ae pe ANH hoot ae es ore Meee Ss oe anoun © Ae ew ae oP te ae Ae AS OY Dose He ny -a8 A ae ty i "Oy oy Mane HO ws peer oD ae ee hed ew ee Mem ead ag Oe eae oye eee oOo 2a de atl trend eee or avs cette as a - ooh 6 eet al Seo Sot AM ORL Anh eee OS Kees Y nas . eS Arete ibe bo RE foe : oD Ne ey ce aN wey sd iy te A Ce ae Oe we oe a & ewe ee © homes aa bes he ra © oe AVS EX VOSS Se ed ee eM A SiN ee ae melts Et tat tate eae ar Saale re Pk Soil she aon cea nieS sherte Via Abs F eenator, 3 ian OA thet eae aa. eh A Sarees ee : ; Sete bab ater oor ae See ote bes 2 « fate Mabel SH pase Se ee 2 GN ASAT BEQah, eA oy 2h OT TE ae Dake meaner ob t 2 ie » yet ee de Se ae an Seer Bee ee nme nS ath ii oe a nie — 7 ~ } tall Rt ba! ae mn é ; Z : 7 " . \ . = \ ¢ i 5 ‘Dy the Gone of the Society, 3 AOU) a yaasvanoma ) woorzAlo 202 A MAMMA A & Th #4 ee Re - | Fae HUGH 8S. GLADSTONE M.A., F.R.S.E., F.S.A.SCOT. PRESIDENT OF THE DUMFRIESSHIRE & GALLOWAY NATURAL HISTORY & ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY. FROM THE PAINTING ‘BY W. R. SYMONDS, ENGRAVED BY T. & R. ANNAN & SONS, GLASGOW DUMFRIESSHIRE AND GALLOWAY NATURAL HISTORY & ANTIQUARIAN | SOCIETY. FOUNDED 20th NOVEMBER, 1862. os TRANSACTIONS LOURN AL OF. PROCEEDINGS, 1912-13. THIRD SERIES, VOLUME,E tie it fa3? EDITOR: Ge W: SHIRLEY. 18683 DUMFRIES: Published by the Council of the Society. 1913 ae Ss Nereh en ae S3 DF Office-Bearers, 1912-13. President. Hucu S. Guapsrone of Capenoch, Thornhill, Dumfriesshire, ¥F.R.S.E., F.Z.S., M.B.0.U., F.S.A.(Scot.). Hon. Vice-Presidents. J. F. Cormack, Solicitor, Lockerbie. Witt1am Dickte, Merlewood, Maxwelltown. G. F. Scorr Exziot, F.R.G.S., F.L.S., Drumwhill, Mossdale. Dr J. W. Marri, Charterhall, Newbridge, Dumfries. Dr J. Maxweit Ross, Duntrune, Maxwelltown. JoHN RutHeEeRKoRD of Jardington, Dumfries. Vice-Presidents. S. Arnott, F.R.H.S., Sunnymead, Maxwelltown. JAMES. Davipson, F.1.C., F.S.A.(Scot.), Summerville, Maxwelltown. James Lennox, F'.S.A.(Scot.), Eden Bank, Maxwelltown. Provost THomson, Dumfries. Hon. Secretary and Editor of Transactions. G. W. Suirtey, Ewart Public Library, Dumfries. Hon. Treasurer. M. H. M‘Kerrow, 438 Buccleuch Street, Dumfries. Hon. Librarian and Curator of Museum. G. W. Sairtey, Kwart Public Library, Dumfries. Hon. Departmental Curators. Antiquities—W. Murray. Coins and Tokens—JameEs Davrpson. Natural History—Dr J. W. Marri. Geology—RosBert WALLACE. Herbarium—Miss Hannay and Dr SEmp te. Hon. Secretary Photographic Section. W. A. Mackinnett, The Shieling, Maxwelltown. Members of Council. The President; Hon. Vice-Presidents; Secretary; Treasurer; Lib- rarian; Departmental Curators; Secretary of Photographic Section; and Miss ANNIE Murpuin, Messrs A. D. Dryspatrn, T. A. Hanurpay, R. C. Retp, G. MacLrop Stewart, A. WEATHER- ston, D. Manson, and THos. HENDERSON. adic Tera eh CONTENTS. PAGE Abstract of Accounts, 1911-12... an ae ae soo male, Annual Meeting re 9 Armistead, J. J. Cariboriand: Scottish, Ga Rete suis Words 189 Armistead, W. H. Solway Nature Notes 380 sé ae lbe Celebration of the Fiftieth Anniversary . af Aue en es Chalmers, Dr A. The Buchanites and Cr Dias Ane oy oot) Crichton-Browne, Sir J. The Possibilities of Societies such as Ours ak seg Dickie. W. Cr es Susie) Tumuli and aie ... oo4 Dunlop, Rev. S. John Welsh, the Irongray Covenanter ... 65 Elliot, G. F. Scott. Natural History—Some Advance in Fifty Years a at see a es me ion ee) 06 Exchanges Aas mee Sa sn ec gh nec EON Exhibits Pe Bs aise te ie vee a Soo hala) Field Meetings : — Parish of Eskdalemuir Athe at Re as ... 300 Eliock and Sanquhar... ie Ne sue one pane OO2, Isle of Whithorn nae ay a ae a ss- 309 Forbes, J. Macbeth. French Prisoners on Par ae at Dumfries, Sanquhar, Lockerbie, and Lochmaben mae 247 Gladstone, H. S. Presidential Address—The aioe of ie Dumfriesshire and Galloway Natural ckisel and Anti- quarian Society, 1862-1912... me 15 Gordon, R.S. A List of the Macro- Lepidoptera of eda Bhire ies er 8 i Soe be sae ea AlGs Hamilton-Grierson, Sir P. J. A Bese aattea’s Narrative— James Grierson of Dalgoner and his Imprisonment at Ayr, 1666-7 ae a we : = , : 7 132 Irving, J. Bell. List of Armorial Be ings Noted i in Dumfri ies- shire and Adjacent Counties ... sh, 99 Johnston, Christopher. The Ear a History of ie nits of Annandale Uae LM ee .. 86 Johnstone, John T. Moffat: Sind ee Annandale in the Middle of the Eighteenth Century ... ie fe Seem yt Johnstone, Thomas. A Kirkcormack Ghost Stor Ve wee ae AG Lebour, Mrs Nona. Fairy Beliefs in Galloway . ‘ 231 Macdonald, J.C. R. The Royalty of the Burgh of Dumfri ies... 341 Macdonald, Sir J. H. A. Roads—Ancient and Modern ae 10 Mackinnell, W. A. Chapels of Knapdale and the Land of Lorne 222 CoNnTENTS. Maxwell, Sir Herbert. The True Prncines and Purposes of Archeology a. sts ae ids Members, List, revised to ist ae 1913... Office-Bearers fs Old Dumfries Hous. Presentations Purchases Robison, J. The Ree a Castle of Kirkoudbright Rutherford, J. Astronomical Notes, 1912 # — Weather and other Notes taken at Jardington during 1912 Shirley, G. W. The End of the Greyfriars’ Convent of Dum- fries and the Last of the Friars Thomson, Dr J. C. The Part Played by Tigeeeoe im ne Pr oD gation of Disease f Watt, Andrew. Rainfall eee for ae Benches Comme: for the year 1912 : Ws ae i a: ILLUSTRATIONS. Portraits of Presidents : — Hugh S. Gladstone, M.A., F.R.S.E., F.S.A.(Scot.) Frontispieec Sir-Wilham Jardine, Bart., LL.D., F.R.S. 2 | Hace; James Starke, F.S.A.(Scot.) Bae aap aE bs Dr James Gilchrist, M.D. ... ; Ba *. J. Gibson Starke, F. S.A.(Seot.), F. ine C. [! 34 3 . Dr Thomas Boyle Grierson, M.D. ... Bee mee - Richard Rimmer, F.L.S._... ae ead a Sir James Crichton-Browne, M.D.; LL.D., F.R:S. ed Sir Bove Reid, a C. (Right Hon. Earl Loreburn, P.C., G.C.M.G_) .. 5 a ae i Rev. Sir hae Tameie: Bart. dais ie om i W. J. iH. Maxwell of Munches_... 5 Right Hon. Sir Herbert Maxwell, Bate one, De, DEC UR HAR: Seer : au im G. F. Scott Elhot, ER.GS.. ELS. Baie ae as Old Dumfries Houses (descriptions, page 348) : — The Old Turnpike House ... ie AE Ae The Pillars te Be Sob ah a he es The Bishop’s House ... acy: Royal Castle of Kirkcudbright, Ten aa Signatures : — Archibald Macbrair, Provost of Dumfries sie is James Rig, Provost of Dumfries ... : sue a Charles Home, Warden of the Grey Fann Ay Bs William Copland of Colliston, Provost of Dumfries ... i PAGE EDITORIAL NOTE. The Editor again acknowledges his indebtedness to Miss Harkness for the careful typing of the Index, and thanks the Editor of the Dumfries and Galloway Standard for the loan of the three blocks of old houses reprinted in this volume. The Society is indebted to its President for the frontispiece and the other engravings of Presidents. It must be understood that as each contributor has seen a proof of his paper, the Editor does not hold himself respon- sible for the accuracy of the scientific, personal, or place names, or for the dates that are given therein. | Where possible, errors have been corrected in the Index. Members working on local Natural History and Archzo- logical subjects should communicate with the Honorary Secretary. Papers may be submitted at any time. Preference is always given to original work on local subjects. Enquiries regarding purchase of Transactions and pay- ment of subscriptions should be made to the Honorary Treasurer, Mr M. H. M‘Kerrow, 43 Buccleuch Street, Dumfries. Exchanges, Presentations, and Exhibits should be sent to the Honorary Secretary, Ewart Public Library, Dumfries. Ge WeiS: PROCEEDINGS AND TRANSACTIONS OF THE Dumfriesshire and Galloway Natural History & Antiquarian Society. SaaS > LO Ne 2ola-Vo13s- 25th October, 1912. Annual Meeting. Chairiman—H.S. ‘GuapsTone, M:A., F.Z.S., F.R.SSE., M.B.O.U., President. The Office-bearers and Members of Council for the Session were appointed (see p. 3). As the reports of the Secretary and Treasurer were to be dealt with by the President in his address at the celebration of the fiftieth anniversary, they were held over. The President intimated that the Council had under con- sideration the revisal of the Rules of the Society, and would in due course submit recommendations to the Society. The Hon. Treasurer reported on the arrangements for the celebration of the Jubilee of the Society and submitted a programme, which was approved. 10 Roaps, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 26th October, 1912. Chairman—H. S. GLapsToneE, M.A., F-Z.S., F-Ris.E: M.B.O.U., President. Roads, Ancient and Modern. By Sir Joun H. A. Macponatp, P.@3) Ko G23 2 sera: (Lord Kingsburgh). [This meeting was held in the Town Hall, Dumfries, under the auspices of the Society. A full report will be found in the Dumfries and Galloway Standard, October 30th, 1912. | 1862. 1912. CELEBRATION OF THE Pi ie eT SANNA RSA RY OF THE DUMFRIESSHIRE & GALLOWAY Natural History and Antiquarian Society. 20th NOVEMBER, 1912. JUBILEE. 13 - 20th November, 1912. Celebration of the Fiftieth Anniversary. Chairman—Hueu S. Griapstone, M.A., F.Z.S., F.R.S.E., M.B.O.U., President. On the invitation of the Council, a conversazione was held in the Town Hall, Dumfries, in celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the foundation of the Society. At 7 p.m. the President and Mrs Gladstone received a company of over two hundred members and guests, including delegates from the Glasgow and Hawick Archeological Societies. Refreshments were served in the Committee Room, and a musical programme was provided by Miss Fergusson, Messrs J. W. Cheadle, James Blair, W. J. Stark, and E. Smith. A collection of antiques, portraits, and manuscripts, arranged by Mr G. Macleod Stewart, was exhibited. The Secretary read the minutes of the annual meeting, which were approved. The Hon. Treasurer intimated apologies for absence as follows :— The Right Hon. Earl Loreburn—‘“‘ I would very willingly be present on 2zoth November at the conversazione of the Natural History and Antiquarian Society, but I fear it is impossible for me to expect to be there. Let me express my very hearty sympathy in the work, and best wishes for its continued success.’’ Sir Emilius Laurie—‘* November 2oth is a long time for me to look forward. On May 16th next I shall, if I am alive, enter my gist year. Were I younger, I should have much pleasure in attending your interesting meeting.”’ From the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland. From the Stirling Natural History and Archeological Society. From the Edinburgh Geographical Society, who ‘‘ desire to congra- tulate us on the work of the past year, and wish us every success in the future.’’ From the Edinburgh Geological 14 JUBILEE. Society—Mr W. T. Gordon, secretary, “‘ desires to congratu- late us on the work of the past years, and to wish us all success in the future.’’ From the Andersonian Naturalist Society—Mr R. B. Johnstone, secretary, writes—‘‘ My whole heart is in the work of such societies as your own and the one I belong to here, and I trust that your Society has before it another long period of usefulness in collecting facts regarding the natural history of your district.’’ From the Marlborough College Natural History Society—Mr Edward Meyrick, President, writes ‘‘on which occasion you have our best wishes for your continued prosperity. From the Berwick- shire Naturalists’ Society and from the Glasgow Natural History Society. Also from the following distinguished members :—Mr J. Scott Keltie, Secretary, Royal Geographical Society, who wrote : ‘‘ I should have been delighted to have participated in the celebration of the Jubilee of a Society of which I am proud and pleased to be an Honorary Member. I hope and believe that the Society will sustain its vigour and usefulness, and in due time celebrate its centenary. It has done excellent work in the past, and I am sure will do equally good work in the future;’’ and also from Mr E. M. Holmes, Pharma- ceutical Society of Great Britain; Sir John Rhys, Principal of Jesus College, Oxford; Dr David Sharp, F.R.S.; Mr W. D. Robinson Douglas, F.L.S.; Mr William Carruthers, F.R.S. ; Mr Clemont Reid, F.R.S.; Mr James M‘Andrew; Professor Glaister, Glasgow University; Professor Gregory, Glasgow University ; Miss Annie Lorraine Smith, F.L.S.; Dr George Macdonald; Rev. W. S. Crockett, Tweedsmuir ; Mr Andrew Watt, Secretary, Scottish Meteorological Society; Mr J. Harvie Brown, LL.D.; Colonel Dudgeon of Cargen; the Earl of Galloway; the Earl of Cassillis; Sir Mark J. M'Taggart Stewart ; Mr John W. Gulland, M.P. ; Sir Edward Johnson-Ferguson of Springkell; Sir Philip J. Hamilton- Grierson ; Sir Edward Redford, Secretary of the Post Office ; Provost Halliday, Lochmaben; Provost M‘Cormick, Newton- Stewart; Mr R. C. Reid; Rev. Dr Wallace Williamson ; Rev. J. Montgomery Campbell; Rev. S. Dunlop, Irongray ; Colonel C. E. V. Laurie, C.B., D.S.O.; Captain Walker ; and many others, bye) PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS. iL The following addresses were then delivered :— Presidential Address. By Hueu S. Giapstone of Capenoch, M.A., F.R.S.E., FZ Sigh Bee Pee Scot, ). I am sure you will all join with me in thanking those who have sent us their congratulations on this the fiftieth anniversary of the Dumfriesshire and Galloway Natural History and Antiquarian Society. Although we have to regret the absence of so many of our members, yet the size of this audience is ample proof of the interest of the Public in our activities. It is natural that I should feel some diffi- dence in addressing you when I see around me those who are far more eloquent, eminently more famous, and con- spicuously more talented than myself; but, since you have again chosen me as your President for another session, an honour for which I would take this opportunity of thanking you, it becomes my duty to deliver a presidential address on this, the memorable occasion of our Jubilee. I would have been glad had this task fallen on worthier shoulders, and you will, I trust, remember that, though my expressions may seem cold and colourless, my interest in the welfare of our Society has not been dull nor, I hope, useless. In the first place, let me cordially welcome the many visitors and representatives of similar Societies to our own whom I see before me; let me assure them that it is not always that we meet in the panoply and array displayed to-night, but that our meetings are, as a rule, of much less consequential appearance. The celebration, however, of the Jubilee of our Society called for special arrangements to evince our just pride in the consummation of so long a period of existence. We are especially glad to welcome Dr George Neilson and the Rev. W. A. P. Johnman, as delegates respectively from the Glasgow and Hawick Archeological Societies. We appreciate the kindly feeling of fellowship which has prompted these Societies to send representatives here to-night, and we hope that the prosperity which we so eagerly desire for our Society may attend theirs also. 16 HIsTORY OF THE SOCIETY. I have been requested to devote my address this evening to the History of our Society, and I hope that my remarks on this subject may not prove tedious, particularly to those who are not my fellow-members. I must first acknowledge with gratitude the assistance I have received from Messrs G. W. Shirley, M. H. M‘Kerrow, J. Rutherford, and S: Arnott, in compiling the following paper. THe HisTtoRY OF THE DUMFRIESSHIRE AND GALLOWAY NatTurRAL History AND ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY SINCE ITS INSTITUTION ON NOVEMBER 20th, 1862, to NOVEMBER Zoths L912: Sir William Jardine in the Memoirs of Hugh Edwin Strickland, his son-in-law, comments on the formation of several local Natural History Clubs about the year 1850, and states that these were but following the initiative of the ‘* Berwickshire Naturalists’ Club,’’ which was founded in 1832. ‘‘ It is curious,’’ Sir William adds, “‘ that the example of this Club has only extended southward.”’ These re- marks were published in 1858,* and our local Society may proudly claim to be the oldest Scottish Club embracing both Antiquarian and Natural History pursuits. I have seen a letter from a Mr G. W. Watson to Sir William Jardine, dated so early as October 11th, 1839, in which the writer suggested “ the formation of a local Natural History Society at Dumfries.’”’ Unfortunately, I do not know how the cele- brated Naturalist replied to this suggestion, and it was not till some twenty-three years later that the scheme took definite shape; when Sir William, as our Society’s first President, gave generously of his enthusiasm, time, and money to forward its interests. THE INSTITUTION OF THE SOCIETY. To three gentlemen is due the credit of instituting our Society. In 1862 Dr James Gilchrist, Dr J. Dickson, and * Memoirs of Hugh Edwin Strickland, 1858, pp. ccli.-ccliii. + A proposal to form a Dumfriesshire Natural History Society occupied half a column of the Dumfries and Galloway Courier, January 13th, 1836. Sir WILLIAM JARDINE. JAMES STARKE. Dr JAMES GILCHRIST. J. GIBSON STARKE. HISTORY OF THE SOCIETY. 17 W. G. Gibson called together a meeting of local gentlemen interested in the cultivation of Natural History and Anti- quarian Research at Dumfries, when “‘ it was proposed that a circular, explaining the objects to be pursued, and asking counsel and aid to establish a Society for the investigation of Natural History and Antiquities, should be issued to those known to be interested in such matters.’’ At this meeting a Preliminary Committee was appointed, consisting of the above-named gentlemen, with Dr T. B. Grierson, of Thorn- hill. The Committee met on September 6th, and drew up a circular inviting membership, to which the replies were universally favourable. They again met on November 4th, with Dr Grierson in the chair, and agreed to endeavour to constitute a Society. With this object a meeting was called for Thursday, November 20th, 1862, to be held in the Mechanics’ Hall, Dumfries, at 8 p.m. This meeting duly took place, when the gentlemen present—Thomas Aird, W. R. M‘Diarmid, J. Thorburn, William M‘Ilwraith, W. G. Gibson, Provost Caldow, William M‘Dowall, with Drs J. Dickson, James Gilchrist, and Rev. M. N. Goold—formed themselves into a Society to be called the Dumfriesshire and Galloway Natural History and Antiquarian Society. The date of this meeting may be regarded as that of the insti- tution of our Society, whose Jubilee we have met to celebrate. Had not the Mechanics’ Hall been greatly altered in its internal structure it would certainly have added to the senti- ment of our present meeting could we have met there; but I have little doubt that had this commodious Town Hall been in existence fifty years ago it would have been as eagerly utilised then as it is to-night. It will be interesting to give a list of the first office- bearers of our Society :—President—Sir William Jardine of Applegirth. Vice-Presidents—Dr Thomas Boyle Grierson, Thornhill; Dr James Gilchrist, Crichton Institution; and W. R. M‘Diarmid, Dumfries. Secretaries—Dr J. Dickson (who held the office of secretary for five years, resigning it in October, 1867) and William M‘Ilwraith. Treaswrer—W. G. Gibson. Committee—Rev. W. Gray, Mouswald; Rev. M. N. Goold, Dumfries; T. Corrie, Procurator-Fiscal; Dr 18 PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS. Borthwick; C. Harkness, writer; Provost Caldow, Maxwell- town; J. Symons, writer; Dr H. G. Stewart, Crichton Institution; Dr S. Grierson, Southern Counties Asylum; and W. Hogg, draper. The Annual Subscription for Ordinary Members was fixed at 5s, payable in advance, “‘ or such other sum as shall from time to time be fixed upon as the ») annual contribution.’ I do not propose to weary you with similar lists of Office-Bearers in the ensuing years,* nor do I think it neces- sary to detail the rules drawn up by the Society from time to time. SESsIon 1862-1866. [VoL. I. ] The Society did not shout its advent from the house- tops, but quietly and practically set itself to add to the sum of our scientific knowledge. In the winter it held meetings monthly in the Committee Room of the Mechanics’ Institute, when papers were read and discussed, and interesting objects exhibited and recorded. In summer there were monthly field meetings, at which much useful work was done. In this connection it is noticeable that in those early days the active members were interested in Natural History rather than in Archeology, and the work performed in the former field has had perhaps more lasting value than the work in the latter. The first volume of the Transactions and Journal of the Proceedings of the Society appeared in 1864. It was edited and presented to the Society by Sir William Jardine, and was distributed free to all the Ordinary Members on the roll up to 1864. Members admitted after that date had to pay 1s 6d, and the price of the volume to non-members was fixed at 2s 6d, and to Corresponding Members at 1s 6d. It was printed in Edinburgh by Messrs R. & R. Clark, and contained seventy pages, twenty-six of which were devoted to a most encouraging address by the President, Sir William Jardine. There was also a most careful list of ‘‘ the Lepi- doptera found near Dumfries,’’ by William Lennon, who * A list of the principal Office-Bearers of the Society since its institution will be found on p 40, HISTORY OF THE SOCIETY. 19 subsequently contributed many valuable papers on_ this subject to our Transactions, and whose collections are now worthily deposited in the Royal Scottish Museum at Edin- burgh.j Similar in size to our present issue, the internal arrangement of our first volume was entirely different: the ‘“ Proceedings,’’ consisting of excerpts from the minutes, formed a first part; the ‘‘ Transactions,’’ or papers read, followed as a second part, and a comparatively small num- ber of the contributions achieved the permanence of print. The Membership in this session numbered sixty-one; Corre- sponding Members, twenty-two; and Foreign Members, two. The balance sheet showed receipts of £6 10s, and expenditure of £2 14s. On January 6th, 1863, the first donations towards a museum were made: six items had been given by the end of the winter session. Session 1863-1864. [Vo t. II. ] Our second volume appeared in 1866. It was printed in Dumfries, a custom from which, I am glad to say, it has never since been found necessary to depart. It contained ninety-two pages, as well as two plates, one of which may be more accurately described as a mounted photograph Valuable papers were contributed by Sir William Jardine, James Starke, W. R. M‘Diarmid, Wm. Lennon, Thomas Aird, and the Rev. James Fraser. In this session the library of the Society was established with eight items. The Ordinary Members would appear to have numbered one hundred and four. The balance sheet shows receipts of £25 15s, with an expenditure of £18 17s rod. It is pointed out that twenty-three members were in arrear of their subscrip- tions for 1863-1864; and I regret to say that our present Treasurer informs me that a similar forgetfulness is still to be found to-day among some of our Members. + The collections, which were acquired by purchase by the Museum Authorities in 1900, comprise a fine series of Coleoptera (23,280 specimens) and a fair one of Lepidoptera (2,400 specimens). The collection of Coleoptera represents 2,500 species, or about five-sixths of the entire British species. 1,500, or more than one- half, were collected by Lennon from the Solway district. 20 HIstoRY OF THE SOCIETY. SESSION 1864-1865. [Vou. III. } The meeting place of our Society had been the Com- mittee Room of the Mechanics’ Institute, but on November tst, 1864, ‘‘ The Society held the first meeting of the Session —hbeing the Annual Meeting—in their apartment in the Dumfries and Galloway Club Rooms,’’ and thanks were tendered ‘‘ to the Committee for their kindness in allowing the apartment in which the meeting was held to be occupied by them for the purposes of the Society.’’ The Transactions and Journal for the session 1864-1865, published in 1867, run to some eighty-six pages, comprising, among other papers, an address by Sir William Jardine, the President, and the first paper read by that curious enquirer James Shaw, long and widely-respected master of the somewhat remote upper school of Tynron. W. R. M‘Diarmid, Patrick Dudgeon, and James Starke also rendered valuable contributions. The Member- ship had risen to one hundred and twenty-eight, and the receipts were £33 17s 2d, as against 424 15s od expenditure. Two illustrations by Mrs H. E. Strickland, the talented daughter of the President, completed the volume. d SESSION 1865-1866. [VoL. IV. ] Sixty-five pages, published in 1868, suffice to cover the Transactions of this period. The annual address was delivered by the Vice-President, W. R. M‘Diarmid, as also one of the papers printed. Of the remaining three, two are by James Starke; the third, by DT. ©y Canlvlewonmeamaae Debateable Land,’’ occupies thirty-two pages, and is illus- trated by a well-engraved folding map in three colours. The Members who qualified by sending their subscriptions amounted to ninety-nine, and the funds at the disposal of the Society were £34 10s 5d. SESSION 1866-1867. [VoL. V. | The meetings this session were held in the Society’s apartment in the Dumfries and Galloway Club Rooms. There were one hundred and twenty-four members during this period. The receipts were £33 2s 1d, which were all ex- HISTORY OF THE SOCIETY. yA | pended except 10s 1d. The Vice-President, James Starke, delivered the annual address, choosing as his subject ““ Archeology.’’ He also contributed two other papers and three others by W. R. M‘Diarmid, T. Corrie, and Rev. Thomas Underwood complete the volume of sixty-five pages, which was published in 1869. SESSIONS 1867-1870. [VoL. VI.] The Transactions of these Sessions were not printed till 1871. The Secretary, A. D. Murray, prefaced his report for 1868-1869 with an ominous expression of regret that ‘‘ gener- ally there has not been evinced among the Members so warm an interest in the success of the Society as is desirable, if it is to go on and prosper. . . . . . Owing to a considerable number of removals from the district, some deaths, and a few nh withdrawals, the number of Ordinary Members ...... i decreased by eleven, leaving eighty-nine on the roll. The Treasurer’s accounts, having been examined, are now before the meeting, showing a balance due him of 7s 11d... . while there are arrears, the most of which will yet be recovered, amounting to £6 15s, and no debts.’’ The Transactions run to sixty-five pages, the principal papers being by James Starke, William Lennon, and Dr J. Gilchrist. I have devoted a good deal of my address to these early days simply because, in my opinion, they are the most in- teresting. We learn that our Society was, at its commence- ment, small, a fact not to be wondered at when transport was not so easy as it is now. The Treasurer’s accounts and the size of the printed Transactions may appear paltry, but the chief fact that thrusts itself upon me is that our Society in those days maintained its existence owing to the energies of but a few. Eminent men these were, and, in spite of being thought invidious, I would recall to your memory, as some of our more famous early members, Sir William Jardine, the accepted authority on natural history; Sir Arthur Mitchell, the antiquary ; Dr Thomas Boyle Grierson, the keen collector, who bequeathed his miscellaneous collection to Thornhill; Dr James Gilchrist, antiquary and geologist; William R. M‘Diarmid, antiquary and naturalist; William Lennon, the 22 HiIstoRY OF THE SOCIETY. entomologist; John Shaw, the ichthyologist, and discoverer of the fact that parr are the young of salmon; Patrick Dudgeon, geologist and astronomer; James Shaw, long schoolmaster at the Upper School, Tynron, and a diligent enquirer into many subjects; Thomas Aird, the poet, ornitho- logist, and editor for eighteen years of the Dumfries and Galloway Herald; James Starke, the archeologist and anti- quary; and Professor William Ramsay M‘Nab, noted as a botanist and entomologist. All these have passed away, and of those who may be termed the pioneers of our Society who are still fellow-members I only now know of three.* These include our honorary member, Dr David Sharp, the entomo- logist, whose scientific researches have long since gained him the honour of Fellowship of the Royal Society. When in practice at Thornhill he was elected a member of our Society on December 3rd, 1867, and his papers on “‘ Additions to the Catalogue of British Coleoptera ’’ and ‘‘ On Variations in Insect Life, with especial regard to the theories of Lamarck and Darwin,’’ excited much interest on the occasion of their being read. The other two original members are Sir James Crichton-Browne and Mr William Allan, who are, I am glad to say, both with us to-night. Only on May sth of this year we lost another member of the earlier Society, James Barbour, who joined us on March 2nd, 1866. His antiquarian researches formed the subject of upwards of twenty papers published in our Transactions. His death robs us of one of our most venerated and active members. SESSIONS 1870-1875. I have already referred to the ominous warning uttered by the Secretary, A. D. Murray, at the commencement of the session 1868-1869. The Transactions for that period were not published till 1871, and from internal evidence it is evident that at least one paper was read, or submitted, as late as June, 1870. This is the last evidence from the Transactions — * Mr William M‘Ilwraith (now of Rockhampton, Queensland) was an original member of the Society in 1862, but ceased to be so on leaving Dumfries in the winter of 1879. HISTORY OF THE SOCIETY. 23. that our Society was alive at that date, but from the local Press of the day we learn that it still continued in existence. On January 13th, 1874, James Starke, sen., on accepting the office of President, in room of Mr Dudgeon of Cargen, who had declined to accept the appointment, delivered an address, in which he indicated his intention of making an effort to revive the interest formerly taken in the objects of the Society, which, with the attendance at meetings, had for some time considerably fallen off, and Dr Gilchrist gave notice of a motion on the same subject.* Patrick Dudgeon about this period read two papers, which, although not appearing in our Transactions, were subsequently printed by himself.; = On December 8th, 1874, James Starke resigned the Presidency on account of ill-health, and Dr Gilchrist was unanimously elected to fill the vacancy.{ We are told in a later volume of our Transactions that the Society ‘“‘ continued in a prosperous condition till May, 1875, when its meetings ceased.’’§ Although this statement is substantially correct, it would seem that the Society was never actually dissolved. The President, realising that it was practically in abey- ance, adopted, with the object of infusing new vitality into the Society’s affairs, the somewhat extreme course of reorganising it afresh, and this has led to a presumption that at this date a new Society was formed. The Secretary, T. Corrie, was left in possession of the minute book and other property, while the President took with him the more active members of the original Society, and in due course the minute book and properties found their way back to their natural owners. We read that ‘‘ a meeting was held on November 3rd, 1876....... at No. 1 Union Street, Dumfries, by those interested in natural history and antiquarian pursuits. At * Dumfries and Galloway Standard, January 17th, 1874. t Ancient Smelting Places in Troqueer, 1871; St. Queran’s Well in Troqueer, 1870. ~£ Dumfries and Galloway Herald, December 9th, 1874. § Trans. D. & G. Nat. Hist. and Antig. Soc., Vol. 2, N.S. (1881) [Vol. viii.], Title-page. 2A History OF THE SOCIETY. that meeting there was a large attendance, and Dr James Gilchrist [who, it will be remembered, was one of the originators of our Society in 1862] was called to the chair.”’ Fifty-nine gentlemen then present agreed to form themselves into a Society, and it was remitted to a committee chosen from their number ‘‘ to meet on November 1oth to draw up a con- stitution and rules, choose a name for the Society, &c., and report to a subsequent meeting.’’ This meeting took place (appropriately enough in the Town Hall, Dumfries) on November 17th, 1876, when fourteen rules were agreed to, one of which was that the Society should be called ‘‘ The Dumfriesshire and Galloway Scientific, Antiquarian, and Natural History Society.’’ To our ears the introduction of the term ‘‘ Scientific ’’ seems somewhat superfluous, and there was a regrettable absence of all cognisance of the existence of the former Society. Another innovation was that the annual subscription of ordinary members should be 2s, or ‘‘ such other sum as shall be fixed at each annual meeting.’’ “‘ New brooms sweep clean ’’ was ever a true adage, and we must not be hypercritical—all honour to those who at this period reorganised, for they could scarcely claim to have initiated the Society of which we to-day are proud members. Dr James Gilchrist, William Lennon, and Mr J. Rutherford were with R. Service (who was appointed Secretary, and held office till October 13th, 1882), perhaps the principal movers in this meritorious achievement. : I do not propose to deal with the subsequent Tvansactions of our Society in the same categorical fashion as I have done with those of earlier years; suffice it here to say, that in spite of ups and downs our Society has flourished and is flourishing. SESSIONS 1876-1877 AND 1877-1878. (No. 1.) [Vot. VII.] The first regular meeting of the 1876-1877 session was held on December ist in the Dumfries Town Hall, and this place of meeting was utilised until April 5th, 1878. The Transactions for this session and for that of 1877-1878 were published in one volume of eighty-four pages in 1879. There is no list of members, and no abstract of accounts. As was the custom in the earlier Society, the volume was edited by a RicHARD RIMMER. Sir James CricHton BROWNE. Sir Rosert ReErp at ae rhe ee a History OF THE SOcIETY. 25 Committee of two and the Secretary. Two hundred copies were printed at a cost of £9, only selected papers being pub- lished. On September 4th, 1878, an offer, on behalf of T. Corrie, to hand over to the Society ‘‘ the property belonging to the former Natural History and Antiquarian Society,’’ was accepted, and this was recovered on October 8th, 1880. Although there are still in our possession some of the belong- ings of our founders, it is to be regretted that we cannot boast that our inheritance is what it should be; the chief loss, for purposes of this history, is the minute book of the original Society. The principal contributors to the Transactions at this period were Joseph Thomson (the geologist, and after- wards the African explorer), William Lennon, Dr Gilchrist, and Mr J. Rutherford; the latter is our oldest contributing member, and since 1877 he has almost yearly been giving us valuable papers. SESSIONS 1878-1879 AND 1879-1880. (No. 2.) [Vov. VIII. | During these sessions the evening meetings were held in the Mechanics’ Hall, where a large cabinet, which the Society had just accepted for the display of its collections, could be kept. The Society, either from lack of papers or with a view to keeping down expenses, did not at this period live up to the example left them by their forerunners in publishing their Transactions at the end of each Session. Thus the Sessions of 1878-1879 and 1879-1880 are dealt with in but one volume of ninety-three pages, published in 1881. From an historical point of view this volume is one of the most helpful. There are no Treasurer’s accounts, but a list of specimens, books, &c., belonging to the Society is given, and also a “‘ list of Members in the Session of 1880-1881.’’ In this, the first published list since the reconstruction of the Society, it 1s interesting to note that there are eleven corresponding and one hundred and twenty-four ordinary members, of whom thirty- seven joined the Society when it was reorganised on Novem- ber 3rd, 1876.’’ Of these latter we are glad to still include in our list the names of Messrs James Davidson, W. A. Dinwiddie, James Lennox, Peter Stobie, and Provost J. S. Thomson. These, with Dr David Sharp, Sir James 26 HisToRY OF THE SOCIETY. Crichton-Browne, and Mr William Allan, constitute our oldest members, and I am sure that it is the wish of all present here to-night that they may long be spared to assist our Society and to remind us of its olden days. ‘‘ A Catalogue of Natural History and Antiquarian Specimens, Books, Pamphlets, &c.,”’ belonging to the Society is appended to the volume; and I might point out that a catalogue of our present possessions, now in manuscript, is a desirable publication, which should be undertaken at an early opportunity. On October 4th, 1878, special thanks were given to Dr James Gilchrist for his untiring endeavours to promote the interests of the Society. On September 28th, 1879, an offer was made to assist the Observatory Committee, which culminated in the Society depositing its ““ museum ’’ in the Observatory on July 8th, 1880; and the minerals and shells collected respectively by Patrick Dudgeon and Richard Rimmer still remain there, with many other individual items. Mr James M‘Andrew, another valued and fruitful contributor to our Transactions, who joined the Society on October 6th, 1879, sent his first paper in 1880. A paper read by Mr J. Rutherford on April 23rd, entitled “‘ Observations on the Salmon Disease,’’ detailed for the first time the true nature of this pest, and is therefore one of the contributions to our Transactions of which we are especially proud. SESSIONS 1880-1881, 1881-1882, 1882-1883. (No. 3.) L outs, IDS, | During this period Mr J. Rutherford of Jardington acted as Secretary. in place of Robert Service. The Transactions of these three sessions were published in 1884, having been prepared by a Committee. In this volume, consisting of one hundred and fourteen pages, and comprising a list of Mem- bers, the internal arrangement was adopted which, except in some minor details, we have found most suitable to our purpose ever since. The whole volume now assumed the style of a journal, papers being given under the dates on which they were read. Very few were printed in full in this volume, but, on the other hand, there were few that were not given in brief. In 1880 it was agreed that Life Membership HisroRY OF THE SOCIETY. oh should be granted by a payment of two guineas. ‘* Ordinary Members shall on election pay two shillings and sixpence entry fee, and contribute annually the sum of two shillings and sixpence in advance, or such other sum as may be fixed at an Annual Meeting. Ladies joining the Society as Ordinary b Members will be exempt from entry fee.’? At the annual meeting on October 6th, 1882, the Society was reported to be in funds to the extent of 4,2 8s 3d, but a further examination of the accounts resulted in the unpleasant disclosure on November 3rd that in reality the Society was at that time £8 ts gd in debt. On November 3rd, 1882, the Society met in the Freemasons’ Hall, Black Horse Close, and this meeting place was made use of till 1885. In 1882 4 List of the Flower- ing Plants of Dumfriesshire and Kirkcudbrightshire, by Mr James M‘Andrew, was published. This separate publication is here remarkable as being the first of its kind to be undertaken by the Society. Six intermediate lectures of a popular nature were given, commencing on November 17th, 1882, and the energy of our Society is further testified to by a well-attended Conversazione and exhibition held in Greyfriars’ Hall on January 5th, 1883. I may remind you of the important part played by our members at this time in the successful agitation to preserve the character of Devorgilla’s Bridge across the Nith at Duntfries. SESSIONS 1883-1884, 1884-1885, 1885-1886. (No. 4.) Vior.) Xd The title-page of this volume, published in 1887, rejoices the eye, as it bears the original (and present) title of The Transactions and Journal of Proceedings of the Dumfriesshire and Galloway Natural History and Antiquarian Society. We learn that this original name was returned to, on the motion on March 6th, 1885, of Mr. James Lennox, then Hon. Treasurer. A statement of accounts shows receipts of £531 4s, and expenditure of £24 os 14d, and we learn that the membership amounted to one hundred and eighty-three. The volume runs to one hundred and eighty-seven pages, and comprises, as usual, a number of useful papers. 28 HISTORY OF THE SOCIETY. From 11th to 13th September, 1883, the Cryptogamic Society visited Dumfries, and, aided by our members, held an exhibition in the Mechanics’ Hall. In October, 1884, Joseph Wilson, who proved an excellent Secretary, succeeded Mr J. Rutherford in that capacity. On May 22nd, 1885, an arrangement, prompted by the desire to house their museum, (a3 was entered into, by which it was agreed that ‘‘ our Society should have the free use and occupancy of the Presbytery House for fifteen years from Whitsunday, 1885, at the nominal rent of two shillings and sixpence per annum. ... . The repairs and furnishings to be made at the Society’s expense.’’ These proved no slight affair, the cost amounting to £113 9s 4d, of which the Presbytery contributed £21 gs od. A special collection levied from ‘‘ Members and Friends of the Society yielded £84 7s,’’ and the balance came out of the Society’s funds. From November 2oth, 1885, to April oth, 1886, five intermediate lectures of a popular character were delivered. SESSION 1886-1887. (No. 5.) [Vox XI. ] The Transactions for this period were published in 1888. The Session is remarkable for the Conversazione held in Grey- friars’ large Hall on 27th, 28th, and 29th October, 1886. This took the form of an exhibition of local Natural History speci- mens, and objects relating to the Archeology of the district. The exhibit of Burns’ relics proved extensive and important. A nominal charge was made for admission, the takings amounting to 4 20 13s 6d, the total expenditure to £15 1s 24d. The Society was fortunate this session in securing the valuable Baxter bequest of minerals and coins. Joseph Wilson resigned the Secretaryship in June, 1887, and was succeeded by Robert Barbour. 5 SESSIONS 1887-1888, 1888-1889, 1889-1890. (No. 6.) [ Vou. XII. | The Transactions for these three Sessions were published in one volume of two hundred and eighty-two pages in 1890. Evidence is found in these pages that the reading of papers was no longer confined to but a few Members, and the diver- HISTORY OF THE SOCIETY. 29 sified subjects dealt with range from Flora of Madagascar to local stone implements. Many valuable communications were read to the Society, notably by Patrick Dudgeon, James Barbour, Rev. W. Andson, Rev. R. W. Weir, and Messrs Joseph J. Armistead and G. F. Black. The Botany of Dumfriesshire was enthusiastically undertaken by Messrs G. F. Scott Elliot and James M‘Andrew. Valuable donations to the Society included the scientific library of Robert Dinwiddie, of New York, and a collection of plants made by Dr Frank Grierson. Robert Barbour resigned the Secretaryship in May, 1889. He was succeeded by Dr E. J. Chinnock, Rector at that time of Dumfries Academy, who held office for eight years, the longest held by any Secretary. During that time seven volumes were published, and the Society, as evidenced by its proceedings, was wrought up to a greater pitch of excellence than had ever previously been achieved. SESSION 1890-1891. (No. 7.) [Vo v. XIII. ] ce During this session ‘‘ twenty-four valuable papers were read, all of which showed laudable research, and some are of very great interest.’’ Those by Rev. W. Andson, Rev. J. H. Thomson, Rev. R. W. Weir, Patrick Dudgeon, J. R. Wilson, J. T. Johnstone, and Messrs J. Corrie and James M‘Andrew may be particularly mentioned. The formation of the Herbarium proceeded satisfactorily, due mainly to the inde- fatigability of Mr G. F. Scott Elliot, by whose good offices a collection of botanical specimens was gifted to the Society by Mr William Carruthers, of the British Museum. The Transactions for this period were published in 1891. SESSION 1891-1892. (No. 8.) [Vou. XIV. ] Botany formed the thesis for more than one important paper read this Session. ‘‘ The Flora of Dumfriesshire,”’ Part II., by Messrs G. F. Scott Elliot, James M‘Andrew, and J. T. Johnstone, occupied pages 126-148 of the volume of Transactions published in 1893. An interesting public lecture was delivered on Fish Culture by Mr Joseph J. Armistead, under the presidency of Sir Herbert Maxwell, on November igth, 1891. If it is permissible to draw attention to any 30 HIstToRY OF THE SOCIETY. particular papers, | may perhaps mention those of J. R. Wilson, and Messrs J. T. Johnstone and G. I’. Black. SESSION 1892-1893. (No. 9.) [VoL. XV. ] This Session the Secretary regrets ‘‘ that more Members do not take part in our proceedings, either in contributing papers or in attending the discussions.’’ Four exceptionally successful field meetings were held, and valuable papers were read by Rev. John Cairns, James Barbour, P. Gray, James Fingland, and Mr G. F. Scott Elliot. The Transactions were published in 1894. SESSION 1893-1894. (No. 10.) [VoL. XVI. ] Valuable papers were read by Messrs James M‘Andrew, J. T. Johnstone, F. R. Coles, and A. D. Murray, James Shaw, Patrick Dudgeon, and James Fingland. Owing fo bad weather, only two summer excursions were possible, the one to Leadhills, the other to Threave Castle. The Transactions were published in 1895. SESSION 1894-1895. (No. 11.) [Vox XVII. ] A successful ‘“* At Home ”’ was held on January 24th, 1895, at which the President, Sir James Crichton-Browne, delivered an interesting address, and complimented the Society on its thirty-two years’ existence. Later in the year a reception was given to Mr G. F. Scott Elliot on his return from Uganda and the then unexplored countries in the vicinity of that Protectorate. Exceptional papers are those of Messrs F. R. Coles, J. W. Whitelaw, and Dr George Neilson. The Transactions were published in 1806. SESSION 1895-1896. (No. 12.) [Vor. XVIII. ] Twenty-one papers, some of much local interest, were read during this Session, those by Rev. W. K. R. Bedford, James Barbour, Dr James Macdonald, Dr George Neilson, and Professor H. M. B. Reid being perhaps the most notable. | The Transactions were published in 1897. HISTORY OF THE SOCIETY. Bill SESSION 1896-1897. (No. 13.) [VoL. XIX. ] During this Session several interesting papers were read ; that of Richard Bell of Castle O’er on the breeding of Emus and Ostriches in this county being one of the most remark- able. Papers by Rev. William Johnstone, Dr George Neilson, and Mr S. Arnott are also noteworthy. The retiring Secretary, Dr E. J. Chinnock, was “‘ presented with a tangible recognition of the appreciation of his labours.’’ He was suc- ceeded by Dr J. Maxwell Ross, who held office for four years. The Society undertook the issue of four hundred copies of a separate publication by Dr James Macdonald and James Barbour, entitled Birrens and its Antiquities. The Trans- actions were published in 1808. SESSION 1897-1898. (No. 14.) [VoL. XX.] The excavations at Raeburnfoot were perhaps among the most notable events of the Session, and valuable papers were read by several of our members on various interesting subjects. The Transactions were published in 1899. SESSION 1898-1899. (No. 15.) [Vou. XXI.] Only twelve papers were read during this Session, but among these are notable contributions by George Irving, Rev. H. G. J. Veitch of Eliock, and Mr F. R. Coles. The volume of Transactions for this period was published in 1goo. SESSION 1899-1900. (No. 16.) [VoL. XXII. ] Ten papers were read during this Session, and at this period of the existence of the Society there would seem to have been an unaccountable modesty amongst its members of contributing to our Transactions. No date appears on the title-page of this volume. SESSIONS IQ00-190I, IQOI-1902, 1902-1903, 1903-1904, feoteroos. (VoL) XVII.) [Vors. XXIII., XXIV., XXV., XXVI. | The Transactions of Sessions 1900-1901 and 1901-1902 were issued in March, 1905, forming the two first parts of a volume, comprising, in addition to the above, the sessions 1903-1904 32 History OF THE SOCIETY. and 1904-1905, which were issued in 1906, making altogether a volume of four hundred and forty-six pages. I venture to think that this is a practice not to be repeated, and that it is essential in such a Society as ours to publish our Transactions annually and in the same year in which the papers contributed are read. Dr J. Maxwell Ross resigning the Secretaryship in May, 1901, Mr Bertram M‘Gowan succeeded him in that appointment. He resigned in October, 1902, when Mr John A. Moodie, who had held the office of Treasurer for some years, took his place. On October 16th, 1903, “‘ the general adoption of a tentative agreement between the Society and the Managing Committee of the Ewart Public Library, as submitted by the Council, was agreed to, with the condition that means be adopted by which members would be enabled to borrow the books and periodicals belonging to the Society.”’ On October 10th, 1904, the Society held its first meeting in the Ewart Public Library, a privilege it has since enjoyed. The volume now under review is remarkable for many valuable contributions to the knowledge of our local Fauna by Robert Service. As Secretary at its reorganisation in 1876, he had done yeoman service to our Society, but his many papers on the Fauna of the Solway Area have earned for him a far wider fame and reputation as an eminent Zoologist. Other notable papers were contributed by James Barbour, George Irving, and Rev. W. Andson, Dr George Neilson, and Messrs William Dickie and James M‘Andrew. We learn that 1n 1904 the Society had accumulated funds of £57 14s, and with this amount in hand they were able to undertake the publication of the Transactions for the five pre- ceding sessions. Mr S. Arnott succeeded Mr John A. Moodie in the Secretaryship on June 2nd, 1905. The work was three years in arrears, but by publishing the Transactions of this period in 1906, Mr Arnott was thereafter able to publish annually a volume consisting of the previous year’s Trans- actions. SESSION 1905-1906. (VoL. XVIII., Part I.) [Vor. XXVII. ] The rules of the Society as at present in vogue were drawn up, or rather amended from previous regulations, on Rev. Sir Emitius LAvRiE. W.J. HH. MaxweE.u Sir Hersert Max we... G. F. Scorr Exxior. Denes il co : ia HISTORY OF THE SOCIETY. 33 October 12th, 1906. The fee for Life Membership was in- creased from £2 2s to £5, but these fees do not seem to have been regarded as capital. Indeed, from an examination of the accounts, they appear until 1907 to have been gaily regarded as income; surely an improper procedure. In September, 1906, the Society received a bequest of certain books and portraits, as well as £150, from J. G. Hamilton Starke, ‘‘ to be invested, and the free interest derived therefrom to be applied in promoting the objects and general welfare of the Society.’’ Some of you will remember that it has recently been decided that many of our rules require some slight modi- fications, and it is hoped that these will be shortly considered. It may be remarked that the Transactions for the session, occupying two hundred and fifty-four pages, were published in 1907. Notable papers were contributed by James Barbour, Robert Service, and T. R. Henderson. SESSION 1906-1907. (VoL. XIX.) [VoLt. XXVIII. ] The Transactions for this period appeared in 1908, forming a volume of two hundred and fifteen pages, and con- taining valuable papers, quite up to the usual standard of excellence, of which perhaps I may specially mention those of Messrs J. W. Whitelaw and William Dickie. SESSION 1907-1908. (N.S. Voit. XX.) [VoL. XXIX.] A very similar volume appeared in 1909 as the chronicle of the Society’s doings for this period. Particularly valuable contributions were those of Dr J. King Hewison, Rev. S. Dunlop, and James Barbour. SESSION 1908-1909. (N.S. Voi. XXI.) [VoL. XXX. ] The value of the Transactions of this session is enhanced by an alphabetical subject-index. This is an improvement which it is to be hoped will always be maintained. It is only fair to state that its compilation was the idea, as well as the work, of our present Honorary Secretary, Mr George W. Shirley, who succeeded Mr Arnott in that capacity on October 21st, 1910. Valuable papers by Mr Douglas Crichton, Rev. W. M‘Millan, Rev. W, M‘Dowall, and James Barbour are to 34 HISTORY OF THE SOCIETY. be found in this volume. The Society received in March, 1909, a valuable bequest of books from the Rev. William Andson. SESSION 1909-1910. (N.S. Vor. XOX.) Vor. XO@eiae The Transactions for this period appeared in 1911 in an indexed volume of two hundred and fifty-six pages. SESSION 1910-1911. (N.S. Vor. XXIII.) [Von. XXXII] At last the Society was able to publish its Transactions in the same year as that in which the papers had been read before its members. This is a custom which I sincerely hope will in future be maintained. The Transactions for the period appeared in 1911, in a volume of three hundred and fifty-three pages, with an index, one coloured plan, twelve full-page illustrations, besides numerous illustrations in the text. The Society undertook the publication of a book on local Com- munion Tokens, by Rev. H. A. Whitelaw. SESSION 1911-1912. (N.S. VoL. XXIV.) [VoL. XXXIIT | During this session the Society published two mono- graphs separately, the one being The Addenda and Corrigenda to the Birds of Dumfriesshire, and the other The Dumfries Post Office, 1642-1910. As it was found that the publication of these works was a somewhat hazardous undertaking for the Society, it will be a matter for serious reflection whether such enterprises shall be again undertaken. The volume of Transactions for this period, which was published in August, 1912, covers three hundred and fifty-four pages, there are twelve full-page plates and a plan, besides numerous tables and illustrations in the text, and there is, I am glad to say, an index. THE PRESENT STATE OF THE SOCIETY. Well, ladies and gentlemen, I trust I have not bored you with this brief summary of the history of the Dumfriesshire and Galloway Natural History and Antiquarian Society. You may have noticed that my remarks, if sketchy at first, became even sketchier after the year 1895. This was because many HISTORY OF THE SOCIETY. 35 of the earlier volumes of the Transactions of our Society are out of print, but since 1895 I understand that our Treasurer has several complete sets in stock, and those of you who wish to read of our Society’s progress cannot do better than pur- chase the volumes you require from him. I must in all fair- ness, however, state that since about 1905 a great advance has been made in the excellence of the individual volumes of our Transactions; my cursory History of our Society may have led you to wrongly suppose that about this period there is nothing much to record; on the contrary, there is so much worthy of praise that it has seemed to me better to generalise rather than to attempt to discriminate. I have endeavoured to trace the growth and ever-growing stability of our Society, and I trust I have not failed to record any of the more important events. I know that I have omitted to mention the names of many of our present Members, who, by their energy, have done much to establish it in its present position. It would indeed be an invidious task for me to single out any particular person as having rendered especial service. Moreover, I am fully convinced that the success of a Society, such as ours, depends not on the efforts of any one individual, but on the hearty co-operation of each and every Member collectively. We must, however, with pride and gratification remember the services of those who have gone before us. Besides those I have already referred to, I would mention among the former illustrious members of our Society :—Joseph Thomson, the geologist and African explorer ; Richard Rimmer, the eminent conchologist ; William George Gibson, our first Treasurer in 1862; William Hastings, the local taxidermist; Dr E. J. Chinnock, a recognised classical scholar, and a keen supporter of our Society ; Arthur Bennett, the well-known botanist ; W. M‘Dowall, the historian of Dumfries; and Rev. J. H. Thomson, the author of The Martyr Graves of Scotland. I have already stated that I hesitate from mentioning any of our present Members as having been exceptionally useful to our Society, but I cannot refrain from drawing your atten- tion to the good fortune we have had in our choice of Presidents. Among the later ones such names as those of 36 History OF THE SOCIETY. Lord Loreburn, Sir James Crichton-Browne, Mr W.. J. Maxwell of Munches, the Rev. Sir Emilius Laurie, Professor G. F. Scott Elliot, and the Right Hon. Sir Herbert Maxwell would lend lustre even to the most famous Societies in Great Britain. But I am sure that our past Presidents will agree with me that their services have at all times been rendered lighter by the earnest work done by our Secretaries and Treasurers. To these officials falls the routine work; often the most arduous and generally the least appreciated: all honour then to those gentlemen who at one time and another have so generously and effectively filled these purely honorary appointments. I trust that I have shown that our Society in the past can hardly be said to have been idle; we who are now its Members have only to refer to our published Transactions to realise the amount of work accomplished during our fifty years’ existence. From a Public point of view I may remind you of the part played by our Society in such important undertakings as the preservation of Lincluden Abbey, and of the Old Bridge across the Nith at Dumfries. The excavations at Birrens (the first Roman Camp in Scotland to be systematically explored), Birrenswark, and also at Lochrutton and Raeburnfoot, were mainly due to the initiative of some of our Members. According to the custom of our Society, at this the annual meeting, it is usual for our Secretary and Treasurer to furnish their accounts of the past Session. Owing to the circum- stances that our annual meeting is coincident with that of our Jubilee, I have made a digest of these reports, which I will now read to you, and so conclude my address. Our Membership to-day amounts to sixteen Life Mem- bers, ten Honorary Members, fifteen Corresponding Members, and three hundred and ninety-four Ordinary Members. In my chronological history of our Society I have already referred to the volume of Transactions for the period 1911-1912. By it you will see that there were thirteen evening meetings, and that during the past summer three highly suc- cessful field meetings were held. At present our library consists of some three hundred and eighty volumes, eighty-seven series of Transactions of eve 4 History OF THE SOCIETY. ai Societies kindred to our own, and a considerable number of documents and pamphlets. Our collections are growing in importance; besides a few Birds, they comprise several interesting antiquities of the district, an excellent collection of local Communion Tokens, and a growing collection of Fossils. Our Herbarium, so often referred to in the preceding remarks, is still an object of interest to many; but perhaps what will prove to be our most interesting possession is that shown to-night by Miss Dickson of Greenbank, Perth. It is ‘‘ The National League and Covenant ’’ of 1638 signed in Dumfriesshire. We are particularly proud to possess this unique memorial on account of its local importance, and I am sure we accord Miss Dickson a most hearty vote of thanks for her thoughtful presentation. We have also to thank Mr W. J. H. Maxwell for his gift of the manuscript of the first three volumes of our Transactions, and Mr M. H. M‘Kerrow for his donation of a collection of portraits of our past Presidents. As regards our finances, it is necessary to make some preliminary explanations. An extraordinary expenditure of upwards of £50 was incurred in our last financial year by the production of a second volume of Transactions; this was necessary so as to bring our publications up to date. I have already stated that up to 1907 the Life Membership fees were improperly regarded as income. The present occasion seemed an opportune one for putting this right: in our balance sheet, therefore, we have shown as capital a sum sufficient to represent the Life Membership fees which have been paid to our Society since its institution. This fee varied from £2 2s to 45, in accordance as to whether it was payable before or after 1896. The total amounts to £81 2s, which has now been invested at 3? per cent., and which sum will, I sincerely trust, for ever afterwards be regarded as funded capital of the Society, the interest only on which can be looked to as annual income. We have also the ‘‘ Starke Bequest ’’ for special purposes of 4150 as an investment at 32 per cent. It was decided, as will be remembered by our Members, that the most useful way in which to permanently com- 38 History OF THE SOCIETY. memorate our Jubilee would be to publish an Index to the whole of our Society’s Transactions since its institution in 1862. The cost of the production of this volume will naturally be very heavy, and I do not anticipate that there will be any monetary return from its publication. The expenses of this Index have, however, been guaranteed privately. As regards its acceptability, I would simply say that our Transactions are practically useless without it. Having had to go through the many volumes for the purpose of compiling this short history, I have again and again been struck no less by the excellence and value of some of the papers than by the hope- less task it would be to students to refer to our past Tvans- actions as ‘‘ books of reference.’’ In the future, however, with the commemorative volume at their elbows, they will be able to appreciate and make use of the contributions to Science made by our predecessors. Some idea of the magnitude of the task of the compilation of this Index may be gathered from the statement that in the section devoted to Vertebrates alone some five hundred species are mentioned in the Transactions, to which there are upwards of three thousand references. It has never been the practice of the Society to show as credit the stock in hand of their printed publications. There is not as much demand for these as might be wished, and their value being therefore difficult to estimate, it still seems best to eliminate this item from our balance sheet. With these remarks, I am delighted to be able to say that we are in the happy position of being entirely up to date as regards the printing of our Transactions, and that the cost of their pub- lication has been met. To sum up—we have no debts, sub- scriptions amounting to some £3 have yet to be paid our Treasurer, and we are able to show a balance in hand of £6 8s, which is a slightly larger sum than the average for the last five years. It would ill-become me to boast as to the present con- dition of our Society, for I tremble when I remember the adage, ‘‘ Pride comes before a fall;’’ but I may be allowed to say how promising are our prospects. With upwards of four hundred and ninety members, a greater number than we History OF THE SOCIETY. 39 have ever had before at the beginning of a Session, our immediate prosperity would seem to be assured. I cannot let this opportunity pass without reminding you of the gratuitous labours so freely rendered by our Treasurer and our Secretary. The amount of work that has been done recently by Mr M. H. M‘Kerrow and Mr George W. Shirley in their respective capacities cannot, I am sure, be too highly appreciated. I should also like to publicly thank the local Press for its unwavering support of our Society since its institution. I shall end my remarks to-night by urging upon our Members the desirability of co-operation. If our Society is to go on and prosper, it must be by the united efforts of us all. I wish that my address on this memorable occasion, the Jubilee of the Dumfriesshire and Galloway Natural History and Antiquarian Society, might have been more worthy and more illuminating. I frankly apologise for its shortcomings, but I assure you that none of our members can ever have had a more earnest desire for the welfare of our Society. Little more than two years ago, in my Presidential address, I recom- mended to your notice the motto engraved over the gateway of Trinity College, Cambridge: how suggestive are these words—Lampada tradam—*‘ J will hand on the torch.’’ The torch of study and research which calls for the constant attention of the bearer, illuminating as it goes on its way the dark places of ignorance, and which at length is only relin- quished to be handed on and as zealously tended by those who come after. May the members of our Society always realise the inheritance received from those who have gone before them and who instituted, just fifty years ago, the Dumfriesshire and Galloway Natural History and Antiquarian Society. 40 HISTORY OF THE SOCIETY. THE PRINCIPAL OFFICE-BEARERS OF THE DUMFRIESSHIRE AND GaLLoway NaTuRAL HISTORY AND ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY FROM 1862-1912. Presidents. Sir William Jardine, Bart., LL.D., F.R.S., Nov. 20th, 1862-Jan. 13th, 1874. James Starke, F.S.A.(Scot.), Jan. 13th, 1874-Dec. 8th, 1874. Dr James Gilchrist, M.D. ...... Dec. 8th, 1874- Dr James Gilchrist, M.D. ...... Nov. 3rd, 1876-Nov. 4th, 1878. J. Gibson Starke, F.S.A.(Scot.), F.R.C.1., Nov. 4th, 1878-Oct. 6th, 1882. Dr James Gilchrist, M.D. ...... Oct. 6th, 1882-Dec. 7th, 1885 Dr Thomas Boyle Grierson, M.D., Jan. 8th, 1886-Oct. 5th, 1888. Richard Rimmer, F.iS: 3.35.) Oct) sth, 1888-Oct. 7th arses Sir James Crichton-Browne, M.D., LL.D., F.R.S., ! Oct. 7th, 1892-Oct. 16th, 18096. Sir Robert Reid, Q.C. (Rt. Hon. Earl Loreburn, P.C., Gi @i MEG ieee pees Oct. 16th, 1896-Oct. 22nd, 1897. Rev. Sir Emilius Laurie, Bart., Oct. 22nd, 1897-Oct., 19th, 1899. Weslo lsh Wikescoelih oe, ds ococos Oct. 19th, 1899-Oct. 26th, 1900. Rt. Hon. Sir Herbert E. Maxwell, Bart), LEDs DC abc BE IRy Sin ac tances Oct. 26th, 1900-Oct. 17th, 1902. Gy Scott-Elliot, jh Re GaSe beleass. Oct. 17th, 1902-Oct. 20th, 1909. Hugh S. Gladstone, M.A.) WoRoSjHej eH. ZeSe, Hess Ae Scous)s Oct. 20th, 1909- rie POSSIBILITIES OF SOCIETIES. Secretaries. re Dickson, M.D. .......:. Nov. 20th, 1862-Oct. 30th, (Assistant) William M‘Ilwraith, Nov. 20th, 1862-Nov. rst, (Assistant) Dr Kerr, M.D. Nov. 1st, 1864-Nov. 7th, (Assistant) Dr James Gilchrist, Nov. 7th, 1865-Nov. 5th, Preps MULT AY. fh ei cds). ccaycteble ce Nov. 5th, 1867-Dec. 7th, (Assistant) Thomas Corrie, Nov. 5th, 1867-Dec. 7th, Year a Oo) gt (= eee Dec. 7th, 1869- MORSE SEL VICE ~ 0 i0tssossttewes Nov. 3rd, 1876-Oct. 13th, (Assistant James Lennox, F.S.A.(Scot.), Oct. 4th, 1878-Oct. 7th, (Assistant) A. E. Truckell, Nov. 11th, 1881-Oct. 13th, (Assistant) Samuel Chrystie, Oct. 7th, 1881-Oct. 3rd, “|, TEOMA = 0) ne pe ree Oct. 13th, 1882-Oct. 3rd, Reser WV SOM be. .evicewe canteen Oct. 3rd, 1884-June 29th, (Assistant) R. Barbour ... Oct. 3rd, 1884-June 29th, Be AT OUT hc .nnaderviw enews os 5% June 29th, 1888-May 24th, Dr E. J. Chinnock, LL.D. ... May 24th, 1889-July 30th, Dr J. Maxwell Ross, M.D. ... July 30th, 1897-May roth, (Assistant) Rev. W. Andson, Oct. roth, 1899-Oct. 26th, (Assistant) Bertram M‘Gowan, Oct. 26th, 1900-May toth, Bertram M‘Gowan ............ May roth, 1g01-Oct. 17th, fon A: Moodie ..../.....0.0. 6. Oct. 17th, 1902-June 2nd, Samuel Arnott, F.R.H.S. ... June 2nd, 1905-Oct. 21st, George W. Shirley, F.L.A. ... Oct. 21st, 1910- 41 1867. 1864. 1865. 1867. 1869. 1869. 1882. 1881. 1882 1884. 1884. 1888. 1888. 1889. 1897. 19Ol. 1900 Igol. 1902. 1905. IQIO. 42 HISTORY OF THE SOCIETY. Treasurers. William George Gibson ...... Nov. 20th, 1862-Nov. 7th, 1865. (homassC onde tree ee ee Nov. 7th, 1865- Johar A. Moodie ces. 2..ce-e Nov. 3rd, 1876-Oct. 5th, 1877. Douglas Baird Hart ............ Oct. 5th, 1877-Oct. 2nd, 1879. William Adamson ............... Oct. 2nd, 1879-Oct. 5th, 1883. (Assistant) John A. Moodie, Oct. 2nd, 1879-Oct. 8th, 1880. James Lennox, F.S.A.(Scot.) ... Oct. 5th, 1883-Oct. 5th, 1888. James S. Dhomsont seas). Oct. 5th, 1888-Oct. 4th, 1889. JohnpACy Moodie. .ca ere rs Oct. 4th, 1889-June 2nd, 1905. Matthew Henry M‘Kerrow ... June 2nd, 1905- The Possibilities of Societies such as Ours. By Sir JAMEs CricHTon-BrowneE, M.D., LL.D., F.R.S. Our President has ably and lucidly and with great succinctness described to us the history of the Dumfriesshire and Galloway Natural History and Antiquarian Society dur- ing its fifty years of active life. He has explained its origin, traced its progress, summarised its achievements, and in doing that his glance has been necessarily retrospective; and it now becomes my duty in the few words I shall address to you to turn in the other direction and take a prospective view of the Society, to anticipate what its course will be in the next half-century, to indicate not its achievements but its possibilities. The President was on safe ground; he had records to appeal to. I stand on a quagmire, and have only imagination guided by analogy to trust to. Prediction is always hazardous; even more so as regards groups of human beings than as regards individuals. Societies, like individuals, have their ups and downs, their periods of vigorous growth and of decline. They flourish luxuriantly or perish miserably. You can’t insure them at sixpence a week. But even as regards societies prognosis is sometimes possible, and from all I have heard of the antecedents of this Society, from all I know of its present condition, I would confidently predict for it a long lease of life and much useful and remunerative POSSIBILITIES OF SOCIETIES. 43 work in the future. The Society has a wide and a promising field for cultivation before it. There is, I think, a growing need of such centres and sources of illumination in a com- munity like Dumfries. The spread of education in modern times has resulted in an enormous extension of public interest in historical and in scientific questions. The daily papers teem with articles on the higher criticism of ancient chronicles, on birds, beasts, and fishes, on radium, Marconi- grams and synthetic rubber. Any schoolboy could now refute those vulgar errors to the exposure of which the great Sir Thomas Browne devoted a learned and weighty volume, which will live as literature although its expository utility is no more. And this vivid public interest in historical and scientific inquiries concentrates itself in many places in associations and institutions and Societies having for their object the prosecution of research and the advancement of natural knowledge. Of course in these days of high specialisation and of co-operative investigation, it is to our Universities, Colleges, our Guilds, and Technical Schools that have sprung up so copiously of recent years, with their staffs of experts, libraries, museums, and laboratories, and to our great National and Metropolitan Antiquarian and_ Scientific Associations, with the stimulus and the co-ordination of scattered observations they are able to supply—it is to these that we must look mainly for further enlightenment and discovery ; but outside the sphere of all these there is, it seems to me, ample room for a local Society like this to contribute to the general body of the most advanced antiquarian and biological knowledge of the day. If this Society did no more than draw its members together in pleasant and democratic social intercourse, quicken in them their interest in the relics and in the flora and fauna of the country round them, while keeping them abreast of what is going on, in the departments within its scope, in the great world beyond, and affording them whole- some recreation, its existence would be amply justified. Participation in a common pursuit promotes friendly, neighbourly feeling, and agreeable social intercourse breaks down artificial conventional barriers. Everyone ought to 44. POSSIBILITIES OF SOCIETIES. have leisure, and to be able to use it pleasantly and profitably. Heaven forbid that I should say anything derogatory of the putter or the niblick; golf is an ancient game of royal association, requiring skill and practice, bracing and exhilarating, adapted to all ages, preventative of senile decay, we are told; but it is not all-sufficing. There are those who do not take to it, there are those who do take to it, but would like to vary it by pursuits less circumscribed and leading to something more than mere personal enjoyment; and to them the Natural History and Antiquarian Society offers a delightful outlet and ever new and inexhaustible resources. But the Society is, I believe, capable of far higher flights than the promotion of good-fellowship and of healthful recreation. It is capable, I feel sure, of bearing a useful part in original investigation and of making fruitful additions to ascertained knowledge. As to the possibilities of this Society on its antiquarian side I need say nothing. These will doubtless emerge from the remarks of that most accomplished and fascinating of antiquaries, Sir Herbert Maxwell, who is to follow me and speak on the true Principles and Purposes of Archeology. But, skimming the transactions of the Society, I observe an accumulation of antiquarian notes and facts—especially the careful and admirable studies of the late Mr Barbour—that must yet lend themselves to incorporation in the edifice that is being slowly built up—an edifice scarred and rugged but profoundly impressive and attractive—the edifice of the past history of Scotland. And skimming the district around which falls within the purview of the Society, I see rich stores of antiquarian material still awaiting exploration; and I see abundant opportunity for the Society to exercise its watch- fulness in the preservation of our ancient monuments and remains. The Society is in a sense the guardian of these and the sworn foe of the restorer, the builder, the improver, who would tamper with them. In England incalculable mis- chief has been done in the work of church restoration, and I suppose the same thing has gone on in Scotland to a less degree. Our ancient churches cannot be too carefully pre- served as many of them are in their fabric and surroundings an epitome of the story of the parish. The Society has POSSIBILITIES OF SOCIETIES. 45 recently shown how much interest attaches to even as minute an ecclesiastical fragment as a token. It would be easy to illustrate the sterling value of the work done by local antiquarian societies, especially in con- nection with ancient earthworks and fortified enclosures, and with Roman remains, of which you have so many near you still calling for examination. |The Catalogue of Ancient Roman Pottery now being issued by a local society—the Philosophical Society of York—is of European interest. These local antiquarian societies are really the feeders of the National Societies, but sometimes they digest their own pro- vender with excellent effect. The best results must, how- ever, be obtained by co-operation between the local and the central societies, and it seems to me a wise arrangement under which a Congress is held in London once a year between representatives of recognised local archzological societies and the Society of Antiquaries in London. I do not know whether local antiquarian societies in Scotland have affiliated themselves with the Antiquarian Society of Edin- burgh, but if not, then that is a possibility of the future. On the Natural History, or Scientific side of this Society, about which I am more competent to speak, there is a practi- cally unlimited area for the operations of its members. The more widely the boundaries of science are extended, the larger becomes the circumference from which new parallels may be put forth, and much of the most memorable work in natural history has been accomplished by the observations and experiments of quiet, unobtrusive workers, with no greater advantages than those possessed by the members of this Society. Recognising, therefore, the earnest and enter- prising spirit that now animates this Society, I look forward with confidence to its future proceedings, and flatter myself with the hope that it will not only go on collecting and systematising facts, but will one day send forth one of those commanding geniuses who gathers up facts and by their attrition produce light that is the dawn of a_ new epoch. Darwin had the advantage of a University education, and of expeditionary travel with its expanding influence on the mind, but he was a solitary worker, with no more apparatus or institutional encouragement than is within the reach of 46 PossIBILITIES OF SOCIETIES.. any naturalist worker in Dumfries. It was in a quiet and secluded garden at Orpington, in Kent, that many of his most instructive studies were conducted, and so essential to him were the quiet and seclusion that I remember him telling me that after one day’s visit to London it always took him three days to settle down to work again at Orpington. Since the promulgation of natural selection by Darwin— the one great outstanding discovery in natural knowledge—a discovery of the first magnitude has been that in respect of the laws of heredity that is known as Mendelism, and its author, Mendel, was also a solitary worker. The son of Austro-Silesian peasants, when twenty-one years of age Mendel entered a religious foundation at Briin, and it was in the cloisters there that, becoming interested in the problems of hybridization, he carried out those classic experiments which have, after long years of neglect, revolutionised modern biology, and opened up new vistas of economic and human improvement. And the suggestive fact for us this evening is that it was to the Natural History Society of Briin —a society not larger or more important than the Natural History Society of Dumfries, that Mendel’s world-moving experiments were communicated. You may think it extravagant to suppose that this little coterie on the banks of the Nith will ever evolve another Mendel capable of drawing aside further the heavy veil that still obscures everything but an eyebrow of the face of Nature, but one never knows what may happen, and, if I may judge by its recent proceedings and by this meeting, the Society is bestirring itself, and is in that state of ferment that precedes active change and re-combination. Looking to the past of this Society, I recall that it once included in its membership in the late Dr Gilchrist a man who, had he been less burdened by official duties and by excessive modesty, might have taken a first place amongst British Naturalists; and in the late Mr Robert Service a man of such keen and sympathetic insight into wild life, that had he devoted himself to writing a book, he might have become a new White of Selborne. Looking at the present of this Society, I perceive that its President has made a really notable contribution to Ornithology, and that Miss Dudgeon (I do not know if Miss PossIBILITIES OF SOCIETIES. 47 Dudgeon is a member, but if she is not, she ought to be) is carrying out at Lincluden, with a care and precision worthy of the best scientific laboratory, a series of experiments on light and electricity of great moment and that are likely to have a practical bearing on agriculture and horticulture. Any member of the Society faithfully and diligently pur- suing natural knowledge may at any moment hit upon some truth hitherto unsurmised of far-reaching significance. It is no matter if they don’t; they will still have the pleasure— the exquisite pleasure—of their pursuits; but it is inspiring to fancy that one may perchance come upon a nugget and leave the world a little wiser and richer than one found it; and I am quite sure that the Sherlock Holmes instinct—the detective instinct—with which we are all more or less en- dowed, is far better employed in unravelling the secrets of Nature than in tracking the tangled footsteps of crime. Let me quote an instance of the way in which unexpected collateral discoveries sometimes come to those who are not looking for them. For a number of years Mr and Mrs Peckham, of Wisconsin, solitary workers, have been engaged in the study of Wasps Social and Solitary, and have pro- duced a charming monograph dealing with their habits and instincts. All their observations are of absorbing interest, as were those of Kirkby and Spence—some of them are dramatic—but there was one that was of quite peculiar significance. Watching the Ammophila, one of the most perfect and industrious of the little wasp-workers, they noticed to their amazement that after she had constructed her nest or burrow, and stored it with caterpillars as food for the larvee, when her eggs had hatched out, she not only, like other wasps, brought a quantity of fine grains of sand and soil with which to fill up the orifice, but, picking up a small pebble in her mandibles, she used it like any pavior, as a hammer or mallet with which to pound them down with rapid strokes, thus making the spot as hard and firm as the sur- rounding surface. This remarkable observation of the Peck- hams, which they have repeated many times, and which has been confirmed by other observers, upsets the theories of those who would regard insects as mere automata and stamps the Ammophila at any rate as an intelligent and tool-using 48 POSSIBILITIES OF SOCIETIES. insect. It was long thought that man was the only tool-using animal, and I need scarcely remind you that even amongst the higher animals the use of any instrument or object foreign to their own bodies in this way is of the rarest occur- rence and is regarded as a proof of high intelligence. ‘“ The thing that struck me as most remarkable ’’ (in the Ammophila), says Professor Williston, of Kansas Uni- versity, “‘ was the unerring judgment in the selection of a pebble of precisely the right size to fit the entrance, and the use of the small pebble in smoothing down and packing the soil over the opening, together with the instinct which taught them to remove every evidence that the earth had been dis- turbed.”’ Well, lots of discoveries like those of the Peckhams’ remain to be made. There is around us and under our feet, in every bank and tree-trunk and pool, a world of Lilliput whose little people, if we will but attend their performance, are capable by their curious and human-like foibles and whimsicalities of affording us amusement such as we derive from the revels of Oberon and Titania, and who, moreover, are capable of furnishing us with information and guidance of practical utility. Mr Sladen’s recently published work on the Life History of the Humble Bee, describing its struc- ture, development, and behaviour, is a model for any member of a Society like this, who desires to specialise in entomology and aims at producing a standard popular treatise. For those who do not specialise there is the large question of the distribution of animal and vegetable and insect life which is pressing for investigation, and in the solution of which they may help. From my own professional point of view I would say that we have only made the first steps in our acquaint- ance with protozoa and bacteria in relation to health and disease, as scavengers and protectors, and as ruthless in- vaders and secret poisoners, and that anyone with leisure ‘and a microscope may assist us by studying the stratification and the mutual relations of the different kinds of organisms in any stagnant pond and their relations to each other. One principle in medicine in future will be to pit organisms against each other, to set a thief to catch a thief, as Pro- fessor Metchnikoff has done in the case of the Bulgarian POSSIBILITIES OF SOCIETIES. 49 bacillus which disposes of certain injurious bacilli in the intestines as effectually as the Bulgarian soldiers have dis- posed of the Turks in Thrace and Macedonia. One possibility of the future of this Society is, I venture to think, the part it may play in the education of the town. Excellent as has been Scotland’s educational work, it is by no means finished and complete, and I look forward to great modifications in accordance with the pressure and require- ments of the times, and in accordance with our better ac- quaintance with growth bodily and mental. I feel sure that there will in all schools be added to our ordinary curriculum —still far too formal and verbal—appeals to the artistic instincts of the children, to their dramatic instincts, their musical instincts, to their constructive instincts, and above all to their inquisitive instincts—those inquisitive instincts which, from the earliest age, make the child so eager to know all about the world in which it lives, to understand how effects are produced and where things come from. It is those in- quisitive instincts that lead to the incessant questioning that are the terror of parents, and that have been sternly re- pressed in schools, and indeed, sometimes stamped out, so that it has been said that children go to school ignorant but curious and come away ignorant and incurious and indiffer- ent. But these inquisitive instincts must in the future be fostered and encouraged and duly directed. Nature study must take a much larger place in education than it has hitherto done, and anyone who has ever seen a nature lesson properly given will realise how it elicits in a way no other lesson does the interest, acuteness, intellectual activity of the children, and how it leads on to the love of the beautiful and to artistic conceptions. Well, when this nature study in schools arrives, mem- bers of this Society should be ready to undertake special branches of it, and to supply suitable specimens and material. One of the advantages of such nature study in schools will be that it will enable boys to show, as our ordinary school course does not do, the special aptitudes and tastes which they possess, and will thus secure for science some earnest and competent workers and rescue from the desk and the office boys who could never be happy there. That distinguished 50 POSSIBILITIES OF SOCIETIES. and greatly gifted African explorer, Mr Joseph Thomson, who did honour to our country and was cut down in the midst of an eminent career, assured me that he owed his introduction to his life work and his success in it to the teachings of a member of this Society, the late Dr Grierson, of Thornhill, and his Museum. If this Society can give us half a dozen more Joseph Thomsons, it will deserve well of the country. Well, Dr Grierson’s Museum brings me to the last of the future possibilities of this Society, which I wish to put before it this evening, and that is the establishment of a really good Museum in the town. I wish to speak with great respect of the Observatory—I always take my friends there; it has a splendid situation, and it contains some rare, and interesting, and valuable deposits, but it is not a museum in any true sense of the word, and has an air of faded decadence about it that is depressing. The essence of a museum consists not in the building, the cabinets, the cases, the specimens, the labels, needful though these be, but in the curator, who gives life to the dry bones; and I hope the time will come when you will have a well-paid scientific curator at the head of a genuinely educational and well-assorted museum under the control of this Society, primarily illustrating the antiquities and the geology, botany, and zoology of the district, but con- taining well selected groups of objects connected with science generally and with art and industry. ‘‘ A museum,’”: said Ruskin, ‘‘ is no less useful to a town than its churches, circula- ting libraries, and gasometers. It is a place of noble and ennobling instruction, where persons who have a mind to use it may obtain relief from labour, a true training of the eye, an appreciation of what is good and lovely in nature, and some scraps of wisdom.’’ The St. George’s Museum at Sheffield, which Ruskin founded, and which is now visited by upwards of 40,000 persons annually, and is an attraction to the city although almost exclusively artistic and not free from fantasti- cal elements, affords noteworthy hints to other museums. It is not overloaded, for, as Ruskin said, one can no more see twenty stones worth seeing in an hour than one can read twenty books worth reading in a day. Judicious selection is practised, certain ordered groups of objects are exhibited from time to time, so that more careful examination may be given A hee ha PosSIBILITIES OF SOCIETIES. a to a limited series, rather than a hurried survey of a large col- lection, probably not resulting in any lasting impression, but only in confusion. Changes are made periodically in the series of objects exhibited, lectures are delivered, and every effort is made to evoke intelligent interest. I trust Dumfries will have its museum one of these days, where this Society can bestow its collections, hold its meet- ings, and carry on the work of the higher education. There must be many rich men in the neighbourhood who must be daily worrying themselves with projects how they may best benefit the town and keep alive a grateful remembrance of themselves when the inevitable time comes for the transfer- ence of their wealth. Let me resolve their perplexities, save them from running in the common rut, and advise them to hand over at once to the Dumfries and Galloway Natural History and Antiquarian Society a sum sufficient to build and liberally endow a museum in Duntfries. I have been speaking of possibilities—very remote possi- bilities some of them may appear to you to be—but it is actualities with which we are in contact this evening; and very gratifying it must be to those who have organised this gathering to witness its success. I feel sure it is not a possi- bility but a certainty that this will prove a new starting point in the career of the Society and secure for it fresh support. May it live long and prosper. The True Principles and Purpose of Archeology. By the Right Honble. Sir HERBERT MAXWELL, Bart.. Ew. ).C.L., BE UR-S, I shall devote the few remarks which I venture to make to you as members of an Antiquarian as well as a Natural History Society to an endeavour to put before you a few practical suggestions in regard to that branch of your Society which deals with archeology. In the comprehensive and stimulating address which you have just listened to from Sir James Crichton-Browne, you have heard the importance and utility of natural science well brought before you. I wish it were in my power to convince you that there is a great deal to be said for antiquaries. There was a time, not a very dis- 52 True PRINcIPLES of ARCHAOLOGY. tant time, indeed I am doubtful whether I am justified in speaking of it as past, when antiquaries were looked upon by the business part of the community as a feeble folk, like the conies, harmless, indeed, but perfectly useless, and apt to develop the qualities of a bore. They were suffered to exist, were it only to serve as a butt for satirists. Our own Sir Walter did not spare them; although, being as keen and dili- gent an antiquary as ever stood in shoe leather, he touched the foibles of Sir Arthur Wardour and Jonathan Oldbuck with a gentle hand. Robert Burns was not so forbearing, and gave a loose rein to ridiculing Captain Grose. It’s tauld he was a sodger bred, And ane wad rather fa’n than fled; But now he’s quat the spurtle blade And dogskin wallet, And ta’en—the Antiquarian trade, I think they call it. And soon. That’s all fair enough, and we antiquaries don’t mind it—‘‘ our withers are unwrung ’’—because we believe in our profession. It is quite true that in the past a great deal of mischief has been wrought in the exploration and de- struction of ancient remains by persons actuated by one of two motives—avarice or curiosity—avarice, in the search for hidden treasure; curiosity, consisting of a childish desire to see ‘‘ what’s inside it.’’ Now, there is only one legitimate motive in searching for and garnering decayed and broken objects of no intrinsic value whatever, namely, to obtain light upon the history of the human race. Antiquaries stand in the same relation to historians as witnesses do to counsel. The historian has to make out a case, and as every question has at least two sides, his case is almost invariably one of attack or defence; whichever it is, antiquaries are cited as witnesses, and the case often turns upon the evidence they can give. That, then, is the main purpose and function of the true antiquary—to produce evidence in support of history. If that is admitted, perhaps you think our case may be left there ; but we may go a little further and ask what is the value of history? How much better off are we when antiquaries have proved, as they have recently done, that there was a TRUE PRINCIPLES OF ARCHAOLOGY. 53 real city of Troy, that it was destroyed, as Homer stated, by fire, and that the inference is fair that Homer was speaking the truth when he told of Menelaus, the faithless Helen, and the treacherous Paris? What bearing upon our conduct of modern life has the knowledge that our remote ancestors knew not the use of metals, and fashioned such implements and weapons as they needed out of stone? Is any one of us wiser, or better, or wealthier for knowing that the mar- vellous civilisation of Egypt, after existing for thousands of years, was swept away and submerged in a flood of barbar- ism? Or, coming to later times and to this island, does it assist us in regulating our business, our pleasure, our rela- tions with other nations, to know that the aboriginal people which inhabited Britain was invaded, conquered, and _ well- nigh exterminated by the great migrating race of Celts, who, in turn, were subdued by the Romans, to be followed by Saxon, Danish, and Norman conquest? Have you a ready answer to these questions? If not, let me supply one which was given 2200 years ago when Thucydides dedicated his history of the Peloponnesian War to ‘‘ those who desire to have a true view of what has happened, and of like or similar things which, in accordance with human nature, will probably happen hereafter.’’ The purpose of archeology, then, is to recover and pre- serve objects whereby oral tradition may be checked-—written chronicle verified or refuted—so that our knowledge of the past being clear and precise, we may the more surely and safely shape our course for the future. And now let me speak an earnest word of entreaty to those who have the opportunity of contributing to our know- ledge of archeology, and thereby to our acquaintance with history. _Thousands—tens of thousands—of objects of human manufacture have been recovered and scattered among the country houses and local museums. I regret to say that many of them in the Observatory of the town have no record of where they were found. The labels have been lost, and with them the knowledge of the conditions under which they were found; and thus all value in these objects has dis- + appeared, for they possess no intrinsic value of their own. For instance, if a stone axe or collection of arrow heads finds 54 TRUE PRINCIPLES OF ARCHAZOLOGY. its way into some country house, they are regarded with curiosity for a while, carefully preserved perhaps for a genera- tion or so, but without any written record being kept of the place or circumstances in which they were found; so that when that generation passes away, these relics, if they are not wholly lost, remain worthless as witnesses to history. The ~ handiwork of primitive races is strangely similar in all parts of the world. Of what use is it, then, to store up a stone axe or a flint arrow head without any record to show in what country, nay, in what hemisphere it was found? Such objects are literally worthless unless accompanied by a statement of the exact locality and conditions and their relation to other objects. Many years ago the late Mr Cochran Patrick and I spent some long summer days excavating a crannog or lake- dwelling. We found very few manufactured articles; so few, indeed, that a neighbouring cottager’s wife, who came to watch our operations in the third day, after standing some time expecting something to turn up, and expecting in vain, exclaimed, ‘‘ I think they maun hae been a puir folk an’ a carefu’ that leeved here. They hadna muckle gear, and what they had they took awa’ wi’ them.’’ Unconsciously, the good lady in these simple words anticipated the conclusion to which we had to come at the end of our labours, and the his- tory of the past was enriched by the knowledge that the people who constructed and lived on this island were far from affluent, living chiefly by the chase, just as the historian Tacitus tells us was the mode of life followed by the Cale- donian tribes which repelled Agricola’s invasion of the High- lands in the year of our Lord 86. Something, however, we did find, and this is the point of my story. Scattered through a mass of decayed fern, we recovered nineteen little scarlet beads, no doubt the necklace of some Celtic matron or maid, who deplored their loss as bitterly as a modern fine lady might weep for the loss of a diamond tiara. Phoenician and Roman traders found beads quite as acceptable articles of barter among the barbarous natives of this country as they are at this day among the primitive inhabitants of Central Africa. Well, we were greatly pleased with the discovery, but you will only find seventeen of those beads in the museum of Scottish Anti- ee Se re TRUE PRINCIPLES OF ARCHEOLOGY. Ys) quaries. A worthy gentleman living not far from the scene of our exploration assisted us in digging and searching the rubbish. He claimed a couple of the beads as a reward for his exertions, and we were actually so soft-hearted as to allow him to carry them off. He is dead now, and the beads, if they still exist, are worthless, for none of his descendants know aught about their origin. Allow me, therefore, in conclusion, to impress upon you the expedience—I will even put it so high as the obligation, the duty, whenever any relic of antiquity comes into your hands, of attaching a label to it without delay, stating the place of origin and the circumstances of its discovery, and reporting the discovery to the secretary of the Society of Antiquaries. If you can rise to the disinterested firmament of science you will send the objects to be preserved in the National Museum of Antiquities in Queen Street, Edinburgh ; for archeology, like every exact science, is nothing unless it is comparative, and the lesson of history—the knowledge of the progress of our race from barbarism to its present degree of culture—can only be learnt from the study by experts of a very large collection of such relics. I surely need hardly impress upon you how largely your understanding may be enriched, your imagination quickened, by a comprehensive acquaintance with the course by which we have attained to our present level of comfort and security. Half, nay, more than half the charm of Scottish landscape is derived from its association with the past. We dwellers in this Border land surely do not need to be reminded of that. Our fields, so often blackened by the invader’s fire and soaked with the blood of our forebears, are now studded with pros- perous homesteads; our towns, so often pillaged and burnt, are now humming with peaceful industry. But we should do ill to forget those who fought and died to secure us this heritage. Long years of peace have stilled the battle thunder ; Wild grasses quiver where the fight was won ; Masses of blossom, lightly blown asunder, Drop their white petals on the silent gun, 56 TRUE PRINCIPLES OF ARCHAZOLOGY. For life is kind, and sweet things grow unbidden, Turning the scenes of strife to verdant bowers ; Who shall declare what secrets may lie hidden Beneath that cloud of flowers? Poor heart ! above thy field of sorrow sighing For smitten faith and love untimely slain, Leave thou the soil wherein thy dead are lying To the soft sunlight and the kindly rain. Love works in silence, hiding all the traces Of bitter conflict on the trampled sod ; And time shall show thee all the battle places Veiled by the hand of God. Natural History—Some Advance in Fifty Years. ls57 Ilr Ge 12 Sooner Wit, [8 IRKEuS., [BILLS I shall not, of course, try to describe all the manifold achievements in Science during the past half-century, which would be a terrible task and quite beyond my powers. I shall only pick out here and there some of the salient features of the new country in Science which was first revealed by the genius of Charles Darwin. For Darwin’s work was, in fact, the discovery of a new country, of whole continents for Science to explore and to make plain, and it is but just to say so whenever one tries to estimate the distance that has been travelled since those days. Pre-Darwinian Science was a sort of wilderness, a thorny tangle of preconceived notions, and obscured by a clinging fog of pseudo-theological dogma and medizval pedantry. Darwin revealed the scope and the possibilities of the natural sciences. In every one of them some magnificently simple idea, which he was the first to realise, has lighted up much that was obscure or unknown, and pointed out a likely path. Some of these ideas (though by no means all of them) have had the most unexpected and astonishing results. Thus, for instance, in South America he noticed and endeavoured to account for the subsidences of the coast line. In those days the Earth was Terra firma of an uncompromising solidity, and no one seems to have seriously questioned such doctrines a See ee i a ee ‘ee ae NaturRAL History. 57 cer as the permanence of Ocean basins and the fixedness of Con- tinental outlines. Now the solid surface-deposits of our globe are known to be a delicately sensitive skin which can vibrate to the Joad of a passing cart, or be thrown into far travelling waves of vibration by every earth-tremor and volcanic disturbance, in Valparaiso or Japan, in Sumatra or the Carribean Sea: all of which are now recorded daily in the Isle of Wight Obser- vatory. Moreover, there seems to be no eternal fixedness in the outlines of Ocean basins. Suess and other good authorities believe in great secular oscillations of the Continents by which huge landmasses in the Mediterranean, in the Gulf of Mexico, off Patagonia, and elsewhere, are alternately raised above the sea or plunged deep below the waters of the Ocean. Yet these movements are not exactly regular. The creep of the Earth must be considered. As our planet revolves the outstanding ridges of the Earth’s crust, especially those mountain ranges which run North and South, must in the course of ages, gradually shift in direction, leading to great transgressions of the Sea and the drowning of the Western flanks of the Continents. * This instability seems to be especially remarkable in the case of Antarctica. Sometimes it emerges and we seem to see, with Mr Hedley, visions of rippling brooks, of singing birds, of blossoming flowers, and of forest glades. Then it retires in a paroxysm of diastrophic energy beneath ice- sheets, and becomes a desolation scarcely able to support even for a few months either the Scotch or the Scandinavian explorer. But the idea that Tertiary Antarctica was a sort of clearing-house for the migrations of Araucaria, Iguanas, Acanthodrilids, Buprestidae, and other animals and plants, seems to be fairly well established. Although I still feel that it is dangerous to summon Continents or land-bridges from * Schwarz, Geog. Jour., Sept., 1912. 58 NaTurRAL History. the vasty deep purely for the convenience of a fluviatile Crus- tacean, however interesting it may be.* Any alteration in elevation or in the sculpture of the land relief involves changes in the whole series of plants and animals which naturally depend upon it. Thus, for example, our district at Dumfries has passed through not one, but several periods of intense volcanic activity. It has enjoyed ages of repose either beneath deep sea or in the quiet waters of an estuary. The conditions at Canonbie and Sanquhar must have resembled at one time a West African Mangrove swamp; at another Nithsdale seems to have been as dry and arid as the Hammada el Homra of the Sahara. These few instances of change in our theories regarding an ever-changing world show how different is our standpoint to-day from that even of ten years ago. But it is the detailed work of the last fifty years that is perhaps the most astonishing part of it. During the last fifty years probably every single rock and mineral in the British Islands has been sliced in thin sections and examined with microscope and polariscope, and has so revealed the mysteries of its formation. Every stage in the advance and retreat of glacial con- ditions during the last Ice Age, or series of Ice Ages, has been carefully studied, and with the result that the outline, first sketched by the genius of James Geikie, is now almost a history of events with dates. Glaciers from our Galloway hills have been traced to the Irish Sea, where they had to take part in that bewildering struggle of ice-sheets from many directions, from Ayrshire and Argyllshire, as well as with those from Ireland and Wales. As regards our own district, granite fragments from Criffel, Dalbeattie, and other Galloway hills have been carefully tracked, and prove that the Galloway ice passed up the Eden and across Teesdale into Yorkshire. On the East coast, the Scotch ice was also forced into Yorkshire by the pressure of the Scandinavian ice-sheet. Rock fragments found in Yorkshire or dredged from the * Hedley, Proc. Linn. Soc. of London, October, 1912. NATURAL Hisrorvy. 59 North Sea have revealed the track of this Scandinavian current, which has been traced far North right into Bothnia and Finland.* Moreover, methods of dating these events are now being tested and compared. The Baron de Geer has managed to count the layers of sediment deposited annually by the Swedish ice-sheet as it thawed away every summer, and he has found that the retreat of the ice in Sweden required 5000 years. From these ahd other calculations, Professor Sollas reckons that the man of Chelles was living in France about 50,000 B.c., and that the fourth or last Ice Age began to disappear about 14,000 B.C.* , There are still, of course, many blanks in the story. Thus great lakes were produced through the rivers being dammed up by ice floes or moraine stuff, and these lakes have been actually mapped in Cumberland, Yorkshire, and Renfrew- shire. They are not yet known for our district. I am, how- ever, confident that Mr Wallace will soon supply us with this information. Moreover, I have not yet found a geological map to show the superficial deposits. Such a map would be of the first value to agriculture. It would be as important perhaps as are the geological survey maps of the Midland Valley of Scotland to the mining industry. There has also been an astonishing development in Botanical knowledge. Botany has divided into at least thir- teen distinct and separate branches. Of these, one of the youngest but vet most vigorous is Electro Culture. Every year since the very first harvest has seen more of the earth subdued and utterly transformed, and more water conducted to ever-increasing crops. But it has been reserved for us to alter the atmosphere and to enlist electricity for the aid of man’s oldest and basic industry. Norwegian waterfalls are now being utilised to turn inert nitrogen into nitrate of lime. Moreover, electric currents are employed to foster and encourage the growing plant. * Kendall and Dwerryhouse, Quart. Jour. Geo. Soc., Vol. 58, 1902. * Sollas, Ancient Hunters, London, 1911. 60 NaTurRAL History. The skill and enterprise of many observers, and especially of Miss Dudgeon, have already shown results of great prac- tical value. She informs me (20th November, 1912) that Potatoes (British Queen) under electrified wires averaged this year 13 tons 1 cwt. per acre; whilst, according to Mr M‘Alister, the average crop in this district only amounted to about 7 tons per acre.* | Of course, for a wide practical application, further data are necessary, but the results already obtained for corn, potatoes, and some other crops are exceedingly promising. The experiment station at Lincluden is not only some- thing for us in this district to be proud of, but is of the first importance to all civilised Europe. The costly nature of the apparatus is at present a draw- back, but such material difficulties will surely vanish as soon as a fair chance of definite profits can be demonstrated. At anyrate, as the history of industry shows, such obstacles have been generally overcome in every other art and craft. British Botanists a few years ago were only interested in flowering plants. To-day there are complete monographs of alg and lichens, of fungi and liverworts, and indeed of every class of vegetable. One can even determine the bacterial flora in samples of water or of soil. This in itself is no mean achievement. Nor is that all, for we are now almost able to give a name to every living creature discoverable in the British Isles. But not quite to all, for the variety in the insect world and in some other classes of animals is bewildering. The preparation of such systematic monographs is an exceed- ingly difficult matter. Yet during the last fifty years many lives have been devoted whole-heartedly to uninteresting, tedious dissection, to eye-straining microscopical work, and to laborious search of authorities often on behalf of minute animalcule, in which perhaps only twenty or thirty people now living are in the least degree interested. Not only so, but men and women have been found willing to doom themselves to libraries in order to index scientific * The crop was raised and weighed under the superintendence of Professor Priestley. See also Dudgeon Flectro-cultwre. ee Ors. Ee ee ee ee ee ee rs NATURAL History. 61 literature, and this, though it is a quite necessary work, is surely of all human pursuits the driest, dullest, and most exasperating. In all these laborious undertakings our three counties have done far more than their full share, as will be clear from what our President has said, and there are many others such as our President himself, the Lorraine Smiths, Carrutherses, Olivers, Mr M‘Andrew, Mr M‘Gowan, and many others. There is plenty of local work waiting for our members in the further study of smaller plants and of most classes of animals. At present their names are for the most part known, but we hardly know anything of what they do, which is of much greater importance. Another new department of Botany is the study of plant associations, which could not be undertaken until all systematic pioneering had been done. In any part of the world, whether on our Galloway hills or in Rhodesia, the particular set of plants growing naturally in any place constitute an infallible guide to the economic possibilities of that locality. For they are an expression of the climate and other factors of the environment. I wish this had been realised by Great Britain before the partition of Africa had been definitely finished. This new science is, therefore, invaluable not only to the colonist abroad, but to every farmer and forester at home. It is perhaps because these plant associations are exceedingly complicated and intricate that they are not yet studied as they should be. Suppose one were to take an ideal section through the natural grass pasture of the Galloway hills as far down as the subsoil, one would find the whole of such a section crowded with life. The interstices of the soil are coated with bacteria and protozoa; there are worm burrows and insects of all kinds; the roots of the flowering plants occur each at the level congenial to itself; the ground surface has its flora of alge, liverworts, and mosses; then there are the various foliage stories of leaves, of grasses, bracken, and flowers; and, besides all this, there is an intricate mosaic of visits from insects, birds, and other animals : the whole being, in a casual desultory fashion, under the control of man, 62 NATURAL HISTORY. The relations in such an association are very Curious. Although there is a strenuous competition, yet each living creature, whether it be protozoan, grass, or rabbit, is at once a servant of and yet ministered to by all the others. You will see that this science, of which Eugen Warming is the great pioneer, is essentially necessary to farming and forestry. Yet those who are now at work on it—Lewis, W. G. Smith, Tansley, Crompton, and a few others—are obliged to carry it on in their leisure hours or in a few brief holidays from exacting professional work. In other departments the output of Botanical literature is enormous, indeed appalling. Hundreds of keen and eager students are slicing minute ovaries of lilies, cutting sections of fossil spores, working out the anatomy of Cordaites and Spenophyllales, crossing strains of the Tclephone pea and of Japanese waltzing mice to the twentieth generation, or covering acres of paper with biometri- cal calculations. I am, of course, thankful that this is the case, but could not, say, one eager student in ten be spared to take up those branches of Botany which are of obvious and direct usefulness to the land industry ? Most—by far the greater part—of British Botany is of far too recondite and abstruse a character. There is also an increasing tendency for each little group of workers to invent a uselessly elaborate terminology which is practically an esoteric language. The result is that each group is cut off from ordinary educated opinion and from any contact with practical men. Now the advantages of an entente cordiale between the scientist and the man of business is manifest in many other sciences. In physics, chemistry, and geology our industries are prosperous and up-to-date, and in those branches our Scientific Authorities are equal to the best in the world. Practical touch of Theory with Practice has led to astonishing results in bacteriology and parasitism. Here again, amongst the pioneers, Britain is well represented by Lister and Dr Manson. The malarial-mosquito discoveries have, in fact, NATURAL History. 63 entirely changed the prospects of every tropical country in the world. But our British Botany is, for the most part, quite unin- telligible except to the highly trained specialist, and its lack of influence on the practical side is a very serious matter. One has only to read the nonsense commonly written about the land question to see that this is so. There is, of course, a convenience in avoiding the criti- cism, often brutal and unsympathetic, of the practical expert. But if any discovery is to be of real use to the world, for God’s sake let it be told in the plainest of Anglo-Saxon, and let it struggle for its life with the bayonets and maxims of the most Bulgarian criticism. That is the only safe course. It is no new thing for wise men to withdraw into esoteric languages and to live uncon- taminated by contact with the man of affairs. But the result has been that their discoveries have been lost and their lives have been of no use either to the world or to Science. Yet though over-specialism and word-mongering is a real danger, there are many hopeful signs in the Natural Sciences to-day. In the ’70’s and ’80’s a certain ineffable superiority and a crude materialism (not essentially different from that of Lucretius) was openly professed even by some eminent men. Nowadays such opinions cannot be supported by scientific evidence. Radio-activity and vortex atoms have prevented any orthodox belief in the essential materialism of matter. There is no gross solidity to-day anywhere, not even in the atom. The truth is that, previded your knowledge of a subject is confined to a shilling text-book, or even to the hand-hook published at 18s nett. all problems may appear solved or soluble by scientific methods. Step outside the text-book and go to the originals, or ask questions and experiment ever so slightly by yourself, you will find that difficulties, mysteries, and insoluble problems crowd upon you. Suppose one had an expectation of a life of 969 years, and could read, with profit, in that time every volume on the forty- 64 NATURAL HISTORY. nine miles of book shelves alleged to exist in the British Museum, I do not believe that one would be appreciably nearer the solution of such problems as the origin of life or the origin of matter. Professor Schaeffer’s address to the British Association was, of course, a model of clear and lucid exposition. Pro- bably no one else now living could have so explained the dificult subject of elementary physiology to a popular audience. But is it a serious contribution to the study of a very difficult question ? We were, as students in Edinburgh twenty-five years ago, told about and discussed colloid substances, the growth of cystals, and the deceptive similarity of certain magnetic phenomena to a few of the figures in cell division; but in what way can these and other similarities be considered as proofs? If this is evidence, I would as soon believe in the sea serpent. Moreover, if you refer to the discussion following that address, you will find first, that the only speaker who directly supported Professor Schaeffer differed with him on quite a radical point; second, that every other disputant did not agree either with the President or with anyone else. I do not myself think that Professor Schaeffer’s views are prevalent amongst scientists. Even if they were, Science does not recognise infallibility. I have no time to say any- thing regarding the great story of the Ascent of Man, but there is one point that has greatly impressed me. Man in his lowest, most animal stage, even when his life could hardly differ from that of a squirrel, seems to have had glimmerings of a real religion. Evidence of this seems clear enough, and is found at the very earliest period at which any evidence can be reasonably expected. During the long story of his development periods of crass materialism have occurred, usually in days of accumulated wealth and a comfortable security. Such periods are always remarkable for gross superstition, and the last few years have been no exception to that rule. The other day I counted forty-two distinct advertisements in a Parisian journal of good standing; all of them were from NATURAL HistTory. 65 professors of Mesmerism, Thought-reading, Hypnotism, Esoteric Buddhism, Crystal Gazing, Christian Science, Pre- diction by cards or by handwriting, Chiromancy, or Astrology. Waves of these ancient superstitions have ebbed and flowed regularly in this country during the last fifty years. I think they show that, just as man even at the very lowest limit of Humanity could not content himself with a purely material theory of life, neither can he do so at any stage of civilisation, not even in that through which we have now passed. The President moved a vote of thanks to the speakers, which was carried by acclamation. He also called for a similar vote of thanks to the musicians. Mr W. J]. H. Maxwell of Munches moved a vote of thanks to the Provost and Town Council of Dumfries for the use of the Town Hall. The Provost of Dumfries, Mr J. S. Thomson, responded, and the meeting terminated at 10.40 p.m. 29th November, 1912. Chairman—Mr S. Arnott, V.P. John Welsh, the Irongray Covenanter. By the Rev. SamueL Dunvop, Minister of Irongray. THE PENTLAND RISING, 1666. In the last paper I had the honour of reading before this Society* I left John Welsh fleeing before the troopers of Dalziel of Binns at Rullion Green. I must retrace my steps a little, owing to some fresh light which is shed on his career in the memoirs of Sir James Turner. The revolt which cul- minated in the battle of Rullion Green, known as the Pentland Rising, broke out in the Glenkens at Dalry on November 13 or 14, 1666, owing to the oppression of Sir James Turner’s * Transactions, N.S. XXIV., pp. 190-200, 66 Joun WELSH, THE IRONGRAY COVENANTER. soldiery. The rebels marched swiftly on Dumfries, where Sir James was residing, making their rendezvous at Irongray Church. From a petition to the Privy Council by Jean Dalziell, widow of Bernard Sanderson, the curate who suc- ceeded Welsh in Irongray, we learn that ‘* on 15th November, 1666, the said Mr Bernard, being ane old and infirme man, was by the late rebells most barbarously and unchristianly abused and his house and bairn yeards plundered’’ (P.C. Reg., iii., 437). Next morning Sir James was taken at Dumfries by the rebels and carried off to Corsock. The news of the rising reached Edinburgh, where Welsh was. He hastened to join the rebel forces, reaching Dalmellington on Sunday, November 18th, where Sir James met him. ‘‘ After my guards had supped at my charges, Mr Welsh sent out one to enquire of me if I would receive a visit from him; my answer was, he was a persoa I was looking for these two years bygone, but I had found him now in a wrong time. However, he might come when he pleased.’’ Welsh pre- sented himself and delivered ‘‘ a tedious discourse ’’ on the Covenant, warning Turner to think of death, which he knew not how soon might overtake him. He told him further that the Lord had revealed to him that the time appointed for the deliverance of His people had come. Turner replied that revelations and miracles had ceased, and Welsh and his men had better go home and submit. ‘‘ But by these discourses I prevailed as much with him as he did with me by his. I called for a cup of ale purposely that I might hear him say grace. In it he prayed for the King, the restoration of the Covenant, and the downfall of prelacy. He prayed likewise for me, and honoured me with the title of God’s servant, who was then in bonds. He prayed for my conversion, and that repentance and remission of sins might be granted me. After this the conference broke up.’? From Dalmellington Turner was conveyed to Ochiltree, and Welsh retired to the wilds of Galloway. They met again at Ochiltree, Welsh returning ‘“ with his army, for so some of the rebels would needs have it called. I saw them afar off, and reckoned them to be near 100 ill-armed foot and some 15 or 16 horse.’? Some were no doubt Irongray parishioners, for nearly the whole parish \ JoHN WELSH, THE [IRONGRAY COVENANTER. 67 seemed involved in the Pentland Rising. At Ochiltree it was planned that Welsh should preach, and some of the rebel ce leaders suggested that Turner should hear ‘‘a_ fanatic sermon ’’ (for so they merrily called it) in hope that it might convert him. His guards, too, wished to go to church and did not like, as they politely put it, to leave him alone in his ‘ lodgings. Sir James, who had also ‘‘ a kindly wit and loved ” a timely joke,’’ replied that as to his conversion it would be hard to turn a Turner. ‘‘ But because I found them in a merry humour, I said, if I did not come to hear Mr Welsh preach, they might fine me forty shillings Scots, which was double the sum of what I had extracted from the fanatics.’’ There was, however, no sermon, Welsh having been called away. Between Welsh and Turner there must have been a sort of friendship, for he relates that Welsh allowed his servant to carry an open letter from Sir James to Lady Turner at Glas- gow. From Ochiltree the rebels moved to Muirkirk, and from thence to Douglas and Lanark, where they passed the Sabbath drilling and plundering, according to Sir James, ‘“but did not bestow one hour or minute of it in the Lord’s service either in prayer, praise, or preaching.’’ At night they made amends for omitting the duties of the day by passing an act for renewing the Covenant and another for murdering me when they should think it fitting.’’ Turner’s account of the spiritual condition of the rebels is gloomy. ‘““My guards neither prayed nor praised for anything I heard.’’ The only form of devotion was grace before and after meat, ‘‘ but I confess I was more overwearied with the tediousness and impertinences of their graces than I was either with the scarceness or badness of my meat and drink.”’ The army struggled on towards Edinburgh, disappointed by the cold reception they met with among the country people. On the south of the Pentlands Dalziel, an old soldier in the wars of Muscovy, fell upon them. During the battle Welsh and Semple prayed for the success of their troops, like Moses at the battle of Rephadim—‘‘ The God of Jacob, the God of Jacob,’’ they cried. Turner’s guards echoed the words. When he asked them what it meant, they answered—‘‘ Can 68 Joun WELSH, THE IRONGRAY COVENANTER. you not see the Lord of Hosts is fighting for us?’’ Turner, however, as a soldier saw that Dalziel was winning, and a few hours later he was at liberty, and Welsh and his friends fleeing for their lives. AFTER RULLION GREEN. The movements of Welsh after the battle of Rullion Green are very obscure. He left the battlefield with Colonel Wallace, the commander. (Veitch’s Narrative.) | Wallace escaped to Holland, but there is no indication that Welsh left the country. In 1667 he lurked with other fugitives who, like himself, had been too deeply involved in the Rising to be pardoned (Wodrow, ii., 70). His life and fortunes were forfeited (Wodrow, i., 34). His parishioners of Irongray shared in his condemnation. In the Privy Council Registers (ii1., 436) we find that on May 5th, 1668, twenty-one Irongray farmers had not accepted His Majesty’s indemnity for having been out at Pentland. For the sake of the curious I copy the list :— William Anderson in Shalloch; James Anderson in Peir- trie; William Welsh, son to John Welsh of Skar; James Welsh, his brother; John Welsh, in Skeoch; Robert Wallas, in Skaar ; Harbert Biggar, son to Harbert Biggar in Barbuie; Thomas Smith, son to James Smith of Drumclyer; Robt. Sinclair, son to Robert Sinclair in Lagg; William Welsh in Inglestoun; James Biggar in Marglollie; John Curior .in Dalquhairn; David Currior in Ruchtrie; John Curior in Nework; Robt. Colvin in Inglestoun; John Hunter in Barn- ~ cleuch; John Wallas in Holhill; John Welsh in Knackstoun (MacNaughton) ; Jon. Wright in Larbrek; Jon. Whytheid in Cluden; James M‘Burnie in Crochmore. Welsh may have found shelter in his own parish, but probably he was nearer his pursuers than they imagined; at any rate in 1668 he was lurking at the house of one Robert Grey in Edinburgh. (Kirkton, 1668.) Towards the end of the year he was preaching. The Earl of Tweeddale writes in November, 1668, to the Earl of Lauderdale that Mr John Welsh was running about Clydesdale and keeping conventicles both in houses and in the Church of Camnethine (Cambus- Joun WELSH, THE IRONGRAY COVENANTER. 69 nethan) about midnight, where there were 200 or 300 people all of the meanest commons. Above 20 children were chris- tened. Lord Tweeddale says he had got notice of his haunts, and sent Mungo Murray, the lieutenant of the guard, ‘‘ to try his hand,’’ but Welsh eluded pursuit. (Lauderdale Papers, ie 123.) THE INDULGENCES. It is necessary for a moment to turn from the personal history of Welsh to the ecclesiastical policy of Lauderdale, for unless this is understood it is impossible to understand Welsh’s position from 1669 till Bothwell Bridge, ten years later. Lauderdale returned to Scotland in 1669 as King’s Com- missioner. The retiring Commissioner, Rothes, had become very unpopular through the severities which he allowed Sharp (Archbishop of St. Andrews) and Dalziel of Binns to exercise in suppressing the Pentland Rising. Lauderdale was sensual and cynical, a notorious evil liver, but he was not a fool, and he knew his countrymen. He saw that the policy of Rothes and Sharp was a mistake. He had no love for prelacy; in fact, he was a Presbyterian, if he was anything. His object, therefore, was not to magnify the office of the bishops, but to minimise it. He could not abolish it, but he tried to make it less obnoxious to the people. In 1669 he issued the first indulgence. You will remem- ber that the Parliament of 1662 had passed an Act ordering all ministers to obtain presentation from their lay patron and collation from their bishop, or else vacate their charges. Under this Act, Welsh and about 350 other ministers had been driven from their parishes. The ministers who were sent to replace them were known as curates. Though we need not believe all that the Covenanting writers say about them— for in those days any evidence was good enough to condemn an adversary—still the curates were not, on the whole, the sort of people who would win the respect of honest men. Their congregations were driven to church through fear of fines and imprisonment. It is true the curates had not an easy life, for when the military withdrew from the district the parishioners were apt to make the parish too warm for them, as in the case 70 Joun WELSH, THE JRONGRAY COVENANTER. of poor old Bernard Sanderson of Irongray. Lauderdale’s indulgence allowed ‘‘ outed ’”’ ministers to return to their parishes on a vacancy occurring, provided they had lived ‘“ peaceable and orderly.’’ They were not to be entitled to the stipend unless they were collated by the bishop, only the manse and glebe. They were to be paid a yearly maintenance by the Council, who now collected the stipend. They were debarred from keeping presbytery unless collated by the bishop. They were also required to confine their energies to their own parish, and avoid preaching to the times, i.e., poli- tical sermons. Only 42 accepted the indulgence, and when the second indulgence was granted in 1672 only 80 came in. Those who came in and those who accepted the ministrations of the indulged ministers probably were weary of ecclesiastical strife, and thought that as the Government were trying to recede from a false position they were bound to meet them half-way. The Government, however, were not going to allow Presbyteries to rule the country. Indeed, Lauderdale in the very Parliament which granted the first indulgence, introduced an Act which declared the King supreme in all causes, civil and ecclesiastical. Such had been and is the law in England, but never till then in Scotland. Had Lauderdale intended to injure the Kirk of Scotland —and I don’t think he did—he could have taken no more effective way than by the indulgences. As Mr Andrew Lang puts it :—“ The indulgences did more to split the Kirk into hostile parties than the sword of Claverhouse did to break the spirit of Presbyterianism ’’ (Hist. of Scot., iii., 318). Hence- forth there were three parties in the Church : (1) The indulged ministers and those who accepted their ministrations, regard- ing it as the best they could. make out of the circumstances. (2) Those who utterly refused to have anything to do with indulged preachers, refusing even to hear them—men like Cameron, for instance; and (3) Those who though not in- dulged themselves, or even desiring indulgence, refused to separate themselves from those who were, but left it to their own consciences how they would act—men like John Welsh, for instance. Welsh, of course, was not indulged; could not be Joun WELSH, THE [IRONGRAY COVENANTER. ial! indulged. He had not lived ‘‘ peaceable and orderly ”’ since he was ejected from his parish, being, in fact, a for- feited rebel since Pentland. Lauderdale did not intend his toleration to extend to men like Welsh. The year after the Indulgence (1670) came ‘‘ the clanking Act ”’’ against conven- ticles, condemning field preachers to death. It is said that King Charles was not well pleased with it, remarking that bloody laws did no good. Cassilis alone voted against it in the Scottish Parliament, so Lauderdale had his way. WELSH IN FIFE, 1674. It is one thing to pass Acts of Parliament; it is quite another thing to make them work. Lauderdale could pass what he liked in the Scottish Parliament, yet when Lauderdale was at- Edinburgh his own parish church at Leslie, in Fife, was empty, save for his family, while Welsh preached to vast multitudes of Fife folk. Blackader, who was with him, says the gatherings in 1674 amounted to between eight and ten thousand persons. His congregation consisted not merely of the meanest commons, as at Cambusnethan six years before, but many lairds and noble ladies were among his hearers. One of the nobles, Lord Cardross, was fined in 1675 £:1000 for attending a conventicle at which Welsh was one of the preachers. (P.C., iv., 1675.) Forty persons, mostly heritors in Fife, were found guilty of being at field conventicles at which John Welsh did preach, and were fined heavily (P.C., 1674). A very aristocratic lady, the Countess of Crawford (Lady Lindsay), was among his hearers. She was the aunt of the Duke of Hamilton, who after the Duke of York was heir to the Scottish Crown. (Blackader.) Welsh was very popular as a preacher with the fair sex. C. K. Sharp, in a note of Kirkton’s History, says that ‘Welsh rode to conventicles accompanied by a number of armed men, called Mr Welsh’s body guard, and he had all the fanatic women in the country, who usually gave warning of the enemies’ approach.’’ He also tells how in February, 1679, at a conventicle at Langside, Margaret Stewart, Lady Fleming, wife of Sir W. Fleming of Fern, and the wife of ce Wm. Anderson, Provost of Glasgow, ‘‘ sat upon high chairs 72 Joun WELSH, THE IRONGRAY COVENANTER. on either side of Mr John Welsh, and kept company with Mr Welsh at other times.’’ Another extract from Blackader must be given :—‘‘ A young gentlewoman who lived in Fife once heard Welsh, and was put to such admiration at the power which attended the word she professed that she ex- ceeded, giving him higher esteem than his due. She, hearing that he was to preach at Kinnanachar, did cheerfully resort thither with the rest, nothing doubting to find Mr Welsh as she found him the day before, persuading herself that the morrow should be as the other day, and much more abun- dant. But her disappointment was such that she found him nothing like the former, but rather more straitened than another man (which was also observed by others), and though it was a very vexing temptation for her the time, yet she protested she got as much edification in that disappointment as she had got on the former occasion, by seeing her own folly doting on the creature instrument, and not giving glory of the power to God, whose gracious countenance and assistance alone made the difference between Mr Welsh and another minister, . . . which passage I mark for the edification of others.”’ ~ | Blackader records other instances of Welsh’s power as a preacher: he converted a witch and a curate. Kirkton says :—‘‘ The conversion of Mr John Monroe made much noise. This man went to a field meeting, where he heard Mr John Welsh was to preach; and having satisfied Mr Welsh in the morning concerning his change desired to preach with Mr Welsh that day, which was granted; so after Mr Welsh had ended sermon before noon, Mr Monroe stood up before the great field meeting, and after he had made his declaration and recantation, preacht in the afternoon to great satisfaction and so continued ’’ (Kirkton, 197). His experiences with the curate of Falkland were not so favourable. When Welsh was preaching at Falkland Wood ““ the curate of Falkland came forth boasting and swaggering, offering to debate with him after preaching. But if Mr Welsh had not by his composed and calm words restrained the people they would have debated the curate at that which would have done his turn before he could have begun ’’ (Blackader Joun WELSH, THE [RONGRAY COVENANTER. 