIAN.

BIRDS KNOWN, OR PROBABLY INDICATED.

Hirundinidae.

Common Swallow (Hirwido urbica).

*T»- -^1 TSA PI TAV

^Y ""^I lil >TT >""T t^ff KHU RUB BA cu GUSUR RA.

^""TTT O GUN gil Swallow, Martin, Swift, &c.

Sylviadae.

-y<y a khu

KIP SU

y^ *x >-yy-<4 HfT^ nam bir gi zi

J* >^S S^ J^f GA MD UN DU

Nightingale or Bulbul(Z«scto?a luscinia), or Sedge-warbler (Salicaria phragmitis). fReed Warbler {Salicaria arundina- \cea) (?) or Acrocephalus stentorius.

Golden Oriole (Oriohis galbula).

BHWT'

*fij

SJ*£

H

Fringillidae, Emberizidse, &c. khu mes Finches, kc.

cu

Sparrow (Passer domesticm).

Sturnidae. sib tur Starling (Sturnvs vulgaris).

sib Rook (?).

khu rub Locust Bird (Pastor rosens)

138

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records.

		NAMES OF	BIRDS FRO*
ASSYRIAN.
	Corvidae.
25. ^ ~~ tfflfe	a-ri-bu or klia-kbar	W -TT<T tf-	a-ri-bu
. ka-ku-u	— ^r -it^ nn	tar-ma-zi-lu
26. ^4H-m^	pa-hu	aw*	ka-ka-uu
27. ^ —Til -	casid cab-ruv	V h£J HF- Hf<	casid ca-bar-ti
28.} / YY / A YVV » ,T	tas-bal-luv or VI... nU 1-1...	LH V-J >w It *^	its-tsur sa-a-ni

(yt< -^HfTT HMf kba-akb-kbu

29. -H^IUJ^TT^H bal-lu-tsi-tuv

. -^y ^^ ^ ^vTT tu-bal-la-ats C ^IeI *"**"! -^ ci-na-sa 'i

HRFf

-yr<y tyyy* ^s- ri-ga-bu

Columbidae

30. Yjy >fc ^ ur-sa-nu >£yyy J^ ^ J£YJ ta-am-si-lu

31. h^- *m tar-ru

32. J^: »-J^yf ^*" ir-ca-bu

33. ^5£ffl Kf *T?] gu-um (ma-tu?)

Emberizidae.

34. <f-^fT^sF^ si-11-^11 I ^- -TI<T ^! bu-ri-du

Perdicidae.

35. A-f £^ <sf* j£?= ka-ku-ul-luv

HJ IHJ IH Igf cu-lu-ku-ku

Otididae. 36. >gfl <T< ^ sVdin-im -^ ££fl ^^ ^yy^ gi-il-gi-da-m

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Record*.

139

HE LISTS AND MONUMENTS.

ACCADIAN.

BIRDS KNOWN, OR PROBABLY INDICATED.

Corvidae.

Raven (Corvus corax\ and Brown-necked Raven (C. umbrinus).

Some Cawing Bird.

Hooded Crow (C comix).

Jackdaw (C. monedida).

Some bluish - brown Cawing Bird (Roller) (?)

Magpie {Pica caudata).

i^TT^HMf SAK

>~>-v^

m<t

yy s^yyy >^ »-y<y su um mu

Columbidae.

Wood Pigeon (Columha palinnbus). Turtle Dove (Turtiir auritus). Rock Pigeon (C. oeneas) (?). Domestic Pigeon.

r±rr tfe ~ -r<y il ™

Emberizidae.

Snow Finch (Montifrinr/dla alpicola).

Perdicidee.

Persian Red-legged Partridge (Caccabis chukar var.), and Common Partridge (Perdix cinerea) (?) Francoline (Fran- colinus vulgaris) (?).

Otididae.

Great Bustard (Otis tarda, and 0. McQueenii, "Houbara").

140 The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records.

NAMES OF BIRDS FRO*

ASSYRIAN.

Gruidae. ur-ni-gu *"v^Hf ""E^TT -IH- ca-li-u

Ciconidse. rak-rak-ku | ^f Xf ^gf ^ la-ka-la-ka

Tantalidae.

39. tcTTT <-- It !•*•- um-mi mn I Tf ^T ££It a-ba-.va

Ardeidae.

37. m ^ &

38. £- *■ ^

40. 4l*fflBHI •• •

41. >^f tgf *HI na-a.lh-ru

Phoenicopteree.

42. ^f-^y fc^^w t^ c^iar lugal-luv (borrowed from Accadian)

43.

>^ m* {J

us cu-mu-u

Pelicanidae.

It t^yyy ^HF- ly )3 a-ta-an nari

:Hf -^>- jiyy* >y- ab-bu-un-nu

Gallina^.

44.<

ir^f *■

cu-m-pu

(-It HfT^ ^TT 'e-zi"zu

(And apparently several other names.)

Struthionida^.

45.

',^7 ^.y ST<JE sa-ka-tuv

AA-*

iram-<ram-mu

dil-bat

^ HI It ££3fT *»* a-ric

The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records. 141 HE LISTS AND MONUMENTS.

ACCADIAN.

BIRDS KNOWN, OR PROBABLY INDICATED.

Gruidae.

t^tj E?fl H^-T kesda Common Crane (Grus communis).

Ciconidse. White Stork {Ciconia alba and C. nigra).

Tantalidae.

y^J yj[ >^y<y ama-a Ibis {Tantalus ibis) (?) ; (Comatibis

comata).

Ardeidae.

if-^ Ty *"!*! u"a BufF-backed Heron, or " Cow-bird "

{Ardea russata). ^y J^y >^y<y a-gus | Heron {Ardea cinerea, or A. alba).

Phcenicopterae.

y jgy £^yy ^l ^y<y uu dur ra nu

Flamingo {Phosnicopterus antiquorum).

Pelicanidae.

<y^ *] <^^Jdf *" t^£ NAM BIR MUKU

DIL BUY

[ ^y >^ -y<y rag gus sa

Pelican {Pelicanus onocrotalus).

Gallinae.

*ff\ ^ A gus se

yy^ ^sy < sag gus u

Domestic Cock.

Struthionidae.

z V^^ t^-11 ^y<y <iibi-gid-da I Ostrich {Struthio camelus).

<^^«V<^^^H GAM GAM (KHTJ)

142 The Bird* of the Assyrian Monuments and Records.

Dr. Tristram* has kindly read over the proof sheets of this paper, and has favoured me with a few remarks, which I here insert.

Referring to domesticated ducks aud geese by the Assyrians (p. 51 . he -ays : " Our goose could hardly be domesticated thus ; the Indian goose does not reach ^<> far west. Assyria is too hot for the goose, and I suspect for any duck either."

On page .52 he refers to the very interesting and wonderfully perfect fresco-painting of ducks and geese in the Boulac Museum, the oldest painting in the world.

Page .54. Dr. Tristram confirms Mr. Blanford's remark on the birds of Mesopotamia by his own observations in that country in 1881.

Page 71. "I found Hoplopterus ■ ommon in Mesopotamia ;

it breeds where the lapwing does not. The text would equally apply to either bird."

Page 72. '• The hoopoe would be one of the most conspicuous and striking birds to the Assyrians ; it is very plentiful."

Page 74. Sedge and reed warblers. '• I do not agree with you as to the species of warblers. Those you mention are very rare. Cetti's warbler, for instance, is much more common."

Page 7-5. " The actual papyrus bird is Acrocephalus stentorius, a noisy fellow ; it builds nests like those of the reed warbler." This species therefore may fairly be considered to be the bird of the re- it does not differ much in structure or dimensions from the European reed warbler.

Page 78. As to rook- in Assyria, Dr. Tristram says that Ainswortfa has mistaken his birds when he mentions rook- as occurring there. Dr. Tristram thinks jackdaws are the birds meant, as represented <>u the monuments with their nests and young (see p. 43). u Jackdaws are to rook- as 100 to I."

Paire 1"4. "The falcon of Mesopotamia used by falconers is the

Falco sace>\ which is as large as the gyr falcon."

Page 110. Dr. Tristram says : v- You ought to find places for the bee eater and the roller ; so common, beautiful, and striking birds must have been known to the Assyrians." If we read sarrat Z "•queen of the regions," instead of s'arrad kipri, "terror of the regions," for the u honey bird," then the bee eater of heavenlv beauty may be the laUari of the Accadian column.

* See the author's interesting " Ornithological Notes of a Journey through Sjria, Mesopotamia, and Southern Armenia in 1881,'" in the Ibis.

TRANSACTIONS

SOCIETY of BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.

Vol. VIII. JULY, 1883. Part 2.

ON A TABLET IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM RELATING TO TWO ARCHITECTS.

By S. Birch, LL.D., D.C.L.

Read 1st February, 1881.

The tablet which is the subject of the present paper is in the shape of a propylon or pylon, with the cornice of palm leaves, and with the usual hemi-cylindrical moulding at the sides. It is of a dark grey granite. Tablets of this material and shape are unusual, most of the sepulchral tablets being of calcareous stone, rounded at the top, and rectangular ones, ornamented with a cornice, being the exception. It is of the period of Amenophis III, of the X VHIth dynasty, the persons for whom it was constructed having worked at the temple of Amen for that monarch, and probably having died in his reign or that of his successor. The tablet which is in the British Museum was bought at the sale of S. Anastasi, at Paris, in 1857, and was No. 62 of the sale catalogue.

At all periods sepulchral tablets or tombstones were used by the ancient Egyptians ; they were deposited often inside the sepulchres, but on certain papyri are represented outside the doors of the tombs, and often accompanied by the small obelisks which adorned the sepulchres.

The object of these tablets was to record a certain prayer or formula for the dead, which their inscriptions occasionally Vol. VIII. 10

144 ( >n a Tablet in the British Museygfi

invite the passer by to recite to certain deities, generally the sepulchral or chthonic gods. These inscriptions also occasion- ally mention the virtues and labours of the dead. It is this part of the tablets winch invests them with a certain interest, for although they are by no means biographies, they often give a slight sketch of the official posts successively held by the deceased, and other points of historical or political interest. The tablets indeed have many other points of interest, and vary according to the period at which they were made. At the earliest age they are nearly covered with inscriptions, and the figures introduced into them are the de- ceased alone, or the deceased together with relations receiving adorations, libations, and prayers from other members of his family. At the time of the Xlth and Xllth dynasties the stele or tablets are not only covered with inscriptions, but the figures of the deceased introduced as pictures or orna- ments increase in number, and the texts become more copious in then* religious formulas, while the inscriptions often con- tain information as to the occupation, merits, and duties of the deceased, especially if an officer of the court. The lan- guage varies also, according to the period, that of the first age to the Vlth dynasty being remarkably concise, resembling the formula of the tombs in the absence of certain parts of the formula, especially of the expression relative to " giving " to the deities, which always occurs at a later period, and is constant at the XlltJi dynasty. The tablets of the XVIIIth dynasty represent the deceased in adoration to sepulchral deities, although ancestral worship still appears, and the figures are distinguished by the appearance of the cone on the head of the persons represented in the sculptures or pictures, the use of the form Jca in the dedication, and the absence of the expression of the form Osiris or Osirian before the name of the deceased. While, also, the tablets for sepulchral pur- poses prior to the XVIIIth dynasty are only ornamented with sculptures representing ancestral worship, at this later dynasty the adoration of deities by the deceased appeal's, and continues till the fall of Egypt. It may, in fact, be considered that the XVIIIth dynasty marks an important epoch in the religious development of the country and the rise of the

Bibl Arch Vol VIII

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TABLET OF HAR AND SUTI. Superintendents of ftlblw Wblte in Smilli.-iiiTM.i-

.Will Dynasty fr Phebea.

luth.- Brilisli Museum N"fl2G

relating to Two Architects. 145

sepulchral honours rendered to the chthonic deities, especially Osiris and the solar myths of the Karneter, or hell, in the main picture. Of course great difference of art distinguishes the tablets of the X Vlllth from those of the XlXth and XXth dynasties, but the same general principles prevail. Although the use of tablets continued under the XXIst and subsequent dynasties till the Roman period, sepulchural tablets are much rarer after the XXth. At the Ptolemaic period the tablets abound in personal details — the age attained by the dead, and the time occupied by embalming — till, under the Romans, in addition to bas-reliefs imitating Greek art, and the sub- stitution of demotic for hieroglyphs under the Ptolemies, the Greek language ultimately replaced the Egyptian.

The present tablet is for two architects, or, as they are called in the inscriptions, "superintendents of works," an office held frequently by persons of high rank in the hierarchy, They were twin brothers, born of course on the same day, and were attached to the constructions of the shrine and temple of Amen of that part of Thebes called Southern Ap, supposed to be Karnak, one having charge of the western or right hand of the temple, the other of the eastern or left hand of the same edifice. Both are represented in the tablet, and one survived the other, apparently Har, who seems to have died at an old age, and to have been buried at Gournah.

Many names of architects of the earlier dynasties have been preserved, and nine have been given by Brugsch in his History as anterior to the Xllth dynasty, under whom several other mer kat or " architects " have been published, and their gene- alogies have been supposed to throw light upon the Egyptian chronology. Other persons not called mer hat1 also appear to have exercised architectural functions, and Teta, under the IVth dynasty, appears on his tomb at the age of Khafra or Chefren, with a level or compasses in his hand. It is however difficult to trace the whole history of Egyptian architects from the monuments, as there are gaps in the succession.

This tablet is a contribution to the history of the X VHIth dynasty, as the two architects worked for Amenophis III,

1 The lists of these architects have heen given hy LejJsius and Lieblein. vide infra.

14b On a Tablet in the British Museum

and evidently in the middle of the reign; and it is remarkable to find the queen Nefert-ari, who is better known as Aahmes- Nefert-ari, the wife of Amasis I, and mother of Amenophis I, elevated to the rank of the gods, and able to confer "the delicious breath of the North wind" and " water and wine " to the deceased. It is also to be noticed that on this tablet the parentage of the twin architects is not mentioned. As some ambiguity might arise about Suti and Har being two personages, that is dissipated by the expression in the 19th line, where the phrase of " we were over the construction of the memorial monuments of Thebes" implies that the two had been jointly employed. The dedications are to the usual sepulchral deities, and are accompanied by a long and rather obseiue address to the god Amen, difficult in many portions to understand, but showing that the monuments were set up before the rise of the disk heresy at Thebes, or the close of the reign of Amenophis III — at all events, while the elevation to Amen Ra secured official favour at the Egyptian Court.

The inscriptions in the horizontal lines above the tablet are as follows : " Act of homage to Amen Ra, who gives sepul- chral meals in Southern An to the ha (or ghost) of the superintendent of works of Amen hi Apt or Karnak, to Suti justified." "An act of homage to Mut, mistress of the Heaven, who gives all good and pure things to the ha of the superin- tendent of all the works of the South, Suti justified"; and a third " act of homage to Athor, regent of the Cemetery, who gives a good life placed on earth to the ha of the superin- tendent of Amen in Southern Thebes, Suti justified." On the other side are three similar dedications.

" An act of homage to Athor, resident hi Uas or Western Thebes, who gives all that appears in presence on the altars daily to the ha of the superintendent of works of Amen in Thebes, Har justified." l Then, "An act of homage to Khonsu, who gives all sweet and delicious things to the ha of the superintendent of all the works of the king in the district of the South, Har justified." Then again, another " Act of homage to Athor, resident in Uas or Western Thebes, who grants to receive the cakes (sensen) in the temple to the ha of

1 Correctly worded maxru in some instances, mayru-ut in the passive form.

relating to Two Architects. 147

the superintendent of works of Amen in Southern Apt, or Karnak, Har justified."

Similar ideas are expressed by the vertical lines, three in number, at each side. Those on the right side are three dedica- tions, the first, "An act of homage to Haremakhu, Horus in the Horizon, or Harmachis, lord of the Heaven, who grants to see the solar orb and behold the Moon, as when on earth, to the ka of the superintendent of the works of Amen in Southern Thebes, Horus justified, like the Sun." The second dedication is "An act of homage to Anupu," or Anubis, "who gives a good funeral after old age, and a sepulture in the West of Western Thebes, to the ka for the superintendent of all the works of the king in the district of the South, Har justified, like Anupu." The third act of homage is to Nefert-ari, or Ari-nefert, " the queen and mother of Amenophis I," of the XVIIIth dynasty, " who gives the delicious breath of the North wind, libations of pure water and wine, which come before to the ka of the superintendent of works of Amen in Southern Ap, or Karnak, Har justified to the divine wife."

Beneath these dedications is a figure of Har, draped in the usual manner and wearing the cone1 on his head, a kind of costume which marks the period, seated before a table of offerings facing to the right. The cone Was not always worn in sepulchral scenes, and it appears in civil life ; although not restricted, it often appears on the heads of females when absent from those of men. It first is seen at the time of the XVIIIth dynasty, worn by persons adoring the deified Amenophis I,2 and then as a simple cone C\ , red or yellow at the top fl p| , and on other monuments of the reign of Amenophis III,3 also at the time of Khuenaten H .4 It con- tinues through the XlXth dynasty,5 and the XXth of the age of Rameses III.6 The form ^ with spikes is later, as ^"f)^> perhaps of the XXIInd and XXIIIrd dynasties, and appears

1 By aid of Mr. Rylands I shall be enabled hereafter to give the varieties of cones from the XVIIIth dynasty to the time of the Romans. They were probably a mode of dressing the hair, or made of artificial hair. None have been found.

- Sharpe, Egyptian Inscriptions, PI. V. Coffin, British Museum, No. 6662. Leemans, Mon. d. Mus. de Leide, PI. 22, III Ptie.

8 Prisse, Monuments, PI. 39.

4 Marietta, Mon. div., PI. 26. Leemans, III Ptie., PI. 4.

6 Leemans, Mon., II Ptie., PI. 9. 6 Sharpe, I.e., II, PI. 39.

14> On i Tal '■* in the British Museum

on the head of a woman named Bakrans (Bocchoris) of the XXVth dynasty, and in the British Museum on monuments of the XXVIth dynasty.1

To the left are three similar dedications, also in three ver- tical lines. The first an act of homage to Osiris "who

gives all things which appear upon the tables before the hand of Onnophris to the ka of the superintendent of public works of Amen in Southern Ap or Karnak, Sut [erased] justified like," or "to Osiris." The second dedication is "An act of adoration to Socharis Osiris, lord of the sepulchral chest, who grants to give in and out of the Karneter or Hades, and the soul (ba) not to be hindered." or turned back, "from what it desires, to the ka of the superintendent of all the works of the king in Southern An or Hermonthis, Suti [erased] justified to," or '-like Sekar." The thud and last is "An act of homage to I -is. the divine mother, who grants to receive the passage2 at the edge of the gap (peqau) of the Horizon by the order of the great god, to the ka of the superintendent of the works of Amen in Southern Ap," or Kamak, *' Suti justified to Isis."

Underneath the deceased whose form is partly erased, is represented, draped as Har, seated likewise on a chair and having a table of offerings before him, with a similar table, and having inscribed in the area above his head, " all things which appear before."

Before proceeding farther with this part of the tablet, attention must be called to the expression \J \ ka or qa. which has attracted lately so much the attention of Egyptologists.3 and has been supposed to be the genius, eidolon or manes, of the dead, and to have had a special worship with a priest attached to it. Dr. Hincks, from a comparison of dated and other tablets, was the first to point out that the ka is not mentioned on these sepulchral monuments till the close of the Xllth dynasty, and that anterior to that period all the gifts of the gods were made to the person direct. After the Xllth dynasty the ka is always mentioned, and according to the recent explanation in reference to future conditions of the

1 Mariette, Mon. divers. PI. 47. ; Uah.

3 See M. Le Page Renouf, Trans. Soc. Bibl. Arch.. Vol. VI, p. 494.. ic. ro. lb., VII, p. 6 ; and Revue Scientifique, March, 1879, p. 816.

relating to Two Architects. 141*

dead, and not in the sense of "reception1 instead of person- ality " : the phrase having been translated formerly " for the reception " of the deceased, or for him to receive.

The things granted by the gods to the ka are chiefly such as appertain to the living mortal, food of various kinds, all good and sweet things, and the usual bill of fare of an Egyptian repast; and also to behold the sun and moon; and also, what is remarkable, a long life while on earth and a funeral after a good old age, not to mention that the soul should not be deprived of what it desires : ideas scarcely applicable to another kind of spiritual existence separated from the present, such as the ka has been supposed to be, although such gifts would be very appropriate to the human being con- sidered in its individuality before and after death, but scarcely applicable to the more etherial silhouette of the mortal.

There is not, however, time to enter upon a full discussion of the ka here, although it is evident some of the romantic notions attributed to it are not proved by the texts. The whole of the psychological question of the ka requires an exhaustive monumental inquiry, as well as its relation to the mortal; for while it is evident that the gods could have appropriately given old age and burial to a deceased mortal, such gifts as to go in and out of the Hades were only possible for the dead and to the deceased; while gifts of food and drink, sweet air of the North wind, and other material benefits, were more available for the deceased in a state of resurrec- tion in the mortal frame, although the soul participated in the same. Is the sense of the verb "to give" in these texts past, present, or future ? Probably future. As this tablet is of the time of the XVIIIth dynasty, it is necessary to remark that the term Osiris or Osirian is not prefixed to the name ot the deceased ; and here it is important to mark that as the notice of the ka is not introduced till the Xllth dynasty, that of Osiris as applied to the dead does not appear till the XIX th. It would, in fact, be difficult to find a tablet of the XVIIIth dynasty in which the form Osirian or Osiris is applied to an individual, other than a monarch, prior to the XlXth dynasty, although monarchs were specially honoured with the appella-

1 Brugscli, Warterbuch, Pfc. V, p. 47, translates ka by person.

1">< > On a Tahlet in the British Museum

tion as early as the IVth, supposing the wooden coffin found in the third pyramid to belong to the monarch Mycerinus. The diacritical texts of tablets of the XVIIIth dynasty are the representations of deities on the sepulchral tablets.

In the middle of the tablet is the representation of a tablet, hutu, having outside, in the square depression, the two symbolic eyes, uta, emblem of Horus ; on the upper part of the tablet is the Hut,1 or Good Demon, represented as a winged disk with horns.2 The scene or picture is divided into two compartments, representing adorations to the gods Asar or Osiris, and Anupu or Anubis, by Har or Horus, and Suti or Sethos. At the top and left side of the tablet stands Osiris, wearing the crown, atef, mummied, the collar, nskh, and the counterpoise of a collar; holding by both hands, which emerge from the bandages, the sceptre, nets. The figure of Suti, which is in adoration, is entirely chiselled out, and there only remains his name and titles, or rather Teba or Baht, the ^5 being the equivalent of teba, or tablet. The inscriptions in this portion read : " Osiris, the great god, ruler eternal," and " the making of adorations to Osiris and prostra- tions to him who is resident in the west by the superintendent of the works of Amen Suti." Suti is followed by the figure of a female wearing a cone on her head, draped, and lifting her hands in adoration to Osiris. Before Osiris is the usual altar holding the water-vase, with cover and papyrus flower ; on the other side is the god Anupu, or Anubis, jackal-headed, wearing the collar, u&kh, and the tunic, shenti, in a similar atti- tude, holding a sceptre, uas, in his left hand, and an emblem of life in his right. The figure of Har, who stood adoring him, is erased, as also that of the female who accompanies him ; the scene represents the same subject as the former.

In the area the inscriptions read: "Anupu, attached to the embalming and the making of adorations to Anupu or Anubis, and prostrations to him who is attached to the embalming, by the superintendent of the public works of Amen, Har." Below this part of the subject are twenty lines of hieroglyphs, adorations to Amen Ra.

1 Brit. Mus. 559. See Brugsch, "Worth.," p. 873.

2 For the mystical meaning of this see Brugsch, " Diet. Geog.," p. 539, &c.

relating to Two Architect*. 151

»** 1= & fcj»- k

tiau amen %eftt ub f m

Adoration [to~\ Amnion ichen he shines as

M /WWW (_J AA/WVA

V III I AfVWVN

Harem ^uti an mer qatu en Amen

Harmachis hy the superintendent (of) works of Ammon

>WWVl

Suti mer qatu n Amen Har

<Su^' a?i<f ^Ae superintendent of u'07^ks of Ammon Horns

tet sen A-net k Ra nefer n ra neb ubn

say they Hail thou Sun goodness1 of every -day shining (in)

tuau nen ar f abu ^epera urt m

the Morn not is made cessation happens rest by

"Z T - ^7 - Tl\

qatu satu k em her nen re^ut sam

the works rays thy from a face not hnovm the gilding

nen su ma amuma k ptah ut neb k

not is it like beams thy, opened formest thou

lm- (MP ^ M~\- - f ™

ha k mess nenti mes-su f ua her f

limbs thy shaped not born is he alone in his turns

1 Splendour, Pierret.

- Copper, gold, brass, have been conjectured, but either is rery improbable.

ooo

152 On a Tablet in the British Museum

masi heh heri m kar sein f

passing for ages the path in millions having his form

§ ^ ttt n s.

ma am k ma am her-t neferu ami k so are thy rays as rays above more beautiful thy colour

r anem s t'a k pe her neb her

than its shin thou traverseth the heaven all faces in

maa k s'em k amen ut m her sn makut

seeing thee thou goest hidden from face their given thee

^.o S° ^ (lJf3^-, O

tuaut am-t rut sqat k kar %ent k

the morning the rays strong proceedest thou having holiness thine

&»Y, H*. I

3 O r t. z I

lira ketu h&pt k maten atru m

(fay £&£fe f/iow paddlest the road of atars in

(«)■ -V ^ V — °

1 1 1 ha a fennu at hru k kar k

millions hundreds of moments day thine having thee thousands

wwzst s hetp k sm k mum karh ma'-tet

receiving it thy peace makest thou the hours the night also to endure

relating to Two Architects. 153

!z 'Z. ^ !$■ -*- J> ?JA <=

masmas nak su nen kheper ab m

thou hast accumulated them not happened departure from

U ° ^* ^~ ^7 (7). "^4 = 0 £= ^=^

III Q I V y III 1

qat k liar neb maa sen am k

ivorks thine eye every see they by thee

i«-p

mi

nen sain sen xetf hetp ^en k snehap k r

not stay they when rests majesty thine brighter thou than

uben tiau het't' bu k ab s maa s-ut

the rise of the morning lights thy passed sight lias it

(8, ^ _ = y^ ^ i

hetep k m manu ^ar qat sen ma

restest thou in ocean then sleep they like the

ftAAAAA I I I

AAAAAA /WWV\

iii 1 O <r:

Byar mu a net k atn en hru

conditions of the dead oh hail thou disk of the day seemed

I (Ip- ^pr-rr J5s^ 1 # mi ^z^5

qam tern ar an^ sen bak

creator of created things giving life their hawk

S

aa sab s'n neb %eprr s#es su tisf

great diversified plumes all scarab elevating himself

^3*^.— -^ instead of v — s , Pierret. I i I

lo4 On a Tablet in the British Museum

=t ^ M-\

%eper tisf nenti mestu f Har senis

forming self not born is he Horns senior

« ^ ^ Z C <l0>14

herat nu ar naf ahahai n saa

in the heart the Ether made lias he rejoicings from rising

"WVW , ft i *< — . W pfrpl *t 0 ** — - AAA/WV ^ // I

n liotep f matt neb f n qam

to settbig his also modelling of the production

satu ^num Amen ammt ti ta ta

of the soil Chnum hiding his rays faker the countries

<-— — > AAAAAA

m aa in* nas Mut ^ut

from the greatest to the least Mut the glory

<»>• > S^l t\ B? - Is 2

netera rut abu uah aa ur rut

(of ) gods and men workman devoted great very strong

m an' s nen tennu men lm qani

in actions her not numbered the cattle driving victorious

I I I

hu heq tu f ab sen ari

driving wild animals his lairs their making

relating to Two Architects. 155

/WWW

1 III A/WW\ Vi H AN

an^ sen uni mas p'-bert %epr teni

life their (lie) is going presenting running Cheper determining

■\ - Bl

mestu f s#es ab f m ^a n Nu

his birth elevating heart his in the body of the Ether

t_ _ ft q -9^ ^O —

U( c— 1 0 //MWO =

sbet tata m atn f pati tata ar

lighting countries ivith disk his substance two countries making

i

a

su t'sf maat f neb ua anr tut tau

him self seen is he lord sole leading in hand countries

0 I ^7 <= ®. <?

/\ /WWV\ .Ji J\

(0) ^\ n /WWV\

ra neb em teqa %en^ ber ta ubn

day every beholding the march upon earth shining

= - gV — — ^Vfn, <=

m pe ^eperu ar f tariu qat m

in heaven transformations makes he years as

* i I I IT]

IS- (14> ^lS

abut baba mer f qab mer f

months heat chooses he cooling chooses he

J^t> l77Mf>^

A Q

ta f bats' baa anq f ta neb m

he gives relaxing limbs clasps he land every in

1 Pierret reads

156

On a Tablet in the British Museum

O i ra neb

*

^\ n /WWW

hatt n ubn f ra neb r tuau f

venerating to rising his day every to adore him

^ Yr \\;a -\ V:

mer qat Suti mer qat

i/ig superintendent of works Suti the superintendent works

(15).

a <=>

Har t'et f nuk %erp m apt

liar says he I (was) chief in cell

"I

I I I

O

k mer qat m

thy superintendent of works in

k

mati

AA/WNA

shrine thy appointed

arnak sa-k neb ta ta Ra ma neb ta anx

made to thee thy son lord of the Nebmara giving life two countries

<=~> ,wwva ^—7 v^ © ra ^"^

_. $ ^ 1 <=> <=>JL ODD *=*

ra na neb a r %erP men k

gave to me lord my to superintend memorial thine

(16).

i-a

A/WWV

re^ ra tep a arna %erP qanqan

/ watch head my I was made superintendent prevailing

ess

m men

| /WWW ^

mat n ab k au a

1*tf

k ar of monuments thy making true of heart thy was 1

1 Pierret, p. 71 (Suti).

3 Pierret.

relating to Two Architects. 157

re^ ku a shept k her maa saa k

knowing myself making to rest thee though ', tths magnifying thee

W l

ar s ta ta au arnas saa ku

doing it on earth was it made I myself magnified

A Q

tak hestua tu ta m Apti au a m sestut k glcest thou my favour on earth in Thebes was I in thy following

© o Q 0

^eft ^aa k uuk ma batu f asf

wAen in thy crowning I am one correct he who hates fault

fl-8). ra VL

I I I

nen kari her %art neb n t'et ams

not delighting in words any of speech false,

DX JT

i

D

ra w w #

apu - her sen a ma qat a harri a her

except my brother like me I worked delighting in

~ZT"W i i ' ^^ . R AAAAftA V4 ra O

s-^ern-f per m ^at hna a m har pen

his plans coming out from the belly with me on day that

(10). ^ ^ 0=^* Jiaw

\ Ci III 1 AAA/W\ £} <=» T --Li. JUJ

mer qat n Amen m Apt rasu suti

superintendent xoorks of Amon in Karnak Suti

158 On a Tablet in the British Museum

Har un-a m XerP ner sem an f

Har (says) was I superintending at the West was he

i T J ~_a i Jr in i <=o> odd <^=> !

her ab au u hr Xer9 men ur

at the East were we in superintending the monuments great

w-ka ? ^— is J3, q~

m apt her %ent n Uas nu Amen

in Thebes in the midst of W. Thebes the city of Amen

(Xo-Amon)

ta k ua aaui rn no k ar a

gavest thou to me an old age in city thy made me

her rieferu k samta hr ameiit asbt hetep ab sern- through goodness thy a funeral in West a place of content United

^•^k»"T = ^ ^ *

a m hesiu sem m hetep ta k ua

am I to the favoured going in peace thou givest to me

O ^ i^h

^V

sesen net'm ^eft men t'ai s's'eshtu

breath delicious when moved having the crowning1

hr n heb uka

the day of the festival called uka.

1 See Pierret, " Kecueil de Travaux relatifs a l'arch€ologie Egvptiennes et A — vriennes." Yol. I, p. 70. 4to. Paris, 1S70, who hai translated and published this test.

relating to Two Architects. 159

They read —

1. Adoration to Amen-Ra when he shines as Haremakhu or

Harmachis, from the superintendent of the works of Amen-Ra Suti, and the superintendent of the works of Amen-Ra Har, who say, Hail Ra continuing daily shining

2. morning, neither making delay nor making cessation in

the work of thy beams above, nothing is known like their gilding ; there is not anything like thy rays ; nothing is like the gilding of thy rays

3. unfolded is thy gleaming, thou thyself producing that

which was not produced, alone in its turn, ever passing, going alone for millions, who has its passage

4. like thy beams, like the rays above, more beautiful are

thy colours than the skin, thou goest above, all faces behold thee, thou goest hidden from them

5. the morning is given to thee daily to renew, thou goest

along making thy passage, when the day lessens thou gainest atars billions and millions G. in the daily course having thee in its passage, making thee at rest, thou hast stayed the hours of the night as if thou hadst multiplied them, there happened not any failure in the work thou hast done all eyes

7. they behold thee, they do not move while thy majesty is

at rest at thou wakest up at the rise of the morning thou illuminest, thy beams open the eyes ;

8. thou art at rest in the ocean, when they sleep as it were,

hail orb of day, creator of mankind, making their life the great the dead;

9. having all plumes varied, making himself to be trans-

ported above, forming himself who has not been born, the elder Horus dwelling in the midst of the Nu or Ether, who has given

10. joy from his rising to his setting, as it were, moulding

the creation of the floors the Chnum hiding the rays, taking the worlds from the greatest to the least, the glorious mother

11. of the gods and men of the West workman very greatly

attached to her innumerable actions, not smitmg its

gazelles in their lairs, making

Vol. VIII. 11

lriO On a Tablet in the British ^^H■i?Hm

12. them to live. Kheper brings each that has been born,

elevating his beauty from the bosom of the Nu or Ether, illuminating the world with his orb, the matter of the two countries making himself;

13. he is seen the sole lord leading forth the countries daily,

beholding those treading on earth, making the heaven to shine by his forms, making times and months, hot as he wishes ;

14. cold as he wishes, he makes the limbs weak, he clasps

them. Every land delights at his rising daily in adoring him. The superintendent of works Suti, the superintendent of works,

15. Har. He says, I was the chief in thy chapels, the

superintendent of works in thy chapel regulating what thy beloved Son Xeb-ma-Ra. Amenophis III, the giver of life, did for thee. Gave me my lord to superintend thy memorial buildings.

16. I watched with my head I made to be consecrated, and

worked thy monuments, doing what was true to thy heart. I knew to satisfy thee by truth, magnifying thee on earth.

17. I did it magnifying thee, giving thou my favour on earth

in Apti or Kamak. I was in thy service when thou wast crowned. I was true, hating idleness,

18. not content through all the words of the feigned speech,

except a brother likewise I acquiesced in his plans as he came forth from the womb with me on that day.

19. The superintendent of the works of Amen in Southern

Thebes, Suti (said) Har, I was presiding on the west (or right hand), he was on the east (or left hand). We were presiding over the great memorial monuments

20. in Apet within Uaser. Western Thebes, the Xo Amen

(or city of Amen), thou gavest me an old age in thy city, I had through thy favours a sepulture to the west of Apt peacefully.

21. I was united with the favoured, departing in peace, for

thou gave me delicious ah when stopped, bearing the crown the dav of the festival called uka.

relating to Two Architects.

K)l

It will be seen from this inscription that a great deal of obscurity prevails in the text itself as to the meaning of the religious formula.

A point of interest in this inscription is its having been set up for two architects, or as they are called, mer kat, super- intendents of public works, who appear to be mentioned as early as the Illrcl dynasty. Lists of these architects have been given by Lepsius, Lieblein, and Brugsch, and have been used for tests for the length of the chronological epoch. Amongst the principal and most celebrated architects are the following : —

1. Heka,1 architect of Senefru, king of the Illrd dynasty.

2. Ank-kha,2 architect of the same monarch.

3. Hanka,3 superintendent of the Kha-mer pyramid of

the same king.

4. Persen,4 married to a princess about Illrd dynasty.

5. Ankh-ars,5 architect of royal works about IVth dynasty.

6. Semnefer,6 married to a princess, same period.

7. Khufu-hotep, king's son-in-law, period of the IVth

dynasty.

8. Khufu ankh, about the same period.

9. Merab, about the IVth dynasty. 7

10. Pehenuka 8 or Ptahnuka, architect of Userskaf, king of

the Vth dynasty.

11. Tii, married to Neferhotep.9

12. Raneka,10 officer and architect of Tatkara, king of the

Vth dynasty.

13. Ptahuash, officer and architect of the IVth or Vth

dynasty.11

1 Brugsch, History, p. 48.

2 Bergmami, Samml. aegypt. Alterth.

12mo., Wien, p. 21.

3 Lepsius, Verzeichn. d. aegypt.

Alterth., k. M., Berlin, 1822, p. 4.

4 Brugsch, p. 48.

5 Mariette, Mastahas, p. 109. a Brugsch, p. 48.

7 This and preceding, Brugsch,

Hist., p. 48.

8 Lepsius, loc. cit., p. 62.

9 Brugsch, p. 48.

10 De Rouge, Inscrip. copiees en

Egypte, p. 91.

11 De Rouge, p. 96.

102

On a Tablet in the British Museum

14. Kua. an architect about that period.

15. Meri-ra-ankh, architect of the Vlth dynasty.1

16. Ahiuas,2 architect of the same.

17. Ai.3 architect of the same.

18. Har-khen,4 or Khenar, architect about Xllth dynasty.

19. Kheperkara,5 at the time of the Xllth or XHIth

dynasty.

20. Tata,6 an architect about XHIth or XlVth dynasties.

21. Abaa,7 royal architect.

22. Usra,8 architect or sculptor, XVIIIth dynasty.

23. Penaah,9 architect of Amenophis I, Thothmes I and II.

24. Neferha,10 architect of Thothmes III at Abydos.

25. Senmut.11 chief architect of the queen Haseps (Hatasu). 2ii. Mun,12 architect of Amenophis IV at Tel-el-Amarna.

27. Amenhotep,13 architect for temples of Ptah and Khnum.

28. Paser 14 or Paur, architect of Rameses II.

29. Raua,15 architect of temples of Amsi (Khem) in Coptos.

Besides these is the genealogical list of architects given by Lepsius and Brugsch : —

Ka-nefer. Perhaps of the Ilnd dynasty.

Imhotep, of the Illrd dynasty.

Ra-hotep.

Bak-en-khonsu.

Uta-khonsu.

Nefer-mennu.

Mi. Reign of Her-hor, 1100 B.C.

Si-m-nenen-heb. Reign of Piankhi, 106 G B.C.

1 Brugsch, p. 48.

• Lieblein, Diet., p. 9.

3 Lieblein, Diet., p. 15.

4 Cf. Tablets, 560- 584, British

Museum.

6 Mariette, Abydos, p. 164.

6 Brugsch, loc. eit.

7 Mariette, Abydos, p. 310.

8 Mariette, Abydos, p. 81.

9 Communicated by Professor

Eisenlohr.

10 Lieblein, p. 693.

11 Sharpe, Eg. Ins., 107.

l- Brugsch, Worterbuck (Supp.), p. 213.

13 Leemans, Mon., Ill, pi. 1.

14 Sharpe, Eg. Inscr., p. 2.

15 De Eouge, p. 58.

relating to Two Architects.

163

Pepi.

Amen-hir-pi-mcsha.

Har-em-saf.

Mermer.

Har-em-saf.

Ta-heb (I).

Nas-shunu (I).

Ta-heb (II).

Nas-shmm.

Ta-heb.

Nas-shunu (II).

Ta-heb (III).

Nas-shunu.

Uah-ab-ra Ran-ur.

Ankh-Psametik.

Aahmes-sa-Nit.

Chnum-ab-ra.

Reign of Pinotem I, 1033 B.C. Menkhepera, 1000 B.C.

Reign of Osorchon, 766 B.C. Shashanq, 733 B.C.

27th-30th Darius, 480 B.C.

164

THE ANTIQUITIES FOUND BY MR. H. RASSAM AT ABU-HABBAH (SIPPARA).

Br Theo. G. Pixches.

Bead 7th June, 1SS1.

The antiquities, of which, the following is a description, come from a site lying, according to Mr. Rassam's statement, about 16 miles south-east of Baghdad. This site consists of two mounds, situated rather less than two miles apart, bearing respectively the names of Abu-habbah and Dan. The most important monuments come from the former, and consist of a stone about Hi inches high by 7 inches wide, and 2 inches thick ; an inscribed terra-cotta box or coffer, in Avhich it seems to have been kept, terra-cotta moulds of a part of the stone, and two cylinders bearing a record of Xabonidus, King of Babylon.

The principal monument, which is the stone above- mentioned, contains at the top of the obverse a representation ■which we know, from the short inscriptions accompanying it, to be the shrine (agu) of the Sungod. This is a covered place, supported by pillars not unlike the Ionic in style, beneath which the god sits, holding in one hand a short wand and a circle, the latter emblematic, perhaps, of his supposed endless journey round the earth. He wears the horned cap, denoting godhood, and above him is the solar disc (his own emblem), together with the emblems of the Moongod and Istar.

At the forepart of the top of the shrine are to be seen two small figures, holding cords, reaching down to a table beneath, on which stands the sun's disc, represented, in the usual way, with rays coming forth from the midst. The two small figures are evidently the attendants of the Sungod, who were supposed to continually guide his course. On the

Mm-&zz^mfe^13w^(sft rat

E^ - -**' ill / .

The Antiquities found by Mr. II. Rassam, <§-c. 165

left hand three figures are shown approaching, the first, who wears a homed cap, leads the second by the hand. This represents, most likely, the leading of the king, who caused the stone to be carved, into the presence of the Sungod, the special guardian of the place.

The inscription, which covers the rest of the obverse and the whole of the reverse, begins with an invocation to the Sungod, from which we learn that Abu-habbah, and not Sefeirah, was the Sippara of the inscriptions. The inscrip- tion then goes on to say that the Sutu, " a wicked enemy," who seem to have come from the land of Akkad, had, in former times, desecrated the Temple, called E-bara, and carried away its properties. Simmas-Sigu, the king, asked that they might be returned ; but this was refused, and being at the time unable, evidently, to take them by force, he was obliged to do his best to restore the shrine without them. This work of restoration was given into the hands of a certain Ekur-suma-ibassi, the Ebar1 of Sippara, who bore the title £^ »■ (in Akkadian gassu). This man carried the work on after the death of Simmas-Sigu, in the reigns of his successors, Kassu-nadin-ahi and E-Ulbar-sakin-sumi. A long and difficult description of the work done in the reign of the last-mentioned king now follows, in which Ave are told that this king ordered an enclosure (gine) for the Sungod to be made, and that it was placed " in the midst of the enclosure of Bel." It remained, however, for Nabu-abla-iddina (the king who had the stone sculptured, and who began to reign about 880 B.C.) to completely restore the shrine. This king, in the inscription, calls himself " the proclaimed of Marduk, the beloved of Anu and Antum,2 the gladdener of the heart of A-edina, the man, the warrior, who attained to the kingdom, the raiser of the strong bow " to punish " the wicked enemy, the Sutu, who had made their sin great " in disecrating the shrine ; the king who, to do good to the land of Akkad, restored the temples and shrines, and protected the sanctuaries. After giving a long list of his own virtues,

1 Evidently " priest," the word Ebar being replaced, in the 16th line of Col. II, by the word tlTI sangu, "priest."

2 The wife of Ann, the heaven god, here expressed by the characters *->r- 55<

166 The Antiquities found by Mr. II. Rassam

NaM-abla-iddina states that he gave the care of the shrine of the Sungod. and the Bcnlptnring of this stone, 'into the hands of the seed of Ekur-suma-ihassi. The shrine was adorned "with the image of the god, and with chased gold and bright crystal, and the king, by the favour of Hea and Marduk, "cleansed his month"- before the Sungod in Bit-Karzaghina, beside the Euphrates, and founded there a seat for the god, where victims were offered, and gifts of honey and wine bestowed.

The inscription, which now again becomes very difficult, speaks of the services of the temple, of the sacrifices to be made therein, and of certain gifts of clothing and vestments given by the king — for the 7th of Xisan the vestment of glory for the 10th of Iyyar the vestment of glory, for the third of Elul the vestment of the service of the house (i.e.. temple), for the 7th of Tisri the same, for the loth of Marchiswan the vestment of glory, and for the 15th of Adar the vestment of the service of the house — •' altogether 6 bright coloured vestments of kalmu, the gift of the king."

As it happened, there was a man hi Sippara, who bore the title of gas.su. of the same name as the king himself. T" liini. therefore, with four others, the care of the stone was entrusted, on the 20th of Xisan. in the 31st year of Nabu-apla- iddina, king of Babylon. A copy also was to be made. The inscription ends by asking that whoever after this king should dwell as a ruler in the Palace, and should take this stone and give it to another, or should take it for himself, and destroy the stone with a wicked incantation or spell, might be destroyed, both name and seed, by the word of Santas and Aa ( the Sungod and the Moongod), " the lords of judgment, the great gods.*'

Here the inscription ends, and we know nothing more of the history of the temple until the time of Nabopolassar, about 620 B.C. This king had a terra-cotta trough or box made for the stone, bearing on each side the word's " the image of Samas, the great lord, dwelling in E-bara," and some moulds, evidently to preserve the representation if the

1 Here called salmu, "image," or "representation."

1 Pi-Su mm!, a metaphorical expression, perhaps for "to say pious things of.'

at Abu-IIabbah (Sippara).

107

original should be destroyed, were made of the upper part of the obverse. The back of this mould contains the record of the restoration by Nabopolassar. About 130 years later, Nabonidus also restored the temple, and placed in its foundations the two terra-cotta cylinders before-mentioned, recording the event.

This shrine of the Sungod at Sippara was held in very great estimation by the Babylonians, and in nearly every inscription the god is called " Samas, the great lord, dwelling in E-bara, which is within Sipar." One of the most beautiful hymns to the Sungod, which is preserved on a small tablet from Babylon, speaks of him under the distinctive title of " Lord of E-bara." The whole runs as follows : —

Exglish Version.

" 0 Sungod in the midst of heaven, in thy setting may the

bolts of the high heavens speak peace to thee, may the door of the heavens be propitious to thee, may Misaru (the director), thy beloved attendant, guide

thee. At E-bara, the seat of thy lordship, thy supremacy shines

forth. May Aa, thy beloved wife, gladly come to meet thee, May thy restgiving heart rest, May the glory (?) of thy godhood dwell with thee. 0 warrior, hero, Sungod, may they glorify thee. 0 lord of E-bara, may he (the messenger) direct thy

straight path. O Sungod, make thy path straight, a straight road for

thy beams (?) to go. 0 Sungod, who judgest the country, of her decisions the

director art thou." *

1 Aekadian Version.

(An) Babara, ana saga-su tutuda-zu-ne (giS) sigar azaga ana-kit salima gumu-

rabbi giS-gal ana-kit mu-guniurabgin dingir nig sisa, laga kiaga-zu si-guniu-

rabsusae

Assyrian Version.

Samas, ana kirib same ina eribi-ka Sikar same ellutum sulina likbu-ku

dalat same Kkruba-ku MiSarum, sukkallum naram-ka listesir-ku

168

The Antiquities found by Mv. H. Rassam

The Sungod, the Moongod, and the Firegod were the three "lords of justice," "deciders of decisions" {pans purusse), amongst whom, however, the Sungod seems to have the first place. The consort of the Sungod was >~>^- |y |y (Jhi) Aa, most likely a name of the moon when in a certain part of her course. The messenger or director mentioned in the above text is most likely one of the small figures at the top of the shrine directing the course of the sun.

To the Sungod were given all the most poetical expres- sions that could be found. He it was who, when dawning in the foundation of heaven, drew the bolts of the high heavens, and, the door having turned, he lifted his head to the land, covering heaven and earth with glory.1 He was the god who directed constantly in heaven, the law within the ears of

Akkadian Version — continued.

E-bara ki-nain-lugala-zu-su nani-ma-

g'a-zu sig-enib (dingir) Ku-nir-da nitalarn kiaga-zu

gulabi gunundagigi saga-zu asada garuantuga kisig nam-dingira-zu guinurangaga ursag. duna, (dingir) Babara nielig (?)

gi-ii ama Ebara gina-giri-zu si-giinsa (dingir) Babara, kaskala-zu si-sab,

g'arran gina kiuri-zu-su duna (dingir) Babara, kalama-ka dikud-ka

asbar-bi (si-sabi) zaemen

AssYBIAN YjEKSIOX — continued.

ana E-bara subat beliiti-ka sirut-ka

supi (ilu) Aa, hirtuin naramta-ka hadis

limaKbir-ka libba-ka nehtuin linih naptan iluti-ka - lissakin-ku 3 Karradu, etluin, (ilu) Sanias

litta'idu-ka ! Bel E-bara alik padan-ka lisir ! (Sanias), harran-ka susir, urba kmani

ana durussi-ka alik ! (Samas), sa mati daan, Sa purusse sa

mustesir-sa atta !

The following Colophon is added to one of the copies :

" Xabubalatsuihbi son of the Usagi- lite has caused Nabi'iepisdhi son of the £sagi/ite to write (this tablet) to the god Nebo his lord for the saving of his life, and has placed (it) in E-zida."

Ana (ilu) Nabi beli-Su, (ilu) Nabu- balat-su-ikbi, abil £-sagilaa, ana balat napsati-su (ilu) Kabu-epis-ahi abil E-sagilaa usestir-ina ina E-zida ukin.

1 W.A.I. IV. 20, No. 2 : 1. (ilu) Sanias, ina isid same tappuliamma ; 2. sigar same elluti tapti ; 3. dalat same taptil ; 4. (ilu) Samas, ana mati resi-ka tassa ; 5. (ilu) Samas, melamme same matate taktum : — "Sungod, in the foundation of heaven thou daivnest, and 2. the bolts of the high heavens thou opened 3. the door of heaven turns; 4. Sungod, thou raisest thy head to the lauds, 5 Sungod, thou coverest heaven and earth with glory."

- Variant tlut-ka. •' Variant la.

at Abu-IIabbah (Sippara). 169

the lands, knowing justice and evil. He was the supreme judge of heaven and earth, the helper of the gods Anu and Bel.

In other places he is called " the light of all above and all below," " the light of the great gods." Prayers were addressed to him for guidance : " 0 Sungod, thou also

knowest their (the land's) bonds, destroying evil

direct what comes forth from my mouth, direct also my hands."

The month Tisri was dedicated to the Sungod. The 23rd day of Elul also was a festival to Samas and Rammanu (perhaps to commemorate their standing side by side when the seven evil spirits tried to darken the moon). This was a fortunate day. The king was directed to devote all his good things to Samas and Rimmon, and a victim was to be sacrificed.

Our new inscription is of great value for Babylonian chronology, in that it names, almost in one sentence, three kings, namely : Simmas-Sigu, Kassu-nadin-ahi, and E-Ulbar- sakin-sumi, who, we know from the list published by Mr. Smith, in the 3rd volume of the " Transactions," reigned in very close succession.

Now there is in the British Museum a stone dated in the reign of the first of these three kings (Simmas-Sigu), the style of the writing of which is almost the same as that of the present inscription. As Nabu-abla-iddin reigned about 880 B.C., these three kings could scarcely have reigned more than a hundred years earlier — that is, about five hundred years later than was originally supposed. The chronology of that most important period of Babylonia's history will be fully considered, however, in the paper upon the lists of Babylonian kings, of which the substance has already been given in the " Proceedings."

170

The Antiquities found by Mr. H. JRassam

The words used in part of the inscription referring to the gifts of vestments by the king being most interesting, it would be well, perhaps, erroneous renderings of these passages having been published, to reproduce here the whole passage. It is as follows : —

Coloes* V. (Reverse).

39.

40. 41. 42. 43.

<r^HF:8-5=A?lEAtf d IET 8- <*E ~T

44. ^t g &i 4i~ m

45. 46.

47.

£s<

<!T

48. KLS8fniB

49. ^T SM £iT Eh

50. i ^T <> ^Y .ttt K

51.

52. 53. 54.

55.

B ES *T V *

m

^ a w 4- is

Column VI.

1. ^

* ^r

0.

6.

•• All the bright-coloured vestments of Samas. Aa. and Bunene (for) service (and) worship : the vestment of the service of the house, the vestment of glory, the vestment of joy, the curtain, tularin, cloth, purple cloth, the vestment of the service of the palace and the place of worship. For the 7th of Xisan the vestment of glory, for the 10th of Iyyar the vestment of glory, for the 3rd of Elul the vestment of the service of the house, for the 7th of Tisri the vestment of the service of the house, for the loth of Marcheswan the vestment of glory, and for the 15th of Adar the vestment of the service of the house — altogether vi bright-coloured vestment- kalmu, the gift of the king." Many of the most difficult words in this text become easy on referring to pi. 34 of the 2nd Vol. of the W.A.I, ^z^ is the ordinary ideograph for kemu,

at Abu-Habbah (Sippara). 171

"cloth," subatu, "cloak," "vestment." The usual meaning of the character ^y^^y is damku, " lucky," " fortunate," but, upon the above-named page we find (line 65) the characters /T>- -^J *~]£*J It (^° ^e Pronounce(i kur so) explained by the Assyrian nasraptum, a Niphal form from the Assyrian root pardpu, the meaning of which has been well explained by Dr. Lotz in his " Inschriften Tiglathpileser's I," as " to colour.' Nasraptu means, therefore, " of a bright colour," and the meaning " lucky " of the Akkadian sign ^T^y (in Baby- lonian ^Y>^:y^ is also made quite clear. The original signification of the character was, most likely, "bright- coloured," and from this idea of a bright, pleasant colour came that of "happiness," "fortune," "luck." gr XI ^ is the equivalent of the Assyiian word kdlu, " all," with the adverbial ending ^ = Assyrian kalis. Zz\yz:1 is the usual ideograph for tukultu, "service" (also kakku, "weapon"). £r^I is also a character meaning "service," in Ass. dbutiu =

dbudtu, from the root "Qy. ^ '"f^f ^^ ^*^T seritu seems to be a word borrowed from the Akkadian sir (a value of 55>~ ) " brightness," " glory," which will be found on the above-mentioned plate (1. 53), explained by siriptum sa . . . " bright colour of .... " Other values of ^>~, pronounced sir or sir, are kakasiga, " brightness," and namdru, " to be bright." J^ff "~^y ^^ ffullatu, "joy," is a Semiticised form of the Akk. gullet, the pure Assyrian word being hidutu. Nibihu seems, from a parallel passage, to mean something that is suspended — a curtain or drapery. The next two fines are too difficult to explain. "^M /^> telit, is the const, case of teltn (from telii), evidently a synonym of tuphu. Both teltu and tupku translate the Akkadian £r"£^ ub, Karibi, from the root l*")p, "to approach," "worship," "be gracious." The meaning of the word kabnu is unknown.

The above translation is given with some reserve, as many of the words are most unusual, and the sense, therefore, not easy to determine.

172

RECENT DISCOVERIES OF ANCIENT BABYLONIAN CITIES.

By H. Rassam.

Bead Qth March, 1883.

Since I had the honour of reading a paper before you, about my discoveries in Assyria in 1854 and in 1878, I have been out twice to Mesopotamia on behalf of the Trustees of the British Museum, and conducted on a more extensive scale the national archaeological researches in Assyria, Babylonia, and Armenia. But as I was more successful in the last two expeditions to Babylonia. I gave more attention to our works in the last named tract of country than to those in other localities.

Doubtless most of you have heard of my fortunate discovery of the city of Sippara, which is identified with the Sepharvaim of the Bible ; but as some of you may not have heard it. I will relate it as a curious illustration of the way ancient cities are found. "Whenever I proceed on any archaeological mission, my first endeavour is directed to finding new unexplored sites, as I feel that our old haunts in Assyria and Babylonia are quite secure under competent overseers, which can be well managed under my supervision and control "when I am away from the place. I generally visit the different explorations at varied intervals, to see that everything is going on properly, and when the excavations are found to be progressing satisfactorily, I proceed to other localities to try new spots which indicate an ancient habitation.

The year before last, while on my way to Babylon from Baghdad, I happened to be spending a night at an Arabs

Recent Discoveries of Ancient Babylonian Cities. 173

house in a village called Mahmoodia, about fifteen miles to the south-west of Baghdad, where I generally halted on the route to Babylon. As my host knew what I was searching for, especially as I had a number of workmen digging in the mounds in the vicinity, and he had seen some objects on which cuneiform characters were inscribed, he told me that when he was escorting a wedding party north- ward, he had picked up a piece of an inscribed brick at a place called Dair, which he brought to show me. I saw that the writing was like that generally found in Babylonia on bricks upon which the name of Nebuchadnezzar is inscribed. I lost no time in accompanying him to the spot to find out if there were sufficient signs of an old city to warrant an excavation being commenced. The place was not more than six miles from the village of Mahmoodia ; but as the Euphrates had at that time inundated all the fields between it and Dair, so preventing us from going direct, we had to go a roundabout way — which turned out very fortunate, — for when we arrived within four miles of the place, we passed an extensive mound surrounded with a high earth wall, indicating an old Babylonian city. I thought at first that this was the ruin to which my Arab friend was leading me, but was soon undeceived by his pointing out another to me, which lay to the east of us, with its high wall looming in the distance. The place, I was told, was called Aboo-habba, which means either the father of a promontory or of a kiss ; and as I could see ample indications of an old Babylonian city, I dismounted, made a good examination of the mound, and found to my great delight a large number of broken inscribed bricks scattered all over the place. Had there been any workmen with me, I should have placed, then and there, three or four gangs in the different parts where it seemed likely ancient remains would be found. We then went on to Dair; but though I found I was not deceived by my guide, yet after seeing Aboo-habba, this ancient ruin of Dair seemed quite unimportant in comparison, as the sequel "will show. The difficulty was the finding of workmen in the neighbourhood, as the Arabs of the place asked more exorbitant wages than I could possibly allow — not that I

174 Recent Discoveries of Ancient Babylonian Cities.

could not afford to employ a few workmen on a high scale of pay, but was obliged to keep to a certain standard for fear of dissatisfaction in other quarters. When such diffi- culties arose, I generally brought the required number of workmen from ether diggings, by giving them an extra allowance for what was called " special service." These men did not only work for the time being, but showed new hands how the work was to be carried on. In most instances the old hands served as superior workmen or diggers, receiving according to rule better pay. When- ever a new place is opened, I am invariably asked more than double the pay that I am able or willing to allow, as the Arabs have an absurd idea that the English are made of money, and have the art of turning dust into gold ! In this instance I brought two gangs of workmen from Babylon, headed by an Arab overseer, and as I had first to try two mounds situated on the high road to Karbela (the sacred place of the Shea Moslems), and within half-a-mile of the village of Mahmoodia, we were able to induce some of the poor wayfarers to accept service under us. The bait was tried with effect in the following manner. Thousands of Moslem devotees, especially the Shea sect, visit the shrine of Hosain at Karbela the whole year round, and as some of the pilgrims are very poor, large numbers of them subsist by begging. Some of these visited the excavations on their way, and as a great number of them were almost starving. I told the head overseer, who was a Seyid, or descendant of the Prophet, to offer them food and money on condition they assisted in the digging. Many of them who were Kurds accepted the offer with thankfulness, and before many days were over I had a good number in my employ. No sooner did the neighbouring Arabs see that I was able easily to obtain the workmen required, than they consented to work at the rate I first offered them, and soon after I could employ as many workmen as were required for less than half the amount they demanded when I first went to the place.

As the site of Aboo-habba seemed to me a most promising one for extensive operations, I moved my head-quarters thither to superintend the works in person. At the mound

Recent Discoveries of Ancient Babylonian Cities. 175

itself there were no Arabs residing, but within a mile of the place there is a mausoleum of the patron saint of the neigh- bourhood, called Seyid Abdallah, and near which the guardian of the shrine and his near relations dwelt. I had my camp pitched near his, and to make him interested in our work I appointed him an overseer, and offered his brothers and connections good berths, which they accepted most willingly.

It was agreed afterwards that I should build rooms at the entrance of the mosque for the overseers and antiquities, and I was even allowed to occupy a room adjoining the shrine for storing the plant of the diggings, and any objects which could not be packed up at once.

No sooner was this done, than hundreds of the neigh-, bouring Arabs began to apply for work, and, according to my usual practice, I employed some from each tribe. As Dair was also far away from an inhabited place, I had to send workmen to dig there from Seyid Abdallah, but had soon to give that up, as I found scarcely any good sign of ancient remains to warrant the work being carried on in that locality. At Aboo-habba, however, I was rewarded, after three days' trial, by one of the gangs coming upon the wall of a chamber, on examining which I could see it belonged to the old Babylonian style of building. This success encouraged me to prosecute the research with uninterrupted perseverance, and before many days were over we came upon other buildings in different parts of the mound, but with the exception of some dilapidated inscribed unbaked clay tablets, glass bottles, and other small objects, nothing was found of any historical value. This did not discourage me, but, on the contrary, it made me work with redoubled energy, and very soon after- wards we came upon a chamber paved with asphalt, which proved to contain the history of the new city I had discovered. Heretofore all Assyrian and Babylonian structures were found to be paved generally either with stone or brick, consequently this novel discovery led me to have the asphalt broken into and examined. On doing so we found, buried in a corner of the chamber, about three feet below the surface, an inscribed earthenware coffer, inside which was deposited a stone tablet covered with an inscription, on the top of which was Vol. VIII. 12

176 Recent Discoveries of Ancient Babylonian Cities.

represented some deity which has since been identified by Assyrian scholars with the sun-god ; also two figures above, holding an emblem of the sun before him, and two priests leading a youth, evidently a prince, to present to him. With this tablet I found two perfect terra-cotta inscribed cylinders, covered minutely with an inscription : but as Mr. Pinches has already given you an account of them, and as I cannot boast of knowing anything of cuneiform writing, I must confine myself to an account of my several discoveries. In the same casket was found two burnt-clay moulds representing the impress of the aforementioned bas-relief, wbich looked as if they were made for the purpose of moulding in metal a number of these mystic designs for either breastplates or religious use. I have been puzzled to determine why these relics were buried in asphalt pavement, because, if those who hid them there wished to preserve them from destruction from the enemy, they could not have placed them in a more conspicuous place ; a man who is accustomed to the mode of Assyrian paving could not help noticing the difference. This discovery at the outset was most fortunate, as it proved to us the exact site of the temple and city of Sippara. Different savants and historians supposed it to be in other parts of Babylonia, immediately on the banks of the Euphrates, but now we are certain of the exact spot being on the great historical canal of Babylonia, called Nahr-malka, or the royal river, about six miles from the Euphrates, but its source about twenty miles westward. This canal was the wonder of the age when the Babylonian kingdom was at the zenith of its power, as it must have been about one hundred and fifty miles in length, and bridged over in many places. Xenophon tells us that the Greeks had to cross it on bridges made of palm-trees when they were retreating northwards after the death of Cyrus. It ran from the Euphrates as far as Aboo- habba, when it divides ; the main body passes Dair, and runs in an easterly direction as far as Shat-el-hai, passing within a few miles of Seleucia and Ctesephon; the other part takes a more southerly direction nearer the Euphrates, passing through endless cities, one of which is supposed to be Cuthah, known by the Arabs as Tel-Ibraheem. The remains of the

Trans. Soo. Bibl. Arch., Vol. VIII.

BABYLONIAN OBJECTS FROM ABOO-HARBA

Recent Discoveries of Ancient Babylonian Cities. 177

former are now called Yosephia, and the latter Habl-Ibraheem. Both these canals are crossed by wayfarers who travel between Baghdad and Hillah, in the vicinity of Babylon, and between the former place and Musayib, on the way to Karbela.

It is most interesting to examine this canal all the way between- the Euphrates and the Tigris, because a traveller cannot help being struck with the remains of its former grandeur, when it must have irrigated hundreds of miles of alluvial soil.

On all sides are found remains of innumerable small watercourses which were fed by these two grand canals ; and at different intervals remains of prodigious basins are seen, in which a surplus supply must have been kept for any emergency, when the water in the Euphrates falls low, especially in summer. It is said that there were two Sipparas in Babylonia, the one which I discovered was for the worship of the sun, and the other for the worship of the moon. They were represented as being situated on either side of the river Euphrates, and as my Sippara is not on the bank of that river, and there is no sign of any important ruin on its western side, I consider that Nahr-malka was meant by the word " Nahr," 1 as it divides Aboo-habba from Dan, which I believe to be the site of the Sippara of the moon-god.

In the course of last year we discovered off and on, especially in one room, between forty and fifty thousand inscribed clay tablets ; but unfortunately they were not baked, as they generally are found in Assyria, and the clay of which they were made was so coarse that as soon as they were exposed to the air they crumbled to pieces. We found that the only way to preserve them was to have them baked, which we did with success. Fortunately, the most important documents were inscribed on terra-cotta cylinders, of which were found a great number of different sizes and shapes. Mr. Pinches has already given an account of one of them belonging to the reign of Nabonidus ; and I hope, as soon as he can find time, he will give us the benefit of his studies.

The style of the architecture of Aboo-habba is quite dif- ferent from that found in Babylonia or Nineveh ; and from

1 Nahr means in Semitic languages both river and canal.

178 Recent Discoveries of Ancient Babylonian Cities.

all I could make out, it seems to me that Sippara of the sun- god was divided into two distinct buildings, one for religious purposes, and the other as a place of habitation for priests and royalty. Each block of building was surrounded by a breast- work, faced in some places with kiln-burnt bricks to make the building more secure. Both the temple and its environs must have been inhabited by two distinct peoples, because the height of the original rooms was twenty-five feet, but the later occupants of the place seem to have had the rooms filled up with debris as far as the middle, and then had them paved, making it appear as if the latter was the original height. It was in this manner that I found the room in which was discovered the asphalt pavement.

In the room next to that in which were found the records of the temple, we came upon a solid platform built most securely of kiln-burnt bricks and bitumen. It was twenty feet square by twenty-five feet high, facing the entrance of the room which was asphalted. I had the platform partially broken into and examined, in the hope of discovering some ancient record buried in it, but there was no sign of any object of interest found. It was so difficult to break, that the different workmen had to take the task by turns, and the labour was so great that we were not able to make a thorough search. I still think that if that huge platform or altar were thoroughly examined, there would be found in it some historical record.

The mound on which the buildings of Aboo-habba are erected is about 1,300 in length by 400 feet in width, con- taining, according to my reckoning, at least 300 chambers and halls. Of these I have only been able to excavate about 130, as our explorations have been put a stop to by the Turkish Government refusing to grant us another firman for the continuation of our researches in Assyria' and Babylonia.

It must not be thought that the excavations were carried on at Sippara without much trouble and annoyance: on the con- trary, I was threatened on three different occasions by the part owners of the mound with pains and penalties if I did not stop the work. When I first began, I was very nearly stopped by an official from carrying on the necessary operations, on

Recent Discoveries of Ancient Babylonian Cities, 17!'

the plea that I had no business to dig in a place which belonged to the crown ; and when the finding of the coffer was reported in the local Arabic paper of Baghdad, where it was mentioned that I had unearthed most unique antiquities, " more precious than gems," I was called upon by a Moslem family at Baghdad to restore to them what I had discovered in their land; and they went so far as to threaten me with an action if I did not satisfy them. I learned afterwards that an European who dealt in antiquities at Baghdad had upbraided them for their stupidity in allowing the English to carry away valuable antiquities from their domain, and with which he assured them they could enrich them- selves for ever. This family had done good service to the local Baghdad government in days gone by, and the Governor General at that time had presented them with half the produce of the cultivation of the Mahmoodia district in which the mound of Aboo-habba was situated. It was a known fact that though this favoured family had been holding half of the land in fee-simple for the last seventy or eighty years, they had not been able to cultivate one-eighth of it on account of the expense of irrigation; and as for the mound of Aboo-habba, it was literally impossible to bring it under cultivation, as it was about forty feet above the level of the Mahmoodia canal. However, they were right in saying that it was not in my province to tell them what they were to do with it, because if they chose they might build a village on it ; and on this account I had to come to terms with them, to enable me to go on with the researches without the unpleasantness of going to law, as I knew that the authorities would back them up for the purpose of stopping our work altogether. Fortunately they were very intimately connected with some of my Baghdad friends, who dissuaded them from appealing to the authorities, and managed to settle the matter between us amicably. Afterwards I heard that the present Sultan had purchased with other waste lands in Babylonia, the remaining half-share of the Mahmoodia crown land; the consequence was, that I was soon made to understand that my firman only permitted me to excavate in lands where I had satisfied the proprietors ;

180 Recent Discoveries of Ancient Babylonian Cities.

and on this ground the imperial commissioners began to inquire by what right digging was carried on at Aboo-habba without their special permission, and they consulted how they might successfully stop the work. At last one night I was awoke, after I had gone to bed, by the arrival of a large number of horsemen in our camp, headed by the agent of the Imperial land property of Mahmoodia, bringing me a letter to read, which he had received from the Royal Commissioners, wherein it was asked by what authority I was digging at Aboo-habba, and who gave me that authority. He was at the same time ordered not to allow any one to dig in royal lands without the special sanction of the Royal Commissioners ; but fortunately there was no mention made that the excavations should be stopped altogether at Aboo-habba. The Imperial agent, however, begged me to try and obtain the sanction of the Royal Commissioners, in order that he might not get into trouble himself. On this account I had to write to the Governor General about the matter, as the firman was addressed to him ; and besides, I had been recommended by the Sublime Porte to his good offices. He replied that he could not interfere in the matter, and referred me to the Royal Commissioners for settlement, which, he said, could only be done by my satisfying them. How I was to do this was the difficulty, because satisfying a needy landlord with a few piastres was one thing, and satisfying a royal dignitary was another ; and whether it was fortunate or unfortunate, I was not enlightened on the subject, and went on digging for nearly two months afterwards, until our explorations in Assyria and Babylonia came to a stand-still on account of the term of the last firman having expired. The Commissioners could not meet for a long time on account of sickness amongst their members, and when they ultimately did so, they found it was no use re-opening a delicate subject, when they were certain that all our operations would die a natural death by the expiration of the permit ; hence I was left in peace, until I closed our different operations at the end of July last. I believe when Cyrus the younger marched through Mahmoodia with the Grecian auxiliaries, about four hundred years before the Christian era, to combat his brother, the great

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Recent Discoveries of Ancient Babylonian Cities. 181

King Artaxerxes, Sippara could not have been in existence, because Xenophon does not make any mention of it in his Anabasis. It is very unlikely that such an important city could have been unnoticed, especially as the troops must have passed through it, or very near it, both before and after the battle of Cunaxa. Conflicting opinions are given by different travellers as to the supposed site of that battle-field, where the ambitious Cyrus, the son of Darius II, met with his death. I am at a loss to understand how any travellers visiting the part of Babylonia that lies between the town of Musayib and Aboo-habba, could ever doubt the site on which that memorable engagement took place. Xenophon relates1 that " when the Greeks saw their enemies close at hand, and drawn up for fight, they again sang the paean, and advanced upon them with much greater spirit than before. The barbarians [that is to say the royalists], on the other hand, did not await their onset, but fled sooner than at first, and the Greeks pursued them as far as a certain village, where they halted; for above the village was a hill, upon which the king's troops had checked their flight, and though there were no longer any infantry there, the height was filled with cavalry, so that the Greeks could not tell what was doing. They said that they saw the royal standard, a golden eagle upon a spear, with expanded wings."

