fede Rate tia = S.G 7 oe ee es tee Sy FMR )N RR meee Ae “Oh e ade tine ie re Vol. 7 | THE TRANSACTIONS AND Journal of Proceedings OF THE DUMFRIESSHIRE AND GALLOWAY Natural History and Antiquarian Society FOUNDED NOVEMBER, 1862 SESSION 1908-1909 x PRINTED AT THE STANDARD OFFICE, DUMFRIES, anp ) PUBLISHED BY THE SOCIETY. 1910. —_—_—. —_—_ N.S. Vol. XXI. THE TRANSACTIONS AND Journal of Proceedings OF THE DUMFRIESSHIRE AND GALLOWAY Natural History and Antiquarian Society FOUNDED NOVEMBER, 1862 SESSION 1908-1909 PRINTED AT THE STANDARD OFFICE, DUMFRIES, anp PUBLISHED BY THE SOCIETY. 1910. Office-Bearers for 1909-1910. President. H, S. Guapstone of Capenoch, Thornhill, Dumfriesshire, F.Z.8., M.B.O.U. Honorary Vice-Presidents. JAMES Barpour, F.S.A.Scot., Dumfries. J. F. Cormack, Solicitor, Lockerbie. Joun M‘Kin, R.N., Kirkcudbright. Dr JAMES MAxwett Ross, Duntrune, Dumfries. RoBeERT SERVICE, M.B.O.U., Dumfries. Professor G. F. Scorr-Exuiot, M.A., B.Sc., F.R.G.S., F.L.8., Newton, Dumfries. Vice- Presidents. Witii1aMm Dicxir, Merlewood, Dumfries. JAMES Lennox, Provost of Dumfries, F.S.A.Seot., Edenbank, Dumfries. Dr J. W. Martin, Charterhall, Newbridge, Dumfries. Dr W. Sempte, M.A., B.Se., Ph.D., Mileash, Dumfries. Honorary Secretary. Samvet Arnott, F.R.H.S., Sunnymead, Dumfries. Honorary Treasurer. M. H. M‘Kerrow, Solicitor, 43 Buccleuch Street, Dumfries. Honorary Librariaa and Curator of Museum. Grorer W. Surrey, Ewart Public Library, Dumfries. Honorary Departmental Curators. Antiquities—Joun M. Corrtiz. Coins and Tokens—Rev. H. A. WuitTELaw. Natural History—Dr J. W. Martin. Geology—Roprrt WALLACE Herbarium—Miss Hannay and Professor Scorr-ELiior. Honorary Secretarv Photographic Committee. W. A. MackinneE., The Shieling, Dumfries. Members of Council. The President ; Honorary Vice-Presidents ; Vice-Presidents ; Secretary ; Treasurer; Librarian and Curators; and the following :—Rev. H. WuitrLtaw, W. A. Macxinnet, J. B. Wappett, James Houston, PETER StTopiz, JAMES Davrpson, J. P. Minnicgan, R. Watnace, FRANK Miiar, M. CarRnyne AITKEN (Miss). “ 4 CON THN TS. = EBS SESSION 1908-9. == BSS — Office-Bearers for 1908-9 Annual Meeting ... cers ape aan Fe ws me nae Presidential Address—The Scottish Flora—Professor Scott-Elliot The ea Skuas, with a i Reference to their Local Occurrences— R. Service ... : St. Conal: The Patron Saint of Kir pe oinene W. M ‘Millan Bulblets or Bulbils on Stems of Lilies—S. Arnott . The Capture of the Covenanting Town of Danie by Monta: the King’s Lieutenant-General, in the year 1644, and his Ejection Therefrom—James Barbour Pond Life—Z. J. Hill The Origin of the Name of Kirkpatrick- echt W. A. Stark ... The Kelpie—R. J. Arnott The Scalacronica (Sir Thomas Giagone) E. J. See The Recent Fire in the Town Hall of Dumfries, and a Previous Fire which Concerned the Town—James Barbour The Weather of 1908—Rev. Wm. Andson ‘ Weather and other Natural History Notes—J. Ruthe7 a a The Weather of 1908 in Relation to Health—Dr J. Maxwell Ross The Admirable Crichton: A Translation of a Latin Oration delivered by him before the Senate of Genoa, in July, 1579, and a Brief . 100 Account of his Life—Douglas Crichton Objects of Interest on the Sea Shore— Wilson H. ee, The Stones at Kirkmadrine—Rev. G. Philip Robertson Rare Birds of Recent Occurrence—R. Service Note on Raeburnfoot Camp, Eskdalemuir—James Barbour Pre-Reformation Ministers of Sanquhar—W. M‘Millan ... The Late Rev. W. Andson—W. Dickie Rome—David Halliday.. .. 139 a . 146 The Second Romantic Period of English Literature— Wm. Learmonth... PAGE. -» 130 ae fs ... 134 A Famous Medizval Order (Knight’s Templar)—Rev. W. LD. Stephen... 136 147 6 CONTENTS. Quarrelwood Reformed Presbyterian Church and its Ministers—Rev. W. M‘Dowall ... a a8 at ar We Ashe .» 165 Brunonian or Particle Movements—J. M. Romanes Et ae ... 174 Lochfergus—James Affleck... a : se ae Be Bonito) Single Seed Selection—Professor Scott-Elliot ce -. 194 The Uses of Apparently Useless Details in the Structure of Plants— Professor Scott-Hllict .... : sat ey wat ies Race Sls) Samian Ware—Rev. H. A. Whitelaw.. ; Be ey aS weer ZOD Forest Pests— Wellwood Maxwell wae a: we ah. ae wee Oe The Black Swift—F. Service ... . 207 Note on Stone Found in Kirkconnel Churehyaed— Lay Johnson- Ferguson ... Fic ie ZO. Rainfall Records for the ‘altos Gaius: for ae Year 1909 . 2g 2G Field Meetings : A Day in St. Ninian’s Country and at a cnceith ... 214 Hoddom Castle tas ee Bes aa Ae fe opts seme Barjarg Be a see fcc 455 at 360 sot woe DOT Abstract of Accounts... & ae ar ae ss at we LOD Presentations and Exhibits... See jas ve ah BS 5g PBS) Members of the Society... oa a a hiss sas a ... 234 Index cas A a0 NE: te kets ee Ase nee &. 242 EDMORTA Ls NGw aS The contributors of the papers are alone responsible for the statements and views expressed therein, and publication is not to be held as involving the concurrence of the Society or the Editor. The Editor desires to acknowledge his indebtedness to the “Dumfries and Galloway Standard,” “ Dumfries and Galloway Courier and Herald,” and “ Kirkcudbrightshire Advertiser,” for reports of several meetings and discussions. He also wishes to thank Mr G. W. Shirley, Librarian, Ewart Public Library, Dumfries, for the Index at the end of this volume, which will be found of considerable assistance for reference. All communications regarding copies of the “ Transactions ” or annual subscriptions should be sent to the Treasurer, Mr M. H. M'‘Kerrow, 43 Buccleuch Street, Dumfries, and not to the Secretary. SSS Se Exchanges should be addressed to the Librarian of the Society, Ewart Public Library, Dumfries. ey (oe 3 ~< e , , { * ve War aa ee ; 4 1 | > ‘ es ~ ‘ " 2 ¥ . ‘ s < ~ - -_ * “ . = . J - ‘ mS fn 7 ‘ ‘ ~"} s Pa “ 1 i ¢ 4 ‘ € a aed oe | van ene Fi Migheg } peas fee Syl 0 aR ere: her are ai, nae ek A, om Ta, ae Oe thee Ln aT. - y \ wrl is /, tare if A aoe Wes > 4 ‘ yao core ay bak! ; PROCEEDINGS AND JIRANSACTIONS OF THE Dumfriesshire and Galloway Natural History and Antiquarian Society. SSS LOIN 1LIOS=L909. 23rd October, 1908. ANNUAL MEETING. Chairman—Mr G. F. Scott-E..iot, P.; Dr J. W. Martin, V.P., during delivery of Presidential Address. The Secretary and Treasurer submitted their annual re- ports, which were approved of. An abstract of the accounts appears in this issue. The annual report of the Photographic Section was submitted by Mr W. A. Mackinnell, the Section Secretary, and approved of. On the motion of the Treasurer (Mr M‘Kerrow) it was agreed :— That the limitation to three Honorary Vice-Presidents, as fixed by the rules, be deleted, leaving it to the members at the Annual Meeting to appoint more or less as desired. On the nomination of the Council the Office-bearers were appointed for the session. (See p. 3, Vol. xx., N.S.) PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS. By Professor ScoTtT-ELLior. THE ScoTtisH FLora. One of the many trying burdens of a modern botanist is due to the unmitigated industry of German scientific men. Unfortunately 10 THE SCOTTISH FLORA. our own scientific leaders do not trouble to translate and make accessible for us even a minute portion of the valuable foreign work annually produced. So that it is a very difficult matter to give at all a complete account of the best foreign opinion on the history of the flora of Europe. When the glaciers and ice sheets of the fourth and greatest Ice Age finally abandoned Northern Europe, the country was soon inhabited by what is known as the Dryas Flora. It was a dwarf, starved, spotted sort of vegetation, consisting for the most part of miserable little willows and tiny birches. Some of them are still with us; but others have departed for the frozen north, and are no longer Scotch citizens. After an interval of time, longer or shorter, according to the locality and exposure, well- grown thickets and woods of our common birch with alder, hazel, and other plants, dispossessed those scrubby little Arctic alpines. Willows, populus tremula, and juniper came with the birch forest. It was still a cold climate, with an average July temperature of 9 deg. C., and in August 7 deg. or 8 deg. C. Then came the Scotch pine, which formed regular forests, and brought many other plants along with it. This reigned as the dominant vegeta- tion in Scotland for thousands of years. The June temperature was 9 deg. C.; July, 12 deg. C.; and August, 10 deg. C. But after a long interval oak forest dispossessed the pines, and was accompanied by many more of our common woodland flowers. The temperatures were as follows:—June, 14 deg. C.; July, 16 deg. C.; and August, 14-15 deg. C. The Continental evidence seems quite clear as to these suc- cessive invasions, at least for Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Schleswig-Holstein, North Germany, and Russia. Moreover, if one were to start, preferably by aeroplane, from Dumfries and travel to the Arctic regions, one would pass over, in succession, all those vegetations—oak, conifer, birch, and Arctic alpine flora. Then again, in ascending, say, the Alps, something very similar occurs. There is a lower deciduous forest, a Highland conifer forest. Above this is sometimes a zone of birches, and near the snow line are many of those very Arctic alpines which form the Dryas flora. So that the present facts of distribution supplement very clearly the above series of vegetation forms. Everything is just as it should be. Tue ScotrTisH FLorRA. Dat But the facts are not quite so simple as one would like them to be. Gunnar Anderson has shown, for instance, that the hazel once occupied a much larger area in Scandinavia than it does to-day. It has lost one-third of the country in which it used to grow. So he concludes that the present-day mean annual temperature is about 2-4 deg. C. less than in those days. This is explained by the theory of a warm, dry, and genial inter-glacial period following on the fourth or greatest of Ice Ages. This slight lapse in the behaviour of the average annual temperature in no way confuses the general succession of Arctic alpine plants, birch wood, Scotch pine forest, and oak wood, which is an emi- nently natural order of colonisation. The number of plants, the co-operation between them as well as the fertility of the soil produced by each of them, is distinctly greater in each step of the series. Birch and conifers have winter stores of oil, not starch, and in consequence are better able to resist cold than the oak (Meg. 216). Oaks will displace Scotch pine if the ground is sufficiently fertile (Dengler 46), and a pine forest will kill out a birch wood if the soil is sufficiently fertile. But the colonisation of Scotland by plants was a very difficult affair. I think we may be sure that they had an absolutely clear field before them. In the days when two thousand feet of ice flowed over Dumfries, it is hard to believe that any glacial relics were flourishing even upon Ben Nevis. The climate after the fourth or Great Ice Age had waned away would be for years, or possibly centuries, atrocious; it would vary unpleasantly. Days of blinding snowstorms would be succeeded by weeks of cold grey fog. Then perhaps a week or two of scorching sunshine and severe drought; and this, again, would be followed by pitiless rain continuing for months together. Nor was the soil inviting. The choice lay between smooth polished rock-faces, glacial boulder clay, which, as all gardeners and farmers know, is of all soils the most heart-breaking, bare stone shingle and barren sand. The first vegetation consisted almost certainly of mere stains of blue or green or red algae aided by bacteria, and of lichen crusts such as we can still find on particularly exposed and intractable rock; that is to say, brown scytonemas, black 1y THE SCOTTISH FLORA. stigonemas, grey lecidas, and the like. Now, when such a moss stigonemas, grey hecideas, and the like. Now, when such a moss and lichen growth has worked over bare clay or rock-face the surface is by no means unaltered. Lichen and moss rhizoids corrode the rock. Minute animals take refuge in the mosses. Dead material accumulates under the moss, producing a tiny film of mossy, lichenic and animal matter upon which bacteria flourish. This condition affords an oppor- tunity for flowering plants, and so the Arctic alpine flora would begin to colonise the moss and lichen carpets. Nothing in this flora is usually over six inches high, and so it was well suited to the raging hurricanes and blizzards of the time. It is an interesting fact that a very similar flora can be found in Scotland to-day. Professor Smith calls it the vaccinium summit flora, and describes it in Yorkshire and in Forfar and Fife (Smith, Forfar and Fife). I found it also in Renfrewshire, on the isolated rocky or stony summits projecting above the peat mosses of the Renfrewshire hills (Robber Craigs, Misty Law, East Girt Hill, Hill of Stake, Boxland, and High Corby Knowes) (Scott-Elliot, “Trap Flora of Renfrewshire’’). These lie between 1500 and 1700 feet, where one could not expect Arctic alpines. But they are exposed to the worst severities of the Ren- frewshire climate. In general habit it corresponds with the Arctic alpine flora. It is especially an open vegetation. Such flowering plants as occur are dotted about between moss and lichen carpets or stones still stained by algae or lichen crusts. The dominant plant is vaccinium (blaeberry), and there are three grasses (aira flexuosa, festuca ovina, and sweet vernal). In Forfar Smith gives a list of the constituents, in which one notes besides vaccinium three of the Dryas flora (loiseleuria, empetrum, and salix herbacea). Fustuca ovina and carex also occur. These were at altitudes of between 2750 feet and 3500 feet. The point which I wish to make clear is that in both Forfar and Renfrewshire the colonisation of the highest and most exposed summits has not got beyond the Arctic alpine stage. These summits remain in this Dryas flora condition physiologically, and some of the plants are identical. But when we try to trace the history beyond the Dryas flora, when we look for a birch zone, a Scotch pine forest, and an oak THE ScoTtTisH FLoRA. 13 wood our difficulties begin. The botanical survey of this country owes its initiation and its ground plan to the late Dr Robert Smith, whose untimely death was a very heavy blow to British science. He himself surveyed Edinburghshire and North Perth- shire. His brother, W. G. Smith, carried out the survey of Forfar and Fife, and in collaboration with Rankin that of Yorkshire ; whilst Dr Lewis has surveyed the Eden, Wear, and Tyne valleys, and Moss has studied part of the Pennines. The present height to which the birch, pine, and oak ascend is given by all these authors, and may be roughly placed as follows :— The upper limit of the oak lies between 750 ft. and 1250 ft. That of the Scotch pine 55 1250 ft. and 2400 ft. That of birch as 1250 ft. and 2750 ft. So that one may say that, so far as this information goes, it seems that the birch came first, then the Scotch pine, and finally the oak. At the same time the records are not conclusive in show- ing that a birch vegetation is a necessary preliminary to the Scotch pine forest. But of course, as we all know, our southern uplands and most of the Highlands are not covered by forest of any sort. Enormous areas of Scotland consist of desolate whaup-haunted moorlands or black peat haggs of the most forbidding character. In the botanical survey maps we find below the Arctic alpine flora, or the summit flora which corresponds to it in lower hills, four different associations, which cover almost the whole country from those high levels until well down in what used to be pine forest or oak wood. ‘These are grass heath, heather moor, cottongrass swamp and sphagnum moor. These four associations are mixed and intricately confused one with another. The sphagnum is a peatmoss or flow of the wettest and worst description. The grass heath is dry, and with very little peat. The heather moor is drier than the cottongrass, which is not so wet or quagmirish as the peatmoss. The grass heath, on the other hand, is a coarse, grassy pasture, most usually of nardus, sheep’s fescue, molinia or aira flexuosa. The peat is very shallow or absent, and there is very little or usually no sphagnum at all. Mosses of sorts can generally be found on close examination about the roots of the grasses; but they are 14 THE SCOTTISH FLORA. entirely subject to and overshadowed by them. The origin of all these forms can be detected by a close examination of the dryas flora or vaccinium summit flora which occurs on the hilltops. This consists of a thin moss carpet, with scattered plants of vaccinium or grass or sedges. _If the moss gets ahead and grows rapidly a wholly wet sphagnum moss will form. _ If the sedges, which live under half-wet, half-dry conditions, can keep up with the moss growth, a cottongrass moor develops. But if the vaccinium and other plants can keep well ahead of the mosses through insufficient moisture, however caused, then a heather moor results. On the other hand, grass heath will form if no peat to speak of is produced. This happens on very steep slopes if the soil is at all genial or friable, and also on limestone rock, where the water is easily conducted away. If you drain a cotton- grass swamp, it becomes a heather moor; if you burn off the heather, a grass heath will take its place. So it is not difficult to see why the grass heath, heather moor, cottongrass bog, and sphagnum moss have covered the soil. But how about the birches and Scotch firs? Anyone who has visited Lochar Moss or Kirkconnel Moss will bear me out in the fact that both birches and Scots pine will naturally grow and spread by self-sown seedlings over the drier—that is heather moor —parts of these mosses. They do not spread over the upland moors and grass heaths because these are regularly burned, and also because sheep will at once eat up any young trees. Birch is one of the shrubs which grows abundantly in the steep-sided linns and corries which occur abundantly in the Moffat district, and reaches at least 2200 feet in that district. . Moreover, we are now in a position to say, owing to the splendid work of Clement Reid and Dr Lewis, that a birch forest and again a Scotch pine forest did once flourish even on those desolate, whaup-haunted moorlands of Dumfriesshire and Galloway, where to-day not a shrub higher than three feet is able to exist. Dr Lewis has investigated our own Galloway mosses, and as his researches are already classical, we ought to be familiar with them. The first interesting and remarkable fact which is clearly brought out by his researches is that our Merrick (Kells) moss was once a forest of well-grown Scotch pine, with trunks eighteen inches and two feet in diameter. A similar forest occurs every- lei THE ScoTTiIsH FLORA. 1 where except in the Outer Hebrides. It is usually of Scotch pine, but sometimes of common birch. The second point is that there is an extraordinary variety of floras found in peat mosses, which may be summarised as follows : Lowest deposits, Arctic or dryasflora, Ist Arctic; next (2) forest (birch), lower forest; (3) peatbog plants, lower peatbog; (4) Arctic plants, second Arctic; (5) peatbog, upper peatbog; (6) forest (pine), upper forest; (7) recent peat. So that we have here in a general way just the very succession Arctic alpine, birch, and Scotch pine found on the continent. There ts no doubt, I think, that Lowland Scotland was a great oak scrub in early historic times. The occurrence of the second Arctic bed may be compared with the observed facts in Sweden as to the restriction in area of the hazel. Whilst the birch occupied Scot- land the ice age in a less severe development returned; when ii passed away colonisation was renewed and the Scotch fir developed. In some places, however, it is not Scotch fir, bu: birch, that we find in this layer. I think one must at once admit that there can be hut little doubt of the facts. Was the destruction of the upper forest of Scotch *yine entirely due to another change of climate, which is the explanation held at present by Professor J. Geikie and Dr Lewis himself ? But it is too late for me to enter into the intricate history of the later stages of the glacial epoch in Scotland. The question is not debated in quite so glacial a manner as seems appropriate, and all that I am myself clear about is that I want more evidence. But there are two points of great practical importance which I wish to insist upon. ‘First, we are not doing our duty by our own district. This valley is full of peat mosses, and at all levels, and I have always heard of oak trees in them. Yet Dr Lewis has not found any oak at all. Moreover, we have no botanical map of Dumfriesshire or Galloway; and this is very wrong indeed. I want your help to make one, and to examine those bogs. The other point is even more urgent, and of the most serious character. Here are 30,000 acres of waste land in Lochar Moss alone. Our roads are full of decent, respectable unemployed, as well as of useless loafers. Giasgow is said to have 70,000 men out of work. Now there is no doubt whatever that Scotch 16 THE BritisH SKUAS. pines do grow and reach a decent height in both Lochar and Kirkconnel Moss. All that is required is to drain the moss and plant the trees. Many parts of it, in my own opinion, only require draining to be capable of bearing crops—not merely pine, but useful crops. Is it not possible to set the unemployed to this undoubtedly useful and paying work? There are difficulties in the way of such a scheme; but I do not believe that any unprejudiced person can have the slightest doubt as to the financial soundness of planting Scotch pine on either of those mosses. They grow there now. 6th November, 1908. Chairman—Mr R. SrErvicr, Hon. V.P. THE BRITISH SKUAS, WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THEIR LOCAL OccurRENCES. By Mr R. SERVICE. (Summary. ) The skuas formed a very homogenous and very interesting group of predatory gulls. There were seven known species of these skuas scattered throughout the globe. They were divided into two genera, the first of which was megalestris, which com- prised four species, all of which, with the exception of the great skua, belonged to the far Antarctic seas. The other genus, stercorarius, comprised three species, all of which were British, while the individual members of these genera were scattered all over the northern hemisphere. They were all predatory or robber gulls, and differed from the ordinary gulls in that the beak was strongly hooked, the nostrils were in a different position, and the tail was cuniate shaped, instead of square across at the prominent part as with other gulls. In addition, they had strong claws, and their feet were very much coarser than those of the ordinary species. The skuas were birds of strong flight, able to twist and turn with ease, and in view of the fact that almost the whole of their lives was taken up in robbing the gulls and terns, these qualities were most essential. The lecturer produced specimens THE BrITIsH SKUAS. ie | of the tern and the kittywake, which, he said, were the birds most commonly victimised. The skuas watched for them coming home from the feeding grounds, and when they were loaded with fish a number of the skuas approached, and by a strong dash and twist or two so frightened the gulls that they immediately dropped what they had procured, and it was seized and swallowed by the skuas long before it reached the water. There were four species of skua in Great Britain. At the head of the family there was the great skua, which breeds in Foula, one of the Shetland Islands. It was protected by law, as well as by the owners of the island, and no squire in the south was half so anxious to protect his pheasants as were the proprietors of Foula to protect their skuas. These birds were in a unique position, and once lost would never be present again. There was no record of the great skua ever having come to our own particular area in the south of Scotland. Sir William Jardine, in his “ Naturalist’s Library,’’ published about 1842, stated that he had seen it occasionally on the Solway ; but there was no fully authenticated account of it having been seen before or since that occasion. Another species, the pamatorhine skua, was only an occasional autumn and winter visitor to this area, and there were exceedingly few records .of its having been captured in this part of the country. In the old records of the Natural History and Antiquarian Society the late Mr Hastings stated that -he had two specimens, one of which was shot at the Old Quay at Glencaple about 1863; and Mr Hastings had stated that with the excep- tion of another which was got about the same time at Kirkmahoe, not one had occurred in the neighbourhood for thirty years previously. From that time to this the records had been very few indeed. One of the birds which belonged to Mr Hastings was, the lecturer believed, now in Kirkcudbright Museum, labelled No. 288. Mr Robert Gray, the historian of the birds of the West of Scotland, stated he had known the occur- rence of this bird in Wigtownshire, Kirkcudbrightshire, and also in Dumfriesshire, but there was no doubt that the Dumfriesshire specimens to which he referred were those mentioned by Mr Hastings. A specimen (which was produced for inspection) was received by the lecturer on 29th October, 1902, and along with it a letter from a fisherman at Glencaple, stating that it had been 18 THE BritTisH SKUAS. shot coming up with the tide while feeding on a dead seagull. The bird was a young male of one year, not having reached the second stage of plumage. He was not aware that this species had been seen since, but two were got in 1892 between Gretna and Annan, and they were now in the Carlisle Museum in Tullie House. The lecturer next produced a specimen of the Buffon’s skua, a bird which was much rarer in Great Britain than the last- mentioned species. Mr Bell, of Castle O’er, in a very well re- membered address to this society told how in 1867 he shot a couple of Buffon’s skua at the head of the water Kirtle, one of which was taken to Edinburgh by the late Dr James A. Smith and thoroughly authenticated by the Royal Physical Society. The finest bird the lecturer had ever handled was one shot at Torthorwald in 1881, subsequently in the possession of Mr Hastings. The tail, which was eight or nine inches long, was in the fullest plumage, and the whole of the under part of the body and throat, breast, and neck were a brilliant crocus yellow, an indescribable colour. It was shot on the 12th June, which he thought was either the earliest or the latest date of the year on record for its appearance in this country, as at that time these birds were at the breeding-ground in Siberia and Russia in Europe. In the later part of October, 1891, there was quite a visitation of them to this country. They numbered scores, even hundreds, and included more than had ever visited Great Britain during the previous half-century. Specimens were shot at Priestside and Lochanhead on the 21st of that month ; two males were obtained near Dumfries on the 17th and sent to Carlisle; and one was seen at Carsethorn. The last of the four British species was the Richardson skua. The lecturer produced a specimen which had not been referred to publicly till this occa- sion. It was found on the morning of 9th September last lying dead on the water edge opposite Kingholm Mills. It had appar- ently been shot, as pellets were found inside the skin in various parts of its body. This bird was in its first year’s plumage and not more than three or four months from the hatching. The Richardson skua was the smallest of the four British skuas, and considerable interest was attached to the fact that the name was of local origin. It was named after Sir John Richardson, the Arctic explorer, and author of one of the finest works on the fauna Sm. Gonat. 19 of any given district ever published. He was a son of Provost Richardson, Dumfries, and a very eminent son of the Queen of the South. In reply to a question, Mr Service said he thought that, upon the whole, the robbing of the gulls by the skuas was an acquired habit. It was rather strange that even when the food of the skuas was very plentiful they always preferred to pursue the terns and gulls for the fish they had caught for themselves. In the North Sea, sixty miles from the Norfolk coast, the fishers were accompanied by great multitudes of gannets, gulls, and divers, but the skuas never sought their own food. The skuas made their nests in low country on an open and generally wet moor, or in high country on a broad, dry patch of heathery waste, but never on rocks. In Foula they nested at an elevation of about 1800 feet, and as they were exposed to all the cold winds and often soaked in mist, their nests must be rather uncomfortable. St. ConaL: THE PATRON SAINT OF KiRKCONNELL. By Mr W. M‘MILLan. There is much difficulty in determining the identity of this Saint, for the name Conal (being a form of the Celtic Comgall) appears to have been quite common among the early Christian saints of our land. One of St. Columba’s companions bore this name, as did also the contemporary King of Dalriada. It is not easy, therefore, to discover among the many Comgals, Convalls, Congels, and Connels who was the individual who preached in Upper Nithsdale. In King’s “ Kalendar of the Scottish Saints ’’ the 18th of May is given as the Festival of Saint Convallus, first Archdeacon of Glasgow, disciple to Saint Mungo under King Eugenius IV. a.p. 612. As this saint is regarded by the Roman Catholic Church as the patron saint of Upper Nithsdale, a few particulars regarding him may be given. According to Cardinal Moran’s Irish Saints in Great Britain, St. Connel or Conval was the son of an Irish chieftain who, leaving his fatherland, sailed to the banks of the Clyde and enrolled himself among the clergy of St. Mungo. He proved himself a devoted missioner, and soon became one of the most illustrious of St. Mungo’s followers. In many medieval records he is styled Archdeacon of Glasgow, and 20 St. CoNnat. is honoured as the second apostle of that great city. His religious work lay south of the Clyde, although for a little he appears to have been engaged in Dalriada. Several churches were erected under his invocation, including one at Eastwood, which existed down to a comparatively late period. He is venerated as the Patron of Inchennan, where his relics were pre- served up to (at least) the time of Boece. “ He was also,’’ says Cardinal Moran, “ venerated at Cumnock and Ochiltree.’ Whether this is the same person as our patron saint is doubtful. Nithsdale appears to be far too “ out-of-the-way ’’ a place for the residence of the Archdeacon of Glasgow. Besides this Saint Connal is said to have died at Inchennan in 612 a.p., and his grave is still pointed out there. Now, the St. Conal of Upper Nithsdale is said to be buried in Kirkconnel. Mr Robert- son in his “ History of Cumnock’’ devotes a chapter to St. Conal, and makes out that the patron of Cumnock and the patron of Inchennan were two different persons. We have therefore to fall back on tradition regarding the saint of Upper Nithsdale. In one particular his history agrees with that of his Inchennan name- sake, viz., that he came from Ireland. An old tale is still told how this saint, standing one day by the side of the sea in his native land, wished that he could go over to Scotland to do his Master’s work. “TInstantly,’’ says the tradition, “the stone on which he was standing slipped into the sea, and in a short time he found himself wafted, on his strange support, over to the Scottish shore.’’ On arriving there he made his way to Upper Nithsdale, where he taught until his death. This tale, doubtless, is one of those which arose in the dark ages which preceded the Reforma- tion, though it is possible that under its strange appearance there is a grain of truth. I recently, however, received another account of St. Conal’s coming to Upper Nithsdale, one which I think is much more likely to be correct than the other. This legend was supplied to my informant by a priest of the Roman Catholic Church who had access to many old Scottish MSS. which were taken from our land at the time of the Reformation and stored in the colleges on the Continent. By this it is said that when St. Mungo was forced to leave Glasgow by the King of the Picts, Morken, he fled by way of Nithsdale. When he reached this part his ‘ St. Conat. it enemies pressed very hard upon him, and he was compelled to leave the low country and fly to the hills. Here he met a shep- herd who took him to his humble home and placed food before him, and here the saint remained in hiding until he was able to proceed on his journey. He went to Wales, and there he re- mained until a new king succeeded Morken. This was King Roderick, who at once decided to recall St. Mungo. When the saint returned Roderick went to meet him at Hoddom, and con- ducted him with great ceremony to his home at Glasgow. When St. Mungo returned he did not forget his old friend and bene- factor, the shepherd, but sought him out and asked him what he could do for him. The shepherd replied that he lacked nothing. His flock supplied him with food and clothing, and beyond these his wants were very few. The saint recognised this and so offered to take the shepherd’s little boy and educate him for the ministry. The shepherd consented, and so the little lad was taken to Glasgow, educated there for the ministry, and then sent back to Nithsdale to preach the Gospel to his own people. This boy was St. Conal. Of course this is only legend, but we know as matters of fact that St. Mungo was forced to leave Glasgow by Morken, and that his journey would in all probability take him through Nithsdale. We also know that St. Mungo was in the habit of training young men for the ministry of the Church. So it is quite possible that this story may have a foundation in fact. It may be that the tradition regarding his coming from Ireland has arisen through confusing him with the Saint of Inchennan. On the other hand, it is rather strange that the romantic story which forms the second tradition should be utterly unknown in this district. St. Connel, to fall back on local tradition again, is said to have founded the three churches of Sanquhar, Kirkconnel, and Kirkbride, and also to have preached up in what is now Cumnock parish. He laboured among the heathen with much acceptance, and tradition still tells how he went about barefooted. When he found that his end was near he requested that he might be buried on a spot on Glenwherry Hill from which the three churches he had founded could be seen all at once. His grave is beside a little stream’ known as the “ Willow Burn.’’ The place is one where the stillness is only broken by the cry of the moor fowl or 29 St. Conat. the bleat of the sheep, and seems an ideal resting place for a saint. The grave was formerly covered by a large stone which was broken up by a party of fencers over forty years ago. From one of the party I received the following particulars regarding this stone. It was about eight feet long, four feet broad, and fully fifteen inches thick. It lay pointing east and west, and at the east end there was a hollow “hewn oot,’’ as my informant told me, “ juist like a hand basin.”’ Now it is possible that this hollow may have been the socket of a Celtic cross or other stone of mark. Rev. John Robertson, minister of Kirkconnel, writing in 1792, records the tradition that “St. Connel who built Kirkbride and Kirkconnel’’ was buried on Glenwherry Hill. His successor, Mr Richardson, writing in 1834, states that he could never discover the slightest vestige of the saint’s grave. That the stone was then to be seen is, however, proved by the fact that Dr Simpson, the Historian of Sanquhar (who was ordained in 1820) knew of it and wrote regarding it in one of his best-known works, “ Martyrland.” Mr Donaldson, who became parish minister of Kirkconnel in 1834, satisfied himself as to the truth of the tradition, and after the stone which covered the grave was broken he took an ener- getic interest in protecting the saint’s grave. He succeeded in getting a Celtic cross erected over the grave bearing the simple inscription, “ St. Conal, 612 to 652.’’ From this spot the three churches can be seen at once, and one who spent part of his youth there informed me that from no other spot on the hill could the three churches be seen at one time. In Upper Nithsdale there are two places which still bear the name of Conal. One of these is Connel Burn, in the parish of New Cumnock, on the banks of which stands the rising village of Connel Park. The other is Connelbush, in the parish of San- quhar. This latter place has borne the Saint’s name for over two hundred and fifty years. There is also a “ Kirkconnel ”’ in Tynron parish. On the banks of the Crawick there is a large crag known as Gannel Craig, which is in my opinion simply a corruption of the name Conal. It has been conjectured that Gannel is derived from the Norse word Genyell, a recompense, but this seems a very far-fetched derivation. What seems to make the connection between the Saint and the place firmer is St. Conat. 23 that the little hamlet (long since swept away) sat at the foot of the crag Carco Kill. Now Kill always denotes the cell or church of some Celtic Saint, e.g., Kilmarnock, Kilmartin, Kilmacolm. The name of the burn which runs past the crag is the Kill Burn. In later times a religious house or monastery stood there. It may have been dedicated to St. Conal. This would account for the name. In front of the Orchard House, not far from Gannel Craig, sits a rock basin, which is considered by some to have been an early Christian font. It may have been so, but it appears much more likely from its size and general appearance to have been the socket of a Celtic cross. The same may be said of the stone font which has now found a resting-place within Kirkconnel Parish Church. On the side of this latter Celtic tracery can still be observed. Smyson, who wrote his large “History of Galloway ’’ in 1684, has left us a very interesting though short account of our Saint. He says:—“ Beginning at the head of the river (the Nith) the first parish is that of Kirkconnel, so denominated from Sanctus Convallus, who lived in a cell by the vestiges of its foundation, yet perceptible hard by the fountain he did usually drink of called ‘fons convalli,’ or St. Conall’s well at the foot of the hill where Kirkconnel Church is situate.’’ I have carefully searched the whole of the foot of the hill for the vestiges of the Saint’s cell, but in vain. Probably when the craze for building stone walls and dykes began these founda- tions would be razed for that purpose. The well, however, still continues to send forth its pure waters as of old. Mr Sharp, the present tenant of the Vennel, lately placed a small stone basin in the well, and so has made the place take on something of what its ancient appearance must have been. This spring bubbles forth at the foot of the hill opposite the old church. The site of St. Conal’s first church would probably be at what is now termed the “ Auld Kirkyaird,’’ at the mouth of the romantic Glen Aymer. Sanquhar Church would probably be placed where its successor is standing to-day. Dr Simpson con- jectures that the church at the west end of Sanquhar (on the site occupied by the present Parish Church) took its rise in Celtic times. It stands in the neighbourhood of the ancient Celtic fortification on Broomfield, and it may be that here was the first 24 St. Conat. nucleus of the ancient and royal burgh. Kirkbride stands between the glens of Enterkin and the Lime Cleugh, and from its site a fine view of the whole strath is to be obtained. These churches would likely, like the rest of the churches of that age, be composed of wood and wattle. Thus has the old Saint been remembered by man. He was one of that great multitude which no man can number, who, “ unknown to man but known to God,”’ laboured among the heathen of Scotland. He was a pioneer of civilisation, and his work once begun has never ceased. Of him we can say as another has said of St. Columba— He ploughed Thy bare fields, And he drank of Thy well; He blessed his disciples In kirk and in cell; His gospel of love, His example of toil, Enrolled him the first Christian son of Thy soil. > The following extract from ‘ Origine’s Parochiales Scotiae ’ may prove interesting :—While Ninian and his followers were preaching the Gospel among the wild Galwegian others of less name along with them and following them were spreading Chris- tianity in every glen where a congregation could be gathered. This is not a matter for speculation. It is proved beyond ques- tion by historians like Bede and biographers like Adamnan. _ If a notable conversion was effected, if the preacher had or believed he had some direct encouragement from Heaven, a chapel was the fitting memorial of the event. | Wherever a hopeful congregation was gathered a place of worship was required. | When a saintly pastor died his grateful flock dedicated a church to his memory. It was built small and rude of such materials as were most readily to be had. The name of the founder, the name of the apostle of the village attached to his church, to a fountain hallowed by his using it in baptism, often furnishes the most interesting and unsuspected corroboration of much of the church tradition and legends, which, though allied with the fables of a simple age, do _ not merit the utter contempt they have met with. BULBLETS ON STEMS OF LILIEs. 2d BULBLETS OR BULBILS ON STEMS OF Lities. By Mr S. ARNOTT. The various methods by which plants can be increased would form a deeply interesting subject for all who are devoted to botanical studies, and are even well worth some consideration by all who are in the least interested in plants and their ways. It is, however, too extensive a subject to be treated within the limits available for this evening, and in the following notes I am confin- ing myself to a method of increase which is especially present in the case of lilies, favourite flowers in almost all ages. This is by means of bulblets or bulbils produced on the stem of the plant. In the case of two species of lilium these bulblets are pro- duced naturally, and they are fairly well known to cultivators of flowers from their appearance on the stems of the common tiger lily, lilium tigrinum, and its varieties. These are, when fully developed, miniature bulbs, showing all the characters of the parent bulb, and, if they remain long enough on the stem, even emitting small roots. In general these bulblets fall naturally to the ground in autumn, and, if the conditions are favourable, root there, and are gradually covered by fallen leaves and other accumulations. In gardens, however, they have not the same op- portunities of becoming covered, and hence few of these bulblets reach the stage of growing to a flowering size. As I have said, these bulblets generally fall to the ground, but at times, depend- ing upon the nature of the season, they remain attached to the stem until the latter falls prostrate, when these bulblets have a chance of rooting into the soil. The best known species which is increased in this way is, as has been said, lilium tigrinum, but an allied lily, called liiium bulbiferum, adopts the same method for propagation. One lily, however, called lilium neilgherrense, a native of the Neilgherries, has taken a further step in advance, so as to ensure its increase. ‘This it does by producing underground stems, like stolons. At intervals along these young bulbs or bulblets are produced, these emitting roots, and thus helping to sustain themselves without abstracting too much nutriment from the parent bulb. It is not so generally known that practically all lilies (I do not refer to any commonly known as “ lilies,’’ but which do not belong to the genus lilium) will produce stem bulbils or bulblets if the stems are layered in leaf-soil or some 26 CAPTURE OF COVENANTING TOWN OF DUMFRIES. other light compost, kept moist. It has also been found that the production of these is fostered by removing the flowers before they open, thus driving the strength into the production of the little bulbs we desire. It has also been discovered that lilies which will not in the ordinary course produce these bulbils on the stems which are without layering will do so to some extent if the flower buds are removed. I believe that the Madonna lily, lilium candidum, is a good example of this, although I have not tested this particular lilium myself in this way. The cause of the production of these bulbils is simple, when we recognise that these little bulblets are merely modified buds, which are dormant at the base of almost all leaves, and which only require some special conditions to develop themselves. In the case of some plants these are more readily developed than in others, these being modified to suit the conditions of the time. 20th November, 1908. Chairman—Dr J. MaxweE tt Ross, V.P. THE CAPTURE OF THE COVENANTING TOWN OF DUMFRIES BY MontTROSE, THE KinG’s LIEUTENANT-GENERAL, IN THE YEAR 1644, AND HIS EJECTION THEREFROM. By Mr JAMES Bargsour, F.S.A.Scot. I purpose in the following paper to submit a short account of an episode of the time of the Covenant and the seventeenth century civil wars, connected with the town of Dumfries, of which history takes meagre note. The event will, I think, be considered of sufficient importance here, where it took place, to merit a more expanded record. I refer to the capture of Dum- fries in the year 1644, by a person no less famous than the Earl, afterwards Marquis of Montrose ; and his ejection thereafter from the town. The troubles emerging on these operations, which illustrate in a remarkable way the peculiar relationship between ecclesiastical and civil proceedings prevailing at this unsettled period, will also come under notice. I will first outline the CAPTURE OF COVENANTING TOWN OF DUMFRIES. 27 career of Montrose with a view to understanding the succession of circumstances leading up to and following upon this affair. Beginning his short, eventful career as a Covenanter, Mon- trose zealously urged the lieges to the subscription of the National Covenant. With the sword he opposed the forces of the Royal- ists, and by skilful tactics succeeded in defeating them in every encounter. The ground, however, was taken up by others, and Montrose, young, ambitious, conscious of ability, and aspiring to renown such as only the Sovereign could satisfy, broke with the Covenant, and threw himself with all his native ardour on the side of the King. He urged the King to strike a blow in Scot- land, offered his services to reduce the country to obedience, and after much delay, on Ist February, 1644, obtained the commis- sion which he ardently desired—to be Lieutenant-General for his Majesty in Scotland. Shortly thereafter, collecting troops in England, and trusting to augmentation on the other side of the Border, he thought to rush Scotland, the old border town of Dumfries, the centre of the Covenanting interest in the south, being the first object of attack. An accession of troops from the counties of Cumberland -and Westmoreland joined him at the Border; and Lord Herries, who with his retainers also joined his company, having intelli- gence of the movements transpiring, gave information that the ‘enemy were gathering to man Dumfries, and advised that with a view to intercepting them Montrose should hasten the march. ‘This advice being followed, the Royalist forces arrived at their destination while the town was yet defenceless, and after some parley it was surrendered without a blow being struck; where- upon, with sound of trumpet and banners displayed, the royal standard was raised aloft. An express dated from Dumfries, the 17th April, 1644, informed the Court of the success of his Majesty’s arms, and the Royalists were accordingly exultant. But the joy was short- lived, for the army of the Covenant two days later reached Dum- fries, Lord Callander being chief in command, and Montrose, having failed to secure the support expected from the Royalist Scottish nobility, was compelled to beat a hasty retreat to Eng- land. This to the Earl was a bitter fate. He gave instructions ‘to Lord Ogilvie to narrate to the King the circumstances of the 28 CAPTURE OF COVENANTING TOWN OF DUMFRIES. affair. He, Lord Ogilvie, “was to make his Majesty acquainted from us of the whole track and passages of his service touching Scotland, and our endeavours in it; to inform his Majesty of all the particulars that stumbled his service, as of the carriage of Hartfell, Annandale, Morton, Roxburgh, and Traquair, who refused his Majesty’s commission and debauched our officers, doing all that in them lay to discountenance the service and all who were engaged in it.’’ Hartfell, he averred, was a traitor who had endeavoured to entice him into his house.* This. abortive attempt to coerce Scotland by force of arms failed in doing the King service or his General honour ; his Majesty, how- ever, on 16th May considerately conferred on Montrose the dis- tinction of a Marquisate, by way of solatium to his wounded pride.t In present circumstances levies could not be found on either side of the Border to further prosecute the campaign in the south, and it was not until the Marquis of Antrim landed some Irish forces in the Western Highlands, led by the notorious. Colkitto, that Montrose was able to make any further movement towards the accomplishment of his purpose. On 18th August, fearing to traverse the guarded Lowlands openly, the Marquis, assuming the name of Anderson, and disguised as a groom, attended by two companions, made all the haste he could to reach the north, took command of the Irish, and collecting a considerable body of clansmen, raised the royal standard in Athol. To the great achievements accomplished here, under difficulties and discouragements of no common order, the fame which Montrose acquired is due. He had gained the title of “The Great Marquis.’’ Complete and final defeat, however, overtook him at Philip- haugh on 13th September, 1645, when General David Leslie, in command of seasoned squadrons, the victors of Marston Moor, made an attack upon him. But it was not all glory that the great Marquis acquired. Turning aside to seek revenge on his rival, the Marquis of Argyle, he invaded his country, and not content with overcoming armed forces, he laid waste the lands and despoiled the poor. “The * Napier’s Memories of Montrose. t+ Burke’s Peerage. CAPTURE OF COVENANTING TOWN OF DUMERIES. 29 ravages committed by Montrose on that devoted land,’’ says Sir Walter Scott, “although too consistent with the genius of the country and time, have been repeatedly and justly quoted as a’ blot on his action and character.’’ Partly on this account the name of Montrose has been held in disfavour by the mass of the people of Scotland for generations, almost to our own time. A single dry, business-like sentence contained in the records of the Presbytery of Dumfries is expressive of the facts. In the first minute extant, of date 5th April, 1647, occur the words referred to:—“ Ordains the brethren to have the contribution for the distressed people of Argyle in readiness next day.”’ Passing to the details of the capture of Dumfries, I have before me a news-sheet contemporary with the event. It is headed :—“ Mercurius Aulicus (the Court Messenger), Com- municating the Intelligence and affairs of the Court to the rest of the Kingdome. The eighteenth Weeke, ending May 4, 1644.”’ It contains the express to the Court, before alluded to, narrates the day-to-day march of Montrose between Penrith and Dumfries, and takes note of the arrival of the troops, the negotiations for surrender, and the terms agreed on. It pro- ceeds :— “Sunday, April 28. “The first news of this week was from Scotland, (and which is more) ‘tis good news; for this day we were certified by an Express dated from Dumfries, April 17, that the Lords Montrose, Crawford, Aboyne, etc., took the town for his Majesty with all its ordnance, arms, and ammunition.’’ The description of the march of the troops follows :—“ Their Lordships came to Penrith on the tenth of this month, and so soon as it was known Sir Philip Musgrave and divers of the gentry attended their lord- ships. On Thursday they were forced to stay at Penrith till their carriages came up. On Friday they went to Carlisle, leaving their troops at Penrith. On Saturday the 13th they appointed their rendezvous within five miles of Carlisle ; and having ordered their men, that night they marched to a place called Rookley, within three miles of Carlisle. On Sunday three regiments of foot and six troops of horse were sent in by the committees of Cumberland and Westmoreland to increase the army. That night they quartered in Scotland at Redchurch [Redkirk] in 30 CAPTURE OF COVENANTING Town oF DuMFRIES. Grettinham [Gretna] parish; but their Lordships with their troops marched to the towne of Annan. On Monday my Lord ‘Herries Maxwell gave intelligence, that the remnant in Scotland were gathering them together to man Dumfries, therefore desired the Lord Montrose to send some forces to stop the rebels from going into the town; and accordingly the Lord Montrose did send three troops of horse and two of dragoons under the command of the Lord Aboyne, the Lord Ogilvie, and Col. Ennis, being met by the Lord Herries with his troops. They faced the town about two of the clock, and presently the rebels desired a parley, and in the end they concluded to yield up the town, yet the treaty was not concluded until the L. Montrose came. They left some of their horse and foot, and their baggage at Annan, making all the’ haste they could, and in the afternoon joined with other forces (the enemy not having accepted the conditions offered) began to move towards them; but when they saw them advance, the town sent out Sir John Charteris, and the Laird of Lag, with the Mayor of Dumfries, to declare the acceptance of the Lord Aboyne’s propositions. No sooner had their dragoons possessed themselves of the town, but news came presently that a regiment of foot was coming to aid the townsmen from Galloway, but next morning that regiment ran home again.”’ “They took in Dumfries 4 pieces of cannon, 7 barrels of powder, 60 muskets, 80 pikes, 25 case of pistols, and three times as many being afterwards found out, and delivered upon these articles :— 1. That they should deliver up the town of Dumfries to the Lord Montrose, etc. 2. That they should give in all their arms and ammunition. 3. That they should demean themselves as loyal subjects, and in particular, that they should not bear arms against him, nor assist the rebels of England against His Majesty.’’ “Thus,’’ it is added, “the town of Dumfries (as full of loyalty with them as Banbury or Colchester with us) is at last reduced.”’ “The Lord Montrose,’’ it is said, “deals very courteously with the people, which gains him both love and friends (to the shame of that slander whereby the people were made to believe that he spared neither women nor children).’’ CAPTURE OF COVENANTING Town oF DUMFRIES. 31 The contents of the news-sheet, so far as they relate to the capture of Dumfries, are here presented entire. It is the key to the situation. The narrative appears to be exact, and it supplies some interesting details which lend variation of colour to the latest historian’s picture. According to Dr Andrew Lang, “Montrose with a very ragged regiment and broken down horses now crossed the Border, and had reached Annan Water when his English levies deserted him (April 13).’’* On the 13th, if our authority is correct, they had not reached Annan, and no hint or place is to be found in it for such a circumstance taking place. Moreover it will appear that it was the English levies who took the town. Dr Lang’s authority is Wishart, Montrose’s chaplain, of whom Sir Walter Scott remarks that he had always been re- garded as a partial historian and a very questionable authority. The name of the Provost concerned in the surrender of the town is a point not without interest. It is not mentioned in the news-sheet. Dr Lang, in continuation of the above statement respecting the desertion at Annan Water, proceeds :—“ Never- theless Montrose pushed on to Dumfries, where the Provost, Sir James Maxwell, received him well ; for this crime he was executed by the Covenanters.’’ This amazing averment, put forward with assurance, is made on the authority of Spalding, a royalist chronicler in Aberdeen. Mr M‘Dowall and Sir Herbert Maxwell also accept of the name of Sir James Maxwell, a zealous royalist, as the Provost, and allow that his election to the office proves that a reaction had taken place against the Covenant. On the other hand, in a list of Provosts appended to M‘Dowall’s history, collected chiefly from the Town Council records, the name of John Corsane stands opposite the year 1644; and that Corsane held the office at this time and was the person concerned in the surrender of the town is a fact which will be established beyond any doubt as we proceed. More than one person of the name of James Maxwell was concerned in this affair, the most prominent being James Maxwell of Breconside, second son of the Earl of Nithsdale, of whom and the negotiators of the surrender further notice will be taken later. Regarding the character of Montrose, we learn that, while yet a Covenanter, he was represented by the royalists as inhuman, * History of Scotland, III., 114. 32 CAPTURE OF COVENANTING TOWN oF DUMFRIES. sparing neither women nor children. It shows how little relia- ance is to be placed on the estimate of one party concerning the character of an opponent. Relative to the defenceless state of Dumfries, it appears that in 1641 the town was garrisoned by a regiment under the com- mand of Colonel Cochran, but towards the end of the year—16th September—it was withdrawn to Edinburgh, and the Earl of. Annandale, Lords Johnstone and Kirkcudbright, with the lairds of Lag and Amisfield, were “ enacted in the books of Parliament to save the country scathless of the garrison of Carlisle.’ This they seemingly failed to do. The Scottish Parliament, sitting in Edinburgh, had intelli- gence of the movements of Montrose, and his entry on Scottish ground in war array on Sunday night, the 14th April, and on Monday, the 15th, took prompt action to repress the invasion. “Forsameikle,’’ their record say, “as the estates have thought fitting that for securing the peace of the Borders from invasion from England, that the Lord Sinclair’s regiment march forthwith thither ; these are therefore to require the Lord Sinclair and other officers of that regiment to march presently with their regiment towards Dumfries, the nearest way as he shall think fitting. Herein he fail not to give speedy obedience, As he shall be answerable.’’ The committee of war of the shire and town of Stirling were required to furnish three score of horse for carrying the ammuni- tion and baggage of the Lord Sinclair’s regiment, and “be in readiness the morn, the 16th of this month, at seven hours in the morning.’’ The committee of Lanark and Hamilton each were ordered to vrovide forty horse for carrying the baggage of Colonel Campbell’s regiment, quartered in their bounds, “to be at Carn- wath on Tuesday in the morning, where he is to have his rendez- vous, and to march from that towards Dumfries.’’ The General of Artillery and his deputies were instructed to deliver to Colonel Campbell three field pieces with 80 ball pro- portionable, with powder, match, and other materials, and to provide him two gunners for the use of his regiment going to Dumfries. Harry Drummond, rootmaster, was instructed to march with CAPTURE OF COVENANTING TOWN OF DUMFRIES. 33 all expedition with his troop from Perth to Dumfries, and to be there on Thursday next, the 18th instant, to attend Colonel Campbell’s regiment. The committee of war of Lanark and Ayr were required to provide baggage horse for the use of Colonel Campbell’s regi- ment going to Dumfries, according to the information to be given by the said Colonel. Muskets, swords, pikes, and other arms were also made forthcoming for the expedition. With such reinforcements the Covenanting army swept down upon Dumfries, and before it Montrose and his troops, without show of fight, precipitately fled. Thus the old town was regained to the Covenant. The military operations connected with the recapture of Dumfries being successfully brought to a close, such phrases as “invasion,” “ rebellion, treason,’’ were in use to describe the — proceedings of Montrose, but it is pleasing to find that his sup- porters were not, in the punishments meted out to them by the Scottish Parliament, treated with the severity such phrases would suggest. The following persons of the name of Maxwell and others were implicated in this affair, which was termed “ The Rebellion of the South,’’ viz.: John Maxwell of Holm; George Maxwell, brother to John Maxwell of Mylntoun; John Maxwell, tutor of Carnsalloch ; John Hairstens, John Maxwell of Cowhill; Alex- ander Maxwell of Conheath ; John Maxwell of Castlemilk ; James Gordon of “ Kirki'tbreke ;’? John Maxwell of Kirkconnell ; John Lindsay of Wauchope; James Maxwell of Carswada; James Maxwell of Breconside; John Carlil of Locharthur; William Maxwell of Hills; James Maxwell of Breconside (yr. ?); — Maxwell of Gribton; Robert Maxwell of Portrack ; James Hair- stens, brother to the said John Hairstens; and Robert Maxwell of Carnsalloch. All these persons were in custody. Most of them were imprisoned at Dumfries for about three weeks, when they were carried to Edinburgh and incarcerated in the Castle or the Tolbooth for enquiry or trial. The following persons who had not, like those above’named, given themselves up to the authorities, were cited to compeir before the Committee of Estates for the South, but failing, 27 6 ? 34 CAPTURE OF COVENANTING TOWN OF DUMFRIES. letters of intercommuning were passed against them, declaring them “enemies of religion, crown, and country,’’ viz.: John Maxwell, elder of Mylntoun; John Glendinning of Parton; John Herries of Mabie; John Sturgeon of Cowcourse ; William Ander- son, in Preston; John Maxwell of Drumcoltran ; John and Robert Herries of Crochmore; Robert Maxwell, of Dalbeattie; John Herries of Little Milnton; William Maxwell, son of Steilston ; James Denholm, in Glencairn; James Maxwell, son natural of Portrack ; John Miller, in Cavens; Richard Herries, in Auchen- franco ; John Welsh, in Foreside-of-Hill ; Robert and John Max- well, sons of Portrack; John M‘Briar of Netherwood: James Hairstens, burgess of Dumfries; and Robert Rainie of Dalswin- ton. These lists, taken from the Acts of Parliament, seem to embrace practically all the persons resident in the district of Dum- fries who were implicated with Montrose in his invasion of the south of Scotland. The Estates of Parliament, in proceeding to the trial of the delinquents, appcinted a committee of process to enquire and report. In regard to the persons of the name of Maxwell con- tained in the preceding list, several were permitted to go home to their dwellings on finding caution for their good behaviour in time coming. The others were freed from prison and allowed liberty in Edinburgh and two miles around meantime. Their cases were then severally enquired into, and fines of no great amount, with caution for good behaviour in time coming, satisfied the ends of justice, and their fines being paid they were set free. James Maxwell, second son of the Earl of Nithsdale, was proprietor of the lands of Breconside, in the parish of Kirk- gunzeon, and others, a steadfast, suffering royalist and anti- Covenanter, who in 1640 was deprived of his rents for the use of the public by the War Committee of Galloway. He was in the company of his brother, Lord Herries, at the taking of the town of Dumfries, and the following is the finding of the Estates in his case :— “8th February, 1645.—The Estates of Parliament now con- vened in the second session of the first triennial Parliament, be virtue of the last act of the last Parliament halden be his Majesty and three estates in Anno 1641. Having heard and considered CAPTURE OF COVENANTING TOWN oF DUMFRIES. aia, the report of the Committee for the process concerning the desire of James Maxwell of Breconside, his supplication given in to the Committee, craving to be dismissed and put to liberty from his constraint and confinement, Together with the opinion of the foresaid Committee thereanent, viz.: That the said James Maxwell of Breconside might be put to liberty, he finding caution for his good behaviour in time coming, Seeing he has paid the sum of Two thousand merks of fine and had produced the discharge which was before the Committee. The Estates of Parliament approves of the said commission of the said Committee, And ordains the said James Maxwell of Breconside to be put to liberty, He finding sufficient caution for his good behaviour and good carriage in time coming, under the pain of five thousand merks Scots,’’ etc. Passing to notice other delinquents :—On 2d July, 1644, the Estates appointed a committee for trying the Earl of Hartfell, the laird of Amisfield, and the Provost of Dumfries. The laird of Lag, grandfather of the terrible laird, who took part in the surrender of Dumfries, was not put on trial. He was one of two representatives in Parliament for the county of Dumfries, and had been and continued to be so for many years. Taking these in their order, the Earl of Hartfell was not a partisan. He specially desired, like many others, to act in such a way as to secure the continued possession of his estates. At the time when Montrose denounced him as a traitor he was acting for the Scottish Parlia- ment as officer or colonel for the Stewartry of Annandale, and had just been advised to have a special care in preserving the peace within the Stewartry. Not having been sufficiently alert in the performance of this duty, he was, following on the invasion, incarcerated in Edinburgh Castle. After remaining some time in prison he, on 21st July, petitioned Parliament that he might be liberated from prison meantime until his trial should come on. He was ordained to be enlarged out of the Castle, but to remain confined within the town of Edinburgh and two miles around. Next year, 17th January, he craved two or three days’ liberty to visit a friend outside the bounds of his confinement, who was dying and with whom he had some particuiars to communicate. The liberty asked for was granted on security not to go beyond his friend’s house and to return to his confinement. Later he 36 CAPTURE OF COVENANTING [OWN OF DUMFRIES. craved for a speedy trial, and on 3rd March, 1645, the Committee of Process produced in Parliament their report in writing, bearing the Earl of Hartfell’s declaration and- their own opinion, as follows, viz.:—“ James Earl of Hartfell did declair that whereas he had been misconstrued and doubted of his affection to the public and the good cause, yet he had not done anything which he conceaved might have either bred or intertained such jealousies, and to testify his real affection to both and to the effect these jealousies might be removed he did voluntarily make offer of one thousand pounds sterling to be paid to the use of the public, etc.”’ The offer, after debate, was accepted, the Earl to find caution of one hundred thousand pounds Scots “for his good behaviour in time coming, and that he shall not do, nor be accessory to the doing of, anything to the prejudice of the Estates of this kingdom and peace thereof,’’ etc. James Earl of Home, James Earl of Annandale, Sir William Bailie of Lamington, and Sir Robert Grierson of Lag were his cautioners. Such security proved ineffectual, for at the astounding suc- cess of Montrose, victoricus in six consecutive engagements, Hartfell, prompt to be on the winning side, joined him at Philip- haugh. It was a mistake. Montrose there suffered total defeat. The Earl was now in an extremely dangerous posture—a prisoner in the Castle of St. Andrews. He was put on trial and submitted a defence, but was commanded to plead guilty and leave himself to the mercy of Parliament. His cautioners were also called on to pay the one hundred thousand pounds Scots, for which through his joining Montrose they had become liable. Hartfell pleaded guilty accordingly, and having paid the sum of one hundred thousand merks, the difference was remitted, all charges were withdrawn, and he was set free. This is an instance of the diffi- culties to be encountered in these times by persons who had no convictions. Here we make note that another Dumfriesshire nobleman, the Earl of Annandale, who like Hartfell refused the King’s com- mission at the taking of Dumfries, had the misfortune to join Montrose at Philiphaugh. He supplicated the Estates of Parlia- ment for freedom, representing that out of weakness and surprised by a party he was unhappily misled, which occasioned him great sorrow and grief; he had, however, obtained General David CAPTURE OF COVENANTING TOWN OF DuMFRIES. 37 Leslie’s word of honour assuring him of absolute immunity, had satisfied the Church, and now supplicated their lordships to give him the benefit of General Leslie’s word of honour, and he would make it appear (by the blessing of God) that nothing would be more dear to him as the advancement of the Covenant.’’ Parlia- ment, having received General Leslie’s affirmation of remission in favour of Annandale, thereupon declared “ the said James Earl of Annandale, supplicant, Free and Liberate of all fyne for the cause above-mentioned,’’ and in regard to a sum of one thousand pounds sterling, which the Earl had advanced, it was declared to be a public debt, for which a bond was to be given and yearly interest paid. Returning, we come to the case of Amisfield. He was first enlarged to the town of Edinburgh and two miles around, and afterwards to six miles. Eventually an Act was passed in his favour, the substance of which follows :— “The Estates of Parliament now convened, etc., Having heard and considered the report of the Committee appointed for the process concerning the carriage of Sir John Charteris of Amis- field, knt., in the late rebellion in the south, with the Desire of his supplication given in to that Committee, craving in respect of his long imprisonment and restraint, that the Committee would call for depositions and papers against him and put him to some point thereanent. Together with the opinion of the foresaid Committee hereanent, Which is that the said John Charteris should be Dismist and put to liberty, he finding caution for his good be- haviour in time coming under the pain of Twenty thousand merks Scots.’’ This report was approved of by the Estates, and James Earl of Annandale, James Lord Johnstone, Sir Robert Grierson of Lag, and Alexander Jardine of Applegarth became cautioners for him. He also supported Montrose at Philiphaugh, and ex- perienced the clemency of the Estates of Parliament. The following is the substance of an Act in favour of Mr John Corsane for his enlargement and caution :— “The Estates of Parliament presently convened by virtue of the last Act of the last Parliament holden be his Majesty and three estates in Anno 1641; considering that upon the supplica- tion given to them by Mr John Corsane, provost of Dumfries, incarcerate within the Tolbooth of Edinburgh, they have ordained 38 CAPTURE. CF COVENANTING TOWN OF DUMFRIES. him to be enlarged forth of the said Tolbooth, and to be confined within the town of Edinburgh and two miles about the same, he finding caution for his good behaviour, keeping the bounds of his confinement, and to compeir before the Committee of Estates to answer for anything can be laid to his charge, under the pain of five thousand merks Scots by and attour his fine,’’ etc. This was on the 29th July, 1644. On 21st February, 1645, the designated “Mr John Corsane, Provost of Dumfries,’’ was again before Parliament, when his case was remitted to the Committee of Pro- cess. The final judgment does not appear, but other circum- stances prove that he, like others, was set at liberty. In the foregoing instances the delinquents were subjected to preliminary confinement and fines, but no more serious punishment was meted to any of them, and on payment of their fines they were dismissed and set at liberty. One person was, however, judged deserving of the death penalty for his carriage in the southern invasion at Dumfries. It was charged against him “that he concurred with the Earl of Montrose and his associates and complices in the said invasion, and did countenance and fortify and supply him therein, in so far as upon Sunday, the fourteenth of April last, he went with certain noblemen and others to Bankend, stayed there all night, and on Monday, the fifteenth, at ten or eleven hours of the clock, when the Lords of Aboyne and Ogilvie, associates to the Earl of Mon- trose in the foresaid rebellion, did actually invade the country and enter the same with the English forces and came up to the Bank- end, the said person and others joined and went along with them to the hill above Dumfries, and stayed while the town was assaulted by the English forces and surrendered to them.’’ He is also accused of using pistols and whingers in inducing the King’s lieges to join the rebellious army. With the assistance of English troopers, he made several honest men deliver to him their arms ; he imprisoned the lieges at his own hand, and administered oaths without authority, etc. The said person was found guilty, and “the sentence was pronouncit and given furth for doome be the mouth of Johne Myline, dempstar of Parliament, the said accused being person- ally present sitting upone his knees in presence of the Parliament in the place appointed for delinquents.’’ CAPTURE OF COVENANTING TOWN OF DUMERIES. 39 Thus far we have followed the proceedings of the civil authority, and now the Church’s action calls for remark. The Church claimed and exercised spiritual independence (of which we have heard a good deal of late), both in legislation and ad- ministration. The delinquents whose names we have seen con- tained in the Acts of Parliament occur also in the records of the Presbytery of Dumfries. They were not before the Presbytery with a view to further punishment, but to make confession of their faults, repent, and receive the Church’s absolution. There is a noticeable difference in the terms used in the discipline following on the battle of Philiphaugh and that relating to the capture and recapture of Dumfries. In the first, reference is made to the shedding of blood; in the second, no such expression is used, showing, I think, that Dumfries was taken and re-taken without bloodshed. The case of Sir John Charteris of Amisfield illus- trates the form used following on the engagement at Philiphaugh. He appeared before the General Assembly, and was remitted to the Presbytery to “ satisfy.”’ “27th April, 1647.—The brethren reported that Sir John Charteris of Amisfield, Knight, had compeired before the Assembly last holden, and had acknowledged his heinous offence in violating, and in the breach of the great oath of God, taken by him in the National Covenant and Mutual League and Cove- nant; and in his joining in the late rebellion, and his being accessory to the shedding of the blood of the people of God, which his confession, being made in all humility before the Assembly, so far as men could discern, as his autograph ordained to be received will testify, and the foresaid Assembly had ordained him to satisfy for his scandalous offence in the Church of Dum- fries, in a seat in front of the pulpit, and that there ‘ genibus flexis ’ he should make the former declaration ; and sike-like in his own parish kirk of Tinwald, and that at Tinwald the minister, Mr Humphry Hood, receive him according to the fore-mentioned order and ordnance.’’ The procedure following on the taking of Dumfries is illus- trated in the case of James Maxwell of Breconside :— “Apud Dumfries, 25 January, 1648.—Compeired James Maxwell of Breconside, brother to my Lord Herries, and acknow- ledged that at James Grahame’s invasion and taking of Dumfries 40 CAPTURE OF COVENANTING TOWN OF DUMFRIES. he was present and accessory. The brethren remitted him to satisfy at Kirkgunzeon, as the rest of the gentlemen guilty of the lesser degree of malignancy, viz., to acknowledge his offence be- fore the pulpit and give 20 merks to the poor.”’ Mr John Corsane, designated in the Acts of Parliament Provost of Dumfries, was a man of influence, by profession an advocate, the proprietor of Meikleknox and Barndannoch and of a large part of the town of Dumfries. In 1640 he was appointed by Colonel Home to be receiver of the contributions to the public use for the War Committee of Galloway, represented at different times both Dumfriesshire and Kirkcudbrightshire in Parliament, and held a number of offices connected with the Government, and remained a consistent Covenanter. Unfortunately, he with others was responsible for the defenceless state of the town, and for its surrender to Montrose. In addition to being tried in Edinburgh, he had to pass through a tedious process before the Presbytery of Dumfries for the purpose of clearing himself from a scandal. From the Kirk-session records we learn that on 19th July, 1646, he was sworn an elder of the kirk, and it must have been later when a revival of the fama about his action in the surrender of the town to Montrose arose. The Presbytery, in whose jurisdic- tion cases of slander at that time lay, required to deal with it. The trial embraced a written process, a proof, inquiry, and much debate, Corsane being all the time debarred from church privi- leges and doubtless also the eldership. Of the earlier stages there is no record. The first minute extant of date 5th April, 1647, contains the judgment of the court :—“ Compeired Mr John Corsane, whose process having long depended before the Presby- tery, after much agitation and enquiry about his guiltiness in the delivery of the town of Dumfries to the enemy at James Graham’s invasion thereof; But no matter of concernment being proved against him, the Presbytery ordains Mr James Hamilton to inti- mate this to the people, and the said Mr John to make his own declaration from his seat ’’ [in St. Michael’s Church]. On 27th April following Mr James Hamilton reported to the Presbytery that Mr John Corsane had made his declaration as he was enjoined. It was not, however, until 1649 that he was readmitted to the Covenant and church privileges. A Kirk- session minute reads:—* Thursday, June 21, 1649.—Anent the CAPTURE OF COVENANTING TOWN OF DUMFRIES. 41 humble desire of Mr John Corsane, late Provost, to be admitted and received into the Covenant, the members of the Session never heretofore being acquainted with the nature of his suit, have found it expedient that he be turned to the Presbytery, as the most fitting and competent judges for clearing his carriage.’’ The reason for this course was that Mr James Hamilton having by this time been translated to Edinburgh, Mr Henderson, formerly of Dalry, who was unacquainted with Corsane’s case, was now minister of Dumfries. The final deliverance of the Presbytery follows :— “Apud Dumfries, 26 June, 1649.—Compeired Mr John Corsane, late Provost of Dumfries, who being suspended by Hugh Henderson, his minister, from receiving the Mutual League and Covenant, because the said Mr Hugh (being a stranger to his pro- cess anent the giving over of Dumfries at James Grahame’s in- vasion) could not receive him thereto without the brethren’s information anent that. process. Whereupon they, informing the said Mr Hugh of his innocence of malignancy (so far as they could be informed by witnesses), declared the said Mr John to be absolved therefra, and enjoined the said Mr Hugh to receive him to the Covenant and to the communion with the first occasion.”’ These details brought together present a curious piece of history. Here we have Montrose, in virtue of a commission from the King, invading Scotland and seizing the town of Dumfries. The Estates of Parliament, convened by virtue of the last Act of the last Parliament holden by his Majesty and the Three Estates, in Anno 1641, organised an army, which swooped down upon Dumfries and put the forces of the King to flight across the Border, whence they came. A few of the Dumfriesshire men who had joined Montrose fled with him to England, but the greater number gave themselves up to Parliament, and were, as we have seen, treated with clemency. The town was taken and re-taken without bloodshed, and only one person suffered capitally in con- nection with all that took place. The Earl of Montrose does not appear here to advantage. With the exception of the Maxwell clan, led by their hereditary and steadfast royalist chiefs, he had no following or supporters in the district, notwithstanding that there were no Covenanting forces present to over-awe the people. He misjudged Scotland and much overrated his own power and influence. 42 Cup MARKINGS. Conservative in its methods and procedure, Parliament assumed to act in the name of the King and the Three Estates. It retained the emblems of the power and pomp of the monarchy, ordained “that noblemen sit in their robes, and that a cloth of state be there, and the crown, sword, and sceptre be likewise pre- sent, as in former Parliaments.’’ Old ceremonies also continued in use, an instance of which connects with our subject. After the recovery of Dumfries Montrose was formally degraded, and then the Lyon King at Arms, with his brethren the heralds, appeared on the floor of the House, and after sound of trumpet in the face of Parliament, “did rive and rend the coat of arms of James, sometime Earl of Montrose.’’ The Church was likewise devoted to the monarchial form of government. In this paper I have tried to shed light on this singular episode, a turning point in the life of Montrose and in Scotland’s history. I am aware that the events of this period are regarded from different standpoints, and have therefore confined myself to linking together the facts as I find them contained in contemporary sources, chiefly the Acts of Parliament, the records of the Presby- tery of Dumfries, and the “ Court Messenger ’’ of 4th May, 1644. THE Cup MARKINGS AT STONE CIRCLE ON Hits Farm, LocuruttTon. By Mr JoHn M. Corriz. During a recent visit to the stone circle on Hills Farm, Loch- rutton, I found, on making an examination of the various stones, that two of them bear artificial cup markings. 1 was aware that cup markings had already been recorded as occurring on the stone on the east side of the circle, and that special notice had been taken of these markings on account of their unusually small dimensions. The markings on the second stone, which lies on the N.W. portion of the circle, do not, however, appear to have been recorded in the Transactions of this society. Mr Brown, in his notice of the circle (vide Trans. 1887-88, pp. 33-34) makes no mention of them. Ina paper on “ The Stone Circles of the Stew- artry of Kirkcudbright ’’ read before the Society of Antiquaries on May 13th, 1895, by Mr Frederick R. Coles, however, I find the following reference :— “ A further interest attaches to this circle from the fact of two Cup MARKINGS. 43 of its stones bearing what I believe are genuine artificial cup- marks. These are found on the east stone (a flattish ‘ whin,’ much smoother than the majority), and are three in number, in a perfectly straight line 10 inches long, the direction being east and west. These cup marks are the smallest known to me in the district—scarcely more than half-an-inch wide.”’ It will be observed that Mr Coles refers to two stones but only describes the markings on one of them—the one which has already been described by Mr Brown. The second stone to which attention is directed, as bearing additional cup marks, lies on the N.W. portion of the circle. It shows one well-defined marking on the inner side and almost on a level with the ground, and two markings of a doubtful character on the outer side of the stone. A rubbing of the well-defined marking is submitted, from which it will be observed to be more in keeping with the general size and character of similar markings in this and other districts. It seems strange that markings occurring in such close association to each other should not have received greater atten- tion, especially as this second marking is the most perfect example of any to be found on the stones comprising the circle. Why this variation in detail? The character of the rock may possibly account for the smallness of the first recorded markings, yet it is by no means improbable that they may have been designed for some specific purpose. 4th December, 1908. Chairman—Professor ScotTtT-ELLior. Ponp Lire. By Mr E. J. Hm. In this lecture Mr Hill gave an interesting account of the inhabitants of the lakes, ponds, ditches, illustrated with lantern slides. 44 ORIGIN OF NAME OF KIRKPATRICK-DURHAM. 18th December, 1908. Chairman—Mr M. H. M‘Kerrow. THE ORIGIN OF THE NAME OF KIRKPATRICK-DURHAM. By Rev. W. A. Stark, F.S.A.Scot. The name of the parish, of which I have had the honour to be parish minister now for more than thirty years, has possessed for me a fascination, and its origin has seemed worthy of careful inquiry. At various times, as opportunities permitted, I have tried to penetrate the mists of antiquity and discover the origin and history of the name. Some may ask, What’s ina name? Why trouble about the origin of the name of the parish? If it is sufficient to distinguish the place from other places, what does it matter where the name came from? ‘The truth is that the most interesting facts about a place are sometimes wrapped up in the name of it. If you do not call a place by its right name you are confusing history. If you change the name of a place, unless you do so very carefully, you may be giving future antiquaries a world of trouble, perhaps to very little purpose. Rather than say scoffingly, What’s in a name? we should say with Lowell— ‘““There if more force in names Than most men dream of.”’ At one time—probably in the 18th century—the parish appears to have been popularly called Kilpatrick-on-the-Moor: but as the moorland has mostly disappeared before the shovel of the drainer, so that old name has also passed out of mind. It is known now almost invariably as Kirkpatrick-Durham. Taking then the name of the parish as one sees it written or hears it spoken of at the present day, the first part of it offers no special difficulty or point of immediate interest. Kirkpatrick is the Kirk of Patrick, or Kilpatrick, as it is sometimes spelled or pronounced, is the Cell of Patrick—Kella Patrikii. There are many foundations in honour of St.\Patrick. Besides Kirkpatrick- Durham, there are Kirkpatrick-Fleming, Kirkpatrick-Juxta, - Kirkpatrick-Irongray, and Old and New Kilpatrick on the Clyde. There was also a chapel called Kirkpatrick in the parish of ORIGIN OF NAME OF KIRKPATRICK-DURHAM. 45 Closeburn, the site of which (I understand*) can still be traced ; and there were others. Our inquiry, however, will concern the latter part of the name—that is to say, the word Durham. Why was Durham added to Kirkpatrick as an eponym to distinguish it from other parishes called Kirkpatrick? Was there any ecclesiastical con- nection between this place and the Cathedral City on the Wear? Many a time I have been asked such questions. The questions have not always been easy to answer, though one could have little hesitation in saying that there is no traceable connection with the City or Cathedral in the North of England. Many explanations of the eponym Durham have been given. Two of them I shall mention, but only to set them aside. M‘Kerlie, whose “ Lands and their Owners in Galloway ”’ rally interesting as to its information, but most whimsical as to its attempts at explanations of the derivation of words, tells us that Durham is derived from two Gaelic words which, he says, mean deep water. The two words which he gives, viz., dur domhain, do not pronounce very like Durham. Dur-do’an does not sound like Dur-ham. The one could never be mistaken for the other. But, in any case, the Water of Urr at any point where it forms the boundary of this parish is not deep, and there is no reason to suppose, considering its rapid fall, that it ever was so. It is a rather swift-flowing hill stream, turbid in a time of special flood, but most of the year quite shallow; and many a summer day so dry that you can cross it on foot anywhere. M’‘Kerlie’s explanation does not seem at all probable. Chalmers. whose opinion on most subjects of antiquity is valuable, derives Durham from the Gaelic word Dur—water and the Saxon word Ham—village, and he takes this hybrid word to mean “the village on the water.’’ But, not to insist that two words put together like water-village would hardly mean “the village on the water,’’ the Village of Kirkpatrick-Durham is not is gene- on the water. It is nearly three miles distant. So far as is known, there never was a village of any consequence on this water where it borders the parish. Besides, a hybrid etymology is not to be accepted if any other probable one can be discovered. * See ‘‘ Closeburn,’’ by R. M. F. Watson, p. 37. 46 ORIGIN OF NAME OF KIRKPATRICK-DURHAM. Therefore, the explanations offered by M‘Kerlie and Chalmers must be rejected. We fall back on the hint given us by the Rey. Andrew Symson, who was minister of Kirkinner, in Wigtownshire, for more than twenty years prior to the Revolution, and whose “ Description of Galloway ’’ was drawn up about 1684. _ I think that what Symson says is founded upon fact, and leads us to the true explanation. I shall quote Symson’s words exactly. He says—“ This parish, to distinguish it from the other Kirkpatricks, is also called Kirkpatrick-Durham. The lands in this parish, belonging to M‘Naight of Kilquonadie, pertained of old to the name of Durham.’’ So far Symson. His explanation of the eponym, therefore, was that it was derived from the name of a certain family who, at a previous date, had been proprietors of Kilquhanity, and I may mention that at one time Kilquhanity was the most considerable property in the parish. Symson’s explana- tion, I may add, is similar to that which is given in the New Statis- tical Account in the case of Kirkpatrick-Fleming, which is said to have been so called because of a family of influence whose name was Fleming. Now, a statement made so directly by Symson deserves to be received with a considerable measure of respect. He was a care- ful inquirer: he seems to have consulted local sources of informa- tion when compiling his “ Description of Galloway ;’’ and he stated without reservation, as a result of his inquiries and as a matter of fact, that the lands of Kilquhanity, belonging in his own time to a family called M‘Naight, had “ pertained of old to the name of Durham.”’ To Symson’s statement M‘Kerlie has raised several objec- tions. He says that he could find no trace of any family of the name of Durham as proprietors of Kilquhanity: and that the name Durham was unknown in the Stewartry at any early date ; and that as far back as 1488 the proprietors of Kilquhanity were M‘Naughts or M‘Naights. Partly under the heading Kirkpat- rick-Durham and partly under the heading Kilquhanity, M’Kerlie says:—“ The surname of Durham was unknown in Galloway until last century [i.e., the eighteenth century]. It is not probable that one of the names gave the adjunct to this parish without being traceable. . . . The first of the name of ORIGIN OF NAME OF KIRKPATRICK-DURHAM. 47 Durham is understood to have been in the north.of England, where the city and county so called are, and to have obtained a grant of the lands of Grange, in Forfarshire, from King Robert the Bruce in 1322, which were afterwards known as Grange- Durham. We trace none of the name in Galloway, and our opinion is that Symson was wrong.’’ So far M‘Kerlie’s objec- tions. Let us now hear what can be said on the other side. It seems to me that Symson was substantially right, and that M‘Kerlie had failed to discover the truth that was at the founda- tion of Symson’s statement. It is unnecessary to lay any stress upon the fact that early in the eighteenth century there actually was one Henry Durham, who, in 1726, had sasine of what is now known as Durhamhill, and also of a property in the parish called Holehouse. This Henry Durham may or may not have been an incomer. Of course it is possible he may have belonged to the old stock. More probably he did not. We need, however, say no more about him. The chief argument has to do with the proprietorship of Kilquhanity: and it is admitted—there can be no doubt of it— that there were M‘Naughts of Kilquhanity as far back as 1488, and from that time on for about two hundred years, but there is room for many things to have happened before 1488. It is quite possible, and in view of Symson’s statement it is probable that there were proprietors of Kilquhanity before 1488 who gave their name to the parish, and who afterwards became extinct, not, however, without leaving some trace of themselves. We must therefore look before 1488 for the family which gave its eponym to the parish. I have now to present an argument which, so far as I know, is entirely new (except that I gave a very brief sketch of it last winter when reading a paper on a different subject before the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland), and my intention is to show that Symson had been rightly informed as to the existence of a family, not called exactly Durham, as he said, but called Durand or Duraund, D-u-r-a-n-d or D-u-r-a-u-n-d (the name is spelled both ways), and that the name of this family was added as an adjunct to the name of the parish, and that Durand or Duraund became corrupted or changed into Durham. By the time when 48 ORIGIN OF NAME OF KIRKPATRICK-DURHAM. Symson compiled his “ Description of Galloway ’’ Durand had become changed to Durham, and has so continued ever since. My argument is as follows :— In the library of the University of Edinburgh one may obtain the Calendar of the Laing Charters, edited by the Rev. John Anderson. There under date 15th May, 1359, we find the well- known confirmation by David II. of the Foundation Charter of Sweetheart or Newabbey, which was dated 1273—Quarto Nonas Aprilis Anno ab Incarnatione Domini MCC septingentesimo tertio. In 1359, presumably confirming the spelling of 1273, the parish is called in this charter Kirkpatrick-Dorand. “Dervorgilla, daughter of the late Alan of Galloway, in her widowhood, grants and confirms to God and the Church of St. Mary of Sweetheart, and the monks there of the Cistercian order of the Convent of Dundrennan for the Abbey to be built, etc., etc., . . . her whole lands of Louqrindelow and of Kirk- patrick-Dorand.’’ Thus in 1273 the parish was known as Kirkpatrick-Dorand. Again in the Calendar of Documents relating to Scotland, edited by Joseph Bain, Vol. 2, No. 1702, tempore Edward Ist, 18th October, 1305, we find mention of a Charter to the Abbot and Convent of Dundraynan of free warren in their demesne lands of Gairstang, Newlathe . +". Aghencarme 1 2% Barlok, the Isle of Estholm . . . Kirkpatrick-Durand and Aghenkippe, in the County of Dumfries.’’ By that charter it is proved that before M‘Kerlie’s date of 1488, as much as 183 years before, the parish was known as Kirkpatrick-Durand. M‘Kerlie’s objection that the adjunct Durham cannot have originated in a family of the name, because he could find no trace of a name Durham before 1488, loses its force when we discover that there is trace of a name, not certainly exactly the same but very similar 183 years before. [In case anyone should surmise that, because Kirkpatrick- Durand is stated in the Charter to be “in the County of Dum- fries ’’ therefore it cannot be the same place as Kirkpatrick- Durham, we may observe in passing that many of the other pro- perties mentioned in the same charter, and stated to be in the County of Dumfries, were undoubtedly in the district now known as the Stewartry of Kirkcudbright. Thus Newlathe is Newlaw, ORIGIN OF NAME OF KIRKPATRICK-DURHAM. 49 in the parish of Rerrick, Barlok is Barlocco, in the same parish, the Isle of Estholm is the Isle of Heston opposite Balcary Point, Aghenkippe is, I suppose, Kipp, in the parish of Colvend, and Aghencarne is Auchencairn. In the same way a _ Charter* belonging to the House of Kenmure, dated 8th April, 1358, records a grant “by Robert Stewart of Scotland and Earl of Stratherne to William de Gordon, lord of Stitchell, of the New Forest of Glenkens, within the Sheriffdom of Dumfries.’’ It was nott till 1372, when Archibald Douglas received in per- petual fee all the crown lands of Galloway between the Nith and the Cree that the Stewartry of Kirkcudbright became finally and judicially defined as separate from the County and Sheriffdom of Dumfries. ] I now return to Bain’s Calendar of Documents relating to Scotland. The Charter No. 1702 already quoted mentioned lands within Kirkpatrick-Durand belonging to the Abbey of Dundrennan. The one I am now about to quote mentions lands in the same parish belonging to Newabbey or Sweetheart. This one is No. 1703 and is of the same date, viz., 18th October, 1305—-“ Charter to the Abbot and Convent of Sweetheart in Galloway of free warren in all their demesne lands of Conquide- lon and Kirkpatrick-Duraund in the County of Dumfries.’’ If it were necessary to show that the same place is meant it would be easy to prove that a considerable part of the parish (e.g., the lands of Barncailzie and Crofts) were held of Dundrennan, while other parts (such as Macartney) were held of Sweetheart. We see also the eponym of the parish in a slightly different form, D-u-r-a-u-n-d this time instead of D-u-r-a-n-d, showing that in neither case was it an error of transcription—a mistake of a copyist, but that the form of it in 1305 was different from what it is now. From those three authorities of 1273 and 1305 we may take it as an established fact that the name of the parish at that time was Kirkpatrick-Dorand, Durand, or Duraund. The next question that falls to be answered is, was there any family of this name, Durand, in the parish from whom we might * Mackenzie’s Hist. of Galloway, I. 291. + Sir Herbert Maxwell’s Dumfries, p. 117. 5O ORIGIN OF NAME OF KiIRKPATRICK-DURHAM. suppose it to have obtained its distinctive appellation? There was certainly such a family in the neighbourhood. I cannot say that the connection between the family and the parish has yet been established, though I have little doubt that it existed, and that some day it will be traced. But certainly there was a family of some importance in the district called Durand or Duraund. In the 13th century there was a Durand son of Cristinus, and a Michael son of Durand, both of whom had to do with Mabie, in the parish of Troqueer. There was also a Walter, son of Michael, son of Durand, who seems to have taken his grand- father’s name as a surname and called himself Walter Durand. Let me now give some notices of these Durands, in order to shew that they were people of consequence. These notices are also found in Bain’s Calendar of Documents relating to Scotland. Under date 3rd September, 1296, Bain mentions a writ to the Sheriff of Dumfries (which, as we saw, included Eastern Gallo- way) to restore their lands to Thomas de Kirkconnel, Walter de Twynham, and Walter Durand. Again, under date 24th May, 1297, there is mention of the roval commands of Edward I., sent, among many others, to Walter Duraunt and John Duraunt. In 1305 Dumfries Castle was taken by some Galloway men led by Gilbert, son of the Lord Dovenald, and among those Gallo- way men were Walter Duraunt and John Duraunt. In 1334, tempore Edward III., the King commanded his receiver at Car- lisle to deliver twelve quarters of wheat from his stores to his lieges, John de Rerrick and Walter Duraunt. These notices are interesting because they prove the exist- ence of a family known as Durand who were in Galloway and were proprietors of land at the very time when a Galloway parish was called Kirkpatrick-Durand, and they show the same varia- tion in spelling the family name as is observed in the name of the parish, viz., D-u-r-a-n-d and D-u-r-a-u-n-d. These Durands did not come to Galloway in the train of Edward I. They were in Galloway before the date of his in- vasion of Scotland. I am informed by an esteemed correspon- dent that “Durand parson of Magoff’’ (which is supposed to denote Minnigaff) “ witnesses a Charter in the Holyrood Book soon after 1200.”’ In 1273 Michael son of Durand witnessed the famous Foundation Charter of Sweetheart along with notable ORIGIN OF NAME OF KIRKPATRICK-DURHAM. dl men like the Abbots of Dundrennan and Glenluce, and John of Carlisle and Bartram of Cardoness. The Durands were also proprietors in Cumberland. I find in Riddell’s Collections in the Antiquarian Library of Edinburgh the very same names men- tioned in connection with the Register of the Abbey of Holm- cultram, viz., Durandus filius Christini . . . Bridoch relicta Durandi filii Christini, and Michael filius Durandi.’’ But though they did not come into Galloway with Edward I. they would seem to have espoused the cause of the English King. Possibly we may infer that they suffered for doing so, from the fact that in 1334 Edward III. was sending Walter, Duraunt supplies of corn. That they had taken the unpopular and eventually unsuccessful side may account for their gradual disappearance from the annals of the district. The results of the War of Independence would not be to their liking: the Galloway people might not take kindly to them: and the new over-lords had many followers to reward. The family of Durand is traceable in the district as late as 1457 and 1477, when we find mention of a John Durant of Terraughty. In the Register of the Great Seal of Scotland, edited by Sir James Balfour Paul, we read that the King James II. in 1457 confirmed to John Durant the lands of Traachty, i.e., Terraughty, in the dominium of Galloway and Sheriffship of Kirkcudbright. Again in 1477 King James III. confirmed the charter of John Durant of Traachty, i.e., Terraughty, by which, in return for the payment of a certain sum of money he had transferred to George Herries, son and heir apparent of Robert Herries of Kirkpatrick Irongray and his, heirs, the lands of Terraughty, within the dominium of Galloway and Sheriffship of Kirkcudbright. It is therefore sufficiently obvious that members of the family of Durant were landowners in the Stewartry, but I have not yet been able to locate them in the parish to which I believe they affixed their name. The statement of Symson was that the lands in the parish belonging in his time to the name of M‘Naight had pertained formerly to the name of Durham. If you alter Durham to Durand you have probably the historical fact. In more ways than one we might explain how Durand was gradually changed to Durham. Probably the most natural ex- 2 THE KELPIE. Ou planation is that families bearing the name of Durham settled in the district. Durham was not an uncommon name in Scotland in the 17th century. James Durham, for instance, was a well- known minister in Glasgow about 1650, and so, by a process of assimilation from the unknown to the known—a process which goes on every day in colloquial speech, Durand the forgotten became Durham the known. Chronologically the change may be arranged as follows, though it is only a rough and general way of putting it :— 1273. Dorand. 1300. Duraunt. 1305. Durand and Duraund. 1341. Durant. 1587. Durane. 1590. Durame. 1595. Durham. THe Kerr. By R. J. ARNnoTT, M.A. “Do you think,’’ said the old Irish retainer to the new- comers, “that the Banshee would wail for the likes of ye!”’ Similarly, not of everyone, especially to-day, can it be said, as of Brian in “ The Lady of the Lake ’’— ‘‘ Where with black cliffs the torrents toil, He watched the wheeling eddies boil, Till, from their foam, his dazzled eyes Beheld the river-demon rise.”’ What wonder that in Scotland the vivid imagination of the Celt and the more sombre fancy of the Lowlander alike should have pictured in the Kelpie a spirit dwelling in the waters, and having dominion over river and stream, and loch and pool and ford, and that that spirit should be of evil disposition? At times, indeed, it is with a peaceful murmur the waters fill the air, and there is a merry ripple and a sparkle as of laughter on the sun-kissed surface. But oftener in this grey land of ours the depths are dark and gloomy, and the swollen currents swirl onward with an angry rush or sullen roar. It is sometimes not easy to believe that these mysterious, uncanny sounds can have any but a supernatural source. And what less strange than that Tue KELPIE. 5d the hapless wanderer who has met his fate in some lonely pool, or the swimmer whose strength has failed him when crossing some deep loch, should be regarded as the victim of the exacting demon having watch and ward over those particular waters ; or that the fiendishness of the latter’s nature should be judged by the number of lives claimed by the river or stream where he has his habitation ? In one of the stanzas of his “ Address to the Deil,’’ Burns both indicates the Kelpie’s traditional character and hints at the popular idea in his day of where the ultimate responsibility for his actions rested :— ‘““When thowes dissolve the snawy hoord, An’ float the jinglin’ icy-boord, Then Water-Kelpies haunt the foord, By your direction, An’ ’nighted Trav’llers are allur’d To their destruction.” The necessity was generally recognised of keeping in the Kelpie’s good graces. On the Scottish mainland an offering was always made beforehand to the guardian spirit of the well whose healing or other properties were being invoked. And in Shetland care used to be taken every year to conciliate the Kelpie by leaving a small basketful of corn on the table on which the hand- mill stood; otherwise the wheel of the water-mill might be suddenly held fast and operations brought abruptly to a stand- still, or in the middle of the night the whole steading might be mysteriously set in commotion. “Now, be guid, or da Noggle’’ (the Kelpie) “ will tak’ dee awa’ ’’ was until within quite recent years the caution with which mothers in the outlying Shetland island cf Foula put their chil- dren to bed. So prevalent and over-powering, indeed, was the dread entertained for the Kelpie, that in the Solway itself it is said to have been directly responsible for a disaster. “It is not twenty years,’’ says a note to the lines just quoted from the “ Address to the Deil,’’ in an edition apparently published about the middle of last century:—‘“It is not twenty years since the piercing shrieks and supplications for help of a passage-boat’s company, which had been landed on a sand-bank, at low water, in the Solway Firth, instead of on the Cumberland coast, and 4 Tue KE LPIE. cw who found, as the moon rose and the haze dispersed, that they were in mid-channel, with a strong tide setting fast in upon them, were mistaken by the people, both on the Scottish and English shores, for the wailing of Kelpies! The consequence was that the unhappy people (whose boat had drifted from them before their fatal error was discovered) were all drowned; though nothing had been easier, but for the rooted superstition of their neighbours ashore, than to have effectually succoured them.”’ Can any member of the society, I wonder, confirm this account of the incident? As a calamity it might almost be said to be eclipsed only by what Sir Walter Scott mentions in his note to the passage quoted above from “ ‘The Lady of the Lake,’’ as one of the Kelpie’s most memorable exploits, viz., the destruction, on the banks of Loch Vennacher, of a funeral procession with all its attendants. A little stream again, we are told in a “ Heart of Mid- Lothian ’’ note, had been swollen into a torrent by the rains. “The hour’s come, but not the man,’’ was what the as yet un- satisfied water-spirit was heard complaining. With that came galloping up in hot haste a man on horseback, who attempted to cross the water. “No remonstrance from the bystanders was of power to stop him: he plunged into the stream, and perished.”’ A story resembling it is told in connection with the parish of Castleton, with the variation that the bystanders prevented the “ predestined individual ’’ by force from entering the river, and shut him up in the church, where he was next morning found suffocated, with his face lying immersed in the baptismal font. The terror with which the demon was regarded was all the greater because he so seldom gave any warning to those who invaded his haunts. The workmen engaged in erecting the church of Old Deer, and who had started to build it on the Bissau Hill, might count themselves fortunate ; and it was probably well for them that they took the hint, when they found their work impeded by supernatural obstacles, and heard the river-spirit say :-— ‘‘Tt is not here, it is not here, That ye shall build the Kirk of Deer ; But on Taptillery, where many a corpse shall lie.” The Gaelic name for the Kelpie—Zach-uisge (water-horse) Tue KE -pre. 55 —indicates the form in which he is oftenest presented by tradi- tion. In the North of Scotland and the Orkney and Shetland archipelagoes he is also spoken of as the Nicker (a name which directly gives a connection with German, Scandinavian, and Icelandic folklore), the Neugle, Niggle, or Noggle, or the Shoepultie (in some paris of Shetland). The coat of this mysterious steed is generally described as black, or very dark and shaggy, though in one instance at least he is spoken of as a brindled horse with fine glossy skin. Shetland legends also picture him as sleek, with an erect mane and a tail “like the rim o’? a muckle wheel;’’ while in Orkney his traditional colour is snow-white. On the mainland, again, he is said to have inverted hoofs. To attempt to ride the water-horse was a dangerous pro- cedure, and was but rarely attended with success and safety. This idea gave rise to at least one proverbial saying. “Yea, he (or she) is been ridin’ da Neugle,’’ Shetlanders would remark on hearing that someone had experienced a piece of phenomenal good fortune. The only persons, indeed, reputed to have been able to mount this uncanny steed, in ordinary circumstances, without fear of the consequences, were the “ Norway Finns,”’ those mysterious folk whose miraculous feats, many centuries before the northern isles came to be ranked as the outposts of Scotland, have been handed down by tradition. Any ordinary man, however, who succeeded in bridling the water-horse—the making of the sign of the Cross was regarded as a valuable aid towards this end—could make him do practically what he liked. But the utmost caution had to be exercised in handling the Kelpie. If he were roughly treated, or an attempt made to detain him longer than was necessary for the completion of the task in which he was engaged, the savagery in his nature would reassert itself, and he would turn angrily upon his temporary master, and attack him so fiercely that the consequences were generally fatal. Says one rhyme :— ““Quha with a bit my mow can fit May gar me be his slave; To him [Pll wirk baith morn an’ mirk, Quhile he has wark to do; 56 Tue KELPIE. Gin tent he tak’ I do nae shak’ His bridle frae my mow.”’ At Maugie, in Aberdeenshire, a Kelpie was set to cart the stones for the building of a water-mill ; and when the last load had been carried he vanished with the words— ‘“‘Sair back an’ sair banes, Cairtit a’ Mill o’ Maugie’s stanes.” Many are the tales that are told of encounters with the Kelpie in the twilight, or when the mists are sweeping down from the mountains; of narrow escapes from this wildly galloping animal that suddenly appears before the solitary traveller, or as suddenly dashes upon him with shrill neighings and _ hideous screams ; and of the terrible fate of those who, having crossed his path or come under his displeasure, have been trampled to death, or carried off to his watery lair. Only one or two typical legends can be here given. One such is that of Loch Chrois, the Loch of Sorrow. Two young lovers had wandered to the head of the loch, and sat there heedless of the passage of the hours and the waning light. Eventually, however, they realised that it was time to set out for home. Catching sight at the moment of a horse grazing by the side of the loch, and thinking it belonged to the clachan whence they had come, the lad succeeded in capturing it. | No sooner, however, were both on its back than the animal set off at break- neck speed towards the loch. In vain the lovers sought to slip off : some invisible power seemed to hold them on. And with a wild neighing that drowned their cries of terror, the Water-horse dashed into the loch, whence mysterious vapours began to rise, and disappeared beneath the waters with his prey. Legends almost identical, varying only in detail and local colour, have been handed down with relation to Loch Pytoulish, near Rothiemurchus, and a spot near Ardochy, on the Garry, called Eilean-na-Cloinne—The Island of the Children. They tell how a band of boys, returning in the early evening from an afternoon in the woods, came upon a pretty pony grazing near the Kelpie’s Pool. | On their approach it drew back towards the ~ water, and it was some time before they were able to surround it. Then of a sudden, while they were fondling it, off it dashed to Tue KELpig. Dkk the river, dragging to their doom all the boys but one, who, find- ing one of the fingers of his left hand glued, as it were, fast to the animal, succeeded in getting out his knife and cutting himself free just in the nick of time. The following tale from one of the North-Eastern counties introduces us to a fresh aspect of the Kelpie. A Highlander had left his horses grazing by the side of a lonely loch while he rode off to the Sacrament. When he returned he found them all huddled together, and in their midst a grey horse that did not belong to him. On approaching to have a better look at it, he was startled to find himself confronted by an old man with long grey hair and a long grey beard. Instantly the horse he was riding shied, and starting off at a fierce gallop, carried him beyond all possibility of danger, refusing to be pulled up until home was reached. Many instances could be given of the Kelpie’s appearance at times in human form as well as that of a horse. Here is the Rev. Dr Jamieson’s fearsome description of one that haunted the South Esk, near Inverquharity Castle, in Forfarshire, when not in equine guise :— “He rushes bare, and seggs (sedges) for hair, Quhare ramper-eels entwin’d ; Of filthy gar (weeds) his e’e-brees war, With esks (newts) and horse-gells (horse-leeches) lin’d. And for his e’en, with dowie sheen Twa huge horse-mussels glared ; Frae his wide mow a torrent flew, An’ soupt his reedy beard. Twa slanky (slimy) stanes seemit his spule-banes ; His briskit braid, a whin; Ilk rib sae bare, a skelvy skair (layer of rock) ; Ik airm a monstrous fin. He frae the wame a fish became, With shells a’ coverit owre; And for his tail, the grislie whale Could never match its power.”’ As might be imagined, it was in this direction the myth began to show signs of deterioration. As has already been hinted, with reference to the lines from the “Address to the Deil,’’ the Kelpie, as time went on, became more and more Closely identified with the Evil One. 58 THE KE LPIE. David Deans, you may remember, used to tell “ with great awe ’’ of the attempted rescue of the “tall black man ’’ who, in the act of crossing a ford to join the congregation of Covenanters, “Jost ground, and was carried down apparently by the force of the stream.’’ “ But’’ (to continue the recital of Peter Walker’s version of the incident) “ famous John Semple, of Carsphairn, saw the whaup in the rape ‘Quit the rope!’ he cried to us (for I that was but a callant had a haud o’ the rape mysell), ‘it is the Great Enemy! He will burn, but not drown; his design is to disturb the good wark, by raising wonder and confusion in your minds ; to put off from your spirits all that ye hae heard and felt.’ Sae we let go the rape, and he went adown the water screeching and bullering like a Bull of Bashan, as he’s ca’d in Scripture.”’ In “The Fair Maid of Perth,’’ too—‘ Did not the Devil appear in the midst of the Tay, dressed in a scapular, gambolling like a pellach amongst the waves, the morning when our stately bridge was swept away?’’ A Kelpie living in a “red heugh’”’ near Montrose is even said to have wandered about with cloven feet, horns, and pointed tail complete, and on one old woman quoting Scripture to him, he promptly disappeared. A sacred name or word, indeed, generally proved an effective weapon against the Kelpie. Lachlan Buachaille, the cow-herd, for example, only saved himself by this expedient from a terrible death. Lachlan had persistently declared his disbelief in the existence of the Each-uisge, as he had never seen him with his own, eyes. One stormy night, as he sat alone in his bothy, he heard a gentle knocking at the door, and found it was a little, bent, old woman seeking shelter from the wind and rain Lachlan brought her in and gave her a chair beside the fire; bus she refused to accept anything to eat or drink. She always, she said, had plenty of fish, but she gave a grim assent to the sugges- tion that perhaps she liked flesh better. Nor would she have the covering Lachlan pressed on her instead of her drenched cloak—she needed none of his coats or blankets, for water would never hurt Her. Soon Lachlan became drowsy, and as once or twice he awoke with a start the figure of the old woman, sitting by the fire and lit up by the flicker of the dying flames, seemed to grow larger and larger. On his making a remark to this effect - she rejoined that she was probably “ expanding to the warmth.”’ Tue KELPIE. 59 Then at last she started up erect, and as she gave a horrible laugh, that became first a wild shriek and then a wilder neigh, a fearsome change passed over her. “The dark-grey locks that had peeped from under her red hood now waved a snaky mane. On the forehead of the monster was a star-like mark of bright scarlet, quivering like burning fire; the nostrils breathed, as it were, flame, whilst the eyes flashed on poor Lachlan like light- ning.’’ Then Lachlan found himself snatched up and borne swiftly towards the dark waters of Loch Dorch. And assuredly he would have been engulfed in its depths had not the drops of spray from a waterfall, in passing, brought him to his senses. As he remembered and pronounced aloud “the Name of Names that was engraved on the breast-plate of the High Priest of Israel,’’ the monster dropped him with a shudder and a shriek, and disappeared in the loch. When daylight came Lachlan was found bruised and insensible at its very edge. Never again did he cast doubt on the existence of the Each-uisge ; nor would he return to the hut where he had had so terrifying an experience. Yet another, though rarer, form assumed by the Kelpie in order to entrap his intended victims was that of a black boat, sometimes lying temptingly by the side of the loch or river, with oars ready in the rowlocks, at others drifting gently past within reach of the shore, with set sails idly flapping. This disguise was sometimes resorted to by the Each-uisge of Loch Chrois, of whose fiendishness an instance has already been given. . One old woman was wont to relate an adventure she had one summer night. She had lost her way in the mist, and when she found herself at the edge of the loch she did not realise her where- abouts. Thinking it was another sheet of water, she was in the act of stepping into a boat which was drawn up close to the shore, with the object of rowing across, when she caught sight of a boulder she recognised. With a prayer on her lips she hastily drew back, and hurried off full of thankfulness for what she realised was a narrow escape from the clutches of the demon. The death of the Kelpie could not be encompassed without some supernatural aid. The Each-uisge of Loch Dorch was killed by being shot with a crooked sixpence—silver being “ the blessed metal from a cup of which the Saviour drank his las- draught on earth ’’—reinforced by the utterance of the phrase, “The Cross be betwixt me and thee!”’ 60 THE SCALACRONICA. The last Kelpie in Lewis came to his end somewhat differ- ently. Let me conclude by telling briefly how it was. So troublesome did he become on the moor between Loch Roag and Loch Langabhat—in the form of a quadruped killing or carry- ing off the cattle, and, in that of a man, annoying the women in charge of them—that the tenant tacksman decided to enlist the services of a famous bowman of the name of Macleod, who had some time before killed one Each-uisage in Skye and another in the parish of Lochs, in Lewis. When Macleod arrived at Glen Langabhat he saw the Kelpie coming up from the loch towards him. | An arrow fired into his side made no impression. A second caused him to stagger, but he,came on with his eyes flash- ing fire and his gaping jaws flecked with foam. Then Macleod took out the Baobhag, the Fury of the Quiver, and drawing his bow at close quarters, sent the shaft in at the monster’s mouth and through his heart, so that he at once fell dead. Whether all the Kelpies of Scotland have by now shared the same fate I cannot tell. But the traveller of to-day has surely good reason to be grateful that, in his journeying through High- land glen or over Lowland moor, he is no longer haunted by the dread of seeing looming up before him in the misty twilight the shaggy form of the Water-horse, or of hearing, above the moan- ing of the forest or the roar of the waterfall, the weird and hideous shrieking of the Kelpie in pursuit of his prey. THE ScALacronica. By Dr E. J. Curnnock. IRAE Ale The Scalacronica, or Ladder of Time, is divided into five parts. It begins with an allegorical prologue. Part I., which relates the fabulous history of Britain, is based upon Walter of Exeter’s Brut, i.e., on Geoffrey of Monmouth. Part IT. reaches to Egbert’s accession and is based upon Beda. Part III., extend- ing to William the Conqueror, is based upon Higden’s Poly- chronicon, and Part IV. professes to be founded upon “ John, the Vicar of Tilmouth, which is entitled the Golden History.’’ The MS. of the Scalacronica is in the library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. The title Scalacronica, and the allegory in the prologue, with its series of ladders, point to the scaling THE SCALACRONICA. 61 ladder in the Grey Arms. The whole work has never been printed, but Joseph Stevenson edited the latter part from 1066 to 1362 A.D. and the Prologue for the Maitland Club in 1836. Sir Thomas Gray, the author of this work, was the son of Sir Thomas Gray of Heaton, Norhamshire, Northumberland. His mother seems to have been Agnes de Beyle. The son Thomas was ordained seisin of his father’s lands, 10th April, 1345; so it may be conjectured that the father died in 1344. The younger Sir Thomas thus became lord of Heaton Manor and Warden of Norham Castle. On the 10th July, 1338, he had been ordered to accompany William de Mountagow, Earl of Salisbury, abroad ; and in 1344 the Wardenship of the manor of Middlemast Middle- ton was granted to “Thomas de Grey le Fitz’’ for his service beyond the sea. He fought at Neville’s Cross, October, 1346, and was summoned to the Westminster Council of January, 1347. When the Scotch truce was over he was ordered to see to the defence of the Marches (30th October, 1353). He was taken prisoner in a sally from Norham Castle in August, 1355, and with his son Thomas, whom he had knighted just before the engagement, was carried off to Edinburgh. Here he says that he “ became curious and pensive,’’ and began “ to treat and translate into shorter sen- tence the Chronicles of Great Britain* and the deeds of the English.’’ Before 25th November, 1356, he had written to Edward III. begging help towards paying his ransom ; but he had been released before 16th August, 1357, for at that date he was appointed guardian to one of King David’s hostages. He pro- bably accompanied the Black Prince to France in August, 1359. He was made Warden of the East Marches in the 41st year of Edward III. (1367); and he is said to have died in 1369. He was the ancestor of Earl Grey and Sir Edward Grey. (See Stevenson’s preface to his edition of the Norman French text, and the article “ Sir Thomas Gray ”’ in the Dictionary of National Biography, by T. A. Archer.) Extracts from Sir Thomas Gray’s Scalacronica (Ladder of Time) relating to Scotland. There was a very brave and prudent knight in the country, *I think this will be found to be the earliest use of the term “ Great Britain,” about 250 years before the Union of the Crowns. 62 Tue SCALACRONICA. named Siward, whom this King Edward made Earl of Northum- berland. This Siward killed in battle Makacta (Macbeth), King of Scotland, who had raised a rebellion against King Edward. After this Makacta, Malcolm Largehead, who had been made King of Cumberland, became King of the Scots. At another time Siwafd sent his son to wage war in Scotland, where he died of dysentery. When the father heard of it, he said:—“ Ha! could not my son die another death? He is worth nothing.’”’ Being indignant at this, he determined to have his revenge. So he marched into Scotland with an army, where the same malady attacked him so cruelly that it was clear he was about to die. “ Alas!’’ said he, “I have been in so many battles. Why did I not depart from the world in one of them? I must now die like an ox. Put my hauberk on me; cover me with my helmet; give me my dagger; gird my sword on me; entrust me with my spear ; and then I will die as a brave knight.’’ These orders were car- ried out, and then he died. At this time Edward, the son of Edmond Ironside, came from Hungary; but he died soon after, and was buried at St. Paul’s, in London. He was the father of Edgar the Atheling and of Margaret, who afterwards became Queen of Scotland. She was the wife of Malcolm Largehead, who begot Edward and David of her. The elder son, Edward, was killed with his father in battle. | David afterwards reigned wisely over Scotland in the time of William of Malmesbury. Malcolm also had two daughters by Margaret—Maude, whom Henry, the King of England, son of William the Conqueror, married; the other Mary, whom Eustace, Count of Boulogne, took to wife. The chronicles of Scotland relate that this Margaret was driven by a storm at sea into the Forth in Scot- land, as she was on her way to England. She was taken thence to King Malcolm, who, as he wished to marry, took her to wife. The chronicles also state that Malcolm claimed the right to Scot- land, though he was a bastard son of the King. He had two better brothers, with whom he was brought up in England. At that time, on account of the youth of the heirs to the Crown, each of the Lords of Scotland ruled his own part of the country like a king. They were then called, not Earls, but Thanes. One of them who thought himself the greatest master, the Thane of Murref, commanded all the other Thanes to be ready to convey THE SCALACRONICA. 63 building-stone and wood for the construction of a castle, which he wished to fortify. All of them came to execute his order. But the Thane of Murref, who aimed at becoming their sovereign, saw that the Thane of Fyffe’s waggon was not there. He demanded to know whose waggon was wanting. They told him it was the Thane of Fyffe’s. “Look!’’ said he, “fetch him and make his own neck fit to bear what his oxen ought to draw.”’ The Thane of Fyffe, being indignant at this command, went off into Cumberland, where the rightful Lords were being maintained. He did not find that they were as yet endued with the wish, courage, or power to make their claim at once. Their bastard brother, Malcolm, who was already grown up, asked the Thane if he were willing to go and help him to become King. He assented and went with him. By his aid Malcolm became King, and destroyed all who opposed him. He granted to this Earl Macduff, who had thus aided him, the franchise of the Clan Macduff, a privilege exempting from the common law. No descendant of his line was to bear punishment for any offence, provided that he paid a small sum of money as a fine. Malcolm, who married Margaret, changed the title of Thane into that of Earl. The same chronicles state that Malcolm put his brothers into prison in the Castle of Jedworth, because they would not recog- nise his right to the Throne. One of them he beheaded, and the other he blinded. The one who was blinded begot a daughter of a laundry woman, who would not allow him to have any food until he married her. The aforesaid King Malcolm gave this daughter to one of the sons of the Count of Comynge in France, who was dwelling with him, and who asked the King for the said maiden. One day as the King was riding at Roul, near Jed- worth, the said maiden, who was in company with other peasants, cried to the King: “Good uncle, do me justice; for 1 am thy brother’s daughter!’’ “See!’’ said he, “come forward.’’ The handsome young man saw her, and at the request of his aforesaid brother, the King gave her to the Count of Comynge, with the land on which he was riding. Thus the Comyns became Scots. Marksweyn and Cospatric, with many other great men of Northumberland, fearing the Conqueror’s severity, when many fled from the country, went off to Scotland, with Edgar, son of 64 THE SCALACRONICA. Edward, son of Edmond Ironside, and his mother Agatha, with her two daughters, Margaret and Christiane, in a ship from the Humber. Margaret was married to King Malcolm of Scotland. King William the Conqueror gave Northumberland to Robert Comyn, who entered the Bishopric of Durham, took the city by force, and allowed his men to commit what ravine they pleased. The Northumbrians, who preferred to have another Lord, attacked him in Durham and killed him and his men in the Bishop’s palace, where he had been honourably received. King Malcolm of Scotland entered England through Cum- berland, and devastated Cleveland and the Bishopric of Durham, where his men burnt the church of Wearmouth and other churches and destroyed everything that was in them. Edgar, son of Edward, son of Edmond Ironside, arrived with his men in the same port of the Wear while Malcolm was there, who received them with honour and granted them his peace and a reception into his land. At the same time Cospatrik, Earl of Northumber- land, with an army entered Cumberland, which at that time was under the lordship of King Malcolm, took entire possession of it, and carried off great booty into Northumberland. Wherefore King Malcolm commanded his men not to spare any of the English ; and from that time forward they spared neither women nor children, nor even the little suckling. After taking such a revenge, he marched back into Scotland. He led with him into Scotland so many captive prisoners that there was hardly a house in the country which had not either an English man or woman in servitude. In the thirteenth year of his reign William the Con- queror marched with a great army by land and sea into Scotland, where he caused great destruction, until Malcolm the King made peace with him at Abernethy and did him homage. Malcolm, the King of Scotland, began to wage war again, and devastated Northumberland. In the following year William the Conqueror sent his son Robert into Scotland, where he caused great destruction, and on his return founded Newcastle-upon- Tyne. In the month of May, 1088, Malcolm, the King of Scotland, laid Northumberland waste; on account of which King William Rufus, with his brother Robert, Duke of Normandy, marched with a large army into Scotland, where there was great cold, and THe SCALACRONICA. 65 a famine arose in their army. Malcolm, who had Edgar the Atheling with him, came with an army into Lownays, where Robert, Duke of Normandy, recalled Edgar to himself; and by his aid the two Kings were reconciled, on condition that Malcolm should obey William as he had before obeyed his father, and that he should hold the possessions in England which he had held, paying 12 marks of gold annually. And Edgar also was reconciled with the King. The chronicles of Scotland relate that it was revealed to this King Malcolm that one of the great lords of his realm, with the assent of the other great men, was plotting to destroy him with poison. He summoned the man who was accused and many of the other great men to go a hunting with him. When they were come King Malcolm assigned them their watches, retaining with himself only the one who had been accused. When they were separated from all the men in the wood, the King said to him :—“ Traitor, confess now your felony like a knight, for in your heart you meant at another time to be my murderer ; but as your plot is known, I am prepared to defend myself.’’ The man fell at the King‘s feet, and gave such pledges to assure his good behaviour as the King required. On his departure from Scotland King William the Red rebuilt the Castle of Carlisle, which the Danes had destroyed 200 years then past. At that time the new Church of Durham was begun. King Malcolm of Scotland, the Bishop William Garleff, and the Prior Turgot laid the first stone thereof. At this time King Malcolm of Scotland and his son Edward were killed at Alnwick by treachery, as it is asserted. The Con- stable of the Castle, pretending to surrender it, came armed on horseback, with the keys hanging from the point of his lance, and, making a pretence of handing them over to King Malcolm, he struck him to the heart dead. Some of his men killed the King’s son. In this affray all who had come to lay Northumberland waste were routed. Many of the men were drowned in the Alne on St. Brice’s Day (13th November) by a sudden flood caused by the rain. Malcolm was buried at Tynemouth. Queen Mar- garet, his wife, died of grief the third day after she had received the news in the Castle of Edinburgh, where she was_ being besieged by her Lord’s brother Donald, who wished to have her for wife as soon as he heard of his brother’s death. Before she 66 THE SCALACRONICA. died she commanded that her body should be carried boldly to Dunfermelyn, and that they should have no fear of the enemy. According to her directions they carried her through the gate of the Castle towards the west, and were not perceived on account of a very thick mist which came over. Queen Margaret’s mother Agatha and her sister Christiane became nuns at Newcastle-upon- Tyne. This King Malcolm came to King William Rufus at Glou- cester in order to obtain peace. Upon the march a dispute broke out between their subjects. On this account King William re- fused to come to terms unless Malcolm would consent to be judged in his court only. As he would not agree to this the war began again, in which he was killed. The Scots made Malcolm’s brother Donald their king, and drove out the English, who had been with Malcolm. Malcolm’s son Duncan, who was with King William, asked him for aid and swore allegiance to him. He then went into Scotland with a large army of English and Normans, who nearly all perished there, and he himself escaped with difficulty. But nevertheless the Scots afterwards received him as their king, on condition that he would not bring any English or Normans in again. But in the following year they killed him and chose Donald again to be their king. King William sent Edgar, the son of Edward, the son of Edmond Ironside, into Scotland, with a large army to place his nephew Edgar, the son of Malcolm, in the realm which his uncle Donald had seized. In the time of William Rufus, the King of Norway, who was the son of Holain the Great, was killed with an arrow, after he had conquered the isles of Orkney and was preparing to subdue others. He was buried at sea. The chronicles of Scotland assert that the isles of Scotland ought rightly to be possessed by the King of Norway as they belong to his realm. In the year after King Henry Beauclere was crowned he mar- ried the beautiful maid Maude, daughter of Margaret, the Queen of Scotland ; and Archbishop Anslem married them. This marriage of Henry and Maude was the remedy for, and, as the chronicles assert, the removal of the predestined evil, which the two holy men foretold to St. Edward, during his exile in Normandy. They said that there would not be a remedy for the adversities THE SCALACRONICA. 67 which would befall the people of England on account of their sins and the treason of the great prelates and others, until the green tree which was cut from the trunk and removed the space of three acres, returned to its trunk without any help, recovered moisture, rejoined it at the root, and bore fruit. Then a remedy for these evils was to be expected. The chronicles suppose that the tree was cut down and severed from the root by the space of three acres, when the realm was dissevered from the right royal line by the space of the reigns of three kings, to whom it did not belong, that is to say, after St. Edward—Harold, William the Conqueror, and his son William Rufus ; until Henry the First, of his free will brought back the tree which had been cut from the trunk when he married Maude, daughter of St. Margaret, of the right root and of the royal seed, which bore fruit. King Henry assembled before him all the great Lords of England and made them take the oath of fealty to his daughter, the Empress Maude. William, Archbishop of Canterbury, was the first to take the oath; then David, King of Scotland, to whom he had given the Earldom of Huntingdon ; and afterwards all the Earls and Barons of the land swore fealty to the Empress and her heirs. After the death of Edgar, King of Scotland, his brother ‘Alexander reigned. King Stephen in the first year of his reign gathered a large army and marched towards Scotland to wage war with King David. But David came to meet the King in peace and goodwill and made an agreement with him. But he did not do him homage, because he had done it to the Empress. How- ever, his son did him homage. King Stephen gave to David King of Scotland the castles of Cardoil (Carlisle) and New- castle at their first agreement, when they made peace. David had seized these in the time of this war. The town of Hunting- don and the Earldom which were the gift of King Henry were confirmed to him. King Stephen marched with an army to Scotland, because David the King was inclined to keep the oath which he had taken to his cousin the Empress, and had com- manded his men to help her. They acted with great cruelty to King Stephen’s adherents, killed even the small sucklings, be- headed priests, and put their heads upon the heads of the crucifixes. Therefore King Stephen laid waste the March of 68 THE SCALACRONICA. Scotland, and then returned to England, because Robert Earl of Gloucester and other great men had risen against him. At this time David, King of Scotland, entered England with a large army. But the Earl of Aumarell with the Northmen defeated him near Allerton, through the preaching of Thurstan, Archbishop of York, who reminded them of the powers of their ancestors, and exhorted them to fight for their country. It is said that the Scots were routed there on account of the noise made by pots under ground. After this King Stephen entered Scotland the same year and laid the country waste, until they were again recon- ciled. In order to feel sure of King David’s fidelity King Stephen made David’s son Henry, Earl of Northumberland, who also married the Countess, the widow of William Earl of Warenne and came into England with the King as a knight. Soon after Henry, the son of the Empress, went to King David and was made a knight by him at Carlisle. Henry Earl of Northumberland, son of David, died soon after this, and in the following year David died. Malcolm, the son of Henry, Earl of Northumberland, reigned after him in Scotland. In the fourth year of the reign of Henry, the son of the Empress, the King of Scotland, surrendered to him whatever he held of his domain, that is to say, the city of Carlisle, the Castle of Bamborough, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, and the town of Lan- caster. Huntingdon alone was confirmed to him. Malcolm King of Scotland, son of Henry, Earl of Northumberland, did homage to Henry, son of the Empress, at Chester, in the same way as his grandfather David had done (to Henry I.). At the same time King Henry built the Castle of Werk. When Henry crossed the sea to put down the rebellion which his son Geoffrey had excited, Malcolm crossed with him, and at the siege of Toulouse he re- ceived knighthood from King Henry’s hands. When Malcolm returned home six of his Earls of Scotland tried to attack him in the city of St. John (Perth), because he was so firm an adherent of the English. But they failed in their attempt. This Malcolm waged war three times with a large army against the Gallowegians, and at last compelled them to submit to his dominion. Malcolm gave his sister Margaret in marriage to Conan, Count of Little © Britain and Lord of Richemound, whose daughter Geoffrey the son of Henry II. had married. Malcolm gave his other sister THE SCALACRONICA. 69 in marriage to Adam, Earl of Warenne, and this was the reason that afterwards his heir, Florens, claimed the succession to the Crown of Scotland after the death of Alexander. Therefore John de Balliol gave him a large sum of money to resign his claim of right. In the time of this King Malcolm the bishops of Scot- land were dissevered from the rule and metropolitanship of the Archbishop of York, and none of them ever after obeyed him save the Bishop of Galloway alone. While Henry II. was in Normandy engaged in war with France and his own sons, William, King of Scotland, entered England with a great many soldiers from Flanders, and having captured the Castles of Appleby and Burgh, besieged Carlisle. The citizens told him that they would surrender the city on a certain day, unless they were relieved by a battle. King William removed thence to the Castle of Prodhow and captured it; and then he went and besieged Alnwick. The Barons of the County of York, who were indignant that the Scots should have made such a rebellion, mustered at Newcastle, the leaders being Robert de Stoteville, Randulf de Granville, Bernard de Balliol, from whom Bernard Castle derives its name, William de Vescy, with a few other men of regard. They started off to encounter William, who felt himself secure against all the English, on account of the King’s absence. Therefore he had sent away his men to ravage the country. The Englishmen fell upon him at the dawn of day, which happened to be misty ; and they took him prisoner. They cut down and routed the others, who, on returning, thought that they were some of their own men. This fight took place July 14th, in the year of grace 1178. The said Lords returned to Newcastle the same night, and took King William to London to King Henry, who had come back from Normandy. He soon returned thither, and took King William with him, and put him in prison at Rouen, where he also put the Earl of Leicester and others whom he had arrested for their ill- behaviour. Some of the Bishops and Lords of Scotland, and especially the Bishops of St. Andrews and Dunkeldin, crossed the sea into Normandy to treat for their King’s deliverance. They made an agreement with Henry, who went back to England soon after, where at York King William was set free for a ransom of £40,000. Here he did homage to King Henry, and the 70 THE SCALACRONICA. Bishops and Earls of Scotland surrendered to him the sovereign lordship over Scotland by their letters. This was confirmed by Pope Gregory’s Bull. The others, who were not indefatigable for the deliverance of their King and were not there, did not agree to this. Wherefore he took with him into Scotland many of the younger sons of the Lords of England, who bore him goodwill; and to them he gave the lands of those who were rebellious against him. They were those of the Balliols, Bruyses, Soulis, Mowbrays, Saynclers, Hayes, Giffards, Ramesays, Laundels, Biseys, Berk- leys, Valenges, Boyses, Mountgomeries, Vaus, Colebyles, Frysers, Grames, Gourlays, and several others. On his return to Scotland King William founded the Abbey of Abirbrothocke in honour of St. Thomas of Canterbury. William gave to Henry several of the great Lords of Scotland, Earls and Barons, as hostages ; also the Castles of Edynburgh, Roxburgh, and Berewik. Henry then entrusted the Castle of Edinburgh to the said William, and gave him his cousin Ermengarde to wife. This Queen founded the Abbey of Balmorinagh. William came ta the Parliament at Northampton, and then went with the King to Normandy. — Richard, the son of Henry, the son of the Empress, was crowned at Westminster by Baldwin, Archbishop of Canter- bury, on the 30th August, in the year of the Incarnation, 1190. King William of Scotland was present and did homage to King Richard. He sold to King William the Castles of Berewik and Roxburghe, which had been handed to his father as sureties, as well as the banks of the water of Twede. After Richard’s return from the Crusade he was crowned over again at Winchester, where William, King of Scotland, was present. At the same time William’s brother David, Earl of Huntingdon, took to wife the daughter of Hugh, Earl of Chester. King John met King William of Scotland at Lincoln, where after a long negotiation the said William did him homage in the sight of the people, and swore to be faithful and loyal upon the cross of Hubert, Archbishop of Canterbury, in the presence of Roger Bigod, Earl of Norfolk. King John marched with an army to Berewik, and determined to build a castle again on the other side of the Twede; but William made peace with him after beginning a rebellion. For this he gave hostages. After his father’s death Alexander, the son of King William, THE SCALACRONICA. 71 did great injury to King John, from whom he had received the order of knighthood. He resieged the Castle of Mitford and then that of Norham, received homage from many great Lords of Northumberland and the County of York, and they handed over to him territory belonging to John, who for this laid waste their lands. | When John had returned the Castle of Morpeth was thrown down and all Lownes and the March of Scotland devastated with fire. King Alexander besieged Car- lisle and took it with the Castle; whence he marched with a large army as far as Dover to meet Louis, the son of the King of France, in accordance with a treaty previously made. They did not meet then; but they did afterwards elsewhere. For Louis went to him, and Alexander, like the others, did him homage (as King of England). Therefore his lands incurred the sentence of the (Pope’s) Interdict, as those of the others did, who rebelled against King John. It was pronounced upon him by Gawlo, the Pope’s Legate, who supported John, because he was his vassal. In the year of our Lord, 1221, Alexander, King of Scotland, married Joan, daughter of King John of England, at York. The same year Margaret, daughter of King William of Scotland, was given in marriage to Sire Hubert de Burgh, with the common assent of both the realms. In the year of our Lord, 1228, Joan, the wife of King Alexander, died. On Whitsunday the said Alexander took another wife at Roxburgh, who came from over the sea, descended from the Coucys. Her name was Mary; and by her he begat a son, who was also named Alexander. This Alexander married Margaret, the first daughter of King Henry III., at Newcastle-upon-Tyne. Henry had come thither with a large army to wage war with Alexander, the father. But he came to Henry at Newcastle with a safe conduct ; and there they made peace and formed an alliance by the marriage of their children, who at that time were not more than four years of age. Alexander, the father, died soon after, as he was going to the Isle of Kerrara, near Oban. He was brought to Melrose and buried there. His son Alexander was crowned, in the manner of his country, at the age of eight years. He begot by his wife Mar- garet, daughter of King Henry of England, two sons, Alexander and David, who both died before their father. He also had by the said Margaret a daughter, also named Margaret, who after- te THE SCALACRONICA. wards became (Jueen of Norway. This Queen of Norway had by her Lord only one daughter, whose name was also Margaret, of whom mention will be made again hereafter. John, son of David of Scotland, begotten of the sister of Randulf, Earl of Chester, married the daughter of Llewellyn, Prince of Wales; thus putting an end to the war between the said Prince and the said Earl Randulf. This Earl, after returning from the Holy Land, died without an heir of his body. The Earldom of Chester went to his nephew, John of Scotland, which John, son of David Earl of Huntingdon and Gernyagh, died without an heir of his body. Wherefore the Earldom of Chester came into the King’s hand ; but he presented the household only to the sisters of the said John, because such a royalty ought not to be divided among women. The issue of these sisters is mentioned hereafter. In the year of grace 1274 Edward, the son of Henry, and his wife Eleanor, were crowned and anointed at Westminster by Friar Robert of Kilwardby, Archbishop of Canterbury, on the Assump- tion of our Lady (18 August). King Alexander of Scotland and the Duke of Britany were there, and both their wives, who were sisters of the said Edward, were there, as was also the Queen- mother. They with all the other Earls of England were clothed in garments of gold and silk, with great troops of knights, who, at their dismounting allowed their horses to go, to be taken by any one who wished, in honour of the coronation. Alexander, King of Scotland did him homage at this time, and returned to his own country, where soon after his wife Margaret, Edward’s sister, ‘died. They had two sons, Edward and David, and a daughter Margaret, who was then Queen of Norway. The two sons died at the age of 20 years, in their father’s life-time. King Alexander took to wife the daughter of the Count of Flanders, after the death of King Edward’s sister. But of her he had no issue. King Alexander was going one night on horseback to his wife aforesaid. He fell from his palfrey near Kinghorn, and broke his neck to the great disadvantage of the two realms. His sons were dead, and he had no issue, except the daughter of his daughter, Margaret Queen of Norway. The Lords of Scotland, the Bishops, Earls, and Barons, and the Commons foresaw a struggle of long continuance from dispute for the realm. They sent to King Edward in Gascony, requesting him to arrange that his THE SCALACRONICA. ie eldest son, Edward of Carnarvon, should take to wife Margaret, the daughter of Margaret, Queen of Norway, the daughter of the said Alexander, who had broken his neck. This they did in order to secure peace. To this the Councils of the two realms agreed in such wise that Edward of Carnarvon should dwell in Scotland during his father’s life-time, and that after his death he should always dwell one year in the one realm and the next year in the other realm, and that he should leave his officers and ministers of the one realm at the entry of the marches of the other, so that all his Council might be of that nation in whose realm he should be dwelling at the time. The King, on coming home, gave his assent to this, and sent to the Court of Rome for a Dispensation, and envoys to Norway to fetch the said Margaret. One of the envoys was a clergyman of Scotland, Master Weland, who perished with the maid in returning to Scotland upon the coast of Buchan. While King Edward was at Ghent, honourable envoys came to him from the Commons of Scotland and from the Bishops, Earls, and Barons, who certified that Margaret, the daughter of the Queen of Norway, who was the daughter of their King Alexander, had perished on the sea, in coming to Scotland ; and they prayed him of his seignory to be willing to intervene, for the quiet of the country, to see that they had for their King him who had the right to be so. For they said they were afraid on the one hand of a great dispute between divers lords, the most power- ful in the realm, who claimed the succession ; and on the other, of divers riots, which had commenced in the country ; for each lord made himself, as it were, king in his own part of the country. The King replied to them by letter that he was coming into his realm and would march to the Border and there deliberate on their request. And it is well known that according to the chronicles of Scotland there never had been such a difficulty as to who should be their King of the right line. The line was not expected to fail, considering that there had been three kings in succession, each one the son of the preceding. I do you to wit that there was no war between the two realms for 80 years, before that which was commenced by John of Balliol. Because there was no issue of the two Kings Alex- ander, it was agreed to return to the issue of David Earl of Huntingdon, the brother of William, King of Scotland and son of 74 THE SCALACRONICA. King David. This David had a son John, who died without issue, and three daughters. The first was Margaret, who married Alayn, Lord of Galloway; the second was Isabella, who married Peris de Bruys ; the third Ada was the wife of John de Hastings. Of Margaret, the first daughter, there was no issue, except a daughter named Devorgul, who was married to John de Balliol. Of Isabella, the second daughter of Earl David of Huntingdon, wife of Peris de Bruys, was born Robert de Bruys the eldest. Of Ada, the third daughter of the said Earl David, wife of John de Hastings, was born John de Hastings. Hereupon there arose a great dispute as to who should be king, each one declaring that his own claim was the best. Therefore, with general assent, the Bishops, Earls, and Barons, with the Commons, sent to King Edward of England in the manner aforesaid. About this time the bridge of Berwick over the water of Tweed fell from a great flood of water, because the arches were too low. This bridge lasted only nine years after it was constructed. When King Edward, the first of that name after the Conquest, had performed what he had to do in Flanders in the manner aforesaid, he returned to England. ‘Then he set out to the March of Scotland, where he issued a summons for a Parliament at Norham. All the great men of Scotland came to it, begging him as their sovereign lord to hold an enquiry as to who of right should be their king. He declined to interfere, unless they surrendered to him, as their sovereign, all the fortresses of Scotland. This was done, and he put his ministers and officers into them. This sovereignty all the great men of Scotland recognised by overt declaration ; and all of those who claimed a right to the realm of Scotland put themselves entirely under his arbitration. To this they all put their seals in affirmation of the thing spoken. The Parliament at Norham was held after Easter in the year of grace 1291. The matter was deferred until the feast of St. John (24th June), in the same year ; and whoever claimed the right to Scotland was to come to Ber- wick on the said day, and they would receive a rightful judgment. King Edward marched to the south, where in the meantime he sent round to the Universities of Christendom by honourable envoys to learn the opinions and decisions on this matter of all the men skilled in the civil and canon law. The King returned on the day which had been named All the great men of the two ifs THE SCALACRONICA. 75 realms were assembled there by summons. Many came to claim the right to the realm of Scotland for divers reasons, to wit, Florens Earl of Holland, John de Balliol, Robert de Bruys, John de Hastings, John de Cumyn, Patrick Earl of Marche, John de Vescy, Nicholas de Soulis, William de Ros, and Patrick Golightly. All these laid claim before King Edward in divers challenges by petition. Therefore the King ordered that 20 persons of England of the most importance and the 20 most im- portant and prudent persons of Scotland by general election should try their challenges. These were elected, tried, and sworn, and had the time until St. Michael’s Day (29th September) next ensuing to study the case. King Edward returned to Eng- land, but came back to Berwick by St. Michael’s day, when, in the church of the Trinity, the right of succession to the realm of Scotland was decided to be solely in the issue of the three daugh- ters of Earl David of Huntingdon, who was King William’s brother. The others were non-suited. But there was a great difficulty in regard to the issue of the two elder daughters of the said Earl David, that is, to wit, between John de Balliol, who was the son of the daughter of Margaret, the eldest daughter of the said Earl and the eldest Robert de Bruys, who was the son of Isabel, the second daughter of the said David, Earl of Hunting- don. Between these there was a great plea. The claim of John de Hastings, the issue of the youngest daughter, failed entirely. Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester, stoutly maintained the claim of Robert de Bruys, because the latter had married his daughter. The Earl de Warenne and Antony, Bishop of Dur- ham, took the side of John de Balliol. His pleaders and advo- cates said for Robert de Bruys that he was the nearest heir male, because he was the son of Isabele, the daughter of Earl David, one degree nearer the said Earl than John de Balliol, who was the son of Devorgula, the daughter of Margaret, who was the said Earl’s daughter and the wife of Alayn of Galloway. Wherefore as the nearest heir he demanded the royal right. The supporters of John de Balliol said that since his mother could not reign, he demanded the right in succession to his ancestors lineally, as rightful heir descendant, according as the law decides, to which they had agreed and were obliged and bound. So it was decided by the 40 persons of both realms upon their oath that the right 76 THE SCALACRONICA. belonged to John de Balliol, as the issue of the eldest daughter of Earl David of Huntingdon. In accordance with the delivery of this verdict, King Edward awarded the right to the realm to John de Balliol ; and in the presence of the said King all the great men of Scotland recognised the said John de Balliol with oath and homage, except the claimant, the eldest Robert de Bruys, who in the presence of King Edward declined to do him homage. He surrendered the land which he held in Scotland, the Vale of Anand, to his son the second Robert, who was the son of the daughter of the Earl of Gloucester. This Robert was no more willing to acknowledge John de Balliol than his father was. So he said to his son, the third Robert, who was the son of the daughter of the Earl of Carrick, and his heir, and was afterwards King of Scotland: “Take thou our land in Scotland, if thou likest, for we will never become his men.’’ ‘This third Robert, who at that time was a young page of the chamber to King Edward, did homage to John de Balliol. This John was crowned at Scone, in the manner of the country, on St. Andrew’s day (30 Nov.), the year of grace 1292. He had three sisters—Margaret, the Lady of Gillisland ; the second was Lady of Counsy ; the third was the wife of John Comyn, the father of him who was killed by Robert de Bruys at Dumfries. The said John de Balliol had only one son, whose name was Edward. At the next Christmas after his coronation John came to Newcastle-upon-Tyne and did royal homage to King Edward the First after the Conquest, for the realm of Scotland; and he was put in possession of all the fiefs of Scotland that were in the King of England’s hands. Soon after this an appeal of a gentleman of Scotland to the Court of the King of England was commenced, because, as it seemed to him, he could not obtain justice in the court of the King of Scot- land from one of his neighbours. | Wherefore King John of Scotland was summoned by a writ of the King of England to grant justice to the said man. The Council of Scotland was sore troubled by this. At the same time a war broke out between the King of England and the King of France, which was begun by the men of Bayonne and the Cinq Ports against the mariners of St. Mahu and the ships of Normandy. Wherefore the Council of Scotland ordained that four Bishops, four Earls, and four Barons should rule the land of Scotland. By their advice it was decided "‘LHE SCALACRONICA. 77 to rebel against the King of England. So they sent John de Soulis and other envoys to the King of France to make an alliance with him against the King of England. The King of England not being at all sure of the Scots sent the Bishop Antony of Durham to treat with them. At this negotiation at Jedburgh in the melee of combat in the small tournament one of the Bishop of Durham’s cousins, whose surname was Buscy, was killed. The Bishop of Durham on behalf of the King of England demanded of the Scots four castles, Berwick, Roxburgh, Edin- burgh, and Stryvelin (Stirling), to be held as pledges, in order that he might be able to feel sure of them during the war with France. Upon this he presented the King’s writ summoning their King to appear personally in Lent at the Parliament of the King of England at Newcastle-upon-Tyne. To this place at the said time the King of Scotland did not come, nor did anyone come for him. Thereupon King Edward started for Scotland with a large army, and kept the feast of Easter at Wark. Robert de Ros, who was Lord of the Castle, had deserted the service of the King of England within the third day of the King’s coming and had left the castle empty. Then he went to Senewar (Sanquhar), a small castle which he had in Scotland, all for a lady, whom he loved, Christiane de Moubray, who afterwards would not deign to have him. At this time seven Earls of Scotland, Buchan, Menteith, Strathearn, Lennox, Ross, Athol and Mar, with John Comyn and several other barons, entered England with an army. They spared nothing, burned the suburb of Carlisle and besieged the castle. On hearing this, King Edward marched to Berwick. The day after his arrival, as the King was sitting in his tent at dinner, the sailors of one of his victualling ships disembarked by mistake beyond the town in the land of Scotland. At this time the town was not walled, but surrounded by a fosse. The commons of the town ran to the ship, set it on fire, and cut down the men. The King hastened to his army. The young men seized their arms, put spurs to their horses, and climbed fiercely over the fosse, all on horseback. Where the men of the town had made a path along the fosse the men on horseback entered in haste whoever could get there soonest. There they slew a great number of the commons of Fyffe and Foritherik, who were the garrison of the town. The same night King Edward captured the 78 THE SCALACRONICA. town, castle and all, and there made his abode. While he was there a Minor Friar, warden of the Friars of Roxburgh, came to him from King John, bringing a letter from him, in which he re- nounced his homage. ‘This had been published by the King and Commons of Scotland. This letter King Edward received and had it legally registered. At the same time the aforesaid Earls of Scotland re-entered England and burned the Priory of Hexham and did great injury to the country. The Earl of March, Patrick with the black beard, who alone of all the lords of Scotland remained in obedience to the King of England and was with him at the capture of Berwick, came to him to announce that his wife had found her relations, the enemies of England, in his Castle of Dunbar, who had imprisoned the King’s ministers and were holding the castle against him. He prayed the King’s aid and proposed to go the same night. The King entrusted to him the Earls of Warenne and Warwick with great supplies by sea and land, and before sunrise he began to besiege the Castle of Dunbar. The Lords of Scotland, who were assembled, heard of the siege, and marched to the place. In the morning they arrived at Spont, between which place and Dunbar they fought with the said English besiegers and were defeated. This was the first battle of that war. In the castle were captured the Earls of Menteith, Athole and Ross, and seven Barons, John Comyn the younger, William de St. Clere, Richard Syward the elder, John de Inchmartine, Alexander de Murray, Edmond Comyn of Kilbride, with 29 knights, and 80 esquires. They were sent to prison in various parts of England. - The King of Scotland then sent to the King for peace, put himself into his grace, and surrendered to him with his son Edward, whom he offered as a hostage for his good behaviour. Both of them were taken and sent to London, being forbidden to pass beyond 20 leagues around the city. King Edward took all the castles of Scotland and rode through the land until he came to Stokforth, and he invested his ministers. On his return he ordered that the stone, upon which the Kings of Scotland were wont to be seated at the beginning of their reign, should be carried from the Abbey of Scone. He ordered it to be conveyed to London to be the seat of the priest at the high altar at Westminster. The King sum- moned his Parliament to meet at Berwick, where he received THE SCALACRONICA. 79 homage from all the great men of Scotland, to which he had their seals pendent, in perpetual commemoration. ‘Thence he returned to England, where, at the Abbey of Westminsier, he entrusted the wardenship of Scotland to the Earl of Warenne and gave him a seal for the government thereof, and said to him, joking: “ Good business makes one free oneself of dirt.’’ He also appointed Hugh de Cressingham his chamberlain for Scotland and William de Ormesby his justiciary ; and commanded that all men above 15 years of age in Scotland should pay them homage, and that their names should be enrolled, the clerks taking a penny from each one; whereby they became rich men. The King also ordered that all the Lords of Scotland should remain beyond Trent as long as his war with France lasted. In this year of grace 1297 he took for each sack of English and Scotch wool a half mark sterling, whereas before they paid only fourpence. | Wherefore it was called “the bad toll.’’ The King set out for Gascony. At this time in the month of May William Walays was chosen by the Commons of Scotland to be their chieftain to wage war with the English. As a beginning he killed William de Hasilrig at Lanark, who was Sheriff of Clydesdale for the King of England. The said William Walays marched upon the said Sheriff and sur- prised him. Here Thomas de Gray, who was in the company of the said Sheriff, was left stript for dead, as if killed in the struggle when the English defended themselves. The said Thomas lay all , night stript between two burning houses, which the Scots had set on fire, the heat from which saved his life. At the dawn of day he was recognised and carried off by William de Loundy, who had him tended. The next year William Walays laid the whole of Northumberland waste. The Earl of Warenne, who had charge of Scotland for the King of England, was in the south. He set out for Scotland, where he was defeated by William Walays, who was in battle array near the bridge of Stryvelin. He allowed as many of the English as he pleased to pass over the said bridge, and at the right moment he ran upon them, and caused the bridge to be broken down. There many of the English were killed, including Hugh de Cressingham, the King’s treasurer. It was said that the Scots had him skinned, and in their revenge made straps of his skin. The Earl of Warenne retreated to Berwick. William Walays, to whom the Scots gathered immediately after 80 THE SCALACRONICA. this defeat, followed the Earl with a large army and found him in battle array at Hotoun Moor. When he saw that the English were prepared for a battle with him he did not come near Berwick, but retreated and encamped in the park of Duns. At the approach of William Walays, the Earl of Warenne departed from Berwick and left the town empty. He went to the King’s son, the Prince of Wales, for the King was in Gascony. On receiving this news the King set out for England. The Bishop of Glasgow and William, the Lord of Douglas, came to excuse themselves on the arrival of the Earl of Warenne, saying that they were not consenting to the rebellion of William Walays, though they were serving with him before. Therefore the Earl of Warenne put them in prison, the Bishop in the Castle of Roxburgh and William de Douglas in the Castle of Berwick, where he died of chagrin. When William Walays had ascertained the departure of the Earl of Warenne, he sent Henry de Haliburton, knight, to” seize Berwick, and ordered others with a great array to besiege Robert de Hastings in the Castle of Roxburgh. Roger Fitz-Roger, who at that time was Lord of Warkworth, with John Fitz-marmaduke and other Barons of the counties of Northumberland and Carlisle, assembled rapidly and set out for Roxburgh. They rushed upon the Scots secretly, and before they perceived the English were upon them, the latter killed the engineers as they were holding the clikes of the engines in hand, to try to shoot into the Castle. Therefore they were put to rout and many of them were killed. When Henry de Haliburton and the others who were at Berwick heard of this defeat they departed at once and left the said town void. The English lords recovered the town of Berwick and held it until the arrival of the King, who, returning from Gascony, went to Scotland with a great array. He entered it by Roxburgh, marched to Temple Liston and Linlithgow, and thence to Stryvelin. There he met William Walays, who had collected all the power of Scotland and prepared to fight the King. They fought near Falkirk on the day of the Magdalene (22nd July), in the year of grace 1298, and the Scots were defeated. | Wherefore it was said a long time after that William Walays had brought them to the ring, dance if they wished. Walter the Friar, the Steward of Scotland, who fought among the Commons on foot, was killed, with more than 10,000 of the Commons. William OE THE SCALACRONICA. 81 Walays, who was on horseback, fled with the other lords of Scot- land who were there. Antony de Bek, the Bishop of Durham, was with King Edward, and had such a crowd of retainers that in his brigade were 32 banners, with the three Earls of Warwick, Oxford, and Angus. At this time the city of St. Andrews was destroyed. The King having reinstated his officials in Scotland, returned to England, where he visited the holy places in pilgrim- age and thanked God for his victory, as was customary after such affairs. In the following year, the year of grace 1299, legates came from the Court of Rome, on the day of the translation of St. Thomas (7 July), to King Edward at Canterbury, praying and exhorting the King to leave John de Balliol, formerly King of Scotland, in the guard of the Holy Father, since he had appealed to his favour. The King granted the request on condition that he would not enter Scotland. This was promised, and the said John was set free, and betook himself to the land of Balliol, his heri- tage in Picardy, where he remained all the rest of his life. In the following year a letter came from Pope Boniface, by the pro- curement and information of those of Scotland, with all the evidence they could devise, purporting that the land of Scotland was a possession of the Court of Rome and that it had been in- vaded to the disinheritance of the Roman legates. He begged and warned the King to remove his hand from it. The King summoned a general Parliament to meet at Lincoln, where it was declared that by all laws, imperial, civil, canon, and regal, and by the custom of the law of Britain in all times since that of Brute, the sovereignty over Scotland belonged to the royalty of England. This was announced to the Pope. King Edward had marched into Scotland and besieged and taken the Castle of Carlaverock. After this siege William Walays was captured by John de Men- tethe near Glasgow and taken to the King, who had him drawn and hanged in London. ‘The King enclosed the town of Berwick with a wall of stone and then returned to England, leaving John de Segrave to be Warden of Scotland. The Scots began to rebel again against King Edward and established John de Comyn as their Warden and the leader of their rebellion. At this time great conflicts occurred on the Marches, chiefly in Tevydale, on account of the Castle of Roxburgh, between the Scots, Ingram de Umfra- ville, and Robert de Kethe, and the English Warden of the said 82 THE SCALACRONICA. castle, Robert de Hastings. John de Segrave, the Warden of Scotland on behalf of King Edward marched with an army into Scotland, with many great men of the English Marches and with Patrick, Earl of March, who was an adherent of the English King. He came to Rosslyn and encamped in the manor with his army around him. But his advanced guard was encamped in a village some distance off. John Comyn, with his adherents, marched upon the said John de Segrave in the night and defeated him. His advanced guard, which was incamped in a place far from him, heard nothing of his defeat, and thinking to do their duty came in the morning to the place, where in the evening they had left their leader. They were found and defeated by the force of Scots, and Ralph the cofferer was killed there. On receiving this news King Edward started for Scotland the same year, and at his first entry encamped at Dryburgh. Hugh de Audley, with 60 men at arms, could not easily encamp near the King, so they went to Melrose, and encamped in the Abbey. John Comyn, the Warden of Scotland, had entered the forest of Ettrick, with a great company of men at arms. He perceived the encampment of the said Hugh in the manor of Melrose, marched upon it and broke in the watch. The said English within the Abbey immedi- ately arranged themselves, and mounting their horses made those within the court open the gates. The Scots entered on horse- back, knocked the English who were there to the ground, and took or killed them all. Thomas Gray, knight, after he was thrown over, defended the houses outside the gate, holding it in hope of rescue, until the house began to be burnt over his head. He was captured with the others. King Edward advanced and kept the feast of Christmas at Linlithgu. He then rode through the whole land of Scotland and went to Dunfermelyn. When John Comyn perceived that he could no longer hold out against the King of England’s force he submitted to the King’s grace, upon condition that he and all his adherents should recover their rightful possessions and should again become his liegemen. Upon this the new instruments were publicly notified. John de Soulis would not agree to these conditions, but left Scotland and_ went to France, where he died. William Olifart, a young knight bachelor of Scotland, fortified the Castle of Stryvelin and did not deign to agree with THE SCALACRONICA. 83 John Comyn’s conditions, but he claimed to hold it of the Lion. King Edward, who had the allegiance of all the men of Scotland and possession of their estates, presented himself before the Castle of Stryvelin and besieged it, assailing it with divers engines. He took it by force after a siege of 19 weeks. At this siege Thomas de Gray, knight, was struck on the head below the eyes by a bolt from a cross-bow. He was laid upon the ground as dead under the barriers of the castle. He had rescued his master, Henry de Beaumont, who had been taken at the said barriers by an ambuscade, and was being carried within the barriers when the said Thomas rescued him from the danger. The said Thomas was being carried off, the soldiers being drawn up to celebrate his funeral, but at this point he began to stir and look at them. He afterwards recovered. The King sent William Olyfart, the warden of the castle, to prison in London, and at the conclusion of the siege he gave the knights in his army a joust before their departure. He placed his officers all over Scotland, and then marched into England, leaving Eymer de Valoyns, Earl of Pembroke, to be Warden of Scotland. The said Eymer fortified a peel at Selkirk and placed a large garrison in it. Robert de Bruys, Earl of Carrick, who had strengthened himself with men of blood and trust, and had confident hope in the success of his claim of right to the succession to the realm of Scotland, in the year of grace 1306, January 29th, sent his two brothers, Thomas and Neil, from Loghmaben to John Comyn at Dalswentoun, begging him to meet him in Dromfres at the Minor Friars, so that they might be able to hold a conference. He made an arrangement with his two aforesaid brothers that they should kill the said John Comyn on the journey. They were re- ceived by John Comyn in such a friendly manner that they could not assent to do him any injury ; but they agreed that their brother himself might do his best. John Comyn, thinking no ill, pre- sented himself with the two brothers of Robert de Bruys at Drom- fres to speak with him. He came to the Friars, where he found the said Robert, who came to meet him and led him to the High Altar. The two brothers of the said Robert said to him privately :—“ Sir, he gave us so handsome a reception and such great gifts, and by his open countenance he was so sure of us 84 THE SCALACRONICA. that we can do him harm in no way.’’ “See,’’ said he, “the result will be well. Leave me to arrange.’’ He took the said John Comyn, and they appeared at the Altar. “Sir,”’ said Robert de Bruys, “this land of Scotland is placed entirely in servitude to the English through the remissness of the leader, who allows his right and the freedom of the realm to be lost. Choose one of two courses. Either take my heritage and help me to become king, or pledge me yours, if I help you to become king, since you are of his blood who has lost the throne. I hoped to leave it in succession to my ancestors who claimed the right to possess it; but they were defeated by yours. Now is the time in the old age of the English King.’’ “ Verily,’’ said John Comyn, “I will never be false to my English Lord, for I am bound to him by oath and homage. It is a thing that would make me commit treason.’’ “No!’’ said Robert de Bruys, “ I had other hope in you, by promise of you and yours. You have betrayed me to the King in your letters. Wherefore if you live I cannot accomplish my wish. You shall have your reward.’’ He struck him with his knife, and others cut him down in the church before the altar. His uncle, a knight, struck the said Robert de Bruys with his sword upon the breast, but as he was in armour it did not pierce him. The uncle was also killed there. The said Robert had himself crowned King of Scotland at Scone on the Feast of the Annunciation of our Lady (25th of March), by the Countess of Buchan, on account of the absence of the Earl, her son, who always lived in England at the manor of Vitvick, near Leicester. To him belonged the duty of crowning the kings of Scotland hereditarily, in the absence of the Earl of Fife, who at that time was in England in the King’s ward. The said Countess was taken by the English in the same year and con- ducted to Berwick. By the order of King Edward she was put into the cage made of spars in a tower of the Castle of Berwick, the sides of which were latticed, so that all might be able to observe her carefully. When King Edward heard of the rebellion which Robert de Bruys and his adherents had made, he sent thither Eymer de Valoyns, Earl of Pembroke, with other Barons of England, and several of Scotland who were connected by consanguinity with John Comyn. These all got ready to meet Robert de Bruys. THE SCALACRONICA. 