73 Memoir, 168). Falkland was Richard Cameron’s parish, and his biographer, Professor Herkless, tells us the curate was Mr John Hay, who was deposed at the Revolution Settlement for refusing to read a proclamation issued by the estates. (Herkless, Cameron, 44.) Field preaching was an expensive entertainment for the hearers. The Council put into operation the Scottish form of ‘“boycott,’? known as “‘ Letters of Intercommuning, which forbade all subjects to hold intercourse with the persons denoted, under the penalty of being guilty of their crimes ”’ (Hume Brown, Hist. of Scot., ii., 405). Many persons were fined for resetting Welsh. There was a price of 2000 merks set on his head, a distinction he shared with his co-presbyter, Gabriel Semple of Kirkpatrick-Durham, and Arnott of Tong- land, twice that of the other field preachers. (Wodrow, u., 2360-7.) In 1679 the price of Welsh’s head rose to gooo merks, while Semple and Arnott only were valued at 3000, and an ordinary forfeited preacher at 2000. (Wodrow, iil., 15.) Soldiers were sent to apprehend Welsh, and marched to Duna- quier, but the people got notice of it and escorted him to Largs, where he hired a boat, which took him to Aberlady, from whence he made his way to his own house in Edinburgh. (Blackader, 170.) From the Registers of the Privy Council we learn that it was Alexander Durham who conveyed him from Fife to the Lothians, for which good deed he was fined. (PC., 1675.) The bishops tried to blacken Welsh’s character, saying that during his stay in Fife he got great sums of money— some 40,000 merks. Blackader asked Welsh if this were so, and he told him :—‘‘ I never made it a practice, and none did who tendered the credit of the Gospel.’’ He had once accepted of a small gold coin as a token of friendship from a gentleman. (Blackader, 170.) He certainly cost his Fife friends enough in fines. It is an unsolved problem how Welsh lived : he had no stipend, his goods were forfeited. He kept a house in Edinburgh, he rode a horse, he had a servant, “* the polygamous tinker,’’ John Scarlett, who declared ‘‘ he was to (he, however, ”) have 12 pound in the half year and clothes only stayed with Welsh a fortnight). His friends might pro- 74 Joun WELSH, THE IRONGRAY COVENANTER. yide him with food, but how did Welsh live and pay his way if all the money he received was one small gold coin in token of friendship? His wants were doubtless few and simple, the only luxury I find him indulging in was tobacco. Possibly his second wife had money. His first wife died at Neilson of Corsock’s, shortly after he was outed from Irongray. When he was in Fife in 1674 he was married again. I wish I knew more about John Welsh’s monetary matters. Avarice was not the only charge levelled at Welsh by the bishops; in the proclamation of February 6th, 1679, he is accused of ‘‘ debauching the people to atheism and popery ”’ (Wodrow, iii., 14n). The bishops must have known that such a charge was false. There was, however, even in 1674, a party in the Govern- ment who would gladly have won over Welsh by kindness. Wodrow tells us that a proposal was made to him to accept a church and an indulgence. Welsh declined the offer. It, however, did not embitter him against those who accepted the indulgence. Indeed, it was his refusal to denounce them that caused so much trouble among his own followers in years to come, and finally drove him into exile. But I am antici- pating events. WELSH IN ENGLAND. From Fife Welsh crossed to the Lothians. Scotland had become too hot for him, so he crossed the border to Northum- berland, August, 1676. Here he lived for some time “‘ very pleasantly,’’ says Wodrow (ii., 342). He preached “‘ some- time when Tweed was frozen in the midst of the river, that ”) either he might shun the offence of both nations, or that two kingdoms might dispute his crime.’’ (Blackader, 241, n.) The English authorities, however, were on his track. | William Strothers, D.L. for Northumberland, was warned that ‘‘John Welsh, alias Hope, a Scotch sectary and pretended minister, who frequents several meetings in the said county and en- deavours to pervert people there, and who stands attainted of high treason in Scotland, is to be searched for and taken into custody and sent into Scotland to be proceeded against on the said attaimder 7.) (Domestic “Papers, icil., 1676-75) 6 ane Joun WELSH, THE [RONGRAY COVENANTER. 75 English authorities do not appear to have been more success- ful in capturing Welsh than their Scottish brethren. In the spring of 1677 Welsh and other Covenanting preachers were back in Scotland. With Blackader and Riddel he held a communion at Eckford in Teviotdale (Black- ader, 182 et seq. ; Wodrow, iii., 347), also at Girvan Water in Ayrshire. Lord Dundonald writes to the Duke of Lauder- dale :—‘‘ I am certainly informed yesterday that Mr Welsh has intimat a communion to be celebrat at Girvan Water in Carrick on Sunday next, and a house (is) building on purpose for that effect, and there is a contribution gathering in May- bole to build ane other house there ’’—Auchants, 24th Oct., 1677. (Lauderdale Papers, iii., 88.) Welsh was in Galloway about this time, for the Council was informed that he had inducted Mr Gilchrist into the Kirk of Carsphairn upon the indulged minister’s death. The in- ‘ dulged minister must have been “‘ that worthy and singular man and minister, John Semple of Carsphairn.’’ (Wodrow, ii., 348. There is a note about him in Scott’s Heart of Midlothian.) Next year His Majesty King Charles II. heard of his rebellious subject; the Earl of Murray addressed a letter to the Duke of Lauderdale telling him that at Whitehall, May 7, 1678, ‘‘we first read the committee’s letter to His Majesty, and then the account of that conventicle held by John Welsh at Chirnside Moor in the Merse.’’ About this time the cele- brated communion was held at East Nisbet in the Merse. Blackader has left a fine account of it (182 et seq.). I cannot quote it; but I must give in detail his narrative of the Iron- gray Communion. IRONGRAY COMMUNION.* ‘* After his landing [from Culross] he [Blackader | is in- formed that a gentleman of Nithsdale called Sund : [Sunday- well] was come from Galloway and Nithsdale to invite him in * This account of the Irongray Communion is a true copy of Blackader’s MS. in the Advocates’ Library. It differs from the printed Memoirs in several details. 76 Joun We tsu, THE IRONGRAY CoVENANTER. to that country with whom when he met he told his errand, that he was come of purpose to invite him in the name of the country to assist at a Communion intended by the people and Mr W{elsh] at Irongray against Sabbath that day 8 days ; and missing him at Edinr he had come that length resolving still to hold on till he had met with him: He told him also that the country and well affected gentlemen in it (who had formerly fainted) were resolved to countenance that solemn work as publickly and avowedly as they could on their peril. Upon which hearing Mr Bld. being surprised was astonished, and withall not a little comforted that the Lord had so wonder- fully raised up and revived again the spirits of his people in that corner, who had so long time been under a Damp of Discouragement, and that this was in some part the Return of prayer. He cheerfully resolved that night to go, and went with him on the morrow being Monday toward Edinr to make himself ready for his journey to Irongray which was near 60 miles from Edinr. His wife, who desired to be a witness and partaker of that benefit, with his son Robt., went with him, it being such a rare opportunity. ‘They got not out of Edinr till Thursday about 10 or 11 in the forenoon, yet they with the gentlemen rode that night to Gilkerscleugh, [a] place about 30 miles, and from that to Caitloch in Glencairn, about 17 miles on Friday. As they rode by Leadhills on their way towards Enterkin and Nithsdale they found the way full of people, many on horse, others on foot. It was told also that about eighty horse whereof were many gentlemen from Clyds- dale and other parts had been drawn up in a body with officers and marched down Enterkin path in good order a little before him. They were also reasonably well appointed. All which was to him a surprisal and observed as a singular providence. He desired those he met with to carry sober under it. That party of horse, after they were down the braes of Enterkin, which was a large mile, they drew up again at the foot of it and marched in order all along down Nithsdale till they came to Cluden water, where they rode through (it being great with rain before) straight into the parish of Irongray, where they took up their quarters, kept out watches, the rest of the multi- tude came after and quartered up and down as they might a ae “=.” ~~. Joun WELSH, THE IRONGRAY COVENANTER. 7 | best for convenient lodging as near as they could to Irongray. The Earl of Queensberry and some with him met companys of them in their way. Mr Bld. and his company took off the way of the rest to Caitloch, where he lodged that night, and came to the Cross of Meiklewood,* a high place in Nithsdale about 4 miles above Dumfries, a place where they might see the country about. He came from Caitloch with many others in company on Saturday, being about nine miles to the place where was gathered a huge congregation. Mr Rad [Rae?] lectured, Mr Bld. preached on these words—This do in remem- brance of Me, Luke 22, 19; 1 Cor. 11, 24, whence he observed these 2 chief points (1) That the remembrance of the Lord’s Supper and renewing the administration thereof was not left arbitrary to the church, but we are under a peremptory com- mand to celebrate the same in convenient seasons; tho’ men had now discharged and inhibit to do this contrarie to our Master’s command, which says to do this. Secondly, That the great end of instituting, &c., ever after celebrating or administering thereof, was to be done in remembrance of him, where he pointed at several remarkable things which we are bound to remember of him. Mr W. preached a little after, and intimated the Communion to be the morrow upon a hill- side on the muirs of Irongray, which was about 4 or 5 miles distant for that. The place was not particularly named lest it might be known to enemies before: However none missed coming to it on the morrow more than it had been particulariy named to them. ‘* On the morrow being Sabbath the congregation met att * Meiklewood Moss, in the parish of Dunscore, seven miles from Dumfries and about nine miles from Caitloch, is situated between the farm of Corsefield and Rosehill, named respectively on the old Ordnance Survey Cross and Crosshill, appears to agree with the place indicated. + In the printed Memoirs of Blackader, 1st Edition, Whitehill is the name given for the place of the Communion. This is cor- rected to Skeochhill in the 2nd Edition. In the Blackader MS. the name of the place was originally left vacant, but Whitehill and Skeochhill were added by other hands. Skeochhill is the correct locality ; Whitehill is in Terregles. 78 JoHN WELSH, THE IRONGRAY COVENANTER. [Skeochhill] in Irongray parish, about 4 or 5 miles above Dumfries. The Assembly was large, greater than at East Nisbet, more Gentlemen and Strangers from far and near. Mr Arnot lectured, Mr W. preached and broke up the action. There were 2 long tables, longer than at East Nisbet and more communicants, all the rest of the minrs [ministers] exhorted to several tables. Mr D[ickson] preach’d afternoon, the whole action was closed that day without disturbance. It was a cloudy gloomy day in the skies, often like to rain; but the clouds seemed singularly to be restrained tho’ heavy with rain, for ere the people got to their homes there fell down a great rain, which waxed the waters. The Earl of Nithsdale, a Papist, and Sir John Dalziel, a great enemy of those meet- ings, had some of their ill set domestics there, who waited on and heard till about the time of the afternoon sermon, and then slipt away. They were suspected to come there for no good. At the time of the people’s dismissing there arose an alarm with cry (How it rose I cannot tell) that there was a party approaching. Whereupon those gentlemen and horse which came from Clydsdale drew instantly together. The Gentlemen and people of Galloway and Nithsdale had not drawn together in any posture of defence neither intended, but upon any appearance of imminent hazard were ready. These seeing the Clydsdale men so quickly drawing together and putting themselves in a posture, they found themselves also in a necessity of doing the like. The Laird of Earlston elder, who had been a captain in the former wars, drew out a large troop of Galloway horse. Another gentleman (for- merly also a captain of horse) drew out another troop of Nithsdale horse; several companys of foot, I suppose 4 or 5 were also drawn out of the rest with their officers. All this was done in shorter space [than] could be believed. For the people was most cheerfully willing and resolute: parties and single horsemen were on several quarters sent out to look about them while others of the people were drawing together. Those who went forth returned and reported that they only heard a rumour that some party was come into the country, but could not inform themselves of any near at hand or any stir among the enemies of the country; so after two hours Joun WELSH, THE IRONGRAY COVENANTER. 79 staying on the place and dismissing the body of the people, the Troops and foot companies as they were in order divided themselves and took up their quarters respectively as near to one another as could conveniently be within the bounds, where the bulk of the people were quartered, which was within little more than a mile and a half or thereby, yet all were wonderfully and well accommodated with lodging in houses, barns, and otherwise. Horse meat and man’s meat : so little bounds, and that which made it the more remarkable was that it was in the Moors of Irongray, where fewer houses were, but the people had cheerfully and largely provided themselves for the purpose before hand; Parties were sent forth on several airts and watches kept that night, which was a very rainy night. Horse and foot guards kept in barns, Minrs. and Gentlemen were provided with good quarters at houses. In point of prudence no intimation was made where the morning’s meeting was to be kept, but only appointed by the minr. of the parish, and some four others, who kept right close till the Tent was set up on a hillside in the head of Irongray parish about 4 miles from the place of Sabbath meeting. Yet the people resorted all thither from their respective quarters and made up a very great assembly, more than would have been believed, especially after such an alarm. The troopers and foot companies who were drawn up the night before, drew up in posture round about the meeting, the foot nearest the people, and the horse outmost. Some Minrs. (I forgot who) and Mr D. preached first, and Mr Bld. preached last on Heb. 13, 1, Let brotherly love continue. ‘his meeting was also dismissed without disturbance. The whole work from the beginning on Saturday till the close on Monday about one in the afternoon was much countenanced, and the people much refreshed in their spirits notwithstanding of all the occasion their poor bodies had to be wearied thro’ sore travell, watchings, alarms, other straitnings and diss- accommodations which could not be shun’d among such a multitude keeping so closely together among moors and moun- tains, yet it was thought by several that this occasion was short of that remarkable and singular shining Influence that appeared at East Nisbet. Notwithstanding all the noise and 80 Joun WELSH, THE TRONGRAY COVENANTER. those alarms, Mr W. and Mr Bld. stay’d still in the country and preach’d together on two several Sabbath days and week- days also. The first Sabbath after they preached together on the back of Dalscairth hill, in the parish of Troqueer: The other Sabbath also they preached together at the head of Holywood, Mr Bid. with his wife and son went for Edinr. the week following and came there in safety, notwithstanding of all the noise had gone to Edinr. Mr W. stay’d sometime in the country after that and preached, and as I remember all this was in June, 1678.”’ WELSH AND CAMERON. Welsh followed up the Irongray Communion by another at Kirkcudbright; then he went west to Colmonel, in Ayr- shire, where he held the last and the largest of the kind that had ever been in Scotland. Blackader was invited to assist at it, but was unable to join Welsh. He was next asked to go to Kilmarnock and hold another there, but declined, as there was an indulged minister in that parish. Though per- sonally Welsh was opposed to the indulgence, he was un- willing to condemn those who had availed themselves of it. In Welsh’s own personal circle, however, there was one who would have nothing to do with the unclean thing. Lauder- dale’s policy was turning out better for the Government and worse for the Church than he could have expected. The irreconcilable was a young Falkland schoolmaster, one of the fruits of Welsh’s Fifeshire mission; his name, far better known than Welsh’s, was Richard Cameron. Early in 1678, when Welsh was in Teviotdale, he “‘ perceived that Cameron was not only exercised unto godliness, but had his own share of gifts and learning,’’ he urged him to get an act of licence to preach the Gospel. Cameron at first refused, but at last yielded to the entreaties of Welsh, Semple, and others. He warned Welsh that he would preach against indulgence and for separation from the indulged; but Welsh was unde- terred, and Cameron was licensed at a Presbytery meeting held at Henry Hall’s house at Haugh-head, in Teviotdale. Welsh sent Cameron to preach to the turbulent folk of Annan- dale. ‘‘ How,” asked Cameron, “ can I go there and preach? Joun WELSH, THE IRONGRAY COVENANTER. 81 I know what sort of folk they are!’’ ‘‘Go your way, Ritchie,’’ answered Welsh, ‘‘ set the fire of hell to their tail.’’ Cameron appears to have fulfilled Welsh’s injunction faithfully, but shortly after he was engaged in plunging Welsh and Semple into hot water. Cameron had been true to his word; he had not only preached against indulgence, but had preached when ordained ministers were present, and had opposed even Welsh himself. He was also accused of causing trouble even among Welsh’s old parishioners in Irongray. For all this he was libelled. A Presbytery was held on November 14th, 1678, at Sundaywell in Duscore, at which Welsh presided. Cameron appeared before it and practically admitted he had done and said what was libelled, though he questioned the competency of the Presbytery to judge him. Next day the Presbytery again met, Gabriel Semple presiding. Cameron objected to Welsh sitting as one of his judges, as he was involved in the accusation against him. Welsh declined to withdraw; the Presbytery supported Welsh, so Cameron walked out. Cameron now took the right of preach- ing into his own hands and preached openly against indul- gence. Another meeting of Presbytery was held a week after at Irongray, and Cameron’s doings were reported to them. This wandering and vexed Presbytery again met on December 26th, 1678, at Dundeugh, between Carsphairn and Dalry. Welsh and Semple were again present. Cameron apparently was absent, but Robert Hamilton, brother of the Baronet of Preston, of Drumclog and Bothwell Bridge fame, denounced the Presbytery for their Erastianism. The Presbytery did not ceprive Cameron of his licence, though they tried to prevent people going to hear him preach. It was an unfortunate moment for the Covenanters to Guarrel among themselves, for the Government were devising more active measures and had acquired a more vigorous agent to carry them out. The Earl of Linlithgow, the Commander of the Forces in Scotland, had now as his deputy in Dumfries and Galloway 82 JoHN WELSH, THE IRONGRAY COVENANTER. JoHN GRAHAM OF CLAVERHOUSE. On February 27th, 1679, Claverhouse was appointed a Sheriff-Depute of Dumfries, Annandale, Wigtown, and Kirk- cudbright. He had already been in Dumfries and Annandale, . but his commission was bounded by the Nith. Welsh had three weeks before, February 6th, 1679, been proclaimed a traitor, and the extraordinary reward of gooo merks was set on his head. In spite of this, Claverhouse writes to Linlith- gow from Dumfries :—‘‘ Mr Welsh and others preach securly within twenty or thretty myles of us, but we can doe nothing for want of spays (spies).’’ (Spelling was not Claverhouse’s strong point.) A little later he again writes :—‘‘I find Mr Welsh accustoming both ends of the country to face the King’s forces, and certainly intends to break into open rebellion ”’ (Ap. 26, 1679). The local militia could not be relied upon. Wilder spirits than Welsh, too, were at work. Cameron and Hamilton were out, and they had no scruples about appealing to the sword. Events were moving rapidly. On May ist, 1679, at a meeting of the Council in Edinburgh, at which Archbishop Sharp presided, a warrant was issued to the Earl of Linlith- gow to follow Welsh, Cameron, Kid, and Douglas, and their accomplices, to seize and apprehend such as may be found at their conventicles, and in case of resistance to pursue them to the death. This was on Thursday. On Saturday (May 3rd) Archbishop Sharp was murdered at Magus Moor as he returned from Edinburgh to St. Andrews. When the news reached Claverhouse at Dumfries he was hesitating whether to strike at Teviotdale or Carrick, where Welsh now was. But it was in neither of these districts that open rebellion broke out, but at Rutherglen. Here on the anniversary of the Restoration, May 29th, 1679, Robert Hamilton with 80 horse put out the bonfires which were lit in honour of the occasion, burned the Acts of 1661 establishing prelacy, and affixed his ‘testimony to the Market Cross. Claverhouse fol- lowed in hot pursuit, and met the rebels at Drumclog, where ke was defeated and forced to flee. JoHN WELSH, THE IRONGRAY COVENANTER. 83 BOTHWELL BRIDGE. What followed may be read in any history of Scotland, or, better still, in Old Mortality. The defeat of Claverhouse was the signal for the West to rise. Welsh came from ‘* rotten hearted,’’ Russell calls then in his ‘‘ Narrative.’’ Some were gentlemen of good Carrick with a considerable force, standing in Galloway and Carrick; others may have been that party of armed men with which Welsh was said to ride about the country, who were known as ‘“‘ Mr Welsh’s body guard ”’ (Just. Rec., May 12th, 1679). The Covenanting army swelled, but there was dissension in their ranks. The old quarrel about indulgences bred bad blood. ‘‘ The one party (Hamilton, &c.) preached against all defections and encroach- ments upon the prerogative of Jesus Christ. Mr Welsh and his party preached up the subject’s allegiance to the magis- trate.’’ It is not my intention to detail these squabbles. Welsh was strong enough to carry the majority with him, but Hamilton and his followers were a powerful minority, and they were drunk with their victory at Drumclog. On June 18th the Duke of Monmouth, the bastard son of Charles II. and husband of the Duchess of Buccleuch, was sent to com- mand in Scotland. He was known to be well disposed to Scotland, and not hostile to Presbyterians. He marched upon the rebels who were posted on the Clyde at Bothwell Bridge. A deputation met Monmouth, headed by Mr David Hume, the laird of Caitloch, ‘‘ and some say Mr John Welsh had been named to go to the Duke with the supplication ’’ (Wodrow, iii., 106). They promised to lay down their arms if free exercise of religion was granted them, a free Assembly, and a free Parliament, and indemnity for past offences. Monmouth neither could nor would have granted these terms, nor would they have satisfied Hamilton’s party had they been granted, Monmouth temporised, but battle had already begun. Hamiltonians and Welshites accused one another of abandon- ing the Bridge. Hamilton seems to have given the order. The result was that Monmouth’s artillery was brought across the Clyde. The horses of the Covenanters were flung into confusion by the cannonade, and an easy victory was won by Monmouth (June 22nd, 1679). 84 Joun WELSH, THE IRONGRAY COVENANTER. Welsh again escaped pursuit. He was, of course, men- tioned in the proclamation against rebels, June 26th, 1679. How he escaped I do not know. The next trace of him I find is at Edinburgh. In Wodrow’s Analecta, n, 12-13 :—‘* He was in Edinburgh towards the end of 1679.’’ There had been a great intimacy between Welsh and Hamilton of Kinkell, who was then in prison in Edinburgh. Mr Hamilton was suffered to go out sometimes with a keeper in the day time, and came still at night back. One day finding Mr Welsh in town and desirous to meet him, he got rid of his keeper for a little money, and came where Welsh was. When they were together his wife brought the alarm that there was a search, and that it was already in the same land they were in. Mr Welsh paused for a little, and at length he said to Mistress Hamilton :—‘‘ Be not afraid, I am assured the searcher shall not once come near us And so it was, they did not enter that house. This was the last time Mr Welsh was at Edin- burgh before he went to London and died. Wodrow records a prophecy of Welsh after the break at Bothwell Bridge. (Analecta, i., 132.) Patrick Walker also gives a similar version in his life of Peden. I quote it, but I hope Welsh did not talk such rubbish :—“‘‘ Sir, O! but I have great news to tell you this day; but you may say can you tell us greater news than them that’s in Edinburgh, that they are heading and hanging and shedding the blood of the saints? But said he, I have greater news to tell you from my great Master, and that is, I see all Scotland a field of blood, and I see all England and Ireland a field of blood; but before that time the Church will get a breathing but she will fall asleep, and will not improve it; but the first wakening she will get, a man will step over his bedside in his wife and children’s blood ; then the Church will awaken, and it will be at such a nick of time that none of the nations will be able to help another. O! but any of you who have moyen with our Lord, had need to pray that that sad day may be prevented; but the decree is gore forth, and past in heaven, it is past remedy.”’ Welsh’s usefulness was past if he had come to babble nonsense of this sort. His power in Scotland at anyrate was broken. Wild men like Cameron, Cargill, and Peden were q? Joun WELSH, THE [IRONGRAY COVENANTER. 85 to represent the cause of the Covenant. He passed quietly into England, where he lived for over a year, dying on January gth, 1681. In a note of Miss Foxcroft to the supplement to Burnet’s History (p. 103) I find it stated that he lived prin- cipally with Shaftesbury after Bothwell Bridge, and may thus have supplied Burnet with materials for his History. His death caused no small stir in London. Lord Foun- tainhall mentions it in his Diary, adding :—‘‘ He was not so gross as to disown the King, as the Cameronians did: his grandfather, Mr John Welsh, was a great enemy of the bishops, and died in France, temp. Jas. VI.’ Wodrow, on the authority of a son of Hamilton of Kinkell, says that Mr Welsh’s burial was the greatest that for many years had been seen in London; that most of the Dissenters changed their text that Sabbath he was buried; that their congregations were invited to the burial, at which there was a vast number of ministers, persons of fashion, and, if my memory fails me not, some hundreds of coaches ’’ (Ana., iv., 12-13). His statement that Welsh died at the house of Mrs Fraser, the laird of Breca’s wife, in London, 1679, is certainly wrong. The date is wrong, and Mrs Frazer was dead three years in 1679. But what follows bears the marks of pro- bability. ‘‘ The next morning after his death Lauderdale went in to the King and told him. His Majesty owed him five hundred pounds! He asked, For what? He told him one of the greatest disturbers of the peace in Scotland, upon whom five hundred pounds was set, was now dead. The King said, ‘ If he be dead, it saves so much to me’ ’’ (Ana., iv., 17). To Charles and Lauderdale Welsh’s death was a joke; it was no joke to the people of Irongray and his friends in Dum- fries. In January, 1681, Blackader visited his old parish of Troqueer. ‘‘ There had been some report of worthy Mr Welsh’s removal come to the country (though not certain), but when the people saw the minister entering with a mourn- ing band about his hat they raised a heavy groan, and several cried out of sorrow for some time, which did also much affect him, and did occasion a very moving discourse on Jer. viii., 6, by way of preface putting them to reflect on the great days of the Gospel they had, both of old and also under the bypast 86 CoRRIES OF ANNANDALE. persecution; and that He had now taken home some of His most eminent servants, who laboured more abundantly than many, whom now their eyes should see no more in this world. : After sermon, all the Irongray people came about him to condole; he took them kindly by the hand, one by one, and promised a visit to their parish; but his heart being over- charged with sorrow he could offer them no comfort then ” (Black. Mem., 239-240). The Early History of the Corries of Annandale. By CHRISTOPHER JOHNSTON, M.A., Ph.D., LL.D., &c., Professor in Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md., U.S.A. The old parish of Corrie, conjoined in 1609 with Hutton, gave its name to a family which, after playing an important part in the affairs of Dumfriesshire for several centuries, at length met with the fate of so many families of distinction. In the fifteenth century the elder line, the Corries of that ilk, adhered to the Douglases in their struggle with the Crown, and losing their extensive possessions through fine and for- feiture, soon dropped into obscurity. The cadet branch of the house, the Corries of Newby and Kelwood, about the same time sold their estates in Dumfriesshire and removed to Ayr- shire, where they flourished for some time, but ultimately their lands passed to female heirs. At present the descen- dants of this ancient stock, scattered through the two shires, own not a foot of the ancient possessions of their race. A certain Peter de Currie, who flourished about 1180, may have been of this family; otherwise the earliest authentic ancestor of the Annandale Corries appears to be a certain Hugh of Corri, who was present at a curia regis of King William the Lion* (r. 1165-1214). The same Hugh frequently occurs in the well-known charters of the Bruces, lords of Annandale. published in Bain’s Calendar of Documents Relating to * Acts of Parl’t. of Scotland, i., 66. CORRIES OF ANNANDALE. 87 Scotland,j and in the Buccleuch Manuscripts, pp. 38-40. Hugh of Corri, who appends his name to no less than ten of these charters, between 1190 and 1218, all relating to Annan- dale, is evidently a man of considerable consequence in his day and generation. He usually signs as a witness, but in an important document, dated 11th November, 1218, he appears as one of the sureties of Robert Bruce in his agreement with his mother and her second husband, Patrick, Earl of Dunbar. § Among the families whose ancestors appear as witnesses to these charters, along with Hugh of Corri, are Kirkpatrick, Dinwiddie, Johnston, Jardine, Fleming, Herries, and Bois or Boyce. One of the charters, dating from about 1218, intro- duces a very important connection of the Corrie family. It is a quit claim from William, son of Ralf the Lardener, and David, his brother, to Robert Bruce, of their land in the vill of Annan, and it is witnessed, among others, by Hugh of Corri and a certain Sir Richard de Levinton (Bain’s Doc’ts. i., No. 704). Sir Richard was the head of a wealthy and power- ful family of Cumberland, on the English side of the border. His father, Adam de Levinton, had a barony im Cumberland, was Constable of Wallingford Castle, and was living in 1210. His eldest son, the above-mentioned Sir Richard, was a justice itinerant for Cumberland and Westmoreland, and died in 1250 without issue by Sara, his wife, who survived him until 1299. His second son, Ralf de Levinton, married Ada, daughter and co-heir of Richard de Gernon by Joan de Mor- ville, his wife, and, dying in 1253, left an only child, Helewise, who married Eustace de Balliol (d. 1271), and died issueless in 1272. In addition to these two sons, Adam de Levinton had six daughters, viz. :—(1) Eufame, mother of Richard de Kirkbride; (2) Isabella, mother of Adam de Twynham; (3) Eva, mother of Gilbert de Southayk; (4) Agnes, wife of Walter de Corry, and mother of Sir Walter de Corry, Knt. ; (5) Margery, mother of William Lokard; and (6) Juliana, + Abbreviated here as Bain’s Doc’ts. t ie., Historical Manuscripts Commission, 15, Appendix viii. ; abbreviated here as Buc. § Bain’s Doc’ts, i., No. 700. 88 CorRRIES OF ANNANDALE. mother of Matilda and Emma de Carrig. It would be interesting to trace out the relationships that might be here developed, but that would carry us too far afield. The date of the first Walter of Corry, husband of Agnes de Levinton, can only be conjectured, but he probably flourished about 1230-1250, and he was doubtless a son or grandson of Hugh of Corri. In 1292 his son Walter is called ‘‘ Walter, son of Walter of Corry ”’ (Bain’s Doc’ts., ii., p. 150). The second Walter first appears about 1271, when he, with Nicholas of Corri,* steward of Annandale, witnesses a charter of Robert Bruce (Buc., 41). In 1274 the inheritance of Helewise de Levinton, widow of Eustace de Balliol, was divided among her heirs, and Walter of Corry, ‘‘ ”” of Helewise, did homage for his portion of her lands (Close Rolls, 1274-1279, pp. 132-135; Bain’s Doc’ts., ii., No. 21). In 1292 ‘‘ Sir Walter de Curry ’’ was keeper of the Castles of Wigtown, Kirkcudbright, and Dumfries (Bain’s Doc’ts., ii., Nos. 572-574, 617), and, 19th June, 1296, he signed the Ragman Roll at Stirling in company with Malise, — Earl of Strathearn, as ‘‘ Sir Walter de Corri, Knight (ibid., p- 194). ‘‘ Wauter Curry del Counte de Dumfres,’’ who signed the roll at Berwick, 28th August, 1296, may have been his son Walter, then about fifteen years old. In 1300 he received his inheritance in the lands held in dower by Sara, widow of his uncle Richard de Levinton (Bain’s Doc’ts., ii., No. 1140). He died in 1303. The inquisition on his lands was held at Carlisle, 20th October, 1303, and the jurors found that Walter de Corri held lands in Levinton of the King in capite, by homage, &c. ; the chief messuage, being laid waste and burnt by the Scots, is worth nothing; the total extent is #11013. Walter de Corri, son of said Walter, is the next heir, and is 22 years of age and over, so that he was born about 1281 (Bain’s Doc’ts., ii., No. 1402). The heir paid £33 6s 8d for his relief (ibid., p. 426). The younger Walter, who thus succeeded to his father’s lands, adopted the Scottish cousin and one of the heirs ”) side in the conflict with England, and was not long allowed * Signed the Ragman Roll, 1296, as ‘‘ Nicol de Corry del Counte de Dunfres.”’ (Bain’s Doc’ts., ti., p. 206.) CORRIES OF ANNANDALE. 89 to remain undisturbed. 1st April, 1310, William Marmyun had a grant in fee of the lands of Levinton, Co. Cumberland, “late of Walter de Curry, a rebel ’’ (Pat. Rolls, 1307-1313, p- 221). But the following year, 3rd December, 1311, an order was passed to restore his lands to Walter de Curry, erroneously said to have been with the Scottish rebels (Close Rolls, 1307-1313, p. 387). In what way Walter made his peace on this occasion is difficult to say. Certainly, if he was not acting with the ‘‘ Scottish rebels ’’ at this time, he did so very soon after, and in 1315 he was knighted by Robert Bruce at the Siege of Carlisle (Bain’s Doc’ts., iii., 101). At the same time Richard de Kirkbridge, Walter’s cousin, petitions for Walter’s lands in Kirkandrews and Kirklevinton, as said Walter is with the King’s enemies (ibid.). Until 1342, or later, Sir Walter of Corry, is repeatedly mentioned in the public records (Pat. Rolls, passim), and it is evident that he adhered to the Scottish side, and lost his Cumberland lands. It is possible, however, that some of the family remained in Cumberland, since, in 1377, Adam of Corry is charged with breaking the park and killing the deer of Roger de Clifford in Co. Westmoreland (Pat. Rolls, 1377-1381, p. 44), and in 1390 Thomas de Clifford, lord of Westmoreland, grants for life to John de Crackenthorpe the office of Constable of his castle of Burgh-on-Sands, as held by Adam of Corry (ibid., 1388-1392, p. 254): In 1297 a certain William Curry, Esq., captured at the battle of Dunbar, had allowance for his maintenance as a prisoner at Nottingham Castle (Close Rolls, 1296-1302, p. 34), and was to have his lands in Scotland restored to him (Rot. Scotig, i., 492). In 1299 Sir John of Curry, a Scottish Knight, was a prisoner in England (ibid., p. 258). Whether these persons were of the Annandale family it is difficult to decide. A branch of the family, in which Adam is the dis- {inctive name, was for a number of years connected with Lochmaben. 29th March, 1329, Adam of Corry witnesses a charter of Thomas Randolph, Earl of Moray, and lord of Annandale, granting permission to William of Carlyle to enclose the park of Kinmont (Buc., 42), and, 12th December, 1332, protection for one year is granted to Adam of Corry and 90 CoORRIES OF ANNANDALE. Joan his wife, Scots, and their household, while dwelling within the realm of England (Pat. Rolls, 1330-1334, Pp. 375): 2nd March, 1333/4, the same Adam is appointed Seneschal of-Lochmaben Castle (Rot. Scoti@, 1., 263), and the following day (3rd March) is ordered ‘‘ not to intromit with the lands of Walter of Corry, Gilbert of Johnston of Brackenthwayte,’”’ and others (ibid., 264). In June, and again in August, 1334, orders are addressed to this Adam of Corry in his capacity of Seneschal of Lochmaben (ibid., 274-276). Another Adam of Corry, perhaps a son of the last-named Adam, had protection, 12th October, 1379, for a year in the garrison of Lochmaben Castle (Bain’s Doc’ts., iv., p. 61). These Corries were pretty certainly of the Annandale family; indeed the first Adam may have been a brother of Sir Walter. Sir Walter of Corry was living, as we have seen, in 1342, being then about sixty years of age, and it is probable that he died not very many years later—somewhere, perhaps, in the neighbourhood of 1350. Although he had lost his Cum- berland lands, he still possessed large estates in Annandale, and these would, of course, pass to his descendants. Since at this time we first meet with the two branches that continued to flourish in Dumfriesshire for a century and a half, it seems probable that these two lines represent the division of Sir Walter’s inheritance between two of his sons—John of Corry of that Ilk, and Robert of Corry of Newby. 16th June, 1357, Robert, steward of Scotland, gives a charter confirming a grant which “ John of Corri, laird of that Ilk,’’ made to Roger Kirkpatrick, ‘‘ our cousin,’’ of the lands and lordship of Wenfray (i.e., Wamphray) and Duncreth, with the advow- son of the Church of Wenfray (Buc., 43). In addition to the lands thus alienated, John of Corry held large estates in the parish of Corrie, with a mansion, whose site is now marked by the old tower of Lun, and some other possessions further South. Who was the next Corry of that Ik is difficult to say. A certain Herbert of Corry had a safe conduct to pass into England with men and horses, 18th August, 1379 (Rot. Scotie, ii., 18), and again 12th March, 1398 (ibid., 141). 6th November, 1398, he was appointed one of the ‘‘ borowis ”’ or sureties for keeping the peace of the West March under CORRIES OF ANNANDALE. 91 the Earl of Douglas (Rymer’s Feedera, viii., 58-59). Whether this Herbert belonged to the Corries of that Ilk or to the Corries of Newby is a matter by no means easy to decide. The name Herbert occurs in the Newby family about a century later, but for a position of such importance as ‘‘ surety for keeping the peace on the West March’ it is more likely that the elder line would be selected than the cadet branch. On 2nd February, 1409/10, James of Douglas of Dalkeith gave a charter to Thomas Carruthers of the lands of Brandrigs in Annandale, in the holding of Hutoun (i.e., Hutton), &c., and Adam of Corry signs as one of the witnesses (Laing Charters, No. go). This is especially interesting, since three hundred years later Brandrigs and Heithat were the property of William Corrie, and, 1st October, 1726, Christopher Corrie had sasine of these lands as son and heir of William (Dumfries Sasines). toth July, 1411, Adam of Corry witnesses a charter of Robert, Duke of Albany, in favour of James Douglas of Roberton (Reg. Great Seal, i., p. 248, No. 11); and, 3rd May, 1413, Sir James Douglas of Roberton and Adam of Corry had a safe conduct to go into England concerning the ransom of William Douglas of Dalkeith (Rymer’s Federa, Syl., p. 574; Rot. Scoti@, ii., 205). In view of the close adherence of the Corries of that Ilk to the cause of the Douglases, it seems likely that this Adam of Corry may have been of that branch, and Walter of Corry, who occurs about this time, may have been a brother of Adam. 24th October, 1409, Walter of Curry is witness to a charter of Robert, Duke of Albany, entailing the estates of Sir Thomas Kirkpatrick of Closebourn (Reg. Great Seal, i., p. 241, No. 46). The same Walter witnesses charters of the Duke of Albany, 17th March, 1410, 5th July, 1413, and 11th December, 1413 (Reg. Great Seal, i., p. 250, No. 14; p. 254, Nos. 22, 23), and in the two last charters is designated as ‘‘ our esquire ’’ (scutifer noster). The next Corry of that Ik would seem to have been Thomas of Corry, who died in 1452. He had a tenement in the burgh of Annan, the £5 lands of Dronnock, the lands of Corry, and the ferms of Severig (Searig). George of Corry, apparently his son and heir, has sasine of the lands of Corry, with remis- sion of his relief, while sasine of Severig is given to Simon of ce 92 CORRIES OF ANNANDALE. Carruthers (Chamberlain’s Rolls, iii., 554-556). About this time there occurs another Corry, who may have been con- nected with the elder line. 11th June, 1450, Walter of Corry witnessed the sasine of William of Cranston, ‘‘ first born son and apparent heir of Thomas of Cranston of that I/k,’’ in the lands of Molyn and Rahill, in the Sheriffdom of Dumfries, in a precept of sasine given by William of Crechton, Chancellor of Scotland (Laing Charters, No. 129). Not long before the date of this last charter, 18th February, 1449/50, William, Lord Crechton, gave a charter to Gilbert of Corry, son natural of James of Corry, for his service, of the lands of Torduff and Dalebank; to be held of the grantor, to the said Gilbert of Corry and Elizabeth his wife, daughter of John Carruthers of Holmains, and the lawful heirs of their bodies, &c. (Buc., 43). To which branch of the family this James of Corry belonged does not appear. 5th March, 1454/5, George of Kirkpatrick of Pennersax had sasine of the lands of Vithscalis (now Wetscales) ‘‘in the holding of Corre’? on a charter from George of ‘‘ Corre ’’ of that Ik (Buc., 58), and, in 1471, Symon Carruthers of Mouswald, who had sasine of Searig in 1452, complained against George of Corry “ for breaking the King’s protection upon him ~*’ in company with John Maxwell, Steward of Annandale, and others (Acta Audit, 22). What part the Corries took in the Douglas rebellion of 1455 does not appear, but the Corries of that [lk were close ad- herents of that powerful family, and in 1484 they undoubtedly sided with them. By a charter, dated 25th July, 1484, three days after the battle of Lochmaben, King James III. granted to Thomas Carruthers, for his loyal service in the conflict ‘“ against Alexander Stewart, Sir James Dougias, and other rebels of this realm, and our old enemies of England,’’ the lands of Corry, with the advowson of the Church of St. Mary of Corry, in the Stewartry of Annandale, and Sheriffdom of Dunffriesshire, which pertained to George Corry, ‘‘ sometime of that ilk (olim de eodem), but late a felon and traitor who had taken part with the rebels, and fought with them against the King’s lieges ’’ (Reg. Great Seal, ii., No. 1590). It is” not altogether clear whether this was the George of Corry of that Ilk who had sasine of his lands in 1452, or a son of the same name; in the former case, he must have attained a very CoRRIES OF ANNANDALE. 93 good old age, as he was living in 1510, and probably later. But, though the estates of Corrie were thus forfeited and granted to Thomas Carruthers, there must have been a remis- sion, or the forfeiture was only partial, since, zoth June, 1498, the lands of ‘‘ Vestscalis ’’ are resigned in a procuratory by Adam of Kirkpatrick of Pennersax into the hands of ‘‘ George Corry of that Ilk, lord of the whole tenement of Corry,’’ to dispose of at his pleasure (Buc., 58). In 1408, therefore, George Corry was still laird of Corry, and there is evidence that he remained so for some years thereafter. 