This site has been disputed, because "a hill" is men- tioned in it; and some commentators have gone so far as to assert that because there are no natural hills in the plains of Babylonia, Xenophon must have meant one of those numerous artificial mounds which abound in Southern Meso- potamia. I am still more surprised at finding the following opinion given by the well-known geographer Mr. William F. Ainsworth, in his commentary on the Anabasis of Xenophon on this part of Babylonia.2 He says, " the night of the battle, the Greeks pursued the Persians as far as a certain village, where they halted ; for above the village was a hill, upon which the king's troops had checked their flight. The hill here alluded to appears to have been one of the

1 Anabasis, B. I, cb. 10 to 12 * Bonn's edition, p. 295.

182 Recent Discoveries of Ancient Babylonian Cities.

numerous artificial mounds, topes or tells, sometimes sepul- chral, sometimes heaps of ruin, which abound on the plain of Babylonia. The word used to designate the hill is sufficiently descriptive, 7?}\o</>o?, a compound of 777, " earth," and Xocfaos, " hill," 1 mound, or tumulus, " a heap of earth." Then Mr. Ainsworth goes on to say, "it is the more im- portant to establish this fact, as there are no natural hills on the plains of Babylonia, and therefore the mention made by Xenophon of a hill at this place has led the distinguished traveller Baillie Fraser to consider it as furnishing evidence of the battle having been fought to the north of the Median Wall." This is certainly an astounding degenerate view taken of the actual battle- field, especially after following Xenophon" s account of the march of Cyrus's army after having passed Charmande. when they had to cross on rafts of skin to an opulent city, which must have been not far from Saglawia. I have not the least doubt that the hill to which Xenophon alluded is the one on which stands the Khan or Caravanseri called Iskanderia; There is a pebbly ridge here, called by the Arabs " Haswa," which means pebbly soil ; it is about sixty or seventy feet high, and fifteen miles long, beginning about four miles to the W-.S.W. of Aboo-habba, it terminates about eight miles to the north of Musayib : so the village of Cunaxa must have been just below where the Iskanderia Khan is now situated. When I happened to be in the neighbourhood of Aboo-habba in the spring, the Arabs used to bring me a large quantity of truffles from the ridge, as this vegetable is only found in pebbly soil.

While the excavations were being carried on at Aboo-habba, I had some workmen trying the mound of Tel-lbraheem, or what the Arabs commonly call Habl-Ibraheem, which means the rope of Abraham, from the shape of the great canal which runs to it from Aboo-habba, a distance of about thirty-five miles. This ruin is supposed to be the site of ancient Cuthah ; and although report said that some excavations had been carried on in it before I went there, I could find no traces whatever of such explorations anywhere. I had been trying

1 Liddell, in bis Lexicon, explains Aof oj, " a ridge of ground or a rising hill."

Ttecent Discoveries of Ancient Babylonian Cities. 183

for two years to go and examine this mound, but the difficulties were the want of water and finding workmen to venture so far away from any inhabited place. I at last managed to induce some of the Babylonian and Birs Nimroud workmen to accompany me thither for three or four weeks ; and most fortunately when the time came that I could go there to superintend the work in person, the Tigris rose unusually high, and inundated the country to within half-a- mile of the mound, which enabled us to have a regular supply of water as long as we were working there. I of course did not care to drink that water, as it looked any- thing but tempting, so once a week sent and got some water for myself from the Mahaweel-Euphrates canal, about six miles to the south-west. I found an old well there which had been filled up with sand, and as its water might possibly prove of use in case I wished to prolong our stay there, I had it cleared out : but it proved to be somewhat brackish ; we were, however, able to use it for cooking and washing purposes. I managed to induce some of my work- men to take their families with them ; and as soon as we reached Tel-Ibraheem, I had the tumbled-down sanctum of the Father of the Faithful swept out and repaired, and it afterwards served as shelter for the bachelor workmen on cold nights. We were very much tried while we were there by the constant sand storms that blew in the day time. On several occasions the dust was so thick that I could not see the tents of my followers, nor dared to go out of my tent ; and once the atmosphere was so thick with it that our water- earners lost their way, and could not find the mound until the storm subsided. I had for hours to sit still with my eyes closed, without attempting to do anything, much less to open my mouth for the purpose of eating and drinking, as I should have been choked with sand. In the several excavations I found very little of ancient relics to warrant me to remain longer than a month, during which time we discovered a few clay tablets inscribed with cuneiform and bowls with Hebrew and Syro-Chaldean characters. In one part of the mound, after having penetrated about twenty feet below the surface, we came upon an ancient edifice, the walls of which seemed

184 Recent Discoveries of Ancient Babylonian Cities.

as if they had been built a short time ago. As we had to dig in some places about thirty feet before we came to the bottom of the chambers, I was obliged, for the .sake of saving time and expense, to work by tunnelling. From the nature of the soil found in these chambers, it seemed to me that this structure was never inhabited, but the owner, whoever he may have been, must have abandoned it before it was roofed, and ordered it to be filled in after it was built. This mound is about two miles in circumference, and about sixty feet high; and although I had no less than twenty tunnels and trenches opened in it, there were no signs discovered in it to show me that it belonged to the early Babylonian period. It is true that we found some kiln-burnt bricks like those usually found at Babylonia with the name of Nebuchadnezzar on them, yet I do not think this place was of much importance at the time of that monarch. I have no doubt, however, that iu later days it must have been a very flourishing place, because unmistakable remains extend for miles around, which indicate that the city and its surroundings were thickly in- habited. Had my finnan been renewed, and if I could have afforded to spend a hundred pounds upon making another trial in the same mound, I should certainly have attempted another expedition to it, though I might have been buried in the sand again !

After this I tried other mounds between Tel-Ibraheem and Babylon, but without any success, except at a small mound called Elgarainee, where we found some inscribed clay tablets. The last mentioned mound, which is about five miles to the X.X.W. of Babylon, and about two miles to the S.E. of the Mahaweel canal, must have been one of the entrances to the outskirts of the great city. In that part of Babylon called Imjaileeba we have always been finding records of the past; but the more I dig there, the more puzzled I am what to make of it. With the exception of half a dozen rooms I discovered on the borders of what was once a grand palace of the kings of Babylon, where Belshazzar was supposed to have lost his life when the capital of Chaldea was captured by Cyrus, I could find no regular structure to enable me to identify any part of the different buildings which must

Recent Discoveries of Ancient Babylonian Cities. 185

have existed at the time. The whole place seemed to have been upheaved or overthrown by an earthquake or by some other supernatural destruction. In some places objects of antiquity were found almost within a foot of the surface, and in other parts, not more than a few yards further, we come upon Babylonian relics almost as deep as the former fomidation. At one time I thought I had hit upon some ancient walls to enable me to penetrate with a definite aim into the interior of a regular building, but was soon doomed to be disappointed, because what I thought at first sight to be a regular Babylonian building, was found afterwards to have belonged to a ruder period, when the Parthians occupied the country. The ruins in that part of Babylon which is called Omran, are still more mysterious to me, because while the southern extremity of the mound contained evident signs of Babylonian remains, the northern part is an accumulation of ashes, bones, and other rubbish, and there was not a sign in it to give me reason to believe that it contained any ruins of the great city. I dug in some places more than forty feet, as far as the water, and yet not a single object of antiquity was found. Every time I returned to that country I did all in my power to trace the original outskirts of the city, but the more I tried to come to any definite result, the more I was confounded : and so with regard to the discussion about the topography of Babylon between Mr. Rich and Major Rennell, which increased my difficulty not a little, and whether I followed the theory of one or the other, I felt that I was driven nowhere.

The only positions which can now be fixed upon with any accuracy are, I think, the palace of the kings of Babylon, called Kasr or Imjaileeba, the temple of Belus, known as Birs Nimroud, and the hanging gardens, which the Arabs call Babel, but which Rich and other travellers erroneously styled " Kasir." In the latter ruin, which is the next highest mound to Birs in Babylon, have been found four most elegantly- built wells of reddish stone, three placed parallel, and within a few feet of each other, in the northern centre of the mound, the fourth some distance away. They are so scientifically built that it vexes one to see the Arabs breaking them for

L86 Recent Discoveries of Ancient Babylonian (ities.

the sake of making- lime of the stone, which has been brought from a great distance. Each stone, about three feet in thickness, had been bored, and made to fit the one below it so exactly that one would imagine that the whole well was hewn out of one solid rock. These wells are connected Math a subterraneous arched vault communicating with an aque- duct supplied with water from the Euphrates ; and when I had one of them cleared of the debris down to the bottom, we came to water.

What I wanted to be convinced of more than anything else was the exact time the Euphrates ran through the city, as Herodotus makes an allusion to it in the following words: — "Queen Nitocris enclosed herself therefore with these defences by digging, and immediately afterwards made the following addition. As the city consisted of two divisions, which were separated by the river, during the reign of former kings, when any one had occasion to cross from one division to the other he was obliged to cross in a boat, and this, in my opinion, was very troublesome; she therefore provided for this, for after she had dug the reservoir for the lake, she left this other monument built by similar toil : she had large blocks of stone cut, and when they were ready, and the place was completely dug out, she turned the whole stream of the river into the place she had dug. While tins Was filled, and the ancient channel had become dry, in the first place she lined with burnt bricks the banks of the river throughout the city, and the descents that lead from the gates to the river, in the same manner as the walls. In the next place, about the middle of the city, she built a bridge with the stones she had prepared, and bound them together with plates of lead and iron. Upon these stones she laid during the day square planks of timber, on which the Babylonians might pass over; but at night these planks were removed, to prevent people from coming by night and robbing one another. When the hollow that was dry had become a lake filled by the river, and the bridge was finished, she brought back the river to its ancient channel from the lake. And thus the excavations having been turned into a marsh, appeared to answer the purpose

Recent Discoveries of Ancient Babylonian Cities. 187

lor which it was made, and a bridge was built for the use of the inhabitants." l

In another place Herodotus mentions that Cyrus " having stationed the bulk of his army near the passage of the river where it enters Babylon, and again having stationed another division beyond the city where the river makes its exit, lie gave orders to his forces to enter the city as soon as they should see the stream fordable. Having thus stationed his forces, and given the directions, he himself marched away with the ineffective part of his army ; and having come to the lake, Cyrus did the same with respect to the river and the lake as the queen of the Babylonians had done. For having diverted the river by means of a canal into the lake, which was before a swamp, he made the ancient channel fordable by the sinking of the liver. When this took place, the Persians who were appointed to that purpose close to the stream of the river, which had now subsided to about the middle of a man's thigh, entered Babylon by this passage.'12

In our explorations in Babylon a broken cylinder was found which, according to Sir Henry Rawlinson's reading, contains an account of the taking of Babylon by Cyrus as it is men- tioned by Herodotus and in Holy Writ ; but unfortunately a good deal of it is missing, which fact makes the cuneiform version incomplete. Just before our excavations came to an end, it was reported to me that some brick masonry had been discovered deep below the ground by an Arab near the entrance of the village of Quairich, and not far from the Kasr or the old palace of Nebuchadnezzar; and I therefore went at once to examine it. It was a solid platform, built with kiln-burnt bricks cemented with bitumen, and as the owner was willing that I should follow it for some distance, and the people of the place did not raise any objection about our throwing the debris near the entrance to their village, I dug there about a fortnight, and only stopped when I found that it would only be wasting money, which I could not afford for such a purpose, without any benefit to the British Museum. It struck me at first sight that the masonry might have belonged to the skill of Nitocris, as being that 1 Cleo., I, 186. 2 L'leo., I, J'Jl.

1>S Recent Discoveries of Ancient Babylonian Okies.

part of the river whose walls she lined with bricks; but such sites cannot be proved exactly without a thorough investigation of the different localities near the Euphrates. There is no doubt that whenever anyone digs near the river in this part of Babylon, unmistakable ancient brick structures are discovered, but not a sign is visible anywhere of the bridge of stones which that queen had caused to be built. According to Herodotus, Babylon must have included Birs Nimroud, because he says that the river divided Babylon into two parts ; in one the royal palace was situated, and in the other was the precinct of Jupiter Belus ; but in the present day no ruin is visible anywhere on the right bank of the river until Birs Nimroud is approached. This fact makes me believe that all the present ruins which are found on the left bank of the Euphrates belonged to the royal household, and that the habitations of the people on both sides of the river consisted merely of sun-dried bricks, which crumbled to nothing after the last and final destruction of the place by the Parthian invasion.

At Birs Niraroud I was fortunate enough to discover the palace where Nabonidus was supposed to have been residing when Cyrus captured Babylon. It is on the same mound upon which the supposed Temple of Belus is built. It contained about eighty chambers and halls, only four of which produced some remains of Babylonian antiquity, proving that the building was erected by Nebuchadnezzar. In the first hall opened were found broken pillars, capitals and fragments of enamelled bricks, evidently belonging to the embellishments of the room, with cedar wood, which are now in the British Museum. The finding of this struc- ture was very curious, and shows that explorers ought not to be discouraged when they fail sometimes in their researches. This same mound was tried by different ex- plorers over and over again to get at its historical records, but without any beneficial results. When I went to examine it three years ago, I felt convinced that the large mound or platform below the tower must contain either a building or some other remains ; so I placed two gangs of workmen to try the most likely place to reward me for the labour.

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Recent Discoveries of Ancient Babylonian Cities. 189

The overseer whom I appointed over the workmen there had been in the habit formerly of digging at the adjoining mound called Ibraheem-el-Khaleel, where he used sometimes to find inscribed clay tablets, and had tried this Birs Nimroud mound, but could find nothing in it. The consequence was, that after I gave him the necessary directions and went to see after the other explorations in Babylon, he abandoned the new place in which I ordered him to dig, and went back to his old haunts. When I came back and found what he had done, I ordered him to return at once to the spot pointed out to him before : and, to his surprise, after one day's digging there, he found that he was excavating a hall which proved afterwards to belong to a large palace.

Soon after that I had to return to England, and left the overseers to go on with the work, but on going back there after some months, I found that they had nearly finished excavating the whole palace. As soon as I set my foot on the mound, a workman came running to inform me that they had just found some metal object, ornamented on the top, at the entrance of one of the rooms. On going to examine it, I found it placed on the threshold of what seemed to be the grand entrance to the temple. It is quite certain that this object had not been made originally for this purpose, and it must have been placed here in after time. From its length and shape it looked as if it had been originally a leaf of a bronze gate, like those mentioned by Herodotus. It must have been formerly double the length it is at present; and for the purpose of fitting it in this position, or for the sake of the value of the metal, those who placed it there had it cut in two, and disposed of the other half. Some gentlemen however, think that it was originally a door-step, and the cut at the end served as a socket, while others think it might have been the side of a battering-ram. Nevertheless, I still maintain that if it was not a leaf of a gate it could have never been used for either of the above purposes. The most striking fact connected with it is the inscription on the ledge, which Assyrian scholars read as a dedication by Nebuchadnezzar to his god for his restoration to health, which shows that it could not have been intended to be walked upon,

190 Recent Discoveries of Ancient Babylonian Cities.

as it was dedicated for a sacred object. Moreover, when I examined it before it was removed, I found that it was not built into the original Babylonian doorway, but must have been placed there by less civilized occupiers of the palace, who had the passage narrowed, and fitted this object in the threshold between the stone pavement of the passage and the steps leading downwards towards the tower or temple. On passing out of this entrance towards the tower on which the temple of Belus was supposed to have been erected, we could not see an j sign of building; but the whole mass afterwards excavated consisted of debris belonging to an ancient structure, evidently wilfully destroyed by a formidable enemy. To make myself sure. I had a large ditch excavated between the palace and the tower, so as to be certain that we had got to the end of the building ; and as I could not afford to dig the whole remaining space, I penetrated as far as the foundation of the tower by means of tunnelling — a distance of about eighty feet. I desisted from going any further from fear of accident, because the nearer we approached the tower, the more it became dangerous to go on with the excava- tions, on account of the quantity of loose broken bricks that were mixed up with the earth. After the copper door-step was removed to the village, where I resided while superin- tending the work there, I had it packed in a wooden case to take to Baghdad for the purpose of sending it to this country: but finding that it was too heavy to transport on the back of a horse or camel, on going to Baghdad I engaged a muleteer to fetch it on a litter carried by four mules. I had then to prepare to start for Mossul, as I had to see to the other explorations there, and also to visit Van. the capital of Armenia, where we also had some excavations carried on under the temporary direction of Captain Clayton, the late British Yice-Consul there.

"Whenever I leave our excavations in charge of native agents, I always ask the good offices of the British representa- tive to wateli the works, and so when I was going to Mossul at that time, Colonel Miles, the then British Consul General at Baghdad, was kind enough to undertake the official management of the Babylonian explorations. But just as I

Recent Discoveries of Ancient Babylonian Cities. 191

was starting for Mossul, I received a telegram from my head overseer at Babylon to inform me that the Turkish authorities at Hillah had seized the copper door and refused to allow it to be taken to Baghdad, because it had been reported that it was made of gold. The consequence was that Colonel Miles was compelled to send to the Baghdad authorities to order it to be taken thither, which was ultimately done. I heard afterwards that when this peculiar object reached Baghdad the Governor General appointed a commission to examine it to see whether it was gold or not ; and when they were convinced that it was not made of that precious metal, it was allowed to be despatched to England. Even if this Babylonian monument had been made of gold, neither the Hillah nor the Baghdad authorities had any right to meddle with it, seeing that according to the wording of the firman we were allowed to appropriate all unique objects whether they were made of common clay or any precious metal, to say nothing about the absurdity of mistaking copper for gold when this thing was thickly covered with verdigris.

The vitrified portion of the tower of Belus has ever been a great mystery to me, and although I have been trying for the last three years to find out, through scientific gentlemen in this country, the cause of the vitrification, I have as yet found no one who could explain the mystery satisfactorily. Every traveller who visited the place could not help noticing the almost supernatural sight, but not one of them could come to any tangible conclusion as to the cause. Benjamin, of Tudela goes so far as to assert that the " heavenly fire which struck the tower split it to its very foundation," and my late friend, Mr. Loftus, gives the opinion of a " talented companion," who originated the idea when they examined the Birs Nimroud in company, that in order to render their edifices more durable, the Babylonians submitted them, when erected, to the heat of a furnace.

The former authority does not tell us whether his assertion was based upon his own conjecture, or that he quoted a tradition which existed then in the country when he visited the town about seven hundred years ago. As for the opinion of the latter, it cannot hold water, because it is against common Vol. VIII. 13

192 Recent Discoveries of Ancient Babylonian Cities.

sense that a huge tower like that of Birs Nimroud could be subjected to artificial heat after it was built. The tower must have been originally at least 200 feet high, and to build a furnace to envelope it, would be just like trying to cover a solid mass equal in size to the whole dome of Saint Paul's Cathedral with one huge furnace and subjecting it to artificial heat for the purpose of vitrifying it ! Indeed, there is no visible sign of vitrification on any part of the remaining edifice, but the huge boulders which are vitrified are scattered about the tower, and look as if they do not belong to the place at all. Some of these must be between ten and fifteen cubic feet square : and the vitrification is so complete throughout, that when I tried to have a large piece broken to bring to the British Museum, I failed to do so until I obtained the services of a competent mason, who managed to break me two pieces, after having blunted half-a- dozen of his iron tools.

About five hundred yardsto the north-east of Birs Nimroud, there is another large mound called Ibraheem-el-Klialeel. where the Arabs of that country believe Nimrod tried to throw Abraham into the fiery furnace. There I also earned on extensive explorations, and found a large collection of in- scribed clay tablets ; but these were found in the outskirts of the mound, and not in the building I discovered in it. This made me think that the debris in which they were found was thrown from an old building which had been in existence before the new structure I discovered was erected, because I found on the western side of the mound, below the sanctum of Ibraheem-el-Khaleel, quite a new building, which could not have been inhabited; resembling very much the building I discovered in Tel Ibraheem, or the supposed site of Cuthah. It might have been erected when Alexander the Great was trying to remove the rubbish from the temple of Belus, and it was abandoned when that great monarch met with his death.

While I was busily engaged in my researches in Assyria, I heard that a large idol or statue had been discovered in a mound on Shat-el-Hai, and that a telegraph employe, a Frenchman, had broken its arms and sold them to the late

Recent Discoveries of Ancient Babylonian Cities. 193

Mr. George Smith, which I found afterwards had been purchased by the British Museum. So on going to Baghdad, my first endeavour was to find out where that mound was situated, because Shat-el-Hai is about one hundred and forty miles in length, and I was anxious to find out in what part of it the discovery was made, in order that I might know which way to go to it. After a good deal of inquiry, I learnt its exact position by accident. When I was one day on my way to Babylon, I was accosted on the road by a respectable Arab, who asked me to give him employment; and when I asked him what he could do, he said he would go about and look for new sites for me, as he had been in the habit of doing for others. I then inquired if he knew of any place where we should be likely to find antiquities, and he replied that there was a mound on Shat-el-Hai, called "Tel-Loh," where he had dug on searching for antiquities for a Frenchman at Baghdad ; and that a black statue had been discovered by an Arab, who • broke its head, and carried it away, and afterwards it was dispossessed of its arms by a French telegraphist. This information of course cor- roborated the story I had heard, and I allowed no time to be lost in visiting the place with him and judging for myself whether the mound was worth excavating or not. To my great disappointment I found on arriving there that the place was not in the Pashalic of Baghdad, but in that of Busra ; consequently I was debarred by the limit of my firman from carrying on the necessary explorations there ; and so after three days' trial I abandoned it, and returned to Baghdad, thinking that on a future occasion I should be able, through Sir Henry Layard's influence at Constantinople, to obtain permission to resume work there. I was, however, doomed to be disappointed, because in the meantime M. de Sarzac, the French Vice-Consul at Busra, who had also tried this mound before, was endeavouring through his embassy at the Turkish capital to obtain a firman to excavate on his own account at Tel-Loh, and before I could communicate with Sir Henry Layard he attained his desired object. I did not know at first that M. de Sarzac was trying to obtain a firman to excavate at Tel-Loh on his own private account, but had

194 Recent Discoveries of Ancient Babylonian Cities.

heard that he had asked the French Government to give him a grant for his intended explorations, which they had refused to do. and this put me off the scent. Though my other duties took me from the place, had I had the required permission to dig there, I would have left the overseer in charge. On such expeditions it is my custom to take with me a trust- worthy overseer ; and should the mound prove likely to afford satisfactory results on tentative excavations being made, I leave him there to look after the work during my absence.

I found on arriving at Tel-Loh that the statue I had heard of was partially uncovered by the Arabs, and so I had it dug out and made some squeezes of the inscription, which I brought to the British Museum on my return home in June, 1879. While I was there I tried other parts of the mound, and found different inscribed objects, which I brought home, consisting of inscribed clay tablets, weights, sockets of a gate, and curious inscribed symbols in the shape of a thick nail. Of the latter the whole mound was covered with fragments; and up to to-day no one, as far as I know, has accurately explained what they were used for. Assyrian scholars have identified this ancient seat of bygone Chaldean civilization as being " iSirgulla," or city of the great light ; that is to say, a place dedicated to fire worship, and that the greater part of the discovered antiquities bore the name of " Gudea," a prince who held the rank of a viceroy under the king of Ur.

The mound of Tel-Loh is very curiously shaped, quite different from other ancient Babylonian sites. It is about a mile in circumference, and consists of different small mounds, the largest of which is the one in which the statues which are now at the Louvre were found. In that same mound the sitting figure was found ; and had I dug there another clay, I should have come upon the others which M. de Sarzac removed. In some parts of the area of Tel-Loh it was only necessary to dig one foot in order to come upon ancient remains; and the largest mound cannot be more than thirty feet high. It is quite certain that this place was not used as a residence for royalty, but as a mausoleum or kind of cemetery for renowned individuals. In one mound, where

Recent Discoveries of Ancient Babylonian Cities, 195

I unearthed the inscribed pebble gate socket, which is now in the British Museum, there was only one chamber brought to light, evidently a temple, like that of Balawat, where I found Shalmaneser's bronze gates; and the mound in which M. de Sarzac discovered the statues contained about half-a-dozen small chambers. The remainder of the open space must have been used either for a garden or for interring the remains of less worthy personages.

For the last two years our explorations in Assyria were carried on on a small scale, in consequence of the opposition which the Turkish authorities have been creating against my digging in that part of Nineveh called Nebbi Yunis, or the prophet Jonah. Formerly we were debarred from digging at that place by the prejudice the natives of the village had against selling us any house to excavate in ; and as the whole mound was covered over with houses, we could not manage to carry on our researches there as we wished ; but on returning to Mossul in the beginning of 187 lJ, some of the inhabitants invited me to go and dig in their houses, and others actually offered to sell me their dwellings for the same purpose. I, of course, accepted the last offer, and purchased the required number of houses in order to make some tentative excavations therein. I had at first to obtain the permission of the guardians of the mosque to enable me to purchase the houses, as the land was a kind of copyhold of the shrine of the prophet Jonah. Soon after operations were com- menced, however, the overseer of the religious endowment and other petty Turkish officials, thinking that I had bribed the guardians of the mosque, and they receiving no share in the transaction, began to show opposition by inducing some natives of the place to petition the local authorities against my continuing the excavations there, on the plea that by my doing so the village would be destroyed, and the public revenue injured. At that time the Governor General himself went to the village of Nebbi Yunis and examined into the complaints, and he could not but give his verdict against the petitioners, as he said that I had purchased the houses legally and with the entire consent of their owners, and he could not, therefore, stop the work; but the Mootsarif,

19(i Recent Discoveries of Ancient Babylonian Cities.

or Lieutenant Governor of Mossul. from that day forward leagued with the then Minister of Public Instruction at Con- stantinople to thwart us, and has succeeded. Both of these officials were known to be unfavourably disposed towards British interests. Unfortunately when this difficulty arose Sir Henry Layard had left the Turkish capital, and although I applied over and over again to his successors, they could do nothing, as it appears that the attitude the British Government assumed in the matter of Dulcino and the Egyptian difficulty have alienated the good feeling of the Porte towards England ; and the Sultan not caring to grant us any favours, everything has gone against us. All the pleas they brought up against our digging at the village of Nebbi Yunis were childish ; and although they alleged that I had acted in contravention to the conditions of the firman, they failed to prove their case, as I have always been most cautious in carrying out my explorations in accordance with the provisions of the Imperial license : but I am sorry to say that the Ottoman Government have often failed to adhere to the strict royal injunctions. The local authorities at Mossul had no more right to stop us from digging at the village of Nebbi Yunis, especially in the houses I had purchased, than at any other spot, though they said that the place in which I wished to dig was sacred. The Ottoman authorities themselves dug there when I was excavating at Koyunjik, adjoining Nebbi Yunis, in 1853 ; and besides, I never intended to excavate near the Mausoleum of the prophet Jonah, but took care to keep outside the Ottoman excavations which skirted the mosque. Although during the short time I excavated at the village of Nebbi Yunis very little was found to reward me for my anxiety, nevertheless the tradition which is attached to the palace, and the fact of three of the great Assyrian kings having resided there, — namely, Pul, Sennacherib, and Esarhaddon, make me long to try it once more. I feel quite sanguine that after a short labour in certain parts in that mound, it will reveal to the world important discoveries, as this site must have been in the latter days of Assyrian magnificence the chief seat of royalty. From the annals of Esarhaddon we learn that he

Recent Discoveries of Ancient Babylonian Cities. 197

had built there a palace, " such as the kings, his fathers, who went before him, had never made," and which he called " the palace of the pleasures of all the year."

It is to be hoped that British interest will yet take its former status, and the Porte will withdraw all opposition to our archaeological researches, especially as we have still some work to be done in the palaces and temples discovered. It would be a crying shame that we should not be allowed to excavate the remainder of the palaces we have discovered, and allow others to benefit by obtaining the remainder of our collection, more especially in the palace of Sennacherib in Nineveh, which Sir Henry Layard discovered in 1845, where we have been excavating off and on for the last thirty-eight years, during the reign of three Sultans.

198

EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY, PARTICULARLY WITH REFERENCE TO MIST AND CLOUD.

By P. Le Page RenOuf.

Bead 1th March, 18S2.

The Greek dissertation upon Isis and Osiris, which is found among the works of Plutarch, contains the striking remark, that the Egyptian legends with which the writer is concerned are so extremely like well known Hellenic legends that the same explanations are available for both. This is undoubtedly true, and if the Greeks had really been able to explain their ( >wn mythology, it would not have been difficult for them to understand Egyptian mythology when derived from sources as genuine as some of those known to the author of this Greek work.1 Pmt a science of mythology was not possible in the days of Plutarch and his imitators. It has only become possible since the study of the oldest Indian literature has shown that the mythology of the Vedas bears the same rela- tionship to the mythologies of the Greek, Italian, Scandinavian, Teutonic, and Slav races, which the Sanskrit language bears to the different Indo-European languages. Vedic mythology is not the parent of Greek or of Roman mythology, any more than Sanskrit is the parent of Greek or Lathi. But there is clear proof that all the races of Aryan origin had a common

1 The genuineness of some of these sources being undisputed, some Egyptolo- gists have jumped to the extravagant conclusion that Plutarch's interpretation of the myths must be correct. In the days of Plutarch even the Egyptian interpretations of myths were utterly worthless.

No progress is possible until Egyptologists entirely repudiate the authority of Plutarch, Diodorus, Horapollo, and Hermes Trismegistus. as exponents of Egyptian ideas. To suppose, like M. Deveria. that neo-Platonic forgeries of the Christian period can throw any light, except a thoroughly false one, upon mythological writings more than two thousand years older, is to misconceive the nature of philosophy as well as that of mythology

Egyptian Mythology, fyc. 199

mythology before they separated, and also that the forms which the Vedie myths present are historically far more ancient, and at the same time more transparent and intel- ligible, than the Greek or the Roman forms.

Far more instructive than the explanation of any one myth or legend, is the discovery of the process of myth- formation, and consequently of the true method of interpre- tation ; especially when it is found that the same kind of process has been going on, not only among all Indo-European races, but, as nearly as can be ascertained, all over the world. One and the same natural phenomenon does not necessarily give rise to the same myth everywhere, but the process by which myths are derived from it is everywhere the same.

Every national mythology has, in the first instance, to be investigated according to the facts which are furnished by its own language and literature ; but these facts derive much light from the analogy of corresponding facts in other u^thologies. It is hardly necessary to acknowledge that reasoning supposed to follow analogy is often most fallacious; but this is only the case when a real analogy does not exist.

Among the truths which a study of comparative mythology has made very evident, there are two or three upon which I think it necessary to insist most strongly.

It is an entire mistake to seek in myths for religious, metaphysical, ethical, or political ideas, or for physical theories. Myths in themselves have nothing to do with religion. Re- ligion in itself has nothing to do with mythology. Religious feelings have indeed very often centred upon the gods of mythology, but the word ' god' does not in itself denote any- thing of a religious nature.1

The myths have reference solely to physical phenomena, and as each physical object is susceptible of many names, and of being considered from various points of view,2 the

1 See an excellent article of Delbriick, "Entstehung des Mythos bei den Indo- germ. Volker, und uber das Verhaltniss zwischen Religion und Myth," in the Zeitschrljt fiir Yolkerpsychologie, B. III.

2 " Der Name eincs Dinges enthalt nur Sin Merkmal statt des ganzen Begriffs." Pott, " uber Mannigfaltigkeit d. sprachlichen Ausdrucks," in the Zeitschr. fur Volkerpsycholog ie, B. I, p. 345.

200 Egyptian Mythology, particularly

most different and the most contradictory myths may be derived from it. A god may have ever so many different mothers, be born in ever so many different places, and end his career in ever so many different ways. All attempts to harmonise these stories, or to select one in preference to the others are simply idle ; each story is true in its own sense and independent of every other story.

Lastly, every genuine myth is expressed in a very few words.1 Divine dynasties, theogonies containing many gene- rations, long consistent and consecutive legendary narratives 2 are not genuine mythology any more than they are genuine history. They are literary or priestly inventions.

That Egyptian mythology, like the Indo-European, is derived from natural phenomena, and that its principal deities are names of the Sun, has, I suppose, never been doubted by modern scholars. At all events, no one having any decent pretension to understand the ancient language of Egypt, whatever his mythological theories may be, will hesitate to admit that Seb is the earth, Nut heaven, and Ra, Tmu, Horus, Mentu, and Chepera, but different names of the Sun. But it is equally certain that all natural phenomena have not been personified, and that all the personages of mythology have

not the rank of gods. Apap, or rather (1 (1 ^^ Apepi,

the adversary of Ra, is never considered as a god, whilst Set, the adversary of Osiris and Horus, was called a 'great god and lord of heaven' in the most flourishing days of the old

1 Cf. Max Miiller's remarks on Weleker's method of dealing with Greek mythology : Chips, II, pp. 150 and 151. It is hardly necessary to say that, for English readers at least, the essay on Comparative Mythology at the beginning of this volume is the best introduction to the study of the subject.

2 Such as the " Destruction of Men " in the tomb of Seti, or the " Triumphs of Horus," at Edfu, or the " Wanderings of Isis," on the Metternicli Tablet. They bear the same kind of relation to true mythology that a tragedy of Sophocles or Euripides bears to Indo-European mythology. But the story of Osiris, as told by Plutarch or Diodorus, can only be fitly judged by comparing it with the story of Cacus, as told by the latter writer, and then reading the various transformations which the true myth of Cacus has suffered. See Breal's excellent " Hercule et Cacus," in his Melanges de Mythologie et de Linguistique.

ivith reference to Mist and Cloud. 201

religion. Akar, v\ Jjl who is associated with Set,2

Apepi, and the enemies of Ra, is also a god. Wherein lies the difference between these personages? A solution of this question is essential to the right understanding of the Egyptian mythology.

The theology of ancient Egypt, from the earliest periods known to us, is based upon the conception of the uniformity of Nature; as governed by constant, fixed, and unalterable law. This conception was derived from the observation of the unvaried succession of physical phenomena, in the motions of the sun, moon, and stars, in the year and its seasons, day and night, light and darkness. The common noun used to

a /www

express the different powers is |, phonetically written ° ,

. „ .. P / f\ ^^^A/^A !\ /wwva .

or still more fully Vsr=5[|<=>} , (I <=>, , , nutar,

but already in the eighteenth dynasty corrupted in popular pronunciation to ^^ (j nutd, from which the Coptic rtOT^f", signifying God, is derived. Nutar is etymologically con- nected with J (I \ nutra ; a word which has erroneously

been translated "renew." In hundreds of texts where it occurs the primary sense is might, strength, jwwer.3 As an adjective it signifies strong, mighty, and as a verb strengthen, fortify, protect. And this is the reason why, in the later texts, the common determinative of the word is a fortified wall

1 This god (aicoTalog) represents the dusk or gloom of morn or evening, Todt., 108, 9 ; 111, 4 ; 149, 17. See also 39, 6 and 9. The deceased says, 94, 2, " I am provided with the writings of Thoth, which ward off the Akar who is in Sut,

- \- \\ rJ\" s'.e., " the eloom of night." A tablet from

J Jj^ T W sil

Abydos, of the 13th or 14th dynasty, speaks of the ithyphallic god Ames as the terrible one who smites Akar and deals blows against the enemies of the sun,

(Mariette, Catalogue, 261).

2 This god's name should probably be written Sut, as in the preceding note. The form 1 <=» which is found in Todt., 96, 2, is evidently a mere mistake for I mB , as it will be found written in the Papyrus of Nebseni.

3 See Appendix.

202 Egyptian Mytliology, particularly

]l or 11. The corresponding word in Coptic is HOJULXe , ItOJUL"!", which in the Bible represents the Greek words Suva/x/?. tV^u?, icrxvpooo. I trace the Coptic word to the hieroglyphic forms ^ , *™w g > [) <z> nuntar. and the plural forms

■which occur among the many variants of ^ in the so-called enigmatic texts at Biban-el-Moluk. As nutar has become nuti in Coptic, bo has nuntar become nomti. And nuntar has grown out of nutar by the insertion of a nasal consonant into the first syllable, as the Coptic forms ^ertKI and ^GJULKG have

grown out of X O heket or cyeJULcyi out of n H -A Sese?

The notion of a Kosmos, or what moderns call the Reign of Law, is implied in the Egyptian S^o Maat, a word which I think it is a serious mistake in certain contexts to translate, "truth." Moat is Law. in the sense of that eternal and unerring order through which this universe exists : and this sense of the word is not an extension of the notion of

••truth.'" but is as directly connected with the notion of — ^ .A mad, stretch out, hold out straight, as the Latin regere. regula, rectus, and our own rule and right, with org, the Indo-European equivalent of -^ -A

maa.

One of the most essential attributes of the Egyptian nutar is that he should be ^zz? *z^ neb moat, literally lord or rm

of Laic. The meaning of this expression is liable to be mis- taken. It does not signify that Law is at the lord's will or disposal, but that it is his distinguishing attribute. In

L.

—

Egyptian as in Hebrew, a hairy man is lord of hair. IB)

1 The value sese r-xr-i 0 fl (Dent., II. 122 ; III, 262: &c) for fl R A is indisputable.

M. Pierret and Dr. Brugseh hare recently appealed in favour of iemse to an

ancient monument which reads n ^\ I . They ought to have noticed that

in this inscription the word sienifying service should grammatically be preceded

The scribe has simply put this letter in the wrong place— an extrenielv

common error.

with reference to Mist and Cloud. 203

fringed is lord of -wings. ^-^ \\> wb abu, lord of horns, is the exact equivalent of Q^"?|2 ' V^ ; ^^ czzn f**^ lord of blood, means bloody ; ^^7 \\\ lord of years, means aged, annosus; the faithful dead is called either ^ p dm%u, or o neb amyu.

The Sun-god is ^zz? S^7^, because his course is guided by fixed Law, and never transgresses it. And such is the case with all other personages who have the same attribute applied to them. And incredibly numerous as were the personages of their mythology, the Egyptians seem to have regarded none as gods who did not in some way, like the days of the month and the twenty-four hours of the day, represent a fixed and eternal Law. Night, therefore, in the person of Set, is justly esteemed a "great god and lord of heaven"; but Apepi clearly represents a natural phenomenon of so irregular an occurrence as not to fall within the Egyptian conception cf Law.

The myths of Egypt, like those of all other nations, arose (it cannot too often be repeated) from the spontaneous and often homely utterances of men in presence of nature. We have a vulgar saying when the sun shines through the rain, that "the Devil is beating his wife." The Sun was spoken of by the Egyptians as the " Youth in Town," or the " Lad in the Country," or the* "Bull in the Fields." He is the "Husband of his own Mother." When he has disappeared, it is said that he has lost his sight, that his eyes will be restored to him at daybreak, or that his head has been swallowed by his enemy. The etymologies of some of the names of the Sun are very evident. He is Ptah the Opener, Tmu the Closer, Chnemu the Builder. But some of the most important names of gods are as yet without explanation. I endeavoured in my Lectures on the Egyptian religion to identify the principal gods, and since the delivery of those lectures I have seen but little reason to modify any of the results upon which I expressed myself very positively. But on some points I spoke hesitat- ingly, for instance, as to the gods Shu and Tefnut ; and with reference to others (Isis, Nephthys, and Hath or) I was aware of a good many texts which might be quoted in apparent opposition to the conclusions I had adopted. As to the

204 Egyptian Mythology, particularly

mythology derived from phenomena of irregular occurrence, I said but little, and that only conjecturally. On all these points I now venture to lay before you the results of a more mature study of the original texts.

I do not think I was wrong in identifying Xephthys with the Sunset, and Isis, Hathor, Neith, and other goddesses, with the Dawn. But M. Xaville was also right in his conjecture that Xephthys might represent the morning, and Isis the evening, twilight. There were, in fact, according to Egyptian ideas, two Dawns, and a word which means Dawn also meanu Sunset.1 In the vignettes of the 17th Chapter of the Book of the Dead, the goddesses Isis and Xephthys twice appear together, once on the Eastern and once on the Western direction of the bark of the Sun-god. Again, Isis is said to give birth to the Sun-god Horus, and Xephthys to nurse him. This is, of course, on the eastern horizon. Yet both Isis and Xephthys are called " goddesses of the West." According to one of the glosses of the 17th chapter, Isis and Xephthys are the two feathers on the head of the ithyphallic god ^p Ames,2 who (we are told in the same place) is no other than Horus, the avenger of his father. In the more recent texts

£f^ maSeru. Observe the determinative _25Xs, which is Ten- important. The sun sets at the maSeru (Todt., 15, 2), and he rises at it (15, 16). The Hebrew ^y^ri also means dawn and sunset.

2 Commonly but erroneously called Khem. The variants of the name are Jl- [1 \\ 3 and \\ Ah- " Jj\ (see Zeitschr., 1877, p. 98), as found in a tomb of the XYIIIth dynasty (Denkm., Ill, 3S), in the papyrus of Xebseni, in one at Boulaq (No. 21), and in that of Xet'emet, belonging to the Prince of Wales. Two other authorities (the Ritual of Mentuhotep and that of Keka, both at Berlin) show that the last consonant in the name was or — h — , and for the name

itself \7 in the papyrus of Keka I read y antes. [Since this was in print,

Si. Maspero (Zeitschr., 1882, p. 129) has quoted two identical texts ; in that from

the pyramid of Teta v\ J^K corresponds to -=aoc=> in that from the

/wwv\ 77 w "S _ _

pyramid of Unas. These are not phonetic variants any more than the

[j of Teta = the D\\ or D (1 of Unas. In TempeUnschr., I, 32, ^iFjl in

Ames Men (line 8), is distinguished from > ^. - V^ Ames Horus (line 1)].

nth reference to Mixt and Clotid. 205

the hieroglyphic sign lfX|{ representing the rising sun between Isis and Nephthys, is ideographic of the word * ks^ tuau, morning, whence the Coptic TOTI. When they are associated in this way it is right to speak of these goddesses as the Two Dawns. When they appear isolated, unless there is a special reason for the contrary, Isis remains the Dawn, as in the myth where Horus strikes off her head, or in the 1 33rd chapter, which begins as follows : " The Sun- god rises from his horizon; the company of gods is with him, as the god comes forth who is in the secret dwelling. The mists fall away from the eastern horizon of heaven at the voice of Isis, who has prepared the way for the Sun-god." And, on the other hand, Nephthys considered as the spouse of Set, the destroyer of Osiris, or as the mother of Ann bis, " who swallows his own father," can only be identified with the Sun-set.

Hathor, "the dwelling of Horus," out of which he comes, and into which he returns, stands both for the Dawn and the evening twilight.

I thought it probable that Neith, the great goddess of Sais, and mother of the Sun-god Ra, who in various texts is identified with Isis, was one of the many names of the Dawn, not of Heaven, as has generally been thought. I ought to have spoken more positively. The passage I referred to in the Book of the Dead (114, 1, 2) is sufficient to support a decided assertion. The goddess herself says on the sepulchral

canopi, I * v\ O Jj I ' 1 '=^=i J] setud semdserd ra neb,

"I come at Dawn and at Sunset daily,"1 and I ought to have remembered that a papyrus of the Louvre says that "the Sun- god Ra rises at the gates of the horizon at the prime portals of Neith." Upon which M. Maspero says, " En taut que deesse cosmique [the Egyptians had no otliers] Neith representait la matiere inerte et tenebreuse d'oii le soleil sortait chaque matin." " La matiere inerte et tenebreuse " is an unnecessary and unauthorized addition to the Egyptian conception. But I am pleased to find that on some important points I am not

1 Rouge, Etude sur une stele er/i/ptienne, p. 125.

20fi Egyptian Mythology, particularly

so tar at variance with other Egyptian scholars as I thought when I delivered my lectures. I am certainly not disposed to admit the general proposition, that the Egyptian goddesses represented space. But M. Pierret's doctrine, " qu'elles per- sonnifient la lumicre du soleil ou l'espace dans lequel il prend sa naissance et dans lequel il se coucke" is very nearly my own view. I fear Egyptologists will soon be accused, like other persons, of seeing the Dawn everywhere. The ancient Egyptians at least saw these goddesses where we see them. " Oh Shu, Amen Ra, Harmachis, self-sprung," says a hymn, " thy sister goddesses stand in Buchat, they uplift thee into thy bark." Buchat, as Brugsch proved many years ago, is the place on the horizon where the sun rises.1

I am, I confess, compelled to see the Dawn, or rather the Two Dawns, in Shu and Tefnut, the two children of the Sun- god Ra.2 It may be quite true that in later times Shu repre- sented Air, but this is only because the Dawn brings fresh breezes3 — Oriens afflavit anhelis.4 But in all the early texts

1 Zeitschr., 1864, p. 74. The form J |g[ = ilOT,P,I palpelrce, "the eyelids " of the Dawn. On the "wings of the Dawn," see infra, Note 4.

2 As Dr. Birch already thought when he translated the Book of the Dead. See Bunsen's Egypt, vol. v, p. 193.

3 Compare the Hebrew F|tt?3 flavit (apparently akin to DU?3 spiravit, TV2^^ halitus) with P]tl?3 crepusculum. The word q ' Jl, ' ne$ep (Diiinichen,

Result ate, 18, 3, 26, 10) is evidently borrowed by the Egyptians of the recent

inscriptions.

4 This agrees with several texts of the recent period.

^^Re1T(|o3*— -*~wvv-!™^? IT1^' "The god

Shu comes to thee in his form of the Dawn to give thee air" (Rec, I, 35, from the coffin of Hetra). ^^^xl Va~ Sau-Rru, which means the Dawn (see Brugsch's Lex., part 7, p. 982), is an evident imitation of the Semitic mi* (j> 1 * — Cp\ -. . . ■) y * , " The god Shu comes to thee daily at

early dawn in the four winds" (Dendera, ap. Brugsch, ibid., p. 687). In the article of Brugsch's Lexicon on n=h Va~ , these two texts are referred to among others not less interesting. One of these speaks of the Dawn as knowing one's interior, /^- l7i *T-T^. (Cf. the name of the door-keeper of the Hall of Maiit,

with reference to Mist and Cloud. 207

Shu is the rising Sun. The Harris magical papyrus identifies Shu with " the Sun travelling upwards at the prime of morn- ing, whilst Tefnut, seated upon his head, darts her flame against his adversaries." The myth, according to which Shu " divided heaven from earth," only means that at the dawning of the day heaven and earth, which were previously confused together in darkness, are clearly seen apart. And when it is added that " he raised the heaven above the earth for millions of years," what happens every day is, according to the well known wont of myths, related as having occurred once. The

expression c [) \\ kotep su, implies that Shu is used for

the Sunset as well as for the Dawn. Shu and Tefnut are called the Two Lions, but they are also represented by a single Lion, as though there were but a single divinity. In the tomb of queen Maat-ka-ra the two Eyes of Horus are said to be Shu and Tefnut — one being in the morning boat and the other in the evening boat of the Sun.

As Tefhut etymologically seemed to represent some form of moisture, I had conjectured that this was Dew rather than Rain, which is not one of the regularly recurring phenomena of Egypt. And Brugsch has recently come to a similar con- clusion.1 This conjecture, however, scarcely does justice to the powers of Tefnut, who is always described as a fiery and even blood-stained divinity. It is fire that she spits against the adversaries. " I am Tefnut," she says, "thundering against those who are kept on the earth, who are annihilated for ever." She surely represents

" The sanguine sunrise, with his meteor eyes And his burning plumes outspread,"

or the " crimson pall of. eve."

Todt., 125, 61, and Max Miiller, Science of Language, II, p. 564, 7th Ed.) But

the most important ones are those which clearly identify wv c=^5> Horus of

Bahutet, or the Winged Solar disk, with the Dawn.

I cannot admit with Brugsch that an older form of [ph V\. is to be found

in the * j^ of a Xllth dynasty inscription. The latter group is not siu-

Hor, but tua. The substitution of the sign VX for V\ is easily accounted for; see Denhm., Ill, 151 c.

1 " Die Begen-oder Thaugottiu Tefnut." Die Neue IFeliordnung, p. 36.

Vol. VIII. 14

208 ptian Mythology, particularly

M. Xaville observes:1 "Si l'etvmologie du noin de ^ ° nous indique plutot quelqne chose d'humide, on ne peut nier que les representations de eette deesse, telle quelle apparait en general dans les temples ne soient tout-a-fait

semblables a celles de la deesse de Memphis () LL appelee

encore JIe^ | , , , et dont les epithetes sont j}lj!|^|/ft

/WWW oj^ -~: ^-v

la brulante, ^=A fL la jlamme, ,= s=> n j n qui ltabite la fourjiaise."2

But both Isis and Xephthys shoot flames against the adversaries of Ra.

The same may be said of the two Urasus goddesses, Uat'it and Xechebet, who are in fact but one goddess, who is herself identified with Hathor in a text published by

M-Maspero: ^ j^l k^K^^X" which adds that she consumes the adversaries with her flames. Sechet. the beloved of Ptah. is simply the fiery Dawn. u She sendeth flames of fire in the face of the foes ; whoever approaches sinks to ruin, she sendeth fire to burn their limbs." She is distinctlv identified with Xeith in the Ritual (66, 9) :

If the tale of the destruction of men by Hathor be really founded on a genuine myth, the blood-stained goddess cer- tainly represents one of those sunsets which I have myself witnessed in Egypt, when " the whole sky. from the zenith to the horizon, becomes one molten mantling sea of colour and fire ; every black bar turns into massy gold, every ripple and wave into unsullied, shadowless crimson and purple and

1 Litanie du Soleil, p. 31.

In a text at Philae (as ret, I think, unpublished) Tefmit is represented as ing protection to her son Osiris." In the magical papyrus translated by Dr. Birch, Osiris is the son of Shu and Tefnut.

': This last expression, of which the curious variant 1 i3 foym&

in Tempelinschr., I, pi. 74, should rather be rendered ' empyraeum.' It is the abode of flame whence the Sun-god issues, and like the C3 ^^zt E~-^ ^a^ representative chapels in the great temples.

with reference to Mist and Cloud. 209

scarlet, and colours for -which there are no words in language and no ideas in the mind — things which can only be conceived while they are visible — the intense hollow blue of the upper sky melting through it all — showing here deep and pure and lightless — there modulating the filmy formless body of the transparent vapour till it is lost imperceptibly in its crimson and gold."1

Phenomena like those just described in Mr. Ruskin's eloquent language depend upon atmospheric conditions which vary from day to day. They gave rise in Egypt, as in other countries, to that kind of myth which we may call the meteorological, as distinct from the myth which has reference only to the relations of the heavenly bodies. When the Sun-god has sunk below the horizon, Tmu has been received into his mother's arms, or Set has eaten the head of Osiris, or Anubis has swallowed his own father, or Horus is sitting alone in his blindness. The crocodile of the West devours each of the stars which set (the Achmiu uretu).2 Each morn Horus overcomes Set, and avenges Osiris, the sun of yesterday. In the battle between night and day Tehuti (the moon) at fixed intervals appears upon the scene as mediator or arbitrator between the contending parties.

1 Euskin, " Modem Painters," I, 158.

2 See my Hibbert Lectures, p. 181, note.

In tbe additions (p. 136) to bis Lexicon, Brugscb corrects bis former opinion, and quotes texts from Dendera wbicb speak of tbe Achmiu uretu as belonging to tbe southern sky and tbe Achmiu seku to tbe northern sky. Tbis is of course not only in harmony with my own view, but a necessary consequence. As tbe old ungramrnatical error of considering achmiu as a mere negative is not yet exploded, let me quote tbe forms (I # v\ jr* i i i (^.elteste Texie, 40, line 11) and (I y* sT*~X" (-^y^en, St. k. 9), wbicb prove that the word is a noun, and tbe generic name of certain stars.

Of tbese Achmiu the stars of tbe Great Bear appear to me to bave enjoyed several mythical names. The well-known name, Chepesh, " tbigb," is suggested by the look of the constellation, and is probably not mythological. But if, as I think, " the seven Cows and their Bull " (? Arcturus) mentioned in the Book of the Dead (ch. 148) designate this constellation (sepfem triones), there is even less >n for doubting that the stars represented the "Seven Spirits who follow their Lord" (Todt., 17, 33). From early times traditions differed as to the names of these spirits {ib., hnes 38 and 39). But it is noteworthy that the

name of the fifth spirit, according to one tradition, is i \n i f^H\

210 Egyptian Mythology, 'particularly

In all such instances the myth is founded upon facts eternally recurring in unvarying succession. Such is not the case when the sun's light is modified by mist, cloud, or eclipse.

The exceptional brightness of the Egyptian sky is gene- rally known. It is not so well understood that, particularly in certain months of the year, dense fogs and cloudy skies are extremely common, and that even in the latitude of Thebes violent storms of thunder, lightning, and rain are by no means unknown. The hieroglyphic inscriptions of Edfu expressly mention the obelisks and nagstaiFs as being destined to serve a purpose similar to that of our lightning conductors. The study of a poet true to nature, like Wordsworth or Shelley, or of an artist like Turner, is a more instructive guide to the interpretation of myths than the most profound speculations of philosophers ancient or modern.

"The scarlet of the clouds," says Mr. Ruskin,1 was Turner's "symbol of destruction. In his mind it was the symbol of blood. So he used it in the Fall of Carthage. Note his own written words —

' While o'er the western wave the ensanguined sun In gathering huge a stormy signal spread, And set portentous.'

"red-eyed," whilst the fifth cow's name (Todt., 148, 13) is connected with f^HS * U^l " red-haired." This clearly refers to a coloured and

<^ ^> AAAAAA I I I

therefore double star in the constellation.

There are, again, the seven A V\ (J I g*A /TV | T'aasu, who assist Thoth tag -Te^ 1 I Sit i_l I c . — j | '

in his calculations as to the universe ; one of them, called v — y i i I

the " Eed one," is third or fifth, according to the order in which the names are read.

It is highly probable that the Seven Scorpions who accompanied Isis, accord- ing to the legend of the Metternich Tablet, equally represent the stars of the Great Bear.

1 Modem Painters, V, p. 340, note. Turner, Mr. Ruskin says (ibid., p. 147), felt the great Greek traditions more than he knew them; "his mind being affected, up to a certain point, precisely as an ancient painter's would have been, by external phenomena of nature. To him, as to the Greek, the storm clouds seemed messengers of fate. He feared them, while he reverenced." The passage from the impressions of nature to a mythical and also to a religious view of tbings, is here strikingly expressed.

with reference to Mist and Cloud. 211

So he used it in the Slaver, in the Ulysses, in the Napoleon, in the Goldau ; again and again in slighter hints and momen- tary dreams, of which one of the saddest and most tender is a little sketch of Dawn, made in his last years."

Red is also the symbol of blood, flame, or destruction, in the Egyptian myths, in reference to the colour of the clouds. I have already referred to the tale of the destruction of men by Hathor. But the Book of the Dead furnishes earlier evidence. The crimson of a sunset takes the form (in the 17th chapter) of the " blood which flows from the Sun-god Ra as he hastens to his suicide." (Death of Herakles.)

According to another myth (Todt., 99, 22), the Sun-god " cut the foot of Hathor, in stretching a hand to bring her to him in his evening boat."

A third myth (Todt., 99, 17) speaks of Isis as " stanching the blood from the eye of Horus."

The "blood of Isis" is commemorated (Todt., 156, 1) by the red talisman called the II k\ tet, of which so many specimens

are found in our museums. The blood here spoken of is not improbably that which flowed when Horus smote off her head. In these instances the crimson tints of dawn and sunset are ascribed to blood proceeding from the gods. I shall shortly have to give instances in which the blood proceeds from the adversaries of the gods.

Modern science has given the name of cirrus to one of the most common forms of cloud. The Latin word cirrus signifies a lock, curl, ringlet, or tuft of hair. The corres- ponding Egyptian word is •««« 1 c-^^Vs, ^ nehtu. In the Tale of the Two Brothers the faithless wife of Anpu was sitting | s-pl I o her nebtu-set, " curling her hair."

The resemblance of certain clouds to locks of hair did not escape the notice of the Egyptians. The 131st chapter of the Book of the Dead speaks of " the lock which is in the way of

the Sun," j ^ D^ -^ ^?°_J ■*»!«* dm uat Ra. The previous chapter (130, 24) had already spoken of " repulsing that Lock which issues out of the flamo

212 Egyptian Mythology, particularly

against the bark of Rii.'' In chapter 138, 4, Horns, the "sovereign of the universe," is invoked under the special title

of vv> <=> | cr^a^ peh er nebtu, "mighty" or "vic- torious against the Lock of hair"; a ridiculous piece of bathos, unless it is borne in mind that Nebtu is here the name of a mythological personage sufficiently important to encounter

the Sun-god in battle. In other chapters I) <^=-s ^= Nebtu is

distinctly spoken of as a demon. In 3U, 12, he comes to attack "the god who reposes in his shrine," and in 152, 1, he is given up by Shu to the Osiris. In other chapters (136, 10; 144. 17) it is promised to the departed that Nebtu shall not reach him.

Already at the beginning of the XVIIIth dynasty, in the tomb of queen Maat-ka-ra,1 we find him mentioned as

il Yrv <nI *%> Nebtu se Nut, Xebtu, son of Nut. This

is a parentage not recognized in the Book of the Dead. It seems to imply an identification with Set, and a misconception of the essential difference between these personages. It is a first unconscious step towards the expulsion of Set from the rank of the gods.

Another Egyptian word I ^^^ (of which the forms

^ semai and L V\ ^\ ^ semam are also

found) signifies " han," as in chapter 154, 6, where it is said that the hair of the departed shall not be soiled. It is

probably akin to I 1\ [ [1 !=^=' sami, dark, black, darkness.

There is also the word I [1 [££5 sam (Brugsch, Lex., 1165),

which unquestionably signifies dark cloud. The appearance of dark, black locks upon the sky has given rise to the mythical personages of the Samiu of Set. This expression exactly corresponds to the irKoKa^ioi i/caToy/cecfxiXa Tv(f>co. the Locks of the hundred-headed Typhon: a name, as we know from Aristophanes, given by the Greeks to certain

1 In this queen's time (Dumichen, Hist. Inschr., II, 34) Set still occupies his ancient rank among the gods. He is called (No. 5) " the great and living god," and (No. 10) the " lord of heaven."

with reference to Mist and Clvu<l. 213

clouds. It is said in chapter 18, line 22, that when these Bamiu of Set approached Horus they transformed into goats or other quadrupeds, and were slaughtered before the chief gods, " while the blood flowed from them."

In the 134th chapter, the enemies of Osiris also appear in the form of birds, beasts, and fishes, and the Sun-god "washes in their blood." With the Samiu I am most strongly inclined

to identify the Sehiu I J (I (I ^^ i , other Titanic enemies of

the Sun, whose function and fate are exactly the same. Ety- mologicaUy there is no difficulty in the identification, for the interchange of the letters b and m is recognized, e.g., in the

well-known cases of T J ah, and j 1\ dm, Jp Ml "fc^ makes, and J (1 8 I ^^ bakes, \ %i^Sl w bakasu, I v\ makasu. The two forms samiu

and -J? <S\ ©

and sabiu are probably owing to a dialectic variety of pro- nunciation; but the scribes to whom we owe our present copies of the Ritual were not aware of this, or they would otherwise sometimes have used the sign ^ a lock, as determinative of Sehiu. Their slaughter aud the effusion of their blood is recorded in the Book of the Dead. These myths represent the dissolution of the dark clouds into smaller ones, assuming fantastic shapes, and coloured by the Sun's rays in hues of crimson or scarlet.

Hah is also the mythical equivalent of cloud,1 when the overcast dawn is represented by Isis covering herself by letting her hair flow over her (Todt., 17) ; also by the " wig of

Hathor " ^"^ ~~* C^ afH-lt ent Sathor (Todt., 35, 1),

which covers the rising Sun- god Shu, and the cap c<=>\ £) seset (78, 25), of Horus.2

1 The primitive meaning of | V\ v\ r\J TTTT senemu, storm

cloud or storm, is simply hair, the common forms being ^s TT\ or

AAAA/V\ H

Tne ^k fk /^~V nememes of the Double Lion of Dawn is referred to

later on.

214: Egyptian Mythology, particularly

The hair of Osiris is said (Todt., 13, 2) to be " greatly agitated ( , u , ^ vesu = the Greek fypiaaeiv) when he sees the greyhounds of Horus." Both the hair of Osiris and the greyhounds of Horus represent forms of cloud. Those who made these myths saw animal forms in the clouds, not only as adversaries of the Sun-god, but as the cattle of Horus : "Ins oxen, his goats, and his swine" (ch. 112, 6). But the greyhound evidently represents the light cloud rapidly skim- mhig along under the influence of a steady breeze.

The mythical greyhounds and then fleetness are also mentioned in a very ancient and, unfortunately, very uncer- tain text (the 24th chapter of the Book of the Dead) in connection with the god Shu.

Other mythical animal forms mentioned in the Book of the Dead as antagonists of the Sun, are serpents, crocodiles, and the tortoise. The chapter about the tortoise unfortunately throws no light at all upon the functions of this animal. All that we know is that it was the deadly adversary of Ra. "Life to Ra, Death to the Tortoise," is what, in the Turin Ritual (ch. 161), is written on each of the four gates of heaven. We are here in a region of conjecture, but the hieroglyphic sign of the tortoise, so similar hi form to the scarabeeus (the recognized symbol of the Sun) that Mr. Good- win was positive that it was meant for a beetle, and its name seta, or setu,1 apparently akin to the word seta, to cover, lead me to identify it with the Eclipse. It certainly represents a small and rounded form which occasionally covers the sun. The primitive Egyptians who could not know the Law which governs the Eclipse, never deified the tortoise, considered as the adversary of the Sun. There is. however, a star of this name among the Decans, who of course is considered as a god.

In the later days of the mythology all the phenomena interfering with the Sun's light were confounded together, and identified with one another: Set, Akar. Apepi, the Tor- toise, Tebha, and others. But texts of this period are of no authority unless they are confirmed by those of the better

1 The name dp Set is founded on an erroneous division of words in the title of Todt., 36, re en %esef & Pe Se^-

with reference to Mist and Cloud. 215

periods. When Egyptologists speak of something Ti/phonic, they can only do so with accuracy in reference to the later centuries of the Egyptian religion. Tebha is not genuine Egyptian ; it is borrowed from the Greek Typhon = rvcfrXos.1

The Serpent in most mythologies is the representative of cloud. I shall here only speak of two mythical serpents : the first represents a morning cloud. Sebak, one of the forms of the Sun, we are told in chapters 108 and 111, is the lord of the mountain of Buchat in the Eastern sky, and he has a temple of crystal there ; and on the brow of that mountain there is a serpent of 300 cubits in length, and 10 cubits in breadth ; three cubits in front of him are of flint, and when the time of Ra approaches, he turns down his eyes towards Ra. There is perhaps a mythological meaning in the word ^^ ^^ tes, flint, for flint in Egyptian, as in Indo- European mythology, is connected with the thunderbolt. The allusion may therefore be to a thunder cloud.

But the most important serpent is the great dragon Apepi, He has been confounded with a so-called giant Apophis, be- cause <l4>UJ<£> signifies giant in Coptic. Genuine Egyptian mythology knows nothing of such a giant. The etymology is clear enough. Ap signifies ascend, mount up. Apepi is that which mounts up. It is the mythical name of Cloud as the enemy of the Sun. The serpent is described in the texts at Biban-el-maluk, as " having no eyes,1 nose, or ears, but roaring as it comes along." The picture represents him with twelve heads rising through his back. These heads, which have been swallowed by him, are made to come forth through the blows inflicted upon him by the servants of Ra. The word " head " may perhaps convey a double meaning. The Egyptian word hotep ®,2 when accompanied by the determinative \>, and

1 \J> ^Jd^ fttftfl uhar, " the blind one," is a name of Apepi in the inscrip- tions of the base period. (Myth of Cacus, or Caeculus, = caecus.)

2 @ \> is one of those words in which the sign Ql has the value hotep. This is certain, from the variants in which the sign V appears. Compare Brugsch, Lexicon, B. 7, p. 1322, with an article of Diimichen in Zeitschr., 1873, p. 118. It is wonderful that Brugsch (who has certainly read this article) shuts his eyes to such direct variants as V n~^ = x~~- ? not to mention others.

11 on

216

Egyptian Mythology, particularly

even without it, means either "headland," as I suggested some time ago, or, at all events, some other kind of land. The reappearance of headlands or other scenery, which had been concealed by fog or cloud, may be alluded to.

ra^ra

w

ism. " the Roarer,"' is one of the names

of Apepi in the Bremner Papyrus, and, like the text just referred to, points to the thunder-cloud. The same conclu- sion seems to be derivable from the 39th chapter of the Book of the Dead ; but the text of this chapter is in so unsatisfac- tory a condition as not at present to admit of accurate trans- lation. In this chapter the Sim-god, in his conflict with

Apepi, is called -Vr 11^ Ra am saufet, "Ra in a flutter."

The word sautet signifies trembling, quivering, quaking, palpitating, and in this place refers to the appearance of the Sun as seen through a cloud passing over it. This state of trepidation is not confined to Ra. " Seb standeth still in terror, the company of the mighty gods is in a quake."

The storm-cloud is clearlv intended.

D

— (0— ©

The seventh chapter of the Book of the Dead speaks of " advancing over (or passing through) the high ridges (— •*— ) of Apepi, which are void £ '-^D y>," and the 99th chapter of guiding a boat over — *— D ^o (I (I I ridge " of Apepi. It invokes the curtains " and the ^z^7 (I S v\ D

Q

/WVWA /WWNA

this void

"5 „, "lord of

lord of the cloud,"

that is, the " veiled " or " clouded " one, namely, the Sun- god. The ridges which have to be passed over or pierced

are ridges of cloud. Apepi is said to be £ ^^ kesen, a

word which was long since shown to signify void, empty. The inscription of the Gold Mines says that the road was deficient in water, uat kesenta her mu. There is no reason whatever for impugning this signification. The tablet of

ivith reference to Mist and Cloud. 217

Canopus has hdti-sen kesen her xePer> " their hearts failed at the occurrence." This is perfectly consistent with the Greek version, nravrcov roiv iv rrj %<wpa KaTaireirXriy ^kvwv eVt t&> (TvixjBe^KOTi. The passages of the Prisse papyrus in which the word occurs are equally consistent with the old inter- pretation of the word.

Apepi is overcome by the fire and flinty sword ( c

\ — H — D

tes) of the Sun-god, and is forced back into his cavern \® J ^ Xe^t)i and over him (according to a text at Dendera) is placed a stone " of forty cubits," while the devouring flame preys upon his bones.

The tree is another mythical representation of cloud. It never appears otherwise than as a joyful or beneficent phe- nomenon. The evergreen sycamore, which is the most beautiful tree of Egypt, the persea, the olive, and the tama- risk are the principal trees of the mythology. They are suggestive of coolness and refreshment.

" I know," says the Book of the Dead (chapters 109, 2 and 149, 7), "that sycamore of Emerald, through the midst of which the Sun-god Ra, proceeds as he advances to what Shu has raised at the eastern gate of heaven." x

The emerald colour (mqfka) here specially characterising the tree has reference to the beautiful green tints of dawn and sunset. Dr. Thompson, in his " Introduction to Meteorology " (p. 76), speaks of a " curious phenomenon which rarely occurs in this climate — the existence of green clouds. This happens in the mornings and evenings, when a thin cloud is illumi- nated at once by the yellow rays of the sun, and the bright azure of the upper sky, their contrasted colours producing a green by mixture." But even in this climate the bright-

1 At a later time we read (on the Metternich Stele), in connection with the Dawn ( r-j-i ri \t -l), of the " Goose Egg which comes forth from the Sycamore "

Tk 9, jHM'ii, fe^ / M . This has reference to the Egg of

Seb in Todt., 54, and other chapters. The sun is here considered as an egg laid by that great cackling goose, the earth.

218 Egyptian Mvtholooy, particularly

green streaks near the horizon are, at certain seasons, of great beauty.1

The sycamore of Hathor is mentioned in ch. 52 ; the Osiris eats beneath its shade. On a papyrus at Dublin the Osiris prays that he may be under the sycamore of Hathor at the rising of Horus.

The sycamore of Nut is the Rain-cloud. The water of heaven seems to have been considered as bringing with it refreshment to the dead. The vignette of the Ritual is well known which represents a tree out of which the hand of the goddess pours out water to the deceased. The prayer of the 59th chapter is confined to these words: /' 0 Sycamore of Nut, give me the water which is in thee "; but a vase of the Louvre adds the reply of the goddess : " Receive the libation from my two hands. I am thy mother; I bring thee the vases with abundance of water to appease thy heart with refreshment ; breathe thou the breezes which come from me, that thy flesh may live thereby ; for it is I who give water to every mummy, who give breezes to those who are breath]' 38, to those whose bodies are hidden, and to those who have no tomb. I am with thee, and I reunite to thee thy souL so that it may never be parted from thee.*'

There is a request to a similar effect in chapter 152, in behalf of the deceased: "0 Sycamore of Nut, u-Jw refreshed those who are in Amenti, let thy hands be laid upon his limbs, protecting him from the heat, and refreshing him under thy

1 The green cap or mantle (nememes uaf) of the Double Lion of Dawn (Todt., 78, 19) has the same meaning. So has the " green stone " at the neck of Ra (Todt., 103, 3). The golden Hawk has wings of green (ch. 77) as he comes forth. In later times Hathor is addressed (Dumichen, Resultate, 18, 1) as "diademed with emerald and rested with green." "Thy countenance is tiuted with the emerald colour," she is told (Rec. iv, 71 and 75), " of fresh emerald, thou art green like the green-stone of Bucliat." The dawn-goddess, Uat'it, whose name signifies greenness, or the green one, is called, like Hathor, <~"^^ \ o ys\ ^ o i/.| , -j o nelt vest el mafka tehen, "mistress

of sapphire, emerald, and saffron, i.e., she is conspicuous by these colours. Mafka and tehen, "emerald and saffron" (or some other yellow colour, see Zeitschr., 1867, p. 66) are the tints of the Dawn, Todt., 80, 7. The Book of the Dead (160, 2) mentions i*"^, ^ | neiem, " green felspar," as one of the names of the Dawn-god, Shu. The green colour of the frog is a clue to the meaning of the ancient goddess $ ^ _W2} ^e1a^-

with reference to Mist and Cloud. 219

boughs, which give the north-wind to the Resting Heart in his everlasting home."

The best commentary on this tree in the sky which yields both water and wind may be found in Mr. Raskin's words about Rain-clouds : " They are not solid bodies borne about by the wind, but they carry the wind with them and cause it. Every one knows who has ever been out in a storm that the time when it rains heaviest is precisely the time when he cannot hold up his umbrella, that the wind is carried with the cloud and lulls when it has passed."

The sun under a light cloud was called (ch. 42) "the

great god within the tamarisk, asm" The olive-tree J a Q beq, represents the brightness of the Dawn. The word beq signifies bright, clear, shining ; beqa or beka is the Dawn.

The god called ^ JM 0 atg* Xer beqa-f, " who is under his olive," already in the earliest monuments, was supposed by M. de Rouge to be Osiris, and by M. Lefebure to be Thoth. It is no other than Ptah, the Opener.1

Other trees represent the same mystery. The great Cat under the Persea tree is explained in the 17th chapter as being the Sun-god Ra himself, and the Persea here plays1 the same part as the Sycamore of Emerald. Ra, as a Cat, is about to crush the head of the Serpent.