85 The Earl of Pembroke arrived at the city of St. John (Perth), and tarried there a little. Robert de Bruys had collected against the English all the forces of his adherents in Scotland and of the wild men who were light in movement. He arrived before the city of St. John with two large arrays and offered battle to the said Earl and the English, remaining before the city from morning till after high noon. The Earl kept himself quite quiet until their departure, when, by the advice of the Lords of Scotland, who were well-wishers to John Comyn and adherents of the English, being with them in the said city, the Lords of Mowbray, Abernethin, Brighen, and Gordon, with several others, went out in two arrays. Their Scottish enemies had departed and had sent foragers from their quarters to Methven. They rallied as well as they could, and all went on horseback to fight with the English sortie. But the Scots were defeated. Here Robert de Bruys was captured, but he was allowed to escape by John de Haliburton, when he discovered who he was. He had not on a coat of armour, but a white shirt. Thomas Randolph, nephew of Robert de Bruys, and afterwards Earl of Moray, was captured at this same battle of Methven; but at the prayer of Adam de Gordon he was set free and lived in England until he was afterwards retaken by the Scots. Many of his men being killed or captured at this battle of Methven, Robert de Bruys was pursued into Cantyre by the English. They besieged the castle in the country thinking that Robert was in it. When they captured it they did not find him; but they found his wife there, who was the daughter of the Earl of Ulster. His brother Neil was also found there. Soon after the Earl of Athole, who had escaped from the castle, was captured. The said Neil was hanged and drawn at Berwick, after judgment, with Alain Durward and several others. Robert’s wife was sent into Eng- land under guard. The Earl of Athole was sent to London, because he was the King of England’s cousin, being the son of his aunt Maude of Dover; and because he was of the King’s blood, he was hanged upon a gallows 30 feet higher than the others. In the same year the King made his son Edward, Prince of Wales, a Knight at Westminster, with a great number of other noble young men of his realm, and sent him into Scotland with 86 THE SCALACRONICA. * a large army, with all these new knights. Thomas, Earl of Lancaster, and Humphrey de Bohun, Earl of Hereford, passed through the mountains of Scotland and besieged the Castle of Kildromy in Mar and took it. In this castle Christopher de Setoun was found, with his wife, who was a sister of Robert de Bruys. As an English deserter he was sent to Dunfres, and there hanged and beheaded, because he had formerly slain a knight there, who had been placed there by the King of England to be sheriff of the country. The Bishops of Glasgow and St. Andrews and the Abbot of Scone were taken at the same season and sent into England under guard. In the year of grace 1306 King Edward arrived at Dunfermelyn, and his son Edward, Prince of Wales, had returned from beyond the mountains and was dwell- ing with a large army at the town of St. John (Perth). In the meantime Robert de Bruys had returned from the Isles and had collected an army in the defiles of Athole. He sent messengers to ask the King’s son to treat with him. The Prince agreed that he might come to treat. Se he came to the bridge of St. John’s town, and began to treat, trying to find out whether he could procure a pardon. On the morrow this parley was reported to the King at Dunfermelyn. He was greatly enraged when he heard of the parleying, and asked:—“ Who was so bold as to hold parley with our traitors without our knowledge ?’’ and he refused to hear it spoken of. The King and his son then set out for the Marches of England, and Eymer de Valnyns remained as the King’s Lieutenant in Scotland. Robert de Bruys then re- commenced his great design. He sent his two brothers, Thomas and Alexander, to Niddisdale and the vale of Anand to draw together the levies of the people. There they were surprised and captured by the English. They were taken to Carlisle by the King’s order, and there they were hanged and beheaded. Robert de Bruys collected his adherents in Carrick. Eymer de Valoins, hearing of this set out against him. At Loundoun Robert encountered Eymer de Valoins and defeated him, chasing him to the Castle of Aire. And within the third day Robert de Bruys defeated Ralph de Monhermer, who was called Earl of Gloucester, because the King’s daughter Joan had taken him for her husband from love. He pursued him to the Castle of Aire, and there besieged him until he was rescued by the army of THE SCALACRONICA. 87 England. They brought the said Robert de Bruys to such distress that he had to go over the mountains on foot, and from isle to isle, and some times to such low fortune that he had no one with him. The chronicles of his deeds assert that he came all* alone to a ferry between two isles, and when he was in the boat with two boatmen, they asked him for news, and whether he had heard anything said as to what had become of Robert de Bruys ? “Nothing,’’ said he. “Surely,’’ said they, “we should like to have him now, for he would die by our hands.’’ “Why?’’ said he. “Because he murdered our Lord, John Comyn.”’ They landed him at the place agreed upon, and he said—“ See, here is the man you want. If it were not that you have done me the courtesy to put me across this narrow passage you could have accomplished your wish.’’ He went his way, being pursued with such ill fortune. King Edward meanwhile remained a long time ill at Lanercost. Thence he removed for a change of air, and in order to meet his army, which he had summoned for the purpose of re-entering Scotland. He came to Burgh on the Sands, and there died in the month of July in the year of grace 1307. He was carried from there and buried at Westminster beside his ancestors, after he had reigned 34 years 7 months and 11 days, and in the year of his age 68 and 20 days. (To be Continued in Next Volume.) Sth January, 1909. Chairman—Dr J. Maxwett Ross. It was agreed to record in the minutes the regret of the members at the death of Thomas M‘Kie, LL.D., for many years a member of the society and one who took much interest in its work. THe Recent Fire In THE Town Hatt or DuMFRIES AND A Previous FirE, WHICH CONCERNED THE Town. By Mr James Barzour, S.F.A.Scot. The work falling to the antiquarian section of this society chiefly concerns the past, but it seems no way inconsistent with 88 RecENT FirE In Town Hatt, Dumrries. its objects to take note of such passing events as are likely to afford interest in the future, and of this description I regard the fire which recently occurred at the Town Hall of Dumfries, and of which I take leave to submit the following note :— The building has been put to several uses from time to time, and structurally remodelled more or less and adapted to each several purpose. Originally it was erected for a tabernacle or church by Robert and James Haldane, who continued to conduct religious services there for about eight or ten years. Built in 1802, on ground acquired from Robert Threshie, writer, and his spouse, its first extent evidently embraced only the part now forming the hall. It was a plain quadrangular edifice, so placed that the sides did not extend at right angles with the street, and the front was as much as three and a half feet further back at the west side than it was at the east side. ‘The structure, as regards the sides and back at least, presents plain workman- ship, the walls being built of rubble masonry, with no indication of architectural blending. Of the facade which fronted towards the street, nothing remains by which to judge of its character, but the titles conditioned that it should be built of ashlar. Some time after its erection, in 1813, the Tabernacle was pur- chased by the Rev. Dr Babbington, of the Episcopal Chapel, for the sum of £1050, but before the titles were prepared the purchase was transferred to the county of Dumfries on condition of Dr Babbington being paid £50 in addition to the price due Messrs Haldane. Some further expenditure was found to be needful before proceeding to convert the premises for county purposes. Dr Babbington received, as had been promised, £100, in consideration of the loss of the pulpit of the Tabernacle. Mrs M‘Murdo, owner of the property on the west, was paid a like sum of £100 for leave granted to the County to bring the front of the building forward 15 feet, or 174 feet at one side and 14 feet at the other, so as to allow the new front to be built parallel with the street; this payment also conferred a right to the use of the common passage on the west of the hall for access to the back premises. And a small triangular piece of ground at the back was purchased from Clerk Maxwell in order to allow of an addition to the building being made there. Mr Gillespie, architect, Edinburgh, who had usually been ReEcENT FirE 1n Town Hatt, Dumrries. 89 employed by the county, was desired to examine the premises and prepare plans and report, and after considerable adjust- ments had been made on the plans, a contract was entered into for the execution of the works with a Dumfries firm of trades- men, Messrs M‘Gowan, M‘Cubbin & Geddes, and the architect appointed Mr James Thomson, Edinburgh, clerk of works. Some important alterations were made during the progress of the contract. The works embraced in the contract consisted chiefly in building the addition at the back, much in its present form; adding the front room, with the existing facade; and adapting the interior of the hall. One of the after improve- ments referred to an alteration of the roof, the apex of which rose high above the front, was cut off, and the truncated form was finished with a platform so as not to be observable from the street. The change cost £187. The canopy and ornamental parts of the bench, also additional to the contract, were the work of Mr Steel, Edinburgh, and the charge amounted to £64 9s 6d. The total expenditure by the county for the purchase and con- version of the premises amounted to about £4000. The symmetrical Buccleuch Street facade was designed, as we have seen, by Mr Gillespie, architect, Edinburgh. It is not devoid of refinement and good taste. The fault it exhibits is lack in force and dignity. ‘Dr Babbington, it is presumed, in disposing of the taber- nacle, had in view to proceed with the Episcopal Chapel erected at the corner of Buccleuch Street and Castle Street, assisted with the sums he had received in connection with the transfer. Both the chapel and the county buildings have yielded to the progress of fifty years. New county buildings have been erected on the opposite side of Buccleuch Street, and on their completion in 1867 the old court-house, converted from the tabernacle, was purchased by the town for the sum of £1120, and converted with an after expenditure of about £500 for the purposes of a Town Hall. On the morning of Monday, the 20th November last, a fire broke out in the Town Hall, at a point over the heating furnace, and within a short time the whole interior was destroyed, together with a number of valuable effects which cannot be re- placed, such as the portraits of King William and Queen Mary, 90 RECENT FirE IN Town Hatt, DUMFRIES. “of glorious memory,’’ after Sir Godfrey Kneller, presented by Lord John Johnstone, in token of his conversion from Jacobit- ism; a portrait of Charles, Duke of Queensberry and Dover, styled “The Good Duke;’’ and two landscape paintings, pre- sented by the late Lord Young, one by Thomson of Duddingston and the other by Noel Paton. The old oak table is much injured, and of the Provost’s chair only the upper part of the back remains uninjured. This is quaintly carved, and it is hoped that it will be preserved and be applied to form part of a new chair, similar in design to the one destroyed. Fortunately, the “ Siller Gun ’’ was rescued; and the town’s papers, many of them of historical value, remain intact and unin- jured. The building has served the purpose of a Town Hall more than forty years, and again a stage has been reached when a pause is requisite to inquire the way. I pass to recall a long-forgotten incident that occurred more than a hundred and fifty years ago, which seriously endangered the charters of the town. I give the story from memory with the assistance of a few notes taken from the Council minutes several years ago. At that time shops in High Street were not as they are now, fronted with plate-glass. The windows were small bow-shaped lights, filled with numerous squares of glass, and ill-adapted to their purpose of admitting light, and especially for the display of the merchants’ wares within. Usually, on this account, on market and fair days articles were exhibited on the footpath, outside the shop door. On 15th September, 1742, being the Saturday of the Rood Fair, Provost Bell, when walking down the High Street, detected a gipsy woman abstract a pair of stockings from one of the parcels of goods placed outside the door of a shop and conceal them under her cloak. Putting his hand on the gipsy’s shoulder, he promptly took her down to the Council Chamber, and there and then sent her to prison—a proceeding which Robert Edgar, of Elsieshields, writer, in his MS. notes of Dumfries, declares was illegal; and probably so it was. But as one of themselves - put it: “The bailies of Dumfries, considering the powers they possessed and the powers they took, had powers enough.”’ Recent FirE In Town HALL, DUMFRIES. 91 The Council Chamber and Town Clerk’s rooms were con- tained in the Tolbooth—the booth where tolls or taxes were taken—first and second floor areas on the east side of High Street and south side of the narrow street called Union Street. It was approached by a rainbow stair in the latter street, which still exists. After the Council removed to the Midsteeple Chambers the Tolbooth became “the Rainbow Hotel.’’ It is now occupied as printing works, and is still possessed by the town. er ase THE GREVFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. 29 describes it as leading to our choir. The door therefore entered the church between the nave and the choir, exactly corresponding in this respect to the position of the door of Elgin Friary Church. Further, there is evidence of another door at the west end of the church, an inner door, not in the west gable, but adjacent to “our great dormitory,’’ which it may be presumed formed a com- munication between the church and the conventual offices. This door was approached from the passage corresponding with the _ present St. David Street by a stair known as “ The Friars’ Steps.’’ The site is now sd much obscured by buildings that its character ‘is not readily observed, but when examined it is found to consist of an elevated plateau rising abruptly eight or ten feet above the level of St. David Street, a circumstance which accounts for the provision of the Friary steps. The cloisters were more frequently attached to the south side of the church, as at Elgin. Here, however, they were on the north side apparently owing to the ‘Tequirements of the site. The great dormitory, as before men- tioned, occupied, as usual, the west side of the cloister court or garth. The kitchen and refectory are usually found on the north side, and the sacristy and chapter-house on the east side, and there would be other apartments. It is requisite for the completion of the plan to discover the length and width of the church. Of these there is no direct evidence, but from the frontage available the length of the build- ing may be inferred approximately. The two front gardens described extended to twenty-eight and twenty-six ells in length respectively, and allowing two ells as the width of the passage between them, the total frontage between the passage now St. David Street and Logan’s tenements at the “ Vennelheid ’’ occu- pied by Christopher Lowrie and Andrew Mathesoun would extend to fifty-six ells, or one hundred and seventy-three feet in length. There is reason to believe that the Dumfries Friary was somewhat more important and not likely to be of less dimensions, as it cer- tainly was more ornate, than that of Elgin, and considering the limits of the available space it would appear not to have been materially longer. Elgin Church measured about one hundred d eighteen feet in length over the walls, being fifty-five feet short of our available frontage ; and taking the internal divisions as corresponding with those at Elgin the west gable of the church would stand back twenty feet from St. David Street, a distance Eh OE EO A li I GN eas 4 —— ce RE AIO Te GE TIN Tg ELEN ED Te —— —————————— * Es 30 Tue GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. which would seem to be suitable to the abrupt rise of the ground and the space the Friars’ steps would occupy. At the east end there would be a space between the east gable of the church and Logan’s tenement of thirty-five feet, and that there was such a space is evidenced by a deed describing the tenement to be bounded on the west by the cemetery. I conclude that the church here did not materially differ in length and width from that of Elgin. I should mention in regard to the orientation that the choir did not point due east, but east twenty-five degrees north. On this subject an old writer says:—“ One end of every church doth point to such place where the sun did rise at the time the founda- tion thereof was laid, which is the reason why all churches do not directly point to the east; for if the foundation was laid in June, it pointed to the north-east, where the sun rises at that time of year ; if it was laid in the spring or autumn it was directed full east ; if in winter, south-east; and by the standing of these churches it is known at what time of the vear the foundations of them were laid.’’ The church was dedicated to St. Mary the Virgin, and contained several altars. The high altar would occupy a place at the east end of the choir; there was an altar of St. John the Baptist in the nave immediately west of the prin- — cipal door ; an altar of Blessed Mary west of that ; and an altar of . St. Salvator, that is the Holy Redeemer, further west, along the south wall. Proof of the high veneration in which St. Mary the Virgin was in these times held in Dumfries is furnished by the number of dedications in her honour. Sir Christopher Seton’s Chapel, where St. Mary’s Church is now; the Chapel at Castledykes ; the Chapel of the Willeis, and the Friary Church were all dedicated to St. Mary, as well as an altar in the Parish Church, and another in the Friary Church. It will be remembered that the Pope’s relaxation for the repair of the bridge embraced the amplication of the Chapel of St. Mary the Virgin, founded near the said bridge, that is the Friary Church, which is here again bracketed — with the bridge, showing that they were in some way inter- dependant. It appears probable that a tower or steeple of some — kind was attached to the.church, it may be at a period subse- quent to the foundation. A great bell was installed in 1535, and — there was a “knock’’ or clock, both of which were regulated THE GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. 31 after the Reformation by the Town Council, and it may be sup- _ posed that the clock was sufficiently elevated to be serviceable to the community. The amplication may have referred to the erec- tion of a tower. At the risk of seeming repetition, I submit the following _ extracts, translated, from the charters relating to the situation of _ the church and various details, in support of the foregoing description. Feu Charter of 10th June, 1558, in favour of John Richardson and his wife.—“ All and whole the portion of the lands of our garden lying in the Burgh of Dumfries in the _ Northern part of the same within the limits of the grounds of our said Friary containing nineteen ells of land in width, and twenty- eight ells in length, with its pertinents, on the East side marching with and bounded by the passage leading from the King’s highway called Friars’ Vennel through our garden on the East side of the aisle of St. John the Baptist to the Choir of our Church; by the said Friars’ Vennel on the South side; and by a passage along the eastern gable of the newly-built tenement of David M‘Ghie to the end of the Friars steps leading to the inner door of our said Friary adjacent to our great dormitory on the West side; and by the Southern wall of our said Friars Church on the North ‘side.’”?’ Feu Charter of 8th July, 1559, in favour of John Marshall.—‘ Also a certain portion of the land of our front garden lying in the Burgh of Dumfries next Friars’ Vennel between our Church choir on the North part, and the tenements formerly of Christopher lowry and Andrew Mathesoun on the East part, the said Friars Vennel on the South part, and the passage leading from the said Friars Vennel to our Choir on the est part, extending in length to twenty-six ells and in width to eleven ells, with their pertinents . . . the said portion of front garden above described being set forth in our rental book and valued at twenty pounds usual money of the Kingdom of Scotland ’’ (Bryce). So much for the distribution of the Monastery; the archi- tectural character it exhibits claims brief reference. In the year 1866 the walls of the “ New Church,”’ built in 1727 on or adjoin- ing the site of the Castle of the Maxwells of Nithsdale, were taken down to make way for the existing Greyfriars’ Church, when a number of moulded and enriched stones were recovered which vad evidently belonged to some earlier structure. The stones 32 Tue GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DuMFRIES. were of two types, baronial and ecclesiastical. Of the latter there are jamb mouldings, some of them of two orders of bold chamfers, others of two orders, the first a large roll deeply under- cut, the second a chamfer. Arch stones of lancet windows are moulded and hooded, and enriched with bold dogtooth, the char- acteristic ornament of the period. There is also a fragment of the canopy of the sedilia, a recessed seat in the south wall near the high altar. On the occasion of a short visit of Dr Thomas Ross, architect, who may be said to have handled every baronial and ecclesiastical moulding in Scotland, I called his attention to some of the stones in question. He unhesitatingly pronounced them fragments of an ancient ecclesiastical edifice of about the middle of the thirteenth century. Earlier than Newabbey, they are as conclusive of the period of erection, although not of a definite date, as a charter of foundation might have been. Piecing together the foregoing details, it may be possible to present something approaching a picture of this interesting land- mark of the history of religion and civilisation in its pristine form. A carefully chosen site is displayed, situated at some consider- able distance north of the cld town. It is the summit of a gentle slope rising from the banks of the Nith, which affords a view not often equalled of the broken, purple-tinted hills of Galloway. On such a site the Friary buildings were distributed. The church was oriented east, 25 degrees north, and the south or front wall stood 46 feet on an average back from Friars’ Vennel, the distance being greater at the west than at the east, and a passage from the Vennel across the front garden led up to the principal door which was in the south wall. The church con-— sisted of a nave and a choir, west and east of the door respec- tively. On the north side of the church was the cloister and conventual offices, the great dormitory on the west side, which was reached by an inner door at the head of a stair called the Friars steps, starting from a passage now represented by St. David Street. Within the church there were several altars—of St. John the Baptist, the Blessed Mary, of St. Salvator, and the High Altar, near which in the south wall was the sedilia. There remains something to be said of the ending of the fabric. The building was old, the friars were poor, and very likely dilapidation had progressed towards insecurity, but in 1563 the church was still in use although not as a Friary. A minute of the Town Council of 16th November, 1563, ordains “ Charles THE GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. 35 hwym minister of the freir kirk situate in the samin burt to keip the knok and bell being yrintill, wt the mornin preweris dailie, and he to be pait and dewly anserit of ten mks money at the feists of Vitsonday and Santt Mertin in vinter be evin portionis of the commone purss, and ordains the knok to be mendit and sett in order on the tounis coist be George Moffett smyth wt expedition.”’ Charles Hume, Warden of the Convent, had reached a great age, and is supposed to have been the last surviving friar in Scot- land. In 1568 the town obtained a Crown Charter conveying to them the possessions of the Grey Friars within the burgh except- ‘ing such as had before héen granted to others, and the Friary seems to have been dispersed immediately thereafter, as may be inferred from accounts noted in the town’s records undex date 22nd December, 1575, as follows :— “We Archibald McBriar provest, Thomas McMinynes, harbert Ranying and Robert McKynnell, bailleis of Drumfries, erantis ws to haif had and resawit be the delvverance of Harbert anying younger, the sowme of foir scoir of pundis vsual money of Scotland of the rents of the freris fewe ferms and vther dewties to the freirs and of the Kirk rents of Drumfries qlk he intromettit wt at our command the zer bypast. The compt of the ristis of the freiris lands gevin vpe be the said Harbert ristand vnpayit befir the term of Witsonday in 1575 zer followis. Stewin palmer at brigend for v or vi zers—3 sh ilk zeir es ene Summa A Bee Sie ae are ; 18 sh. Robene Maxwell Tad ristis vnpayit v zers or mair 3 a ile zer.... aoe ‘ : e fe) SLDISh. Johne Caruthers Yaad ristis Vv Or Vi zers 20 sh ie BEES te eb: li, quhair of Roger hereis hes payit at towns will ... a POO Shi Janet Kirkpatrick ristes v zers payit vi sh ilk zer is in the hale ... 4s sea sis Ee ae é- 1 30 sh. John Reid ristis bygains ... Ea Jes ye why 22d. H erbert skails wyf restis ... ue ee = Li a Amer fergussone for the Cinstee: ristis, v termes teuers 0) Sib. My Lord Maxwell for the zard and Kirksted vi zer ane Ser § ..: : : ois tae Be 3d. res Lauders mlace ristis 6 zers ane term 113 sh 4d zerlie.’ Taking six years from 1575 gives 1569 as the year the town 34 THE GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. had dispersed the subjects. It will be observed that Lord Maxwell had acquired the Kirkstead, while Amer Fergusson possessed the Cloister. Lord Maxwell’s castle was at the instance of Queen Elizabeth in 1570, and the Friary, being then Lord Maxwell’s property, probably suffered the same fate ; the town also was burned. Shortly afterwards the Castle was rebuilt, and the Friary having passed into the possession of Lord Maxwell and become a ruin, the materials would naturally be appropriated to the erection of the new Castle, which in turn through the troubles of the times, having become waste, the mate- rials were again made use of in the erection of the New Church, hence the preservation of the stones characteristic of ecclesiastical work before referred to. “ Vousoir of Arch. Door or Window Scuntions. cast down’’ by Lord Scroope | i THE GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. 35 A word about the seeming connection between the Friary and the bridge which spans the river at a point just opposite the site of the Monastery. I have in a prior paper endeavoured to give expression to the view that the Friary and the bridge are -coeval, parts of the same plan, devised and executed under the same beneficent authority. That a study of the history of the Greyfriars’ Convent materially strengthens this position I think can hardly be doubted. It is sufficiently evident that the Friary was founded at the time of Devorgilla, who possessed the Lordship of Galloway; and the charters show that the Lords of Galloway ‘possessed the superiority of the bridge, and granted the bridge toll as an endowment to the Friars. It is not to be assumed, however, that the structure was built for the benefit of the Friars only. Bridge building was itself a pious work, and the great thoroughfare from England passing through the Lordship of Galloway to Ireland made a dry passage over such a river as the Nith, which is lable to frequent and prolonged floods, a matter of general concern, and that the bridge was founded for the con- venience and safety of travellers may be admitted, but the idea of founding a religious house in connection with the bridge might very well arise from the consideration that the importance of the route would result in providing, by the usual creation of a toll, a sufficient endowment for its support. I may be asked to name the spot, all trace having dis- appeared where the high altar stood, before which the Red Sumyn fell by the hands of Robert the Bruce, an incident so startling and important in its consequences as to continue, even after the passing of six hundred years, an outstanding landmark history, and to lend to our Friary Church a more than local A passage, No. 93 Friars’ Vennel, leads to a small back court, in the north-east corner of which is the site, or within a few feet of the site, of this historical high altar of the Church of the Grey Friars of Dumfries. 36 THE DRYSDALES OF DOLLAR. THE DRYSDALES OF DOLLAR AND THEIR DUMFRIESSHIRE ORIGIN. By the Rev. Rosert Paut, F.S.A.Scot. In this paper the Rev. Mr Paul recounted the legend that the Drysdales of Dollar were descendants of Thomas, William, and James Douglas, sons of Thomas Douglas of Brushwood Haugh, in the parish of Drysdale, or Dryfesdale, and shire of Dumfries, who, through slaying, in a feud, their neighbour, Johnstone of Greenstonehill, fled to Clackmannan on the 20th day of May, 1503, and assumed the name of Drysdale. He endeavoured to fix the site of their property as near Old Walls, — and traced briefly the history of the family. The paper will be 1 found in full in The Dollar Magazine, March, 1909 (Vol. viii., — No. 29). COMMUNION TOKENS, WITH DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OF THOSE. OF DUMFRIESSHIRE. By the Rev. H. A. WHITELAW, Dumfries. [The following paper was delivered in the form of a lantern lecture on April 21st. It was issued in separate form, restricted | to 170 copies, in July, 1911, and, for convenience in re-printing, — is inserted here. ] INTRODUCTORY. “Tf we could get an account of all the Communions at which ~ they have been used, the names of the places and of the ministers, | the number of the communicants with the texts of action sermons, — and a taste of the savoury table addresses of that period, it would — be very interesting. Could some of these old square tokens speak, what a story they would tell! I have often thought that : an excellent book might be made of it. We have the History of a Guinea and of a Shilling, why not of a Communion Token? — It would bring out the deepest inner working of the human soul — in communion with the Father and with His Son Jesus Christ; the night-long wrestling in prayer where there was no eye to see, COMMUNION TOKENS. 37 no ear to hear, but that eye which sees in secret, and that ear which is the hearer of prayer, seeking for the inward token, the ‘seal of the Spirit, pleading that the Master Himself would say o His guests at His table, ‘Eat, O friends, drink, yea drink abundantly, O beloved.’ ’’ The foregoing quotation is taken from a “ Historical Sketch of the R.P. Congregation of Dum- fries,’’ a paper read by a highly respected office-bearer at the annual soiree of that congregation, held on 23rd February, 1864, in the Mechanics’ Hall, Dumfries. To Mr Robert Shiells, Neenah, Wisconsin, belongs the honour of having first told “The Story of the Token.’’ All ‘subsequent workers in the same field have but built on his founda- tions. By his monumental work, entitled “Old Scottish Com- munion Plate,’’ the Rev. Dr Thomas Burns has made students of token-craft his debtors. His wide search into Burgh and _ Session Records, with its resultant multitude of extracts, will be he quarry from which future writers must draw much of their material. ‘The late Mr A. J. S. Brook has provided the ground- work for the ultimate comprehensive catalogue of Tokens of the Established Church of Scotland. His pages of illustrations are the most valuable guide to these the collector possesses. What Mr Brook did for the tokens of the Established Church the Rev. Robert Dick, Colinsburgh, had done for the tokens of Churches other than the Established. To collectors, “ Brook’’ and “Dick ”’ are simply indispensable. Ere long, it is hoped, these will be revised, corrected, and amplified. The present work Originated in an attempt to provide as complete a catalogue as possible of all the tokens used in the Churches within the area of a single shire. Fulfilment of this primary intention will be found in Chapter V. As the work proceeded the scope widened and the material accumulated to such an extent that it seemed desirable to add a few extra chapters. These, it is hoped, may do a little towards explaining what to many people seems an unaccountable modern craze. In the hands of some more ad- vanced collector these chapters would certainly have obtained an ampler justice. But many years must pass and much more work of research be done ere a labour of this kind can, if ever, escape e charge of incompleteness. Such as it is the work has had a nost of creditors but for whose assistance it would have been im- possible. Unfailingly courteous and kind were the Ministers and 38 COMMUNION TOKENS. Kirk-Sessions of the Established and non-Established Churches throughout Dumfriesshire. For generous help of various kinds thanks are due to the Rev. John Cairns, M.A. ; Robert C. Porter, Esq. ; James Barbour, Esq., F.S.A.; and G. W. Shirley, Esq., ~ Librarian, Dumfries; to John Corrie, Esq., F.S.A., for the use — of the Glencairn and Moniaive blocks; and to the following for — the loan of some of the tokens illustrated: Mrs Henderson, — Logan, Cumnock; Rev. J. Richmond Wood, Sanquhar; Rev. i Wilson Baird, Mauchline; Rev. J. M. Campbell, B.D., Torthor- F wald; Miss Kirkpatrick, Holywood; James Davidson, Esq., — Dumfries; Rev. George Orr and Kirk-Session, North U.F. ~ Church, Langholm; Rev. J. M. Campbell and Kirk-Session of — St. Michael’s, Dumfries ; Rev. R. Neill Rae, M.A., Lochmaben; _ and the Trustees of the Thornhill Museum. Also to the Rev. A. _ A. Milne, Cambuslang; J. P. Dickson, Esq., of the Kzlmarnock — Standard ; Colonel Montagu Campbell, Edinburgh; S. A. G. — Macquoid, Esq., Greenock; W. T. Ramsay, Esq., Dundee ; Rev. John M‘Combie, B.D., Holywood; and others, is the author greatly indebted. For the biographical and historical notes free ~ use has been made of Dr Scott’s “ Fasti Ecclesize Scoticanz ”’ and Dr Small’s “ History of the Congregations of the United — Presbyterian Church, 1733-1900.” Collectors will notice important additions to the special. issue in the notes under Tongland (12), Canonbie (87), Gretna (144), Hutton (160), Johnstone (162), Keir (164), Kirkpatrick- Fleming (176), Moffat (207), Sanquhar (237), Torthorwald (250), and Bibliography (21, b, 4), and items (j) and (k) on page 125. If these imperfect pages succeed in securing for their subject a portion of the interest of members of the society publishing them, the writer will be pleased. If they provide an incentive to — some individual of more leisure and larger means to take up for fuller treatment this branch of numismatic study, the work will — have gained its end and the labour its reward. 2 a I.—Tue Sicn: Its ORIGIN AND USE. Communion Tokens have an important place in the history” of Church life in Scotland. It will be our endeavour to show — this in the short chapters that follow. The word “token ”’ is the equivalent of the Saxon “tacn’’ or “tacen,’’ and of the Gothic” “taikns.’’ It means a “sign” or proof-mark of some sure word , COMMUNION TOKENS. 39 of promise to be kept, high right or privilege to be enjoyed, or inevitable transaction to take place. The earliest instance in history of such a “sign ’’ is the “ Rainbow Token ’’ of the book of Genesis (ix. 12). Of a similar sort was the “ Blood Token ”’ of the Passover. Quite different was the “Shibboleth ’’ pre- scribed by Jephthah (Judges xii. 6) to be handed in at the ‘passages of the Jordan. In the case of Tobit’s “ handwriting ”’ (v. 3; ix. 5) we see the idea developing still further in the direc- tion of our subject. Passing from the sacred records of the Christian and the Jew we come into the more secular atmosphere ‘of the amphitheatre, the army, and the social life of ancient classical times. One authority,! writing about the early coinage of Rome, remarks that “besides coins proper, there are certain pieces in metal which resemble money in appearance, but which were never meant to pass as currency. ‘These are the medallions which correspond to medals of the present time, and the tickets, which served as passes to the public entertainments, etc.’’? “ Of the tickets the most important are the CONTORNIATES, so- called because they have the edge slightly turned over. These pieces are of copper, . . . and they have for types on one side some mythological, agonistic, or historical subject, relating to the public games or to the contests which took place for the honours of the amphitheatre, the circus, the stadium, or the odeum ; and on the other side, a head or bust, imperial oi regal, or of some philosopher, author, or poet. The question of the object of these pieces . . . has provoked much discussion, seems now to have been fairly settled. It appears hat they were made for presentation to the victors at the public games and contests, who used them as a kind of check, on the presentation of which at some appointed place and time they Were awarded the allotted prizes.’’ If this be correct? we have here an approximation to the modern development of the ancient Hebrew nix “oth” or “token.’’ We find ourselves on surer . “Coins and Medals, their place in History and Art,’’ by Stanley Lane-Poole. London, 1885. p.p. 68-70. 2. Vide ‘‘ Roman Coins; Elementary Manual,’’ compiled by Comm. Francesco Gnecchi. ‘Translated by the Rev. Alfred Watson Hands. Messrs Spink and Son, London, 1903. Chapter Xxxviil., §§ 317, 318. The same may be seen in Spink and Son’s ‘‘ Numismatic Circular,’’ Vol. x. (1902), pp. 5308-5309. 40 COMMUNION TOKENS. ground when we come to the HOSPITIUM or league of friend- ship which classical writers tell us obtained between individuals of different states in the earlier stages of Greek and Roman civilisation. In days when the population of these republics or empires was but a cluster of tribes, allied or hostile, the traveller — abroad ran much personal risk of arrestment and summary hand- ling as a suspect. It was therefore necessary for him to have an understanding with at least one of the citizens of the particular state or states into which he proposed to venture. This under- standing or league of friendship held good reciprocally and, once made, became hereditary. To secure the bona fides of such a bond tokens were exchanged by the contracting parties. These tokens, called ¢esserae hospitales were preserved and handed down. Thus an individual might go abroad and claim the rights of hospitium in a strange city at the hands of descendants of ancient contractors of a league, even although such descendants — were quite unknown to him and all intercourse between the two families had been suspended for generations.’ In these “ tesserae hospitales ’’ we have the idea of the modern passport to the Lord’s Table almost fully developed. When we enter the Roman Camp we see the thing complete. The dispositions of — the soldiery for the safe-guarding of the camp have been made. — For the night season precautions are redoubled. Four times in the night the guards are changed. The watchword is not passe verbally. Inscribed on small wooden tablets called Zessera militum it is placed by the Commander-in-chief in the hands 0: the Tribunes, who in turn entrust it to four men out of eac Legion. These men, named “ tesserarii,’’ carry the “tesserae ”’ to the outposts farthest removed from headquarters. Passing from company to company, and from legion to legion, the timbe password returns to the Tribunes at each period of the night—a token that all is well. As the “tessera ’’ bore with it the pass-_ word without which the soldier was unfit for his duty as night- guardsman, so the leaden or pewter passport was a token that the bearer was judged to possess the recognised qualifications for 3. Professor William Ramsay in his ‘‘ Roman Antiquities,’’ chapter Ill., gives an example of an individual claiming rights of Hospitium in a foreign land at the hands of a Hospes whom he had never seen. Vide the ‘‘ Poenulus”’ of T. Accius Plautus (250-180 s.c.), Act V., Se. ii., 82. COMMUNION TOKENS. 41 participating in the Lord’s Supper. Amongst the Romans the idea underlying such a use of “ tesserae ’’ was adapted extensively. Thus to the poorer citizens of Rome was given the Zessera frumentaria, in exchange for which a free grant of corn could be obtained. Again the Zessera gladiatoria was the oblong ivory token given to the gladiator who had triumphed in a certain number of contests. This token bore the names of the combatant and his trainer, also the date of his first victory, and the letters S P (spectatus). The “white stone’’ mentioned in the letter “to the angel of the Church in Pergamos”’ is thought to be a reference to one of these tesserae (Revelation i. 17). The need of safeguards to Christian privileges appeared early in the history of the Christian Church. In the first half of the first Christian century we find religious communities subjected to considerable annoyance “ because of false brethren unawares brought in, who _ Came in privily to spy out our liberty ’’ (Galatians ii. 4). Aquilla and Priscilla and the rest of the Ephesian brethren theretore q deemed it necessary to write “ exhorting the disciples to receive ’ Apollos “ when he was disposed to pass into Achaia ’’ (Acts xviil. _ 27). This document, or littera peregrinorum, became known as a _ KOINONIKON, and commended the bearer to the sympathy and fellowship of the Christian community wherever he might go, To the stranger thus accredited, at least in the Church of post- L Apostolic times, all the privileges of the “communicatio pacis ’ a “contesseratio hospitalitis’’ were freely conveyed. It was "probably to such a passport the Apostle Paul referred in his second espistle to the Corinthians (ili. 1), when he said, “ Need we as others epistles of commendation to you, or letters of com- | “mendation from you?’’ Subsequent adaptations of the tessera, | token, or voucher idea in France, Britain, or any other country Brcsent few if any features unfamiliar to Roman usage. This remark holds true, for example, of the references in the two deeds of the Counts of Nevers, dated 1167 and 1173. There the token is called by the Low Latin designations, merallum, marellum, maralli, and maralum. These were badges or vouchers that their bearers had exclusive rights in exposing and selling certain commodities. Such a use of badge-tokens or youchers was familiar to the custom of a much earlier time. Nor Was it any advance on the manner of the Romans when in the fourteenth century in France tokens were given as checks 42 CoMMUNION ‘TOKENS. to be presented to the authorities for the supply of provisions. This ancient custom of supplying pauper parishioners with Communion tokens for use as “ Beggar’s Badges ’’ long survived the Reformation, and was known to exist in some parishes in Scotland within living memory, if indeed it does not still continue. Frequently these small lead or pewter badges were pierced and strung, and thus worn by their needy possessors for their safer keeping. The French word for token “le mereau ’’ varied almost with the district—merreau, marreau, marrou, masreau, merel, and marque. In the Treasury Registers of the Chapter-house of Saint-Pierre at Poictiers there are entries in 1466, 1472, 1476, and 1479 in which certain sums were paid to the “marreleur’’? or “marrelier’’ for performing certain duties: “paid to our marrelier for distributing our marreaux, etc., 60 sols.’? Thus the various and continuous use of Tokens throughout France during the centuries preceding paved the way |, for the introduction of Communion tokens among the Huguenots in the sixteenth century. Their first mention in the Records — of the Reformed Church in France, according to Mons. Gelin — (1891), is in 1560. On the 30th January of that year Calvin at ~ the Council of Geneva proposed the adoption of lead tokens in — the following terms: “ To prevent the profanation of the Table it — would be well if each took lead tokens for each of the eligible — ones of their households. Strangers giving witness of their faith could also take these, but those not provided with tokens — would not be admitted to the Table.’’ This was first adopted in — France by the Reformed Church at NIMES in 1562. Its use was extended throughout over forty districts, but did not become universal. In GENEVA itself the token was not adopted till” about 1605. It would appear that in France, at least, the intro- REFORMED CHURCH REFORMED CHURCH ~ OF FRANCE OF FRANCE COMMUNION TOKENS. 43 duction of metal Communion tokens into the Reformed Church was closely connected with the enforcing of a stricter discipline. French tokens are round, some almost the size of a florin, but mostly about the size of a shilling. A common type has an open Bible surmounted by the sun, having on its open pages the legend, NE CRAINS POINT PETIT TROUPEAU (Fear not little mock), and St 1.UC C® XII. W? 82 (St. Luke chapitre xii verset 82—error for 32). On the reverse is a shepherd blowing a horn, and sheep feeding. Sometimes a bird of prey is in the sky. A 17th century token of NIMES has the city arms on one side, and on the other a heart pierced by two swords, and a cross of four flames issuing forth, the whole surrounded by the legend, CHRIST SSOLEI!, DE JUSTICE (Christ the Sun of Righteousness). ‘Others have a cup with bread on either side of the stalk, and on the other side the initial letters of the name of the church. ‘Tokens were commonly used in Holland, the Walloon Church in Amsterdam having them dated as early as 1586. About the year 1500 Erasmus makes mention of the “ plumbei angliae.’’ These were leaden tokens issued for some purpose during the reign of entry VII. (1485-1509). During Elizabeth’s reign (1559-1603) there were issued many private tokens made of lead, tin, latten or candlestick brass, and leather. In connection with the Com- munion it is said they are mentioned in England as early as the reign of Queen Mary (1553-1559). The occasion of their use was that Cardinal Pole might discover who conformed and who did not. That the Puritans had adopted the use of Communion “tickets ’’ is evidenced by the existence of seventeenth century lead tokens like that of EXETER, which bears the following mscription:—MARY MOORE 1657. EXON. DRINK YEE ALL OF THIS, with representation of a Communion cup. Obviously Exeter at that time had yielded to Puritan influence and Presbyterianism prevailed at St. Mary Major’s, called “ Mary Moore’ or “Mary the Moor,’’ a corruption of St. Marie-la- Mére. In the Token-books of St. Saviour’s Church, SOUTH- WARK, extending from 1559 to 1630, we see how Church dues were collected by selling the Sacrament. In 1596, 2200 Tokens Were sold at 2d each, and in 1620 nearly 2000 at 3d _ each. Against the parish of NEWBURY, Berkshire, in 1658, there is a charge for 300 Tokens at 3s 6d. The incumbent of this parish a few years later (1666-1674) had his tokens marked with a Bible 44 _ Communion TOKENS. ana inscription, “ Joseph Sayer, Rector of Newbury.’’ The parish records of HENLEY-ON-THAMES, Oxfordshire, in 1659, refer to tokens being used, and speak of them as “ Communion halfpence.’’ In the Church Register of St. Peter Mancroft, NORWICH, we have an interesting list of entries, extending from 1632 to 1696, showing the use of tokens, giving at the same time details of their manufacture and cost, and information as to how by means of tokens the Communion dues were collected. The temptation to farm out the Communion dues at Easter and other — such Sacrament seasons did not come to Presbyterian as it did to Episcopalian clergymen.4 The Presbyterian Church never had Communion dues and “never sold her sacraments.’’ Of this assertion the following extract from the ABERDEEN Kirk- Session Records of date March 22, 1618, is a corroboration rather than a contradiction, for this was the period of the prelatic usurpation :—“ The Sessioun . . . thinks it expedient for the better help of the poore that tua of the magistratis stand at the end of ewerie tabill in both the kirkis the tyme of the ministra- tioun of the holie communioun and demand of ewerie communicant at thair rysing from the tabill, sume almes to the poore according to the forme obserwit in reformit congregationes in the south — pairtis of this realme.’’ It was in Scotland that the Communion token practice struck deepest root. Any change that commended ~ itself to our conservative forefathers of the Reformation times — must already have had some antiquity about it ere it could have secured their sanction. We can easily believe that in the matter — of the Church Token they adopted “a custom already hallowed by primitive usage ’’ rather than “an innovation of their own.” The first General Assembly of the Church of the Reformation in y Scotland met on 20th December, 1560. More than seven months — earlier, or on 2nd May, we have the first mention of Communion — Tokens or “tickets’’ in the Kirk-Session Records of ST. ANDREWS. There “Walter Adie is delatat with thir wordis — Willie Mayne will ye give me ane techet.’’ That is to say, Walter Adie is sessioned for contemptuously refusing a ticket proffered to him by William Mayne, one of the elders. That the token or 4, Vide the trial, in 1634, of John Richardson, who farmed the tithes and oblations of the Chapelrie of St. Margaret’s, in Durham. (‘‘ Acts of the High Commission Court within the : Diocese of Durham.’’ Surtees Society, pp. 82-100.) An COMMUNION TOKENS. 45 ticket thus early in use in our own country was paper, or a card is more.than probable. For in the same Records, on 7th May, 1572, we find that “the seat hes ordeined that in tyme cuming nane sal present thair selves to the communion wythtout tikat resavit fra the clark of the quarter quhair they dwel or minister.’’ A little further on, at 3rd June, 1573, trouble has arisen owing to some having appeared at Communion “ wytht fengyeit tickatis of the dait the vij day of Maii, 1572.’’ Difficulties of this kind must have arisen frequently. In the same Records at date 24th July, 1583, “ Jhone Hwniman seidman confessis he producit at the Lordis Tabill ane fangyeit tikket, quhilk wes gevin him be David Robertsoun.’’ And again, “ Androw Broun younger tailyeour lykewys accusit for presenting him self to the Lordis Tabill, he nocht being at examinatioun, nocht ressavand ane tikket, bot be his maisteris tikket.’’ Possibly it was owing to the frequent occurrence of such tricks that the change to metal tokens was made at ST. ANDREWS. An entry here on 27th May, 1590, runs as follows: “ The quhilk day Patrick Gutherie, at command of the Sessioun, hes maid the ironis for streking of the takynnis to the Communioun and hes ressavit fra the Sessioun for his panis xls.’’ On 15th July “the Sessioun hes payit to Patrik Gutherie, for twa thowsand taikins to the Communion, ten merkis.’’ An interesting item from the EDINBURGH Burgh Records is of date 1579-1580, January 6th: “ Ordanis thatt in all tymes cuming, fra this communion furth, thair be na allowance maid to the denes of gild, present or to cum, in thair comptis of ony expenssis for stamping of the communion tikketis, because the samyn is ane nouatioun quhilk hes nocht bene vsit of befoir, and ordanis that quhensoever ony auditouris beis chosin for hering of the dene of gildis comptis, this ordinance be intimat to thame for the better obseruing heirof.’’ Apparently against the will of the Town é ae Council, metal tokens were introduced into Edinburgh City Church in 1579. This is the earliest record of metal tokens being used for Communion purposes in Scotland. Though the metal token was adopted in ST. ANDREWS parish in 1590, cards were again in use in 1596, and continued at least until 1656.5 On April 13th, 1588, the GLASGOW Kirk Session 5. In ‘ Faithful Contendings Displayed’’ (Michael Shields), Mr Robert Hamilton, in a letter to the societies, dated 7th Dec., 1685, refers to the treatment meted out to Rathillet by his 46 COMMUNION ‘TOKENS. “ appoint some to speak to the Baileys about making a new stamp and carts for tickets.’’ In the same minute “ the Session appoints new tickets to be made with the penitent’s silver marked with this sign, 1588.’’ Five years later, on 9th August, 1593, “the Session’. allows 50 shillings for stamping of the tickets of lead.’’ From these extracts it will be sufficiently plain that both cards and tokens were introduced at a very early period in the history of our Scottish Reformed Church. The material of which these metal passports were made was most frequently though not always Zead. In 1603 the GLASGOW token was ¢iz. A dim token was also in use at KIRKMABRECK. Brass was used at AUCHTERLESS, FETTERESSO, FORGUE, FYVIE, and METHVEN. At@ CAMPBELLTOWN the token was struck out of thin seet-iron. Silver tokens were not used in Scotland, but those of CROWN ~ COURT CHAPEL, LONDON, were of that superior metal. Such, too, were the tokens of the Presbyterian Church at CHARLESTON, SOUTH CAROLINA, dated 1800. Wickel silver was used at LIVERPOOL by the Shaw Street Reformed ~ Presbyterians. The token of the First R.P. Church of NEW YORK CITY was made of ivory. When the Lord’s Supper was first dispensed to the Secession congregation at CERES in 1743 — the tokens used were pieces of Jeather. For that occasion 2000 — were made, about the size of a shilling and with a hole in the — centre. Tokens of copper belong almost entirely to the nine 3 teenth century. IIl.—Tue Token: Its MANUFACTURE AND DESIGN. By the necessity of the times the Church of the Reforma- tion in Scotland was no doubt snared into regarding the Sacra- — ments too largely as instruments in the Church’s discipline. To this fact is due the presence of so much iron among her nobler — features. The thoroughness with which she entered into her new ~ discipline may be seen in the habit of appointing elders to give — brethren. After commenting on the fact of his being debarred from Communion, he adds, ‘‘ We went to Mr John Hog to see what was the cause; who told us that the elders had done it without his advice, and thereupon gave out tickets to Mr Thomas Douglas to give to Rathillet, whereupon that great witness for Christ would not accept of it.”? (Edition by John Howie of Lochgoin, Glasgow, 1780. p. 218.) | a € a r ¥ COMMUNION TOKENS. 47 _ their personal superintendence to the making of the tokens. Thus at PERTH the Session Records in 1681, 1683, and 1685 tell of the apointment of “attenders on the stricking of the tickets.’’ The two methods in the manufacture of tokens were “striking ’’ and “moulding.”’ The “ striking off the tikets ’’ was done by means of an iron punch which was placed on sheet-metal and hammered, the impressions being cut off to any size or shape. A good example of this may be seen in the ECCLEFECHAN _ Associate token, which is a round impression struck on sheet lead and cut to oklong, square, or diamond shape (vide Dumfriesshire illustrations, 56-58). Or the lead was poured into a wooden or stone mould, then struck with the punch. The earlier DUM- FRIES tokens have thus received a rude octagonal impression in a heavy shapeless frame (illus. 1-3). Such a token punch is that of the BEREAN CHURCH, EDINBURGH, preserved in the National Museum of Antiquities (vide Brook, p. 23). A third method of striking tokens was by means of an iron stamp, or “punch, in a box. From the end of this box the tokens were ‘struck out to a uniform size bearing the desired impression. The SWINTON AND SIMPRIN token is from a stamp and box of ‘this sort (Burns, p. 453). At DORNOCK, Dumfriesshire (illus. 44), the thin sheet-lead was apparently cut into small squares, and each square hand-punched with two separate irons to receive ‘incuse impressions of the capitals DC. This accounts for the fact that no two issues have been struck exactly alike. On some tokens the initial of the place is merely scratched with a sharp point on small pieces of sheet-lead and cut to shape. A good example of this is seen at HALTWHISTLE, where the small token bearing the letter H is known to belong to the same period as the old pewter Communion Cups dated 1745. About the year 1828 it is mentioned in the Haltwhistle Kirk-Session Records that there were 33 tokens for the use of communicants. The method largely adopted was “ moulding.’’ Ancient moulds were made of stone, iron, and sometimes even wood. In rural parishes stone moulds were preferred to iron as being easier to make and requir- ing less skill to use. When soft stones could be had, as the Water of Ayr, or the Cam Stone, slate, or any such workable Material, they were usually employed. From moulds like these have come some of our finest tokens. The halves of the mould were locked together by means of pegs or bolts or other contri- 48 CoMMUNION TOKENS. vance, and thus made ready to receive the molten lead. CRAIL and SALTOUN parish tokens are from stone moulds that have been preserved, and an old token mould is said to be in the Museum at Thornhill (Burns, p. 452). In later times the token — moulds were made of brass or iron. Dumfriesshire instances are mentioned in the notes under DUMFRIES ST. MICHAEL’S 1829, LOCHMABEN ASSOCIATE, and ST. MUNGO PARISH 1830. Some Churches still possess their token stamps and moulds. Others have allowed them to wander from their rightful guardianship into public museums or private posses- sion. A still greater lack of veneration has permitted more to get destroyed and to disappear. Witness the treatment suffered by the calme of the token of the Reformed Presbyterian Church at HIGHTAE. The reverse of this token (vide illus. 67) is illustrated here. In_ his endeavour to corroborate his attribution the writer came across an old villager who when a lad in his father’s home had the iron mould to play with. What came of it he could not tell, but fancied it would get thrown out when the paternal home was broken up many years ago. Other such moulds would find their way to the place of scrap-iron, and change their form to serve some other no doubt useful if more secular end. The rude workmanship of many 17th and 18th century tokens is sufficient evidence that the duty of making new tokens was frequently laid upon the town or village blacksmith, whose chisel and hammer were his stamp and mould. Kirk- ~ Session Records attest the fact. Time and again recurs the charge “to the smith for tickets’? (RATTRAY, 1666); “ paid HIGHTAE to the Smith who made the tokens at the Sacrament ffour Pound ”” _ (KEMBACK, 1709). In EDINBURGH (1579) it was John © Mosman, goldsmith, who executed the work. Patrick Gutherie, — who did a like duty for ST. ANDREWS (1590), was also a gold- — smith. But pewterer, plumber, and even the wright, were com- missioned for the work. Thus, “ John Ross peuterer for tokens 12s. Lead for tokens 2s 6d’’ (TAIN, 1748). In the notes under HOLYWOOD will be seen that the maker of the tokens there, and possibly for many of the places around Dumfries, was James Simson or Simpson, glazier in Dumfries. While many of be COMMUNION TOKENS. 49 the earlier tokens are rude both in form and design, it may be noted that some are really fine. A glance over Mr Brook’s care- fully drawn illustrations, or better still, an examination of the pieces themselves on the collector’s tray, will make this clear. There is a pleasing variety of shape. Czrcles and _ squares, GLENCAIRN. GLENCAIRN. oblongs and ovals, are agreeably interspersed with hearts, (as at Snr, ALLOA,, CLACKMANNAN, DOLPHINTON, DUNFERMLINE, KIRKMABRECK, KIRKTON, KIRK- WRD, LESWALT, and RERRICK); diamonds, (CLUNY, MROY, FORRES, GLASGOW FREE PRESBYTERIAN 1783, “OCHILTREE, RAFFORD, and SALINE); _ star-shapes, “DENNY, KINFAUNS, LADY GLENORCHY’S, and MUIR- TAVONSIDE); triangles, (ABERLADY, HUMBIE, KIRK- BEAN, and LAMINGTON); sexagons, (DYSART, MINNI- KIRKBEAN HADDINGTON : GAFF, and SOUTHEND RELIEF); octagons, (AMULREE, CAMPSIE RELIEF, COMRIE, DULL, DUNBOG, EDZELL, FORTINGALL, LESMAHAGOW, and ST. BOSWELLS); the laver-shaped token of BAVINGTON; the clock-shaped token of PAISLEY CANAL STREET RELIEF; the shield token of HADDINGTON; the guatrefoil of NORTH LEITH; the trefoil, and many another device. When we come to consider the obverse and reverse designs we find a great host of a type that ‘is severe, Yimple, and even rude. These have one initial or more, with or without a date. Others are embellished with decorations of sign and emblem. Among these the following may be men- 50 COMMUNION TOKENS. tioned :—A heart, (EVIE & RENDALL, GRANGE, MOCH- RUM, and SORBIE); @ bird, (ANWOTH, DUMBARTON, A.C., EDINBURGH ALL SAINTS, GIRTHON, KETTER U.P., MAXTON, STAIR F.C., and TARBOLTON F.C.) ; Town and City Arms, (ABERDEEN, ARBROATH, EDINBURGH, - GLASGOW, HADDINGTON, KIRKCALDY, MELROSE, MONTROSE, PEEBLES, PERTH, PAISLEY, ROXBURGH and ST. ANDREWS) ; burning bush, (ABERNETHY, CAMP- BELLTOWN 1803, CUMBERNAULD, DUNNICHEN, DYCE; FREE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND “bush patterns,’’ and the “Amo Amo ”’ tokens of the North); @ lighted candle, (AIRTH— the lamp of Airth); a star, (CONTIN, COYLTON, CULROSS; DALSERF, NEW DEER, and WOOLER); a flower; (DUNDEE, KIRKCOLM, and PORTPATRICK); a - vine; (KILWINNING); a thistle, (LARGO); @ Church, (ALYTH IS BIGGAR, BLAIRGOWRIE, LANARK, LIBBERTON® PEEBLES, ST. MONANCE, SOUTH LEITH, and TARBOL=§ TON); «@ Cross, (BALMERINO, CAMPBELLTOWN & FORFAR, LANGTON, MARYPORT, PANBRIDE, and STJ : MUNGO); Cross standing on closed Bible (SOUTH LEIT H) Open Bible, INVERKIP, ANWOTH, GIRTHON, and WHIT-~ HORN) ; Communion Table, (APPLEGARTH & SIBBALDBIE, © roa Fh pete HADDINGTON CARSPAAIRN CANADIAN STOCK, and LOCHMABEN) ; Communion Cup, (AYR, CARSPHAIRN, COLINSBURGH RELIEF, DUNINO® GLENISLA, MONKTON, and NEWBURN); Communion Bread, (AYR, CARSPHAIRN, DALMELLINGTON, and DALRYMPLE); Sand-glass, (CARNBEE); The Sun, (PORT OF MENTEITH); 2isk, (NORTHMAVEN—supposed to stand” for ICHTHUS, the Greek word for fish, and made up of the initials of the Greek words for Jesus Christ—of God—the Son— Saviour) ; serpent, (ELGIN) ; pentacle, (RUTHWELL) ; and the Fy COMMUNION TOKENS. 51 mystic concentric parallel circles rising from central hollow to rim “in the token of GATESHEAD Presbyterian Church, 1818. These, with innumerable commonplaces thrown in between, lie in close proximity, and are selected at random from the pages of ‘Mr Brook and Mr Dick, or from the trays of a moderate-sized collection. Clever hand-tooling is seen on the GIRTHON token, dated 1794. Here the workman has been a man of no mean skill. On the writer’s tray is one of this type in which the artist has been interrupted in his work, for it bears only the letters W T engraved, with unfinished star between, without date or anything on the obverse. Perhaps the most interesting piece from the point of view of symbolism is KIRKCOWAN, 1742. The man ho made this token was a scholar, or had a scholar at his elbow. KIRKCOWAN word nis “oth” or “token ’’ (Exodus xii, 13), the Old Testa- “ment “ Blood-token ’’ of the Passover. On the reverse is a T for token, and a heart, the “ Love-token’’ of the New Testament P Doubtless the designer of this piece was the cultured Minister, the Rev. James M‘Clellan, A.M. (1719-1743), who vould not fail to instruct communicants on the complete nature the symbolism borne by the leaden passport which was to admit them to the Lord’s Table. Devotees of this cult must lave noticed that almost more than those of any other district the Dumfriesshire tokens conform to the severest and least ornate types. Conventional squares and circles, and the more modern vals and oblongs with cut and uncut corners make up the Dum- | friesshire tray. Octagons at LANGHOLM and CANONBIE, ind three shapeless octagons at DUMFRIES, are barely suffi- jent to redeem the charge. No, not even when to these are idded the Communion tables of LOCHMABEN and APPLE- sARTH, or the characteristic design of the eccentric incumbent f ST. MUNGO, or the pentacle-token of Dr Henry Duncan at o2 COMMUNION TOKENS. RUTHWELL. There not being “ any graven image, or any like- ness of anything that is in heaven above or in the earth beneath’? it is well for Dumfriesshire if she be as clear of guilt on the nine other counts of the Decalogue as she is, at least in the matter of token types, on the second. The Stewartry has more to answer for—a triangle at KIRKBEAN, a dove and open Bible at ANWOTH and GIRTHON, two hearts at RERRICK, a trans- fixed heart at KIRKMABRECK, a bleeding heart at ANWOTH. These are a few items. Deviations from absolute severity of type might be gathered in almost every corner of the Stewartry. In Wigtownshire these types are repeated with emphasis. Such a display of symbolic emotionalism is unequalled among the tokens of any other district in Scotland. Across the Grampians and in the land of the Celt emotionalism has less need of a symbol, for there it gives itself a voice. There and there only do we hear the sacramental cry, “Love, Love’’ (ARDCLACH, AVOCH® CAWDOR, and KIRKHILL). There, too, may be heard in a strangely un-Celtic tongue this vehement protestation, “ Amo, 0’ (AVOCH, FEARN, NAIRN, and SPEYMOUTH)—with a pardonable over-accentuation of the opening of the 116th Psalm—though this is suposed by some to be the blundered ren- dering (for Amor, Amor) of the former cry, by one whose learn- | ing has done scrimp justice to his legend, and whose skill or eccentricity has made for “burning bush’’ a blazing field of stubble. Tokens with wusual lettering or unfamiliar texts are welcomed by the collector. On some may be seen the words “Sacramental token ’’ (DUMFRIES 1829, BRYDEKIRK 1836, IRONGRAY F.C. 1843, RUTHWELL 1830). On others it : “Communion token ’’ (ANSTRUTHER EASTER, DUMFRIES> NEW CHURCH 1830, DUMFRIES ST. MARY’S, MAXWELI= TOWN PARISH 1830, PETERHEAD). The letter “T”’ is found occasionally (KEMBACK, KIRKCOWAN, ua KIRK, SLAMANNAN), while “ Token ’’ appears sometimes in full (CULTS, HIGHTAE R.P., KEITHHALL.& KINKELL, KNOCKBAIN F., NEWCASTLE JOHN KNOX), and som times contracted as “Tok’’ (PEEBLES, TWEEDSMUIR, WHITEKIRK & TYNINGHAME), or “ Tokn ’? (ECCLESMA- CHAN, DALMENY). The “CT” on the token of LUSS possibly stands for “Communion Token.’? The “CD” at OCHILTREE are the initials of “Coena Domini’”’ or “ ™ i 4 COMMUNION TOKENS. 53 | Supper of the Lord.’’ Old FORFAR and RESCOBIE tokens . ave “LT” for “Lord’s Table.’’? “Token of admission to the ‘Lord’s Table” is inscribed on those of KIRKMICHAEL F.C. - (Dumfriesshire) and ALYTH. “Tokens of Love for Loth”’ at LOTH, “Sic itur ad astra’’ at INVERURIE, and “ Unitas ’’ at FALKLAND are interesting types. Almost unique is the letter “K” for Kirk on an associate token (KENNOWAY), or on a Relief (DUNNING). On the reverse of the MUSSELBURGH token “Relief Kirk’ is the lettering. “Relief Chapel ’’ occurs on tokens of RICCARTON (Ayrshire), and KILMARNOCK, and Relief Church ” at ST. NINIAN’S. “ Chapel’’ appears on ‘Established Church tokens at ARDOCH, MAXWELLTOWN “{Troqueer Chapel), GLASGOW GAELIC, and PAISLEY GAELIC. At GARTMORE it is “Garthmore Chappel.’’ The letters “IHS” we might look for on Episcopal tokens (FORFAR, FYVIE, LOCHLEE), but they are unusual on a Presbyterian (EVIE & RENDALL and ST. MUNGO), and pos- ‘sibly unique on a U.P. (LEVEN), where the letters, though LANGTON intended primarily for “ Jesus Hominum Salvator,’’ also stand for the initials of the minister. The letters “INRI”’ (Jesus Scotland. On the MORDINGTON token the letters TH are the initials of Thomas Hay, the Laird of Mordington, who in 1721 | presented to this parish the Rev. John Law, minister of a Presby- | terian Church in Newcastle-upon-Tyne (1706-1721). BY / YS coming after I 0: 13/35, and signifying “ By this’’ or the first two words of the text, is decidedly curious, and is seen at GREENOCK. DOUBLE on the reverse of the BROUGHTON | token is interesting. “Only Believe’? (QUEENSFERRY), Believe, Love, and Obey ’’ (MONTROSE METHODIST), and “Faith, Love, Knowledge, Repentance ’’ (ST. VIGEANS), are 4 COMMUNION TOKENS. ot types similar in character. In Glasgow U.P. Churches occur “For a Friend of Jesus’? (SHAMROCK STREET), “ For the Friend of Jesus ’’ (JOHN STREET), “ For the Friend of Christ’ — (GREENHEAD, RUTHERGLEN, and also FALKIRK), and @ at GLASGOW ST. PAUL’S we have surrounding the city arms — the prayer, “ Lord let Glasgow flourish through the preaching of Thy word.’’ “Remember Christ died for you’’ is the script legend across the face of the OLD MELDRUM token. On the HUNTLY ASSOCIATE, 1815, the letters MVD, signifying “Minister Verbi Dei,’’ follow the minister’s initials. “ Keep the Feast ’’ (LESMAHAGOW), “ Ye shew the Lord’s death ’’ (DUN- BLANE A.C., 1837), and “We will remember Thy love” (DUNDEE, TAY SQUARE, 1834), are types not often repeated. Like such legends, “texts ’’ did not appear on tokens until the close of the 18th or beginning of the 19th century. The stock texts were, “ But let a man examine himself ’’ (I. Corin. xi. 28), and “This do in remembrance of ME ”’ (I. Corin. xi. 24), and ¥ these were subject to variations. On the INVERNESS QUEEN — STREET U.P. token both these texts are rendered in Gaelic thus :—‘ Ceasnuicheadh / duine e fein / deanaibh so / mar chuimhneachan / ormsa.’> The token of the Original Seceders at SUNART & ARDNAMURCHAN (1836) bears a similar inscription. The following text also appears:—‘“ As often as ye eat this bread and drink this cup ye do shew the Lord’s death till He come’”’ (I. Corin. xi. 26), INVERNESS = WEST 1840; final portions of the same, at HADDINGTON WEST A.C. 1824, and BRIDGE-OF-ALLAN U.P. 1849; ““This® cup is the New Covenant [for Testament] in My Blood”’ (I. ~ ; Corin. xi. 25) KEITHHALL & KINKELL ; “ Drink ye all of 1 ~ (Matt. xxvi. 27) COUPAR-ANGUS SECESSION ; “ My flesh is meat indeed,’’ “ My blood is drink indeed ’’ (John vi. 55) EDIN- — BURGH ALL SAINTS EPISCOPAL; “Christ died for us” am (Rom. v. 8) ABERDEEN ST. JOHN’S EPISCOPAL; the samen rendered in Latin, “Chr. mort. pro nobis,’ MONTROSE . EPISCOPAL, and PETERHEAD EPISCOPAL; “Who gave — Himself for us that He might redeem us from all iniquity ’’ (Titus i. 14), ALYTH, and KIRKMICHAEL F.C. 1859 ; “ Leteverm one that nameth the name of Christ depart from iniquity ’’ (II. Tim. ii. 19), ARDERSEIR 1842, and GLASGOW, ANDER- STON U.P.; “ The Lord knoweth them that are his ’’ (II. Tim. COMMUNION TOKENS. 55 ii. 19) DOLLAR 1830, FERRYPORT-ON-CRAIG F.C. 1843, SEOCKERBIE F.C. 1843, MONKTON F.C. 1843, ST ANDREWS A.C.; “Lovest thou ME” (John xxi. 16), ANSTRUTHER EASTER 1840, LOCHMABEN F.C. 1843, NEWTON-STEWART RELIEF, PETERHEAD .1840; “On earth peace and goodwill towards men’’ (Luke ii. 14), MAX- TON; “Peace,’’ “Thou knowest’’ (John xx. 26, xxi. 17), NEWTON-STEWART RELIEF ; “ We would see Jesus ”’ (John mu. 21), een & KIRKBEAN F.C. 1843 ; “ The Lord is at hand’’ (Phil. iv. 5), KIRKMICHAEL F.C. 1859; “ My Beloved is mine and I am His ’’ (Song of Sol. ii. 10), DUNDEE HILLTOWN F.C. 1843; “What have I to do any more with idols?’’ (Hosea xiv. 8), DULL; “T will wash mine hands in ‘innocency ; so will I compass Thine altar, O Lord,” (Psa. xxvi. 6), DUNNICHEN, 1842; “The isles shall wait for His law ” (sai. xlii. 4), NEW ZEALAND R.P. MISSION, 1844 ; “ He is the head of the body, the Church ’’ (Colos. i. 18), MAKERS- TOUN F.C. 1851. Many other texts might be added, but these will show that even in tokens of modern design it was possible to introduce some little variety at least in the choice of text. A f similar variety is observable in tokens that do not quote the verse in full but simply give the reference, as I. Cor. xi., 28, 29; 3 John vi. 55, and so on. The more uncommon references saclads the following: Proverbs iv. 23 (GRANGE);, xxiii. 26 (GLASS) ; Colos. i. 20 (LANGTON and RENTON); ii. 6 (COLDING- HAM); Ps. 116 (CARSPHAIRN and DALMELLINGTON) ; Rev. iii. 20 (GLASGOW, SHAMROCK ST. U.P.) ; John xiii. 35 (GREENOCK). One of the most interesting references of this sort is Ephesians iv. 2, 3, found on the heart-shaped DUNFERMLINE (1753) token of Thomas Gillespie, who seceded n that year and founded the Relief Church. All things being considered, his choice of a text seems as remarkable as it is significant: “With all lowliness and meekness, with long-suffering, forbearing DUNFERMLINE. one another in love; endeavouring to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace.’’ Surely the endur- hg apologia of a refined and beautiful spirit! Obsolete names for some parishes have been perpetuated by means of the Com- 56 COMMUNION TOKENS. munion Tokens. Thus the MF in monogram on the FYVIE brass for “ Meiklefolla ;’’ MK on the KILSYTH token of date 1755, for “ Monyabroch Kirk;’’ “Conveth’’ for LAURENCE- KIRK; “Seil’’ for KILBRANDON & KILCHATTAN; and IK on the token of BUCHANAN (1712) for “ Inchcalzeoch Kirk.”’ Ancient and illiterate spellings may be noticed on many pieces. A few instances will suffice: “ Afflek’’ for AUCHIN- LECK ; “ Air’’ for AYR; “ Balbiggie ’’ for BALBEGGIE A.C. ; “Damhelentoun ’’’? for DALMELLINGTON; “ Monigoff’’ for Minnigaff; “ Minnihive’’’ for MONIAIVE A.C.; “Machline ”’ for MAUCHLINE ; “ Musslburgh ’’ for Musselburgh R. ; “ Neu- bigging ’’ for NEWBIGGING A.C.; “Yethlom’”’ for YET- HOLM A.C. ; and others. The word “ Relief ’’ appears to have been an ancient source of trouble. At CAMPSIE in 1786 it is rendered “ Releif,’’? and “ Relife’’ at Couper-Angus in 1791. Peculiarities like these, and there are many others, lend an interest to the pursuit of what might be made a very instructive hobby. MONIAIVE. IIJ.—TuHE ANTIQUE: ITS SURVIVAL AND INTEREST. In olden days Communion Tokens were struck on a handsome scale. Thus it is recorded in the minutes of the GLASGOW Kirk-Session, 3lst May, 1664, “that all the old tickets be struck upon the back with a 4th figure and new ones made, and out of the new and old to be made 4000.’’ On a similar scale, according to the requirements of the parish, tokens were struck in these large numbers. The notable thing is that few if any of these early century tokens have survived. Many ancient pieces are of un- known date. The period of others is determined by the initials of the minister. Of these a comparatively small number belong to the sixteenth or early seventeenth century. A list will be found in the succeeding chapter. Fewer still bear a seventeenth century date. Of these also a list is added. The question COMMUNION TOKENS. 57 arises, how comes it so few of these old Sacramental passports are to be found? In the COLDINGHAM Session Records, 19th July, 1696, it is “reputed by the minister and J. Smith, elder, that they had agreed with Joseph Foster, plummer, to make 1000 tickets to be cast in a mould for the use of the Church the letters to be first syllable of this parish.’’? A few out of such a hoard were almost certain to survive, but where are the thousand? The answer to our query is manifold. Communion Tokens having become in the hands of the Church instruments of discipline, a peculiar, an almost superstitious sanctity attached to them in the mind of the people two and a half centuries ago. They were carried about from place to place, and at certain periods were vouchers sufficient to obtain the sacrament in different parishes. Thus many tokens migrated and failed to find their way back. So venerated, too, was the token that church members at their decease were wont to have their tokens interred with them. This must account for the disappearance of a few more. But the main reason no doubt is that the older pieces went into the melting-pot as lead, towards the casting of the new issues. Diminished as they must have been through migrations, burials, and the habit of - non-communicating members neglecting to return them, the older tokens when melted down invariably required a fresh supply of metal added to make up the necessary number. We see an instance of this in the Holywood Session Records, 4th August, 1737, quoted in full in Chapter V. (page 93). The same is implied in the minute at Rattray, 1st September, 1689— “Abraham Low in Cowper Grange, for making the Communion tickets and furnishing some lead to them lib. 03: 00:00.’’ For many tokens, therefore, migration would simply mean a change of ‘Melting-pot and a mingling of their substance with that of strangers. Notwithstanding all such hazards, many interesting pieces are still to be had. Some owe their survival to migration, Pe hers to circumstances that can never be traced. Many have escaped owing to their having been neglected, while more, if not most, of the tokens found on collectors’ trays are there because of their late and continuous use. Indeed, it must be said that for collectors interest is mainly derived from the fact that so Many ancient pieces are still procurable. Facile princeps in interest, and therefore among the most difficult to procure, are 58 COMMUNION TOKENS. the tokens that were used by the Scottish Covenanters. At their great Communion festivals, whether in the Lothians or on the Irongray Hills or under the dark-browed sentinel at the head of the Irvine valley, the Covenanters made use of small metal | tokens. This one can easily believe. In days “When saintly men, who served the Lord, In safety could not dwell ; When Tyranny was on the throne, And Freedom in the cell,”’ —(Joseph Swan, Dwnfries, ‘* The Enterkin.”) if it was difficult to find a printing press to strike off the necessary paper tickets, or inconvenient to write them out, it was an easy matter to get a blacksmith or other craftsman to strike or mould any number of small metal tokens. Three thousand Covenanters took Sacrament on Skeoch Hill at the Communion Stones in Irongray, where stands to-day a granite obelisk of commemora- tion. If each communicant had a metal token such as those figured on the last page of Mr Brook’s work, one wonders where — the thousands have disappeared to! Five varieties, and five only, of these Covenanter tokens were known to Mr Brook, but when his work was written there were at least six. Indeed until the destruction of the Kilmarnock collection (on November 26th, — 1909), a sixth existed, for there the writer saw a round token — larger than the five little oblongs referred to above. It bore an | inscription similar to those which ran—“I am / ye bred=of / lyfe?’ “I am=the / vine’’ “I am= the / way ’’-“ Give / mm =thy / hart’ “holi / nes‘ to=the / lord.”? The Kilmarnoc variety was stated to have been found in the neighbourhood of Loudon Castle or Loudon Hill—which, the writer cannot be ~ sure. What matters it, for it too is gone! Almost equal to — these in interest is the DRON PARISH metal bearing the initials of Alexander Pitcairne and the date 1688. He is spoken of as “one of the most powerful and remarkable men of his time.” Admitted to the parish of Dron in 1656, his sympathies and influence were strongly on the DRON. side of the Covenanters. In consequence of this he was deprived in 1662 by Acts both of the Parliament and of the Privy Council. Being a man of outstand- CoMMUNION TOKENs. 59 ing courage he defied the authorities and remained in his charge for nearly twenty years. In this defiant course he was encouraged by Leighton, then Bishop of Dunblane. At last the Synod was constrained to institute proceedings against him which necessi- tated his withdrawal from the parish, Thereupon the persecution to which he was subjected became such that in 1681 he and others departed to Holland. Six years later he returned to Scotland Secretly. Not till the following year, however, a year momentous to the suffering Kirk and fraught with great changes for the whole country, did the tidings of the return of their beloved pastor reach the parish of Dron. To the parishioners of Dron the return of Pitcairne from Holland was hardly less important than the Revolu- tion itself. In 1690 he was reinstated in his old charge and mini- _Stered ihere for other five years, when he was promoted to the | Principalship of St. Andrews University. The old token which dates from most probably the year 1690 was struck to - commemorate the two events—the return of Alexander Pitcairne (A.P.) and the coming of the Revolution (1688). Of a similar “interest, and no doubt of greater rarity, is the Old TONGLAND Token which bears the initials of Samuel Arnot, the Covenanting minister of that parish. An extended note on him will be found in the following chapter (pages 66, 67). The story of this token, one of the most interesting survivals owing to migration, is told by Mr Robert Shiells in his “ Story of the Token ”’ (peGL):. To the intelligent collector this subject has the deepest fascination when tokens are procured which are connected in a direct way with leading actors in the great ecclesiastical movements in our country, or with men of other historical, literary, or biographical note. A few of these we shall proceed to mention. On the _Writer’s tray is a piece the Story of whose migration and survival is not without interest. The Rev. Thomas Nairn, who was ordained at KIRKCALDY (ABBOTSHALL) in 1710, had a M TN KIRKCALDY, KIRKCALDY, (ABBOTSHALL) (ABBOTSHALL) 60 COMMUNION TOKENS. token struck in the year 1735 as illustrated. In 1737 he joined the Associate Presbytery, his reason for doing so being the reading of the Porteous Act which had just then come into force. Five years later the question of renewing the Covenants came up ~ among the Seceders at the instigation of the Old Conservative party, whose headquarters were in Edinburgh. In the course of discussion things were said derogatory to the Old Dissenters or Cameronians with whose views not only Thomas Naim, but also Thomas Mair of Orwell and Alexander Moncrieff of Abernethy, were not greatly out of sympathy. However, at the critical moment Nairn found himself alone, so in 1743 he joined M‘Millan and thus enabled the Cameronians to form the first Presbytery of the Reformed Presbyterian Church, at Braehead in the parish of Dalserf. Doubtless Nairn carried over his tokens with him for — use in each of the congregations and denominations he served. Hence one of his Cameronian Communicants sojourning in the Quarrelwood (parish of Kirkmahoe) district would obtain Sacra- ment there by handing in the Abbotshall Token. To its having — thus migrated, and become mixed with the Quarrelwood R.P. tokens, which were never melted for re-issue, this token, no doubt, owes its survival, and we believe many a similar story — historically or biographically interesting might be told if owners would pursue inquiries and make their discoveries known. Another prize to the collector is the little oblong of NEW LUCE. — This piece has inscription NEW: / LWCE-, and was presumably the token in use during the ministry of Alexander Peden, the Seer of the Covenant. Better ground is there for believing that the token of SIMPRIN dated 1705 was that of Thomas Boston, author of “The Fourfold Estate.’’ Quite equal in interest are : the tokens of those men who created new chapters in the history of the Scottish Church. Now that the faintest and farthest away echoes of our ancient ecclesiastical wars are being hushed, and the spirit of amity and union has taken the air, Scottish Christianity is perceptibly rising to a more generous and truer appreciation of the — testimony of men like Hepburn of Urr, M‘Millan of Balmaghie, Gilchrist of Dunscore, Ebenezer Erskine of Stirling, his brother Ralph of Dunfermline, Fisher of Kinclaven, Wilson of Perth, Moncrieff of Abernethy, Nairn of Abbotshall, Mair of Orwell, and Gillespie of Carnock. Of increasing interest, therefore, must COMMUNION TOKENS. 61 tokens become which are connected with these great names. The small oblong of PORTMOAK, bearing the initials P:M eae het, "was possibly in use during the ministry of Ebenezer Erskine, who _was ordained there in Sept., 1703. On 8th July, 1731, he was inducted at Stirling, West Church. Suspended by Commission of Assembly in November, 1733, he and his three brethren, Fisher, Wilson, and Moncrieff, on 5th December, met at Gairney Bridge and formed the first Associate Presbytery. For seven years the Seceding Fathers retained possession of their pulpits until the year 1740, when acts of deposition and expulsion were carried into effect. The “ Ebenezer Erskine”? token of STIRLING, bearing initials E.E. and date 1742, is one compara- tively easy to obtain. Not so procurable is that of Ralph Erskine, the Sonneteer of the Secession. Ordained to the col- Fy | ® 4 a DUNFERMLINE DUNFERMLINE. legiate charge of DUNFERMLINE in 1711, he took part along With his brother in the Marrow Controversy, and stood by the brethren suspended in 1733. Though he did not withdraw from Mair, Nairn, James Thomson of Burntisland, and he were associated with the first four in the acts of libel and deposition of 1740. The Ralph year, illustrated above, is an interesting link with an important chapter in Scottish Church history. Another exciting passage was the intrusion of Mr Richardson upon the Inverkeithing Parish in 1752. To this event the Relief shurch in Scotland owes its origin. Thomas Gillespie of Car- nock and five others laid on the table of the Assembly a signed Protest against this unpopular settlement. The result was that Gillespie was selected for discipline, and, within twenty-four hours, “without a libel, without any formal process, was arraigned, condemned, and deposed.’’ Ordained in January, 62 COMMUNION TOKENS. 1741, “by a respectable class of dissenting ministers, Dr Doddridge acting as modera- tor,’’ Gillespie returned immediately to Scotland and was presented to CARNOCK in the following August. The token of this parish, dated 1746, was therefore struck during his ministry. We are told it was through the instrumentality of Boston of DUNFERMLINE- Ettrick (1707-1732) that “Gillespie was brought to the saving knowledge of the truth.’’ After his deposi- tion in 1752 he removed to Dunfermline and preached in the barn used by Ralph Erskine while Queen Anne Street Church was being erected. The heart-shaped DUNFERMLINE token, dated 1753, is thus commemorative of the beginning of Gillespie’s Relief ministry and of the Relief Church. Not far removed im interest and of much greater scarcity is the COLINSBURGH el COLINS BURGH. COLINSBURGH. Relief token, dated 1762. It is worthy of note that Gillespie had 3 for his earliest comrade Thomas Boston, the son of his spiritual ~ father, and who succeeded the famous divine in Ettrick in 1733. Promoted to Oxnam parish in 1749, he demitted his charge in 1757, and severed his connection with the Establishment. He then became minister of the Relief Church in Jedburgh. At the ‘ordination of the Rev. Thomas Colier at Colinsburgh, in October, 1761, Gillespie, Boston, and Colier, the three Thomases, formed themselves into the first Presbytery of Relief. Of historical interest, too, are the ABERNETHY Parish token, dated 1722, and the ABERNETHY ASSOCIATE, of date 1748. Rev. Alexander Moncrieff, M.A., was ordained to this parish in 1720. Seceding with Erskine in 1733 he became Professor of Theology in the Associate Theological College on the death of Wilson in 1741. His eldest son, Matthew Moncrieff, became his colleague and successor in 1749 and he died in 1761. Another of the COMMUNION TOKENS. 63 Secession Fathers was the Rev. James Fisher, during whose KIN- CLAVEN ministry, 1725-1740, the old token of that name may have been struck, and certainly was in use. The year of the great revival is recalled by the date 1742 upon the token of CAMBUSLANG Parish. It also bears the initials of the Rev. William M‘Culloch, whose name along with those of the Rev. James Robe of Kilsyth, Thomas Gillespie of Dunfermline, and _ the renowned George Whitefield will ever be associated with that remarkable movement. To students of hymnology the BAL- _ MAGHIE token, dated 1770, will have an interest as shewing the “initials of the Rev. Samuel Martin, hymn-writer and author of the 12th Paraphrase. Artistic pieces are found at RATHILLET (4.c. 1782) and KILMANY of the same year. The name of the one is that which will keep alive, in Scotland at least, the memory of Hackston the Covenanter, “that great witness for Christ.’ The Kilmany token will always have its name associated with that of the Rev. Dr Thomas Chalmers, the leader of the Disruption in 1843, and would certainly be the token in use during Chalmers’ ministry there (1803-1815). Other tokens might easily be added to the list of those already mentioned, but these will suffice to show what avenues of interest are opened up to the intelligent and studious collector of these little antiques which are fast becoming articles of virtu. On the method of arranging and exhibiting tokens a good deal might be said. Of course we are aware every collector is _ apt to regard his own method preferable to or at least as good as that of any other. It will be admitted, however, that the interest and value of a collection largely depends on its arrangement and method. One or two considerations may prove helpful to some collectors who are not too far advanced and who may be in difficulty on just such points as these. First of all, tokens, like coins, should be kept from rubbing against each other. The position of each token should be fixed, at least relatively, and fixed in such a way that the token will be disfigured on neither side. Further, tokens should be so exhibited as not to require fingering. Whether arranged alphabetically or not it is a decided advantage, almost a necessity, for each token to have under or over it the name of the parish or church to which it belongs. ‘Again, in the case of advanced collections inspection is made easier, pleasanter, and more profitable if along with the designa- CL PE Ry NP PN I ST a 64 COMMUNION TOKENS. tion there can be read at a glance any information of special interest connected with the token. It is surprising into how little space much legible information can be placed. Without atten- tion to points like these the tendency is for large collections to become less interesting as they increase in size. IV.