18th January, 1504, Robert Dalzell of Budhouse had a decreet against George Corry of that Ilk, and Walter Corry, his son and apparent heir, for the sum of 300 merks, and, in the absence of movable goods upon which to levy, the Corry lands were apprized. These lands were Dompilholm, Pietschawis, Wynquhame (now Winholm), Auldtown of Corry, Craig- house, Crandaldike, Taythbank, Johnehill, and Merynhill (Murrenhill), amounting in all to £10 worth of lands (Reg. Great Seal, ii., No. 2810). Here George Corry is still desig- nated ‘‘ of that Ilk,’’ and the Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer of Scotland (vol. iii., p. 14) for the year 1506, refer- ring to this transaction, show that certain lands ‘‘ belonging to the laird of Corre ’’ (dominus de Corre) were apprized to Robert Dalzell of Budhouse. Moreover, there can be no doubt that the laird of Corry, who sat on an assize in Edin- burgh in 1509 (Pitcairn’s Crim. Trials, i., 62*), was the same George Corry of that Ilk. 29th November, 1510, Robert Maxwell of Park sent letters to the steward depute of Annan- dale, distraining George Corry ‘‘ for amercements and ferms ’) of lands apprized to the King,’’ including Quhiteriggis (Whiterigs), and Milhouse, with the mill thereof, Lund, Ersgill, Piotschawis, Loudanehuke (Loder hook), Park, Bow- hous, Meranehill (Murrenhill), and the advowson of the Church of Corry, amounting in all to £200.+ After this the + The lands of Corrie passed to the Johnstones. 27th October, 1516, James Johnestoun of that Ik has a grant of Quhitriggis and Mekilhouse, with the mill thereof, Lund, Ersgills, Pietschawis, Lowdanhuke, Park, Merynhill, and Bowhous, with the patronage of the church of Corry, &c., which Robert, Lord Maxwell, personally resigned. (Reg. Great Seal, iii., No. 99.) 94 CORRIES OF ANNANDALE. fate of the Corries of that Ilk is enveloped in obscurity. Descendants of the old line, shorn of their possessions, doubt- less continued to reside in the neighbourhood. A tombstone in old Corrie Kirkyard records the death of John, son of William Corrie of Heithat, who died in 1720, aged 19 years, and this stone bears the family arms. In 1726 this William Corrie was dead, and Christopher Corrie had sasine of Heithat and Brandrigs, as his son and heir. These in all probability were descendants of the ancient family of Corries of that Ilk, settled in this locality since 1190 or earlier. The Corries of Newby and Kelwood, the next important cadet branch of the family, make their first appearance about the middle of the fourteenth century, their ancestor Robert being a contemporary, and perhaps a brother, of John of Corry of that Ik. A charter to John of Carruthers of half the lands which belonged to John of Rafhols, dated t1oth December, 1361, is witnessed by ‘‘ Robert of Corry, lord of Newby,’ Robert of Carrotheris, lord of Mousfald (Mous- wald), William of Creghton, lord of Dryvesdal, Humfrey Jardyn, lord of Apilgarth, John of Jonestoun, lord of that Ilk (dom. ejusdem), &c. ’’ (Hist. MSS. Commission, vi., 710). Also, in the Drumlanrig inventory of 1693 occurs the following entry :—‘*‘ Item, the transumpt of ane old charter given to Robert Currie be David Bruce, King of Scotts, lord of Annan- daill, of the lands of Midlebie, quhilk were sometymes Thomas Aplindins, and come in the King’s hands be forfaulture of the said Thomas. The charter is dated in 1361. The tran- sumpt dated 18 September, 1452 ’’ (Buc., 55). The charter seems to be no longer in existence, but Middlebie appears later among the possessions of the Newby Corries. Robert of Corry of Newby married Susanna of Carlyle, daughter of Thomas of Carlyle of Torthorwald, and a relation of the royal | house of Scotland. By a charter, dated 18th October, 1363, King David II. grants to Robert of Corry and Susanna, his wife, daughter and heir of umquhile Thomas of Torthor- (a9 wald, ‘‘ our cousin (consanguinei nostri), who died in our presence at the battle of Durham ’’ (1346), the lands of Coulyn and Ruchane (Collin and Roucan) in the Sheriffdom of Dumfries, which formerly belonged to William of Carlyle, CorRIES OF ANNANDALE. 95 ‘our cousin ”’ (Reg. Great Seal, i., 32, No. 73). Some six years later Susanna died without issue, and the lands, except for Robert’s life interest, reverted to the Crown. Another charter, dated 6th October, 1369, provides that whereas the lands of Coulyn and Ruchane were granted to Robert of Corry and Susanna, his spouse, for their several lives, and then to their issue: and whereas the said Susanna has lately died without issue; the said lands are granted to Thomas de Henvyle and Edane, his wife, reserving the rights of the said Robert of Corry (Reg. Great Seal, i., p. 69, No. 236). But while Susanna of Carlyle died without issue, the line of Newby continued to flourish, and it is probable that Robert had issue by another wife. Robert Corry of Annandale, merchant, who has a safe conduct, 16th October, 1365, for himself and four companions to pass into England (Rot. Scotia, 1., 897), and has a similar safe conduct, 26th January, 1367/8, for himself and six horsemen (ibid. i., 919), the designation ‘‘ merchant ”’ being this time omitted, was certainly not identical with Robert of Newby, though he may have sprung from the same stock. For nearly a century after this no member of the Newby branch appears in the records, but in the meantime we meet with the Corries of Kelwood or Keldwood, near Dumfries, a younger and closely related branch of the Newby line. George of Corry, in fact, who appears in the following charter, was probably a brother of the contemporary Corry of Newby. roth January, 1440/1, Thomas of Corry has a grant of the lands of Balhomas, Cragincalze, and Aneane, in the Sheriffdom of Ayr, and the lands of Keldewod and Boure- landis in the Sheriffdom of Dumfries, on the resignation of George of Corry, who retains the frank tenement for his life (Reg. Great Seal, ii., No. 257). Another Newbie Corry, who lived about this time, was Robert of Corry of Newby, who, 18th May, 1457, was a member of the jury that retoured George of Moffat heir to his grandfather, Thomas of Moffat, who died forty-seven years before (Hope-Johnstone MSS., p12): Thomas Corry, who was laird of Newby before 1471, and died about 1494, may have been a son of this Robert. He frequently appears before the law courts, and the suits in 9a 96 CoRRIES OF ANNANDALE. which he is concerned before the Lords Auditors or the Lords of Council give much information in regard to this branch of the Corries. He first appears in the records 17th May, 1471, when Archibald Carruthers of Mouswald brings suit against Thomas Corry of Newby ‘“‘ anent the tak of the costumys and tollis of Annandale, and the foggage of Wod- cokkar clamyt be bath the parteis ’’ (Acta Audit, 13). In 1478 Thomas Corry of Newby had a suit with Esplane of Crauford, who had given him a tak of the lands of Keldwood, 13th August, 1469, and the Lords Auditors give a decreet in Newby’s favour (Acta Audit, 62, 72). In 1483, however, Newby is ordered to desist from occupying or working the lands of Keldwood, since Esplane of Crauford has redeemed the lands by paying the sum for which they were wadset (ibid., p- 133%). This does not imply that Kelwood had passed out of the hands of the Corry family. 3rd April, 1445, Asplane of Crauford resigned, in favour of his son John, and failing his issue, his sons Asplane, Robert, Roger, George, Adam, and Fergus, half the lands of Keldwod, and half the lands. of Bourelandis, in the Sheriffdom (sic!) of Nithsdale, and part of the lands of Balhomas and Cragincalze, in the Sheriffdom of Ayr (Reg. Great Seal, ii., No. 287). It was, therefore, only a portion of Kelwood which belonged to the Craufords, and it was doubtless the younger Esplane who possessed this portion in 1478 and 1483. 12th March, 1478, Thomas Corry of Newby sued James Purdone for wrongfully occupying and working the 10 merk lands of Middlebie, which were granted, it will be remembered, by King David II. in 1361 to Robert of Corry of Newby. Purdone alleged that he had sasine of these lands from Thomas Corry’s father, whose name, unfortu- nately, he does not mention (Acta Audit, 74). In 1480 the case comes before the Lords of Council, and it is decided that while Newby possesses the superiority, Purdone has proved his lawful entry into the lands by sasine (Acta Dom. Concil., 53). In accordance with the manners of the times, Thomas Corry and his neighbours are frequent parties to suits for raiding each other’s places, carrying off cattle and horses, and similar pranks. In the course of these suits several Corries are mentioned who may be relatives of the Newby CoRRIES OF ANNANDALE. 97 family. In 1490 John Corry was robbed of a grey gelding “ spulzeit and taken away ’’ from the lands of Newby (Acta Dom. Concil., 149); the same John Corry was ‘‘ Sheriff in that part ’’ in 1491 (ibid., 197); and in 1492 he is styled ‘‘ John off Corry ”’ (ibid., 242). In 1490 William Corry lost a gray horse worth ‘* x crownis,’’ and James Corry lost ‘‘ sex ky ”’ in a raid on Newby (ibid., 149). Thomas Corry of Newby was living in February, 1492/3, and was then party to a suit with Cuthbert Murray of Cockpool (Acta Dom. Concil., 277). Before 25th June, 1494, he was dead, and Symon Carruthers of Mouswald was required to pay to Thomas Corry, his son and ‘‘ assignay,’’ ‘‘ 5 score of ky and oxin,’’ and other pro- perty, “‘ quhilks guds wer recoverit upon the said Symon of before be the said umquhile Thomas Corry and assignit be him to the said Thomas Corry his sone,’’ &c. (ibid., 338). The eldest son of Thomas Corry of Newby was Herbert Corry, who married in or before 1488 Esote, daughter of Cuthbert Murray of Cockpool (ibid., 89), and was infefted in the lands of Prestwodside and Stableton (ibid., 145; Reg. Great Seal, ‘u., No. 1909). Herbert died without issue, and his heirs, the Corries of Kelwood, removed to Ayrshire, where they con- tinued to flourish until about 1650, while Newby and the remaining Dumfriesshire possessions of the younger line were purchased by William Johnstone of Gretno, later styled ‘‘ of Newby,’’ ancestor of the Johnstones of Galabank, near Annan, and of Fulford Hall, Warwickshire. Arms.—A roll of arms, said to have been drawn up in the reign of King Edward II., has the following entry :—Sire Walt? de Corry : de argent a un sautour de sable, od le chef de azur 4 iii quintefoils (Parliamentary Writs, i., p. 419) 3 i-e., Sir Walter of Corry : argent a saltire sable, on a chief azure, three cinquefoils. The following memorandum on the arms of the family I owe to the kindness of Sir J. Balfour Paul, Lyon King at Arms, who compiled it from the collections of his office :— 98 CorRIES OF ANNANDALE. Memorandum on the Arms of Corrie or Currie. Peter de Currie, circa 1180, bore a dragon on his seal. Simon Currie (1588) bore a saltire with a mullet (or rose) in chief. The arms belonging to families of this name have been very variously rendered by different heraldic writers. The following are chiefly from armorial MSS. in the Lyon Office, but there is no official registration of arms for any person of the name :— CoRRIE OF KELWOoD. ; Argent, a fess and saltire gules, surmounted of a chief or charged with a fleur de lys sable.—Sir James Balfour, Lyon Office MS., c. 1630. Per fess or and argent, in base a rose gules.—Sir James Balfour, Swinton MS. Gules, a chief and saltire couped argent.—Sir Patrick Hume’s MS., c. 1720. Or, a saltire and fess sable, the latter surmounting a _ fleur de lys gules.—King’s and Nobility’s Arms MS., 17th cent. Gules, a saltire with a rose in chief argent.—Pont’s MS., c. 1630. Gules, a saltire argent, in the upper canton a rose of the second, a chief also argent.—Gentlemen’s Arms MS., 17th cent. CoRRIE OF NEWBIE. Gules, a saltire argent, in chief a rose of the second. — Gentlemen’s Arms and other MSS. CoRRIE. Gules, a saltire and chief argent. ‘‘ A branch of Annand, or what is probable held lands of that _ family, and on that account adopted the armorial figures.’’—Etherington Martyn’s MS., 18th cent. ARMORIAL BEARINGS. 99 List of Armorial Bearings Noted in Dumfriesshire and Adjacent Counties.* By J. Betty Irvine, Esq. Lhe following paper is a list of armorial bearings noted in Dumfriesshire, with a few in adjacent portions of Galloway and Cumberland. They have been gathered from the church- yards for the most part, and are the result of an examination commenced in 1900 and still unfinished, but most of the work was done in 1902. The list is neither complete nor without errors, and is the result of what must be called a cursory examination. A very large amount of time has been spent in compiling it, but a very much longer time would be needed to make it approach completeness, whilst actual complete- ness, whatever the limits of space imposed, is practically impossible. Many of the older stones are no doubt buried out of sight, and many are so placed that considerable time and labour would be needed for the examination of each one. All the churchyards in the county have not been visited, and in one or two cases those visited have been gone through only partially, and many stones must have been overlooked. Many old stones are known to have gone, and the loss still continues slowly year by year. As to the list itself, the name given is not necessarily that of the person to whom the stone was erected; it may have been, for instance, to a child. And similarly the date given is to be taken as that which the inscription itself suggests as the approximate date of erection. Each stone mason had his own ideas and methods in design- ing and cutting, and many excellent works have been pro- duced. It is, however, sometimes difficult to decide what is intended to be portrayed, and the presence of a bordure, for instance, is often uncertain. A few of the shields are only meant for conventional ornament, but these have been given, as it is difficult to separate this class always satisfactorily. In a few cases the arms shown seem to be those of the wife. * This paper was submitted on 21st April, 1911, and the first half is now printed. The succeeding portion will appear in the next issue. 100 ARMORIAL BEARINGS. The sign * signifies that a helmet is included in the arms shown. The Kirkconnell mentioned is that in Kirtlewater. AIKMAN, Rev. Wm., of Ruthwell, 1718 Ruthwell. A tree eradicated in pale grasped in centre of trunk by a naked arm barwise issuing from drapery (?) on sinister, in sinister chief a crescent and in dexter base a mullet. Morro—Sub Robore Virtus. AITKEN, John, Sheriff-Substitute, 1755, St Michael’s Dumfries. Crest—A Calvary Cross. Morto—Vis omnia plena. ALEXANDER, Rev. John, of Hoddom, 1660 Hoddom. A chevron and in base a crescent: impaling the arms of his wife Isabella Barclay (q.v.). ALEXANDER, Barbra, spous to Francis Armstrong in Alison Bank (q.v.), 1679: impaled ene her husband’s arms ’ Gretna A chevron (touching upper edge) and in base a crescent and a narrow pale (in‘one). ARLOSH, James, 1773 Gamelsby. On a fess engrailed, between 3 squirrels munching branches of willow (?) proper, 3 fountains. On house. ARMSTRONG. Arms—(A) 3 arms armed embowed barwise in pale. (B) 3 arms armed embowed barwise in pale, hands to sinister. (C) 3 arms armed embowed barwise in pale and a bordure. (D) 3 arms armed and gauntleted embowed barwise in pale. (KE) 3 arms vested em- bowed barwise in pale. (F) 3 cubit arms barwise in | pale. (G) 3 cubit arms armed bendsinisterwise in pale. (H) 3 hands, 1 and 2. (1) 3 hands barwise in pale, fingers to sinister. (J) A fess between 2 arms embowed barwise. (K) A fess between 2 arms em- bowed barwise, hands to sinister. (L) A fess between 2 arms barwise, hands to sinister. (M) 2 arms em- bowed barwise in pale, hands to sinister. (N) 2 cubit (or straight) arms embowed barwise in pale, hands to sinister. (O) 2 arms embowed palewise in bar. (P) A pair of arms (right and left) embowed palewise in bar. (Q) A fess wavy between 2 arms armed em- bowed barwise and in base a crescent on dexter and on sinister a star charged with another, all within a ARMORIAL BEARINGS. 101 ARMSTRONG (contd.). bordure from which depend 3 square points. (R) An arm armed embowed in bar in an oblong, above it a similar arm, above it a helm, above it as Crest a similar arm holding a dagger erect. Morro— Invicta Manu. (S) A hand in sinister base bend- sinisterwise with wrist up grasping an oak branch bendwise; in sinister centre an increscent and in dexter base a mullet. (T) A tree eradicated erect in pale with top broken over to dexter grasped in centre of trunk by an arm issuing barwise from drapery on sinister. (No proper shield.) (U) Per fess. GV) A pale. (W) A bend sinister. (X) A saltire. Crests—(a) An arm armed embowed barwise. (b) An arm armed embowed barwise, hand to ‘sinister. (c) An arm armed embowed barwise holding a dagger erect. (d) An arm armed erect grasping a bent sword bend- sinisterwise. (e) An arm vested embowed barwise. (f) An arm vested embowed barwise grasping a sword bendsinisterwise. (g) An arm embowed barwise grasping a sword bendsinisterwise. (h) An arm embowed barwise grasping a sword wavy with blade divided into fishtail in centre and without guard. (i) An arm embowed palewise grasping a sword bend- wise. (j) An arm embowed palewise grasping a sword wavy barwise. (k) An arm palewise, the wrist draped forming-a sort of half hoop, holding a baton by centre bendsinisterwise. (1) A cubit arm (or hand and wrist) holding a sword barwise. (m) A hand and wrist vested holding a baton by centre bend- sinisterwise and on the dexter a decrescent and on sinister a mullet. (n) A hand barwise holding a dagger erect. (0) A hand holding a sword bendsinisterwise. (p) A hand upon a sort of half hoop (form of vest- ment) holding a baton by centre bendsinisterwise. (q) A hand bendsinisterwise holding a baton bend- wise, and on dexter a crescent reversed and on sinister a mullet. Mortos—(u) Undecipherable. (v) Invicta Labore. (w) Invicta Labori. (x) Invigta Labore. (y) In Vita Labori. (z) Invicta Manu. 1658, William Armstrong of Sark. (Vi) Kirkbankhead. Accollié with the arms of his spouse, Jenot John- stoun. 1679. Francis Armstrong in Alison Bank. (J) Gretna. Impaling the arms of his spouse Barbra Alexander (q.v.). 102 ARMORIAL BEARINGS. ARMSTRONG (contd.). 1685. 1687. 1697. 1701. 1705. 1705. 1710. 1710. 1710. M72. 1714. Tere 1720. L721. Lien 1730. W732: 1738. 39: £7.39- 1740. ? 1744. 1748. 1748. John Armstrong of Sorbie. (S) Ewes. Francis Armstrong in Alisonbank. (J) Gretna. Impaling the arms of his second wife, Jennet John- stoun. John Armstrong of Greansburn. (Aa) Lanercost. John Armstrong in Millerstown. (P) Kirkp.- Fleming. Christopher Armstrong in Cartertoun. (H) Corrie. Alexander Armstrong in Biliehil. (H) Corrie. John Armstrong in Capelfit. (Kv) Corrie. John-Armstrong in Garden. (Kpy) Kirkbankhead. Thomas Armstrong in Gracetail. (Jpw) Canonbie. George Armstrong in Catgil. (O) Canonbie. Christopher Armstrong in (C)apelfit. (Kv) Corrie. Lanclot (?) Armstrong in Broadridlingside. (Kku) Canonbie. Thomas Armstrong of Birchbush. (Ix) Bewcastle. Armstrong of Clarksclose. (?) Stapleton. The back of headstone is almost touching another and cannot be read. William Armstrong in Gricetail. (Jpv) Canonbie. Thomas Armstrong of Horsholm. (Aa*) Bew- castle. In base is an increscent. Christopher Armstrong (no shield). (B) Corrie. Armstrong in Boghead. (D) Gretna. William Armstrong of Stub. (Aa*) Bewcastle. John Armstrong of Lowmote. (Ee*) Kirk- andrews-on-Esk. William Armstrong in Haselbank. (D) Gretna. ? (worn out). (D?) Gretna. Francis Armstrong in Bectounhall. (Ml) Kirk- bankhead. Thomas Armstrong of Crosick. (Aa*) Bew- castle. John Armstrong in (Wa)ughslies. (M1) Canonbie. This somewhat more exactly is a barrulet between 1 in chief and M in base. ARMORIAL BEARINGS. 103 ARMSTRONG (contd.). 1750. 1750. oe 3 L752. e703" 1753: 1753- ieee E55: 1755- ah 3O* William Armstrong in Liecks (?). (Lqu) Canonbie. Thomas Armstrong in Overfedling. (X) Ewes. John Armstrong in Sark. (F) Carruthers. John Armstrong of Riddings. (Qo*) Canonbie. Francis Armstrong in Fourteenacres. (An*) Dalton. Jeams Armstrong in Greamwrea. (Nmu)_ Kirk- bankhead. William Armstrong of Shaws. (A) Upper Denton. Adam Armstrong of Lowgrans. (Bb*) Bewcastle. James Armstrong of Butterburn. (Bb*) Bewcastle. Thomas Armstrong of Horsholm (?). (Aa*) Bewcastle. William Armstrong in Glingarbeknow. (UI) Canonbie. Or ‘‘ per fess in chief a cubit arm holding a sword barwise.”’ . Robert Armstrong in Hightree. (M1) Canonbie. M and | are in 2 oblongs, one above another. . Adam Armstrong of Slacks. (Aa*) Bewcastle. ? (lying on face). (Aa*) Bewcastle. Armstrong of Hallguards. (Ah*) Lanercost. Armstrong of Hallguards. (A*) Lanercost. (A*) Lanercost. . James Armstrong in Chappelknow. (Rcez*) Kirk- bankhead. . Robert Armstrong, mason, Holmhead. (Aa*) Bewcastle. . Gorge Armstrong of Nook. (Tf) Bewcastle. . Jean Armstrong in Hoddomtown (impaled with Grive). (G) Hoddom. . James Armstrong of Dirtup. (Aa) Bewcastle. (loose support of table stone), (heart in base). (Aj*) Bewcastle. . Simon Armstrong of Crackburn. (Aa*) Bew- castle. . John Armstrong, joiner. (W) Troqueer. 104 ARMORIAL BEARINGS. ARMSTRONG (contd.). 1883. John Armstrong, Gauldside. (Cd*) | Canonbie. 1886. Isabella Armstrong, wife of G. Scott. (MI) Canonbie. ATKINSON, of Kirkcamock, 1758. Walton. A cross humetty between 4 roses and in mid base a large fleur-de-lys. A helm. Barciay, Isabella, 1660. Hoddom. Impaled with Alexander. A chevron between 3 crosses. BARNES. (A) Per pale or and vert, on a‘ bend 3 estoiles. (B) Quarterly or and vert, on a fess sable 3 estoiles or. Crests—(a) An estoile or Morro—(x) ‘‘ Nec timide nec temere.’’ 1766. Anthony Barnes of Aketon. (A) Aikton. 1898. Thomas Kay Barnes. (Bax) Burgh by Sands. BARNFATHER, Joseph of Banks, 1759. Lanercost. A chevron between 3 cows’ heads caboshed. A helm. Barron, John of Righead, 1737. Bewcastle. A cross flory. Crrest—A horse’s head. A helm. Barton, Robert, merchant, 1704. Caerlaverock. A chevronel between 3 saracens’ (?) heads in bar in chief and occupying the base a figure 4 reversed, the cross bar crossed and recrossed, and a small mullet. BAXTER. ? Wm. Baxter of Arthuret. On a pale 3 roundles, a bordure: projecting from bordure on dexter and sinister are 8 billets (2). A helm. 1760. Thomas Baxter in Kirkpatrick fleeming. Old Hoddom. In chief a large coronet and in base 2 hearts in flamed (?) and on fess point a spray of 3 leaves (?) ARMORIAL BEARINGS. 105 BEATTIE. (A) Checky. (B) Checky and on a chief 2 keys sal- tirewise bits above and up. (C) Checky, except extreme base, in which is a roundel. (D) Checky, ex- cept extreme base, in which are 3 lozenges, the 2 outer ones barwise. (EH) A fess checky in chief 2 keys sal- tirewise bits below and up. (F) A fess checky, in base 3 lozenges and on a chief 2 keys crosswise, bits to sinister and down and below to dexter. (G) A large fess checky between 2 lozenges in base and 1 in chief, above which in chief are 2 keys saltirewise, bits below and up. (H) A fess checky between 3 lozenges. (I) 5 rows of checkers, 3, 2, 3, 2, and 3, touching at corners, in base a lozenge, and flanking chequers at top a decrescent and an increscent: on a chief (defined by a waved figure) 2 keys in saltire, bits down and out between 2 figures resembling obese powder horns. (J) An oblong checky (5 by 8) between 3 lozenges, above are 2 keys saltirewise, bits down and in, and surrounding the whole 2 sprays of leaves, and above all a garb barwise and a fructed branch. (K) A pale; in chief 2 mascles and in base 1, between them and debruising pale a sword barwise point to sinister between 2 keys barwise, bits to sinister and out. (L) A pale between 2 keys palewise, bits down and out; in chief 2 mascles and 1 in base, with a sword barwise point to dexter debruising the rings of the keys. (M) An arm chair on dexter, and on sinister 2 keys sal- tirewise, bits up and out: no proper shield. (N) 4 billets almost filling shield. (P) 3 spearheads. (Q) A tasselled cord for shield U shaped with a man’s head between the horns; 2 keys in saltire, bits above and down on sinister, and on dexter a chair (?). Crests—(a) 2 keys saltirewise, bits down and out. (b) 2 keys saltirewise, bits down and out, between a garb and a branch. (c) A star within a crescent. (d) A star within a crescent, the star’s limbs crescent shaped. (e) A star within a crescent, the star of 8 points. . Morro—(x) Lumen coeleste sequamur (coelesta, coeeestie). 1712. William Beaty, Catgilhead. (H(4x6)a) Kirk- connell. 1718. John Baty of Doweltown. (D(5x6)a) Stapleton. 1720. William Baty of Huds (?). (H(8x8)) Arthuret. 1721. Walter Beatie in Timpon. (B(3x5)) Kirkbank- head. 106 ARMORIAL BEARINGS. . BEATTIE (contd.). 1730. . Thomas Beattie in . George Beattie in Greenrig. (F(6xg9)) Canonbie. . Walter Beattie of Peelwalls. (Ex) Dalton. . William Beaty of Southermoor. (Kex) Stapleton. Richard Beatie of Bogburne. (B(3x5)) Kirk- bankhead. . William Beatie in Ingliston. (B(3x5)) Kirk- bankhead. . William Beaty in Dykstown. (P) Pennersax. Francis Beatie in Dukeside. (B(3x3)) Kirk- bankhead. . James Beatty in Conhess. (G) Carruthers. . Richard Baty of Stonehouse. (A) Arthuret. . John Beatie in Loganmains. (FE) — Kirkconnell. . Walter Beaty in Woodside. (J) Westerkirk. . George Beatie in Wauchslies. (B, irregular) Kirkbankhead. . John Bettie in Padockhole. (B(5 x6), bits above and down) Corrie. . Simon Beaty in Conhess. (H(5xz0)a) Car- ruthers. . William Beaty in Conhess. (lying on back) Car- ruthers. John Beatty in Co—(nhess). (C(5x5)a*) Car- ruthers. . Wm. Beaty in Bogg. (Q) Ewes. . James Bettie in Blacketrigg. (H(3x6)b) Kirk- connell. . W. Beatty in Crathat. (B(8xo9), bits below and up) Corrie. . John Beatty in Woodhouseleis. (B(8 x 8), bits to dexter and up) Canonbie. John Baty of Doweltown. (A) Stapleton. ? (scaled off). (1) Holm Cultram. . David Beaty in Tomshielburn. (B(3 x 3)) Canonbie. . James Beatie in Bogra. (B(gx 3), bits above and down) Kirkbankhead. (N) Canonbie. ARMORIAL BEARINGS. 107 BEATTIE (contd.). 1857. Simon Beattie in Williamsfield. (Ldx) — Kirk- patrick-Fleming. BELL. All bear church bells. (A) 3 bells. (B) 3 bells, 1 and 2. (C) 3 bells in chief. (D) 3 bells in chief, pendent. (K) 3 bells in fess, enhanced. (EF) 3 bells in fess, abased. (G) Azure 3 bells in fess, abased. (H) A fess between 3 bells. (I) Gules a fess ermine between 3 bells argent. (J) A fess ermine (or on a fess 5 comma marks) between 3 bells, 1 and 2. (K) A fess between 3 bells, 1 and 2, and a bordure. (L) A chevron between 3 bells. (M) 3 bells, 1 and 2, anda bordure. (N) 3 bells, 1 and 2, that in chief between 2 hearts, points to centre. (QO) 3 bells impaling 3 holly leaves and over all a lion rampant. (P) Per bend sinister or and gules, a bend sinister. Crests—(a) A bell, mouth down. (b) A bell, mouth up. (c) An arm armed embowed brandishing a scimitar. (d) A hand erased barwise holding a hammer bendwise. (e) An arm embowed vested (ending in a rosette) bar- wise holding a quill pen between first and second fingers. (f) A bird rising. (g) A hand holding 3 holly leaves (?) barwise. Morros—(w) Signum Pacis Amor. (x) Campana Tinniunto. (y) Pro Rege et Patria. (z) The Forerunner of Peace. ? Bell of Low Lonning. (Fb*) Low Lonning. 1668. Bell of Albie, ‘‘ we is.’’ (B) Albie house. 1685. Bell of Crowdieknow. (B, bells double) = _Car- ruthers. 1688. Robert Bell of Croudiknow. (B) Carruthers. 1691. Thomas Bell of Croudiknow. (B) Carruthers. ? TT. Bell of Whitecastles, (A) Carruthers. ? illegible. (B) Carruthers. 1696. John Bel in (E)Ilderbeck. (B) Kirkp. Fleming. 1698. Renald Bel in Mainholm. (B, no shield) St. Mungo. 1700. William Bell of Albie. (A) Albie. 17o1. John Bell in Mainholm. (B) St. Mungo. 1705 (?) Ma(tthew) Bell of Lodge. (Fb*) Nether Denton. 1712. Walter Bell of Neuk. (A) Pennersax. 1715. Bell of Scotsbrig. (B) Middlebie, 108 ARMORIAL BEARINGS. BELL (contd.). py 1720. 722k W7/DBp 1724. 1724. 2 W273 1728. 1728. mB 2s iS: 1735: E738 1740. 1742) 1747. 1747. 1749. Ty 0e 1753. 1754. 1754. 1759: 1755- h7Sa° ? 1756. 1759- 1763. 1764. 1766. Richard Bell in Middleshaw. (A) St. Mungo. Thomas Bell in Hills. (H) Dornock. John Bell of Barclos. (C) Scaleby. James Bell of Peth. (D) Arthuret. William Bell in Broadlie. (A) Dornock. William Bell in Green. (A) Dornock. Nikole Bell (illegible). (A) Dornock. son to Nickole Bell in Eastrigs. (A) Dornock. Walter Bell of Randalinton. (E) Arthuret. Wm. Bell in Burrance. (L) Pennersax. John Bell in Grainhall. (A) Old Hoddom. John Bell in Nether Toun of Givenbie. (A) St. Mungo. Wm. Bell in Middlebie. (A) Middlebie. George Bell in Goukhall. (B) Carruthers. Mary Bell, spouse to Thos. Blacklock in Albie. (A) Carruthers. Wm. Bell of the Gunshole (?) (A) Upper Denton. George Bell in Annan. (A) Old Annan. Francis Bell in Eshyeards. (A) Kirkconnell. Robert Bell, wright in Bankend. (A) Carlaverock. George Bell in Grainhall. (Ba*) Middlebie. George Bell of Dentonmill. (Fb*) Nether Denton Wm. Bell in Linbridgefoord. (N) Carruthers. Thomas Bell of Crurie. (B) Carruthers. Impaling his son’s wife’s, Christian Graham of Shaw, q.v. James Bell in Mumbiehirst. (K) Canonbie. George Bell of Bankshead. (A*) Nether Denton. John Bell of Banks. (Fb*) Lanercost. Franciss Bell of Wallholm (?) (Fb*) Lanercost. Thomas Bell in Bardosshead. (A) Middlebie. These bells are pear-shaped and only 2 above ground. Georg Bell in Inglistown. (A) Kirkbankhead. John Bell of (B*) Carruthers. Robert Bell in Longlands. (Adw) Dornock. Joseph Bell, officer of Excise, Hexham. (If) Farlam. ARMORIAL BEaRINGs. 109 BELL (contd.). 17606. 1769 1770. L7G « ry 70. 077 We 1774- 1776. 1779: 1783. 1789. 1792. 1793" ? 1801. 1814. 1821. 1836. 1844. 1848. 1854. 1866. 1867. 1895. 1899 BENDALL. 1797- 1880 John Bell in Greatwath. (L, crescent on chevn.) St. Mungo. Thomas Bell of Beckfoot. (Aw) Dornock. Francis Bell in Laverockhall. (Lax*) Kirk- connell. Thomas Bell in Burnhead. (A) Old Hoddom. Wm. Bell in Dockenflat. (B) Carruthers. Wm. Bell in Craw. (L) Middlebie. John Bell in Craws. (A) Middlebie. Thomas Bell of Bankside. (Og) St. Mungo. Impaling his wife’s, Mary Irving of Whitehill. John Bell in Denbie. (L, crescent on chevn.) Kirkconnell. John Bell of Dunnabie. (Le, annulet on chevn.) Carruthers. Thomas Bell of Bankside. (B) St. Mungo. Wm. Bell in Grainhall. (A) Old Hoddom. George Bell in Holmhead. (Mz*) St. Mungo. John Bell of Sciethill (no date). (B) St. Mungo. Richard Bell, Ettrickholm. (A) St. Mungo. John Bell in Woodfield. (A) Dornock. John Bell in Woodfield. (A) Dornock. Wm. Bell, turner. (P) St. Michael’s. David Bell, farmer, Woodfield. (A) Dornock. Robert Bell, ironmonger in Dumfries. (cy) St. Michael’s. John Bell in Eaglesfield. (B) Kirkconnell. Alexander Bell. (Ja) Carruthers. Richard Bell, W.S., in Billholm. (J) Carruthers. Barbara Bell, wife of J. Irving (q.v., 1877). (G) Bowness. John Bell-Irving of Whitehill. (H, 2nd and 3rd qrs, fess ermine) St. Mungo. Bendle. Walton. 3 bendlets wavy ermine, on a quarter an estoile. Edward Bendall. St. Michael’s. A bend. 110 ARMORIAL BEARINGS. BenNET, Rev. Andrew, D.D., minister of Parish, 1872. . Closeburn. Crest—A transverse hand out of a cloud bearing a cross patee fitchy. Morro—“ Benedictus qui tollit Crucem.”’ Buair, Brice, provost of Annan, 1695. Old Annan. A saltire and in base a mullet. BoustTeEap, John of Slackhead, 1785. Irthington. A chevron between 3 fleur-de-lys. BOWMAN. (A) A bend between 2 roses of 6 petals. (B) 3 bows with arrows on string, points to sinister. (C) Or a chevron gules with 3 ermine spots between 3 bows. Crest—(a) A quiver of arrows bendsinisterwise hung over and before the stump of a tree, from which issues a branch with leaves. Morto—(x) ‘‘ Regem et Legem Arcu defendo.”’ 1737 ? Thomas Bowman (broken stone). (A) Irthington. 1751. James Bowman of East Easby. (B*) Brampton. 1767. Isabeth Bowman of East Easby. (B*) Brampton. 1797. Mary Bowman of Birdozwall. (Cax) Lanercost. 1824. Wm. Bowman of Birdozwall. (Cax) Lanercost. Boyp, Samuel, of Marchmount, 1889. St. Mary’s, Dumfries. Crest—An open hand erect, 3rd and 4th fingers folded, above a sun. BroatcH, John, farmer, Riggfoot, 1838. Tinwald. A bend sinister. Bropie, John, 1875. St. Mary’s, Dumfries. Motrro—‘‘I supply Justice, 1603.” BROUGHAM. 1753. Edward Brougham. Lanercost. A cock and in base a rose: a helmet. 1780. John Brougham of the Bushnook. Upper Denton. A cock and in base an annulet: a helm. BROWN. (A) A chevron heunreen 2 fleur-de-lys. (B) A chevron humetty between 3 fleur-de-lys. (C) A chevron be- tween 3 fleur-de-lys and a bordure(?). (D) A chevron ARMORIAL BEARINGS. al: Brown (contd.). between 2 fleur-de-lys in chief and a mullet in base. () A chevron between 3 bears’ paws erased erect, and a bordure which does not enclose the chief of the shield. () A chevron between 3 bears’ paws erased erect and on a chief an eagle displayed. (G) 2 fleur- de-lys in chief. (H) A saltire. Crests—(a) A demi-lion rampant holding a trefoil (?) (b) A bird close. (c) An eagle displayed. Morro—(x) Floreat Majestus. 1633. Rev. James Browne of Terregles and Irongray. 33 (B) Irongray. 1741. Andrew Brown in Todholes. (A) Dornock. 1742, Wm. Brown, joiner in Williamwood. (H) Hoddom. 1778. Thomas Brown, tenant in Burnhead. (G) Apple- girth. 1790. James Brown in Dornock. (A) Dornock. 1793. John Brown of Burnfoot. (I) Stapleton. 1795. Wm. Brown in Littlemeinside. (C*) Pennersax. 1801. Adam Brown in Albiehill. (D) Hoddom. 1811. Andrew Brown of Corrielaw. (ax) Tundergarth. 1814. James Brown of Kirkcambeck. (Ec) Stapleton. 1856. Rev. James Brown, born in Banffshire. — (b) Catholic Cemetery, Dumfries. Brypon, Rev. James, 1883. Eskdalemuir. Crest—A hawk close regardant. Morro—“ Keep watch.” BurrouGu (of Suffolk family), 1779? Brampton. A couple close gemelle between 3 chaplets of 5 flowers. Crest—Out of a couple close a griffin’s (°) head. Morro—‘‘ Vive ut vivas.”’ BurtrHoim, Christopher, of Burtholm, 1773. Lanercost. A fess between 3 dogs’ (?) heads erased. But_er, Captain J. H., 3rd son of John B. of Kirkby House, Berks, 1859. St. Michael’s. On a bend cotised sable 3 covered cups (?) CRrEstT— A cockatrice’s head and wings collared with a ducal (?) crown. 112 ARMORIAL BEARINGS. Byers, John, in Hoddom. - Hoddom. A hand couped with fingers folded transverse on which is perched a bird with head to sinister. Cairns, Thomas, M.D., London, 1800? Dundrennan. Quarterly (i. and iv.) the Scottish lion in tressure (ii. and iii.) a ruined abbey. Crest—A demi-man holding with half-extended arm a Latin cross erect, the sinister arm folded across chest. Morro—“ Esse quam videri.’”’ Helm. CALVERT. Paly of 6 a bend counterchanged; a full faced helm ornamented with roundles round edge in groups of 2, 3, and 4, and rising erect from it on dexter and sinister 2 flagstaffs, flags to sinister. 1688. Thomas Calvert. Kirkandrews-on-Esk. Arms very indistinct. 1721. Wm. Calvert of Toddbllwoad in North Brittin. Kirkandrews-on-Esk. Cannon, Major Wm., youngest son of John Cannon of Ballochan, Galloway, 1851. Crest—An oblong buckle pin up between the horns of a crescent. CARLYLE. (A) On an inescutcheon between 4 Greek crosses a saltire. (B) 3 Greek crosses, from the central one depends a figure resembling a pickaxe. (C) A cross pommeée-botonnée-florée. (D) A cross moline and in dexter chief a crescent-increscent. (KE) A cross patonce and in dexter chief a crescent. (F) A cross patonce and in dexter chief a crescent, in sinister chief a mullet. Crests—(a) 2 griffins’ heads and necks addorsed, necks not joined at base. (b) 2 griffins’ heads and necks addorsed, necks joined at base. (c) Out of a coronet 2 dragons’ (?) heads and necks addorsed. Mortro—(z) ‘‘ Humilitate.”’ 1648. Adam Carlile of Limkils. (A) Old Annan. 1681. Adam Cairlel of Milflet. (B) Luce. The shield is irregular, the crosses are 1 and 2 in chief, and below them are cross-bones, skull, and hourglass. 1729. James Carlyle in Dornock. (B) Luce ARMORIAL BEARINGS. 113 CaRLYLE (contd.). 1751. 1757- 1760. 1766. e776. 1788. 1790. 1792. 1881. IgOl. Wm. lord Carlyle. (Ccz) Lochrutton. 2 peacocks as supporters. David Carlyle in Turfrig. (E) Pennersax. David Carlyle in Turfrig. (E) Pennersax. Walter Carlyle in Soriesyke. (D) Pennersax. James Carlyle in Dornock. (Fbz) Dornock. John Carlyle in Sandbeed. (Ebz*) Ecclefechan Thomas Carlyle in Sorriesyke. (Ebz*) Pennersax. James Carlyle, mason in Ecclefechan. (Ebz*) Ecclefechan. Thomas Carlyle. (bz) Ecclefechan. John Calvert Carlyle of Carlyle Place. (az) Ecclefechan. CARMICHAEL of Carsepherne, see Coulthart. Carrick, John, of Morrow, 1752. Lanercost. A fess between 3 dogs passant, tail over back. A helm. CARRUTHERS. (A) 3 fleur-de-lys. (B) A chevron between 3 fleur-de- lys. (C) A chevron engrailed between 3 fleur-de-lys. (D) A chevron invecked between 3 fleur-de-lys. (KE) A chevron wavy between 3 fleur-de-lys. Gy 2 chevronels between 3 fleur-de-lys. (G) 2 chevronels engrailed between 3 fleur-de-lys. (H) 2 chevronels invecked between 3 fleur-de-lys. (J) 2 chevronels invecked between 3 fleur-de-lys and a crescent on fess point. (K) Gules 3 chevronels wavy (or engrailed) or between 3 fleur-de-lys. (LL) 2 chevronels joined in one and touching top edge between 3 fleur-de- lys. (M) 3 fleur-de-lys and in centre chief and centre base 2 mullets. (N) 3 fleur-de-lys, 1 and 2, 2 mullets in chief, and in base a millrind, and below it a heart. (P) A fess between 3 fleur-de-lys. (R) A pale reversed between 3 fleur-de-lys. (S) 2 double cotises, between them 2 fleur-de-lys and a third in sinister chief, all within a bordure. (T) An eagle displayed. (V) A cross potent between 4 hearts (c.f., Miller and Minto). (W) Same as Hen- derson in Cowthat, q.v. Crests—(a) A cherub. (b) A seraph. (c) A fleur-de-lys. 114 ARMORIAL BEARINGS. CARRUTHERS (contd.). Morros—(x) Promptus et Fidelis. (y) Paratus et Fidelis (Parateis). (az) Ready and Faithful. 1665. Carruthers of Holmends. (D) at Holmends. Over fireplace in shepherd’s house on site of tower, the shield bears the initials I C, and has companion shield bearing initials H G (see Grierson). 16--2. William Carruthers of Nuthollome. (B) Dalton. 1697. Robert Carruthers, died at Baurch. (M) Gretna. To dexter is companion shield bearing a chevron between a pair of wings disjoined and inverted in chief and a mullet in base. 1700 (?) Margaret Carruthers. (G) Dornock. Impaled with Wm. Irving’s, spouse. 1704. Wm. Carruthers in Crofthead. (L) Cummertrees. 1707. John Carruthers in Craigs. (Bcy*) Carruthers. 1710. John Carruthers of Longtown. (Ez*) Arthuret. 1720. ——— Carruthers of B——. (GQ) Old Annan. 1721. Robert Carruthers in Reidhall. (IF) Gretna. 172--. Jannet Carrudders, spouse to Jo. Nickalson. (A, fl.-de-lys, 1 and 2) Dalton. 1722. Margaret Carruthers. (Gx) Old Annan. Impaled with father-in-law, John Irving of Gullie- lands. 1722. George Carruthers in Sarkbridge. (F) Gretna. 1725. John Carruthers in B—lmans—ow. (B) Canonbie 1727. Wm. Carruthers of Linemmill. (N) Stapleton. 1736. Carruthers in Redstones. (B) Kirkconnell 1737. Andrew Carruthers of Nitholm. (Say*) St. Mungo. Dependent from collar on helm is a medal (?). 1739. Wm. Carruthers of Nutholm. (J*) Dalton. 1739. Patrick Caruthers in Brownknow. (A) Kirk- connell. 1751. James Carruthers in Cocklaicks. (Jax*) Dalton. 1759. ——— Carruthers. (B) Kirkconnell. 1760. John Carruthers in Capwood. (H) Dalton. 1761. Wm. Carruthers in Mousewald. (H) Dalton. 1774. —— Cruders of Walton. (T) Walton 1774. Wm. Carruthers. (B) Carruthers. 1775. Robert Carruthers in Mousewald. (H) Dalton. ARMORIAL BEARINGS. 115 CARRUTHERS (contd.). 1776. Arthur Carruthers in Midtown of Glenzier. (P) Canonbie. 1783. John Carruthers in Bog. (R) Canonbie. 1783. John Carruthers of Foultown. (A) Arthuret. ? (adjoining last, broken). (A) Arthuret 1785. Wm. Carruthers in Dougleshall. (H) Hoddom 1791. Wm. Carruthers in Sorrysick. (Cy*) St. Mungo. ? Z (A) Gretna ? John Carruthers in Bonshawside. (A) Kirkpat.- Fleming. Impaling arms of spouse, Janet Johnston. 1806. John Carruthers in Middlebiehill. (A) Kirk. connell. : Impaling Johnston (his wife was Mary Little) 1816. Carruthers of Holmains. (RK) Glencairn. Impaled with spouse’s, W. R. Munro. 1821. Robert Carruthers. (W) Hoddom. The arms are Henderson’s; perhaps his wife. 1832. Lieut.-Col. John Carruthers of Denbie. (Gax) Dalton. The field is gules, impaling Irving of Wyseby. 1848. Wm. Thomas Carruthers of Dormont. (Hax*) Dalton. 1854. Walter Carruthers of Milne. (Gb) Wantray. 1858. James Carruthers. (V) Kirkconnell CaAvEN, James, farmer, 1839. Kirkgunzeon. Checky. Crest—A lion’s head. CHAMBERS, George, of Knowhill, 1764. Holme Cultram. A bear collared (and chained to) a post behind. 1802. John Chambers, smith in Hunnah. Cummertrees. Out of a fess a demi-lion rampant and in base a fleur- de-lys. Crest—An arm vested strapped embowed, ending in rosette, transverse, holding a scimitar barsinisterwise. Mortos—Above ‘‘ Unite,’’ below ‘‘ Pro Rege and Patria.”’ Cuarteris, Charles, of Cullivate, second son of Amisfield. 1849. Tinwald. Quarterly (i.) 3 boars’ heads couped; (ii. and iii.) 3 116 ARMORIAL BEARINGS. CHARTERIS (contd.). garbs; (iv.) 3 roses of 5 petals. All within a tressure flory. Crest—A hand holding a dagger, both erect. Mortrro—“ Non Gratia sed Gladio.”’ CraGiLy (?) of Brampton (broken). Brampton. A cost between a demi-lion rampant in chief and in base 3 bows side by side inclined bendsinisterwise. A helm. Crest—A bird to sinister legless and pecking the wreath. CLARK. (A) A fess between 3 hunting horns, mouths to dexter. (B) 3 cornets palewise, mouths down. Crest—(a) A demi-savage wearing a wig (?) blowing a horn in right hand, left arm akimbo. Morto—“ Free for a blast.’’ 1773. John Clark in Butterdales. (Aax*) Dornock. Below shield is a crowned hammer. 1790. George Clark, died at Burnfootmill. (B) Dornock. CoLvILLE, George, minister of Canonbie, d. London, 1873. Canonbie. Crest—A doe’s head. Morro— Oublier ne puis.’’ ConpbER, Gilbert, factor to Viscount Stormont, 1709. - Ruth- well. Ermine, 2 chevronels between 3 branches. Conroy, John, 1861. Catholic Cemetery, Dumfries. Quarterly vert and argent, a cross, chief and bor- dure. CopLanpD, Wm., of Colliston, 1851. St. Michael’s. Gules, 3 mullets. A helm. Crest—A demi-warrior in plumed helm facing to dexter and bearing in outstretched right hand scimitar erect, and with flexed left arm a regal crown. Morto—Above “‘ Vici,’’? below ‘‘In recto acer.”’ Suprorts—2 leopards (?). CoRRIE. (A) A saitire. (B) A saltire and in chief a cinquefoil or rose. (C) Gules, a saltire humetty, the ends couped barwise. (D) A saltire humetty, the ends wedge-shaped, and in chief a rose. ARMORIAL BEARINGS. ay, CorRIE (contd.). Crest—(a) A cubit arm bare erect holding curved sword 1729. eae 1746. CosTINE. bendsinisterwise. John Corrie in Whitehill. (A) St. Mungo. George Currie in Gouckhall. (B) Kirkconnell. Jean Currie, spouse to Wm. Byers in Whitehill. (A) Kirkconnell. . Rev. Simon Currie. (B) Kirkconnell. . Francis Currie in Woodhouse. (D) Kirkconnell. Corrie of Carlisle. (Ca) Stanwix. (A) 2 bars battled. (B) A bend. Crest—(a) A hand erect holding a scimitar bendsinisterwise. Morto—(x) Cannot see. 1791. Robert Costine of Glenson. (Aax) Kirkbean. 1853. Richard Costine, tailor, d. at Maxwelltown. (B) COULTHART. Kirkbean. 1787. Joseph Coulthard. Lanercost. A chevron. Crest (?)—A lion rampant. 1807. Wm. Coulthart, head of his clan, son and heir to James C. of C. in Wigton, &c., and his wife Griselda M‘Turk, d. at West Denbie in Dalton, 1807 ; also Janetta, his wife and widow of Alex. M‘Naught of Milton Park, Dalry. Kirkpatrick- Fleming. Tomb bears 8 shields (names from ‘‘ Scottish Nation’’). (i.) Argent a fess between 3 colts courant sable (Coulthart of Coulthart). (ii.) Quarterly azure and sable, a cross parti per cross engrailed, counter changed (Glendonyn of Glendonyn ?). (iii.) Sable an escutcheon, checky, argent, and or between 3 lions’ heads erased of the 2nd (McKnyghte of McKnyghte ?). (iv.) Argent, a chevron checky sable and or between 3 water budgets of 2nd (Ross). (v.) Argent on a bend, cotised dovetailed sable, a spear (Carmichael of Carspherne). (vi.) Ermine, a chevron checky, argent and sable, between 3 boars’ heads couped proper, within a bordure nebuly sable (Forbes of Pitscottie). (vii.) Quarterly (i. and iv.) azure, a stag’s head caboshed or (ii. and iii.) argent, 3 legs conjoined at thigh in triangle, armed and em- 118 ARMORIAL BEARINGS. CouLTHART (contd.). bowed. proper, over all on an escutcheon ermine a stag’s head caboshed (McKenzie of Craighall). (vii.) Ermine on a fess between 3 boars’ heads erased and erect sable a spear (Gordon of Sorbie). Crappock, John, flesher, 1861. St. Michael’s. A mullet. Cralk, or Stewartoun, 1715. St. Michael’s. (On the tomb of Johnston of Kelton.) A 3 masted ship sailing to sinister. CREIGHTON. 1781. Wm. Creighton in Yellowknow. Lockerbie. A lion rampant. 1841. James Creighton, cabinetmaker. St. Michael’s. Crest—A paschal lamb. Morro—‘‘ We live in Hope.’’ 1854. David Crighton, d. Holehouse. Tinwald. Crest—A plume of 17 (?) feathers. Cron, Wm., 1778. Kirkpat.-Fleming. Gyronny of 8, on a chief 2 bulls’ heads caboshed. Crest—A bull gardant. CuTLer, John, of Oraland, 1648. Rerwick. 2 shields conjoined, the charge on his own illegible ; that of his wife MMK bears 2 chevrons. DALGLEISH in Hilfield (?), 1732. Old Annan. A millrind (unpierced). (Two of these.) DaLryMPLE, Hugh, farmer, Ryehall, 1825. Cummertrees. Quarterly (i. and iv.) a saltire, (ii. and iii.) a chevron, over all an escutcheon. Above is an Eastern crown of 5 rays bearing the word ‘‘ Firm,’’ then the Crest—A flint stone. DaLZzELL, James, 1836. St. Michael’s. Crest—A naked sword erect. Morro—‘‘I dare.”’ DaviIDSOoN. 1671. Gorg Davedson in Whytshaus. Dornock. 3 mullets and on a chief 3 mullets. 