There are other well-known pictures representing the sarcophagus of Osiris under a tree. Two are given by Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, 2nd series, III, p. 349.2 In the first of them, taken from the tomb at Hou, the bird called bcnnu is seated upon the branches of a tamarisk, and by him

is written ^q, \f rj S > " the soul of Osiris." The bird and

the inscription are equally significant. The Egyptian texts, from the Book of the Dead down to the latest times, assert that "Ra is the soul of Osiris."3 And the bennu bird, according

to the same authority, represents the Dawn-god, | * \sNT . Jn >

1 See Burton, Excerpta, pi. 56, or Champollion, Notices, II, p. 904, and Denhm, iv., 22.

2 Compare Plutarch, de Isid., 21.

3 The real meaning of this seems to be, that Osiris is dead, but rises again as Ra. Osiris is yesterday's sun, Ra that of to-day.

220 Emij'fin), Mythology, particularly

In the second picture, which is taken from the temple at Philae, the sun is represented as rising from the foot of the tree. Such is the true " mystery of Osiris at Senmut and at Philae." If the Egyptians of the latest periods understood this mystery as signifying that "water is the origin of all things," this merely proves what in the nature of things might have been expected — that the true sense of then mythology was utterly forgotten.

There are pictures also at Dendera1 in which the sar- cophagus of Osiris is overshadowed by a tree.

Horus of Bahutet, that is the Dawn-god, is likewise to be seen at Eclfu, sitting within a Persea tree.2 An inscription in the same temple mentions another tree, the ahu, of Horus.3 The Bulaq papyrus (Xo. 2) gives the picture of a bird sitting in front of a Persea tree.

Another text, published by M.Pierret,4 speaks of the Bennu,

that is the Dawn-gods, who are \ () i " on the willows."

In all these and similar texts the tree5 is the light morning cloud or transparent mist on the horizon.

The same interpretation must be given to the myth of Isis suckling the infant Horus under bushes of marsh plants.6 The rainbow is of course a comparatively rare phenomenon in Egypt, but it is so extremely beautiful and striking a one, that we can hardly imagine it to have been passed over in a mythological view of things. It holds a conspicuous place in mythologies known to us. It is Iris, a messenger between heaven and earth; it is the bow of Indra ; the bridge Bifrost of the Northmen ; the path to the Brahmanic Svarga ; the ladder by which Xew Zealand chieftains climb to heaven. It is a living monster, according to the Karens of Burmah ;

1 Marietta, Denderah, torn. IV, pi. 66. - Xaville, My the d' Horus, pi. xx.

3 J. de Rouge, Inscriptions a Edfou, pi. 87.

4 Etudes EyyptoIoyiqu.es, p. 57. Cf. Sharpe, E.I, 1, 117, line 16.

5 An allusion to the Tree of Life has not unnaturally been seen in the ne-wly discovered texts published in the Zeitschrift, 1881, Taf. IV b, line 18. I believe that ^ | aaaa/^ Q ^ yet en dn\, should be rendered staff of life, rather than tree of life. The expression is found in Pap. Leyden, I, 3-47, pi. 7, and Dtnkm., VI, 118.

6 For instructive pictures, see Wilkinson, III, pi. 33 ; Leemans, Mon., I, pi. XII, 1053, and XIII, 1056; and Golenischeff, MettemicTtstele, pi. 3, XIV. and 6, XXXVIII.

with reference to Mist and Cloud. 221

in Dahome it is " Danh the heavenly Snake." But it is also the necklace of Freyja, the girdle of our Blessed Lady in Zante, or the hem of the Kamschadale god's raiment.1

I cannot point with certainty to any corresponding myths in Egyptian literature. A bow is indeed once mentioned in the Book of the Dead (132, 1), and the Lion-god is said to issue from it. There may also possibly be a reference to the rainbow in the heavenly fishes Antu and Abtu (Todt., 15, 24, 25). But I am most strongly inclined to identify with the rainbow the bright girdle ( d^a^X t^p sat J of Ra, which

is mentioned in Todt., 110, a, line 4. The manuscripts are unfortunately not agreed as to the text. That of the papyrus of Sutimes reads as follows : —

[i I I tes-nd sat Ra as ya-pet.

/WW\A r 1 ^ I

I put on the stole of Ra, and lo the rain-fall !

The sense of this is perfectly clear. But four other papyri, viz., Salt. 828, that of Nebseni, the Leyden hieratic papyrus T. 16, published in Leemans' Monuments, III, pi. 24, and the Turin papyrus published by Lepsius, agree in the dura

J&Z. ° venuic pet. instead of \ va pet.2 The latter

1 Most of these inyths are referred to in Mr. Tylor's Primitive Culture and Early History of Mankind. But a much more copious list will be found in Pott's " Benenmmgen des Regenbogen" in the Zeitschrift fur vergleichende Sprachforschung, II, 414.

2 The first part of this compound word signifies fall; in Egyptian t fc^*^3^ tne Coptic representative of which is £JE, £>€I, cadere,

decidere, or, as a noun, casus, lapsus, plaga, ruina. [It is remarkable that Zoega (p. 412, note) explains a common meaning of £,6 M. <£)€ .... by casus inde modus.'} The Egyptian noun, which occurs without a determinative T (I (I on the Constantinopolitan obelisk of Tbothmes III, has for deter-

811 9^ ," ?Tk A A

minative a fallen man I .j^,. Mariette, Karnak, pi. 22; I V\ (I M ti^o

Benhn., Ill, 129 ; and Pianchi Tablet, line 28, ^f \\ f^ t£§>o , Benkm., III, 130, and \s\ i^p3^ in the great inscription of Meneptbah, Mariette, Karnak, pi. 55. All these are variants of one and the same word. The transitive fell, felling, is found under the form I \\ (1(1 '<55>^ x<m.

222 Egyptian Mythology, particularly

expression, which recurs in Todt., 135, 1, signifies a fall of

the sky, a shower. It it used as the synonym of 1yw*1 hetu,

rain, in one of those paraphrases which are so common in the temples of Edfu and Dendera.1 The more usual reading is, I confess, unintelligible to me. Stormy weather might be

[Perhaps the word 1 v\ ^-^- \u, 'felled wood,' may be derived from

this.] The very common word ); yOv ^, x°t> ' a dead body, owes its

origin to the same notion as the Greek Trruifia and the Latin cadaver. "E caddi come corpo morto cade." The same notion (as in our ' pit-fall ') gives the clue

to the sense of several ancient Egyptian words, such as ]• V\

xau, 'mines,' Jl ^C\ o xa'set> the pit in which the mummy was

ied. )i \s\ ^_ I Vso, yatu em %aU are probablv ' dejectiones

buried.

ab alvo.' The senses of collapse and dissolution are not less evident in other words of kindred origin.

The word ["D )iSk^ ^a> which sometimes implies falling, might seem to claim affinity with the Coptic £>.£. But it has no affinity with \a> an(i it is only in a secondary sense that it signifies falling. The Coptic OP. is however found = the Greek uroix^i'- It is probable, therefore, that as frequently happens in the history of language (see Max Muller, Science of Language, II, p. 318), two different Egyptian words have assumed the same form in Coptic.

ij_j ^ yv pet (Antiquiteg, Vol. Y, pi. 48), is manifestly another form of Xa pet, and has its Coptic representative in P^OTJULITG, rain. If such a form as xu nu ( i ) Pe^ existed as early as the time of Xebseni, it is not impossible that it may have given rise (through dictation) to the reading genmu pet.

[The word J V\ cz which occurs in this note, is read xra'QJt bv

^ _£e& \> l r * ^

Brugsch, and identified with the Coptic j^eAAOT, which he translates

Wady. But it is only through a mistake that | — | — i has been confounded with another hieroglyphic sign = "« — * (see Zeitschrift, 1S67, p. 41). It is certainly polyphonous, but the onlv demonstrable values of it are (1) s, as in

*-+-* ' ~^~ , ■ ioi *-*L-' , ■ -pi

<=* = " and in A (I where it occurs as a variant ot I — H —

or [|; and (2) sep, as the equivalent of 11111. in a royal name. But aat, I repeat, is a mistake ; or at all events the proofs hitherto given are founded on a mistake. Chaset, also written ^j1, j^\^. q, Champollion, Xotices, I, 774,

also 775, is the xesaut of the Khind Papyri, the Egyptian Sheol.J 1 Diimichen, Tempelinschriften. I, 30, lines 1 and 6.

with reference to Mist and Cloud. 223

represented by ^ ^ "pOj yenennu, but there is, as far as

I can see, no possibility of identifying with this word the group which occurs in the four manuscripts I have mentioned.

This might naturally seem to be the place to speak of the myths of Fire. But the subject is one which deserves a dissertation for itself. The texts having reference to it are exceedingly numerous, and they require to be very accurately sifted and interpreted. The results of the investigation when fully completed cannot fail to be eminently interesting.1

I have not the pretension of exhausting even that portion of the subject to which I have specially desired to draw attention, but if I am not entirely mistaken, a key is now at our service, which if intelligently used will gradually open to us all, or at least most of, the mysteries of the Book of the Dead.

1 Among the results which I mentioned at the time this paper was read, is the belief entertained by the Egyptians that fire from heaven, proceeding from the sun, is disseminated through all plants and living things, and specially in the soul of man. With this belief is probably connected the ceremony of " kindling the light," set teka, in memory of the dead. And the clause in the Negative Confession, " I have not extinguished a flame at its birth," acquires a deeper meaning.

Vol. Till. 15

224 Egyptian Mythology) particularly

Appendix ox the word |<=> nutrcu1

The Alexandrian Greeks invented a barbarous word hvvafioco, which they and their followers used exactly as the Egyptians used "^ <_f^> j . Dindorf quotes from Panaretus (Chron. T?'apez.) iSuvd/xcoo-e to tcdo-rpov. I quote the following parallels out of many similar texts at Dendera, Edfu, and Philae.

K-=— t\ <=> "^^j i Mariette, Denderah, I,

3__F © a; _ur~* j

46, 6 ; cf. 15, 17, and 19.

Ibid., II, 6, 3.

?"l>£>. I

lip ? f Pn <~^> I 6 ^^ Diimichen, Tempelinschr., I, 78.

7&d

Some passages in which the word occurs might suggest that purification was meant, but others show that the wider sense of fortifying or protection against harm is signified. Religious purification is one kind of protection.2 Hence the

deceased says (j ^1 '"j <=r> ^3^ ^\ gf Jj^ ^ J

"*,° - nnn nnnn

1 This word is simply written H in royal titles, such as Q | \J} U \J> ^ } where it does not signify god or divine. But apart from such titles, it is distinguished from the word signifying god by its phonetic complements or

determinatives , "rr* f <=> , -j . The word admits

of the reduplication | *=>, as in the obelisk of queen Hat-shepsu, and of the intensive form [I | ... ..

- From this point of view, nutra is most naturally found in parallelism with

^-J^-3 — AA/WW /^*"?

the words "^ssi 5. *^aa and / ^^-ii^ \ www t

AAAAAA AAAAAA AAAA/Y\ '

with reference to Mist and Cloud. 225

" may I be fortified or protected by seventy purifications " (Mariette, Monuments divers, pi. 63 f), just as Christians at the present day speak of being "fortified by the sacraments of the Church."

But the notion of protection is itself derived from that of

might. Thus ^ Q | i is a frequent expression in the texts

of Dendera and Edfu, ^nnin i ^\ I T\\ " splendid and mighty

stones" (Tempelinschr., I, 9) ; I (j / ^ ° f% ! "adorned

qfffff ^

Ptah ?-^f^M|^^°g|°j^ie

with mighty stones " (Bend., Ill, 20) ; ^pA *""" /vww c

^ nil " To thee the Coptite Nome has come forth with i i i 13 i

its mighty stones " (Dend., IV, 75) ; " He is like the son of

in raising up columns from the mighty stones furnished by the 10th nome

<~===> jfqt I O |IM""| f\-^1 AA 1

of the South." In DemUrah, I, 67, <^ □ Hi i /wvaaa i

' i i i til i Q. c \\ i i I — h—

/ fitnx etc., has the paraphrase >=> a ^^ i [ "Wc ^=7

The sense of greatness or might, which is so evident in these texts, will be found to explain every single instance in which the word occurs throughout the whole course of the language. Physical might is the primitive meaning of the word, and other meanings are only derived from it.

Dr. Brugsch in his Dictionary1 noticed the equivalence or

parallelism of \ and yii, protect, in Hieroglyphic

and Demotic texts. Several other words are equally found

in parallelism with \, and this parallelism is found

not only in the course of one and the same text, as, e.g. : —

_a

o I _H£\> i w j a I

1 Page 825 : " Haufig in Parallelismus mit ^ n xv> daher auch die jeweilige deruot. Uebersetzung, xMt'«" But I think \u means "exercise pro- tection," and that this is the meaning of such expressions as "sacred animals," " sacred plants," " sacred crown," etc., where nutra is the word translated sacred.

226 Egyptian Mythology, particularly

(Sharpe, E.L, II, 28), " great (ur«) is the Eye of Horns, mighty (da) the Eye of Horus, strong (nutra) the Eye of Horus, the giver of might (senutrd) is the Eye of Horus," but running through names and titles current in a dynasty, like in the pyramids, called ti^h rrjr] tA], I ^ r rjj A,,

and ' [ [ f| jZa, • The connection of these names is as intentional as the use of the adjectives in the phrase

<=> ' v (J , , nutra men ma pet. "strong and durable

as heaven" (Maiiette, Karnak, plate 35).

The royal name Nutrd-karrd 0 U J which is No. 40 on the Tablet of Abydos, signifies very much the same as No. 41 f O r^^ \J J Men-ka-rd. Tat-ka-rd, Se-dnj^-ka-rd, and such other names are more or less synonymous. So again the royal titles ] w Y\) 1 f \ \^ of Usertsen III

are but emphatic expressions of l[ Q v\ (Amenemhat I) and Hq^ (Usertsen II). And Amenemhat III, the successor of Usertsen III, took the title of «-=» (\^t> da baiu. If we pass on to the XVIIIth dynasty we meet the same system in the names of Sor-ka-rd, Men-^eper-rd, Aa-yeper-rd,

etc., and in the royal titles 1 1 OO 'Y' f§ ^> of Thothmes II, \\\ Qfl of Thothmes III, §1(111 of Thothmes IV, and 1fe=? 1 ^[1(1 of Chut-en-aten. All these royal titles have the same grammatical construction as [ v\ ' swift-

handed.' They are attributive compounds like /za/cpo^et/), longimanus, fxeyaXoTrov^;. And the notion which is common to the words "?s^* urd, A da, men, tat, •¥■ dwfo

< -> V /WWW L\ 1

£ uah, ( nem, and nutra, is might, strength, vigour,

magnify.

with reference to Mist and Cloud. 227

I have iu my Hibbert Lectures quoted passages where it is said of the king —

I V \ *£ - /wwv\ t. n <c^> j:s>- X^JN. WWW I

S Jl IM *-=— -/J © 1 .www I T I I I I

where the parallel word to I i is ^^ww « strong,

vigorous.'

In texts of the latest period the same parallelism is found —

0— £- n ^ ORYIII ^^ c£=} V ?kY ' " <^~ J) ^wwx (3 <^J K^ a r-^vn V <^N *^~

where the word corresponding to nutra is ^. ' vigorous- handed.'

In texts of this period, ^ peh, the well known word

signifying 'might,' is used as a synonym of j. See, for instance, Kalenderinschr., 67, 3, where the goddess is called

_ X^ ^37 , and a passage in the Tempelinschr., I, which is

° '" • v^ v^>

repeated three times (pi. 37, 38, and 39) with — (V\> and

three times (pi. 40, 41, and 42) with the more familiar * .

All this points unmistakably to the conclusion that the frequent expression \ nutdr nutra, is not the mere

tautology " godlike god," " deus divinus," but that, like the Hebrew "HE? 7N , it signifies " all-powerful god."

There is another word with which I is certainly akin.

This, as pointed out by the orthography \J B& J^ is

& **—n net'er, which again has 3 ]E as a variant.2 It signi-

1 British Museum, E.S. 375, referred to iu Dr. Birch's Dictionary.

2 See Brugsch's Dictionary (Supplement), where a very different account of

the word is given. It is there connected with the Hebrew 7*122 susfulit, and this with nt2_i tciendit ! Etymological science of this kind is extremely easy, but it is certainly not plausible. Were I a believer in the relationship between Egyptian and Semitic, I should explain He, T\\ and Hi by T^

and the kindred ""££w, U) , \^j , and ^j . In these Semitic words, as in the Latin tueor, we have the double notion of sight and protection, guarding and regarding.

228 Egyptian Mythology, particularly

fies overpowering, having the mastery, dominari. It occurs very frequently in the " Triumphs of Horus " at Edfu.1

& \\ ® net'er Hau net'er, " overpowering is

<CZ> ^ n _i±>^ <d^> ^ n ^ /www v^ fl i p

Horus, overpowering"! is often repeated. & RfW"!

s QQn ^^^ — -Qooo r A

x net'er %emt nub en Ptahu, " overpowering is the lance

*/wwv d A /www ^ A M n O ^Vr> ^

which Ptah hath forged." Bxp q "g- 1=2 | u — w Cf W

" overpowering is the gust of wind in Chebiat." The same meaning is found in the older texts. The Litanies of Ra pray

fl AAAAAA <_— — ^ H <-V ^

^ /www | ^ etc#5 « }et them not overpower

<VA/VVVV £7T> ^ fi MIT /www fl ^i . h —

king N," adding the parallelism v\ ^^ " let them

/WWW rTNS' ^ fi I I I

not obtain the mastery," etc. It occurs in the Book of the Dead, 136, 10, where it signifies "having the mastery" of one's staff; and in 144, 10, where the parallel expression user) is ^Y__ " resistless." It occurs in this sense throughout

/WAA/W | .

the inscriptions on the sarcophagus of Seti I.

M. de Rouge, on the inscription of Aahmes, explains the name j=)g <c"^ net'ert, of the hour of noon, by the Coptic rtox , recumbere, as expressive of the time of siesta. It means the " dominant, overpowering " one. Another name for it is

_ Y fl (J I] (7/u7/£, the reverse of " recumbent."

The only reason which suggested to M. E. de Rouge the sense of "renew" is the determinative j> which so frequently accompanies the word nutrd as adjective or verb. But the sign | is here simply a determinative of the sound tra, and is found attached to all words ending in this syllable,2 what-

1 See Naville, Mythe d? Horus, I, 6, 9 ; II, 1, 2, 3, 4 ; III, 3, 4 ; IV, 9, 10;

V, 1, etc. From the physical the intellectual sense of mastery is derived.

2 The form | <rz> is very frequent, but is not to be read nutri. It is, I

believe, a mistake to look upon \\ as a phonetic character = i. It has various uses, and among others it represents the place of a vowel, whether that be a, i,

or u. There is a word (J (I Qj\ Mariette, A bydos I, plate 7, the

determinative ^j) of which points to some such meaning as *J ItOJUL'J consolari. This is perhaps the key to the meaning of the festival for the dead called | ^ (1(1 <v£7 nutri.

with reference to Mist and Cloud. 229

ever be their meaning: Q [I \ 'season,' ° J 3 f) 'a willow tree,' <===> \\\ ' address,' the enclitic particle ^ (1 i

'Praj' ^ q{-^ 'behold,' \^=>\ 'join,' | ^ fl { a 'horse,' K^^IH 'tribute,' | <^> { " ^^ 5^) 'stables of oxen' (Denkm., Ill, 219, e), ] V <=> (Wo 'incense,' and others. In short, what word ending in tra is without i ?

The proper name T\\ ^ Nutrit, applied to Dendera, has the same meaning as Samaria (from "^IT, custodivit, protexit), Ashdod (from TTti?, validus fuit), Gaza (vcdida, immita), Valentia, and many other names expressive of strength and protection.

The noun | <=> -cs>- signifies an eyeball, and is generally

applied to those of the Sun-god, who I \\ ^^= '

<z=> *ir-* "enlightens the earth with Ins two eyeballs";

a very common expression in the later texts. The notion implied in the word is " that which is guarded, protected" as in Custodi me ut pupillam ocidi. At Dendera the king- presents the goddess Hathor with a globe representing her eyeball, and she replies to him (Mariette, III, pi. 22, c),

n cr\ 3 Ip -<2>- <^z^s 1 |i <=> V O 1 ffive thee thv two

u U ij iii iif ci ^

eyeballs protected (imtrd-ut) against harm."

230

AKKADIAN PRECEPTS FOR THE CONDUCT OF MAN IN HIS PRIVATE LIFE.

By George Bertix, M.R.AJ3.

Head 2nd May, 1882.

When we call to mind the early attempts of Oriental scholars in deciphering the Cuneiform inscriptions, we cannot but admire the courage and boldness of those who opened the field for us. The way once indicated, they advanced steadily ; what was doubtful at first was either confirmed or rejected ; little by little the ground became firmer. Though it is always with respect that we pronounce the names of such men as Hincks and Norris, the time has come when we are able to revise, correct and improve the first translations, as many more texts are at our disposal, and a better acquaint- ance with them enables us to understand the real value of each word.

V hen the inscriptions were read for the first time, every- thing was new, the decipherer had to go from hypothesis to hypothesis, and many passages and expressions remained enigmatic to him. Many of these enigmas are now explained. For instance, the long contest of the Akkadists and Sumerists has been solved in an unexpected manner. The bilingual texts and trilingual lists have revealed the existence of another tongue beside the Akkadian, i.e., the Sumerian, perhaps the popular dialect of that time. A fact worthy of note is that many of the Akkadian ideograms and words have been adopted by the Semites with their Sumerian value and pronunciation. However, as the Sumerians seem to have inhabited the southern, and the Akkadians the northern

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Akkadian Precepts for the Conduct of Man, tyc. 231

part of Babylonia,1 it may be that the Sumerian or Akkadian words were introduced into the Semitic tongue2 when the. reigning power was in the south or the north.

It is not necessary at this time to treat on the question whether Akkadian or Sumerian is the most ancient dialect, or whether they were contemporary ; but the study of the syllabaries shows us that what we call Akkadian was con- sidered to be the classic tongue. The texts of each dialect have a different character; in Akkadian we have historical records, magical incantations, hymns, &c; the Sumerian texts consist mostly of litanies, and none are historical. We may, however, still hope to find Sumerian historical inscriptions, as one of the Babylonian dynasties was Sumerian.3

What has just now been said about the progress of Assyriology is well illustrated by the study of the syllabaries. At first they were thought to be spelling books for the use of the Assyrians, afterwards Assyriologists, saw in them a kind of dictionary and grammatical exercises ; but now we know that they are really commentaries on some standard works, to which may be compared the commentaries on Greek and Latin authors with glossaries and lists of words and sentences.

These commentaries, or so-called syllabaries, sometimes precede the texts they refer to, though they were generally done independently without giving the text analysed. They may be divided into two classes : the syllabaries proper giving the ideograms with their pronunciation and their Assyrian translation, and sometimes the technical name of the group ; and the simple lists of words or sentences more or less connected.

It may be noticed here that though the words in those lists seem to have been classed according to their ideological

1 The town of Akkad has been identified as being in the north of Babylonia ; no town of the name of Snmer has yet been found ; but the name under the form of j*~> (Shomer) is still applied in our own time to the north-west portion of Arabia, bordering on what was Babylonia.

2 Tbe Akkadian inscriptions show that the Semites dwelt at the earliest period by the side of the Akkadians.

3 See "Proceedings, Society of Biblical Archaeology," lit li January, 1S81 : " Notes on the Lists of Kings," by Theo. Gr. Pinches.

232 Akkadian Precepts for the Conduct of

relations, in some cases the scribe appears to have followed a certain philological order; but this question has not yet been studied enough to ascertain what was that order, and whether it was always the same, or changed with the scribe. This is, however, a point which deserves the attention of the philologist.

The study of Cuneiform writing has till now been almost exclusively philological, and for this reason many points have escaped notice. For instance, in the syllabaries the sign ^\ often takes the place of the Assyrian Avord translating the Akkadian expression. If Assyriologists had only thought that this sign represented the " hand," they would at once have guessed that it was a similar use to that among our- selves of the hand as pointer ^&, the scribe thus expressed that the Assyrian word was the same as the Akkadian, just as we find the use of the sign «jfie in some modern dictionaries.

I am convinced that Archeology would be a powerful help to the Assyriologist, and that is why in my paper I have tried to throw light on Cuneiform texts by comparing the usages of other nations with those of the Akkadians and Assyrians.

Among the bilingual tablets (Akkadian and Assyrian) now in the British Museum, there are several belonging to the same series, written as is usual in bilingual lists, in two columns divided into paragraphs. They were at first thought to be philological tablets giving grammatical forms and models of sentences ; when, however, all the tablets of the series are taken together and considered as forming part of the same work, their meaning and object become clear.

These texts give precepts or rules for the conduct of man in his various occupations.1

An important tablet (obverse and reverse) gives instruc- tions for the agriculturist, when and how he is to prepare and sow his fields, build his house and barn, what are his relations towards his landlord in such and such circumstances.2

1 This is supported by the very name of the series of tablets, see Notes, p. 258. It may also be noticed that sentences found in these texts appear sometimes in the contracts of the early Babylonian Empire.

2 The tablet is published in W.A.I., II, pi. 14 and 15.

Man in his Private Life. 233

Another1 gives instructions for trading transactions.

Another gives precepts for the conduct of man in his private life, and his duties towards his relatives.

It is this last text which I have chosen as the subject for consideration, because it has been, until the present attempt, translated from incomplete or defective copies, and for these reasons it has been generally misunderstood ; and I think I can throw light on many customs mentioned therein.

Mr. Theo. G. Pinches has kindly offered to give me a new copy of the text, in which, by comparing various passages, he has been able to complete, as far as possible, the broken lines.

The commentary which covered, no doubt, the preceding tablet, extends till line 39 of the obverse. The text, which begins line 40, may be divided roughly into two parts : the first, extending as far as line 21, column 3, gives precepts for the conduct of life ; the second enumerates the legal punish- ments for certain trespasses.

The crimes mentioned here are those of a husband against his wife, a son against his father or mother, and so forth. If this tablet was, as was first thought, a list of penal laws, it would no doubt make mention of thieving and killing. There was, however, some reason for calling this text a treatise on family laws : but the first part contains many paragraphs which have nothing to do with family laws, and treat only of marriage, dowry, &c.

If we have here not a code of laws, but precepts for the conduct of man in his private relations of life, it ought to commence, not with his childhood, but when he assumes his rights as a citizen.

The text at the outset states that at a certain time the child is declared to be a freeman, that is, he is declared to be of age. This age, as among the Jews, was no doubt twelve years ; before that time the child was not considered to be answerable for his actions ; he was not counted in a meeting to form a quorum ; he was, in fact, " an infant " in the eyes of the law.2

1 W.A.T., II, pi. 13.

2 Talmud, translation of Schwab, Vol. I, p. 129, &c.

284 Akkadian Precepts for the Conduct of

The second paragraph treatB of the ceremony which follows the declaration that he was of age. It may corres- pond with the presentation in the Temple among the Jew.>. which took place at the age of twelve years. This age has also been retained by the Roman Catholics for the first religious ceremony in which the child, in his proper person, is party to. i.e., the first communion.

The third and fourth paragraphs of the tablet speak of the first act of the child when he became a man. that is, paying tribute. The amount of the first tribute paid by him was double the usual sum, which recalls to miud the Jewish prescription of paying a double tribute every three years.

The two next paragraphs state that the child is hence- forth answerable for his actions, and will bear the con- sequences of his sins. It is the same idea which makes the confession obligatory after this age among the Roman Catholics.

Though practically a citizen after the age of twelve years, and free as to his actions, the young man was still under the control of his father, as regards an important point, that of marriage ; this seems to be implied by the first paragraph on the second column of the tablet, after a break of nineteen lines.1 The same was certainly the custom among the Jews : for example, when Samson wished to marry Delilah, he begs his parents to ask for her from her parents. So Abraham, wishing to see his son married, and not being able to travel on account of his age, sends his servant to negotiate the marriage. Even the Philistine who had taken Dinah by force, sent his father to ask her hand from her father Jacob.

There were among the Akkadians several sorts of marriages, but only one was sacred : the young man, as was the custom with the Jews, was to marry a freeborn maiden. It is likely that these marriages were indissoluble, as may be inferred from a further paragraph.

1 It will be seen further on that by the test of a Babylonian marriage contract or dowry bill, the arrangements were made by the parents of the new couple.

Man in his Private Life. 235

Among the Jews there were two sorts of wives, both legitimate, the ones called nashim,1 that is, the chief wives, the ladies of the houses. A man could not have more than one of these. The chief wife had always power over the other wives. Those called pilligshim (Q'1tL^7D) or half wives, and not concubines, in our modern sense of the word, were really servants, or hand-maids. The custom and the distinction of these two kinds of wives has been retained to our days in the East, and is still kept up with a slight modification by the Mormons.

The Greeks and Romans had also two kinds of wives, but the inferiority of women in their eyes caused them to give no privilege to the chief wife, who could be divorced at pleasure.

As already mentioned, the chief wife was to be a free- born maiden. It was no doubt so with the Jews, as the laws of Moses stated that if a man seduced a freeborn maiden who had not been betrothed, he was to marry her, never repudiate her, and to pay a fine of forty shekels to the father. If a Jew took a free woman as a captive in war, he could not marry her at once, but she was compelled to mourn for thirty days ; and even then, if he did not take her as his chief wife, he had no power to retain her as his wife, but after the marriage she could if she wished renounce him, and take her place in the world as a free woman.

There was a great difference between the betrothal of a chief wife and that of a half wife; the latter was " bought " from her father for a sum of money; the chief wife on the contrary was given with a dowry.

It is worthy of notice that this distinction of the two kinds of marriage was kept at Rome. In the patrician marriage performed before the Flamine the bride was given with a dowry, generally of one million of sesterces besides the trousseau ; in the plebeian marriage, on the contrary, the bride was given by her father in exchange for a sum of money, and she accordingly occupied a position not much better than that of a slave.

1 From k$^3, " to forget," because the wife must forget her own family, to adopt that of her husband.

23(1 Akkadian Precepts for the Conduct of

The paragraph treating of marriages and betrothals is unfortunately much broken, but enough of the Akkadian words remain to show to what this portion of the tablet refers. The ceremony of betrothal must, however, have existed among the Akkadians, as the word betrothed exists in the language. One of the misdeeds of the evil spirits when let loose was to make the young man desert his betrothed bride.

The ceremony of marriage was among the Jews performed ten days after the betrothal, before ten witnesses at least : we see Samson at his marriage with thirty companions.

The next paragraph is very interesting, as it treats of the gift or token made by the bridegroom. This gift was a drinking vessel, and especially a wine drinking vessel, called passaru in Assyrian, a word no doubt borrowed froni the Akkadian Bamur. The Jewish marriage ceremony gives us again the explanation of this gift, as drinking of wine was indispensable to the ceremony.

At the marriage feast the chairman, or master of the banquet, took a cup of wine, and after blessing it, repeated a formula, " Blessed be thou," &c, and drank to the married couple.

The importance of the wine in the ceremony was such that, according to some, wine was specially kept to be used at the marriage of a son. We know the surprise of the chief of the feast at Cana when he found that the wine changed by Christ was better than the one kept for the marriage.

The custom of breaking a vase at the marriage ceremony may be also traced back to this drinking of wine. The marriage being indissoluble, the breaking of the drinking cup might mean that a 6econd union was impossible.1 It must be, however, a secondary development : so is also the strange usage attributed by some to the gipsies, and alluded to by M. Victor Hugo in " Notre Dame de Paris," of temporary marriages, the number of years of which is settled by the number of pieces of the broken vase.

1 I think that the Kabbinical explanation of the ceremony mentioned by the Eev. A. Lowy, has been invented afterwards to explain a custom, the origin of ■w hich had been forgotten.

Man in his Private Life. 237

The last paragraph of the second column is hardly intelligible, but it seems to treat of purification, perhaps previous to or after the final ceremony.

The first paragraph of column 3 treats of the dowry given by the father in the case of a chief wife.

We possess only one tablet speaking of the dowry given with the bride.1 It dates from the 34th year of Nebuchad- nessar, and in it Ziria states that he gives, as dowry with his daughter, seven mana of silver, three slaves and their children.

The " dowry -bill " was written and given to the husband after the marriage ceremony, no doubt to express that the bride was taken for herself and not for her dowry. This is implied by the order of the paragraphs, and the same custom was observed by the Jews and the Romans.

In the " dowry-bill " above mentioned, it is stated that the husband settles on his wife the same amount or an equivalent of the dowry; this also was the custom among the Jews and the Romans. The latter wrote these contracts in the form of a dialogue, which is also the form of this Babylonian marriage contract.

The next paragraph is worded thus : " Henceforth the husband cannot renounce her, who possesses his heart." This rather enigmatic sentence only refers to the chief Avife, who could not be repudiated, though I was at first inclined to think it meant that a man could not repudiate a wife by whom he had issue.

The first duty of the young husband was to build up an

1 This tablet has been published and translated by M. Pinches in his paper, " Terra-cotta Tablets of Babylonia and Assyria," read 18th February, 1880, in the Journal of the British Archaeological Association, Yol. XXXV, p. 398. I think it will be as well to give here the translation of this interesting document : —

"Ziria, son of Nabu-ibni, child of Nabaca, spoke thus to Iddina-Marduk, son of Basa, child of Nur-Sin : ' I offer with my daughter Ina-e-sagili-ramat as a gift, seven mana of sdver, three slaves and children of Bit-elat, (besides) three mana of silver according to promise. The trustees, whom I had proposed (?) to Basa, have willingly approved (?) the amount.' Iddina-Marduk spoke thus to Ziria : ' Ir.stead of the gift, which I give up, I settle on Ina-e-sagili-ramat, my wife, the woman Ubarta and her three children, the woman Nada-kikarat and her two children, and my estate in the city of Usir, I give all under seal instead of the seven mana, gift of Ina-e-sagili-ramat.'

Follow the names of the witnesses.

2'.)S Akkadian Precepts for the Conduct of

altar or shrine in the court of his house : the married couple could then enjoy their honeymoon in happiness and peace. Among the Jews the newly married man was dispensed, for a time, of his civil duties, and for this reason marriage was prohibited during time of war.

It is here the place to speak of a very interesting and important tablet communicated to me by Mr. Pinches, who has kindly copied and translated it. This tablet, which was unknown to me when I came to the conclusions brought forward in this paper, will be found to confirm all I have said. It belongs to the class called contract tablets, and contains the statement of a woman and the decision of the judge ; the witnesses are mostly magistrates ; but, contrary to usage, no seals accompany the names. The tablet seems to be a copy of the official document written for some party concerned in the matter, as are most of the contract tablets brought from Babylonia and Nineveh.

The woman, who is named Bunanitum, in her statement declares that she was married to Bin-Addu-natan,1 and brought as dowry the sum of three mana of silver ; after being married, her husband, in order to be able to buy a house, borrowed a sum of money. A daughter was born to them, but no male issue, and they therefore adopted a son. The wife, being left a widow, now claims back her dowry : hence this statement. The magistrate decided that the house and other properties should be sold by the trustees, and that after providing for the child, and paying back the loan with the interest on it, the widow should receive her dowry back, or a proportion of it.

This document proves that it was customary for young married couples to get a house of their own, as we see it stated in these precepts. And further that, as among the Greeks, Romans, and elsewhere, it was a rule, in default of male issue in the direct fine, to adopt a male child to perpetuate the name of the family. 2

1 Ben-hadad-nathan.

2 From other texts it seems clear that the male child adopted was really to become son-in-law by his marriage with the only daughter ; so was, indeed, the Greek custom.

Man in his Private Life. 239

The Jewish law required that the first child should be consecrated to God : the same custom may have been in use among the Akkadians, as implied by the paragraph, though still obscure, in which it is said that the father must place " the son of his court in his shrine." 1

These two words, " son of the court," may mean the eldest son. In ancient times, sons were called the pillars of the house. The word zikaru, " man,'; has been derived from the Hebrew zakar, " to remember."

The next paragraph is much broken, but seems, from what still remains, to treat of the nursing of the child.

In line 15, forming a paragraph by itself, the verb is lost ; it has been, however, translated, "he (the child) must not deny his father and his mother."

The next paragraph states that he must not follow a strange woman.2

The paragraph contained in a single line (29) shows how highly estimated was learning in the eyes of the Akkadians : " he (the father) makes him (the child) learn inscriptions."

The Akkadians, and after them their pupils the Assyrians and Babylonians, had a real veneration for all written docu- ments, and especially for literary productions. The first thought of the Assyrian conquerors is to carry away the literary treasures of the Babylonian cities, in order to enrich the Ninevite library. The Babylonian tablets were not only earned off, but were copied and transcribed, as the Babylonian writingwas sufficiently unlike that of the Assyrians to renderits reading difficult without a special training : it may be noticed that some of the finest specimens of the Babylonian style of writing are from the hands of Ninevite scribes. The King Assurbanipal, though a great warrior, always took a lively interest in the progress of the royal library, and reports were made to him from time to time of the progress of copying and transcribing. Seeing the great interest shown for learning, we must not be surprised to see stated in these precepts that one of the duties of the father is to have his

1 The story of Micah (Judges xvii) shows that customs very similar to those prevailed iu Palestine at the times of the Judges. ■ Cf. Prov. vii.

Vol. VTII. 16

240 Akkadian Precepts for the Conduct of

son taught how to read and write ; the Akkadians and the Assyrians seem to have had for writing' the same veneration as the Chinese.

The Jews may have brought from Babylon, after their captivity, then taste for learning. After the time of Esdras all the children were sent to school, and it was customary for a traveller coming into a town to ask of the children which verse of the sacred books they had for their lesson that day, and to take it as an omen ; the same custom prevails among the Mahomedans, among whom the Koran is the only book standard in the schools.

The paragraph contained in lines 20-21 says, "he (the father) makes him (the son) take a wife."' As we have seen, the chief wife was always asked for by the parents of the young man ; this was the last act of authority of the father. AYhen was this act performed? We cannot say, for the Assyrian line of the inscription is broken, and the Akkadian is still obscure. The Mosaic law says, " at the fit time " ; the Jews generally married before the age of twenty, after which age they could be called to fight at any moment ; the "fit time" was therefore between the age of twelve and twenty.

After this last act of paternal authority the father and son came alike under the common law ; that may be expressed by line 22, though the line is obscure, and its real meaning may escape me.

Here begins the second part of the text, containing a fist of penal laws : but before going through them, it will be necessary to examine the meaning of a sentence which occurs in every paragraph ; it runs thus : —

" Thou art not my father, or my mother, or my son," etc.. as the case may be. It has been translated by the verb " deny," which will do very well if taken in one of its meanings. For instance, when the text says that a son says to his mother, " thou art not my mother," it is a poetical way of saying that he refuses to perform the duties of a son towards her.

In my translation the word " deny " is retained, but it must be understood that it is to be taken in this sense.

Man in his Private Life. 241

The first paragraph treats of the duties which the son owes to his father, though he is no more under his power. If a son " denies " his father, the latter cuts off the hah- of the son, that is, treats him as a slave and sells him as such. The Akkadian has an interesting variant, " he cuts his nails," says the text. Long nails seem therefore to have been the mark of freedom, as long hair and beard were among the Semites. The slaves and people of low condition are always represented on the bas-reliefs as being shaved.

The Akkadian law was severe for a son who "denied" his mother. He was made an eunuch and slave, put to the pillory in the middle of the town, and " sent away from the house," t.e., perhaps out-lawed. If a father "denied" his son, he was simply expelled from his house. The same penalty was enforced against the mother who denied her son. There is, however, a difference between the punishment of the father and mother which escapes us, as some words are still obscure.1

The two first paragraphs of column 4 treat of the husband. If he injures his wife in such way that she says "thou art not my husband," the husband is thrown into the river. We have here no doubt a trial by ordeal,2 similar to the one ordered in the Mosaic law to test the jealous suspicion of a husband.

If a husband denied his wife, that is if he refused her food and garments, her rights, he had to pay half a mana of silver. This paragraph is still obscure, as to obtain the above meaning we must suppose a mistake of the Assyrian scribe in his translation.

The last paragraph is very interesting, as it treats of the duties of a master towards his servants ; having hired a servant, if he kills him or in any way causes his death, or by his bad treatment makes him rim away, or over- works him and thus causes him to be ill, the master will have to pay for every day a fine of half a measure of corn (as compensation).

1 See note p. 267*.

2 It may be, however, that Mr. Rylands may be right, arid that we have here an early record of " ducking." See note 268.

242 - 1 kkadian Precepts for the Conduct of

In order to understand this last paragraph, it must be remembered that among the Akkadians and Babylonians the slaves were lent out on hire as horses are with ns. In this case it is therefore stated that a man who causes the death or escape of a hired slave must pay a compensation to the proprietor of the slave.

There is in the British Museum collection an interesting contract tablet,1 telling of a man who lent his slave on the condition that the hirer would teach him a trade. This proves that there were to be found among the Akkadians and Babylonians the same customs as existed among the Greeks and Romans, where the slave dealers had their slaves taught some accomplishment or trade in order to be able to let them out on hire.

Another tablet2 also illustrates this law. It states that Idihi-Hana had to pay one mana as compensation to Sarru- kinu for the death of his slave.

I may add here that we must not be surprised to find the Akkadian customs surviving through so many centuries ; the Akkadians being the civilisers of Mesopotamia, their customs must have been adopted largely by the Babylonian Semites, and by them diffused through the other Semitic lands. The same happened in the case of the Greek and Roman customs, which during the Roman Empire spread into all Western and South-Eastern Europe, and in the Middle Ages through the rest of Europe. The Roman laws have been in the present century taken as the basis of the French code, and are still studied by students for the Bar. Many passages in the inscriptions and contracts show that the Akkadian manners and customs have at all times been in force in Babylonia and Assyria.

I have now given a sketch of the customs contained in this most interesting tablet, and have endeavoured to explain them by those of other countries. Of course this attempt might have been much extended, and I cannot help thinking that working on the same lines, much valuable information might be gained from other records.

1 Unpublished.

: This unpublished tablet, dated 40th year of Nebuchadnezzar, has been translated by Mr. Theo. G. Pinches (" Records of the Past," Vol. XT, p. 92).

Man in his Private Life. 243

Before giving the transliteration and close translation, it is necessary to say a few -words on the method followed by scholars in translating these texts. The systems may be divided into several schools or classes, each following a different method. The first is that which translates Assyrian with the help of other Semitic languages : though sometimes misleading, this process gave at first very good results.

The German school, led by Professor Delitzsch, adopted a new method, and tried to find the real meaning of the words by comparing with one another the various bilingual passages.1 Scientific though this system may at first appear, it has many defects, for it is as if we were to try the difficult, not to say impossible task (supposing that we knew English and French no better than we know Assyrian and Akkadian), of reconstructing the grammar and syntax, and fixing the meaning of all the words in each tongue, with no other help than bilingual texts. The danger of such a system is evident, when we remember that the genius of the two tongues being different, the syntax of each often requires different, and even opposed, moods and tenses; and it would be next to impossible to reconstuct their syntax and grammar without the help of cognate languages.2 It must also not be forgotten that the difficulty is still greater with Akkadian and Assyrian, as these two languages do not appear to belong to the same family of speech.

Assyrian, like all other Semitic tongues, has two genders, Akkadian has none ; in Assyrian the past and present is expressed by a single change of accent, and this accent is usually expressed by doubling the following consonant (as isakkan for isakari) ; in Akkadian the present is expressed by

1 The pupils of Professor Delitzsch seem to hare a great admiration for Akkadian, and an equal contempt for Assyrian; they even suppose that the Babylonian scribes made mistakes in their translations, forgetting that Akkadian is known to us only through Assyrian translations ; and that if the Assyrian scribes were as ignorant as they suppose them to have been, we shoidd have to give up all hopes of ever translating Akkadian.

2 It is only by comparison with Sanscrit, Zend, and other Aryan tongues that the learned scholar Herr F. Spiegel {Die altpersischen KeilinseAriften) has been able to classify the forms and reconstruct the grammar and syntax of the Persian of the Achemede Inscriptions.

244 Akkadian Precepts for the Conduct of

a longer, and the past by a shorter form of the same root (as in-ie, "he gave," and in-Semu, "he gives "), but the Akkadian makes besides a great use of affixes ; and we find, for instance, in-, an-, annan-, inib-, ananda-, min-, minib-, sirnin-, etc., prefixed (more rarely postfixed) to the verb.1 No forms parallel to these existed in the Assyrian language, so that the same Akkadian group is translated in various ways.3 The Akkadian seems to have a special form to express the future;3 but in Assyrian the context alone will enable us to ascertain the tinie-r elation slrip, as that language has no future proper.4 Differences similar to those of the grammar and syntax must exist also in the use of the words, whose meaning, though corresponding in one case, may not corres- pond in another.

These few remarks will suffice to explain why. in my notes, I still try to throw light on the meanings of Assyrian words by comparing them with those of cognate languages.

I do not, however, underrate the danger of a promiscuous and reckless comparison of words of all Semitic tongues ; and I have tried always to take into account the phonetic laws, and so much more so because the danger is greater still with Assyrian than with the other Semitic dialects. On account of its phonology, of the clearness of its vowels well expressed,

1 These suffixes "incorporated" might be compared to the French and Italian pronouns, Je te le dis, te lo dico, donnez-le-lui, dateglielo, etc.

2 M. Lenormant has failed in his attempt of classifying these suffixes ; his theories are not supported by the texts. The different uses of prefixes are ofteu expressed in Assyrian by a change of yoice ; by instance, vre find : ab-urra = isakak (W.A.I., II, 14, column 1, line 18) or isakkaJc {ibid., line 36), and bab-urra — usakkdk (ibid., column 2, line 11).

3 The prefix mi is perhaps deriyed from me, " to be"; and I am inclined to see in the fomis -where it is prefixed a future form, as in most of the languages the future is expressed by means of shortened forms of the verb "to be" added to the yerbal root ; and eyen when a future form exists, the future might be also expressed with the yerb " to be " used independently : sono da fare for faro in Italian. In English eyen, " I am to do," by uneducated people, is used for " I shall do." Though it implies also the auxiliary "shall," it had primitiyely an idea of obligation rather than futurity.

4 The theoretical future of Professor Sayce, formed by the lengthening yowel u is not used in the texts; the forms as iskamt, when used for the third person singular, only expresses an intensified meaning.

Man in his Private IAfe,

245

of the absence or scarcity of the aspirates, and above all, of its strong tendency to assimilate letters, Assyrian might be termed the " Italian " of the Semitic tongues. This last peculiarity, which appears in a small degree in Hebrew, is carried in Assyrian to such an extent that the primitive radicals are in some cases difficult to detect. Assyrian no doubt owes these peculiarities to the influence of Akkadian, a language with which it eminently harmonises.

Where the text is complete, I have in all doubtful cases followed the Assyrian, because I think that the Babylonian scribes who translated the Akkadian texts, knew that ancient language much better than we can ever hope to know it.

Before concluding, I wish to express my thanks to Mr. Theo. G. Pinches, to whom I owe all I know of Akkadian, though at the same time 1 should not like to make him responsible for my theories or my mistakes.

For convenience the columns have been printed separately in the plates. The following shows their proper position on the original tablet : —

Obverse.
i-J	CV1
r*
o	o
O	O

Reverse.
^*	CO
rt	d
9	p
s	i->
o	o
o	O

246

Akkadian Precepts for (he Conduct of

COLUMN I.

AKKADIAN.	ASSYRIAN.
1.	a kus-sa	manahtum
2.	a kus-sa-ni	manahta-su
3.	a-kus-sa-ni ingar	nianahta-su iskun
4.	a-kus-sa-ni in-garri	manahta-su isakkanu
5.	a-kus-sa-ni-su	ana manahti
6.	a-kus-sa-ni-su	ana manahti-su
7.	baran-t ul dune	itelli
8.	a-du	addii
9.	a-du is-bar	addu isbarti
10.	a-du e-a	addu biti
11.	a-du-bi	addu-su
12.	a-du-bi su-bab-tema	addu-su isakki
13.	a	enitum
14.	a pal-pal	enitum
15.		al
16.	g|s	al
17.	gis al su-bab-tema	al ilakki
18.	qi	sipruni
19.	qi . . . . .	sipru ipsu
20.	qi tilla	sipru qatu
21.	qi tilla	sipru gamru
22.	qi nu tilla	sipru la gainru
23.	nam *^\j^	. . . ullulum
24.	nam *~}^	a . . . lum
25.	nam >-y^ nen-sa	ikillum
26.	6a	dinu
27.	6a dibba
28.	6a dibba
29.	6a tilla	dinu gamru
30.	6a nu tilla	dinu la gamru

Man in his Private Life.

247

COLUMN I.

AKKADIAN.

hand resting

his hand resting

he made his hand resting

lie makes his hand resting

for his hand resting

6. from his hand resting

7. he makes him go

hand-fixing

hand-fixing

hand-fixing (on) the house

his hand-filing

he takes his hand-fixing

message (order)

he had a message

message complete

message complete

message not complete

production

production

the production which is made

judgment

judgment pronounced (decision)

judgment pronounced

judgment completed,

judgment not completed

ASSYRIAN.

rest (cessation of work)

his rest (his dismissal)

he made his rest (he discharged him)

he makes his rest

for his rest

from his work he sends away

beginning work (setting to work)

beginning work

beginning working the house his beginning work he take (to) the work denial (refusal) denial

message

he had a message

complete message

a complete message

an incomplete message

production

the product judgment

judgment

fixation (or delivery) of a judgment complete judgment incomplete judgment

248 Akkadian Precepts for the Conduct of

Column I. — Continued.

AKKADIAN.	ASSYEIAN.
31. ga-bi altil 32. sa-bi nu al-til 33. sa-bi kudda 34. sa-bi nu kudda 35. £a-bi ba dib 36. luna-me egira-ni nu un-sar 37. lu-sak egira-ni nu unkud 38. lu name gude(?)-ani gis nu un-du 39. sa kud sVni nu un-kud	din-su gamir din-en la gamir in dinu iv ul dinu V zullul mammam arkat-su ul iprus kaptum arkat-su ul iprus mamman amassu ul ismi da'anu din-su ul iddin
41. ka	ina asusti-su a mat pi-su iddin
42 43	hirram imtahar hiiTam immur-ma
44	kirra amate-su ismema
45	din-su uzakki
46	ustesir-su
47 48	Bilta-su utir-su tabbuti
49	tabbuti amatisu
50	illik
52. nam-tagga innan-ga	bel amati-su anna imidu
53. nam-tagga 54. nam-tagga-bi 55. nam-tagga-bi bab-ili	arnu ami-su ami innasi

		Man in his -	Private Life. 240
		Column I.-	— Continued.
AKKADIAN.	ASSYEIAN.
31.	his judgment (he) complete	his judgment completing
32.	his judgment	not (he) complete	his judgment not completing
33.	his judgment	delivering	ditto 3rd time judging (to sentence)
34.	his judgment	not delivering	ditto 4:th time not judging
;;>.	his judgment	he delivered	ditto 5th time to attach
36.	One against him not decided	some one against him not decided
37.	the chief men against him not	the chief man against him not decided
	decided
38.	one his command not heard	some one his command not heard
39.	the judge his judgment not	the judge his judgment not gave
	delivered
40.			in his determination
41.			the word of his mouth he gave
42.			the freeborn child he received
43.			the f reel) or n child he sees to
44.			the freeborn child his commands heard also
45.			his judgment he declares
L6.			he makes it to be directed
17.			his tribute gives it
48.			twice (twofold)
49.
50.			he went
51.			lord of his word
->:>.	sin he fix it		sin he fix
53.	the sin		the sin

54. his sin

55. his sin he holds

his sin

his sin he raises

250

Akkadian Precepts for the Conduct of

COLUMN II.

AKKADIAN.

ASSYKIAK

18. 19.

20. 21. 22.

24.

[About 17 lines missing. ,]

nain-dam nam-dam-su namdain-su in-dii nam-dam-su ban-dii nam-dam-su minindii

nam-nu-mun-zu-a-ni minin-du

25. duma su ku in me a nabi da .

26. namkarkit da a niananani .

27. nam kar kit da a ni banin dii

28. nam kar kit da a ni su mib-gur

29. e-a-nas minin-tu

30. . . gis sar da a ni in ...

31. sa mus £a a ni

32. barra-ta

33. ba

34. ea-na

35. nam se

36. hu

37 in qat

38 a .... in dib

39. nig-sal-kit nam-dam-su bab-sa

40. us-ba-su sa bab-da

41. e-a-na-as min-kar

42. e-ad-na-as min-tu

43. ka su 5^JJf -ra-ni nen-gar

44. nig mus-sa-a-ni in-ili

45. azag-dam du

assutu ana assutu ana n irsu ana n irassi ana n irsusa

irsusa

ana biti-su irub

ana ana ana

ri-ik

tirhas (hi-bi) tirha (hi-bi)

46. azag-dam-tuga-ni bansur-ta

47. nen-gar

48. adda-na-as

49. innan-tu

tirhassu passuri iskun ana abi-su

usaribu-su

Man in his Private Life.

251

COLUMN II.

AKKADIAN.

ASSYKIAN.

\_About 17 lines missing.']

matrimony

in matrimony

in matrimony he took

in matrimony he took her

in matrimony he will take

a maiden he will take

a slave in marriage he takes

in

in his house he ivill

to the house of her father he icill go

his bride he takes wedding present

his wedding present as bansur

he placed

to her father

he takes it to him

matrimony

in matrimony

in matrimony he took

in matrimony he took her

in matrimony he will take

to his house he descended

his wedding present o/passuru he placed to her father he sends it

252 Akkadian Precepts for the Conduct of

Column II. — Continued.

AKKADIAN.	ASSYRIAN.
50. 51. 52. 53,	a nu li nen-gi	ik Ill izirsi-ma
54.	uzubbu-su

COLUMN III.

1. 2. 3.	azag-taga-ni innan-6e urra-na-nam nen-gir e-ta ibtan-e	uzubu-su ihit-ma ina &uni-su irkus ina biti usesi-su
4. 5. 6.	u-kur-su dam saga-ni hi-nib-diidu enim-ma nu munsin-gaga	ana naatina mutu libbi-su ihussi ul iraggum-si
7. 8.	egibirtam nu-gig-am sila-ta banda-ella	arkanu gadi^tuni ina suqini ittasi
9. 10.	sa-ki aga-ni-ta nani-nu-gig-a-ni innen-dudu	ina ramesu gasdussu ihu^u
11. 12.	liu-gigga-bi duma sila-am minin-ri	gadista-su niaru sugi iddu-su
13
14.
15
16. 17. 18.	sal minin-dugga te-bi nu ub-ra-'ah minin-dim
_
19.	nam-dub-sarra nunib-zuzu

21. dam innin-du

assatum usahis

Man in his Private Life. Column II. — Continued.

253

AKKADIAN".

ASSYRIAN.

). water

L

I

i

t

COLUMN III.

her dowry he gave him in his girdle he bound it from the house lie send him

in other day the (who) his heart might have given her renunciation shall not make to her

afterwards a holy (place) in the yard he raises

with his loving heart his holiness he possessed

(in ?) his holy place the son of

the yard he shall place

breast milk

5. his father and his mother not

her dowry he gave and

in his girdle he bound

from the house he make him go

in future the husband whose heart

she possesses

he does not renounce her

afterwards a sanctuary in the yard he raises

in his love

his innocence he possesses it

the sanctuary the son of the yard he places him

6. (if) a woman shall speak to him

7. himself to her going he shall withhold himself

inscriptions he shall be taught

'-".

1. wife he give him

wife he makes him take

254 Akkadian Precepts for the Conduct of

COLUMN III. — Continued.

	AKKADIAN.	ASSYRIAN.
22.	u-kur-su una mi-su	ana matima ana arkat umi
23.	tnkimdibi duma adda-ua-ra	summa mam ana abisu
24.	adda-mu mi mea	ul abi atta
25.	bannan-gu	iqtabi
26.	dubbin mmim-sa	ugallap-su
27.	garra-as niinin-du-se	abbuttu isakkan-su
28.	sa azagga-as minin-se	u kaspi inamdin-su
29.	tukundibi duma ama-na-ra	summa man ana ummi-su
30.	ama-mu nu me-en bannan-gu	ul ummi atti iqtabi
31.	us-a-ni dubbin sa nen-si-es	muttassu u-galbu-ma
32.	uru-ki-a minib-nigin-ene	alam uzakkaru-su
33.	sa e-ta bara-tuldu-ne	u in a biti usesu-su
34.	tukundibi	summa
35.	adda duma-na-ra	abu ana mari-su
36.	duma-mu nu me-en	ul mari atta
37.	bannan-gu	iqtabi
38.	e-egar-ta	ina biti u igaru
39.	bara -tuldu-ne	itella
4<».	tukundibi	sumiua
41.	ama duma-na-ra	ummu ana mari-su
42.	duma-mu nu me-en	ul mari atta
43.	bannan-gu	iqtabi
44.	e-gina-tar	ina biti n sumnati
45.	bara-tuldu-ne	itel

Man in his Private Life. COLUMN III.— Continued.

255

AKKADIAN.

in other day, in future day

when a son to his father

" my father not thou art "

has said to him

the nails he shall cut him

in servitude he shall put him

and for money he shall sell him

when a son to his mother

" my mother not thou art " has said to her

his phallus and nails also they shall cut him

in the city place they shall sur- round him

ASSYRIAN.

in future in after day

if a son to his father

" not my father thou (ai't)"

said

he shave him

servitude he makes him

and for money he gives him

if a son to his mother

" not my mother thou (arty said

his virility they cut him

in the city they exhibit(?) him

and from the house expel him	and from the house they send him
	away
when	if
a father to his son	a father to his son
" my son not thou art "	" not my son thou (art)"
has said	said
. from the house and building	from the house and dwelling
. be he expelled.	they expel (him)
. when	if
. a mother to her son	a mother to his (or her) son
. " my son not thou art "	" not my son thou (art)"
. has said	said
. from the house and establishment	from the house and settlement
. be she expelled	he expel (her)

Vol. VIII.

17

256

Akkadian Precepts for the Conduct of COLUMN IV.

AKKADIAN.

ASSYRIA!?.

1.	tukundibi	summa
2.	dania-e dama-na	apatu mussu
3.	hul bada-gig-a-ni	izir-nia
4.	darna-rnu mi men	ul muti atta
5.	bannan-gu	iqtabi
3.	idda-su	ana naham
7.	ban-suinmu	inaddu-su
8.	tukundibi	summa
9.	dama-e dama-na-ra	mutu ana assati-su
10.	dama-mu nu men	ul assati atta
11.	bannan-gu	iqtabi
12.	bar mana azag-ta ni-lal-e	bar mana kaspi isakkal
13.	tukundibi	summa
14.	lu sakga-e	apilu
15.	lu-tugga-ene	arda igur-ma
16.	ba-bat ban-ha	imtut ihtalik
17.	ugu-bi an-de-e	ittabata
18.	mala ban-dak	ittaparka
19.	sa tura bab-sa	ii imtarasu
20.	a-bi u I (ge) kam	idi-su sa uma kal
21.	bar se ta-an	bar ta-an seam
22.	an-agga	imandad

sag-ba = mamitu

satir-su si mala mii

duppi VII. kau kikankalabisu = ana itti bh

gabri mat Assm--ki kima labri-su satii-mar bare

kisitti Assurbanipal

sar kissati ear mat Assur-ki

Man in his Private Life. COLUMN IV.

257

AKKADIAN.

ASSYRIAN.

when

a ivife, her husband

wrong to her having done

"my husband not thou art"

has said

in the river

they place him

when

a husband to his wife

" my wife not thou art "

has said

half a maneh of silver he weighs

when

a chief-man

workmen

\e hilled, he injures

his flight he causes

and sick he makes him his hand each day half corn measure he measures

if

the wife her husband

he has wrong (her) so that

" not my husband thou (art)"

she said

into the river

they place him

if

a husband to his wife

" not my wife thou (art)"

said

a half mana of silver he pays

if

a master

the slave he hired (used him) so that

he died, he xvas injured

he run away

he ivas exhausted

and became ill

his hand for every day

a half measure of com

he weighs

blet VII. In his position of high rank = in his station (plicate tablet of Assyria, like its old one, copied and explained iperty of Assurbanipal ig of midtitudes, king of Assyria

258 Akkadian Precepts for the Conduct of

NOTES.

The tablet is, as we learn from the colophon, the seventh of the series, kikankalabisu = ana ittisu; the series takes its name from the first line of the first tablet : the greater part of which is in the British Museum collection, and is published in W.A.I., II, pi. 11.

The title of the series ^|J ^J 5=TTy tZ X^T > ki-kankala-bi-su,1 has remained obscure, and the Assyriologists have either given a translation as very doubtful, or none at all. By comparing the various bilingual passages, the meaning can, however, be detected with something like certainty.

In the first tablet of the series, the Assyrian equivalent ana ittisu translates also ^TgJ <V*|Ey]ryy ^ JgJ, ki-abra-bi-su ; the first element ^Tgf is not necessarily indispensable, as we find (YY.A.I.Tol. IV, pi. 29, 15) <Hg(TTT£: Igf, abra-bi-su, translated by the same Assyrian expression ana ittisu. In the next Hue of the syllabary we have <^J £^ ^ ffi, ki-mulu-bi-su. and If, "ditto," in the Assyrian column. The last Akkadian expression is clear : " in his condition of man," i.e., as a man. The group ^*g( ^>-^yyyy ^ TgJ, ki-abra-bi-su, is composed in the same way, hi, " position " ; abra, " servitude " (found in the texts, and translated by tugultu, " servitude ") ; bi, " his " ; and su, -'in"; it therefore means "in his condition of servi- tude," and without the prefix ki, "in his servitude," which comes to about the same. Treating the expression in question by the same process, we have hi, "position," but kankal is obscure : in W.A.I., II, 52, it is translated by nidutu et teriktu, besides the Assyrianized word carried bodily into the Assyrian column. ^y~/«, i.e., kankallu. It appears to me that we have here a compound from ki (full form, kitia), "place," and gal, " great,"' the vowels have been harmonized, and the word treated as not compound to mean " high position"' ; then ki-kankala-bi-su, is "in his position of high rank." The meaning of "what is high" for kankal is proved by the fact that nidutu and teriktu translate also kizlah, " place pure," ideographically, and the Assyrian gives also for this Akkadian word, maskanu,

1 The reading of the second element ^HJ fc=YTy , Jcanlcal, is given in W.A.I. , Vol. II, pi. 52, 1. 72, the a is added by analogy by the Assyriologists.

Man in his Private Life. 259

''abode, dwelling," a word which is generally employed in the contracts to mean the better class of house or office where the contracts are drawn. The Assyrian scribes trans- late the three expressions : ki-kankala-bi-su, " in his position of high rank "; ki-abra-bi-su, " in his position of servitude " ; and ki-iimlu-bi-su, "in his position of man," by the same ana-itti-su, because ittu means "station" or "condition of life"; in the texts where it was employed the specification of the Akkadian was, no doubt, needless. Ittu is given as translation to the Akkadian M, <][gf (W.A.I., Vol. IV, pi. 70, 1. 14), side by side with asabu, "seat"; asm, "place." (Cf. also W.A.I., IV, 16, 1; IV, 14, 3.)

It is quite natural that the Assyrian scribe gathering and commenting the Akkadian precepts for the conduct of man in his various occupations, should begin by the word expressing " station " or " condition."

The copy of the tablet now in the British Museum was written by the order of Assurbanipal for the Ninevite library, from a much older Babylonian copy Avith translation. It appears that at the time of Assurbanipal the text was already partly effaced, as in the Assyrian column the translation is sometimes left out, and the word ^ ^ hi-bi, " wanting," inserted. The Semitic translation of the Akkadian given in the tablet was therefore made at an early period when Akkadian was not yet an antiquated tongue, and must be our safest guide.

The text has been published, first incompletely (part of the reverse only) in W.A.I., II, pi. 10, and more completely, but very incorrectly, by M. Lenormant, and again in W.A.I., V, pi. 24 and 25.

This text has been translated by most of the Assyriologists : among others by Professor Sayce (" Records of the Past," Vol. Ill, p. 21), M. Lenormant (" Etudes Accadiennes "), and Professor Oppert. This last scholar has given several translations rather different from one another: the last appeared in "Documents Juridiques," 1877.

I give the translation of the commentary for the sake of completeness, though but few of the words contained therein are not found in this tablet.

260 Akkadian Precepts for the Conduct of

Column I.

Line 1. The Akkadian word is composed of |3lT d, " hand,"' and f^ffj^ <H"f*f km-ga, " resting," i.e., " cessation of work,'* in Assyrian manaktu, -rest.*" Cf. HTPpQ. In the texts it seems to mean dismissal of a workman. We have, AY. A. I.. II. 15,1.32-34: lu-gal gi&hir-kti lu-nu-aishir-ra d-kussd- ni lonnan-sumiivi; Assyrian, Belkiri ana lunugisharri manahta-su iddin, " the lord of the plantation gives " (in Assyrian gave) " to the gardener his dismissal." Another passage says that the master paid his workman ana manahti-su, "for his dis- missal."

Lines 6 and 7. " He sent him away for his dismissal," i.e.. he sent him away for good, discharging him.

Line 4. Isakkanu is not a plural: the prolongation vowel only strengthens the meaning.

Line 8. Parallel formation to d-kussa : jS^T d, "hand," and J^T du. " fixing," i.e., " setting to work " ; the Assyrian word £fT t^ £YTT£ ad-clu may be borrowed from the Akkadian, though it may be connected to the well known root nadu. This word addu, being used as in opposition to manahtu. seems to mean " engagement," and 1. 12, parallel to 1. 6 and 7, gives, " he takes his setting to work,"" i.e., he engages him, as a workman, to work."

Line 9. Is-bar has been borrowed bodily, isbarti; it proves that £*f is not here a determinative prefix : is-bar (which may be read is-mas) is therefore "wood" something; one of the meanings of the sign >f- is " to cut " : the word may have then some reference to the cutting of wood previous to build- ing the house : the primitive Akkadian houses or huts were built entirely with wood.

Lines 15-17. "We have here a word with a determinative prefix t"f, as the word appears, from what remains, to have been borrowed by the Assyrians ; but in Akkadian the prefix was no doubt not pronounced, as the Assyrians rejected it.

Line 25. Here we have one of those curious Akkadian words formed with a verbal form, and being in themselves, as in Basque, a complete sentence: *-f.^, "product" (the r< a cling of which is not yet known), and JT^^T gj:^ >-]~*f Ty>

Man in his Private Life. 2()1

ne-in-sa-a, " it making- it," with the prefix »-f<|^ nam, forma- tive of abstracts; it is synonymous to the simple abstract ^y<y-^ >-]^, the Assyrian, which translates both, is partly lost ; ikillum (line 23) seems to be another form of the same Avoid, with a slight difference of meaning; we see in the Assyrian word the mimmation, and the double I expresses the long preceding vowel (see W.A.I., IV, 20, 1. 21 and 22, and

*/ ^:).

Line 31. We have here an example of the so-called permansive, which is more properly a nomen verbi.

It is interesting to note the different vocalisations : dinu, "judgment"; dd'anu, "a judge."

Line 37. The Akkadian, literally, " man-chief," or " chief- man," is clear ; but the Assyrian word, > — TXI >^Ib kap-tum, is obscure ; it might be connected, perhaps, with the Hebrew root "D3 (Isa. lxvi, 5).

Lines 40-44. Asusti, gen. of asustu (from the root tTtlTN), " abstract," " what is fixed." See ^fl^ ^ H7^ ^W> translated by as-su-su, W.A.I., IV, 1. 42 and 43 ; also the Sumerian equiva- lent ^ffy^ tjyy-^, translated by a-su-us-tam. W.A.I., IV, 10, 56 and 57.

This paragraph has been completely restored, without any doubt, by Mr. Theo. G. Pinches ; and though it is still difficult to translate, the general meaning leaves but little doubt : —

lna asusti-su, " in his determination," i.e., what is settled or established by him, amat pisu iddin, " he " (the father or the judge) " gave the word of his mouth," i.e., " his decision " or " order."

The word beginning line 42 may be read sar-ra-am, and taken as the accusative of sar-ru, "king"; but by so doing we do not get any sense. The sign tHT^f has besides the value sar that of Mr; we would, therefore, have hirram, a word akin to the Arabic -»., " to be free, freeborn," Hebrew Q"Hh or D'H'in, "nobles, freeborn children," Syriac j£^, "to set free," ]\\L, "free, freeborn"* it seems here to designate the freeborn child in opposition to slaves. We would therefore have here a description of the kind of

262 Akkadian Precepts for the Conduct of

ceremony of the declaration of age of the child. '"According to his resolution, the father gave his order, he receives the child which is brought to him, he sees him. i.e., he acknow- ledges him, and consequently the child hears his word." However, a bilingual passage only could confirm or upset this reading and supposition.

The word imtahar is the 3rd person of the voice with inserted t of maharu, "to receive"; 3rd person imhur, "he receives" (Smith's imhar, "Sen.," p. 117). The inserted t generally gives to the verb a causative or reflective mean- ing ; therefore imtahur is, " he receives for himself," or rather " he is made to receive," or " he has brought to him." A passage of a bilingual list (of the same series of tablets as that which we are now studying) leaves no doubt as to the meaning of the root maharu (W.A.I., II, pL 12. 1. 23-37), where it translates the same Akkadian words as the root hku, to take " ; the Akkadian J^T >-2< or JET ^T ^| meant "receive" or "take," ^ "£^ >*-] ^^ is translated by both Z3^ "^T <^f Uttki, -he takes for himselfj" and ^£L ++?(f\ -<4s= imtahur, "he receives for himself."

Immur-ma ; immur is the 3rd person of amaru, "to see"; ma, as will be seen further on (page 268), has often the meaniug of so that.

If we consider amate-su as the genitive singular governed by sarra, or the plural governed by the verb, it does not affect the meaning. In the first case it would be, " the child of his command/' and in the second, "the child hears his commands"; this last is perhaps preferable.

It must be noticed that if we read ^•^L -<^z=. imhur instead of immur, it does not alter the general meaning ; with the first of these two readings it would be, (l according to his resolution the father gave his order, he had the child brought to him, he receives the child, and consequently." etc.

Line 45. UzaJJd, "he declared" (as pure), "he delivered (judgment)." In a gift tablet (K. 6) in the British Museum the same word is used in the sense of " given up " or " delivered " to a god, i.e., "consecrated" ("Records of the Past." Vol. XI. p. 92). See also Pinches' "Babylonian Texts," pi. 4.

Man in his Private Life. 263

Line 48. Tapputi seems to be a borrowed word from Akkadian ; in this tongue ^z tab (the Akkadian b become p in Assyrian) means " double " ; here tapputi being placed after the verb, may be used as an adverb ; in spite of this incertitute the general sense is clear.1

Line 49. Here the sense escapes me : it may be that the child being declared free of his actions, is consequently freed of his father's authority, and tapputi would then express that he assumes " doubly " the responsibility of his words.

Lines 52-55. The Akkadian ^f^ £»^ £]]]* nam-tag-ga, " sin," is as usual translated by an-na; the older form without the assimilation appears 1. 53 and 54, ar-nu. The assimilation of the r before n was usual in Assyrian : Ave have an-na-bu,

"hare," in Hebrew rQ!n.N, Arabic ( j \. The form arnu

is very likely antiquated and more poetical.