—ANCIENTS DEFINITELY KNOWN TO BELONG TO THE PERIOD 1560—1799. Under this heading we give a list of tokens bearing decided evidence that they belong to the period indicated. (a) XVIth and XVIIth Century Tokens, whose date is ascer- tained by Minister’s Initials, arranged according to age. 1. AUCHTERDERRAN. GB / -A:° for George Boswell, 1567-1596. S., with border, 9. This token is recorded in Brook’s alphabetical list, but is not illustrated. It is the only one of the earlier century that has come under the notice of the present writer. 2. BANCHORY-TERNAN. R:R for Robert Reid, minister here in 1602. Obl. 12x10. 3. LEUCHARS. Obdverse, L. Reverse, MAH in monogram, for Mr Alexander Henderson, 1614-1638. Almost r., 8. Brook 729. This is the great Alexander Henderson who, along with Archibald Johnston, of Warriston, planned the renewal of the National Covenant and contributed a section to the historic document that was signed in the Churchyard of Greyfriars on the 28th of Feb- ruary, 1638. It was the same Alexander Henderson who drew up the Solemn League and Covenant - which, on the 25th of September, 1643, in St. Margaret’s Church at Westminster, was signed by 220 members of the House of Commons and by the great Westminster Assembly divines. His friend and colleague, Robert Baillie, minister of Kilwin- ning and Principal of Glasgow University, regarded him ‘‘the fairest ornament, after John Knox of in- comparable memory, that ever the Church of Scot- land did enjoy.’’ His token was found amongst the Reo ot bs COMMUNION TOKENS. 65 well-nigh obliterated foundations of an old dwelling on Tents Moor, Fife, and was identified by means of the monogram which appears on the seal of a letter sent by Henderson to the Dowager-Countess of Mar, dated 26th June, 1631. 4. MUIRAVONSIDE. Odverse, M K, large capitals. Reverse, M / R-H, for Mr Robert Halie, 1616-1626. R. 13. Brook 851. © 5. CROMDALE. M / DD, for Mr David Dick, 1623-1638. S.8. Brook, not illustrated. 6, KIRKWALL, ST OLA. Odverse, OLA. Reverse, M / Ih, for Mr James Heind, 1629-1641. Obl. 11x10. Brook 692. 7 DUNKELD. AR, for Alexander Rollock, 1639-1645. Obl., with c.c. and serrated border, 12x11. Brook 340. Burns, Plate III. A variety of this token is square, with corners uncut and having a serrated border, 10. 8. FORGUE. M / AG, for Mr Alexander Garden, 1645-circa 1666. Brass, s., with border, 10. Brook 437. Burns, Plate III. This is the earliest brass token known to the writer with the possible exception of Fyvie (MF in mono- gram for Meiklefolla, an earlier name for the Parish). | 9. DUNBOG. PARKES H-DVNBOVG on °a- circular dotted band, - M- / I M in centre for Mr John Makgill, 1646-1654. Oct. 12.. Brook 328. 10. MARNOCH. MR in monogram, within sunk oblong panel, for Mr (John) Reidfuird, 1648-c. 1680. Obl. 12x 9. 11. FEARN. M/IC, within sunk oblong panel, for Mr James Cramond, 1653-1690. Almost s. 8. Brook 414. Burns, Plate III. : Chaplain in England to a regiment in the service of “the late Unlawful Engagement in war against 66 COMMUNION TOKENS. England’’ in 1646, Mr Cramond was ‘‘ suspended from the renewing of the Covenant, and from the Lord’s Supper,’’ by Act of Assembly, 19th July, 1649. It was not till 1651, and after he had given evidences of repentance and of an ‘‘ unfained detestation and renunciation of that Engagement,’’ was he restored to the functions of the ministry and subsequently became minister of this parish. 12. TONGLAND. T /S-A for Tongland, Samuel Arnot, 1661-1662. S., with serrated border, 11. Brook 1085. Shiells, p. 61. Regarding this piece suspicion has just been con- firmed by J. C. Montgomerie, Esq., Dalmore, Stair, whose reasons for attributing it to St. Andrews Lhanboyd seem quite convincing. In his valuable collection Mr Montgomerie has an old Tongland token which may have belonged to the time of Samuel Arnot, and is possibly unique. It is square, measures 12, and bears the incuse antique capitals, Te: Whether the Covenanter claimed descent from the Superior of the ancient Monastery of Tongland we cannot tell. | But it is interesting to know that in 1516 the monastery was conferred on David Arnot, Bishop of Galloway. Samuel Arnot was the brother of David Arnot of Bareaple. He took his degree at Glasgow University in 1649, and was admitted to Tongland in 1661. Deprived of his living by Acts \of Parliament and Privy Council in 1662, Arnot and others took to preaching at Conventicles. In 1663 a complaint was lodged against him in the Privy Council for ‘‘ still labouring to keep the hearts of the people from the present government in Church and State.’? Publie citations were directed against: him in January, 1666, and in August, 1667, for holding conventicles, but he was included in the royal pardon Ist October, 1667. Further orders were issued for his apprehension on 4th June, 1674, and twelve days later a reward of 2000 merks was offered for the capture of John Welsh, of Irongray ; Gabriel Semple, of Kirkpatrick-Durham ; and Samuel Arnot. Trans- ferring his labours to Cumberland, Northumberland, and Ireland, Arnot returned to Galloway. Here again, on 6th January, 1679, he came under the ban of the Secret Council. This time 9000 merks are se) eset) 5m hm 7 a ar erat se cms ee «i es ere EP a ert | — COMMUNION TOKENS. 67 offered for Welsh, 3000 for Semple and Arnot, and 2000 for any other fugitive field preachers. In December, 1684, he was still a prescribed preacher. He died at Edinburgh, 3lst March, 1688. In the “‘ Reformed Presbyterian Magazine,’’ February, 1859, will be found a graphic and detailed account of the great Covenanters’ Communion services at the Com- munion Stones on Skeoch Hill in Irongray in 1678. There Arnot of Tongland, Welch or Welsh of Iron- gray, Blackadder of Troqueer, and Dickson of Rutherglen were each assigned his appropriate func- tion, and the services were carried through, no doubt to the satisfaction and profit of all. - BANFF. M / S, for Mr (Alexander) Setone, 1661-1679. S., with border, 11. Burns, Plate III. . STRICHEN. M / WS, within circular panel, for Mr William Scott, minister, circa 1662. Almost s. 10x 9. Brook 1052. Burns, Plate III. ‘Mr Scott allied himself with the Protesters in 1651, and at the Restoration was ejected for not submit- ting to Hpiscopacy. . HAWICK. Obdverse, hK, for Hawick Kirk. Reverse, M / AK, for Mr Alexander Kynneir, 1663-1667. Upright obl., with border on reverse, 9x10. Burns, Plate III. . KIRRIEMUIR. *M*/I-K/KK, all within a beaded oval panel, for Mr John Keith, Kirriemuir Kirk, 1663-1668. Upright obl., with rounded top, 12x14. Brook 690. . GUTHRIE. M/ GS, for-Mr George Strachan, 1663-1692. S., with border, 8. Brook 502. - SELKIRK. SK /I1-C, for James Craig, 1666-1676. Upright obl., with trace of border, 11x13. Brook 996. . STRICHEN. M / IW, for Mr James Whyte, 1669-1690. S., with border, 11. Brook 1053. | FINTRAY. M / AF, in grotesque capitals, for Mr Alexander Forbes, 1682-1691. Obl., with border, 8x10. Brook 424. Burns, Plate III. 68 COMMUNION TOKENS. 21. DESKFORD. Obdverse, D, within square panel. Reverse, MIH, in monogram, for Mr James Henderson, 1684-1689. Obl., with serrated border on obverse and plain border on reverse, 11x10. Brook 289. Burns, Plate I. A more ancient token of this parish is that with D on obverse and D, with I placed horizontally below, for Patrick Innes, c. 1679. (b) Similar Tokens of Ministries running into the XVIIIth Century. Under this heading comes a class of Token whose right to be included in this list is only half a degree less than the pre- ceding. While it is not impossible to find Tokens struck during the closing year or years of ministries, it is more frequently the case that Tokens were struck to mark the ministers’ admission to their charge. On that ground we admit the following to this list :— 22. CHAPEL OF GARIOCH. M_/ GC, for Mr George Clerk, 16— to 1702. S., with border, 10. Brook 184, 23. LOGIE-EASTER. M / KMK, incuse. MK in mono- gram, for Mr Kenneth M‘Kenzie, 1665-1715. Obl, with c.c., 11x10. Brook 754. 24. CULSALMOND. M / WG, with dot at each corner, for Mr William Garioch, 1666-c. 1711. S., with border, 11. Brook 252. Burns, Plate III. 25. CUSHNIE (now Leochel-Cushnie). M / P C, for Mr Patrick — Copland, 1672-1710. Obl., with border, 10x49. Brook 264. Burns, Plate III. 26. LOGIE-COLDSTONE. M / TA, for Mr Thomas Alexander, 1680-1715. S. 10. Brook 752. 27. LOGIERAIT. M /MM, for Mr Mungo Moray, 1681-1714. Irregular obl., with border, 12x11. Brook 757. 28. p29. 30. Communion Tokens. 69 KILDRUMMY. M / TA, with dot in centre, all within a circular panel, for Mr John Alexander, 1682-1717. SL, The Rev. John Alexander was deposed for joining the Standard of the Earl of Mar in 1715, and praying for the Pretender. FORFAR. Obverse, FOR (i ON) 0) es three sides of edge ; LT, for Lord’s Table, in centre. Reverse, M | I-S, for Mr James Small, 1687-1716. S. 12. Brook 433. HOLM. JG /H®, for James Grahame, Holm, 1688-1721. R. 17. Brook 514. . LUNDEIFF (afterwards Kinloch). M_ / IG, within sunk circular panel, for Mr James Gray, 1697-1717. Almost Ss. 9x10. Brook 774. Burns, Plate ITT. - KINELLAR. M / TA, for Mr John Angus, 1697-1723. S., with border, 10. Brook 626. Burns, Plate ITT. - LINWALD. Obverse, TN. Reverse, MAR, in mono- gram, for Mr Alexander Robestone, 1697-1761. R., light borders, 11, For note on Mr Robestone see Dumfriesshire Cata- logue, page 90. 34. CUPAR. Obverse, ITH, block capitals, for James Hadow (1st charge), 1694-1699. Reverse, W G, in monogram, for William Greenlees (2nd charge), 1698-1711. R., with slight border, 12. Burns, Plate III. - MORTLACH. M / HI, for Mr Hugh Innes, 1698-1733. Diamond-shaped, with border (point to point), 12. Brook 838. - DUNDURCUS (Boharm). M / DD, for Mr David Dal- tymple, 1698-1747. R. 12. Brook 333. {c) 38 39 AQ. 41 COMMUNION TOKENS. XVII. Century Tokens bearing Date, arranged alphabetically. . ARDCLACH. ARDCLACH .°. around edge, with ‘91: in centre for 1691. Rev.,S/LOVE/LOVE, the S retrograde, dot in centre. R., with narrow border, 15. Brook 53. . BALFRON. K*B/1697. S., with border, 11. Brook 85. Burns, Plate II. . BALLANTRAE. -B- / 9°3, all within an oblong panel, for Ballantrae, 1693. S., with border, 9. A fine specimen of this was in the Rev. Dr Lands- borough’s famous collection which was destroyed by fire in the Dick Institute Museum, Kilmarnock. BOVRTIE. M/AS/ 1697. Mr Alexander Sharp, mini- ster there, 1678-1709. S., with borders, 10. . BRECHIN. 16/BREC--/--HIN / 78, the N retrograde Two horizontal lines between name and date. R. 14 Brook 133. Burns, Plate IIT. “This token was struck to mark the year in which the Rev. George Halliburton, D.D., was promoted from Coupar-Angus to the Bishopric of Brechin.’’ . CAVERS. CK with two five-pointed stars below. Reverse, ‘1699, with a similar star below. Irregular r., with serrated border on reverse, 14x13. Brook 178. Burns, Plate II. The Rev. Robert Bell, A.M. (1694-1721), was one of four who dissented from an act of the Synod assert- ing their principles respecting the established govern- ment of the Church in April, 1703, and one of three ministers in the Commission of Assembly, 7th November, 1706, who, according to the doctrine of their Covenanting ancestors, disapproved of 26 Prelates sitting in the united Parliament of Great Britain. He was translated to Crailing in 1721. 43. CORTACHY. KIRK /CORT/ACHIE. Reverse, 1684. S., with border, 13. Burns, Plate II. COMMUNION TOKENS. 71 44. CRAILING. C/N:K between five mullets on the field, for Crailing and Nisbet Kirk. Reverse, 1699 between six mullets. Imperfect r., with dotted border, 14x13. Brook 223. Burns, Plate II. This parish was declared by Parliament, 23rd October, 1612, to be the parish-kirk of Crailing, Nisbet, and Spittell. The Rev. John Cranstoune, A.M., 1692-1704, the father of Dr William C., who was the friend and confidant of Thomson, author of *““The Seasons,’? was succeeded at Ancrum (1704- 1748) by his son John, who became his colleagué and successor in 1733. 45. CROSSMICHAEL. CP, large capitals, for Crossmichael Parish. Reverse, 16 / 48. R. 10. Brook 240. Burns, p. 458, fig. 102. This token has been attributed to Carsphairn, and Mr Brook has stated there is no definite evidence showing it belongs to either of these parishes. For want of better we may take the attribution of the Rev. George Murray, of Balmaclellan (ordained 1838), who in May, 1864, presented to the Scottish Society of Antiquaries over 50 tokens with attribu- tions, among which are two of this type, one definitely ascribed to Crossmichael, and the second among a list of uncertain. (See ‘‘ Proceedings of Society of Antiquaries’’ for May, 1864.) Between 1638 and 1658 there is in the Crossmichael Fasti a gap which Dr Scott has been unable to account for. 46. CULLEN. M/IC/ CULLEN / 1690, for Mr James Chalmers, minister here, 1689-1695. Reverse, incuse table number. Obl., with serrated border on obverse, 10x11. Brook 246. Burns, Plate II. Mr Chalmers was deprived in 1695 for nonjurancy. 47. DOLLAR. DK / 1699, with line between letters and date. Reverse, plain. S., with border, 12. 48. DRON. AP / 1688, for Alexander Pitcairne, minister here, 1656-1681, 1690-1695. Obl., with border, 11x10. Brook 304. Burns, Plate II. Mr Pitcairne was promoted to be Principal of the 49. 50. ol. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. COMMUNION TOKENS. Old College, St. Andrews, in 1695. For further note on this token see Chapter III., p. 58. DUNBLANE. DB-°K / 1699, with horizontal line between letters and date. Obl., with border, 11x10. Brook 304. Burns, Plate II. ECKFORD. ECK/FORD, the RD in monogram. Reverse, 16 / 96. S. 10. Brook, 371). ‘Buena Plate II. The Rev. James Noble, A.M., 1694-1739, was ordained minister of the Presbyterian congregation at Bran- ton, Northumberland, in 1688; admitted to Yetholm in 1690, and translated to this parish in 1694. EDNAM. ED/NEM, the NE in monogram. Reverse, 16 / 96. S., with border on obverse, 11. Brook 390. Burns, Plate IT. The Rev. Thomas Thomsone, A.M., 1692-1700, trans- lated hereafter to Southdean (1700-1716), was the father of James Thomson, author of ‘‘ The Seasons.” FINTRY. FF, large capital, with 16 / 99, a numeral in each corner, all within a square panel. S. 11. Brook 426. HUMBIE. HK, antique capitals. Reverse, 1699, the 6 retrograde. Triangular, 12x13. Brook 521. Burns, Plate V. There is another token similar to this with the 6 © normal. INSCH. Insch/ 1685, with horizontal line between name and date. S., with serrated border, 11. Brook 530. Burns, Plate II. INVERKEITHING. HI / 1674. Obl., with border, 9x10. Brook 541. Burns, Plate II. INVERKEITHING. HDK, the HD in monogram, for Hinderkeithing Kirk. Reverse, 1699. S., with ser- rated border on obverse, 9. Brook 542. KILBRIDE, EAST. K*B }: /16CL 92, the K B in quaint script capital. Obl., with border, 11x10. Brook 571. Burns, Plate II. COMMUNION TOKENS. 73 58. KIPPEN. K / 1697, with horizontal line between date and letter. S., with border, 10. Brook 647. KIRKNEWTON. Burns, Plate II. Brook, disputed. . LOGIE. 1676 / LK, all incuse, the last three figures of date united. Almost s. 10. Brook 747. Burns, Plate IT. . LUMPHANAN. LVM / 1667. Obl., with border, 12x11. Brook 770. Burns, Plate II. The Rev. Alexander Mitchell, admitted prior to 1667, was deprived of his living in 1681 because he refused to take the test. He was succeeded by the Rev. Patrick Leith, M.A., who was deposed in 1716 for active participation in the Rebellion. . MONKLAND, OLD. O/ MK / 1686. Almost s., with border, 18. Brook 821. Burns, Plate II. The Rev. James Main, A.M., who was translated from Fenwick in 1684, forsook his charge at the Revolution in 1688. This token was found buried in a field where a large Communion gathering had assembled. . NAIRN. N / 1674, within upright oblong panel. Upright obl. 12x14. Brook 858. Burns, Plate IT. This token was moulded to mark the ministry of the Rev. Hew Rose, A.M., who was descended from an old Nairnshire family, and who was one of the most cultured clergymen of his time. . OCHILTREE. 16 /0O-K / 99. Diamond shape, with border (point to point), 14. Brook 881. Burns, Plate II. - RERRICK. R1698. The date reads at right angles to the letter. Heart shape, point up, with slight border, 10x11. Brook 946. Burns, Plate II. The Rev. Alexander Telfair, A.M., 1689-1732, entered as chaplain in the family of Sir Thomas Kirkpatrick of Closeburn, Bart., at Whitsunday, 1687, was called to Rerrick in October, 1688, and was ordained some- time between 16th July and 29th October, 1689. He 74 CoMMUNION TOKENS. published a work entitled ‘‘ A true Relation of an Apparition, expressions and actings of a Spirit, which infested the house of Andrew Mackie, in Ringcroft of Stocking, Edinburgh.’ 4 to., 1696. 65. STRACATHRO. SC in grotesque monogram, with numerals 6 and 9 on either side. R.14. Good speci- mens of this token show traces of another numeral, 1, 6, or 0, indicating the date as 1690, 1696, or 1691, rather than 1669. Brook 1040. Burns, Plate II. 66. TARVES. TARVES-1692- around edge. M / Gal within circle in centre, for Mr George Anderson. R., with border, 14. Brook 1068. Burns, Plate II. The Rev. George Anderson, A.M., 1683-1704, was translated from Methlick, to which parish he was admitted in 1663. Refusing to take the test, he forfeited his living in 1681. Only for a short time, however, as he changed his mind in the following year, and was permitted to return to his charge. In 1704 he was promoted to be Professor of Divinity in King’s College, Aberdeen. (d) XVII. Century Tokens whose date is fixed by Kirk Session Records. To the foregoing there fall to be added those Tokens whose . claim to be included in this list is equally unquestionable. These — are specificially mentioned in the Kirk Session records. Of this class we have come across only four, but there must be more. When Kirk Session Records have been made to give up their secrets this list will be greatly extended. 67. ARBUTHNOTT. AR B./ UT H \f NO Reverse, plain. Obl., with border, 10x11. The date of this 7 token according to Session Records is 1696. Brook 49, 68. ARDERSEIR. ADERSEIR, incuse around edge. © Latin capitals. Reverse, plain. R. 14. The date, 1647. 69. ARDERSEIR. The same as the foregoing, but spelled ARDERSEIR. The date, 1665. Brook 54. LI a Me mer wey. See pe CoMMUNION TOKENS. 7) 70. COLDINGHAM. COL, with slight border. 6S. 7. Another variety of this has dotted border and measures 8. The date, 1696. (See p. 29.) The Annan token which opens the list in the next chapter has not been included here as the Session Records of the period to which the token is stated to belong are not in the custody of the Kirk-Session there, and the author has therefore been unable to verify the claim made for that token. To this period also belong all tokens which, like HASSENDEAN, are those of parishes suppressed or united with others prior to the year 1700. HASSEN- DEAN was suppressed on 22nd July, 1690, by the Commissioners of Parliament for the Plantation of Kirks. Tokens dated 1700 we have not included in this list, but may mention that such are to be found at DAL- GETY, DRON, DRYMEN, DUNBOG, DUNNING, MELDRUM, MERTOUN (2), NENTHORN, PEN- NINGHAM. PLATES. . 76 CoMMUNION TOKENS. PLATES, ILLUSTRATING THE TOKENS OF DUMFRIESSHIRE. CORRECTIONS. By touching up the photographs from which these blocks are : reproduced, the artist has made plain what otherwise would have been indistinct. Unfortunately, a few mistakes have crept in, but the error in each case is due more to the tokens than to either the photographs or the artist. Corrections must therefore be made as follows :— No. .39. ~1721, for 1720. »— O02. MB for ME: i 63. 1748) for 11728: - 85. 1734 under monogram. ,, 135. REV. M. MG for REV. M. MG. ,, 144. SANQUHAR for SANQUMAR. 110. CONGREGATION / of across centre. | wy "4 a ‘ 4 | ‘dw Jo . DONVUINAWN TY ‘TM ADT Nr od sini} SdIaWnd 6.77 TMNT 39 sasain auiewya SZONVUSHE Tisai USN OC StH, NERNEY > sede +>81 NOSAYM uM ADH HOWAHO. 471349 V7onowe* “oul 42" sours guaweas ut sypog MUIs a ¥ Ono. noe ere ri JaSwiFaniAy ~ \ ovine, Svs d On NViWalidsaud SG SLING Stee TwYXS NYA YLST Lng 3m a0 “ZONvHEWaNay | Nrod sty re LVIAOW HOUNHD NVIHILAGSIYd aalinn art io x x A, weentawan Syogana” 4 JONVYSWIAIY NLOG SIKL ComMMUNION TOKENS. a7 V.—CATALOGUE OF DUMFRIESSHIRE TOKENS. _ Abbreviations, &c. —E.C. = Established Church; A.C. = Secession i (Associate) Church; R. = Relief Church; U.P. = United Presby- terian Church; R.P. = Reformed Presbyterian Church; F. = Free Church of Scotland ; W. = Wesleyan Church ;R.(r). = Round; 8. = Square; Ov. = Oval; Obl. = Oblong; Oct. = Octagonal; C.C. = Cut Corners ; Numbers = Sixteenths of an Inch; Measurement = Horizontal x Vertical. The plate number of Token illustrated follows the denominational sign at the beginning of each descrip- tion. Annan. el. E.C. AK in monogram. Border. Reverse, plain. S. 11. The date of this token is said to be 1698, and it con- tinued in use till about 1820, when a new one was struck. The Rev. Robert Colvill, A.M., was minister here 1696-1699. Illustrated in ‘‘Good Words,” December, 1906. Vide supra, p. 75. 72. E.C. No. 22. ANNAN across planchet. Reverse, I. COR, 11" /28 & 29. Borders, obl. c.c., 119. meA.cC. No. 23. ASSO. CON. / ANNAN. — Reverse, REV? W.G. / 1807. William Glen, first minister. Light borders, ov. 18x12. Dick 93. The Rev. William Glen, 1807-1816, resigned his charge in 1816 in order to become a Missionary to Astrakan in Persia. In 1845 he received the degree of D.D. from St. Andrews University. He died in Persia in 1849. mac. No. 24. ASSO. ‘CON. / ANNAN Reverse, TOKEN / 1820. Light borders, ov. 18x12. Dick 94, This token was struck at the beginning of the second pastorate of the Annan Secession (Burgher) Church. The Rev. James Dobbie, M.A., 1820-1846, died from accidental poisoning. His son was the late Rev. Thomas Dobbie of Lansdowne Church, Glasgow. 7%. R. No. 25. RELIEF / CHURCH / ANNAN. Reverse, THIS DO IN / REMEMBRANCE / OF ME. Borders, obl. c.c. 17x13. Dick 95. Relief Congregation formed in 18388. United with the Secession Church in 1847 to form the Annan United Presbyterian Church. 738 16,28 77. F. No. 27. ANNAN / FREE CHURCH / 1843m8 76. B.C. 195 BAC 80. H.C. Se COMMUNION TOKENS. Annan—continued. No. 26. ANNAN / UNITED / PRESBYTERIAN | CHURCH. Reverse, “THIS DO IN / REMEMS BRANCE / OF ME.’’/ 1. COR. xi., 24. Bordersp oblsc.e: 18x12... Dick 36. :—— /“LET A MAN / EXAMINE HIMSELF, &c. / 1. COR. xi., 23. Reverse, FREE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND on either side of tower of Cathedral on rock among billows. Burning bush on rock to left. Cathedral with large minarets. Maker’s name CRAWFORD, GLASGOW, across billows at the under edge. Borders, obl. c.c. 17 x 12. Applegarth and Sibbaldbie. No. 28. APPLEGARTH round edge arching & /SIBBALDBIE / 1838. Reverse, THIS DO IN” REMEMBRANCE / OF ME. around edge. In centre, Communion table with two cups and bread. Borders, ov. 18x15. No earlier token has come under the notice of the compiler. This was struck during the ministry of the Rev. William Dunbar, D.D., 1807-1861, son-in- law of the Rev. Dr Burnside, of Dumfries (1794-1806), and father of the Rev. William Burnside Dunbar, of Glencairn (1855-1864). Brydekirk. No. 30. BRYDEKIRK / 1836 round _ edge. Blank oval in centre. Reverse, SACRAMENTAL in lozenge around upper edge /TOKEN around under edge. Blank oval in centre. Borders, ov. 154 x 124. The Rev. Hugh M‘Bryde Broun, 1836-1848, became Free Church minister of Lochmaben at the Disrup- tion. No. 31. Blank field with border. Reverse, THIS DO IN / REMEMBRANCE / OF ME. / 1 COR, xi., 24. Border, obl. c.c., 164 x 114. 9 COMMUNION TOKENS. 79 Burnhead. mr. R. No. 29. RELIEF CHURCH overarching 1801 / BURNHEAD.~ Border. Reverse, plain, obl. c.c., 16x12. Dick 184. = The Rey. William Auld, 1801-1808, was the first mini- ster. Caerlaverock. mec. Cl. Border. Reverse, plain. S. 9% Brook 144. . E.C.- No. 32. CL in monogram. Without border. Reverse, plain. R. 12. . E.C. No. 33. CL in monogram. Distinct variety. Border. Reverse, plain. Date about 1702. R. 12. Brook 145. Rev. John Somervell, A.M., 1697-1734, was son-in- law of the Rev. William Vetch, one of the Dumfries ministers (1694-1714). D. E.C. No. 34. Do this / in remembrance / of me. The first and last divisions enveloped in ornamental scrolls. Light border. Reverse, plain, obl. c.c., 18x11. . E.C. No. 35. CAERLAVEROCK round edge of lined and beaded oval. TABLE / 1. in centre. The numerals 1 to 4 incuse in striated ornamental oval. Reverse, as Annan U.P., but without inverted commas. Borders, obl. c.c., 18 x 13. Canonbie. 7. E.C. No. 36. CANONBY / KIRK round edge. Reverse, 1 COR. / x1., 23. Borders, oct. 14. Brook 160. Another variety belonging to this parish is round and has CANONBIE 1816 incuse around edge. mee. No. 37. CANONBIE / FREE CHURCH / 1845. Reverse, LET A MAN / EXAMINE / HIMSELF / I COR., xi., 28. Borders, ov., 18 x 14. ve 80 COMMUNION TOKENS. Chapelknowe. 89. A.C. No. 38.. UNITED /: ASS®° / CON / CHAPEIE KNOW. = Reverse, REV. G. C. / 1832. George — Clark, first Minister. Light Borders, ov., 16x12. Dick 206. ) This congregation was formed in 1811 under Burgher Secession auspices. Not for 21 years did it have a minister of its own, until 1832, when the Rev. George Clark was ordained first minister. Mr Clark died in 1852. Closeburn. 90. E.C. No. 39. CK/1721. Border. Reverse, plain, obly 13x12. Brook 190. (See Plate correction, supra, Dp. CG.) The Rev. John Lawson, 1718-1757. According to Scott’s ‘‘ Fasti,’”? Mr Lawson got a church built in 1741. In Ramage’s ‘‘Drumlanrig and the Douglases’? we read: ‘‘In 1741 the _ heritors improved the church by adding three galleries, but it is again in a dilapidated state, and will require such great alterations to fit it for containing the con- gregation that it has been determined (1875) to build a new church on a different site.’? This token recalls the nine years’ vacancy and the unsuccessful attempts to transport Thomas Boston, of Ettrick, to this parish in 1716. ; 91. E.C. A variety of the same. The 1727 type figured in Brook never known in Closeburn. Brook 191. | 92. F. Stock pattern. Type II. as Half-Morton F. but with incuse table numeral on obverse. Ov., 19x13. (Compare Ecclefechan F. and Half-Morton F.) Cummertrees. 93. E.C. No. 40. CK. No border. Reverse, plain. R. 18, Brook 146. 94. E.C. No. 41. CC in circle. Border. Reverse, plain. Reo 95. E.C. No. 42. THIS DO / IN REMEMBRANCE OF ME round edge of beaded oval. Reverse, incuse numeral — ae 2 ge. E.C. fo, B.C. 100. E.C. put. E.C. COMMUNION TOKENS. 81 in shield in centre of plain field. Maker’s name, KIRKWOOD, on upper border. Wide borders, ov., 19 x 14. Dalton. DK incuse. Reverse, plain. R. 12. Brook 277. No. 43. DK. Reverse, large numeral. Wide borders, thick, r. 13. Brook 278. Dornock. No. 44. DC incuse, for Dornock congregation. Letters hand struck on thin sheet lead. No border. Reverse, Table numbers lightly tooled. S.12. Brook 295 (error). The DC not for the Greek words ‘ Deipnon Christou’’ (as Mr Shiells, page 139), nor yet for the Latin ‘‘ Domini Coena,”’ both signifying ‘‘ Supper of the Lord;”’ but simply for ‘‘ Dornock Church,’’ or more probably ‘‘ Dornock Congregation.’? On the “Migration of Tokens’’ see page 59 of this work. See also ‘‘ The Story of the Token,” page 61. The letters CD for Coena Domini occur on the reverse of the Ochiltree Parish Token (Ayrshire) dated 1806. No. 45. DORNOCK / CHURCH round edge. Striated incuse numeral / TABLE within beaded oval. Reverse, THIS DO IN / REMEMBRANCE / OF ME / Luke xxii., 19. Borders, ov. 18 x 14. Dryfesdale. No. 46. DRYFESDALE / 1837. Reverse, THIS DO IN / REMEMBRANCE / OF ME. Borders, ov. 18 x 14. No earlier token of Dryfesdale Parish has come under the notice of the compiler. The Rev. David Buchan Dowie, A.M., 1833-1843, became Free Church minister of Largs at the Disruption, and disappeared in 1863. (Scott’s ‘* Fasti.’’) Dumfries. No. 1. DFS / 1728 with line between. Thick 82 102 FC. 103. E.C. 104. E.C. 105. E.C. 106. E.C. COMMUNION TOKENS. Dumfries—continued. border. Reverse, plain. Rude oct. 14. Brook 317 (error). Rev. Robert Patoun, A.M., 1715-1738, married the daughter of Bailie James Muirhead, of Dumfries. By his third wife he had a family of ten, of whom two were ministers and two became ministers’ wives. No. 2. DF / 1733 with line between. - Thick = border. Reverse, plain. Rude oct. 14. In the Kirk-Session’s account entered in the Records at date June 28, 1733, is to be found the following item :— “*To making new tokens ......... 00 05 00.” So far as we have been able to discover this is the solitary reference in the Dumfries Kirk-Session Records to the making of tokens or to their cost. No. 3. DFS / 1743 with line between. Thick border. Reverse, plain. Rude oct. 14. No. 4. Type I. DF / 1751 with line between. Rude letters, thin border. Reverse, plain. Almost Sa Las No. 5. Type Il. DF / 1751 with line between: Letters more ornate. Thin border. Reverse, plain. Almost s. 12. No. 6. TYPE III. DF / 1751, with gate mage between letters, shaped like communion cup. Line between letters and date. Border. Reverse, plain. Almost s. 12. Rev. Robert Wight, A.M., 1732-1764, was ordained minister of the Presbyterian Church at Brampton, Cumberland, in 1712. Inducted to Torthorwald Parish in 1724, he remained there one year, and was recalled to Brampton. From here he came to St. Michael’s as colleague and successor to Mr Patoun. He was the son-in-law of the Rev. Alexander Robesone, of Tinwald, and his son was Dr William Wight, Professor of Divinity in Glasgow University. COMMUNION TOKENS. 83 Dumfries—continued, mi. H.C. No. 7. DF / 1773. Border. Reverse, plain. 5S. c.e., 13; Brook 320: Rev. Thomas Mutter, D.D., 1765-1793, according to John Mayne, ‘‘was a gentleman of distinguished talents, of great eloquence as a preacher, and very eminent as a theologian.’’ He published a volume of sermons, London, 1791, 8 vo. 208. E.C. No. 8. DF / 1828. Border. Reverse, plain. S. (Cx, lie The only specimen of this token known to the com- piler may be seen in the Vestry of St. Michael’s. eeuy. F.C. No. 9. St. MICHAELS / CHURCH round edge of inner oval. 1829 within oval in centre. Reverse, SACRAMENTAL / TOKEN round edge ‘of inner oval. Table numeral in central circle cutting smaller oval. Seven tables. Borders, ov., 17x13. Rev. Alexander Scot, D.D., 1806-1830, began his career as a stonemason. He worked at the building of Halleaths, Lochmaben. Became tutor in family of proprietor, Mr Gordon. Ordained by Presbytery of Lochmaben as collegiate minister of Scottish Church at Rotterdam. Presented and admitted to New Church, Dumfries, 1795, and translated to St. Michael’s in 1806. (Of this issue tokens were struck for seven tables. The calme is preserved in St. Michael’s Vestry.) The Rev. J. Montgomery Camp- bell, from Dundee, was inducted in 1905. meen.c. No. 12. Type 1. AC J D8. Reverse, M / WI / 1766. Large broad M. William Inglis, second minister (1765-1826). No borders, s.,12. Dick 278. The letters on the obverse stand for Associate Congre- gation, Dumfries. The M on the reverse is for Magister or Minister. gil. A.C. No. 13. Type Ii. AC / D8. Reverse, M {/WI/ 1766. Smaller M and other variations. No borders, s., 12. Varieties in this type of token not noticed in Dick. Rev. William Inglis, 1765-1826. The poet Burns 84 COMMUNION TOKENS. Dumfries—continued. gave as his reason for attending the ministrations of Mr Inglis, that he preached what he believed and practised what he preached. The two varieties common to all issues of this type, as e.g., Sanquhar A.C. 1750, Lockerbie A.C. 1747, Elsricle A.C. 1760, Urr A.C. 1752, Kinclaven A.C. 1749, etc., would seem to indicate either that there were two distinct issues separated by a lapse of time or that two separate moulds or calmes were used. The writer has a Lockerbie A.C. 1747 showing the obverse of Type I. and the reverse of Type II. The seventh minister, the Rev. D. R. W. Scott, from Darvel, was inducted in 1905. 112. R. No. 14. RD / 1790 for Relief Dumfries. Lombardic numerals. Serrated border. Reverse, plain with table -number incuse. S. 9. Brook 321 (error—K D for RD)... Dick 279, Rev. John Lawson, 1790-1808. A licentiate of the Established Church of Scotland, Mr Lawson was ordained in i781 as minister of the Protestant Dis- senting congregation at Spittal. In 1784 minister and people were received into the Relief Church. Inducted to Dumfries in 1790, he resigned in 1808, and acted a; preacher for six months at Riccarton, Kilmarnock. In 1811 he was settled at the New Inn Entry Relief Church, Dundee, and died at Temple in 1836, aged 83. The eleventh minister, the Rev. H. A. Whitelaw, was translated from Haltwhistle, Northumberland, in 1904. 113. A.C, No. 15. ASSO. CON. / DUMFRIES / SRE W. D. / 1810. Reverse, LUKE xxii., 19 / THIS DS IN / REMEMBRANCE / OF ME. Walter Dunlop, First Minister. Light borders, obl. c.c., 19x12. Dick 277. Rev. Walter Dunlop, 1810-1846. The ‘ Watty Dunlop ”’ of ‘‘ Scottish Life and Character,”’ a cele- brity whose piety, it should be remembered, was no less deep than his humour was quaint, was ordained to the ministry of the Associate congregation of Liddesdale in 1804. In this year the name of the church was altered to Newcastleton. The third minister, the Rev. John Cairns, M.A., was ordained in 1884. COMMUNION TOKENS. 85 Dumfries—continued. aya, E.C..-No. 10.. N. CHURCH / DUMFRIES in border frames. 1830 in centre. Reverse, COMMUNION / TOKEN in border frames. Numeral in circle in centre. Borders, obl. c.c., 14x 12. Rev. Thomas Tudor Duncan, M.D., 1806-1858. Son of the Rev. George Duncan, of Lochrutton (1766- 1807), and brother of Dr Henry Duncan, of Ruthwell. Prior to 1830 no doubt the tokens used in the New Church, now Greyfriars, were the same as those used in St. Michael’s. The present incumbent, the Rey. J. Bryce Jamieson, B.D., from Hurlford, was in- ducted this year (1911). 15. E.C. No. 11. S® MARY’S / DUMFRIES round edge. Table numeral in circle in centre. Reverse, COM- MUNION / TOKEN round edge. Numeral in circle as on obverse. Borders, obl. Cue. U4 oy | Rev. Andrew Fyfe, 1835-1854. Ordained to the | Biggar Relief Church in 1807, and inducted to the | Relief Church, Dumfries, in 1808, he went over with the larger portion of his congregation to the Estab- lishment, and was received im 3835 Im 1840 9 | young minister was appointed as acting colleague, and Mr Fyfe retired to Strathkinnes, in Fifeshire, ; where he laboured as missionary in a Chapel of Ease | until his death in 1854. The Rev. Peter Thomson died a few months after his appointment, and was suc- : ceeded by the Rev. John R. Mackenzie, A.M., 1841- 1843. — Coming out at the Disruption with other local non-intrusionists, he became first minister of the Dumfries Free, now St. George’s U.F. Church. Quite a succession of short pastorates followed, so that in 1877 the Rev. Alex. Chapman, M.A., was ordained as tenth minster of St. Mary’s. 116. F. No. 19. FREE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND printed between oval lines enclosing incuse numeral / DUM- FRIES. Numerals 1843 one in each corner. Reverse, THIS DO IN / REMEMBRANCE / OF ME. / / ; BUT LET A MAN / EXAMINE / HIMSELF. Light borders, obl. c.c., 17x13. The present church was erected during the ministry of the Rev. Charles M‘Neil, M.A., now minister- roan ~ot*® 86 17. F. 1183 W:. COMMUNION TOKENS. Dumfries—continued. emeritus. His colleague and successor, the Rev. Duncan Ross, B.D., was translated from Carluke in 1909. No. 20. FREE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND round upper edge of beaded oval border. SOUTH CHURCH overarching table numeral / DUMFRIES / 1861. Reverse, as previous. Border, ov., 20x 16. A mission church founded by the congregation of St. George’s Free Church in the year of a great revival (1861). The church was built on the Southergate Brae, and is now the South U.F. Church. The first minister, the Rev. Robert Milligan, was translated to Dundee. The fifth minister, the Rev. J. Y. Wilson, M.A., was translated from Kirkcaldy in the spring of the year 1911. No. 21. WESLEYAN CHAPEL / DUMFRIES / 1787 (foundation date). Reverse, plain. Borders, ODI GuGan lee Lo. When this token was struck, and whether or not it was ever used for sacramental purposes, the writer has been unable to determine. Possibly some years. ago, forty or fifty at the most (the design will not permit an earlier date), this inveterate Presbyterian custom influenced the Wesleyans to attempt an adaptation to the case of Methodism, with discourag- ing success. Anyhow, the token was made, and it preserves to memory the date, it may be, of John Wesley’s first preaching visit to Dumfries or of the foundation of the Wesleyan Methodist Society. One Baptist church, LOCHEE (Dundee), made a similar attempt to adapt this custom to the Sacra- mental usage of that Church, but like most non- Presbyterian efforts it did not survive many years. Interesting notes on Wesley’s visit to and impressions. of Dumfries will be found in the fourth volume of his. Journal, between the years 1780 and 1790. Mr Dick mentions other three examples of Methodist tokens— INVERNESS, MONTROSE, and another. 119. R.P. Vide Quarrelwood. The Martyrs Church entered on a new phase of its. history with the retiral of the Rev. Robert COMMUNION TOKENS. 87 MacKenna, M.A., who was inducted in 1867 The Rev. Thomas Keir, M.A., minister-in-charge for three years, was appointed in 1909. Dunscore. 120. E.C. No. 47. D:S- with two dots placed vertically between the letters and one after. Reverse, plain, r. 9 Brook 353. ef21. E.C. No. 48. DS /1726. Reverse, plain, obl., 9x7. Rev. Thomas M‘Kinnel, 1723-1736. Thereafter mini- ster of Urr Parish, 1736-1769. 1272. E.C. No. 49. D:S with two dots placed vertically between the capitals. Reverse, plain. R.12. Brook 354. This token and the smaller (No. 120) may have been struck earlier, but certainly they must have been in use during the ministry of the Rev. James Gilchrist, who was translated from New Cumnock in 1701 and deposed 4th September, 1716, on account of his irregularities. In these he was associated with the Revs. John M‘Millan of Balmaghie, John Taylor of Wamphray, and John Hepburn of Urr. For further information on this see ‘‘ Humble Pleadings for the Good Old Way,’’ 8vo., 1713, and ‘‘ Protestors Vindi- cated,” 4to., 1716. faee.C. No. 50: D:S / 1771. Border. Reverse, plain. S.15. Brook 355. Rev. Philip Morison, A.M., 1766-1777. Thereafter minister of Balmaghie, 1777-1812. er24. E.C. No. 51. DUNSCORE COM TOKEN / 1829 round edge. Reverse, large incuse numeral in circle. Borders, r. 16. Rev. Robert Brydon, D.D., 1822-1843. Thereafter minister of Dunscore Free Church, 1843-1860. ‘‘ His distinguishing excellencies were simplicity, candour, and forbearance.’’ 88 COMMUNION TOKENS. Dunscore Renwick. No. 52. M.B./1817. Light border. Reverse, plain. Matthew Beattie, first minister. R.13. Dick 315. (See Plate correction, p. 52.) Rev. Matthew Beattie, 1817-1858, of Dunscore-Ren- wick, was the first minister. The congregation was formed in 1814, the church built in 1816, and Mr Beattie from Kilmarnock (King Street) settled in 1817. jt i) Qt vs) Dunscore Craig. 126. R.P. Stock pattern. Type I. Obverse as reverse of Annan U.P. without the inverted commas. Reverse, LET A MAN / EXAMINE / HIMSELF, &c. / 1 COR., xi, 28, 29. - Borders, obl: c.c:; 07 «22. 127. R.P. Stock pattern. Type II. As previous but with inverted commas on obverse and reverse. Borders, OD GG. e4g Solas The Craig congregation was formed in 1864 and be- came a mission station of the Reformed Presbyterian Church. Their first preacher was the Rev. James Cosh, A.M., who was ordained in 1865 as a missionary to the New Hebrides. The tokens used here are of the type indicated above. Dunscore. 128. F. No, 53. DUNSCORE / FREE.CHURCH / 166oq “THIS DO IN / REMEMBRANCE OF ME.”/ 1 COR., xi., 24. Text in smaller type. Reverse; FREE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, arching Burning Bush over scroll inscribed, NEC TAMEN CON- SUMEBATUR. Under scroll to left CRAWFORD, to right GLASGOW. Borders, obl. c.c., 17 x 12. The Disruption minister, Rev. Robert Brydon, D.D., 1843-1860, was succeeded by the Rev. James Pollock, during whose ministry this token was struck. The reverse is a stock pattern and occurs, as in the case of Greenock Middle Free, sometimes with no maker’s name at all, sometimes with Crawford, Glasgow, and again with Cunningham, Glasgow. CoMMUNION TOKENS. 89 Durisdeer. 129. E.C. No. 54. DR / 1746. Light borders. Reverse, plain. S.11. Brook 356. Rev. William Cuninghame, A.M., 1744-1753, was translated from Mouswald (1737-1743). Later he was transferred to Sanquhar (1753-1768). ‘‘ He was clever, and accomplished, and pleasing and elegant in his manners beyond most of his day, so that Catharine, Duchess of Queensberry, made him her daily com- panion, which led to his being termed the Duchess’s walking-staff,”’ me. H.C. No. 55. DK / 1767. Latin capitals. Reverse, plain. Light borders. §. 114. Brook, not illus- trated. The Rev. John Johnstone, 1758-1770, was licensed by the Presbytery of Lochmaben, ordained to the Pres- byterian Congregation at Brampton (1742-1757) and admitted to Durisdeer in 1758. Ecclefechan. #31. A.C. No. 56. EC (with irregular quatrefoil between) / 1772 in circle touching edges. No borders. Reverse, plain. Almost s., 13x 12. Rev. John Johnston, 1761-1812, was the minister of the Carlyle family in the Sage’s early days. Of Mr Johnston Thomas Carlyle said he was “‘ the priestliest man I ever under any ecclesiastical guise was privi- ledged to look upon.’’ The variations in the tokens indicated above suggest a re-issue at later periods from similar dies. The letters EC stand for Kecle- fechan Congregation. 182. A.C. No. 57. EC / 1772 in circle on large square of sheet lead. Reverse, plain. S. 18}. isa. A.C. No. 58. EC / 1772 in. circle touching edges. ) Tokens struck on sheet lead and cut with no regard to position of letters and date. Reverse, plain. S. 14. Dick 327. - F. Stock pattern. Type I. Free Church. / OF SCOT- LAND around edge. 1843 in centre. Reverse, LET 90 135. 136. 137. 138. 139. RP. E.C. ESC; COMMUNION TOKENS. A MAN / EXAMINE HIMSELF / 1 Cor., xi., 28. Dick 945. N.B.—Two plain dots separate upper and under legends around edge on obverse. Letters larger and numerals smaller. On reverse no period after HIM- SELF. Borders, ov., 19 x13. Eskdalemuir. No. 59. ESKDALEMUIR around edge. K in centre. . Reverse, 1 Cor. / xi., 23. Borders; 1, 0p Brook 399. A type of token recurring frequently in the South of Scotland, especially in the eastern corner of Dum- friesshire, vide Ewes, Gretna, Langholm, Moffat, and Westerkirk. No. 60. R.P. incuse, for Reformed Presbyterian. No border. Reverse, plain. Metal, tin. S.,c.c., 11. Dick 20. The first minister ordained to the Eskdalemuir R.P. Church was Rev. James Morrison, 1847-1879. Ewes. No. 61. EWES/ KIRK. Reverse, as Eskdalemuir. Borders, r., 15. Brook 403. See note under Eskdalemuir H.C. Glencairn. No. 62. GK / 1721. Light borders. Reverse, plain. R.12. Brook 482. Also p. 49 of this work. Rev. Robert Jardine, 1719-1732. Ordained to be minister of Cummertrees (1713-1719), he latterly was minister at Lochmaben (1732-1749). Of him it is said, ‘‘ though an orthodox and pious clergyman he had a great turn for fun and buffoonery.”’ No. 63. GK / 1748. Light border. Reverse, plain. S. 9. Brook 483. Also p. 49 of this work. (See Plate correction, p. 76.) Rey. William Moodie, 1733-1772. COMMUNION TOKENS. 91 Glencairn—continued. 140. E.C. No. 64. GLENCAIRN around upper edge. 1838 around under. KIRK across centre. Reverse, table number in circle. Borders, r. 14. Rev. Patrick Borrowman, 1837-1843. Became first Free Church minister of Glencairn at the Disruption. 141. F. Stock pattern. Type II. as Half-Morton F., but with incuse table numeral on obverse. Oval, 19x13. The Free Church of Glencairn has this somewhat notable legend inscribed on an outside tablet in its walls: ‘‘The people of Glencairn, aided by the Central Fund, built this house for the worship of God, when for adhering to her old standards and the testimony of the martyrs on behalf of Christ as King of Zion, the Church of Scotland was severed from the State. MDCCCXILIII. Patrick Borrowman, mini- ster.” ; Glencaple. 142. F. Same as Dumfries Free, 1843. Greenknowe. 143. E.C. GREENKNOWE / CHURCH / ANNAN. Reverse, as Caerlaverock, No. 35. Obl. c.c., 18x13. Gretna. (144. E.C. No. 65. GRAITNEY around upper edge. KIRK across field at bottom. Incuse Roman numeral be- tween. Reverse, as Eskdalemuir. Borders, r. 14. Brook 497. See note under Eskdalemuir E.C. Two earlier types of this parish are oblong with incuse capitals G K. Rubbings show them to be varieties of the same token. Half-Morton. 145. E.C. No. 66. HM with radiated dot between. Reverse, TABLE around upper edge. Beneath, large incuse table number. Light borders, ov., 15 x 12. 146. F. Stock pattern. Type II. Legends as Ecclefechan F. N.B.—Obdverse, radiated dots, smaller letters, larger numerals. Reverse, period after HIM- 92 COMMUNION TOKENS. SELF. Ov., 19x13. This variety not noticed in Dick. Hightae. 147. R-P. “No: 67. L.38./ H. Reverse,» TORE NS fem centre. Light borders, r. 13. Reverse illustrated on page 48. Probably unique. It was found by the writer in the collection of a neighbouring R.P. Church. The com- piler has satisfactory reasons for attributing it to Hightae (see p. 48). The church here, which was started in the interests of the Relief, fell upon evil days, and in 1828 was sold for £70 to a few people connected with the Reformed Presbyterians. The first minister was the Rev. James M‘Gill, 1829-1864. 148..R.P.. No. 68: 1, Con, xi., 28, 29 / LET A MANS EXAMINE / HIMSELF, &c. With large floral ornament on four sides. Border. Reverse, plain, Obl c1ce eli The causes of this backward state of things are easily ex- | plained. (1) The English tenants have no leases except from year ‘toyear. They are tenants at will. They are always in the power of their landlords. Hence they never improve or their improve- | gments are imperceptible. The system paralyses all enterprise or 5 i 146 A JourNEy TO Lonpon In 1840. attempts at improving. If a tenant improves under such circum- stances he does not know, whether, as he is in the power of his landlord, the latter may be induced to raise his rent above the ex- tent of the improvement. Hence it is he will not venture to risk his capital in any such way, and hence the backward and station- ary state of agriculture in England. (2) Tithes till lately (namely), 1836, I think, when they were commuted, as they have long been in Scotland), formed a formidable obstruction to cultivation. The Church, which contributed not a farthing to agriculture, drew a tenth part not of the profit but of the gross proceeds. Thus the Church might in some cases draw more than all that would other- wise have been profit from the improvement. At anyrate if an improvement produced a tenth more than formerly that tenth went to an unproductive party who contributed not a farthing to the — cultivation but who pocketed all the fresh proceeds. Hence the — existence of tythes formed a formidable obstacle to cultivation, — and when combined with the ignorant and slavish system of — tenants at will, the wonder is not that agriculture in the sister — kingdom is so far back, but that it is so far forward, low as its ; state is. (3) The system of small farms has contributed to the — same unfavourable result. Everywhere throughout England, — except in Norfolkshire, and perhaps in Northumberland and on — the borders of Scotland, there is a vast proportion of small farms, even so small as from under 10 acres up to 100. I reckon 100 acres even a small farm. Small farmers are never men of capital and their land is always ill managed. The larger a farm is, speaking generally, the better it is managed, for the tenant is a — man of capital and enterprise, and has more room and verge for | rotation of crops, enclosing, etc., etc. In Norfolk, where agri- culture is in a better state than in any other county, Northumber- land perhaps excepted, farms are large and leases of 21 years prevail. This is a happy condition, and hence Nerfolk is an example to the rest of England. Farms are also large and leases prevail in Northumberland. Leases are the exception in every other county in England. I may mention also that except in the case of leases there is no proper restriction as to rotation of crop, indeed matters are all in a rude state. ‘ Small farms are objectionable from another point of view. The cultivators consume on the spot all, or nearly all, the produce they raise. If this were general no manufactures except domestic SRS RIE na ween bn tat A JouRNEy To Lonpon In 1840. 147 or old ones could prevail, and such towns as Manchester and Glasgow could not exist. Corn, like cotton or anything else, should be raised with the fewest hands possible or at the cheapest rate, and the surplus exchanged for such other produce as we desire or require. If farms were all small, as in many parts of : _ the Highlands of Scotland, or as in almost all Ireland, the British people would retrograde and become rude and ignorant like the peasantry of Ireland. Again, if England enjoyed long leases as Scotland does and _ if her agriculture was as good as ours, or as it is in the counties of ' Northumberland and Norfolk, it would be possible to export many | 3 millions of quarters of corn, and thus render our Corn Bill a dead letter. The Corn Bill is about the greatest blot on the legisla- _ tion of this country imaginable, but if we were true to ourselves, if the English landlord knew his real advantage, we could in twelve months from this date shake the nation free from the _ degrading and ruinous trammels of the bread tax. But it is | difficult and requires a long time under ordinary circumstances to | effect any very considerable change or reform in the habits and | prejudices of a people. Another circumstance that struck me in England was the comparative extent of pasture land. “John Bull is evidently a | great beef eater. Some of the finest lands in Warwickshire were devoted to pasture. But even these lands were neglected. They were not limed or properly manured, and rushes and other ‘rank and noxious things were disfiguring fields, nay whole dis- tricts, which, under wise management, might have been as clean | and beautiful as any royal lawn in England. Besides, they “would have been more valuable and would have yielded better and more kindly pasture. 1 The crops generally were very thin though fresh and green ‘in the blade to a degree of richness unknown in Scotland. They | were in some instances so thin that they would not produce two pecds, certainly not more than three or four. They were earlier than the crops in Scotland, but not nearly so productive as the latter were around Edinburgh, and on the Clyde in the neighbour- hood of Glasgow. In other words the crops in England were | Very considerably inferior (though earlier) to those in the best igricultural districts in Scotland. In Scotland, as we pass through any district of it, we find at “ 3 y + = oy 148 A JouRNEY To LONDON In 1840. short intervals farmhouses with their neat and substantial range of office buildings, and their barn yard in many instances still containing not a few stacks. The farmer in the best districts is a person of capital, of enterprise, intelligence, and of no incon- siderable rank. His house is large and substantial, suited for the residence of a man of from £300 to £600 of clear annual income. Altogether a good farmhouse gives us in Scotland an idea of com- fort, prosperity, and independence. I saw no such sight in Eng- land. I saw nothing resembling our respectable farmhouses, — and no stackyards. The truth is, the agricultural tenantry in — England are evidently not men possessed of the same rank or _ advantages as the same class in Scotland. They inhabit inferior houses, have less capital, and altogether are not men of the inde- _ pendence and importance of Scottish farmers. I have referred to the circumstance of so many horses being employed in tillage. This is a fertile source of loss. I believe | that one-half of the horses might be dispensed with, but say a third. Now it is estimated by the best authorities that there are 1,200,000 horses so employed, exclusive of coach, mail, hack, and pleasure horses of all kinds. The third of these is 400,000, which large number might be spared if the Scotch mode of industry was introduced into England. This is a serious view of : the case. Supposing each cost on an average £15, the total | amount vested in superfluous horses is not less than £6,000,000. — Not only is this sum insecurely invested inasmuch that a good many of the horses die yearly, but the interest of the money, — which, at 3 per cent., would be £180,000 yearly, is entirely and for ever lost. But this, however bad, is not the worst. Not only is the large sum of £6,000,000 dormant or rather invested in- securely, and the interest which it might otherwise produce los to the owners and the public, but the horses have to be kept. — This is a still more fertile source of loss than any other mentioned I shall state the expense in two different ways. (1) It is estimated that the extent of land necessary for the maintenance of a horse engaged in husbandry is 5 acres, including oats, hay, potatoes, etc. Now if 1 horse requires 5 acres, 400,000 horses will need 2,000,000 acres; the very idea of which is striking and ought to make the English farmer think. (2) Let the expense be estimated in money. The keep of a horse may be set down at say £10, which, however, I consider below the mark. Even at this low EPI ORERE Rtg werrtetin fT En A JourNEY To Lonpvon rn 1840. 149 rate the keep of 400,000 horses cannot be less than £4,000,000. But the probability is that the cost is a third more or £6,000,000. The profit and advantage that would immediately accrue to the English farmer if he should adopt a better system of husbandry, and to the nation remotely but not less certainly, are altogether astonishing and may be valued in the aggregate at £10,000,000 sterling. If the English farmer would introduce the two-horse plough of Scotland he would not merely save all that I have said but would save, in addition, the extra service required. The English, too, are behind in the matter of farming implements. Their plough is rude and ineffectual, quite different from an im- proved Scottish plough ; their harrow is generally of wood, not of iron. The threshing machine is by no means universal, and as to its being driven by steam the idea has never entered the English mind. I forget if I ever saw the one-horse cart. The carts are generally constructed for two horses, often for three or four. This is all very well when a vehicle of the size is needed, but for one time that a two or four-horse cart would be required a one- horse vehicle would be twenty or fifty times in requisition. The horses are not driven abreast but in a line one after the other, the power or efficiency of each being thereby diminished according to its distance from the object drawn. Altogether the state of agriculture in England is honourable neither to the intelligence, enterprise, or public spirit of the tenant or landlord; is unfavour- able alike to private and public interests, and altogether unworthy of so rich a country blessed with a first-rate climate and soil. The English horses, however, both those employed in agri- culture and for pleasure, are of a breed very superior to those in Scotland. Indeed there is no comparison between them. Those in the south are surely better fed, they are so large, sleek, spirited, and handsome. On a former visit to England I had been much struck with the superior breed of horses; on the _ present occasion the disparity appeared to me even greater. Nor are the horses ever over-wrought in England as I fear they too often are in Scotland. England, in short, seemed to me to be a paradise for horses, where they live a life of ease and are fed on the fat of the land. ; But I must leave the subject of English agriculture and hasten on with my narrative. I arrived at London, as I before said, on Friday, 22nd May, at a quarter-past one o’clock p.m. 150 A JourNEy To LonpDoN In 1840. We stopped at Euston Station, which is near Euston Square and not far from the University College. I immediately got into a cab and drove to my friend Mr M‘Culloch’s at the Stationery Office, James Street, Westminster, about 200 yards from Buck-— ingham Palace, where the Queen was then residing. I made the best use of my eyes possible, and could at this moment, after a month’s interval, enumerate not a few of the streets and squares I travelled through. I was most grateful when the cab entered the Bird Cage Walk, as it is called, which is part of St. James’s Park, at least, it is only separated from it by an iron railing. I admired the rich verdure of the park, its lofty and umbrageous lines of elms, and its romantic lake. The day was fine and the number of persons walking considerable. Altogether I felt much excited. I know that I possess the organ of locality, as it is called, to a very marked extent. Iam not acquainted with anyone who feels more delighted in visiting new places or who remembers all about them with more accuracy and minuteness. My ecstasy accord- ingly on my entering London for the first time may be more easily imagined than described. It was extreme. On arriving at the Stationery Office, I found Mr M‘Culloch at home, and I was received by him with the most affectionate welcome. His excellent wife and family were equally kind, in- deed I believe that of all their Scotch friends none ever paid them a visit whom they were more glad or as glad to see. We had been familiarly acquainted since the year 1817. When they lived in — Edinburgh we were much together, and I believe that Mr M‘Culloch opened his mind to me in a more confidential way and to a greater degree than to any other person. His mother, Mrs Dempster, who is still alive at the venerable age of 76, resides in Edinburgh, and it has been arranged between her and her son that on her death I am to represent him, conduct the funeral, and act as chief mourner.6 I mention this in order to 6. Mrs Dempster died on the 7th August, 1840, aged 76. She had been almost entirely bed-ridden for about three years. Water in the chest was her most serious complaint, but this was ultimately either wholly subdued or nearly so, and her death may be said to have resulted from no specific disease but old age. Mrs M‘Culloch, understanding that the old lady was rapidly failing, was present at her death, having arrived about ten days before. Miss M‘Culloch was also present. They sent frequently for me during the evening on which Mrs Dempster died, but, unfortunately, I was out at ee eo Sed 4 i A JourNEY To LONDON IN 1840. 151 3 shew the familiar and affectionate footing on which we are. Nor is this all. I contributed two very important articles on the Literary and Scholastic Institutions of Scotland and on her religious history and state for his Svatistical Account of the us y _ British Empire, and 1 am at present engaged along with him both on his Universal Gazetteer and on the Dictionary of Arts, Science, and Literature, which is about to appear. Under all these circumstances it may at once be predicated that my meet- ing with Mr M‘Culloch was of the most agreeable kind and that . my welcome was most cordial. While lunch was being prepared he showed me not only through his house but through all the rooms belonging to the Stationery Office, which is under the same roof. The house once _ belonged to a rich nobleman, and is about the size of four houses in George Street, Edinburgh, but of a totally different form, being longer and not so high. No more than three-fourths of it are required for the Stationery Office. The part of the building that is used for the dwelling-house is at the top, with the exception of the drawing-room, which is on the middle floor. Mr M‘Cul- loch’s study, a splendid apartment, is on the same floor. His own business room, as comptroller, is also on the middle floor, and it is used as the dining-room on great occasions. The family ~ accommodation is excellent and ample, the only peculiarity being _ that the kitchen is on the highest or third floor, beside the other family apartments, but very inconveniently situated for answering dinner and did not know of her being in articulo mortis, else I should have remained at hand. JI communicated with Mrs M‘Culloch early next morning, and went to make the proper arrangements immediately after breakfast. Everything devolved on me, with the assistance of the ladies. We delayed the funeral so long as to allow Mr M‘Culloch time to come down if he so could. He came accordingly, and thus showed all becoming respect to the memory of his venerable parent. He and the ladies attended service with me on the subsequent Sunday in Buccleuch Church. Sermon _bad—very bad. Mrs Dempster had made a will at Wigtown in ‘September, 1829, leaving Mr M‘Culloch, her eldest son, sole executor, but burdening her estate with the payment of £10 for mournings to her youngest son, Edward; also an annuity to him during his natural life of £30 sterling, a sum most beneficial to him _ but too large for her property, which altogether was not found to exceed £600 sterling. 152 A JourNEY To LONDON In 1840. the front door bell. The position is as good as any in London. The house looks into St. James’s Park and is quite open in that direction. When sitting at breakfast or dinner nothing is seen but the stately beautiful trees in the Park. Altogether the place is one of the most eligible in London, and is as salubrious as it is. otherwise agreeable. After lunch we went out to survey the town. Along with Mr M‘Culloch and myself were Mrs M‘Culloch and her two daughters, Miss Christina and Miss Sarah, also the Misses Black, two daughters of Mr Adam Black, bookseller, Edinburgh, nice, amiable young ladies. They had recently come on a visit to Mr and Mrs M‘Culloch. We went through St. James’s Park by the Horse Guards, Charing Cross, Covent Garden Market, Burling- ton Arcade, Regent Street, Oxford Street, St. James’s Street, and returned by the Mall. The dinner hour is six o’clock except on occasions of company when it is changed to seven. We sat down to dinner about six o’clock. Mr Joseph Cauvin had been sent for to join us, but the message had not reached him owing to his being out. He came, however, about an hour later. We had a joyful evening, and Mr M‘Culloch seemed in his glory. I felt supremely happy, and Cauvin appeared as much in the same mood as either of us. His wife was in Gottingen, of which she was a native, her father being one of the professors of that town. She was so absent owing to the very severe illnesses of her father and of her only brother. Mr M‘Culloch, in his happy sarcastic way, told Cauvin that if his father and brother-in-law should cut (die), he must submit with Christian meekness and resignation, particularly if they should cut up well, say to the tune of £20,000. He added that in such a case Cauvin would be a potentate; he would belong to the salt of the earth, and would very probably cut literature for ever. This subject afforded a great deal of merriment, but the evening was beguiled with varied discourse. The only spare bedroom in the house was tenanted by the Misses Black, but Mr M‘Culloch had engaged Mr Cauvin to secure a dormitory in his near neighbourhood. A most excellent one was got at No. 30 Queen’s Row, opposite the entrance to the Queen’s Mews, and less than a quarter of a mile from the Stationery Office. We sallied forth about ten o’clock to deposit my trunk there and to take possession but returned to supper. Of Joseph Cauvin I shall give a brief account. He was the A JouRNEY TO LONDON IN 1840. 155 son of the late Joseph Cauvin, W.S. in Edinburgh, himself the son of a Frenchman who had settled there as a teacher of his native tongue. He, the W.S., was a brother of the late Gavin Cauvin, long also a teacher of French, and who founded the hospital at Duddingston which bears his name. Young Cauvin early lost his father and was left almost penniless. He attended the High School and made such proficiency that he gained the gold medal in the rector’s class, the highest honour which the. school confers. He was bred to no profession, but having gone to Ger- many, as a tutor I think, he was boarded for upwards of three years in the house of Professor Bauer, of Gottingen. He thus made himself master of the German language and otherwise added to his literary acquirements. He returned to Scotland in 1838, or the previous year, and lived with his mother at Portobello, having no fixed employment but being nervously anxious about his future course of life. The only kind of work he engaged in was the translation of several articles from the German into English for Professor Jameson's Scientific Journal. From vicinage or juxtaposition he became intimately acquainted with Captain Robert Mackerlie, Keeper of Ordnance in Edinburgh Castle. I believe they had been previously known to each other as Cauvin and several of the Captain’s family were at school together. This worthy man felt a deep interest in the fate of the young and amiable scholar. He had him often at his house, which indeed Cauvin regarded almost as a home. He enjoyed the most confi- dential and endearing friendship of the Captain’s whole family. But he soon found that Portobello and all the friends that made it dear must be left, and that he must gird up his loins and adopt some mode of life whereby to keep himself from want and to elevate his condition. The field of literature was the only one to which he could attach himself. But this field, at best not very productive, however interesting, 1s so hemmed in and enclosed that admittance to it is very difficult even in the case of one who has the highest claims. Among other plans that passed through Cauvin’s mind was one that he might try his fortune in Vienna. He knew both German and English and the literary stories which both languages contained, and he flattered himself that as a teacher of English, or by translations from that language into German, he might get on in the world. Vienna accordingly was all but decided upon. Mackerlie was distressed to see such a 154 A JourRNEy To Lonpon tn 1840. talented and agreeable young man bent on expatriating himself possibly for ever. The Captain and I had Iong been acquainted but our casual intercourse was more formal than intimate. How- ever, he did me the honour to call on me in order to take my advice and bespeak my favour in support of his young friend. Mr Cauvin’s name was known to me as one who ‘had been dux of the High School. I frankly told the Captain that I was a very obscure man who certainly could not be of any use in promoting the literary views of any person however high his claims. TI then bethought myself that M‘Culloch was himself ignorant of German, a circumstance which he had often regretted. I recollected. also that he had frequently occasion to apply to some slender clerk from Germany for assistance in the way of translating. I felt convinced that if I applied to my old friend in favour of Cauvin or of any other deserving person he would at once reject or grant the suit as circumstance might determine. I accordingly put this view before Captain Mackerlie, not hopefully, but suggesting that it might be tried. In the meantime, I said, Cauvin should get testimonials from the Rector of the High School, from Professor Jameson, and from such other eminent men as he could com- mand. I proposed at the same time that he should write an essay on some subject or other, or a searching review of some impor- tant work, to be sent to London as a specimen of his learning and ability. With this, however, the young man did not think proper to comply. Indeed, the agitation of mind occasioned by his get- ting up certificates and by the vague idea of perhaps going to and settling in London was such that he could not easily have devoted his mind to any fixed work, or to a task the performance of which well required more than usual attention. His testimonials, how- ever, were soon in my hands, and were sent to London with letters to Mr M‘Culloch and to Messrs Longman & Co. The answer I received from the latter was not encouraging, but Mr M‘Culloch wrote me to the effect that if Mr Cauvin was the sort of person represented, and was eke a recherché geographer, he had no doubt at all of his doing well in London. He said he would pro- mise nothing, but if Cauvin was “the thing,’’ he would do all he could for him. The letter was as favourable as could be ex- pected, in fact no more favourable answer could well be given. Of this epistle I at once sent an extract to Captain Mackerlie and begged him to consult with Mr Cauvin as to whether he would A JourNEY TO LONDON IN 1840. 155 risk London on the strength of Mr M‘Culloch’s communication. The Captain called on me. I said if I were Cauvin I would have no hesitation, but would, on the contrary, start for the great city instanter. This was ultimately the opinion of all concerned. Meanwhile I had not seen Mr Cauvin, but he now came to Hope Park, where I then lived, with an introductory letter from Captain Mackerlie. I was glad to see him, but was sorry to find him so very much the foreigner both as to his countenance and his dress. His hair was long, flowing down over his shoulders ; he was barbed (sic) from ear to ear, and I am not sure but he wore a moustache. He besides smelled horribly of tobacco. His figure was exces- sively thin and meagre, as if he could scarcely walk, and his dress, the cut of his coat, and the whole tournure of his habiliments was. that of a recently imported native of Germany. His countenance being like that of a foreigner was nothing, neither for nor against him, but I was rather vexed to find his outer man so thoroughly continental. I found him, however, to be as mild as a woman, as. interesting, modest, and amiable as it was possible for any human being to be. In order to strengthen our claim on M‘Culloch, I advised Cauvin to get a private letter from Thomas Thomson, advocate, to him, which he did. I saw Cauvin only once again, which was when he called for letters immediately prior to his departure for London. ‘ To London accordingly he went, and on his arrival waited upon Mr M‘Culloch. The subsequent part of the story which was told to me a year afterwards by Mr M‘Culloch himself, when in Edinburgh (September, 1839), is -as follows:—When Mr M‘Culloch first saw the stranger, his foreign appearance and his thin, dyspeptic figure rather prejudiced the former against him. The Dictionary of Arts, Science, and Literature, of which Cauvin is now the virtual editor, had then been started, and the printing had proceeded as far as B. After conversing for some time with the scholar-adventurer, Mr M‘Culloch said, “I shall prescribe two articles for you to write for the Dictionary; bring them to me in a week, and then I shall see if you are likely to make yourself useful.’’ The two articles in question were the next required for the Dictionary, and were, of course, quite acci- dental, namely, ballet (an ancient dramatic dance) and ballot. Cauvin acquiesced in the proposal and withdrew. “ Hang it, ~Murray,’’ said M‘Culloch to me, “I never expected to see the 156 A JourNEY TO LONDON IN 1840. fellow’s phiz again. He was smelling like a brock. I thought there was nothing in him.’’ On the day appointed, with steps feeble and slow, Cauvin appeared with his MSS. Says M‘Culloch, “ Return to-morrow and I shall give you my opinion.”’ M‘Culloch read the two compositions, and was struck with the learning, good taste, and ability with which they were written. Indeed, he was quite delighted, and saw at once that his new and interesting acquaintance was worthy even of higher testimonials than had been given to him in Edinburgh. Poor Cauvin’s fate may be said to have been in the balance, and, of course, we may easily imagine how anxious he must have been till he heard M‘Culloch’s opinion. He returned next day as requested, trem- bling, we may believe, like an aspen leaf, and how great must have been his joy when M‘Culloch received him with studied kind- ness and loaded him with praises. He gave him a letter of intro- duction to the Messrs Longman. These enterprising gentlemen, on Mr M‘Culloch’s suggestion, settled on him a fixed salary and constituted him the virtual, not the nominal, editor of the Dictionary in question. But M‘Culloch is a plain, blunt man and knows propriety well, so, before he allowed Cauvin to go to Pater- noster Row, he told him to go first to a hairdresser and have his head (sic) put in order, and to a tailor to get a suit of new and fashionable clothes. “ You are,”’ said he, “ dardare with these habiliments and that Gorgon head of hair. Don’t appear here again until you have undergone a thorough transmutation. ” Cauvin was too sensible not to do as directed, and he has ever since dressed in the most becoming manner. I need merely fur- ther mention that he has every day since his introduction risen in the favour and esteem of Mr M‘Culloch and of the Longmans ; and that, if health be given him, he is sure of rising to great literary eminence. The whole family of the M‘Cullochs are much attached to him ; indeed, it was supposed at one time that he was attached to one of the young ladies. This supposition was soon shown to be unfounded, for in less than a vear after his arrival in London he set out for Gottingen and brought over with him as his wife a young lady to whom he had been pledged for two or three years. A daughter is the fruit of that marriage. I have already mentioned that his health is frail and that his body is thin. His lungs are quite sound, but he lacks stamina. Besides, owing to his great simplicity of character, he is always A Journey To Lonpon In 1840. 157 _ meeting with some accident or other. On the day after my arrival his foot having slipped on the street he fell and injured himself. On another occasion, having dined at the Row (Messrs Longman’s shop), he was knocked down, he said, on his way home, robbed of his hat and ot a breast pin which had cost him three guineas. Whether it was from this accident or not he was next morning seized with lumbago, and never was well afterwards while I was in ~ Londen. On one occasion he went to the Row and dined there, and though he had wisely taken a cab going, he thoughtlessly _ walked returning, a distance of three good miles ; an act of impru- dence for which he was punished by being seized witi feverishness during the night, which continued more or less for days. He was not able to be out, but I visited him almost daily. Conversation was quite a fillip to him, and I always left him better than I found ; . him. These visits I enjoyed much, and every time I saw him he tose higher in my esteem. Mrs M‘Culloch or another of the family visited him nearly as often as myself. He had no definite complaint except debility, the result of a naturally feeble constitu- tion. Of my friend Mr M‘Culloch I shall now give a comparatively brief account, 7.e., comparatively to his very great merits. He is the eldest surviving child of the late William M‘Culloch, yr. of _Auchengool, and of Sarah Laing, eldest child of the Rev. Dr James Laing, minister of Glasserton, and of Sarah, eldest daughter of Andrew Ramsay, Lord Provost of Glasgow. He was born at Isle of Whithorn, Ist March, 1789. His father having died in 1794, and his paternal grandfather in the subsequent year, his mother and her two sons, of whom my friend was the elder, went to reside in Glasserton Manse. But they were not comfort- able or happy there. Dr Laing was a man devoid of almost the least trace of paternal affection. Philoprogenitiveness was an organ almost unknown to his composition. He had never been kind to his daughter. She had married without his consent: indeed, William M‘Culloch and she made a species of elopement, at least she had clandestinely to escape from her father’s house in order to get the marriage ceremony performed. Neither father ‘nor mother recognised her for years afterwards, and I am not sure if they ever had any intercourse whatever with their son-in-law, William M‘Culloch. The truth is Dr Laing was a self-willed, selfish, despotical, unprincipled man; perhaps the most unami- 158 A JourNnEy TO LonpDoN in 1840. able man in the parish of which he was the clergyman.? He seems to have hated his daughter with a perfect hatred. The wonder is that he submitted to take her under his roof when she_ became a widow. He did so, however, from whatever motive, but as before said her residence with him was anything but com- fortable. He even inflicted corporal punishment on her, at least so far as rugging her hair and enclosing her in a lockfast room go. The remembrance of the unnatural treatment she received at his hands makes her even at this moment hate his memory. She says, “If there be a deeper place in hell than another he is in that place.’’ His grandson entertains similar horror as to his name and memory, and altogether old Laing seems to have been one of the least amiable men from every point of view that ever belonged to the clerical profession. Had he been a layman, and thus with-— out restraint, he would have been a monster. Mrs M‘Culloch — necessarily felt miserable under his roof, and was glad of any opportunity of getting free from him. She had a cousin, Mr David Dempster, surgeon, who had, I think, been abroad in his — professional capacity, but who never, so far as I know, practised medicine in this country. He offered her marriage. The offer 7 was accepted, and: Mrs M‘Culloch, now Mrs Dempster, was” henceforth to be far removed from her unnatural father, for her husband had a small property in the neighbourhood of Kinross, where she now went to reside. The two boys, however, still con-_ tinued to live with their grandfather, who was not kind or dutiful — to them, but yet wished to retain them at the manse. Their edu-~ cation was very irregularly conducted. They were occasionally sent to the burgh school of Whithorn, a place two miles distant 7. James Laing, A.M., a native of Abernethy, got his degree from the University of St Andrews in 17538, was licensed by the Presbytery of Edinburgh, 5th December, 1759, and was recom-— mended to the parish of Glasserton by Principal Robertson on appli- cation of the heritors. He was ordained 16th July, 1761. He had the degree of D.D. conferred upon him, and died 27th January, 1814, in his 82nd year and the 53rd of his ministry. He married (1) 17th June, 1768, Sarah, daughter of Andrew Ramsay, Provost of Glasgow. She died 30th December, 1803, aged 81, leaving a daughter, Sarah, who married W. M‘Culloch, yr. of Auchengool, | father of John Ramsay M‘Culloch, the Economist. Dr Laing married (2) April, 1805, Elizabeth Gairden, who died 19th May, 1813; (8) 2nd August, 1813, Helen Conning, who died 1867.—Scott’s fasti. ‘ ; A Journry To LonpDoNn In 1840. 159 _ from Glasserton manse. But so far as I can learn they owe the chief part of their early education to a common day labourer, - Daniel (ordinarily called Dan) Hawkins, who was employed as a farm servant, or on occasional jobs by their grandfather. This Dan Hawkins, whom I knew well and who, so far as I know, is still alive, was a native of the north of Ireland, and being con- cerned in the rebellion of 1798 had fled and taken refuge in that part of Scotland to which I refer. He never spoke, at least to me, of his early history, but it was universally said that he had | been meant for a priest, and that his education was therefore liberal. Certainly his education had been very liberal, for even when I first knew him, which was twenty years after he had come to Scotland, he could recite whole pages in succession of Homer, _ Horace, and other classical poets, but chiefly Homer. He could read Greek roughly, ad aperturam libri, and was much given to etymology. He delighted to have a spar with a classical scholar, and I never knew him come off second best. Yet though an excellent classical scholar and a great, indeed a lively, intelligent | talker, he was not assuming; on the contrary, he was a man of great propriety. He was rather given to reading, and after the labours of the day he not infrequently indulged himself in reading Greek. I have myself lent him several Greek volumes, and he perused every page of them before they were returned. There was something exceedingly interesting in this: a day labourer and -a scholar combined in one person; a man whose station was ex- ceedingly humble and whose physical comforts were very low, _yet whose scholarship would have done honour to an episcopal or professional head. He had but one moral failing, so far as I know, he was fond of a dram, but poor fellow, such an indulgence he could seldom command. I do not mean to insinuate that he was a drunkard. He was not so. But he was not scrupulous in ‘taking an overdose when such a thing came in his way. When I knew him he was what is called a jobber, and was much employed in digging pump wells. To this lively, clever, and learned man was M‘Culloch in- -debted for the greater share of his early education. Dan worked for the grandfather during the day and taught the grandsons in the evening. At one period for about three months he devoted his time exclusively to the education of the boys. Thus was edu- ated a person who stands at this moment in the first list of the 160 A JouRNEY TO LONDON In 1840. successful authors of this country. As his education was caprici- ously conducted, so his training otherwise was not either strict or judicious. He was not brought up like a genteel boy, like one — who was born to a fair competency, for on the death of his grand- father, Edward M‘Culloch of Auchengool, in 1795, he had suc- ceeded to that property. Nor did he like his grandfather. He mentioned to me when in London that he was early disgusted with the vulgar selfishness of his relation, who could never pay any account however small without insisting on having a drawback. M‘Culloch has seen him higgling with a poor body about even a penny as discount, and his generous nature was horrified at seeing an old man who should have been venerable, both from his char- acter and profession, thus taking advantage of the poor trades- men whom he employed. He hated him on other grounds, and as soon as he was of an age to nominate his own curators he took ~ advantage of that privilege and withdrew his grandfather’s name ~ from the number. This only made matters worse. The grand- father soon after claimed board for his own daughter and her — two sons from the moment they had come to his house. This — claim was not successful, but other causes of quarrel arose both — with his daughter and his grandsons, to which it is not necessary — further to refer. Only he had all along tried to deprive his — daughter, and consequently her children, of everything to which | they might be entitled either through him or his wife. Nay, so — far did he afterwards carry his hostility that within a few months — of his death, when he was about bed-ridden, he married a third — time in order, as he said, to deprive his only daughter of the — sum (a bare £250) to which she would have been entitled from the Ministers’ Widows’ Fund if he had died a widower, that is, without leaving a widow a burden on the Fund. But he took very good care to leave a widow, a young widow under twenty — years of age, to punish both his own daughter and the Fund, to which he had paid for fifty-five years. i Mr M‘Culloch soon threw aside his connection with this self-_ willed and unnatural relation, and went to reside with his mother — at Kinross. Here and from henceforth he felt the benefit and the ~ blessing of parental affection. Not merely was his mother kind, but her husband, who was also her cousin-german and his step-_ father, was no less kind. For about a year he attended the school at Kinross taught by a Mr Taylor. He was then sent to the Col- A Journey To Lonpon in 1840. 161 Jege of Edinburgh I think in 1807, but it may have been earlier).® What classes he attended I know not. I am aware that he attended Professor Leslie’s class very early and attracted the “notice of that distinguished man by his application and profi- ciency. I may also mention that he told me that when he came to College, owing chiefly to Dan Hawkins, he could recite like his eccentric teacher almost all the ZZiad. He also said he could ~ read Latin strongly, meaning not very critically, but that he caught the full sense and could translate freely. : At the end of the session of College he returned to his step- father’s house at Kinross. His mother had not any children by Dr Dempster, her second husband, so their interest and affection were combined and centred in him alone.? Such being the case, they very judiciously resolved that instead of sending him to College alone and unprotected, they would remove from Kinross and reside in Edinburgh, at least until his education should be completed or till his apprenticeship to a lawyer was accomplished, the legal profession being his choice. Dr Dempster accordingly bought the flat No. 15 College Street, third floor, on the left hand, and removed thither, I think, in 1808. This date I shall afterwards learn correctly. The house still belongs to Mrs Dempster, who in her will has, I understand, left it at her death to her eldest grand-daughter, Margaret M‘Culloch.1 Mr M‘Culloch, under these favourable circumstances, came | to Edinburgh and entered on his second year at College. His 8. It was in 1805, as Mr M‘Culloch himself informed me in August, 1840, when he was in Edinburgh on the occasion of the death of his mother. He lodged in Hill Street, old town. Edward M‘Culloch, his brother, told me in December, 1840, that the brothers left Glasserton in December, 1805, travelled per carrier to Glasgow, coached to Stirling, and thence walked to Kinross; also that his brother entered College in 1806. The classes he attended ‘were mathematics (Professor Leslie) and natural philosophy (Pro- fessor Playfair). 9. The younger brother Edward M‘Culloch, had meanwhile, entered the army and the less that is said of him the better. He is still living, having been dismissed from the army, and he is sup- ported by a small weekly allowance given him by his elder brother. 10. Dr Dempster did not buy a house on his first removal to _ Edinburgh in 1806, but rented one in S. Richmond Street. It was either during the subsequent year or in the beginning of 1808 that he purchased the flat in No. 15 College Street. 162 A JourNEYy TO LONDON In 1840. reading was unusually great; his memory prodigious. He in- herited no library, perhaps not a single volume, but his desire to purchase books was unbounded, and he was in circumstances that enabled him to gratify his wishes to a considerable extent. In addition to the necessary class books, he was pretty frequently buying a work on history or statistics, departments to which he devoted his private reading. He went about this time into the office of James Greig, W.S., now, if not then, of Eccles, in Berwickshire, a respectable person, who is still in business under the firm name of Greig & Morton. How long he was in Mr Greig’s office I cannot at present say, but it was not long. The truth is, he did not like the law, nor was he very strong. Besides, he was born to property, including houses in Isle of Whithorn, the yearly value of which at that period was about £400. Having a strong and unconquerable love of letters, and being so indepen- dent in his fortune, he was not likely to be a keen student of law ~ or of any department in which his mind and heart were not — centred. It is Sir Matthew Hale, I think, who says that he never knew any individual born to £500 a year who ever became a great lawyer or made a figure at the bar. There is much truth in this remark. When the great stimulus of necessity is removed, when one has got a competency prepared for him, however small it may be, his energies are apt to be paralysed, and he is ready to sit down and make himself as comfortable as he can on this limited or miserable income. This is more likely to be the case if his desire for literary study is very great and engrossing. Mr M‘Culloch’s condition seems to have been of this description. He did not prosecute law to almost any extent, but gave himself wholly up to study. Meanwhile he became of age, namely, on 1st March, 1810, at which period he had full command of his property. The law suits in which he was involved with his grand- — father, and to which I have before referred, cost him both much money and anxiety, but still he had a competency remaining for ~ a man of simple wants, who preferred a life of literature to one of wealth. Accordingly, without any regular business by which he might eke out his income or advance himself in the world, he chose literature as his profession and resolved, as he has ever since done, to devote to it his time and all the energy of his mind. But while he was thus quietly prosecuting study and making himself acquainted with books not generally known to or read by A Journey To LoNnpoN in 1840. 