1734. Wm. Davison. Stapleton. In chief a featherless arrow, point down, and in base 2 hearts. ARMORIAL BEARINGS. 119 Deans, Robert, in Todholewood, 1764. Canonbie. In an oval with 2 semi-circular indents in base a saltire. DinwoopiE, James, in Newbigging, 1745. Applegirth. In chief a hand couped, wrist to dexter, holding a cord, from which depends by the mouth a human head full faced couped and reversed ; above a helm. DICKSON. 1741. Thomas Dixon in Bush. Arthuret. A bend and in chief 3 roundles (?), a bordure ermine _ (base underground). 1750. Robert Dickson in Stonniebeck. Tundergarth. 3 billets depending from top edge. 1806. David Dickson of Nether Locherwoods. Ruthwell. A crescent between 4 billets (?) depending from top edge, and in base 3 mullets. Helm to sinister. Crest—An arm armed embowed erect holding a scimitar transversely. Morto—“ Fortes Fortuna juvat.’’ 1866. Alexander Dickson, died Kirkton. Kirkmahoe. A saltire. 1875. David Dickson. St. Michael’s. A bend sinister. DoBIrE. (A) On a double arch an eagle displayed. (B) On a double arch masoned a martlet (?). Crest—(a) A bird’s head erased. Morro—(z) Non minima sed magna prosequor. ? 2 (illegible). (Az) Dryfesdale. 170--. ? Kirkton. (Az) Dryfesdale. 1711. Thomas Dobie in Kirktoun. (Az) Dryfesdale. 1731. Wm. Dobie, late in Torwood (?). (Az) Dryfes- dale. Pi jonn Dobie}. 7.751 .6. (Bas) Dryfesdale. 1759. James Dobie of Hayhill. (Ba*) Dryfesdale. (Not masoned). _ 1848. James Dobie, farmer. Carlaverock. A bend sinister. DouGLas. 1440. Tomb of Princess Margaret, &c., &c. _ Lincluden. On the tomb are 9 shields bearing (i.) a saltire and a chief ; (ii.) a lion rampant; (iii.) 3 mullets; (iv.) 3 120 ARMORIAL BEARINGS. Douce tas (contd.). 1701. 1709. lS: 715: mullets in chief and in base an inescutcheon; (v.) blank ; (vi.) barry dovetailed (?); (vil.) a fess or (?) enhanced; (viii.) blank; Gx.) 5 pales. Above tomb is an incurved triangle bearing in centre a heart sur- rounded by 3 cups in triangle, outside each cup at centre of stem is a mullet, and on the corners of the triangle are the letters be, ly, se (belyve ?). High on the inside walls of the Abbey there are 14 shields, of which, examined from the ground, the Ist, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, and 6th seem blank, the 8th worn off, and the 5th, 9th, and 14th illegible. The others seem (i.) 3 mullets impaling something, of which a mullet in sinister base seems part, within a bordure charged ; (ii.) a heart and in chief 5 arrowheads erect, point up, and on a chief 3 mullets; (iii.) quarterly i. and iv. a crowned heart and on a chief 3 mullets, ii. and i. a lion rampant; (iv.) quarterly i. and iv. a heart and on a chief 3 mullets, ii. and ii. papellony (?), a bend- let; all within a bordure; (v.) on a bend 3 lozenges touching each other, and in sinister chief an oval buckle inclined (there is writing round this). In the tracery above a side door are 2 shields bearing : —(A) 3 mullets. (B) On the sinister a lion rampant, on the dexter On the walls outside are shields, including (i.) a bend engrailed; (ii.) 3 hedgehogs; Gu.) a saltire between 4 mullets; (iv.) a saltire be- tween ; (v.) a fess checky, and over it a bend- let engrailed. : Caption James Douglas in Birkhill (?). Closeburn. A winged heart (abased, the wings extending to edges). A helm. Duke of Queensberry’s Mausoleum. Durisdeer. Contains (inter alia) in centre of roof achievement of which the shield is: quarterly (i. and iv.) argent, a heart, gules, crowned or, on a chief azure 3 mullets argent; (ii. and ili.) azure, a bend between 6 trefoils or. Above statues is blank shield within garter crowned, and Crest—Winged heart crowned, and SuprorteERsS—Winged horse and lion. Douglass, Esq. (see Johnston). St. Michael’s. A heart charged with a mullet and surmounted by a crown, of which the mound is a heart, on a chief 3 mullets. Wm. Douglas of Dornock, brother to the Earl of Queensberrie. Moffat. ARMORIAL BEARINGS. 1A DouGtas (contd.). Dowtinc, John, 1851. Quarterly (i. and iv.) a heart crowned, and on a chief 3 mullets, (1. and iii.) 2 costs between 6 crosses potent fichy. A helm, and on a scroll upon it the Morto—‘““ - - - RD,’’ above again in a square is a wreath or scroll bearing the motto ‘‘ Forward,’’ and the Crest—A heart crowned between a pair of wings elevated issuing from the wreath. 1739. Sarah Douglass. Kirkpat.-Juxta. Impaled with spouse’s, Johnston of Bearholm. A crowned heart, and on a chief 3 stars. 1778. Douglas of Dornock (?). Luce Mains. A loose stone, formerly keystone of barn doorway. A wreath from which depend 2 tasselled cords tied in a loose knot, a star between the wreath and cords. Above is a winged heart crowned, and above it the Morro—“ Forward.’’ Between the tassels is the date 1778.* 1784. Archibald Douglas of Morton. New Orchard. In garden wall. A shield with helm, crest, and motto, surrounded by 4 other shields; below the whole an inscription. Principal shield quarterly of 3 (i.) 3 mullets and a chief paly of 6; (ii.) a cinque- foil and on a chief 2 mullets; (iii.) semy of roundles each charged with a cross botonny (?), a lion ram- pant. Crest—A hand erect holding a heart erect. Motto—‘‘ 17 SICKER 72.”’ 4 subsidiary shields—(A) Top dexter; a fess checky. (B) Top sinister ; a heart within a lock, and on a chief 3 boars’ heads erased. (C) Bottom dexter; a saltire. (D) Bottom sinister; on a bend engrailed a cannon muzzle down. The whole subscribed ‘‘ Archibald Douglas, Esq. of Morton, erected this stone, 1784.’’+ Catholic Cemetery, Dumfries. Quarterly vert and argent, a cross, a chief, and a bordure. DrummMonp, Major John, 1830. St. Michael’s. p- Or 3 barrulets wavy gules. Crest—A hand erect holding a heart inflamed. Morro—‘‘ Loyal au Mort.”’ * Vide illustration, Trans., 1900-2, Vol. XVII, pts. 1 and 2, 12. + Vide illustration, Trans., op. cit., p. 13. DuMERIES Town. 122 ARMORIAL BEARINGS. 2 stones in summer house at Knockhill, probably a pair. (1) A chevron couped square between 3 fleur- de-lys. To sinister of shield is Morro—‘‘ A . Lor- burne’’ and:mark. (2) Inscribed ““‘H R.R MK Baillies,’? which may be the marks and initials of Herbert Raining and Robert M‘Kinnell, bailies of Dumfries in 1573.* : EDGAR. (A) A lion rampant: (B) A lion rampant holding in sinister paw a sword (?) between 4 roses. (C) A lion rampant facing to sinister in front of his upper sinister paw a flower (?), mn dexter chief a crown, in sinister base a scarpe, on which rest 2 of the lion’s » paws, and below it a branch with 3 holly leaves on upper side at equal distances. Morro—‘‘ Dieu et mon Droit.’’ (D) 2 lions rampant combatant. (EK) 2 lions rampant combatant, and in base 3 cushions barwise. 1654. David Edgar. (A) Arthuret. 166--. Pe =, late ‘bailiee 9.) )DAND) 72>) (GB) Arthuret. 1676. David Edgar in Riddings. (A) Arthuret. 1732. David Edger of Buckburn. (A) Kirkandrews- on-Esk. 1764. Robert Edgar in Dickhead. (A) Gretna. 1773. Robert Edgar in Duncans. (D) Kirkpat.- Fleming. 1774. Wm. Edgar in Duncans. (E) Kirkpat.-Fleming. To his wife, Margaret Johnston. 1788. Wm. Edgar in Rowanburn (M. Graham, spouse). (C) Canonbie. WE UIOMA. (A) A lion ‘ displayed ’’ gardant holding in extended paws on dexter a thistle, and on sinister a shield bearing 4 pales in a bordure, on a chief a saltire, the whole within a bordure (?). (B) A saltire humetty, limbs ending in right-angled wedge. (C) A fess. Crests—(a) (i.) A naked arm embowed erect holding lance as for throwing. (ii.) A stag trippant. Morro—(z) ‘‘ Apto cum Lare.”’ 1682. Adam Elliot of Mickledale. (A) Unthank. ioe Vide illustration, Trans., 1900-2, Vol. XVII., pts. 1 and 2, IDs : ARMORIAL BEARINGS. 123 Evuiotr (contd.). 1730. Elliott of Dolarline. Stapleton. (Back against another stone.) 1750. John Elliot, mil. in Arkletoune. (B) Staplegordon. 1771. Adam Elliot of Killah. (C) Nether Denton. 1849. G. Scott Elliot of Larriston. (az) Canonbie. ELTRINGHAM, Thomas, in Greenhead of Cove, 1794. Kirkpat.- Fleming. Irregular shield, 5 mullets, 1, 2, 2 with square and compasses. ERRINGTON (?), Thomas, of Bridge : Irthington. A fess between 3 escallops. Ewart (v. Hewet). (A) 2 swords in saltire, points up, and in chief 3 hearts. (B) 2 swords in saltire, points up, between 4 mullets or cinquefoils, and in chief 3 hearts. (C) 2 swords in saltire, points up, between 3 hearts in chief, 2 roses in centre, and a third rose in base (and a bordure). (D) 2 swords in saltire, points up, between 4 mullets. (EK) 2 swords in saltire, points up, between 4 cinquefoils of leaves. (F) In base a heart, from top centre of which radiate 3 swords, hilts up, and crossing their blades 4 up barwise, a fourth sword, point to dexter. In chief a hand erect upon a wreath. (G) In chief a heart, from top centre of which radiate 3 Latin crosses fitchy; in sinister chief a crescent ; in base a hand erect upon a wreath. (H) A fess checky, in chief a small heart (within a bordure flory ?). Crests—(a) An arm couped just above elbow, embowed with hand to dexter so that the forearm is trans- verse, grasping a long dagger bendsinisterwise, over the blade of which is a heart, with point to hilt. (b) As (a), but arm couped higher and heart is voided. (c) An arm armed embowed transversely holding long dagger bendsinisterwise. (d) An arm vested embowed bendwise holding long dagger bendsinister- wise, over the blade of which is a heart with point to point of dagger. (e) An arm armed embowed with cord with loose ends wound round wrist, hold- ing sword, over blade of which is a heart, point down and to sinister. (f) A hand erect (see F and G above). Mortos—(y) ‘‘ Nemo potest vincere’’ (viccere). (z) ‘‘ Pro Deo Rege et Patria’’ (Patrai). 124 ARMORIAL BEARINGS. Ewart (contd.). 1736. Simon Hewart of Parkfoot. (Caz*) Stapleton. 1739. James Ewart of Mullock. (Fey*) St. Michael’s. 1747. George Ewart of Browhead. (H) Kirkandrews- on-Esk. 1749. Hugh Heward. (Bb*) Lanercost. 1753. Simon Ewart, merchant in Brampton. (Ad*) Lanercost. : 1770. Simon Ewart, tanner in Brampton. (Ad*) Lanercost. 1774. John Heward of Boardinhearst. (D*) Lanercost. 1786. Nathan Heward of Frierwaingate. (E*) Laner- cost. 1804. James Ewart in Turnshawhead. (Gy) Dornock. 1877. Sir Simon Heward, 1st member Medical Board, Madras. (Cez*) Crosby-on-Eden. Farrer, Henry, of Scaleby Hall, 1853. Scaleby. On a bend sable 3 horseshoes. Crest—An arm armed embowed erect holding dagger point up to sinister. Morto—“‘ Ferré va ferme.”’ __ FaRRIES. Dornock. Azure, a chevron, reversed argent, this fills 3 of shield, below is a fess or, then the base is argent. Crest—An arm armed embowed erect holding arrow, point to dexter. Morro—‘‘ Finem Respice.’’ FERGUSON. (A) A lion rampant, in dexter chief a mullet. (B) A lion rampant gardant grasping a spear with both paws. (C) 3 hearts. (D) 3 hearts and a bordure engrailed. Crests—(a) An increscent (date 1882). (b) A mullet. (ce) A fleur-de-lys. Morro—(x) ‘‘ Growing,”’ with date 1882. 1587. Ferguson of Isle. (Aax) Isle Tower. 1706. Thomas Fargison in Crofthead. (C) Kirk- andrews-on-Esk. 1711. John Ferguson of Peth. (Cb) Kirkandrews-on- Esk. 1766. Wm. Ferguson of Peth. (C) Kirkandrews-on-Esk. ARMORIAL BEARINGS. 125 FERGUSON (contd.). 1743. Robert Fergison (?). (B*) (no shield) Dalton. 1745. Wm. Ferguson of Bush on Lyne. (Dc*) Arthuret. Fiver, of Waltown Rigg, 1766 (?). Walton. (Two of these). Per fess, argent, and checky, as a fess an open book; a helm. FInDLAY, A., in Wodside, 1747. Canonbie. Checky. FLEMING, Wm., 1752. Brampton. A fret; a helm. Fores (v. Coulthart). ForREST. (A) A chevron between 3 trees eradicated. (B) A chevron between 3 trees and a bordure. Crests—(a) A stag’s head. Mortro—(x) ‘‘ Vires Hono- remque.’’ Suprorts—(S) 2 birds. 1814. John Forrest of Oakland, Georgia, U.S. (BaxS) Annan. 1818. John Forrest of Oakland, Georgia, U.S. (BaxS) Annan. 1825. George Forrest, Annan. (Aax) Old Annan. 1831. Richard Forest, parish schoolmaster. (AaxS) Old Annan. 1873. Wm. J. Forrest, C.E., son of J. Forrest of Long- meadow. (Bax) Annan. 1879. Andrew Turnbull Forrest in Langholm. (BaxS) Wauchope. FORSTER. (A) 3 hunting horns stringed, 2 and 1, mouths to dexter. (B) 3 hunting horns stringed, 1 and 2 mouths to dexter. (C) 3 hunting horns stringed, 2 and 1 mouths to sinister (the base half is under- ground). (D) 3 hunting horns stringed, 1 and 2 mouths to sinister. (EK) (Something) between 3 hunting horns, mouths to sinister. (F) A chevron between 3 hunting horns, mouths to sinister. (G) A chevron reversed, between 3 hunting horns, mouths to sinister. (H) A chevron between 3 hunting horns, the 2 in chief having strings inwards and mouths down, that in base having mouth to sinister, all 126 ARMORIAL BEARINGS. FoRSTER (contd.). within a bordure. (J) A pall reversed between 3 hunting horns suspended by their strings, the mouths of those in chief being outward, the mouth of that in base to sinister. (K) In chief 3 stags’ heads caboshed in bar, in centre 3 arrows without feathers, points down, in bar, and in base 3 hunting horns, 2 and 1.mouths to dexter. (L) In chief 3 stags’ heads erased (?) in bar, in centre 3 broad arrow heads, point up, in bar, and in base 3 hunting horns, mouths to sinister, in bar. (M) 8 does, 1 and 2, those in base facing each other, in extreme base something illegible. (N) 3 stags, 1 and 2, that in chief with horns lowered, the other two illegible, and in base a hand erect holding arrow on string of transverse bow. Crests—(a) A stag. (b) A stag’s head. (c) A hand erect clasping a dumb-bell. ? (K) Stapleton. 1704. Robart Foster in Peterscrok. (M & E) Middlebie. 1704. Reginald Forster of Petercrook. (F) Arthuret. 1713. Thomas Forrester of Sinniwhat. (Aa) Stapleton. 1714. Robert Foster of Roan (Bc) Stapleton. 1724. John Forrester of Malsgat. (L) Stapleton. 1728. Arthur Forester of Calsid. (Ca*) Stapleton. 1744 (?). Christiana Forrester, spouse to Murray of Murraythwaite. (B) Repentance. Impaled with husband’s. 1748. James Forrester of Holmhead. (Fa) Bewcastle. 1748. John Forester in Crawsknow. (N) Kirkbankhead. 1755. George Forister in Riddens (?). (Hb*) Canonbie. 1755. Wm. Forrester of Netherstonegarthside. (Da) Stapleton. 1758. Nichol Forrester of Sorwbys. (Fa) Stapleton. 1767. John Forrester of the Nook. (Ga) Stapleton. 1778. Elizabeth Forrester of Luckens, gentlewoman. (Aa) Stapleton. 1834. Arthur Forrester of Luckens. (Ja) Stapleton. FRASER, James, surgeon, 1841. St. Michael’s. Crest—A stag’s head erased. Morro—“ Je suis prest.”’ GeEppEs, John, died at Kirkton, 1875. Kirkmahoe. Barry and a bordure. ArMorIAL BEARINGS. 127 GIBSON. 1707. Robert Gibson in Halidayhill. Dalton. 3 transverse keys, bits down, and to sinister in top and bottom keys, but to dexter in the middle key. eeEges Gibson of Glencrosh. Glencairn. 3 keys, bits down and to sinister, in fess, each pale- wise, and a chief charged with ‘‘ Bless God.’’ One shield has 3 roundles alternating with the keys. GILLEsPiE, Charles, of Upper Luckens, 1718. Stapleton. A chevron. GiLtroy, Dr James, 1890. Carruthers. 3 dolphins hauriant. Crest—A heart inflamed and with dragons’ (?) wings. Morro—‘‘ Ad Finem fidelis.’’ GLADSTONE, Ebenezer, died at Rose Bank, Castle-Douglas, 1854. Kelton. Crest—A demi-dragon rampant bearing a sword. Morto—‘‘ Fide et Virtute.’’ GLENDINNING (see also Coulthart). 1780. Wm. Glendinning in Lockerbie. Lockerbie. A cross occupying lower 3, above it and with the hand resting on its upper limb a cubit arm vested issuing from sinister grasping a dagger erect. GLoveER, James, in Graystone, 1772. Kirkpatrick-Fleming. A chevron between 3 increscents. Go.tpiE, Lieut.-General Thomas, of Goldie Leigh, 1804. Troqueer. Crest—A garb. GorDon (see under Coulthart and Maxwell of Terregles). 1843. Sir John Gordon of Earlston. Borgue. 3 boars’ heads. Crest—On a helm a cubit arm armed erect (broken off at the knuckles). Morro— *“‘Dread God.’’ Suspended by a ribbon from the helm is an oval resting between the boars’ heads and containing a crowned shield charged with a saltire debruised by 3 diminishing inescutcheons, each sur- mounting the other. 1879. Wm. Gordon of Nunbank. St. Michael’s. (No shield ), within an annulet, inscribed ‘‘ No Cross no Crown,”’ a cross with an Eastern crown on the top limb. 128 GRACIE. ARMORIAL BEARINGS. 1814. James Gracie, banker. St. Michael’s. A. bendsinister. 1872. Wm. Grassie, died Barrurgh Mill. Dalgarnock. GRAHAM. A bendsinister. (A) 3 escallops, 2 and 1. (B) 3 escallops, 1 and 2. (C) 3 escallops, 2 and 1, inverted. (D) 3 escallops, 1 and 2, inverted. (KE) 3 escallops depending from top, quartering 3 roses. (F) 3 escallops and in chief a boar’s head. (G) 3 escallops and in chief 3 spur rowels or 6 petalled roses. (H) 3 escallops, 1 and 2, and in chief a 6 petalled rose (no shield). (I) 3 escallops and on a chief 3 sexfoils. (J) In chief 3 escallops, 1 and 2, and in base 3 four petalled roses, 2and1. (K) 6 escallops, 3 and 3, impaling a spread eagle, and in base 2 roundles. Between the 2 im- paled coats is a narrow pale bearing in chief a sal- tire (?), and below it an indistinct object with long stem ending in anchor. (L) 3 escallops, 1 in chief, 2 in base, and between them a saltire engrailed; a bordure. (M) 6 escallops, 2 and 4, and between them a pale bearing a saltire in chief and a spear head (?) below. (N) 3 quatrefoils and in chief 3 escallops. (O) 3 escallops in chief and in base a dagger erect, be- tween them a saltire in an oblong touching the dexter side ; the whole is narrow and is impaled (?) between, on the dexter, Bell of Crurie, and, on the sinister, on a fess, 3 escallops, and in chief 6 roundles, 3, 2, and 1. (P) On a chief 3 escallops. (Q) ‘‘Graham’’ quartering a fess checky, and in chief a chevron. A hatchment in the church is: quarterly i. and iv., or on a chief sable 3 escallops or; 1. and ui or, a fess checky azure and argent, and in chief a chevron gules. Crest—2 wings or. Mortro—‘‘ Reason contents me.’ (R) ‘‘ Graham ’’ impaling quarterly i. and iv., sable, a bend checky between 6 billets; (ii.) azure, a stag’s head caboshed; (i1.) gules, 3 legs in triangle. Two hatchments in the church are: (1) The same as Q above, impaling or, a fess checky argent and azure, over all a bend engrailed gules. Crest—2 wings argent. Morro—‘‘In Coelo Quies.’’ (2) Brown on a chief sable, 3 escallops or, impaling argent fusilly gules a chevron azure. CrEsST—2 wings. Morro—‘‘In Coelo Quies.’’ (S) Quarterly, (1.) on a chief 3 escallops; (ii.) 6 annulets, 3, 2, and 1; Gu.) a sword erect on sinister and on a large ARMORIAL BEARINGS. 129 GRAHAM (contd.). quarter a saltire; (iv.) on a chief 3 escallops, and in dexter base an annulet. (T) On a chief 3 escallops, this occupies half shield; the other half is occupied by a crescent. (U1) A boar’s head and in base a quatrefoil and on a chief 3 escallops. (U2) A boar’s head erased (?) and in base a rose, and on a chief 3 escallops. (V) A chevron between 3 annulets and on a chief 3 escallops. (W) A chevron and in base an escallop, and on a chief 2 escallops. (X1) 3 piles wavy from the chief, and on a chief 3 escallops. (X2) 3 piles wavy from and part of the chief, which is also continuous with a bordure entrailed; on the chief 3 escallops. (Y) On a fess 3 roundles and in chief a rose of 7 petals (?). (Zl) A saltire and a bordure. (Z2) (No shield) 2 willow branches, a couped hand holding a knife, a cock, a triangle, and a stool (?). (Z8) A figure containing checks below and initials I G above. Crests—(a) An arm vested erect couped half-way to elbow holding sword transversely. (b) The same, but sword bendsinisterwise. (c) A hand _ transversely holding a dagger erect. (d) A pair of wings con- joined and elevated, to dexter. (e) A hawk settling on the breast of a dead crane. (f) A boar’s head to sinister. (g) A star. (h) A cherub. Morros—(v) In Coelo Quies (v. R. above). (w) Reason con- tents me (v. Q above). (x) Right and Reason. (y) Memor esto. (z) Prepare for Death. 1627. Wm. Graham of Mosknow. (ey) Kirkpat.- Fleming. 1657. Sir George Graham of Netherby (Esk). (Qd*) Arthuret. Beneath is achievement of Johnston, Earl of Hartfell. 1672. John Graham. (D) Kirkandrews-on-Esk. No shield. 1683. Rosi Graham. (D) Kirkandrews-on-Esk. No shield. 1673. Rev. Wm. Graham of Mosknow, rector. (J) Kirkpat.-Fleming. 1696. Wm. Graham in Hole. (G) Gretna. ? George Graham. (A) Gretna. ? (undeciphered). (I) Gretna. 1704. John Graham in Williehole. (A) Hutton. 130 ARMORIAL BEARINGS. GraHaAM (contd.). 1707 Thomas Graham of Westlinton. (N) Kirk- andrews-on-Esk. David Graham of Woodhead. (J) Kirkandrews- on-Esk. . John Graham of Scotchdyke. (Uzb*) — Kirk- andrews-on-Esk. . Walter Graham of Brownside. (F) Arthuret. . Francis Graham of Askerton. (Z2) Lanercost. . John Graham, miller in Damhead. (A) Carruthers. . Robert Graham in Dickheead. (Z1) Canonbie. (no name, with same shield). (Z1) Canonbie. . David Graham. (E) Hutton. (illegible). (E) Hutton. . John Graham of Fordsike. (Pa) Scaleby. . Arthur Graham of Sikehead. (Z3) Stapleton. . David Graham of Hallside. (Ura) Kirklinton. Graham of Blatwood. (B) Old Annan. (older than last, impaling something). (B) Old Annan. . Walter Graham of Riggfoot. (H) Kirklinton. . James Graham, milner of Hoddom. (X2*) Old Hoddom. . John Graham in Blackcleugh. (A) Carruthers. . Robert Graham in Timpon. (A) Kirkbankhead. (no name, impaled with Jardine). (W) Hoddom. . John Graham, Saughtrees. (Yf) Stapleton. . James Graham in Bogra. (C) Kirkbankhead. . Edward Graham of Moorhouses. (Pa) Kirklinton. . Wm. Graham of Shaw. (O) Carruthers. (Impaled with Bell of Crurie.) . Wm. Graham in Garden of Glinger. (A) Kirk- bankhead. . George Graham in Laverockhall. (A) Carruthers. . Wm. Graham of Blatwood, late surgeon in Annan. (B) Rerwick. . James Graham in Upper Hutton. (A) MHutton. . Andrew Graham of Hoddommiln. (S) Hoddom. ARMORIAL BEARINGS. 131 GRAHAM (contd.). 1767. 1768. 1774. 1774. 1775- 1780. 1780. 1782. 1795: 1861. 1888. Wm. Graham of Little Bampton. (Mh) Kirk- bampton. George Graham, late of Purdamscrook. (K*) Kirklinton. John Graham of Corrylaw. (Xic*) Tundergarth. Janet Graham. (Vx) Hoddom. Impaled with John Jarden. Richard Graham in Burn. (L) Arthuret. Thomas Graham of Croftlands. (A) Carruthers. George Graham in Stobiknow. (A) Kirkbank- head. Robert Graham in Greenwrae. (A) Kirkbank- head. Edward Graham in Grahamshill. (Pgz*) Kirk- pat.-Fleming. Sir James R. Graham of Netherby. (Rdw*%) Arthuret. Sir Frederick U. Graham of Netherby. (d*) Arthuret. Gray, John, late Kirgeon in Ettrickholm, 1761. St. Mungo. GRIERSON. 1616. 1665. 1773: 1852. A lion rampant impaling 3 hatchets. Helm. Crest—An anchor without ring. Morro—‘ Anchor fast anchor.” (A) A mullet between 3 cushions (brought from Lag Tower, 2 let into tombstone). (B) A crescent between 3 cushions. This bears initials H G, and is alongside shield of spouse, Carruthers of Holmains. (C) 3 eight petalled roses, each in a circle, 1 and 2. (D) Per bend sinister or and vert a bend sinister. Grierson of Lag. (A) Old Dunscore. (Grierson of Rockhall ?). (B) Holmains. Janet Grierson, died at Scroggs. (C) Lockerbie. Matthew Grierson, mariner, Kelton. (D) Car- laverock. GRIVE, John, husband to Jean Armstrong in Hoddomtown, 1780. Hoddom. An eagle displayed charged on breast with a cres- cent (?) impaling wife’s. 132 A CoOVENANTER’S NARRATIVE. 10th January, 1913. Chairman—Mr G. Macteop STEWART. A Covenanter’s Narrative—James Grierson of Dalgoner and his Imprisonment at Ayr, 1666-7. By Sir Puitip J. HAmMILTON-GRIERSON. The document which is reproduced in the following pages is entitled ‘‘ Ane memorandum of the progress of James Grierson of Dalgoner when it came to his knowledge that he was proclaimit rebell at the Cross of Dumfries amongst that partie that tuik Sir James Turner out thereof, who was inocent and free in that engagement as after follows.’’! In order to make the memorandum intelligible, it is neces- sary to explain who and what manner of man the writer was; and it may be not without interest to give a short account of the family to which he belonged. From the narrative of a Crown charter, dated 27th January, 1591, in favour of William Greir, “‘ now of Dal- goner,’’ eldest son of John Greir deceased, we learn that the lands of Dalgoner and Poundland had previously belonged to the Monastery of Melrose,2 and had been possessed by 1 [ have not been so fortunate as to find the original among James Grierson’s papers. The copy which I have made use of appears to have been written towards the close of the eighteenth century by the then proprietor of Dalgoner and custodier of the family documents. The memorandum was printed in the Juridical Review, June, 1912, and I am indebted to the courtesy of the pub- lishers, Messrs William Green & Sons, Edinburgh and London, for permission to reprint it here. 2 These lands formed part of the gift by Affrica, daughter of Edgar, to the Abbey of Melrose, in the reign of Alexander II. (Liber sancte Marie de Melros, Bannatyne Club, Edinburgh, 1873, 1., pp. 181, seq.). Some of the boundaries of the lands given by Affrica are capable of identification. The stream, ‘‘ quod dicitur pollogan,’’ is plainly the Laggan Burn, and the cross of Cross Garrieoch ‘‘ quod est meta inter terram canonicorum de Dercongal et Darrengorran’’ is, no doubt, ‘‘the cross of Meiklewood’’ (A. Crichton, Memoirs of Rev. John Blackader, Edinburgh, 1823, p. 215), marked in Thomson’s Atlas of Scotland, published in the year 1831. The name ‘‘ Dalgoner’”’ occurs in a Papal Commission (in the pos- A COVENANTER’S NARRATIVE. Weis William Greir and his predecessors, ‘‘ veteres tenentes et possessores earundem.’’ John Grier’ seems to have been the grandson of Gilbert Grierson of Dalton and Castle- maddie, whose ancestry can be traced to Gilbert Grierson. shield-bearer of Archibald, Earl of Douglas.4 John Grierson had at all events two sons—William, who succeeded him, and Thomas.° He had also a daughter, Christian. William died before 1617—the date at which his son William was served his heir—and was survived by his widow, by his sons William, James, Lancelot, and Robert, and by his daughter Catherine. William died, unmarried, in January, 1624, and was suc- ceeded by his brother James, the writer of the memorandum. session of the Society of Scottish Antiquaries), dated 13th Septem- ber, 1465, to confirm certain charters in favour of John Kirkpatrick of Alisland and his heirs male of ‘‘ totas et integras quatuor libratas terrarum antiqui extentus de freirkers cum piscaria et molendino earundem grange mylne nuncupato necnon cum astricta multura Triginta sex Libratarum terrarum similis extentus de dalgoner, killelego, Brischevalay, ovir et Netthr Bairdwel, dempsterton, ovir et Nethir Lagan, ovir et Nethir Dunscoir, Ryddynis, Edgarston, Mulygaston, Kilroy, Ferdynnowel et hill . . . .’ Dr Ramage (Drumlanrig Castle and the Douglases, Dumfries, 1876) mistakes this grant of multures of Dalgoner, ete., for a grant of the lands themselves. 3 This statement rests on the assumption that the terms of James Grierson’s service to John Grierson of Castlemaddie in 1675 represent the facts. He is there described as ‘‘ abnepos fratris proavi Johannis Greirsone de Daltoune et Castlemadie.”’ 4 By charters granted between the years 1409-1424, printed in the Sixth Report of the Historical MSS. Commission, 1877, Pt. I. and App. 710 ff. (MSS. of the family of Carruthers of Holmains, in the County of Dumfries), the Earl granted to Gilbert Greresoun and his son William the lands of Mekil Daltoun and Dormont. The lands of Castlemaddie were also a gift from the Douglas, as appears from the narrative of a Crown charter dated 17th September, 1534, in favour of Gilbert Grierson of Dalton. 5 See Register of the Privy Cowncil, 2nd Ser., vii., p. 667; viil., p. 274; x., p. 140. In a document among the Dalgoner papers it is stated that Gordon of Shirmers and James Cannan of Muirdrochet "were cousins german of the writer of the memorandum. I have hitherto been unable to verify the statement, or to ascertain the details of the relationship. 6 She is mentioned in the memorandum. 134 A COVENANTER’S NARRATIVE. James Grierson was married thrice. His first wife was Agnes Johnston, by whom he had three children, William, James, and Rosina. His second wife was Agnes, daughter of James Grierson of Penfillan, the second son of Thomas Grierson of Barjarg,’ by Robina, daughter and heiress of John Kirkpatrick of Braco,’ Agnes was the widow of John Kirko of Sundaywell.2 The issue of this second marriage, which took place about 1643, was a daughter—Helen. Dalgoner’s third wife was Elizabeth, daughter of Robert 7 Thomas Grierson of Barjarg is mentioned in 1557 (Fifteenth Report of the Historical MSS. Commission, 1897, App. Pt. VIIL., p. 74: MSS. of the Duke of Buccleugh and Queensberry preserved at Drumlanrig Castle), and again in 1585 (Folio Acts, ui., p. 370). In 1587 the Earl of Morton granted a charter in his favour (Register of Great Seal); and later we find notices of him (Pitcairn, op. cit., i., Pt. IL., p. 298; Reg. of P.C., v., p. 89) and of his sons, Thomas and James (Reg. of P.C., v., pp. 74, 424, 768., vii., pp. 398, 446). Thomas the elder’s wife was Helen Crichton, as appears from her son Thomas’ service in 1617 (Inqwis. Spec.). 8 By charter, dated 24th February, 1543, William, Abbot of Crossraguel and Perpetual Commendator of the Monastery of Holy- wood (‘‘ sacri nemoris’’), granted the six merk land of Bracoch to John Kirkpatrick of Alisland and the heirs male begotten of him and Egidia Grierson, his wife, deceased. A charter, dated 3lst August, 1555, of the same land was granted in favour of Robert, son and heir male of John Kirkpatrick and Egidia, his wife, before- mentioned. (See Fifteenth Report of Historical MSS. Commission, sapr. cit., App. Pt. VIII., p. 73. This report at pp. 69-70 contains an interesting account of the history of the Monastery.) From a sasine in certain rights in the mill and multures of Closeburn in 1570 we learn that Robert had two sons—John and James. Lastly, we find a tack of teind sheaves, dated 7th July, 1602, in favour of John Kirkpatrick of Braco. 9 “There is a very general tradition that some centuries ago three brothers named Kirk despatched one Culton, a notorious robber who infested Gleneslin, which was then surrounded by forest, and that, as reward for their action, the reigning monarch granted to each of the brothers respectively the properties of Sundaywell, Bogrie, and Chapel. The spot where Culton was slain is still pointed out, and called ‘ Culton’s nook.’ It is in the vicinity of the farm of Chapel, but within the borders of Glencairn parish. . . There are two old square towers still standing in the upper part of Glen- eslin, and on opposite sides of the glen, at a part where it contracts to a narrow pass. The names of the two towers are Bogrie and Sundaywell.”? (New Statistical Account of Scotland, Edinburgh, A COVENANTER’S NARRATIVE. 135 Johnstone of Raecleugh;!° and of this marriage there were born two children—a son, Samuel, and a daughter, Nicholas. We know very little of Dalgoner’s early history; but from the year 1644 onwards we can trace the main current of his life with some degree of certainty. In an Act of Parliament dated 24th July in that year! we find him named as one of the Committee of War for Dumfries and Annandale; and that he shortly afterwards occupied the position of Captain of the parish of Dunscore, we learn from an order by the Governor of Dumfries, dated 9th September, 1644, in which he is so designed.!2 1845, iv., p. 339 note). We find notices.of John Kirkhaugh of Sundaywell in 1565 (Reg. of Great Seal, 2nd February, 1590) and in 1580 (Ib., 13th February, 1580) ; and of Gilbert Kirko of Sundaywell in 1591, 1599, and 1602 (Reg. of Privy Council, iv., p. 663; xiv., p. 385; vi., p. 729). In the latter notice his son John is mentioned. John had two sons, of whom the elder—John, mentioned in the text —predeceased him. James, the second son, was served heir to his father on July 2nd, 1647 (Inquis. Spec.). His will was recorded 13th May. 1674. See note 25 below. A younger son, Lancelot, left a daughter, Elizabeth, who married James M‘Lellane, brother of Barscobe (see Teg. Secr. Conc. Decreta, 637, 21st February, 1684, and note 55 below. See also Robert Wodrow, The History of the Sufferings of the Church of Scotland, Edinburgh, 1721, ii., p. 175). By deed dated 29th September, 1711, she conveyed the lands of Sundaywell to her eldest son, James (reg. in Dumfries Sheriff Cr. Bks., 22nd March, 1717). 10 The marriage contract is dated 16th December, 1653. Rae- cleugh was nearest heir-male of James Johnstone of that Ilk, and was served his tutor on 23rd June, 1608. In 1623 the ward married Margaret, eldest daughter of William Douglas of Drumlanrig, after- wards created Viscount Drumlanrig and Earl of Queensberry. In 1633 he was created Lord Johnstone, and in 1643 Earl of Hartfell. His successor, John, second Earl of Hartfell, was created Earl of Annandale in 1661. (Sir William Fraser, The Annandale Family Book of the Johnstones, Earls and Marquises of Annandale, Edin- burgh, 1894, i., pp., lviii. seq. ; clxvii. seq., 81.) 11. Folio Acts, vi., pt. i., p. 201; again in 1646 (Ib., pt. i., p. 561); and again in 1649 (Ib., pt. ii., p. 188). 12 Lag, who had been appointed a colonel of horse and foot for Dumfries and Annandale, along with certain others, in 1643 (Folio Acts, vi., pt. i., p. 51), ina letter from Rockall, dated 29th July, 1645, addressed ‘‘ for Dalgonner, captaine off the parysche of Dunscoire,”’ writes to him as follows :—‘. thes ar onlj to adverteis you to keip the drell upoon monninday nixt wt thos fut and hors that is 136 A COVENANTER’S NARRATIVE. That it was one of a Captain’s duties to advance out of his own pocket the sums assessed upon individuals for the maintenance and outfit of the forces of the Covenant may be gathered from a document entitled— ‘Ane compt qk I James Greirsone of Dalgonner hath payit out and depurst to ye publick for Jean Stirling ladie Carse! for her rent of ye lands of carse, eleisland and milne, it being 1200 marks. Item 20 sh. ilk 100 mark of rent for outreitching of Sir John brownis™ troop horse in anno WOO oo4 ee i oe baat ee 12 lib. Mair 16 sh. each mark of rent for 70 lib. robert maxwell of straqhan and John lachliesone yat for yair outreatching yam selves to [tear] trouperis in steinhouse™ troup 16 [ tear | an oe ae ae Pe ouliss i sh, mair restand of ye first months mantienence [tear] lib. 10 sh. gd- mair 1o sh. 6d. ilk too mark of rent for lanrick’s!8 troupis maintinance in wair 1646 6 lib. 8 sh. 6d.”’ dew to bie put out in yowr parysche and that ye adverteis all the heritowrs and gentillmen accordinglje to bie thair under the paine off the certificatioune in the act ffor it will bie requurit that ever] captaine must gif ane accont quhat heriturs is in the parysche. This to yowr cair I remaine, Yowris assurit ffreind, Lace. 13 Captain John Patersone’s supplication to the Privy Council in 1663 and 1665 (Reg. of P.C., 3rd ser., 1., p. 481; 1., pp. 15, 152-3) seems to show that at a later date a similar practice prevailed in the King’s service. 14 Not in Dalgoner’s handwriting. 15 In 1628 John Kirkpatrick of Elisland sold Friars’ Carse to John Maxwell of Templand, whose widow was Jean Stirling (see W. Fraser, The Book of Carlaverock, Kdinburgh, 1873, i., pp. 597-8, 602). 16 Sir John Brown of Fordell, in the parish of Arngask and County of Perth, was a soldier of distinction. He repelled the forces of Lord Digby and Sir Marmaduke Langdale at Dumfries in 1646. He died in 1651, in consequence of wounds received at the battle of Inverkeithing (R. R. Stodart, Memorials of the Browns of Fordell, Mdinburgh, 1887, pp. 26 ff.). 17 John Douglas of Stanehouse. 18 William, second son of the second Marquess of Hamilton, was A CovVENANTER’S NARRATIVE. 137 Dalgoner’s efforts to recover this money seem to have been unavailing, for two years later Lady Carse, her sons Herbert and John, and Alexander Hay were summoned before the Committee of War for Dumfries and Kirkcudbright to answer his complaint. He obtained decree; but Lady Carse brought a suspension; and the last we hear of the matter is that, in 1653, it came before ‘‘ the Commissioners for the administration of Justice to the people in Scotland,”’ who declined to deal with it. By an Act of Parliament, dated 13th February, 1647,!9 the Kirk of Dunscore had been transplanted to the lands of Dalgoner, in the middle of the parish. Sundaywell and Dal- goner had been prime movers in the change, which had been vigorously opposed by Lady Carse and her sons, and which had resulted in an expenditure for building church, manse, and churchyard wall amounting to 3190 merks. The heritors did not come forward with the money, and, accordingly, they were charged on 20th April, 1649, to make the necessary con- tributions.” We find, to our surprise, that shortly after “‘ the Engage- ment ’’2! Dalgoner deemed it expedient to purge himself of some suspicion of malignancy; and, accordingly, he applied to the Dumfries Presbytery to give him a certificate of char- acter. The Presbytery acceded to his request, and granted him a document in the following terms :—# ** At Dumfries, the 28th August, 1649, the qlk. day James Greirson of Dalgoner desyreing by his petitione to have the truth of his suffering cleired in opposition to the late unlawful Ingadgment. These are to testifie that the said James Greir- son of Dalgoner hath behaved himself with zeal and courage oe created Earl of Lanark, 3lst March, 1639. He succeeded his brother, the first Duke, and died of wounds received at Worcester nine days after the battle, i.e., on 12th September, 1651. 19 Folio Acts, vi., pt. i., p. 697. 20 Folio Acts, vi., pt. ii., pp. 345, 346, 719. 21 The secret treaty entered into on December 27th, 1647, between the King and three Scottish commissioners, upon which followed Hamilton’s disastrous expedition into England (P. Hume Brown, History of Scotland, Cambridge, 1902, ii., pp. 342 ff.). 22 The Presbytery records are silent on this matter. 138 A CovENANTER’s NARRATIVE. in opposition to all the malignant designes that have been sett on foot since the beginning of the happie reformatione now established in the church and kingdom, and that his sufferings have been verie considerable in opposing the late unlawful Ingadgment, as may be cleired by the particular injuries done to him, qlk are cleirlie proven and instructed by witness, wherefore earnestly requires such as have entres and are concerned therein to administer justice with convenient dili- gence and repair him to his losses qlk sall ever ingadge your faithfull friends and servants the brethreene of the presby- terie subscribing by moderator and clerk in our names. ‘“ Mr Hew HENRISONE, moderator. (VE WARES, clerk. At the date of the Act of Indemnity of 1662, Dalgoner appears to have enjoyed the reputation of being one of those ‘“ whose guiltines had rendered them obnoxious to the law and their lives and fortunes at his Majesties disposall,’’ as he was admitted to its benefits only on payment of a fine. According to his own statement in the ‘‘ Memorandum,’’ he had been fined and cessed ‘“‘ for hearing and for not hear- ing.’’2* He was, in short, a marked man; and his associates, such as Kirko® of Sundaywell, Ferguson® of Caitloch, and 23 Folio Acts, vil., pp. 421, 423. 24 J.e., for attending at conventicles and for non-attendance at church. The Presbytery records show how malignants had been dealt with for such offences when the party of the Covenant was supreme. ‘‘Cess’’? was the quartering money for soldiers. In an order addressed to Dalgoner by the Committee of War he was informed that ‘‘ giff ye failzie’’ to obey instructions ‘“‘ ye sall be cessit upon be Trupers ;’’ and from the Minute Book kept by the War Committee in the Stewartry of Kirkcudbright, 1640 and 1641, Kirk- cudbright, 1855, it appears that the Covenanters were in the way of quartering “‘ pairties in armes’’ upon those who were “ refranures or remise’’’ in paying taxes, or who were negligent in the discharge of their duties. (See pp. 98, 104, 133). 25 See note 9 above. After the Restoration, Kirko speedily got into trouble. He joined with certain ministers in drawing up an address to the King congratulating him on his return, and putting him in mind of his own and the nation’s covenant; and was, in consequence, imprisoned for three months and a half in the Castle of Edinburgh (R. Wodrow, The History of the Sufferings of the A CovENANTER’sS NARRATIVE, 139 Blackader,?’ the outed minister of Troqueer, had had similar experiences, and were in equal disfavour with the Govern- ment. It is not then matter of surprise that the writer of the ““ Memorandum ”’ found himself ‘‘ proclaimit rebell at the Crosse of Dumfries® amongst that party that tuik Sir James Turner® out thereof ;’’ and it is at this point that his narrative opens. “‘ First I did wryte to me Lord Annandale at Glasgow where the secret council sat to seek his Lo/ advice what way to follow for my vindication. His lo/ wryt back to me to come to Air with all diligence and not to fail as I wisht my own weel, and his lo/ would speak the Lord Commissioner’s Church of Scotland, Edinburgh, 1721, i., p. 7, and App. Bk I., pp. 3 and 5; Wodrow MSNS., Adv. Libr. Fol. xl., 47; Reg. of P.C., 2nd ser., vill., p. 465, under date 23rd August, 1660). He was fined by Captain John Patersone (see note 15 above), and by Sir James Turner on several occasions. After the Pentland Rising, he left the country for some years, going first to Newcastle (Memoirs of Mr William Veitch and George Brysson, with notes, &c., by Thomas M‘Crie, Edinburgh, 1825, p. 49), and afterwards to Ireland (Wodrow, History, ut supr. cit., ti., p. 175). Welsh of Irongray, a high Covenanting authority, declared that he was one of the most emi- nent Christians he had ever known (Wodrow, History, ut supr. cit., u., p. 175). I am not aware to what family James Kirko, in the parish of Keir, who was shot by Captain Bruce’s dragoons on Dum- fries Sands in 1685, belonged (Wodrow, History, ut supr. cit., ii., p. 508). In an undated valuation of Keir the lands of beochen are said to pertain to Kirkco in liferent. The date of the document is before 1660 and after 1640. 26 See Wodrow, History, ut supr. cit., i1., pp. 159, 286, 596; The Life and Journals of Robert Baillie, 1737-1762, ed. by D. Laing, Edinburgh, 1841, i., p. exix.; J. Ferguson and R. M. Fergusson, Records of the Clan and Name of Fergusson, Ferguson, and Fergus, Edinburgh, 1895, pp. 423 ff. 27 See A. Crichton, Memoirs of the Rev. J. Blackader, Edin- burgh, 1823. 28 See proclamation against reset of rebels, dated 4th December, 1666 (Reg. of P.C., 3rd ser., ii., p. 2380). 29 A masterly account of the Pentland Rising is given by C. 8. Terry in his book, entitled The Pentland Rising and Rullion Green, Glasgow, 1905. Turner was taken in his lodging at Dumfries on Thursday morning, 15th November, 1666. 30 See note 10 above. 140 A COVENANTER’S NARRATIVE. grace in my business, which I did and came there 20th Dec. 1666, and came to his lo/ when he directit me to wait on the council that day at four hours in the afternoon. I was cald comperit. The Commissioner’s grace*! askit if I had com- pliance with the rebells? I said none. I came to vindicat myself of that aspersion was cast upon me. The Commis- sioner then askit if I saw them? I said Mr William Burnet the minister’s wife came to my house that morning and said that there was mony men riding to Dumfries that yet dawn- ing, and some of them had taken away her husband’s meir and his sword, but she knew them not who they were or what they were going about. Whereupon I geyd to the Tutor of Lage to see if he had gotin any intelligence who they were 31 On 5th December a commission was granted to the Duke of Hamilton, the Marquis of Montrose, the Karls of Argyle, Linlith- gow, Kelly, Galloway, Wigton, Nithsdale, Dumfries, Callender, Aidie, and Annandale, Lord Montgomery, Lord Drumlanrig. the Master of Cochrane, General Dalziel, Lieutenant-General Drum- mond, James Crichton, brother of the Earl of Dumfries, Colonel James Montgomery, Charles Maitland of Halton, Mungo Murray, or any three of them, authorising them to go to any shire, burgh, or place where there was any rising, and there to hold courts, cite parties and witnesses, &c., and try all persons acting or abetting in the said rebellion, with power to imprison till trial, and to do justice on the guilty (Reg. of P.C., 3rd ser., 11., p. 232). With some of the persons above-named Rothes travelled through the west country. He left Edinburgh on 7th December, and came to Glasgow, where he remained until the 18th; and on that day he went to Ayr (The Lauderdale Papers, ed. by Osmund Airy (Camden Society), London, 1884, 1., pp. 2538, 260, 264). 32 The tutor, James Grierson of Larglanlie, was the third son of Sir Robert Grierson of Lag by his wife Margaret, eldest daughter and co-heiress of James Murray of Cockpool (see note 55 below). Sir Robert was succeeded in 1653 by his son John, who, on his death in 1658, was succeeded by his. son Robert, a minor. Robert was under the guardianship, firstly, of his uncle, William Grierson of Barquhar, and, secondly, of his uncle, James Grierson of Larglanlie. The ward died at Bath, on 10th April, 1667, and was succeeded by his cousin Robert, son of Barquhar, to whom Larglanlie acted as guardian (see note 42 below). Dalgoner’s house, now forming part of the stables of the present mansion-house, was situated about three hundred yards from the road by which Turner’s captors marched to Glencairn Kirk. Lag Castle lies a good mile further off. A COVENANTER’S NARRATIVE. 