In this paragraph, 6, we have a very poetical emphatic formula, "he holds" (as responsible) "his sin, the sin which is his sin " ; the verb is partly lost in Assyrian, but, the meaning of the Akkadian t?\]]& TTT^f il or Hi being certain (W.A.I., II, 26, 43, IV, 26, 12), it may be restored with confidence.

Column II.

The Assyrian is mostly lost, and has in some places never been written, being already effaced when the text was copied by the Ninevite scribes.

Lines 18-22. We havehere evidently a gradation expressed by the prefixes to the root dfi ^ : in-du, " he takes, " ban-du and nmiin-du.

Line 23. A word in Akkadian often contains a small sentence : here HMfj^ */- >t^ tfyy ^Tf is literally, " the state of one who has not known any one," and with the possessive pronoun J$ i^f a-ni= "her maidenhood "; it is, therefore, he will take in marriage " one who possesses her maidenhood," " a maiden."

Line 48. The Akkadian leaves no doubt as to the mean- ing of the Assyrian word tirhas&u, " his wedding present " or

1 Tapputi (W.A.I., II, 14, 40, 42) translates the Akkadian nam-talla, " double-ness " or " twofoldness."

2(U Akkadian Precepts for the Conduct of

" gift," given by the bridegroom to the bride's father. The Akkadian is a compound of {$ azag, "money," -£^Ey dam, " wife " or fi husband," and Y£; tug, " gift " ; we have in tliis word a remnant of the time when all kinds of wives were bought from the fathers. It must be remembered that the reading of the group <^ t^t^T It azag-dam-tug, though likely, is not certain, as we have no gloss proving it, and it may be that the Akkadians proposed another reading for the word for " wedding-present," expressed by the three ideograms " money, wife or husband, gift."

Line 49. Passaru is a word borrowed from the Akkadian bansur, a kind of vessel or cup ; it appears in the texts as a vessel for food (W.A.I., IV, 57). A bilingual list of words (W.A.I., II, 46, 1. 40 et seq.) gives us several kinds of passaru, and show that this object, primitively in wood, was first used as a chinking vessel, and especially a wine drinking vessel ; this list speaks of "passaru of the god/' "passaru of the king," etc. : it was therefore a libation cup, and from the description given by this list it seems to be the cup which often the Assyrian kings represented on the bas-reliefs are holding in then hand.

For the sign for ll silver," ^f{, I follow the reading azag generally accepted. However, this sign, with this reading, means " bright, shining, pure," and is in this sense translated by ellu, and is much used, as an adjective ; the reading is given in the syllabaries (W.A.I., II, 1, 111), and is confirmed by the texts, where the sign appears with the lengthening vowel <^ ^TTT^ azag-ga. The next line of the same syllabary gives the reading hi, which was probably the primitive name for the metal. Silver is always placed first in the Akkadian texts, and has been for this naturally supposed to be the first precious metal known. When gold came into use, the silver metal was determined by an adjec- tive forming the group <^ ^f, read lu lah, "metal pure" (*] = lah, W.A.I., II, 34, 13); hi azag, "metal shining," or '; pure," in the sense of "clear," as water, i.e., " colourless " (W.A.I., II, 1, 112); and he babbar, "metal shining," as the sim; the second expression seems to have alone prevailed, the name for " metal " bemg even omitted ; azag came to

Man in his Private Life. 2f>5

mean "silver," and was borrowed by the Assyrians under the form of asaku (unpublished fragment communicated to me by Mr. Pinches), which was no doubt a poetical word, as the Hebrew 0^5 , " gold," from the Egyptian \ 0°0 ketem

(see Pierret's "Diet.," p. 635), a qualification used to designate " gold."

As said above, "gold "was in Akkadian written ^yy HfT^> read gu-usqin (W.A.I. , II, 1, 113) : supposed, with great proba- bility, by M. Lenormant (" Trans. Soc. Bib. Arch.," Vol. VI, p. 365), to be weakened from ku-usqin ; the first part of the word being " metal," and the second is considered by the same scholar as meaning "true": arriving at this conclusion through the meaning of the ideogram *-]]-^ gi. If in the group {$ HfT-<4 the second part of it was gi, a shortened form for gina, "to establish," as he supposed, the reading would not be gusqin; it is preferable to consider the second character as an ideogram; it has as such generally the meaning of "reed"; I would therefore be inclined to take it as an adjective (by analogy to the formation of the word for "silver"), "reed-like/' i.e., " reed colour," or "yellow," as we say " straw," for " straw colour," or " yellow."

It is important to notice that the Assyrian gives the first place to " gold," harasu, even in bilingual texts where the Akkadian gives the first place to " silver." The Semites seem to have followed in that the notion of the Egyptians, who seem to have primitively given the first place to "gold," if we consider the words C^\ nub, "gold," from the

idea of brightness of flame, and r^n nub het, literally, " gold

white," i.e., " silver."

The Assyrian expresses by the genitive the Akkadian postposition -ta; the genitive is therefore not possessive, but indicates that the term of 2)a^suru came to mean the special present of the bridegroom : " he places the present as wedding gift."

Line 50. Ahi-su, for abi-sa ; as we shall see, the masculine possessive pronoun su is often used for the feminine (page 268).

266 Akkadian Precept* for the Conduct of

Column III.

Line 1. As here the Akkadian azaga-dam-taga is not followed by bansur, it is translated by uzubu, lt dowry," given by the bride's father.

Line 2. Suni-su, " his girdle " ; kinu meant primitively the lower part of the body, but in time came to mean the garment covering it, and by extension a girdle tied round the loins. In the East it was customary to put one's money or purse in one's belt.

Line 2. ^J<y^ nam, used as a postposition is rare, but occurs sometimes; here the Assyrian leaves no doubt as to its meaning.

Line 5. The precative prefix i^ hi- could be placed before any verbal form, and in this case seems to form a potential ; the mood could not be expressed in Assyrian, that is why the Semitic scribe took any turn. The Akkadian means that the young man has his choice before he is married, and may give his heart to any one, but cannot repudiate the one he has finally chosen.

Line 7. Gadistum cannot be of the same root as gasduiSu, for gasdut-su, unless we suppose a transposition of ds into sd ; both, however, translate Akkadian words from the same root : nu gig, literally, " what is not evil," is well known to mean gadistum, " sanctuary,'" from the root &""!£, tlHp, £-*"!£ , etc.) ; the weakened form in Hebrew, £"H,3, came to mean "a heap," from the idea of " high place." The Akkadian nam-nu-gig is " the state of being not evil," that is, "innocence "; the word gasdutu might be compared with Etip, Ps. lx, 6, and 12 tip, Prov. xxii, 21, translated by " truth" in the authorised version.

Line 8. *->^- slid has been explained by the crossing of two roads, hence "place," and is often translated by the Assyrian Sugu (W.A.I., III, 70, 119; 4, 2, 16 and 23, etc.), " market " or " place " ; as it cannot be supposed that every one had his sanctuary built in the public place, it must mean here the private yard.

Lme 10. Gasdus's'u. See above.

Lines 11 and 12. This paragraph is still very doubtful; as maru, " son," is in the nominative, the preposition must be

Man in his Private TAfe. 2G7

supplied. It may mean that maru is the subject of the verb, and gadista-su, " his sanctuary," the regimen.

Line 13. The only Akkadian words remaining are ubur, " breast," and ga, " milk."

Line 17. -^Hfflf means "to go"; the postposition incorporated ra gives to the word an idea of direction. (Cf. bara-tuldune note on 1. 45.)

Line 19. Nam-dub-sarra, literally, "that which is the written tablet."

Line 20. This line is too obscure for my venturing a translation.

Line 32. The Assyrian word uzahharu-su means "they shut or enclose him," but with alam, " town," in the accusative, it gives no satisfactory sense. In Akkadian we have the verb nigin, " to enclose, surround " ; the primitive meaning of the ideogram was " an enclosure," which the primitive form represented. The sign of " town," ^ff, is followed by ki, ^Jgf, "place," with the postposition a, "in"; we have therefore, " they surround him in the town place." The Assyrian alam on the other side may be considered as an accusative taken as an adverb. We may therefore suppose that the bad son was exhibited in the middle of the town as in "the pillory"; if the prison was meant, we should expect another word in Akkadian as well as in Assyrian.

Line 33. See further on, note on line 45.

Line 39. Itella, may be a dual.

Line 41. The possessive suffix su expresses the masculine mari-su, "his son," that is, the son of her husband, and it might be his son by another wife. However, we must remember that the suffix su was often used for the feminine, and it might be also "her son." (See next page, note on line 2.)

Line 44. In Akkadian we have " the fixed house " ; the Assyrian word is obscure. The Assyrian if read Summati may be compared to the root ]72D, and means " what has been settled," the estate settled on the wife by the husband by the marriage contract.

Line 45. The Akkadian bara-tuldune is here translated by a singular ; it may be that the Assyrian scribe implied that it was alone the husband of the bad mother who drove her

268 AkkoJlo.it Precepts for ike Conduct of

away. Bara-tuklune may be one of those words having no special form for the plural; but it does sometimes expt as the plural, as in one passage ( W.A.I.. IV. 2. 7. 16), where it is translated by usellu. and where the sense besides leaves no doubt as to the number intended.

It is to be noticed that the verbal forms with incorporated ra often imply an idea of direction or of futurity, and for this reason are sometimes translated in the Assyrian by a precative or an imperative; it is a kind of imperative or injunction; so bara-tuldune might be translated by, *'he is to be expelled,'* nu ubra-ak (line 17), ''he is not to go," or "he must not go."

Column IV.

Line 2. Jfussu, from rrnctu, with the possessive suffix su, it ought to be regularly mut-sa, li her husband"; but it may be that this expression was considered as forming one word after the assimilation of the t, and took the case ending of the nominative u. Besides, the masculine possessive suffix -su is often used for the feminine; among many examples we may mention the marriage contract tablet, where the suffix su is exclusively used for both genders.

Line 3. The postfixed copula ma is often used with the meaning of " so that," carrying a consequence, as is also used the copula " and " in English : u I went and saw him."

Line 7. The verb here does not express any violent action : inaddu is " they place," so that it seems to support the suggestion of Mr. Rylands.

Line 15. The Akkadian plural is translated by a singular in Assyrian.

Ma seems there also to imply a consequence, "if a master hired" (i.e., employed) "a slave in such way that" etc.

It may be noticed that in this last paragraph all the verbs have in the Akkadian the same subject, sakgal, " master,'' and that in Assyrian, after the conjunction ma, the subject changes, and though not expressed, the word servant is understood ; this fact explains why all the verbs used there (lines 16 to 19) are in the form with inserted t.

The first two paragraphs are very difficult, on account

Man in his Private Life. 2l>(.*

of the genders not being expressed in Akkadian, so that if we had not the Assyrian, we should not know who was meant, the husband or the wife. In the second of these paragraphs we have, "thou" (masc.) "art not my wife," which would imply that the scribe confused the genders; one explanation would, however, be that this law was reciprocal, and was meant against both a bad husband or a bad wife ; but it is a mere supposition.

Line 2. In Akkadian, when the possessive suffix -ni is •placed after a small incidental sentence, forming so a long word, it seems to express what is called in Latin Grammar an ablative absolute, or what is expressed in English by a participle present.

Colophon. Line 1. The transcription of J (J>- is doubtful. Satir means " order," mala urri, " every day ''; the general meaning may be that these precepts are instructions for every day. Mamitu is generally translated by " incantation," but it really means " saying," and may be translated by " precept."

Addenda.

Page 232. My remarks about the carelessness of Assyriolo- gists is well illustrated by the oversight of Professor Delitzsch in an article lately published in the Athenamm. He there states that he has discovered the Assyrian form of the Hebrew word TlNttJ, seol, which he gives as sualn, but without any reference. This word does not exist in Assyrian, but I have been able to find how the error has arisen.

A syllabary (unpublished fragment) gives a list of words having KBR as their radicals, and the last line but one is : —

The Akkadian column is read ga-ba-ra-ki, that is, Gabara- town ; in the Assyrian column it is : J=y, " ditto," i.e., Gabara, -t]], alu, " city," and ^Jgf determinative suffix. The mistake has arisen from the use of ^f as a pointer 4^5 in this case having been ignored. That in this case ^f is not to be read

270 Akkadian Precepts for the Conduct of Man, fyc.

phonetically is proved by the fact that in another syllabary (unpublished) the same expression is given in the Assyrian column opposite another Akkadian group thus : —

»=y (*fl <«) <]g | g ^TT <^f

The Akkadian is to be read, as indicated by the gloss, Es-ki, that is. Es-town, and the Assyrian is to be analysed as given in the previous quotation. Another instance of the same use of this group may be quoted from an unpublished syllabary in the British Museum, which puts my explanation beyond all doubt. It runs : —

S! ~t -B <m I B ^TT <M

I may add that the sign ^^ ifl very seldom used as a phonetic element.

Page 236. Mr. Theo. G. Pinches has called my attention to an unpublished list of the names of cups, among which is that of the Bansur, the Assyrian passant. The ideograph used suggests the idea that some of these vessels had a double lip : we have in this, therefore, a libation cup similar to that discovered by Dr. Schliemann, and explained by him as being the Greek vessel Se7ra? a^LKvireWov mentioned by Homer.

Page 250. A small piece of the tablet has been added by Mr. Theo. G. Pinches, but the few characters readable are too unconnected to be worth transcribing. A few Akkadian signs are legible, and these, so far as they can be made out, show that this portion of the tablet treated of the time at which women reached the marriageable age. It shows. however, that only 15 lines were missing, so that my hue No. 18 of Col. II corresponds to line 16 of the plate, 19 to 21, &c.

Page 261. A bilingual fragment lately arrived at the British Museum seems to confirm my translation. The well- known Akkadian ideogram s>jjE, dumu, " child," is translated by ^idf »TyY- the group given in our tablet, and which I have read hirru, " freebom child."

■>1\

BABYLONIAN LEGAL DOCUMENTS

REFERRING TO HOUSE PROPERTY, AND THE

LAW OF INHERITANCE.

By Theo. G. Pinches. Bead 6th February, 1883.

Among the many documents known as the Egibi-tablets, which, as a rule, are nothing else than records of sales of property, slaves, live-stock, produce, and even ships, are some, of a most interesting and instructive nature, containing judicial decisions. Couched, as they often are, in difficult style of language, they nevertheless give most interesting statements as to the laws of the land, and their manner of administration at that remote period.

The series/ to which I wish to call attention contains four documents, each of which, though found at Borsippa, the site of the Birs-Nimroud, yet came to the British Museum at various times and through different channels. The first in chronological order, which is dated in the second year of Nabonidus, is a tablet of a rather uncommon shape, but in a most excellent state of preservation. It has on the edge impressions of the cylinder-seals of two scribes, who are evidently the same as had drawn up the document. The tablet refers to the buying of a house and land by a man, evidently a Syrian, named Bin-Addu-natanu, and his wife Bunanitu, a Babylonian lady, by the hands of another person, named Iba. The text of the transaction is as follows : —

" 7 canes, 5 cubits, 8 fingers, a house, with territory, a plantation which is within Borsippa, which Dan-sum-iddhia, son of Ziria, son of Banaa, for 11^ maim of silver, for the Vol. VIII. 18

272 Babylonian Legal Documents referring to

price complete, has delivered into the hands of Iba, son of Silla, son of the nagar, by the authority of Bin-Addu-natanu, son of Addia, and Bunanitu his wife, daughter of Hariza. He has taken possession of that house, and has paid the money of Bin-Addu-natanu and Bunanitu as the price of the house. The contract of Dan-sum-iddina for the house and money is made ; Dan-sum-iddini has sealed the tablet with his name. He has given it to Bin-Addu-natanu and Bunanitu. To-day the copy of the seal tablet of the receiver (whether there be any contract for that house in the house of Danu- sum-iddin or in any other place), has been examined ; of Bin- Addu-natanu and Bunanitu it is.

" Witnesses : —

"Iddina-Marduk, son of Basa, son of Nur-Sin.

" Munahhis-Marduk, son of Itti-Marduk-balatu, son of Nabannaa.

" Nabu-nadin-ahi, son of Bel-iddina, son of Basia.

" Igidu-zir'-iddina, son of Esiraa.

"Kaptu-ilani-Marduk, the scribe son of Suhaa.

" Nabu-zir-esir, the scribe son of Nabunnaa.

"Babylon, Sebat 24th, second year of Nabonidus, king of Babylon."

Here follow, bending also over the edge, the seals of the scribes, Nabu-zir-esir and Kaptu-ilani-Marduk.

The transaction, as above given, is quite clear. Bin- Addu-natanu and his wife Bunanitu have been carrying on negociations with a certain Daim-sum-iddin about a house and field in Borsippa, and they give Iba, son of Silla, authority to buy the property for them. This he does, pay- ing 11^- mana of silver, and the house and field is declared to be the property of Bin-Addu-natanu and Bunanitu, what- ever may have been agreed before, " whether in the house of Danu-sum-iddin or elsewhere." The scribe has also been careful to state that Iba. contracted for the property " by the authority of Bin-Addu-natanu and Bunanitu his wife." The reason for this was, that if he could not have shown that he had received such authority from his employer, and the latter had afterwards refused to have the property, he would have

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House Property, and the Law of Inheritance. i7.°>

been obliged to keep and pay for it himself, in accordance with the Babylonian law : —

"If a man has contracted for a field and house in the name of another, but has not received a letter of authority concerning it, and has not taken a duplicate of the tablet (to the man from whom he received the authority) ; the man who wrote the tablet and contract in his name shall take that house and field."

This law, though certainly not very exactly worded, is nevertheless clear enough, explained, as it is, by the contract of which the text is above given. Its inexactness is probably caused by the fact that the text of which it forms part is rather a list of precedents than a code of laws, as the paragraph is really given in a narrative form.1

The next document in chronological order is dated in the fifth year of Nabonidus. It is an ordinary loan-tablet, 2£ inches long by 1^ inches broad. The inscription records

Amelu Sa kaniku sa ekli

A man who a contract of a field

u biti a-na Su-me sa-man-ma and house to the name of somebody

w». , > — v w¥ vv* * »a >^»» ik-nu-ku-ma ri-ik-su

HW* V- & ^T HfR HMf* ^TT sealed} and a C0Htract

y ^y 5t ^Y ^£ ty ^y /*< M 5a na-a§-Pir-tum a"na Mi

▼ I S— ' *"" *— 1Y I \> > 1 nf autharitii roncernina (it

of authority concerning (it)

la, ir-ku-su

did not draw up,

j „ ,y www , »» ^^ y u gab-ri kaniki

\ >W< *~U\ ^TT »-HFfT-T and a copy of the tablet

yY ~ry ^y <~ \ v <i!

¥w y^-w >^_w w ,^w vr * . eklu lu bitu su-a-ti

IT ffl m ZWl £! 1 Y ^H that field and house

la. il-ku--u, did not take;

amelu sa kaniki u D.P. an-tim the man who the tablet and agree- [meut a-na su-me-su sat-ru to his name has written

274 Babylonian Leu,// Documents referring to

that Iddina-Marduk, who appeared as a witness to the former transaction, lends a sum of money to Bin-Addu-natanu and Bunanitu. The text, the end of which is rather mutilated, is as follows : —

" 1-L mana 8£ shekels of silver from Iddina-Marduk, son of Basa, son of Nur-Sin, to Bin-Addu-natanu, son of Addia, and Bunanitu his wife. For the month they pay interest at the rate of 1 (weak) mana 1 shekel of silver (lit. "at the rate of lm. Is. it increases unto them"). From the 1st of Sivan of the 5th year of Nabonidus, king of Babylon, they pay the interest."

Three mutilated lines follow this, and then come the names of three witnesses, the last-named being the scribe who wrote the tablet. The date is : —

"Borsippa, Iyyar 3rd, 5th year of Nabonidus, king ot Babylon."

The bulk of the Egibi-tablets consists of transactions of this class. They are neither bankers' drafts nor judicial decisions, but money-lenders' agreements.

The third tablet, of which there are two copies, neither being the original, is dated in the ninth year of Nabonidus. In this document, the woman Bunamtu, whose husband is now dead, makes a declaration before the judges, claiming the property which belonged to her late husband, to which she considered that she had some right, as she had been, to a great extent, instrumental in getting it, and had taken part in all the transactions relating thereto. The text of this document, which is much longer than the two already given, is as follows : —

"Bunanitu, daughter of IJariza, said thus to the judges of Nabonidus, king of Babylon : ' Bin-Addu-natan, son of Nikbata V had me to wife, taking 3 mana of silver as dowry, and I bore to him one daughter. I and Bin-Addu-natan, my husband, traded with the money of my dowry, and we bought for 9^ mana of silver, with 2^ mana of silver which (was borrowed) from Iddin-Marduk, son of Basa, son of Nur- Sin, (and which) we added to the former sum, 8 canes of land,

1 Variant, Nikmadu'.

LOAN-TABLET DATED IN THE 5TH YEAR OF NABONIDUS.

1 2

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7 8

9 10 1 1

IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM.

No. S. + 233.

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House Property, and the Law of Inheritance. 275

and a ruined house, the territory of a large property, which is within Borsippa. Together we made this transaction in the fourth year of Nabonidus, king of Babylon.

'"Now my dowry (was) with Bin-Addu-natan, my husband. I asked (for it), and Bin-Addu-natan, in the kindness of his heart, sealed, and entrusted it to me for future days, the 8 canes of land, and that house, which is within Borsippa, and made it known on my tablet as follows : ' 2\ mana of silver, which Bin-Addu-natan and Bunanit have taken from Iddin-Marduk, and have given as the price of that house. Together they have made the agreement.' He sealed this tablet, and wrote upon it the curse of the great gods.

" ' In the fifth year of Nabonidus, king of Babylon, I and Bin-Addu-natan, my husband, took Bin-A ddu-amara to son- ship, and wrote a tablet of his sonship, and made known that the dowry of my daughter Nubta was 2 mana 10 shekels of silver and the furniture of a house. Fate took my husband, and on account of this, Akabi-ilu, son of my father-in-law, laid claim upon the house and everything which he had sealed and entrusted to me, and upon Nabii-nur-ilu, whom we had bought, by the hands of Nabu-ahi-iddin, for money. I have brought it before you. Make a decision.'

"The Judges heard their words, they discussed the tablets and documents which Bunanitu had brought before them, and they did not make Akabi-ilu to have power over the house of Borsippa, which had been entrusted to Bunanitu instead of her dowry, over Nabu-nur-ili, whom she and her husband had bought for silver, nor over anything of Bin- Addu-natan. Bunanitu and Bin-Addu-amara, by their tablets, possess (them). Iddin-Marduk takes the 2| mana of silver which had been given as the price of that house, and settles (the affair). Afterwards Bunanitu settles the 3^ mana, her dowry, and besides her property she settles Nabu-nur-ili (upon) Nubta, according to the agreement of her father.

" By the decision of this judgment.''

Here follow the names of six judges and two scribes, and then the date : —

"Babylon, 26th Elul, ninth year of Nabonidus. king of Babylon."

276 Babylonian Legal Documents referring to

It will easily be seen that the above document is an action brought by the woman Bunanitu to recover the property which she and her husband had acquired, but to which Akabi-ilu, her husband's brother, laid claim. Bin- Addu-natanj however, seems to have taken great care that his wife's name should be associated with every transaction, wishing that the property might go to her, in case of his dying, as he actually did, before her. The association of her name with his, however, in all the transactions into which they entered, would probably not have availed in any way, but for the fact that part of the money with which they traded was her own; for it was enacted, according to Babylonian law, that on the death of the husband, the dowry of the wife returned to her, and to her children ; and in the case where both husband and wife died without any issue, the dowry returned to the parents of the wife, from whom, in fact, it originally came. On this point the law was clear, and Akabi-ilu seems to have been nonsuited. At the time when this question was decided before the judges, Iddin- Marduk, the lender of the money which made up the price of the house at Borsippa, was repaid, seemingly by order of the judges, and provision was made for the dowry of Nubta, the daughter of Bunanitu, who was to marry the man Bin- Addu-amara, who had been " taken to sonsliip."

The tablet of legal precedents gives the following rules for the inheritance of the dowiy of a married woman : —

11 If a man give a dowry to his daughter, and she has no son or daughter, her dowry returns to the house of her father."

A marriage contract, partly performed, could not be annulled : —

"If a man promise a dowry to his daughter, and then write a tablet for her, and afterwards hand over to her a third part, as he gives his property, which was a part of her dowry, to his daughter, the father-in-law and son-in-law cannot deny each other."

According to the tablet IS 4- 966, which is a marriage settlement, the bridegroom might ask that a part of the promised dowry be changed for something else of value.

House Property, and the Law of Inheritance. 211

In this case, Iddina-Marduk asks that instead of the sum of seven mana of silver, part of dowry which Ziria had promised with Ina-E-sagili-ramat, his daughter, there might be given the slave Urbartu and her three children, Nana-kisirat and her two children, and all the property of Ziria both in town and country. The proposition seems to have been accepted by the father of Ina-E-sagili-ramat.

From another clause of the tablet of precedents, which is, unfortunately, rather mutilated, it seems that if a marriage contract be concluded, and the dowry of the wife and the property of the husband, given by his father, be to the satisfaction of all parties concerned, the children take, on the death of their parents, a third of the property. What becomes of the rest, however, does not appear.

Another clause, also very mutilated, directs that, if a woman, on the death of her husband, " set her face to go down to another house," that is, if she marry again, she may take with her her dowry and all her property which her first husband had left her. All that was left of her dowry after her death, was to be divided (so it seems) between the children of both marriages. What was to become of the rest does not appear, as the tablet is broken ; but it is not unlikely that this property given by the first husband was to go to his children only.

It will easily be seen from the above how very clear and full of common sense the laws of the ancient Babylonians were. In everything they show themselves to have been an eminently practical people ; lovers of peace, and ardent traders. Whence they could have got these laws is difficult to say. It is not unlikely, however, that they are built upon some ancient Akkadian precepts, the originals of which no longer exist. The Akkadian laws treating of the duties of the members of a family towards each other have already been ably discussed by Mr. G. Bertin, and it is not by any means impossible that the tablet, of which I have above given extracts, is a translation of a continuation of the series. These ancient tablets, which were of the series beginning, in Akkadian, ki-kankaldbi-su, were probably, at first, very in imerous, but only a few of the tablets have come down to

278 Babylonian Legal Documents referring to

us. They were used as text-books by the students of Babylon, even to the latest times, and the phrases which they contain, used as models by the scribes, are to be found reproduced in many different ways, in the texts of the so- called Egibi-tablets. It is therefore clear that the scribes. after going through, and learning both the Babylonian phrases, and their Akkadian equivalents, went also through the code of laws by which these pattern-phrases were followed. Mr. Horrnuzd Rassam has obtained from the Babylonian ex- cavations many fragments of tablets containing extracts from these texts of law-phrases, each section having been written out clearly and well by the student three times, in order, evidently, to impress these things the more clearly upon his memory. Judging from what we have already, the complete code of these laws must have been extremely interesting, and embraced a wide range.

"W e have heard much about the will of Sennacherib, but this is only, at the most, a deed of gift, or a letter stating that the king had given his son, whose name he changes at the same time, certain articles of value, but the so-called Egibi- tablets give us the form of a real will, fully and clearly written, in which a man named Tabnea gives certain property to Iris wife, to be held in trust for her by his three children, to whom, after her death, the property was to go. This is a real model of a will, for all the clauses are so clearly ex- pressed, without any repetitions, that, notwithstanding our imperfect knowledge of Assyrian, every phrase can be clearly made out.

It is a great pity that Assyriologists have been, especially in England, so careless as to their translations. The chances are, that if a phrase requires a great deal of twisting to get it to make sense, the translation is wrong. Guessing, also, is a most dangerous thing, especially when unscientifically done. A most interesting tablet of the class we have been treating of is one called, in consequence of one of Mr. Smith's ingenious guesses, " The dispute between the two brothers.-' The text, however, is nothing of the kind. It is a deed of partnership, or, rather, brotherhood, entered into by two men. named Sini-Xana and Iribam-Sin. The declaration of

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] louse Property, and the Law of Inheritance. 279

partnership was made before a judge, who took them after- wards to the temple of the Sun-god at Tel-sifr, where they made gifts or sacrifices to the Sun-god and the Moon-god, and afterwards the judge gave them some friendly and wholesome advice as to their duties towards each other. This document is dated hi the reign of Gammurabi, about 2.100 B.C.

The First Document. 77 — 10 — 2, 2. Obverse.

1. Sibit kane, kassu ammati, xvm {ibanati, bitu e-ib-su Seven canes, five cubits, 18 fingers, a mined house,

ersi-tim kireti

(and) the land of plantations

2. sa ki-ir-ba Bar-sip-ki, sa | >~>f- Daan-sum-iddi-na, which (are) within Borsippa, which Daan - sum - iddina,

mari-su sa ] Ziria, son of Ziria,

3. mar f Na-ba-a-a, a-na estin esrit masu ma-na kaspi, a-na son of Nabda, for eleven and a-half mana of silver, for

kaspi ga-mir-ti, the complete money,

4. i-na kata f I-ba-a, mari-su sa f Sil-la-a, mar (which) by the hands of Ibd, son of Silld, son of

(ameli) nagari im-hu-ru the nagar, he has received

5. i-na na-as-pir-ti sa | >->f- Bin-Addu-na-ta-nu, mari-su sa by the authority of Ben - Hadad - natan, son of

f Ad-di-ia Addia

6. u £- Bu-na-ni-ti as-sa-ti-su, marat-su sa f Ha-ri-za-a-a and Bunanitu, his wife, daughter of Hamz&a

7. bitu su-a-tim im-ta-har, kaspa sa \ >->f- Bin-Ad-du- that house he has received, the money of Ben-Hadad-

na-ta-nu natdn

280 Babylonian Legal Documents referring to

8. u ■£- Bu-na-ni-ti a-na si-i-mi biti na-din zi-it-ti and Bunanitu as the price of the house he has given ; (the property

9. sa y »->f- Daan-sum-iddi-na i-na biti u kaspi ya-a-iiu of Daan-sum-iddina in the house, and money there is not).

10. Kaniku sa | »->f- Daan-sum-iddi-na a-na su-mi-su ik-nu-ku The tablet which Daan-sum-iddina ivith his name has sealed

11. a-na y >->f- Bin- Ad-du-na-ta-nu u -^ Bu-na-ni-ti id-din

to Ben - Hadad - natdn and Bunanitu he has given.

Reverse.

1. tT-mu gab-ri ku-nu-uk ma-hi-ri lu-u To-day the copy of the seal of the receiver (whether there be

mimma ri-ik-su sa biti su-a-tim any contract for that house

2. ina biti y >~>f- Daan-sum-iddina lu-u ina a-sar in the house of Daan-sum-iddina or in any other

sa-nam-ma it-tan-ma-ru, sa y »->f- Bin-Ad-du- place) has been examined, of Ben-Hadad-

na-tan-nu u £- Bu-na-ni-tum su-u natdn and Bunanitu it is.

3. (Amelu) Mu-kin-nu y Iddi-na- >->f- ]\larduk mari-su sa

Witnesses : Iddina-Marduk, son of

y Ba-sa-a mar y Nu-nr- >->f- Sin Basd, son of Nur-Sin;

4. y Mu-na-ak-hi-is- >->f- Marduk mari-su sa y Itti-

Munahhis-Marduk, son of Itti-

->f- Marduk-balatu mar y Na-bu-un-na-a-a Marduk-balatu, son of Nabunnda

5. y Nabu-na-din-aki, mari-su sa y Bel-iddi-na mar y Ba-si-ia

Nabu-nadin-dhi, son of Bel-Iddina, son of Basia

6. y >->f- Igi-du-zira-iddi-na mari-su sa y E-si-ra-a-a

Tgidu-zira-iddina son of Esirda

Home Property, and the Laic of Inheritance. 281

7. y Kapti-ilani- >->f- Marduk, dup-sar mari-su sa | Su-lja-a-a

Kapti-ildni-Marduk, the scribe, son of Suhda

8. | Nabu-zira-esir, dup-sar, mari-su sa y Na-bu-un-na-a-a

Nabu-zira-esir, the scribe, son of Nabunnda.

9. Bab-ili ki, arhu Sabatu, limu XXIV KAM, sattu sanetu

Babylon, month Sebat, day 24^/j, year second,

y Nabu-na-'-id sar Tin-tir-ki Nabonidus king of Babylon.

The Second Document. — S.+ 233.

1. Isten masu ma-na, samna masu sikli kaspi sa One and a-half mana, eight and a-half shekels of silver, from

y Iddin- «f Marduk Iddin-Marduk

2. mari-su sa y Ba-sa-a mar y Nur *->|- Sin ina muk-ki

son of Basd, son of Nilr-Sin, unto

3. y >->f- Bin-Ad-du-na-ta-nu, mari-su

Ben-Hadad-natdn, son of

4. sa y Ad-di-ia u ■£- Bu-na-ni-tum assati-su

Addia, and Bunanitu, his icife

5. Sa arki, ina muk-hi isten ma-na isten siklu kaspi For a month, at the rate of one mana one shekel of silver

(). ina muk-ki-su-nu i-rab-bi, ultu umi isten unto them it increases ; from the first day

7. sa arki Simani, sattu kamiltu Nabu-na'id, sar BabiH (E-ki)

of Sivan, the fifth year of Nabonidus, king of Babylon,

8. kubulla i-nam-din-nu. Kaspu, ri-ik-tu kaspi they pay the debt. The money, (and) the interest of the money,

9. sa (?) ina si-i-[mij biti sa a-na

which is for the price of a house, which to

10. y I-ba-[a] iddi-nu, arka-am

Ibd they have given, monthly

11. kubulla i-nam-din-nu the pledge they shall pay

282 Babylonian Legal Documents referring to

Keverse.

1. (Amelu) Mu-kin-nu : | E-zi-da-surn-epus

Witnesses : S-zida-sum-Spus

2. mari-su sa ] Nabu-sum-nasir mar | La (?)-ku-ub-bu-ru

son of Nabi\-sum-nasir son of La-kubburu;

3. f Nabu-ahi-bul-lit mar \ >->f- Marduk-sum-nasir

Nabu-dhi-bullit son of Marduk-sum-nasir

4. mar ] Su-ka-a-a u (amelu) sangu, | Abla-a son of Suhda, and the scribe, Ablaa

5. mari-su sa f Ukin- »->f- Marduk. Bar-sip ki,

son of Ikln-Marduk. Borsippa,

6. arhu Aaru, umu salsa, sattu hamiltu month Tyyar, third day, year fifth,

Nabu-ua'id, sar Babili (E-ki) Nabonidus, king of Babylon.

The Third Document. — Sp. 48.

1 . ■£- Bu-na-ni-tura marat-su sa y Ha-ri-za-a a-na (amelu) daani

Bunanitu, daughter of Hariza to the judges

sa Nabu-na'id of Nabonidus

2. sar Babili tak-bi urn-ma : f (ilu) Bin-Ad-du-na-tan abli-su king of Babylon said thus : Ben-IIadad-natan son

3. sa y Ni-ik-ba-ta-' x a-ua as-su-tu ir-sa-an-ni-ma salsu

of Nikbatah to wifehood had me and three

ma-na kaspi mana of silver

4. nu-dun-na-a il-ki-e-ma ed-it martu u-lid-su. Ya-a-tu as my dowry he took and one daughter I bore him. I

1 Var. : Ni-ik-ma-du-'.

House Property, and the Laic of Inheritance. 283

5. u | (ilu) Bin-Addu-na-tan, mu-ti-ia, na-da-nu u ma-ha-ri and Ben-IIadad-natdn, my husband, selling and buying

6. ina eli ka-sap nu-dun-ni-e-a ne-pu-us-ma VIII kane with the money of my dowry made, and eight canes,

betu eb-su a ruined house

7. ersi-tim a-hu-la-a gal-la-a ki-rib Bar-sip-ki a-na tisit the territory of a large property, within Borsippa, for nine and

sussanu ma-na kaspi a-di two-thirds of a mana of silver, with

8. sane masu ma-na kaspi sa ul-tu f Iddin-(iln) two and a-half mana of silver ivhich was from Iddin-

Marduk, mari-su sa ] Ba-sa-a, mar J Nur-(ilu)Sin Marduk, son of Basd, descendent of Nur-Sin,

9. a-na nis-hu1 nis-sa-am-ma i-na sim bitu su-a-tu (which) to the former ice added and as the price of that house

ni-id-di-din-ma ice gave and

10. it-ti a-ha-mes nim-hnr ina satti IV (kam) | Nabu-na'id with each other we traded in the 4th year of Nabonidus,

sar Babili. king of Babylon.

11. As-su nu-dun-ni-e-a it-ti | (ilu) Bin-Addu-na-tan mu-ti-ia

Now my doivry (was) with Ben-Hadad-natdn, my husband.

12. Ar-gum-ma ] (ilu) Bin-Addu-na-tan i-na mi-gir lib-bi-su / asked (for it), and Ben-Hadad-natdn, in the kindness of his

\_heart,

13. vin kane, bita su-a-ta, sa ki-rib Bar-sip-ki ik-nu-uk-ma the 8 canes, that house, which (is) within Borsippa, sealed, and

1 Var., uis-ri.

2S4 Babylonian Legal Documents referring to

14. a-na u-mu sa-a-tu pa-ni-ia u-sad-gil-ma ina kaniki-ia for future days to me lie intrusted and by my tablet

u-se-di made (it) known

15. um-ma : Sane masu ma - na kaspi sa ] (Ilu) Bin -

thus : " Two and a-lialf mana of silver which Ben -

Addu-na-tan u ■£- Bu-na-ni-tum Hadad-natdn and Bunanitu

16. ul-tu pa-ni f Iddin- (ilu) Mardut is-su-nim-ma ina sim

from Iddin- Marduk have received and as the

bitu su-a-tu price of that house

17. id-di-nu, it-ti a-ha-mes id-di-ru. Kaniku su-a-tim have given, togetlier they have transacted it." That contract

18. ik-nu-uk-ma ir-rit ilani rabuti ina lib-bi is-tnr lie sealed and the curse of the great gods in the midst he wrote.

19. Ina satti V kam Nabu-na'id, sar Babili, ya-a-tu u

In the 5th year of Nabonidus, king of Babylon, I and

f (ilu) Bin-Addu-na-tan Ben- Hadad-natdn

20. mu-ti-ia )f (ilu) Bin-Addu-a-ma-ra a-na ma-ru-tu my husband Ben-IIadad-amara to sonship

ni-il-ka-am-ma took and

21. dup-pi ma-ru-ti-su nis-tur-ma sane mana esrit. sikli kaspi the tablet of his sonship we wrote and 2 mana ten shekels of silver

22. u u-di-e biti nu-dun-na-a sa •£- Nu-ub-ta-a marti-ia and the furniture of a house, the dowry of Nubtd, my daughter

23. nu-se-di. Mu-ta-a sim-tum u-bil-ma i-na-an-na we made known. My husband fate took, and therefore

24. y A-ka-bi-ilu mar (amelu) e-mi-ia a-na eli biti u mim-ma

Akabi-ilu, son of my brother-in-law, upon the house and all

House Property, and the Law of Inheritance. 285

25. sa kan-gu-ma pa-ni-ia su-ud-gu-lu u e-li which he had sealed and unto me had intrusted, and upon

y Nabu-niir-ilani Nab u-n ur-i lai i i

26. sa ina kata | Nabii-ahi-iddin a-na kaspi ni-bu-ku to horn by the hands of Nabu-ahi-iddin for money we had boiuj lit,

27. pa-ka-ri u-sab-si

claim he made.

Reverse.

1. A - na mah-ri-ku-nu ub-la-as, purusse-su suk-na To your presence I have brought it, make its decision.

2. (Amelu) Daani dib-bi-su-nu is-mii-n, dup-pa-nu li rik-sa-a-tu

The judges their words heard, the tablets and contracts

3. sa ■£- Bu-na-ni-tum tu-ub-la ma-har-su-nu is-tas-su-ma which Bunanitu had brought before them they discussed, and

4. A-ka-bi-ilu e-li biti sa Bar-sip-ki, sa kn-um nu-dun-ni-e-su Akabi-ilu over the house of Borsippa, which instead of her dowry

5. pa-ni •£- Bu-na-ni-tum su-ud-gu-lu, e-li | Nabu-niir-ili

unto Bunanitu had been entrusted, over Nabu-nur-ili

6. sa si-i u mu-ti-su a-na kas-pi i-sa-mu, u e-li minima whom she and her husband for silver had bought, and over anything

7. sa y (ilu) Bin-Addu-na-ta-nu la u-sar-su-u. of Ben- Hadad-natdn they gave not power.

■£- Bun-na-ni-tum Bunanitu

8. u y (ilu) Bin-Addu-a-ma-ri, ina kanike-su-nu us-ziz-su. and Ben-Hadad-amara, by their tablets, possess them.

y Iddin- (ilu) Marduk Iddin-Marduk

9. sane masu ma-na kaspi-su, sa i-na sim his tioo and a-half mana of silver, which as the price of

bitu su-a-tu na-ad-nn, that house had been given,

28

Babylonian Legal Documents referring to

10. i-pi-eu-ni-ma i-sal-lim. Ar-ki <£- Bu-na-ni-tum agrees to and receives. Afterwards Bunanitu

11. salsa niasu ma-na kapsi. nu-dun-na-su, ta-sal-lim u three and a-half ?na7ia of silver, her dowry, receives, and

a - hi zitti - su besides her property

12. | Nabu-nur-ili £- Nu-ub-ta-a, ki-rua rik-sa-a-tum

Nabu-nur-ili, Nubtd, according to the agreement*

13. abi-su ta-sal-lim

of her father, receives.

14. I-na purusse di-i-ni su-a-tim By the decision of this judgment.

15. y (ilu) Xergal-ba-nu-mi, (amelu) danu, mar (amelu) Kal-du

Nergal-banunu, judge, the son of the Chaldean

(amelu) danu, mar y E-gi-bi judge, the son of Egibi

16. y Nabu-ahi-iddin,

Nabii -dhi-iddin,

17. y Nabu-sum-ukin,

Nabu-sum-ukin.

18. y Bel-ahi-iddin,

Bel-dhi-iddin,

19. y Bel - ed - ir,

Bel - edir,

(amelu) danu, mar y Ir-a-ni judge, the son of Iran

(amelu) danu, mar judge, the son of

(amelu) danu, mar judge, the son of

20. y Nabu-balat-su-ik-bi, (amelu) danu, mar

Nabu-balat-su-ikbi, judge, the son of

21. y Na - di - no, Nadinu,

(amelu) dupsar, mar

scjnbe, the son of

22. y Xabii-sum-isk-un, (amelu) dup-sar, mar (amelu) . . .

Nabu- sum -ishun, scribe, the son of the . . .

23. Babili, arah Ululu, umu xxvi kam, sattu ix kam, Babylon, month Elul, day 26th, year lJtJt.

Xabu - [na'id sar Babili] Nabonidus, king of Babylon.

House Property, and the Imiv of Inheritance. 287

Notes upon the Words, &c. No. 1.

1. Kana, "a cane" (both the plant and the measure),

Heb. i"T?£. In Babylonian 60 square cubits.

Ammat, "a cubit," Heb. J172S!, about 20 inches.

A

Ubandti, plur. of ubdnu, " a finger," " point." See W.A.I. I, 18, 62, jjf ^ = ilbanni, and W.A.I. I, 20, 17, where the const, plur. ubandt occurs.

A

Ebsu, " ruined." See the note to line 6 of the obverse of Sp. 41.

Ef HlPf *Ts Pmr- of kiru, "a plantation," explained as the meaning of tj ^E]tJ, W.A.I. II, 15, 27 (ki-ri-i, case after a preposition) and elsewhere. The plural indicated here is kiretu, not hirdni.

2. Kirba, " within," more usually kirib.

Ddan-sum-iddina, " the Sun-god made a name." J^f $\ . = dda?iu, "judge," one of the titles of the Sun-god.

3. >^-. The value of this character, when the meaning of

division is implied, seems to be mam. Compare W.A.I. Ill, 70, 175.

4. *£= t^f<> m Assyrian characters ^^ •£-<. The value

of the latter characters is, in Akkadian, nagar. (See Delitzch, " Lesestiicke," p. 40, col. iv, 1. 4.) The Babylonian value is probably nagaru or nangaru, the same as the name of the character. The meaning is doubtful.

5. Naspirti, "authority"; from sapdru, "to send," probably

connected with the Heb. "^3D, "to write." For naspyirtu, compare p. 273, and Smith's " Assurbanipal," p. 209, line 72, ina naspirti Assur, " by the authority of Assur." Vol. VIII. 19

288 Babylonian Legal Documents referring to

6. Assati, "wife"; compare the Heb. H'CN.

*^£p£-, md rat, const, of mdrtu, "daughter, the fern, form *^T, maru, "male child," " son." Instead of mdrtu, the form mdstu (W.A.I. Y, pt. 2) is also found, with change of r into s before the dental.

8. Zittu (pi. zindti), a word which translates the Akkadian Vf< >£T> fab* (see W.A.I. II, pi. 39, 1. 48, and pi. 40, 1. 51). The meaning of this word seems to be "property." " There is neither property nor money belonging to Daan-surn-iddin in the house." See also p. 286, whore the property of Xubta, daughter of Bunanitu. is spoken of. The word gala is of very frequent occurrence in the early Babylonian dated tablets, and in every case the meaning "property" seems to fit. Zittu evidently comes from the root zdnu or za"anu, in Puul ( = Heb. Piel), "to adorn"; the ideas ornament, furniture. and property, being derived one from another. Com-

pare the Arabic ,\- "to adorn," «sju ; "ornament."

?- E^Ty Ty tS y«WM> evidently "not to be," the Heb. p». Compare my " Texts in the Babylonian Wedge-writing," pi. 9, K. 831, 1. 13, and the same text, pi. 8, rev. 1.8: ana pani-su Saprah, sipirti ina pani-su ydnu, "I have sent to his presence, the letter in his presence is not"; M illak, sipirti lissa, u ydnu. Id Makku, " when he goes, may he take the letter — but it is not (so), he will not go"! Compare also the dnu of the Behistun inscription, 1. 19.

10. ^»ff ££^I> a compound evidently to be transcribed by tlit- Assyrian ^Jff ^ffi.1 The probable Semitic Babylo- nian pronunciation is kanihi (compare W.A.I. V, pi. 32, 1. 19, with Haupt, " Keilschrifttexte," p. 72, 1. 38, and W.A.I. II. pi. 4. 1. 42, etc.), and means "a contract- tablet." Kunukku, from the same root, means a stone seal, probably a cylinder.

Iknuku, Aorist Kal of kanalu, " to seal." (For other forms of this verb, see p. 293.)

1 The Babylonian £J^| stands both for £JTT and tCfl!! in Assyrian.

House Property, and the Law of Inheritance. 289

Reverse.

1. ^f *^, umu, "day," perhaps here used with the significa-

tion of " when."

ZZ$$ >^|<y, gabri, "copy," a "duplicate"; an Akkadian loan- word, translated by the Assyrian mihru (W.A.I. V, pt. 2).

Kunuk, const, of kunukku, " a seal." (See the note to line 10.)

Mahiri, gen. of mahiru, participle Kal of mahdru, " to receive."

•£- t^f, mimma, "anything," "everything." The pronun- ciation hitherto given to this character is nin, which it was supposed to have on account of the sign y (Assyr. ^) — which has, when used to express the word " anything," the pronunciation of nig in Akkadian — and on account of the Assyrian £-£]. Besides the fact, however, that the Babylonian equivalent of -£^y is -J^"^, it is also to be noted that a variant of -J^Ey, namely, -£- >^, occurs, and that the old Babylonian form of •£- *0 appears as £»= *~£Jf. The whole is cleared up, however, by a variant in the fourth tablet of the Creation series, where <£:£ ^Jff I"' mi-im-me, occurs for •£- {££. in the phrase adi Id dsi mimme-sa. The word is therefore declined like any ordinary noun : Nom. mimmu, Gen. minimi, Ace. mimma.

Riksu (pi. riksdte), a bond or contract. (See p. 296.) Root, rakdsu, "to bind."

2. Ittanmaru, Aor. Itanaphal (tertiary form of Kal) of namdru,

"to shine," infinitive (not yet found) itanmuru. It is not unlikely that this form signifies " to appear," in which case it "would be better, perhaps, to translate the phrase with which the reverse begins as follows : " When the copy, with the seal of the receiver (whether there be any contract for that house in the house of Daan-sum-iddin, or elsewhere) appears, it (the house) is (the property) of Ben-Hadad-natan and Bunanitu."

290 Babylonian Legal Documents referring to

3. Tddina-Marduk, '• Merodach gave." Nur-Sin, " light of the

Moon-god."

4. Munafyhis-Mardvk, " the benefited by Merodach."

Itti-Mdrduh-balatu, "with Merodach is life." Nabunnda, " the Nabunnite."

5. Nabu-nadin-dhi, " Nebo has given a brother.'' BU-iddina

" Bel gave."

Basia.

6. Igidu-zird-iddina, "Merodach gave seed." Esirda, "the

Esirite."

7. Kapti-ilani-Marduh, " the honoured of the gods is Merodach."

Suhda, " the Suhite."

8. Nabu-zird-esir, " Nebo directed seed."

No. 2. S. + ,233. 7. |g[ ^^1 &AR-RA, in Babylonian, huLidlu, evidently the Hebrew /in, "pledge," here, that which one pledges one's-self to pay, a debt. (See W.A.I. II, plate 12, line 35, etc.)

Inamdinnu, or, perhaps, better, inddinnu or inddinu, pres. Kal of naddnu, " to give."

Bihtu, " interest." A rather frequent word. The meaning is gathered from the context.

10. «<^ y^ >->f-, evidently to be read drham, yj «->f- having the value of am, or drha-ma, -ma being the translation ot ft Hf- (see W.A.I. V, pi. 22, 1. 30). Whichever way the particle be read, however, the meaning and derivation are the same.

Reverse.

1. E-zida-sum-epus, " (the temple) E-zida made a name."

2. Nabu-sum-nasir, "Nebo protected the name." La-kubburu

(the first character doubtful, but very probable).

3. Nabu-dhi-bullit, " Nebo, give life to my brother"! Marduk-

Sum-nasir, "Merodach protected the name."

House Property, and the Law of Inheritance. 291

4. Ablda, " my son."

5. Ukin-Marduk, " Merodach established."

In writing the name Borsippa, the scribe has written the first part correctly, but in inscribing the character sip, has written the first part of S^'j+y (namely, ^z), and then added to it the sign y»-, leaving out the other four wedges which would have completed the character. ]-, however, has also the value of sip, hence, probably, the mistake.

No. 3. Obverse.

1. £^ ^f y\, SA-KUD, the ordinary ideograph for ddanu, "a

judge." In Akk;, lit. "the decider," from $\, kud, 'to cut."

f •"t^Ttf 4Mff IK> NABU-IM-TUG, a very usual way ol writing the name Nabonidus. The group, as here written, is composed of >->f- *-]*%*■ (in Assyrian »->f- »-J~y), a common ideogram for the god Nebo, and -<^Jff J^K > evidently another form of <^>ff ^| (im-te) = puluhtu, "fear," "reverence." Other ways of writing the name are \ ^X^\x\ j£ (see the variant, line 10) and | ^y^y *-^y -^^ ^T-^y, Nabu-na-'-id. The meaning of the name is, "Nebo is glorious." Compare, for naid, the Arabic v^ , the primary signfication of which seems to have been "to be great, beautiful."

2. -^ $$£.] Jpf, Tin-tir, a very common ideograph for

Babylon. The literal meaning is "Life-seat" (tin, " life," TTR or TUR, " to sit ") ; in Assyrian Subat balati, " seat of life." £J^ ^, takbi, 3rd pers. sing., fern, of fcebu, "to speak."

3. The variants Nikbata' and Nikmadu' probably arise from

bad writing of the original, which is lost. It is often very difficult to distinguish the difference between ^y, ma, and ^f, ba in the Babylonian texts. S^y, du, and J^y, ta, are also liable to be mistaken for each other, when badlv written.

2'J'2 (Ionian Legal Documents referring

4. *j- Jt^y >~^t T» Tr. udunndrOy the accusative, with pos- - saive pronoun, first pers. sing., of nudunnu, a word formed (like kunukhi, "stone seal." and purwsQ, ■■decision") from naddnu, "to give." Other words for a marriage gift or possession are tirh.atu, u:ubu}

^TT^Y. a character formed from the two signs Y ^T^T. by placing the Y within the larger character. (Compare >^-JI for y i~lX, ist-en.) The most likely reading of *^TT^T is that adopted in the transcription, tdit, from edu, i;one." The second character of the group is the phonetic complement.

6. £5Y yi Xs -''--' ' :1'*u •' a rather difficult expression. The

tablet first translated (77-10-2. 2) gives, in the first line. £5* 5~y J^J= J=f3 Litu e-db-su, an unusual style of re- presenting a word. used, perhaps, to indicate that §bsu was not to be read as if from epesu, " to make." The variant gives ]k J, SlG-su, the ideograph sig, '"tobeiceak" and the phonetic complement of ebsu, which must, there- fore, have this meaning. Compare the Hebrew BD3?, •' to waste away, decay," of seeds when in the ground, Chaldee B?Q3?, "to rot." Dr. Oppert's translation of this word ("Documents Juri cliques," p. 177), "unfinished."' is not improbable.2

7. TJ >M >^ET Ty. a-Ku-Ia-a; a doubtful word, evidently meaning

"property." Perhaps borrowed from the Akkadian.

*EV ^y ^y. nail J, "great" (from Akkadian).

1E|EJ jfc^Y ^Pfj Bar-sij'iki) ; the most usual way of indi- cating the city Borsippa. This name is often spelled J{- T- ^Pf, Barsip(ki), and sometimes ^S- Jjy Y>_ ^j or ^V T- ^M? Bur-sip(ki), whence, evidently, the form Borsippa. The Sumerian form of the name ifi ^p| fcfl Vr ttJ ^Y <r|t> L>r,>-si-a-ab-la(ki).

1 The words for a gift (of tribute, &c.) are 5i7/a, mandattu (from na<fann), and i^i>u (from the Akk. Cp- ^»tz igi-sa).

: In the 1st line of the tablet S - 420. the word is spelled with the characters

Sir Ir^ ^T- *■***

House Property, and the Law of Inheritance. 293

The variant |J here gives, seemingly, the more correct form. The meaning of ^ is doubtful, but it probably signifies " one-sixth."

The use of the character ^ for |J in ^ ^f, a-di, is here noteworthy.

9. Nishu, evidently " transaction." The correctness of the reading nishu, and not nisri, is implied by the tablet 76-10-16. 20 : Nishutwn („fr^ ^f >^f ;r<£) fa Iddin- Marduk u Nabu-uMn. Sussanu mana kaspi Iddin- Marduk nishutum ina arah Tebitu, sattu "^y ^\ nashu (>~t~] ££>= H^T)' Sussanu mana kaspi Nabu-uMn nishu (»YY^ *^f >f<y) ina arah Tebitu sattu ^\ ^ nashu. " The business of Iddin-Marduk and Nabu-ukin. Iddin- Marduk has done business (to the extent of) § mana of silver, in the month Tebet, 41st year. Nabu-ukin has made a transaction (to the extent of), § mana of silver, in the month Tebet, 41st year."

Nissdmma, 1st pers. plur. Aor. Kal of nasu, "to raise," "bring," with enclitic conjunction ma. The doubling of the m shows that the foregoing vowel is long.

»YY^- ^y^l ^[ -^ *£\, niddidin-ma, for nittidin-ma, and this again for nittadin (nintadiri)-ma. 1st pers. plur. Aor. (I. 2) of naddnu, " to give." This is an example of backward assimilation.

12. ^fJfy^^J: *0, argumma, 1st pers. sing. Aor. Kal of ragdmu, "to ask," "demand," "litigate," "make a noise." (See the Proceedings, Feb. 6th, 1883, pp. 72-73.) The value of gum for $££ (Ass. ^iz) is proved by a variant, which gives £* Z^-Z], gu-um, for ££ (W.A.I. V, pt. 2).

13- Ji!^ */- j&zE *£] » iknuk-ma, "he sealed and," Aor. Kal of hanahi, a root evidently of Akkadian origin. Compare W.A.I. IV, 16, line 59. The third pers. Permansive occurs in line 25, in the form of £»^ "£^> hangu, where g is written for h after n, as in £z<yy ^f-*^ £^, is-kun-ga, for iskun-ka, "he established thee." (See also page 288.)

'294: Babylonian Legal Documents referring tv

14. Ana umu sdtam, lit.: " for a day of the future." ^ ^ ^ cau hardly be read zdtam (Heb. rflf), as this would be a feminine plural form, and the form of that pronoun

which is found with umu is zutu (yy ^y y>*.»- ^yy tyyyt ^y

sane time zutu, " those two days "). The feminine plural of umu (iimatu) is extremely rare.

6^: V* ^IT^ tf* usadgil-ma, 3rd pers* sing. masc. Aor. Shaphel of dagdlu, " to look."

tjffi ^ J^fj m&?£?7, "he caused to know." Aor. Shaphel of mM, " to know."

16. Jr<yy ^f ^^=<y ^1 issCinimma-, "they have taken," Aor. Kal

of nasu, with termination -ni, and enclitic conjunction -ma. (See the note to line 9;)

17. ^T^T ^f ill' ittifu, a very frequent word, probably

meaning "they performed or transacted*" from the verb eteru. The forms innittir (Niph.), etir (Aor. or Perm. Kal) also occur. Probable original meaning "to add," then ''to encompass," "transact." (Com- pare W.A.I. IV, 69, 60.) Evidently the same as the Hebrew "W.

~ T

18. ».^-^ t^ffyy, ir-rit, a word of doubtful meaning, evidently

connected with drratu, " curse."

20. Ana mdridu nilkdmma, "we took to sonship and." Nilkdmma is 1st pers. plur. Aor. Kal of leku, " to take," Heb. J~\py, with the enclitic conjunction -ma. (See note to line 9.)

22. tfBfe ^f %t$i MS, "furniture" (the meaning is implied by the context). Evidently the plural of a word udu, perhaps connected with the Heb. rfT. Rather frequent.

House Property, and the Law of Inheritance. 295

22. £- *^- fc= £^f |{, Nubtd or Nubta-a, evidently for Nubtla,

" my bee,'* the name of the daughter of Bunanitu. Compare the Heb. Deborah (HTH"!).

23. ^ ^ ^f, nusedi, "we made known" (}TP). (&e the

note to line 14.)

►^ £^f ]}, muta-a, "my husband"; accusative of mutu, with possessive pronoun of the 1st pers. sing. Compare the Heb. D^tt , "men," Ethiopic ^ \, *?Ntpritt = Ass. mutu-sa-ili, "man of god." This form of the name, with sa, " of," following the nominative, has not been found. The name, as it appears in the early Babylonian case-tablets, is ] >^- *] >->{-, Mut-ili, the construct case followed by the genitive.

Inanna, " therefore." Compare, for this word, W.A.I. II, pi. 25, 1. 18 ab. Evidently composed of ina and anna

("by this").

24. | y^ ^~y ^ >->y-, Akdbi-Ilu, evidently the Aphel of a verb

kdbu with tin, "god." ("God spoke"?) Verbs weak of the middle radical seem to be the only ones having the Aphel conjugation (atdbu, from tabu, " to be good," ardmu, from rdmu " to love," andhu, from ndhu, "to rest."

£*> ^l\ {tZ- ^fy* emia, "my brother-in-law," from emu, a relation by marriage.

£^y, mimma, " everything." (See p. 289.)

25. s:j^ "J*-^? hangu. (See the note to line 13.)

%] ^y £-*• ^y, svdgulu, "he intrusted"; 3rd pers. sing, masc. Sliaphel of dagdlu, " to look."

y ^y^y^y **^ >->f- -<«, Nabu-nur-Sin, evidently a mistake for y ^y^y^y ^ »->f-, Nabu-nur-ili, "Nebo, light of god." The -<«, however, may be a defectively written f-<«> in which case we must read Nabu-nur-ildni, "Nebo, light of the gods." (See Reverse, line 5.)

296 Babylonian Legal Documents referring to

26. »yy-^ \\>~ "rEf, 1st pers. plur. Aor. Kal of dbdku, the

meaning of which seems to be " to acquire." Hence (ibkatu, seemingly "title-deed," in the tablet of legal precedents.

27. i3p \] ^fX. Smi= ^HH7 ^K Palr(ri usabsi (with ma eft,

»ia muhhi, or ana muhhi), " to lodge a claim (upon)." Compare the phrase, "A man who sold slaves for money, and pakaru ina muhhi ibsu, had a claim upon (them) " (tablet of legal precedents), and ina iXmu pahari ana muhhi Xaitd-Bdbili-sininni, dmat mutim, ittabsu. "when a claim is made upon Nana-Babili-sininni, the servant of the men." (" Proceedings," Vol. V, p. 304.) Usabsi is Permansive Shaphel of basu, " to be," also " to have."

Reverse.

1. Ublas, "I have brought it," is for ubla-su. Ubla, Aor. Kal

from abalu, " to bring." ( ~Q1 •)

-«( >f-, es-bar, for «- >^-, as-bar, an Akkadian word, of which the Semitic equivalent is purussu, " decision," from pardsu. (For the form, compare nudunnu, "dowry,"

kunukku, " seal," etc.)

yj >yy~--, -ani, vowel-lengthening and pronoun of the 3rd pers. sing, (in Akkadian) ; in Babylonian -su.

^y >-^~], sukna, imperative plural Kal of sakdnu, "to make."

2. *J£f ^ I */-, dibbi-sunu, " their words." Dibbu, noun from

dabdbu, "to speak." The plural pronoun is difficult to understand. Riksdtu, plural of riksu, from rakdsu, " to bind."

3. Tubla, 3rd pers. fern. Aor. Kal of abdlu. (See line 1.)

House Property, and the Law of Inheritance. 297

Istassu-ma, 3rd pers. plur. maso. Aor. Ipliteal of msu, " to speak." It is from the Ipbtaal (III, 2) of this root, evidently, that the word sitassil, " consideration," in the phrase ana tdmarti sitassta, " for my seeing and con- sidering," comes. Flemming, in his dissertation upon the India House Inscription of Nebuchadnezzar II, translates it by " reading."

6. Isdmu, 3rd pers. plur. masc. Aor. Kal of sdmu, " to give a

price," borrowed from the Akkadian sam, " price."

7. tjfj^ «^pf ^y sffif:, usarsu (with eli), "they caused to have

power over," that is, " gave up to," Aor. Shaphel of rasa, "to have." (Compare Chald. NUT}.)

8. J^<y >-< ^yy, uszissu, probably for J^<y >~< ^yy, uszizzu,

Shaphel of zdzu or zdazu, "to hand over," "distribute."

10. Ipenni, a difficult word, pres. Kal of penu* (root H2D, or,

better still, 2J2B) evidently to look upon ivith favour, a meaning to which that of the Arabic ^Jj best agrees.

Imllim, 3rd pers. sing., pres. Kal of saldmu, here, evidently to acknowledge (the receipt of), or, simply to receive, in which case the words manma id isall'ima ina muhhi [_Gumdtu agasu Magusu~\ (Behistun, line 21) might be translated : " Nobody received anything concerning this Gomates the Magian " (had an opinion for or against).

11. AM, evidently "besides," from dhu, "side."

^< >^y, 6A-LA, an Akkadian word, in Assyrian, zittu. (See the note to 77-10-2. 2, Obv., 1. 8.)

14. •<« Jp, jmrussii, " decision." (See the note to the first line of the Reverse.)

Dini, gen. of dinu, "judgment," from ddnu, "to judge."

298 Babylonian Legal Documents, fyc.

15. Nergal-banunu, u Nergal our begetter."

^> *^|>- >y^> (amclu), kal-du, the Chaldean, here the name rather of a class of people (astrologers) than of a tribe or nationality. Spelled also ^= ^ t^f Kal-du and ^> 3^T^T ^lij ^!' Ka-al-du.

16-22. The meanings of the other names of judges and scribes are: Nabii-aki-iddin, "Nebo has given brothers"; Nabw- sum-uMn, "Nebo has established a name " ; Bel-ahi-iddin, "Bel has given brothers;" Bel-edir, "Bel protects"; Nabu-balat-su-ihbi, " Nebo commanded his life " (com- manded that he should live) ; Nadinu, " giving " or "giver" ; Aabti-sum-iskun, "Nebo made his name."

TRANSACTIONS

iOCIETY of BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.

Vol. VIII. JANUARY, 1885. Part 3.

NOTES ON EGYPTIAN STEL.E, PRINCIPALLY OF THE EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY.

By E. A. W. Budge, M.A.

Read 4th November, 1884.

THE custom of the ancient Egyptians of erecting sepul- chral stelse in honour of their deceased kings, nobles, persons of rank, relatives, and friends, has proved a most valuable aid to the modern student of the Egyptian language. It has enabled him to learn much of the social life of the Egyptian which would otherwise have passed away in oblivion and forgetfulness.1 Though perfectly true that the formulae are much the same in many of their monumental tablets, still it is equally true that something may be learned from each and every one, either about the religion, or life, or deeds of the ancient Egyptians. This is my apology for the few notes which I have put together in this paper on the sepulchral tablets of Ne^t-Ames, Thothmes, Rema, and Ames-mes. Before going farther, however, I am bound to express my gratitude to Dr. Birch and Mr. Le Page Renouf for their generous assistance so freely rendered to me in the prepara- tion of this paper, and to offer them my sincerest thanks.

1 See Dr. Birch's account of the characteristics of the tablets in various dynasties, in Trans. Soc. Bill. Arch., Vol. VIII, pp. 144 and 145.

Vol. VIII. 20

300 Notes 0)1 Egyptian Stelce,

The first three stelae belong to the XVIIIth. and the last to the XlXth dynasty. Of Ne^t-Ames we have two stela? : one is preserved at Berlin,1 and is dated in the fourth year of the reign of Ai, while the other stands in the Museum of the Louvre.2 The date of this latter is effaced. Each of the tablets of Xe%t-Ames is rounded at the top, and two pedestals are represented on each, with Anubis upon them. They face each other, and over each is an ut'at; above the head of each are \Jf ^^ 5bg=£ ap aat, " opener of the roads."" At the back of Anubis, on the right, are j/^Z7? ^ J| ^^ "north, lord of Abydos," and the signs for "altar of incense." The same signs are repeated on the left side, save that -=4-° '•south/' takes the place of w\ The

stelae of Xe^t-Ames were made in the reign of Ai, towards the close of the XVIIIth dynasty. In one tablet Ne^t-Amea says that he was the " superintendent of works in the temple of Ai, prince and first prophet of Ames and Isis." In the other he is called " superintendent of the double storehouse of all the gods in Takahti and the god Ames in Xenti " ; also " first prophet of Ames and Isis in Apu " (Panopolis). It is clear that he was a man of the highest rank under king Ai,3 and the inscription represents him as holding some of the highest positions in the land. In each stele the prenomen and name of the king have been erased. According to Brugsch,4 Ai was the husband of Tii. the nurse of king ^uenaten. He was raised from dignity to dignity, becoming " master of the horse," and '• royal scribe." He was a follower of the cult of Amen, and appears to have been a priest in the temple of this god before he was raised to the throne.5 He honoured the priests of the god in a distinguished manner.

1 For the text see Lepsius, DenJcmdler, iii, 111 i ,■ it was partly translated by Brugsch in the " Deutsche Eevue," vii, p. 73.

- For the text compare Prisse, " Monuments," pi. 17, and Sharpe, " Egyptian Inscriptions," pi. 106.

3 Among many other high offices, he held the post of "fan-bearer to king Ai." Birch, "History of Egypt," p. 111.

4 " Egypt under the Pharaohs/' Vol. I, p. 461.

: Wiedemann, " Aegyptisehe Geschichte," p. 104. et seq.

principally of the Eighteenth Dynasty. .">0l

and his wars north and south must have added many sub- stantial victories to Egypt. The prince of Cush, Pa-ur, sent him presents as a mark of his (Ai's) supremacy, and he is represented on the walls of the rock grottoes at Shataui with this prince at his side praying to various gods.1 The " godly father " Ai prepared for himself a tomb in the Biban-el-Moluk, to the west of Thebes, in the mountains. His tomb, and the granite sarcophagus in it, have been preserved to this day. The following are rather free renderings of the inscriptions of Ne^t-Ames : those printed under the text are more literal : —

No. I. Prisse, "Monuments Egyptians," Plate 17.

Translation.

1. Dated the 1st day of the month of the spring of

the year of the Majesty of Har Ea, the powerful

bull, the saffron diademed, the lord of the two crowns, the supremely mighty, the destroyer of the Asiatics, the golden hawk, the creator of the two earths;

2. king of the north and south, chief of the nine bows.

Ra-^eperu-ari-mat, son of the Sun, proceeding from his belly, lord of diadems, godly father Ai, god, ruler of Uast, Osiris, lord of Abyclos beloved, giving life.

3. May south and north, and Anubis upon his hill

grant to me glory in heaven, power upon earth, and triumph in ^er-neter. May they grant that I go in and come forth from my tomb,

4. that my majesty refresh its shade, that I drink water

from my cistern every day, that all my limbs be solid, that the Nile

5. give me bread and flowers of every kind at the season,

that I pass over the length of my land every day without ceasing, and that my soul

6. may light upon the branches of the trees which 1 have

planted. May I refresh my face beneath my sycamores, may I eat bread of their giving,

1 Lepsius, Denkmaler, iii, 114 e-h.

302 Note* on Egyptian Stehe,

7. may I have niy mouth wherewith I may speak like the followers of Horus, may I come forth to heaven, may I descend to earth, may I be not shut out upon

v. the road, may there not be done to me what my ka execrates, may my soul never be captive, may I be in the midst of the obedient, among the faithful.

9. May I plough my fields in Se^et-Aaru, may I attain the •• Field of Peace." may one come out to me with jugs of beer and cakes,

10. the cakes of the lords of eternity, may I receive my

slices from the joint upon the table of the great god ; I the ka of Xe^t-Ames, first prophet of the god Ames.

11. He says : I have done the behests of men and the will of

the gods, wherefore I have given bread to the hungry, and I have satisfied the indigent. I have followed

12. the god in his temple, my mouth hath not spoken

insolently against my superior officers, there hath been no haughtiness in my step, but I have walked measuredly1 (gradatim), I have performed the law beloved by the king.

13. I miderstood his commands, in my place I watched to

exalt his j ^qs [. I rose up for his worship every day, I gave my mind to what

14. he said without ever hesitating at what he determined

with reference to me. I took uprightness and fairness, I understood the things about which I should keep silence.

15. The lord my king refreshed and favoured me for my well

doing, he saw that my hands were vigorous through my heart, he advanced my seat exceedingly, he placed me in the council chamber, me,

16. the ka of Xe^t-Ames. triumphant, the superintendent of

the prophets of the lords of Apu. Says he : 0 ye living upon earth, living for eternity, enduring for e\ er. ye priests

As to the abhorrence with which Orient;ils looked upon a haughty walk, see Isaiah iii, 16 ! rOD3B?l DiJ^nW f^>B T'^\ T"v '">' r:z

principally of the Eighteenth Dynasty. 303

17. and ministrants of Osiris, everyone learned in divine

traditions ; when ye enter ray sepulehre and pass through it, do ye utter your prayers by my tablet, and do ye proclaim my name without cessation in

18. the presence of the lords of law. So may your gods

favour you, and may ye transfer your dignities to your children after a full old age, provided that ye say,

19. " May Osiris grant a royal oblation to Ne^t-Ames, lord of

fidelity, superintendent of works in the temple of Ai» prince and first prophet of Ames and Isis. May his memorial abide in the seat of eternity."