163 ~ young men of his years, he did not deny himself the social com- - forts of life, or rather he indulged in these to an extent more like a former generation than the one in which he lived. He always was, as he still is, given to sobriety, and he was at all times pos- sessed of perfect self-command even when in the most liberal - company, but he was fond of boisterous mirth and all that fun ~ and frolic which prevail amid deep drinking. He did not exactly like to send his guests from his house tipsy, but they could not Jsit too late for him, or prolong to too great an extent the _ uproarious enjoyment in which he so evidently delighted. He, or rather perhaps his mother and step-father, had a large party at dinner on the occasion of his reaching his majority. I had not the privilege of being of the number, because at that time I had not been introduced to him, nor had I heard of his name. But this I know upon his own authority that the occasion was a _ “glorious’’ one, and that some of those present sat till four _ o'clock next morning, that is, for twelve hours. : He went into Wigtownshire, or rather to Whithorn, for that ~ was his headquarters, in August, 1811, the year after he had _ attained his majority. He had not been there since he first left _ the district, so that his return was rather interesting both to him- self and others. He saw all his old friends and schoolfellows, _and I know on the best authority he was most liberal in treating them in the way they possibly liked best. While in the country at this time he paid his addresses to Miss Isabella Stewart, daughter of a most excellent and respectable widow, Mrs Stewart, _ whose husband had been a shopkeeper in Whithorn, but who at the time to which I refer kept an inn. If I mistake not, Mr -M‘Culloch lived under her roof at first as a customer and not as a private friend. Before he left the neighbourhood, namely, on the 11th November, he was united in marriage to Miss Stewart, a union, though it was hastily formed, as productive of happiness to both parties as perhaps any conjugal relation ever was. Amid all the circumstances of his fate he ever regarded and treated her with mildness, deference, and affection, while her extreme good Sense, good principles, and tact have enabled her to act her part nobly and properly under circumstances, if not trying, at least very different from those to which she had previously been accus- omed. , Immediately after the marriage he brought his wife with him 164 A JourNEY TO LonpDon in 1840. to Edinburgh, not to a house of her own, but to live with him under the roof of his mother and father-in-law. This was rather a trying position in which to place a young wife. A mother and — a daughter-in-law, it is said, if living constantly under the same roof seldom agree. The former is apt to assume a good deal, while the latter, jealous of her privileges and sensible of her great inferiority ag to experience, is liable to take offence where none is Meant and to expect a degree of deference which she is not willing to pay. But Mrs M‘Culloch and her mother-in-law lived for years together in love and harmony. A jarring note was never heard junder their roof, and when in 1820 Mr M‘Culloch, having bought the flat of a house, No. 10 Buccleuch Place, went thither to reside, his wife and mother parted as they met, affec- tionately and with mutual esteem. Meanwhile Mr M‘Culloch continued resolutely and success- fully to prosecute his studies. His reading was confined chiefly to history, statistics, and political economy. In these depart- ments he was almost without an equal. The extent of his know- ledge of political economy, and of the existing commercial cir- cumstances in which the different leading nations of Europe stood, was proved by two essays published in 1816, the one being a more ample illustration of the subject of which they both treated than the other. The title was Anz Essay for the Reduction of the — Interest of the National Debt, &c., in which the principle of the Corn Laws and various other collateral subjects were dealt with. — The two works published in 1816, when the author was only 27 years of age, shew extensive reading and a perfect acquaintance with all the leading principles of economical science, as well as — creat powers of illustration. These essays held out high promise of future eminence. I have omitted to state that about this time, I think in the same year, he published a small separate treatise on the Corn Laws: this is the only thing he ever printed that I have not seen. The Scotsman newspaper was started in January, 1817, its projectors and proprietors being William Ritchie, Charles Maclaren, and others; Ritchie being, I think, the chief. Of this — print Mr M‘Culloch was the editor for three years, namely, till the 1st of January, 1820, when he was succeeded by Mr Maclaren. I have never heard him say that he had been used ill in this matter, but his mother says very unequivocally that he was. He A JouRNEY TO LONDON IN 1840. 165 received an official letter, either from Ritchie or from the pro- prietors as a body, telling him that in a fortnight thereafter, namely, on the Ist of January ensuing (1820), his services would no longer be required. Though he may be said to have made the Scotsman, or to have put it on the firm foundation on which it stood when he left it, yet he was superseded in a way that could not have been agreeable to his feelings and was not creditable to the proprietors. However, it is but fair to say that though the public opinion has ever been the same as that of Mrs Dempster, Mr M‘Culloch never complained to me of ill usage or of broken faith. Mrs Dempster states that to the honour of his patience and placability he had no open rupture with the parties in ques- tion. There is no doubt but they had the right to do what they did, and that they violated no positive engagement. The ques- tion is whether they shewed to Mr M‘Culloch that degree of defer- ence and consideration to which he was so richly entitled, and whether they appreciated as they ought the great value 4 P ' 4 x * this disastrous battle Sir Alexander Gordon was killed. His only child, Jean, was infeft in the estates, but she had _ to renounce her right in favour of her uncle, Robert Gordon, alias Accarson, of Glen (Skyreburn). The instrument of sasine con- veying the property to Jean Gordon is interesting, because it men- tions the castle. The heading is as follows :—“ Instrument of Sasine in the 19 merk land of Kenmure and Laggan, with the Miln, Tower, and Fortalice of Kenmure, with the pertinents thereof, etc.”’ On 10th May, 1517, she renounced her right, and granted a charter in favour of her uncle. In 1520 she married Lachlan Macintosh of Macintosh. She, however, got _ from her uncle a charter of Shirmers, and several other lands in Kells and Balmaclellan. It would be about this time that Shirmers house, or fortalice, was built. Robert Gordon, or Accarson, married Marion, daughter of John Accarson of Glenskreburn, afterwards called Rusko. He received from Queen Mary a grant of the Clerkship of the Sheriffdom of Wigtown and Stewartry of Kirkcudbright. TRAGEDY AND A Happy ENDING. A very good story is told of the Laird and his son, James Gordon. It seems that he and his son James, along with Andrew _ Agnew, Sheriff of Wigtown; Sir James Douglas of Drumlanrig ; _ William Cairns, younger of Orchardton; Gordon of Craighlaw ; \ John Gordon of Whithorn; M‘Culloch of Torhouse, and others _ were parading up and down the High Street of Edinburgh, and when opposite St. Giles’ Church they met Sir Thomas Maclellan of Bomby with a band of his followers. At this time a blood- _ feud existed between the Gordons and the Maclellans. The _ result was that when they met neither of the parties would stand aside to let the other pass. Each seemed to be determined not only to maintain their dignity, but also the “croon 0’ the cause- 184 KENMURE CASTLE. way.’ A desperate encounter ensued, during which Maclellan was slain at the door of St. Giles’ Church by James Gordon. After much litigation and delay, the Laird of Lochinvar and his son were put to the horn and declared rebels. Robert died, and was succeeded by his son James. Eleven years afterwards a remission was granted to all the parties, dated the 13th January, 1538. The real secret, however, which hastened this settlement was that in the meantime young Maclellan had fallen desperately in love with Helen, the fair daughter of his father’s murderer. James Gordon, the Laird of Lochinvar, wisely agreed to the suit, so that the tragedy not only ended in a happy marriage, but the bridegroom brought the ring in one pocket and “ letters of slains,’’ pardoning his goodfather, in the other. James Gordon was one of those who accompanied the King to France, when he went there in search of a wife. Sotway Moss. In 1542 he was also one of the nobility who allowed them- selves to be taken prisoners at the inglorious rout of Solway Moss. In the official report of Lord Wharton to the King, con- taining the names of the prisoners and the pledges, I find the following :—“ The Larde of Loughinware a man of two hundred markes lands, and in goods better than a thousand pounds, his pledges, his cousins, two of them with my Lord Scrope, and one with my Lord Conyers, for four score and fifteen.’’ After the Laird of Lochinvar had regained his liberty he became so enraged at the excesses of Lord Wharton, who ravaged Galloway and the borders, that he resolved to summon his Galloway men for the purpose of revenge: He took Lochmaben Castle, and then laid siege to Caerlaverock. He invested it so closely that Wharton was unable to succour it, either by sea or land. The fortress, however, proved so strong that Lochinvar’s troopers — failed to storm it. But they so persistently invested it that the defenders were at last starved out. This was in 1546. Along with Lord Maxwell, James Gorden of Lochinvar entered heartily into a scheme of revenge by raiding the Border Marches, and driving out the English. The details of these skir- mishes are too long to be given here. While they were thus engaged the balefires blazed forth from Criffel to the Knock of Glenluce, summoning all the warriors to arms to defend Edin- eo ied oe Sat eee KENMURE CASTLE. 185 burgh from the threatened invasion by Somerset. The contend- ing armies met near Inveresk (Pinkie Cleuch), and an eye-witness thus writes of the stricken field :—“ The dead bodies lay as thick as a man may notte cattell grazing in a full plenished pasture.’’ The Sheriff of Galloway was slain, and near him lay his uncle, the Knight of Lochinvar, the Lairds of Garthland and French, the Laird of Bennane and his son, Vaux of Barnbarroch, and George Master of Angus. AN OLD TIME CURSE. Referring to these Border raids, I think the following “Curse,’’ issued in a pastoral by Gavin Dunbar, Archbishop of Glasgow, and directed to be read by all the priests of the Border parishes is interesting :— I curse thair heid and all the hairs of their heid; I curse thair face, thair ene, thair mouth, thair neise, thair toung, thair teith, thair crag, thair schulderis, thair breist, thair hert, thair stomok, thair bak, thair wame, thair armes, thair leggis, thair handis, thair feit, and everie ilk part of thair body, fra the top of thair heid to the soill of their feit, befour and behind, within and without. I curse thaim gan- gand, and I curse thaim rydand; I curse thaim standand and I curse thaim sittand; I curse thaim etand, I curse thaim drinkand, I curse thaim walkand, I curse thaim slepand; I curse thaim rysand, I curse thaim lyand; I curse thaim at hame, I curse thaim fra hame, I curse thaim within the house, I curse thaim without the house; I curse thair wiffis, thair barnis, and thair servandis, participand with thaim in thair deides. Not satisfied with such a detailed and effectual cursing, he finishes up with the following condemnation :— And finally I condemn thaim perpetuale to the deip pit of hell, to remain with Lucifer and all his fallowis, and thair bodeis to the gallowis of the Burrow Mure, first to be hangit, syne revin and ruggit with doggis, swyne, and utheris wyld beists, abominable to all the warld. And thir candillis gangis fra your sicht as mot thair saulis gang fra the visage of God, and thar gude fame fra the warld quhill thai for- beir thair opin synnys, foirbaidis, and ryse fra this terribill cursing, and mak satisfaction and pennance. 186 KENMURE CASTLE. Such were the methods of the church in those days to strike terror into the hearts of the people. A FRIEND OF QUEEN Mary. James was succeeded by his son John. John was a great — favourite with Queen Mary. She appointed him Justiciar of the _ Stewartry of Kirkcudbright, 9th February, 1555, which was ~ renewed by King James VI. on the lst March, 1587. On 25th September, 1556, he was also appointed Vice-Admiral in the bounds of Galloway. In connection with this appointment I find two discharges dated 17th January, 1629—(1) A discharge by the © Lord High Admiral to John Gordon of the tenth part of the prize made by the “ Gordonian Phonix,’’ belonging to him, and (2) for the twentieth part of the prizes made by the said ship. At this time the Gordons had a charter of feu-farm of Glen- luce Abbey, because I find the following Notarial Instrument on the removal of John Gordon of Lochinvar and his men from the Abbey and yards of Glenluce, and delivery of the same with the keys thereof, and all the goods therein, to Gilbert, Earl of Cassillis, bailie thereof, in terms of decreet arbitral by James, Commendator of the Priories of St. Andrews and Pittenweem, reserving to the said John Gordon all old bye-run duties of the Abbacy. Done at place of Glenluce at one o’clock afternoon on ~ 17 Nov., 1561. William, son of Sir John Gordon, was Abbot in 1581. The — many marks of favour given him by the unfortunate Queen Mary made him much inclined towards her cause. Strange to say, how- ever, he sat on the jury which tried Bothwell, and also on the : jury-assize which tried the perpetrators of the raid of Ruthven. After Queen Mary escaped from Loch Leven he, along with other notable Gallovidians, entered into a bond to support the Queen. He fought at the battle of Langside, and, after defeat, fled with her and Lord Herries to the south. She is supposed to have come down through Galloway, and rested at Kenmure Castle, — “hence Queen Mary’s tower, but this has been found to be ex- . tremely doubtful. All historical evidence goes to favour the Dumfriesshire route. The Regent Moray was so incensed at the ¢ assistance given by Gordon to the unfortunate Queen that he came down next year to chastise Gordon. He reached Dalry on the 15th June, 1568, and demanded the instant surrender of — KENMURE CASTLE. 187 : _Kenmure Castle. As there was no response, he marched to _ Kenmure Castle the next day, and burned it along with another fortalice, supposed to have been Shirmers, on the other side of the water. A Heavy INDICTMENT. John died in August, 1604, and was succeeded by his son Robert. He married Isabel, daughter of William, first Earl of Gowrie. She obtained a divorce in 1607. He was a great favourite at Court, and was made a gentleman of the bed- chamber to James VI. He also obtained a great amount of land in the Stewartry, so much so, that about this time, the Gordons owned.about half of the Stewartry. Robert was a veritable fire- brand. During the wars of Lord Scrope, the men of Annandale had plundered Galloway, but Kenmure not only drove them back, but wrecked vengeance by burning the houses of Wamphry, _ Lockerby, Reidhall, and Lanriggs. For these deeds he had to obtain remissions. I give the remission as it appears in the old “Inventory. 13 Dec., 1613.—Remission under the Great Seal in favour of Sir Robert Gordon of Lochinvar, for the slaughter of Richt. Irving and for burning the houses of Gratnayhill, Wam- phry, Lockerby, Reidhall, and Lanriggs, consigning contrary to law, sundry gentlemen, murder of James Gordon, his servant, adultery with Janet M‘Adam, deforcing the King’s Messenger, who summoned him for these crimes, and obliging him to eat and swallow his own warrant. John Gordon also obtained one of those fictitious titles to land in Nova Scotia. His patent as knight-baronet of Nova "Scotia was dated lst May, 1626. He died in 1627. RELIGIOUS STRIFE. He was succeeded by his son John, who was a Royalist, and a great favourite with Charles I. One of the first things he did after his succession, says M‘Kerlie, “was to sell the Barony of _ Stitchell in Roxburgh, to the Pringles, on the 30th July, 1628, and put the price realised in a purse, which he gave to the Duke of Buckingham, the night before he was stabbed by Felton, to favour his solicitations for the Earldom of Gowrie, in right of his other. He lost all. This shows that even Peerages could be _ bought and sold in the old days as well as at present. However, 188 KENMURE CASTLE. he obtained a Peerage by letters patent on the 8th day of May, — 1633. He was created Viscount Kenmure, Lord Lochinvar. He married Jean Campbell, third daughter of Archibald, 7th | Earl of Argyll. As a further mark of the King’s favour, he obtained a — charter dated the 15th January, 1629, erecting a part of his lands, with the buildings thereon, into a Royal Burgh. This is — thought to have been the Clachan of Dalry, because he also — obtained another charter under the Great Seal, dated the 19th — November, 1630, for changing the site, and fixing the “lands of — Roddings ’’ as a more convenient site. This charter was ratified by Act of Parliament in June, 1633. The old sundial which is still to be seen in the garden at Kenmure was set up in 1631. . When Charles I. resolved to model the church according to — the ideas of Episcopacy, Viscount Kenmure, at first, found it — difficult to refrain from supporting one who had raised him to such high honours, and who had been so kind to him. He | attended Parliament, but rather than vote against his conscience, he feigned indisposition, and returned home. He died a year _ afterwards, and it is said that on his death-bed he felt the most poignant remorse for not staying and voting against the King. He was a great friend of Samuel Rutherford. This eminent divine attended him till his death, which took place on 12th September, 1634. Rutherford lamented the death of his patron in an elegiac poem, written in Latin, and in 1649 he published ~ the “Last and Heavenly Speeches and Glorious Departure of — John Viscount Kenmure.”’ BESIEGED BY CROMWELL. He was succeeded by his son John, the second Viscount, who died a minor. John, the third Viscount, was his cousin — germane, and a son of James Gordon of Barncrosh. He died, unmarried, in October, 1643, and was succeeded by his brother — Robert as fourth Viscount. Robert, the fourth Viscount, was a also a strong Loyalist, and suffered severely for his attachment to _ King Charles I. Lord Kenmure was particularly active in — enlisting, and to attract recruits he carried a large cask of brandy — at the head of his regiment, which was known by the merry — appellation of Kenmure’s drum. ¥ As all the petitions and remonstrances had failed to molly | Te KENMURE CASTLE. 189 the obdurate Charles and his advisers, the Covenanters resolved to vindicate their rights by force of arms. The sequel was the establishment of a war committee in the Stewartry of Kirkcud- bright in 1640. The whole proceedings are to be found in the “Minute Book of the War Committee.’ Gordon of Earlston was their leader. The Royalist armies, raised in the Stewartry, were commanded by Lord Kirkcudbright and Lord Kenmure. According to the Parliamentary Journals, orders were given to Viscount Kenmure to march to Montrose. Kenmure was so energetic that he became classed among the “ malignants,’’ or “cavaliets,’’ as they were called, and was thus placed outwith the pale of Cromwell’s leniency. In 1650 his castle of Kenmure was besieged and taken by the Cromwellian army. The articles of surrender are as follows :— December 22nd, 1650, Articles concluded and agreed upon, this day and yeere aforesaid, betwixt the Lord Kenmure, Governor of his castle of Kenmure on the one part and Captain Crackenthorpe and Captain Nary on the other part for the Parliament of England— Impremis.—It is concluded and agreed upon that the said Lord Kenmure shall forthwith deliver to the said Captain D. and Captain C. and Captain N. his Castle of Kenmore, withall the armes and ammunition for the use of his Excellency, the Lord Cromwell. 2nd.—It is concluded and agreed upon that the said Lord Kenmore shall have all his household stuffs, of what sort soever within tha said castle secured to his proper use, either within such rooms of his said castle as he shall chosse, or by conveying them away to some other place, provided it be within 14 daies. 3rd.—That the Lord Kenmore, with such as are now in arms with him in said castle, whose names are under- written, shall have liberty to repair to their own homes without any disturbance to their persons or estates, acting nothing prejudiciall to the army of England, or shall have seven daies (the morrow the 23d of this instant being the first) to dispose of themselves, their horses and arms, without let or hindrance, molestation, by any belonging to his Excel- lency’s army. These articles are signed by Kenmure and the Captains. 190 KENMURE CASTLE. There is also a proviso attached that the rest of the common soldiers are likewise to have the benefit of the aforesaid articles. These articles therefore completely destroy the old familiar © tradition of the Viscount sitting in his chair in the Lowran Glen and watching his bonnie house of Kenmure in flames. Before surrender the castle may have undergone a preliminary bombard- ment, but very little damage was done. This is proved by the fact that it was all right, and still inhabited a few years after- wards. Grose says twenty or thirty cannon balls were found in the precincts, and one was found lately. It is now shown in the ; garden as a memento of Cromwell’s bombardment. In 1654 the Viscount was captured and imprisoned in Edin- burgh Castle, but he escaped out of a window. His estates were forfeited, and a reward offered for his capture, dead or alive. Tradition says that he wandered about the country dis- guised as a hawker, and was the author of the old song “ Clout the Caldron.’’ He survived the restoration, and married a lady of the bed chamber, whom he deserted. He went to Greenlaw old fortalice, and died there in 1663. DIVERGENT AUTHORITIES. I notice in Mr M‘Math’s excellent article on Kenmure, in the “Scots Peerage,’’ vol. v. page 121, that he attributes the hero of the old song “O, Kenmure’s on and awa’, Willie,’’ to this Viscount. We all esteem Mr M‘Math as one of our most enthusastic and well informed Galloway Bibliophiles, yet I cannot agree with him in the promulgation of such a theory. My opinion is that it was made on William, the 6th Viscount, who espoused the Jacobite cause in the rebellion of 1715. Such an opinion is not only founded on historical evidence, but is also supported by all our Gallovidian writers and historians. If you contrast the two men, and the historical causes which they each espoused, you will see clearly that all the evidence points to the 6th Viscount as the hero. (1) The 4th Viscount was a Royalist, and he espoused the cause of Episcopacy. This was not only unpopular in Galloway, but the people actually rose in arms against it, and formed a “ War Committee ’’ for the purpose of defending their religious liberties. (2) The soldiers under the command of this Viscount were composed, we are told, of “ vaga- bonds and broken men ’” recruited by means of Kenmure’s Drum, i JKENMURE CASTLE. 191 i.e., the cask of brandy which he carried at the head of his troops. Not only that, but they marched about the country robbing and making prisoners in the King’s name. Under these circum- stances it is hardly likely anyone would ever dream of eulogising such a man, employed in such an unpopular cause. The his- torical aspect of the rebellion of 1715 is entirely different. The cause was popular, and Kenmure was unwilling to take the com- mand until the enthusiasm of his wife and the influence of his brother-in-law, Lord Carnwath, overcame his scruples. When the news flashed forth that Kenmure had at last agreed to place himself at the head of the forces, the joy of the Gallovidians knew no bounds. It was this enthusiasm which prompted the words of the old song. The literary style of the song itself bears this out. Further, Burns himself recognised this when he re- wrote the old song, because he was in sympathy with the cause. Tue Kittinec TIMEs. Robert was succeeded by Alexander, the 5th Viscount. He was also a Royalist. It was during his regime that the rising at Dalry took place in 1666. In 1668 I find him, along with Lord Galloway, making representations to the Government as to the extortions practised in the Stewartry by the military. The result was that he, Lord Nithsdale, and the laird of Craigdarroch were appointed a Commission to enquire into the conduct of Sir James Turner and Sir William Ballantyne. Turner was dismissed, Ballantyne fined, and the troops withdrawn from Galloway for a time. Kenmure commanded a regiment at Killiecrankie in 1689. His sympathies with the Covenanters during the “ killing time ”’ _ drew upon himself the suspicion of the Royalists. On the 21st October, 1662, he received a letter from Graham of Claverhouse ordering him to remove from Kenmure Castle in order to allow the troops to be garrisoned there. This was probably owing to _ the fact that he declined to subscribe the oath under the “ Test Act.’’ From a letter by Claverhouse, dated Newton of Gallo- way, 16th February, 1682, I take the following extract :—“TI was last night to wait on my Lady Kenmure, my Lord Kenmure being from home. I told her what pains your Lordship had been to keep her house from being a garrison, and she seemed very sen- sible of it. I am sorry I must acquaint you, but I shall do it to _ nobody else, that I am certainly informed that Lord Kenmure has _ conversed frequently with rebels, particularly with Barscobe. In 192 KENMURE CASTLE. another letter, written by Claverhouse, from Newton of Galloway, dated 1st March, 1682, he says—“ I wish the Gordons here were transplanted to the north and exchanged with any other branch of that family who are so very loyal there and disaffected here.’’ Galloway was now in the throes of the “killing time.’’ Shortly after the brutal murder of Bell of Whiteside, Kenmure met Lag and Claverhouse on the street at Kirkcudbright. Kenmure bitterly reproached Lag for such barbarity to his kinsman, especially in not even giving Bell a decent burial, after being so ruthlessly shot down. “Oh take him,”’ replied Lag, “and salt him in your beer barrel.’? Kenmure’s sword at once flashed from its scabbard, and he would have killed Lag there and then had Claverhouse not spurred his horse in between the combatants. THe Unuappy 715. This Viscount was present at the famous Convention of Estates held in Edinburgh on the 16th March, 1689. He was also one of the landlords in Galloway who petitioned the Privy Council in June, 1697, to make and mark a road for driving cattle from New-Galloway to Dumfries. He died in 1698, and was suc- ‘ceeded by his son William as 6th Viscount. William was a Jaco- bite, and at this time it had been seriously proposed to send a French expedition to Kirkcudbright in aid af the Pretender. This port was chosen for several reasons, because it was the least guarded, and because it was the stronghold of the Pretender’s warmest partisans, such as the Gordons, the Maxwells, and Fergusons, and many more. At first Kenmure was unwilling to take the lead, but owing to the enthusiasm of his wife (Mary ‘Dalziel, sister of Lord Carnwath), and the prospect of higher honours, he agreed. ‘Tradition says that on the morning of his departure his horse, which was generally tractable and gentle, resisted violently, and refused to allow him to mount. This was looked upon as a bad omen, but his wife unfurled the standard of blue silk which she had wrought with her own hands, and handed it to him, saying, “Go on, my Lord go on; you are in a good cause ; a faint heart never won a fair lady.’’ This banner bore the words “ No Union,’’ and underneath a representation of the Thistle and St. Andrew. He rode off at the head of a goodly company of enthusiastic supporters, with black cockades in their bonnets, accompanied by a large number of minstrels. This accounts for the song, “O, Kenmure’s on and awa’, Willie.” JKENMURE CASTLE. 193 He proceeded to Lochmaben and Moffat. Leaving Moffat, they intended to take Dumfries. The citizens of Dumfries, however, had been warned, and the town was armed to the teeth. Kenmure did not know this, but on the way a half-witted rustic named James Robson entered the camp with the curious intima- tion that he had come to make a present of his broad blue bonnet to Lord Kenmure. Kenmure was puzzled, but after examining the bonnet he found within the lining a letter from Lord Nithsdale urging him to be off, as Dumfries was armed to the teeth. Kenmure, therefore, resolved to retire to Lochmaben. When he arrived there he caused the Pretender to be proclaimed at the Market Cross. They then went to Ecclefechan, Langholm, Hawick, Jedburgh, and Kelso. A council of war was held, and it was resolved to take the towns of Dumfries, Ayr, and Glasgow. These councils, however, fell through... From thence they crossed the Border to Preston. Here they met the Royalist army under General Wilks. The enthusiasm seems to have evapo- rated, for the army melted away. Kenmure was taken prisoner, impeached at the bar of the House of Commons, was sentenced to death, and executed on the 24th of February, 1716. His title was forfeited, but the estates were so encumbered that the Government allowed his widow to make of them what she could. Lady Kenmure survived her Lord 61 years, and managed the estates so well that when her son Robert attained his majority she delivered them over to him free of debt. He, however, lived ex- travagantly, with the result that a fresh debt of over £30,000 was contracted. He died on the 30th August, 1743, and was suc- ceeded by his brother, John Gordon. John at once set about repairing and renovating the castle. Profiting by the disastrous experience of his former ancestor, John declined to take part in the 1745 rebellion. He died on 16th June, 1769, and was buried in Dalry Churchyard. William, his eldest son, succeeded. He was a captain in the Ist Regiment of the Royal Scots. He died in Minorca on the 7th February, 1772. John Gordon, his brother, succeeded. He served first in the Navy, and then commanded a troop of the 14th Light Dragoons. He obtained a seat in Parliament, having won the Stewartry by a majority of 20 votes. Subsequently he was protested against, and vacated the seat two years afterwards. The estate was advertised for sale in 1785, but found no purchaser. 194 KENMURE CASTLE. A FRIEND OF BuRNS. In 1824 the family titles were restored to John Gordon. He was a great friend of Robert Burns. Burns visited the Castle on 27th July, 1793, and was hospitably entertained. He left next morning for Gatehouse, and on the wild, bleak moorland road was overtaken by a severe thunderstorm. Syme says that it was in the midst of these wild and weird surroundings that he com- posed the first rude draft of our national war song, “Scots wha hae.’? This song he finished by the banks of the Nith. John Gordon died in 1840, and was succeeded by his nephew Adam. Adam was the 8th Viscount. He entered the Navy, and rose to the rank of lieutenant. He was in Sir Richard Calder’s action with the French Fleet at Cape Finisterre in 1805, and at Trafalgar soon after. He was in the “ Seahorse ’’ at the capture of a Turkish frigate in 1808. He took part in Sir Robert Corn- wallis’ pursuit of the French into Brest, was at Trafalgar, and taken prisoner in October, 1809, off Jardinia, and carried first to Geneva, and even to the prison of Cardona, and detained there on parole until the peace of 1814. In 1815 he was made a full lieutenant, and invalided home in August, 1818, on half-pay. He died in 1847, and the title became extinct. So far as our antiquarian interest is concerned this ends the history of Kenmure Castle and its owners. The Castle under- went extensive repairs and improvements in the beginning of last century, also in 1870, and a year or so ago. ‘These improve- ments were no doubt necessary to adapt the building to modern requirements. Great care has been taken to keep the modern additions uniform with the antique parts, but still from an archzo- logical point of view the Castle has not the same value or import- ance. 13th January, 1911. Chairman—Mr 'S. Arnott, V.P. Tue Dumrries Post Orrice, Part I., 1642-1848. By Mr JoHn M. Corrtr, Dumfries. This paper, with Part II., will be found in N.S., Vol. XXIV. Pier A a= B LocaL PLANT NAMEs. 195 20th January, 1911. Chairman—H. S. Grapstone, M.A., F.Z.S., M.B.O.U., President. The Council agreed to thank Mr John M. Corrie for his services as Curator of the Antiquities, which office he had now resigned on his' removal to Newtown St. Boswells. The Council agreed to the appointment of Mr Robert Service and Mr S. Arnott as honorary members. Locat Prant Names. By Mr S. Arnott, F.R.H.S. In a former paper, read by me at a meeting of this Society on February 17, 1905, I spoke of a number of plant names in popular use, especially in this locality, and contrasted these with some current elsewhere. This paper was published in the Society’s “ Transactions,’’ Vol. XVII., Part 5, pp. 404-410, to which I would refer those interested for the names of plants not now dealt with. Among the names which have puzzled me considerably is that of Saugh, as applied to the Willow. This I have been unable to find in any, save one, of the books devoted to plant lore and popular names, and I should like to know how far its use extends and also its origin. Is it Celtic or Scandinavian? So far as I have observed it is applied indiscriminately to all the tall species of Salix, or Willow, but I have an impression that it ought to be confined to one or two, just as the English Sallow is limited to a few species. The Willow appears to have few names among the English-speaking races, but in the United States the name has frequently some distinctive prefix, the one most interesting being that of “Pussy ’’ Willow, used for Salix discolor in the United States. The name of Bour-tree, applied almost universally in Scotland to the Elder, suggests an interesting discussion regard- ing its origin. It is said to be due to the bore or hole left in a branch of the bush or tree when the pith is extracted, but I am not sure that this is the origin of it. May it not have been Bower-tree? It was much employed in olden days to plant round and about gardens and beside houses to ward off witches, and I have an impression that it may have derived the name as being a plant which, arbour-like, gave protection to those who sit under 196 LocaLt PLANT NAMEs. it. But this is merely a speculation, unsupported by anything [ have seen mentioned, save the superstition referred to. Ellan- tree is another name for the Elder in some parts of England. It seems almost unnecessary to cite the Aik as the name of the Oak, as it is widely known, and is probably the old name, as is con- firmed by the nut being called the acorn. The little plant we call Robin-run-the-Hedge, and which is so familiar to us in this locality, where it is very common clam- bering up hedges and bushes, has a rival claimant for its name in several parts of England, where this term is applied to the Bind- weed. This latter name, again, is applied with us to several plants, such as to one of the Polygonums or Knotweeds, and also to the Convolvulus of the hedgerows. Sea Pink is the familiar name of the Armeria maritima, which is so plentiful on our coasts, but which in many places has only the name of Thrift. Our own one of Sea Pink is used in Devon, as well as those of Pink and French Pink, but it has other local names in different parts of the kingdom. In Somerset it is Cushions, pronounced, as Friend says, Cushins or Coosh- ings ; in Sussex it is Swift, said to be a corruption of Thrift, and in another part of England it is called the Sea Gilliflower. This name of Gilliflower leads us to consider what flowers are called by that name in this locality. So far as I can discover the title has largely become obsolete, but it has been generally applied to the Rocket, Hesperis, and but little to the other plants, such as the Wallflower, Stock, and others which shared in other places the term Gilliflower. The Carnation was a Gilli- flower as well, but I have never heard it so called with us. Snow-in-summer is applied, here as elsewhere, to more than one plant. We occasionally hear it given to the Arabis, or Rock Cress, so plentiful in gardens in spring, this name being used in Sussex as well. Others given to the Arabis are Alyssum, Anise, Sweet Alice, Snow-on-the-mountain, and Miulk-and-water. A name at one time supplied to this Arabis was Douglas Seer or Sieur. I have not heard this for many years. It appeared to have been founded on a legend attached to the flower similar to that associated with the Myosotis, or Forget-me-not, which related the death of a knight in securing a floating spray of the plant for his sweetheart. I may add that Snow-in-summer is more frequently the popular name for the Cerastium, which comes more nearly in : t 4 a a r y | - pee Fn Retry ty ee LocaL PLANT NAMES. 197 its time of flowering to supply the appearance of “snow in summer ’’ than the Arabis, or Rock Cress. Lamb’s Lug, or Lamb’s Ear is the common name for a familiar, old-fashioned garden plant, belonging to the Lipworts. The name is derived from the soft, woolly structure of the leaf. I have some recollection of hearing Lamb’s tongue, also used in Devon, applied to it also, but I have not heard the latter one given to any of the plants bearing it in some parts of England, one of these being the Wild Plantain, Plantago media. Cranesbill is with us, as with many others, the popular name of the hardy Geranium of our woods and coasts, although I do not recollect of hearing it applied to the pretty little Herb Robert, Geranium roberttanum, which seems to have with us, as with many more people, no other appellation than Herb Robert, although in some parts it is called Bird’s Eye. Some conjecture has arisen as to why it is called Herb Robert. One old writer tells us that it is so called because it is “ Roberta, a rubro colour, an herbe of a red colour,’’ but another says that it was derived from the name of a celebrated curator of the Oxford Botanic Garden. It was also said to cure a disease in Germany known as Robert’s Plague. St. Robert is also said to have cured the disease with this flower. A final conjecture, which appeals to authorities, is that it was named in honour of Robin Hood, and in proof of this it is said to be named Robin Hood and Poor Robin in the West of England, that home of plant names. But it is also called in Cumberland “ Death-come-quickly,’’ from one of the usual super- stitions relating to taking flowers into the house ; while Kiss-me- quick ’’ is one of quite different associations. In Sussex it is the Little Bachelors’ Button. I wonder if any one here has heard the name of Witches’ Bells applied to the round-leaved Bellflower, Campanula lati- folia, which is to be found in some hedgerows and woods of the district. So far, I have not heard it, but, as it is used for it in some parts of Scotland at least, I think it may be employed with us also. A little time ago I mentioned that the Armeria was called Cushions in England, and this reminds me that I must refer to the name given to one of the Saxifrages, Saxifraga muscoides, which I have frequently heard as Lady’s Cushion. Now, this is also aplied to one of the yellow Fumitories, as well as to the Lady’s Fingers, Lotus corniculatus, or Anthyllis, 198 Locat PLant NaMEs. another plant receiving the same name. So we have these plants, distinct from each other, bearing the same name. Our wild Roses seem to have no special local name, but the fruit, which is called “ chupes ’’ supplies us with a word which I cannot recollect having seen elsewhere. The usual term, of course, is hips, but leading authorities are silent with respect to this name of chupe, about which I should like to know more. What is its origin? The little Burnet Rose, Rosa spinossissima, is known in some parts of Galloway as the Galloway Rose, but I do not recollect having heard the name of Cat-whin, current in Northumberland, applied to it. Then the little whin, named Genista angelica, which is rarely found in Dumfriesshire, and, so far as I know, not at all in Galloway, although I speak sub- ject to correction, is also called the Petty Whin, quite an appro- priate word to apply to it. The Lady’s Bedstraw is the name used for Galium verum in this part of the country, but it seems practically universal. Its real name is Our Lady’s Bedstraw, derived from the fact that it was reputed to be the plant strown in the stall where Christ was born. One of the purposes for which this plant was utilised in the Hebrides was that of supply- ing a reddish brown dye. The Peonia is a familiar garden flower, but in our local tongue it has been converted into “ Peeny Rose,”’ a clear corrup- tion of Pony, with the addition of Rose, not an uncommon afhx to plant names. The Rest Harrow is sometimes called Wild Liquorice, from the supposed likeness of the taste of the plant to Liquorice. Its botanical name is Ononis arvensis, the popular one of Rest Harrow being given on account of the resistance offered by the stringy stems and roots to the harrow when passing over the soil. I cannot find this name elsewhere. In Thunder and Lightning we have an endeavour to convey the brilliant appearance of the flowers of the Red Valerian, Cent- ranthus ruber, although I am inclined to think that it may have been associated with it owing to its growing well on old walls and even on roofs. As some are aware, plants which grew in such positions were assumed to have the power of repelling lightning, which was looked upon with even greater dread than now-a-days, when we are so familiar with electricity and its powers. The Houseleek and Stonecrop are examples of other plants to which similar properties were attributed. Peeing te es eel ah eh eee LocaLt PLANT NAMES. 199 A curious example of the transposition of the true names is afforded in our locality by the transfer from the Lilac to the Philadelphus, or Mock Orange, of the name of Syringa. The Mock Orange is almost universally called Syringa here. On the other hand, the common name of the Lilac in this district is the Lily Oak, a flagrant instance of a corruption of the ordinary name of Lilac. Laylock is an English corruption. This brings one to a similar corruption, very common in this quarter, although not so prevalent as at one time. This is to call the Rhododen- dron, the Rhodandrum, and a variation which I have met with is Rhoderydandrum, which is still further from the original. Lily is the common name for all the Daffodils, or the Narcissi, as well as for other plants, such as the true Lilies and the Day Lilies, and it is frequently very confusing to hear so .many kinds of plants spoken of as Lilies without some prefix to indicate what kind of flower is meant. The Narcissus has no affinity, or at least a very remote one to the Lilium, or Lily, and is, botanically speaking, a member of another genus. Almost every one knows the Woodruffe, as it is called with us in this locality. Woodroofe is the common name, but it would appear, I think, from the old appellation of “ Woodrove ”’ that it was named because of its spreading tendency in woods, although I have long been inclined to consider that the one of Wood “ruffe ’’ fitted the appearance of the little fragrant flower. Everybody in this, and in many other districts, is well ac- quainted with the Bluidy Finger, as referring to the Digitalis, or Fox Glove, and the origin of this term is evident to all who in early days have delighted to pluck the individual flowers and to place them on their fingers. The general word, Foxglove, has had several interpretations, and some ascribe it to the fairies or little folks, making the original Folks’ glove; others again in- clining to the derivation of Fox’s glove. A French name for this plant appears in a literal translation as “ Fingers of the Virgin.”’ It is also called in France Our Lady’s Glove; while a pretty Irish term is the Fairy Cap. An ingenious argument is that it is de- rived from a Norwegian name which signifies Fox’s Bells, signify- ing that it supplies with its bells the music of Reynard and his family. It is not unlikely that there is a good deal of foundation for this theory, of the origin of the term, but our own Bluidy Fingers is abundantly clear. 200 LocaLt PLANT NAMES. I have already referred to the Petty Whin, but I should like to say that the words Furze and Gorse are hardly ever heard in our locality, Whin being practically universal. In other parts we may hear Furze or Gorse frequently used, and these have some interesting variations. Thus Gorse becomes Gorst in Shropshire, Goss in Kent, and Goose in the North of England. Furze becomes Vuzz in Devon, while a curious name for the shrub in Sussex is Hawth. I wonder if any member has heard any name but the Peri- — winkle associated with the Vinca which we see in many gardens and in some woods and hedgerows, although not common in a wild state. In some places it is called Cockles, and in others Blue Bells and Blue Buttons. A common word for the fruit of the Mallow, and one which I have heard used for the plant as well, is “ Cheeses,’’ derived from the form of the flat, circular seeds, which many children pull and eat with that disregard for the higher pleasures of the palate natural to youth, which will eat the sourest gooseberry with the keenest of pleasure. I find that the name of the Jacob’s Ladder is not much used for the Polemonium, but I have heard that of Valerian, which is an abbreviation really of Greek Valerian, used for this Pole- monium, which is probably an escape from gardens and which I have plucked at some roadsides. ; The Mimulus is the Frog’s Mouth, and the Honesty, or Lunaria, is best known as the former, although a usual word for it in some parts of Scotland is “ Money-in-both Pockets,’’ derived from the seeds being enclosed in the seed vessel with a membrane ~ between the two halves. This is also a Devonshire popular name, and two others are Money Plant and Silks and Satins, the latter being highly suggestive of the silvery membrane of the seed vessels, when stripped of its outer integument. Our local name for the Blackberry or Bramble, which is a corruption of the latter, and called “ Brummels,’’ being pro- nounced as I have written it, is in universal use here, but a curious name for the fruits in one part of England is Bumblekites. Grozets, for Gooseberries, is far from being out-of-date yet, although fast falling into oblivion, but a more curious name still is that of Deberries, applied in an old Devonshire poem; while a Sussex one for the same fruits is Goosgogs. THe MARKET CROSS OF DUMFRIES. 201 Such is a further brief contribution to a study of local and other popular plant names, many of which are rapidly being for- gotten. I may at some future time revert to it and give other examples which time does not now admit of supplying. THe MARKET Cross oF Dumrriges. By Mr G. W. SHIRLEY. During many centuries the market cross of a Scottish burgh was the centre of the communal life. Here came the King’s messengers to announce the deaths and ascensions of their royal masters, to proclaim the imposition of taxes, and to put rebels to “his majesty’s horn ’’ and to announce the Orders of the Court of Chancery. In earlier days it was here that the bailies were chosen. Here the provost and bailies distrained properties, rouped the goods of defaulters, made public their regulations regarding the sale and prices of goods, the hours and position of markets, and issued their commands for watching and warding. Here the common hangman tore up and burned the burgess tickets—in these days more asset than honour—of those who had “tyned their freedom ’’ by some dishonourable deed. Sometimes punishments and executions were carried out here and public scourgings, exceedingly common in the 17th century, ended at the Cross. The douce burgesses gathered at the Cross at times of crisis and danger and on all public occasions. To our own Market Cross on at least three occasions they flocked to burn “popish vestments and idolatrous books,’’ and, at a later date, the Articles of Union. It will be seen then that the Market Cross was a place of supreme importance, the gathering point and pivot of the civic life of such of our ancestors as were burgesses of burghs royal and barony. In the 16th century the ground which, evidence seems to show, is that now partially occupied by the Midsteeple, was known as the “ girss’’ or grass hill. Minor punishments were carried out on this high ground with the branks and gorgets, burning irons and the stocks, while not far off was the trone or weighing machine to whose wooden beam were nailed the lugs of -“vacabund men with nother stob nor staik ’’ in the town.! 1. Burgh Court Books, 31, vii., 1576. 202 THE MARKET Cross OF DUMFRIES. d An exceptionally ferocious punishment took place at the — Market Cross in January, 1565-6. The Master of Maxwell, then — Warden of the Western Marches, took “a man of the Laird of — Johnston’s (a notable thief) and burnt him at the Cross in Dum- _ fries.’’ Johnstone thereupon for this and other causes chal- lenged the Master of Maxwell to personal combat, and Maxwell wrote the Queen for license to take up the challenge, either in his own person against the said Laird and one of his sons or any other of the Johnstone family, or else with 40, 50, or 100 Maxwells against as many Johnstons.?- The quarrel, however, seems to have been settled by less bloody means. On the 29th of August, 1577, a curious expiation for libel took place and was recorded by the “Scribe of court ’’ in the following words: “In presence of Harbert Ranying ane of the balleis of Drumfreis beand vpone the girss hill besyd the mercat corce compeirit Robert Mwrdocht tailzor and thair of his awin proper grant and confessioun grantit that he had spokyn Injurius words to James M‘Caule, sayand the said James had tretrousle desawit and sauld Edinburght and that he was ane weray theiflown wt money [and] otheris Injurius words for the qlk he being laid in the stoikis and puneschit therfoir he grantit his offence and vpone his bair keneis crying god mercie and forgewness as alswa the Judgeis of the town and the said James and grantand his fault thairof and said he did it in his Dronkynnes and thairfoir beand in the place appoyntit for him to maik his amendis said In thir words I Rob Mwrdocht tailzor grantis my fault done be me to the said James and I leid falshlie In everie word thairof and grantis my self worthe of punesment as lesing [lying] agains the said James ane man of gud fame and estimatioun And oblesses myself of my awin fre will newer to comit the lyk offence nor sklander agains the said James nor vther person wtin this burght nor land- ward and geif I do wtout ony farder fauers I am contentit to be banesit the town thairfoir. _Tryell of being tane qrpone the said James requyrit act qlk the Juge decernit.’’ It is not clear what offence was committed in Rob Mwr- docht’s estimation by M‘Caule having “tretrously desawit and sauld Edinburght.’’ The measures of Edinburgh were smaller than those of Dumfries, and the libel may only have been an’ 2. Cal. State Papers (Foreign), 1566-8. THE MARKET Cross OF DUMERIES. 203 accusation of selling short measure. ‘This explanation, however, is given with considerable diffidence, as it hardly seems an offence likely to have been committed by a Notary Public as we know James M‘Caule to have been. THE MARKETS. At the time of which we write the markets were all held around the Cross. “It is statuit and ordaint that all the creimis [booths] be set fra the mercat corce vii futts and that na pynnes nor holis be maid neir the said mercat corce under the parrell of vii sh{illings] during this zear.’’> Only freemen of the burgh were allowed to set up proper booths.- “Na vnfreman,’’ says an act, “ be lycent to sett vpe ony cremis vpone the cawsa or mercat sted bot onie wt burd stule or benk nor that they be fund selland na stabillit geir conforme to the actis of parliament.’’* The sale of staple products was one of the privileges of royal burghs. Some idea of the variety and positions of the markets at this time can be gathered from the following: “ The qlk day the said provest and balleis and counsell vnderstanding that it is wery necessarie and ane greit commone weill for this burght and the Inhabitants of this burght that the mercat vnderwryttin be trans- portit and kepit as followis That is to say the schone [shoe] mercat and ledder [leather] mercat be on the waist [west] syd of the cawsaw foranent vmqle Adame Kent’s tenement and John Rigis’. [These were on the south of the New Wark which stood in what is now Queensberry Square.] Item the salt mercat syt thence downe anent the provest’s [Archibald M‘Brair] and Dauid Raa’s tenements the lyme mercat to be fra Dauid Raa doune to Jhone Carruthers elder the hucsters to be plasit betuix the gutter of calsay and Arche Welcheis forge vpone the vtermost sydes of the Kingis streit and the body of the haill streit to be fre for passage of the Kingis legeis and the herring mercat and fysche mercat to be at the fysche corce. And that nane of the saids mercats cum vpone the Kingis commone streit bot betuix the frontell therof and the housses Reservand the Kingis streit to be fre. And thir mercat steds to be keypit be all manner of per- sonis fre and vnfre vnder the paine of viii sh[illings] for the first 3. Burgh Court Books, 17, v., 1575. pte 4. Op. cit.; 3, x., 1576. ; 204 THE MARKET Cross OF DUMFRIES. fault, xvi sh. for the secand falt, and escheting of the guids apprehendit furth of the said mercat steds for the thrid fault.’’5 The Fish Cross was at the end of Lochmabengate or English Street, the “Bakraw’”’ of the 16th century, now Queensberry Street, being described as “ extending to the fische croce.’’® In the Act of July, 1693, ordaining its removal it is described as “ying very inconveniantly upon the mouth of Lochmabengate Streit.’’” It appears then to have been placed further west above St. Michael Street, where it stood until a new cross was built below the Midsteeple. Other markets were the “stra gyrss and meill mercat,’’ for which a building was erected in 1662 to the south of the New Wark on the site, apparently, of the open market, for “the Burgh and Shirreffdome of Drum- freis have been greatly damnified throw the opennes of the meil- market being vncovered to the great disadvantage of buyer and seller and spoiling of the meill in wet and raine weather.’’8 There was also the “ flesch mercat, which was in that place called the land mercat at the back of the New Wark,’’? “the back ’’ here meaning the north-east.12 The flesh market was “to be keipit fra setturday in the mornying quhill mononday at evin Sonday except and geif that ony persone or persones bees fund sleane ony flesche on the Sonday In that caiss the Dene sall tak villi sh for the first falt, xvi sh the nist falt, and swa furth dowbland.’’ “As,’’ says another Act, “the commonwell of this burght and haill cuntrie about thereto adjacent is verray ser hurt be regrators for falt of ane common man to keip the marcat,’’!2 James Rig was appointed to that office on the 17th May, 1575. ’ THE MARKET CROss. No explanation has yet been given as to how the Market Cross of Dumfries should have entirely disappeared and its place » Op: -eits, Sli, W576. . Op. cit., 19, i., 15385; 26, u., 1578. Town Council Minutes, vii., 1693. . Extract Act of Parliament, 7, viii., 1662. Burgh Charter Room. 9. Town Council Minutes, 2, vi., 1687. 10. Burgh Court Books, 8, ii., 1578. IT. (Op, cit., 3, x., 1576: 12. Op. cit., 17, v., 1575. OAD THe MarKeEtT ‘Cross OF DUMFRIES. 205 be taken by the low oblong buildings with shops “ laigh and _heigh ’’ on the north of the Midsteeple, commonly known at the present day as the “ Midsteeple Buildings.’’ The explanation is to be found in the financial condition of the burgh during the years 1567 to 1576 or thereabout. During that period the burgh was in debt. The cause of the debt is obscure, as no records seem to exist for the period at which it was incurred, but the results of the debt were considerable. The Council was forced to put in wadset first, in 1567, two of the booths under the Tolbooth, each redeemable on payment of £30 Scots,!® and in May, 1569, “the haill Tolbuyth’’ to Thomas Newall, who granted a letter of reversion abrogating his rights whenever the burgh should pay him “ seven score and ten pounds Scots,“ and these appear to have been all redeemed in 1575 and 1576. To remove the debt and redeem the Tolbooth was the reason given for the disposal of the Greyfriars’ Convent, and we may reasonably conclude that the same state of affairs caused the Council to feu out the site of the Market Cross, which, with the markets so close to it, would be an admirable position for shops. It is probable that the feuing of the site was not so much for the sake of the ready money as for the additional advantage of having the _ Cross rebuilt without expense to the burgh. We may reasonably conjecture that, prior to 1575 the Cross was similar in design to other market crosses in Scotland, a pillar upon a raised platform reached by a few steps. The extent of the ground upon which it stood was 13.35 feet north and south and 11.98 feet east and west ; that is, almost square. In 1575 the pillar had fallen, nothing but the stump remaining. On 13th January, 1575, “the counsell fyndand the mercat corce of this burght falling and decayit ordains the samyn to be ropit and sett in fewe to him that will bid maist therfore provyding that the fewar quhasomever obtenand the Rycht yrof and byggand the samyn to his awn vtilitie and profett be buthis ane or ma sall big the said corce In alss sufficient forme as the samyn was befoir the falling and fewing thairof and sall vphald the samyn thair 13. To John Guilespie, Sheriff Court Books, 3, 1x., 1567; to Thomas M‘Mynnes, 3, ix., 1567. 14. Inventory of Charters, Ete. Burgh Charter Room. 15. Burgh Court Books, 18, xii., 1575; 3, iv., 1576; 6, v., 1576. 16. Op. cit., 1, xi., 1571. 206 THe MARKET Cross OF DUMFRIES. efter for ever and for amplicatioun of the bounds therof foure fut Round about excepe the vest quarter to be sett and eikit to the auld ground of the said corce. : The qlk day Archibald M‘Brair provest this day as the first proclamation for Roping of the said corce hes bydden x merks of entres and half ane merk of fewemale And the Jugeis and counsell ~ assignis tysday nixt to cum for the secund proclamation to ony — man that will geif mair.’’ On “ Tysday ”’ accordingly proclamation was again made and the same offer was made by Provost Archibald M‘Brair, who seems to have been ever ready to turn an honest penny at the expense of the burgh. The council, however, “respecting the samyn to be oure lytill,’’ fixes on the next day for the final pro- clamation. On it being again put up the council “ ffyndis that — William Edzar merchand hes byddin fourtie sevin merkis money of entries ’’ “and zeirlie xl sh of annell Rent to the comone purss ’’ “at Witsonday and mertingmes in vinter be equale por- tionis The qlk offer the saids Jugeis and counsell hes thocht reson- able.’? The Cross was to be built between that date and Whit- sunday or at latest Lammas, “ wt the entries opt to the said corce vpone the vest quarter and the same to be na hear abone nor the © stomp of the auld corce and that thair be ane sufficient stane corce be advyce of the provest balleis and counsell sett thervpone. ~ And the samyn to be vphalden be the said William his ayris é assignais sufficientilie for ewer.’’ The next entry is on March 20th, 1575, when the council grants “ William Edzer and his pertiners of the corce iv futtis north, iv futts sowtht and ii futts eist to the first Rowme grantit to thame thay payand therefore x li [£] in hand.’’ On the 3rd April William Edzar, Sande M‘Gown, and Robert Mychelsone pay — “x pounds for their entries of the first rouping of the market cross.’’? On the 11th of the same month “ Archibald M‘Brair— provest Rot M‘Kinnell and harbert Ranying balleis of the burgh of Drumfreis be advyce of the counsell ordaine viii or x of the — counsall wt the tua balleis ’’ to “ mesor the bounds sett ’’ to them and “to prope the samyn swa that the saids pertenars may knawe ther bounds to big.’’ It may be noted that it was the practice ~ of the lynors of the burgh when marches were in dispute to — examine them and have them “ propit and noggit ’’ with nogs of © wood. et) eed “ Pes THe MARKET CROSS OF DUMFRIES. 207 The next day the whole ground feued is measured by “Robert M‘Kynnell harbert ranying balleis of Drumfreis James Rig Thomas Jonstoun William gledstanes mychell baty peter dauidsone Dauid rauling harbert skaillis Amer Maxwell elder thomas baty Adam Wallace Jhone Irving William patersone beand of the secreit counsell of the said burgh’’ and the “Rowme therof and breid of the said eist and vest is fyve ells and ane half ell and in lengtht northt and southt nyne ellis and ane half ell.’’ “And the said corce to be on hycht platforme laven wt the vnder part of the lyntall of the boicht dur nairest wille Thomeson and Johne thomsone ther In Schr Dauid Wallace foirhouse on the vest syde of the said corce.”’ Sir David Wallace was the last Vicar of the Pre-Reformation Church of Torthorwald. He was served heir to his brother Johne Wallace on the 23rd May, 1575.1" His property is described as “ at the Corce,’’ and appears to have stood more or less exactly in the line of the present west side of the High Street. It was in this tenement that the Thomson’s shop was, and there was also another occupied by Peter Davidson. The measurements given above work out at 29.35 feet north and south and 17.98 east and west, and the size of the base of the original cross is obtained by deducting the added feet from the total. On the 31st July, 1575, the counsel answers to the bill and desire of the feuars for license “ to big the said Rowme wt ane ruf,” that the cross not having been finished by “ Lammas ”’ according to agreement the feu was consequently “ forfeit,’’? but “having respect to thair powers and orsicht of the completing of the said work they Dispense with the said fewars and assigned thame to big the samyn betuix the daite heirof and mychalmes nixt to cum wt Intimation to thame and they failze thair fewis therof salle expyre fra thyne furth. . . . and the ground to cum In the towns hands agane as properte.’’ On January 18th, 1576, we find the building in process and the partners appeal “for libertie of twa futis hycher befoir the outsetting of the sole of the corce nor is grantit to thame of befoir.’? The Council “ grantis to thame the libertie of the Saids tua futis hycher in the mydis of the said work Round as ane peir 17. Burgh Court Books. 208 THe Market Cross OF DUMFRIES. and that the Remanent of the said work be na hycher nor the first grant And they sall big and construct four stepis fra the sole of the corce down and sall vnder the four steppis battell the said _ corce Round about vpon reasonabill hycht . . . and sall wpone the vaist quarter narrest jhone thomesones zett Rais ane entres of steppis of the ground to the said corce and big ane stane dwr of hewn work wt lyntell and cover in the battelling of the said corce and sall prewit ane sufficient tre dwr wt crwkis bands lok and key vpone the samyn and this work to be com- pleitit betuix the dait heirof and pasche nixt to cum.”’ These arrangements, if not already quite clear, were to the effect that low booths were to be built, probably with their floors sunk a foot or two under the street level, and with flat roofs except in the centre where an arch was to give a little more height to the middle shop. On the top of the arch were to be four steps leading up to and providing a substantial base for a central pillar. Round the roof was to be built a stone parapet of convenient height, in the west side of which was to be built a door rising above the parapet, to which steps were to give access from the street. The height of the building on the west might be about six feet—a fair estimate of the height of the Thomson’s booth door—while on the east it would be a foot or even two feet higher, the whole considerably higher on the south than on the north. We have no means of knowing the shape or decoration of the pillar. It might be round, square, hexagonal, or octa- gonal. All shapes are represented among our Scottish Crosses. It might be crowned by a ball, or, more impressively, by the unicorn sejant, a-terminal common to many of our market crosses. A sundial, another adjunct frequently met with, was, as we shall see, added later. Without doubt this made a commanding and handsome cross. No Midsteeple then interposed betwixt it and the large market space below. It was this Cross that Dr George Archibald, in his “ Account of the Curiosities of Drumfriess,’’ referred to as “ our Stately Cross.’’ In later years, on a crowded market day, such incidents as the following would provide excellent sport for the multitude: “ The Counsall ordains that Johne Scauler servitor to Steillstoun, be set vpone the mercat croce the morrow being the mercat day fra ellevin hours to tua efternoone with a papper upon his heid > fe THe MARKET CROsS OF DUMERIES. 209 _ and therefter to be broght to the theivis hole and ly ther 48 hours _ ffor being most scandalously drunk and abuising the mag[ist]rats ~ and John Craik and George Baptie by scandalous speiches and _ therefter to be conveyed out of the toun by the offfice]r with cer- _ tificatioune if ever he come to the toune again and be found guiltie _ of the lyk transgression to be whiped.’’!8 We seem nowadays to have forgotten entirely the ancient method of punishment by _ public shame and obloquy which for many centuries filled a promi- ' nent place in our civil and ecclesiastical codes. In the form of = which we have given two instances it was mental rather than physical ; it cost the civic body nothing, and wife and children did not grow any thinner by having to pay the wrong-doer’s fine or by his absence in jail. No doubt it often had a salutary effect, but its end probably came from the increasing difficulty of keeping public order. It would also be much more effective in a stable “community, intensely familiar and keenly reminiscent, than in the _ town of to-day, when easy means of travel slacken familiarity and render obliteration of the past no difficult matter. The Cross appears to have remained practically unaltered pfor over a century. On February 19, 1677, “the Council appoynts and ordeans the thesr to pay to Alexr. Thom the Sowme of Twentie eight libs Scots qlk wt the sowme of Thre- score twelve libs formerly peyit to him makes vp in haill the sowme of Ane hundred libs Scots for his repairing of the Stan- dard of the cross and putting of ane sundayell theron.”’ We now come to the last considerable change in the struc- ture of the Market Cross. This portion has already been treated fully,!® and I shall only recount the matter briefly. On August 22nd, 1690, Thomas M‘Gown, merchant, and afterwards Provost of Irvine, a son of the Rev. Alexander M‘Gown, minister . of Mouswald, and a descendant of the original feuer of the Cross, supplicated the Council for permission to throw down the north and south walls of the Cross, “not onlie for the inlargement of the tuo shops under the same iff they wold allow him tuo foot of ground more on either syde thairof for that effect But also that he may have ane Shop above either of the said tuo laigh shops.”’ He proposed to put a battlement on the walls and cover the roof 18. Town Council Minutes, 26, vii., 1670. 19. Transaction D. & G. N. H. & A. Society, 1900-1, pp. 85-90. 210 THE MaArKET Cross OF DUMFRIES. with lead, “ which will much more tend to the decorment of the place then to the petitioner’s advantage.’’ The Council and heritors allow him the two feet on either side, north and south, providing he maintains the battlement (the style of which, it may be noted, was adopted by the Council for the battlement of the Midsteeple) and roof against wind and watet, and pays an extra feu duty, and that “thir presents be noe homologatione to Mr M‘Gouns nor thair predecessors and authors rights to the said shope.’’ The last sentence shows that some claim had been made to the property, which the Council disputed. A charter giving effect to the above arrangement was granted on the 26th September. No mention is made here of the pillar of the Cross. As this immemorial object was at last to disappear, it was perhaps as well not to remind one of its existence. No mention also is made of a middle shop on the top of the Cross, with an entrance from the back or west side, described by Robert Edgar in his MS. “Introduction to the History of Drumfreis,’’ written circa 1746. “The Cross was,’”’ he says, “before 1690 or 1691 an house about Thirty feet in length having to the front [i.e., the east side] three shops the floors a foot or two sunk under the Street and above the middle shop an arch of stone, and then on the back part a shop which entered in upon this stone floor and the roof to the extent of eight or ten feet. Above, this back shop had appended on both sides spars of timber and sclated to nigh four feet of the Casaway or street.’? This description is quite clear, and as far as it goes is in accordance with the details we have gathered from the Burgh Court Books. It therefore seems likely that sometime before 1690 such a shop was built. Thomas M‘Gown, after the Council had conceded to his request, built up the two sides to the height of another storey, and thereby six shops instead of four were obtained. Edgar tells us that Thomas M‘Gown had, in the old building, the south shop, and his brothers Alexander and John the north and mid and back shops respectively. Thomas was tutor of his niece Margaret, and Mr John’s man of business. Alexander sold his north shop to Wm. Copland, of Colliston, afterwards Provost, who, says Edgar, “strenuously opposed ’’ the proposal of the Council to make the Cross the site of the Midsteeple. Edgar further says that “for several years the lead-covered roof did not repell THE MARKET Cross OF DUMFRIES. 211 damage by rain or snow, and thus these persons [? the Council’s] rights are homologate and confirmed.” It is interesting to note that Mr John M‘Gown’s son was Alexander M‘Gown, writer in Edinburgh, sometime called “of Meikleknox,’’ whose daughter Agnes married Robert Corsane of Meikleknox, son of the Rev. Peter Rae and Agnes Corsane, and is thus an ancestor of Lord Loreburn. The Market Cross had now assumed more or less exactly the form in which we now know it. There remains to be mentioned the connecting of it with the Midsteeple. This took place in 1788. In August the Minutes state that “it is observed by some members of the councill that the most convenient place for keep- ing the water engine is betwixt the cross and the steeple,’’ and “a little house ’’ was erected there for that purpose. The clos- ing of the passage was protested against by nineteen of the inhabitants, among whom we notice Robert Threshie, another ancestor of Lord Loreburn. The main plea put forward by these petitioners was “the Inconvenience to the Inhabitants of the back of the Steeple on Fair or other public day, they can neither get round to the Market to buy provision by the Cross on account of the merchant stalls, nor by the Courthouse stair on account of the gardeners and blacksmiths. In short, they must travel as far up as Mr Wilson, the ironmonger’s shop, and as far down as the Coffee House, and how difficult this must be in the midst of such a crowd as generally attend on these occasions your honours can easily imagine.’’ ‘The petition is endorsed “ re- fused.’’2 I have now only to note that about the beginning of the nineteenth century the two north shops were made into one, when Mr Robert Dickson was the owner, and that in 1846 the south shop was used as the Police Office, being conveniently adjacent to the “ saut box ’’ in the Midsteeple. The measurements of the Market Cross buildings are now 18 feet 11 inches ‘broad by 37 feet 3 inches, plus 7 feet 6 inches (the latter being the passage) long. That is one foot broader and four feet longer than in 1575. In its history the Market Cross of Dumfries probably occu- pies a unique position, though that is due more to the business acumen of the civic fathers of the burgh than to their sense of 20. Burgh Charter Room. 212 THE MARKET Cross OF DUMFRIES. local patriotism. The Market Crosses in Scotland which had large and handsome understructures were, from the expense their construction entailed, practically to be found only in large burghs. Edinburgh, Dundee, Perth, Aberdeen, Dunfermline, Glasgow, Banff, Preston (Haddingtonshire), and probably Peebles”! all had Crosses of this type. None of them, however, seem to have had private shops in the building, neither do any of them appear to have been erected by private persons as was the Dumfries Cross. Also Dumfries alone seems to have feued the site upon which stood its central civic sign and honour. The only other example of a similar but unauthentic sale we have found is in a curious story told of the Market Cross of Banff. It is said that the then Earl of Fife for a joke offered a barrel of sovereigns for the Cross. The offer was accepted, but when the barrel came it was so small as not to be able to hold many sovereigns. The Earl, however, took possession of the Cross and re-erected it about a mile out of the town. Dumfries was more shrewd than Banff in its transaction and rouped once and again, when Provost M‘Brair offered less than a fourth of what was ultimately obtained for the site. The Perth Cross appears to have had an understructure prior to 1578. The Crosses of the other Burghs named above “were probably originally all erected about the same time, namely, in the early part of the seventeenth century,’ perhaps between 1617 and 1620. The Dumfries Cross would thus be one of the earliest to boast an elevated platform. The understructures of these crosses were in shape hexagonal or octagonal. In Dum- fries, we have seen, the understructure was an oblong. The stair which gave access to the platform on the top was usually internal, whereas in Dumfries it was on the outside. These comparative points add considerably to the interest of this relic that has disappeared. Is it too much to hope that some day a son of Dumfries who has borne the burden of empire not unprofitably may erect a Market Cross of Dumfries upon its ancient site to his lasting honour and the Burgh’s pride ? 21. ‘‘ The Scottish Market Crosses,’ by John W. Small, Stirling, 1900. 22. Op. cit.; Preface by Alexander Hutcheson, F.S.A.Scot. MARKET CROSS OF DUMFRIES. BoC aT) — ; ; (rma ll AW | | aeasigas Hi y| ¥ 9, Deaanascas sancns caacereseageesencaseaas “1 : enna ss} eae paseeweceee ee ee | Crouno PLAN SHOWING yARIOUS ADDITIONS SENT SI B Omciwar sire of rae Cross B. Aoorrian remem sire was rixao /375 ©. Rovirion mao perons Bunce was enzcren 57S D. Aoviriow cranran ro ALexanpen Micowan 1690 EL Prasewr size excivowe 7°6" ron Passaas co PCa | = — Napiraws THE PLAN. With regard to the accompanying plan and conjectural elevation of the east front (for which I am indebted to Mr W. A. Mackinnell, architect) the former shows, roughly, the various additions which were made from time to time to the extent of the buildings in comparison with the present extent; (a) is the 214 THE MarkKET Cross OF DUMFRIES. ground occupied by the original cross, a portion of which, how- ever, may have been merely cobbled or flagged; (b) the ground as originally feued in 1575; (c) the further addition granted to the feuars before building in 1575; (d) the addition granted to Alexander M‘Gown in 1690, when an additional storey was added; and (e) the present size of the buildings less 7 feet 6 inches for a passage between them and the Midsteeple. The conjectural elevation is offered, with all due diffidence, to assist the casual reader to realise what the appearance of the Cross may have been between the years 1575 and 1680. In detail it is necessarily conjectural. It is probable that the shops had arched roofs, the central one being a little higher inside than the others. It is not likely that the line of. the parapet would be broken by the extra height of the central arch, and would therefore rest upon a front wall which would conceal the arches. It has been assumed that the roof was flagged, except in the centre, where four steps were placed upon the central arch, and led up to a broad base, or sole, for the pillar of the Cross. The position and height of the entrance on the west side are not sufficiently defined. It probably opened on to the flagged portion of the roof at the north end, and may not have been visible from the ground on the east side. There are no details available for the appearance of the shaft. The design of the battlement that is shown is within the bounds of possi- bility. The battlement on the Midsteeple was copied from the battlement of the Cross then existent (M‘Gown’s erection of 1690), and it may be that the latter had been taken from the earlier battlement, which was then removed. NOTE ON AN ANCIENT ASH TREE NEAR DALSWINTON HOUSE, ' KNOWN As “ CumMiIn’s AsH.’’ By THE PRESIDENT. I have to thank Mr W. J. H. Maxwell of Munches for his permission to publish the following letter, which was found among the correspondence of Sir William Jardine, the celebrated natural- ist, and which is now in Mr Maxwell’s possession. The letter concerns a famous Ash Tree near Dalswinton House, which was traditionally known as “‘Cummin’s Ash.’’ The Comyn family were apparently at their zenith of notoriety in the thirteenth cen- tury, so that if any value is to be attached to the tradition, the age NOTE ON AN ANCIENT ASH TREE. 215 of the tree would appear to be considerably more than that given. The letter is written to Dr T. B. Grierson, Thornhill, and is as follows :— Dalswinton, Sept., 1863. “My dear Doctor,— I have no doubt but you will think me prosy in filling up the schedule you gave me, but Mr Leny being from home I waited his arrival to see if he could render any assistance, but without effect, ov/y that he had laid dung all round the roots to assist in retaining life, but all to no purpose. I hope the few answers given may be of use. I am, my dear Doctor, Yours very truly, (Sgd.) Apam RINTOUL. Arboricultural Committee of the Royal Horticultural Society. Date, September, 1863. Tree reported on, Fraximus excelsior, Linn. Cummin’s Ash. Name and address of reporter. Adam Rintoul. Locality, climate, exposure, aspect, elevation above the sea, character of district, form of surface, etc. Climate good, southern exposure, elevation 71 feet above the sea. The district is pretty and level, and also for about 100 yards round the tree. Soil, sub-soil, their depth, drainage, and geological formation. Soil, good loam with gravel sub-soil, depths variable, for- mation like an amphitheatre. Supposed age of tree, and the reasons on which the supposition is founded. Supposed age from three to four hundred years old. I can give no reason for the supposed age but what is tradi- tional in the locality. How growing? Solitary, in masses, mixed with other trees or shrubs ; if so, what kinds? Growing solitary. It had a brother which fell some forty or fifty years ago. 216 NOTE ON AN ANCIENT ASH TREE. Dimensions—Height, circumference of trunk at four feet above the ground, spread of branches, etc. Height of trunk from the ground to spread of branches rather more than 12 feet. Circumference at 4 feet from the ground 20 feet. The branches were like a triangle with smaller diverging, but are all gone save one. Its degree of hardiness and power of resisting wind and extreme temperatures. It may resist wind for a long time as there are no branches to make resistance or cause obstruction. Quality of timber. Bad. Condition of tree, thriving or otherwise; seedling, grafted, or from cutting. In a state of decay. An effort was made some 10 years ago to preserve it by digging and dunging but without effect. Period when young buds and leaves appear usually and fall. Has it lowered or fruited, or both ? No buds. State any particulars as to pruning, planting, transplanting, or thinning ; and effects of drainage, whether beneficial or otherwise. No particulars. Whether it suffers from rabbits, squirrels, insects, or other animals, and state the kinds. Suffers from neither. If not thriving, state the supposed cause, and when the unhealthy symptoms began. Age is the supposed cause of unhealthiness.”’ Mr Gladstone added:—I wrote to Major Leny, the present proprietor of Dalswinton, and he informs me that he believes that the tree stood at the foot of the Byre Hill. He has in his possession a block of wood labelled—‘“ A piece of old ash in front of garden, blown down October, 1883. Measures 27 feet in circumference at 5 feet from ground.—Dal- swinton, 1893.’’ Major Leny states that this tree stood at the garden gate and that it is not the tree alluded to by Adam Rintoul. If this be so, we have interesting records of two fine old ash trees. Tue EncuisH Raiws ON DumeERIEs IN 1570. 217 3rd February, 1911. Chairman—Mr JAmMEs REID. Tue ENG.iisH Raips on Dumrriss IN 1570. By Mr G. W. SHIRLEY. The year 1570 began with an ill-omen for the peace of Scotland. The Regent Moray was murdered at Linlithgow on the 23rd of January. The revolt of the Catholics in the North of England had recently failed in effecting the rescue of Mary from the charge of Elizabeth, and the Chief conspirators, dis- persing their forces at Hexham on December 16th, had fled across the Scottish Border. Thomas Percy, 7th Earl of Northumberland, who, in 1572, was to suffer the extreme penalty for this revolt, was captured by the Regent with the aid of a conveniently treacherous Armstrong. This was one of the last acts of Moray and his defiance of the unwritten law of Border hospitality excited widespread resentment. ‘Charles Neville, 6th Earl of Westmorland, more fortunate, was safe in the Kers’ Castle of Ferniehirst, and safe also was Leonard Dacre, 2nd son of William Lord Dacre of Gilsland, who had fortified and held Naworth Castle until February 20th, and then, foolhardily having followed a retiring force under Lord Hunsdon, was attacked and defeated by the latter after a stiff fight, and, accord- ing to his victor, “ was the first man that flew, like a tall gentle- man, and, as I thinke, never looked behind him tyll he was in Lyddesdale.”’ From Ferniehirst, on the night after Moray’s death, West- morland, Sir Walter Scott of Buccleuch, Sir Thomas Ker of Ferniehirst, and a force of 2000 horse dashed over the Border and wrought vengeance on those who had remained loyal to the English Crown. The Government in Scotland was unable to deal with the offenders, and Elizabeth decided to take action and reduce them to obedience. This was the immediate cause of the first raid into Dumfriesshire that year. In addition to revenge, however, Elizabeth had another and a greater purpose to fulfil. She desired to reduce the power of the Marian lords in Scotland. _ The Marian party was largely Catholic; it was desirous of re- storing Mary to the throne and was bitterly opposed to the late Regent Moray and to the prospective Regent, Lennox. The 218 THE ENGLISH RaIps ON DuMmFRIEs IN 1570. distressed country was for five months without a recognised head, the two parties failing to agree. Elizabeth, whose interests were best served by a divided nation, had sedulously fomented the dissension. The party supporting Mary consisted of the great majority of the noblemen and ancient Catholic families ; its chief leaders were Maitland of Lethington and John, Archbishop of St. Andrews, virtual head of the Clan Hamilton, one of whose members was the instrument of Moray’s murder. The party adhering to the infant King was not so distinguished. It was composed of the Protestant clergy, several of the lesser barons, and of the larger burghs, the bulk, in fact, of the Commons. Its most able leader was the Earl of Morton, whose firm support of Protestantism covered a multitude of sins. From the composition of the two parties it is clear that had Elizabeth not intervened as she did in 1570 the Marian party would have gained the ascendancy for a more or less lengthy period. In the South-West of Scotland all the principal noble and landed families supported Mary. Chief among them was Sir John Maxwell of Terregles, 4th Lord Herries, known for a time as the Master of Maxwell, who, although a Protestant, was one of the staunchest supporters of Queen Mary. He had com- manded the horse at Langside, and, with him, Mary had fled into England. Knox wrote of him as “a man stout and wittie, of great judgment and experience.’’ The King’s party feared his ability, and were picturesque in invective, as exemplified by Bannatyne and Sir Nicolas Throckmorton, the latter saying he was “ The counynge horsleache and wysest of the wholle faction, but as the quene of Scotland sayeth of hym, there ys no bodie can be sure of hym.’’® Another important adherent was John Max- well, 7th or 8th Lord Maxwell, and afterwards for a time Earl of Morton. He was at this date a lad of seventeen. Lord Herries was his guardian, and his influence over the youthful Lord is apparent. In this district also Sir John Johnstone, of Annandale, Michael 4th Lord Carlyle of ‘Torthorwald, the Kirkpatricks of Closeburn, Murrays of Cockpool, Carruthers of Holmains, Griersons of Lag, Charteris of Amisfield, and the Maxwells of Tinwald and Cowhill were adherents of the Queen. 0 Illus. to the Reign of Q. Mary, Maitland Club, 1887. Tue ENGLISH RAIDS ON DuMFRIES IN 1570. 219 The only notable exception, indeed, among the nobility was Sir James Douglas, 7th Lord Drumlanrig, who at Langside had led Moray’s horse against Lord Herries, and who was a dependable supporter of the King. The country people naturally followed their superiors, and the Burgh of Dumfries, as far as can be estimated, was also influenced, in the earlier stages, at least, by them. At anyrate, whatever opinions might be held by the more humble inhabitants, the masterful Provost, Archibald M‘Brair, may be deemed to be of the Maxwell party. His mother was a Margaret Maxwell, and although we cannot settle her descent yet that she was one of the ennobled family is clear. By his will, John M‘Brair, Provost of Dumfries, who died in 1560, created the Master of Maxwell, or his daughter, tutor of his son Archibald, and, among others, Robert Maxwell of Cowhill, Archibald Heres, John Maxwell of Hills, and Edward Maxwell in Drumcoltran acted for the boy in his minority.2. At our period Archibald was a young man of 22, having been born at “ Zoule,’’ 1547. He had married, in 1567, Agnes Grierson, sister of Roger Grierson of Lag. He was Provost of Dumfries from 1568 until about 1583, occupy- ing, by almost hereditary right, the office that had been filled by at least five of his progenitors in succession, and to which his son Robert attained after him. The family had held important magisterial and priestly positions in the Burgh since, at the latest, 1384.5 It feued the Mill of Dumfries, which stood inthe Mill- hole, and held the patronage of the Altar of Saint Nicholas in St. Michael’s Church. It held extensive properties within the burgh, and the estates of Castledykes, Netherwood, and Lang- holm, as well as their ancient properties of Almagill and Halyday- hill in Dalton parish. With Archibald the family probably rose to the height of its wealth and influence, for he appears to have profited by the Reformation. Yet withal he came to a violent __end, for, having “ maist creuellie and unmercifully murthourit ”’ the unarmed Archibald Newall, burgess of Dumfries, in April, 1587, he was executed at the Market Cross of Edinburgh in January, 1587-8. Such were some of the adherents of the Queen in the South- 1. Burgh Court Book, 15, x., 1561. 2. Op. cit., 15, x., 1561. 3. Exchequer Rolls. Andrew M‘Brair, bailie. 220 THE ENGLISH RAIDS ON DUMFRIES IN 1570. West. No love had been lost between them and the late Regent. The latter had attempted, unsuccessfully it appears, the year after Langside, to crush them, with other supporters of Queen Mary, because of their refusal to acknowledge his government. On “the xixth day [of June, 1568] they [the Regent’s party] remayned in Dumfries and the castle thereof was offred them, which apperteyneth to my Lord Maxewell. . . My Lord Maxwell, the Lorde of Johnstone, Cowhill, Lowinvar, with them the nomber of a thowsand men, was in Dumfreis tuo dayes before and spent all the meate and drink that was readye, as also con- sulted against the Regentis commynge.’’* The Queen’s party, in fact, endeavoured to make a lengthy visit impossible. It was on this occasion that the,Regent ordered Terregles House to be dismantled, but on being informed by the Laird of Drumlanrig that Lord Herries intended rebuilding it “The Regent swore, he scorned to be a barrowman to his old walls and so it was safe.’’> In March Cecil prepared a memorial for Elizabeth, recommending, as Mary’s faction was rapidly increasing, that the army be instructed to enter Scotland and “chastise her Majesty’s rebels.’’6 On the 10th of April a convention of the Catholic party met at Linlithgow and “they began to treat of that which they did whisper in secreit, to witt, to raise warre against the English that the murther of the King and the Regent might be ather forgottin or men’s mindes being bussied with the warres, might languish in the pursute therof.’’"