141 or what their desyns were. He said he had sent to Dumfries for that effect, but the messenger was not returned. I stayed long waiting thereon and then it was drawand lait and the messenger not like to return. The Tutor desired me to go and get all the intelligence I could in respect the high streit lay close to my house, and come again and tell him. Whereupon I lap upon my meir and came home; and as I came neir to my house I saw a number of men going by, and I went to them to see what they were and what they had come about. They told me they had taken Sir James Turner and a number of his sogers. I told also to the Commissioner I rode farder a piece with them, askand at several of them where they would take him to, or what they would do with him; but they either knew not or else they would not tell me. I askit also at several of them who it was and what was the name of their Captain, but they would none of them tell me that either. By this time I had ridine with them a milne or more, and when I could get no farder intelligence I turnit back and came home to my awne house and told the tutore of Lagg that I had heard and that it was Galloway men, and told that I staid about my awne house and in the shire and ownit them na moir till they were broken. They askit me if I had arms? ! said I had a sword when I went to the Lag to the Tutore, and had not laid it from me in respect I cam to them at the neirest when they were going by. They askit if they tuik my sword frae me or offered to trouble me? I said not. They said they had taken me for a friend that sufferit me to ride peaceabile with them. I answered that they troubled no man more than they did me (altho sundry cam to them), but only Sir James and his men, and I thought they would not take me for a friend who refusit to go with them, and Corsock* desir- 33 Neilson of Corsock, in the parish of Parton, and Maclellan, younger of Barscobe, in the parish of Balmaclellan, took a principal part in the capture of Turner. They were closely con- nected by marriage, Neilson’s wife being Mary Maclennan, and apparently Barscobe’s sister (see W. A. Stark, The Book of Kirk- patrick-Durham, Kirkcudbrightshire, Castle-Douglas, 1903, p. 84). Neilson and M‘Kaill were put to the torture, and the former “ sereight for pain in a terrible manner so as to have moved a heart 142 A COVENANTER’S NARRATIVE. ing me so earnestly, but I would not go, and that I owned them nae moir. My Lord Drumlanrig askit if I could prove that, and who were the witnesses thereof? I told him their names. He speerit whose men they were? I told likeways; and I desirt to have their names set down twice or thrice; but they would not. Neither said they it needit seeing I came back and left them. The Commissioner said I should not have gone to them for the Tutor’s desire; he was not a justice of the peace. My Lord Annandale said he was one.** They askit if I saw Sundaywell shortly? I said I saw him not since he went to Edinr. about 20 days before Sir James was taken. They said that they were sure that he acquaintit me with their rising for he would keep nothing up from me. I of stone. This was done on December 4th, and they were examined by Rothesse, who called frequently for the other toutch’’ (J. Kirkton, The Secret and True History of the Church of Scotland from the Restoration to the Year 1678, ed. by C. K. Sharpe, Edinburgh, 1817, p. 252). Neilson was executed on 14th December, 1666 (Wodrow, History, ut supr. cit., i., p. 258, where an account of his sufferings and those of his family is to be found). Barscobe was condemned in absence to death and forfeiture on 15th August, 1667, for partici- pation in the rising (Wodrow, History, ut supr. cit., 1., p. 266, and app. bk. ii., No. xv.). He fell into the hands of the Government in April, 1682, and was to be executed; but seems to have offered his services in return for a remission (Letter of Claverhouse to Queens- berry—W. Napier, Memorials and Letters Illustrative of the Life and Times of . . Viscownt Dundee, Edinburgh, 1859-62, ii., p. 274; see Wodrow, History, ut supr. cit., 1i., p. 193, and app. No. . Ixiii.). The execution of his sentence was delayed, and he was par- doned (Wodrow, ib., ii., pp. 262-3). He was killed in a brawl with Robert Grierson of Milnmark. William Grierson, Milnmark’s brother, and John Henryson were tried for his ‘‘slaughter’’ and acquitted (see Bks. of Adjowrnal, 13th March, 1684; Sir J. Lauder of Fountainhall, Historical Notices of Scottish Affairs, Edinburgh, 1848, ii., p. 508; Id. Decisions, Edinburgh, 1759, i., 280; and cf. Robert Law, Memorials . . . ed. C. K. Sharpe, Edinburgh, 1818, p. 258. lLaw’s account is quite inaccurate). As to the bond of peace, see Wodrow, ob. supr. cit., i., app., bk. ii., No. xxvii. Wodrow gives Maclennan’s Christian name once as John (Wodrow, ut supr. cit., 1., app., bk. ii., No. xv.), and once as Robert (Id. ib., il., p. 262). The Justiciary record gives Robert. 33* He was appointed a Justice of the Peace in 1663 (Folio Acts, yil., p. 505; see also Reg. of P.C., 3rd ser., iii., p. 394). A COVENANTER’S NARRATIVE. 1438 answert that he told me not a word less or more of that business, but they would scarce believe me. They askit where I was that night some of them was quartert at my house of the Anderdale4 men and what causit me to be frae home. I told him that I had gone away with my naiges because the sogers left none they could get; so they were silent and said no more of that. Then they askit if Mr Gabriel Semple or Mr John Welsh® was with the partie. I assured them and affirmed that there was neither of them there. They askit me when I saw them? I answered not since March, and they then went out of our country. Drumlanrig said that there was an honest man said to him that Mr Gabriel at a con- venticle, as they call them, at Lochquhir® stirred up the people all to come out armit and not to come with staves and stikes, whereupon Drumlanrig speared if I was there. I keept silence, whereupon another of them urgit me very hardly to grant or deny. Then I did grant that I was at Lochwhir but that Mr Gabriel spak not one word of that, and that it was misinformation. The Commissioner asked me if I was a heirer? I said not. Then he askit if I would hear in time to come? I said I was not cleir. He said, what is your reason? I said I knew not what sort of men they were but I would not dispute that with [his] grace. Then the Commissioner said the fourt of the rent*’ was to be payit for that. I replyit and told him that for hearing and for not 34 The form ‘ Ananderdaill’’ is common in documents of the period, and is found in the Folio Acts, e.g., lii., p. 391. 35 Gabriel Semple, second son of Sir Roger Semple of Cathcart, was ‘outed’? minister of Kirkpatrick-Durham. John Welsh was “outed ’’ minister of Irongray (see Rev. S. Dunlop, John Welsh, the Irongray Covenanter, in Dumfries and Galloway Nat. Hist. and Antiq. Soc.,,N.S., vol. xxiv., p. 190, and p. 65 of this volume. He was the most active of the field preachers, and appears frequently in the pages of Wodrow. See also Kirkton, op. cit., p., 218; Hew Scott, Fasti Ecclesie Scoticane, pt. ii., pp. 590, 593. 36 Loch Urr, on the borders of the parish of Dunscore and that of Balmaclellan. 37 In accordance with an Act passed in July, 1663, entitled an “Act against separation and disobedience to Ecclesiastical Authority ’’ (Folio Acts, vii., p. 455). 144 A COVENANTER’S NARRATIVE. hearing I had payit more than my whole rent. Then the Commissioner askit if it was for these things the countrie thought the rebells raise? I said indeed it was thought so; they were so rakit, “spuilit, and put frae house holding and was made desperat. He askit me what causit me to be of that business seeing I was cest also? I said there was few or nane within Nithisdale raise with them more than I although we were for the maist part oprest also, and that I did not like the remedie. My Lo/ Annandale declared that he tuik no cess of me. I said they had cest me weil enough for they had left me amongst them no quick guids and very few cloths. Then the Commissioner askit me the declara- tion’ to take. I said I was not cleir to take it. One of the Lords [askit] will ye not objure the Covenant, that bloody covenant that was hatched in Hell and tuik off the King’s head? I replied that it was the treacherous and wicked sectaries that did that cruel deed contrair to the covenant, fur the covenant was blameless of it. Had it been keepit his Majestie would have been alive. That same lord insisted and said that I mentionat ye same thing that the rebells meintain. 38 On 17th November, 1666, a letter was despatched by the Council to Rothes informing him of the taking of Turner, and stating as their unanimous opinion ‘‘ that the heretours of the several countryes, especially those of the southerne and westerne shyres and such others as his Majesties councill shall think fitt be personally requyred to signe the Declaration concerning the Cove- nant, and that such as shall delay or refuse be secured and looked upon as enemies to his Majesties authority and government as this will bea ready mean to discover who are weill or ill affected to his Majestie ’’ (Reg. of P.C., 3rd ser., ., pp. 211-12). This declaration has been imposed by statute in 1662 (Folio Acts, vii., p. 405). It was to be taken by all persons holding positions of public trust. By it the declarant affirmed that it was unlawful to enter into leagues or covenants, and that the oaths called the National Covenant of 1638 and the Solemn League and Covenant were unlawful oaths. On 24th November the King directed the Council to suspend putting in force their order for subscribing the Declaration until Rothes’ return to Scotland (Reg. of P.C., 3rd ser., 11., p. 225; Wodrow, ut swpr. cit., 1., app. bk. 11., No. vii.) ; and on 20th March, 1667, he gave the Council permission to put the Declaration to all suspected persons, and to imprison those who refused to take it (Reg. of P.C.., 3rd ser., ., p. 267). A COVENANTER’S NARRATIVE. 145 I said that I knew not their designs for I was never upon their contriving, neither was my counsel or consent socht for or yet given thereunto. That same lord insistit and askit if I would defend the covenant? I answered that I did approve the covenant and would not condemn it. Then he said ye do maintain it. They thought more of that than of the refusing the declaration.°® Then they wrote all down causand me to subscribe the same, which I did with heart and hand. ‘“ And as I came through and through them from the table where I had subscribed the paper, they sat to the number of thirty, one said to me ye will be hangit, sir, but I was silent and past it. Then the Commissioner commandit me to go to Prison. I said since his grace commandit me I sould go chearfully. So I was taken to an Prison where there was neither fire nor chimney and nothing but ane dirty house, and no companie at all in it. About 7 hours at night that same Thursday I went in being the 20 day of Dec. 1666. And so my dearest Lord and Master would not suffer me to take quarters with none in Air, but only with himself in his awne prison house, and would not let me be troublit with no com- paynie, but only with his awne blessed, gratious, mercyful, and sweet compaynie for to strengthen and help me through trouble according to his word of promise which he keeps weel. ““ T sent for candles which burnt all night. There came a friend of the Sheriffis to visit me that night about ten hours att night, three soldiers with him (for they must aye hear all that friends says to other). He stood still a long time very sad, looking stedfastly to the ground, I walking up and down 39 Rothes wrote from Ayr on the day of Dalgoner’s examina- tion : —‘‘ Bot altho I thought this cuntrie uer all phanoticks, yett I never did expeckt to have found them so perverse in ther prin- sapells, nor so impodend in ther ouning an aversione to giff obedins to the laus and ackts of parleament, for in our ffessies thay say that they confess them selffs tayed to indevor to cip the cuffinant in all its poynts and thatt they uill day rather than du anie thing to disoun it; nou thes that oun thes prinsapells ar not onlie of thos ffulithe reabells who hes bin leatlie in earms, bot such uho uear uasier then to ventur ther esteats and layffs in a business which uas so rashlie underteakin. . .”’ (The Lauderdale Papers, ut supr. eit., 1., p. 265.) 146 A COVENANTER’S NARRATIVE. the loft. When I saw he was not like to speak I came to him and took him by the hand and askit how he did, and that I thought he was unwell. He answered how he could not be well, for I was going to destroy myself. I answered I hoped not, but I was minded through the Lord’s grace and strength to preserve and save myself. Then he askit if I knew for what 1 was imprisoned. I said I did know that; it was for not taking the declaration. Then he said it was so and that I might soon mend it. I said again, Sir, I know ye give me your counsel as ye would give it to him ye love best in the world and would take to yourself and as ye now think would tend to my guide, for ye which, Sir, I thank you heartily, because I know it proceeds from love, and know also that I may be easily helpit and mendit it [sic] for this time by setting my name to the declaration, but to deny Christ and my covenant made with Christ will not be easily mendit. He then held up his hand and prayed me to say no more for I would make it worse (it being in ye sogers hearing he meant). I said I had meikle mair to say but if he would forbear to speak any mair to that purpose I would be silent. I was in much courage and might think [sic] me to be angrie and said that I was angrie. But I said no, I but speak my judgment freely. He then said I was a lost man. I said I hoped no, and that I sould be well, but that I was sorrie for my wife, for there would be two killed. ‘*T askit at him if he would go home, or if any word would be gotin to my wife. He said it would be to no purpose for it could not be gotin to her in time, and although he were going home he would not tell her (but he behoovit to wait on my (lo) Drumlanrig), and that he desired not that she got word. I said she would ay get word sometime; and so he went his way from me at that very sadly and grievit. ‘* There was a pair of blankets and a half and a covering sent up to me from the guide wife of the house that I quar- tered with, but there was no straw, but it matert not for it would have been a good bed that I would have lien down into. I walkit all night up and down the loft, and when I wearied I leaned down upon the bolster and set the candle beside me, and whiles read and whiles sang, for my Lord and Saviour A COVENANTER’S NARRATIVE. 147 Jesus Christ helpit me with strength that night and many more since, bleisit be his worthy name. My friend came up to me the morn again about eleven hours and the sogers with him, and askit me what I was resolvit to do now. I said again to him I had not a mind other ways than I had told him formerly, and that I thought strange that they chargit at me only and that [sic] no other in all that corner but me, or yet in any other place of this Kingdom, to press that upon anie but those who tuik it willingly to win in to places of public trust. He answered me then very roughly and said that I and Sundaywell were the ringleaders in all that corner where we lived. I thankit him for his good report and said we were weak to be leaders, and that we never consulted or lead anie on in anie evil or sinful way or work. Weel, said he, do as ye please, ye will not get long time to advise. I said I apre- hended no other ways, but I was resolved to byde the worst of it through the Lord’s grace and strength, and hopit to be as soon ready as they, be as hastie as they pleased; and then he went away in an humour; but he was an miserable com- forter. Yet, notwithstanding, out of love he desyrt me to send to Theophilus Rankine where he quarterit, and ask as I needed for any thing I pleased for my diet for meat and drink, for he had given orders to answer whether I had silver or not. I thankit him heartily for his kindness, but I said to him that I thought I had as much monie as I thought would do my turn. About one after noon the prisoners’? were brought to Air that had been in Dumfries, and they were brought to that prison where I was, and I was removit to another prison*! where there were four prisoners into; but I was sorry for that I got not leave to keep that prison where I was myself alone. But there was an honest man in that prison where I was taken, and the rest weel mindit; and another guide man was brought into me afterward. Into our prison at the beginin we keepit up exercise. This honest man was a burgess of Air who had 40 John Grier in Fourmerkland and William Welsh in Cars- phairn were tried and condemned at Ayr on 24th December, 1666, and were executed at Dumfries on 2nd January, 1667 (Wodrow, History, ut supr. cit., i., p. 260, and MS. Justiciary Records). 41 The tolbooth of Ayr (Wodrow, ib., i., p. 266). 148 A COVENANTER’S NARRATIVE. meikle light and knowledge. He and I did every one of us read sing and prayd every day twice ilk ane of us and thrice on the Sabath; and the Lord was with us, we had a guide sweet life of it better than ever I had so long together at home. Afterward there came into us.a gay man, and then after shortlie ane contentious and . . . man, and another clattering . . . man, that was put in for debt, that crost us and could not endure our worshipping the Lord four times a day; so that we were forced to come to twice a day; but it was a great task and piece of work to get the house keepit in order and sober from their pastimes and plays at cards, and other times blasfeming the prisoners of Christ. There were four of them very rough. I was sore afraid that it had been made a prison indeed, but the Lord helpit us. They were goten born down, and put from their pastimes with great difficulty, and many short words for the which I was callit cankert, and one who no man could dwell with except I commanded all the house. ‘“ My friend came to me again upon the Saturday. I was directing James Chalmers to come home with the meal. My friend said, let him wait twa hours and he will hear other news still there atending me; for the counsel were to meet presently, and I myself did still look for no less. So I prayed to the Lord till it was lait; but they meddled not with me any more, whilk was by my expectation very far, for I believed never to have seen my wife or bairns and friends any moor on this side of time. But the Lord my God had fillet me that I thought was strength [to] me, and makit me through his grace to have undergone the worst of it, if my heart deceivit me not. ‘“ Two or three days afterward the laird of Mousal*? came to visit me in prison exceeding kindly, and caused one with 42 Mouswald; a name spelt in many ways. The person referred to seems to have been William Douglas, who succeeded to the estate about 1657, and died without issue in 1670. His sister, Margaret, married William Grierson of Barquhar (see above note %; see also J. J. Reid, The Barony of Mouswald and its Barons; a Page of Border History, Proc. of the Soc. of Antiquaries of Scot- land, 1888-9, vol, xxiii.), A CoOvVENANTER’S NARRATIVE. 149 him to bring up to me ane mutckin of hot waters, and coun- seled me to write to me Lord Annandale to speak to the Com- missioner for my enlargement upon bond and caution, or at least to be transportit to Dumfries prison. Which I did and to me Lord Drumlanrig both, and Mousal got the letters sent to them, and they writ back to me that they should deal with the Commissioner thereanent. I wrote to my lo/ Annandale and sent to Edinr. three times by a servant afterward which cost me silver, but it was slightit, and I never got an answer. I wrote again to his lo/ when I received his lo/ letter that his lo/ write to my wife according as his lo/ directed therein till, and sent to Edinr. to his lo/, and also to Mr Hew Henrison to attend and wait on his lo/ thereanent, with monies to the agent and clerk, but I got no answer; but Mr Hew write he hoped that my enlargement would be obtained upon ane sufficient caution. My wife afterwards wrote me that Craigdarroch* had sent her word that it were long ago grantit if the Tutor of Lag wad be caution, but he for the time was gone for England. Whereupon I sent again to Edinr., and wrote both to me lo/ Annandale and Mr Hew to see if any such thing was done thereanent, and write if it yet was or yet could be gotin; that they should have both the Laird of Shankston and the Laird of Horsecleugh** cautioners, for they were both very sufficient and willing. I heard also that the Tutor of Lagg sent his bond to Edinr. to be caution for me out of his love and affection unwritten to by me. _ I received Mr Hew’s* letter, that notwithstanding of all this me lo/ Annandale said to him that the Commissioner would 43 Robert Ferguson of Craigdarroch; see J. Ferguson and KR. M. Ferguson, op. cit., pp. 379 ff. 44 Shankston and Horsecleugh are both situated near Old Cum- nock. John Campbell succeeded to the latter on the death of his father in 1643. Through his first wife, who was a daughter of Gordon of Shirmers, he was connected with Dalgoner (see above note 5). The proprietor of Shankston, at the date of the ‘‘ Memo- randum,’’ seems to have been John Campbell (J. Paterson, History of the Counties of Ayr and Wigtown, Edinburgh, 1863, i., pp. 347, 351, 355). 45 Henrisone’s letter, dated 19th February, 1667, and addressed to ‘his worthie ffriend, James Greirsone of Dalgoner, in the Tol- 150 _ A CovENANTER’s NARRATIVE. not grant me liberation, but the fardest was to transport me to Dumfries prison which I scarcely believit had been done either. I then having used the means to the yondmost at this time (I hope not without submission to the Lord’s will) but for my own farder peace, I used the means with reluct- ance for reasons known to myself. I then began to bethink myself, and sometimes formerly also, that I had been over earnest, and the Lord my God dealing so well and kindly with me and strengthening and encouraging me so that I was never wearit of my prison night or day; and was afraid that my Lord should have been angry with me (and that it sould not have been so well with me in case I had been liberate), seeing the Lord my God did according to his word make his yoke easy and his burthen light, and not only so but sweetened the prison house by his waiting to be gracious to me night and day, so that it was made . . to me but also refreshing to me night and day because he keepit prison with me, and did bear all the weights and burthens of me and (sic) [and] poor weak and empty me under it. Also now seeing I was so well taken with I thought I complained without cause, or lest was over hastie, for I would not nor durst not complain, but was desirand to bless and praise his booth of Air,’’ was sent by Dalgoner to his wife with the following letter written upon it :— “‘Deir Love ye sie heir ye result of all ye peinis takine. Ye kno I still desyrit you to be submissive & not to depend upon ye arme of flesche in ye use of meinis, but let ye Lord grant cuccese as he seis gude. For I blisse ye Lord I am verie weill & hes peace & contentment ay since I could be thankfull & get ye Lord praisit ; but I dow not get it done ye moir all help me. Let Sandie Milligan’s half aiker & robert haliday’s & John Greir’s be metit outnixt to david hapis & let yem cast caills, yis is in ye thridfure & in ye fourfure. Let thrie half aikers be metit outnixt robert haliday’s & let Sandie Milligane John Greirsone & david hapis also cast caills for it. if ye can get a boll of great blak corne to mixe ye Lay cause Wm. Johnstone or ane uther speir it out. tak tent to ye sawing & to ye bairn & corn. being in haist for want of Libertie I say no moir at yis tyme bot ye lord be wt you & all freind. I am, Your loving husband JAMES GREIRSONE of Dalgoner. Air 21 Feb. 1667.”’ A CovENANTER’S NARRATIVE. 151 worthy name as I dought, and so I thought it was my strength to sit stilland . . . Then did I write a letter to Mr Hew Hendrison (but none to my lo/) shewing that I was sorrie I had been so troublesome to me Lord and him both, and will forbear to trouble them farder, but only I desirit him to speak my Lord once and wryte me if anything was done, or expected in reality would be done, for I would not trouble myself ne moir therewith at this time, but would wait upon my God, who had my time in his hand, for the Lord gave me every way strength and enabled my bodie as if it had been but Thirty years old so that I . . . [betwixt] the 1oth of January and the 2oth of February which is forty nights _ my sleep went from me, so that I sleepit but nine nights now and then and wakit 31 thereof without any sleep. My bodie was never weary or my bones sair night or day notwith- standing thereof, but was fresh and alert and had my stomach well, and did not be heavy or desire to slumber in the day which I thought strange of. I did read meikle at a north window through all the storm and desired not to go to the fire, and the rest of my fellow prisoners would have found fault with me for keeping up of the frostie window upon them, who was siting at a good fire far from it. And when I had tired of reading (which I had no reason to do, for I would have custin up no scripture then, but it had a sweet and fragrant and refreshing smell through the Lord my God his grace and blessing upon it), I would have walked up and down the prison another while of time without wearing, and then would have gone to read again, untill the rest would have thought it strange who were prisoners with me. But I thought it more strange, who knew my own inability formerly that I was not able to have wakand the twentieth part of it. This continuit about the space of twelve weeks untill the midst of March (but all this time I was not sensible of the contracting of anie distress upon my bodie and yet I felt myself losing and decaying of me), and then I became the old man again in every way. For I became dead, lifeless, lazie, and seemand my bodie became stif and crasie as I had wont, and then within 8 days I took bed, and the first time I arose to cause make it I was not able to stand, but betwix 12, A COVENANTER’S NARRATIVE. - two men’s airms, which I wondered of I having no pain as I told my fellow prisoners. The Commander and sogers seeing me very unwell the Lord moved them to suffer my Aunt Christian Greir to come and sit up with me nightlie and me [sic] in the prison. All this bygone time, near fifteen weeks, I never longed for my wife, which I wondered at, as formerly I had not wont to be one night from her but I would have longed to have returned again; and I was sure that my affec- tion was nothing abated whatever it was increased in the Lord to her; but it pleased my praiseworthy Lord to keep every weight and burdsine of me that he knew would have been troublesome to me. Formerly I had often written to my wife, and had still forbidden her to come to me she being sickly and tender. I was feared she would have lien by the way and to disturb her. I wrote still that tho’ she had ability to come she would hardly win in to see me, we were so strait keepit, and gif she got accesse it would be ‘but a blink,, and she would be soon turned out again, and so it would be more burthensome to me and her both than when we lived at a greater distance. At length she wrote me that it was her burthen and vexation that I would not give her liberty to come to me. Then I gave her liberty to come when I was sick and unwell, and write to her to come to me. ‘* She came quickly for my letter came to her hands upon Wednesday at night being the third of April. She came away that same night a little after midnight and came here to me in Air upon the morrow about the sun setting; and the Lord in his rich and merciful Providence had moved the Lieut. General*® to grant me (he being informed that I was sick as was supposed by all about me neer unto Death) a liberation to come out of prison to a chamber in Air upon bond and caution untill I recovered; and my redeemer trysted us so that I was but new come out of prison and laid down in 46 William Drummond, brother of David, third Lord Madderty, whom he succeeded. In 1666, on his return from service with the Czar, he was appointed Lieutenant-General of the Forces in Scot- land, with a seat on the Council. In 1686 he was created Viscount Strathallan and Lord Drummond of Cromlix (see The Scots Peerage. ed. by Sir J. Balfour Paul, Edinburgh, 1911, viii., pp. 219 ff). t 4{ Cl be é Au spa Seville Vi : a ee ine ane TAT» $2 alan te ake aK oR Whe | A Tur TuRNPIKE Hovust, DUMFRIES. A COVENANTER’S NARRATIVE. 153 an chamber when she came to my bed side, when she might get access to wait upon me. For a christian gentlewoman came to me in prison when I was sick, and offered me a hartsome chamber if I obtained liberty to come out; so Pro- vidence had maid it ready; where I was well accommodate, and had hartsome company, for all the family was like brethrein together. The people of God came flocking to me daily, both ministers and christian men and women, so altho I was in an uncoth place where I had never been before, yet the Lord provided me in kindly and christian company. So all my dispositions smiled on me in me mercie and loving kindness. And then my wife grew very sick, so that our many beholders knew not whom of us would be first dead, but I was feared myself that it would be she. But it pleased the Lord our God to recover us both. But when I was something recovered and had goten some strength so that I would have risen ance a day and sitting up a while in the afternoon, then the Lord laid his hand upon me again, upon the second sabath of May in time of sermon, my wife being at the Kirk; so that I was sore pained in my bellie, back and left side, so that I had no part I doucht ly on. But my wife was wearied sitting up under my head. I feared to grow impatient my pain was such, whereby the Lord my God gave me to see what I was and what I would have done through all the rest of my sufferings and sickness, while the Lord my God had not borne my weight and burthen and helpit, strengthened, and supportit me both in spirit and body under it; and did let me see also my unthankfulness for the same [when] so sma [a sickness] . . . of short con- tinuance, which lastit but five or six days, had almost made me miscarry and be impatient; whereas I felt nothing to call pain all the rest of my former and long sickness, when Flesh and Blood and Strength went from me. ‘“It pleased the Lord to ease my pain something and would not break a bruised reed, when my wife went home anent necessary business, and my daughter‘” Helen was come to wait on me. And when my wife had gone about some of 47 The only child of his second marriage. 154 A COVENANTER’S NARRATIVE. her. business, she went to Edinburgh to use means for my liberation upon bond and caution until it pleased the Lord that I recovered some health and strength.*® The Tutor of Lag went to Edinburgh also, who was content to be caution and to assist her what he could amongst the Nobles. But their answer was, no liberation except I take the declaration, for some unfriends stood in the way. So my wife went home on 2nd July, and came to me at Air on 8th of July and told me her progress, and staid till 19th July, and went home to the mowing of the meadow and other business. So when -we used all lawful means for our own farther peace (I hope not without submission to our Lord’s will who knows what is best and good for us), I thought it was my strength to sit still and settle myself peaceably upon my Lord, who has my time in his hand; for his time is ay the best time which he will make known afterwards. 49 “JT . . . was going to buy my winter coals for a fire when, upon the last day of July, there came to me unex- pected an act and order from the Lords of the Secret Council commanding the magistrates of Air to set me at liberty, which 48 ‘* Notes of business, 4th July, 1667. Elizabeth Johnstoun, spouse to James Grierson of Dalgoner, having her husband in prison for alledged accession to the late rebellion, craves that since he is now at the poynt of death shoe may have libertye to tak him to his own house to die and shoe is content to find catioun under what paine your Lordships pleases to present him to prison in case he recover ’’ (Reg. of P.C., 3rd ser., 11., 654). 49 Some devout observations, which are virtually a repetition of those already made, are here omitted. 50 We find the following entry of 18th July, 1667 :—‘‘ Anent a petition presented in name of James Grierson of Dalgoner shew- ing that he hath this long tyme past continowed prisoner in the tolbooth in Air as suspect accessory to the late rebellion albeit he was innocent and hath oft desyred a tryall, and therefore humbly craving to be set at liberty, the Lords of Council ordains the magistrates of Air to sett the supplicant to liberty because he hath found caution to answer when he shall be called and in the meantyme to live peaceably’ (Reg. of P.C., 3rd ser., ii., p. 309). In an entry dated 30th July (ibid., p. 657) we find mention of a bond of caution by James Grierson, Tutor of Lag, for James A COVENANTER’S NARRATIVE. 155 the Provest did that same day and had been very instrumental therein and had subscribed my petition for the same at Edin- burgh, and solicitit the Lords of Council thereanent, and told them my [case], that I was weak and unwell, and not like to recover of my sickness; and so my good Lord and Master did furnish me friends of strangers and fremit folk when some professing friends that should have been friends ** And when I took journey home upon the first day of August, and [sic] my Lord strengthened me so that I came home on the third day upon the Saturday at night, being the third of August, but with great pain and weariness, and so I heartily bless and praise my Lord Jesus Christ, my Redeemer, God and man.”’ The trial of those who were either known or suspected to have been ringleaders of the rising took place in the follow- ing August. That of Dalgoner was continued until 5th November.®! He had hopes of being included in an Act of Indemnity; but when—on 8th October—it became law he found that he was excluded from its benefits.°* His trial was continued from date to date, the last of which was apparently 25th June, 1669;°° and, according to family tradition, further proceedings against him were stayed on payment of a sum equal to eight years’ purchase of the estate, advanced by Laurie of Maxwelton. In the closing years of his life Dalgoner found himself involved in a lengthy and expensive litigation. Eventually he established his claim to be the heir of John Grierson of Castle- mady ; but his acquisition proved to be a burden rather than a benefit, as he had to settle not only the demands of the Grierson in the tolbooth of Air, that he should compear before the Council or Justice-Clerk or other judge competent on fifteen days’ warning to answer for the accession to the late rebellion in the west. and that meanwhile he should live peaceably and loyally under a penalty of 3000 merks. 51 Wodrow, History, ut supr. cit., i., p., 267; app., bk. ep No. xiv. 52 Reg. of P.C., 8rd ser., ii., pp. 344-5, 348; Wodrow, History, ut supr. cit., i., app. bk. ii., No. xxvi. 53 See Records of the Justiciary Court, Edinburgh, 1661-1678, ed. by W. G. Scott Moncreiff, Edinburgh, 1905, 156 A COVENANTER’S NARRATIVE. creditors whose debts were secured on the estate, but those of the Master of Cathcart, the donee of the Crown. In 1676, the last year of Dalgoner’s life, the minister of Dunscore and his wife were assaulted by a band of ruffians in disguise, and threatened with further violence if they did not leave the parish. Dalgoner, Maclellan of Sundaywell, and Kirko of Bogrie, as representing the heritors, were ordained by the Privy Council to produce the guilty persons by a certain day, or to pay a fine of five thousand merks, or, in default, to go to prison. Dalgoner and Bogrie were made liable for the fine; but, on the ground of his consistent loyalty, Bogrie obtained remission, except as to his own proportion.™ Dalgoner died on 7th December, 1676, as appears from the inscription on his tombstone in the Old Churchyard of Dunscore. He was survived by his widow; by William, a son of his first marriage, who was weak in body and mind; by Samuel, the only son of his third marriage; and by one, at least, of his three daughters. During the last year of his life he made over his lands both in Dumfriesshire and in Galloway, with William’s consent, to Samuel. Samuel was killed at the fight at Bothwell on 22nd June, 1679, or died shortly after- wards; and on 8th October of that year William, who at that date seems to have been the sole survivor of old Dalgoner’s children, made over the lands, as Samuel’s heir, to James Grierson, the second son of the Tutor of Lag, in accordance with what he believed to be the wishes of his father and brother. 54 Reg. of P.C., 3rd ser., iv., pp. 509, 521-2, 536, 596-7. Lawrie of Maxwelton was also relieved of the fine, except as to his own proportion, and Kirko of Sundaywell was made liable in his place. See Reg. of P.C., 3rd ser., v., pp. 111, 155, 372 ; see also note 9 above. 55 The Tutor (see note %2 above) married Margaret, eldest daughter of John Corsane of Meikleknox (date of marriage contract, 6th November, 1660). He died on 24th April, 1671, survived by his widow (she died 20th March, 1701) and six children, John, James, Gilbert, Margaret, Jean, and Helen (see his will recorded in Dumfries Comm., 26th May, 1674). John joined the Buffs in 1692, served in Flanders and on the Cadiz-Vigo Expedition, and was present at Blenheim and Malplaquet, where he was wounded (C. Dalton, So_tway Nature Notes. 157 7th February, 1913. Chairman—Mr S. Arnott, V.P. Solway Nature Notes. By Mr Witson H. ArmisTEap. The indebtedness of the Nature student to those who specialise is so great that one is apt to be dissatisfied with general observations covering a wide field, and each year when one sees how in many departments splendid work is being done, this dissatisfaction is likely to seriously upset the pleasure one has hitherto taken in the varied life of the great outdoor world. One realises that the work of the specialist is of immense value to science, and seeing the results and knowing something of the concentration necessary, it is, I think, only natural that the older and more slipshod methods should lose their attraction. The man who lays claim to be a naturalist to-day must needs have travelled further along the road to knowledge and dipped deeper into the thing's that are hidden than was the case during the last century. One may approach Nature in many ways and many moods, but the man who wanders through her gardens and her wildernesses, charmed with her works, interested in her creatures, and content to worship at her shrine, is after all touched only by her superficial beauty, and knows little or nothing of the wonder and mystery which go to the making of so marvellous a whole. English Army Lists and Commission Register, 1661-1714, iv., pp. 175, 270; v., pt. 2, pp. 39-40; vi., pp. 195, 325; see also H. R. Knight, Historical Records of the Buffs. . . , London, 1905, i., p. 534). He died a Captain in 1721, so far as is known, unmarried (C. Dalton, George the First’s Army, 1714-1727, London, 1912, ii., p. 278). James had as curators Thomas Kirkpatrick of Closeburn, Robert Lawrie of Maxwelton, Robert Ferguson of Craigdarroch, and John Grierson of Capenoch. He married Agnes, daughter of Thomas M‘Burnie, Provost of Dumfries (date of marriage contract, 24th August, 1697) ; and his descendants owned the lands of Dalgoner and Poundland, until these were sold in 1885 to the father of the present proprietor. 158 -— Sorway Nature Notes. Here and there the specialist has lifted corners of the veil. What he has brought to light is so infinitely more wonderful, more beautiful than anything we may have imagined that our veneration is deepened and our hearts are stirred. Nature study no longer appeals to us as a pastime or sensuous delight. We have some glimpse of a great purpose, and we are called to closer study. It is as though after knowing for many years some charming person, whose society has always been a keen delight, we suddenly realise that beside all this there is a deeper life, a grandeur of char- acter that we have failed to see before. Realising this, I feel that my paper to-night requires an apology. I cannot claim to be a specialist. I am one of those who walk in the garden loving it all as greatly as a man may, but keenly conscious of a profound ignorance. What I have to offer is merely a few general notes and some comments. These have been gathered in a somewhat haphazard manner, and I am afraid | shall be unable to link them together. My field for observation is wide, its interests varied, and opportunities intermittent, so that in some cases I must be content with the record of isolated facts, hoping someone may find them of use. During last June I happened to be on the Solway almost daily for nearly three weeks, and it happened that during that time the bird life between Southerness and the Abbey Head was more abundant and varied than usual. For more than a week large numbers of Manx Shearwaters were seen daily, and it was a special pleasure to me to have an opportunity of watching this most graceful bird, for I had only seen odd specimens at a distance before. They took very little notice of my boat, and I was often within twenty yards of three or four at a time. The two things one notices most readily about this bird are its long narrow wings and its habit of sailing with undulating flight over the waves and into the troughs without moving these. Few birds one sees near our shore travel so swiftly with such slight exertion. I was reminded .of the long gliding flights of the birds one meets far from land on the wide oceans. Birds one may watch for SoLtway Nature Notes. 