No. II. Lepsius, " Dexkmaler," Ab. hi, 114 i.

Translation.

1 . Dated the first day of the fourth month of the spring, in

the fourth year of the Majesty of Har Ra, the powerful bull, the saffron diademed, the lord of the two crowns, the supremely mighty, the destroyer of the Asiatics. the golden hawk, the just ruler, the creator of the two earths.

2. the king of the north and south, the chief of the nine

bows, lord of the two earths, Ra-^eperu-ari-mat, son of the Sun, proceeding from his belly, beloved by him ; lord of diadems, the godly father Ai, god, lord of Uast, Osiris lord of Tasert, beloved, life giving.

3. May Amen Ra, lord of the thrones of the two earths,

Ptah Socharis, Osiris, Un-nefer, lord of Rustau, grant a royal oblation. May they grant sepulchral meals, oxen, ducks, and linen bandages, thousands of all good and pure things, thousands of all sweet

4. and choice things, the gifts of heaven, and the products

of the earth, wrhich Nile brings forth from his caverns. May they grant the breathing of the delightful breezes of the north wind,

5. the eating of bread, the gathering of flowers, and the

receiving of food in felicity from the produce of the Se^et Aaru. May I walk

304 Notes on Egyptian Stelce,

ft. over the everlasting road of the genii, the spirits and the noble ones, making whatsoever transformations I please among the followers of Un-nefer and the going in and coming forth from ^ar-neter.

7. May my soul he not turned back when it wishes to come

forth, may it come forth as a living soul, may it drink water drawn from the depths of the river, may it receive

8. the cakes of the lord of eternity, may it come into the

presence every day, on the festival of the new moon, on the festival of the month, on the festival of the sixth day, on the festival of the half month, on the festival of Uaka, on the festival of Thoth,

9. on the festival of the rising of Ames, on the festival of

the rising of Sothis, on the festival of the great heat, on the festival of the little heat, on the festival of the altar, on the festival of the receiving of Nile water, and all festivals of Osiris at the beginning of the seasons

10. of the lord of the gods. Adoration to Rii when he shines,

who is worshipped when he sets in the land of Life, breathing the air coming from the horizon; the full breeze of the north wind coming

11. upon both sides when his name is proclaimed. Let his

two hands be put down upon oblations, provisions, and sepulchral offerings when he is invoked, may water be received by the hands of the ka minister.

12. Let him have possession of bread, let him have possession

of beer upon whichever table his ka pleases, let him eat bread upon the altar of Neb-er-t'ra, and upon the table of the lords of eternity.

13. May pure food be given to him from the bread of

Un-nefer, may he go along in the boat of ^ar-neter to the lands of

14. the Se^et Aaru, may he open up the roads, may he open

up the ways, may he follow Socharis in Rustau without being turned back

15. at the door of the Tiiat, ma}- he take his fill of wine and

milk there, may he receive ointment, unguent and

pi'incipally of the Eighteenth Dynasty. 305

stibium which rejoice the heart, may he receive clothing and

16. linen bandages, he, the ha of Ne^t-Ames, triumphant, the

superintendent of the double storehouse of all the gods in Takahti and the god Ames of %enti, and first prophet of Ames and Isis in Apu, who gives

17. divine oblations to the gods, and sepulchral meals to the

spirits in the presence of A.U.S.,1 king of the north and the south, Ra-Yeperu-ari-mat A.U.S., may he be established and made to increase like the

18. heavens, and may he be renewed like the god Ames,2 pray-

ing all the gods that lie the actual suten re-% Ne^t-Ames may enjoy health for millions of years. He says : 0 ye gods who are in heaven, 0 ye gods who are on

19. earth, 0 ye gods who are in the Tuat carrying along Ra

and conveying the good god to the western horizon of heaven, may my words be carried to you

20. as the prayers of a servant to his lord, may I who am

agreeable to the sovereign, the king upon earth, be favoured. May Osiris grant that I may rest in my eternal seat, and that I may join

1 an\ ut'a snab.

3 The god's name usually written ^rc— is here spelt out phonetically.

306

Notes on Egyptian Steles,

Xo. I. Prisse, "Monuments Egyptiexs," Plate 17.

O

Q

WVWW

k?

r en pit year

sat hra I ^er hen en Her Ra day one of the majesty of Har Ra

^

U=/l

Q

1]

ka neXt tehent ^au %erP P^peh

, 77 , , ,. t (lord of two] .supremely

bull powerful of saffron diadems I •' > • i*

r j j m y crowns J mighty

<=> ^ ^ ^ \ A \fi

ter Sati Her nub heq mat

destroyer of the Asiatics hawk golden ruler of justice

* *

I I I i i i i i i

s - %eper taiu

suten net heq petet ix

creator of the two earths f km a of the ) 7 . . . 7 7

•' < jTl Jj ,7 rc/net of the bows nine

{north and south) J J

(•

\'- <2^

Q MAAW

Ra-^eperu-ari-mat. se Ra en ^at - ef neb

Rd-^/epe/u-ori-i/iilt, son of the Sun of belly his lord of

i i i

Oil a MIT

-fca.

9 ^ n

J

%au nutar atf Ai nutar hek Uast Asar neb Abtu

diadems divine father Ai god ruler of Uast Osiris lord of Abydo*

111

f \T\W

meri ta an^ beloved giving lift .

resu meht Anpu south north Anubis

Erased on the tablet.

a

principally of the Eighteenth Dynasty.

307

0=3 a n

www ^^E^ © ^1 ' I /

^=-- i i i Jj U t=i I I i

htep tu-f tii-sen ^u em pet usr em ta

upon hill his may give they glory in heaven power in earth

\k

J\ zv^

\W^k 4

1 1

as - a qeb

ma^eru em ^er-neter pert ak er

triumph in %er-neter going in coming forth to tomb my, may refresh

ben - a 6uit - ef

majesty my shade its.

c O i

p^H

AAAAAA AAAAAA AAAAAA

AAAAAA

MMW AAAAAA

sura - a

mau em

?na?/ drink 1 water from

A 0

rut at - a neb

ta-na

6e - a bru neb tank-my day every, may he solid limbs my all, may give me

5. <=>^>^= ^flflo^ ,_,

] — t:

AAAAAA

AAAAAA AAAAAA

AAAAAA

D

n i ssss r-^-. 1 1 1 qDq u n in

Hapi ta hotepet renpit neb

iV«7g bread flowers all

0

7^ i

O I

i i ^> li

tra - s sunt ber ma nu ta - a hru neb

at season its, passing over length of land my day every

an abu %ern

6. $

(M,

ba-a her apnu

tvithout ceasing, that may alight soul my upon the brandies

P MJ

ffl

0 d^i

i ODD

nu men ar-na-es seqebeb - a hra %eru

of the trees made have I it may refresh I face (my) beneath

1 Brugsch, "fruit." But see of Unas, line 558.

2 Prisse, In .

P ^ J and C3TD (\\^ Pyramid

308

Notes on Egyptian Stelce,

AAA/WV

ra

0

nehat - a sycamores my,

f\ .C\ /WWV

\

»yii 0 0 /WVW\

211 ill A fl I ill

am -a ta en tata-sen

may eat I bread of giving their,

au-na re -a t'etiu-a am - f ma

let there be to me mouth my that may speak I with it like

i i i

sesu

D

ra

_M? J\ 211

Her per - a er pet ha - a

followers of Horns, may come forth I to heaven, may come down I

AM/W\ *A/W\A — - fl

£ 21 I

er ta an s'enatu-a her

fo earth, not may be shut out T upon

8. ^^ ju

o i

uat an the road, not let

<Os-

h

O a M I I £—1 AA/NAAA 1 O. (£

aru sentet ka - a an ^enatu ba - a

6# rfone u;/ia2 execrates genius my, not let be captive soul my%

AA/VVNA AAAAAA

*1T. m

qab hesi

&

em qaD nesi emma am^iu

let be me in the midst of the obedient among the faithful,

9. (llJ"^ seka - a

\> i 211 ^"i 1 _ft£& £ ©

ahet - a em Se^et - Aaru

may plough I fields my in Seyet- Aaru,

^r

oDo

\

m

j\ ^

vnum^at se^et hotepet pertu-na %ev tes

may attain I the " Field of Peace" let one come out to me with /";/•

principally of the Eighteenth Dynasty, 309

■ 1 iwww gl — m — Q Q r\ v > o o

„ I I I J5^ 02 in I mi A A D

pasen em sennu nil nebu heh sesVp - ;'i

and cakes, toitli the cakes of lords of eternity, may receive I

]J,?,f <= Ik -WW T ^T

I S I X

6ebu - a em ur en aufn her j^aut

slices my from the joint upon the tables

A ; /WWV\ |_J /WWW U \| /WWW \ ^ — ■

ent nutar aa en ka en nntar hen htep en Ames of the god great, to the ka of prophet first of Ames,

Ne^t-Ames t'et-f an arna hesest ret

Neyt-Ames. Says he : done have I behests of men and

^T Ti iP ^W^1 T* tt — IJL^*

hereret nntarn heres an ta - na ta en heqr

the will of the gods ; ivherefore given have I bread to the hungry,

yy n !\ -f\ ^ n www «j\ l — i i

G&tf ■*■ \\ \h , 12-^^=^

sesau - na atet an ses - na nntar em pa-f

satiated have I the indigent, followed have T god in house Ins

9.

an aa re - a em £enit an not hath magnified mouth nig against superior officers, not is

J\ ,e -o €>

J\

pet em nemt-a sem-a her sa XeT)t

there stretch in stmde my, walk I according to measure.

310 Notes on Egyptian Steles,

ft^/^AA

\

In 6.

^AAAAA O [(51 Si

ar-na ern mat mer en suten re^-kua

done have I law beloved by the kino, knew I

entet utu-nef set res-na her ast - a er

what command* he it, watched I at seat my to

seqa baiu-f tua-na er tua-f hru neb er ta-na exalt souls his, rose 1 for worship his day every, gave J

I Si 'l'^ II " ^( ^^" ~A~ Q II £i I

ab-a %enti t'et-f an niahi her

/i^art my to ?*•/<< // says he without hesitating at ivhat

sa - nef ^er - a tet - na metrit (?) hna

determined he\ • > took I uprightness and

l to me. j * i

(c==a

metit peh-na enen her kar-a qebeb

fairness, arrived I at what was for silence, refreshingt

x n -a. n ,5,£ ^ d^i O .2 -o>- " —

2 [i — ^ q ^'fflf , _,$ _>*_

hesna-ua neb- a her men^-a maa-nef

favoured me lord the king my, for beneficence my, saw he that

* ■=* a — ^$ n rfTh &&

<=±£= I \£ 1 I Si I a III ^ Si

rut aa - a an ab - a se^enti ast - a

vigorous were hands my through heart mv, advancing seat rwj

1 Prisse V y : Brugsch, " without astonishment "

principally of the Eighteenth Dynasty.

311

U

aker [?J ta-nef-ua em sahi en ka

exceedingly, i waceej r ^ m# in council chamber, the genius

■WWVA | U I /www M Q v\

en mer nutar henu en nebu Apu

of the superintendent of the prophets of the lords of Apu

u

1 Jr ■ i mi i \>

Ne^t-Ames ma^eru t'et-f a an^iu hotepiu ta

Neyt-Ames triumphant. Says lie 0 ye living ones upon earth

/wvw\ /www

1 £L

! T

unniu an^ er en heh hentra t'et abu ivho are living for eternity, enduring for ever priests and

17. & i

^7 I

0

^er-hebu nu Asar sesa neb em nutaru tettu rninistrants of Osiris, learned one every in divine traditions

MO

I I I

A J\ Ml

aq - sen er asa - a ua - sen her - ef

enter they into sepulchre my, traverse they through it,

C*C->*^ /WWW

(2

I I

3^

/WW/W

ren

6et - sen em utlm - a se^a - sen

may pronounce they by tablet my, let proclaim them name my

i i i

/WWW I I I

ben art abu em bah nebu mat hes-ten

wo< being cessation in presence of lords of law favour ye

312 Notes on Egyptian Steke,

h s= — * n -tJL g — * ^

' /WW>A 1 ^f^ AA/WV\

111 y \ 1 1 1

AA/WVS AAAA/>A <T] ^> JM AAA/WV v^T— ^*"

I I I I cz^5> Jill ® .A

nntar ten suat' - ten aut - ten en ^rotu-ten em^et god your, may transfer you dignities your to children your after

a uah ma t'et - ten suten ta hotep Asar

a full old age provided that say ye Royal give oblation Osiris

1

u

mer kat em ta het Ra-^eperu-ari-mat

superintendent of works in the temple of Bd-^eperu-dri-ntdt

ra = c= A 808 -® 1 I f

/www 000 11 a a a I A B

men mennu em ast heh ha nntar hen hetep

»wt«/ afoWe £/*£ memorial in the seat of eternity, the prince, prophet

— y JJo tutS ^ 1

en Ames Ast Ne^t- Antes neb ^n

first of Ames and Isis Neyt-Am.es, lord of fidelity.

No 2. Lepsius Dexkmaler, Ab. ih\ 114 i.

I

,■ I- 11 ^ I 0 ° 0

' IO II Mil ^ I <=> I

renpit IV abot iv sat hru I ^er hen Her Ea Year four, month |_\oiak] day one of the ■majesty of liar lid

^ w. * ,e, u § m

ka next tehent ^an %el'P Pehpel?

, „ e 7 j, m j. , [lord of two} supremely

bull powerful of saffron diadems \ J > 1 . , '

1 •' J d \ crowns ) mighty

principally of the Eighteenth Dynasty. 313

^ Ml hi m- =

ter Sati Hernub heq mat s-^eper taiu

destroyer of } 7 , , , , ., .

Asiatics I llawlc (J°Men, ruler of justice, creator of tico earths,

cT^i <=± in ' •••

suten-net heq petet IX neb taiu

king of the north 1 -, ■ /. * 7 . 7 7 ,. 7 7

and south, ) dmf °f loics '""<"' lord °f the tw0 earths-

33

O ^-[-J1 \ft i \j) -<2> ^gv^ O /www *"*"" ~" K^_

Rii-^eperu-ari-mat se Ra en ^at - ef mer - f

Rd-xeperu-ari-widt son of the Sun of belly his loving him,

neb ^au nutar atf Ai nutar hek Uast Asar

lord of diadems, Divine Father, Ai, god, rider of Uast, Osiris

~E HI U 3-h a rs e?

neb Tasert mer - i ta an^; suten ta hotep Amen Ra

/orrf o/ Tasert, beloved, giving life. Royal give oblation. A wen Ra

- ana s= aJ~T JS =J|

neb nest taiu Ptah- Sekri Asar Un-nefer

lord of thrones of the two earths Ptah Socharis Osiris Un-nefer

\; — 7 ^- a n www ! — \f — i

1 fcOd I in =u=$o I

neb Ru-stau ta -sen per-^eru ah apt

lord of Ru-stau may give they sepulchral meals, oxen, ducks.

men^ ^a em ^et nebt nefer-t abt ^a em

linen ) ,7 7 ,. 7 . „ 7 7

bandages) sa °-' i/nn9s a" 900(l Vure* thousands of

1 Tlie name and pvenomen are erased on the stele.

j>14 Notes on Egyptian Stelce,

4. q fl o (SIC) o _£> kt=a

^et nebt net'emet beneret tata pet qamat

things all sweet, choice gifts of heaven products of

Iz: {-^~e$ & ;l

n

ta anen Hapi em tepht-ef sesenet

earth \whicK\ brings i\ He from caverns his, breathings

0 i i i

nefu net'em en iueht amt ta sam

breezes delightful of north wind of the eating of bread, gathering

D

renpt sesep aatu. em bu nefer em

/wots, reception oj \i,.md) <« i/rffcifc } ."'""'

hotepet eiit Se^et Aaru usten - a

the produce of Seyet - Aaru. May I walk

«■? r* H k& ,V, V*l ii

her uat hell emma kau ;^u sepsu

over the road eternal among genii, the spirits, the noble ones,

"°>- $ tK i Jl , ^ "^ <=> , a n j\

w v\ i 3 <rz> / n i awm

a <r=> JL i U <n> h^=^ 1 I ii i

art j^eperu er mer - ref em sesu en

//taking transformations at pleasure among the servants of

I n -nefer aq per-t em ^ar-neter an ^enra

L ii-nefer. going in coming out from yar-neter : may not be turned

back 1 Lepsius 5 .

principally of the Eighteenth Dynasty. 315

ba em mertuf pert em ba Txw^-\

soul [my] at will its coming forth like a soul alive,

|| /WW\A * n 0

/WWV\ 1 1

1 "^ I JJ

^ n n r\ /www

AMAW £^ «MMA

AA/WV\

u

sura man her bebet atru sesep

drinking water out of the depth of the stream, receiving

8. ^^ ^ 80§ |x ra ^T* G

sennu en neb heh em pert embah hru neb Me ca&£s of the lord of eternity, coining in the presence dag every,

3^ •—n ^£7 Ml

O C=^3 O III

em pautna heb abot heb VI

on festival of the new moon, festival of the month, j ^^j^ j£ ***

A/WWN

ent smat ent heb Uaka ' Tahutit

of half month, of festival of Uaka. Thoth,

(sir)

pert {u^tl Pert Sopet rekh ur rekh

appearance of Ames, rising of Sothis, heat great, heat

net' ^et %au sesep atru nebn nu Asar

small, things of the altars, the receiving of j , JJJ^^ } ^11 of Osiris

! ^£,u -? - 111 *T1 I

liotep trau nu neb mitaru tuau Ea

at beginning of l , ^ ^ 0y fhe ^ Adoration [to] Ed the seasons I * L -1

1 See the extract from the stele of Next-Ames in the Berlin Museum. Brugsch , Kalendarisehe Inschriftea, Abth. II, p. 238.

Vol. VIII. 21

316 Notes on Egyptian Steke,

O

\1J«~ MV-D1

^ D

^eft uben - ef suas ef hotep - ef em

when shines he, worshipped be he \_whe>i] sets he in

•V- ^ (] & ~K*A ^^ / — _ *~^ ct\ O ^-w

1 O Dl T Q7i ^n £ T

an;£ tepa nef pert em ^ut en aau nef en life breath in a wind coming forth from horizon, full blast of

meht it her an temtu renef

north wind coming on both hand*, being called name his,

a qahu her hotepet t'fau per ^eru

the hand stretched out upon oblations and provisions \ "m ■

1 I offerings

^eft nas - ef sesep man her aa hen-ka

when invoiced is he, receipt of water upon the hands of the ka

minister

l'2' Tfc? ~6 i £zf a^I i J ^ S i*^

se^em-ef em-ta se^em-ef heqt her ab merer ka-f acquires he bread, acquires he beer o)i the table pleases ka his.

i

IS)*— Om i A i <^>&& i

am - f ta her ^aut Neb-er-t'ra her uthu

eats he bread upon altar of Neb-er-t'ra, upon table

en nebu heh er-tatnf ari sabu ab

of lords of eternity, there are given to him aliments pure

1 And see *~^* iTrt\ aau mu, "inundation." De Rouge, "Edfou,"25. 4.

principally of the Eighteenth Dynasty. 317

4*^ "" ^TJ) IV*"6 4*^

^ Jf III ^ ,WWW 0 IJ. till j^*V^_ J^AAAAAA,

em aatn eut Unnefer t'a - f nia^ent

m Z»'mr/ o/ Unnefer, goes along he the boat

ent ^arneter er taiu nu Se^et - Aaru

of yarneter to lands of Seyet-Aaru,

D X ^111 I X A Q/WWVA Jf III 'I I h^—

ap - f uat ssen - f matennti ses - f

opens up he the roads, opens he the icays, follows he

«=> SU _B^ -(o- III ,www x a .A I

Sekari em Ru-stau an senatuf her

Socharis in Rustau not turned bach (is) he at

sba en Tuat bah am em arp

the door of the Tuat taking his fill there of xoine and

\T% ^^ k-^tf MKS *&**

artet sesep mat'et urhu stem

milk, receiving ointment, unguent, stibium,

I ? U\BT 16-M — v —

net'em ab hebs raen^ en ka en

rejoicing heart, clothing, linen bandages, to the ka of the

*— \ puUo nn »»™

q ii III iii

mer nt'a en nutaru nebu em

superintendent of double store-house of the gods all in

318 Notes on Egyptian Stela?,

£3 \\

\| ^AAAAA \ vi\

Ta - kahti Ames %enti nutar hen hetep en Ames Takahti (and) Ames of %enti prophet first of Ames and

i

□ ^©

Ast era Apu ^e%t - Ames ma^eru tata

Isis in Apu: NeytrAmes triumphant (who) gives

17.

1

qDq

V II 1

UT2

nutar hotepet en nutaru per^eru en ^u

divine oblations to the gods, sepulchral meals to the spirits

@

fiP I

her hetep Hu% ut'a snab suten net Ra-^eperu-ari-mat

in the presence

e } a rr c [ king of the } ■&.

j. } A. L. S. < ±1y -'j ±1> Ra-yeperu-a oj J [north and south) ** L

ri-mdt

t i P S3- PHI-

an^ ut'a snab tattut-f suah-f ma pet renpe-f A. U. S. establishes he, makes increase he like heaven, renews he

I V: 1=1 » Ulif P7^ -

ma entet Ames like Ames,

neheh snab - f en

praying (for) health his of

CM 2 i=r

II i i i T

heh em renpit en nutaru nebu suten re% ma mer-f millions of years to the gods all suten-re%, actual beloved by him

1 Inversions of this kind are common. See Eenouf, " Zeitschrift," 1877, p. 101.

2 Ein wirklieher Yerwandter. (Brugseh, Diet., p. 531.)

principally of the Eighteenth Dynasty.

n i

$

319

I D <=>

Ne^t - Ames t'et - f a nutaru amu pet

Next-Ames. Says he: Hail gods who are in heaven,

4& 1i t

19.

t)i 1i if

@ in

a nutaru amu ta a nutaru amu

77ai7 gods who are on earth, Hail gods who are in

*

\

Tuat

u

PTMTI II I

^enniu Ra staiu nutar nefer

the Tuat transporting Rd, conveying god good

er ^ut Anient ent pet saru

to horizon western of heaven, bringing

£2! 2r

t'etu a

words my

AAAAAA	r ^ i L | 1 1 J
en	ten
to	yOM
AlAAAAA	1

20.

em spertu en

&£e prayers of

baket servant

m\ u w -m

1

en neb-f hesiu - a nuk hesi en ati hetep to lord his, favouring me, I am agreeable to the sovereign king

A 0

ta ta - f hotep - a em ast - a ent heh

upon, earth, may lie grant that may rest I in seat my of eternity,

^nuni-a

?nay join /

320 Xotes on Egyptian Stehr,

II.

Stele of Thothmes, Preseoext of the Gate-keepers l\ Memphis.

The sepulchral tablet from which the following text1 is taken bears the number 155 in the British Museum collection. The top of the tablet is rounded ; the figures are coloured red, the background of the stele is black, and the hieroglyphs are blue. Dr. Birch considers that the tablet belongs to the XVIIIth dynasty. It consists of a rectangular piece of soft calcareous stone, 3 ft. 11| in. long, 2 ft. 3 in. wide, and 5f in. thick ; the top has been rounded to the depth of one inch, and the square corners behind still remain. The beginnings and endings of a few of the lines are broken away, and there are a few abrasions on the surface of the tablet. The scene at the top of the tablet represents adorations to Osiris, who is seated on a throne facing to the right, wearing the atf crown. In his left hand he holds the symbol of power ? hek, and in his right the whip jf\ ^u. His name and titles are given before and behind him, in four lines of hieroglyphics, which read : —

£^-aB

ti U Si * - \\

Asar heq t'et neb Aukart

Osiris, ruler eternal, lord of Aukart

§ » t www A A § ^ | I I Xil ca I

^atu em suten heh neb neX* ^e(l ^t

diademed as king of eternity, lord of might, ruler of

mil lions.

Behind Osiris stands his sister Isis | "^* *t=^ jj g sent-f Ast, raising her right hand to the shoulder, while her left is placed by the arm of the god. She wears a throne upon her head. Before the gods stands a table, %au, laden with oval

1 A copy of the tablet has been lithographed by Sharpe in his " Egyptian Inscriptions," Vol. I, pi, 105.

'principally of the Eighteenth Dynasty. 321

and circular cakes of bread, a bunch of lotus flowers and buds, a goose, the head and haunch of a calf or ox, and some fruit. Beneath the table are two vessels, each entwined with a lotus flower. Above the table are seven lines of hieroglyphics, which read : —

O. fl||J/ AAAAAA I j (). Si. ft S n /WW\A /

lm -<s>- ill 1 1 1 i

t'et an Asar her sauti en sba em

Said by Osiris presiding over the guardians of the gate in

=t

Men-Nefer Tahuti-mes mayeru t'et - ef

Memphis, Thothmes, triumphant. Says he

AAAAAA

° Q b 10,^. . u^n a

^

entek Ra %eper t'es - f ruua - f

Tliou art Rd creating himself, traverses he

11. '^ ^=7

ta neb earth all.

Before the table stands Thothmes, wearing his hair plaited. Upon his head is a cone,1 and he is dressed in a garment reaching to his ankles. Both hands are raised in adoration to Osiris. Behind him stands "his sister, lady of the house

n /wwv\ v y ZT3 *? Mil

of the altar. 12. V k^_ I <=> ^jr' sent-f nebt pa

'Xat. Her left hand is raised, and she wears a cone upon her head. Behind the sister stands Ne^t the brother of Thothmes.

n n aaaaaa aaa/naa g&

1^- & * — ^=^- s " sen-j JSeyt. Me also wears a cone upon his head, and a tunic round his body.

1 See Birch, "Trans. Soc. Bibl. Arch." Vol. VIII, p. 147. Mr. Rylands has a collection of drawings of cones from the monuments of all periods ; it is much to be wished that he would publish his account and his careful drawings of this subject, which he has specially studied.

322 Notes on Egyptian Stelce,

To the left of the tablet at the bottom is a small square vignette, in which is portrayed a scene of family worship.

Seated upon a chair is "^ Jfej flfl <c=aVj| sab *'*> " coun- cillor T'i," wearing a cone, and holding a lotus flower in his left hand. By his side is seated | "^* Jc=~_ ^^ | ^= r^^ $} " his sister, lady of the house of Amen," also wearing a cone. She has taken hold of his right arm with her right hand. In front of the deceased stands ^t ^=^ ^^~ ^/J tfb "his son Ne^t," holding and offering in his upraised hands a cone.

The inscription states that the deceased Thothmes was " president of the guardians of the gate in Memphis " ; and it is interesting as mentioning the names of three of the pylons in Abydos : Hapt-neb-es, Aau-her-neb-es, and Uben-Ra-maa-es. The Egyptians, in common with other nations, gave names to the gates and doors of their cities and temples. See Mariette, "Abydos," Vol. 1, p. 13, where the names of the doors of a series of rooms are given.

Translation.

1. May Horus of the double horizon, Un-Nefer Ptah

Socharis Osiris the eternal ruler, give a royal oblation ; may they give glory, power and good name as triumphant to the ka of

2. the president of the guardians of the gate in Memphis.

Grant thou that I may sit in Heliopolis joining thy servants the priests and prophets. May white bread be

3. furnished to thee, may thy pure hands be in the hall of

gold, placing thyself upon thy belly before the lords of eternity Tmu and Sapu, the spirits of Heliopolis,

4. who listen during thy prayers ; Jet devotion be ordered

for thee, may the Ammahet open its gates to thee, may the doors greet thee,

5. may thv name be established from mouth to mouth

among all the gods, may they proclaim thy glories before Shu

principally of the Eighteenth Dynasty. 323

6. in the horizon, of the ka of Thothmes, the president of

the guardians. Mayest thou tread in the hall of Nut, mayest thou traverse the hall of Seb,

7. mayest thou be saluted in the hall of Mat by things

from behind thee, may there be said to thee in the jjresence of the spirits of Heliopolis, 0 coming in peace, 0 triumphant one ! Thy life comes

8. to thee as one being upon earth in following " Ptah of

the beautiful face," thou the ka of Thothmes, the president of the guardians. May the priests, possessors of persea trees, come to thee at the staircase with

9. garlands in the first month of summer, at the end of

the month when the ut'at is

10. full. Thou art invoked in Heliopolis, answer thou in

Ru-stau on the third day of the third month of summer. Thou sailest thy soul [with thee to] Abydos. May he have a broad seat in the

11. bark, may he follow the god to the territory of Pekua hi

the festival of Uaka and the festival of

12. Thoth. Let the festival of Hekar of his lord be made

for him at the appearance of

13. Ap-uat, may he praise Ra when he rises and turns his

radiance to the three pylons which are in 14 Abydos : Hapt-neb-es,1 Aau-her-neb-es,2 and Uben-Ra- maa-es.3

15. Let sacred visits be made to thee and sacrificial cakes

daily. He is invoked

16. at the altar in Aat-tes-tes on the birthday of Isis, and

when he goes there on the holiday

17. of iSoeharis, the day of placing the sacred boat upon the

stocks,4 he the ka of Thothmes triumphant.

1 "She who conceals her lord."

• " She whose two arms are towards her lord."

3 The sun-god rises to see her."

4 See Book of the Dead, ch. i, 10 : "I am the high priest who places the boat upon the stocks."

324 Aotes on Egyptian Stela,

1* 4 IX a, D &»• ^ \\ ^^ 6 SLl

suten ta hotep Her ^iiti Un-nefer

Royal give oblation Horns of double horizon, Un-nefer,

r\ I, ~

""*-■ ^^ I ^ ■ n JLAHAAA T" ^

Ptah Sekar Asar heq t'et ta - sen %u

Ptah Socharis Osiris, ruler eternal, may give they glory

\ *> -* AA/V^VS <—l \J

hna hot ren-a nefer em ma^eru en

and power, name good as triumphant to the

•i V c* \\

I Ci Ml

ka en her sauti en sba era

genius of the president of the guardians of the gate in

ztlL & P IT- ^ k

Men-nefer Tahuti-mes ari - k hems- a em

Memphis Thothme*. Do thou (that) sit I

* — io JL/kPlSs Hi

^en - a Annu ^en ernes - nek ab

within Heliopolis associating (?) for thee priests,

1 J ' ^>m(^^^ 3. Q<=D ?c=>

I A 111 Jf vww. —LI c 0 i i i A

nutar - hen usentn - nek ta hat'

prophets, let there be furnished to thee bread white

nip: Ik^r1

aa - k ab em use^t ent smu ta-k-tu

hands thy pure in the hall of gold placed

principally of the Eighteenth Dynasty. 325

i

h ^ki n—&

«>-=»(?) A A ^rn:

her %at-k en neb heh Tmu Sapn

?*/>on 6e% <Ay to the lord of eternity Tmu (and) Sapu

a a

4.

«^ i ' '

baiu Annn ta - u skera em speru-k k

the spirits of Heliopolis who give silence during prayers thy ,

utu nek ama^u nnna - nek Ammahet

be ordered for thee devotion, may open to thee the Ammahet

sbau - s u6etu - k urit

gates its, may j ""^ | [^A^] <Ae doors, may

z^7 I

e !

W\\& ^— kT-T- in

tati ren - k em re en re en nutaru nebu

be established name thy in mouth of mouth of gods all,

n\^z ms k^ Mum

se^a - sen neferu - ek em - bah Shu

may proclaim they glories thy before Shu

a gv fO) U a r Q « J

Jy^ -a n i m w i m

em ^ut en ka en her sauti

in the horizon, to the genius of the president of the guardians,

Tahuti-mes senem-k use^t en Nut t'ai - k

Thothmes, may est tread thou the hall of Nvt. may traverse

[thou

1 The tablet is broken here, but these appear to be the characters.

326 Note* on Egyptian Stelce.

use^t Seb, usettu - k em use^t mat

Me //a// of Seb, may be saluted thou in the hall of Mat

iv ■•: ; t t: sw A*o k

an ^et ha - k t'ettu-nt-k i - ta em

by things behind thee, let be said to thee " coming in

o D ^ ^ <=> 3fe .-CD ^

hotep ma^eru-k ^er baiu Anmi peh

peace triumphant thou" < • V/ spirits of Heliopolis, arrives

8.

^ ^ = #

h SI

Q rr*\\> /www \>

aha - k em un htep ta her ses Ptah

life thy as one being upon earth in following of "Ptah

6 I I ills 0

nefer hra en ka en her sauti

of the beautiful] ,, * .,. - ., ,.

•/ . » ^ wo Me <?a of president of the guardians,

Tahuti - mes per nek ur - mau her ab ^et ^er Thothmes. May come to thee the p?%iests at the staircase with

* fTQ m feO

^ o

an^ nebu ast em abot I pert

/ 7 I °/ ^ ) ■ ,i si i i °f swnmer

aarlands, lords < J \ in the month 1 \ 7 « \

* persea tree J ( (XOOiil)

^-117 S< 2 £lka*

arki hi'U meh nt'at

at the end of the month. the day (ichen) is full the ut'at

principally of the Eighteenth Dynasty. 327

em Annu nasektu nsebu - k em

in Heliopolis, invoked art thou answer thou, in

Ru-stau em abot III pert hru III %entu - k

I of ^iiiiuiipy* 1 Bustau, in month 3</t • „-. ^wfVfevl three, sailest thou

ba Abtu use% - nef ast em

soul Abydos, may be broad to him a seat in

11.

O^Z

ne^emet £esef nutar er u Pequa

the bark follows lie the god to the territory of Pekua

©J o ( .m _g& © ^^r^io

em heb Uaka heb Tahutit

in the festival of Uaka, festival of Thoth,

\\ H

_ ^^ 0 I

au ari - nef hekar en neb - f

let there be made to him festival of Hekar of lord his,

pert Apuat tua-nef Ra yeft uben - f

appearance of A puat, praises he Ed when \slimes\lte,

1 Brugscb, Worterbuch, I, 239.

328 Notes on Egyptian Stela,

ta - nef pest - f er ta in sebe^t amu

a/ res /*£ back his to the three pylons which are m

Abtu hapt-neb-es Aim - s-her-ueb-s

. 1 bydos, Hapt - Neb-es, A Cms -her - nebs,

f\ n ww\a <> A -<S>- www /www 1 \\ 1 -fi n

^J s $^P 15- \\^ S~?A ^okt

Uben -Ramaa-8 ari-nek ennu sta

Uben-Md-maa-s, let be made to thee sacred visits

® ? =^° ^ k =^= £ ^ -dpi i6. -\

hetep hat' hotepu makart rtas - tuf

dat'/v sacrificial cakes daily invoked is he

§ ^ a r=r ^

her uthu em Aat-tes-tes hru mestu Ast

at the altar in Aat-tes-tes day of birth of Isis,

W A fk ^^ i -

iu - f am en heb hru sekar hru erta.

goes he on the holiday of Sekar day of placing

hermit her maf^ en ka en

the ship upon the stocks to the genius of

®&'M HI

Tahuti - rues ma^eru Thothmes triumphant

1 It is doubtful if the right determinative is used here. One would expect ' ^ J v TT^3 " radiance."

principally of the Eighteenth Dynasty. 329

III.

Stele of Rema, of the Eighteenth Dynasty.1

This tablet is divided into three parts. In the first is Osiris -wearing the at/ crown, and seated upon a stool. He holds in his hands two sceptres and a whip. Above is written

lasting ruler, god great, lord of Tasert in front of the seat." Behind him stands Isis, wearing a throne upon her head ; she has her right hand lifted, and holds in the other the symbol of life. Above, and in front of her, is written

in^n =T I hf I T 7 " Isis' mother clivine>

avenging her brother, lady of the two earths." Behind her stands Nephthys, wearing a house upon her head ; she has her right hand raised, and in the left she carries the symbol

of life. By her side is written "1 <=> Th fi r^A Q ^

11 Nephthys, empress of the road of the west." Before Osiris stands a table laden with foods, fruits, and flowers. Above it are the sisms Q ^^ V7 the two ut'ats, and a iackal.

At the table stands the deceased Rema, with both hands raised, in one of which he holds a stand filled with fruit and cakes. Around Iris neck he wears a collar ; he wears a fluted garment tied at the waist, and sandals upon his feet. He is represented without hair. Above him is written

[\ [\ ^ C3 <Q TT

A/WW\

[~& -S- ^ ^ 1 ^ ^ ^^ " May ^ 8'ive thee

going in and coming out from yar neter at the burial

to the hi of the chief of the Rema triumphant."

Behind Rema stands V *^=» II ***■ cr^3

" his sisters beloved by him of the seat of his heart,

\

1 A facsimile of this stele is given by Mariette in his " Abydos," Vol. II, pi. 63, and a printed copy of the text in his " Catalogue Generale des Monu- ments d' Abydos," p. 413.

330 N'otes on Egyptian Stelce,

lady of the house, Suten %at" She wears a head-dress of plaited hair, a cone and collar, and she has both hands upraised.

The daughter of the deceased, Tapu "^ ^^ A D ^ ^ is represented standing holding lotus flowers ; and behind her, holding a lotus flower in the left hand, and wearing a

cone upon her head, stands ^^AAAAAA"^=5 ^^ (sic) VI SS vl " his grand-daughter Nahi." In the second part of the tablet Rema and his sister, " the lady of the house, Suten %«/,'' are represented seated on chairs. Rema is holding a lotus flower in his left hand, and his sister is clasping his right arm with both her hands. Before them stands Rema's son, Apii or Apepi, offering fire, water, and the usual offerings. He wears a panther's skin. By his side are three lines of hieroglyphs,

which read ^= O ^ lo/ Jo "*"* ^ Jj f=^ Q

aaa^a^ 1 1 wui 1 i) 1 1 Q2y_ "i 1 jg* / — I I I

^ U ill) §h ''Oblation of all good and pure things to the

£1 S \\ Si M te l .

ka of Rema, the chief of the unguent room, by his son Apii,

or Apepi, the chief of those who listen to complaints.*' The

remainder of the scene is occupied by —

<r—> f n .S Rames holding a branch

1. A male called _* ([| 1 1 ^ ^ leayes andflower8.

iK <o / e\ Mutemua, holding a small

2. A female .. _^ ^ ^ branch.

3. .. .. Q ^b \ \ J) Aui, holding a lotus flower.

n □ 6\ Her-ab-apu, with both 4 ^H hands raised.

5 J^IIaIPI Neferfi-nutar Su.

6. A female whose name is omitted.

7. A female called 1 " ^ J) Suten-%a

"his son,

„ rv Aimix a f) .a "nia son,

8. A child V *— D ^ c= \ l\ *£SS !$\ Amen-Ua."

principally of the Eighteenth Dynasty, 331

The two mules, Apepi and Rames, wear neither hair nor head-dress, but the females all wear head-dresses and cones.

The lower part of the tablet is filled up by nineteen lines of hieroglyphs, containing an invocation to Osiris. In the right hand corner is a vignette representing Rema kneeling in adoration, with both hands upraised. The inscription is really a hymn to Osiris, and all we gather from it about the deceased personally is, that he was "president or chief of the unguent preparations of the double white house of the lord of the two earths," and " chief of the royal wig of the good god." In all these sepulchral stelee the deceased is made to pray principally for things material. The comforts of the body in the nether world are thought much of, and the gods are therefore entreated to grant them to the ha l of the deceased. The translation of the stele of Rema is as follows : —

1. Adoration of Osiris. Hail to thee Osiris, the firstborn of

Seb, the eldest god of

2. five2 coming forth from Nut, the senior, the eldest son of

his father Ra, the father of fathers,

3. in submission to him, everlasting ruler, lord of eternity,

one throughout his changes, the prevailer with might coming forth

4. from the womb. He unites the white and red crown, and

joins the urasi on his head, he, the one of exalted attributes ;

5. his name is unknown, numerous are his names in towns

and countries. Ra rises,

6. in the place of his heart3 he setteth, and one seeth his

glories. Hail to thee 0 magnified and

7. extolled in thy name " Great of Strength." O son, 0

great one coming out of his cavern,

1 See Birch, " Trans. Soc. Bib. Arch.," Vol. VIII, p. 149, and Renouf, ibid., Vol. VI, p. 494 ; Maspero, ibid., Vol. VII, p. C, and " Revue Scientifique," March, 1879, p. 816.

2 The five gods were Horus, Osiris, Isis, Nephfchys, and Sot.

3 Lit., " in the heaven of his heart."

Vol. VIII. 22

332 Xotes o)/ Egyptian Stelae,

8. there is not a god who has done what he has done, he,

the lord of life, living in his attributes. Nothing is made living without

9. him, the lord of life, vigorous in revolving, Osiris in

Abydos, lord of Tattu, ruler

10. of Amenti, the lofty plumed. He reaches the zenith, the

two dawn goddesses who are before him

11. and the venerable souls who are in the tuat adore this

form of the lords of Abydos. Ra hath created

12. his glories, Shu hath put his terror in the hearts of men,

13. gods, the departed, and the damned. Saith the chief of

the sekanenu of the double white house of the lord of the two earths,1 the chief of the royal wig

14. of the good god; saith Rema triumphant, I have come

to thee, lord of Tasert Osiris, ruler of Abydos.

15. I was law abiding and doing right when upon earth, I

was free from faults. Grant thou splendour

16. in heaven and power upon earth. May I triumph like

17. the lords of the Tuat, may my soul come forth to

direct its path,

18. in the place of its desire. May I be

19. like the gods who are in thy train, I the ha of Osiris. Rema

triumphant.

L*j	n its			¥	o\
tuau	Asar anet'	her-k	Asar	se	pu
Adoration	of Osiris, J Itiil	to thee	Osiris	son	the
w	h-n ig	1	■2. :: i	- i i *7?	<=
hetep en	seb ur	nutar	V	per	em
first of	Seb, eldest	god of	five	coming	from

1 Vorsteher der Salbenbereitungen des weissen Hauses des Landesherrn. Brugsch Diet., p. 1144.

2 The plate in "Abydos," II, 63, lias III III .

principally of the Eighteenth Dynasty. 33i

lr* P^Pi 3 - \C&

0 I

Nut semsu aa en atf - f lia,

Nut, eldest senior of father his Rd

atf atfiu ^er ast ab - f heq heh

father of fathers, under the place of face, his ruler everlasting,

^ ■ * o

n | °°

fk«J

neb t'et ua her sepu-f secern

ford of eternity, one throughout changes his, prevailing ivith

L_U_J

£efit per em ^at sam-nef hat'

might coming forth from the womb. Unites he the white crown

temt en arat em hetep-f ser veperu

joins the ura>i on head his, exalted of attributes.

/WW\A	5' #1
an	re%
Not	known

ren - f ast rennu

name his, numerous the names

\1T^ -1i

© I (—4— I © tbv H "X™ <=> /. © £| D o

em nut setu uben Ra em pet

in toivns and countries: rises Rd in heaven

- LI *«- ^Mk- III ^Tl

en ab - f hotep - f maa - f neferu anet'

of heart his, settet/i he and sees one glories. Hail

334 Notes on Egyptian Stela*.

v_^«> <rr> (J i a u U l aawa £d

her-k urta aaa - ta em ren - k en

to the magnified, extolled in mane thy

M* ¥ is W = oi

r^v~i

DXn

aaa sefit se ur per em tepht- f

(i great of strength'' son great, coming out from cavern his.

_ r] On _^T3"^>- aaaaaa r\ AAftAAA pv /WWW £^

8- [-111 <=. ^ w - fo foi

an nutaru ari ar - nef neb an^ an^tu

Not a god has done [what) he has done, lord of life, living

em aril - f an ari anp£ em %em - ef

in attributes his, nought is made living without him,

© , ^i

££

neb aha rut rerit Agar ami Abtu

lord of life, vigorous in revolving, Osiris in Ahydos

- fit M 10-f- -II P-M

neb Tattu heq Amenti qa suti

lord of Tattu, ruler of Amenti: exalted of plumes:

-SS>w. <=>^ ~h — IS1 1101 C= „ ,W peh-nef hert sens en uat'ti em hat- f

reaches he the zenith, adore the tivo dawn goddesses before him.

V^WSA

ba 6epsu ami tuat sahu pen en

fouZ.s venerable in the tuat /bnw tAta "/

principally of the Eighteenth Dynasty. 335

nebu Abtu qamam en Ra

lords of Abydos, (whom) hath created Rd

III — ^ — $\i &

neferu-f erta en Shu sentu - f em

glories his : has given Shu terror his in the

i i3-m ^ii T^i >

ab ret nutaru yp. mitu t'et

heart of men, gods, the departed and the damned Saith

/wvw\

an her sekanenu en pa -hat' neb

the chief of the sekanenu of the double white house of lord of

T*^. "~*\ ^C 1 14. *w*a

~ i i aa^v/wv I n

tain mer nammes suten en nutar nefer

two earths, chief of the wig royal of god good,

Rema ma^eru t'et - f i - na en ^er - ek neb Remit triumphant : says he Come have I to the lord of

Tasert Asar heq Abtu nuk matu

Tasert, Osiris rider of Abydos. I ivas law abiding

\\ ? " - s*=! (^ -=

ana hetep ta ar mat su em

being upon earth, doing right, free from

336 Notes on Egyptian Steles,

^ ^*| 16. = ° °

<=* mi

v>

aseft tak Xn em Pet user em ta

faults, grant thou splendour in heaven power on earth.

,.Q n Jjf2ll §1 ill CT3 .A -2f -/A 211 y

raa^eru - a ma nebu tuat pern ba - a re>/

May triumph I like lords of Tuat, may come forth soul my

/WVAAA I I I (O *<j— » /WWV\

er nenini era ast ent ab - f unna

to drive [make progress'] in the place of heart its, may he I

n ^ n qqq *ww\ n ^—^ ^ n J\

1Q \J l| I db [I I AAA/VW ( ( AAAAAA

lt- £^U III ^ w * vs H I ^*

matet nutaru enti em ami sesu-k en ka en

KJfce the gods icho (are) in train 'thy, to the genius of

Asar Rema n%em

Osiris Rema triumphant.

IV.

Sepulchral Stele of the Royal Scribe Ames-mes, otherwise called kanre.1

This tablet is preserved in the Museum of the Louvre, and belongs to the reign of Rameses II. It is rounded at the top, and its upper part is occupied by two scenes, the one representing the worship of Osiris, and the other that of ancestors. In the first scene at the top are the signs

1 A copy of the tablet lias been lithographed by Sharpe in his " Egyptian Inscriptions," pi. 97; and a better copy, with a translation, by Pierret in his " Etudes figyptologiques," 8me livraison, p. 135.

principally of the Eighteenth Dynasty.

337

' ZZ£ and ^> representing the Buns disk, water, and vase

respectively. On each side is an ut'at ^^ as well as a jackal. Underneath there is a cartouche containing the prcnonien, name, and titles of Rameses II. It reads :—

4 V

suten net

King of the north

and south,

I \>

Q

1

/WWAA Q

neb taiu Ra-usr-mat-sotep - en -Ra

lord of two r> - -. t . r> -

lands Ra-usr-mat-sotep -en- Ra

se Ra neb ^au meri mat Ra-mes-su Asar son of the Sun lord of crowns, Rameses loving law, Osiris

<£?

r^i

^ent-Amenti neb Abtu meri yent-Amenti lord of Abydos beloved of.

Below this Osiris, holding a sceptre in the right hand and a whip in the left, is seated upon a stool. Behind him stands " Horus the son of Isis," wearing the double crown. His right hand is raised, and in his left he carries a roll. Behind Horus stands Isis, "the lady of heaven," wearing a throne upon her head, and Nephthys, wearing a house. On a slab behind Nephthys stands " Ptah as king of the double earth " 2l^= \ a^a^~t holding in his two hands a sceptre. Behind Ptah stands " Thoth, lord of ^emennu " ^JJ^ ^i7 E E • In front of Osiris is a small altar and a lotus flower. With both hands raised in adoration to the god, stands

Royal scribe Kanre of the j jj^6 j of law, son of Kanreneraa triumphant. In the second scene the son of Kanre (apparently called Kanre also) is represented, standing bare-headed and bald, wearing a tunic tied at the waist. Both hands are

338 Notes on Egyptian Stela,

extended, and he offers incense and water to the d< Anies-roes, who is seated on a chair holding a lotus flower in his left hand. Before him is a slab containing sacrificial offerings.

Behind Arnes-mes is seated his mother Anenit. his father. and five other relatives, all seated on chairs, holding a lotos flower in their left hands.1 The deceased Ames-mes was a royal scribe, and member of the privy council of his king. He was the son of Anenit, u the sistruui bearer of Isis." and he takes great care to inform us that he was an actual scribe, and not a man who called himself one. He apparenty had the charge of the accounts of the chapels, he was the reckoner of the labours performed there, and also the superintendent of the work wrought by the priestesses of Neith. The translation of the tablet is as follows : —

1. Ames-mes. triumphant, sumarned Kanre. royal scribe, president of the mysteries of heaven and earth and hell, maker of all divine types, actual scribe of the seat of justice, son of Anenit, triumphant, the sistrum bearer of Isis.

2 eternity is thy brother and sister, thy uncle

is everlastingness: they furnish winds to thy nose, inspiring thy throat with life. May thy hand be fortunate with sacrifices and provisions every day without ceasing.

3. 0 Ames-mes, triumphant, surnamed Kanre. royal scribe in

the southern and northern chapels, computer of the labours, superintendent of the things which are done in the two chapels under the direction of the priest 8fi a of Neith. 0 my lord.

4. traversing eternity, enduring for ever, Osiris. %ent-Amenti,

Horus triumphant, lord of eternity, everlasting ruler, eldest son whom Seh hath engendered, first born of the womb of Xut, lord of Tattu. ruler of Abvdos,

1 I am indebted to the amiable courtesy of Monsieur P. Pierret for a correct copy of certain parts of the inscription contained in tlie first scene, which it was impossible to make out from that given by Sharpe.

principally of the Eighteenth Dynasty. 339

5. sovereign lord, supreme chief of Akarti, lord of diadems,

great of terrors, exalted Ram dwelling in Naret, the pow- erful king, relying upon justice, greater than his father, more powerful than his mother, the lord of that which

6. becometh through him, greatest of the great above his

brethren, son of the white crown, born of the red crown, lord of lords, king of kings, chief supreme, god of gods, the two lands have been given to thee by the hand of the father Tmu.

7. Thou hast law established before thy face, let me rejoice

in the law and its glories. It is Thoth who gives it to its possessor, he proclaimed it by the proclamations of his mouth, those who are

8. among gods and men, thou makest their seat in ^ar-neter,

those who come towards thee arriving at the landing- place by millions of millions greet thee, those who are in the womb are upon their face towards thee.

9. Mayest thou have no stoppage in the land of inundation,

they come to thee altogether, the great like the small come to thee there, the living ones upon earth approach thee altogether,

10. thou art their lord, there is none other whatever besides

thee whom they can enumerate. With reference to the going up or the coming down throughout the duration of time, thy majesty, like Ra, is the dawn of day.

11. Those that exist, and those who are not yet, follow thee,

0 royal scribe, interpreter of the lord of the two earths, president of the secret in the temple of Neith, made of

12. flesh {i.e., born) of Ta-an^1 at Sais, Ames-mes triumphant,

surnamed Kanre, son of Anenit triumphant, sistrum bearer of Isis. May Osiris give a royal oblation, may he give pleasant breezes of the north wind to the ha of the royal Ames-mes triumphant, president of the secret in the seat of law.

1 The text here is obscure ; M. Pierret renders it by " fait en chair (ne) a Ta-anx," which rendering I have borrowed.

(40 Notes on Egyptian Steles,

1. ^ J I \\ 1 A/^WV

suten an her ssta en pet ta tuat

Royal scribe, president of the mysteries of heaven, earth and hell:

IP^«ai 111 ^ » ^' - J

mes semu nutaru nebu an ma en ast

fabricating types divine all, scribe actual of the seat of

i M HI ^\

Ml |

mat Ames- mes ma^eru t'et-nef Kanre

justice, Ames-mes triumphant, called Kanre.

ma^eru mes en ahi en Ast Anenit

triumpliant, born of the sistrum bearer of Isis, Anenit

pa *-fr ii- m nkPfi-'

ma^em .... sensen-k heh ^enemes - k

triumphant brother and sister thy (is) eternity, uncle thy

t eta hu - sen nefu er fent - k seserk

{is) everlastingness, furnish they winds to nose thy inspiring (with)

1 Compare the German " wirklicli " prefixed to titles of honour, e.g. " -\\ irkliche Geheimrath."

1 There is evidently a mistake here.

PS-

Read

If | d * is a noun here, a verb has been omitted before it.

principally of the Eighteenth Dynasty. 3 1 1

fT mm- i

^

I q D in V i i i

iin^ hai - k nefer a - k hotepu t'efau

life throat thy, good be hand thy (with) sacrifices and provisions

T«fi \

hru neb an abn suten an em resenet

day every without ceasing, royal scribe in the southern and

i i i

D q i i i i ^ I

melienet hesb bekan her foet] aritu em

Thlpdsl Computer of the hbours^u/^',^^t)which are made in

W-li ^S Till

C3 0. II <=> @ ©

pau II re - aan ^entiii Nit Ames-mes

rlmpels two under direction of the priestesses of Neith, Ames-mes,

n

ma^eru t'et - net" triumphant, called

in i liB y\ 4 f±u

Kanre ma^ern a neb - a

Kanre, triumphant. 0 lord my

JJ

0 0

mest heh untef en t'et Asar %ent Amenti traversing eternity being for ever Osiris %ent- Amenti

= 1J & III -~M P 3t ?

Un-nefer Her ma^eru neb heh heq t'eta se

Un-nefer, Horns triumphant, lord of eternity, ruler everlasting, son

' Lisez ^.P i (things), Pierret.

342 Notes on Egyptian Stein;

AAAA/W

VMM -*"• ^ %*JI

semsu utet en Seb hetep en %at

<>Z(fes£ engendered by Seb, first of the womb of

Nut neb Tattu heq Abtu ati her hetep

Nut, lord of Tattu, rider of Abydos, sovereign lord, j ^'jfi'J^f

i<=>t^^i e. mi i-^ <^=> J^ i ^™

Akarti neb fau aaa neru ba

Akarti, lord of diadems, great of terrors, ram

W

^0® \^ "j^ JIJ^

ser %enti Naret suten en nutra heri

exalted, dwelling in Naret, king powerful relying

her mat aaa er tf - f usr er mut - f

upon justice, greater than father his, more powerful than mother his,

I V

6.

neb en %ePer am " f m" um

lord of that which becometh through him, great of the great

i~ rai- ? w- in ^v<-

her sennu - f se hat' mes tert

above brethren, his son of white crown, born of the red crown

-a -*i vim mm % %\

neb nebu heq hequ ati nutar nutaru

lord of lords, king of kings, chief supreme, god of gods,

-> AAAAAA AAAAAA

J3 a £

principally of the Eighteenth Dynasty.

o o

343

i w >

@

erta entu nek taiu em-bah a tf - k Tmu

have been given to thee two lands by the hand of father thy Tmu,

/WW\A /V.^

i^h

O

au nek mat men-ta er ^eft her-k

there is to thee law established before face thy,

0. I

^

L'z 4: $ tf

ha - kua em mat neferu- s Taliuti pu ta - f

let rejoice me in laiv (and) glories its, Thoth it is gives he

bu en neb- s s^utn - f em ^u re- f

it to lord its, proclaimed he [it] by the proclamations of mouth his

&B»

I £L

J] I I I III

^<?> *k W\ I

Tinniii those who are

em nutaru ret among gods and men,

" JnP7.fl \1 h kWH

ari - k ast - sen %ent ^ar-neter senamlm - sen

makest thou seat their in the nether ivorld, greet they

1 This refers to the Ritual addresses made to the dead, and which were all supposed to proceed from Thoth.

2 This passage is evidently corrupt. Pierret reads <-^=> ' w ' which makes 1 he passage no easier.

Eearl

; I

o44 Notes on Egyptian Stelce,

aa/wv\ J\ fA \&1 I \bi Q

en ka- k enti iu em heh en heh pehu genius tin/, these tcho come by millions of millions arriving

l— — J y ViAAAA

WVAA/\ I I ^ XO £i \\ I I I I

mena rek enti em ^;at her -sen

ie I pic

he landing J ^ ^ , ; j in da Woj»6 1 , ; ^

/ace (. [ upon J J ^

her-k an %eper asq em ta

toicards thee, not let there be stoppage in the land of

<=>i<Lo I in o Jr in ^=^ ^ae^ <^> i 4 1

mera set maku - nek tern uru ma

inundation, they are coming to thee entirely great like

\%» m »

q q - III ^=^6 1 Jh^ 1 I I I l \> .A I I I

ketet - sen nek am an%u htep ta sper sen young their to thee there, living ones upon earth, approach they

j\ ^f io. ^ ^MZ

AAAAAA

-JL.

nek em bu na entek neb - sen an

to thee in place one. thou art lord their not

ki ap-her-ek enen aautu-sen

other beside thee entirely, enumerated they

1 See also Sharpe, 1, 1, 5 ; T, 1. 7 ; I, 10. 11.

principally of the Eighteenth Dynasty. 345

ITS 1

U I <=> <^

S3

on

ar %et ar ^entet em ^ennu kem

the going up and the coming down within the extent of the

0

w y

*

© © i i

aha au hen - k tnan hra em Ra

duration of life {thy). Is majesty thy the dawn of day like Rd,

^ \\ | | | ^ \\ 2^ || o^

I ft P

3

atiu her ^et-k suten an shet'

entin 1S6(and) ^ \ u^w are n0^ f°tt°iuing thee royal scribe, interpreter

<^> — Ion o v\

en neb taiu heri se£ta em het Nit

of the lord of j **..w ° [ president of the secret in the temple Keith

ar em made of

i i i hau

^ To

ta any

4TM

ii

ari limbs of land of life which are in

h.

£©

San Sais,

prill

Ames -roes Ames-mes,

12. ^

t/et-nef surnamed

III I

Kanre

Kan re

ill

aaaw\ r n "-tr-a-" n [| r^^^i

,o ^4M PS

mes en Ahi en Ast Anenit mayera

born of sistnim bearer of Tsis Anenit triumphant.

346

I A

Notes on Egimtian Stelce^ etc.

o D M «— II

suten til hotep Asar ta - f nefu net'em en

Royal give oblation Osiris, may give he winds pleasant of the

oo<

u

I

suten an her ssta

meht en ka en

north wind to the genius of royal scribe president of the mysteries

em ast mat Ames-mes nia^eru

in the seat of justice Ames-mes triumphant.

347

BABYLONIAN ART, ILLUSTRATED BY MR. H. RASSAM'S LATEST DISCOVERIES.

By Theo. G. Pinches. Read 6th November, 1883.

Though Babylonia has yielded as yet but very few monuments of large size, such as have been found in the various sites of Assyria, yet their artistic taste and knowledge has been fully vindicated by the discovery of small objects of great artistic merit. The question, of course, would naturally arise, whether the objects of art brought from Babylonia were really, in all cases, of Babylonian workmanship or not.

Of course there have been found, at various times, objects of art in Babylonia — cylinder-seals and cones, fragments of sculptured images and small bas-reliefs, as well as boundary- stones — sometimes with the image of a king, sometimes with those well-known figures and emblems supposed to be the originals of our signs of the zodiac. Lately also have come those beautiful sculptures from Tel-lo, and not less important things have been found by Mr. Rassam at Abu-habbah or Sippara, as well as at various other sites in that most interesting country.

Before proceeding to my remarks upon the art of the Babylonians, its origin, its growth, and how it was influenced, I will here give a short description of the most interesting and valuable objects, either from an archaeological or an artistic point of view, which Mr. Rassam has obtained from the ruined cities of that great empire.

As is now well known, the highest date that we have in

Babylonian history is that of the reign of Sargon of Agade,

which is, according to Nabonidus, whose account of that

early king I had the pleasure of bringing to your notice a

Vol. VIII. 23

348

Babylonian Art. illustrated by

year ago, three thousand two hundred years before his time. Of course it was only natural to suppose that the cylinders of Sargon, having been found, and again restored to their ancient places by Xabonidus. should still be there. These, however, have not yet been found, but Mr. Rassam has had the good fortune to light upon a small egg-shaped object of beautifullv-veined pink and white marble, pierced lengthwise with a rather large hole, and engraved, also lengthwise, with a Semitic Babylonian inscription in seven lines, two of which are double, as follows : —

Sar-ga-ni Sargon

lugal-la£ the messenger- king,

sar king of

A-ga-de (ki) Agadd,

a-na to

(ilu) Samas Samas,

in Sipar (ki) in Sipjwra,

m	^
££^
TJ^	£^>	i^r
n		J!
HF-		4
i>*
TC	>^	<H

a-mu-ru

/ have dedicated.

"I, Sargon the messenger-king, king of Agade. have dedicated [this] to Samas in Sippara." 1

Xow who is this " Sargani the messenger-king," king of Agade ? Surely this is the same king as is known to us by the later inscriptions under the name of Sargina of Agade, the very king mentioned by Xabonidus, who reigned as far back as 3800 B.C. Sargon, of whom it is told that his mother put him in a little ark on the Euphrates, and that he was found by Akki the husbandman, who brought him up as his own son, and that, after a time, he succeeded to the throne of Babylonia. He who. in later times became, alike in Assyria and Babylonia, a national hero, whose deeds were celebrated in poetical legend, and also, most likely, in song.

1 For the representation of this object, see plate 4 (facing p. 1S2), So. 1.

Mr. II. Rassarns latest discoveries.

349

But this is not the only inscription of the time of that early king. Known to the world, and yet unknown, another exists. In the year 1878 M. Menant, the well-known French Assyriologist, described a cylinder in the collection of M. de Clercq (who is owner, by the way, of some of the most valuable and interesting monuments known), containing the name of a king which he read as Se-ga-ni-sar-lug. This important monument M. Menant has again published this year (1883), reading the name in the same way. A single glance, however, was enough to show that the first character of the name, read as Se, was in reality &ar, and that the two last characters did not properly belong to the name. The inscription, which is in six lines, two of which are double, is in Akkadian, and is to be read as follows : —

■4- tn $& ,j^

R 53 fcfctf ^T

HI

J^

D.P. Sar-ga-ni Sargon

lugal-lag the messenger-king ',

lugal king of

A-ga-de (ki), Agade,

lb- ni-

sarru

dup-sara the

ura-zu thy servant.

Ibni-sarru

The lines of the inscription are written lengthwise, in one column, near the upper edge, and almost resting on the hinder parts of two bulls, who stand, as it were, back to back. The heads of the bulls are raised and held sidewise, showing the broad span of the wide-reaching horns ; and they drink from the twofold stream flowing from the vase which the hero Gistubar (known from the curling locks which fall to his shoulders) holds out to them. The hero is represented naked, kneeling on one knee, holding the vase by the neck with one hand, and supporting it beneath with the other. Underneath is a wavy border-ornament, representing either the sea or the sky.

'650 Babylonian Art, illustrated by

This cylinder is also of great importance, as it gives us an idea of the style and nature of the representation on cylinder- seals at this early date, and enables us to fix approximately the date of other works of art of a similar nature. It is probable that several of the cylinder-seals in the British Museum, bearing designs representing Gistubar and Ea-bani overcoming lions and bulls, belong to the same early period, as they show great similarity of both design and workmanship.

Besides the interest attached to these as the very earliest examples of Babylonian art known — examples that show that even at that early period very considerable advance indeed had already been made — there is also a philological interest. The egg-shaped object in the British Museum is, be it noted, in Semitic Babylonian, exhibiting, in the few words used, two interesting peculiarities. The first is the use of the form in instead of ina for the preposition "in," and the use of the root dmaru, the Hebrew "tt?N, with the meaning of " to dedi- cate," instead of " to see," — the signification which it almost invariably has in the later texts. With regard to the form of the royal name (%) ^HU ©!> O Sargani, found in both monuments, it is easy to see how it is that we get the form ]iinp in Hebrew, rather than pHD, as would be expected from the later form of the name, Sargina. Gani, the latter part of the name, is evidently the early form of the well- known root which appears, later on, as gina, meaning "to fix." l The Greek form 'Ap/cedvos, evidently comes from the Assyrian Sarru-ukin,2 and has lost, like the more corrupt Apva of the Septuagint, the sibilant with which both the Akkadian and Assyrian forms begin, replacing them by the soft breathing.

It has been contended by some scholars that the date of Sargon can hardly be regarded as correct, as we have only

1 Another early cylinder in the Museum at New York, described by M. J. Menant in the Gazette des Beaux-Arts, gives us the similarly-formed name of " Bin- gani, the king, the son of the king," — perhaps of the same dynasty.

2 To be read thus, according to the tablets ; but the Greek points to the form Sarru-kenu, " the faithful king," which was, perhaps, the true original Semitic form.

Mr. II. Rasscuiis latent discoveries. 351

Nabonidus's word for it, and the text of the cylinder also may be corrupt. For my part, however, I think that Nabonidus had good grounds for giving the king so high a date, for the Babylonians had a very accurate system of chronology. As, also, this date of 3800 years is found on more cylinders than one, I cannot believe that the scribe has made a mistake. Taking into consideration the slow rate at which the Assyrian or Semitic Babylonian language changed, both in grammatical forms, and the meanings of the words, the pecu- liarities Sargani for Sargina, and dmdru in the sense of " to dedicate," instead of " to see," all point to a very ancient date indeed.

The style of the writing also, though showing clear wedges, yet approaches nearer the line-shapes than almost any other inscription — even those of Gudea. An inscription of Naram-Sin, son of the above-named Sargon, found by M. T. Fresnel at Babylon (near the Nil canal), and afterwards lost in the Tigris, seems, judging from the copy published in W.A.I. I, pi. 3, No. VII, to have been written in the same style. This inscription, which is in Semitic Babylonian, is as follows : " Naram-Sin, king of the four regions, .... of . . . rag and Makan." (George Smith : " conqueror of Apirak and Magan.")

If Babylonian art had reached such a state of perfection (as shown by the small cylinder I have just described) at so early a date as 3800 B.C., the question naturally arises how far must we go back to seek the beginnings of that nation which produced it?1

The next monument worthy of notice, brought by Mr. Rassam from Sippara, is an oblong instrument, the greater part of green stone, rather flat, rounded off at the broader end, and having the edges also bevelled off. It tapers gradually from the broader end, and is fixed into an orna- mental bronze socket, cast or worked into the form of a ram's head, the eyes of which are inlaid with some white composi- tion, the nose terminating in a small ring, from which some-

1 Fox* further remarks on the early Sargons, see the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archmoloyy for Nov. 7, 1882, pp. 8, 9, and 12 j and Jan. 13, J885, pp. 65-71.

do!

Babylonian Art. illustrated l>j

thing formerly hung. At the end to -which the bronze part is fixed, and partly covered by it, is engraved, upon one of the broader surfaces, six lines of inscription, in two columns, as follows : —

1.

A-na

To

■>f

COLUMX I. «| « ~f

<

D.P. Samas. sar same u. ersiti, sani - su (Somas king of heaven and earth, [/lis] king

T tT <^ *K r- ^ « V

D.P. Tukul- ti -Me- ir sar mat

Tukulti-Mer, king of

ff T HF- V SI « V

apil D.P. Ilu - sa - ba sar mat

son of llu-saba king of

Ha - na Hana,

Ha - na II ana

COLOES" II.

a-na - ki

for [the safety]

■2- < u and

-o	TT	<V>II<T
na	sa	ar
	Us	(own)

I

niati - su

of his land

ti - su protection

he

ki has

is

given.

'• To Samas.king of heaven and earth, [his] king. Tukulti- Mer king of Hana, son of llu-saba. for the [safety] of his land, and his (own) protection, has given (this instrument).""

This monument is most interesting, as it shows the renown of the shrine of Samas at Sippara, — a renown so great that the king of Hana, near Karkemish, thought it of

i Or "-^T^ I j pale-iii, "his reign" (nasar pale-Su, "the protecting of his reign").

- See plate 4 (facing p. 182), No. 4.

Mr. II. Rassams latest discoveries. 353

some use to make a present to the temple to gain the favour of the god there enshrined.

It is also worthy of note, that the names Tukulti-Mer and Ilu-saba, are not only distinctly Semitic, but bear also a marked Assyrian or Babylonian stamp, and may be compared with the distinctly Semitic Ilu-bi'di, or Yau-bi'di, king of a district also in the neighbourhood of Karkemish, mentioned by Sargon of Assyria. These facts prove either that the language of the country of Hana did not differ greatly from Semitic Babylonian or Assyrian, or that it was governed by kings of Assyrian or Babylonian race (the former is the preferable supposition). As the inscription is written in the Assyrian style, with a few archaic forms, it is probable that it is the work of Assyrians, and not of Babylonians. The monument therefore belongs, most likely, to the time of Shalmaneser IE, king of Assyria about 859 B.C. This king, as we learn from the inscriptions on the Bronze Gates and from the above-mentioned cylinder of Nabonidus, visited Babylonia, and made offerings to and repaired the temples in many of the principal cities, and it is very likely that it was during the Assyrian occupation that this object was presented to the shrine of Sippara, and the inscription carved. It is probably one of those staves or batons which the Assyrian kings are sometimes represented holding, as it shows marks of wear evidently caused by being continually grasped in the hand.

Another monument of Assyrian artistic skill is a lion's head carved in white limestone, originally exceedingly hard, but now changed to chalk by the action of fire. This work of art, which is of most vigorous execution, was probably originally intended for an ornament for a chair or similar piece of furniture. The mouth, which is open threateningly, shows the well-formed teeth. Above the upper lip are, on each side, five curved sunken grooves, which were formerly inlaid with some material, probably to enable the long feelers or whiskers to be inserted. Wavy grooves for inlaying are also to be seen above the nose. The eyes were inlaid, and the holes for the insertion of the long hairs forming the eye- brows still remain. In the middle of the forehead there had

354 Babylonian Art, illustrated by

originally been inserted the little winged figure emblematic of the god Assur, now lost. Round the rim of the neck is the following inscription in Assyrian characters : —

" Sennacherib, king of multitudes .... Esarhaddon his son ....

The date of this fine specimen of Assyrian workmanship is therefore about 6So B.C., and is a memorial of the conquest of Babylonia by Sennacherib, who seems, judging from the above inscription, to have set his son Esarhaddon on the throne of Babylonia in Ins own lifetime.

Another work of art, also, most likely, of Assyrian work- manship, is a very finely-carved calf's head in ivory. The modelling of the closed mouth, the broad nose, the full eyes, and the budding horns, is, in its way. excellent. The back of the neck and the front of the forehead is represented covered with hah* arranged in rows of small curls, just like the winged bulls from Nimroud. A small object, not, how- ever, in a very good state of preservation (pi. 3\ Xo. 3), also of Assyrian workmanship, in a griffin's head of burnt lime- stone. This creature has a strange, almost comic, appear- ance. It is represented with the head of an eagle, a small comb like a cock, and the eyes, originally inlaid, seem to be inserted into a continuation of the ears. The neck is ornamented with spiral hues.

From this same interesting site also, Mr. Rassam has brought a very finely-carved figure, either of a Babylonian queen or else of Istar or Venus, who is represented wearing a wig of long wavy hair, which falls below the shoulders, and holding in each hand, against her breast, a lotus-flower. The face is of a clearly Semitic type. Whether this object is of Babylonian or Assyrian workmanship is impossible to say. The alabaster of which this figure is formed is hollowed out, and it seems, from this circumstance, to have been part of some piece of furniture, and formerly supported something on the head. Fig. 1 on pi. 31 gives an excellent idea of this work of art.