? On the same date Elizabeth published a printed declaration of her intention to invade Scotland, and made ' her reasons clear. She assured “in the word of a prince, all manner of persons that her intentioun and certane meaning is, to use and treat all the subjects of Scotland als lovinglie and peace- ablie as her owne, excepting onlie suche notorious outlawes, theeves, enemies, and peace-breakers, as have lately with her rebells invaded and spoiled her realm and such others of that 4. Progress of the Regent Moray, 1568. Hume Brown’s ‘‘ Scotland before 1700,’’ p. 201. 5. Lord Herries, Historical Memoirs, 1836. 6. Hatfield Calendar, 465. 7. Calderwood, History of the Kirk of Scotland. | Wodrow Soc., 1848. II., 553-4. Tuer ENGLISH Raps ON DumrRIEs IN 1570. 221 natioun as have and sall support her rebells.’’® This declara- tion greatly disconcerted the Catholic party, and they hastily made representations to Elizabeth and to Sussex. These, how- ever, were disregarded, and the Lords whose districts were threatened made for home. Sussex reported to Cecil on the 10th of April that “ Herries had made proclamation for all his men to be ready with fourteen days victual upon an hours warn- ing.”’® After that Herries had departed to the Convention, but returned to meet the invaders. On the 17th of April Sussex, having divided his forces of 1000 horsemen and 3000 foot into three parts, to attack respect- ively the East, Middle, and West Marches, entered Teviotdale, and Scrope, who was given 100 horsemen and 500 foot and the retention of 100 horsemen “of such as were trusty in these parts,’’!° followed suit the next day. During the succeeding week Sussex’s forces “ burnt, herrijt and destroyit sa meikill of the merse and Teviotdaill as they mycht be maisterisof . . . assegit the castell of Pharnihirst, and demolisched the same, and thairefter past to Hawick and to Branxholme and brunt and herijt the same and thairefter returnit agane to Jedburgh and Kelso quhair thaj remanit be the space of ane day, and past agane to Berwick.’* Branxholm had been burned by Buccleuch “ as cruelly as they could have done it them- selves so they blew one half from the other.’’ At Hawick they “found the thatch on fire and the people wholly fled.’’ Hunsdon “burned on both hands for at least two miles leaving neither castle town or tower unburnt till they came to Jedburgh.’”’ Sussex, summing up, said he thought “ there were few persons in Tevydale who have received her [Elizabeth’s] rebels or invaded England who at this hour have either castle standing for them- selves or house for any of their people and therewith no person hurt who has not deserved ’’!*—a statement we are not likely to accept, but rather interpret it as an expression of regret or to - stifle conscience. The smaller force under Scrope does not appear to have 8. Calderwood II., 555-7. 9. Cal. State Papers, For. Ser., ix., 216. 10. Op. cit., p. 222. 11. Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 171. 12. Cal. State Papers, For. Ser., ix., p. 228, 229. 222 THe ENGLISH RaIps ON DuMFRIEs IN 1570. been so successful. Its progress is somewhat confusedly detailed by the Warden of the Western Marches himself in his report to Sussex :— April 21st.—“ According to your Lordships direction I entered Scotland on Tuesday at night last the xviii of this April and on Wednesday at night incamped at Hacklefegham [Eccle- fechan] within Hoddon distant from Carlisle xviii myles and within Scotland xii myles and on Thursday in the morning I sent forth Symon Musgrave, appointed by me as general of the horse- men, accompanied with the gentlemen named in the schedule here inclosed, to burne and spoile the countrey, and to mete me at a place called Cumber trees, and the said Symon with the gentle- men aforesaid brent the townes of Hoddom and the Maynes, Trailtrowe, Revell [Ruthwell], and Cockpole, the towne of Black- shawe, Sherington, the Bankend thre myles of Drumfrise, Lougher and Lougherwodd and Heckleghan which townes were of the landes of the Lords Herris and Maxwell, the Laird of Cockpole and the Laird of Holme ende. And the said Symon and his company camme to olde Cockpole, there was the Lord Maxwell with his forces and the inhabitantes ot Dromfreise assembled and skirmissed with the skuriers and compelled them to retorne unto the said Symon, and then Symon marched into the town of Blackshawe with his company where the Lord Maxwell was in order and his forces. And then Symon and Fergus Grame with the nomber of cth [100] horsemen did give the chardge apon the said Lord Maxwell and made him flee and his company also. In which thir fight ther were taken of the nombers of cth pres- oners ’’ of which the principal were the Alderman of Drumfreise [Archibald M‘Brair] and 16 of the burgesses thereof. The rest were footmen. The chase was followed within a mile of Drum- freise. After which conflict the said Simon retired to Blackshawe and burned it, and seized a great number of cattle and delivered the same to Wm. Musgrave, Richard Sackeld, John Dalston, and Thomas Carleton and others to convey to me. The said Simon with 100 horsemen rode to burn Bankend, Lougher and Lougher Wood. “ As the said gentlemen with ther company camme to a strait place nere unto old Cockpole, the said Lord Maxwell, the Lord ‘Carlile, the Lord Johnson, the Laird of Cockpole, the Lairds of Holmend, Closburne, Lagge, Hemps- Tue ENGLISH RAIDS ON DuMFRIEs IN 1570. 223 feld [Amisfield], Cowhill and Tenoll [Tinwald] with the nomber of iiiic horsemen and vie footmen charged them very sore and forced them to light and drawe ther company into a strong place to abide the charge of ther enemyes and so they remayned untill the said Symon came unto them and lighted and put his company in order and sett his horses betwene his company and the sea, and so stode in order to receive the enemy and contynewed in this sort chardging and receiving ther chardges the space of thre howres, I being at Cumber trees aforesaid, a place before appointed betwene me and the said Simon for his relefe, being distant from him thre myles. And having understanding of somme distresse, I sent my band of horsemen with my brother Edward Scrope and cltie shott with Mr Audelly and Mr Harbert to ther relefe and the said Symon upon the comming of the said horsemen and shott gave the ennemyes the chardge with all his forces. Wherapon they fledd, in which flight ther was taken cth prisoners whereof somme was of the pety Lerdes of the countrey.’’ Lords Maxwell, Carlisle, and Johnston and the rest before- named escaped by the strength of the Laird of Cockpole’s house and a great wood and a ‘marris’ there adjoining. And so the said Simon repaired to me with his company and so we returned home.’’ Postscript.—Drumlanrigs servants and tenants, whom I had given charge that they should not be dealt with, for that he favoured the Kings faction and the Queen’s Majesty were as cruel against us as any other.’’ To a letter addressed to Cecil, which is almost a duplicate of the above, Scrope appended a threat. “Sir, I have written to my Lord Lieutenant for 500 men, but for fourteen days; and with them I will undertake to march to Drumfriese, and lie in that town and burn and spoil it, if the Queen’s Majesty think it good; for the open receipt of Her Majesty’s Rebels is there manifest.’’!4 It is evident that Scrope was not satisfied with his raid. He was in fact compelled to abandon his project as we learn from Lord Herries, who, however, may also exaggerate. “ Upon the west, the Lord Scroop, with an armie, came into Annandaile, 13. Cal. of State Papers, Scotland, Vol. III., p. 129. 14. Cabala, sive Secrinia Sacra. 3rd ed. London, 1691. p. 164. 224 THE ENGLISH RAIDS ON DUMFRIES IN 1570. and pearced up the cuntrie even to Dumfries—but to little pur- pose—for the Laird of Johnstone in Annandaill and the Lord Herreis in Galloway and Nithsdaill, were upon the fields with all the hors they could rase, and the cuntrie people were com- manded to dryve all there goods to the moors and themselves to goe out of the way. So, fearing distres in his armie, he retreated to Carleile, with loss of many of his armie.’’}§ It is curious to note that although Lord Maxwell took the leading part in repelling Scrope’s forces, yet his lands were not destroyed. Morton, it seems, had advised Randolph that Scrope should make an inroad on Maxwell’s country and on that of Lord Herries to prevent them going to Edinburgh with the Catholic Lords then gathered at Linlithgow.!® This led to a remonstrance by Kirkcaldy of Grange, who in a letter to Randolph asserted that Maxwell had not left the King’s obedience or had to do with the English rebels.” Randolph replied that he had not only maintained the rebels, but despoiled her [Elizabeth’s] sub- jects.18 Yet Scrope reports that he had spared the lands of Lord Maxwell at Morton’s request, but destroyed those of Lord Herries and the Laird of Johnstone and his friemen,'® That Scrope’s raid had not the desired effect is clear from the report which he himself made to Sussex within a week (25th April) of his retiral in which he states that “yesterday Lord Herries openly in Dumfries proclaimed himself Warden in the Queen’s name and had before him all the Lairds and gentlemen of that part who promised themselves to be of that Queen’s faction.’’20 The action of Lord Herries and the Lairds, instinet with indifference to the English efforts was not shared by the douce burgesses of Dumfries. On the approach of the English, and thinking only of immediate defence the Burgh had dispatched hagbutters and pikemen to the Blackshaw as the following primi- tive account shows :— 15. Herries, Hist. Memoirs 1886, p. 127. 16. Cal. State Papers, For Ser., 1569-71, 25 April, entry 849. 17. Op. cit., entry 854. 18. Op. cit., May 1, entry 875. 19. Cal. State Papers, Scotl., p. 245, May 9. 20. Cal. State Papers, For. Ser., ix., p. 2380. ‘\ , Tue ENGLISH Raps ON DUMFRIES IN 1570. 225 Apd Drumfres xxij die mensis Aprilis lxxio lennaris of money the xv of April ado Ixxjo. Wm cunnyngham Jons sone xx sh Thomas memynneis xx sh this sowm gavin to herbert skalis xx sh the vageors that thomas bate xx sh heid to the blaik- Jon Irvyng xx sh shaw for four dayis Thomas Trustrie xx sh to tua hagbutters William paterson xx sh item to vill pikmen herbert ranying xx sh and bowmen thomas newall xx sh vi libs Wm paterson xx sh viij sh Jon Kirkpatrick balle xx sh Item resaiuit the v of merch be Jon Kirkpatrick balle fra Symon jonson xx sh, fra Jon merheid elder xx sh, frae Wm Gled- stanis xx sh, fra dauid raa xx sh, fra mycoll bate xx sh, fra peter dauidson, fra Jon reid xx sh, fra Jon gilleson xx sh, fra roger Peecpainik xx sh, . (:\> .2! But, after the immediate trouble was over, hearing, perhaps, a rumour of Scrope’s threat, the Burgh looked to the future with dread and on the 10th of May hurried the Provost, Bailie Rig, and William Cunningham, a burgh officer, to “or souerane to saif the toun fra fyre.”’ The burrow cort callit the Vitsonday cort . . haldin in the tolbuyt of Drumfreis . . the tent day of Maij Jmve Ix ten zeris. Commonvele. The qlk day convenit in the. tolbuyt of Drumfreis Ard M‘brair provest, James rig and patrik newall balleis, hew cunyng- ham, Jon M‘cleir, Jon gledstanis, Wm Paterson, mychell bate, amer maxwell, elder, Jon Kirkpatrik Ard velsche, adam Walkcar, peter dauidson, thomas bate, nicholl newall, Jon merchell younger, Jon richartson, rot mcKynnell, Wm cunyngham, dauid rawlying, thos memynneis, Jon newall, Jon maxwell thomas sone, thomas newall, Wm maxwell Wm Irving, James anderson Jon wells, wt diuerss vtheris of the communitie, and efter lang resson- able common veying in the causs movit and exponit tuixande 21. Burgh Court Books. 226 THE ENGLIsH Ramps ON DUMFRIES IN 1570. vasting of Ingland for the pert of or soverane lord James the sext eschewing of greit rowyn to follow therefter And they anserand thot it expedient neidfull that the provest James rig and Wm cunyngham ryed furt and haif ressounable expens on the tounes coist for horse and man for to lawbor for or souerane to saif the toun fra fyre this congeir?? and tyme and thai to haif commission for to lawbor for the haill toun to that effect To treitt and sett furth the causs for the commonvell and qr ony of thaim vantts horss to be furneist on the tones expenss quhit cost hurt dampn- aige or Skayt happeynes to horss or men to be upsett of the rediest of the common geris and guds and that na sowmes to be debursit qll thair costis dampnaige sustenit be thaim be ralevit ; and thai to be ferm and stable coniunetlie and seuerale in thir premisses ; thervpon the saids persones ordaint act to stand as decreitt. Ita est Herbertus Cunyngham, Notarius et scriba, manu propria. ’’2 The “ lawborers ’’ appear to have been away on their mission during the rest of May. What success they achieved is not recorded, but it is not likely to have been great, for the leading lords were taken up with more urgent matters. The strained relations of the two parties had now developed into actual civil war. After a period of indecision the Catholic lords began a siege of Glasgow castle. Elizabeth perceived that it was neces- sary to attack the Hamilton party, and on May 14th Sir William Drury, Marshall of Berwick, marched from the Borders to Edin- burgh with 1000 foot and 300 horse. With him came the Earl of Lennox. Mustering a native army of 4000 under Morton, Glencairn and Semple they set out from Edinburgh on the 16th. They made for Hamilton and burnt the Castle, Palace, Town, and district “in sic sort and manner as the lyk in this realme hes nocht bene hard befoir.’’24 On their return they went to Linlithgow and “herrit all the Monkland, the Lord Fleming’s bounds, my Lord Livingstonis boundis togidder with all thair pure tennentis and freindis, in sic maner that na hart can think thairon bot the same most be dolorous.’’2 Drury returned to Berwick on the 3rd of June. 22. Intimidation.—Counger, Counjer, Cunjer: To overawe, intimidate, or subdue. Here used as a noun. 23. Burgh Court Book. 24 and 25. Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 176-178. THE ENGLIsH Raips ON DumrriEs IN 1570. 227 In July we have a curious reminiscence of the April raid. The Town Council of Dumfries granted a small pension from the rents of the property of the Grey Friars, of which it had received Crown Charter in 1569, to a burgess of the burgh who had sus- tained a mutilation of the nose. herp. The qlk day the provest balleis and counsale present In Jugement all in ane voce his decernit and ordaint be the tenor heirof decernis and ordainis thomas herp to haif in stipend zeirly six merks vsual money of Scotland of the rents of the friers lands becauss he hes susteinit mutillation in his neiss at the raid and birnyng of blakshawe the xxvi of aprille last by past and that the collectors thereof anser hym zerly at vitsonday and mertynmes in vinter be equale portionis and this act beand sene sall be dis- charge to the debursar therof be this present.’’26 It seems a very small injury to compensate in that manner, but perhaps the real reason lies buried with its recipient. In mid-July, with the consent of Elizabeth, Lennox was appointed Regent, the King’s party being definitely in the ascendant. The Marian lords decided to hold a Convention at Linlith- gow on August 7th, and the Regent actively set himself to check- mate the assembly. He issued orders to various towns to send levies to Linlithgow by the second of August. The order, ad- dressed to the Provost, reached Dumfries on the 22nd, and was placed before the Council, but from some unexplained cause, possibly the influence of the neighbouring lords, decision as to what action should be taken was adjourned until the 25th. The following is a transcript of the order in the Burgh Court Books :— bailies therof The qlk daye James rig balle and patrik newall producit in Jugement the copy of or soueranes lettres rasit at edinburt the xvii day of Julij and of or soueranes regne the thre zeir berand in effect that his grace will is and straitlie commands and cherge that incontinent his maties lettres sene that Jon Andersone messinger suld pass to the mercat croce of Drumfreis with vtheris 26. Burgh Court Books, 8 vii., 1570. 228 THE ENGLISH Raps ON DUMFRIES IN 1570. burrowis mentionit in the said lettres and vtheris placeis nedfull and be oppin proclamation his countenance and authoritie com- mands and charge all and sundrie his maties legeis betnix sixtie and sixtene zeris and vtheris fensseble men personis alswele to burt wtin realte as regalite that thai and ilk ane of thaim veill bodin in feir of weir in the maist substantial manner alss vele on fuyt as on horss with xx dayis vittall and prouision wt palzeons to ly on feild addres thaim to convene and meitt his derest gudschir mathow erle lenox lord darnle tutor and regent to his realm and leigis and vtheris lewtenentes and counsalors at lin- lythgwo vpon the secund day of august nixt to cum And swa to attend and pass forvart as thai salle command for resisting of the tressonable attemptats as to etc. vnder the pane of tinfall of lyif lands and guds as the said messinger vald anser ther- vpon as in the said lettres of the dait forsaid mair fullely is con- teint of the production of the saids lettres dewle execut and Indorsit be the said messinger the said balleis registrat noitt and chargeit the personis of burt to obbey the samin efter the tenor therof vuder perell foirsaid. Ita est Herbertus cunyngham notarius et scriba dicti burgi.’’2” The Council decided to furnish twenty-four men to the Regent, paying them five shillings for each day’s service. Anseris of the persouns of burt to Seruice at linlythquo The qlk day comperit in Jugement Amer maxwell herbert ranying Wm patrikson Jon richertson, Jon thomson, Jon schortrik mychell batie Jon schortrik James Wallace dauid rawlyng Alex merheid Jon merheid Jon makJoir, William cunnygham dauid raa robert makKynnell Jon merdocht. The foirsaids personis wtout discrepance decernis and ordainis xxiiij able fenssible persones to be chosin and pass to ~ the effect foirsaid and to haife vs ilk day that he is furt during the tyme of the lettres sa lang as the order requires.’’% The accounts were paid in the following November :— James Wallace, last lyftar and collector of the ixxx [nine score] libs taxt and maillis; compt of xxxix libs ix sh ii penneis gevin to the gunnaris that heid to lynlithquhoo in July ado etc. 27. Burgh Court Books, 25 vii., 1570. 28. Burgh Court Books, 25 vii., 1570. THE ENGLISH Raps on DumrRriEs IN 1570. 229 Ixxo and thom M‘brair quhen he gaed to lothlinquho and to - cherle oor v sh to pass wt Jon maxwell to newbye Summa abone vrittin of him resauit. pater forthr, andro edzar, peter dauidson, mungo hamilton, andro cunyngham andro morison wt vtheris diuerss. Ita est Herbertus cunnyngham manu propria.” The Gordons in the North. and the Herries’ power in the South-West had not yet suffered from the growing power of the King’s party supported by the resources of England. Morton now attacked the northern strength, taking the town of Brechin and shocking Sussex by hanging thirty-one of the garrison. The Castle of Doune on the Teith also fell before the King’s party, and immediately thereafter the attack on the South-West took place. Some intelligent anticipation of the approaching storm there must have been in Dumfries, for the Council at the end of July, not content with having sent a body of men to Linlithgow en- deavoured to make its position clearer and safer. On the last day of July the Council prepared a “band ”’ of allegiance to the King and the Regent, required the inhabitants to sign it, repudi- ated its responsibility for those who refused, and brought officials to witness to its action. “ Apud Drumfreis vltimo July ado etc. lxxo The qlk day comperit in the tolbuyt of Drumfreis ard mak- brair provest James rig and patrik newall balleis wt diuerss vtheris personis of counsale and cummunitie therof and producit in presens of thaim ane band subscrivit be thaim maid to or sourane lord James be the grace of god King of Scotts and to his derrest gudschir mathow erle lenox lord dernlie, etc. And to the effect callit Jon hendry officar and helis mcilrewe his college to preve and ratifie the varning gevand at command of the provest and balleis on the communite of the said Burt to heir and se the band affirmyt be tham to or sourane lord, his derrest gudschir, etc, be thair hande writt ; of the qlks communitie to the novmber of four scoir of persones or therby comperit and subscriuit as the band beris. And tuixand the rist the provest balleis riply awisit decernit noitt and act to be maid anents the rist of the comunitie qikis had no affirmyt be ther hands as the band beris protestand 29. Op. cit., 10 xi., 1570, 230 THE ENGLIsH Ramps ON DuMFRIEs IN 1570. that thai var not vnder thair cherge in tyme to cum thervpon registrat noitt and act. Ita est Herberties Cunnygham notarius.’’30 The “band ”’ itself has been preserved :— “The Band of Drumfreis We, the Provest, Bailleis, Counsall, and Communitie of the burche of Drumfreis sall in all tyme cuming, lykas we do pre- sentlie, reverence, acknawlege, and recognosce the maist excel- lent and mychtie Prince, James the Sext, be the grace of God, King of Scottis, as our onlie Soverane Lord. His Hienes his authoritie, and his darrest guidschir Mathow, Erle of Levinox, Lord Darnelie, his Majesteis lawchfull Tutour and Regent to his Hienes his realme and leigis, we sall serve and obey as becummis debtfull subjectis, our landis and lyffis in the defence and advance- ment of his said authoritie, and in persewing of the just revenge and puneisment of the murthereris of umquhill King Henry, his darrest father, and of James, Erle of Murray, etc., his Hienes uncle and Regent, we sall bestow and wair ; the skaythe or harme of the persounes of his Majestie and of his said guidschir and Regent, nor the subversioune of his stait and royall auctoritie, we sall nivir knaw nor procure be only meanes direct or indirect, bot sall reveill and resist the same to the uttermost of our power. All former bandis, richtis, and subscriptionis gevin be us for obedience of ony uther auctoritie we renunce and dischairge for evir, assuring and sweiring solempnitlie upoune our faithes and honouris to reserve and keip this our declaratioune and plaine professioune and everie point thairof be God him selff, and as we will answeir at his generall jugement ; quhairn gif we failzie we ar content to be countit faythles, perjurit, and defamit for evir, besyd the ordinare paine of the lawis to be execut upoune us without favoure, as a perpetuale memorie of our unnaturall defec- tioune and inexcusabill untrewthe. In witnes of the quhilk thing, to this our band and faythfull obleissing subscryvit with our handis the commoune seill of our said Burche is affixit at the same burche the last day of Julij the yeir of God jmvc threscoir ten yeiris. Sic Subscribitur : Archibald M‘[b]rair, provest of Drum- freis; Andro Conynghame; James Rig, baillie, with my hand; Patrik Nowle, baillie; Williame Conynghame; James Wallace 30. Burgh Court Books, 31 vii., 1570. THe EnciisH Rams ON DUMFRIES IN 1570. 231 with my hand; Johne Halyday with my hand; Jhonne Richert- soune; Jhonne Gledstanis with my hand; Nichol Nowale ; Jhonne Macaleir; Paull Thomesoune; Jhonne Schortrek ; Covnell Maxwell; Elleis Makilrow; Jhone Kirkpatrik ; Jhonne Conynghame ; Jhonne Maxwell; Harbert Maxwell with my hand on the pen. J¢a est: Harbertus Conynghame, notarius, manu propria, Jhonne Dicksoun; Jhonne Steidman with my hand at the pen; Arthoure Tod, David Cunynghame; Jhonne Corsby ; Hucheon Ewat lykwayes with his hand at the pen; Jhonne Rowall; Andrew Pudzane ; Alexander Abbot ; Harbert Mertene ; Jhonne Patersoune ; Jhonne Sawrycht ; Jhonne Coslingo ; Jhonne Rogersoune; James Welsche; Jhonne Halyday; Pait Kaa; Jhonne Blakstok, Halbert Hairstanis; Patrik Alzin; Cuthbert Frud; William Herver; Jhonne M‘Keterocht; Allane Ranald; Jhonne Carrutheris elder; Jhone Gledstanis; Andro Neilsoune ; Symon Corbatt; Jhonne Spens ; M‘Ell; Batye Muchowray; Thomas Braltoune; Jhonne Currour; William Thomesoune; Thomas Halyday; James Halyday his father; Thomas Patersoune; Jhonne Brane; Robert Reid. Thir per- sones abone writtin, imput be me, scrib of Court underwritten hes obleist thame to this present, and at command of thame hes sub- scryvit this writhing as efter followis: Zta est Harbertus Cuning- ham, notarius, manu propria. This is Williame Patersones merk and his hand at the pen led be Harbert Cuninghame, notar; Harbertus Cuningham, notarius, manu propria. Robert Mak- kynneill, Thomas Jhounestoune, Thomas Baby Williame Sawrycht, Jhonne Amilgane, Harbert Skailling, Jhonne Kirk- patrik, David Rawling, Stephin Palmer, Andro Batie Jhone Thomesoune; Andro Moresoune David Ra, Thomas Newall, Harbert Ranyng, William Baillie, Stephin Cairnis, Williame Edzar, Jhonne Hering, Andro Edzar, Adame Bretoun, Alexander M‘Gowane, Jhonne Nicholsoune, James M‘Bell, Jhonne More- soune, Jhone Blak, with our hand on the pen led be the notare underwrittin becaus we could nocht writt our selffis. Ita est Harbertus Cuninghame, Scriba dicti Burgi, ac notarius publicus, manu propria—Rowy Colkett, Jhonne M(‘listoune, Williame Donaldsoune, Jhonne Arneligere, William Richartsoun, Helene Kowie, Jhonne Murehead, Jhonne Fleming, Robert Huik, Johnne “M‘Loir.31 31. Reg. P. C., xiv., 65-7. 232 THE ENGLISH RAIDS ON DuMFRIES IN 1570. Although the repudiation of all former bands is a conventional phrase, yet there is some reason for supposing that the town had entered into some bond with Lord Herries, but, from the want of the principal document, to what purpose is not clear. On three different occasions money was sent to the laird of Newby by the burgh “efter vertew of the tones band for relief of Jon lord heries.’’32 The transaction, whatever it may have been, was not cleared up until January, 1575. “The delyverance vpone the lord hereis complant The qlk day the provest and counsell abone wryttin ordains fourtie punds money of the first and rediest of the nixt witsonday maleis and failzeand thairof of vyther commone guds or stent of the said town to be payit and gewin at his Lordship’s command to sic persone as he will appoynt the Samyn to be gewin and that in compleit payment of the Sowme of ane hundreth punds promeist be his Lordship the tyme of the ost of Ingland brunt the valter of meilk and dryvesdale the qlk sowme thay appoynt to be payit at witsonday nextocum provydand the said lord geif ane discharge to the town of the said Sowme of ane hundreth punds and of all farder promesses of farder Sowms for that caus and heir vpon the provest and counsell decernit act.’’% Sussex was determined to reduce the South-west. He would not have let it alone so long had not some extraordinary impedi- ‘ments prevented him from taking the field. Short of money, he was forced to pledge his credit to raise funds, an outbreak of plague at Newcastle had compelled him temporarily to disperse his forces, and finally foul weather and flooding delayed him. On the 15th of August he wrote from Warkworth to Lord Herries that he “is sorry that he has given him just cause to alter his good opinion of him, for that he has kept and maintained within his rule Leonard Dacres, Egremont Radclif,*4 and others, notorious rebels and manifest conspirators against the Queen of 32.. Burgh Court Book, I, vili., 1570; 14 ii., 1571; vide also Account, pp. 228-9. 33. Burgh Court Books, 22, i., 1574/5. 34. Egremont Radcliffe was the Earl of Sussex’s brother. He had taken a prominent part in the rebellion in the North of England. Tue ENGLISH RAIDS ON DUMFRIES IN 1570. 233 England and also had both secretly and openly conference with ‘them. He requires him to deliver him up presently to Lord Scrope, which if he refuses to do he must take him as an evil willer to the Queen, and an enemy to the good quiet of both realms.’’55 The following day he wrote to Lennox, Livingstone, and Lethington that Leonard Dacres, Edward Dacres, and Richard Dacres being still maintained by Herries and the Maxwells, “he cannot, with honour, permit these injurious contempts to pass without revenge.’ On the 18th, from Car- lisle, he wrote to the Laird of Drumlanrig, who “ favoured the King’s faction,’’” “that he does not mean to disturb him or any other good subjects of Scotland, and therefore requires him to separate himself from all the company of all such as have contemptuously behaved, lest some displeasure might happen to any of those who have not deserved ill. Desired him to give knowledge hereof to all good subjects of these parts.’’*® On the 20th he informs Cecil that he “has been forced by the rain and greatness of the waters to stay his journey. By this accident the Scots have time to fly their goods, man their strengths, and assemble their forces.’’ Following the strategic methods he had adopted in April to prevent concentrated attack, he “has given orders to Lord Hunsdon and Sir John Forster to make shows as though they would enter Scotland, by which means he thinks every Borderer will stand upon his own guard and so their general assembly may be avoided. Leonard Dacres,’’ he adds, “ was yesternight at Dumfries, in Lord Maxwell’s house.’9 Sussex’s strategy was successful, for he appears to have met with no organised resistance throughout. With a force of 30 halbardiers, 300 lances, 573 light horse- men, and 1900 footmen, with officers,4° Sussex advanced cn the 22nd, and details the results of the raid in a report to Elizabeth on his return. 35. Cal. State Papers, For. Ser., Aug. 15, 1570. 36. Op. cit., Aug. 16. 37. Op. cit., April 21. 38. Cal. State Papers, For. Ser., 18th August. 39. Op. cit., 20th August. 40. Op. cit., 3lst August, entry 1196. ‘‘ The total debt and charge for the army up to 3lst August amounted to £21,140 16s.” (Entry 1224.) 234 Tue ENGiiIsH Raips ON DuMFRIEs IN 1570. After stating that he had used “ persuasion and all other good and gentle means ’’ in vain, for the Dacres had been of late as openly maintained as they were at any time before he “ thought he could not, with the discharge of my duty, permit your highness to be irritated, your State of England contemned and myself to be scorned having sufficient force and ability to correct these offences by due revenge, when by other means I could procure no redress. . . . I entered Scotland on the 22nd instant and returned hither on the 28th, in which time I threw down the castles of Annand and Hodoun belonging to Lord Herries, the castles of Dromefrese and Carlaverock belonging to Lord Maxwell, the castles of Tynhill [Tinwald] and Cohill [Cowhill] belonging to the Lairds of Tynhill and Cohill, the castles of Arthur Greame and Riches George Greame, ill neighbours to England and of English, now sworn Scots, and some other piles where the rebels have been maintained. And although the town of Domfrese had continually received your rebels, and was wholly fled at my going thither, with all their goods, yet because it seemed good to me, by the report of the Laird of Donlanorick, that their offences grew rather by the enforcement of Lords Maxwell and Herris than of their own ill meaning, I forbore to burn the town, and sent the Laird of Donlamorick’s bastard son to them to will them to be better neighbours hereafter, or else I would deal hardly with them. In this journey the Laird of Donlamorick and all the gentle- men of these parts who had not committed offence in maintaining the rebels, repaired to me for assurance, which I willingly granted, and so they continued with me the whole journey, in which time I forbad the burning of any towns or corn, or the taking of any cattle except in the lands of the Lairds of Tynhill and Coohill who were not only continual receivers of all your rebels and made their towns daily hostries for them, but also procured Lord Maxwell to do that he did, and are in all his actions his principal advisers. So that, besides the overthrowing of the castles, there has been little hurt done this journey, as will be testified by the good subjects of Scotland who were present; which I did for three respects ; first, that I hoped by this little smart some better regard would be used hereafter ; the second, because I had some scruple of conscience to destroy the simple and poor for the offences of the greater—and third, because, if this chastisement THe ENnGLIsH Rais ON DumerRIEs IN 1570. 235 worked no amendment, the greater may always follow hereafter, and be the better used when warning works no good effect. Thus your majesty sees what I have done, in what sort I have done it, ~ and how I have been forced thereto in respect of your majesty’s honour, the credit of your realm, and my own poor honesty in this charge.’’44 To Cecil Sussex reported more briefly that he “has avoided the burning of houses and corn and the taking of cattle and goods to make the revenge appear to be for honour only, and yet has not left a stone house to an ill neighbour within twenty miles of this town [Carlisle] that is guardable in any ordinary raid.’’”? So far as the district is concerned it does not seem possible to add much to Sussex report. The narrator of “ King James the Sext’’ says he “brynt the toun of Annan and demoleist the castle thairof, then he set fyre in the toun of Dumfries, he spulzeit the houssis and the bellis of the Kirk; he tuik many prea- soners.’’45 Some basis there may be for believing that the Kirk bells . were “spulzeit,’? for on the 14th of December the Council borrowed the “ great bell callit Marie and Jon ’’ from Sweetheart Abbey and did not return it to the great dissatisfaction of Abbot Gilbert Brown.*4 The “ Diurnal of Occurrents ’’ in addition to the other burnt houses specifies “ Hoddum, Cloisburne and Boyne- schaw ’’ as being “ cast doun ”’ and that he “ brint certane houssis in the toun of Drumfreis and ran the forray 14 myles from Drum- freis.’’4° Lyndsay of Pitscottie adds to these “the castell of Lochmabane,’’46 but, doubtless, he was mistaken. Lord Herries states that “he blew up with powder the Castle of Hoddom.’’4? - Bannatyne,. displaying his hatred of Herries, adds a curious incident. “The grit dampnage and skaith fell vpon my lord Maxwell and his friendis . . the Lord Herreis Mitchell Wyleis [Machiavelli’s] lauchful successour did craftelie convoy the young lord in the myre, so that by England he and his boundis myght 41. Cal. State Papers, Scotland, v. 3, p. 326-8. 42. Cal. State Papers, For. Ser., Aug. 29, 1570. 43. King James the Sext. Bannatyne Club, p. 60. 44, Burgh Court Books, 19, xii., 1570; 10, iv., 1571. 45. Diurnal of Occurrents, Maitland Club, p. 184. 46. Chron. of Scotland, Scot. Text Soc., v. 2, p. 237. 47. Historical Memoirs, Abbotsford Club, p. 127. 236 THE ENGLISH RaIDsS ON DuMERIEs IN 1570. be destroyed, bot the old vylie fox made a way for himself. Bot hell abydis, a just punishment for all sic practiseris.’’48 It appears also that the Burgh of Dumfries took such measures as it was able to secure immunity from the vengeance of England. Its “band”? and its aid to the Regent at Linlithgow would stand it in good stead and it now sent a messenger to the Regent for letters of assurance. It would without doubt receive these, which would weigh heavily with Sussex’s natural inclination to mercy. The messenger was awarded in the familiar manner with a “ burgess,’’ a practice which may require a word of explanation. Outsiders were admitted to the privileges of the burgh on payment of a fee, so much to the town, so much to the “spice and wine,’’ so much to the “ Kirkmaister ’’ or ‘the official who had charge of the upkeep of the church fabric, varied sometimes with something to the “ brigmaister ”’ who had charge of the “ brig-wark ’’ or the old bridge over the Nith. When no money was in hand and a payment had to be made the council ordained the new burgess to pay his fee or “composition ’’ direct to the creditor. The qlk day William haliday chepman nythisdaill now in cloisburn is maid fre burgess and suorn therto gevin to andro cunyngham for the rist of his mony promisit to hym for his raid and trawell to the castell of done for the regentts letters of sourance the sowm vi libs payment xl d spice and vyne sourte andro cunyngham thervpon judge ordaint act.”9 The Council of Dumfries, which in ordinary times met almost every day to perform its numerous functions, did not convene during the English occupation. It met again on the 4th of September, but did little business that month. In the beginning of October a new council, almost identical in com- position with the old one, was formed and became active. Its first act was to appoint a renewal of its allegiance to the King by ordering prayers to be said for him in St. Michael’s Church. “The qlk day the counsale foirmentionit decernis statuts and ordains that all the Inhabitants of this burt mak dew and devoitt prayers to god euer potent to preserve or Souerane lord 48. Journal of our Transactions in Scotland, Edin., 1806, p. 36. 49. Burgh Court Books, 13, 111., 1571. Tue EncuisH Rams ON DuMFRIES IN 1570. 237 the Kings matie and len of his speceale grace tyme to hym and his trew counsale to gyed and gouering this his realm in pece justice and police that his legeis may be gouernyt vnder gud ordor and obedience at gods plesor In tyme to cum so beit.’’*° As to the effect of the raid on the burgh itself a good deal of information can be gathered from the Council records, which are, happily, complete for this period. While, too frequently, these detail at length insignificant quarrels, actions for debt and transactions with property, yet occasionally we are brought inti- mately into touch with the manners and character of the people. In the extracts which follow are little touches that light up the situation while the cases have an interest of their own in showing how the Burgh fathers administered justice in the sixteenth century. We have seen that more than one writer states that certain houses were burned in the town. This receives confirmation from the records. There was, of course, no reason for burning the town down, for the Magistrates, although surrounded by “potent lords ’’ of the Catholic faith, had made the best of their difficult position and clearly demonstrated their loyalty. This suited the humane temper of Lord Sussex, and he, fortifying himself before Elizabeth with admirable reasons, spared the burgh. It might have been different had the vengeful Scrope been present, but it seems clear that he was stationed at Carlisle or elsewhere attending to the commissariot and the protection of the Borders.*! In the following instance, the burgh gave Herbert Cunning- ham, the Town Clerk, “a burgess ’’ because his property was destroyed by “chance of army.’’ Burgess William lanerik, merchant in Galloway, present in Jugement is maid fre burgess and suorn therto frely gevin to harbert cunyngham in price of ayd and help to him in consideration of his hevy hurt of bwrning of his lugeng barnes and crop in an dom Ixxo be chanche of army vsit be lord Sussocks.’’? 50. Burgh Court Books, 5, x., 1570. 51. State Papers, For. Ser., Sussex to Elizabeth, 29, viii., 1570; Morton to Sussex, 9, iv., 1572. 52. Burgh Court Books, 31, vii., 1571. 238 Tur ENGLIsH Raips ON DumFRIEs IN 1570. The position of Cunningham’s crop and barn is clearly defined in the following sasine. “ All and haill the zeard and barne lyand in the Touneheid of Drumfreis, betwixt the zeard and barne pertenying to vmqle Homer Maxwell of Speddoches on the north and the lands of umquhile Robert Cunninghame, noter, on the South, the Lord- burn on the eist and the passage callit the zeardheidis on the west pairtis and siklyke of all and haill sax rudis of land pertenying to the said umquhile Harbert, lyand at the mote of Drumfreis.’’™ The “passage called the Zeardheidis’’ is now Loreburn Street. The north gate or “Tounheid port’’ was across Academy Street near Loreburn Street. ‘This was the nearest gate to the Maxwell’s Castle, the main defence of the town and principal objective of the English. As we shall see shortly, the English army approached the town via Tinwald, there being no easy road over the Lochar Moss. Thus the north gate would be the attacking point on the town, and, even though no defence was offered, the crops and buildings near at hand would be most likely to suffer. Incidental mention of another house in the Townhead, which was partly burned, occurs in an agreement by the owner with Robert Welsh, the occupier, for its rebuilding, “ the said Robert havand ane part of the bakland qr he duells brint wt fyre the tyme of the ourr of England be erle of Sussykis.’’™ On the representation of one of the Maxwells, the Council issued a general order that the tenants were to pay rent up to the 25th of August, on which day the properties were, in all pro- bability; destroyed. Maxwell. The qlk day the provest balleis present in jugement decernis and ordeanis that all tennents qlks occupyit lofts chalmers boythis and vtheris houssis birnt with the fyre and army in august ado Ixxo sall pay male [rent] therof fra vitsonday to xxv of agist Porsaid,; 8° The only tenement owned by a Maxwell which we have trace 53. Dumfries Register of Sasines, 21, ix., 1631, to Adam Cunningham. See also Burgh Court Books, 10, xi., 1569. 54. Burgh Court Books, 8, v., 1571. 55. Op. cit., 25, x., 1570. i r i a4 | ‘ i THE ENGLISH RAIDS ON DUMFRIES IN 1570. 239 of as being burned was in Newton, or Friars’ Vennel, on the west side of the port. It had been feued by James Maxwell to John M‘Kedderoch in 1568, and in 1574 an action was raised against the latter for ground rent of “ ane yaird and tenement in Newton qlks was James Maxwell’s pertainand to him [the pursuer] be alienation,’’ and M‘Kedderoch protested “ that na thing was vsit or practesit to hym nor vpon him at the instance of James Max- well twichand the annells of his brunt tenement forsaid bot efter the vse and order of Edgr [Edinburgh] be the burning of the army of Ingland.’’9? There may have been, probably were, more houses than the above destroyed, but the fire was no wholesale affair deliberately entered upon by the English with intent to destroy the whole town. The Tolbooth, the New Wark, and the School, important buildings, do not appear to have been injured, and it was the 31st of October, 1571, before the “ slaitt, tymer, stains, and thawk ”’ of the historic Greyfriars’ Convent were rouped by the Council without a sentimental groan.*8 One case of theft is recorded, and it may occasion surprise that the thief was neither hanged nor imprisoned, but simply ordered to restore the stolen chest and coulter. Abbot. The qlk day John meik present in jugement grantit the away taking of ane kist and ane couter furth of Alexr abbots chalmer the tyme of the fyre and decernit to restoir the samyn agane or ells shaw ane reasonable causs quhy he aucht not be the law. Thairvpon the said Alexr requireit act qlk the Juge decernit.°9 : The other cases that came before the court, excepting in one instance in which three-quarters of an ox were said to have been taken by the English,® all deal with cloth and malt. It appears that if the person sued could prove that the goods had been “spulziet ’’ the pursuer, generally the owner, had no claim upon him. In some of the cases following the proof is 56. Herbert Cunningham’s Protocal Book, 1, iii., 1568. 57. Burgh Court Books, 19, v., 1574. 58. Burgh Court Books, penult. Oct., 1571. 59. Burgh Court Books, 22, xi., 1570. 60. Burgh Court Books, 15, i., 1570-1. 240 Tue ENGLISH Raps ON DumrrRies IN 1570. clearly in favour of the defender, while in others the pursuer wins his case. Dumfries had long been famous for the production of woollen cloth. Hector Boece (1527) wrote:—“In Nidisdail is the toun of Dunfreis quhair mony small and deligat quhites [white woollen cloth] ar maid holdin in gret dainte to merchandis of uncouth realmes,’’ and Bishop Leslie (1578), a more reliable witness, confirms the statement :—‘“ Heir is a toune nathir base nor of simple digrie, to name Dunfrese, famous in fyne claith,’’ while James Brome, in his “ Travels,’’ a century later (1669) says “it is notable no less for its ancient castle and manufacture of cloth, then for the murther of John Cummins.’’ According to Defoe, the Union with England “in great measure suppressed ”’ this industry, “the English supplying them [woollen goods] better and cheaper.’’6 It was not to be expected that the English soldiers would depart without some samples of this esteemed commodity. They seem to have taken the webs on the day of their departure. So many cases came before the court that the Council made the matter patent “to the counsale of Edinburt and ther assessors.’ ’© We content outselves with giving two cases. In the following William Irving, in Hoddom, sued Andrew Heslop and Christian Reid for sixteen ells of cloth. The latter stated that Andrew Neilson had eleven ells, for sale apparently, and that the rest had been taken by the English. She had been paid a “ cupful ’’ or crock of butter and three shillings. Neilson admitted receiving the cloth, and was able to produce witnesses proving that three great boards of cloth were taken from his booth, and that his wife “ nikit ’’ and tried to get them back, but the soldiers took all that was in the house. Irvyng. The quhilk day William Irvyng in hoddom persewit Andro heslop & cristian reid for the vranguss wt haldin fra hym of xvi ells of gray and quhit clayth deliuerit be hym to tham in symmer last bypast qlk clayth the said cristiane confessit in jugement and allegeit that Ando Neilson resauit ix ells of quhit and that at 61. Tour through the whole Island of Great Britain, 1724. 62. Burgh Court Books, 15, x., 1570. Tue ENGLISH RAIDS ON DuMFRIES IN 1570. 241 command of the said William and the army of Ingland reft and had away wt them the vthir pert. iiis and i cop fuill of butter resauit for this verk grantit resauit be cristiene read. The qlk day andro neilson present in Jugement confessit 1x ells quhit foirsaid resauit behym fra cristiane reid and therof andro heslope and cristiane read is exonerit therof for the causs foirsaid.® the depositions of previs led be Andro neilson The qlk day Jon rogerson merchiand admyttit and suorn deponis that he by was herd and saw on friday in August last bypast quhen the army was passand away he saw thre grett bord- ings of all sorts of clayth, gray, quhitt, tane and had away fra andro neleson’s buyth and that the wyif nekit and tryit followand on tham; Jone dene deponis that thai pakit tham and beyr tham away that samin day; Wm merheid deponis that he saw thaim spulzie the houss and tak all away that vas in the houss. In the next case Sir James Maxwell, Vicar of Lochmaben, sued Arthur Tod for seven ells of cloth. Tod said they had been taken by the English, but Maxwell’s witnesses stated that Tod should have taken the cloth to the mill, and had not done accord- ing to promise. Judgment was given for the Vicar. Maxvell. The qlk day arthur toad valkar present in Jugement at the challance of Schr James Maxwell tuixand vii ells browin and blew cator clayth resauit be hym afoir the army cumming the said arthur personaly comperand confessit the resauit of that clayth and denyit the premisses allegeit the clayth tane away be the army qrvpon the juge ordainit act.© Depositions of the persones led be James Maxvell agains toad The qlk day James breiche admytit and suorn deponis that he brot the browin blew clayth persewit be James Maxwell vpon 63. Burgh Court Books, 25, x., 1570. 64. Burgh Court Books, 13, xii., 1570. 65. Burgh Court Books, 25, x., 1570. 242 THE ENGLIsH RAIDS ON DumMFRIEs IN 1570. Art toad on monenday afor the army and he promisit to tak that same to the myle on tuesday nixt therefter. The qlk day Amer fergusson admyttit and suorne deponis that he by vas herd and saw quhen James breiche brot the clayth foirsaid on monenday and arthor toid promist to tak it to his myle on the nixt tuesday therefter.® Maxvell vicar. The qlk day the provest ballie present in Jugement hes decernit and decreit arbitrale to be gevin to Schir James. Maxvell agains art toad.® The next two cases are concerned with the non-delivery of malt. In the first Sir John Sinclair, for sometime Chaplain, and then life-renter, of the ‘Chapel of St. Ninian in St. Michael’s. Church,® sued Bessie Cunningham, wife of John Bell, for nine firlotts of malt; but she brought witnesses to prove that she had asked Sir John to take away the malt which subsequently was destroyed by the English. Sinclar. The qlk day besse cunnyngham spous to Jhon bell present in Jugement confessit sche resauit fra Schir Jon Sinclar ix furlotts of malt for payment ef xxiiijs ilk furlott and thervpon the said Schir Jon requirit noitt and act and protestet for costs and skayth sustenit and to be sustenit be hym.® Cunnygham. The qlk day elizabetht cunnyngham forsaid allegeit ane greit pert of the ix furlotts malt tane away and distroyit be the army of Inglang in august last bypast and that sche afoir the cummyng of the army foirsaid requirit the said Jon to seycht and away tak that samin qlk sche offerit hir to preff at the nixt cort and corts qlks the Jugeis hes assigneit the xx of this Instant . . .8 Depositions of vitnes led betuix elizabeth cunnyngham and Schir Jon Sinclar. The qlk day Jon paterson admyttit and suorn deponit that 66. Burgh Court Books, 15, xi., 1570. 67. He was afterwards ‘‘ Reader”? in ‘St. Michael’s. 68. Burgh Court Books, 18, xii., 1570. CO + opera ee Be ee Tue EnciisH RaAips ON DumrrRiEs IN 1570. 243 he by vas, herd and saw in thom bell’s cloiss on Sonday afor the cumming of the army qlk vas the xxi day of august ado Ixxo quhen elizabeth cunyngham offerit Schir Jon Sinclar his malt not specifcand the quantite and he refusit sayand it vas ground and not as he deliuerit. The qlk day Jon batie in rig admytit and suorn deponis in the caiss foirsaid with Jon paterson in all things vord be vord and that he vas present for the tyme day and place afor rehersit. The qlk day Jon skrymgeor admytit and suorn deponis that he vas present the nyt that the inglismen vas in this tone and he saw tham tak the houss as thai plesit and tak vork and all other things in the houss as thai plesit.® The last case is perhaps the most interesting of all. James Maxwell in Barnhill sued John Ferguson, nicknamed “ Laird,”’ for a boll of malt. Ferguson admitted receiving it, but said he could prove it was taken by the English army. His witnesses stated that the “ Laird ’’ had cast his horse load of malt over the brae at Tinwald Kirk on the approach of Sussex, and that it was spilt on the ground. It was clear to the judges that the Laird had failed to prove the malt was taken as he stated, yet “for conscience sake ’’ they found that he had not got the value of it nor any profit from it, so they ordered him to pay not the whole £4 8s for the boll but the price of ten pecks only. Maxvell. The qlk daye Jhone fergussone laird present in Jugement of his awin grant is actit in the soume of iiij lib viii sh mony of this realme for ane boll of malt price be ressone he grantit the intromissioune thair with qll faylzand to preif sufficientlie that the army of Ingland tuik the same away in August last bypast thair vpon the Juge ordaint act.” Depositions of the personis led be Jon fergusson agains James Maxvell. The qlk day will the man admytit and suorne deponis that he knew veill quhen that the army vas at tynnal Kirk Jon fer- 69. Burgh Court Books, 17, i., 1570-1. 70. Burgh Court Books, 29, xi., 1570. 244 THE ENGLISH RaIps ON DumFRIEs IN 1570. gusson kest ane laid of malt or the bray and lay ther quhen he past away. The qlk day William herp menstrale admytit and suorne deponis that he saw Jon fergusson cast ane laid of malt or the bray abone will the mans kill he kenis not quhat auchit and eftervart saw it skaillit on the grund. The qlk day patrik read admytit and suorn deponis that he led on horss ane half bole malt and it was custin or the bray abone will the mans kyll and left ther he kenis not quha touk it.7! Maxwell in barnshell The qlk day in the causs of ane bole malt vale therof fourty vill sh persewit be James Maxvell vpon Jon fergusson als laird It is fundin be the provest and balleis that in safar as the said Jon grantit the Intromission therof afoir the cumming of the army in august a do lxxo and that he offerit hym to preff it vas tane away be the army foirsaid And failzeit therintill alss thai fynd for conscience seik that Jon fergusson & his gat not the vale nor profett therof Nevirtheles havand respect to the ordor tane befoir tham thai decerns the Said Jon fergusson to content and pay to the said James the price of ten peccs of malt efter four libs viii sh the boll wtin xxxi dayes nixttocum vnder perell of law and thervpon decernit act to stand as decreit poundyng to follow thervpon in form of law as offeris.” Such was the history of these eventful months in Dumfries. Whe first raid was a wretched and ineffectual affair of small townships destroyed and stroke met with counterstroke ending in retiral; the second was an example of swift end summary revenge on the wealthy abettors of the rebels. — It illustrates strikingly the advance in the methods of attack and the inade- quacy of the old strongholds as defences. It was eminently successful in its results, for immediately after Sussex’ retiral he reported to Cecil that “Lord Herries has sent lamenting that he should be compelled to forsake the queen or be in danger of destruction ’’ to which Sussex had replied, doubtless with his tongue in his cheek, that “the Queen of England had no intention to force him or any other person in Scotland to do in AL Op: cit. 7a. 1570-te 72. Burgh Court Books, 16, v., 1571. Tue EnciisH Raps ON DumrRiEs IN 1570. 245 these cases against their conscience,’’ and he further states that “Herries has offered to be at Her Majesty’s devotion if she would receive him.’’73 Herries indeed seems, as Lang says, “to have lost heart.’’ After this “all things went ill with the Queen’s faction; neither saw they a way to subsist but by labouring an abstinence which the Secretary [Lethington] earnestly went about.’’ This was secured on the 3rd of September, bringing an all too transient peace. The Burgh of Dumfries does not seem to have reverted from its allegiance, for, as we have seen, it raised money in April, 1571, to pay hagbutters at the siege of Edinburgh, and later, in October, it borrowed further sums and the Provost himself with six men went to assist the Regent Mar in his effort to reduce Edinburgh Castle.” Perhaps throughout the whole difficult period the town was indebted to the care and wisdom of its senior bailie, James Rig.” and it indicated its gratitude after the manner of its kind and time : “The qlk day James Henderson is maid fre burgess and suorn therto, frelie gevin to James Rig balle, in his greit traist and busynes done and ysit to the gudton of zeris bygane, payand spice and wine, sourtie James Rig, etc.’’% THE FORMATION AND AGE OF THE QUEENSBERRYS, ILLUSTRATED BY GRAPTOLITES. By Mr ROBERT WALLACE. As we stand on the banks of the winding 4 and look north- ward, our attention is arrested by the hills of Queensberry before us. The sight of this great pile rising majestically from the vale and shrouding its head in the clouds commands our attention and more. While the eye is revelling in the wondrous play of light 73. Cal. State Papers, For. Ser., 29 August, 1570. 74. Spottiswood. History of the Church of Scotland, 1655, 75. See p. 225. 76. Burgh Court Books, 28 viii., 1571; 3 x., 1571. 77. James Rig had served as Provost, 1567-8, and as such had, in 1567, subscribed a ‘‘ band ”’ for the support of the young King. 78. Burgh Court Book, 18 iii., 1571. 246 FORMATION AND AGE OF THE QUEENSBERRYS. and shade moving swiftly across the grey hillside as in a mighty panorama, the imagination is traversing the deep ravines and silent corries of these ancient uplands, and vainly striving after the secrets of such endless variety and lavish detail. While the physical features of this district are distinctive enough to give them a form and scenery peculiarly their own, yet, on the other hand, they have much in common with the neigh- bouring heights. From St. Abb’s Head on the east coast to Portpatrick on the west there is a continuous range of elevated ground. The Lammermoors, Moorfoots, Lowthers, and Queens- berry, east of the Nith valley; the Kells, the Merrick, and the Rhins of Galloway, on the west, are parts of one connected whole. They are the remnants of an ancient, elevated tract or table- land, which has been powerfully denuded by atmospheric agencies. Deep valleys are scooped out which radiate in all directions from the highest points ; yet on the hill-tops the original character of the plateau is still evident. Amid this vast series of hills the position of the Queensberrys is unique. They occupy the most southern point of this elevated tract, with the other mountain chains arranged behind them and spread out divergently towards the north like the sides of a great V—the Queensberrys forming the apex. One arm extends in a north-eastern direction towards Peebles, and the other towards the north-west, into Ayrshire. The Queensberry barrier thus situated forms a natural watershed deflecting the streams north and south. We find here the real source of the river Clyde. The Crook Burn, a little stream trickling down the northern slope, within the boundaries of Dumfriesshire, flows into Lanark- shire, and there joins the Daer Water. Further down the valley this larger and longer stream loses its name, which is here usurped by the small Clyde Burn. On the east the Lochan Burn joins the Kinnel, and on the south the Pishnack, the Bran, the Capel, and the Ai flow into the Annan. Wee Queensberry is only 1679 feet above sea level, but a little further north a higher point reaches 2285 feet. In dealing with the geological structure of these hills, we find that the relation of their strata to those of the surrounding country is very similar to the relationship which also exists in the physical features of the Queensberrys and their environments. This region comprises an essential part of a large and varied FORMATION AND AGE OF THE QUEENSBERRYS. 247 geological formation. From the east coast to the west there stretches across the south of Scotland a broad transverse belt of rocks, known as the Silurian Belt. It is bounded on the north by the great fault which runs from Ballantrae to Dunbar, and sepa- rates it from the Central Lowlands of Forth and Clyde, and on the south by the Cheviots and Solway. The ranges of hills, already described as Southern Uplands, traverse the centre of this belt, and may therefore be termed Silurian Uplands. They are composed of hard, massive rocks of great age. Greywacke (grey- rock), which is better known locally as whinstone, is the principal ingredient. It varies from a fine-grained deposit with scales of mica to a coarse grit, containing small quartz pebbles, and some- times into a conglomerate or pudding stone (haggis rock). Associated with the prevailing greywacke are thin bands of grey and black shales charged with fossil remains. All these different strata—shales, greywacke, grit, and conglomerate—represent sand, mud, and other sediments that were deposited along the floor of an ancient ocean. They are the waste of the land surface of that period, which was carried into the ocean and there re- assorted into various deposits. The pebbles were dropped near to the shore, the sand was carried further out into the bay, while the fine mud was swept out to the verge of sedimentation before it sank. Beyond this limit of earthy deposit, where clear water conditions prevailed, the sea was crowded with minute Foraminifera and Radiolaria. Showers of these dead bodies fell to the sea bottom and formed a fine radiolarian ooze, resembling the deep sea deposits of to-day in the Atlantic. This vast ocean continued without interruption during the course of several ages, which are grouped into one large epoch (Silurian). The ocean of Siluria, with its massive deposits of 22,000 feet of rock, existed in the earlier stages of the world’s history. The “dawn of life ’’ is attributed to the epoch of the older Cambrian rocks, which are found in Wales to underlie the Silurian group. The present position of the Queensberry strata gives little indication of the previous horizontal character of these deposits as they were originally spread out on the vast sea floor. The strata are tilted at every conceivable angle. Near the top of Wee Queensberry they stand on end in a vertical position. In other exposures they are found to be twisted into great curves or arches termed anticlines. Sometimes the puckering has been rapid, 248 FORMATION AND AGE OF THE (JUEENSBERRYS. giving rise to a series of minor folds. In other instances the strain was so great that the material snapped, producing a dis- location or fault. On every hand the greatest confusion prevails. Such a lack of uniformity among the various groups or bands has given rise in the past to endless conjectures regarding a proper sequence or definite order of deposition. This difficulty was in- creased by the apparent absence of fossils throughout the region. A brief glance at the history of progress made by scientific research in this realm will not only focus our attention on the recent discoveries, but will also reveal the industry and genius of the pioneers of geology in their endeavour to find a true solution. As early as 1788 the great James Hutton advanced the opinion that these rocks were all of sedimentary origin. Four years later Sir James Hall discovered the first fossils on his way to Moffat. Following this Hutton published his famous work, “ Theory of the Earth,’’ in which he maintained the aqueous formation of the greywacke and its subsequent elevation. In 1805 R. Jamieson published his “ Mineralogy of Dumfries,’’ and described these hills as transition rocks. Professor Nichol proved in 1844 that the southern uplands belonged to that series of strata named by Sir Robert Murchison as Silurian. Professor Harkness, a native of Dumfriesshire, devoted a life-long study to the structure of the hills in Dumfries and Galloway. In 1855 he read a paper on this subject to the Geological Society of London, dealing principally with the section in the Glenkiln burn, accounting for the various black shales there by a series of faults. In the following year, as a result of further study, he explained the frequent occurrence of shales by folds instead of faults. Professor Sedgwick, Carrick Moore, J. Dairon, of Glasgow, and many others carried on the quest. Sir Archibald Geikie embodied the labours of these pioneers in a paper read to the Geological Society of Glasgow. Following this the Geological Survey in 1869 mapped and described the district according to the conclusions generally accepted at that day. While this official work was being carried out Charles Lapworth, a young man residing in Galashiels, was quietly studying this great problem in that neighbourhood. His first paper, read in Edinburgh in 1870, was regarded as unortho- dox. He continued throughout the next eight years to make a rapid advance regarding this complicated structure. The pene- tration and untiring industry of his great mind found at last an FORMATION AND AGE OF THE QUEENSBERRYS. 249 accurate solution of the perplexities of the strata, and also fur- nished a means of co-relating these deposits to their equivalents elsewhere. In 1878 his famous paper on “ The Moffat Series ’’ appeared. It was at once admitted to be “the greatest contribu- tion to the study of these highly convoluted rocks.’’ Since then the survey officers have re-examined the ground and confirmed and extended the discoveries of Professor Lapworth. The result of their work is now published in the monograph, “ Silurian Rocks of Scotland.’’ So far as the Queensberrys are concerned, these conclusions may be stated briefly. Near the bottom of a great mass of greywacke there is a group of black shales about 300 feet thick. They consist of three parallel bands, representing three distinct ages. The bands are sub-divided into different zones, each of which is characterised by a different type of fossil. The principal fossils are of the Graptolite family peculiar to the deep seas of that period. During the earliest ages the various species were of the simplest character, consisting of few organs. From that primitive type to the final disappearance of the race there was a continual evolution in their structure and habits. A comprehensive study of the successive developments evolved in the Graptolites gave Lapworth the key to unravel the complica- tions of stratigraphy, and to establish a definite and continuous order of rock formation throughout the ages of the Silurian epoch. In order to realise the difficulties of field work, and also grasp its real significance, we must examine the rocks themselves. Two sections will be sufficient—the Glenkiln Burn, exhibiting the lower formations, and the Pishnack Burn, completing the record with younger strata. In the Glenkiln Burn, about 14 miles above its confluence with the AS, a great mass of black shale is laid bare by the stream. At the point where the Glenkiln is joined by the small tributary (Lambfoot Burn) a deep, narrow gorge has been cut through the softer shales, exposing one of the finest rock sections in the south of Scotland. At the tributary’s mouth, on the right bank, there is a fine display of hard shattery shales. A hundred yards fur- ther up stream on the opposite bank they form a prominent escarp- ment of black rock. They are technically known as the Glenkiln Shales, and are associated with bands of radiolarian chert and volcanic lava. Although these shales are richly charged with graptolites, yet good specimens are difficult to obtain owing to 250 FORMATION AND AGE OF THE QUEENSBERRYS. their splintery character under the hammer. On examination the fossils of these shales are found to contain many genera anda large number of species. Yet all these varieties of forms are charac- terised by a simplicity of organism and by a restricted develop- ment of their powers of locomotion and nutrition. For instance, the genus Didymograptus would have a difficulty in procuring food on account of the thecze or mouths being turned downwards. In order to remedy this, Dicellograptus endeavoured to bend its branches upwards. Yet both forms are exceedingly primitive when compared with their successors. Ccenograptus gracilis is found in the Glenkiln shales only, and for this reason is regarded as the type fossil of that particular zone. Twenty yards further down from these cherty shales there is another outcrop of shales of an entirely different kind. The strata are of a flaggy nature, and contain grey shales and white bands intercalated with the black—forming one distinct mass of Hartfell shales. The bed of the stream has here a most peculiar and fascinating appearance. By some enormous pressure in a lateral direction the shales have been twisted into a large downward fold resembling a great trough thrown across the,stream. In the very centre of the trough, on the left bank, the wrinkles are so delicate that they may be measured by inches. The great difference between these shales and the Glenkiln group further up stream is not confined to the nature of their material alone but extends also to the fossil con- tents. While some of the genera of the Hartfell zones are found also in the Glenkiln rocks, yet the great bulk of them are new. The fossils show a higher type of development in various direc- tions, yet all making for the efficiency of the race and the freedom of the individual. This evolution is marked even in the zones showing that the death of one species is replaced by more effective life in the next foot of rock immediately above it. The limbs of the fold contain the beautiful form of Climacograptus Wilsoni, which is peculiar to that band alone, and therefore regarded as the type fossil. The overlying strata in the centre of the trough are recognised by a different zonal form—Pleurograptus linearis— evidently a degenerated survivor of the Glenkiln life. It was the fact of this continued progression of life from the Glenkiln forms to those of the Hartfell period that led Professor Lapworth to regard the latter as a younger deposit in spite of their apparently lower horizon. The structural relations of the groups are a ED EA Rie a PTE Me E+ . FORMATION AND AGE OF THE QUEENSBERRYS. 251 accounted for by the whole Silurian formation being thrown into an extensive series of curves caused by the shrinking of the earth’s crust: The particular curvature exhibited at Glenkiln is known as an anticlinorum, and is accounted for by the strata being thrust up into a series of ridges. The central ridge occupying the core of the arch is vertical, but the smaller flexures on either side dip towards the centre, and are therefore more or less inclined: towards the core. The crests of the folds have been eventually denuded, thus destroying altogether the proper sequence of the formation. The Glenkiln shales and cherts form the centre of this composite fold with the Hartfell shales occupying one of the troughs or synclines. The dip of the trough is towards the centre of the disturbance, thus giving the whole group an in- verted appearance. Finally, great masses of rock were removed, laying bare the central core of cherts and volcanic lava. The Pishnack Burn further north affords another interesting section. This burn, along with the Bran Burn, flows from the Wee Queensberry into the AZ. About 300 yards above their junction the Pishnack flows past a prominent cliff on its left bank. Further up stream there is an outcrop of black shales, which from the character of the rock and the nature of the fossils are un- doubtedly the same group of Hartfell shales previously described. On this occasion, however, they occupy the centre of the arch, thus leaving the strata on either side to fill up the minor folds. Immediately overlying the Hartfell shales is a large mass of grey- wacke, known as the Barren mudstones. As its name implies, it is devoid of fossils, with the exception of a thin band of shale at the foot of the mudstones and another near the top. The graptolites in these indicate different life zones, and are known as the Upper Hartfell group. Descending the stream, another outcrop of shales is encoun- tered, known as the Birkhill group. In appearance they are quite distinct from the other groups already described. The shales are more fissile, and contain white seams and bands of clay. The great difference, however, is found in the fossils. They declare an absolute change. All the previous forms of life are found to be extinct except three genera. The abundance of a new genus, Monograptus, marks the dawn of a new era, described as Upper Silurian. The various species of Mono- graptus show the highest possible development of the whole 252 FORMATION AND AGE OF THE QUEENSBERRYS. family before its final extinction. The maximum thickness of the Birkhill shales is 90 feet. They contain six distinct zones, each characterised by its peculiar group of fossils. The highest band, forming the last of the series, is known as the Rastrites maximus zone, and is immediately followed by the hard Queensberry grits. Ascending the stream from the central anticline of Hartfell shales, we find the same order of succession, terminating in the overlying grits and greywacke. They form the largest part of the Queens- berry structure. The few fossils that they contain are of a dwarfed character, proving that these muddy seas were unfavour- able to graptolitic life. The zonal form, Monograptus exiguus, confirms this. We are now in a position to enter into the successive stages of mountain building revealed to us by the history of a few small animals in the fight for life throughout a chequered career, finished in an unknown obscurity hundreds of millions of years ago. The area now occupied by Queensberry was covered in the Silurian epoch by a great ocean reaching from Ireland across Scotland into Norway, including England and part of Southern Europe. The foundation structure of the hills consists of a thick platform of volcanic lava, representing the Arenig Age. During that period this area was far removed from land; the water over it was free from earthy sediments or shore deposits. These deep- sea and clear-water conditions are shown by the cherts. Great submarine volcanic eruptions flowed along the ocean floor from the north-west, possibly proceeding from the volcanic vent at Bail Hill, Sanquhar. During the intervals of volcanic activity the sea bed was being covered by a deposit of ooze, formed by the skele- ton remains of minute radiolaria. The deposits in the Girvan dis- trict during this age are 1500 feet, chiefly volcanic ; towards San- quhar they have decreased to 500 feet; while Queensberry has only 100 feet in the same period. These cherts are succeeded gradually by the Glenkiln shales. From the nature of their grap- tolites, they are found to be contemporary with a similar group in Wales, and are therefore ascribed to the Llandeilo Age. Dur- ing this age a slight elevation of the sea bottom allowed the muddy material to be carried further out, and therefore the Glen- kiln shales are found just within the verge of sedimentation. The various shore deposits of Llandeilo Age total 1000 feet at Girvan FORMATION AND AGE OF THE QUEENSBERRYS. 253 and 1200 at Abington; their equivalent of deep-sea deposit at Glenkiln is only 20 feet. The next age, termed Caradoc, is made up of the Hartfell black shales and the Barren mudstones above. The strata contain occasional flows of lava, which mark the close of volcanic activity during the Silurian epoch. The Lower shales show no change of ocean depth, but the Upper mudstones point to a slight oscillation in the sea floor. The whole Caradoc Age gives us a total thickness in Queensberry area of 100 feet ; Lead- hills and Elvanfoot show 1800 feet; while Girvan strata in same age amount to 2800 feet. Coniston Old Man, in the Lake Dis- trict, and Snowdon, in North Wales, belong to the same age. These three ages already dealt with were previously termed Lower Silurian—reserving the term Upper Silurian for those to follow; but the comprehensive change, as evidenced by the fossils, between the two periods has demanded a greater distinc- tion of terms: Lower Silurian—Ordivician ; Upper Silurian now means Silurian. The Birkhill shales usher in this new Silurian period with an age of their own—Llandovery. The deep-sea conditions are still very similar, giving 98 feet of Birkhill shales against 1000 feet coarser strata at Girvan; but the absence of volcanic matter and the vast change in the life of the ocean fix the lowest zones of these shales as marking the boundary line between the Ordovician and the Silurian. Towards the top of this group there is evidence of a marked change in the ocean floor. The shales are gradually replaced by coarser sediments, known as the Queensberry grits, and assigned to the Tarannon Age. An oscillation in the earth’s crust has brought the shore considerably nearer, giving us in this age 4000 feet of strata against 2000 feet in the Girvan area. These grits of Tarannon Age are the highest strata now visible in the Queensberry structure, but the period of sedimentation did not cease at this point, but continued during three more ages till the close of the Silurian epoch. As a result of the three last ages of continued ocean, fresh sediments were accumulated above the Tarannon grits. It is impossible to say what the original thick- ness may have been, but there still remain isolated fragments proving at least a thickness of 5000 feet. Finally these masses of Ordivician and Silurian strata, representing the accumulations of eight ages, were elevated, forming one vast tableland. Probably the same power that caused their elevation would also account for 254 FORMATION AND AGE OF THE QUEENSBERRYS. the great contortion of strata. As the young land was slowly raised from the sea, it was immediately subject to the operations of a new force. All the powers of atmospheric denudation— wind, sun, and rain—were brought to bear upon it. The 5000 feet deposits of the three closing ages were removed as silently and as persistently, and perhaps as slowly, as they were originally deposited. For those who prefer to think in years rather than in ages, and who are willing to take all risks, we may state the ages thus: According to Dr Croall, denudation to-day is at the rate of one foot over the whole earth in 6000 years. If this be overdrawn, let us half it. We have, therefore, a deposit of 17,000 feet multiplied by 3000, equal to 51,000,000 years for the laying down of the rocks. To this we must add 15,000,000 years for the removal of the top strata, giving us a total of 66 millions of years. This was practically all accomplished before the Upper Old Red Sandstone Age, which closed about 500 millions of years ago. Sth February, 1911. Chairman—Mr S. ARNOTT. Tue RuHINNS OF GALLOWAY. By ANDREW DONALDSON, Ardwall, Wigtownshire. [In an interesting manner Mr Donaldson reviewed the anti- quities of the parishes of Kirkmaiden, Stoneykirk, Portpatrick, Leswalt, Kirkcolm, Stranraer, Inch, Old Luce, and New Luce, which comprise the Rhinns, told some of the legends of the district, and sketched the histories of some of the families. The matter was gathered from various sources. Of the Castle of Auchness in Kirkmaiden, still used as a farmhouse, he wrote: “ Auchness, though having all the appear- ance of an old Scots baronial castle, is only an imitation one, having been built in the baronial style early in the nineteenth century. So good an imitation is it that it misled Mr M‘Tlwraith, a keenly observant writer, who published a guide to Wigtown- Tue RuHINNS OF GALLOWAY. 255 shire, and Mr Harper in his ‘ Rambles in Galloway’ falls into the same mistake.”’ Of a minister of Kirkmaiden Church he recounted the follow- ing legend “of the period when wrecking or reaping a benefit off the misfortunes of others was not thought to be anything repre- hensible. The rule was that whoever saw a wreck first and was first on the scene claimed anything that could be salved. On one very stormy Sunday the minister was in the pulpit, and from his elevated position saw a vessel dangerously near the shore. He spun out his sermon as long as possible and seeing the vessel was hopelessly embayed, he said, ‘And this I say, my brethren,’ repeating the pbrase two or three times, and to the surprise of the congregation left the pulpit, came down the stair and walked out of the church. When at the door he turned and said, ‘ This I say, my brethren, the first one that is at her gets her.’ The congregation, of course, followed immediately, but were only in time to see the minister’s gown tail disappearing over the cliff in the direction of Portankill.’’] 17th February, 1911. Chairman—Mr M. H. M‘Kerrow, Hon. Treasure WEATHER OF 1910 IN RELATION TO HEALTH. By Dr J. MAxweELL Ross, Hon. V.P. For some years prior to the death of the Rev. Mr Andson, whose loss to the study of meteorology in the district is still much felt among us, I was in the habit of supplementing his annual paper to the Society by a few remarks on the influence of the weather and seasons on the health of the county in so far as this was indicated by the mortality and infectious disease returns. Our Honorary Secretary has asked me to resume the practice, and as I am one of those men who find it difficult to say “ No’”’ even when that might be the best answer to give tO some requests, I have compiled a few notes which I hope may be of interest. There are now four meteorological stations within the county which send reports either to the Meteorological Office or 256 WEATHER OF 1910 IN RELATION TO HEALTH. to the Scottish Meteorological Society. These are the Crichton Royal Institution, the Eskdalemuir Observatory, Drumlanrig Gardens, and Comlongon. My notes are compiled from these reports; but I cannot enter here into any elaborate discussion of the data they supply. It will be more convenient to detail shortly the outstanding features of each month and give at the same time the arithmetical means or averages of the more important figures, January.—During this month the weather was generally of a disturbed character, there being frequent barometric depres- sions with high winds or gales. The temperature of the first three weeks was moderate to mild, but towards the close deep depressions from west and north-west produced rough and bitterly cold weather with some heavy falls of snow. The rainfall in Dumfries and the west of Scotland was comparatively low, but slightly in excess throughout the rest of Scotland. The mean barometric pressure reduced to 32 degs. F., but not to sea-level, was 29.370 inches; the mean temperature 35.8 degs. F., the mean daily range of temperature 11.1 degs. F., the humidity 92 per cent., and the rainfall 3.83 inches. The average number of rainy days at the four' stations was 20, and there was a slight excess of winds from the south-west. The deaths in the county landward and burghs of Annan, Sanquhar, Lochmaben, Lockerbie, Moffat, and Langholm were 85, giving a rate of 18.101 per 1000. The chief causes of death were the circulatory diseases, pneumonia and other respiratory diseases, and pulmonary phthisis, the death-rate from the latter being 1.5 ‘per 1000. The average death-rate of this month during the ten previous years was 18.625, from which it cat ve calculated that the number of “ expected ’’ deaths was 87, or two more than the actual. The cases of infectious disease were very few, there being only eight of diphtheria and four of scarlet fever. February was characterised by persistently unsettled atmos- pheric conditions with frequent storms and floods, low barometric pressure, average mean temperature and high rainfall, the mumber of wet days being much in excess. The mean baro- metric pressure reduced to 32 degs. F. was 29.115 inches, the mean temperature 37.9 degs. F., the mean daily range 10.6 degs. F., the humidity 92 per cent., the rainfall 6.48 inches, and the average number of wet days 27. There was an excess WEATHER OF 1910 IN RELATION TO HEALTH. 257 of winds from south and south-west. The total deaths were 78, giving a rate of 18.388 per 1000. There was a fall in the death-rate from circulatory diseases as compared with January, an increase in the respiratory, a slight fall:in the rate from pneumonia, and the rate from phthisis was 3 per 10,000 less. The rates from malignant and nervous diseases were high. The average death-rate of this month has been 20.732, so that the “expected ’’ deaths were 88, or ten more than the actual number. There was an increase in the number of scarlet fever cases, but a decrease in diphtheria, the total number of cases being 19. March exhibited unusually quiet weather of the anti-cyclonic type, fair and dry, with high barometric pressure, high mean temperature and low rainfall, though a heavy rainstorm on the Ist gave a fall of 1.7 inches at Eskdalemuir. The mean baro- metric pressure was 29.940 inches, the mean temperature 41.6 degs. F., the mean daily range 19.2 degs. F., the humidity 85 per cent., the rainfall 3.67 inches. There was an average of 13 wet days and a small excess of winds from between S.E. and S.W. The total deaths were 64, the rate per 1000 being 13.628. There was a slight drop in the rate from circulatory diseases, a considerable drop in the respiratory, less so in regard to pneu- monia, and a very considerable fall in the phthisical death-rate. ‘The rate from digestive diseases was high, being at its maximum for the year. The average total death-rate for the month during the previous ten years was 16.904. The “expected ’”’ deaths were 79, or 15 more than the actual number. Twelve cases of scarlet fever and diphtheria were reported. April was extremely changeable with a predominance of showery or dull days. The barometric pressure was somewhat low, so was the temperature, and the rainfall was high. The average values were:—For the barometer, 29.450: inches; mean temperature, 42.3 degs. F.; mean daily range, 14.2 degs. F. ; humidity, 84 per cent.; rainfall, 3.93 inches. The average number of rainy days was 20, and there was an excess of winds from between south-west and north-west. The total deaths were 82, giving a rate of 18.046. The circulatory death-rate was high, at its maximum for the year; the phthisical death-rate was also at its maximum (2.2 per 1000). So was pneumonia (2.0). Nevertheless the total death-rate was slightly below the average, 258 WEATHER OF 1910 In RELATION TO HEALTH. 18.250, and the “ expected ’’ deaths were 83, or one more than the actual number. Nine cases of diphtheria and scarlet fever came under observation. May opened mildly, but immediately became dull and cold for about eight days, when a period of fine, genial weather succeeded. The last week was cold, dull, and rainy. The mean barometric pressure was 29.562 inches, the mean tempera- ture 50.5 degs. F. (a little above the average), the mean daily range 17.7 degs. F., the humidity 80 per cent, the rainfall 2.64 inches. The average number of rainy days was 12, and there was an excess of winds from between north-west and north-east. The deaths were 77 in number, and the death-rate 16.397. Circulatory diseases were again the principal contributors to this rate, the number of fatalities being exactly the same as in January. The rates from malignant diseases and phthisis were very high, as were also those from other tubercular diseases and from pneumonia. ‘The average total death-rate of the month during the previous decade was 16.244, and the “ expected ”’ deaths were 76, or one less than the actual number. ‘There were only five cases of scarlet fever and diphtheria. June was variable, and there were several rapid alternations from heat to cold and cold to heat, along with a few thunder- storms, but low rainfall. The mean barometric pressure was 29.566 inches, the mean temperature 56.2 degs. F., the mean daily range 18 degs. F., the humidity 78 per cent., and average rainfall 1.87 inches. The number of rainy days was 11, and there was an excess of winds from between north and east. The deaths were 73, and the rate per 1000, 16.065. The circulatory disease death-rate was again high. So were the rates from malignant disease, phthisis, and other tubercular diseases, but those from pneumonia and respiratory causes were low. The average total death-rate of the month was 14.057, and the “expected ’’ deaths were 64, or nine less than the actual number. Among the infectious diseases scarlet fever began to increase, but there was an absence of diphtheria. July was a month of unsettled and unseasonable weather, with fluctuating barometer, low mean temperature, and high rainfall. The mean barometric pressure was 29.526 inches, the mean temperature 55.6 degs. F., the mean daily range 16.6 degs. F., the humidity 81 per cent., and the average rainfall WEATHER OF 1910 IN RELATION TO HEALTH. 259 5.33 inches. The number of rainy days was 15, and there was an excess of winds from northerly and easterly,points. The deaths were 65 and the rate 13.842. The circulatory death-rate dropped to the same point as in March. The malignant disease death-rate was high; pneumonia was also fairly high, but the phthisical and other tubercular rates were low, as was also the respiratory. The average total death-rate of the month having been 14.751, the “ expected ’’ deaths were 69, or four more than the actual number. Among the infectious diseases scarlet fever continued to increase, and diphtheria reappeared on the list. August.—The weather was much on the same lines as in July, but rather worse, there being an almost entire absence of seasonable warmth, a low barometer, and a high rainfall, especially towards the end, when 2.10 inches fell at Dumfries on the 28th, and great flooding occurred in various parts of Scotland. The mean barometric pressure was 29.470 inches, the mean temperature 56.7 degs. F., the mean daily range 14.0 degs. F., the humidity 85 per cent., and the rainfall 8.24 inches. The average number of wet days was 22, and there was an excess of winds from easterly points. The deaths being 46, the rate was 9.796, the lowest rate of all the months of the year. There was a very considerable reduction in the mortality from circula- tory diseases, fatalities from these being at their minimum, but the rates from nervous and digestive diseases were somewhat high. Phthisis and other tubercular diseases, pneumonia and other respiratory were all low. The average total death-rate for the month was 13.564, and the “ expected ’’ deaths were 64, or eighteen more than the actual number. Scarlet fever became rather prevalent and more virulent than usual, the death-rate from it being 1.06 per 1000. Cases of diphtheria again occurred, but in very small numbers. September.