These monuments, though few in number, put before us

1 Facing page 174.

Mr. II. Rassairts latest discoveries. 355

several very interesting facts about the origin and nature of Babylonian art. As I have already said, the little egg-shaped object of Sargon I, confirming, as it does, the reading of the inscription on the cylinder-seal belonging to M. de Clercq, presents us with the earliest style of art. Gistubar, the warrior-hero, is there shown performing one of those feats which, it is only reasonable to suppose, formed the subject of one of the twelve tablets which were devoted to his history. This representation, and others like to it, now in the British Museum, show us the style of art of that ancient time, from which, as it seems to me, more is to be got than the mere comparison of forms and styles. The strongly-marked muscles of the man, his large head, his locks falling in large curls to his shoulders, are all characteristic of a Semitic race — the Assyrio-Babylonian stem. In the strongly-marked muscles we see the chief characteristic of Assyrian art, as found in the sculptures of the various Assyrian kings, and in Gistubar's long ringlets the origin of the elaborately-curled head-dresses and beards of the Assyrians. This is Semitic art as being distinct from the Akkadian.

A few centuries later, and we have a style quite different. The representations also are of a different kind. No longer do we see the exploits of Gistubar and his satyr-like friend Hea-bani, but representations of the various gods, such as Samas, the sun, Aa, the moon-goddess as his consort, Nergal and other divinities with the divine attendants, generally introducing the owner of the cylinder to the god — Iris patron god. The figures are tall and slim, but exceedingly well- proportioned, and often very beautifully engraved.

The period represented by this style of art extended from about 2200 B.C. to about 1200 B.C, and probably came in with the dynasty of which Hammurabi or Kimta-rapastum was the most celebrated ruler. Many works of art, probably belonging to this period, are now in the British Museum. They represent, for the greater part, either the Sun-god or his consort, clothed in the goatskin robe proper to their divine origin. Of all the figures from Abu-habbah or Sippara, only one is in the same style as those from Tel-lo or Lagas, and now in the Louvre, and as this is made also of diorite, it is

35t? Babylonian Art, illustrated by

probable that it is not of native Sipparite workmanship. Xo. 2 on plate 31 shows a small figure of the Sun-god seated, clothed in a goatskin robe, and holding in his right hand a cup. The autotype does not, unfortunately, show this very well.2

In the next period Semitic influence again makes itself felt, probably on account of the Babylonian artists copying Assyrian works of art, with which they were brought into contact by the growing importance of that nation. Assyria also began to invade Babylonia successfully with her armies, and the Assyrian kings, capturing the principal cities, made these for a time the seat of their court, and had works of art executed in the style of their own country, thus also spreading its influence. This happened in the time of Shalmaneser, of Sennacherib, of Assurbaniapli, and also, most likely, of many other kings. The style of this period approaches very nearly that of the Assyrians. The figures are thick but well formed. The muscles show prominently, but not too much. The hair and beard are dressed in the Assyrian style.

Later still, but without changing its Semitic character, Babylonian art, perhaps under Persian influence, becomes plainer, and the representations on the cylinders change. Instead of the owner of the cylinder worshipping, in a respectful attitude, his own patron god, surrounded by divine attendants, he is shown, dressed in a very plain style of clothing, worshipping the emblems of his gods, raised up high upon a kind of pedestal upon a low altar. The utmost simplicity prevails, but the workmanship is, perhaps, quite as good as that of the best early period.

This is the last stage of true Babylonian art, for the Persians became masters of the land, and introduced their style. Many cylinders in the British Museum show the

1 Facing page 174.

2 One interesting fact, which has not, I believe, been before remarked, may here be noted. Many of the Haematite cylinders of this period seem to hare fallen into the hands of the Cyprians, who took them with them to Cyprus. These cylinders then underwent a transformation. All the unengraved spaces were filled with small figures in the Cyprian style. The inscription was ground out, and the space left utilized in the same way. Two or three cylinders which have been thus treated are in the British Museum.

Mr. II. Rassams latest discoveries. 357

Persian style pure and simple. The figures are squarer and more thick-set than in the former period, the head-dresses also are in the Persian style. In the mythological represen- tations the animal-forms (as is also the case at Persepolis) are better executed and, even when roughly done, more graceful. After the Persian supremacy, Babylonian art may be said to have completely died out, and the designs on the seals show more Greek influence than anything else.

I have thus tried (though imperfectly) to treat very shortly of Babylonian art from a point of view from which it has not yet been looked at, and I hope that the study has not been quite without its advantages. " I shall con- sider that my labour has not been wholly lost if I have succeeded in showing how closely the history of art in Babylonia agrees with what I have inferred from the indirect indications furnished by the antiquities recently brought from that country. First the Semitic style, then the Akkadian, disturbed again by the influence of Semitic (Assyrian) art from without, and lastly the Persian, itself an offspring of the earlier Semitic Assyrian or Babylonian art.

35S

BIBLICAL NATIONALITIES PAST AND PRESENT. By H. Rassam.

Read 4th December, 1883.

Ix addressing you this evening upon a very" intricate, but at the same time a most interesting, subject relating to ancient Biblical lands and their inhabitants as they existed in olden times, and do exist at present, I do not intend to enter minutely into a religious or scientific dissertation. I wish merely to tiy and give an unprejudiced account of what I know of the peoples of those countries, together with some information I have gleaned from different sources relating to them.

Of all the nationalities mentioned in the Old Testament, only the Persians hold their own now both in dominion and power, the remainder having been brought into subjection under one sway, that of the Turk, known in history by the name of Tartar or Scythian. Of all the tribal and national names mentioned in Scripture and secular history, not one has retained its primitive name, with the exception of the Jew. More than nine-tenths of the population of Turkey and Persia are followers of Mohammed, and the remainder are a mixture of Christians, Jews, and nondescript sects, as the latter do not exactly know themselves what they believe in. They are the Guebres or ancient Parsis, Sabians, who are commonly known as Christians of St. John, Ansarees, Druzes, Yezidis, or devil worshippers, and Shabbaks. From the constant intercourse and intermixing with their Christian and Moslem neighbours, more especially from being perpetually assailed and persecuted in their religious rites, the latter sects have come now to acknowledge the time God of the believers in revealed religion. It is a noteworthy fact that though constant mention is made in the Bible of the idolatry of the different Gentile nations, there is now no such thing as the

Biblical Nationalities Post and Present. 859

worship in high places of idols or of the heavenly hosts in any part of Turkey or Persia ; nor are there any sacrifices performed by any known community.

The Christians are distinguished by the names of their sects, such as Armenians, Greeks, Chaldeans, Syrians, Maronites, and Copts. As I have to touch again upon the variety of the beliefs existing among these Christian commu- nities, and their origin, I must first give a short statement of the rise and progress and ultimate fall of the two great ancient kingdoms, Assyria and Babylonia, which are famous in history for their civilization and conquests.

There is such great diversity of opinion as to the history and duration of the Chaldean, Assyrian, Median, and Medo- Persian monarchies, that it is very difficult to make proper calculations from the conflicting opinions that present them- selves. Though some critics have found some stumbling-block in the chronological accounts of the Hebrew sacred writings, they cannot, I think, place more faith in the dates given by profane historians. It has not been quite proved even now exactly what was the origin of the Chaldean monarchy, and at what period the Assyrian kingdom came into existence. In Genesis (chapter x, verses 11 and 12) it is recorded that "out of that land went forth Asshur, and builded Nineveh, and the city Rehoboth, and Calah, and Resen between Nineveh and Calah : the same is a great city." But in the margin the going forth of Asshur is rendered, " He went out into Assyria " ; that is to say, Nimrod himself went thither and built Nineveh and the other great ancient cities. A good deal of discussion has taken place as to the true meaning of the word Asshur, inasmuch as the Hebrew "Wll^N may be translated either as a proper name or a country, and at present some believe that it means the former, and others the latter. The same difficulty seems to present itself in connection with the mention of the divine punishment to the land of Assyria alluded to by the prophet Micah (chapter v, 6), where it is said: " and they shall waste the land of Assyria with the sword, and the land of Nimrod in the entrances thereof." Some scholars are of opinion that " the land of Nimrod" was here meant to be Babylonia or Chaldea, but

360 Biblical Nationalities Past and Present.

others take it to be Assyria ; and I suppose that those who differ now would each have their own adherents to the end of the chapter. I must confess I am of the latter opinion ; because in the whole book of the prophet Micah there is not the least allusion made to Babylonia or Chaldea, but that, as it is said in Psalm lxxviii, 51, that " God smote all the first- born in Egypt ; the chief of their strength in the tabernacles of Ham " ; so also the land of Assyria and of Nimrod meant the same country in Micah.

In quoting the dates of the existence of the different principal nationalities, I do not intend to give an opinion upon them, but shall merely confine myself to what certain writers, more able than myself to master the subject, have Bet forth, and leave it to others to make their own de- ductions.

According to the chronology in the margins of the Bible, Nineveh or the oldest Assyrian empire was founded about 2230 B.C. ; but Diodorus Siculus, taking his information from Ctesias, says that it was founded by Xinus 2183 B.C., whereas Africanus is said to have fixed the foundation of the Assyrian Monarchy, on the authority of Syncellus, about 2284 B.C. Eusebius, the historian, places it about 2116, and Aemilius Sura makes it 39 years later. The most clear evidence is mentioned by Polyhistor, found in the Armenian Chronicle, and believed to be an extract from the work of Berosus, the Chaldean historian, and priest of the temple of Belus in Babylon. This record contains a table from the dynasties of the old Assyrian Empire assigning the date to each, and the addition of the figures give the epoch 2317 B.C. as that of the foundation of the first Assyrian Monarchy. The duration of the first Assyrian Empire, according to the account given by Ctesias, was 1.306 years, but both Hero- dotus and Berosus make it only about 526.

The later Assyrian Empire commenced with Tiglath- Pileser I about 1110 B.C., and lasted only 470 years, and its importance terminated with Assur-bani-pal III, called by the Greeks Sardanapalus. about 640 B.C. This monarch became famous from his warlike exploits, and it appears that in his time art improved greatly, judging from the sculptures which

Biblical Nationalities Past and Present. 361

adorned his palace in Nineveh, and which are now exhibited in the basement room at the British Museum. In this palace I discovered the Deluge and Creation tablets, and the record of his twenty-four years' reign and conquests inscribed on terra cotta cylinders, which were found buried in the walls. Sargon, Sennacherib, and Esarhaddon, the father of Assur- bani-pal, reigned from 721 to about 660 B.C. These four kings seem to have extended their conquests far and wide, especially in Western Asia, between the Mediterranean and the Halays on the one hand, and the Caspian and the Great Persian Desert on the other. During the period of their reign they ruled over Susiana, Chaldea, Babylonia, Media, Armenia, Mesopotamia, parts of Cappadocia and Cilicia, Syria, Phoenicia, Palestine, Idumea, and, for a time, Lower Egypt. Cyprus was also for a short period a dependency of Assyria, and the prince of that island used to bring the yearly tribute to the king of Assyria at Nahr-el-Kelb, near Beyrout. With the son of Sardanapalus, who was supposed to be Saracus, the last remnant of the Assyrian Monarchy came to an end through the invasion of his country by the Median king Cyaxares, who was in alliance with the Chaldeans and Susianians. He had made Nabopolassar, the father of Nebuchadnezzar II, his general, and sent him to Babylon as his deputy ; but on arriving there he revolted, and concluded a treaty with Cyaxares, after which, in conjunction with the Medes, he besieged Nineveh. Saracus, who was weak and effiminate, spent his best time in debauchery, and neglected the care of his kingdom ; so when the Medo-Chaldean army besieged Nineveh he, finding no escape from disgrace and ruin, shut himself up with all his family and followers in his palace, which he committed to the flames, and perished with it. This edifice, where Sennacherib was supposed to have been murdered by two of his sons, was discovered by Mr. Layard in 1845. It was found to be utterly destroyed by fire, but nothing of any intrinsic value was seen in any of the rooms, nor was there any sign of the household utensils or furniture in any part of the building. Everything the last Assyrian king possessed must have been either made of perishable materials, or else, before the palace was filled

302 Biblical Nationalities I 'oat and Present.

in with cUbris, the enemy despoiled it of all its valuables. History informs us that the Tigris rose at the time to such an extraordinary height (such an incident not having occurred before or after that event), that it destroyed a part of the wall and suburbs, which enabled the invading force to gain admittance into the city. The enemy completed its destruction by setting the whole city on fire and demolishing its strongholds. All the Assyrian palaces and temples show unmistakable signs of the wilful destruction caused by the enemy.

There were six palaces and three temples discovered in what I consider to have been the radius of ancient Nineveh, as it existed in the time of the Prophet Jonah, supposed to have been in the time of Shalmaneser II, or about the year 860 B.C. The oldest that was discovered at Nimroud by Mr. Layard, and called by him the north-west palace, was built, according to the inscription found on the sculptures, by Assur-nazir-pal, or, as others call him, Asshur-dani-pal, the father of Shalmaneser. This was the only palace in Assyria which was found in a tolerable state of preservation, and which had not been injured by fire.

The second palace was that of Sargon, at Khorsabad, discovered by M. Botta in 1844, when he was acting as French Consul at Mossul. The sculptures were here found in a dilapidated condition, but some of the huge human- headed bulls and gigantic figures were in a wonderful state of preservation. The colossus supposed to be the Assyrian Hercules is represented carrying a lion under his arm, and holding a scourge in his right hand. Both at the Louvre and the British Museum there are fine specimens of these monoliths. At Khorsabad, as well as at Koyunjik, the great portals forming the centre of the facade consisted on each side of three colossal bulls with human heads and eagles' wings, and a gigantic figure of a man as I have above described, each formed of a single block of alabaster. All those at Koyunjik were in a dilapidated state, and unfit to be removed. The north-west palace at Nimroud had its great portals also adorned with human-headed bulls and lions, of much smaller size than those found at Khorsabad and

Biblical Nationalities Past and Present. 3G3

Koyunjik ; but there were no human figures between them, and the lions and bulls forming the entrances were placed singly on either side.

The third and the largest of all the royal buildings, was found by Mr. Layard at Koyunjik, or that part of Nineveh where the palaces of Sennacherib and Assur-bani-pal were found ; but the sculptures of this palace were so much burnt and dilapidated that only a few of them could be removed to England. On one of the bulls of this structure was inscribed Sennacherib's memorable expedition against Lachish and Jerusalem, as related in the 18th chapter of the second book of Kings, and 36th chapter of Isaiah.

The fourth palace was found at the mound of Nebbi- Yunis, adjoining Koyunjik, which was began by Sennacherib, and finished by his son and successor, Esarhaddon. This was partially excavated by Hilmi Pasha, the governor ot Mossul, in 1852, for the Ottoman Government. From the rude and unfinished state of the alabaster slabs found there, it seems that before Sennacherib had time to adorn its walls with sculptures he met with his death, at the hands of his sons Adrammelech and Sharezer. It appears that the Assyrian monarchs were in the habit of pannelling the chambers and halls of their palaces with plain alabaster slabs ; and after each great victory or conquest, they engraved a separate scene or subject in a different room ; so one chamber represented a battle in Babylon, another in Lachish, another in Susa, and so on.

The fifth royal residence was built by Esarhaddon at Nimroud, which Mr. Layard calls the south-west palace, but in comparison to the other Assyrian buildings it is scarcely worthy of so grand a name. All the slabs of this edifice seem to have been used formerly by some other king, the sculp- tured side being turned to the wall, generally upside down, and new designs of the reigning monarch engraved upon the clear side. This shabby way of erecting a palace by a renowned king does not quite coincide with what Esarhaddon has recorded in his annals regarding the mag- nificence of the royal residences and temples he set up in Assyria. In one inscription he states that he built no less

Vol. VIII. 24

364 Biblical Nationalities Past and Present.

than thirty temples, "shining with silver and gold, as splendid as the snn." In another place he also speaks of a palace which he had built in Nineveh, on the mound known now by the name of Nebbi Yunis, which he calls a palace such as the kings his fathers who went before him had never made. He gave it the name of " the palace of the pleasures of all the year." It was supported on wooden columns, and roofed with cedar and other choice woods.

As I mentioned before, when the Ottoman authorities excavated in this mound they found nothing but plain slabs, and unfinished human-headed bulls and gigantic figures. I made some tentative excavations there three years ago, but was not allowed to do much in consequence of the opposition of the Ottoman authorities. It is to be hoped that the British Museum will yet be permitted to carry on the necessary excavations there, as I feel confident that some very valuable records will be recovered.

The sixth palace was discovered by me at Koyunjik in 1854, and belonged to Assur-bani-pal III, son of Esarhaddon, com- monly known by the name of Sardanapalus. A large number of the bas-reliefs were in a good state of preservation, and those which represent the lion-hunt show a great advance in art in comparison to other Assyrian stone-carving. As I have already given you in a former paper an account of the fortunate way I discovered this palace, it need not now be repeated.

There is another notable mound in Mesopotamia, about sixty miles down the Tigris from Mossul, called Kalaa-Shirgat, which must have been a very important city in the time of the first Assyrian monarchy. It was founded, according to the theory of Assyrian scholars, by Asshur, where the seat of government was first established, and which is considered to be the Resen of the Bible mentioned in the tenth chapter of Genesis. Both Mr. Layard and I excavated there, but neither found any trace of its former magnificence. We both discovered a few ancient fragments and some inscriptions, but there was no sign of any ancient building. In a small conical mound in the centre of the main one we found three terra-cotta cylinders, almost duplicates, giving the history of

Biblical Nationalities Past and Present. 365

Tiglath-Pileser I, about 1300 B.C. These cylinders are supposed to be the oldest records discovered iu Assyria.

The first temple was discovered by Mr. Layard in 1850, at the north-west corner of the mound of Nimrod, near the pyramid built by Assur-nazir-pal, the remainder of which I believe I discovered in 1 87 6 ; everything in it was in utter ruin.

The second was the temple of Nebo, which I discovered in 1854, at the south-west corner of the mound of Nimrod. I found nothing in it save six statues of Nebo, dedicated in honour of King Rimmon Nirari I and his queen Semiramis. Two of these statues are now in the British Museum.

The third and grandest temple I discovered in 1876 was in a separate mound called Balawat, about 15 miles to the east of Mossul, where I obtained for the British Museum the famous bronze gates of Shalmaneser. As I have already related to you in a former paper, I had no end of trouble to secure this interesting relic for the national collection, because the whole mound of Balawat is covered with Moslem tombs, and, as a matter of course, there was a good deal of oppo- sition against my digging there ; but happily, by patience and perseverance, I managed to have the whole removed safely to Mossul, from whence I conveyed it to England.

This gate was put up by Shalmaneser II (B.C. 860 to 825), most probably in the time of the mission of the prophet Jonah to Nineveh. The bulk must have been made of cedar or other wood. Only the bronze plates have been preserved, which are fourteen in number, each measuring about eight feet in length by one in width. Each plate is divided into two panels, ornamented along the edges with rosettes, between which are represented battle-scenes, triumphal pageants, and religious performances of the king.

According to the opinion of Assyrian scholars, the mound of Nimroud was Calah, and the majority of travellers place Eehoboth on the right side of the Euphrates, about 250 miles above Babylon, on the site of the present ruin called " Rahaba." Kalah-Shigat is supposed to be Asshur.

Nimroud may or may not be Calah, but I am certainly in utter discord with the theory about the site of Reho- boik. It has been considered by different travellers, on

306 Biblical Nationalities Past and Present.

the authority, I suppose, of the Targums of Jonathan and Jerusalem, that Kalah-Shirgat is the site of Resen, as it lias been called " Tel-Assur," from Asshur the primitive name of the place in the cuneiform writing. I do not quite agree with this theory, because if we take the account of Moses even as an historical fact, we cannot but regard his legend to be a correct one from his other geographical notices. We are told in the 10th chapter of Genesis, that Resen was "between Nineveh andCalah: the same is a great city"; whereas the present Kalah-Shirgat is about 40 miles to the south of Nimroud, and the latter place is only about 18 miles to the south of Nineveh proper. As for the reasoning that the present ruins of " Rahaba," near the modern town of Mayadeen, are the site of the old Rehoboth, it is quite untenable, because the style of the architecture of Rahaba belongs to that of the Sassanian period, or the time of the last Arab conquest, and has not the least resemblance to Assyrian remains. Moreover, Rahaba is situated on the right bank of the Euphrates, about 250 miles to the north-west of Babylon, and about 150 miles to the south-west of Nineveh, and whether Nimrod or Asshur was the founder, he could not have built three cities within the space of sixty miles, and proceeded to the Syrian desert to build the fourth ! My idea is, that the Calah of Scripture is Kalah-Shirgat, Resen is Nimroud, and Rehoboth is a site which I partially excavated on the right bank of the Tigris, about 40 miles from Nineveh, and 20 miles from Kalah-Shirgat. Or else if Nimroud is really Calah, as Assyrian scholars assert, then I would fix the site of Resen at Yarhnja, about three miles to the south of Nineveh.

I believe that in the time of the prophet Jonah what was called Nineveh included Nimroud on the south, and Khorsabad on the north; the circumference of the whole space between would be about 60 miles, which tallies exactly with the account of Jonah, that " Nineveh was an exceeding great city of three days' journey," reckoning 20 miles a day, according to the way a pedestrian travels in that country.

As regards Babylonian history, I think that we can only rely with any degree of certainty on the sacred record for its origin. It is said also in the 10th chapter of Genesis that

Biblical Nationalities Past and Present. 367

the beginning of the kingdom of Nimrod, " the mighty hunter before the Lord," was "Babel, Erech, Accad, and Calneh, hi the land of Shinar." Different travellers and others have puzzled their heads from time to time in tyring to fix different spots to these localities, but we cannot place any reliance in their hypotheses. The only place we can safely accept as authentic is Babylon, because all historians alike, together with tradition from time immemorial, pointed to the exact locality. Erech might have been situated near Bagdad, on the left bank of the Tigris, where there are a large number of artificial mounds, because even now the Bagdad district is called Erach or Erack.

The British and the French have been exploring Babylon and its surroundings from time to time for the last fifty years, and I myself have been digging there with success ever since the beginning of 1878. I discovered one palace at Birs Nimroud, the supposed site of the temple of Belus, which was built by Nebuchadnezzar, and was occupied by Nabonidus the usurper when Cyrus took Babylon.

In Babylon itself there was no regular structure dis- covered, as the whole place was so thoroughly destroyed that if it was not from all we read of it in the Bible and ancient history, no one would credit the possibility of the existence there of such a magnificent city. The whole place seems to have been destroyed by an earthquake or some other super- natural event. Nothing can now be seen of what is called in the Bible " the glory of kingdoms, the beauty of the Chaldees excellency," but heaps of rubbish intermixed with broken bricks, pottery, and enamelled tiles of different colours. The latter are supposed to have embellished the famous palace of the kings of Babylon.

The temple which Herodotus mentions must have been situated at Birs Nimroud, the Borsippa of the ancients, and what has always been supposed by Jewish and Christian historians to be the site of the Tower of Babel. Formerly most writers upon the history of Babylon placed it at the mound called by the Arabs "Babel," and which Mr. Rich and others erroneously styled " Imjaileeba " ; but since my dis- covery of the palace in which Nabonidus was residing at the

3fi8 Biblical Nationalities Past and Present.

time Babylon was captured, and the finding of four wells at " Babel," which proved it to be the site of the hanging gardens, it is concluded that the famous temple was situated at Birs Nimroud. All the idols of the Babylonians have been swept off the face of the earth, and not a vestige of them is seen anywhere: I mean the separate stone idols, of which there must have been a large number.

As for Babylon itself, Herodotus gives the following description of it : " The city stands on a broad plain, aud is an exact square, 120 furlongs in length each way, so that the entire circuit is 480 furlongs. While such is its size, in magnificence there is no other city that approaches it. It is surrounded in the first place by a broad and deep moat full of water, behind which rises a wall 50 cubits in width, and 200 cubits in height." The above description makes the size of Babylon in the time of Herodotus, i.e., about the 5th century before the Christian era, 60 miles in circumference, or as large as Nineveh ; but the difference between those two great cities was that the former was almost square, and situated on either side of the Euphrates, while the latter was oblong, and occupied the left bank of the Tigris. But the width and height of the wall that surrounded Babylon was far greater in dimension than that of Nineveh. According to the account given by different historians, the height of the wall of the former city was about 350 feet, and 90 feet in width. Diodorus Siculus informs us that the wall of Nineveh was so broad that three chariots might be driven together upon it abreast, and that of Babylon was wide enough to allow six chariots to drive on it side by side. Whenever I visit the ruins of Babylon, I always wonder whether the grand descriptions given to us by ancient historians of the size and magnificence of the capital of Chaldea was not for the most part a fabrication, or. at all events, greatly exaggerated. Much time has been spent in trying to trace the exact extent of the city or its walls, but no tangible results have been obtained. Indeed, I myself have tried over and over again to find even a remnant of a few feet of that famous wall, and could not see any sign of its existence, as its destruction was quite complete. Herodotus tells us in

Biblical Nationalities Past and Present. 360

Book I, chapter 179, that in the circuit of the wall were " a hundred gates, all of brass, with brazen lintels and side posts " ; and in another place (Book III, chapter 159) he relates that Darius, for the purpose of preventing the Babylonians from rebelling again, destroyed the wall and tore down all the gates.

I must now touch upon the religion of the primitive Babylonians and Assyrians, but I fear that to argue against the eccentric theories of writers, and try to convince all as to the real belief of the ancient and modern Gentiles, would only increase the difficulty, and I should find, after no end of trouble, that I had only wasted time and paper to no purpose ; so I shall merely quote certain writers who have made the subject their study, and leave it to others to form their own conclusions.

There is no doubt that both the Assyrians and Babylon- ians, as well as other ancient nations, worshipped or adored the elements and the heavenly hosts, and from time to time deified some powerful and victorious kings, teachers of morality, and those who led pious lives ; but the worship of the true and invisible God is traceable in all the religions of the different sects in the universe.

The most striking representation of the devotional rites of the Assyrians in the time of Shalmaneser is shown on the bronze gates of Balawat, which I have already alluded to. The king (supposed to be Shalmaneser himself) is repre- sented acting the functions of the priest, and in the place where he is officiating there is the usual tablet of stone representing a deified king, resembling the rock tablets of Bavian and Nahr-el-Kelb near Bey rout. The king seems to be assisted by a priest in offering incense before the usual Assyrian sacred symbols, and two attendants are throwing the legs of a sacrifice of either a ram or a bullock into the water, as a thank-offering to the element, either sea or river. In other places the attendants are represented bringing kine and sheep for sacrificial objects ; but the whole scene is so wrapped in mystery, that as yet we can only glean some unsatisfac- tory explanation. There is one clear fact, however, in connection with Assyrian worship as represented on the

370 Bihli'-'il Nationalities Past and Present.

bas-reliefs, that no heinous or revolting ceremonies are shown, such as human sacrifice and the worship of Venus, known to the Phoenicians and Assyrians by the name of Ashtaroth and Ishtar. This proves that the Assyrians did not follow the abominable practice of the Babylonians, nor that of the Amorites, in sacrificing their children to Adrammelech, Anammelech, and Moloch, but merely in- voked different gods to whom they attributed divine powers.

The ancient Medes and Persians undoubtedly worshipped the elements, especially fire, as a personification of the sun, or the divine bestower of light on the universe; but their faith centered on the powers of Ormuzd, the giver of life, or the " god of good," and Ahriman, the destroyer, or " god of evil." Zoroaster manifested himself in Persian mythology in the time of Daniel, but others place his date about 700 years earlier.

Having touched in the beginning of my lecture upon the Christian nationalities existing at present in the lands of the Bible, I must make a few observations in reference to their creeds, and the nomenclature by which they are dis- tinguished.

With the exception of a few Armenian families at Bagdad and Diarbekir, and some who are attached to the Greek Church at the former place, the whole of the Christian com- munities now inhabiting the country above alluded to are divided into four different sects, having, in my opinion, the same Chaldean or Assyrian origin, but who are now styled Chaldean Xestorians, Chaldean Catholics, Syrian Jacobites, and Syrian Catholics. The Nestorian community occupy the southern part of Kurdistan, and in the vicinity of Lake Vrmiah in North-Western Persia. The Chaldean Catholics reside at Mossul, Bagdad, Diarbekir, Assyria, Southern Kurdistan, bordering on Assyria, and Northern Persia. The Syrian Jacobites and Syrian Catholics are almost always to be found together at Bagdad, Mossul, and its immediate vicinity, at Mardin, Diarbekir, and the Tur Mountains on the extreme south-western limit of Kurdistan.

The Jacobites belong to that part of the Christian Church called Monophysite ; that is to say, those that followed the

Biblical Nationalities Past and Present. 371

doctrine of Eutyches, who flourished in the 5th century, and taught the one nature of Christ.

The Monophysites are divided into four branches, namely, the Jacobites, Armenians, Copts, and Abyssinians. But as it is not my intention to touch upon the constitution of the three last mentioned sects, I will only remark that of all the Monophysite sects only three are remaining who have retained the name of their nationality, and these are the Armenians, Copts, and Abyssinians; whereas the Jacobites are called after Jacob Baradaeus, the zealous defender of their faith in the 6th century, when it was nearly extinct.

It is remarkable that the so-called Syrian Jacobites and Syrian Catholics are not natives of what is known in Europe as Syria, nor are there many families of their sects in that country ; whereas the majority of the Christians in Syria are called Maronites, Greeks, and Armenians! The word Syria or Syrianni, as it is applied in Arabic, is known in the East simply to denote a religious sect, and not natives of any country in particular ; for although some modern geographers have tried to define the limits of Syria, yet it is a known fact that neither the Hebrews nor the Greeks knew exactly what constituted the boundary of Syria, or what is really meant by the Syrian language. In the English Bible, as also in the Septuagint, the words Aram and Aramaic are rendered Syria and Syriac — words which have no similarity to them either in sound or sense. It has been conjectured by a number of authors that the word Syria is a corruption of Assyria, as it is mentioned by Herodotus that " the Assyrians were called by the Greeks Syrians." As the Assyrians always spoke, and still speak, the Aramaic language, and had governed the whole country between the Euphrates and the Mediterranean, it may be that the word Assyria (corrupted by the Greeks into Syria) became a general term for all peoples who occu- pied the present Mesopotamia, Chaldea, Assyria, the so-called Syria, and the Holy Land; the same as the word Turkey is now applied to all those provinces, though the inhabitants are not Turks. The dubious rendering of the word Aram into Syria and Syriac in he English Bible is a misnomer,

372 Biblical Nationalities Past and Present.

because Laban and Jacob were called Syrians, which term cannot possibly apply to their nationalities.1

I do not believe that there has been in modern times greater discussion about any historical question equal to the present diversity of opinion as to the nationality of Abraham. A new theory has lately been started that he came from Maggayir, or Mockayir. about 180 miles below Babylon, because forsooth some inscription had been discovered at that mound bearing the name of " Ur," from where we are told in the Bible he came forth ! If we were to accept such a reason there Avould be no end of confusion, as there are now existing towns and cities bearing the same name, such as Richmond, London Alexandria, Windsor, &c. Following the same line of argu ment, we shall no doubt soon be told that Aden, the British Arabian settlement near the Red Sea, is the site of Paradise, because the word " Eden," mentioned in Genesis, is spelled in Semitic languages with the same three letter, "py." More- over it is utterly impossible to determine that the " ur " of the inscription of Maggayir is spelt and pronounced the same as in Hebrew. All ancient evidence is against the forced sup- position that Abraham's native place was on the right side of the Euphrates instead of Mesopotamia, and 180 miles below Babylon instead of 300 above it. We only know of Abraham from the Bible, and certainly all the references to his country show that he came from Q'HrO DIN, " Aram Naharaim," or Northern Mesopotamia. When Abraham sent his servant, Eliezer of Damascus, to Mesopotamia, to bring a wife for Isaac, he warned him not to take unto his son a wife from the Canaanites, but to go to his country and to his kindred.2 It must be borne in mind that when Eliezer was sent to the city of Nahor, Rebekah, Abraham's niece, was living with her brother Laban, across the river, in Northern Mesopotamia, the same country whence Balaam, the son of Beor, was sent for by Balak, the king of Moab, to curse Israel. Then in Saint Stephen's apology before the High Priest, he said that

1 Vide Genesis xxxi, 20 and 24 ; also Hosea xii, 12. Again in the 5th verse of the 20th chapter of Deuteronomy, Moses charged the Israelites to say, when they went to the House of the Lord to offer the first fruits of the earth, " A Syrian ready to perish was my father."

2 Genesis xxiv, 4.

Biblical Nationalities Past and Present. 373

" the God of Glory appeared unto our father Abraham, when he was in Mesopotamia, before he dwelt in Charran, and said unto him, Get thee out of thy country, and from thy kindred, and come into the land which I shall shew thee. Then came he out of the land of the Chaldeans, and dwelt in Charran." 1 Moreover, we are told by Nicholas of Damascus, the his- torian, as quoted by Josephus, that Abraham came from the land of the Chaldeans above Babylon.2 Tradition has also pointed from time immemorial the birth-place of Abraham to Orfa (Edessa), or in its neighbourhood ; and there is now a district between Orfa and Birajik which is called " Seruj," from Serug, the great grandfather of Abraham.

The word Aranii must have been understood then as the term English is at the present day. The Anglo-Saxon race retains its English language wherever its descendants settle, and yet the inhabitants of those countries are even now distinguished by different names. If we can imagine after two or three thousand years, when no chronological records exist, and the world has only to trust to the vague histories written by a foreigner mostly from hearsay, I do not think it would be an easy matter to define the origin of the Americans, Canadians, and Australians.

The Chaldean community considers itself, and rightly so, the most ancient both as regards its nationality and Christianity. As regards its origin, it is asserted that they are descendants of those Chaldeans or Assyrians mentioned in Holy Writ; and with reference to religion, the list of the names which composed the heads of the Church shows that their forefathers professed Christianity as early as the 1st century.

I need scarcely tell you that the origin of the modern Chaldeans is disputed by those who profess to know a good deal about the history of the Old World, but who neverthe- less cannot show from what stock they really came. They allege that when that part of the Nestorian community embraced the Roman Catholic faith about 200 years ago, Innocent XI, the Pope of that time (a.d. 1681), bestowed upon them that dignified name. They cannot help, however,

1 Acts vii, 2-4.

s Josephus, " Antiquities of the Jews," I, 7.

374 Biblical Nationalities Past and Present.

extending to them the ancient name of "Assyrians" because the land which they now inhabit is classically called by this name. Yet they forget that at one time, especially at the latter end of the Assyrian monarchy, the names Chaldean and Assyrian were synonymous, and the nation was some- times known by one name and sometimes by the other.

To show how fallacious this assertion is, I will quote what Assemani, a Syrian historian, says in contradiction of it. He remarks firstly [Vol. IV, page 75] that Paul V, the 7th Pope before Innocent XI, wrote to Elias, Patriarch of the Chaldeans, who was then a Nestorian, thus : " A great part of the East was infected by this heresy [Nestorius], especially the Chaldeans, who for this reason have been called Nestorians." Secondly, in the same volume (page 1), the same author notices that the Chaldeans or Assyrians, whom from that part of the globe which they inhabit are termed Orientals, and from the heresy they profess Nestorians.

The followers of Nestorius did, and very often do, call themselves Nestorians, but that is merely for the sake of distinguishing themselves from the other sects, just as much as a Wesleyan or a Lutheran, if writing upon a religious matter, may not think it improper to say we Wesleyans or we Lutherans. Surely such words could never be misunderstood to mean nationalities ! Moreover, as the Protestants are not ashamed of the name which was given them, neither did the Nestorians, I presume, object to the name given to them in the same way ; but why this doctrinal name should be forced upon them in the sense of a nationality, when they are not connected with Nestorius either in his nationality or patriarchate, is a mystery.

Bar Hebrseus, who lived in the 13th century, in writing about the Aramean language of the Chaldeans, remarks : " The Orientals, who are the descendants of the Chaldeans, are a wonderful people; in their tongue there is no difference between the pthaha and zkapa." These are two vowels employed by the Chaldeans in their writing, and which the so-called Syrians appear not to understand. Who can these Oriental Chaldeans be but the people of that name, who are the only known nation who have these two vowels in their alphabet !

Biblical Nationalities Past and Present. 375

In another place the same author remarks with regard to the Aramean language, under the head of the first Syriac letter " Alep," 1 as follows : " There are three dialects of the Syrian tongue ; 1st. The Aramean or Syriac, properly so called, which is the most elegant of all, and used in Mesopo- tamia, and by the inhabitants of Roha, or Edessa, of Haran, and the outer Syria. 2nd. The dialect of Palestine, spoken by the inhabitants of Damascus, Mount Libanus, and the inner Syria. 3rd. The Chaldee or Nabathean dialect, the most unpolished of the three, current in the mountainous parts of Assyria, and the villages of Irak and Babylonia."

Here again, no less than 500 years ago, a Syrian historian mentions the very dialect of the Aramean language which is now used by the Chaldeans. The Chaldeans do not agree, however, with the Syrians that their dialect is " unpolished " ; but, on the contrary, it is considered to be the prettiest of all the Aramean dialects.

Assemani, the historian already alluded to, makes refer- ence about the Chaldean Nestorians as follows : " The Nestorians are not called by this name in the East (for they regard their doctrines as Apostolic, and they had never any connection with the person of Nestorius), but are generally called Chaldaic Christians (because their principal or head church is in the ancient Chaldea)."2

It may not be uninteresting to quote from Xenophon, the Greek historian, what he mentions in his " Anabasis " of the nations occupying the Assyrian and Armenian moun- tains when Cyrus, the founder of the Persian empire, passed through that country about 550 B.C. The Chaldeans, Armenians, and Kurds, who inhabited, and do now inhabit, those mountains, are alluded to by him as follows:3 "At daybreak, however, they perceived on the other side of the river a body of cavalry in complete armour, ready to prevent them from crossing; and on the high banks above the cavalry another of foot, prepared to hinder them from entering Armenia. These were Armenians, Mar-

1 Abulfaragius, " Hist. Dynst.," page 11.

2 "Assemani," Vol. Ill, page 177.

3 Book IV, chapter iii.

37iJ Biblical Nationalities Past and Present.

dians. and Chaldeans, mercenary troops of Orontes and Artuehas. The Chaldeans were said to be a free people, and warlike ; for arms they had long shields and spears. The high banks on which these forces were drawn up were 300 or 400 feet from the river ; and the only road that was visible was one that led upward, apparently a work of art. Here the Greeks endeavoured to cross ; but as on making a trial the water rose above their breasts, and the bed of the river was rough with large and slippery stones, and it was im- possible for them to carry their arms in the water, or if they attempted to do so the river swept them away (while if any of them took their arms on their heads, they became exposed to the arrows and other missiles of the enemy), they in con- sequence retreated and encamped at the side of the river.

" They now perceived the Carduchi assembled in great numbers under arms on the spot where they themselves had been on the previous night. Hence great despondency was felt by the Greeks, as they knew the difficulty of passing the river, and saw the Carduchi ready to attack them if they attempted to cross."

In the Cyropasdia [Book III, c. ii] Xenophon gives the following account of the Chaldeans and Armenians : " The next day Cyrus, taking Tigranes with him, and the best of the Median horse, together with as many of his own friends as he thought proper, rode roimd and surveyed the country, examining where he should build a fortress. Going up to a certain eminence, he asked Tigranes what sort of mountains they were from which the Chaldeans came down to plunder the country, and Tigranes pointed them out to him. He then inquired again : ' and are those mountains now entirely deserted'? 'No, indeed,' said he, 'but there are always scouts of the Chaldeans there, who give notice to the rest of whatever they observe.' ' And how do they act," said he, • when they receive this notice' ? ' They hasten with aid to the eminences, just as each can. ' Cyrus gave attention to this account ; and looking round, observed a great part of the Armenian territory lying desert and uncultivated in conse- quence of the war. They then retired to the camp, and after taking supper, went to rest."

Biblical Nationalities Past and Present. 377

Again, he relates : " The Chaldeans had each a shield and two javelins ; they are said to be the most warlike of all people in that part of the world. They serve as mercenaries, if any one requires their services, being a warlike people, and poor ; for their country is mountainous, and but little of it yields anything profitable. As Cyrus's men approached the heights, Tigranes, who was riding on with Cyrus, said, ' Cyrus, are you aware that we ourselves must very soon come to action, as the Armenians will not stand the attack of the enemy" ? Cyrus telling him that he knew it, immediately gave orders to the Persians to hold themselves in readiness, as they would have immediately to press forward as soon as the flying Armenians drew the enemy down so as to be near them. The Armenians accordingly led on ; and such of the Chaldeans as were on the spot when the Armenians ap- proached, raised a shout, and, according to their custom, ran upon them ; and the Armenians, according to their custom, did not stand their charge. When the Chaldeans, pursuing, saw swordsmen fronting them, and pressing up the hill, some of them, coming up close to the enemy, were at once killed ; some fled, and some were taken ; and the heights were immediately gained. As soon as Cyrus's men were in occupation of the summit, they looked down on the habitations of the Chaldeans, and perceived them fleeing from the nearest houses."

Both the Armenians and Kurds inhabit the same country now, and why not the Chaldeans ? The Armenians speak Armenian, the Kurds Median or corrupt Persian, and the Chaldeans Chaldean. If the two former tribes are acknow- ledged, without any dispute, to be the descendants of the ancient Armenians and Carduchians, why not the Chaldeans also ? Even at the present time the Nestorians are considered very warlike people, and the Armenians just the opposite, as they were in the time of Xenophon. Why then should the Armenians be called Armenians, but the Chaldeans merely Nestorians ?

Having quoted the testimonies of different historians about certain people inhabiting Assyria and the mountainous region above it, who were called Chaldeans and Assyrians,

378 Biblical Nationalities Past and Present.

and who are now styled Chaldeans, I will say a few words with regard to certain facts which, in my opinion, are con- vincing proof that the present Chaldeans are the descendants of the ancient people of that name.

Firstly, the Chaldeans speak the very same language as is used by that remarkable tribe of Sabians, or Christians of St. John, as they are commonly called, who live near what was considered to be ancient Chaldea, and who are generally supposed to be the descendants of the old Babylonians and Chaldeans.

Secondly, the present Chaldeans, with a few exceptions, speak the same dialect used in the Targum, and in some parts of Ezra and Daniel, which are called " Chaldee." How came it then, that the " Nestorians/' having no other language, should speak Chaldee ? They must have inherited it from their forefathers, the Chaldeans, unless, indeed, fanciful critics can show that the popes of Rome made the converted Nestorians adopt the Chaldee when they bestowed upon them the national name of " Chaldean " !

Thirdly, when Laban, the Aramean or Chaldean, made a league with Jacob, he called the heap of witness, " Jegar- sahadutha," which means a heap of witness,1 and the great canal which Ammianus mentions as having existed in Babylonia in the time of Nebuchadnezzar, was called Nahr Malka (king's river), which words are pure Chaldean, and have the same meaning with the so-called Nestorians.

What greater proof can there be of the origin of a people than their language ? and certainly the Chaldeans are as much entitled to be called by that name as the Jews, Arme- nians, and Arabs, who now speak the languages of their forefathers. As the Assyrian or Aramaic became the vernacular dialect of Mesopotamia, Syria, and the Holy Land, after the Assyrian conquest, so also when the Arabians took possession of those countries, they established then language, which has been in use up to the present time.

Though, as I said before, Arabic is the vernacular language of Mesopotamia, Syria, and the Holy Land, yet each ancient sect uses its national or mother tongue in its rituals and other

1 Genesis xxxi, 47.

Biblical Nationalities Past and Present. 379

rites ; but the Chaldeans in Upper Assyria and Kurdistan, as well as the Kurds, can only speak their own tongue, Chaldean or Kurdish ; whereas the official deeds all over the Ottoman dominions are in Turkish.

The language which is used by the Chaldeans is known in Europe by the name of Syriac, but the people call it Chaldean. The word Syriac is applied by them to the character used by the so-called Syrians or Jacobites. It is true there is very little difference between the Chaldean and Syriac, but there is some difference in the pronunciation of certain letters, the vowel points, and in the formation of the letters — about as much as there is between the old English and the Koman characters.

Formerly all the so-called Syrians employed the same writing, and pronounced every word the same as the Chal- deans do now; but in the 13th century Bar-Hebrgeus, a promoter of the Jacobites, wishing to make a thorough dis- tinction between the writing of the Monophysites and that of the Nestorians, changed the characters and the vowel points.

The Chaldean p and a are changed by the Syrians into ph and o. Eor instance, what the former as in Scripture times pronounce Eppathaha, the latter would call Ephoth<>h<>. Then such words as "Marantha" (our Lord's coming), "Abba" (father), "Talitha" (damsel), "Maria" (Lord), "Allaha" (God), the Syrians pronounce Morontho, Obbo, Taletho, Morio, and Olloho.

Though the writing of the present Syriac was invented in the 13th century, English students confuse all the different Aramean writings and dialects into one favourite nomencla- ture called " Syriac." Indeed, some scholars have now gone so far as to give to the old Chaldean character, said to have existed for 300 years before the Christian era, the extraordi- nary name of Syro- Chaldaic, which is, in my opinion, a far- fetched misnomer.

The remaining Christians of Asiatic Turkey are the Greeks, both orthodox and those who have joined themselves to the Church of Rome. As the doctrine of both is so well known, I need say little about them. Scarcely any members of either are found anywhere except in Asia Minor, and very few only in Syria and Palestine. All communities seem to fraternise with them, as their mode of worship pleases all. Vol. VIII. 25

380 Biblical Nationalities Past and Present.

The Mohammedans I need not refer to, as their special belief is well known.

I must now add a few remarks regarding the creeds of the semi- Gentile nationalities existing in different parts of Asiatic Turkey whom I casually mentioned in the commence- ment of this paper.

"Whether Druzes, Ansaris, Shabbaks, Sabians, Yezidis, or Gabars, they one and all confess the same God as He Who is worshipped by all believers ; and although each com- munity has its own peculiar rites and secret dogmas (known only to themselves), nevertheless most of them practise cer- tain ceremonies belonging to the Christians, Mohammedans, and Jews, as circumcision, baptism, and everything else which they consider to be a good policy to adopt to enable them to live in peace with their neighbours.

The Druzes are confined to Mount Lebanon, and are very seldom seen away from their country. Their religion, as far as it can be made out by strangers, is a mixture of Judaism, Christianity, and Mohamrnedanisni. They practise neither prayer nor fasting; they drink wine and eat swine's flesh. If they are asked within the hearing of a Moslem what they believe in, they profess to be followers of Mohammed. It is alleged that the Druzes are descended from the Carmathians fa sect of heretical Moslems which appeared at the end of the 9th century), but strictly speaking they are the followers of the fanatical " Caliph el Hakim," of the Fatimite race, who promulgated his own doctrine 200 years afterwards. This El Hakim was assisted in what he called his " divine mis- sion" by Hamza and Edrizi, and it is supposed that the Druzes derived their appellation from the name of the latter.

The Ansaris, who inhabit the range of mountains north of Lebanon, between Tripoli and Antioch, seem to be in every respect not unlike the Druzes in their belief. They are also supposed to be a branch of the ancient Carmathians, and hold in veneration some of the Moslem saints, such as Fatima, and Hasan and Hosain, and attribute to the father of the latter two brothers divine privileges. They profess to believe in the Messiahship of our Lord, but not in His Atonement. They allege that God has been incarnate several times — that

Biblical Nationalities Past and Present. 381

He has been incarnate not only in Jesus Christ, but also in Abraham, Moses, and other persons celebrated in the Old Testament. They attribute also the same honour to Mohammed. They have borrowed from Christianity the practice of observing the communion, but they celebrate it strangely with wine and a morsel of meat. They are also alleged to believe in the transmigration of souls, but they hold that the soul of a devotee belonging to their own sect can enter Paradise after having passed through a small number of bodies ; but the soul of any other person is obliged to have passed through eighty !

The Yezidis, who are commonly called devil-worship- pers, are found in Assyria, and on the frontier of Turkish Kurdistan, in Russia, and Persia. Doubtless these people are descended from the ancient Chaldeans or Assyrians, and have been under the yoke of Islam for the last twelve hun- dred years, and have had such close connection with both Mohammedans and Christians that they have adopted some tenets of both religions. They profess to believe both in Christ and Mohammed. They practise baptism, but circum- cision is optional with them. Though they believe and adore God, they do not consider that Satan will be ever- lastingly excluded from heavenly bliss, but that at the day of judgment God will restore him to his former dignity of an archangel ; on this account they hold him in awe, and con- sider it sinful to abuse him, for fear of his revenge when he regains his power. They are very particular about their food, and many things which Christians and Moslems eat they will not touch. They have a rude representation of a pigeon made of brass, which they call "Malik Tawus," or "peacock," fixed on a brass stand, which they venerate very much, but they deny its worship. They have four of these curious symbols appointed to different districts, and the priests take them periodically round to the several Yezidi devotees, in Turkey, Persia, and Russia, where their co-religionists exist, for the purpose of collecting money through their adoration. The Yezidis are most clean in their dress and habits, and considered very industrious and brave, and are most hospitable to strangers.

382 Biblical Nationalities Past and Present.

The Shabbaks are found in Assyria and Mesopotamia, and are more like Moslems than any other semi-pagan community ; indeed, those "who have not mixed "with them much would never think that they are not Moharnrnedans. They also believe in Christ, and confess Him to be divine, but they dare not make such confession before a Moslem. They venerate the Virgin Mary almost as much as the Roman Catholics, and call her the " mother of God."

The Sabians, severally styled Christians of St. John and Mendeans, from Mendai Djahi. who was. as it is alleged, a disciple of St. John the Baptist, are found in Southern Baby- lonia, and are no doubt descended from the ancient Chaldeans. They have like ether sects borrowed many rites and ceremonies from the Christians and Moslems, but they are supposed to worship the heavenly hosts, having inherited this faith from their forefathers. This kind of idolatry pre- vailed in Chaldea. from whence it spread all over the West, and found its way to Greece. The sun, the moon, and the stars were believed to possess divine intelligence, and exer- cised a constant influence for good or evil upon the destinies of man. Even now the power of the moon as a source of bad or good fortune is believed in all over the world, without distinction of race or religion, by those who are more or less superstitious. It is said that there still exists in Syria, near Mount Lebanon, a branch of this sect, who call themselves " Galdeans," and who, like their brother Sabians, claim St. John the Baptist as then prophet and progenitor. Their belief is a middle course between Judaism and Christianity, but they adhere strictly to the sacrament of baptism. They also take honey and locusts alternately as a sacrament, which are distributed as consecrated elements to the worship- pers present, and are sent to the absent equally as a religious rite. These people likewise have a good deal of Islamism mixed up with then worship, like all other semi-pagan nations.

The Gabars are descendants of the ancient Persians, and retain the old faith of fire-worship. There are very few of them now in Persia, the majority having emigrated to India, chiefly to the Presidency of Bombay, and are known there by

Biblical Nationalities Past and Present. 383

the name of " Parsis." They never allow the sacred fire to be extinguished, nor would they blow out a candle with their breath, but extinguish it by the wave of the hand ; it would be considered sacriligeous to spit or throw any unclean object into an ordinary fire. The Parsis are generally considered to be polytheists, worshipping not only the good and evil deities under the name of " Ormuzd" and " Ahriman," but the sun, fire, and other objects, which idea they borrowed from the Hindus. Dr. Wilson, who was a missionary at Bombay for many years, says of the Parsi, " He at one moment calls upon Ormuzd, at the next upon his own ghost ; at one moment on an arch- angel, at the next upon a sturdy bull ; at one time on the brilliant sun, the next on a blazing fire ; at one moment on a lofty and stupendous mountaiD, the next on a darksome cave ; at one moment on the ocean, and at the next on a well or spring." Niebuhr in writing about the Parsis, says, " The Parsi followers of Zoroaster adore one God only eternal and Almighty. They pay however a certain worship to the sun and moon, the stars, and to fire, as visible images of the invisible Divinity." A learned Parsi of the name of Doza- bhoy Framji, in answer to Dr. Wilson's charges of idolatry against the Parsis, denies the existence among them of fire, sun, water, and air worship, but admits that according to the Parsi faith, " God is the emblem of glory, refulgence, and light, and in this view a Parsi while engaged in prayer is directed to stand before the fire, or to direct his face towards the sun, as the most proper symbols of the Almighty." So far Mr. Framji corroborates Dr. Wilson's assertion, and with regard to the acknowledgment of God by the Parsis, it only proves that they have come to a true belief in God from their constant intercourse for hundreds of years with true believers in revealed religion, as all other Gentiles have done from time immemorial. Even the Hindus are beginning to appreciate the belief in a Supreme Being, Who has the control of everything in heaven and earth.

There still remains small remnants of the half-pagan ancient Samaritans, and Assassins or Ishmaelites. A very few families of the former still remain near Shechem in Palestine. I need here onlv mention them, as their belief is well known.

384 Biblical Nationalities Past and Present.

But the " Assassins " or " Ishmaelites " are a heretical sect of Moslems, who forsook some parts of their former faith and adopted strange formulas winch belong neither to the Christian nor the .Mohammedan faiths. Formerly they were a formid- able community, and the terror of the East ; their chief seat was in Persia and Mount Lebanon ; but now they exist only as a small and insignificant sect in the mountains west of Hama, in Syria. Some consider that then name is derived from "Hasanis," or followers of Hasan, son of Ali, and grandson of Mohammed ; and as they were notorious marauders, the Crusaders turned the word into Assassins.

All the ancient Midianites, Amalekites, Edomites, Amorites, Hagarenes, Ishmaelites, and other minor tribes, who inhabited the deserts of Sinai, Arabia, and Syria, have one and all embraced the Moslem faith, and are now called Arabs.

There is one thing certain, that, without any exception, all the sects and nationalties which now inhabit the lands of the Bible, every man, woman, and child, call upon the Lord, the God of the Jews, Christians, and Mohammedans, in the name of " Allah."

Before I conclude, I must add a few words in reference to the word Allah, which has been misquoted in this country as if it meant anything else than the God who is acknow- ledged by all Christian nationalities all over the world. I can well understand that an ignorant man travelling amongst Indians, and hearing the Moslems in that country using the word Allah, would understand it as one of the gentile deities like Brahma, Buadha, Siva, and other false gods. But I marvel when I see professed Arabic scholars, and those who have travelled for a long time amongst the Arabs, and understand their tenets of faith, introduce the word Allah in its Arabic paraphrase when they write an Arabic story, as if it meant differently from the word " God " in English. Suppose I were to translate an English prayer to an Arab, and when I come to the word God, I name it in its English rendering, what would he think of its import ? I feel sure that he would conclude from my not translating it into Arabic that the English worshipped a different God from

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Biblical Nationalities Past and Present.

385

theirs. The translators of the authorised version of the Old Testament might have just as well adhered to the Hebrew words Elohim, Adonai, and El, and not translated them into the English words God, Lord, and Most High God.

386

ON THE SHADE OR SHADOW OF THE DEAD.

By Samuel Birch, D.C.L., LL.D., F.S.A., &c. (President). Read 2nd December, 1884.

By the expression shade or shadow there can be no doubt that the shade meant the actual shade or shadow, for the gods are said to be "refreshed by their shadow,"

nn ^\ T hi ;l and again in the often cited passage where

the gods or souls are described as reposing under the shade of the branches of the trees. Again, in the description of the examination of the chamber of Abydos for the body of the god Osiris, where it states of the body —

- <*=— ?: °^ ^=^2

nn qamuts j^aibti pu qamit

not was it found a shade it teas found

In a scene too of the lamentations of the body of Osiris tall curving are seen over three figures lamenting, and the legend says : —

-"- <=?<=> O -— O •%£? -"- § -"-

AAA/W\ /WWW t"^< A /W/WW - ^ /WWW

/WWW \A J\ <-—->

III I I <rr> I I I /WWW (fP Ml I Ml

sn %abit ^r su ^nn sn hr sn

. . their shade ivith them rest they upon them.9

In all these passages the meaning is that of actual shade or shadow, without any spiritual allusion. So also of the serpent who is said to be devourer of shades, and the demon Asessor, who is called eater of shade coming out of the

1 " Recueil," 4, 66.

2 Mariette, "Abydos," i, 65, cited by Brugach, " Worterb.," pp. 1029, 1044.

3 Sarcophagus of Peparscp, Sharpe, " Eg. Inscr.," pi. 41.

On the Shade or Shadow of the Dead. 387

Karti, supposed to refer to the tropical well1 at Syene. But shade or shadows were attached to spiritual existences as gods, spirits, and souls, and partook of the nature of these existences. They appear, however, distinct from them, and are mentioned separately from them. Nor can I find that they ate the food off the tables of offerings presented to the dead, like the has, or ghosts, although, like the soul, they could drink the pure water offered to the dead, for the gods gave —

j^ZV

per ak r asi kabh n ^aibt f

to go in and out to the chamber pure water to his shade.

This applies to their connection with the has, ghosts, or has, souls, but the god also had shade —

^- | | /www ^ I a;^.

-A I I

sat neter ua n ^aibt f

conducting a god to shade his.2

This is said of the goat-headed representations of the god Af passing through one of the hours of the night.

Attached to the soul, and also to the ka or ' Eidolon,' was the shade, which under the form ^P, ^P , ^? ^ of a shade or parasol appears in the texts placed above or at the side of representations of the soul. Phonetically it is Avritten

1JT I jk10°T or **~~J^T xab' xcdh1, or xaibit'

and is the Coptic cTklB.1, ^Hlfil, with a meaning similar to that of atcta or umbra of the Greek or Romans. The shade was supposed to be the light envelope of the soul, visible but not tangible, and is often mentioned in connection with the ba or ' soul,'3 as : —

1 De Eougg, " Inscr. Hier.," 1877, pi. 35.

2 Bonoini, Coffin of Oimenepthab, pi. 13; cf. Champollion, "Not. Descr.," p. 521.

3 Reinisck, " Denkrualer in Miramar," p. 70.

388

On the Shade or Shadow of the Dead.

nn

O

u

detain

I I I

tn

L»a a my soul

u n

sbau shut up

Q.

i i i tn ye

^aibit a ull

And again —

nn taut m

maten

n to

ba a

my soul

p^aibit a1 //ij/ shade

m^iii

%u

nn

sXm

ut %aibt a

i*

no£ £o£en o/f' *ptri£ my not prevailed over (is) my shade.3

The shade was supposed to wander over the earth, going to the tomb, visiting those who belonged to him, enjoying the offerings of his relations, and then disappearing to the body in the grave. In the hieroglyphic texts, however, the shade has no representation beyond the head or mummied form, nor is it ever represented like the deceased; so that no light is thrown upon the hypothesis of its representing the form of the deceased from the monuments themselves. There also appears to have been only one ' shade ' to each ghost or soul, while of the sun it is stated that he had seven ba and fourteen ka, eidola, or phantasms, two attached to each soul ; the ka, indeed, had a form, as appears from the coffin ot Amam, which states of the deceased : —

U

1

This would show that ka was the shape of every god. My object, however, is not to discuss the ka, which has been already amply done by Mr. Le Page Renouf and M. Maspero,

-$-	it*	1	AWAM
tut	rf	ka	r
the shape	to h im	is the	eidolon

1 " Todt.," eh. 22, 4. ' " Todt.," c. 92

lilitlah Muat'UUl, Kb. 6664-

Trans SooBMArch) Vol VR!

Tour Souls, and shades inverted^m basin, held up by arms.Karnak.Champollion. N.D.1I. 529.

Hall: Goddesses tearing souls and shades m "baskets; four Lulls mthe four, regions with their shades in front. KaiTiak.ChampollionTT.D.lIp. 570

A. B. Martin del. 1885.

Vuicoit Brooks. Day & San.lHtK .

On the Shade or Shadow of the Dead. 389

but to analyse the nature of the yaibit or ' shade ' from the monuments.

The shade is mentioned with the soul at the earliest period, for in the inscriptions of the Pyramid of Unas, of the sixth dynasty, at Sakkarak, it states : —

^ fc [W ^ fSI TTT-*

sek bau sn ^r ^aibitu

subdued souls their under Unas shades

mtut ar sn

in the hand are they

'•Their souls are under Unas, their shades are united together," and Unas devours the spirits in a burning hell.1

In the coffins of the eleventh dynasty, published by Lepsius, the shade is again mentioned as in the —

7*& JC u

mas ^aibit hna ka f

bringing the shade with his ghost 2

where it is connected with the lea. It is however at the time of the eighteenth to the twentieth dynasty that the shades play the most prominent part in the inscriptions of the Tiau or under world.

In the Ritual the shades also appear : —

ahani - a hr nut ^aibit ^u.

icalk I in leading shades spirits*

Here it must be either shades of the dead, or souls of spirits, in which cases the shade was something appended

1 Maspero, " Etec," iv, 62. - Lepsius, " Aelteste Text," pi. 26, 8.

* " Tout.," eh. 04, lb.

390 On the Shade or Shadow of the Dead.

to the spirit, as the shade was apparently also to the soul, as in another chapter : —

ka arti pert ba vaibit am a ^pr

would making way my soul shade where I am prepared

In another chapter, entitled the chapter of opening the chamber of the soul and shade coming forth daily sure of foot,1 there can be no doubt that the shade was independent of the soul, although not represented in the vignette, for besides the shade of the gods, of spirits, and souls, there was also the shade of the dead, as in the passage of the Ritual where it says : " Do not let me be imprisoned by the detainers of the limbs of Osiris, the detainers of soul, the

Ibv r^ I ^ °VC^ <^ Xtom Xa^> mM*» *ne lockers up of shades of the reprobate dead."2 Again, " Not prevailing over my shade (the deceased and living off) the shade of the dead."3 "Their souls," says another passage, "live by words accompanying their going out."

Some shades are called the damned, I J 1(10^ T... sebi t, in the Hades,4 while of others it is stated —

$

T

O A- 'I' I I i i l l i l

syn sn her ^aibit tn

turn back they on shades your

that " they turn back (or rest) on your shades." Of another of the gods of hell it is said. ,: he cuts at your bodies " —

^Z^5 1 1 Jl JA /www I ' ^ A -A I I I I /www I

nk itu tau tn hbt vaibt tn

defeating souls your expelling shades your

1 " Todt.," c. 92, title. - " Todt,," c. 92, 7. 3 " Todt.," 1-49, 19, 38, 40. 4 Champollion, " Not. Descr.," 787.

Trans. Soc3M.Arth.Vol. VIII

AJAJA

Shades persoiulieii on heads of bodies vrtth flails. Karaak.C3umpollionHD.n.p.584-6

Three Shades k. emblems of the body m basin supported, by 'the God Shu,froTaKarnak.Quanf)ollLOTi. N.D.TL608.

Goddesses lamenting under the shades. Sarcophagus inBnt.Mus.SharpeTivscr. Ipl. 40.41.

JMBBBBBMHR

Soul of West, and shade Tablet in. Biit.Mus.~N0 846 2.

Soul .with shade, Belmore Papyn,pl . 6 .

—

Vincent Brooks .Has & Scn,li* Soul and shade, Tablet in. the BritMus N? 8463.

On the Shade or Shadow of the Demi.

391

And in the passage

n

®

AAA/WV /WWW /WW\A \\

ab spsnai purification twice

n

to

u

-IT ka

eidolon

ek thine

l) to

ba

k thine

T

in

n to

%aibt k shades thine

n

to

saha mummy

<=> i

tet

body

k

thine

k thine

Here the elements of the dead are the ghost #a, the soul />a, the body te£, the shade xaibt, and the mummy sahu. The same is given from the unedited chapter of the Ritual of Amenhotep in the Louvre, " 0 ye dividers of souls, 0 all ye gods, who are lords of life, bring the soul of the Osiris Amenhotep that it may be united to his body, that his body may be united to his soul, his soul being separated from his body. The gods in Heliopolis {hat ben-ben) bring to him (his parts) at Heliopolis, the place of Shu, the son of Turn, his heart, ab, is to him as that of Ra, his other heart, hati, is to him as that of Khepera. Purification to thy ka (eidolon), to thy soul ba, to thy body tet, to thy shade 'xftibit."

Here it will be observed that although the deceased has only one ba, ha, and sahu, he has shades in the plural, as if shades were attached both to the ka and ba, for they are both mentioned before the sahu or body; and this recalls to mind that the Sun had seven souls, but fourteen ka, two eidola or genii2 to each soul, and here I would apply the text " 0 leaders of souls, directors of shades

ap k open thou

n

to

1°

body

k

thy

TTT

n

to

%abit n sahu k as shades of mummy thy noble.

1 Coffin of Teos, in the Louvre: Sharpe, "Eg. Inscr.," New Series, 41 2 cited as in a papyrus also by Wiedemann, " Congr. provin. d. Orient. Francais " 1880, p. 160.

2 Diimichen, " Patuamenapt," p. 11. Cf. Brugsch, " Worterb.," 1230; he calls the ka " character." Cf. same passage, Dumichen, " Tempel Inschrilt. " pi. 25, all late texts.

392 On the Shade or Shadoic of the Dead.

I will now turn to the punishment of the shade. In a kind of caldron, also in the tombs of the kings, are seen the souls, bodies, and shades of the wicked, held up by two hands —

; ^ m - f], j ^ V	-3	-je;
snusit bau	%Wat	ha t
burnt are the soids	the bodies	and
=rr<£ in A**** ^> in ^
^aibtu n ^ftu
shades of the accusers.2

and in the burning pits of hell they are seen burning. The explanatory texts say, "that the shades live, they have raised their powers " : —

Q /WVW\

I I III ^ J Jl w«m I r^-i I I I

an^; ^aibtu tut sn n^ sn

Ktjfi f/ig shades lift their hands powerful are they.

from which it would appear that they survive the effect of <W> c=^a the hat or pit ; from a papyrus also of the nineteenth or twentieth dynasty. In another section of the hell, the gods of which are obscure, there are also other passages, as : —

II! ill

nn per m %aibt mut sn

not come forth from shades of their dead

In the paintings of the burning hell in the tomb of the kings of the nineteenth dynasty, showing the punishment of the future state, it is said of the shades : —

rl ^r'T II 0-^>r<: aaaaaa ^ n /www i (qTS

n ^-^^i^ M| ^ m — , (ll 1 Ml -^jj ^„,

hastem tn mut s'at tn ^aibtu hastmi

strangle ye the dead cut ye the shades of the strangled,

1 CTiampollion, " Not. Deser.," 529.

- Lanzone. " Le domicile des Esprits," pi. iv.

3 Champollion, " >~ot. Descr.," p. 789.

hA^W>

Trams, SccMbhArch: Yd YJU.

nubis on Pylon, or Gateway of North &. South with Great CackL^r calledrnthe Inscriptions hade, Part cf Frieze m Tomb at Thebes HV Stuart Amen Ra Tablet Turin Museum.

" E &rpt after the War." L anzone Mit. Egiz . Tav XXII

EMMt T3

Burning Pits in Hades, with shades Sc.lanzone , le domicile des Esprits Tav. IV.

Three shades in "burning pit in Hades, Tomb of Menepthal Champolhon. KB. I. p. 789.

lA3.Marb.Ti. del, 1885.

Soul with shade, resting on the Mommy of Osiris. DenonVoyten Egypte P1.137.

VuiceTitBr&oks,Eay kSon.htli

On the Shade or Shadow of the Dead.

393

That is, the shades were cut off the souls of the dead, aud so separated from them. Again, in another scene, it says : " Those who live in this section make road. That great god addresses them, they rest. They

A

/www I I I

^aibtu

I <=>!

serq sn m ^aibtu am ru nru

breathe they as shades from mouth to mouth.1

other descriptions of the soul are also given on the sarco- phagus of Teos, as : —

_0

AAAAAA I I I

tn

ije

T

^-.

^aibtu ban the shades souls

n nak

to the defeat.2

AAAAAA I I I

A

'?'

mat give

And again : —

hsstm n bau tn asq n ^aibit tn

strangled have been souls your delayed have been shades your

In another section of the hell, the description is : " The gods in this picture adore the great god, because he is elevated above them, they receive his great disk and shade.'"4 In the representation accompanying this scene, the shades on the heads of the souls are coloured blue. In another scene, souls are seen with shades over their heads.5

Some account of the shades occurs also on the sarcophagus of Nekhtherhebi in the British Museum, in the scenes which refer to the passage of the sun through the hours of the night, where it states : " Those who are in this future in the flesh of their own bodies —

Ji i

b'

/wwv\

I 1 1

A

T

/WWV\

II

§

^;ru ba sn hr sn hotep ^aibit sn hr sn

the words {of) souls their over them rest shade their over them

1 Champollion, " Not. Descr.," p. 788. 4 Champollion, " Not. Descr.," p. 5S5. - Sharpe, " Eg. Inscr.," new series, 7, fi. 5 "Not. Descr.," p. 621. 3 Ibid., pi. 15, 6.

394 'hi the Shade or SJiadoic of the Dead.

their souls speak over them, their shades rest upon them, ■when that god addresses them they speak to him. they glorify him when he rises up. The Osirian king he glorifies that great god when he rises (dp) over the souls and shades what they do is in the West,"1

In another passage of the same coffin the expression

%na vadnt nn. " cutting the condemned souls detaining the •wretched shades. What they do is in the Amenti or W7est." Other things are also done by shades, for in another section of the same sarcophagus the passage of the sun is again explained. " That god goes along over them in peace, they have heard all the -words, they imbibe his "words. What they do is in the lower heaven, bringing souls, leading along shades, doing -what is necessary for the souls in the water."

On the later -wooden tablets of the period, ranging from the twenty-second dynasty to the Ptolemies, the procession

of the solar boat is hailed by the soul '|v\ ha, -with upraised hands, and the shade %aibit.2 Here the shade appears as a companion of the soul. So again, the Sun says, " I, the Sun, manifest -what is hidden, throw light upon mysteries, I

give life to vour souls O J\ seven sen

AAAAAA I | I I I AAAAAA

her -vaihtu ten, "who alight on your shades*'; so in the same scenes of the burning hells of the eighteenth and nineteenth dynasties, the texts state, "come the wicked dead,3 from whom I have escaped, my father strikes, after his wounding, your

bodies, mutilating your souls ["[] J halt, expelling your

shades, your heads are cut off."

Ideas like those I have already given are translated from monuments of the papyri relating to the passage of the Sun through the second hour of the day. " The wicked dead come, whom my father strikes after his wounding, your bodies mutilating your souls expelling your shades, your heads are

1 Egyptian Grail., Brit. Mils., 10. - Pierret, 10, p. 122.

3 Pierret, p. 135.

On the Shade or Shadow of the Dead. 395

cut off, you no longer have a type, you do not come out, you do not escape the burning of the serpent, devourer of 100,000 (years), the consuming of the mistress of the furnaces, the flames of the mistress of pits, the fires of mistress of blocks, the mistress of swords cuts you and wounds you, she stabs you, you will never see again those on earth."1

In the same hour of the night the souls of the opposers of Osiris Haratif are stated to be the jailers of the hole ; they live off the cries of the souls of the wicked, suffocating the souls and shades who raise their hands at the burning pit2

m hat).

Again, it is said, " The serpent Na lives off the cries and roarings of Earth " ; those attached to his worship proceed from his mouth daily. Those who are in this future receive the excellence (nefrit) of the Sun's boat, crossing from those devoted to the serpent called " The life of the gods." They love the great god in the heaven, the passage is to the upper distances. They assume the type in heaven of shades, and rest in the wind and water. When ordered to live they do so in the great boat of the Sun in heaven." 3

This throws some light on the representation of shades in the later tablets, their existence with the souls in the solar boat, and their connection with the souls of men, for " never to see again those on earth," could hardly apply to demons,4 and when ordered to live under the type or form of shades, they are said to rest in the wind and water, and to participate in the boat of the Sun the eternal passage through the heavens.

In the tomb of a person named Nebunnef, at Thebes,5 dated in the 4th month of the spring of Rameses II, at Gournah, the deceased is represented in adoration to the four genii of the dead. Amset, the first, offers him his ka ; Hapi,

1 Pierret, p. 136.

2 Pierret, i, p. 136. 3 Pierret, i, p. 142.

4 Congres provinciale des Orientalistes, 1874 ; Wiedemann, p. 165 ; Textor de Ravisi, p. 187.

s Champollion, "Not. Descr.," p. 536.

Vol. VIII. 26

396 On the Shade or Shadow of the Dead.

the second genius, a vase ; Tuaumutef, the third genius, his ba or soul, represented as a human-headed hawk ; Khabsenuf, the fourth genius, his shade, represented as a bearded mummied figure ft having a flabellum on the head ; Thoth offers him the jj feather of Truth and a mouth.

In the magical papyrus the shades are mentioned along with the daimons, but not in the same parenthesis as the soul, for it says : " Speak to me, Ainset, god of gods, of the dark- ness that eveiy daimon and every shade which is in the Amenti sleeping he, and that those who are dead wake for me all this soul to live, and that soul to breathe/'1 Here the soul, as distinguished from the shade, is supposed to breathe, one of the functions of the body.

Other descriptions of the conditions of the shades are found, as —

<2>-

-jn??,;

ar f pu m tiau n ^aibitu

he does is in the lower heaven to the shades

O ^

am %eftu

eating the accusers.

and in the same place : " Said by that great god to the gods, rising to them when ye turn back and are resting in the lower hemisphere, to your souls ye rest and your shades.2

Different ideas have prevailed among those who have treated on the soul, such as that the shade represented the obscurity caused by a dark body, and of the soul separated from the body, the radiancy of the sahu or mummy manifested on earth as a shadow, and in heaven, or a radiancy, the type or form produced by the procreator demiurgus ; to which I could add the thin material envelope which protected the soul from the intensity of the solar rays,3 following the vicissitudes of the soul and ghost.

1 Maspero, " Mel. d'Arch.," p. 39. 2 Sharpe, "Eg. Inscr.," pi. 32.

3 Congres provinciale des Orientalistes, 187-i ; Wiedemann, p. 165 ; Textur de Ravisi, p. 183.

Trans. Soc.3M.ArofvVol.Yni.

Sun shade, Funeral procession Thebes.Yffllrinson.AaCjEnL.pL.83

Sun-shade RamessesTL RoseHoiu.M.'R.N°CIB.6.

Shades and Souls, ^^^k ChaiapolHon.,N.D.II. 621.

AJB.Maftm del. Vincent Brooks.Day 4 Savlidi..

Saul, shade , and body, adorxn£ .Amnion & Solar lypes HosoQira,M.3 C ~i$°. LXX.

On the Shade or Shadow of the Demi. 397

The idea of a resurrectionof the body is implied in some of these texts.

On the arrival of the Sim Ra at one of the gates of the Amenti, " Those," says the text, " who are in this picture, their bodies are in their chests in their holes. " Their bodies rise

up at him," |^ In"^*! V' ^ie ^un' Anubis keeps the words of that great god who gives light to them from his great disk to their chests he reckons his words. His tires and his abode dissipate the darkness when he flies over them."1

It does not appear that there was any resurrection of the shade.

I am indebted to Mr. Le Page Renouf for calling my attention to the following passage at Abydos 2 : —

ta nak hetp ba aa hr ^at f

7 hou hast given to rest the Soul great upon his body

/vww\

a, I o -»^ 1 ©

^aibit f m atn

his shade in the disk.

1 Champollion, " Not. Descr.," p. 543.

2 Mariette, "Abydos," Vol. I, pi. 52, lines 22 and 23.

398

HANDICRAFTS AND ARTIZAXS MENTIONED IN TALMUDICAL WRITINGS.

By Dr. S. Loos.

Read 4th March, 1SS4.

The following observations are intended to throw some rays of light npon the social and industrial habits of the Jews about two thousand years ago. As far as the degree of their civilization and the state of their industries are con- cerned, the Jews who worshipped in the temple at Jerusalem are as much an extinct race as the Athenians who had to stand the vexatious cross-questionings of Socrates, or the Romans who applauded the eloquence of Cicero in the Forum ; and we have to look to the relics of by-gone ages for materials to construct a picture of their daily pursuits.

The art of sculpture was not at home among the Jews ; the law which excluded every kind of image from their places of worship denied them the chief impetus which monumental art received among other nations of antiquitv, so that they have left but scanty records of their history in stone or marble. As to the products of the industrial arts, beyond some coins and a few articles of jewelry and pottery, the excavations have hardly brought to light any object to testify what kind of artizans existed among them.

But in the Talmud, and the various works which have contributed to its compilation, we possess a vast literature, through which the treasures of the past are scattered in rich profusion ; hidden away, it is true, among a mass of matter of which a large proportion is uncongenial to our modern ways of thought, yet opening to the diligent searcher a wide field of antiquarian interest ; and as the spade of the excavator sometimes lays bare an object which, insignificant in itself, becomes important as a witness of the period to

Handicrafts and Artizans mentioned, fyc. 399

which it owes its origin, so does the student of Rabbinical writings occasionally light upon a word, or an expression, or the mention of a fact which becomes a source of precious information to the reflecting mind. I will give two instances to illustrate my meaning : —

In the treatise of the Mislma called Kelim (vessels or implements), there occurs1 the word pft^YTfi, meaning a leather case. The word is a compound of the Chaldean word p*ljn> "two," and the well-known Greek word Qr\icr\, a " receptacle " or " case," and thus means a double or com- pound case ; it is explained to signify a leather case having separate compartments for a pen, a lancet, a knife, and a pair of scissors, and being much used by surgeons. This single word thus produces before our view the surgeon of nearly two thousand years ago, going to visit his patients, and carrying his case of surgical instruments, much the same as the medical practitioner does in our own day.

In another part ot the Talmud2 the expression occurs POU "Hl^n? "girls' ovens," meaning toy ovens, made for little girls to play with. This expression affords a peep into the nurseries of olden times, where girls might be seen playing at cooking, as they can be found to-day in many a nursery in London.

Such words are eminently suggestive ; these two words naturally lead to the inference, that at the time they were written there must have been surgeons, there must have been makers of surgical instruments, there must have been leather workers, and there must have been makers of fictile ware who were occupied in providing children with playthings. In this way we become acquainted with handi- crafts which have left very few substantial traces of their existence.

It is self-evident that a population of perhaps two millions of people could not have existed without artizans, who furnished the necessaries of life, and even some of its luxuries. The Bible mentions many of these, such as weavers, fullers, workers in metals, both the useful and the precious metals, carpenters, potters, locksmiths, and others ;

1 xvi, 8. 2 Niddah, 26 b.

400 Handicraft* and Artizatu mentioned

but we are more concerned with the handicrafts as they flourished in later times, namely, in those centuries of which the destruction of the Temple of Jerusalem forms the central event, A few savings, culled from the pages of the Talmud, will show in what estimation handicrafts were held by the Rabbins : " Great is work, for it honours the worker/'1 is an exclamation uttered by Jehudah, celebrated among the learned men of the second century. Among the duties of a father towards his son is enumerated that of causing him to be taught a trade, with this emphatic addition : '• Neglecting to teach your son some handi- craft, is like bringing him up to robbery."2 Another very characteristic saying is this : M Though a famine rage in the land for seven years, it will not enter the door of the artizan." 3

Not all handicrafts, however, were esteemed alike ; it is enjoined: "Let every man endeavour to teach his son a clean and light employment;"4 as such is instanced the trade of a tailor, because the stitches form neat straight lines like the furrows of a field. Several trades were looked upon with disfavour ; such were especially those which necessitated a frequent absence of the man from his family, namely, the occupation of driver of asses and camels, that of sailor, herdsman, and earner.5 Another trade which was regarded unfavourably was that of butcher; it may here be observed that the butchers not only supplied raw meat, but were likewise purveyors of cooked meats ; a butcher's hearth was therefore understood to be much larger than the hearth of the ordinary household.6 Among the trades of a lower grade was likewise that of the tanner, but the lowest of all callings seems to have been that of skinning carcases in the market place.7

Though some pursuits were of course more humble than others, a man was not considered to be dishonoured by the nature of his calling, the rabbinical maxim being : li Poverty and riches do not depend upon the kind of handicraft a man

1 >~edarim, 46 b. ■ Kiddushin, 20 a. 3 Sanhedrin, 29 a.

4 Berachoth, 63 a. 5 Kiddushin, 82 a. 6 Kelirn, vi, 2.

7 Pessachini, 113 a.

in Talmudical Writings. 401

has chosen ; but let every man pray to Him who bestows all riches and possessions, that he may be successful in the trade he shall follow-"1

The practice of certain trades being carried on in special localities, appears to be of very early origin. From the Bible we know of a street of the bakers, a potters' gate, and a fullers' field ; in the Mishna2 mention is made of a meat market, and in the Talmud3 we find the regulation laid down that a tanner was not allowed to cany on his trade within the precincts of a city. This prohibition is confirmed by a passage in the Acts (x, 32), where Simon, a tanner of Joppa, is stated to have dwelt "by the sea-side" — necessarily so, because he could not carry on his business within the town. The Talmud fixes 50 cubits as the minimum distance at which a tannery is to be situated from the city gates; this regulation seems very inadequate for the prevention of unpleasant odours ; but we ought not to attach too much importance to the exact number of cubits indicated; it is of sufficient interest to find that considerations for the purity of the atmosphere were not altogether neglected in those times in the administration of cities.

In Alexandria the practice of artizans who followed the same trade inhabiting special streets or quarters of the city, was very minutely carried out. It is stated4 that there were separate quarters for the goldsmiths, the silversmiths, the ironworkers, the coppersmiths, and the weavers, so that when a poor artizan arrived there, it was easy for him to address himself to the men of his craft, and among them to find employment for the maintenance of his family.

Such statements lead us to suppose that some bond of union existed between men of the same handicraft. A confirmation of this may be found in the 19th chapter of the Acts, where it is related how Demetrius, a silversmith, addressed the men of his craft on a matter touching the interests of their guild. In Jerusalem these guilds enjoyed great consideration in the municipality ; when processions from the provinces arrived bearing offerings of first fruits,

1 Kiddushin, 82 a. 2 Becoroth, v, 1. 3 Baba bathra, 25 a.

4 Succah, 51 b.

4<>2 Handicrafts and Articans mentioned

they were received by the principal officials of the temple and by the craftsmen of Jerusalem, who offered their greetings, saying : " Our brethren, men from such and such a province, be welcome among us."1

Mention is made of a locality in Jerusalem which is generally called "the synagogue of the coppersmiths." - The expression used is PC12^ j~P2, the literal equivalent of avvayayyn , which, as is well-known, means a house of assembly; it is therefore probable that this "synagogue" was not simply a house of prayer, but served also as a meeting-house where the coppersmiths assembled for pur- poses relating to their particular trade.

A custom which deserves to be mentioned was that of artizans wearing characteristic badges indicative of their trade. It is stated3 that the tailor earned a needle stuck in front of his dress : the scribe went out Avith a pen behind his ear ; the carpenter displayed a sort of foot-rule ; * the wool- carder a woollen thread : the weaver a flock of wool ; the dyer a number of threads dyed in different colours, which he used as patterns, and from which his customers could select the shade they desired : even the money-changer appeared in public with a coin conspicuously fastened to his dress. As a characteristic portion of apparel may likewise be noted the tanner's NvJ~0~r.5 a kind of leather apron worn by tanners while engaged in the operations of their business.

It was natural, as is the case in all countries, that the son should mostly be brought up to the handicraft of his father, and we meet with instances of trades becoming hereditary in certain families. In the fourth chapter of the first Book of Chronicles a family of linen weavers is mentioned, as well as families of carpenters and potters. The Talmud6 speaks of two families — the family of Gomiu, who possessed the secret of baking the shew-bread for the temple, and the family of Abtinas, who were skilled in the preparation of the holy

1 Bicurim, iii; 3. : Megillah, 26 a. 3 Sabbath, 1] I.

4 I have used the word "foot rule" as the modern equivalent for QDp, ■which is probably connected with tbe Greek word a^fa- an(i signifies a chip of wood, which carpenters used for measuring.

5 Kelim, xvi. 4. 6 Joma, 38 a.

in Talmudical Writings. 403

incense. It is recorded that when these families refused to teach their secrets to others, the authorities sent for bakers and perfume-mixers from Alexandria, but they did not quite succeed in producing the requisite articles.

With reference to competition among the trading classes, it is interesting to find principles of political economy cropping up in the pages of the Talmud; while it is agreed on all hands1 that officials should be appointed for the purpose of periodically examining the weights and measures used by traders, there is diversity of opinion as to the advisability of the prices being fixed by the authorities ; those who dis- approve of the interference of the overseers believing that prices may safely be left to be regulated by competition, though, as I shall presently have occasion to point out, pressure was put upon certain traders in order to induce them to sell at a cheap rate. A fair competition was countenanced, but encroachments upon other people's trades were very severely judged.2 Even an instance of trade combination is to be met with. A case is related3 of two butchers in a town who made a compact that the one should not kill on the same days of the week as the other, so that they might both have a better chance of selling their meat.

The foregoing remarks refer to artizans and handicrafts in general ; I will now proceed to point out noteworthy features in special crafts as they existed in Talmudical times.

I. Bakers.

In the first stages of society the bread required for the family was baked in each household, and it was mostly the wife or the female servant who performed this domestic labour. But it appears that among the Jews, bakers who prepared bread for sale in the market-place have existed in very early times. It has been noted before, that in Jerusalem there was a street called the street of the bakers, where these artizans had their bakehouses.

The Talmudical name for baker is DlfTC, a word probably of foreign origin, but the etymology of which is

1 Baba batlira, 89 a. 2 Maccoth, 24 a. 3 Baba bathra, 9 a.

404 Handicrafts and Articans mentioned

not satisfactorily explained ; another name for baker is "•fc^TTYQ,1 which is perhaps connected with the Greek word i3p(OTov, "food." Neither of these words is etymologically related to the Talmudical words denoting "bread," of which there are three, viz., JlE. ISDTDj aud NflE^l ; these are used indiscriminately, without a special meaning being attached to any of them.

Bread was made of various kinds of cereals, such as wheat, barley, and spelt : inferior sorts were made of the flour of beans or lentils.2 There were also choicer sorts called miTTD, "products of fine flour," and mNpDTOlj probably corresponding to our rolls. It is likely that these choicer sorts were made by special bakers, such as the family of Gonnu to whom I have referred before. It appears that each baker adopted a particular shape for his loaves, so that the bread of his baking could be dis- tinguished from that of his competitors. The townspeople of Jerusalem are reported to have been very particular with respect to then bread, and somewhat looked down upon those who habitually ate stale bread.3 As implements used in making bread, are mentioned4 the kneading trough, the board on which the loaves were ranged, the rolling-pin, and a small trough filled with water, in which the baker from time to time cooled his hands.

The oven5 was generally made of earthenware, some- times of metal, in the shape of a pot without a bottom, resting on a basis of stones or bricks. By what I suppose we must call a police regulation, it was enacted that from the top of the oven to the beam of the ceiling there must be a distance of at least four cubits ; G this as a precaution against setting fire to the house.

The bakers were not usually the bread-sellers ; there was the TJT'E (corrupted from the Greek word irparrjp), the factor or wholesale dealer who bought from the bakers, and then there was the 71Q3D, the retail bread-seller.7 This word 71Q3D is evidently identical with the Greek term

1 Pesachim, 40 b. 2 Shebuoth, 22 b. 3 Sabbath, 62 b. 4 Kelim, xv, 2. 5 Bertinoro on Kelim, v, 1. 6 Eaba bathra, 20 J. ' Demai, v, 4.

in Talmudical Writings. 405

/jlovottgoXi}? ; but instead of adopting its proper meaning, the Jews seem in this instance to have applied it to one who sold single loaves. A similar practice (of the bread-seller being distinguished from the bread-?na£er) appears to have prevailed among the Greeks ; so at least I infer from the occurrence of the word apToirwXis (bread-seller) used by Aristophanes,1 as distinguished from aproKoiros (baker).

This arrangement of bread going through three hands before it reached the consumer, must have had a tendency unduly to raise the price of the staff of life; on the other hand, the authorities kept the price well under control ; we find that the manufacturing bakers were absolved from certain imposts, because the overseers were always urging them2 (the text says they used to beat them) to sell at a cheap rate.

It is noteworthy that Jehudah, a learned Rabbi of the second century, gained his livelihood as a baker. Indeed, many men, distinguished for their learning, belonged to the artizan class, thus setting their pupils and their contem- poraries a praiseworthy example of industry and self- reliance.

II. Metal- Workers.

Goldsmiths and silversmiths were numerous, and their productions comprised household utensils, and a variety of ornaments for women ; among the latter may be mentioned one which is called in the Talmud, " city of gold," or "Jerusalem of gold;"3 it was either a flat piece of gold, or in the shape of a crown (the opinions are divided on this point), and had the outlines of a city, mostly those of Jerusalem, figured on it.

The coppersmiths, who are also mentioned in the New Testament (II Timothy, iv, 14), have already been re- ferred to.

1 Frogs, 858 : " It is not meet that poets should rail at each other like breacl-women." From this it would almost seem as if these female bread- sellers had a reputation for abusive language similar to our own market women. 2 Joma, 9 a. 3 Sabbath, 57 a ; Nedarim, 50 a.

400 Handicrafts and Artizans mentioned

The trade of blacksmith must have been carried on extensively, if we may judge from the long list of agricul- tural implements and household utensils of iron, contained in the treatise of Keb'rn, where, among other articles, iron tyres of wheels are mentioned.1 Although the furnace and the process of smelting are frequently alluded to in the Bible, and have supplied the poetical writers with many expressive images, yet I cannot find any direct indications that the operation of reducing iron from the ore was carried on among the Jews : I rather incline to the opinion that iron was imported from other countries in bars (fTCi,*), or round lumps, technically called blooms {TTTSH) :2 the word used for these lumps really signifies a kind of cake baked on coals, and is applied to these pieces of iron on account of their round shape. The use of charcoal in forges was well known.3 A peculiar law referring to iron-workers deserves to be noted ; it was enacted4 that if a spark should fly out from a smithy ("from under the hammer" is the literal expression of the text) and cause some damage, the smith is held liable.

The occurrence of the word JTHTU,5 "; iron scrapings,*' proves that they used to polish iron by scraping it.

One of the appliances in the blacksmith's shop was called " the smith's donkey ;6 it was a block of wood, probably with some resemblance to a donkey in shape, which was used as a stand for the bellows. The word '• donkey " was also applied to wooden stands used by other artizans.

One of the Jewish sages of the second century was a blacksmith by trade, and is always mentioned in the Talmud as NilEI PITT, "Isaac the smith." He died very young, but is well remembered through his son Jochanan, who became a renowned teacher in Seporis. R. Jochanan was a posthumous child, and according to a custom then prevailing, which was instituted probably in order to perpetuate the father's memory in such cases, he was known by the name of NnE2 "12 > "the smith's son." His personal history is extremely touching. His mother died shortly after his birth.

1 Kelim, xi, 3. - Kelim, xi, 3. 3 Sabbath, 130 a.

* Baba Kama, 62 b. i Kelim. xi, 3. 6 Kelim, xiv, 3.

in Talmudical Writings. 407

and the orphan boy was brought up by an aged grandfather. His whole life was a continued struggle with pressing poverty ; ten sons were born to him, but they all died during Ins lifetime ; there is thus something strangely pathetic in his saying : " The wrath of the Lord is upon the man who does not leave a son behind him."1 R. Jochanan was noted for his tolerant opinions in regard to pagans ; he maintained : " The pagans out of Palestine are not idolaters, they merely follow the practices of their fathers."2

III. Fullers and Dyers.

The early existence of the trade of fuller is evidenced by the fact of a locality called " the fullers' field " being men- tioned in the Bible. The following substances are enume- rated in the Talmud as detergents : — 3

"lfO, the ancient natron, i.e., "soda;" JTTn, which was probably potash ; fr^TTOp, " cimolite," a white earth found in Argentiera, an island of the Grecian Archipelago, the ancient Cimolus ; }7t^N , some alkaline substance which I cannot identify;4 and Vl52£, "soap," which was supposed to be most effective for removing stains, and was to be applied when the other substances failed to produce the desired effect.

The process of dyeing seems to have been carried on to a large extent ; at all events, several pages of the Talmud are devoted to the discussion of the dyer's liability if he should deviate from the instructions received from his cus- tomer. The dye-stuffs used appear to have been for the most part vegetable, so at least we may infer from the use of the word ^2?2D,5 which literally means " herbs." The Jews were, however, acquainted with pOl,6 as they called that particular species of murex from which the celebrated Tyrian purple dye was obtained.

Of the vegetable dye-stuffs applied by Jewish dyers, are named :7

1 Baba bathra, 116 a. - Cbulin, 13 b. 3 Niddah, 62 a.

4 Tbe word is perhaps connected with }?&, "snow," and may either mean a white substance, or a substance which renders materials white as snow.

5 Baba kama, 101 a. 6 Menachoth, 44 a. 7 Shebiith, vii, 1 and 2.

408 Handicraft* and Artizans mentioned

D't&DNj the Greek tVaTt?, " woad," yielding a blue colour ; TTT\p and nN")E. red colours, probably produced from madder. Bed and blue seem to have been the principal colours, though it is likely that other colours were known.

IV. Perfumers.

The business of mixing incense has already been alluded to ; with this was most likely connected that of preparing cosmetics; it is stated1 that from the time of Ezra, itinerant vendors of perfumes used to visit the cities to sell toilet requisites for ladies.

As an allied trade to that of perfumer, I may mention that of hairdresser. A female hairdresser 2 is referred to in the Talmud, and likewise a kind of net3 in which women wrapped themselves while their hair was being dressed. Josephus4 mentions the practice of sprinkling gold dust upon the hair as having existed in the time of King Solomon.

False hair was also worn ; women used artificial plaits to supplement their own. A curious discussion arises on a hypothetical case5 : — If a woman who was sentenced to be executed should express a wish that her false hair should be given up to her daughter, whether that request can be granted or not.

V. Shoemakers.

Two terms are used in the Talmud: T7T-D, "sandal- maker," and p>!TV "shoemaker," but I cannot find any indication that these were separate trades. Mention is made of a wooden shoe6 covered with leather, and having the upper portion fastened to the soles by nails. An eminent sage of the second century gained his livelihood by sandal- making, and is always referred to as u Jochanan Hasandler." He was a pupil of the celebrated R. Akiba, to whom he was much attached, and whom he visited in prison.7

1 Baba bathra, 22 a. ■ Cbagigah, ib. 3 Kelim, xv, 3.

4 Antiqu., viii, 7, 3. 5 Erechin, 7 b. 6 Sabbatb, 60 a.

'< R. Akiba was put into prison, and died the death of a martyr under the governorship of Titus Annius Riifus.

in Talmudical Writings. 409

VI. Builders.

The more ambitious structures among the Jews were probably the works of foreign architects ; the occurrence of such expressions as plO^Q, "palatium," v72, "balneum," and p/p"K3' "triclinium," strongly points to Roman influence. The ordinary dwelling-houses, however, were no doubt built by native workmen ; there must, therefore, have been brick- layers, masons, carpenters, plasterers, and whitewashes. The houses were mostly only one storey high, yet houses with more than one storey, where the upper storey formed a separate dwelling, are distinctly mentioned.1 In this connection it may be of some interest to note that the whitewashers employed a brush the handle of which was made in joints,2 so that they could make it longer or shorter at will.

The following description of the construction of mud walls is introduced by Maimonides3 in explaining the word "P"Ij. This word, according to most commentators, means a row of bricks or stones, or a low stone wall ; but Maimonides says it means a wooden board, used in the building of walls, and he adds : " The builders take two boards about six cubits long and two cubits high, and place them parallel to each other on their edges, as far apart as the thickness of the wall they wish to build; then they steady these boards with pieces of wood, fastened with cords. The space between the boards is then filled up with earth, which is beaten down firmly with hammers or stampers ; this is continued until the wall reaches the requisite height, and the boards are then "withdrawn." I am informed that the same mode of construction is even now in use among the natives in some of the semi-civilised districts in the Andes.

VII. Potters.

The trade and the processes of the potter are so frequently referred to in the Bible that the Talmud has

1 Baba bathra, G3 a. - Sabbath, -47 a. 3 Content, on Kelim, xx, 5.

410 Handicrafts and Artizans mentioned

little to add. A peculiar kind of manufacture, frequently mentioned in the Mishna and the Talmud, are m\r\l ^D,1 literally "vessels of natron." The opinions of commentators differ very much as to the substances from which these —els were made. As far as I can ascertain, they were made from soda obtained from the Egyptian natron lakes, mixed with sand. According to Maimonides, they were only used as drinking vessels, and were too brittle to stand the fire. They seem to have been something between earthenware and glass. These vessels are likewise referred to by Pliny (Hist. Natur., xxxi, 10).

VIII. Physicians.

According to Rabbinical phraseology, the physician belonged to the artizan class; he is generally called F21N, which literally means "a skilled man,"' and is commonly applied to handicraftsmen.

The existence of surgical instruments has already been

alluded to. The phrase D^Nim W hyil Tmn fc&D,1 " as much as a large spoon of the doctors will hold," proves that the u tablespoonful " is a very ancient institution. It was usual for the patients to be attended to at the physician's house, but the wealthier classes often sent for the physician to attend them in their own dwellings.3

Many of the learned practised the healing art ; there was a celebrated surgeon in the third century named Abba, of whom it is recorded* that he had separate rooms for men and for women ; he also provided a kind of wrapper in which women were wrapped while undergoing operations. A place was set apart in the wall where people deposited the fee, so that he did not know how much any particular individual had given. From learned men he not only did not take any fee, but when the patient was a poor man, he supplied him with money to procure suitable nourishment for his convalescence.

1 Kelim, ii, 1. '; Kelim, xvii. 12. 3 Berachoth, 64 a.

4 Taanith, 21 b.

in Talmudical Writings. 411

These appear to be the principal handicrafts exercised among the Jews in the first centuries of the present era. There existed, of course, some others — for instance, fishermen, weavers, coopers, millers, &c. ; but I have not found in them any characteristic features that seemed to me noteworthy. AYhile endeavouring to lay before you the salient points of ancient Jewish industries, it has been my chief aim to show that the inhabitants of Palestine of two thousand years ago, although chiefly an agricultural people, were by no means indifferent to the mechanical arts by which the commodities and the embellishments of life are supplied ; and many men who were emment for their profound learning did not disdain to earn their livelihood by the labour of their hands. In pursuing these researches I have often been struck by the discovery that many practices and appliances which we generally regard as the offsprings of comparatively modern times, are really developments of what existed in ages long gone by ; and I have been strengthened in the conviction that the past comprised the seeds of the present, as the present comprises the seeds of the future.

Vol. VIII. -"

412

L'INSCRIPTION DE LA DESTRUCTION DES HOMMES DANS LE TOMBEAU DE RAMSES III.

Par Edouard Naville. Read 3rd March, 1885.

Depths que j'ai fait connaitre en 1875, pour la premiere fois, lTnscription du tombeau de Seti I, racontant la destruc- tion des homines par les dieux, ce texte a fait l'objet de plusieurs travaux. Le Chevalier de Bergmann l'a pub lie a nouveau d'apres une copie qu'il avait prise sur les lieux;1 M. Brugsch en a fait une traduction complete accompagnee de la transcription;2 M. Lauth a reproduit ma traduction en y faisant quelques corrections :3 enfin M. Lefebure4 en a interprets une partie qu'il a comparee a un texte tire d'un papyrus de Turin.

D'apres une indication qui m'avait ete fournie par mon savant confrere, M. le Dr. Stern, j'ai trouve un second exemplaire de cet interessant texte dans le tombeau de Ramses III ; j'en ai pris copie pendant un sejour a Thebes que j'ai fait dans l'hiver de 1882, et depuis lors j'ai pu collationner ma copie sur des estampages que M. Lefebure a faits Pannee suivante, et qu'il a eu l'obligeance de mettre a ma disposition. Cette reproduction avait evidemment ete faite d'apres le tombeau de Seti I ; il s'y trouve un tres petit nombre de variantes, mais elle est utile parce qu'elle remplit quelques unes des lacunes qui se trouvent dans l'origmal. La chambre du tombeau de Ramses III dans laquelle se

1 " Hieroglyphische Inschriften," pi. lxxxv et seq.

2 " Die neue Weltordnung nach Verniclitung des siindigen Menscheu- gi -chlechtes." Berlin. 1881.

3 " Aus Egyptena Vorzeit," p. 71 et seq.

1 " Un chapitre de la chronique Bolaire." (Zeitschr. fur Aey. Sprat-he, 1883.)

L inscription de la Destruction des Hommes, <$,-c. 413

trouve l'inscription est en beaucoup plus mauvais etat que celle de Seti I ; la pierre s'est delitee ; il s'y est forme beaucoup de salpetre, et les chauve-souris ont acheve ce que le temps avait encore un peu respecte. II serait impossible de traduire l'inscription d'apres le texte de Ramses III ; mais je vais essayer d'en donner une nouvelle interpretation en m aidant des travaux et des corrections de mes savants confreres, en particulier de M. Brugsch, et en relevant deux ou trois points ou la comparaison des deux versions m'a montre que le savant egyptologue s'etait ecarte du sens vrai.1

Ligne 1 qui se leve, le dieu qui existe par

lui-meme,2 lorsqu'il fut en possession de la royaute des homines et des dieux eusemble; les homines prononcerent des paroles [contre le dieu].

2 lors done que Sa Majeste, vie saine et forte,

etait dans sa vieillesse, ses os3 etaient d'argent, sa chair etait d'or, ses boucles de lapis vrai ; Sa Majeste s'apercut des paroles [prononcees] contre lui

3. par les hommes. Dit par Sa Majeste, vie saine et forte, a ceux qui etaient aupres de lui : j'appelle devant ma face, Shu, Tefnut, Seb,

4. Nut, et les peres et les meres qui etaient avec moi quand j'etais encore dans Nun (l'ocean primordial) ; 4 et ensuite mon dieu (mon pere divin) Nun, amenera ses

5. compagnons avec lui. Amene-les a petits pas, que les hommes ne le voient pas, et que ne s'ecoule (s'effi-aie) pas leur coeur. Tu iras avec eux,

1 Pour abreger je designerai le texte de Seti 1 par S. et celui de Ramses III par R.

2 La le9on de R. | irrti — »— I montre que la correction de Mr. Lauth : " dessen Wort sich verwirklicht " n'est pa3 justifiee.

3 Un exanien attentif de mes estampages m'a prouve qu'il faut lire dans S. 2 | | | ^^-» et plus loin Q i> |T\ . (Brugsch, " Reise nach der grossen Oase El Khargeh," p. 36 et 40.)

4 -d • ■ , • , t, COO Kemarquer ici la vanaute de R. f=3 '

4L4 LJ inscription de la Destruction des Hom\

6. dans le grand temple quand ils auront donne leur consentemeut ; je sortirai de Nun pour aller au lieu oil je suis ; qu on m'amene la les dieux.

7. Lorsque les dieux furent arrives dans son lieu, ils se prosternerent en presence de Sa Majeste qui prononca ses paroles en ta presence, pere

8. des anciens dieux, createur des hommes et roi des etres pins; et ils dirent en presence de Sa Majeste :

9. Dis-nous tes paroles afin que nous les entendions.1 Dit par Ra a Nun : toi, Paine des dieux, duquel je suis ne, et vous dieux anciens,

10. voici les hommes qui sont nes de mon ceil,2 pro- noncent des paroles contre moi. Dites-moi ce que vous ferez a ce sujet,

11. voici j'ai attendu, et je ne les ai pas tues avant d'avoir entendu ce que vous direz a ce sujet.

12. Dit par la majeste de Nun : mon fils Ra, plus grand que celui qui Pa fait, et que les dieux qui l'ont cree ; ton trone est bien etabli, et grande est la crainte

1 Nous aTons ainsi le commencement de 1' inscription a peu pres complet. Le crime des hommes est celui qui est rep6te plus loin. Us se sont permis de parler contre leur roi. Mr. Brugsch retablissait le sens ainsi 1. 1 : " Und die Menschen "welche auf das Gebirge gezogen verschworen sich gegen lhren Herrn." Cela me para it aller plus loin que le texte.

; II est fait plusieurs fois allusion dans les testes mythologiques a la puissance crSatrice de l'oeil, ainsi Todt., ch. 78 (je cite d'apres le texte thebain de

^ ^ % 2^] & V& t\ ^s» A ^p~. "Jesuisun ^^-n-rr §jj k ( W III £1 -hr\^ r. v, J] I

bienheureux lumineux qu'a cree Turn lui-iueme. Je suis ne d'un rayonnement

de son ceil " ; et plus loin : j^fi vA awm TSQSL _^P \>V

OfU^S^fl" M £V^V "Jesu.sun

-<2>- < n? . o I HI

ver qu'a cree l'ced du maitre unique lorsqu' Isis n'avait pas encore enfante Horus." Puis dans le chapitre oil Horus demande a son pere de pouvoir voir comme lui ses creatures et oil il est puni de sa presoinption par la Measure que

Set lui fait a l'oeil.

dans U' Tomheau de Ramses III. 415

13. que tu inspires, que ton ceil se dirige sur ceux qui conspirent contre toi; clit par la majeste de Ra : voici, ils s'enfuient sur les montagnes

14. et leurs coeurs sont effrayes a cause de ce que je leur ai dit. Ils dirent (unanimement) devant la majeste de Ra : laisse aller ton ceil,

15. que ce soit lui qui vainque ceux qui conrplotent des choses mauvaises, aucun ceil ne sera en face de lui (pour l'empecher de les f rapper) s'il descend sous la forme

16. d'Hathor. La deessealla done et elle tua les hommes sur les montagnes. Dit par la majeste de ce dieu : viens en paix, Hathor.

17 m'eloignerai d'elle. Dit par cette deesse :

tu es vivant, quand je l'ai emporte sur les hommes, mon cceur en a ete heureux.

18 dit par la majeste de Ra : je l'emporte sur

eux ..... leur destruction. De la vient que Sekhet

19. pendant plusieurs nuits foula aux pieds leur sang, commencant a Heracleopolis. Dit par Ra :

20. J'appelle vers moi des coureurs legers et rapides ; qu'ils soient prompts comme 1

21 ces coureurs arriverent sur le champ; Sa

Majeste leur dit : qu'ils courent a Elephantine et qu'ils m'apportent

22. des mandragores en grand nombre ; quand furent apportees ces mandragores, elles furent remises au meunier d'Heliopolis

23. pour les moudre, en merne temps que les pretresses etendaient de l'orge pour faire de la boisson ; on mit les mandragores dans des vases avec le sang des hommes,

1 II y a ici une variante curieuse :

/WW\A

O q i

^

— h — -* 2LL M I # l r £i a a \

II est difficile de fcraduire autrement que "festinenl sicut ventixs ventris."

416 TJ 'inscription de la Destruction des Hommes

et Ton fit de cette boisson, sept mille cruches.1 Alors vint la majeste de Ra avec ses dieux pour voir cette boisson, apres qu'il eut dit a la deesse de tuer les hommes pendant leiu's jours de navigation.

Dit par la majeste de Ra : c'est bien (ces vases) ; je vais proteger les hommes avec cela. Elevez vos mains a ce sujet parceque je ne lui (a la deesse) dirai plus de tuer les hommes.2

La majeste du roi de la Haute et de la Basse Egypte, Ra, ordonna a la faveur de la nuit de repandre le liquide qui etait dans ces vases ; et les champs qui etaient des quatre cotes furent

29. rempHs d'eau par la volonte de ce dieu.3 La deesse vint au matin, et elle trouva ces champs

30. inondes. Son visage en fut rejoui ; elle se mit a boire a satiete, et elle s'en alia enivree,

31. et elle ne vit plus les hommes. Dit par la ma- jeste de Ra : viens en paix, puissante deesse;4 c'est la l'origine

1 II y avait la, un membre de phrase dont il reste un lambeau dans R.

\ \J V I — h — %%% , niais qui n'existe pas dans S. IN §1 %%%

/VWW\ fWVWS

2 II est regrettable qu'a cet endroit le texte de R. soit en aussi mauvais §tat ; cependant j'ai pu lire distinctenient et verifier sur l'estampage ces mots de

la ligne 27 : \ |t|| l) " I 1? \\ ^ ' # ne lui sera plus dit de

tuer les hommes. Le mot z^\ manque dans S. Quant a *, — ^^ lj ^ m

il est plus rtigulier de traduire elevez les mains, quoique dans ce texte il ne faille pas se tenir de trop pres aux pronoms et aux detemiinatifs tela qu'ils sont indiques.

3 Non seulement Ra n'ordonnera plus la destruction des bommes, mais il ra faire en sorte qu'Hathor soit obligee de s'arreter dans le massacre ; pour cela il va lui faire eprouver l'effet de la boisson qui a ete fabriquee. Cette boisson est

devenue un I D^ J^l ' une boisson qui oblige au repos, qui endort, un

narcotique. Dans le Livre des Morts le verbe I B& /^ " faire coucher,"

est un eupkemisme pour " mourir."

Q au lieu de (

dans le Tombeau de Ramsks III. 417

32. des jeunes filles d'Amu. Dit par la majeste de Ra a cette deesse : on lui fera des vases de boisson enivrante au temps de la fete ammelle, leur nombre sera d'apres

33. celui des servantes (du temple). De la vient que des vases de boisson enivrante, d'apres le nombre des ser- vantes, sont faits par tous les homines a la fete d'Hathor depuis le premier jour.

34. Dit par la majeste de Ra a cette deesse : s'il y a une douleur cuisante qui me fait souffrir, dira-t-on quelle est cette douleur?

35. Dit par la majeste de Ra : je suis vivant, mon coeur est las d'etre avec eux ; je les ai tues en vain,

36. Ce n'a pas ete une destruction de la longueur de mon bras1 (aussi complete que j'aurais pu la faire). Dit par les dieux qui l'accompagnaient : arriere ta lassitude, tu as obtenu

37. ce que tu desirais. Dit par la majeste du dieu a Nun : ma chair est malade pour la premiere fois ; je n'irai pas jusqu'a ce que j'atteigne un autre (pour me soutenir).

Le texte s'interrompt ici pour faire place a la peinture de la vache celeste, et a la description tres-fragmentaire qui l'accompagne. II manque done dans le texte de Ramses III

1 Malgre l'autorite qui s'attache a tout ce qu'ecrit Mr. Brugsch, je crois devoir maintenir ma traduction precedente. Mr. Brugsch traduit : " Meine Seele ist es miide geworden, mit ihnen (deu Menschen) zu seiu. Ich habe sie vertilgt, uud kein Mann ist iibrig geblieben. Nicht kurz, sonderu lang ist inein Arm gewesen." Cette interpretation ne me parait pas concorder avec ce que dit Ra. Le dieu se plaint de la lassitude que lui cause la societe des homines ; preuve qu'il ne les a pas detruits aussi completement qu'il l'aurait desire. I-. „ «awa "^TT ~^=& \lp > litt. fois ou maniere de personne, me parait une expression composee dans le genre de r-, q _~^ "^g?s> 2f efc devoir signifier "nullement, en aucune maniere." ^^ ^fe^, /T^\ ^^ "■

Le mot aa^va "^5^ se trouve deja, S., 1. 15, sous la forme transitive ^^^ ou il sign i fie comme l'indique Mr. de Eouge, " detruire, aneantir."

Litt. " Ce n'est pas une destruction de la longueur de mon bras," c'est-it dire aussi complete que j'aurais pu la faire ou que je l'aurais voulue ; ou bien comme je l'ai propose dans ma premiere traduction " ou j'aie etendu ma main," e'est-a- dire que j'aie faite par moi-meme.

41 N I/inscription de la Destruction des Horn,

l'une des parties les plus importantes de l'inscription : l'enlevement de Ra par la vac-he Nut et le pardon accorde

aux hommes. S. 35

/^^fnfl^,

/•.•^,-/.-

I I

Vbs peehds sont ■ vous, le meurtre tloigne le meurtre ; de

la viennent les sacrifices. (II faut suppleer dans la lacune le mot jjjj <=>).

Quand 1'inscription de R. reprend, c'est aux recommanda- tions que Ra adresse a Seb (S. 56) de se garder avec soin eontre les serpents qu'il contient.

R. L 38. " Dit par la majeste du dieu a Thoth : appelle devant moi la majeste de Seb, disant : viens, hate toi sur le champ. Lorsque fut venue la majeste de Seb. la majeste de ce dieu lui dit : prends garde aux serpents qui sont en toi, qu'ils me craignent tel que je suis, et lorsque tu connaitras leur science, tu courras ensuite au heu ou est mon pere Xun et tu lui diras : prends garde aux serpents de la terre et de l'eau."

II reste trop peu du texte de R., les variantes qui s'y trouvent sont trop peu importantes pour qu'il j ait heu a tenter une nouveUe interpretation. L'inscription s'arrete ljrusquement au milieu de la ligne $5 de S., parceque l'espace a manque au scribe. Xous avons ici uu exemple de la negli- gence avec laquelle travaillaient les scribes egvpriens. On a voulu profiter d'une petite chambre au fond du tombeau. et Tomer comroe celle de Seti I ; evidemment on a com- mence par graver sur la paroi en face de la porte la belle vache celeste qui est la partie centrale de l'inscription. puis on s'est mis a ecrire le texte en commencant a droite de la porte sans calculer la grandeur des signes et sans s'inquieter si l'espace suffirait. Aussi n'etait on arrive qua S. 29 quand on a ete arrete par le dessin de la vache. II est probable qu'en meme temps un autre ouvrier gravait la seconde partie de rinscription de l'autre cote du dessin. car dans les deux tombeaux. apres la vache le texte reprend au meme endroit. Cet ouvrier a fait la meme faute que le premier, et la place lui a manque egalement. Mais peu importait pourvu que

Tnscx-ipti on du Tomb e an de Ramses III. Plate 1.

Trams.Soc.Bibb. Arch. Vol, VIII.

nw

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Trans, Soc.BdL.Arrh, .

||^!!EoiH]?^^^|»52su«W*S

Jliway av^are i»t^ ^ i f v "^ xftaftaw

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Trans, Soc, BiM.Arch, VoUVUI.

»fUI ^^^^«^iW| jU| ^M

2?

%&8®^ttW®«\43i ^

hr'V

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j5!*]3tS0JIJl&s!^3Mtf^SAM

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<£=«* *

dans le Tonibeau de Ramses J IJ. 419

]es murs fussent recouverts; qui done irait controler l'exacti- tude de la copie ?

Resumons encore une fois la partie la plus inter cssante de ce curieux mythe. Ra, le roi des hommes et des dieux, deja avance en age, s'apercoit que les hommes prononcent contre lui des paroles seditieuses. II convoque alors les dieux Shu, Tefnut, Seb et Nut, ainsi que son pere Nun pour leur demander conseil sur ce qu'il y a a faire. Ceux-ci 1'engagent a envoyer son oeil qui prendra la forme d'Hathor, et qui massacrera les rebelles. La deesse execute le mandat a la satisfaction de Ra, et pour achever la destruction des hommes, elle devient Sekhet la puissante, qui foule aux pieds pendant plusieurs nuits le sang des coupables. A ce moment Ra ordonne a ses coureurs d'aller en hate a Elephantine lui chercher des mandragores qu'i] remet au meunier et aux pretresses d'Heliopolis, qui en melent le jus au sang des hommes et en font 7,000 cruches de boisson. Ra vient pour les voir et enchante de ce spectacle il declare qu'il s'en servira pour proteger les humains, et que desormais il n'ordonnera plus a la deesse de massacrer les hommes. Aussi fait-il repandre pendant la nuit le liquide de ces cruches qui recouvre la terre de tous cotes. Au matin arrive la deesse qui a passe la nuit a fouler aux pieds les cadavres ; elle boit avec avidite, s'enivre et ne voit plus les hommes qui echappent ainsi a la destruction. Cependant Ra se sent malade, il est las de la society des humains, et il se fait porter au ciel par Nut qui a pris la forme d'une vache. A ce moment les lacunes du texte ne nous permettent pas de reconstruire completement l'ordre des faits. Les hommes voient passer Ra, et il sembie que devant lui ils s'engagent a detruire ceux des leurs qui sont ses ennemis. Au matin les hommes sortent portant leurs arcs, et ils percent de leurs fleches les ennemis du roi. Aussi Ra leur declare que leurs fautes leur sont pardonnees, et que la mort de ses ennemis a paye leur rancon. Le texte ajoute que e'est la l'origine des sacrifices.

Ainsi en Egypte l'idee qui a conduit a l'institution du sacrifice est presque la meme que chez les Hebreux on chez les Grecs. " Le meurtre ecarte le meurtre," comme dit l'Egyptien ; la mort eloigne la mort. Les hommes se sont

4"2<» U inscription de la Destruction des Homme?, §-c.

rebelles contre leur roi, ils sont voues a la destruction ; mais une partie d'entre eux obtient son pardon en faisant perir ceux qui persistent dans la iv volte, et desormais les sacrifices commemorent cet evenement qui a sauve les homines de l'aneantissement. II y a sous cette forme bizarre de l'inscrip- tion egyptienne une pensee que je recommande a l'attention des savants qui s'occupent de l'etude comparee des religions.

Traits. Soc.Bvbl Arch: Vol VIII

WH.Bylands.del 1884

Vincent Broolis .Bay & Stn, Lift.

Sandstone tablet, of Amenhotep from Thebes nowm the.Brius-h Museum N° 297

421

SANDSTONE TABLET OF AMENHOTEP FROM THEBES;

Now in the British Museum. No. 297.

By Samuel Birch, D.C.L., LL.D., &c. {President).

Tablet with rounded top, in two divisions ; in the first, Amenhotep, a bearer, a title formerly supposed to mean judge, but lately ' page,' standing before an altar, on which is a water jar and stem of a water plant, adoring ' Osiris, lord of the age,' holding the crook and whip; Isis, the great mother goddess, and Harsaesis, or ' Horus son of Isis,' hawk-headed. In the second or lower compartment the same personage stands shaved, as if appertaining to the priestly order, before Amenophis I, having the royal attire, and holding the crook and emblem of life, followed by his mother Aahmes Neferarit, the wife of Amasis I, coloured black, also in queenly attire, holding a lotus flower in her right hand, and in her left a kind of sceptre or ornament in shape of a drooping flower, resembling the sceptre maks (Lepsius, " Aelt. Texte," p. 38). She is followed by the divine wife Satkames (the daughter of Karnes), a predecessor, contemporary of Amasis I. She holds a lotus flower in her left hand, and a symbol of life in her right hand. She is coloured yellow, and was probably the wife of the king (Birch, « Gall, of Antiquities," pi. 30, fig. 143).

422

TERRA-COTTA SEALS IX THE POSSESSION OF M. G. SCHLUMBERGER.

By W. Hakrt RrLAXDS, F.S.A. (Secretary).

Ix the Revue Archiologique of December. 1882, M. George Perrot published a series of seals, in the possession of M. Schlumberger; and with his kind help I was enabled to place before the Society sketches of the same seals in the Proceeding* of February. 1884.

Annexed to these notes will be found a photographic plate of the same seals ; but unfortunately, owing to the fineness of the engraving, there was great difficulty in obtaining a very satisfactory negative. With the assistance of the sketch in the Proceedings, however, but little difficulty will be found in tracing the correct forms of the various characters.

I would here thank M. Schlumberger for his kindness in sending the original seals to me in England, and so generously allowing me to retain them as long as was necessary for their publication by the Society ; also to M. Perrot for having placed at my disposal the plate of them published by him in the Revue Archeologique. which was, however, I am sorry to say. too large to be available for our publications.

It will be remembered that some terra-cotta seals were discovered by Sir Henry Layard many years ago. which have been several times engTaved ; among others by this Society in the series of plates published in the Transactions.

In numbering the seals on the plate published in the Pr \ceeding* I have, hi order to avoid confusion, retained the numbers used by M. Perrot in the Revue. I have however only given the best of the four examples of the seal bearing

(Trans Soe. Eil 1. Arch., vol, viii )

TERRA-COTTA SEALS IX THE COLLECTION OF M. G. SOHLOIirURGER.

feflfvg

Terra-cotta Seals. 423

a griffin (No. 1), and also of the large round one (Nos. 2, 3,4). On the photographic plate annexed will be found the three examples of the latter.

The original pieces of terra-cotta, for the publication of which all those interested in the inscriptions called " Hittite " are so much indebted to M. Perrot, were obtained by M. Schlumberger in Constantinople about the year 1879, from a dealer, who assured him that they came from the interior of Asia Minor. For a full description of them, and general discussion of the subject, I must refer to the learned article by M. Perrot already mentioned.

It may be well however to call attention to a few peculiarities. The seals are all, with the exception of Nos. 1 8a and 9, or have been conical pieces of clay, having inmost instances a hole near the point; 8a has engraving at both ends, and is cylindrical in form. These shapes differ, I believe, from most of the impressions of clay seals known to us ; for example, those of the same class discovered by Sir Henry Layard, and might appear to some rather to be the matrices than the impressions ; but this I can hardly believe.

On No. 15 will be found a figure standing on some animal, a lion, or a dog, like the figures carved on the rocks in Asia Minor ; and again on No. 7 is observed a priest-like human figure in a long robe of Assyrian form. A curious duplication of characters is to be noticed on Nos. 2, 3, 4 ; 5, 6, 10, 17, &c. ; and in Nos. 12, 13, and 18, a vertical inscription is placed in the centre, with two others more or less alike, and also vertical, running down the sides. The characters on No. 8a are peculiarly placed, as unlike any other example, they appear to have one centre hieroglyph round which the others are placed, reading from the outer edge.

A close examination shows several other interesting points : some new characters and variations of those already known to us from the inscriptions, but I must differ from M. Schlumberger as to the character on Nos. 5, 12, 10, &c, which I take not to be a serpent, but the hieratic form of what, as I have already pointed out, was

424

Terrarcotta Seals.

originally a human face, and is found in various forms on other examples of this language.

For a knowledge of the gem from Lajard's " Cidte de Mithro." added at the foot of the plate in the Proceedings, I am indebted to Professor Sayce ; it contains characters, as will be seen, of a striking resemblance to those under notice.

425

INDEX TO VOL. VIII.

Aa, Babylonian goddess 166, 167, 168 Aahmes-Nefert-ari .... 146, 147

.Aahnies-sa-Nit .... .... .... 163

Aat-tes-tes 323, 328

Abaa .... .... .... .... 162

A-ba-ya (the black ibis) .... 90, 140

Ab-bu-un-nu (tbe pelican) 95, 96, 140 Ab-ei-ni-ni-tuv .... .... .... 136

Abicta sa ecil .... .... .... 136

Ablaa 282, 290

Abu-habba 172, &c.

Abu-babbab, antiquities froni .... 164

Abydos, pylons of 322, 323

Ac-cu-u (owl) 67, 134

A-dam-mu-mu (bird) .... 71, 134

Addia 272, 279, 281

A-dim-ma .... .... .... .... 135

Adoption of children among Ak- kadians .... .... 238, &c.

A-edina (a Babylonian divinity) 165

A-gus (bird) A-gus-se (bird) Ahrnes Ahinas

Ai

Akabi-ilu .... Akar

Akbu

Akki

Al-lal-luv (the starling) Alms, ancient Hebrew

about Am (wild bull) Ama-a

Amen-hir-pi-mesha Amenhotep

„ stele of Amenophis I

„ III

91, 141 99, 100, 141

28k

162

162, 300, &c. 275, 284, 285

201

137

348

77, 136 customs

37, 39

49

141

163

162, 391

421

117

146, 160

Amen-Ua ....

Ames

Ames-mes ....

Amon

Amsi (the elephant)

Anachamen

Anathemas, Egyptian

Ancestors, worship of

Anenit

Animals on Black Obelisk

Ankh-ars ....

Ankh-Psametik

Ank-kha

An-pa-tuv (the woodpecker)

Ansaris, the

Ant, the

Antelope, the

Antum

Apepi

Apirak

Apii, or Apepi

Apu (Panopolis) ....

A-ra-bu (bird)

Architect, Egyptian

Architects, Egyptian

„ list of Egyptian

,, Jewish A-ri-bu (raven) ' ApKtavoQ .... 'Api'5

Armenians, the Artizans, Jewii-h .... As-ci-ci-tuv (the swallow Assassins, the Asshur

Assyrian Birds Assyrian Empire, the Assyrian .Mythology At, le poisson A-ta-an nari

PAGE

330

204, 300, &c.

299, 336, &c.

20,21

49, 123

20, 23 »

1-19

.... 144

338, &c.

.... 128

.... 161

.... 163

.... 161

67, 134

380

113

47, 48

165

200, 215, &c.

351

... 330, &c. ... 300, 302

109

... 300, 312

145, &c.

... 161, &c.

409

... 61, 79, 138

350

350

370, 375, A'c. .... 398 72, 136 .... 383 .... 359 42-142 360, &c. .... 369 .... 14 .... 140

426

INDEX.

PAGt

A-ta-an nahari (the pelican) 95, 96 Atef-en-Osor .... .... .... 27

Augury, Assyrian .... .... 115, 120

Aui 330

A-vur-sa-nu (the pigeon) .... 106

A-vu-se (bird) 99, 100

Az-ei-ku (bird) 101

B.

Ba, the soul Babel, Tower of Babylon Babylonian Art

„ Mythology

Badges of Jewish artizans

Bak-en-khonsu

Bakers, Jewish

Bakrans (Bocchoris)

Balawat

Bal-lu-du ( ? magpie)

Bal-lu-tsi-tuv

Bal-lu-tsi-tu ( ? magpie) ..

Banaa

Bar-kha-a-ti (the vulture)

Baaa

Basa

Basa

Basia Basia

Bast

Baziati (elephant)... Bear, the Great ... Bee-eater, the

Bel

Bel-alu-iddin Bel-edir Bel-iddina .... Bel-Idlina .... Belus, Tower of ... Ben-Hadad-natan ...

873

367 185, 291, 307, <5cc. 347

.. 369 .. 402

.. 162

.. 403

.. US

.. 365

.. 109

.. 13S

.. S3

.. 271

.. 60

..237;;

.... 272,. 274

280, 2S1, 233

.... 280, 290

272

.... 23, 26, 27

131

209«

.... 110, 142

165

.... 2- _ 3 .... 2S6, 298

272

.... 2£ -

185 &e., 191 27 • 280, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285 Bennu bird, the .... .... 219

Bertin, George, Akkadian Pre- cepts tor the Conduct of Man in his Private Life .... 230-270

Betrothal, Akkadian .... ... -

Biban-el-Moluk 301

Biblical Nationalities ... 25-

PAGE

Bin-Addu-amara .... .... .... 275

Bin-Addu-natan 238, 271, 272, 27^. 275 Bin-gani .... .... .... 350/»

Birch, S., LL.D., D.C.L. (Presi- dent), Stele of Amenhotep .... 421

„ on a Tablet in the British Museum relating to two Architects 143-163

„ on the Shade or Shadow of

the Dead 3£

Birds, Assyrian .... .... 42-142

„ for food, Assyrian 51

„ modern, of Mesopotamia 55-57

Birds' nests, eggs, &c Ill, &c.

Birs yimroud .... 185, 188, 367, be.

Bit-elat 237»

Bit-Karzaginna .... .... .... 166

Blacksmiths, Jewish 406

Borsippa .... .... .... .... 292

Bos primifienius ^r'em or remu) 49 Budge, E. A. W . stelae Egyptian, principally of the 18th Dynasty,

299-346 Budhur ini (the raven) .... .... 79

Buffalo, the 49, 130

Builders, Jewish 409

Bulbul, the 74, 137

Bu-li-li (the swallow) .... 53, 72, 136

Bull, the wild 48, 49, 126

Bunanit .... .... .... ... 275

Bunanitu 279, 280, 281, 282, 284, 285 Bunanitum.... ....238,271,272,274

Bunting, the snow .... ....102a

Bu-ri-du (bird) 101, 138

Bu-ru-um-tav (bird) .... .... Iu7

Bustard 139

,, the great .... .... .... 87

Bu-tsu ( ? falcon) 107

Buzzard .... ... 135

„ the honey 110

L'a-ca-ba-a-nu (the dove) ... 85, 138 • na-ari (the grebe) .... .... 102

Calah .... .... .... 365. See.

Ca-li-u or ca-lu-u 88, 140

Ca-ri-ib (the vulture) 60

- -a-bar-ti .... .... .... 138

INDEX.

427

PAGE

Casid-cab-ruv 138

„ or casid-ca-bar-ti (jackdaw) 82

Ca-su-cud-da 135

Ca-su-su (owl or falcon) 103

Ca-ti-ma-tuv .... .... .... 134

„ (? vulture) GO

Cat, aud jackal, argument between

11-18 Chacal, see Jackal. Xaibit, xab, or xaibt, see Shade. Chaldean Catholics .... 370, &c.

„ Nestorians 370, &c.

Chaldeans, origin of 359

„ the 373, &c.

Charity, ancient Hebrew customs

about 38, 40

Xenti 300

Children, laws about, 238, &c, 261, 2G7 Chnum-ab-ra .... .... .... 163

Choachytes .... .... .... 5n

Christianity in Egypt .... 1-19

Xuenaten .... .... 300

Ci-li-luv (woodpecker) .... 67, 134

Cilijipu (the partridge) 85

Ci-lip-pu 138

Ciron, le 14, 15

Clouds, the, in Egyptian Myths 198, &c.

Cock, the 97, 141

Cones (head ornament) .... 144, 147

Coppersmiths, Jewish 405

"Cowbird"the 91,141

Crafts, Jewish .... 401

Crane, the 88, 141

Crow, the 81, 79, 139

Cu 137

Cuckoo, the 71, 135

Cu-li-li (the woodpecker) 67, 134

Cu-lu-cu-cu (the partridge) .... 85

Cu-lu-ku-ku 138

Cu-mu (bird) .... 44

Cu-mu, see Tusmu.

Cu-mu-u .... .... .... .... 140

Cunaxa, battle of .... .... .... 181

Cu-ni-pu (bird) 97, 99, 140

Cu-pi-tu (? the flamingo) .... 108

Cups, Akkadian 264, 270

Cu-ru-bu (bird) 106

Cu-ru-uc-cu or ca-rac-cu (bird) .... 106

Cus-du 103

Cush 301

Vol. VIII.

Cutha

Cylinders ....

PAGE

.... 182 355, 356

D.

Daan-Sum-iddina 279, 280

Dabchick, the 103

Dair 16 1, 173

Da-lu-lu (? magpie) 109

Dan-Sum-iddina 271, 272

Darius, Marriage Contracts in the

reign of 20-29

Debts, ancient Hebrew Laws about 35 Deity, queen made .... 146, 147

Demotic papyri .... .... 1-29

Destiny bird, the 73, 107

Destruction, the bird of 76

Destruction des Hommes, l'ln-

scription de la .... .... 412

Dhar-lugal-luv (bird) .... 91, 92

Dha-ab-bi'-u, the Grebe 102

Dhar-lugal-luv 140

Dhar-ru (bird) .... .... .... 107

Di-ic-di-ic (the sparrow) 108

Di-ik-di-ku (bird) 76, 136

Dil-bat (the cock) 97, 140

Disk heresy .... .... .... 146

j, solar 207»

Divinities on cylinders .... 355, 356 Dodgson, A., Demotic Papyrus in

possession of .... .... ....1-19

Dove 83, 85, 86, 139

,, the turtle 107

Dove-cot H6

Dowry, Akkadian.... 237, 238, 266

276, 282, &c.

380

76, 136

107

. 91, 93, 111

70

134

95

407

Babylonian laws about

Druzes, the Duc-duc-cu (bird) Du-du (the turtle dove) Dudurranu (bird) ... Dulimmassat (bird) Du-lim, mas-sat .... Dur-Yah iii Dyers, Jewish

E.

Ea-bani Eagle, the

350

105, 120 135 28

428

INDEX.

PAGE

Ea-kha-an-tuv .... .... .... 134

E-baia 165, 166

Ebionites, the 31

Eclipses, myths about .... .... 214

E-ge-bu (the owl) 62

Egg, bh-d's.... .... .... .... 117

Eggs, Hebrew law about. .. .... 32

„ for food (Assyrian) 51, 52

Egibi 2S6

Egyptian money .... .... .... 22/*

., Myths 200, &c.

Ekur-suma-ibassi .... .... 165, 166

Elephant, the 123, 127

Elgarini 184

'E-na-mi (the cock) .... 99, 100

'Eribi (locusts) 112

'Eribu (insect bird) .... 79,136

'E-ru-u (the vulture) .... 58, 134 'E-ru-ul-luv (the vulture) GO, 134

Esagilite 168»

Esarhaddon .... .... .... 354

Escilituv, or escininituv (the

swallow) Esiraa Esraa Es-se-bu

E-ulbar-sakin-sumi Evil, bird of Eyes of Horus E-zida-sum-epus ....

'E-zi-zu (bird) .... ....97

280,

72

272

290

.... 134

165, 169

.... 63

.... 207

282, 290

, 99, 140

P.

Falcon, the 142

Falconry, Assyrian .... 51, 104

Festivals, Egyptian 304, 315, 323, 327 Finch 114, 137, 139

„ (the snow) .... 101

Finches .... .... .... .... 76

Fire-god 168

Flamingo, the 91, 92, 141

Flycatcher, the .... .... 1]2»

Fortune, good and evil, associated

with birds .... .... .... 53

Fowls 97, &c.

„ (Babylonian) 51

Francolin, the .... .... .... 85

Francoline 139

Frigate bird, the Frog, the .... Fullers, Jewish

G.

Ga mu un du Galdeans, the Gam-gam-mu (the ostrich)

Gam gam (khu) .... Gar-mi-kharmes (?) (bird) Gatekeepers in Memphis....

Genii of the dead

Gi-il-gi-da-nu Gilgidanu (bird) .... Gir gid da (the ostrich) .... Gir gi lum khu (bird)

Giri-gid-da

Gistubar .... Gis sir

Goat-swallow, the... Goblet or cup

Gold

Goldsmiths, Jewish

Goose, the

Grampus, the

Graveyard bird

Grebe, the ....

Green, colour in Egyptian

Greyhounds, mythical

Grouse

,, the sand Gudea Guebres, the Gun gd

IF.

PAGE

... 48 .... 122 .... 407

.... 137 .... 382 .... 100, 140, &c. .... 141 .... 99 .... 320 .... 396 .... 138 .... 86 101, &c. .... 109 .... 141 350, 355 .... 135 .... 73 .... 86 86, 265 .... 405 .... 142 .... 127 .... 82 .... 102 myths 217, 218» .... 214 .... 114 .... 107 .... 194 .... 382 .... 137

Haeroon	.... 23«
Hahoeroou	26,27
Hair, Akkadian rule about	.... 241
,, locks of	.... 211
Hairdressers, Jewish	.... 408
Hammurabi	.... 355
Hana	.... 352
Handicrafts, Jewish	.... 398

INDEX.

429

PAGE

Hanka .... .... .... .... 161

Har 145

Har-em-Saf .... .... .... L63

Hariza 272, 274, 282

Harizaa .... .... .... .... 27'.'

Har-khen 162

Har Ra 303

Has-shunu.... .... .... .... 163

Hath or 204, 208, 218

Hea-baui .... .... .... .... 355

Hebi'ew, Ancient Poor Laws 30-41

Heka 161

HeliopoUs 322, 324, 325, 326, 327

Hell, Egyptian

Hen, the ....

Her-ab-apu

Hercius

Herir

Heron, the....

Hoopoe, the

Hor

Horn

Horsiesi

8

99

330

24, 25

25, 26, 27, 28

67», 88, 91, 141

72, 135, 142

28)i

.... 126, 127 9

Houghton, Rev. Win., the Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records .... .... 42-142

Iba 272,279

Ib-bil-tuv (the turtle dove) .... 107

Ibis 141

„ the black 90

Ibrahim- el- Khalil .... .... 192

Iddin-Marduk 275, 281, 283, 281

285, 290

Iddina-Marduk 237», 272, 274, 277,

280

Id khu, eru (?) 135

Idihi-Hana 242

Igidu-zir'-iddina .... .... .... 272

Igidu-zira-iddina 280, 290

Igimul 139

1-lu-a-li (the honey buzzard) .... 109 Ilu-bi'di .... .... .... .... 353

Ilu-saba 352, &c.

Illumbi .... 139

II lum bi khu (bird) 102

Imhotep 162

Ina-e-sagili-raniat .... Ina-E-sagili-ramat

Inundation-bird, the

Irani

Ir-ca-bu (the dove) .... 84

Iribam-Sin....

[shmaelifces, the ....

Isis 23», 204

Istar

Its-isxir Khar-ri (? falcon)

Its-tsur a-sa-gi (bird)

,, ci-i-si (bird of the papyrus)

„ khal-zi (bird)

., ki-i-si

,, limutti (lord of evil)

„ mu-si

„ musi (tlie bulbul) . ..

,, -rabi....

sa-a-mu sa-me-di

(the bird of destruc- tion) ....

,, sarau (bird) ...

,, samu ,,

,, tu-ba-ci It-ti-du (bird) Itti-marduk-balatu Ivory

66

272, 280 86

PAGE

237»

277

93

286

, 138 278 383 211 354 107

108

(--* <o

106

136

63

136

74

52

138

136

76 61 82 134 106 ,290 126

Jackal and cat, discussion between

11-18 Jackdaw (the) .... 81, 82, 139, 142

Jacobites, Syrian .... .... 370, &c.

Jubilee, Hebrew law of .... .... 36

Justice, Assyrian lords of .... 168

E.

Ea, the

... 148, 302, 304, 305, 309, 316, 322, 323, 332

Ea-du-du 134

Ea-du-u (the owl) .... .... (>7

Ea-ka-nu .... .... .... .... 138

Ea-ku-u 138

Ea-ku-ul-luv ... .... .... L38

Kalah-Shirgat 364,365

430

INDEX.

PAGE

Ka minister .... .... 304, 310

Ka-nefer .... .... .... .... 102

Kanre. see Ames-mes. Kapti-ilani-Marduk .... 2S1, 290

Kaptu-ihiui-Marduk .... .... 272

Ka-ri-ib bar-kha-ti .... .... 13-4

Karnak .... .... 14S, 157, 160

KaSsu-nadin-ahi .... .... 165, 169

Kha-akh .... .... .... .... 61

Kha-akh (bird) 82

Kha-akb-khu 13S

Kha-khar-ili .... .... .... 134

Kha-khar (the raven) .... 79, 13S

Kha-khar-ili (the vulture) .... 60

Khar-ba-ka-nu (the eagle) .... 105

Kha-tsi-ba-ru (the swallow) 72, 73, 136 Khu-ra-tsa-ni-tuv (the oriole) .... 75

Kha-zu-u (the cuckoo) .... 71. 134

Khar-ru-kha-ai 62, 134

Khein, see Ames .... .... ... 204/?

Khenar .... .... .... .... 162

Kheperkara .... .... .... 162

Khorsabad .... .... .... 362

Khu-bir 112, &c.

Khu rues ... .... .... .... 137

Khu-rub (insect bird) .... 79, 137

Khu rub ba cu gusur ra .... .... 137

Khu rub kha munu (the bee) .... 109

Khu si rum u khu (? magpie) .... 109

Khu-si-zi (bird) .... .... .... 89

Khu-ti-zu-ga (?) (bird) 108

KhufuAnkh 161

Khufu-hotep 161

Khu-ra-tsa-ni-tuv.... .... .... 136

Khu-si-i (the owl) .... 62, 134

Khu-u-ku (the cuckoo) ... 71, 134

Kimta-rapastum 355

Kip-su .... .... .... 136, 137

Kite, the '.'0

Koufi (lc chacal) .... .... .... 11

Koyunjik .... .... .... 363, 364

Kua 162

Kurds, the .... .... .... 377

La-ka-la-ka (the stork) .... 89, 140 La-kha-an-tuv (bird of prey) .... 59

La-kubburu 282, 290

Lal-la-ar-tuv (the honey buzzard) 109 Lal-la cip-par .... .... 61, 134

La-la-ri (the honey buzzard) .... 109

Liimmergeier .... .... 60, 61, 135

Lapwing, the .... .... 71, 142

Lieinian rogations.... .... .... 36

Loans .... .... .... .... 141

„ ancient Hebrew la«-s about 35

Locust-bird, the 78, 79, 137

Locusts .... .... .... .... 112

" Long-legged Beneficent bird " 58 Louis, Dr. S., Handicrafts and Artizans mentioned in Tal- mudical "Writings .... 398-411

Louis, Dr. Sigmund, the Poor Laws

of the ancient Hebrews 30-41 Lugalturda, the god .... .... 09

M.

Ma-ac-lat ub-la .... .... .... 1:5 i

Ma-ae-lat up-la (the oriole) .... 75

Jlji/fui .... .... .... ... 351

Magpie, the .... 83, 109, 139

Makan .... .... .... .... 351

Mankind, destruction of 208

„ „ by the

gods .... .... .... 412, &c.

Man's-hand-bird, the .... .... 71/?

Marduk-sum-nasir .... 282, 290

Mariage, les contrats de (demo-

tiques) 20-29

Maronites .... .... .... .... 371

Mar-ra-tuv (the owl) .... 06, 134

Marriage, Akkadian .... .... 275

Marriage laws. Akkadian.... .... 276

„ rules about, Akkadian

251, 263, 268-9,270 Marriages, Akkadian .... 234, 236

,, ancient customs, and laws

235, &c.

Martin 137

Mat-ti-ib-nutsal-mu (the swallow) 73 Memphis .... .... .... 320, &c.

Men 162

Mendeans 382

IXDF.X.