—The barometric pressure being high through- out this month, weather of the quietest character prevailed almost without a break. There was, however, a lack of sunshine and a prevalence of winds from northerly directions, so that the mean temperature waslow. The rainfall was also low, the month being one of the driest Septembers on record. The mean barometric pressure was 29.916 inches ; the mean temperature, 52.4 deg. F. ; the mean daily range, 16.3 deg. F.; the humidity, 86 per cent. ; the rainfall, 0.99 inches. The rainy days were 8 in number, and 260 WEATHER OF 1910 In RELATION TO HEALTH. there was an excess of winds from between north and east. The deaths were 51, and the rate per 1000, 11.224. Circulatory disease mortality was somewhat high, but the rates from other causes comparatively low, the highest after circulatory being pneumonia, with .88 per 1000. The average total death-rate of the month being 11.729, the “ expected ’’ deaths were 53, or two more than the actual number. Diphtheria became rather preva- lent, and the prevalence was no doubt influenced by the period of drought following the excessive rains of August and increasing the activity of the causal bacilli. October was a month of comparatively quiet and mild weather. The barometer was fairly high until the end, when it fell rapidly. The mean temperature was high and the rainfall low. The mean barometric pressure was 29.731 inches; the mean temperature, 48.9 deg. F.; the mean daily range, 12.0 deg. F.; the humidity, 86 per cent. ; the average rainfall, 3.14 inches. .The rainy days were 10, and there was an excess of winds from easterly points. The total deaths were 54, and the rate per 1000, 11.499. There was a drop in the circulatory mortality from September, but the mortalities from pneumonia, malignant diseases, and phthisis were relatively high. The aver- age total death-rate during the previous decade being 13.407, the “expected ’’ deaths were 63, or nine more than the actual number. Diphtheria and scarlet fever were both fairly prevalent, but less so than in September. November showed very disturbed atmospheric conditions, was cold, wet, and stormy, with a low mean temperature and winds chiefly from northerly and westerly points. The mean barometric pressure was 29.271 inches; the mean temperature, 35.0 deg. F.; the mean daily range, 12.8 deg. F.; the humidity, 88 per cent.; and the rainfall, 4.32 inches. The number of rainy days was 15. The total deaths were 57, and the rate 12.544. The mortality from circulatory diseases rose consider- ably above that for October. Malignant disease mortality was also high. The rates from pneumonia and other respiratory diseases were low. ‘That from phthisis was the lowest for the year, but from other tubercular diseases it was fairly high. The average total death-rate being 15.108, the “expected ’”’ deaths were 69, or twelve more than the actual number. Scarlet fever was again prevalent. WEATHER OF 1910 IN RELATION TO HEALTH, 261 December was also a month of disturbed atmospheric states, but winds being chiefly from south-east and south-west, was also as abnormally mild as November was abnormally cold. The barometer was low, the temperature high, and the rainfall some- what in excess, there being a large number of rainy days. The mean barometric pressure was 29.269 inches ; the mean tempera- ture, 41.6 deg. F. (6.6 deg. F. higher than the November mean) ; the mean daily range, 8.5 deg. F.; the humidity, 89 per cent. ; the average rainfall, 5.15 inches; and the rainy days, 26. The total number of deaths was 69, the rate per 1000, 14.693. The circulatory mortality again rose, the malignant disease mortality was high, but not so high as in November. The phthisis death- rate rose to nearly the average of this rate for the year, but that from other tubercular diseases dropped to its minimum, as did also that from pneumonia. Respiratory disease mortality was a very little above the average. The total average death-rate was 16.598, and the “ expected ’’ deaths 80, or eleven more than the actual number. Scarlet fever became very prevalent during this month, but this was largely due to local causes. The principal features of the weather of 1910 were the very disturbed conditions at the beginning of the year, the mildness of March, the unseasonable character of July and August, the bitter cold of November, and the contrast presented by the mildness of December. The arithmetical means of the monthly values show that the mean barometric pressure for the year, reduced to 32 deg. F., was 29.524 inches; the mean temperature, 46.2 deg. F.; the mean daily range, 14.0 deg. F.; and the humidity, 86 per cent. The absolutely highest temperature of the year was 82 deg. F., which was recorded at Drumlanrig Gardens on 13th July, and the lowest was 3 deg. F., which was recorded at Eskdalemuir on 27th January. The average number of rainy days at the four stations was 199, and the rainfall 49.59 inches. The total rain- fall at Eskdalemuir was 60.38 inches; at Drumlanrig Gardens, 54.97; at Dumfries, 43.82; and at Comlongon, 41.07. The averages at Drumlanrig Gardens and Dumfries are available, and show that at both stations the precipitation of 1910 was much in excess, 8.32 inches at the former and 5.53 at the latter. The rainfalls of two other stations at Lochmaben and Ewes have been kindly sent me by the observers, Provost Halliday and Mr Lyall. 262 WEATHER OF 1910 IN RELATION TO HEALTH. At the former the fall was 43.91 inches, or 3.2 in excess of 18 years’ average (1893-1910 inclusive), while at the latter it was 54.30. The six stations give an average of 49.35 inches. The total average rainfall at 73 stations in Scotland was 41.36 inches, or 2.17 in excess of the average. The year must, therefore, be regarded as a rainy one. All the stations show that August was the wettest month and September the driest. The influence of the weather upon health has at anyrate not been unfavourable. The total deaths were 801, the “ expected ”’ 875, so that 74 of the lives within the portion of Dumfriesshire under review that might have been expected to come to an end have been carried over into another year. The total death-rate was 14.487 per 1000. This figure was exceeded in the months of January, February, April, May, June, and December, but in four of these the rate was under the average, and in two alone (May and June) was it in excess, and then only to a small extent. The monthly distribution of some of the mortalities was peculiar. Digestive diseases were most fatal in March and August, and least so in June, September, and October. Deaths from diarrhcea occurred in six months of the year, January, June, July, October, November, and December. Their absence from the mortality list during August and September is noteworthy. There were deaths from enteric fever in August and October. Only three notifications of this disease were received during the year, but two of the cases proved fatal. Scarlet fever appears in the list in eight out of twelve months, and the mortality was at its maxi- mum in August. By far the largest number of cases occurred during December, but the mortality in that month was m7. The mortality from pneumonia was highest in the first five months, when influenza was prevalent, and at its lowest in June and December. For some reason it was high in October. Other respiratory diseases were at their maximum in January and Feb- ruary, and at their minimum in June, July, August, September, and November. Deaths from circulatory diseases were most numerous in April, least so in August. The mortality from pul- monary phthisis was highest in April and May, lowest in July and November. A gratifying feature in the returns is the drop that has occurred in the fatalities from this disease. The rate has been slowly falling during the decade ended with the year. The — fall has on the whole been a steady one, till a very sudden drop WEATHER AND NATURAL History Notes, 1910. 263: from 1.5 per 1000 in 1907 to 0.9 occurred in 1908. In 1909 the mortality rose again to 1.3, and in 1910 it is back to 1.1. There is some hope, therefore, that with increased efforts at prevention and cure the white man’s plague may eventually dis- appear entirely from our mortality lists, or at least appear so rarely as to become an almost negligible quantity. WEATHER AND NaTurAL History Notes, 1910. By Mr J. RUTHERFORD, Jardington. January.—The weather for the first 10 days of the new year was warm, mild, and cloudy, with frequent rain, but not heavy, with the temperature above the average. On 3 days the tem- perature in the screen, 4 feet above the ground, was 53 deg. The following 10 days were of a more wintry character, with sudden changes from frost and thaw to rain and snow. ‘The last 10 days of the month were very wintry, as regards storm and cold, quite a contrast to the first 10 days, which were like spring. The wind for the first fortnight was principally from the W. and S.W., and for the remainder N. or N.E. There is an old proverb, “ As the days lengthen the cold strengthens.’’ The truth of this proverb is confirmed by observation and experience. I believe the coldest period of the year, in this country, occurs about the third week of January on an average. This may seem a little strange as we would naturally expect that after the sun had passed its lowest altitude and the days began to lengthen that the temperature would rise. The reverse takes place, and the reason for this delay in the rise of temperature is that for some time after the year begins the earth continues to loose more heat by radiation during the night, than it gains from the sun during the day, there- fore the temperature falls and does not begin to rise until the heat received exceeds the heat radiated. Snow fell on several days, but not in any quantity. The hardest frost and coldest nights of the year were on the 26th and 27th, when the ther- mometer registered 2 and 5 deg. respectively on the grass, and 8 and 10 deg. in the screen. The highest maximum temperature was 53 deg. on 3 days; lowest, 32 deg. Highest minimum, 48 deg. ; lowest, 8 deg., on the 25th ; lowest on the grass, 2 deg., on the 25th. Frost on the grass on 21 days. In the screen on 16 days. The range of the barometer was from 29 to 30.5 inches. 264 WEATHER AND NATURAL History Notes, 1910. The Water Ouzel, Cinclus aguaticus, was pouring forth its brilli- ant and cheery song on the 10th. First saw Comet, 1910 (alias The Daylight Comet, or The African Comet) on the 24th. Whilst myself and every other observer with small telescopes were spending an hour or so on each suitable evening with the instru- ment directed to a certain spot in the constellation Pisces, look- ing for the first glimpse of Halley’s Comet, this magnificent object, complete in its majestic splendour, came suddenly into view, a little behind the sun—a perfect model of what a comet should be, with head, neck, and tail, of a beautiful pale gold colour, quite easily seen in twilight with the naked eye. I measured the length of the tail on the 24th. It was from 8 to 10 degrees, February.—The first 10 days were mild and cloudy, very little sunshine, and a little rain each day. After the 11th squally stormy weather set in. There were several heavy gales with wind from the W. and S.W. There were no periods of intense cold. There was frost at intervals, but not severe. There was a little snow on the 15th, and distant thunder on the 21st and 25th. The last week was mild with an E., N., and N.E. wind. Although rain fell on every day except the 8th there were no heavy floods. On several mornings near the end of the month the birds were singing all round. The white head of the snowdrop (G. nivalis) was hanging over on the 7th. The Hazel (Corylus avellana) came into bloom on the 24th. First heard the Mavis (Turdus musicus) on the 20th. Highest maximum temperature, 52 deg., on the 19th ; lowest, 39 deg., on the 24th; highest mini- mum, 43 deg., on the 6th; lowest, 22 deg., on the 9th; lowest on the grass, 17 deg., on the 8th. \ Frost on the grass on 19 days; in the screen on 12 days. The barometer ranged from 28.3 in. It quickly fell to this point from 29 in. on the 19th, at 6.30 p.m., when there was a high wind. The highest record of the baro- meter was 30.3, on the 8th. March.—The morning of the Ist was fine, the sun shining, birds singing, and a white hoar on the ground, which was followed by a stormy, wet night. On the 2nd we had the heaviest flood on the Cluden which had been for 35 years. It was up to the floor of the wooden footbridge at Jardington Ford. There was thunder on the 9th, and wet, stormy night. With these two exceptions, March was a month of spring, with temperature above the ave- WEATHER AND NATURAL History Notes, 1910. 265 rage and a lot of sunshine. There was no East wind, and little rain after the 10th. There was a large percentage of March dust, which is invaluable to the farmer. Sowing corn began on the 24th, with the ground in fine condition. Sunday, the 20th, was a beautiful spring day, with the birds singing and the crows busy at the Newton Rookery. Coltsfoot (Tussilago Farfara) came in bloom on the 29th. Highest maximum temperature, 62 deg., on the 30th ; lowest maximum, 45 deg., on the Ist. Highest minimum, 44 deg., on the 3rd; lowest minimum, 28 deg., on the 27th ; lowest on the grass, 22 deg., on several nights. Frost on the grass on 18 days. A little frost in the screenon 9 days. The range of the barometer was between 29.55 and 30.6 inches. April.—The weather of this month was rather disappointing. The second week was fairly genial and mild, and the fields began to put on their verdant hue, with a S. and S.W. wind. The first week and the last fortnight were very barren. There was not the same amount of bright warm sunshine that we had in March, and the winds were colder. Although there was a good deal of rain, there were no heavy floods. Plants came into bloom a few days earlier than in 1909. Wood Anemone (Anemone memorosa) on the 2nd, Flowering Currant on the 9th, Jargonelle Pear on the 10th, Primrose (Primula vulgaris) on the 17th, Blenheim Orange Apple on the 27th, Wild Strawberry (Fragaria vesca) on the 28th. First Swallows seen on the 16th. Our own ‘Swallows came and took up their old quarters on the 20th. Sand Martin (Cotile riparia) first seen on the 28th. The Cuckoo (Cuculus canorus) first heard on the 29th. Small White Butterfly (Pzeris, Rapa) first seen on 25th. Highest maximum temperature, 59 deg., on the 14th and 15th; lowest maximum, 46 deg., on 3rd and 16th. Highest minimum, 44 deg., on 18th and 20th; lowest minimum, 24 deg., on Ist; lowest on grass, 18 deg., on Ist. Temperature on grass at or below 32 deg. on 17 days. May.—The first 10 days were cold and barren, with the hills covered with snow and wind from the N. and N.-W. On the 11th the weather changed to bright and warm sunshine, typical May weather, which continued till the 27th. The last 3 days were rather cold. Though the beginning of the month and the last 3 days were cold and barren it was, on the whole, a much finer month than the majority of months of May in recent years. There was thunder on the 5th, 6th, 9th, and 13th. The Sloe 266 WEATHER AND NATURAL History Notes, 1910. (Prunus communis) came into bloom on the 2nd, Garden Straw- berry on the 16th; Lilac (Syriga vulgaris), 18th; Chestnut (Castanea), 18th; Hawthorn (Crategus oxyacantha), 23rd. Saw first Wasp on the llth. Heard the Corncrake (Crex pratensis) on the 21st. Saw Halley’s Comet for first time on 24th. Highest maximum temperature, 81 deg., on 22nd; lowest maxi- mum temperature, 48 deg., on 6th. Highest minimum, 57 deg., on 22nd; lowest minimum, 29 deg., on 8th; lowest on grass, 22 deg., on 8th. At or below 32 deg. on grass on 8 days. Baro- meter ranged between 29.4 and 30.45 inches. June.—This was an ideal month, a real month of summer. The first 3 weeks were very warm. The rainfall was small yet sufficient. There were a number of days on which there was thunder. The wild rose (R. canina) came into bloom on 3rd; Ox-eye daisy (C. Leucanthemum) on the 4th. Saw first cleg 19th. Highest maximum temperature, 82 deg., on the 10th; lowest maximum temperature, 59 deg., on 2nd. Highest minimum temperature, 55 deg., on several days ; lowest minimum tempera- ture, 39 deg., on 14th; lowest on grass, 35 deg., on 14th. At or below 32 deg. on the grass none. Range of barometer from 29.5 to 30.4. } July.—The weather during the first week was cool and cloudy, with thunder and showers. On the 7th a change for the better set in, and a fortnight of excellent summer weather followed. There was an abundance of sunshine, with high temperature, though the heat was never oppressive. There was no rain from the 6th till the 20th, when an unfavourable change set in, wet, showery weather continuing till the end of the month. During the fine weather in the middle of the month the most of the rye- grass hay and some meadow was secured in fine condition. Cut meadow hay got badly bleached in the last week. Meadow Brown Butterfly (H. Janira) first seen on the 4th; Hair-bell (Campanula rotundifolia) came into bloom on the 9th; Black Knapweed (Centaurea nigra) on the 19th. Highest maximum temperature, 87 deg. (this was the highest temperature during the year), on the 12th; lowest maximum temperature, 61 deg., on 6th and 20th. Highest minimum temperature, 58 deg., on 20th ; lowest minimum temperature, 38 deg., on 17th; lowest on grass, 34 deg., on 17th: At or below 30 deg. none. Range of baro- meter between 29.5 and 30.3 inches. i WEATHER AND NATURAL History Notes, 1910. 267 August.—This was a month-of rain, with the exception of five days from the 5th till the 10th, rain fell every day. It was the highest rainfall of any month during the year, and the highest rainfall for August during the last 17 years. There was a heavy flood on the Nith and Cluden on the 28th, and heavy floods all over the country, doing much damage to crops. On early farms in this locality the corn that was cut was considerably wasted, and uncut ripe corn was damaged by being broken down with the heavy rains. Harvesting began in this locality on the 15th. Thunder was heard on 8 days. Highest maximum temperature, 80 deg., on 10th ; lowest maximum temperature, 56 deg., on 28th, Highest minimum temperature, 58 deg., on 14th; lowest minimum temperature, 40 deg., on 24th; lowest temperature on grass, 38 deg., on 24th. At 32 deg. or under none. Range of barometer from 29 to 30.2 inches. September.—No more thorough contrast could be imagined than was presented by the weather of two consecutive months. While August was the wettest month of the year, and the wettest August for many years, September was the dryest month of the year, and, leaving out the rain that fell on the 26th and 28th, it was the dryest month of September for many years. It was almost perfect as a harvest month, the atmosphere was dry, there was abundance of sunshine, and there was scarcely a single shower to interrupt the work in the fields. In May notes, 17th, I find “ wasps plentiful.’’ On 9th September, “no wasps,’’ even on the plumbs and apples broken by the birds there was not one to be found. Last swallow seen on the 22d. Highest maximum temperature, 72 deg., on 21st; lowest maximum temperature, 59 deg., on several days. Highest minimum temperature, 55 deg., on 28th ; lowest minimum temperature, 34 deg., on 2 days ; lowest temperature on grass, 30 deg., on 2 days. Temperature at 32 deg. or under on grass on 2 days. Barometer ranged from 29.95 to 30.6 inches. This was the only day during the month that the barometer was below 30 inches. October.—The weather during the whole of this month was a continuance of the exceptional fine weather of September. The sunshine and heat of the first week were quite phenomenal, more like that of June or July. The temperature was above the ave- rage on nearly every day. On the 2nd there was a very heavy thunder rain, 1.58 in. fell in 8 hours. The harvest in late dis- 268 © WEATHER AND Natural History Notes, 1910. 7 tricts was secured in good condition. The variety and beauty of the colour on the woods of the Nith Valley near the end of the month was really charming. Highest maximum temperature, 69 deg., on Ist ; lowest maximum temperature, 51 deg., on 2 days, Highest minimum temperature, 53 deg., on 3rd and 4th; lowest minimum temperature, 33 deg. on 8th; lowest on grass, 28 deg., on 19th. At or below 32 deg. on grass on 6 days. Barometer ranged between 29.8 and 30.7 inches. Over 30 inches on every day except 5. November.—Although the fine weather of October was con- tinued into November for the first few days, we could not help feeling that we were into the grip of winter. Taken as a whole, it was a mild, open month, with fully an average rainfall. A little snow fell on 3 days. There was a sharp frost for several days. Curling stones could be heard running on the third week. Oak leaves were long in falling off, and the frost at the end of the month took away the green of the fields. Saw the total eclipse of the moon on the night of the 16th. There was nothing re- markable to note. The detail on the moon’s surface was plainly defined through the umbra of the shadow. Highest maximum temperature, 52 deg., on 3rd; lowest maximum temperature, 38 deg., on 10th. Highest minimum temperature, 42 deg., on 13th ; lowest minimum temperature, 16 deg., on 19th; lowest on grass, 11 deg., on 19th. At or below 32 deg. on 27 days. Range of barometer between 28.6 and 30.2 inches. December.—The weather of this month was very mild and open, with variable wind. The temperature was higher than that of November, and about the average for December. There was very little frost, and a number of fine, mild days were mixed up with dirty, squally, and wet ones. No snow. Highest maxi- mum temperature, 54 deg., on 23rd; lowest maximum tempera- ture, 38 deg., on 27th. Highest minimum temperature, 47 deg., on 23rd; lowest minimum temperature, 25 deg., on 27th. Tem- perature at or below 32 deg. on the grass on 15 days. Range of barometer from 29 to 30.4 inches. The weather of the year may be summed up in two words, “Exceptionally mild.”’ RAINFALL RECORD AT JARDINGTON Durine 1910. 269 RAINFALL RECORD AT JARDINGTON DurinG 1910. Rain Gauge :—Diameter of Funnel, 5 in. Height of top— Above ground, 1 foot; above sea level, 70 ft. Month. Total Depth. | Greatest Fall in 24 hours, Paria a vid more recorded. January Be 230" tT sf = Aa February... 5°78 “54 17 27 March ae 3°23 1:02 il 12 April .. es 2°92 81 12 16 May ... 4 2°36 “44 15 17 June.. “ie 1°84 53 20 12 July ... a 4°46 1°24 4) 15 August ae 7:03 1°62 28 24 September ... Tey. “47 28 9 October... 3°49 1°58 2 10 : November ... 4°16 101 12 14 December ... 5°25 *92 9 24 Total, 43°94 ie 87 This being 4.79 inches above the average of the last 17 years. Compiled by Mr ANDREw Watt, Secretary RAINFALL RECORDS FOR THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. to the Scottish Meteorological Society. RAINFALL RECORDS FOR THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES FOR THE YEAR 1910. (270 Ra eS ee 16-69 $9.99 LL Lg 16°39 G8.8F LO.UF PE. 1F SL.OF 16.8F PP-EP 18.29 G6.99 TLS Sh.LF SL.€¢ 88.09 96.1) GG. EF 96.99 O&8-F9 16-19 “189A %6-8 | 98.6 | 926 19.1 | $9.01 1G-G | SF-Z 46°83 | G6.F eS a sf GL.L | SbF 06-6 SF.T | 82.6 | O1-6 | 92.6 TAL SF. 4 _ SSNOH WOnenCe 09.2 Bre 19-6 | $81 | 92.8 g9.T | 91.6 66-8 | TL.F ‘ “* ysodouel[y ‘eATeruoyy 89.9 | 19. 86.6 C&T | 9.6 08-L | 90.2 99.2 | 69. 3 " ensep SluepMMig 88:7 | 19.7 | 946 | 16 | BLL 88-1 | 68.2 08-9 | II.2 : "4SUJ U0PYDIIO | e 28 3 : + “yueg aq ‘sarayon G18 | 28h | SF. PL. GI. T8-T | 89.2 G8.F | 26.2 ' an Srp MORAG TIOR 18-8 | &fF | os Gh. 9.1 16. 98.6 OL-F | 13-8 ’ "= 91qsep ueppox 69-6 | 86.6 | FF. ¥6, 89. G2.L | 16.6 GL | LL.8 z poomylry ‘Wo4led a 18.4 ZO.T | 26.4 49.1 | 8¥.3 3. | 98.3 : aqeMyys| ‘uaqemyoory nA fas oe && 8 ¥6.T IL-P | 9.8 * AION PT}s¥epD ‘erqieyooT ae oF. 99.6 6F SZ PLL | 96.9 } pveayjeuury “9094 veq ae $8.6 GET | 66-9 89.6 06-4 | F8.9 ; “* spurjersivig ‘ 1.9 91.8 FG-L | FF-8 09.6 F328 | 96.9 : aTysep ueyony 62. | 92-8 60-1 | 19-4 66.2 60°9 | 33.F : ‘* espoyodoy “ oe FEL | STL 10.3 GFL | 18% : oe OUeISOL ‘ge HOW rat 66. 89.8 09.3 | 66. IL-8 | 69.¢ t A1048A19Sq0 (0.9 98. €2'8 86.T 18-6 | 669 | 19. J Osnoy OurlAIyT ‘ 6L-G £9. 09.2 0S.T {2.6 | 8&.¢ : qoojuinqerkg ‘arquoury FL9 £6. 69.8 20.6 98-§ 2 : poy eaorcy o.9 88. SL8 89.T £6'S t TOOTS saat ae 49g 69-7 | 186 | 88 | B64 Aus) | 94-1 a 18: : “* goojuing ‘wpoysuey 20d “qdeg | ‘sny ‘oung SHTWAWNG 271 RAINFALL RECORDS FOR THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES OL-1F &F.6 oL.0F 69.0F OF. LF PP.EF £8.28 01-6 SL IF GL.LF OF-FL LL $9 93-08 6F.02 16-39 26-19 £&.F¢ 16-9F 09-6F €€.66 GG.1¢ 06.0¢ ¥8.9¢ GL.1S 96.0% 80.1¢ 13.9¢ 60. SF 6.8% UeOK 88°¢ 88.¢ 99.¢ 88.F 88.F 61.9 £.9 PP-F 98.6 G9.F 92.9 OL-01 0.8 86-01 98-0L 8F-6 Tg.8 08.4 €8-9 18.1 gg.¢ 62-2 6&.9 98.¢ 66-8 66-2 19-F 249 96.9 66.g G3. S NAO Obroornrnr ea) nN ) Boats REDS SSAS NAmMooN NDAAAHA Cant ooo a OM HOR SOR SCO Dogar SSODmrhwo 2 IF 1B iS TH D oo mHOOOCOmwD Sede ~~DDNDAD SAA MOMS CW nn oOwnN On®d 618 i OANA aa 10 10.10 Sao 12 = SASDROMOwnoaAIG 9219 1 OD NNMHOOAN ono oT S cS oo te} 3) and oO N Ne} oO} oan loniar) ANNAN > fa GO =H CO =H O16 ip sd ao 19 00 0 Aan as oe a. SiS AMMO 00 6 SHINS SH i ra I HH 19 1 HCO qHoHoaN nid Soc 19.19 6919 SD 09 O HD Sannon~ D119 DO to HODROnNS ON a IBS Hct G1 on Ga G9 69 co Ciwiwiniwoneo 09 m4 I~ 6719 19 010 oo) OI oD oo ASKS Sunt oO 149 69 10 16 =H I He Aannnw ANNAAAAAN oO SCAIOWBGBOM9SOCHO D by Ro9 20 oo “phon LO HS a PT Mt Seip CAwoD6 AQ 0 OO =H nN 2S Ae AANA AMHANADAG MWOOWNS lo or) MD 00 Donon IO HO in HID | Omg ra 4 HAMS MHO OOOH ODGIEICIES CD ey aos Pra Be) FOwonra SAAD 2 i +10 02 1D ROOD BRNAaSHS ao aS mo nS 1 4 cS — la] oe ni MBUTIO'T ** esnoy [ea pary “ esnoy wesoryT Tq) WeTTTE A -9.10g qovorgng 4 UTOUFIT AM asnoyH AvMoT[Ry asnougysry AeMor[ey Jo TMI - ‘ UesUTIIURL [IY [TIBMasiog aSsnopyysry weedy yoory “NMOLOIA TOOL, Jo peayuapy yoouy a Tras ‘ureydsaeg Wooley plo ayy, “eMleustg * Tolepuspy ‘sayeq Alesieg ‘omnuy[ed UWassey ‘UM0Ja0I9 4T[89 ‘asnoyeyey eve “Qystaqpnoyaryy orng AUT os UVUUSeYAST eS WIOTORY 819917 ‘o1yqveqreg “ uepuapy esnoH Woy, ‘ureousyony = purypsiquy 34 1OqqNAIO'T 20 “ uasieg esnoy wepnypouryt Ms U0} Supe pe LHOINAC NO MMI 272 CHARTERS RELATING TO NEWABBEY. CHARTERS RELATING TO NEWABBEY. Extracted from the Register of the Great Seal of Scotland, and Translated by Dr E, J. Curynock, LL.B. 24th of Mary. At Edinburgh, 18 Dec., 1565. The King and Queen have confirmed a charter made by John, abbot of the Monastery of Dulce Cor and the convent of the same [by which they granted at feufarm to Master William Turnour his heirs and assigns 44 marcats of the lands of Ardwell and Ernfas of ancient extent in their barony of Lochkindeloch, Stewartry of Kirkcudbrycht; to be paid to the said monastery 9 marks in rental specified and 3 marks of augmentation ; and his grain to be ground at the mill of Dulce Cor, and the multures to be paid for the said lands ; and appearance to be made at the three chief courts at the said monastery ; also the feufarm to be doubled on the entry of heirs and assigns; tenths and multures being reserved to the said monastery. At the said monastery, 3 Nov., 1559. ]. 18th of James VI. At Holyrudhous, 22 March, 1585. The King has confirmed a Charter made by John, Abbot of Sweetheart and the convent of the same [by which they had granted to John Makcartnay, younger, in Laithis, son and heir apparent of John Makcartnay of Laithis, elder, 24 mercats of the lands of Laithis of ancient extent, in the barony of Butill, stewartry of Kirkcudbricht, which John Edyare in Blakschaw, son of the late Clement Edyare in Lanne has personally resigned. To be held by the said John Makcartnay younger, and the heirs of his body lawfully begotten; failing whom, by the said John Makcartnay, elder, and his heirs, of the said monastery in fee- farm. To be paid yearly 5 marks 5 shillings, and 5 shillings of augmentation ; and the feufarm double on the entry of heirs ; and if they are in default of payment for 3 terms and 40 days, they lose the inheritance. At the said monastery. 6 June, 1561.]. 20th of James VI. At Falkland, 2 Jul., 1587. The King has confirmed the charter of Sir John Parkar, pensionary vicar of Buthill [by which, with the consent of Master Gilbert Broun, Abbot of Sweithart, rector of the said church, CHARTERS RELATING TO NEWABBEY. 273 and of his convent, for the fulfilment of the contract between the . persons subscribed on the one part, and James Cairnis, son and heir of the late Robert Cairnis, formerly in Colignaw, feuar of the lands subscribed on the other part, registered in the book of the commissariate of Kirkcudbricht of date at Glenschinnoch 29 Mar., 1577—has granted in feu farm to Robert Lowrie and Agnes M‘Morand his wife, half, that is, 10 solidats of church lands of his vicary of ancient extent, reserving to the rector of the said rectory a small piece of the land and meadow according to the tenor of the same deed, possessed by them in the parish of Butill, stewartry of Kirkcudbricht; to be held by the said Robert and Agnes, and either of them surviving the other, in joint infeudation and by the heirs lawfully begotten between them ; failing whom, by the heirs and assigns of the said Robert whomsoever, of the said vicar ; tg be paid yearly 20 shillings and 16 pence of augmentation, with precept of sasine, directed to Robert Makmorane in Glenschinnioch. Witnesses, Wil. M‘Cleron of Utbride, Robert M‘Morane of Kirkennan, Wil. Ramsay of Sypland, Gilbert Broun. At the said monastery and at Butill. 8 Mar., 1577]. 22nd of James VI. At Holierudehous, 25 Jan, 1589. The King has let at feufarm to Cuthbert Archibaldsoun, burgess of Drumfreis, his heirs and assigns, the croft of lands of Vanefurde, occupied by the late John Archibaldsoun, in the barony of Lochkyndeloch, stewartry of Kirkcudbrycht, which before the act of annexation was a part of the patrimony of the monastery of Sweithart or Newabay; to be paid 4 shillings of ancient farm and 8 pence of augmentation; also the feufarm to be doubled on the entry of heirs, and the tenths and multures customary to be paid. 24th of James VI. At Halierudehous, 26 Dec., 1590. The King has let at feufarm to William Maxwell of Aird, his heirs and assigns the gate and croft of land containing 6 acres, or thereabout, lying on the south side of the monastery of Sweit- hart, between the pond and the external wall of the same, with the large barn and large garden of the barn, lying upon the Mathowis croft, with free entrance to the road and broad gate of the said monastery, called the lower gate, with the tithes of 274 CHARTERS RELATING TO NEWABBEY. the said acres included, which had never been wont to be sepa- rated from the trunk, and bakehouse and meal house, on the north side of the Clauchane; with 4 ells of land, and _build- ings lying round the same, occupied by Master Gilbert Broun, formerly Abbot of the said monastery, and 20 solidats of the lands of Aird, which formerly were held of the said monas- tery. To be paid for the said 6 acres with the pertinencies 20 shillings ; for the bakehouse, etc., 40 pence; for Aird, 20 shil- lings ; in all 43 shillings of ancient duty, and 40 pence in aug- mentation. 26th of James VI. At Halieruidhous, 3 Aug., 1592. The King has let a feufarm to Robert Redick, lawful son of the late William Redik of Dalbety, and to his heirs and assigns, the house and bedroom, called the “ Auld-gudmannis- chalmer,’’ the garden and dovecote and the garden of Sir Antony, lying within the walls of the monastery of Sweithart, the garden of Sir Patrick Cuill, amounting to 4 acres or thereabout, between the door to the palace gate on the south, the church and ceme- tery on the east, the croft, the “ Malthous croft,’’ amounting to 24 acres between the “Gallonstank’’ on the south, the road before the palace to the “southeist’’’ gate on the north, the garden of the late Sir John Kirkpatrik on the west, with the tithes of all included, which never had been separated, in the parish of Lochkindelow, stewartry of Kirkcudbrycht, which formerly belonged to the said monastery. To be paid 30 shil- lings and 12 pence of augmentation; also the feufarm to be doubled on the entry of heirs and assigns. 26th of James VI. At Halyrudehous, 4 Aug., 1592. The King has let a feufarm to Thomas Broun, natural son of Master Gilbert Broun, formerly director of the monastery of Sweithart, a small piece of land, called the “ Heid-yairdis ’’ of Newabay, within the exterior wall of the said monastery, between the “ northest ’’ pond and the “ Gallowaystank,’’ another piece of land, called the “ Gairden,’’ the “outsett’’ of house on the northside of the same, within the said exterior wall, near the garden and orchard occupied by Thomas Broun of Glen, the garden on the east side of the place of the said abbey, within the said walls, called the “ Auld-Priouris-yaird,’’ between the afore- CHARTERS RELATING TO NEWABBEY. 275 said garden, the church, the cemetery, and the long croft, with whatsoever tithes of all included, which had never been separated from the fundus, also the fishing of salmon, the “ reid-fischeing,”’ upon the water of Neth in the lordship of Newabay, stewartry of Kirkcudbrycht, which formerly were part of the patrimony of the said monastery ; to be held by the said Thomas and the heirs of his body lawfully begotten, failing whom, by his brother, Richard Broun, and his heirs, etc., failing whom, by their sister, Catherine Broun, and her heirs, etc., failing whom, by the said Gilbert, his heirs and assigns whomsoever. To be paid yearly for the lands and gardens 40 shillings, for the tithes 10 shillings, for the fishing 3 shillings and 4 pence; in all 4 marks; also feu- farm to be doubled on the entry of heirs and assigns. 26th of James VI. At Halyrudhous, 28 May, 1593. The King has let at feufarm to Edward Maxwell of Hillis, his heirs and assigns, 30 solidats of the lands of Lochbank, 20 solidats of Kissoch, 10 solidats of Wodehows, a mercat of Dron- games, a mercat of Termonklach, of ancient extent in the barony Lochindelloch, stewartry of Kirkcudbrycht, which formerly belonged to the monastery of Sweitheart, half of 20 solidats of M‘Collantoun, half a mercat of the “ Larg,’’ half a mercat of called Stellintrie, 3 mercats of Barquhrygane, 20 solidats of Fer- dingrusche, a mercat of Mairtyntoun, $ a mercat of Brigend of ancient extent in the barony and parish of Hollywod, county of Drumfreis, which formerly belonged to the monastery of Holy- wood; all of which the King has incorporated into the free tenancy of Lochbank, that one sasine to be taken at the manor and dwelling of Lochbank may stand for all. To be paid yearly for Lochbank, etc., as far as Termonklach 16 marks, and 13 shillings and 4 pence of augmentation; for Makcolloustoune £5 3s 4d and 26 shillings and 8 pence of augmentation ; in all £17 16s 8d; also the said feufarm to be doubled on the entry of heirs and assigns. 29th of James VI. At Haliruidhous, 19 Dec., 1595. The King has granted in feufarm to Gilbert Broun, lawful son of John Broun of Land, and his male heirs whomsoever, the holding, the “arber,’’ with its house and garden, the “ Gallow- stank-yaird,’’ between the water-course of the oat-mill of the 276 CHARTERS RELATING TO NEWABBEY. monastery of Sweithart, flowing through the house of John Makkene and the other bounds specified, reserving free entry to the holding of Fouledurris both in the rear and in front ; also the barn constructed upon the lands called the Grene, with free entry to each gate of the same, amounting to 17 ells in length and 6 ells in width; the house, the “ Byre,’’ and “ Peithous, for- merly occupied by Beatrice Maxwell, with free entry to each of its gates, amounting to 10 ells and 5 ells in width; the holding and garden, the “ Greiris-outsett,’’ containing two. houses, of which one was possessed by John Wilsoun, amounting to 10 ells and 4 ells in width, the other was occupied by Thomas Broun, amounting to 10} ells and 4 ells in width; the house and the “kailyaird,’’ occupied by Jonet Broun; the house and the “ kail- yaird ’’ occupied by Robert M‘Kain, between the garden and the “outset ’’ of James Broun, and the other bounds specified, the gate at the side of the “ Grene’’ of the said monastery in sight of the said Arber; the outsett and garden occupied by Mariot Broun, with the garden between the stream at the end of the kiln of Walter Newall and the ether bounds specified, in the parish of Kirkinar, stewartry of Kirkcudbricht, which were formerly a part of the patrimony of Newabbay. ‘To be paid for the Arber, etc., as far as Greiris outsett 10 shillings, also 40 pence of augmentation ; for the said two houses, etc., 2 shillings and 3 pence of augmentation; for the gate, etc., 30 pence and 2 pence of augmentation; and the feufarm to be doubled on entry of heirs. 30th of James VI. At Edinburgh, 30 June, 1597. The King has granted to John Stewart in New Abbay, to his heirs and assigns, 20 solidats of the lands of Clauchanland, 5 solidats of Carsgown, called the Allanis, 10 denariats of half a mercat of Littill Barbeth of ancient extent, in the parish of Newabbay, stewartry of Kirkcudbrycht; to be paid 56 shillings and 8 pence and 16 pence of augmentation; in all 58 shillings ; and the feufarm to be doubled on entry of heirs and assigns. 35th of James VI. At Falkland, 19 June, 1602. The King has granted in feufarm and given again to Hugh Moffett of Gorpuill, native possessor of the below written, to his heirs and assigns, the half of the church lands of Buttill, the CHARTERS RELATING TO NEWABBEY. Dita: manse and glebe of the same, formerly occupied by William Smyth, amounting to 10 solidats of ancient extent, with the manse and tithes of the same included, both the garbal and the small, both of the rectory and of the vicary which were never wont to be separated from the trunk, in the parish of Buttill, stewartry of Kirkcudbrycht, which formerly belonged to the abbots of Dulce Cor, the Sweithart, and were let in feufarm to the late Arthur Moriesoun in Culloch and the late Mariot Maxwell, his wife, which infeofment had never been legally confirmed. To be paid £3 10s 0d and 12 pence of new augmen- tation; also feufarm to be doubied on the entry of heirs and assigns ; reserving 2 acres for the minister serving at the church of Buttell. 57th of James, VI. At the Court of Quhitehall, 10 Feb., 1624. The King has granted to Sir Robert Spottiswode of Newabay, knight, one of the Senators of the Supreme Senate of Scotland, to his male heirs and assigns whomsoever, the lands, church, etc., of old, belonging to the monastery of Newabbay, with the houses, mills, etc., within the precinct of the same, the lands and barony of Lochkindeloch or Newabbay, with the | mill ; the lands and barony of Kirkpatrik Durhame with the mill ; ten mercats of the lands of the Leathis, with the places of the manors, towers, mills, fishings, tenants, etc., county of Wigtoun, with the garbal tithes and the other tithes great and small, rectorial and vicarial of the churches of Newabbay or Loch- kindeloch, Kirkpatrik Durhame, Buithill and Crocemichaell with manses, glebes, church lands and dues whatsoever, with the other lands, fishing of salmon and other fishes both in fresh and salt water, churches, feufarms, the “ obiitsilvir,’’ tenants, etc., both spiritual and temporal, of the said monastery within Scot- land; with patronage of the rectories and vicaries of the said churches and of the other benefices formerly belonging to the said monastery ; also the garbal tithes and other tithes great and small, rectorial and vicarial, of the churches of Baro, St. Katharinis of the Hoipis, Montluathane, Kirkcormo, Kirkcud- bright, Balmaghie, St. Martinis or Melgynch, with the manses, etc. (as above), which of old belonged to the monastery of toly- rudhous, and were omitted in the charter of erection gratuec by the King to the late John, Lord Holyrudhous, and afterwards 278 CHARTERS RELATING TO NEWABBEY. granted to Sir John Spottiswode of Dairsie, knight, one of the gentlemen of the King’s inner bed-chamber, which possessions. of Newabbay the said Sir Robert the rest, the said Sir John have resigned at Edinburgh ; moreover the King, for service rendered to him by the said Robert in private and public affairs, has suppressed the said monastery of Newabbay, and dissolved the churches of Barro, etc., from the monastery of Holyrudehous and has again given the above written to the said Robert with the patronage of Barro, etc., and he has decreed that the vassals of the said lands hold them of the said Robert, and he has released them from the Act of Annexation; which release he promised that he would ratify in the next Parliament, and he has incor- porated again all the above written into the free barony of New- abbay, ordering that the place of the manor of Newabbay shall be the principal messuage. To be paid £20 of white farm, and stipends to the ministers of the said churches modified or to be modified by the Lords Commissioners. ard March, 1911. Chairman—Mr W. Dicxig, V.P. THe GatLoway Hicuranps. Lantern Lecture. By the Rev. Cos Dick, BD: -Mottat: The subject of Mr Dick’s lecture was “ The Galloway High- lands.” Beginning with St. John’s, Dalry, as one of the best centres from which to visit the country, the lecturer gave some notes on the village and on the beautiful and varied scenery of the Ken Valley. After pointing out some features of interest in Balmaclellan and New-Galloway, including memorials of “ Old Mortality ’’ and the Covenanters, the lecturer conducted the audience along four routes to the Dungeon of Buchan (1) from Dalry by the Polharrow Glen, (2) by Glentrool and Loch Enoch, (3) by the head of Loch Doon and the Gala Lane, and (4) by the Upper Bridge of Dee and Craigencallie. He gave the historical traditions of the country in their topographical setting, especial attention being given to the early adventures of Bruce. The lecture concluded with an account of a journey from Barhill to STONEYKIRK PLACE-NAMES. 2F Bargrennan and Newton-Stewart through the snowstorm of December, 1908. The slides illustrating the lecture shewed details of the mountain scenery, of interest to the geologist, and included a series exhibiting grilse in the act of ascending Earlston Linn on the river Ken. 17th March, 1911. Chairman—Mr M. H. M‘Krerrow, Hon. Treasurer. STONEYKIRK.—HINTs aS TO ITS HISTORY FROM PLACE-NAMES. By the Rev. G. Pumtip Rosertson, Stoneykirk. The place-names here are of Welsh, Norse, Gaelic, Saxon, and modern origin. More than 50 per cent. of the farm names in general use are Gaelic, still more predominantly Gaelic are names of the various fields. The earliest language of which there are remains is Brythonic. No doubt those intelligent inhabitants of the pit dwellings discovered about ten years ago used words in their intercourse, but it is only guesswork that refers present-day names to such an origin. Lachrymatories found here point to the presence of the Romans at one time in the district, but the absence of Roman derived names points to a short stay with little influence. Not so with the Cymric, Norse, or Gaelic people. In the north-west is the Brythonic Pinminnoch—moor- head, an appropriate designation for the locality then, and equally suitable is Gaelic Kenmuir for a similar place five miles south. Here as elsewhere Scottish Gaels eclipsed Brythons, but not to their total expulsion. Southwards is Dumbreddan, the Galloway form of Dumbarton; Strathclyde Walenses seem to have dwelt in this south part of the parish; Ardwell goes from sea to sea, and Cairnweil is not very far from Ardwell, and has the mark of a chieftain’s burial place. Norse influence is as widely recorded as Cymric. Between Pinminnoch and Kenmuir on the west coast is Kirklauchlin—K silent in Kl, from (Cathair) Caer Lochlinn, the Norsemen’s fort. A little south are the Fell and the Float (N. Flot). Beyond Kenmuir is Lochinbyre, the Norseman’s dwelling, and 280 STONEYKIRK PLACE-NAMEs. further south still is Port Gill, the ravine harbour, or Gill’s harbour. This Norse chieftain or another seems to have had his fort two or three miles inland east from Kirklauchin, at a place now Called Kirk ma gill. The farm across a gully is Dalvaddie, said to be from the Norse for ford in the glen. A height a mile’ off is Eldrick—Eldshrygg=ridge of fire. One of the highest farms in the middle of the parish in the north is Eldrick, a likely place for a warning beacon—looking up the Firth of Clyde— when the Norse held sway on the west. North from Kirkmagill and Dalvaddie are farms Threemark and Twomark—the names indicating the rental paid the superior, a method of naming land said to have come from Norse customs. These and simi- larly named farms are in the neighbourhood of Norse settle- ments once in the parish. Gaelic-speaking people lived in the parish 1000 years ago; for half that time they were probably the dominant race. The names show the people to have been Irish and Scottish Gaels. The western limb of the county is called Rhinns—headland, said to be thoroughly Irish. The eastern is Machars, said to be Scottish. Side by side in the parish are two farms, Mye (Magh) and Blair, both level. Blair is said not to be at all in Irish— circumstances that seem to point to Irish-Scots and other Scots peaceably intermingling. From the abundance of Gaelic names and the known characteristics of the race we can gather much more about the parish in their day than their mere presence, possessions, and means of defence. There is a Craig Dermott and a Knockalpin, these two being no doubt so pre-eminent as to cause them to be remembered by place-names. The land was more associated with the church and with its products than with its owners. In a space of five square miles are five places associated with Saints. Stoneykirk (Stainie Kirk, Stephankirk), Kirkmadryne (Draighen?), Ringuinea (Ringenvie, Ninian’s head- land), Kildonan, and Kirkmabreck. Kirkmadryne and Kirk- mabreck are not a mile apart. Bricius was an opponent of Martin, uncle and teacher of Ninian. Did a supporter endow a chapel to him close to a chapel from Ninian’s priory? It is worthy of note that kirk is final in one case and initial in the three others, indicating that Stephen was honoured or trusted later than the others. In all cases, however, Kirk wants the accent. Names were attached to a place from its connection with the offices and STONEYKIRK PLACE-NAMES. 281 worship of the church. Knocktaggart will mark a priest’s residence or possession, Cairntaggart mark his grave. A large tract of land gets its name Port o’ Spittal from a hospice once there, likely for the benefit of traders and travellers crossing to and from Ireland. Four miles on the road east is Craigencrosh. The cross here could do double duty, at once near the wayside and the church—Stoneykirk adjoins. There is also a Knockin- crosh; and Corshill is quite near Kirkmadryne. Here, too, as at Hassendean, some magic power or sacred rite had been associ- ated with a stone. Clayshaut (holy stone) is one of the three parishes now making up Stoneykirk. The place names teach a good deal about the occupations and habits of the Gaelic parishioners. There was the primitive hunting, as seen in Barnchalloch. Craiginee marks where deer were, and Balloch a lee, hind calves. Knockscaddan hill, where herrings were sold, points to fishing as well as hunting. Knock- teinan, beacon hill, in neighbourhood of Port o’ Spittal, may have served to guide fishing boats as well as trading boats to a harbour. Cattle rearing was more extensively followed than agriculture. There is a glen, Allivolie, the glen suitable for cattle, also hills for them—Drumbawn, Knockbawn. Bar- vannoch may be the modern calf park. Barscarrow would be, most suitably, the hill for foals. There is an Airioland where the cattle were sent for natural hill pasture in summer, and Shielhill speaks of the shelters erected for the herds. Goats would feed on the crags, especially at Portgowar. There was some tillage. | Auchness Croft goes back to Gaelic times influenced by Anglo Saxons. Croft is said to be connected with Cruach, Erse for stack, as the first cultivated land was at the top. The name here is suitable for a spot tilled higher up than the meadow. There are two Awhirks, Auch, coirce, corn. Of one of these places it was once said to me “a fine wee farm for growing oats.’? In Drumillan and Knock- mullin, three miles apart, there is evidence that corn was grown in several places, that querns no longer sufficed for grinding, and that the windmills needed to be then on heights. The two trades then followed had to do with leather and with iron. There is a glen Grusy, for the leather workers, and Knocktrodden for tanners. Of course, this parish, like others, had its smithy forge (challoch). The field opposite the challoch 282 STONEYKIRK PLACE-NAMES. is to-day called Smithyhill, Traffic would not be of large bulk, but there would be some as there is a Knockarod, hill-road, and Kildrochat, bridge at the wood. There were necessities or customs similar to ours, and some very different. Chieftains had their residence in Doons, such as Dunanrea, chief man’s fort—five of these doons noted for their strength ; one, Greenann, for its sunniness. For some reason or other they had special places for women in Barnamon, Cairnamon. There are several Hermons. Do they, too, mark heights or cairns for women ? From the Gael’s love of nature we see the colour of the faze of the country, the form, and what then grew on it. There was the Drum, back-like-ridge; Drumfad, long ridge, the higher Knock (25 of them); a Knockcore, round knock; Bar, the rocky promontory ; Slieve, the sloping heath ; Torr, the hillock. There is no beg, but several mores—Birmore, etc. The diminutive affix is not uncommon—Carrick from ‘Craig, Lochan and Altain from Loch and Alt. There are four times as many craigs as Cairns in Galloway; in Stoneykirk there are eight cairns and five craigs. The discriminating observation of those men is remarkable. The names for hollows—Alt a glen with precipitous banks, Glaik a hollow, Slunk a gully—taken along with the names for heights, show a keen and minute perception of form. No less note- worthy is their perception of colour. White (Finloch), Black (Durcarroch), Yellow (Drumbuie, Island Buie, Cullabuoy), Red (Culreoch, Knockanarroch, Drumcarrow), and even different shades—Barjearg, red hill, different from heath red. They had the eye, too, for the beautiful and the fading—Shambelly and Nashantie, the old house ; Knochalean, the beautiful hill. This, too, is likely the meaning of Garthland—old form, Garochlayne— Garbh achadh loinnach, local pronunciation of Garflan, and so= ground rough yet beautiful. Two hundred and fifty years ago a laird of the place had a craze for things Italianate, and he called the opposite hill Belvedere—thus likely an Italian rendering of the Gaelic name. It may be noticed here that the local pronunciation is an aid to the derivation. So with reference to a neighbouring place, Garry, not something rough, but an inclosure, as the Gar is pronounced Gar not Gar. With such an eye and such a mind it was to be expected the inhabitants would leave a record of Nature’s products. Thorns (Drumdailly), sloes (Iron slunk), hazel (Caidows), birch (Barbae), STONEYKIRK PLACE-NAMES. 283 oak (Lagganderry) are found in more or less frequency. Shaw, copse, cravie, bosky, tomachie, busby, whillie, wooded, whurran, grove, appended to knock or cor by these the men make the words almost as good as a photograph of the place. Nor did they con- cern themselves only with the more lofty. Heather, bramble, fern, and foxglove are noted in Heugh, Slewsmirroch, Slunkrainy, Inshehannoch. The anthills of Balshangan are not beneath notice. Any peculiarity in a spot or thing notable for position stamped itself on their mind, and was recorded in the name, as Drumantrae, the ridge by the shore; Drum a lig, the ridge with the (chieftain’s burial) stone, still standing erect, a massive block; Carrich a lee, the name vanishing from memory as the stone from sight ; Girgunnochy, rough uneven pool. It did not denote any great capacity of mind to name the many fields, Auchs, by their notabilities, nor to mark a crag as in the west, ‘Craigmytre, but there was considerable observation, combined with discrimination, in the men that named the places Meoul (un- pronounceable unless by a native), bare, bald place, near to or in contrast with Knockalean, hill of beauty ; Lurghie, a ridge sloping to the plain, different from a slew; Lurghie wie, windy hillside ; and Tonderghie, backside to (the prevailing) wind. We may now pass to later times. There is hardly a place name of Saxon origin as distinguished from modern times. There is a doubt about Balgreggan. The ton in Toskerton marks it as the Saxon town, in the sense people here speak of the ferm toon. Toskerton was before the thir- teenth century ; it is no longer a separate manor; the village was entirely obliterated about a hundred years ago; there are legends of pit and gallows ; one field is called Toskerton knowes. There were Welsh proprietors here then—ap Morgan, etc., but not one name survives now alongside of Toskerton to tell where these more modern Cymri dwelt amid Saxon and Gael. A glance in conclusion at modern place names will show similarity of mind at work amid different surroundings. Men are no longer dependent chiefly on skins for clothing, but Dyester’s Brae and Lintmill show that later generations named places from occupations carried on there as did the earlier; the very latest, cheesemaking, is threatening to oust an old name, Mote, from a place and call it The Creamery. There are now more place names called after persons.. 284 STONEYKIRK PLACE-N AMES. There is one Kirkhill, but there is a Bell’s Hill, Baillie’s Hill, M‘Kelvie’s Hill, with Paddy’s Knowe, Jenny’s Cairn, Mary Wilson’s Slunk. Hills are still named from the cattle they feed —Hoghill, Horseparkhill. Partan Point is as significant as Knochscaddan. Salt pans denotes the place where salt was once got by evaporation. So Sandmill, the (meal) mill on the Sands. Like Lintmill, these tell of what once was and is no longer through the change of times. Caldons was once as informative a name as Thistle hill, Thornhouse, Cranberry Rock are now. Heather house is not far from Freugh. Gennoch is at one end of the sand dunes, Sandhead at the other, a similar thought in both terms, but the latter being a modern name. The designation of places by any natural feature is nearly as marked in these modern terms as in the ancient. Lochhill (3), Bogside, Moorpark, Mosscroft, Lake Cottage are some specimens. As there is a Smithyhill opposite Challoch, there is a Bridgebank opposite Kildrochat. Strange to say the Goodwife is near Cairnamon, and there is also Maiden- craigs. No red or yellow occurs, but there is a Greyhill. A dis- trict is called Black quarter, as there was a Ducarroch. A place is called Stinking Bight from the collection of Seaweed there, anciently Carrick a glassen. Another place is called for the same reason Ringdoo (Rhinndhu), black headland. I know no - ancient parallel to the modern Murder Plantain, a wood so named as it commemorates the death scene of many. We have thus information in the place names about the life lived here in the past, and evidence of a certain similarity of the mind’s action on what surrounded the inhabitants in the various centuries, though there was much dissimilarity in the surround- ings themselves. ARBORICULTURE AS A Hopsy. By Mr W. H. WHELLENS, Forester, Comlongon. There are many small estates where sylviculture or forestry proper is out of the question, as it is well known that to produce the finest crops of timber the plantations must be on a large scale. But even on the smallest estate where there is any park land or waste ground unsuitable for farming, arboriculture may be attempted. Most country gentlemen’s houses have a certain ARBORICULTURE As A HOBBY. 285 amount of park land attached, and many have little woods or waste pieces of land which are too small to be turned into a plantation as understood by sylviculturists. These little woods or coppices are generally filled with specimens of our more common trees, such as the oak, ash, elm, Scots pine, spruce, etc. These trees are often badly grown, and are not objects of beauty as seen through the eyes of a forester, who likes to see long, straight and clean boles, or from an artist’s point of view. hey are grown too far apart for the former’s wish, and not far enough to allow side branches to grow naturally and thus make an object of beauty as seen by the artist. You will all have noticed how well formed the hedgerow trees generally are (or, I will say, would have been had it not been for the use of the saw). ‘There the trees have plenty of room to develop their side branches, too often, [’m sorry to say, to the detriment of any farm crop growing beneath their shade and drip. Hence the use of the saw. Many gentlemen (and ladies also) who take an interest in the growth of trees and shrubs are often handicapped by the want of a suitable place in which to study the subject from nature. They can see all sorts and conditions of trees, say at Kew Gardens, the Botanical Gardens of the big cities, or some of the private collections, but they cannot always be at Kew or the other places. Instead of that they could utilise the little woods and park land to which I have referred to make miniature Kew Gardens at their own door. The workmen even will have a pot plant and one or two shrubs in his garden. Those in a little higher station in life will have several shrubs on their lawns, so why should not the landed proprietor, who has an acre’ or two to spare, go one better and have a small arboretum ? If the area to ‘be reserved as such is small, it would be impossible to grow many specimens of the tallest or largest crowned trees, but:there are plenty of smaller trees and shrubs that could be planted. Deciduous and evergreen trees could be mixed with flowering shrubs, to the same end as we mix our garden flowers, viz., to make as good a show of colour as possible all the year round. On a larger area it would be possible to plant any sized tree. The spruces and silver firs could be introduced. The foliage of some of the latter is magnificent. Take for instance 286 ARBORICULTURE AS A HOBBY. Picea Nobilis or the Noble Silver Fir, with its violet tinted leaves with the silvery lines showing beneath. P. Nordmanniana, with pale green leaves, or P. Pinsapo, with its stiff prickly foliage. Others of the Silver Firs that are worth a place in the collection are P. Cephalonica, P. Concolor, P. Balsamea (the Balm of Gilead Fir), P. Grandis, and, of course, our Common Silver Fir, which after all is one of the noblest trees in this or any other country. Many of these have varieties or sports of their own, which are often obtainable. The list of Spruces is too long to give in full, even if I were able to do ‘so, but some of the finest are the common Norway Spruce, Abies Nigra, the Black American, A. Alba, White American, A. Alcocquiana, A. Menziessii, and A. Smithiana. The two varieties of the Douglas Fir, the Oregon or green and the Colorado or Glaucous, are worth a place in any collection. The Pines are so numerous that want of space and time prevents me giving the names of more than a few of the better- known ones. The Scots Pine, the Austrian and Corsican Pines, called the Black Pines, Pinus Cembra, P. Pinaster, P. Strobus, and Pinus Insignis, the latter a beautiful tree. The different varieties of the Larch must have a place. There are the European, Japanese, Siberian, American, and a newer variety, the Occidental Larch. : The Cedars, C. Deodara, C. of Lebanon, and C. Atlantica, with their varieties, cannot be overlooked. Other coniferous trees that I may mention are the Welling- tonia Gigantea, Araucaria Imbricata, the Arborvitae and its varieties, the many varieties of Cupressii, Cryptomeria, Junipers, Yews, Retinosporas, the Maiden Hair Tree, and countless others. Specimens of most of our commoner hardwoods are to be seen dotted here and there over the countryside, so that perhaps it would be unnecessary to put in the Arboretum such trees as the Oak, Elm, Ash, Beech, etc., but there are many varieties of these species to take the place of their better-known relatives. To mention a few of the Oaks—the Scarlet Oak, Turkey Oak, Evergreen or Holly Oak, White American, Red American, and the Cork Tree (Quercus Suber). These all do well in this ARBORICULTURE AS A Hospsy. 287 island, although I have not seen one of the latter in Scotland. The Acacia, the Tulip Tree, Service Tree, the Willow, Poplars, and Maples should all be represented. The Maples are numerous, but the Eagle-clawed, the Sugar Maple, and the variegated varieties Acer Negunda are worth mentioning. I will not make a longer list, as long lists get monotonous, but reference to a standard work such as “ Loudon’s Trees and Shrubs’? or any nurseryman’s catalogue will show what an endless variety of trees there is to pick from. I have given the list of trees without reference to soil or situation, but in making the Arboretum, to find out the class of soil or soils is the first thing to do. When these are known, then the different species can be selected to suit each soil. What suits one tree may be death to another, or at least the tree will never come to perfection if planted in a soil unsuited to its requirements. For instance, a Scots Pine will grow on sandy soil and become a fine tree in time, but it would be useless to plant an Oak in sand and expect it to grow into a specimen tree. Again Willows and Poplars demand a moist soil, but others can grow on soil that seems to be almost devoid of this commodity. These trees generally have strong tap roots, which go deep into the subsoil and obtain their supply of moisture from thence. In the space pf a few yards even, we often find two different soils. We expect to find a deeper and better class of soil in the hollows than on the hill sides. Most trees will do well in good deep soil, but only comparatively few will grow to any size on poor shallow soil. Some trees will not thrive where there is an excess of lime; others again will not come to perfection without it. Climatic conditions play a great part in the selection of species for different places. Frosty hollows should be avoided when planting most of the exotic trees, even though the soil may be quite suitable for their development. The common spruce even often suffers from frost. Early autumn and late spring frost causes thousands of pounds’ worth of damage every year. Therefore, in planting our miniature Kew Gardens, we must first of all find out the class of soil that we have to deal with. Secondly, find out the hollows where frost is likely to do damage, -and avoid them. ‘Thirdly, to see what natural shelter can be obtained for the protection of the less hardy species from the prevailing wind. 288 ARBORICULTURE AS A HOBBY. A wood or plantation, even if on an adjoining property, should be taken advantage of for the latter purpose. In the absence of any such shelter or of any sharply. rising ground, it would be necessary to. plant a shelter belt on the side from which the roughest winds come. This could be composed of beech, hornbeam, Austrian pine or Scots pine mixed. The trees forming the shelter belt should be planted about 4 feet apart in the lines, and the width of the belt from 16 to 20 feet. This belt should preferably be formed a few years previous to the planting of the trees in the collection, so that it will be of suffi- cient height to protect these more valuable species. If the proprietor wished to rear his young trees from seed, the seed could be sown in the same year as the planting of the shelter belt. This, although very interesting, entails a lot of work and care in tending the young seedlings, and given a fair amount of success, he would have too many of each sort for his purpose, even with the smallest quantity of seed obtainable from the seedsmen. It would, I think, be more advisable to buy two or three good, healthy transplants of each variety, which have been lined out in the nursery at a distance suitable to the formation of well-formed specimen trees. I say two or three, because it is as well to have a second or third specimen handy in a temporary nursery in case of death. The size of the plants at certain ages will vary with the species. Plants from 2 to 3 feet high for conifers, and rather larger for deciduous trees, will be perhaps the best sizes to plant out. Larger trees are more difficult to move, and they will be longer in starting away in their new position. The plants should have good fibrous roots. To return to the subject of soils, I may class them thus :— Clays, loams, gravelly and sandy soils, chalky or calcareous; and peaty soils.. To give a list of trees suited to each class of soil would take too much time, and it would be difficult to remember them all after having heard them. Suffice it to say, that there is a long list for every soil, quite long enough at least to form a fair-sized arboretum. “ Webster’s Forester’s Diary ’’ is a very useful book for helping one in this way. Another great point is the arrangement of the species. Some trees are fast growing from the start. The Oregon variety of Douglas fir, for instance, or the Japanese larch. Others, ARBORICULTURE AS A Hossy. 289 such as the silver fir, are slow growing in their early stages, but grow eventually to a great height. The trees should be divided into different classes, and planted in different groups. all the fast growing ones together, and all the slower growing ones. It would be a pity to surround a silver fir with trees such as the Douglas fir and larch, as it would never be seen, even at a short distance, for many years, and it would appear as though there were a blank. I would suggest that the tallest and fastest growing trees be placed in the background or in the centre of a group, with the others graduated down to the outside, with perhaps a border of flowering shrubs. Conifers and hardwoods could be judiciously mixed, so as to make a good show of colour all the year round. : As to the distance at which to place the trees apart, there can be no hard and fast rule. The smaller shrubs might be planted from 6 to 8 feet apart. A tree with a large spreading crown, such as the sycamore, would need from 24 to 36 feet of space, whereas a tree of the spruce tribe would be content with 18 to 20 feet. In the early stages the spaces could be filled up with larch or birch, which would act as nurses to the more extensive trees, and could be cut out gradually as the latter spread their branches, or they could be filled with flowering shrubs, which would also be cut out when they had served their purpose. As to the time of year to plant, this again depends on the variety of tree. Most of our hardier trees can be planted with safety in the autumn, but the planting of the more delicate exotics should be deferred till the danger from spring frosts is past. Most foresters now plant such trees in April or the begin- ning of May, so that they can have a better start in their new position. The trees should all be planted in pits that have been opened some time before, to allow the soil to become broken up and sweetened by the action of frost. These pits should be large enough to admit of the roots being placed in a natural position all round the plant, not cramped and bent about to fit the hole. The soil at the bottom of the pits should be loosened up to a fair .depth, and the tree planted not more than half an inch deeper than it stood in the nursery lines. This half-inch allows for a little subsidence of the soil. Trees planted too deeply never 290 ARBORICULTURE AS A HoBBy. . thrive. A stout stake should be driven in to support each tree and to prevent the wind blowing it about, and thus letting air down to the roots to dry them. In a closely grown plantation the trees provide their own food. As the sun cannot get in to dry the leaves and so make them easily blown away by the wind, they lie on the ground and rot, gradually forming a thick layer of humus, from which the trees draw their supply of nutriment. But when the trees are planted many yards apart (even when the spaces are filled with light foliaged trees as the birch) the sun and wind have free access, and the leaves are blown away, thus depriving the trees of their natural food. This should be replaced. The leaves can be raked together and mixed with road scrapings or any waste soil, or even the remains of a spent frame, and made into a compost. This should be left for at least two years before being applied, having been turned occasionally and sprinkled lightly with lime to hasten decomposition. Some of this mixture might be added to the soil when the young trees are first planted, and afterwards used as a top dressing. ‘There is no need for a great quantity each year, but it should be dug in round the trees to the depth of 2 or 3 inches. This will help the trees considerably. Artificial manures, too, are often used. Basic slag, kainit, sulphate of ammonia are all good for the purpose, or if the soil be deficient in lime for the requirements of any particular tree, ground limestone could be applied. If the park is grazed by sheep or cattle, a fence would be a necessity round each group. ‘This could be either of iron and wire, which is the least noticeable, or a rustic fence could be erected. Wire-netting would have to be used if ground game were numerous. Each specimen should have a plate with its name, and date when planted on, and records of the yearly height, growth, girth, etc., of each tree could be kept. This would be valuable as well as interesting to a succeeding generation. Of course, the planter of the arboretum would not see all of the trees come to maturity, but he would have the pleasure of watching them grow from young transplants to sturdy young trees, and there is as much beauty in a tree of, say, 30: years as there is in one of 150. It is a different kind of beauty often, but none the less pleasing. There are many minor hobbies that could be taken up by ARBORICULTURE AS A HOBBY. 291 young and old in connection with the arboretum—a collection of cones, for instance, or leaves, or insects, which do damage to the different trees. The smaller the latter collection the better the owner should be pleased. I should like to touch on another side of the subject. At present in most country places the lads leaving school look to the farms for employment, or to the village joiner, or perhaps, if they are more pushing, they go to the towns. Generally the boys have had a grounding in botany from books. They often think it a dry subject. Many of them cannot tell the difference between two of the trees that grow just outside the school. They are trees to them, nothing else. If such a place as I have been dreaming about were at hand, and the proprietor gave per- mission to the schoolmaster to take his botany class there to point out in nature what the boys had read of in books, it would make them take an intelligent interest in the subject. They would see trees from France, Spain, India, America, Japan, and many other countries. The botany lesson, in fact, could well be combined with a geography lesson in the arboretum. Perhaps, then, lads who otherwise might become farm labourers, or would drift away to the towns to swell the ranks of the casually em- ployed, might see their way clear to entering a skilled and interesting profession, which would give more opportunity of advancement to those who would take the trouble to help them- selves by studying the different branches, both from books and from nature itself. They would have had an insight into the methods employed to bring trees to perfection, and into the needs of each class of tree. If they went in for the profession they would most probably make good workmen, as they would know, for instance, why it is better for a tree to be planted with its roots in a natural position, instead of being cramped and doubled up. In time, with the help of their masters, they might get into the botanical gardens or one of the too few forestry schools of Great Britain, and gradually work up to the top of the tree, instead of crawling away at the bottom with no more interest in their work than is to be got from looking at their watches to see how near it is to “lousing ’’ time. 292 Tue BaLttaD oF Kinmont WILLIE. 31st March, 1911. Chairman—Mr S. Arnott, V.P. Tue BALLAD OF KinmMont Witte. By Mr FRANK MILLER, Annan. Next to John Armstrong of Gilnockie, the most famous of the old freebooters of the Scottish Border is William Armstrong of Morton Tower or Kinmont, commonly called “ Kinmont Wiilie,’’ who flourished in the time of James VI. Captain Walter Scott of Satchells declares that Kinmont “from Gilt- knocky sprang ;’’! but there does not appear to be any evidence in favour of his statement, and, as regards lineage, he may have confounded Kinmont Will with Christie’s Will, a thief who occupied Gilnockie Tower in the reign of Charles I., and was undoubtedly a descendant of the “ murdered ’’ chief.2. Kinmont was the son of Alexander Armstrong—better known as “ Ill Will’s Sandy,’’ for, as Sir Richard Maitland remarks, every Border reiver possessed “ane to-name,’’ or a nick-name.’ His wife ‘being a daughter of a Graham of Esk called Base Hutchen,* he had allies in Cumberland—men as reckless as the Armstrongs themselves. To the English officers Kinmont and his retinue of a hundred Armstrongs proved very troublesome. In September, 1583, the English Warden of the west marches reported to Wal- singham that “ Kinmonte, his sonnes and complices,’’ rode nightly in Bewcastle and elsewhere, yet were not even “ reproched ’’ by the Scottish Warden for their conduct. Kinmont’s forays spread desolation far and wide. On one occasion he made a raid into Tynedale and “ took away forty score kye and oxen, three score horses and meares, 500 sheep, burned 60 houses, and spoiled 1. ‘‘A True History of Several Honourable Families of the Right Honourable Name of Scot,” edit. 1894, p. 12. 2. For the pedigree of Christie’s Will, see Scott’s Supplement to ‘‘ Johnie Armstrang.”’ 3. See his poem, ‘‘ Aganis the Thievis of Liddisdail.’”’ 4. Calendar of Border Papers, edited by Joseph Bain, Vol. II., Appendix II. Tuer BALLAD oF Krnmont WILLIE. 293 the same to the value of 2000£ sterling, and’'slew 10 men.” Let us remember that in the reign of Elizabeth, when’ these exploits were performed, there never was, formally, any war between England and Scotland! Favoured by Buccleuch, the Keeper of Liddesdale, Arm- strong was long able to defy his English foes. At length, in 1596, while returning with three or four in his company from a meeting with Thomas Salkeld of Corby, deputy of the English Warden, and Robert Scott of Haining, deputy of Buccleuch, held on a day of truce at Kershope, he was seized by “ Fause Sal- kelde ’”’ and taken to Carlisle. Though he merited the doom which seemed to await him, his capture was a treacherous action, and was a violation of Border law. The Keeper of Liddesdale, therefore, wrote to Salkeld, and afterwards to Scrope, demanding the release of the prisoner. Receiving no satisfactory reply, he assembled two hundred men, including Willie’s four sons, and vowed that he would rescue his retainer, though he well knew that Carlisle Castle was a place of great strength, with a powerful garrison. Riding from Teviotdale, Buccleuch and his men rested and were equipped among the Grahams—the relatives of Kin- mont’s wife—and afterwards, on a dark and stormy night, they proceeded to Carlisle to make their “ proude attempte.’’ That attempt proved highly successful. Having forded the Eden, which was flooded, the Scots came to “ The Sacray,’’6 and halted on the right bank of the Caldew, where they all dismounted. Leaving part of his small force behind—doubtless to cover his line of retreat—Buccleuch advanced with the rest. To quote the account of the enforcing of the castle sent by Scrope to Burghley, the Scots “did come armed and appointed with gavlockes and crowes of iron, hand peckes, axes, and skailinge lathers, unto an outewarde corner of the base courte of this castell, and to the posterne dore of the same, which they undermyned speedily and quietly, and made themselves possessores of the base courte, brake into the chamber where Will of Kinmont was, carried him awaye, and in their discoverie lefte for deade two of the watchmen and hurte a servante of myne, one of Kinmonte’s kepers, and 5. Calendar of Border Papers, Vol. I., 314. 6. Now called ‘‘ The Sauceries,’’ a name said to be fe from the willows which once grew eee 294 THE BALLAD OF KINMONT WILLIE. were issued againe oute of the posterne before they were descried by the watch of th’ inerwarde, and er resistance coude be made.’’? Before sunrise Willie and his brave rescuers were safe on Scottish ground. THE ORIGIN OF THE BALLAD. As Bishop Lesley testifies, the Scottish Borderers in the sixteenth century had a marked taste for music and for ballad poetry commemorative of exploits by soldiers or thieves of their race.8 In the early seventeenth century, and perhaps even in the later seventeenth century, they still possessed that taste. It may, therefore, almost be taken for granted that Buccleuch’s successful attack on Carlisle Castle, a feat which recalled the achievements of Wallace and Bruce, gave rise to a ballad. Is the “Kinmont Willie ’’ published in the “ Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border ’’—though clearly not a traditional ballad as little altered as “ Johnny Cock ’’—essentially ancient? Scott, in his introduction to the piece, says it “is preserved, by tradition, on the West Borders, but much mangled by reciters; so that some conjectural emendations have been absolutely necessary to ‘ render it intelligible. In particular, the Eden has been substi- | tuted for the Eske, the latter name being inconsistent with geography.’’ That Scott really possessed fragments of an old ballad taken down from the mouth of some Eskdale or Liddes- dale reciter, few readers of the “ Minstrelsy ’’ have ever doubted. Last year, however, Colonel Elliot, in an interesting book, entitled “ Further Essays on Border Ballads,”’ tried to prove that the whole ballad was made by Scott out of Satchells’ rhyming history of the Scotts, published in 1688, as “Gude Wallace ”’ was, by some unknown writer, made out of Blind Harry’s “Wallace.’’? The two old poetical accounts of the rescue of Willie have resemblances which cannot be purely fortuitous, a fact which Colonel Elliot was not the first writer to notice. But though we may agree with him that the two accounts are not independent, we need not yield assent to his hypothesis of the origin of the ballad. Surely it is more likely that the “ old 7. Calendar of Border Papers, II., 121. 8. ‘‘De Origine, Moribus, et Rebus Gestis Scotorum,’’ edit. 1578, p. 60. Tue BALLAD OF KINMONT WILLIE. 295: Souldier ’’ used “ Kinmont Willie’ in an early form than that the author of the ballad was indebted for his materials to Satchells! In his “ True History,’’ which he says was “ gathered out of ancient chronicles, histories, and traditions of our fathers,’’ Satchells certainly made use of ballads as well as of formal histories; and the part of his work which deals with the assault on Carlisle Castle reads like a narrative largely due to suggestions from some popular Jav. Mr Andrew Lang, whose book in reply to Colonel Elliot—‘“ Sir Walter Scott and the Border Minstrelsy ’’—should be in the hands of every lover of ballads, has no doubt that Satchells had a memory of some ballad about Kinmont. Colonel Elliot’s theory is open to the grave preliminary objection that we cannot accept it without accusing one of the most honourable men in literary history of gross deception. Scott’s words were undoubtedly intended to convey the impression that “ Kinmont Willie ’’ was an old ballad rescued by him from oblivion. There is nothing in the words themselves to excite suspicion as to his good faith. A writer publishing as ancient a production of his own would not be likely to assert gratuitously that he had made “ conjectural emendations ’’ upon it; but one who had altered and improved an old ballad, stanzas of which might be known to a few of his readers, would be likely to offer some apology for the freedom with which he had handled his materials. Colonel Elliot thinks that Scott regarded the fabri- cation of ballads as but a venial sin. It is true that Sir Walter did not agree with Ritson that the “crime of literary imitation is as great as that of commercial forgery,’’ and that he defended Bishop Percy’s unscientific method of dealing with ancient pieces. But there is no evidence to show that he ever regarded the fabri- cation of an entire balled, with intent to deceive the public, as an innocent ploy. He blamed Pinkerton for publishing, as genuine relics of antiquity, ballads written by himself, and he condemned such forgeries as “ The Bedesman on Nidsyde ’’ and * Jock of Milk and Jean of Bonshaw’’ as unsparingly as did Charles Kirkpatrick Sharpe. If Scott wrote, and did not merely improve, “ Kinmont ' Willie,’’ he had a marvellous gift for the imitation of old ballads. His contemporaries, William Motherwell and the Scottish Bor- derer, Kirkpatrick Sharpe, both keen critics, did not impugn ? 296 Tue BALLAD or Kinmont Wuute. its genuineness ; and such recent authorities as Professor Child, Mr William Macmath, and Mr Andrew Lang have accepted it as substantially old. If Scott had the gift claimed for him by Colonel Elliot, it is strange that his acknowledged compositions 1m the ballad form so unmistakably betray the touch of the modern writer. “The Eve of St. John,’’ “Cadyow Castle,’’ and the fragment about “ Red Harlaw’’ in “ The Antiquary ”’ have great poetical merit, but no one who has studied ballad literature could mistake them for ancient popular lays. “ Kinmont Willie,’’ on the other hand, appears to be quite in the traditional vein. “ It has,’’ writes my friend Mr Macmath, “ the undoubted ring of an old ballad, patched up and added to by a modern hand.”? That “ Kinmont Willie’? has additions by Scott I do nof doubt. The question of vital importance, however, is not whether the ballad contains lines by the great modern minstrel, but whether it contains lines which could not have been written by him. Mr Andrew Lang says he would “stake a large sum”’ that Scott never wrote the fifteenth stanza of the ballad— “ He has call’d him forty Marchmen bauld, I trow they were of his ain name, Except Sir Gilbert Elliot, called The Laird of Stobs, I mean the same.’’ I should be inclined to add that Scott was incapable of producing such lines as the following :— “The first o’ men that we met wi’, Whae sould it be but fause Salkelde ?’’ “ Had there not been peace between our lands, Upon the other side thu hadst gaed!”’ Are not these in all probability some of the “ rude strains’ of an early “ Kinmont Willie ?”’ In the account of the advance to Carlisle given in the ballad there is a curious historical mistake which cannot be due to Scott. We are told that “Fause Salkelde’”’ was slain by Dickie of Dryhope, a real person— “Why trespass ye on the English side? Row-footed out-laws, stand!’’ quo’ he— The never a word had Dickie to say, Sae he thrust the lance through his fause bodie.’’ . THE BALLAD OF KINMONT WILLIE. 297 These lines could hardly have been written before the death of Salkeld, which took place in 1624. The ballad, nevertheless, may have been in existence, in an early form, before that date, and the lines about the death of Willie’s captor may have been inserted later. The possibility of their insertion by Scott is excluded by the fact that he knew that Salkeld was not killed. There is topographical confusion, as well as historical in- accuracy in “Kinmont Willie.’? Staneshaw Bank (Stanwix Bank) is represented as on the Carlisle side of the Eden, whereas it is an eminence on the other side. ‘There is no high bank on the south side of the Eden, except a very modern artificial one. Satchells knew that “Stonish’ Bank,’’ which he also calls “ Stenicks-bank,’’? was on the north side :—- “But yet his Honour he did no longer bide, But paced throughout the Muir to the River Eden-side ; Near the Stonish-bank my Lord atime did stay, And left the one half of his company, For fear they had made noise or din, Near the castle they should come. The river was in no great rage, They cross’d near half a mile below the bridge ; Then along the Sands with no noise at all They come close under the Castle wall.’’!° Probably Scott knew, independently of Satchells, that Staneshaw Bank was not on the south side of the Eden, for he was well acquainted with Carlisle. Is it not more likely that he left a mistake by an old writer uncorrected than that he misunderstood Satchells and blundered himself? The mistake would not have been easily corrected, for it occurs in several verses :— “Then on we held for Carlisle toun, And at Staneshaw-bank the Eden we cross’d; The water was great and meikle of spait, But the nevir a horse nor man we lost. And when we reached the Staneshaw-bank, The wind was rising loud and hie; 9. ‘‘They met with the rest of their party at Stenicks-bank.’’ 10. ‘‘A True History,” p. 18. 298 Tur BALLAD OF KINMONT WILLIE. And there the laird garr’d leave our steeds, Ee For fear that they should stamp and nie. And when we left the Staneshaw-bank, The wind began full loud to blaw ; But ’twas wind and weet, and fire and sleet, When we came beneath the castle wa’. We scarce had won the Staneshaw-bank, When a’ the Carlisle bells were rung, And a thousand men in horse and foot, Cam’ wi’ the keen lord Scroope along. Buccleuch has turn’d to Eden Water, Even where it flowed frae bank to brim, And he has plunged in wi’ a’ his band, And safely swam them thro’ the stream.’’ But I must now conclude. It is not beyond the bounds of possibility that am independent version of “ Kinmont Willie ’’ may yet turn up and enable us to check Scott’s ballad.. In our own day an extra version of “ Jamie Telfer in the Fair Dodhead,”’ another ballad of the western Border which has recently been the subject of controversy, has been discovered by Mr Macmath and printed in Professor Child’s monumental work, “The English and Scottish Popular Ballads.’’ LETTERS OF HoRNING DIRECTED AGAINST THE ARMSTRONGS, 1582. ‘Transcribed by Mr G. W. Suir.ey. The following transcript of Letters of Horning directed against Sandies Ringan Armstrong, brother german to Will of Kinmont, and other Armstrongs, dated at Edinburgh, 22nd November, 1582, found in a Sheriff Court book of the period, has a few points of interest apart from its being a literal transcript of a document not to be found in the National Records and the well-known names of some of the persons involved in the affair which caused its production. It reveals, as only similar docu- ments do, the lawless condition of the Borders prior to James VI.’s act of 1605, establishing a body of forty well-equipped horsemen to hunt down outlaws, which finally reduced the Borders to com- parative quietness. LETTERS OF HORNING. 299 Briefly, the story is of a rieving expedition by the Armstrongs with a following of broken men and outlaws, numbering alto- gether about 100 men, from southern Dumfriesshire, into the parish of Libberton, in Lanarkshire, where they “ lifted ’’ twelve score of sheep. They were pursued by the outraged owners, a body of sevente2n men, horsed and with a “ sleuth hound dog.’’ After following the Armstrongs for two days, the latter, at “ Glen- gagre scheill,’’ were set upon, captured, and taken with their sheep, horses, and dog to the “myrs and placis of Kirtillhill, Auchinbeg, Barcleis, Carcane (?), and Auchingabill.’’ Ransom was then demanded of them, and they, at the time of the Horning, appear to have been in durance strict and probably vile for about two months. The Government makes a great show by denouncing the offenders and sending a messenger to Dumfries, distant from their strongholds over twenty miles, to proclaim them rebels with three blasts of a trumpet. In the course of the Horning, however, a statement is made which reveals how helpless were the forces of law and order. The charges, it appears, could not be delivered to the offenders because “ our officers dare not repair to the parts wherein they [the offenders] dwell for fear of their lives.’’ So common were raids from the south into Libberton Parish that the people there built penned vaults as an asylum for their cattle. (‘Statistical Account of Scotland.’’) The document transcribed below was found among the Burgh Records of Dumfries. Transcript of Letters of Horning directed against the Armstrongs. Dated at Edinburgh, 22nd November, 1582. James be the grace of God King of Scottis To our Lowittis Thos Weir messinger, MESSENGERIS our shereffis In yt pairt con-' junctlie and severalie, speciale constitute greitting: fforsamekille as it is humble menit and complenit to ws be our Louittis Jhone meinzes of [Cou]terras, Jhone blak his seruand, Rot bron In couter, andro creychtoun ther, george weir In libertoun, hew aiczen ther, wm. fischir their, Jhone mosman ther, Alexr pain ther, Symond mcsman ther, thomas somerwell ther, michell thom- sone, James mosman, James clerk ther, James clerk younger ther, Jhone somerwell ther, symond fischer ther, And our weill belouit 300 ° LETTERS OF HORNING. familiar clerk and counsalor Mr Dauid m‘gill of Nisbet, our aduocat for our Intres, VPoNE Sandiis Ringan armstrang Brother german to Will of Kinmont, Sandis fergie armstrang In Kirtill- heid, Sandiis Rob armstrang, Sandiis Jok armstrang callit Wallis, Jok armstrang callit Castells, geordie armstrang, francie and thom armstrang sonis to Will of Kinmont, Jhone armstrang of hollhous, christie armstrang of Barcleis his Brother, sym armstrang of Ralsonne new maid Ringand armstrang bastard sone to Will of Kinmont, James Armstrang of cannabie, Ringanis thom arm- strang, young christie armstrang of auchingabill, chrestie cawert, Jok moffat of helbeks, James Armstrang of cabilgill, Rot. haliday and Ronnie armstrang In carrentoun qlks personis wt ther com- plicis wt conuocation of ane great number of common theiuis, Brokin men and out Lawis, Extending to the number of ane hundret personis or therby, all Bodin In feir of weir wt Jakis, speiris, steilbonnettis, hand bouis, Lang colweringis, Dagis or pestolets, prohibite to be Borne, worne, vsit or schot wt als weill be our actis of parliament as our actis of secreit consale rexlie [respectively] under diuerss painis conteint in the samyn; Laitlie vpone the Day of october last bypast, haifing consaifit ane Deidlie rancor, feid and malice agains the said compleners, come be way of Brigantrie wnder sylence and cloud of nyt, to the toun and Lands of. Libertoun Lyand wtin or shereffdome of Lanerk, and ther thifteouslie stall, concelit and away tuik furth of the samyn Lands tuelf scoir of scheip perteining to the sds com- pleineirs, had and conweyit the samyn away wt tham; Qlks being cum to the saids complenars knawedg thai for recourss and Releif of the said scheip, conwenit thamselfis In quyet and sober manner, followit the saids common theifis: be the space of twa dayis, qlk at Last vpon the Day of the said moneth of october Last by- past, thai com to glengagre scheill qr the saids common theifis and ther complecis sot wpone and crewolie Inwadit thaim for their slauteris, put violent hands In ther personis, tuik tham captiuis’ and presoners, haud led and conweyit tham away to myrs and placis of kirtillhill, auchinbeg, Barcleis, carcane [?] and auchin- gabill rexlie, and thai deteint certane of tham strait firmance and captivitie and wald not permit tham to pas to libertie vnto the tyme thai payit Ransoume at the leist fand cation for ther entrie again or payment therof; lyk as thai as zit Detinis and keipis wytheris of the saids compleinars In captivitie and will not Releiwe- LETTERS OF HORNING. 