431

	PAGE		PAGE
Merab	L6]	Nabu-3um-nasir ....	282, 290
Meri-ra-ankh	.... 162	Nabu-sum-ukin	286, 298
Mer kat (architects)	.... 145	Nabii-zira-esir	281, 290
Mermer	.... 163	Nabu-zir-eSir	.... 272
Merodach Baladan	.... 95	Nada-kikarat	...237»
Metal workers, Jewish	.... 405	Nadinu	286, 298
Meteor	.... 68	Nahi	.... 330
Mi	.... 162	y<ihr-malka	.... 176
Migration of birds	.... 115	Naichrat ... .... ....4	, 8, 9«, 10
Mist and cloud, Egyptian	mytho-	Nakhiru, the grampus	.... 127
logy with reference to	198, &c.	„ (? Narwhal)	.... 48
Monnaies egyptiennes	.... 22»	Nam-bir	112, &c.
Monophosites	.... 371	Nam bir dhar khu (bird)	.... 107
Moon god ....	165, 168	Nam bir gis u gir khu	.... 108
Mulberry eater (bird)	.... 79	Nam bir gi zi	.... 137
Munahhis-Marduk 2	72, 280, 290	Nam-bir-khu (ravens)	.... 81
Mur-ru-kha-ai	62, 134	Nam bir mukh dil luv (the	peli-
Muteuma ....	.... 330	can)	.... 96
Myths, Egyptian	200, &c.	Nam bir mukh dil luv	.... 141
		Nam bir nam khu (bird) ....	.... 101
		Nam bir us khu ....	.... 107
		Nam-bu-ub-tuv (bird)	71, 134
N.		Nam khu (the turtle dove)	.... 107
		„ (the destiny bird) ....	.... 73
Na bird, the	.... 91	Nana-kisirat	.... 277
Na, the serpent ....	.... 395	Nar, le poisson	.... 14
Na-adh-ru (bird)	91, 140	Naram Sin ...	.... 351
Na-as-ru (the vulture)	58, 13 1	Narwhal, the	.... 47
Nabaa	.... 279	Naville, Edouard, " L'Inscri	ption
Nabaca	....237»	de la Destruction	des
Nabonidu ....	.... 286	Hommes dans le Tombeau
Nabonidus 164, 167, 177, 272, 274,	de Ramses III "	412-420
275, 281,	282, 283,	Nebbi-Yunis	.... 195
284, 291	347, 351	Nebbi-Yunis	.... 363
Nabopolassar	.... 166	Nebtu	.... 212
Nabu-ahi-bullit	282, 290	Xebunnef ....	.... 395
Nabu-abla-iddina ....	165, 166	Nechebet ....	.... 208
Nabu-alji-iddin	.... 275	Next	.... 320
Nabu-ahi-iddin	286, 298	Next-Ames	299, &c.
Nabubalatsuikbi ....	....168»	Neferha	.... 162
Nabu-balat-su-ikbi	286, 298	Xeferhotep	.... 161
Nabu-ibni ....	....237»	Nefer-mennu	.... 162
Nabu-nadin-ahi ....	280, 290	Nefert-ari ....	146, 147
Nabu-nadin-ahi ....	.... 272	Nefert-i-nutar Su	.... 330
Nabunnaa .... 272, 2	30, 281, 290	X'eith	204, 208
Nabu-nur-ilani	.... 2S5	Nekhterhebi	.... 393
Nabu-mir-ili	285, 286	Nephthys ....	.... 204
Nabu-nur-ilu	.... 275	Nergal-banunu	286, 298
Nabu-nur-Sin or -ili	.... 295	Neshor	.... 21
Nabii-sum-iskun ....	. 286, 298	Nesinin 21, 27	, 27, 2b a

132

INDEX.

Xespmete .... Nest, bird's Neetori&ns....

.. Chaldean

Kiftesop

Night, tbe bird of Nightingale, tbe .... Night-jar, tbe

Nikbata

Nikinadu. see Nikbata.

Nimroud ....

y evek

Nin-gis-zi-da

Nisroch

North Wind, breatb of

Nubta .... 275.

Nur-Sin

837»,

362,

2S4. 274. 281,

Nut

Nutcracker....

Nutra, tbe word, in Egyptian

Nu-um-ma

O.

PAGE

4. :'-. 10 115

374. 377 370. 4c .... 23,; . .. 74 74. 137 .... 73 274, 291

363, 365 360, &c.

.... 119 .... 59

146, 147

236, 295

280,

283, 290

.... 21s

.... 114

224, &c.

62, 135

Omens of birds ....		.... 64
Oriole, the....		75. 137
Oryx, the ....		47, 4S
Osirian, tbe (title)		.... 149
Osiris		219, &c.
,. Ounnofre ....		...5, S
Osprey, the		.... 90
Ostrich, tbe	42. 100	141, &c.
Owl, tbe .... 62, 65,	70, 82,	135. 13S
„ tbe screecb ....		.... 104

Pa-bu	138
Pa'hu (? crow)	£1
Pamaut	9
Pamouth. Eituel de	15/!
Panopolls, see Ajpu.
Papyrus	122
., bird of the	75
Parrot, the	48, 52

PAGE

Parsis ^j

Partnership, Babylonian deed of ll 8

Partridge, tbe 85, 139

Paser 102

Paspasu bird 52

Pastor, tbe rose 78

Patuamenapt 391

Paur 162

Pa-ur 301

Pavement, Assyrian .... .... 175

Pea-fowl HI

Pechytes 23»

Peewit 135

Pebenuka .... 161

Pelican, tbe .... 93, 114. 141

Penaab 162

Pepi 163

Perfumers, Jewisb .... .... 408

Persen 161

Petamenbotep 26, 27

Petemin 27

Petese 24. 26

Petnofrebotep .... .... .... 21

Petuariese 2, 4, 10

Petuosor, or Petosor (Petros) 2, 19 Physicians, Jewisb .... .... 410

Picidae 67

Pigeon, the .... 83, 106, 116, 139

.. tumbler 85»

Pinches, Theo. G-., the Antiquities found by Mr. H. Rassam at Abu-Habbah (Sippara) 164-171 „ Babylonian Legal Documents relating to House Property, and tbe Law of Inherit- ance.... 871-286

.. Babylonian Art. illustrated by Mr. H. Rassam's latest

Discoveries 347-357

Poor Laws of the Ancient Hebrews

30-41

Potters, Jewish 409

Poultry, Assyrian 97

Prey, birds of 59

Property, Babylonian laws about

276. ic. 380 „ rules about .... 238. 272. &c.

Psenese 25. 27. 88

Psepanofre 2. 4

Psepoer 4, 10

INDEX.

!:;:;

Ptahnuka .... Ptahuash ....

Pt.u

Ptu, see Petosor. Puta

PAGE

161

161

22

20

Quairich

187

E.

Eag-gus sa (the pelican) .... 96, 141 Rahaboth .... .... .... 365, &c.

Ea-hotep 162

Bainbow, in myths .... .... 220

Eain cloud, the .... .... .... 218

Ea-ka-nu ( ? crow) .... ... 81

Eak-rak-hu (the stork) .... 89, 140

Ea-ku-u (bird) 106

Eameses II 337

Eamses III, l'Inscription dans le

Tombeau de .... .... .... 412

Eana 162

Eaneka .... .... .... .... 161

Ea-pa-kak, bird, the .... .... 103

Eassam, H., Biblical Nationalities,

Past and Present.... 358-385

„ Eecent Discoveries of An- cient Babylonian Cities,

172-197

Ea, the 387, 388, 391

Ea-xeperu-ari-mat 301, 303-305,

306-312, 313-318 Eaven, the.... 61,79,112,114,139

" Eaven of the gods " .... .... 61

Eem, The 47, 48

Eema 329, &c.

Eenici 299

Eenouf, P. le Page, Egyptian My- thology, particularly with re- ference to Mist and Cloud 198-229

Eeru 25, 26, 27

Eesda 141

Resen 364, 365, &c.

Eesi 27

Revillout, Eugene, Les anathemes d'uue Mere payenne contre son fils devenu Chretien 1-19

,, Pieces relatives a un Mariage du temps de Darius .... 20-29

Ri-ga-bu(the dove) .... 84, 138

Hi-hu 136

Eobin, the 120

Roch le (serref) 14,15

Eoller, the 142

Eook, the .... 43, 78, 81, 137, 142

Eoyal-banded-bird, the 93»

„ variegated bird .... .... 90

Ru-ku-ul-luv (the partridge) .... 85

Eylands, W. H., Terra-Cotta Seals in the possession of M. Schlum- berger .... .... .... 422

Sabbatical year	34, 36
Sabians, the	.... 382
Sacrifices (Assyrian)	.... 166
Sag-gus-su (bird) ....	100, 141
Sa-ka-tuv (the ostrich) 100	140, &c.
Samaritans, the ....	.... 383
Samas	164, &c.
Samiu, the	.... 213
Sand-martin	.... 84
Saradu-sa cipratu....	.... 61
Sargina of Agade....	.... 34S
Sargon, annals of ....	.... 95
,, of Agade	347, &c.
Sar-rad cip-ri	.... 134
Sar-rad kip-ri (the honey buzzard) 109
Sarrukinu ....	.... 242
Sarru-ukin	.... 350
Scamnophagus (bird)	.... 79
Sculpture among Jews ....	.... 398
Seals, Terra-cotta, "Hittite"	.... 422
Sebak	... 215
Sebast	.... 22
Sebiu, the ....	.... 213
Sechet	.... 20S
Se-ga-ni-sar-lug ....	.... 349
Se-ip a-ric ....	.... 140
Se-ip a-rik (the ostrich) ....	100, &c.
Semnefer ....	.... 161

434

INDEX.

PAGE

Senmut 162

Sennacherib .... .... .... 354

Senuti .... .... ... .... 3

Sepulchral Tablets, see Stelae. Sepulchres, daughter of (bird) .... 82

Serpent, in Mythology .... .... 215

Serref (oiseau monstrueux) 14, 15

2et 2<W, 203, 212

Setil, tomb of 412

Seven Cows, &c 209«

Shabbaks, the 382

Shade, the 386

Shadow, the (Egyptian) 386

Shalac (bird) 43

Shahnaneser II 353

Shame 40

Shatani .... .... .... .... 301

Shat-el-Eai 193

Shepherd-bird, the Utile .... 55, 77

„ the jungle 70

„ the 79

Shir-nlk (bird) 88

Shoemakers, Jewish 408

Shu 203, 206, 213

Sib 137

„ tir-ra .... 135

„ tur (the starling) .... 77, 137

Si-li-in-gu (bird) 101,138

Si-lik-ku (bird) 101

Silla 272

Silla 279

Silver 264

Silversmiths, Jewish .... .... 405

Simmas-sigu .... .... 165, 169

Sini-Nana .... .... .... .... 278

Si-nun-tuv (the swallow) .... 73

Sippara 343, 352, 353, &e.

Sippara, see Abu-habbah.

Sir, the ciron 14, 15

Sisinni (bird) US

Si-ur-nenen-heb 162

Si-zi (bird) 89

Slaves and Servants, Akkadian

laws about 241, &c.

Smurmur (shepherd-bird) .... 79

Sparrow, the .... 76, 108, 114, 137

Star-bird, the 85

Starling, the .... 77, 114, 137, Stelse, Egyptian .... 143, 299, 394 Stele, Egyptian 299

PAGE

St. John, Christians of 6^2

Stork, the S3, 141

Storm-bird, the divine .... .... 69

Su, see Shade.

Su^um mu .... .... .... 139

Sudinnu (bird) .... .... .... 86

Su-di-nu (bird) .... .... .... 44

Su-din-nu .... .... .... .... 138

Suhaa .... 272, 2S1, 282, 290

Sulu 135

Summatu (the dove) .... .... 84

Sum-tsi-tsi yum-u (the swallow) 73 Sun god, Assyrian .... 164, &c.

Superintendent of "Works .... 156

Su urn kur sa nu khu (bird) .... 108

Su-u-su (animal) .... .... .... 127

Surgeon. Jewish 399

Susidi bird.... .... .... .... 44

Susudi (bird) 118

Sutenxat 330

Suti 145

Suta 165

Su-um (ma-tu ?) 138

Su-um-mu (the dove) .... .... 84

Su-ur-du-u (owl or falcon) .... 103

Su-vur-du (bird) .... 105

Swallow, the,46, 53, 72, 77, 113, 115, 137

Swan, the 42

Swift, the 72, 73, 137

Sycamore of Hathor 218

„ Nut 218

Syrian Catholics 370, &c.

„ Jacobites 370, &c.

Syrians, the 379, &c.

T.

Ta-am-si-lu (the pigeon).... S3, 138

Ta-any 339

Tabnea 278

Ta-heb 163

Tahei 21

Tahonesi .... .... .... .... 21

Takhati 300

Ta-kha-tsa-se-nu (the eagle) .... 105

Tamsilu 106

Tanners, Jewish .... .... .... 401

Tarichentes 5it

INDEX.

435

PAGE

Tar-ma-zi-lu (bird) .... 106, 138

Tar-ru (the dove) 85, 138

Tas-ba-luv (the vulture) 60, 134, 138

., (bird) 82

„ (the eagle) .... .... .... 105

Tata 162

Ta-ti-du-tuv (bird) 106

Tbahor 23m

Tefnut 203, 206

Tel-Assur 366

Tel-Ibrahim 182, 192

Tel-lo 347, 355

Tel-Loh 193

Tel-sifr 278

Temples, Egyptian, in Roman times 2

Tenesi 20

Teos 391

Tet (talisman) 211

Teta 145

Thothmes 299, 320, &c.

Thrush, the golden 75

T'i 322

Tii 161, 300

Tir-ri-ta-ruv (bird) 106

Tithes, ancient Hebrew .... .... 33

Tortoise, mythical .... .... 214

Toys, Jewish 399

Tree-creepers .... .... .... 43

Trees, in myths 217

Tsa-lam-du .... .... .... 136

Tsa-pi-tuv (the swallow) 73, 136, 137

Tsenhor 25, 26, 27, 28

Tsi-li-li-tuv (the swallow) .... 72, 136 Tsi-tsil-du (the papyrus bird) 75, 136 Tsu-la-mu, or tsa - lam - du (the

bulbul) 74,136

Tu (Petosor) 3, 4, 10

Tu-bal-la-ats (magpie) .... 83, 138 Tu-khu (pigeon or dove) .... 84

Tukulti-Mer 352, &c.

' Tus 140

Tusks 126,127

Tus-mu (bird) 44

Tus-mu-u (the pelican) .... 95, 96

U.

U-a

Uah-ab-ra Eam-ur

TJast

Tat/it

Ubarta

Ukin-Manluk

PAGE

.... 301 .... 208 ....237m

282, 291

Um-mi-mi'i (the black ibis) 90, 140

Ur 372

Orseus goddesses 208

Ur-bal-luv (bird) 82

I Ir-bal-luT (the vulture) 60

Urbartu 277

Uriniiu (the peacock) Ill

Ur-ni-gu 140

„ or ur-ni-ku (the crane) 88 Ur-sa-nu (the pigeon) .... 83,138

Orsanu 106, 138

Usir 237»

Usra 1G2

Uta-khonsu 162

141 163

Vestments (Assyrian) Vulture, the

W.

166, 170 58, 60, 135

Wagtail, the	76
Warbler ....	137
Warblers ....	...74, 75, 142
Whitewashes, Jewish .	409
Will, Babylonian....	278

Women, rules about, in Egypt .... 7ra Woodpecker, the .... 43, 67, 68,

70, 94, 119, 135 Workmen, Akkadian, rules about 260 Wren 162

Yau-bi'di ... Yezidis, the

353 381

Z.

Za-ai-khu (bird of prey) 59, 109, 134

Zi-i-bu 62, 134

Ziria 237

Zirla 271, 277, 279

Zu (bird) 69, 120

i;;r,

TEXTS IN THE BIBLE

Be f erred to.

		PAGE			PAGE
Genesis x, 11,	12	359, 366	Psalm Ixxviii,	51 ....	360
„ xxiv,	4	372	„ ci,	— ....	94
„ xxxi, 20	24	372,;	,, cxii,	5 ....	35
,, xxxi,	47	378	Proverbs vii,	— ....	239
Exodus xxiii, 10,	11	34	Isaiab —	— ....	49
Leviticus xix, 9,	10	32	Hi,	5 ....	77
Deuter. it,	11	37	Hosea xii,	12 ....	... 372»
„ xxiv,	19	33	Mii-ali v,	6 ....	359
„ xxiv,	25	35	Matthew vi,	— ....	39
„ xxvi.	5	372/;	,, xix,	21 ....	39
Judges xvii,	—	239	Luke xix,	8....	39
1 Chron. iv,	—	402	Acts iii,	2 ....	31
Neheniiah v,	—	36	,, vii,	2-4 ....	373
Job xxxix,	—	4S	,» x,	32 ....	401
—	—	49	,, xix,	— ....	401
Psalm lxi,	14	89	2 Timothy iv,	14....	405
» lij	6	266

in.t.'-os am, sum>. PKINTEKS IN ORDINARY TO HER MAJESTY, ST. MABTIN'S LANE. LONDON.

437

SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

Members of the Council marked thus f. Members who have compounded *.

Adair, Miss H. M., 40, Chester Terrace, N.W. *Ainsworth, AVilliam Francis, F.S.A., F.E.G.S., Eavenacourt Villa, Hammersmith, S.W.

Alexander, Eev. W. Burton, 36, Bloomsbury Square, W.C.

Allen, Edward G., 28, Henrietta Street, Co-vent Garden, W.C. ^Amherst, William A. Tyssen, M.P., E.S.A., E.E.S.L., &c, Didlington Park, Brandon, Norfolk.

Anderson, J. Corbet, Croydon, Surrey.

Anderson, John Macvicar, 6, Stratton Street, W.

Anderson, Eet. James, The Manse, Eorteviot, Perth. * Angus, Eev. Joseph, D.D., Eegent's Park, N.AV.

Appleton, Eev. Eichard. M.A., Trinity College, Cambridge.

Armitage, Eev. Elkanah, Easthill, Eotherham.

Austin, Miss Gertrude, 8, Cavendish Place, Bath.

*Babington, Eev. Churchill, D.D., F.B.S.L., Cockfield Eectory, Sudbury, Suffolk. Backhouse, James, West Bank, St. Mary's Gate, York. f Bagster, Robert, 15, Paternoster Bow, E.C. Baker, William, M.A., LL.B., 10, New Court, Carey Street, W.C. Baker, Eev, William James Fdrneaux Vashon, M.A., The College, Marlborough. |Ball, Eev. Charles James, M.A., 15, Chalcot Gardens, N.W. Barclay, Joseph Gurney, Knott's Green, Leyton, Essex. Barlow, Rev. W. Crosby, County Grove, Camberwell, S.E. Barnard, Rev. William, B.A., Alveston Vicarage, Stratford-on- Avon.

438 List of Members.

Bartox, Col. N. D., 64, Regency Square, Brighton.

Bartbam, Captaix Geobge William, B.E., Bocklands, Tun- bridge Wells.

Bassett, Miss Maey, Bovertou House, Cowbridge, Glamorgan- shire.

Bates, Ret. J. Chadwick, Castleton Vicarage, near Manchester.

Beamoxt, William, Orford Hall, Warrington.

Beabdsley, Amos, F.L.S., F.G.S., Bay Villa, Graiige-over-Sands. Lancashire.

Beaufobt, Bey. Daxiel Augustus, M.A., 9, Eliot Park Lewisham, S.E. jBeeciiey, Bey. Caxox St. Vincent. 31". A., Hilgay Bectory, Downham, Xorfolk.

Belches, Lady, 26. Cumberland Terrace, Begent's Park, N.W.

Bellmax. Bobert A.

Belt. William Johx, 102, Gower Street, Bedford Square, W.C.

Bex Oliel. Be v. Maiwell. M.A.,2, Alma Terrace, Kensington, W.

Bexsox, Mbs., Claremont, Ashton-on-Mersey. Cheshire.

Berexs. Bey. Raxdolph Hcmphbey McLaughlix, M.A., Sidcup Vicarage, Chislehurst, Kent.

Bebby. Bey. Chaeles Alered, Chaplain's House, Royal Arsenal, Woolwich.

Bertix. G.. care of Theo. G. Pinches, British Museum. W.C.

Besaxt, Walteb; M.A.. 1. Adam Street, Adelphi, W.C.

Beyax. William, 12, Bolton Gardens, South Kensington, W.

Bicker- Caartex, Chevalier, P., cO, Northumberland Place, Bayswater, W. tBiBcii, Samuel, D.C.L., LL.D., F.S.A., &c., British Museum, W.C. {President).

Bird. Samuel. 15. Sussex Place. Victoria Boad, Kensington, W.

Bibdwood. Dr. G. C. M., F.G.S., India Office, Whitehall, S.W.

Bibks, Bev. Edward Bickebsteth, M.A., Trinity College, Cam- bridge.

Blaikie, Prof. William G., D.D., 0, Palmerston Road, Grange, Edinburgh.

Boldex. Rey. C.j Preston Bissett Bectory, Buckingham.

Boxwick, James, F.B.G.S., South Vale, Upper Norwood. tBosaxquet. Berxard Tixdal, 73, Lombard Street, E.C. (Hon. Treasurer).

Bosaxquet. Mrs. J. W., Pennenden, Maidstone.

BoiYERiE-Pr-EY. S E. B., Posey, Faringdori, Berks.

List of Members. 439

Bowden, Eev. Charles II., The Oratory, Brompton, S.W.

Botce, Mrs. Henry.

Boyd, Ret. William, LL.D., F.S.A.

Brewster, Rev. Waldegrave, Middletou Rectory, Manchester.

Bravo, Colonel, 33, Cambridge Street, Hyde Park Square, W.

Brockbank, Rev. H.AV., Broekhurst, Didsbury, near Manchester.

Brocklehurst, Miss, Lonisome Lodge, Banteer, co. Cork.

Brooke, Edward.

Brooke, Col. Thomas, F.S.A., Armitage Bridge, Huddersfield

Brown, Alfred Kemp, 11, Richmond Road, Headingley, Leeds.

Brown, Miss Emma.

Brown, Is.vao, Brantholme, Kendal, Westmoreland. * Brown, James Roberts, 14, Hilldrop Road, Camden Road, N.

Brown, Robert, jun., F.S.A., Priestgate House, Barton-on- Humber, Lincolnshire.

Brown, Rev. Thomas, Collace Manse, near Perth.

Broavn, William Henry, 72, Chailwood Street, Belgrave Road, S.AV.

Brownen, George, F.C.S., Althorpe Road, Wandsworth Com- mon, S.W.

Budge, E. A. Wallis, M.A., British Museum, W.C.

Bunsen, Ernest De, Abbey Lodge, Hanover Gate, N.W.

Burnett, David, ]18, Huddleston Road, Tufnell Park, N.

Burton, Sir William W., 54, Chepstow Villas, Netting Hill, W.

Burton, Lady, 54, Chepstow Villas, Notting Hill, W.

Burton, Rev. Robert Clerke, M.A., Taverham Rectory, Norwich.

Burton, Thomas C, M.D., AVestport, co. Mayo, Ireland.

Busk, Miss Rachel H., 42, Grosvenor Square, W.

Bute, The Marquis or, K.T., 83, Eccleston Square, S.W.

Butt, R. M.

Cable, Mrs. Edwin, Trylebois, St. Martins, Jersey.

Cairns, Principal John, D.D., United Presbyterian College,

Edinburgh. Calvert, Rev. Thomas, 15, Albany Villas, Hove, Brighton. Camps, William, M.D.

Carey, Rev. Jonathan P., C.iftle Street, Tiverton, Devon. Carlyle, Rev. Gavin, M.A.., 5, Eaton Gardens, Ealing, W. Carpenter, Rev. J. Edlin, Leathes House, Fitzjohns Avenue,N.AV. Carr, Rev. Arthur, Wellington College, AVokingham. Carter, JNJrs , 8, Powys Square, AV. fCATES, Arthur, F.R.I.B.A., 7, AVhitehall Yard, S.AV.

440 List of Members.

Cave, Eey. Alfred, B.A., Hackney College, Wells Street, E.

Charteeis, Peof. A. H., D.D., 1, Salisbury Eoad, Edinburgh. fCHETXE; Eey. T. K., M.A., Tendring Eectory, Colchester.

Chotzxeb, Ely. De. Joseph, Belleigli House, Harrow-on-the- Hill. *tCHEisTY, Thomas, F.L.S., 155, Fencburch Street, E.C ♦Christy, Thomas Howard, Malvern House. Sydenham, S.E.

Clark, John, 133, Upper Kennington Lane, S.E.

Clarke, Benjamin, F.R.G.S., Arbutus Place, Upper Clapton. S.E.

Clarke. Charles Harwood, B.A., F.S.A., Westfield, Bromley, Kent. *Clarke, Hyde, 32, St. George's Square, S.W.

Clesdinntng, Miss Geraldixe, 29, Dorset Square, NYW.

Close, Rev. Maxwell H., 40, Lower Baggot Street, Dublin.

Coex, Eey. John Creagh.

Compigsh, Charles, 114, Kennington Park Eoad, S.E.

Coxder, Captain C R.

CONYXGHAM, LADY FraXCIS.

Corxforth, J., Lime Grove, George Eoad, Edgbaston, Bir- mingham. fCooK, Key. Frederick C.,M.A., Cauou of Exeter, Devon (Vice- President).

Cooper, Eev. Basil H., B.A., F.E.S.L., Malvern Lodge, East Dulwicb Grove, Dulwich, S.E.

Cooper, Eey. James, M.A.

Courte>~ay, Eight Eey. Bishop Regixald, D.D.

Craxage, J. Edward, M.A., Ph.D., Old Hall School, 'Wellington, Salop.

Crewdsox, Eey. George, St. George's Vicarage, Kendal.

Crosbie, Mrs., Ardfert Abbey, Ardfert, Ireland.

Ceothers, Capt. "Wallace Geoege, Highfields, Chew-Magna, Somerset.

Crozier, F. H., Delawarr, Lymmgton, Hants.

Cull, Eichard, F.S.A., 12, Tavistock Street, Bedford Square, W.C.

Clmixg, H. Syer, F.S.A. Scot., 63, Kennington Park Eoad, S.E. fCusT, Eobert, F.E.A.S., 64. St. George's Square, S.W.

Ctjst, Miss, 20, Thurlow Place, Kensington, W.

Daltox, Eey. Johx Neale, M.A., F.S.A. , Marlborough House,

Pall Mall, S.W. Darbishire, Eobert Deei>field, BA., F.SA., Victoria Park,

Manchester.

List of Members. 441

Daubeny, Mrs. J. Clayton, 40, Redcliffe Gardens, South Ken- sington, S. \VT.

D'Ayigdor, Tue Countess, 98, Harley Street, Cavendish Square, W.

Dayies, Eey. John, 16, Belsize Square, N.W.

Davis, Arthur, 30, Abbey Road, St. John's Wood, N.W.

Davis, Eev. E. J.

Davis, Edward Thomas, 75, Caversham Road, Camden Road, N.W.

De Bergue, Mrs., 5, Cornwall Mansions, Cornwall Gardens, S.W.

De Cosson, M. Le Baron C. A., E.R.G.S., Pyrcroft House, Chertsey.

De Lacouperie, Albert Terrien, 62, Chesilton Road, Fulham,

S.W. *De La Rue, Warren, D.C.L., F.R.S., &c., 73, Portland Place, W. Denison, Rev. James Edward, M.A., Cuddesdou College, Wheatley,

Oxon. Denton, Rev. William, M.A., 22, Westbourne Square, W. Deverell, Frederick H., 6, College Park Villas, Lewisham. De Worms, The Baron Henry, Carlton Club, Pall Mall, S.W. Di Cesnola, Major Palma, Via Nizza 31, Turin, Italy. Dixon, John, C.E., 1, Laurence Pountney Hill, Cannon Street,

E.C. Dodgson, Aquila, Limehurst, Ashton-under-Lyne. Dodgson, Rev. James Davy, Highfield House, Elland, vid

Normanton. Donaldson, Professor T. L., K.L., Ph.D., &c, 21, Upper

Bedford Place, W.C. Douglas, Lady, Bursledon House, Dawlish, Devon. Douglas, Rev. Heiman, M.A., Eduionthorpe Rectory, Oakham,

Leicestershire. Douglas, Rev. Dr. George C. M._, 18, Royal Crescent, Glasgow. Droege, Albert, 75, Shepherd's Bush Road, West Kensington. Dryden, James, 40, Mauley Grove, Stratford, Essex, E. Dykes, Rev. J. Oswald, D.D. 49, Gordon Square, W.C.

Edelmann, Mrs. A.

Edmonds, Rev. Walter John, B.D., Highbray Rectory, South

Molton, Devon. Edwards, Miss Amelia B., The Larches, Westbury-on-Trym. ♦Edwards, William, Eern Bank, Tunbridge Wells. Elliott, William Timbrell, 5, Verulam Buildings. Gray's Inn, W.C.

442 List of Members.

Ellis, Alexander George, B. A. , Suthrey House, Mortlake, S.W.

Elmslie, Het. W. G., M.A., Willesden, X.W.

Ely, Talfoerd, M.A., F.S.A., Spring Place, Well Eoad, Hamp-

stead, N.W. Evans, George. M. A.. 8, Washington Terrace, Mutlez, Plymouth. Eya>"S, J. L., Moreton Hoase, Tyndalls Park, Bristol.

Falkexer, E avard, Glan-y-mor, Laugharne, Carmarthenshire. Faunce de Lauxe. C. P. W.. Sharsted Court. W. Sittingbourne,

Kent. Fergesso>~, James, D.C.L., F.E.S., Y.PJJ.A.S., &c, 20, Langham

Place, W. Finbis, George Carrethers, 13, York Terrace, Eegent's Park,

X.AV. Flint. Charles A.. 19, Kensington Gardens Square. W. Forloxg. Major-General. J. G. E., 11, Douglas Crescent, Edin- burgh. Fortntm, Charles Drery Edward, F.S.A., Stanmore Hill,

Middlesex, N.W. Poster, Miss Sophia, 17, Batenian Street, Cambridge. Fowler, Eev. Joseph Thomas. M.A.. F.S.A.. kc, Bp. Hatfield's

Hall, Durham. Franks, Aegestes Wollaston, M.A., F.E.S., F.b.A.. &c.

British Museum, W.C. Freeman, Miss Constantia, 7, Beauchamp Avenue, Eeamington. Freeman, Miss Selina, South View, Fulwell, near Twickenham,

Middlesex. *Freer, William Jesse, Stonygate, Leicester. *Fresheield. Edwin, M.A., F.S.A.. New Bank Buildings, E.C. Fry, H William, Walthamstow, Essex. Fry. Miss P. A., The Tower, Cotha'n Xew Eoad, Bristol. Feller, Eey. John Mec, M.A.. Bexley, Kent.

Gage, The Ho>". Mrs., Firle Place, near Lewes.

Gawler, Mrs. Colonel.

Geden, Eey. Prof. John* Dery, D.D., Didsbury College, near

Manchester Geikie, Eey. Cenningham, D.D.. Barnstaple, Devon. Gibbon". Alfred. 17. The Gardens. Peckham Eye. S.W. Gibb-. George Henry, 7. Albion Grove, Stoke Xewington. N. Gibbs, J. G., Eiggendale-road, Streatham, near London, S.W.

List of Members. 443

Gibson, Rev. Prebendary Edgar C. S. (Principal,) Wells Theo- logical College, Wells, Somerset. Gibson, Kev. William, B.A., 4, Rue Roquepine, Paris. Gill, Thomas R., 2L, Hare field Road, Brocldey, S.E. Gillespie, Ret. Charles George Knox, 20, Dawson Street,

Manchester. Gilmore, John, 3, Upper Pembroke Street, Dublin. Ginsburg, Ret. Christian D., LL.D., Holmlea, Virginia Water

Station, Chertsey. Girdleston, Rey. R. B., M.A., WyclifFe Lodge, Oxford. fGLADSTONE, Right Hon, W. E., M.P., D.C.L., &c, Downing

Street, S.W, ; Hawarden Castle, Flintshire ( Vice-President). Gladstone, J. Hall, Ph.D., P.R.S., 17, Pembridge Square, W. Glasier, AV. R. M., 3, The Paragon, Blackheath, S.E. Godsell, William, Auditor's Department, India Office, St.

James's Park. Gorman, Ret. T. Murray, Invermore, Woodstock Road, Oxford. Gosse, Phillip H., E.R.S., Sandhurst, Torquay. Gough, Lieut.-Colonel, Wolverhampton. Graham, Ret. Thomas, D.D. (President,) St. Mary's Training College,

Hammersmith, S.W. Grainger, Ret. Canon John, D.D., Broughshane, co. Antrim. *Grates, R. Edmond, British Museum, W.C. Gray, Mrs. Hamilton, 113, Queen's Gate, W. Greg, R. P., Coles, Buntingford, Herts.' Greenwood, Proe. J. G., LL.D., Principal, Owens College,

Manchester. Greer, Thomas, M.P., F.R.G.S., Grove House, Park Road, Regent's

Park, N.W. Griffith, D. Clewin, F.R.G.S., 10, Heathfield Gardens, Hamp-

stead, N.W. Griffith, Francis Llewlyn, Montpellier Lodge, Brighton. Griffiths, Mrs., Hearne House, Swansea. Gurdon, F., Hingham, Atteborough, Norfolk. Gtjrney, John Henry, Northrepps Hall, Norwich. Gurney, John, Sprowston Hall, near Norwich. Gutch, Ret. Charles, B.D., 39, Upper Park Place, Dorset

Square, N.W. Gwynne, Ret. Robert, B.A., St. Mary's Vicarage, Crown Street,

Soho, W.C. Gwyther, James B.A., M.B., Argotti, St. Mary Church, Torquay. Vol. VIII. 29

444 List of M' mbers.

Hale. Charles George, 26, Austin Friars, E.C.

Hall. Frederic Thomas, 15, Gray's Jnn Square, W.C. tHALSBURT, Lord. 99, Gloucester Place, Portman Square, W. ( Vice- President).

Hamilton. Eight Hon. Lord Claud, M.P.

Hardcastle, Edward, M.P.. Hew Lodge, Hawkhurst, Kent.

Harmax. Johx, 73, Lombard Street, E.C.

Harris Eev. Isidore. 192. Portsdown Eoad. W.

Harris, Theodore, The Cedars, Leighton Buzzard. jHarrisox, Charles. F.S.A., 17, Quten's Gate Place, South Ken- sington, s.w.

Harrisox, James Park, M.A., 22. Connaught Street, Hyde Park Square, W.

Harrisox, James William, 45, St. Martin's Lane, "W.C.

Harrisox, Bey. Alexander James, Waterfoot Vicarage, Man- chester.

Harrisox. T. H., Commercial Chambers, 18, Wardwick, Derby.

Hartlaxd, Erxest, The Oaklands, Cheltenham.

Hartlaxd, E. Sidney, Beresford House, Swansea.

Hassikg, Eev. Antony John. St. Anne's, Keighley. Yorkshire.

HULBERT. ElCHARD S.

Hawkseord, The Very Eey. Johx A., St. Mary's College,

Oscott, Birmingham. Haydox. W. T.. General Manager, Oil Seed Crushing Compaq-,

Dover. Hay, George Eeexezee. 7, Berners Eoad, Wood Green, X. Haywood, W. J., 7, Pen Martin Eoad, Brockley Eise, S.E. Heaxe, William, E.B.C.S., The Lawn, Cinderford, Gloucester. Heath, Eey. Duxbar 1., F.E.S.L., Esher, Surrey. Hexeiques, Alfred Guttehes. Henstock, F. W., M.A.

Herbert, Miss J.C., 20, Pelham Crescent, South Kensington, S.W. Herbert, Johx Eogers, E.A., The Chimes, West End Lane,

Kilburn, X.W. . *Hervey, Eight Eey. and Eight Hox. Lord Arthur, Bishop

of Bath axd Wells, D.D., The Palace, Wells, Somerset. Hetwood, Bexjamix Arthur, M.A. Hirst, Johx, Dobcross, Saddleworth, near Manchester. Hoernixg, Dr. Eeixhart. British Museum, W.C. *Holmes, Johx, Holmsted, Eoundhay, Leeds. Hopgood, Johx, Erin House, Atkins Eoad, Clapham Park, S.W. Horsmax, Eev. Samuel James O'Hara.

List of Members. 445

Hotham, Ret. Henry John, M.A., Trinity College, Cambridge. Houghton, Rev. William, M.A., F.L.S., Preston Rectory,

Wellington, Salop. Howorth, Henry Hoyle, F.S.A., Derby House, Eccles, Man-

eliester. Huisii, Mrs., Combe AVood, Boncbnrcb, Isle of Wight. Hdlbert, Richard S. *Hunter, Rev. Robert., LL.D., F.G.S., Forest Retreat, Staples

Road, Lougbton, Essex. Hussey, Mrs. S. M., Edenburn, Gortatlea, co. Kerry, Ireland. Hutchinson, Surgeon-Major Robert F., care of Messrs.

Grindley and Co., 55, Parliament Street, S.W.

*Inglis, Counelius, M.D., Athenaeum Club, S.W.

Jackson, Rev. William, M.A., F.S.A., F.R.A.S., Pen Wartha,

Weston-snper-Mare. Jago, Thomas ri., Jeddah.

James, Rev. Herbert, Livermere, Bury St. Edmunds. Jay, William Chickall.

Jones, Rev. Alfred, B.D., 7, Matheson Road, West Kensington. Jones, Winslow, F.R.G.S., Devon and Exeter Institution,

Exeter, Devon. Jones, Rev. William Henry.

Jones, Rev. William Meade, 15, Mill Yard, Goodman's Fields, E. Joseph, D. Davis, 77, Portsdown Road, Maida Vale, W. * Joseph, Hymen A., 45, Aberdeen Park, Higbbury, N. Joyce, Samuel, junr., 113, Richmond Road, Hackney.

Karabegof, Assadour.

Keane, Mabcus, M.R.I. A., Beech Park, Ennis, co. Clare, Ireland.

Kelly, Mrs. Sophia.

Kingdon, Bishop H. Tully, D.D., Fredericton, New Bruns- wick,

Kisns, Samuel, Ph.D., The College, Highbury New Park, N.

Kirkpatrick, Rev. A. F., M.A., Trinity College, Cambridge.

Kitchener, H. H., Captain, R.E.

Knocker, E. Wollaston, Castle Hill House, Dover.

Knowles, Rev. John, M.A., LL.D., Ph.D., F.S.A., F.G.S., Lome Villa, Tunbridge Wells.

Lacy, Charles J., 28, Belsize Park, N. \V.

446 List of Members.

Lapds. Eey. Thomaj. M.A.. The Vicarage, Leighton, Kimboltou,

St. Neots. Laing, Alexander, LL.D.. Xewburgh-on-Tay, Scotland. Lambert, George, F.S.A., 12, Coventry Street, Haymarket, W. Lang, Eobert Hamilton, Adtninistrateur, des Contributions

Indirectes, Constantinople. Lawuence, Edwin. LL.B., B.A.. 10, Kensington Palace Gardens

\V. ; and King's Eide, Ascot. Berks. j-Latard. Sir A. Henry, G.C.B., &c. ( Vice-President), 1, Queen

Anne Street. V\ . Lea. Joh>- Walter. B.A., F.G.S., 9, St. Julian's Eoad, Kilburu,

N.W. Leather. S. Petty, Corporation Offices, Buraiey. Lee, George H., Charity Commissioners, Whitehall, S.W. Lethabt, William, H.M. Consul, Jerusalem. ♦Lewis, Bey. Samlel Sayage, M.A., F.S.A.. Librarian, Corpus

Christi College, Cambridge. ♦Lewis, Prof. Thomas Hayter, F.S.A., E.E.I.B.A., 12, Ken- sington Gardens Square, W. Lewis, Alfred Lionel, 35, Colebrooke Eow, X. tLightfoot, Eight Eey. Joseph Barber, D.D., Bishop of Durham, The Palace, Durham. Lindsay, Hon. Colln, Deer Park, Honiton, Devon. Lipscomb, Mrs. H., Estville, Carlton Street, Cheltenham. Loewe, Eey. L., D.D., 1 and 2, Oscar Villas, Broadstairs, Kent. Long, William, Wrington, Somerset. Lons, Dr. Sigmund, 125, Fellows Eoad, N.W. Loyell, Eey. George Francis, M. A.. Vice-Principal, St.

Edmond's Hall, Oxford. LovFTT, Eev. Eobert, 36, The Chase, Clapham Common, S.W, Lowe, Eey. Thomas, 8, Lower Villiers Street, Wolverhampton. *fLowY, Eey. Albert, 100, Sutherland Gardens, W. LrCAS, Frederick: William, F.L.S., &c, St. Swithin's, Trinity

Eoad, Upper Tooting, S.W. Lttgasy, Moses.

Lumley, Henry, 31 and 32, St. James's Street, W. Lyshington, E. L., D.C.L., LL.D., &c, Park House, Maidstone. Lyall, C. J., care of Mrs. Lyall, 55, Susses Gardens, Hyde Park,

W.

Macalister. Dr. Alexander, 11, Upper Fitzwilliam Street, Dublin. M'Clure, Eey. E., M.A., Cambridge, Office of the S.P.C.K , Northumberland Avenue, S.W.

List of Members. 447

Maclagan, Right Rev. W. D., the Loed Bishop of Lichfield, The Palace, Lichfield.

McGrigor, Alexander Bennett, LL.D., 19, Woodside Terrace, Glasgow.

Maclaran, G-., Mortlake Road, Kew, S.W.

Macmillan, George Augustin, 19, Earls Terrace, Kensington, W.

McCaul, Rev. Dr.

McLean, Rev. Malcolm, M.A., B.D., Brodick, Isle of Arran.

Macphail, Rev. S. R., M.A., 77, Canning Street, Liverpool.

Manning, H. E., Cardinal, D.D., Archhishop's House, West- minster.

Marshall, Rev. James, M.A., 138, Fellows Road, South Hamp- stead, N.W.

Marshall, D., 7, Rose Street, Newgate Street, E.C.

Marshall, James Cutcliffe, Eenton Hall, Stoke-upon-Trent. *Martlneau, Prof. Russell, M.A., British Museum, W.C.

Masson, Gustave, B.A., Harrow,

Matheson, Rev. Donald, M.A., Roehampton.

Maxwell, Mrs., Carriechan, Dumfries, Scotland.

Maylard, Charles Grayson, Vine Lodge, Addlestone, Surrey.

Melville, Rev. Andrew, 6, Eton Gardens, Glasgow.

Meux, Sir Henry B., Bart.

Mitchell, Dr. J. B.

Miland, Mrs., Clairville, Lansdowne Road, Wimbledon, S.W.

Miles, Rev. Charles Popham, M.A., M.D., E.L.S., Hatherley Road, Kew Gardens.

Mill, John.

Millar, Gaskell, Merton Road, Keddleston Road, Derby.

Miller, Mrs. Jean Morison Campbell, 51, Lauriston Place, Edinburgh; and Morison House, Hetland, Lockerbie, N.B.

Miller, Rev. George, 10, Bessborough Gardens, S.W. *fMocATTA, E. D., 9, Connaught Place, AV.

MoNTEFIORE, CLALDE A.

Morison, J. Cotter, M.A., Clairvaux, 19, Eitz John's Avenue,

Hampstead, N.AV. Morris, Claude John, The Mount, Altrincham, Cheshire. Morris, H., Eastcote House, St. John's Park, Blackheath, S.E. *Morris, AV. H., Clifton House, Ealing Road, Brentford. Morris, Mrs. William. *fMoRRisoN, Walter, 77, Cromwell Road, S.W. {Vice- President). Morton, Rev. William, Lynesack Vicarage, Butterknowle, R.S.O., Darling-ton.

448 List of Member.*.

*Moss, Eet. Johx James, M.A., East Lydford Hall, Somerton. Muie. W. J. CoOKBinar, Melrose, Scotland. Mlllixgs, Johx, Cirencester.

Murdoch, Alexander, 13, Bethnell Terrace, Hillhead, Glasgow. Myers. Walter, F.S.A., M.B.I.A.. 21, Queenborough Terrace, Kensington Gardens, W.

Napier, Eet. Frederick P., B.A., Anglesea Lodge, John Street, Eyde, Isle of Wight tXewtox. Charles T., C.B.. D.C.L., &c, British Museum, W.C (Vice-President). Tsicholl, Miss Eleanor. Llantwit Major, Cowbridge, Glamorgan- shire. Nicholson, Eet. W. Millar. M.A.. D.Sc. St. Heliers, Jersey. f*XicHOLso>-. Sie Charles. Bart.. M.D.. D.C.L., E.S.A.. &c., The Grange, Totteridge, Herts (Vice-President).

XlCHOLSOX, WlLLIAM.

tXoemax, James Maxship, M.A., Dencombe, near Handcross, Sussex. Nokth, Alered. F.E.G.S., 1, Hanover Terrace, Xotting Hill, W.

Xoethey, Eet. Alered Edward, M.A., Offley Vicarage, Luton.

Oeeoed, Joseph, 10, Gordon Place, Campden Hill, Kensington, "W. O'Gormax. Mrs. Epmoxd. 39. Wilbury Eoad. West Brighton. *Ommaxxey, Admiral Sir Erasmus, C.B., E.E.S., The Towers. Yarmouth, Isle of Wight.

Page. Rev. William. B.A . The Manse, Upper Mall. Hammersmith. *Paixe. William Dlnklet, Cockshot Hill, Eeigate.

Paixter, Eet. W. Hlxt, Knypersley, near Congleton.

Palet, Eet. Thomas, B.D.. Ufford, Boscombe, Bournemouth.

Palmer. Johx Lixtox. Fleet-Surgeon. E.X., F.S.A., F.E.C.S.E., F.E.G.S.. 21, Eock Park, Eock Ferry, Birkenhead.

Papwortii, Wtatt, F.B.I.B.A., 33, Bloomsbury Street, W.C.

Parrish. Dillwtx. Widmore, Bromley. Kenr.

Paul. Alfred H.. The Close. Tetbury.

Payxter, William. 10, Bute Crescent, Cardiff.

Pease, Hexry Fell, J. P., Brinkburn. Darlington. *fPECKOTER, Alexa vuer, F.E.G.S., F.L.S., Bank House, Wisbech. *Peceoter Miss, Wisbech.

Pelham Eet. Augustus Thursbv. Cound Eectory. Shiewsbury. *Perigal. Hexrt, 9. Xorth Crescent, Bedford Square, W.C.

List of Members. 449

Peeeam, Eet. George Jubb, M.A., 128, Fellows Road, South

Harapstead, N.W. Peeet, Eev. S. G. F. Peyton, John East Huntee, F.E.A.S., F.G.S., 108, Marina,

St. Leonards-on-the-Sea. Phene, John Samuel, LL.D., F.S.A., F.E.G.S., F.R.I.B.A., &c,

5, Carlton Terrace, Oakley Street, S.W. Pilchee, Mrs. J. Dendy, 15, Taviton Street, Gordon Square, W.C. Piltee, Eev. William Turnbtjll, The Hamlet Parsonage, Ewell,

Epsom. Pim, John, Bonaven, Antrim Eoad, Belfast. fPiNCHES, Theophilus Goldridge, 62, Newman Street, W. Pitt-Eiyers, General, F.E.S., 4, Grosvenor Gardens, S.W. Plumptre, Eey. Edward Hayes, D.D., The Deanery, Wells. Pollard, Joseph, High Down, Hitchin, Herts. Porter, George William, British Museum, W.C. Poetee, Eey. De. J. L., President, Queen's College, Belfast. Peice, Edwaed Dayid, F.G.S., Sydney House Collegiate School,

Hounslow, W. t Price, Fredebick Geoege Hilton, F.G.S., 29, Weymouth Street,

Portland. Place, W.

Eadcliffe, Eey. A. H. Delme, Barnwell, Cambridge.

Eagg, Eey. Frederick William, M. A., Masworth Vicarage,Tring.

Banking, James Lancaster, Surgeon-General, Welford Lodge, Leamington, Warwickshire. *Eansom, Edwin, F.E.G.S., 24, Ashburnham Eoad, Bedford.

Sanson, J. Josselyn, 1, South Parade, Weston-super-Mare.

Kashleigh, E. W., Kilmarth, Par Station, Cornwall.

Eassam, Hobmuzd, F.E.G.S., Nineveh House, Spring Grove, Isleworth. fEAWLiNsoN, Eey. Canon George, M.A., D.C.L., &c, Canter- bury, Kent (Vice-President). fEAWLiNsoN, Sir Henry C, K.C.B., D.C.L., F.E.S., F.S.A., &c, 21, Charles Street, Berkeley Square, W. (Vice-President).

Rawnslev, Eev., Habdwicke D., Crosnaithe Vicarage, Keswick.

Beady, Bobeiit Cooper, British Museum, W.C.

Eeed, Percy Eobert, 10, Upper Hornsey Eise, N.

Reid, Richard Kirkintilloch, Scotland.

Eendell, Eey. Arthur Med land, M. A., Coston Bectory, Melton Mowbray. fRENOUF, P. Le Page, Grove Lodge, Thistle Grove, South Kensington.

450 TAst of Members.

Kice, Mrs. S. G., Grove Hill, Bentham. near Lancaster. Richards, Rev. Thomas, The Manse, Old Hill, near Dudley. Richards. Ret. Walter, J.B., D.D., St. Charles's College,

Notting Hill, W. Richardson, Thomas Field, Royal Albert Dock. Roberts, Rev. J. A. J., M.A., Chatton Park, Belford. Robertson, Rev. J. Elphinstone.

Robertson, Rev. W. B., D.D., Westfield House, West Calder. Robertson, Rev. James. 7. Glasgow University. Glasgow. Rodwell, Rev. Joh>" Meadows, ALA., Hillside, Upper Maze

Hill, St. Leonards-ou-Sea. Rogers, Miss, 17, Tadema Road, Chelsea, S.W. Ross, Rev. Alexander, D.D.

Rothschild, The Baroness de. 148, Piccadilly, S.W. Rothwell, The Marquis de,M.A., 118, Regent's Park Road, X.W. Rowbottom, AVilliam, 201, Cowley Road, Oxford. Rowe. Rev. AVilliam King don, 3. Streatharu Place, Brixton

Hill. S.W. Rule, Rev. Ulric Z., Forton, Gosport. Rule, Rev. William Harris, D.D., 10, Alexander Terrace.

Clyde Road, Addiscombe, Croydon. Russell. Francis A., the School House, Craven Park, Willesden,

N.W. Rvder, Rev. Algernon Charles Dudley, M.A., Ickleford

House, Hitchin, Herts. Rtlands, Thomas Glazebrooe, F.S A., F.L.S., F.R.A.S., &c,

Highfields, Thelwall, near Warrington. fRYLANDS, W. Harry, F.S.A., M.R.A.S., 11, Hart Street, Blooms- bury, W.C. (Secretary).

St. Clair, George, F.G.S., 127, Bristol Road, Birmingham. Samuel, George, 29, Park Crescent, Regent's Park, N.W. Saunderson, Llewellyn, 10. De Yesci Terrace, Kingstown ; and

Dromkem House, Cavan, Ireland. Savile, Rev. Bourchier Wrey, M A., Rector of Shillingford,

Exeter. ISayce. Rev. A. H., M.A., Queen's College, Oxford (Foreign

Secretary). Scarth, Rev. Prebendary H. M., M.A., F.S. A., Wrington,

Somerset. Scattergood, James, The Beeches Road. West Broniwich. Scott, Rev. Archibald, D.D., 18, Regent Terrace, Edinburgh.

List of Members. 451

Seager, Mrs. Charles, 2, Chartham Terrace, Ramsgate.

Seager, Ret. John Osborne, M.A., Stevenage.

Seebohm, Frederick, llitchin.

Selwyn, Ret. Edward John, M.A., Pluckley Rectory, Ashford, Kent.

Sewell, Ret. AVilliam Henry, lM.A., Yaxley Vicarage, Eye, Suffolk.

Sharpe, Ret. John, Elmley Lovett Rector}', Droitwich, Worcester- shire.

Sheppard, S. Gurnet.

Sibbald, J. G. E., Accountant-General's Department, Admiralty, Spring Gardens, S.W.

Siltester, Mrs.

Simcox, George Augustus, M.A., 1, Douro Place, Victoria Road, Kensington, W. *fSiMPSON, William, F.R.G.S., 19, Church Road, Willesden, N.W. (Hon. Librarian).

Sitwell, Lady, Renishaw Hall, Derbyshire ; and Woodend, Scarborough. *Small, Ret. George, M.A., Stranger's Home, Limehouse, E.

Smith, Basil Woodd, Branch Hill Lodge, Hampstead, N.W.

Smith, Mrs. Eustace, 52, Prince's Gate, S.W.

Smith, Joseph, 17, Chelsham Road, Clapham, S.W. tSMiTH, Vert Ret. Dean R. Payne, D.D., Deanery, Canter- bury, Kent (Vice-President).

Smith, Ret. William Saumaeez, Principal's Lodge, St. Aidan's College, Birkenhead.

Sole, Ret. S. Heyden, Holy Trinity Church, Chipping JNforton.

Somertille, Ret. James, E., M.A., B.D., Overtoun, Dumbarton.

Spicer, Ret. W. W.

Spurling, Ret. John Walter, M.A., Crowthorne, Berks.

Stenhouse, Ret. Thomas, 14, Lyndhurst Road, Harapstead, N.W.

Stephenson, Ret. E. H. C, 30, Silchester Road, JSotting Hill, W.

Stephenson, Ret. Henry, Major, M.A., St. Peter's School, York.

Stevens, Rev. Mablow Osmond, M.A., Anlaby, Weston-super- Mare.

Stewart, Robert, 116, West Regent Street, Glasgow.

Stoughton, Thomas Wilberfokce, Lynton Villa, Beulah Hill, Upper Norwood.

Strassmaier, Ret. John Nep, 36, Farm Street, W.

Strateord, Lady Olitia.

Streanb, Ret Amseslly William. Corpus Christi College, Cambridge.

452 List of Mem

StuabTj Henry Villiers. M.P.. Dromana, Cappoquin, Ireland. Stuart, James Melliss, F.E.G.S.. Mansion House Chambers,

Queen Victoria Street. K.C. Stuart. William Geobge, Meruien Hill, Coventry. Swainson, Eev. Charles Anthony, D.D., Cambridge. Swete, Eev. Henry Barclay, MIA., D.D., Asbdon Rectory,

Linton, Cambridge. Swinburne, Charles Alfred, 32, Upper Hamilton Terrace, -

Jobn's Wood. Symmons, Mrs. Eleanor.

Taylor, Canon Isaac, M.A., LL.D., M.E.A.S., Eectory, Set-

trington, York. Thompson, A. Dyott, 12. Pembridge Villas, Westbourne

Grove, W. Thompson, Eev. Archer, M.A., Milton Lodge, Wells, Somerset. Thompson. Eev. Ealph Percy. Eanscomb Villas, Havant. Thorpe, George. Nelson House. Stoke Newington Road, N. Tite, Lady, 42, Lowndes Square, S. W.

Tomkins. Eev. Henry George, Park Lodge, Weston-super-Mare. Tooke, Eey. J. H., M.A.. Monkton Farleigb, Wilts. *Tremlett, J. D., M.A., care of Miss Gibson, Olan Bryn, Eastnor

Grove, Leamington. Trevor, Eey. George A.. 48, Queen's Gardens. Hyde Park. W. Tristram, Eev. Canon Henry Baker, LL.D., F.B.S., Tbe

College, Durbarn. Turner, Eey. W., 5, St. Andrew Square, Edinburgh. Turton, Lieut. William Harry, E.E., F.E.G.s. Tylor. Edward Burnett, D.C.L.. F.E.S., Tbe Museum. Oxford. Tvser. Eev. Edward Jarratt. M.A., St. Saviour's Vica:

Hoxton. N.

Lrwick. Eey. William, M.a.. 49, Belsize Park Gardens, X.W. XTzielli, Madame. Hanover Lodge, Eegent's Park, X.W.

Vint, Eev. E.. B.D., Soutbampton.

Wags, Eey. Henry, M.A., King's College, Loudon.

Waldegraye, Hon. H. Xoel.

Walker. Eev. Francis Augustus. M.A.. D.D., 33, Bassett Eoad,

Xotting Hill. W. Walker, Eev. Thomas. M.A., Sleigtb Vicarage, Wbitby. Walkei:. Walter Frederick, care of Dr. Baber, " Braeside,"

Station Eoad, Harlesden, near Willesden. N".

List of Members. 453

Walker, Thomas, The Chestnuts, Grove Hill, Tunbridge Wells. Wallace- Dunlop, Miss, care of Miss Osborn, 10a, Cunningham

Place, St. John's Wood. Warner, Rev. Arthur, The Vicarage, Vincent Square, S.W. Warner, Mrs. Robert Lee, Tyberton Court, Hereford- Warren, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Charles, K.C.M.G., R.E.

Brompton Barracks, Chatham. Waugh, Rev. Benjamin, Editor of the "Sunday Magazine," 56,

Ludgate Hill, E.C. Weeks, Caleb. * Whitbreab, S. Charles, F.R.S., F.R.A.S., Southill, Biggleswade. White, Frederic A., Kinross House, Cromwell Road. White, William Henry, 8b, Oxford and Cambridge Mansions,

Marylebone Road, N.W. fWHiTEHorsE, Frederic Cope, 15, 5th Avenue, Brevoort, New

York, U.S.A.

Whyt&, E. Towry, 31, Lansdowne Road, Clapham Road, S.W.

Wilks, Rev. Mark, 12, St. Bartholomew Road, IS".

Wills, Howkll, The Temple, E.C.

Williams, Miss, 3, Hillgrove Road, South Hampstead, N.W.

Williams, Rev. Watkin H., Bodelwyddan Vicarage, St. Asaph.

Williamson, Rev. Alexander, L.L.P., 224, West George Street,

Glasgow. Willson, Rev. E. N. Wilson, Sir Charles William, R.E., F.R.G.S., Ordnance

Survey Office, Phoenix Park, Duhlin. Wiltshire, Mrs. Thomas, 25, Granville Park, Lewisham, S.E. Windle, Christopher Henry, 21, Devonshire Road, Hastings. Winstone, Benjamin, 53, Russell Square, W.C. Wise, James F. N., M.D., Rostellan Castle, Ireland. Wise, Tuomas Alexander, M.D., F.R.C.P.E., Inchrye Abbey,

Newborough, Fife, N.B. Wonnacott, Thomas, F.R.I.B.A., Devonshire House, Farnham,

Surrey. Woodford, Rev. Adolphus Frederic Alexander, M.A., 25a,

Norfolk Crescent, Hyde Park, W. Woodhouse, Coventry A., 9, Pembridge Crescent, Bayswater, W. Woodman, W., Stobhill, Morpeth. Woodrooffe, Miss Selina M.

Wordsworth, Rev. J., M.A., 1, Keble Terrace, Oxford. Wright, Prof. William, LL.D., St Andrew's, Station Road,

Cambridge, f Wright, Rev. William, D.D., British and Foreign Bible Society,

Queen Victoria Street, E.C.

4o4 IAst of Members,

FOREIGN" MEMBERS. Autrax. Eugexe. Les Charrnelles, Geneva.

Bahler. Rev. Louis Hexri Axtoixe. Minister of the Established

Church, Groningen, Holland. Bezold. Dr. Carl. 31. Brienner Strasse, Munich. Bihdle, Geoboe. 208, South Fifth Street, Philadelphia, U.S.A. Bixxey, Rev. Johx. Middletown, Connecticut. U.S.A. Boxghi, Sigxor Roger, Camera dei Deputati, Rome. Briggs, Professor Charles A., Union Theological Seminary,

New York City, U.S.A.

Camfbox", Alexaxder Mackexzie.

Campbell. Professor Johx, MA.. Presbyterian College, Mon- treal ; 19. Luke Street, Montreal, Canada.

Chastel, A., 4, Rue Roquepine, Paris.

Crawford, Major-Gexfral, Union Club, 21st Street, Fifth Avenue. N"ew York, U.S.A.

Cfrrie. Johx Laxg, Eildon, Grey Street, St. Kilda, Victoria, Australia.

Daxy, Hox. Charles, P. .LL.D., SI. Clinton Place, New York, U.S. A. Delattre. Rev. A., Aneieane Abbaye de Tronchiennes lez Gand,

Belgique. Delitzsch, Frifdrich, Ph.D., 51, Xiirnberger Strasse. Leipzig. Deubxer. J.. Moscow. Dexter. Orraxdo Perrt, 50. West 56th Street. New York City.

U.S.A. Di Cesxola, Gexfral Lons Palma, 107, East 57th Street,

N'ew York. U.S.A. Dickermax. Rev. Lysaxder. D.D., Hotel Eliot, Boston. Mass. U.S.A. Dicksox, Johx, H.M.'s Yice-Consul, Beyriit, Syria. Drisler, Prof. Hexrt, LL.D., IS, "West Forty-Sixth Street, New

York. U.S.A. Duxlop, Johx, M.A.. 1003, Bank Street, Richmond, Ya., U.S.A. Dutaf, Rev. A., i.J., 10, Boulevard d'Enfer, Paris.

Eastlake, Fraxe: AY., care of Hon. AY. F. Rose, Post Office Box

4034, Philadelphia, U.S.A. Lastox, Rev. Peter Z., Doma Schwartz Colony, Tifiis, Russia

Li. <t of Members. 455

Finlay, William Booth, 19, Rue Charles Lafitte, Neuilly, Paris.

Forbes, Mrs., Lokia, near Smyrna.

Fradenburgh, Rev. J. N., Ph.D., Titusville, Crauford co., Pa., U.S.A.

Gardiner, Rev. Frederic, D.D., Professor Berkeley Divinity

School, Middletown, Conn., U.S.A. Gast, Prof. F. A., Lancaster, Pa., U.S.A. Gautier, Dr. Lucien, Lausanne, Switzerland. Goertz, Prof. C.

Golenischeff, W., Quai Anglais 12, St. Petersburg. Grant-Bet, Dr., The Sanatorium, Cairo. Grant, Rev. W., B.D., Tullamore, Ontario, Canada.

Hall, Isaac H., 725, Chestnut Street, Philadelphia, U.S.A. Hamilton, Rev. S. M., M.A., D.D., 62, West 11th Street, New

York, U.S.A. Harper, "W. R., Ph.D., Morgan Park, near Chicago, Illinois, U.S.A. Haupt, Dr. Paul, 12, Friedlander Weg, Gottingen. Hechler, Rev. William H., H.M. Chaplain at Vienna. Hitchcock, Hiram, U.S.A. Hoe, Robert, jun.

Hofmann, Prof. Dr. Carl, Graz, Austria. Hommell, Dr. Fritz, Konigiustrasse 81, Miiuich, Bavaria.

Jaeger, Prof. A., Gambier, Ohio, U.S.A.

Jeffers, Rev. Prof. W". H, D.D., Allegheny, Penn., U.S.A.

Kieme, Rev. Prof. Gustavus.

Kirberger, W7. H, Rokin, 134, Amsterdam.

Kittredge, Rev. J. E., D.D., Geneseo, New York State, U.S.A.

Lamy, Thomas Joseph, D.D., College Marie Therese, Louvain,

Belgique. Lansing, Dr. G. Lansing, Rev. Prof. John G., Theological Seminary, New Brunswick,

New Jersey, U.S. A. Leeming, Thomas James, Charlotte Town, Prince EdAvard's Island. Lemm, Oscar Von, Ph.D., AVaissily-Ostrow, Musee Asiatique des

l'Academie Imperiale des Sciences, St. Petersburg. Lhotzky, Heisrich, Bautznei Chausee 166, Dresden. Lieblein, Professor J., Christiauia, Norway.

45fi List of Members.

Lotz, De. Willielm, 22, Bahnhofstrasse, Ca9sel. Lyon. Dk. D. G., Lowell Street, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A.

Marshall, Eey. J., Nunda, Livingston co., N.T., U.S.A.

McYYhoktee, Peof. Alexander.

Mereill, Key. Selah, D.D., United States Consul, Jerusalem, Syria.

Meex, Adalbeet, D.D.

Millingen, Eey. Alexander, M.A., Robert College, Con- stantinople.

Moody, J. D., Secretary of La Salle S.S. Association, Mendota, Illinois, U.S.A.

Moore, Geo. A., 418, California Street, San Francisco.

*Mullens, Josiah, Eldon Chambers, 92, Pitt Street, Sydney, New South Wales.

Mullee, De. D. Helnrich, Pbofessoe, the University, Vienna.

Newman, Eev. De. J.P.,60, 7th Avenue, New York, U.S.A. Nimr, Faris, care of Rev. Dr. Lansing, American Mission House. Cairo,

Oberziner, De. L., via S. Yiglio, No. 5, Trent, Tyrol, Austria. Osgood, Peof. Howabd, Rochester, New York, U.S.A. (GreYel).

Paine, Eey. J. A., Tarrytown, New York, U;S.A.

Peet, Steehen D., Clinton, Wis., U.S;A.

Peeks, Samuel, C.E., Larnaca, Cyprus.

Peters, Eey. John P., Ph.D., 99th Street, 10th Avenue, New

York City, U.S.A. Pierides, Demetrius, Larnaca, Cyprus.

Praetorius, Dr. Frantz, Kaiserin Augusta platz, 5, Breslau. Prasek, Prof. Dr. Justin V., Bohemia. Kolin.

Eeed, Eey. J. Sandees.

Eeed, Eey. Henry Mobton, M.A., 111, North 43rd Street,

Philadelphia, U.S.A. Eeichardt. Rev. H. ft, Chaplain, Post Restant, Tunis, N. Africa. Reynolds, W. D., Norfolk, Virginia, U.S.A. Robinson, Rey. Dr. Stewart, Louisville, Kentucky, U.S.A. Rohart, M. L'Abbe C, M.A., 9, Rue de Jerusalem, Arras,

(Pas-de-Calais). Rolland, Rey. William S., Cargen Lodge, Kensington Road, South

Yarra, Melbourne.

ldst of Members. 457

Schott, Dr. Weill.

Shea, The Hon. George, Chief Justice of the Marine Court of New

York, 205, West 46th Street, New York, U.S.A. Sloane, Prof. William, The College, New Jersey, Princeton,

U.S.A. Smith, Mrs. H.,Directoress, Syrian Female Schools, Beyrut, Syria. Stevens, Prof. Wm. Arnold, 47, North Avenue, Rochester, New

York State, U.S.A. Stuabt, Eobert, Grand Hotel, Pallanza, Lago Maggiore, Italy. Stuart, Whitewright, care of Maquay, Hooker and Co., Pirenze,

Italia.

Taylor, Trof. John Phelps, Andover Theological Seminary,

Andover, Mass., U.S.A. Tiele, Prof., Leyden. Trumbull, Dr. H. Clay, 4103, Walnut Street, Philadelphia,

Pennsylvania, U.S.A.

Ward, Eev. William Hayes, D.D., 251, Broadway, New York,

U.S.A. Wilkins, Dr. C. A.

Zeuch, Johannes, Spitzenberg 8, Niirnberg.

Zimmerman, P., care of Dr. F. Delitzsch, 54, Nurnberger-Strasse,

Leipzig. Zimmermann, Bev. Prof. G. A. Zimmern, Heinrich, Weisse-Ochsenstrasse 2, Erlangen.

458 List of Members.

LIBRARIES.

John Hopkins University Library, Baltimore.

Universitat-Bibliothek Basle, Basle.

Royal Library, Berlin.

Birmingham Central Free Library, Ratcliffe Place.

Christiauia University Library.

Owens College Library. Manchester.

Sion College Library, London Wall, E.C.

Breslau Royal and University Library.

Boston Athenaeum Library.

Gottingen University Library.

Konigsberg Royal and University Library.

Marburg University Library.

Ambrosian Library, Milan.

Astor Library, New York, U.S.A.

Library of the Parliament of Canada, Ottawa.

St. John's College Library, Oxford.

Theological Seminary, Rochester, U.S.A.

Library of Congress, Washington.

Harvard College Library.

Peabody Institute Library, Baltimore.

Watkinson Library, Hartford, U.S.A.

Library Company, Philadelphia.

Mercantile Library, Philadelphia.

Manchester Free Public Library.

Dr. Williams's Library, Grafton Street East, Gower Street, W.C.

The London Library, 12, St. James's Square, S.W.

University Library of Aberdeen.

Library Western Theological Seminary, Allegheny, Penn., U.SA.

Department of Antiquities, the National Museum of Hungary,

Buda Pesth. Theological Seminary, Hartford, Connecticut, U.S.A. Union Theological Seminary, 1200, Park Avenue, New York, U.S.A. The University of St. Andrew's (J. Maitland Anderson), St.

Andrew's, Scotland. L'Universite Catholique de Lille, 56, Boulevard Vauban, Lille. The Alliance Israelite Universelle de Paris, 35, Rue de Trevise, Paris . The National Library of Ireland, Dublin. Toronto Public Library, Toronto, Canada.

JAst of Member*. 459

Weston-super-Mare, Church Institute, 1, South Parade, Weston- super-Mare. The Library of the British and Foreign Bible Society, 116, Queen

Victoria Street, E.C. The Library of the Theological Institute of Connecticut, Hartford ,

Connecticut, U.S.A. Library University of Toronto (Allan). Tale College, New Haven, U.S.A. (Allan). The Divinity School of the Presbyterian Episcopal Church, 39th

and Walnut Streets, Philadelphia, Penn., U.S.A. Newton Theological Library, Newton Centre, Mass., U.S.A. Manchester Grammar School (S. Dill, Head Master). Andover Theological Seminary (Rev. W. L. Ropes, Librarian),

Audover, Mass., U.S.A. Metropolitan Museum of Art, Central Park, 5th Avenue, 82nd

Street, New York, U.S.A. Museum of Science and Art, Edinburgh. Wells Theological College Library (Rev. A. Covele, Librarian \

Wells, Somerset.

460

List of Members.

HONORARY FOREIGN MEMBERS.

Berger, Philippe Bibliotheque de l'lnstitut. Paris.

Brugsch-Bet, Hei>-ri'ch .. Charlottenbourg, near Berlin,

Prus.-ia.

Clermont-Gaxxeau, Ch 44. Avenue Marceau. Paris.

De Horrack. P. J 4, Rue du General Foy, Paris.

De Prangey. Girault . . . . Langres, Haute Marne, France. De Vogue. Le Maequfs . . ..2. Rue Fabert, Paris.

Dolllnger, Prof The University. Munich.

Dumichen, Prof. Johannes . . Strasburgh.

Ebers, Prof. George . . . . The University, Leipzig.

Eisenlohr. Prof. August . . The University, Heidelberg.

Hackett, Rev. Dr

Halevt, J. 26, Rue Aurnaire, Paris.

Lanzone, Professor R. V. . . Via St. Quintino No. 34, Turin. Lauth, Prof. F. J. . . . . The University, Munich.

Leemans, Dr. Conrad . . . . Musee d'Antiquites des Pars

Bas, Ley den.

Lefebure, E 41. 2. Langier, Paris.

Lieblein. Professor J Christiania. Norway.

Maspero, Prof. G. .. .. Musee d'antiquites de Boulaq,

Cairo. Menant, Joachim. . .... Rouen.

Naville, Edouarde . . . . 31, Rue de Chanvine, Courde

St. Pierre, Geneva. Oppeet, Professor Jules . . 19, Rue Mazarine, Paris.

Perrot, Georges Rue d'Ulm 45, Paris.

Piehl, Prof. Dr. Karl.. .. Professeur agrege al'Universiie

d'Upsala, Sweden.

Pierret, Paul Musee du Louvre, Paris.

Plette. W. Musee du Pavs Bas, Leiden,

Holland. Prideaux, Lieut. -Col. W. F. . . Agent Governor-.General with

King of Oudh, Calcutta.

Reinisch, Prof The University, Vienna.

Revillout, Eugene . . . . Musee du Louvre, Paris.

Safvhf.t Pasha Constantinople.

Schlaperelli, Ernest . . Egyptian Museum, Florence, Italy. Schmidt, Professor Waldemar The University, Copenhagen.

Schrader, Prof. Eb N. W. Kronprinzen Ul'er 20,

Berlin.

Stern, Ludwig Konigliches Museum, Berlin.

Whitney, W. D Yale College, U.S.A.

Wiedemann, Dr. A Poppelsdorfer Allee 23. Bonn.

Germany. Wing. Jckg , Unted Slates.

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