301 tham, vsurpand therby out authoretie vpon thaim thai beand our frie liges And the saidis theifis haifing na pouer nor comission to tak thaim; and siklik thai at the tyme foirsaid be vay of stouthreif and manifest oppression reft stall away tuik foray sevintun horsses qlk thai war Rydand followand ther guds, price of the peale of ilk horss fiftie Ibs ; and tuik ane sleuth hound Dog qlk thai as zit withhalds and keipis, committand therby notor and manifest thift vsurpation in or authoritie In taikin of owr fre Liges and deteining of tham In waird in high contemption of ws and or Lauis, and in ewill exempill to vythers our trew liges to comit the lyk greouis attemptatis gif the comitters heirof Be suferit to Remaine wn punistzit as is allegit. Our WILL Is theirfoir, And we charg zou straitlie and commandis that Incontinent, ye our letters sein, ze pas and in our name and auth{[ority] tak seuer sourtie of the saids. personis, comitt[er]s of the cryme abone writin In maner foirsaid, that thai sall compeir befoir our Justice or his Deputs and wnder ly our Lawis for the samyn in our tol- buith of Edgr the xx day of [Decem]ber nixt to cum In the hors of causis, wnder the painis conteint in our actis of parlia- ment, and that ye charg thaim be oppin proclemation at the mercat corce of the heid Burt of our Schyr qr thai duell to cum and fand the said sourtie to zow wtin sex dayis nixt efter thai be chargit be zow therto wnder the paine of Rebellion and putting of thaim to or horne, the qlk xv dayis Being Bypast and the said sourtie not being fundin to zow In manner foirsaid that ze incon- tinent therefter Denounce the Dissobeyars or Rebells and put tham to or horne and escheit and Inbring all ther mouabill guds to or vse for ther contemption, we the qlk charge forsaid at the mercat corce we dispence and remitts the samyn to be as Lauch- full as gif thai ver chargit personaly, or other vayis conforme to or actis of parliament, Becaus the said personis duells vpone or Borders qlks ar Broken be thaim vbi non est intus accessus, and or officars dar not Repair to the perts qrin thai duell for fear of ther lyf ; and that ze‘summone ane assyse heirto, not exceidand the nomer of xlv personis, quhais namis ze sall ressaif In Roll sub- scryvit be the compleinars or ony of thaim conforme to or Lat act of parliament maid ther anent, according to Justice as ze will ansor to ws yrvpone, the qlk to do ve comit to zow conjunctlie and seueralie or full power Be thir or le[tte]rs Delyuering thaim to zow dewlie execut and Indorsit againe to the Beirar. Gewin 302 Tue IsLeE oF SAINTS. wnder or signet at Edgr the xxii day of nouember and of or Kinge the sextene yeir, 1582. Ex deliberatione Dominorum consili. Birp LIFE IN THE SOUTH OF SCOTLAND. By Mr J. W. Payne, Annan. [Mr Payne submitted a paper on the birds he had met with mainly within a ten-mile radius of Kirkcudbright. His list, while not comprehensive, was enlivened by many personal observations of an interesting nature. ] 21st April, 1911. Chairman—Mr R. C. Retr of Mouswald Place. COMMUNION TOKENS, WITH DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OF THOSE OF DUMFRIESSHIRE. By the Rev. H. A. WHITELAW, Dumfries. [This contribution will be found pp. 36-126. ] THe IsteE or Saints. LANTERN LECTURE by W. A. MACKINNELL, Dumfries. Rich as are the Western Islands in relics of the Keltic Church, there are few of these remains which we can definitely place earlier than the eleventh or twelfth century ; when the early wooden structures gave place to more substantial buildings of stone and mortar. Only in those places where circumstances were unfavourable to the procuring of wood, and stones for drystone walling were available in plenty, do we come upon the: few faint traces which are left to us of the early days of the Church. To those conditions being present, and to its peculiarly isolated position, we owe the preservation, on one lonely little island of the west, of a few rude memorials which link us to the days of Columba himself. s Eileach-na-Naombh, the “Isle of Saints,’’ or according to some authorities, the “ Training Place of the Saints,’” is the most southerly island of the group called “Isles of the Sea,’’ lying off ‘SINIVS SO WISI “IddVHD AO YOINHINI eerie oes BEEHIVE CELLS, ISLE OF SAINTS. GRAVE OF EITHNE, MOTHER OF ST. COLUMBA, ISLE OF SAINTS. THE IsLe or SAINTS. 303 the coast of Argyleshire, between the Slate Islands and the Island of Mull. Even to-day it is by no means easy of access; lying as it does amid fierce tide races, and within sound of the roar of Corryvrechan. Several attempts to visit the island, made during various cruises in that district, failed owing to unfavourable weather, but at last one made in July, 1910, proved successful. On that occasion, accompanied by another member of the Society, I was returning from a cruise to Oban in a small motor launch. We had anchored overnight in the little harbour of Easdale; and the weather conditions on the following morning proving favourable we decided to make an effort to reach the “Isle of Saints.’’ A swift run down Scarba Sound on the ebb tide brought us to the Island of Lunga; and after threading our way through the intricate strait between Lunga and the Fullah Isles, we passed through a rock gateway into the open. In twenty years’ cruising in those waters, I have few recol- lections of such a perfect afternoon or one more favourable for our trip. The sun shone brilliantly in an almost cloudless sky, and the wide expanse of sea was unruffled by the lightest “catspaw.’’ Under those conditions the passage was quickly made, and by four o’clock in the afternoon we were close in to the island. The appearance of the Isle of Saints as one approaches it is wild in the extreme. Everywhere the rock shores fall steeply into the sea, and off the coast lie lines of forbidding reefs and rock islets, some rising to a considerable height. In the bright summer sunshine it looked desolate and grim enough ; but in stormy weather when the Atlantic breakers surround it with lines of foam, its aspect must be savage in the extreme. The only landing place is a cteek about the middle of the island on the east side. On rounding a line of reefs and islets we caught sight of the entrance to this, and headed the launch shoreward. Passing between two walls of rock we found our- " selves in a sea passage, running a short way into the island, and splitting into two arms; both ending in pebble beaches. We chose the one to the left, and running the launch on the beach were soon ashore. Eileach-na-Naombh is about a mile and a quarter in length by a quarter of a mile broad, and rises toward the south to a 304 Tue IsLeE oF SAINTS height of 252 feet. It is now uninhabited, like all the Isles of the Sea, with the exception of Garvelloch, the largest one; and has probably been so ever since the breaking up of the monastery, the ruins of which we had come to see. To this, and to its lonely position is probably due the preservation of those relics of that remote period. There is every probability that these relics date from St. Columba’s time. The island is identified with the “ Insula Hinba ”’ of Adamnan, and on it St. Brendan is supposed to have founded a monastery in 545. Though this was destroyed some years later, it is possible that some of the ruins, or at least their sites, may belong to that earliest settlement. A claim has lately been made for a place in Arran as the site of St. Brendan’s monastery, but the probabilities seem to favour the lonely Eileach-na-Naombh. In any case it appears certain that St. Columba either restored this monastery, or founded one, on the island about 565. On a grassy slope towards the south-east is the supposed grave of his mother, Eithne. The chief points of intereset are grouped in a slight hollow just above the landing place. A few yards above the beach is the “ Saints’ Well,’’ a spring of good water, and a_short distance beyond the ruins of a chapel. This is a small building only 21 feet 6 inches long internally. The walls are still entire, with the exception of the gables, which have fallen; and are about 7 feet in height. A narrow doorway in the west end, and a very small rectangular window in the east, are the only openings. . The building is correctly oriented. ‘Though no mortar has been used in their construction, the walls are beautifully and strongly built, with stones of fair size, carefully fitted, and the openings are very neatly formed. At some recent period a lean-to shelter has been formed at the east end, and the wood beam used to support the roof is still in position. ‘To the side of the small east window is a projecting slate shelf, probably used as an altar. Close to the chapel is a curious underground cell, to which access is gained by a hole about two feet square. Internally the cell is about 4 feet 6 inches in diameter and 5 feet high, and on one side is a small recess 2 feet by 1 foot 6 inches, and extend- ing about 18 inches backwards in the thickness of the wall. The cell is neatly built of dry stones, with a beehive roof, the apex of which is about eighteen inches below the surface of the r Tue IsLe oF SAINTS. 305 ground. The ground falls sharply away from the cell on one side, giving access to the opening which is just below the roof. This is lintelled by a large stone, and appears to have been the original entrance. The floor has apparently been considerably filled up, and if excavated the depth of the cell would probably be found much greater than at present. A little way south of the chapel the site of the old burying ground can still be traced, and at some distance to the N.E., in a very rocky portion of the island, are the remains of two beehive cells. These have been joined together, and one is now practically demolished. The other is in better preservation, being intact for rather more than a half of its circumference, and the apex of the roof still in position. Internally it is about 15 feet in diameter, and about 12 feet in height from the floor to apex. There is no trace of an entrance in the portion still standing, so this must have been in the part which has fallen. The diameter of the other, more ruinated cell, is about 16 feet. The grave of Eithne, on the hillside to the south-west, is now marked only by a few rough stones, on one of which a cross has been rudely cut. From it a marvellous panorama is visible of the long line of the Southern Hebrides, from the far-off Paps of Jura to the rugged mass of Scarba, and the lower outlines of the Isles of Lorne. The advisability of reaching an anchorage in the inner seas before dark, compelled our stay on the island to be short. Reluctantly we turned the launch once more out of the creek into the open, and as we throbbed a steady course across the calm sea towards Scarba, the Isle of Saints grew faint in the evening haze astern. It is time some effort was made to preserve what remains are still left to us on the island. Though they have weathered the ravages of storm and time for so many centuries, they have reached a stage at which decay is proceeding rapidly, and the bee-hive cells especially will soon be only a confused heap of stones. Rude though these remains are, they are precious as prac- tically our only links with the very dawn of Christianity in the Western Isles, and with those missionaries of old who chose to make their habitation on that lonely isle. In those rough dry stone walls they have left us the memorials of their life and of their faith. 306. NOTES ON THE HEPATIC® AND MOsSSEs. NOTEs ON THE HEPATIC2 AND MOSSES OF THE THREE SOUTH- WESTERN COUNTIES OF SCOTLAND. By James M‘ANDREW, Edinburgh. The Botanical Society of Edinburgh a few months ago pub- lished as Vol. XXV. of their Transactions an excellent and exhaustive work of 336 pages on “ The Distribution of Hepatice in Scotland,’’ by Mr Symers M. Macvicar of Invermoidart, Acharacle, Argyllshire. As this volume may not be accessible to all the members of the Dumfries and Galloway Natural History and Antiquarian Society, I, with Mr Macvicar’s kind consent, have copied out from that volume the following new and rare Hepaticee occurring in the three south-western counties of Scotland. The following list, though not claiming any originality on my part, may prove interesting to some of your members, and at the same time bring my former lists of Hepaticee in No. 7 (1887-90) and of October, 1901, as far as possible up to date. Abbreviations are as follow:—(1) Symers M. Macvicar; (2) Peter Ewing; (3) Miss Macvicar; (4) James M/‘Andrew. D= Duntfriesshire ; K = Kirkcudbrightshire ; W = Wigtownshire. Riccia sovocarpa, Bisch. D (J. T. Johnstone). K (4). Lunularia vulgaris (L-), Dum. D (J. T. Johnstone). K (4). Aneura latifrons, Lindb. D K and W (4). Metzgeria furcata (L.). Var., e@ruginosa (Hook.). K and W (1). Fossombronia Dumortiert (Hiib. and Genth.), Lindb. W (4). Gymnomitrium obtusum (Lindb.), Pears. K (All. Murray). Marsupella Jorgensenii, Schiffc. K (1). si aquatica (Lindenb.), Schiffn. K (1). W (2). K (4). Nardia obovata (Nees), Carr. W. (2). KK (qo. me, Haplozia spherocarpa (Hook.), Dum. D (1). riparia (Tayl.), Dum. W (4). &c. » . pumila (With.), Dum. W (1). K (4). Lophozia badensis (Gottsche), Schiffn. D (1). » WMiilleri (Nees), Dum. D (4). K (4). », ventricosa (Dicks.), Dum. Var., porphyroleuca (Nees). D (1). 4, excisa (Dicks.), Dum. (= Jung. capitata, Hook.). K (4). D (1). Floerkii(W.and M.), Schiffn. Var., Waumanniana (Nees). Bata rich NoTEs ON THE HEPATIC AND MOSSES. 307 Sphenolobus exsecteformts (Breidl.), Steph. K (4). W (2). Plagiochila asplenioides (1..), Dum. Var., minor, Nees (= Flag. Dilleiei, Tayl.) D(a). KO). Wa) K (4) Var., Aumilts (Nees). K (1). Var., major (Nees). D (1). K (Cruickshank and 4). W (2). Lophocolea cuspidata, Limpr. D (3). K (4) W (1). Var. gracilis, Carr. W (1). i spicata, Tayl. W (1). Chiloscyphus polyanthos (L.), Carr. War., rivularis, Nees. K (W. P. Hamilton). a pallescens (Schrad.), Nees. D (1). W (1). Flarpanthus scutatus (W. and M.), Spruce. D (1). 5 Flotowianus, Nees. K (4). Cephalozia lunulefolia, Dum. D and K (1). K (4). fe leucantha, Spr. D (3). .K (4). W (2). % palida, Spr. -D'(1), K (4). ” curvifolia (Dicks.), Dum. D (1). K (4). W (1). Aiyvrobielia laxifolia (Hook.), Spr. D (i). K (4). W (1). Cephalozia Starkti (Nees), Schiffn. D (3). Kr) W (2). Cephaloziella trivialts, Schiffn. (= C., difda, auet. mult.). D (3). W (2). v5 myriantha (Lindb.), Schiffn. (= Ceph. Jacki, Limpr) D(3je. We). Kantia Sprengelii, Pears. K (4). D(1). W (2). Lepidozia Pearsont, Spr. K (4). W (2). », trichoclados, C. Mull. Frib. K (4 and 1). » selacea (Web.), Mitt. Var., sertularioides (L.). D(C. Scott). W (2 and 4). Anthelia julacea (L.). Dum. K (4). Scapania subalpina (Nees), Dum. D (1). K (4). W (2). - gracilis (Lindb.), Kaal. (= S., resupinata, Carr.). Var., laxifolia, Carr. K (1). Var., menor, Pears. K (4). M intermedia (Husnot), Pears. D(C. Scott). 35 rosacea (Corda), Dum. D(1). K (4). ‘ curta (Mart.), Dum. D(1). K (4). W (1). hit) ‘theca Thuja (icks.), Dum. W (4). Cololejeunea microscopica (Tay}.), Schiffn. K (1). Lejeunea serpyllifolia, Lib. = L., cavifolia (Ehrh.), Lindb. Var., pPlaniuscula, Lindb. D-(1). K (4). Var., heterophylla, Carr. K (4). W (1). 308 NotTES ON 1HE HEPATICA AND MosseEs’ Microlejeunea ulicina (Tayl.), Evans. K (4). W (1). Harpalejeunea ovata (Hook.), Schiffn. K (1). Marchesinia Mackaii (Hook.), Gray. W (x and 4). Frullania Tamarisci (L.), Dum. Var., cornubica, Carr. W (1). +, microphylla (Gottsche), Pears. near Larbrax, Wigtown- shire, August, 1843 (Grev. Herb). Sub. nom., Jung. Sragilifolia, Tay]., MSS. W (1). » Sragilifolia, Tayl. K (1). W (4). f germana, Tayl., Seaside Bank, Galloway, 1843 (Grev. Herb). Sub. Nom, Jung Tamarisci (L.). Anthocerus levis (L.). W (2). 9 punctatus (L.): W (4). Erase the following from my former lists as being either mis- takes or uncertainties :-— Dilena Lyellii (Hook.), Gray. Requires re-gathering. Lejeunea flava, Sw. ” Mackati (Hook.), Gray. Erase R. Dee, Tongland. Cephalozia Francisci (Hook.), Dum. Cruickshank’s specimen in Herb. Dickie is not this species. os catenulata, Hub. This is Ceph. lunulefolia, Dum. Lophozia ventricosa (Dicks.), Dum. Var., porphyroleuca, Nees. This from K is doubtiul. Scapania equiloba, Schweegr. Not correct. Plagtochila tridenticulata, Tayl. Not this species. Hlaplozia Schradert (Mart.). This is H. autumnalis, D.C. (= H. subapicalis, Nees). 5 Spherocarpa (Hook.). Incorrect for K. Lophozia orcadensis (Hook.). Incorrect. » pcopodioides, Wallr. This L. guinguedentata, Web. » exsecta, Schmid. This L., exsecteformis, Bruch. Scapania uliginosa, Nees. Incorrect. MossEs. Also from the Census Catalogue of British Mosses, 1907, the following additions and corrections are made up to date :—V.C. 72 = Dumfriesshire. V.C. 73=Kirkcudbrightshire. V.C. 74=Wig- townshire. (1) J. B. Duncan. (2) W. P. Hamilton. (3) George West. Sphagnum subsecundum, Nees. Var.. turgidum. C.M. 73. acutifolium, Ehrh. Var., subnitens, Dixon. 72. Var., guinguefarium, Lindb. 72-73. ” NOTES ON THE HEPATIC AND MossEs. 309 Dicranum scoparium, Hedw. Var., spadiceum, Boul. 72. “ asperulum, Mitt. 72. Doubtful. Fissidens exilis, Hedw. 72-73 (James Murray and 1). », wtridulus, Wahl. 72 (1). pe puSii us. Wils. “72. Grimmia apocarpa, Hedw. Var., gracilis, W. and M. 72. » atrata, Miel. 72 (1). Tortula rigida, Schrad. 72 (Dr Davidson). mn princeps, De Not. 72: Orthotrichum stramineum, Hornsch. Var., patens, Vent. 72. Bryum capillare, L. Var., macrocarpum, Hibn. 73 (2). = inclinatum, Bland. 73 (2). Thuidium delicatulum, Mitt. (73%). Brachythecium illecebrum, De Not. (721). Lypnum crista-castrensis, L. Reported from Shambellie Woods, Newabbey, years ago by the Rev. Dr. H. Macmillan, 73: Fiylocomium umbratum, B.and S. (72?) Dicranella secunda, Lindb. 72 (1). Campylopus flexuosus, Brid. Var., uligtnosus, Ren. 73. Barbula rubella, Mitt. Var., dentata, Schpr. 73. Racomitrium heterostichum, Brid. Var., gracilescens, B. and S. 72°73+ Fredwigia ciliata, Dicks. Var., deucophea, B. and S. 73 (3). Lurhynchium prelongum, Hob. Var., Stokesit, Brid. 73 (2). Hypnum exannulatum, Gimb Var., brachydictyon, Ren. 73 (2). vernicosum, Lindb. 73 (3). fiuitans, L. Var., anglicum, Sanio. 73 (2). : * Var., falcatum, Schpr. 73 (2). bh Also the following Sphagna named according to Warnstorf :— Sphagnum imbricatum (Hornsch.), Russ. Var., cristatum. W (73). 5 papillosum, Lindb. Var., xormale. W (72). compactum, D.C. Var., tmbricatum. W (72). squarrosum, Pers. Var., spectabile, Russ. 72. cuspidatum, Ehrh, Var., submersum, Schpr. 72. recurvum (P. B.), W. Var., mucrona‘um, Russ. W (72). Ss » War., amblyphyllum, Russ. W (72). 810 EXCAVATION OF A Camp AT MOUSWALD. List or ARMORIAL BEARINGS NOTED IN DUMFRIESSHIRE AND ADJACENT Counties. By J. B. Irvine, The Isle, Holy- wood. [This valuable contribution has been reserved for publication in subsequent volumes. | REPORT ON EXCAVATIONS OF A Camp aT MouswaLp. By Mr Rk. C. Rei of Mouswald Place. In the autumn of 1909 the attention of the Society was drawn to a rectilineal camp close to the high road above Mous- wald Village. The site is within a few yards of the march between Dormont and Mouswald Place estates. It is on Townhead Farm, which forms part of the former property. The field is numbered 286 in O.S. of 1858. A cursory inspection of the camp was made by Mr Barbour and Professor Scott-Elliot, .and it was decided that some excavations should be started at an early date in order to ascer- tain if possible the nature and period of the camp. Owing to his close proximity to the site, Mr Reid was asked to take charge of the excavations. Accordingly, on June 10th, 1910, operations were com- menced. The camp at first sight appeared to be rectilineal, but on being measured it was found that the side, in which was the only gateway, was eliptical, curving outwards. The length of this side, facing W., was 252 feet, and the length of the corresponding side, facing E., was 183 feet. The remaining two sides both measured 149 feet. The field is of poor quality, the soil being only a few inches deep, beneath which was a very hard clay till full of small stones. The camp is clearly marked on the O.S. of 1851, as having: a ditch with a double rampart on each side of it. Only one gateway is shown. Since then the field has constantly been ploughed, almost obliterating all traces. In starting operations two trenches were dug, one through the middle of the east ditch and rampart. It was found that from the outside of one rampart to the inside of the other measured 31 feet. The ditch was V shaped, measuring 15 feet across at the present level, and going down as deep as 5 feet EXCAVATION OF A Camp AT MOUSWALD. $11 6 inches. At the bottom of the ditch was found a quantity of flat whin stones, lying face and face, in what looked like puddled clay. Considerable difficulty, however, was experienced in ascertaining how these stones lay, owing to the fact that the workers struck a spring of water, which flowed in quicker than it could be baled out. The party had not come prepared with a hand pump.’ A few bits of wood were dug out of the trench, but they only had the appearance of birch or elder roots; they had probably been thrown there to fill up the ditch when the land was first ploughed. No signs of a gateway were found on this side. In the hopes that remains of some sort might be found nearer the centre of the camp, this trench was continued as far as the middle of it. There were no signs whatever that the camp had ever been inhabited. Only cne stone was unearthed that looked as if it had been cut with an implement, and after examination by Mr Barbour this idea was negatived. The other trench was dug up through the centre of the gate, commencing outside the outer rampart:—it brought to light nothing except an old dry-stone drain, which came down through the centre of the gateway and then turned sharply to the left into the ditch. The ditch originally terminated on either side of the gate, so that there was an open level causeway from the gate, broadening out till it had passed the outer rampart. The gate- way was 20 feet broad, and the causeway in the middle of the ditch measured 38 feet in breadth. There were no signs of any traverse. A hole was also dug in a likely-looking spot within the camp, in the hope that a well might be found. It produced nothing but impénetrable till. The ground is to-day naturally moist, and with the spring found in the ditch any occupants of the camp could never have lacked water. In the O.S. of 1858 the camp was marked as “Supposed Roman.’’ In the most recent survey it does not figure at all. So it is as well that some note of it should be put on record. It has no characteristics which can definitely be stated to be Roman. Its irregular, rectilineal shape, its single gateway, its lack of ashlar work on the ramparts, all point to its being of a different period. On the other hand, perhaps, its rounded corners, its sides of equal length, its V shaped ditch, might point to Roman influence. 312 EXCAVATION OF A Camp At MOUSWALD. Perhaps the flat stones which were found lying in puddled clay at the bottom of the ditch might strengthen the Roman hypothesis, as they may have been used to line slate-wise the sides of the ditch. But in this absence of any definite feature, a Roman origin for it cannot be accepted, and if a conjecture may be made, this camp might belong to that vague perioc when the Romans had withdrawn from the country, but before their influence had become entirely extinct. 313 Pee D> WEE PN Gs. 17th June, 1911. CARDONESS. (From the Dumfries and Galloway Courier and Herald and the Dumfries and Galloway Standard, June 21, 1911.) The limited number of members who took part in this outing was doubtless due to the unpromising nature of the morning. The party met at Dumfries railway station, whence they left by the 8.30 train for Dromore. At Dromore a char-a-banc was in waiting, and the journey to Gatehouse was began. ‘The rain happily ceased. For the first mile or two the eye is arrested by the barren grandeur of the hills and moors. Here the naked rock is seen, sometimes in rugged escarpments where in 1902 returned to nest the golden eagle. It was notable that the heather has almost disappeared, giving place to grass, save for patches of bracken, and of course the abundant growth of the bog myrtle, the aroma of which was dispensed with a grateful prodigality. A halt was made to inspect Rusko Castle, which occupies a site overlooking the valley of the Fleet. The major portion of the members wended their way to the castle, an object of much interest. Architecturally the castle is in the main a replica of Cardoness Castle, though of subsequent date. The building is in a good state of preservation, the floors of the upper apartments remaining, although in some parts they have to be trod with some concern for the safety of the visitors. The original features of the Castle are still distinctly recognisable, though it has not been occupied for some years. The upper apartments, once the scene of activities and incidents which the least imaginative can easily conjure up, are now tenanted by flocks of pigeons and wild birds. The rooms of the ground floors were filled by nothing more appealing to the fancy of the anti- 314 FietpD MEETINGS. quary than collections of wooden troughs, out of which earlier in the season the sheep had nibbled their sustenance. The Castle of Rusko, we are told, was built by the family of Acorsane or Corsane. It afterwards passed to the Gordons of Lochinvar, Sir Robert Gordon marrying Marion, daughter of Sir Robert Corsane. The Gordon arms are carved over the doorway. The Gordons sold Rusko to the M‘Guffoks, an old Wigtownshire family, from whom it was transferred in 1736 to one of the Hannays of Kirkdale, in whose family it remained until about twenty-five years ago, when it became the property of the late Mr Murray Stewart. CARDONESS CASTLE. The party then drove to Gatehouse, and here they were joined by the Rev. F. W. Saunders, minister of Anwoth, and Mr Salmon, headmaster of Fleetside Public School. A _ brief interval allowed the visitors to have a saunter through the little town. Luncheon was served in the Angel Hotel, and then the party walked forward to Cardoness Castle, where they were met by Mr T. H. M‘Gaw, builder, Gatehouse, who, at the request of Sir William and Lady Maxwell, took the party in charge, and showed them the interior of the castle. Mr G. W. Shirley read a short account of the history of the building. The castle, it was set forth, is an oblong, rectangular tower or keep of five storeys. It is roofless, and occupies the whole apex of a cone-shaped rocky knoll, now covered with high trees. The castle rises to a height of about 50 feet. The walls have a thickness of 74 feet,. and with the exception of the chimney stalks, seem to be intact. A circular doorway enters directly on a cross passage four feet wide, and fronting it are two other doorways, the entrances to vaulted chambers in the basement. These chambers are about 16 feet high, owing to the removal of the intermediate or entre sol floor. Branching off the stair- case is a gallery or narrowed passage leading to a recess imme- diately above the main doorway. In the stone floor of this gallery, immediately above the passage, is an aperture which was useful for scrutinising unseen any suspicious visitor. “If he was coming on an unfriendly errand it gave facility for molesting jand expelling him with fire-arms, stones, boiling lead, or some such missile.’’ Leading from the staircase already referred to EE Fretp MEETINGS. 314 was to be seen what was formerly the castle dungeon. “The vaulted roof of the basement chambers was levelled up to form the floor of the lofty banqueting hall, 27 feet long by 16 feet broad, and which occupies the entire area of the interior. There is a large fireplace in the north wall, measuring 9 feet by 6, which has been richly sculptured, but the great lintel has been removed. Among other recesses in the walls are two aumries, with Gothic mouldings, revealing the hand of the ecclesiastical builder. The wooden floors of the upper apartments, in common with every scrap of woodwork, have now disappeared. The apartment immediately above the hall had been sub-divided into two by a partition wall, which now hangs in mid-air across the whole width of the building, without any visible support other than that afforded by a slight arched curve and the wonderful strength and tenacity of its ancient mortar.’’ In one of the upper rooms is also an ornately carved fireplace with the lintel stone intact. Opening off the winding stair on a level with the second floor is a small chamber, 7 feet by 4, in the floor of which is an aperture about a foot and a half square. This is the entrance to a dark and dismal dungeon of the same cramped dimensions as the chamber over it. There would be no room on the knoll on which the castle stands for other buildings; but there had been others clustered near the main strength for occupation by retainers. The date of the building of the castle has been fixed at about 1450. “The present condition of preservation of the walls, exposed for 200 years to summer rain, winter frost, and storms from the sea, are a convincing proof of the care of the mason work. . . . The walls stand beautifully square to each other. . . . The ancient roadway by which the castle was approached can be traced from the valley or glade on the north-west side. It is believed that the arm of the sea or — estuary of the Fleet surrounded the base of the rocky knoll up ‘to the line of the present public road.’’ In this connection it may be recalled that Gatehouse was formerly an important centre for shipbuilding, one of the residents of the town being able to recall the launch of a ship of 300 tons burthen about the year 1843. Referring again to the castle, some supplementary par- ticulars were supplied by Mr G. M‘Leod Stewart, Dumfries, a member of the Cairnsmore family (who was one of the party). He gave the following account of the castle, which was takem 316 FirLtp MEETINGS. from the Cottonian collection of MSS. in the British Museum, and which, it is said, was written by one of the officers of the opposite March of England who had come to “spy out the land ’’ about 1560:—“ Cardines Toure standeth upon an hight bancke and rocke, harde uponn the watter Flete: there can be noo ordinance nor gounes endomage yt of the sea, nor there can noo artyllarye be taken to it upoun the lande, ones having the house, for straitness of ground, and yf ye lande at Newton vp upoun flete watter, then ye must pass one myle strait ground up rockes, where noo ordinance can be caryed but upoun mens backes. Yt is nyne foote thick of the wall, withoute a bermeking, and withoute battaling. At the ground eb men may ryde under the place upoun the sandes one myle: And at the full sea, boats of eight tounes may come under the wall. It may be taken witht two hundreitht men, at the suddane. And being in Engliss possession, may be kepte witht one hundreit men in garrisone: It will annoye the inhabitantes betux the watter of Cree aforesaid, and Kiyrkcowbright ; and be assistant to the same. Distant by see from Workington in Englande twenty-two myles.” Like all ancient castles, tradition has invested Cardoness with much that is interesting, if not strictly apocryphal. There is one story to the effect that the castle was built by a father and two sons, who bore the name of Kardoness, and who spent the whole of their substance in erecting the stonework of the walls. They had not, however, sufficient means to defray the cost of roofing, and the sons carried the heather for its covering from Glennicken Moors. M‘Cullochs, Gordons, Murrays, and Maxwells have all been owners of Cardoness. 1ne M‘Cullochs, it is said, are doubtless of the original Celtic people who occupied Scotland before the invasion of the Saxon, Roman, Dane, or Norman. One tradition traces the M‘Cullochs to Ulgric, who was killed at the Battle of the Standard in 1138. The most noted of the M‘Cullochs was the turbulent Cutlar, regarding whom this proverb was long current in the Isle of Man:— “God keep the good corn, the sheep, and the bullock, From Satan and sin and Cutlar M‘Culloch.”’ A saying familiar to a past generation of Gatehouse people may have reference to the same individual—* Weel, that cowes Cut- lings, and Cutlings cowed the De’il.’’? Sir Godfrey M‘Culloch Fietp MEETINGS. OL was the last to occupy the castle, which has been deserted since 1697. The Cardoness estate passed from William Gordon to his niece Elizabeth, daughter of his elder brother John. She married the Hon. William Stewart, younger son of James, second Earl of Galloway. Her son succeeded to Castle Stewart, in Penninghame parish, and her daughter Nicolas inherited Car- doness. Nicolas married Colonel William Maxwell, of the family of Calderwood. He erected the mansion-house at Bardarroch, changing its name to Cardoness. In 1766 the old castle was sold by David Maxwell to James Murray of Broughton and Cally. It remained in the possession of that family until 1904, when on the death of Mr Murray Stewart the estates passed to his cousin, Colonel Murray Bailie of Cally, from whom it was purchased in the same year by Sir William Maxwell, the present baronet. CaRDONESS HOUSE. Later in the day the party drove to Cardoness House, and were welcomed by Sir William and Lady Maxwell and Mr Horatio Macrae, W.S., Lady Maxwell’s brother. The flag was flying from the mansion-house in honour of the birth that day of a son and heir to Mr and Mrs Rainsford Hannay. Mrs Rainsford Hannay is a daughter of Sir William and Lady Maxwell. The present mansion-house was rebuilt by Sir William so recently as 1889, and is a handsome building of modern design. ‘The party were shown over the grounds by Sir William and Lady Maxwell, who, along with Mr Macrae, pointed out and described the more outstanding objects of interest. The grounds, which are large and extensive, are well laid out. The late Sir William had a passion for shrubs and ornamental trees, and the wide circle of rhododendrons which enclose a bit of delightful sward are evi- dence of the enthusiasm with which the late baronet applied himself to the cultivation of his hobby. Unfortunately the visitors were unable to see the rhododendron at its best, as already the bushes had cast their summer glory. Sir William pointed out several fine specimens of pines and cedars, one of the former (the pinus insignis) being regarded as the finest of its kind to be found in the country. A Turkish Oak also attracted attention. It has an enormous spread of branches, extending to a total length of twenty-six paces. A lofty Auri- 318 FieLtp MEETINGS. caria was also pointed out. It is seventy-six years old, and one of the first to be brought to this country. Where the lower branches had begun to decay they were lopped off, and that part of the tree has sent out a vigorous new growth. Two upright stones in another part of the grounds claimed some attention. These bore certain markings, the indentations including the cross and other faint symbols of sculpture which seemed to favour the theory that they had at one time served as tombstones. Mr Alex. Bryson, Dumfries (who was one of the party, and who knows the district well), stated that the stones had been carted from High Auchinlarie Farm at the instance of the late Sir William Maxwell, some nity or sixty years ago. Close by were seen other two stones, one almost square and the other pear shaped, which bear very perfect examples of the mysterious cup and ring-markings, regarding which the archeologists and antiquaries in different parts of the country have made repeated attempts to account for. Entering the mansion-house, the walls of the hall were found to be hung with several interesting portraits. Chief among these were portraits of Colonel William Maxwell and his wife, Nicolas Stewart, who have already been referred to. Colonel Stewart had a varied and romantic career. He took part in the stirring events of “the killing time,’’ was a friend of the Earl of Argyle, and was with that nobleman at his execution. Colonel Maxwell went to Holland, where he became a favourite officer of the Prince of Orange. He returned to England with the Prince, and was given command of a regiment. He went to Ireland, and took part in ‘the Battle of the Boyne and other engagements. The Prince, afterwards King William III., showed his appreciation of the Colonel’s devotion to his cause by presenting him with a gold ring, which was shown to the party. The ring, which rather tesembles a small brooch, and was originally worn with a ribbon circlet for the finger, has-a design of the Crown and crossed swords and monogram worked in gold thread together with some of the Prince’s hair. On the back the date of the giver’s death is engraven, “ Obit. 2 Mar. 1702; Aet. 51.’? The case in which this interesting relic reposes alse contains the wedding ring given by Colonel William Maxwell to his bride, Nicolas Fietp MEETINGS. 319 Stewart. This ring is inscribed with the words, “Let love abide till death divide.”’ Portraits of King William and Queen Mary by Sir Godfrey Kneller are hung in the hall, these having been presented by King William to Colonel Maxwell. At the time of the Jacobite rising in 1715 Colonel Maxwell organised the training of military levies in the Stewartry, and he was appointed Governor of Glasgow and also of Edinburgh Castle. His services were so highly appreciated that the municipalities of both cities made him a presentation of silver plate. ‘This also is among the family treasures. The Edinburgh gift was a punch bowl and ladle. From Glasgow he received a silver tray, a wine flagon, and three castors. ‘The articles bear the arms of the respective cities, as well as the recipient’s monogram. In the churchyard of Anwoth are small stones commemorating Archibald Faulds and Thomas Irving, servants of Colonel Maxwell, who had accompanied him, as the inscription bears, “in Flanders and Germany during the wars of the glorious King William.’’ The visitors were entertained to tea, and a short meeting of the Society was afterwards held, at which Mr R. Dinwiddie presided. Mr C. M‘Leod Stewart proposed Sir William and Lady Maxwell as members of the Society; and Mr Shirley proposed Major William Jardine, Craigdhu, Cape Town, and Mr William Wauchope Jardine, postmaster, Klipdam, Kimber- ley. Thereafter a short paper by Mr M‘Gaw on the antiquities of Anwoth was read. Mr W. Dickie tendered the cordial thanks of the company to Sir William and Lady Maxwell for their great kindness, and remarked that the visit to Cardoness had been the crowning delight of an interesting and pleasant day. Mr Bryson, in seconding the vote of thanks, mentioned - that there had been born that morning an heir to Kirkdale and a grandson to Sir William and Lady Maxwell; and as the visitors subsequently drove off they gave a cheer for the little stranger. The exigencies of time permitted only the briefest visit to the old church of Anwoth. 320 FIELD MEETINGS. 10th July, 1911. LINCLUDEN MAINS. On the invitation of Miss Dudgeon the members visited Lin- cluden Mains to inspect the experiments being made in plant culture by electricity. Miss Dudgeon explained her methods and showed the results of the treatment on potatoes and turnips. A detailed report will be included in the next volu~e of the Transactions. Provost Lennox moved a vote of thanks to Miss Dudgeon, and Mr S. Arnott seconded. The Secretary proposed Mr Edward Cornet as a member, and this was seconded by Mr John Barker. 28rd September, 1911. CASTLEMILK. (From the Dumfries and Galloway Standard, 27th September, fone.) About twenty members visited Castlemilk on the invitation of Sir Robert and Lady Buchanan Jardine, and had an opportunity ©. seeing the fine collection of pictures in the castle and the beautiful and extensive gardens. In the gallery are examples of the work of Tenniers, Morland, Sidney Cooper, Troyon, Herring, Sam. Bough, and other celebrated painters ; and two well-known Jacobite pictures of T. Duncan (Prince Charlie entering Edin- _ burgh and Flora Macdonald watching over his sleep in a High- land hut). The family portraits include full lengths of Sir Robert and Lady Jardine and their son and daughter, by Ellis Roberts ; and the presentation portrait of the late Sir Robert subscribed for by the Liberal electors of Dumfriesshire. The extensive conser- vatories contain many fruits and flowers of exceptional interest, one striking object being a banana tree weighted with heavy bunches of fruit. The bed of the Water of Milk, in which sand- stone, whinstone, and breccia are exposed, attracted the atten- tion of the geologists ; and opposite the gardens the remnants were pointed out of the piers of a bridge which carried the old Carlisle ~ FIELD MEETINGS. 321 and Glasgow road. ‘The visitors—most of whom had driven from Dumfries in a drenching rain—were hospitably entertained. Before leaving, Mr M. H. M‘Kerrow, solicitor, requested Mr -Campbell, under-factor, to convey their thanks to Sir Robert and Lady Jardine, who are still at their Inverness-shire seat, and also tendered thanks for the kindness experienced at the hands of the staff. Mr Roger S. Gordon, Corsemalze, Wigtownshire, was elected a member of the Society on the motion of the Secretary. PRESENTATIONS. 13th January, 1911.—Mr W. H. Patterson, General Report on the 20th Operations of the Survey of India Department, 1893-4—1907-8. 15 vols. Mr J. M. Corrie, Newtown St. Boswells—Pot Quern from Dr Paton’s Cottage at Torthorwald. Lithograph of St. Michael’s Churchyard by John M‘Kinnel, Dumfries, circa 1840. Goiffering Iron and small collection of Coins. Mr John Jardine, Town Mason, Dumfries—Hammer Stone found on the Sands, Dumfries, when relaying causey. Two ancient Horse Shoes found on the Edinburgh Road, Dum- fries, at a depth of 16 feet, when laying drain. Dozen Pikes made to arm the inhabitants of Dumfries at the time of the Napoleonic Invasion Scare. Tongue of the Bellin the Midsteeple. Iron portions of the Gibbet from the Prison in Buccleuch Street, Dumfries. Four Cannon Balls which came from Russia with the cannon now at the Observatory Museum, and which previously stood at the head of the High Street, where Burns’ Statue now is. January, 1911—Mr M. H. M‘Kerrow—Communion Token, Kilbirnie Parish, 1826. 3rd March, 1911.—Mr J. M. Corrie, Newtown St. Boswells—Speci- mens of Roman Pottery from Newstead Roman Station. Mr M. H. M‘Kerrow—Valuation Roll, Ancient and Modern, for the County of Dumfries. Dumfries: W. Carson, 1827. Canoe found at the Kirk Loch, Lochmaben, in December, 1910, 12 feet from edge of loch (now, a new bank having been made, 23 feet) and 3 feet under the surface, when excavating the new Curling Rink. Canoe measures 322 31st 21st PRESENTATIONS. 8 feet 54 inches in length, 2 feet in breadth, and is rounded on the bottom both inside and outside. Appears to be of oak. Obtained through the interest of Provost Halliday, Lochmaben. ’ March, 1911.—Portion of Canoe and two Photographs of Canoe (by Mr J. P. Milligan) found at Kirk Loch, Lochmaben, 10th March, 1911. Measured in situ being about 12 yards from where former Canoe was found, but distant from the old bank about 14 yards and under the surface 5 feet, it was 12 feet 10 inches in length and 2 feet 2 inches broad. The height of side was estimated to be 24 inches, but when seen had been broken down to 8 inches. ‘The narrow end of the canoe was towards the water, and it lay in soft ground with hard ground about it on three sides, that towards the water being soft, as if there had been a natural inlet there. The canoe was of black oak, and flat-bottomed outside and inside. A small round hole at the broad end went right through the bottom, and had evidently been made intentionally. The canoe fell to nieces when lifted. EAB S. October, 1910.—Mr James M‘Cargo, Kirkpatrick-Durham.— Bronze Pin (82 inches in length, 1 inch in diameter across head) found in a peat moss near the head of Loch Doon, in Carsphairn parish, at an original depth of 43 feet. Whetstone or polisher of polished quartz (2%, inches by 3 inch) with rounded ends found at the farm adjoining Walton Park, Kirkpatrick-Durham. Triangular-shaped Stone Hammer (3 inches by 24 inches at base) having indentations on both sides. The cavities, which measure 14 inches across the surface and % inch in depth, appear to have been picked out. Found at Crofts, Kirk- patrick-Durham. Two Stone Whoris (a) of Claystone, plain, 1$ inch in diameter ;3; inch thick; (b) of Claystone, ornamented on both sides and outer circumference with small cup-shaped hollows and with incised line round spindle-hole on one side and also on outer circumference, 2 inch to 1 inch in diameter, about 2; inch in thickness. Both found in Kirkpatrick-Durham Churchyard. 18th EXHIBITS. Bee: Stem and Barbed Flint Arrow-head, 1§ inch by 14 inch across barbs. Found at Challoch, parish of Penninghame. Flint Flake or Scraper, 2} inches to % inch in breadth, convex in section, with semi-circular scraping edge. Found on Kilguhanity Farm, Kirkpatrick-Durham. Mr J. M. Corrie, Dumfries.—Flint Flakes showing traces of secondary working. Found near Moniaive, 1910. Flint Flakes and Chippings found at Todstone, Dalry, Galloway, May, 1910, two of which may have been used as scrapers. Stirrup of wrought iron, found at Todstone, Dalry, Galloway, 1910. B-shaped Strike-a-light. Found on the ‘‘wa-head’’ of an old house in Tynron parish. Whorls (a) of whinstone, 13 inch diameter, 3 inch thick, found at Peelton, Glencairn, 1892; (b) imperfect, of clay- stone, originally bead-shaped, 1 inch diameter by 2 inch thick, incised line round outer circumference. Found near Collin (c) of sandstone, 1% inch diameter by +4 inch thick, orna- mented on one side with incised lines. Found at Drumbreg, Collin, 1908. Stone Hammer, imperfect, of whinstone, 82 inches by 7 inches by 2? inches. Found in Holywood. When perfect would measure 11 by 7 by 34 inches. Smoothing Stone, 3} inches by 22 inches. Found at Roucan, Vorthorwald, 1910. Rapier, imperfect, with point re-made. Tang, 63 inches; blade, 17} inches. When perfect, the blade would measure from 27 to 30 inches. Found at Caerlaverock Castle, 1908. November, 1910.—Dr J. W. Martin.—A Spotted Crake, found 25/8/1910 on the Glasgow Road near Holywood. Killed, apparently, by flying against telegraph wires. James M‘Cargo, Kirkpatrick Durham.—A _ ‘‘ Wassock,”’ beautifully carved and with lettering ‘“G. C. 1770,” sup- possed to be of ‘considering ’’ wood. Used for inserting the end of the right-hand knitting needle, in a method of holding the needles which is falling into disuse. Sometimes made of a wisp of straw or feathers. A favourite lover’s gift. This one measures 8 inches long, 9-10 inch at broadest part, and has a slot by which it was hooked on to the apron string. Got in Kirkpatrick-Durham parish. Whorl of Sandstone (12 inch diameter by 4 inch broad), ornamented with dots and radial lines. Found at Nether- town of Croys, Kirkpatrick-Durham. Stone Ball, found on Barnecalzie, Kirkpatrick-Durham. Of Sandstone, 12 inch high. Tron Ball, found in Lochrutton parish, 12 inch high. 324 EXHIBITS. Axe of lead, found on Crofts, Kirkpatrick-Durham, among soil excavated by a deep drainer, 2 inches long; head, $ inch deep. Stone Axe. said to be found near Kirkcowan, Wigtown- | shire, 3} inches long by 14 inch broad at cutting end. Snuff Mull, 12 inch by { inch broad, supposedly old in design. Brass Ball with 36 numbered facets, got in Kirkpatrick- Durham Village. Mr James Davidson said he believed it was used in crystallography for purposes of definition. 2n1 December, 1910.—The Secretary.—Two Whorls, (a) circular, 20th fiat, being ornamented with encircling lines; (b) shaped like a half cone, both of claystone and found on Dargavel Farm. January, 1911—Mr M. H. M‘Kerrow.—Rapier found at Castledykes, length of blade, 2 feet 2} inches; remains of tang, 4 inches; blade grooved. Coin, unidentified, supposedly Dutch. Found in Ruthwell parish. 3lst March, 1911.—The Secretary.—Letters of Horning against 21st the Armstrongs, 1582, from Sheriff Court Book of the period in Burgh Charter Room. April, 1911.—The Secretary.—Bronze Matrix of the Seal of the Burgh of Dumfries, with an impression, unattached, but obviously belonging to a deed dated 20th June, 1579. Mr Peter Stobie.—Watches (a) in tortoise-shell case, dated 1775, made by Dalzell & Hunter, Dumfries; (b) bearing on the face the Royal arms and of the period of George II. Mr John Primrose.—Bronze Brooch of simple ring and pin design, found when excavating near the Greyfriars’ Con- vent of Dumfries. Rev. H. A. Whitelaw.—Tokens in illustration of his lecture. 325 mpoek ACT OP ACCOUNTS for Year ending 30th September, 191i. CHARGE. By Balance on hand : », 217 Subscriptions at 5s ” oe) at 2s 6d 5, Transactions sold ‘ », Interest on Deposit. Receipt dated 17th October, 1910 ... », Interest on Deposit Receipt for dated 17th October, 1910 ... », Interest on Bond for £170 at 32 from 28th November, 1910 es », Interest on Deposit Reosipt f for £2 11s 6d in Excavation Fund ... for £20, £150, DISCHARGE. To Rent, Taxes, and Insurance ... 5 Books bought, including Printing Transac- tions ... an : 5, Stationery and Advertising Miscellaneous As Balance on hand 39 oP) CAPITAL. By Invested on Bond and Disposition on Security, at 3? per cent. ... Be », Invested on ee Receipt for Excavation Fund 25 sn Note re ‘*Communion Tokens,” by Rey. H. A. Whitelaw. INCOME. Price of Copies sold as at this date EXPENDITURE. Paid Printer .. To Engraver for Blocks and Photographs, &e.. Note.— 7 Copies sold at 2s 6d; money to collect 12 Copies with Society at 5s Pcs” 5. £1819 “5 £54 5 0 Beth 6 5612 6 8 4 6 01 6 ol 9 215 1 007 ees 391 £82 5 6 £919 4 39 10 3 9 510 ion 4 ee =o AtS92) Orne £170 0 0 211 6 |) 6i72uiees £15 17 6 a a 810 0 Sie 5" £017 6 3 0 — £317 6 326 LIST OF MEMBERS OF THE SOCIETY. SBS NOUN. dO O= Anis Those who joined the Society at its reorganisation on 3rd November, 1876, are indicated by an asterisk. LIFE MEMBERS. Duke of Buccleuch and Queensberry, K.G., K.T. ...10th Jan., 1895. Bede brook Otel odd omnes os. secca-c. S-osec see eses esse sess 12th June, 1909. Earl of Mansfield, Scone Palace, Perth .................. 18th Nov., 1907. Hephs Coles Bidinbirehir.cn sucess’ se -eeceee deren econe assis 11th Novy., 1881. Wm. D. Robinson Douglas, F.L.S., Orchardton ...... 11th Nov., 1881. Dr C. E. Easterbrook, Crichton Royal Institution, 20th Mar., 1908. Thomas Fraser, Maxwell Knowe, Dalbeattie ......... 2nd March, 1888. H. Steuart Gladstone, F.Z.S., of Capenoch ............ 15th July, 1905. Alex. Young Herries, Spottes, Dalbeattie. J.J. Hope-Johnstone, Raehills, Lockerbie ............... 3rd May, 1884. Wm. J. Herries Maxwell, Munches ..................:.:20005: Ist Oct., 1886. Sir Mark J. M‘Taggart Stewart, Bart., Southwick...7th June, 1884. HONORARY MEMBERS. Arnott, S., F.R.H.S., Sunnymead, Maxwelltown ...... 5th Feb., 1893. Baker, J. G., F.R.S., F.L.S., V.M.H., 3 Cumberland EVO aC mo Wile ee cars hea tone inca ce caaioccssminor see reetge 2nd May, 1890. Brown, J. Harvie, F.L.S., Dunipace House, Larbert. Carruthers, Wm., F.R.S., 14 Vermont Road, Norwood, S.E. Chinnock, E. J., LL.D., 41 Brackley Road, Oliswacls, (Wey scadeceeecetececene snansnasnavecdnenamaaeteiar 5th Nov., 1880. Murray, James, Woodhouse, Edgware, London ...... 7th Aug., 1909. M‘Andrew, James, 69 Spotteswoode Street, Edinburgh. IMG onan pWiacteerea ates ase ne seesesicecnsarseaecrascss saps: 7th Aug., 1909. Sharp, Dr David, F.R.S., Lawnside, Brokenhurst, Cambridge. Shirley. Go Wire Wpmirtes tne. sessed cto acne eames. at 28th Oct., 1904. Milsons JossmlaiverpOOltn.2ss.n sep ccececcee cece creect res sts 29th June, 1888. *Service, Robert, M.B.O.U., Maxwelltown ..............-..-::::+20+ 1876. List oF MEMBERS. 327 CORRESPONDING MEMBERS. Anderson, Lr Joseph, LuL.D., H.R.S.A., Assistant Secretary Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, Keeper of the National Museum of Antiquities, Edinburgh. Borthwick, Dr A. W., B.Sc., Royal Botanic Gardens, Edinburgh. Bryce, Professor Thos. H., M.A., M.D., F.R.S.E., F.S.A.Scot., Regius Professor of Anatomy, Glasgow University, Member of the Royal Commission on Ancient and Historical Monuments, 2 The College, Glasgow. Curle, James, W.S., F.S.A.Scot., Priorwood, Melrose. Gregory, Professor J. W., D.Sc., F.R.S.,_F.R.8.E., F.G.S., : M.I.M.M., etc., Professor of Geology, Glasgow University. Holmes, Professor H. M., F.L.S., F.R.B.S., Edinburgh and London, F.R.H.S., ete., 17 Bloomsbury Square, London, W.C. Johnstone, R. B., Hon. Secretary and Editor, Andersonian Natural- ists’ Society, 17 Cambridge Drive, Glasgow. Keltie, J. Scott-, LL.D., F.S.A.Scot., Secretary, Royal Geographical Society, Hon. Member Royal Scottish Geographical Society, 1 Savile Row, Burlington Gardens, London, W. Lewis, F. J., F.L.S., Lecturer in Geographical Botany, The University, Liverpool. Macdonald, Dr George, M.A., LL.D., 17 Learmonth Gardens, Edin- burgh. Reid, Clement, F.R.S., F.L.S., F.G.S., 28 Jermyn Street, London, S.W. Rhys, Professor Sir John, M.A., D.Litt., Professor of Celtic, and Principal of Jesus College, Oxford, Fellow of the British Academy. Smith, Miss Annie Lorraine, B.Sc., F.L.8., Temporary Assistant, Botanical Department, British Museum, 20 Talgarth Road, West Kensington, London, W. Watt, Andrew, M.A., F.R.S.E., Secretary Scottish Meteorological Society, 122 George Street, Edinburgh. ORDINARY MEMBERS. PRHERMSOD), Ee, Wise. DUIMETTOS cee .ds.dsccsse.-tscencscesoes 21st Oct., 1911. Affleck, James, Castle-Douglas ................0ccc0ece00s 23rd March, 1907. Agnew, Sir A. N., Bart. of Lochnaw, Stranraer ...... 9th Jan., 1891. Aitken, Miss M. Carlyle, 2 Dunbar Terrace, | DifWIeaUETRIVE Sh gh poSedcoeoeooanbe Ron Gas BEREHC HERE eEECa CRE os ... lst June, 1883. A USeLVeV CALs VIGHWOll .cccceescscsssscsssesssseueyeseades 4th July, 1908. Armstrong, T. G., Timber Merchant, 24 Rae Street, JD UIRRIRETES pa ocetidactico FobL REC cG aR ROH BREE rE cee ae serene: 9th Sept., 1905. Armistead, W. H., Kippford, Dalbeattie. Arnott, 8., F.R.H.S., Sunnymead, Maxwelltown ...... 5th Feb., 18938. Atkinson, Mrs, The ladies’ Club, Castle Street, ID GLTEEIIGS) (po bgaspouboarur nec aoe Roo ROat erm mee nc mOn 28th Oct., 1904. 328 List OF MEMBERS. Banner, Miss Edith, Palmerston House .................. 5th Nov., 1909. Barbour, Miss, St. Christopher’s, Dumfries ......... 4th March, 1910. Barbour, James, F.S.A.Scot., St. Christopher’s, DUTIES Avenel eect eas ce ene sees en ease ooseee 3rd Dec., 1880. Barker, John, Redlands, Dumfries ..................... 23rd Sept., 1905. Bartholomew, J., Kinnelhead, Beattock ................ 21st Oct., 1910. Bedford, His Grace the Duke of, Woburn Abbey ...7th Feb., 1908. Bedford, Her Grace the Duchess of, Woburn Abbey ...7th Feb., 1908. Bell, T. Hope, Morrington, Dunscore ..................... 22nd Oct., 1897. Blacklock, J. E., Solicitor, Dumfries ....:2.:..............-- 8th May, 1896. Blacklock, W., Bookseller, Dumfries ..................... 2nd Dec., 1910. Borland, John, Auchencairn, Closeburn .................. 7th Sept., 1895. Bowie, J. M., The Hain, Dalbeattie Road, Maxwell- LEC 6 Mine SP ROP RN A Ree Aer eer ERs Ar meee fee 15th Dec., 1905. Boyd, Mrs, Monreith, Dalbeattie Road, Maxwelltown. Brodie, D., Ravenscraig, Rotchell Road, Dumfries, 23rd Dec., 1908. Browne, Sir James Crichton, 61 Carlisle Place, Mansions, Victoria Street, London, S.W. ...... 3rd Sept., 1892. Brown, Stephen, Borland, Lockerbie .................. 10th June, 1899. Brown, ty M., Closeburn, SU bhornhull-c...0..0..c.c00-0e 6th Aug., 1891. Bryson, Alex., Irish Street, Dumfries ..................... 6th Feb., 1891. Byers, J. R., solicitor, oekerbie .2:-2s.t-2h<-ce serves: 14th Sept., 1907. Cairns, Rev. J., Rotchell Park, Dumfries ............... 6th Feb., 1891. Carns Resse pelman DambriOs sects 2: yichesseces ons 20th Dec., 1907. Campbell, Rev. J. Montgomery, St. Michael’s Manse, UD) DRachg cate tee mec aete AAP aise aE sre ae” Sean ae bare 15th Dee., 1905. Campbell, Rev. J. Marjoribanks, Torthorwald ...... 21st Nov., 1908. Carmichael, William, Albert Road, Maxwelltown ....4th Nov., 1910. Carmont, James, Castledykes, Dumfries .................. 6th Feb., 1891. Carruthers, J. J., Park House, Southwick-on-Weir, Sumid eteligraidtiny.ceasemecne tree nce seat dase etek aclener eaereae Oct., 1908. Carruthers, Dr G. J. R., 44 Melville Street, Edinburgh, Oct., 1909. Clarke, Dr, Charlotte Street, Dumfries .................. 6th June, 1889. Charlton, John, Huntingdon, Dumfries ............... 15th Dec., 19065. Chalmers) sOr Crocketiond ee. csvenes- cee aes sean ose eee se 4th Nov., 1910. Chalmers yells eNom As ylle ea... seeesseee nose dee eeee cet e-reces 3rd Feb., 1911. Chapman, A., Dinwiddie Lodge, Lockerbie .................-....:0665 1907. Cleland, Miss, Albany Lodge, Dumfries ................ 19th Feb., 1909. Ghovriisy ) We uggs Ce ID yall aia (ceearas@anepanponcuosccseiases 18th Sept., 1896. Common, W. Bell, Gracefield, Dumfries ............... 14th Sept., 1908. Copland, Miss, The Old House, Newabbey ...........-.. 5th July, 1890. Cormack, J. F., Solicitor, Lockerbie ..................... 4th June, 1893. Corrie, Jos., Milfbank, Maxwelltown ..................... 4th July, 1908. Corrie, John, F.S.A.Scot., Burnbank, Moniaive ...... 6th Aug., 1887. Corrie, John M., Post Office, Newtown St. Boswells ...4th Oct., 1907. @Wonnets His Sta Many se lacewen-eeseer st ceanc ree oene eee 4th July, 1911. Cowan, Taken Glenview, Maxwelltown .................. 15th Dec., 1905. Crichton, Douglas, 3 New Square, Lincoln’s Inn, W.C.7th Feb., 1908. List OF MEMBERS. Crichton, Miss, 39 Rae Street. ........0ccccstessessesessees 20th Oct., *Davidson, James, Summerville, Maxwelltown ......... 3rd Nov., Davidson, J., Hillhead, Bankend Road, Dumfries...10th May, Dick, Rev. C. H.,*St. Mary’s Manse, Moffat ......... 4th Nov., Dickie, Wm., Merlewood, Maxwelltown .................. 6th Oct., Dickson, G. S., Moffat Academy, Moffat ............... 14th Sept., *Dinwiddie, W. A., Bridgebank, Buccleuch Street, Diver eG We ee gee aie inecocestuace a tasee mae ee metese ta netiaicel cass 3rd Nov., Dinwiddie, Rev. J. L., Ruthwell <..:...05...4.5:scceceseee 18th May, Dinwiddie, R., Overton, Moffat Road, Dumfries...9th March, Dods, J. W., St. Mary’s Place, Dumfries ............ 2nd March, Douglas, A. H. Johnstone-, Comlongon .................. 20th Oct., Drummond, Bernard, Plumber, Dumfries ............... 7th Dec., Drummond, J. G., Stewart Hall, Dumfries ............ 17th Nov., Drysdale, As Ds, HM. Prison -2.i..:ceu-bscavccdersetes 23rd April, Dunean, Jno. Bryce, of Newlands, Dumfries ............ 20th Dec., Duncan, Mrs, of Newlands, Dumfries .................. 20th Dec., Dunlop, Rev. S., Irongray Manse, Dumfries ......... 10th June, Edie, Rev. W., Greyfriars’ Manse, Dumfries ......... 15th Dec., Elliot, G. F. Scott, F.L.S., F.R.G.S., Meadowhead, TURIN GTRROT EL) Geer Seep tneenelgacae pote iceCe cE are Aenea ero ane 4th March, Elliot, Mrs Scott, Meadowhead, Liberton ............... 26th Oct., Ferguson, Sir J. E. Johnson-, Bart. of Springkell, ID GU IG HE\G OCT RR Bae dae cecoececcea none taper nce: bricocres cares 30th May, Ferguson, A. Johnson-, Knockhill, Eeclefechan ...... 9th Sept., Finlay, Miss, Bridgend, Dumfries ........................ 21st Oct., Horbess ev. ds Mi Kirkmahoe, .ccicajccetseccecssssceses 21st Nov., Foster, Wm., Nunholm, Dumfries ..........-.:..0..2.0.0 20th Oct., Ccanest kei, srOOke, Streeb) su, .ssgscecciiee acai ade sbaeas ees. 20th Oct., Gillespie, Wm., Solicitor, Castle-Douglas ............... 14th May, Gladstone, Mrs H. S., Capenoch, Thornhill ......... 13th July, Gladstone, J. B., Architect, Lockerbie .................. 15th Feb., Glover, John, W.S., 1 Hill Street, Edinburgh ...... 23rd Nov., ROTM Nc beter OOM ecerd hastens Riaaecee seca esoae 14th Sept., Gordon, J. G., Corsemalzie, Whauphill .................. 20th Jan., Gordon, Roger S., Corsemalzie, Whauphill ............ 3rd Sept., Gorden, Robert, Brockham Park, Betchworth, UUMter Chee neh ce chan a eeaac ereoemamclenctevisiabtateisasccae es est 10th May, Gordon, Miss, Kenmure Terrace, Dumfries .......... 14th Sept., Grahame, Mrs, Springburn Cottage, Kilbarchan, ESE Mn OMG ELIT OMe eiaaee era: aackiasee eater ec sicdias votietasetee' 28th July, Grierson, R. A., Town Clerk, Dumfries ............... 15th March, Haining, John M., Solicitor, Dumfries .................. 21st Nov., Halliday, T. A., Leafield Road, Dumfries ............ 26th Jan., Halliday, Mrs, Leafield Road, Dumfries ............... 26th Jan., Halliday, W. J., Esthwaite, Lochmaben ............... 6th April, Hannay, Miss, Langlands, Dumfries ..................... 6th April, Hannay, Miss J., Langlands, Dumfries .................. 6th April, 329 1909. 1876. 1895. 1910. 1882. 1907. 1876. 1908. 1883. 1883. 1909. 1888. 1905. 1909. 1907. 1907. 1905. 1905. 1887. 1906. 1896. 1905. 1910. 1908. 1908. 1909. 1892. 1907. 1907. 1906. 1907 LOW. LOTTE 1895. 1907. 1906. 1907. 1908. 1906. 1906. 1906. 1888. 1888. 330 List oF MEMBERS. Hastie, D. H., Victoria Terrace, Dumfries ............ 24th Feb., Henderson, Mrs, Logan, Cumnock ..................2.0005 18th Dec., Henderson, James, Solicitor, Dumfries .................. 9th Aug., Henderson, Thos., Solicitor, Lockerbie .............°....17th Oct., Henderson, Miss E. L., Barrbank, Sanquhar......... 12th June, Heriot, W. Maitland, Whitecroft, Ruthwell ......... 14th Sept., iol Bazil He wArchbanik iVothatiascecsceessesce cies eeack 22nd Jan., Houston, James, Marchfield, Dumfries .................. 9th Aug., Houston, Mrs, Brownrige,, Dumfries ...s.....--...-..0-- 12th June, Houston, James, Brownrigg, Dumfries ............... 12th June, Hunter, Dr Joseph, Castle Street, Dumfries ......... 24th June, Irving, Colonel, of Bonshaw, Annan ...................5. 18th Jan., Irving, John B., Shinnelwood, Thornhill ............... 16th Oct., Irving, John A., West Fell, Corbridge-on-Tyne ...... 7th Dee., Invine EC) Burntoot. Heclefechan’ .. 5. ..csn-.-eer-t-s seer ener Irvine, Wm. Ferguson, F.S.A.Scot., Birkenhead ...... 7th Feb., Jackson, Colonel, Holmlea, Annan ....................-.-- 9th Aug., Jardine, Major Wm., Craigdhu, Capetown............. 17th June, Jardine, Wm. Wauchope, Klipdam, Kimberley ...... 17th June, Penland, Avril: VALCtOTIAl OLTACCr creche umdeseksene coon es 8th April, Jenkens, Mrs, Victoria Terrace: ..05s..4..scnsen-cgencee tee 8th April, Johnstone, F. A., 16 Draycott Place, London, S.W. 11th April, Johnstone, John T., Millbank, Moffat .................. 4th April, Johnstone, T. F., Balvaig, Maxwelltown ............... 12th Sept., Johnstone, Mrs, Victoria Terrace, Dumfries ......... 17th Feb., Johnstone, W. S., Victoria Terrace, Dumfries ...... llth Feb., Johnstone, T. 8., Victoria Terrace, Dumfries ......... 19th Feb., Merrdiamess Drogicersilolms qa.etese-eseureaaes ca eeeeeene 24th July, Aes wicks claus Oe Waplen ses cacthes eargeewicneeetsccre ener 6th March, Kirkpatrick, Rev. R. 8., The Manse, Govan ......... 17th Feb., Kissock, James, Solicitor, Dumfries ..................... 19th Feb., Laidlaw, John, Plasterer, Lockerbie ..................... 18th Oct., Laurie, Col. C. E. R., Maxwelton House ............... 20th Jan., Little, Thos., Buccleuch Street, Dumfries ............... 4th Oct., Little, Rev. J. M., U.F. Manse, Maxwelltown ......... 26th May, *T.ennox, Jas., F.S.A.Scot., Edenbank, Maxwelltown, 3rd Nov., Loreburn, The Right Hon. Lord, 6 Eton Square, TOTO TNS Sie woics ca. o\- cols Uecistioctenme meet megunceuacttoenasee 9th Jan., Lowrie. Rev. W. J., Manse of Stoneykirk, Wigtown- SST SoC archers tat sera altral ara we eae ete ae id 2nd March, husk: Ech yD 2 Warch Villa, Amman) cesccesene. se eeateone 25th April, M‘Burnie, John, Castle Brae, Dumfries .................. 21st Nov., M‘Gall, Wm, of Caitloch, Moniaive: ..2.0.tc...0- 5-6-2... 20th Jan., M‘Cargo, James, Kirkpatrick-Durham ............... 24th April, M ‘Cormick, Andrew, Solicitor, Newton-Stewart ...... 3rd Nov., M‘Cormick, Rev. F., F.S8.A.Scot., Wellington, Salop, 4th Oct., M‘Cracken, Miss, Fernbank, Lovers’ Walk ............ 9th Nov., Macdonald, Je ©: Rij W-S.;, Dumiries ..cikccss-.0.2mcace 6th Nov., 1906. 1908. 1905. 1902. 1909. 1908. 1909. 1905. 1909. 1909. 1905. 1901. 1903. 1906. 1907. 1908. 1905. Lon 1911. 1910. 1910. 1911. 1890. 1908. 1896. 1898. 1909. 1909. 1908. 1896. 1909. 1901. LSM 1907. 1909. 1876. 1891. 1908. 1908. 1908. 191 1896. 1905. 1907. 1906. 1885. List OF MEMBERS. M‘Dowall, Rev. W., U.F. Manse, Kirkmahoe ...... 20th March, MeGowan. B., Solicitor, Dumfries. 2.22. ..5..-0:.0--0.0- 26th Oct., M‘Jerrow, David, Town Clerk, Lockerbie ............... 22nd Feb., Mackenzie, Colonel, of Auchenskeoch .................. 25th Aug., Mackenzie, Miss, Greystone, Dumfries ................ 12th June, M‘Kerrow, M. H., Solicitor, Dumfries .................. 19th Jan., M‘Kerrow, Matt. 8., Boreland of Southwick ......... 9th Jan., Mackie, Chas., Editor, ‘‘ Dumfries Courier and At oral he) eae ees eaten atekactean cee eect meat eek ands osint 7th Aug., M‘Kie, John, R.N., Anchorlea, Kirkcudbright ...... 4th April, MacKinnel, W. A., The Sheiling, Maxwelltown ...... 22nd Feb., MacKinnel, Mrs, The Sheiling, Maxwelltown ...... 22nd Feb., M‘Uachlan, Mrs, Dryfemount, Lockerbie ............ 26th March, Melachlan, Jias., M.D., Lockerbie ..........:......2..-+: 25th Oct., MacOwen, D., Rotchell Cottages ...............eceeceseeees 5th Nov., Malcolm, A., 37 George Street, Dumfries ............... 2nd Oct., Malcolm, W., Lockerbie Academy, Lockerbie ......... 14th Sept., Mann, R. G., Cairnsmore, Marchmount Park, Dum- HGH Sg acai savncsvadome e Se ue eso Ut ce aem En cae cece seen ee 24th Oct., Manson, D., Maryfield, Dumfries ......................5- 16th June, Manson, Mrs, Maryfield, Dumfries ....................+.55 16th June, Matthews, Wm., Dunelm, Maxwelltown ............... 28th July, Matthews, Mrs, Dunelm, Maxwelltown ................ 28th July, Martin, Dr J. W., Newbridge, Dumfries ............... 16th Oct., Marriot, C. W., 21 Burnbank Gardens, Glasgow ...27th June, Maxwell, Sir H., Bart. of Monreith, Wigtownshire...7th Oct., Maxwell, Sir Wm., of Cardoness ........5....22-0--000.0: 17th June, Marcelle lWady.caf Cardoness: .\s....tc-ccccssereraceedesss: 17th June, Maxwell, W. J., Terregles Banks, Dumfries ............ 6th Oct., Maxwell, Wellwood, of Kirkennan, Dalbeattie .......5th Nov., Maxwell, John, Tarquha, Maxwelltown ............... 20th Jan., Maxwell, Miss, Tarquah, Maxwelltown ..................5th Feb., Mirehiter Kh aW.. LOAN amye PlAGe!eaececs. ceccecesests gcse 21st Oct., Milne, KR: W., Hillside; Lockerbie «..2.....:0:.:0:.00+ 14th Sept., Milligan, J. P., Aldouran, Maxwelltown ............... 17th Oct., Milligan, Mrs, Aldouran, Maxwelltown .................. 17th Oct., Millar, R. Pairman, S8.8.C., 50 Queen Street, Edin- 1OUGILN EH 0 cateneb atc hese eia nese cr ont cnn eneS eC Oe ene aeae 14th Sept., Miller, F., Cumberland House, Annan .................. 3rd Sept., Mond, Miss, Aberdour House, Dumfries ............... 9th Sept., Murdoch, F. J., Cluden Bank, Holywood ............... 21st Dec., Murphie, Miss Annie, Cresswell House, Dumfries...28rd Nov., Murray, G. Rigby, Parton House, Parton .............. 4th Dec., Murray, Wm., Murraythwaite, Ecclefechan ............ 8th Feb., Murray, Mrs, Murraythwaite, Ecclefechan ............ 29th July, Neilson, George, LL.D., Wellfield, Partickhill Road, (Glasoo wapenemeenes ets csas eas cede cee case ae pacls ass chiens 13th Dec., Neilson, J., of Mollance, Castle-Douglas ............. 13th March, 331 1900. 1906. 1895. T909. 1900. 1890. 1909. 1881. 1906. 1906. 1906, 1895. 1909. 1894. 1907. 1900. 1906. 1906. 1906. 1906. 1896. 1907. 1892. 1911. 1911. 1879. 1886. - 1y05. 1909. 1910. 1908. 1905. 1905. 1908. 1886. 1905. 1906. 1906. 1908. 1895. 1905. 1895. 1896. 332 List OF MEMBERS. Nicholson, J. H., Airlie, Maxwelltown ................... 9th Aug., Ovens, Walter, of Torr, Auchencairn ............. ’.....18th March, IP errbe sac v alae Dye Kos tie janeaueemenoncauseeanee uanebaedor eden corte: 24th Feb., Palmer, Charles, Woodbank Hotel, Dumfries ......... 29th July, Paton, Rev. Henry, 184 Mayfield Road, Edinburgh, 21st Nov., Payne, J. W., 8 Bank Street, Annan ..................... 8th Sept., Paterson, Di solicitor, Chornhallli.:..cesccesssesce een oer 4th July, Paterson, John, Bridge End, Wamphray, Beattock, 4th Dec., Patterson, W. H., 25 Catherine Street, Dumfries, 18th March, Pattie, R., Buccleuch Street, Dumfries .................. 23rd Oct., Penman, A. C., Mile Ash, Dumfries ..................... 18th June, Penman, Mrs, Mile Ash, Dumfries ........................ 17th Oct., Phyn, C. 8., Procurator-Fiscal, Dumfries ............... 6th Nov., Pickering, R. Y., of Conheath, Dumfries ............... 26th Oct., Primrose, John, Solicitor, Dumfries ..................... 5th Dec., Proudfoot, John, Ivy House, Moffat ..................... 9th Jan., Ralston. ©. 1Wie-wDabton, «Enopmhwlll cc... cc \6\e 179 Ballantyne, Rev. Thos., Sanquhar, 109 Ballochalee, Stoneykirk, ........ 281 MEUM AC IOU AT Toes’ ceciee deen edciacis 278 = SCG Rt) ere ere 181, 182 Balmaghie Church, ............ 277-8 Balshangan, Stoneykirk, ........ 283 Barend, Vown Of, ......s00c.-0- 222 Bannaheid, Glenkens, ............ 178 Baptie, George, bailie, Dumfries, 209 Pais SS POMCVRITK 30 cjcielassiesisieie cia ais 282 Barbae, Stoneykirk, ............ 282 Barbeth, Littill, Lands of, New- SANTEE, ad@ctasopbdonroskococd 276 Baroni, My Jamies, 2.40. see 310 TOANGHIDIRG Weteoaapeeoraemdcecod 299, 300 mar@arroch | HOuUSe, adc. , <1) <2 ec eschepeee 276 — (Broun), Jonet, Newabbey (Kirkinnar), scaccessnccee ees 276 — Dr John, Minister of Brough- ton Place Chapel, Edin- DUT GH cncotiemeivisan cae 127, 134 — ‘Rev. John, Wamphray, ...... 114 — (Broun), John, Elder, Dum- PPIOS; < sitisre saad cts eee 118 — (Broun), John, of Land, .... 275 — (Broun), Mariot, Newabbey (Kirkinnar)) saunas cnceetee 276 — (Broun), Richard, ............ 275 — Rev. Richard, Lochmaben, .. 100 — (Broun), Thomas, of Glen, .. 274 — (Broun), Thomas, Newabbey, 274, 276 Browne, Sir James Crichton-, ..-. 17 Bruce; HG wWard,, vo\vnciecieelnieaye arsine 179 — Robert the, ....0s O\\UHINET ORs. opcoueerdeccecrec. 36 — Sir William, of Drumlanrig,.. 183 Douglas Seer (Arabis), .......-.--- 196 Doune, Castle of, ......-...-- 229, 236 Dowie, Rev. D. B., Dryfesdale, .... 81 NDEX. 339 Dronganes, Lands of, Lochkinde- NOCH sactee ose icles mee siege 275 Drumalig, Stoneykirk, ............ 283 Drumantrae, Stoneykirk, ........ 285 Drumbawn, Stoneykirk, .......... 281 Drumbuie, Stoneykirk, .......... 282 Drumcarrow, Stoneykirk, ........ 282 Drumcolteran, Laird of, .......... 119 Drumdailly, Stoneykirk, .......... 282 Drumfad, Stoneykirk, ............ 282 Drumillan, Stoneykirk, ............ 281 Drumlanrig Gardens, ............. 256 Drury, Sir William, Marshall, of Berwick, IPRERESEADNGS fa) siaccinia.u> xinilnin/sieintaleamiaaens Drysdales of Dollar and_ their Dumfriesshire Origin, ........ 36 Duearroch, Stoneykirk, .......... 284 Dudgeon, Miss, Lincluden House, 320 Dumbreddan, Stoneykirk, ........ 279 IUD IRTHT RITES acess s/o ala)ayels.siarels ite nts erelovaren 193 — Academy Street, .............. 2338 “ Bakraw ”’ (Queensberry SORECG) S| oo Ms wastereniss ayne/setopeOUe — Band of Allegiance, 1567, .... 245 — Band of Allegiance, 1570, 229-32, 236 = Tip OEE aquadoroceronoduoct. or 201 — Brewery Street, ........cc000. 23 — Bridge, Old, .... 18, 19, 23, 35, 236 =— Bridge Custom, ........csceeees 19 — Bridge Street, .......cecssecneee 21 — Brigmaister, ..........+sesee0 236 — Buccleuch Street, .......... 21, 24 = {Burgh Court, ......0.-sesnn 225 — Burgh Records, ...... 19, (2eeot — Burgess-ship, .......++++++see0- 236 — Burning Troms, ..............05 201 Sma NESTLTRIC Cee Ig \rei-iavcinict='nl sare in ehalonstats 20 — Burned partly, 1570, 34, 235, 237-9 —_\Castle (Maxwell’s), 20, 25, 31, 34, 220, 233, 234, 238 — Castle Street, ..........-.-- 21, 24 — Castledykes, ..........--2.++-- 219 — Chapel, Castledykes, .......... 30 — Chapel of St. Mary the Virgin, 19 — Chapel of the Willies, ...... 24, 30 — Chapel, Sir Christopher Seton’s, 50 — Charlotte Street, .............. 21 — (Cloth manufacture, .......... 240 ==) SOOWES LOUBES) c:ciaislese/ereleseiptelain 211 — English Raids on, in 1570, .. 217-45 — Fish Cross, ......--.--.56 203, 204 ==. Mleshi Market; < scdsies cew seelsicte 204 — Friars’ Steps, .......+++-+++ 29, 31 — Friars’ Vennel, ...... 91-3, 35, 239 So UP GITHAUICHY ics lctaitte sieln « sielsleretatela 25 — Galloway Gate (Irish Street), .. 25 — George Street, .....-.---++sseeee 21 340 Dumfries, Gordon Street, ........ 21 Samad Ch ds] tain 74) er ee 201, 202 ==) SOLE EER (de ean ercoirin avai etenies 201 — Greensands, ............ 21, 24, 25 — Greyfriars’ Church, ........ 25, GL — Greyfriars’ Convent and its BNVITONS;, aie:cctiesc eben acals 18-35 Greyfriars’ Convent, .... 205, 239 Aisle of St. John the WGaWhishs sense cieisislem emails 28, 31 PANT Baines SHON Yoo wisn sles siow ciara 35 Altar of Blessed Mary, .. 27, 30 Altar of St. John the Baptist, 30 Altar of Saint Salvator, 26, 30 Bella desvc cpio ceweie deine 20, 30, 33 ACNOIU aislaicewieeane einen 21; 29, 32 Gilet a ARR Goonae meted 30-1, 33 ClOISb enh iclenit amapersicigeve smnistes 53 DOLMIbOLys, ss ccnces.s se c8 2953 IOUS CG es cw wic.ate = au Sate iiaters 20 Lands granted to town, .... 33 Lands in Troqueer, ........ 25 Ihande, Bemt ot, “ui cies aclee 227 Plan pic m se wtince ers’ dije mae 27-31 BO a: (ccimcenistvelyisalanielsare cre 32 Warden hanged, ............ 20 Incorporated Trades. Ham- LEDS) 01 (=) | Pe PAY py eee COE IE 96 Irish Gate (Irish Street), ...... 23 Trish Streets ac jeteeiecicreiocinen nines 23 KM AISteT ss ststoieissisiarsineisie aipiee 236 KONA SESSION | rs ofoloteieiase ids ecersjnisiate 96 Kirk-Session Records, .. 82, 117-21 Little: Ventiel,, 0..cicss%s sccm qe« 121 Lochmabengate (English Steet) icsere ccrces pos ninarceeere 204 Loreburn Street, ..csecscccnss 238 Market Cross, .... 201-14, 227, 501 Sundial, os.02 seme scnends 208, 2C9 Markets) V5viiecisc.ejess 203-4, 211 Wien) Markets Msscascesecn va 204 MBOSUTER Ey fat cases toekane 202 (Midsteeple, .... 201, 204, 210, 211 {Midsteeple, Tongue of old Bell, 321 Buildings, ... ** Saut-box,” VET tavaiase- ere ees mista visor hi cla (aiejete RUNES et) (Renee ee eee eee Milnburn “Bridge; ics vce. cviasie' 121 MOSE oc eatadcciecewmen/nwe 23, 238 Moray, RERLENL lls wsieivie wise ete 220 New Church, ........:. 24, 25, 31 News Wark,: cones aisnicin 203, 204, 239 Newton (Friars’ Vennel), 22-3, 239 ING WYATOS) scr nacte caemure emia se 25 Observatory Museum, ........ pa 15 Oldest portion, ................ 22 Qur Lady place and yards, .. 24 Passage of the Staikford, .... 24 PTESDY PET Hate ce kis ale ciate eistarmavelainys -. 96 Dumfries, Police Office, ........ 211 =~ Polwadumiy sai 5- sone ne ceeeee 24 — “Post' Offices j.:c- ecules cate 194 — Prison, Buccleuch Street, Gibbet, tii: «:.1s0as sectese ete 321 — Queensberry Square, .......... 203 — Reformed Presbyterian Church, Historical Sketch, .......... 3T — St. David Street, .............. 29 — St. Michael’s Church, ...... 18, 236 —_— Altar of Saint Nicholas, .... 219 — Challices; ... .stecctnane Semen 117 Bells; «2. acdsee nsecmnne eleeene 235 — Communion Cups, .......... 120 — Communion Services, .... 117-21 —_ Hucharist;, |... \ices-me 2aceeoee 117 — M‘Brair’s Aisle, ..... alate yee 120 —_— Quiet, Cos osc eae ee 117 — St. Ninian’s Chapel, ........ 242 — St. Michael’s Churchyard. Lithograph; sevccssc-+cel beg aL — &8t. Michael’s Street, .......... 204 — Sandbed Mill, .............. 23, 24 == oBCHOOL, in23 p05 Se cease nea meee 239 — Seal of Burgh, 1579, ......... 324 — Sheriff Court Book, 1567, .... 116 — Sheriff Court Book, 1582, .... 298 == 'Staikford;, fe viosioivieieamisinis/aie)sisiale 302-5 Eithne, Mother of St. Columba, 304, 305 Eldrick, Stoneykirk, ......... nooo C450) Electricity and Plant Culture, .. 320 PST MLA Ys ts e's a:e\sis's stel= ales s/alel, 27, 29 Elizabeth, Queen, .. 217, 218, 220, 221, 226, 227, 233, 244-5 Ellantree (Elder), ......-.++esee0 196 Elliot, Colonel, Further Essays on Border Ballads ........+-+++- 294-5 Elliot, Professor G. F. Scott-, 16, 17, 310: — Sir Gilbert, Laird of Stobs, .. 296. Elton, Edward, Holywood, .... 93, 94 Ernfas, Lands of, Lochkindeloch, 272 Eskdalemuir Observatory, ........ 256- Ewat, uucheon, Dumfries, ......-. 231 Fairbairn, Deacon, ...... 119, 120, 121 Fairy Cap (Digitalis), ............ 199 Maids; ArehiDald,, vei. vielia celeb asele 319 ‘Fauna, Flora, and Geology of the BOlway WATCH. sic aactare selena 17 Fell, The, Stoneykirk, ............ 279 Fencing System, ..........seee0 144-5 Ferdingrusche, Lands of, Holy- POSES SPayecayelels sicymawie sya miareseraenenn 275 Ferguson (Fergussone), Amer, PV UEIND ROS 5 ire fuhs.ate;cl os dleo:siasaya si 33, 242 — John, “ Laird,’ Dumfries, .. 245-4 — Robert, of Craigdarroch, .... 191 Ferniehirst, Castle of, ...... Ty. Pek Fingers of the Virgin (Digitalis), 199 Finloch, Stoneykirk, ..........+++. 282 Fish: Grilse, .....-..sseeeneeenceee 279 Fitzgilbert, Walter, ..........--++ 180 Fleming, Jhonne, Dumfries, .....- 231 Flint Implements. See Stone, Flint. Float, The Stoneykirk, .........-+ 279: Flodden, Battle of, ......--..++++ 183 Flood, Cluden, 1910, .....-.. 264, 267 Se INT GI O10; essclen ales eieiors)niasielainiaeys 267 Forestry: Arboriculture as a FIODDY5. clesie’e « siete nlenisinieinia 284-91 — See also Trees. Korget-me-not (Myosotis), ......-+- 196 Forster, Sir John, .....++-++++eee 233 Forthr, Pater, Dumfries, ...---.- 223) Foxglove (Digitalis), ....---++-++++ 199 Franciscans. See Greyfriars. Fraser, Miss Janet, Penpont, .... 113 French, Laird Of, ...-++-+++eeseeeee 185. Freugh, Stoneykirk, ......++-+++++ 284 Frog’s Mouth (Mimulus), ...--..- 200 Frud, Cuthbert, Dumfries, .....- 231 Fulton, Robert, ....---+--+++++++ 136 Fungi: Notes on Buller’s Experi- ments on the Ejection of the Spores of Hymenomycetes, .. 176 Furze (Whin), ...----+-++ EAU . 200 Fyfe, Rev. Andrew, Dumfries, .... 85 Gairden, Elizabeth, wife of Rev. Dr Laing of Glasserton, ..,. 158 Galloway, Sir James Stewart, 2nd pot yalten wecagane senda: 191, 317 Galloway Highlands, The, ...... 278-9 — Rose (Rosa spinossissima), .... 198 Gallowaystank (Gallonstank), New- BADeY sie sleet weve base ten Garochlayne, Stoneykirk, ........ 282 Garry, Stoneykirk, ......+.+.+++- 282 342 INDEX. Garthland, Stoneykirk, ............ 282 <= Thaird sor, hpstes svaeiehaocicc ens 185 Gatehouse, ... cece ceca 194, 314, 315 Geddes, Rev. James, Waterbeck, 115 Gennoch, Stoneykirk, ............ 284 Geology: Abington, ..2ss..s afetcsic's.c'cte, cl cheb ayalaveisrore 197 Hering, Jhonne, Dumfries, ...... 231 Hermon, Stoneykirk, ............ 282 Herp, Thomas, Dumfries, ........ 227 — William, Minstrel, Dumfries, 244 Herries (Heres), Archibald, ...... 219 Herries, Sir John Maxwell, of Ter- regles, 4th Lord (Master of Maxwell), 202, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 232, 234, 235, 244, 245 — (Hereis), Roger, Dumfries, .... 33 Herver, William, Dumfries, ...... 231 Heugh, Stoneykirk, .............. 283 High Auchinlarie Farm, .......... 318 Hislop (Heslop), Andrew, Dumfries, 240-1 HYGOOGI, Sehcesicns ccsiscaccweancceuees Coe — (Hodoun) Castle, ........ 234, 235 bers MUI CAN 5, aie <:sia!pin\aiaieinle’a.clels Tivieye 222 Hoghill, Stoneykirk, .............. 284 Holerduscan, Glenkens, .......... 178 Holywood, Kirk-Session Records, 48, 57 Holyrudhous, John, Lord, ........ 277 Holyrudehous, Monastery, .. 277, 278 Honesty (Lunaria), ............... 200 Honeyman (Hwniman), Jhone, seidman, St. Andrews, ...... 45 Horse Shoes, Dumfries, .......... 321 Horses, Employment of, in Eng- ite ih Ob qascapemoaecdsor 148-9 Horseparkhill, Stoneykirk, ........ 284 HORMONE) Sos SShepaseandooonocdecn 40 Houstine, David, Dumfries, ...... 119 Howie, Rev. John, ‘Morton, ...... 103 Huik, Robert, Dumfries, .......... 231 Hume, Charles, Warden, Grey- friars’ Convent, Dumfries, .. 33 Hunsdon, Lord, ........ 217, 221, 233 Hunter, Rey. Archibald, Kirk- patrick-Fleming, ............ 98 Hutchesone, Rev. Alex., Troqueer, 120 Hutton, James, ‘‘ Theory of the Barbie ioe Saw cr etemleicistetscke ve 248 Hymenoptera: Wasps, ...... 266, 267 344 INDEX Hynd, Mungall, Dumfries, ........ 20 AncheParishs a.case canes cn tahaece 234 Inglis, Rev. Wm., Dumfries, .... 83-84 Inshehannoch, Stoneykirk, ........ 285 Iron Ball, Lochrutton, ............ 323 Iron Slunk, Stoneykirk, .......... 282 Irongray, Communion Stones, .... 58 Iron Works, Old Monkland, ...... 133 —— OMOA, dass a cmich wos «lester cane 130 —— Seoblanidee 1840). iccceccrcicececs 133 ST MMO HUSeR ccasstaiareicts's ofaik arose Siaressto/avereis 130 Irving, John, Elder, Dumfries, .. 118 — Johne, Dumfries, ........ 207, 225 bay WOM Sy Mate m sistalnit a1a'ererets/e'e\ si ein Syele 319 — William, Dumfries, ............ 225 — William, in Hoddom, ........ 240-1 Island Buie, Stoneykirk, .......... 282 MS EAOO pS RANT US 0 areata ctalecave eiuicrcieie eters 302-5 Jacob’s Ladder (Polemonium), .. 200 BPEL IANA De hacgs a isi atavcista’e wlatelaleis'nse.nialacaters 182 AP ANN GS HALA /o ny paretscclelatsi ciate st envoreterniave 22, 23 WAIDCS MLV ue, iavclaleiiciare Meleebisols csitipaterke 22 WRIICH, Wiles s taints ctvicicteald acs 226, 229, 230 Jameson, Rev. Andrew, St. Mungo, 108 Jameson, Professor Robert, Edin- DULG ciccinc ce civ cence ves 154, 248 Jamie Telfer in the Fair Dodhead .. 298 Jamieson, Rev. J. Bryce, Dum- DUTP Wesanietvies apitariee aise 154. 248 Jardine, Rev. John, Langholm, .. 100 — Sir Robert Buchanan, of Castle- ATLL Ns aletatarare ate afvreGelereate wasaane 320 — Rev. Robert, Glencairn, ...... 90 — Sir William, .......... 13, 14, 214 ULE OUANEL Ay cc taicys efaetemiwercye:stee aie tesiata 194 Jeffrey, Francis, Lord, editor, Edinburgh Review, 129, 165, 166, 167, 174 Jenny’s Cairn, Stoneykirk, ........ 284 Jock of Milk and Jean of Bonshaw 295 DORNMY Cock aces staat aac: Mite ml 294 Johnstone, —., of Greenstonehill, .. 36 — Sir John, of Annandale, 202, 218, 220, 222, 223, 224 — John, of Newbye, ...... 229, 232 — Rev. John, Durisdeer, ........ 89 — (Johnston), Rev. John, Eccle- FOCHAN fre casted ceraetneie ds .dieis 89 — (Johnston), Robert, Dumfries, 119 — (Johnston), Dean, Dumfries, 119, 120 — (Jonson), Symon, Dumfries, .. 225 — (Jonstoun), Thomas, Dumfries, 207 — (Jhounestoune), Thomas, Dum- HTIGS omens vaesterdnaiciein emanates 231 Kaa, Pait, Dumifries,...........00- 231 Keir, Rev. Thomas, Dumfries, ..... 87 Kells (Kelles), Barony of, .......- 179 = s ME AResanear aleiaiels stad wiaieialele ate 246 Nees OCs os aa caatanaartevienn sina ee Ys REN HVAC, Mo Pekens, TWse) Of; sc cavtnccies 39-41 Rorrison, Gilbert, .........0...... 182 Ross, Rev. Duncan, Dumfries, .... 86 Rowat, Rev. Thomas, Penpont, .. 105 Royal Sovereiyn (steamer).......... 135 Rule (Rowall), Jhonne, Dumfries, 231 Rusko Castle (Glenskreburn), 183, 313-4 Rutherford, Samuel, .......-...+.. 188 Ruthwell, Town of, «........-..06 222 Sacrament, Selling the, .......... 43-4 — Stealing the, ......0..s.s.. tae 48 == “Wine, o\ sss acca bexnetedes 118 Sacraments, Dumfries, 1655-1735, 117-121 Saidler, Sir John, Chaplain and Vicar of Dumfries, .......... 27 — William, Grey Friar, Dumfries, 27 St. Andrews Priory, James Com- Mendatorrof, 295 — Service Tree, ..... ailetnacniee\teie 287 — Sloe (Prunus communis), ..... 265 FER EMU CE 3” a era'ets vis/els cle vicina wele 285, 287 — Spruce, Norway, ............ 286 — Tulip Tree, ...... SAG OS RO SEROn 287 — Wellingtonia gigantea, ...... 286 — Willow, SMES 1 vi cvalciateia'sicialeveiaeibies aicleselsisie Troqueer, Kirkcudbrightshire, .... 133 — Mill Green, Trunzeartoune, Land of, .......... 182 Trustrie, Thomas, Dumfries, .... 225 Tundergarth Kirk-Session Records, 112 FEMNNET SIT CAME; siciccit ac csisclvescce 191 — (Turnour), Master William, .. 272 Twomark Farm, Stoneykirk, ...... 280 PRY RC CAUG Sc cia,eresieie\aleicie. nels ciel n'e/a's 292 DIET Gon deenos OO OC OS DDE OSSor pat 316 MPAA AV ANIE SITS “is \etsls:sisnseicle sie ee cfaieie 179 Mion) Articles) Of; .0-.cessscnces 201 Valence, Eymar de, .............. 179 Valerian (Polmonium), ............ 200 Vanefurde, Lands of, Lochkinde- NOGII ea ovatus aisles misters monet oare etoile 273 Vaux of Barnbarroch, ............ 185 Vetch, Rev. William, Dumfries, 79, 120 Voyage, Glasgow to | Liverpool, BAO Re rawiciercisisie-alet iene cleuiare 134-7 ze CHUNZC) ss sieeaiea caste aevereta siete 200 MRPEMISC MUM oy (olatas ts viivie Gaisloitrs evele eiavele 279 Walkear, Adam, Dumfries, ...... 225 Walker, Rev. John, Moffat, ...... 102 Wallace, Adam, Dumfries, ........ 207 — Sir David, Vicar of Torthor- Wallaby. “sbtAsorpansecoudcedtad 207 — James, Dumfries, ........ 228, 230 — Johne, Dumfries, ............ 207 Se NV LINAM, Seoiaacaes dae wene’ 178 Walls, —, Dumfries, .............. 121 Wamphray Kirk-Session Records, 114 Wassock, Kirkpatrick-Durham, .. 323 Watch, 1775, Dalzell & Hunter, STATION | we ercicis's ais alanine oe c's. % 324 Watson, Rev. Willirm, Langho!m, 99 Watt, Rev. Hugh, Waterbeck, .... 115 WWiSUUL i lARIICS nieve eteiely/ieiels' els.s/e’s » visis 136 353 Wedgewood, Josiah, ........... alte, LAL, Wells, Jon, Dumfries, ...... ueeeare 225 Welsh (Velsche), Archibald, smith, Dumfries, ............ -. 203, 225 — (Welsche), James, Dumfries, ,. 231 — Rey. John, Irongray, ...... »» 66-7 — Robert, Dumfries, .,......... . 238 — (Welche), Thomas, Dumfries, 26 Wesley, John, ..... erate a\aiaiate aetoe aig pT ee Westmorland, Charles Neville, Gt Harliofee wm access scleesienrcll Westmorland, <....sc0s,eccocsecse 145 Wharton, Lord, ......... saineleee, OF WIRIGHOEN), Secs cceaceces donsae seen tie) =. Schools osdae csiccccsecw ace acceded 158 Whithorn, Isle of, .......... 162, 172 Whitelaw, Rev. H. A., Dumfries, 84 Whorls. See Stone Whorls. Wight, Rev. Robert, Torthorwald, 82, 111 — Dr William, Professor of Divinity, Glasgow !"niversity, 82 Wightman, Rev. Dr John, Kirk- MAhOE;: doclescasteicaniaateaide see 97 Wigtown, Priory of the Rlack Wiansy Wie stes vues oa aectee orn 143 Wild Liquorice (The Rest Harrow), 198 Wild Plantain (Plantago media), 197 William DDE. csiteses cea esneeoe O10, S19 Williamsone, John, Elder, Dum- RPLOS sos ayeravore ste erate aictelsineaesceielerte 118 — Rev. W. T., Johnstone, ..... . 95 Wilson, —, Ironmonger, Dunit.ies, 211 — Rev. J. Y., Dumfries, ....... . 86 — Rev. James, Tynron, ........ 113 — (Wilsoun), John, Newabbey (Rirkinnar)> sastescvcececries 276 — John, Professor of Moral Philo- sophy, Edinburgh, .......... 166 -- Rev. Robert, Tynron, ........ 113 Witchcraft, Kirkconnel, .......... 96 Witches’ Bells (Campanula tati- LOA), Y cccivaiehies sideinelsreataeeers 197 Wodehows, Lands of, Lochkinde- HOCH eisicicis ere Sinfeletolsisieteeeert poor ts) Wood, Rev. J. R., Sanquhar, .... 109 Woodruffe (Woodroofe), .......... 199 WiTeCKIN G4 ircicisscreraiciclalo’o che'sje neilerarere « 200 Wyseheart, Rev. Wm. Wamphray, 114 Yorstoun, Rev. Andrew, Closeburn, 112 — Rev. James, Hoddam, ........ 112 — Rev. John, Torthorwald, .... 112 — Rev. Peter, Kells, ............ 112 Young, Rev. Andrew, Lochmaben, 101 — James, Dumfries, ........... Red ys) Publications of the Society. _ ae | -Teananctions and Journal of Proceedings :—(a) 1862-3, 55; (b) — 1863-4, out of print; (c) 1864-5, out of print; (a) 1865-6, out of print ; (€) 1866-7, out of print; (f) 1867-8, out of print; — a New Series (1) 1876-8, out of print ; (2) 1878-80, out of pr: int ; (8) 1880-3, out of print ; (4) 1888-6, 5s; (5) 1886-7, 2s 6a; (6) 1887- 1890, 6s; (7) 1890-1, 2s 6d; (8) 1891-2, owt of print ; (9). 1892-3, 55; (10) 1893-4, out of print ; (11) 1894-5, out — of print; (12) 1895-6, 5s; (13) 1896-7, 2s 6d; (14) 1897-8, Os Gd; (15) 1898-9, 2s 62; (16) 1899-1900, 2s 6a ; (17, pts. 1 and 2) 1900-2, 3s; (17, pt. 3) 1902-8, 1s 6d, (17, pt. 4) 1903-4, 1s 6d, (17, pt. 5) 1904-5, 1s 62; (18) 1905-6, 4s ; — (19) 1906-7, 5s; (20) 1907-8, 5s; (21) 1908-9, 5s; (22) 1909-10, ds ; (23) 1910-11, 7s 6d. ch List of the Flowering Plants of Dumfriesshire and Kirkcud- ; brightshire, by James M‘Andrew, 1882, out of print. i Birrens and its Antiquities, with an Account of Recent Excaya- rae ae : tions and their Results, by Dr James Macdonald and Mr * - James Barbour, 1897, 2s 6d. Wey ee 5 Communion Tokens, with a Catalogue of those of Dumfriesshire, s ae by the Rey. H. A. Whitelaw, 1911, 5s. % “Addenda and Corrigenda to “The Birds of ‘Dumfriesshire? s =e fs oe, S. Gladstone, Hsq., 1911, 3s 6d. Seer of the Dumfries Post Office, by J. M. Corrie, he the se : Press. ie M. ‘iL MKerow, 48 Buccleuch Street, Dumfries, will answer NS | enquiries regarding the above, and may be vable to supply " x _ numbers out of print. ve Same ance ot a a a