159 an hour at a time without noticing a movement of the wing as they follow the vessel. In strong contrast to the graceful Manx Shearwater were the fussy Guillemets and Razor Bills. These birds, I think, must represent the other extreme, for they appear to expend more energy on their flight than any other shore bird, and, in spite of this, they have not a very good control over their motions. They are distinctly clumsy birds. I several times saw them hit a.wave while in full flight in such a way that I could only suppose it was an accident. One simple man- ceuvre of theirs, which I had never noticed before, interested me very much, and once I had noticed it I saw it over and over again. This was the way in which the large webbed feet are used as an auxiliary steering apparatus. Both the Guillemots and Razor Bills are plump, round-bodied birds with short pointed wings and practically no tails. They fly at a considerable pace, and it is quite apparent that they have difficulty in turning. This manceuvre with other birds is greatly facilitated by using the tail as a rudder. Razor Bills and Guillemots use their feet. The first time I noticed this was in the case of a bird which came flying low at right angles to my course. It became evident to it and to me that if it continued to fly straight on it would hit the sail. Then I saw it deliberately thrust out a large webbed foot to one side, and with this help it was able to turn sharply. The speed of the bird through the air made the foot a most effective aid in steering. It was an operation similar to back-watering with an oar. During the next ten minutes many of these birds went through precisely the same performance, some of them coming within twenty feet of the sail before turning. I dis- covered that I was sailing between their nests on the cliff, and a large number which were feeding on the sea. Can it be that these birds are short-sighted that they should have so nearly flown against my sail, or are their eyes placed like those of the hare in an awkward position for seeing right ahead ? Skuas were fairly numerous for a few days, and these handsome birds, with their powerful beaks, were also fairly tame, and seemed to take very little notice of the boat. 160 Sotway Nature Notes. For several days I watched the Scoters gathering up preparatory to their flight northward to their breeding grounds, and on the evening of the 23rd of June I saw them leave in a huge flock several thousand strong. I have watched this migration of the Scoters for a number of years now, but this is the latest date I have known them leave. Usually they are off before the 2oth. Three seasons running they left on the 18th. On the 21st of May I was rowing at low water round Heston Island, and from a small bay amongst the rocks two birds rose which were quite unfamiliar. They settled a little further on, and I was able to have another look at them. At first I took them for Dabchicks, but was puzzled, as I had never seen these birds on the open sea. A closer inspection satisfied me they were not Dabchicks, and I watched them diving and swimming close in to the rocks for some time. On getting home I searched through some plates of British birds, and came to the conclusion that they were Phalaropes. I had another good chance of watching them on May 23rd, as they were still frequenting the same place. The day after they were gone. I am satisfied they were Phalaropes, but I cannot say whether they were the Grey or the Red Necked. They were dark brown on the back with a lighter throat and breast. It was impossible to get nearer than 20 yards, and they were very active. They seemed to be under water longer than on it. Unfortunately, I had no glasses. Another unusual visitor to the Solway during last year was a Brent Goose, which was shot by .my brother-in-law at Southerness on December 31st. It was a bird of the first year, with the white ring round the neck still imperfect. Refer- ence to Mr Gladstone’s Birds of Dumfriesshire makes it clear that the Brent occurs very rarely in the Solway district. Year by year one notices an increase in the number of Gulls of all kinds, or at any rate of the Great and Lesser Black Backs, the Herring, and Black-Headed Gulls. Quite recently I counted 21 Great Black Backed Gulls sitting together on the Mersehead Bank. They were a fine sight, for they are handsome birds; but they are pirates and robbers, eggs and young birds forming important items of their diet. Sotway Nature Notes. i61 i have many times seen them carry off young Sheldrakes, and on two occasions Knotts. These birds are not protected, but there is no doubt they share in the protection afforded the other gulls, for no one ever shoots them unless it be the keepers, who well know how destructive they are. On the seashore they are never molested. It is very doubtful whether it is wise to protect any of the gulls. Until last summer I should have made an exception in the case of the Black-headed Gull, but experience of the damage they did at the Solway Fishery quite altered my views. It has often seemed to me that the feeding habits of birds are liable to-sudden and unexplainable changes. I do not think one can say of any bird its diet is such and such, and only that. In the case of the Black-headed Gulls at the Solway Fishery there has been an undoubted and disastrous change in their feeding habits. For over thirty years there have been trout in the ponds there under precisely similar conditions to those which obtain to-day, and yet the summer of 1912 was the first occasion on which these birds became a nuisance. On might suppose that they would take the fry if they took fish at all; but, strange to relate, it was the year- lings they attacked. These fish at that time were from five to six inches in length. After I had satisfied myself that the gulls were taking the trout, several were shot and examined. This put the matter beyond all doubt. In some birds we found two or three fish, in one five; all freshly taken. Though everything that could be done was done to keep the birds off, the loss amounted to many thousands of fish. The Herring Gull seldom visits the ponds fortunately, and his character is well known. Another strange development in the feeding habits of birds occurred three years ago at a set of trout ponds, where Blackbirds suddenly learnt how to catch fry. The know- ledge spread rapidly, and Blackbirds gathered up from all around. Prompt measures were taken, and in a short time all these birds were shot. Since then there has been no further trouble, and it may never again occur to a Blackbird to go fishing. 162 SoLtway Nature Notes. Mackerel were very scarce in the Firth on the Scottish side during last season, and all sorts of flat fish were scarce all over the Firth. It would be interesting to know whether the wet summer and continuous spates had anything to do with this. We know that the amount of fresh water run- ning into the Solway is great, and that it varies with each season. I am not aware that there are any records showing whether a scarcity of flat fish has occurred during unusually wet seasons, but it may be worth while placing it on record that it was so in 1912. I may say that the fish which were noticeably much scarcer than usual were Plaice, Soles, and Skate (Rays). Never in my recollection were there so many Porpoises in the Firth as during the summer of 1912. The salmon fishermen approached the Fishery Board with a view to seeing whether something could not be done to destroy these creatures or drive them away, and, much to their surprise, they were told that there was no evidence to show that Por- poises were destructive to Salmon. This statement is astounding, in view of the fact that those who are daily in a position to note the feeding habits of the Porpoise have over- whelming evidence of their fondness for salmon as food. My own opportunities are not so great as those of the fisher- men, but I never doubted that what was common knowledge to shore dwellers would be doubted. But I will confine myself to what I have observed. -. On one occasion while whammling a porpoise was seen to strike the net, and when this was hauled about a third of a salmon was found at the place that had been struck. The fish was cut as cleanly as though it had been cut with a knife. On another occasion I watched a shoal of Porpoises working at low water just where the channel enters deep water, at the tail of Barnhourie and the Mersehead Banks, and I saw two salmon chased within half-an-hour. Whether they were caught or not I do not know. Some years ago, off Portling, I saw a porpoise seize a salmon and fling it high in the air and catch it as it came down. When there are porpoises about, a large percentage of salmon caught are wounded. These wounds are invariably long gashes on the sides of the Sotway Nature Norves. 163 fish, and I have little doubt they are inflicted by the teeth of porpoises. Many of the fishermen have told me of times when they have seen porpoises attack salmon, and in many instances these accounts were given my men whose word I could rely on. One reason why porpoises are particularly destructive to the salmon in the Solway is that by spreading out across a channel and working up slowly on the flood and back again on the ebb a shoal forms a barrier which every running fish must pass. Like the otter, I am inclined to think the por- poise hunts for sport when he is not hungry, and this pro- bably accounts for the very large number of salmon which are marked. I believe that in a previous paper I pointed out that the presence of fish of any kind in the Solway is dependent abso- lutely on the presence of a suitable food supply. If this is not available, the fish simply leave for other places where it is. The food of the fish is, of course, dependent on its food, and so on right down to the simplest forms of life and on :nt the vegetable kingdom. In fresh water much has been learned concerning food for fish and the conditions which will be favourable to an abundant supply, and in very many cases where lochs have been deficient in food this has been remedied, so that instead of small and worthless fish a much better size and quality has been produced. Applying what we know of natural fish foods in fresh water, it would seem that valuable work might be done in the sea; and the Solway, by reason of the accessibility of large areas of bottom, should be an excellent experimenting ground. It may be urged that to undertake any scheme for the production of fish food in the sea would be a task hopelessly ieyond our powers. So it would seem at first sight, but a \ittle consideration and observation will dispel this illusion. Let us consider a bare and barren Solway sandbank. To all appearances it fosters no life of any kind. Walking over it, one might say there is nothing but sand here. This would be a mistake. Take a spade and dig. At certain times a 164 Sotway Nature Notes. considerable variety of living creatures will be found. Often the sand teems with shrimps, which have buried themselves there for reasons best known to themselves. When this is the case sea urchins will also be found—they are there pre- sumably to feed on the shrimps. There are, too, other creatures—worms, shellfish, &c. It is true that sometimes one will not be able to discover any sign of life in the sand. When the banks contain living creatures, fish will be found on them when they are covered by the tide. They are there because their food is there. When the banks are barren there will be no fish, for obvious reasons. It follows then that over a very large area of the Firth the food supply is migratory, or at anyrate unreliable, and we who have fished these waters know that the presence of fish in a given place cannot be relied on. They are there for a few days or weeks, and then they disappear. One asks oneself—Are there any places where fish may always be found? That is to say, where there is a constant supply of food. The answer is in the affirmative. A further consideration of the question reveals the fact that these places which invariably harbour fish of some kind are near rocks or stones on which seaweed and alge grow. Also one remem- bers that out on the banks where the weed-grown and mussel- covered ribs of some old wreck are standing fish will be found when it is hopeless to look for them anywhere else in the neighbourhood. Outlying rocks standing in an expanse of sand always attract fish. The reason is that there there is always food, and a refuge and nursery for the food. Why are the piles of a wooden pier such a favourite resort for fish? Not only because they afford a certain amount of shelter and security, but because weeds, alge, barnacles, mussels, and a host of other foods and food-pro- ducing things are to be found there. I venture to think that if suitable areas of bottom were properly dealt with a very much larger yield of fish might be cbtained from our Firth. There are, of course, difficulties in the way, but as a fish culturist I have beea up against difficulties all my life, and I know that few, if any, are insuperable. In this case Sotway NATURE NOTEs. 165 the most obvious, and possibly the greatest, is the continual shifting of the sand. This might put certain areas out of the question, but very large areas would be left to be dealt with. I should very much like to see the experiment tried of the cultivation of a selected area of sea bottom. My idea would be to start with quite a small piece, say, an acre. This would have to be carefully chosen. I would first make it into a cockle bed. Next I would drive stakes in in a carefully thought-out pattern, leaving these to project, say, two feet above the sand. On these I would grow mussels. These two species of shellfish would provide a return for labour, but their cultivation would mean the gathering together of countless minute marine creatures on which fish feed, the growth of alge and weeds, &c. The result would be a drawing together of fish which would other- wise never have been there. I should have arranged my stakes so that periodically the enclosure could be made into a fish trap. All this is a dream maybe, but so many of the things we have accomplished in fresh water have been dreams that it would be no discouragement to have it so labelled by the incredulous. I would extend operations when definite knowledge of the best forms of fish food had been ascertained, and cultivate these. In fact, I would draw from the bound- less store of the sea creatures of value to man, as surely as one may draw together the game on the land by providing a suitable environment and a good food supply. There are endless possibilities in such an undertaking, but its beginning would never recompense private enterprise. ‘Patient study, much experimenting, and the spending of con- siderable sums of money would first be necessary, but there would be an ultimate gain, and possibly the opening up of a new and valuable industry. DISCUSSION. Miss Murphie of Cresswell said when she was a child playing at Carsethorn they used to see a shoal of porpoises— ‘ pellocks,’’? they called them—following the salmon, and they spoke of it as a salmon hunt. She did not think there was any doubt that the porpoises fed on salmon, 166 Sotway Nature Notes. Mr Armistead replied that neither had he thought there was any doubt about it; but the reply which the fishermen at the mouth of the Nith got from the Fishery Board was that they had no evidence that porpoises were destructive to salmon. - Mr R. Wallace suggested that, while parts of the Solway where you have shelving rocks and more or less horizontal strata might afford a resting-place for shellfish, this was not the case where you had perpendicular rocks jutting out into the Firth, as at Balmae and other places. Mr Armistead said his remarks applied to the Solway east of Douglas Hall; not to the Firth further west, where you had more of deep sea conditions. At Balcary, for example, and Isle of Heston, shellfish could not live on the rocks because of the force of the waves in storm. The Chairman said, when living at Carsethorn, he fre- quently observed that in wet seasons flat fish were not only less plentiful, but not so good. He was quite certain that porpoises do eat salmon. He had heard it all his life, and he had frequently seen marks on salmon caused by porpoises, and which could not be caused by any other creature that frequents the Solway so far as he was aware—pieces bitten out of the side of the salmon. It was quite well known to the fishermen of the Solway that the porpoises do catch salmon ; and the sooner the Fishery Board got to know this the better. He thought the Solway was particularly sus- ceptible of improvement of its fisheries. Great stretches were left bare at low tide, at least at spring tides, and these were surely capable of being developed in the same way as the I'rench had done in the culture of mussels and oysters. A few years ago there was a mussel bed discovered at Carse- thorn. Hundreds of pounds worth of mussels were taken from that bed and sent to the English market. They brought a good deal of money into the district, and gave employment to a good many men, some belonging to the district, others who came from Creetown and Lancashire. Of course the great difficulty in the Solway was the shifting of the sands; but these might be prevented by artificial means from en- croaching on certain areas. In his earliest days at Souther- SoLtway Nature Notes. 167 ness that great point of rock out from the lighthouse was exposed and was covered with mussels; but after a time the rocks became sanded up, and the mussels were lost. The floods had a good deal to do with the shifting of the sands, as well as the stormy tides. This was a question which might be taken up by the Development Commissioners, and would yield better results than many experiments which had been undertaken. He concluded by proposing a vote of thanks to Mr Armistead for his most interesting paper, and this was cordially awarded. Mr Armistead, in his reply, said the shifting of the Solway bottom was a fascinating study and a great puzzle. It was not uncommon in a few weeks for the channel to change a mile or two, and thousands of tons of sand to be heaped up where there was none before. On the other hand, there were certain areas well known to the fishermen which don’t change. There was an excellent fishing ground east of the Solway lightship and Allonby Bay, between Silloth and Maryport, which did not change. Fishermen had told him that they heard from their fathers and grandfathers that it had con- tinued the same throughout the whole period of their recol- lection. He had Allonby Bay in his mind as an excellent area for these experiments. And these were all areas where trawl- ing could not be carried on, because of rough bottom or boulders, so that any experiment would not interfere with trawling. Off Maryport there was a large bed several miles long with an environment which suited a particular variety of prawns. As these were caught, others were drawn to that particular bottom, and the chances were that until we ex- hausted the ocean we would not exhaust that small bed of prawns in the Firth. This applied to the cultivation of other varieties of fish. If we cultivated the particular kind of food, the fish which lived on that food would always be available. 168 MACRO-LEPIDOPTERA OF WIGTOWNSHIRE. A List of the Macro-Lepidoptera of Wigtownshire. By Mr R. S. Gorpon, F.E.S. So little seems to be known about the Lepidoptera of Wigtownshire that I venture to give the following list in the hope that it may prove of some interest. Many more species could be added to it, if the county was thoroughly worked, most of the insects included having been taken at or in the neighbourhood of Corsemalzie. Lying, as it does, in the extreme South-West of Scotland, with its variety of wood- land, moor, rough pasture, rocky and sandy coasts, Wigtown- shire should vie with any other Scottish county in its number of species. I am principally indebted to my brother, J. G. Gordon, F.E.S., whose notes have proved of great assistance in the compiling of this list; also to the following collectors :—Miss D. Jackson, Mr W. S. Brocklehurst, Mr K. T. Morton, F.E.S., Mr J. Garraway, Captain Aymer Maxwell, Mr Hugh M‘Dowall, Mr J. N. Kennedy, R.N. Abbreviations—C = Corsemalzie; gen. dist. =generally dis- tributed ; e.d. =early date. RHOPOLOCERA. 1. Pieris brassicee, common, and gen. dist., especially so in jum: jerds) first, broods,)/7//6)/04)). 28/65, aor Gy mata second, 15/8/05, 20/8/07, 23/8/11. 2. Pieris rapoe, common all over county; e.d. first brood, 31/5/06, 26/4/07; second brood, 26/8/06, 18/7/10. 3. Pieris napi, abundant and gen. dist, the underside are in most cases of a bright yellow; e.d. first brood, 19/4/06, 21/4/08, 23/4/11; second brood, 18/7/05, 7/8/06, 25/7/11. 4. Euchloé cardamines, several taken by Mr Hugh M‘Dowall near Stranraer, /82. 5. Gonepteryx rhamni, one flying near side of Kennel Wood, C, 17/6/90. 10. Il. I2. Ge 14. 15. 16. Macro-LEPIDOPTERA OF WIGTOWNSHIRE. 169 Colias edusa, an irregular-immigrant, a male and female on Airlies farm in a turnip field, 14/9/02; a male and female, turnip field near Portwilliam (Captain A. Maxwell); one near Stranraer (A. A. Dalglish), 29/8/98; and several others near C. | Dyas paphia, one taken by Mr J. Garraway on roadside, foot of hill, Alticry Glen, Luce Bay, 20/6/05. Argynnis aglaia, not uncommon and gen. dist. in rushy r H c = 5» lAlart hollows in fields and on moors. 2/6/97, 26/6/05, 3/7/06. Brenthis selene, common and gen. dist. in rushy hollows on moors, meadows, &c.; e.d., 10/6/97, 5/6/99, 4/6/o1. Brenthis euphrosyne, was very scarce; now apparently extinct. Last taken in a rushy hollow near Kennel Wood, C, 20/6/97. Aglaes urtice, very common and gen. dist., especially plentiful in turnip fields in August and September. Eugonia polychoves, rare; two flying among brambles, roadside, Garheugh Rocks, 17/7/93; a hyb. female beyond Cairn Ryan, 5/6/96; one male, roadside Gar- heugh Rocks, 20/7/10. Envanessu antiopa, a single specimen seen at rest on a flower bed by Mr Hugh M‘Dowall at Castle-Kennedy, /81. Vonessa io, one seen by myself at rest on a wall, roadside at gate to Crailloch farm, C., 5/9/08. Pyrameis atalanta, much commoner some years than others, but gen. dist., generally in flower gardens. One taken at sugar, noon, 15/6/97. Mr J. Garraway took the larve plentifully on nettles (roadside, Bar- rachan, 17/7/03), and bred from them a large series, ~ all of which show the white central dot on the red stripe. Pyrameis cardui, uncertain, not uncommon ; Six Im) a turnip field, Airlies farm, 1/10/97; five on heather blossom, Quillart Moor, C:, 28/8/05. 170 Macro-LEPIDCPTERA OF WIGTOWNSHIRE. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 235 24. Dis. 28. Pararge egeria. Mr J. Garraway took it in the shady part of Alticry Glen, Luce Bay. Parege megceera, very common on grassy slopes by the sea; rare inland; abundant near Portpatrick, 21/5/o1, 25/6/05. Hipparchia semele, common on all rocky moors and abun- dant on the sea cliffs, 12/6/98, 26/6/06. Epinephele janiva, abundant and gen. dist.; variable, females large and brightly coloured, 2/7/97, 14/6/11. Enodia hyperanthus, locally common in damp, rushy places near Woods, C., 27/6/05; took fifteen, 11/7/11. . Coenonympha tiphon, abundant and gen. dist. on the moors in boggy and mossy places. Variable from light to dark; e.d., 17/6/98, 19/6/06, 5/6/11. Var. Laidon occurs commonly. Cenonympha pamphilus, common and gen. dist.; e.d., 5/6/97, 1/6/99, 21/5/11. Chrysophanes phloeas, common and gen. dist. Three broods, May. to October; e.d., 1/5/06, 6/5/11; latest, 7/10/11. Three specimens were taken by Mr J. Garraway in small meadow, Alticry, in /o9, with copper portions of wings white; apparently Var. Schmidtii (Barrett). Plebeius @gon, a male and female taken in rushy hollow below Sunny Braes Wood, C., 24/6/96. Polyommatus artaxerxes, common and gen. dist. in suit- able places on the coast; much scarcer inland; e.d., 11/6/06, 5/6/11. . Polyommatus icarus, very common and gen. dist. ; vary in size and colour; one 21 m.m. was taken at Gar- heugh, and another 23 m.m. at C., 20/6/95; females variable, some resemble the North of Ireland forms figured in Barrett’s Brit. Lep. Cupido minima, rare, except near Portpatrick. I have only taken one inland, a male, below Sunny Braes MAcRO-LEPIDOPTERA OF WIGTOWNSHIRE. il@all Wood, C., 20/6/96; two at Kirkmaiden, Portwilliam, both females, 11/5/05, 1/7/05. 29. Syrichthus aleolus, rare, a few were taken flying on sloping banks near the sea beyond Cairn Ryan, 5/6/96 30. Nisoniades tages, locally common on the coast, Port- patrick, Isle of Whithorn, Kirkmaiden (Portwilliam), and Cairn Ryan. I have only taken one inland, on the high road near Loch Elrig (Mochrum), 2/6/97; €-d.5° 12/5 /O1,, 16) 5/o0,020 /5)/ Tr. 31. Pamphilus sylvanus, not uncommon on grassy slopes by the sea, Kirkmaiden, Portwilliam, Sinninesshead, Luce Bay, also inland at C., 18/7/96, 5/6/98, 28/6/os. SPHINGID 2. 1. Anthrocera filipendule, locally abundant near the sea; scarce inland. Cairn Ryan, Garheugh Rocks, Luce Bay, saw a large number flying after 1 p.m. Before that time there was not one to be seen. 5/6/96, 23/6/05, 12/7/11. 2. Smerinthus ocellatus, have never seen the perfect insect, but the larve is not uncommon on willow at Merton- hall, Newton-Stewart (Holland). S) 3. Smerinthus populi, used to be common at C., but owing to many poplar trees having died, it has become much scarcer. It is generally distributed throughout the county where willows or poplars are plentiful. At dusk on 10/6/96, at some sallow bushes on the side of high road, C., a number of S. populi (about 30) were observed flying about, evidently getting something from the green shoots. Several were netted. I have bred several very pale females, ,commonest in larval state. Both dark and light form of larva occur. 4. Acherontia atropos, scarce. The perfect insect occurs near Stranraer, and one was observed at a bee-hive at Quhillart Farm, C., 14/7/98. The larve occurs occa- sionally in potato fields, Stranraer, Portwilliam, Whit- pe) Il 172 MaAcRO-LEPIDOPTERA OF WIGTOWNSHIRE. horn, &c. One larva was taken at Cairn Ryan in a potato field by Mr Thomas Rae Bruce, 24/8/96. . Sphinx convolvuli, very rare. A single specimen was taken just after dusk in garden, C., at flowers of phlox Drummondi, 29/8/94. Another specimen was cap- tured at Portpatrick on 20/3/00.—Annals, Scot. Nat. Hist, p. 249) Re service: Sphinx ligustri, rare. Several bred by Mr J. Garraway from larve taken on privet hedge near Alticry House, 20/7/03. . Deilephila gallu, one larva taken by Captain Aymer Maxwell on bed-straw, near Portwilliam, /88. Deilephila livornica. The only record is a fine specimen, netted by J. G. Gordon, hovering over rhododendron bank, garden, C., at dusk, 18/6/06. Chocrocampa porcellus, scarce and local, not uncommon on Silene maritima late dusk, Alticry shore, Luce Bay, /6/07; 3 at C. on azalea flowers, 10, 11/6/96. . Macroglossa stellatarum, used to be fairly common, has not been seen here for a number of years; usually at rhododendron flowers.. Saw three at once on one shrub, 12/6/99; one on flower of horse chestnut, 21/6/99; one at light, 19/6/97. : . Hemaris bombyliformis (narrow border), not uncommon ; usually at rhododendron flowers ; common from 5th till 18/6/99. Several at Loch Elrig, Mochrum, 23/6/98, and at trefoil flowers, Sunny Braes, C., 25/6/98; several at rhododendron, 26, 30/5/11. . Afgeria formiciformis, have never seen perfect insect. Took several larve and two pupe in willows on islands, Drumwalt Loch, Mochrum; along with Bembeciformis, 27/6/98; and some larve and pupe in willows along Malzie Burn, 1/7/99. . Atgeria philanthiformis, two were taken by Mr Hugh M‘Dowall.on cliffs, Portpatrick, 1886. Macro-LepipoprerRA OF WIGTOWNSHIRE. 173 14. Trocilium bembeciformis, fairly common in the larval to 9. state wherever willows are plentiful. Have only taken the perfect insect by tying muslin bags over holes in tree trunks, Drumwalt, C., Dowalton Wood, &c. BomMBYCIDES. . Zeusera e@sculi, one female was taken by J. G. Gordon flying on lawn, C., about 11.30 p.m., July, /8o. Hepialus nectus, one on grass stem in Wood, C., 11/6/11; another at dusk, side of burn, C., 16/7/11. Hepialus lupulinus, common in fields and on roadside near C.; flying at dusk among long grass, 4/6/11. Hepialus sylvinus, found on roadsides among long grass near C., 18/7/06. Hepialus velleda, common on roadsides, and often abun- dant among bracken at or just after sunset, June and July. Var. gallica is taken along with the type, 6/6/06, 8/6/06. Hepialus humuli, common and gen. dist. in gardens, fields, roadsides, &c. In June, /97, H. humuli was very numerous in a large grass field near C., and small black-headed gull came in numbers to feed upon them. Sarothripa revayana, scarce, taken singly on tree stump, C., 21/2/10; beaten from oak, C., 21/8/10; on heather bloom, C., 8/9/10; on dead branch of rhododendron, C., 22/3/12; on berberis, 15/4/12. . Chloéphora prasinana, very rare; only two have been taken; one at sugar, C., on Scotch fir trunk, 17/7/99; one on hawthorn, Malzie burn, C., 4/6/09. Nola cucullatella, very rare; a single specimen flying at dusk on lawn, C., 16/6/97. 10. Nola cristulalis, rare; one taken flying at dusk, front II drive, C., 4/6/06; several in Whitedyke meadow, C., 5-6-9/6/10. . Nudaria mundana, common and gen. dist. ; e.d., 28/6/97, 29/6/04, 15/6/11. 174 Macro=-LEPIDOPTERA OF WIGTOWNSHIRE. 12. Lithosia mesomella, common on moors near woods, C. ; 19 at rest on heather, 18-19/6/11; 15 at light, 20/6/11. 13. Lithosia complana, a single specimen taken at the Mull of Galloway Lighthouse (Miss D. Jackson). 14. Euchelia jacobe@, rare; 2 taken in meadow near Malzie burn, C., 20/6/95; another same place, 27/6/96; one near Castle Loch (Mochrum), 25/6/97; another on Low Moor, Whitedyke, C., 3/6/09. 15. Enthemonia russula, common and gen. dist. on moors where bog myrtle is plentiful. Took 3 at light, 18-20/6/11; 1 on sugared post on moor, C., 7/6/11. 16. Nemeophila plantaginus, not uncommon among bog myrtle on all the moors. 17. Arctia caja, not uncommon in the larval state; the imagines are seldom seen. 18. Phragmatopia fuliginosa, not uncommon and gen. dist. Larve plentiful in September on various plants; e.d., 25/5/97, 26/5/11. 19. Spilosoma menthastri, common at light, C., 17/5/11 to 18/6/11; varies but little. 20. Spilosoma lubricipeda, common at light, C., 29/5/11 to 18/6/11. Larvae abundant on hops growing on C. House. 21. Dasychira fascelina, common on ali the moors in the larval state. The perfect insect is seldom seen, and then only at rest on heather. Took a large number of larvee in May, /08. to to . Orgyia antiqua, fairly common on all the moors round C., and at Garheugh Rocks, Luce Bay, 29/9/98. Took the larve plentifully on bracken, Low Quhillart Moor, C., 19/8/95. Demas coryli, very common at light, C. There were 26 on the sheet at the same time, 17/5/11; e.d., 14/5/11. Larvee were abundant on birch, lime, &c., C., /8/10. to (SS) 25. 27. ty Macro-LepipoprerRa OF WIGTOWNSHIRE. 175 Peecilocampa populi, common at light, C. ; ro on 8/12/10; e.d., 6/11/98, 30/10/10. Macrothylacia rubi, common and gen. dist. on all moors. Larve abundant among white grass in autumn. My brother and I collected over 400 one afternoon on Glen- elrig Moor (Mochrum), 15/9/03; e.d., 21/5/01. Lasiocampa quercis, var. callune, not so common, but occurs on all moors and in meadows. Larvae common on heather in May; e.d., 23/6/05, 13/6/rt. Cosmotricke potatoria, locally common in the larval state. Perfect insect rarely seen. A female was taken on a rush stem after dark, C., 14/6/97. In a large bred series the females show considerable variation in ground colour, from pale yellow to orange, and brown. Two have underwingss as dark as the males. Saturnia carpini, common and gen. dist. on the moors; males most plentiful on the wing from 3 to 4 p.m. One female taken at C. approaches, the ab. rosacea. Counted 1g nearly full-fed larve on a patch of heather, G7, 28/8) 10; €.d-,'25/4/97, 0/4/00; 9/5/11: PsEUDO BOMBYCES. Drepana falcataria, rare; one on high road, C., 11/6/96; another beaten from hazel, C., 3/7/05; one in garden, C., 6/6/11; one at light, C., 17/6/11. | Specimens vary from light to very dark. Cilix glaucata, very rare; seems to be now extinct; one on high road, C., at dusk, 11/6/96; another near Kennel Wood, C., 19/6/11. Cerura furcula, scarce. J. G. Gordon took one on his bedroom window about midnight, 26/6/98. The larve are not uncommon on sallows near thé Malzie burn, C.; Dounon Moor, C.; and on Drumscallan Moss, Monreith. Cerura vinula, larvee much scarcer than formerly in the neighbourhood of C., many of the young poplar trees on Il. I2. 13}. I. 176 Macro-LepiIpOPTERA OF WIGTOWNSHIRE. having died. Perfect insect rarely seen; took a female at rest on a rush stem at the Castle Loch (Mochrum), 28/5/97- . Phalera bucephala, perfect insect seldom seen. Larve often abundant on various trees, August and Septem- ber; caught one on high road, C., 29/6/97. Clostera veclusa, have only twice seen the perfect insect ; one at rest on a sallow twig, 9/5/97, C.; the other flying in the hot sunshine low over the grass near the garden, C., 28/5/11. Larve are plentiful on sallow, and are also found on poplar. . Pterostoma palpina, very rare. One in fair condition flying at dusk in wood, C., 15/6/97; another flying near Malzie burn at dusk, C. Have taken larvee occa- sionally on sallow, C., in early September. Lophopteryx camelina, larve abundant on various trees. Perfect insect taken at light, 4/6/11, 7/6/11. Leiocampa dictoea, larve are occasionally found on poplars, C. Mr Hugh M‘Dowall took one perfect insect near Portpatrick, 1886. . Leiocampa dicteoides, larve occasionally taken on birch, C. Notodonta dromedarius, larvae not uncommon on young ' birch and alder. Notodonta ziczac, common in the larval state on poplar, . sallow, and alder. One taken flying after dark, C., 19/6/97. Drymonea dodoneea, two specimens at light, Malzie burn, C., 30/5/11. A nearly full-fed larva taken on a small alder near a stream by J. G. Gordon, 18/7/05. NoctTu2. Thyatira batis, common, at ‘sugar, also flying at dusk in Open spaces in woods, C.; e.d., 31/5/97, 4/6/98, 4/6/11. to 3: 5. 6. 7: 8. Q- 10. II. EA: L5- ~!1 Macro-Lepmorrera or WiGrtoWNSHIRE. 17 Cymatophoro duplaris, frequent at sugar in woods, and at dusk flying along woodsides, C. ; e.d., 5/6/97, 16/6/97, 15/6/11. Asphalia flavicornis, common at light, C.; e.d., 23/3/06. 24/3/11, 17/3/12. Pyrophila perla, one taken on window, Galloway Arms Hotel, Newton-Stewart, 2/8/05. Tricena tridens, one taken by Mr J. Garraway, side of road below Alticry Lodge, 2/7/03. Tricena psi, common and gen. dist. ; 8 seen on one treacle patch at midnight, C., 29/6/os. 2; Acronycta leporina, rare; one at sugar, C., 29/6/05. Several bred from larvee taken on alder, C.; yellow form of larve. Cranisphora ligustri, fairly common some seasons at sugar, C.; common in /96; none in /97; again /98 to /05; scarce since then; e.d., 6/6/96. Pharetra rumicis, common and gen. dist. ; at sugar, woods and moors, C.; e.d., 3/6/97, 5/6/98, 5/6/11; latest, 22/7/06. Var. salicis occurs. Cuspidia menyanthidis, common at sugar on moors, C., 20 being taken one night, 5/6/11; e.d., 29/5/96. 24/5/98, 29/5/01. Leucania conigera, locally common at sugar and flowers in gardens, C. ; several on ragwort, Glenluce ; common, Portpatrick ; e.d., 3/7/05, 9/7/06, 11/7/11. . Leucania lithargia, common some years at sugar and flowers in gardens, C.; common, /96; none, /97-98; common again, /99; e.d., 17/6/99, 14/7/05, 12/7/06. Leucania comma, common and gen. dist., at sugar and among rushes; e.d., 25/6/97, 15/6/99, 22/6/06. Leucania impura, abundant everywhere; e.d., 15/6/99. 22/6/06, 18/6/11; latest, 3/8/05. Leucania pallens, much scarcer than formerly; varies 178 Macro-LEPIDOPTERA OF WIGTOWNSHIRE. IQ. 22. 235 AS. 26. oe from pale to deep reddish ochreous; at sugar among rushes and on ragwort; e.d., 1/7/01, 26/7/05. . Tapinostola fulva, very variable, from whitish to deep reddish ochreous; abundant in damp, rushy hollows, C.; ed., 19/7/05, 22/7/06, 16/7/11; latest, 28/9/97. . Chortodes arcuosa, gen. dist.; often common, flying in damp places at dusk; e.d., 3/7/98, 5/7/05, 6/7/06. . Dasypolia templi, frequently taken on the lantern at the Mull of Galloway Lighthouse. Hydreecia nictitans, gen. dist.; often abundant; very variable. ; Var. lucens, equally common. The Rev. C. R. N. Burrows and Mr F. N. Pierce regard this as a distinct species ; e.d., 30/7/05, 4/8/05, 10/8/05. . Hydroecia micacea, gen. dist.; often common; e.d., 30/7/05, 29/7/11, 2/8/11. . Axylea putris, several bred from larve taken by Mr J. Garraway on nettle and dock, Alticry Glen, Luce Bay, /7/02. Xylophasia lithoxylea, common and gen. dist.; e.d., 30/6/95, 20/6/99, 25/6/05. Xylophasia rurea, abundant and gen. dist. ; very variable. Var. combusta, equally common; e.d., 9/6/97, 12/6/06, 4/6/11. . Xylophasia sublustris, 3 taken at sugar by Mr J. Garra- way at end of Drumblair road, Luce Bay, 27/6/03. Xylophasia polyodon, abundant everywhere and very variable. Vars, infuscata and cethiops also plentiful; e.d., 13/6/97, 15/6/99, 22/6/06. Xylophasia hepatica, very scarce; a few at sugar, C. Has been taken by Mr W. S. Brocklehurst at Park Place, Glenluce, 20/6/96, 12/6/97. Heliophobus popularis, one taken near Stranraer by Mr A. A. Dalglish, /8/oo. 28. 30. Ze B2. W wW Macro-LeEPpiIpOPTERA OF WIGTOWNSHIRE. 179 Chareeas graminis, gen. dist.; often abundant; in hun- dreds on heather blossom, 7.45 a.m., 12/8/96; on sugared ragwort from 25/7/05 to 10/9/05. Cerigo cytherea, occasionally at sugar in woods, C.; some very dark specimens, 16/7/99, 28/7/o1. Luperina testacea, never observed till /98, when a few were taken at light, C., 18/8/08. Luperina cespitis, taken by Mr W. S. Brocklehurst, not uncommonly, at light and sugar at Park Place, Glen- luce, /8/09-10-11. Mamestra albicolon, scarce at sugar, C., and taken near olf | course, | Glenluce;\.e.d:,, 20/6/96, «12/6/97; 19/6/06. . Mamestra furva, not uncommon at sugar; also at dusk in meadows, C.; e.d., 20/6/96, 25/6/05, 18/6/06. . Mamestra brassice, common and gen. dist.; e.d., 16/6/99, 14/6/07, 8/6/10. . Mamestra persicarie, one taken on window, Alticry Lodge, by Mr J. Garraway, /03. . Apamea basilinea, gen. dist.; often abundant; e.d., 12/6/97, 14/6/99, 10/6/06. . Apamea gemina, abundant and gen. dist. ; very variable. In thousands on raspberry flowers in garden, C., 23/6/06. Var. remissa occurs not uncommonly, e.d., 12/6/97, 14/6/99, 15/6/02. . Apamea unanimis, one on Scotch fir bud, front drive, C., 1/7/06. . Apamea oculea, gen. dist., abundant, and excessively variable; e.d., 8/7/97, 5/7/99, 6/7/05. . Miana strigilis, common at sugar, C.; e.d., 17/6/99, 15/6/o1, 22/6/06. Var. cthiops occurs commonly. . Miana fasciuncula, c6mmon and gen. dist., very variable, typical red and clay coloured; e.d., 25/6/97, 17/6/99, 20/6/o1. 180 Macro-LEPIDOPTERA OF WIGTOWNSHIRE. 44- aySis 46. Ae 48. 49. 50. 51. Swe 54- 5° . Miana literosa, not uncommon on ragwort, Glenluce golf course, 18/7/05, 26/7/05. . Miana furuncula, scarce, only found so far near foot of hill, Garheugh Road, Luce Bay, 14/7/05. Celeena Haworthii, taken not uncommonly by Mr W. S. Brocklehurst at light, Park Place, Glenluce, /8/10. Grammesia trilinea, mentioned in Barrett’s Brit. Lepi- doptera as occurring in the extreme South-West, of _ Scotland. Wigtownshire? vie nanie cubicularius, common and gen. dist., in . gardens, haysheds, &c.; e.d., 24/6/97, 21/6/99, 2 11/6/06. Charadrina morpheus, athes scarce at sugar, garden, and occasionally in sheds, C.; e.d., 29/6/97, 23/6/99, 27/6/06. -Charadrina blanda, not uncommon, Glenluce golf course, on ragwort, 26/7/05. Several taken by Mr K. J. Morton, near Monreith Village, /7/g90. Rusina tenebrosa, gen. dist., at light and sugar; e.d., 12/6/97, 31/5/11, 5/6/11. Agrotis vestigialis, common on ragwort, Glenluce golf course; took a series, 26 and 27/7/05. Agrostis suffusa, gen. dist.; sometimes common at sugar, C., from 18/6/95 to 27/9/95; latest, 23/11/06; hibernated taken on sallow blossom, 1/4/99, 4/4/06. . Agrostis saucia, one taken at sugar, C., 16/9/97; two taken by Mr Henderson (lighthouse keeper) at the Mull of Galloway Lighthouse, /og (Miss D. Jackson). Agrostis segetum, gen. dist., sometimes common, vari- able ;)) at sugar) from) 25/6/97) to 4/11 /o7 4 mexde, 17/6/99, 23/6/06. - ; Agrostis exclamationis, gen. dist., often abundant; vari- able; e.d., 12/6/97, 15/6/99, 20/6/06. A grostis corticea, two taken at sugar by Mr J. Garraway, end of Drumblair Road, Luce Bay, /6/05. on ba 58. 39- 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. ~Macro-LEPIDOPTERA OF WIGTOWNSHIRE. el Agrostis ripe, one taken at sugar by Mr J. Garraway, end of Drumblair Road, 15/7/os. . Agrostis cursoria, local, but not uncommon on the coast in suitable places ; took it fairly plentifully on ragwort, Glenluce golf course, 26 and 27/7/os. Agrostis nigricans, one taken in garden, C., 11/8/06; another, Whitedyke Low Moor, C., 30/9/97. Agrostis tritici, on coast, local; exceedingly abundant where it occurs, and excessively variable; in thousands (often a dozen on one head) on ragwort, Glenluce golf course, 18 to 27/7/05. Agrostis agathina, not uncommon on the moors: round C., on heather blossom after dark; also at light on moors, C.; larve are obtained sweeping the heather in May and June; e.d., 18/8/06, 22/8/10. Agrostis lucernea, local, not uncommon below. rocky cliffs ; plentiful on rough boulder-clad slopes below Gar- heugh Rocks, Luce Bay, 13/7/05, 14/7/05, 18/4/06. Actebia precox, a few taken by W. S. Brocklehurst at Craigenveoch at light, /8/o9, /8/10. Lycophotice strigula, common on all the moors; at sugar in woods, C., on rhododendron; very common on heather blossom; e.d., 20/6/96, 18/6/99, 20/6/06. Triphona ianthina, gen. dist., frequent, 20/8/01, 15/8/02, 28/7/05. . Triphana fembria, frequent at sugar in woods, C.; e.d., 10/7/96, 11/7/05, 26/7/05. Triphcena pronuba, abundant everywhere, very variable ; e.d., 14/6/99, 17/6/06, 20/6/11; latest, 27/9/05. Triphoena comes, common everywhere, very variable ; e.d., 10/7/97, 15/7/98, 15/7/05, 20/7/99; latest, 25/9/97- Noctua glareosa, common on the moors round C. on heather blossom; e.d., 28/8/05, 26/8/06, 16/8/10. 182 Macro-LEPIDOPTERA OF WIGTOWNSHIRE. 69. 70. 72. Us 74. Tae 76. “i: Noctua depuncta, four taken by Mr J. Garraway on road to Drumblair Farm at sugar (one of a brick red colour) in /o9. Noctua augur, gen. dist.; sometimes common at sugar in woods, C., 25/6/97, 28/6/99, 29/6/05. . Noctua plecta, gen. dist., and common at sugar in woods, on rhododendron, in damp, rushy hollows; e.d.. 12/6/97, 15/6/98, 14/6/99. Noctua C. nigrum, gen. dist., often common at sugar in woods, C. ; on ragwort, Glenluce golf course, 26/7/05 ; e.d., 25/6/97, 18/6/99, 20/6/02. Noctua triangulum, generally scarce; at sugar in woods, C. ; common in 1905 from 3/7/05 to 23/7/06; plentiful in the larval state on alder, feeding by night in end of April; e.d., 25/6/97, 5/7/99, 3/7/05- Noctua brunnea, rather local, sometimes common; at sugar in woods, C., on rhododendron, 25/6/05; com- mon in the larval state, feeding by night, on alder in end of April; e.d., 27/6/97, 25/6/98, 17/6/99. Noctua festiva, rather scarce and very variable; at sugar in woods, C.; e.d., 25/6/96, 29/6/99, 23/6/06. Noctua dakliu, seems scarce, variable; at sugar in woods, C8 GClas S/S. Cy/'77//O8. Noctua rubi, gen. dist., sometimes common; at sugar in woods, C., at light, 18/7/98; on ragwort, Glenluce golf course, 26/7/05; e.d., 3/7/98, 27/6/99, 3/7/02- . Noctua umbrosa, local, fairly common; on ragwort, C. ; one at dusk, Alticry, 16/7/06. - Noctua baja, gen. dist., common; e.d., 27/7/97, 12/2/99, 15/7/05. . Noctua castanea, var. neglecta, not uncommon on the moors; red and grey forms taken at light and sugar by W. S. Brocklehurst at Park Place, Glenluce, in /8/o9 and /8/10; also fairly common at_ heather blossom, C., 19/8/06, 17/8/10. 81. 82. 84. 85- 86. 87. 88. 89. go. gl. Macro-LEPIDOPTERA OF WIGTOWNSHIRE. 183 Noctua Xanthographa, common everywhere, often abun- dant, very variable; on ragwort, heather blossom, &c. ; e.d., 27/7/99, 28/7/01, 30/7/05. Panolis piniperda, rare, used to be not uncommon; several at sallow blossom, C., 4/4/96; none in /97; again in /99, /06; one on daffodil during day, 16/4/96; e.d., 2/4/99, 5/4/06, 2/4/12. . Pachnobia rubricosa, gen. dist., commonest on moorland sallow; at sugar in woods, C., 14/6/99, 1/7/05; e.d., 2/4/96, 4/4/06, 2/4/12. Var mucida occurs. Teniscampa gothica, gen. dist., and abundant at sallow blossom, very variable; at sugar in woods, C., 9/6/98, 1/7/99; e-d., 25/3/97, 30/3/99, 1/4/96. Teniscampa stabilis, gen. dist., abundant, and very variable, on sallow blossom; e.d., 25/3/97, 30/3/99, 23/3/06. Teniscampa instabilis, gen. dist., abundant, and exces- sively variable; some grand vars. having been taken, ©, .at sallow blossom; €:d., 18/3/06, 20/3/11, 14/3/12. Toeniscampa gracilis, common on the moor sallow, C. The red form occurs fairly commonly; e.d., 12/4/06. 14/4/01, 5/4/12. Toeniscampa munda, scarce; one at sallow blossom, front drive, C., 2/4/99; two on the same sallow, 14/4/11; two more on same sallow, 2/4/12, 3/4/12. Taniscampa eruda, seems rare; two taken, C., at sallow blossom, 7/4/96; another on the same sallow, 4/4/06. Orthosia suspecta, several were taken by Mr J. Garraway at sugar, Castle of Park, Glenluce, /7/o1. Orthosia lota, some years common; at sugar, C., in woods, 15/9/97, 18/9/98, 17/9/10. . Orthosia macilenta, abundant some years all the autumn; varies considerably in ground colour; at sugar in woods, C., 10/9/97, 10/9/05, 17/9/10. 184 MaAcrRo-LEPIDOPTERA OF WIGTOWNSHIRE: 93. Anchocelis rufwia, fairly common; at sugar in woods, C. ; -several on’ sugared posts on moor near a wood, C.; e.d., 10/9/97, 22/9/05, 6/9/70. | 94. Anchocelis pistacina, four taken by Captain A. Maxwell at. Monreith, Portwiluam, /95; one at sugar, Park _ Place, Glenluce (Mr W. S. Broklehurst). 95. Anthrocelis litura, one taken by Mrs Bonner on window, Alticry House, 25/8/09. 96. Anchocelis lunosa, seems local, variable; several attracted to window, Alticry House, 29/8/09; one on sugared post on moor, C., 7/9/10; one bred from larva taken on Garheugh shore, Luce Bay, 1/5/06, emerged 28/8/06. 97. Orrnodia vaccini, very abundant and gen. dist., variable; at sugar, 24/9/97, 1/10/05; hy., 1/4/99, 14/3/12. 98. Scopelosoma satellita, common; at sugar, C., 7/10/97; ivy blossom, 9/10/97; birch sap, 20/3/06; sallow, 3/4/97- 99. Citrici: cerago, common on heather blossom, C.; larve common in sallow catkins, 15/4/06; e.d., 27/8/06, 14/8/10. . 100. Citria flavago, abundant at heather blossom, 27/8/06, 22/8/10; larvee common in sallow catkins, C. 1o1. Mellissia ferruginea, abundant and gen. dist.; e.d., ~ 15/9/97, 7/9/06, 7/9/10. 102. Cirrhedia xerampelina, not uncommon at light, Park Place, Glenluce, taken by W. S. Brocklehurst, /g/10; one at sugar, C., 14/9/97; one at light, C., 24/9/10. 103. Cosmia trapezina, several taken by Mr J. Garraway at sugar in wood near Loch Elrig, Mochrum, /7/04. 104. Dianthecia carpophaga, common in the larval state in ~ seed heads and flowers of silene maritima on beach below Alticry, Luce Bay, 13/7/06; one taken at the _ Mull of Galloway Light, 26/7/10. 105. Dianthecia capsophile, taken by Mr Hugh M‘Dowall at Portpatrick, 1886. 106. 107. 108. 109. 110. 1 I1r2. 113. ELA. 1S: 116. LEZ. Macro-LepipoPTERA OF WIGTOWNSHIRE. 185 Dianthecia capsincolo, seems scarce; two taken in Quhillart meadows, C., 27/6/96; one at Castle Loch, Mochrum, 25/6/97; another at pinks in garden, C., 5/7/05. Dianthecia cucubali, two taken by Mr J. Garraway on Craignarget shore in quest of seed heads of silene maritima, I9gIo. Diantheecia conspersa, larve not uncommon in the seed heads of silene maritima on beach below Alticry, Luce Bay, 13/7/06; several bred, 7/7/07. Polia chi, common and gen. dist. ; at sugar and heather blossom; e.d., 20/8/05, 20/8/06, 15/8/t1o. Epunda lutulenta, rare; one dark specimen taken on sugared post on moor, C., 11/9/10; another on heather blossom, C., 28/8/10; some fine varieties taken by Mr W. S. Brocklehurst at light, Park Place, Glenluce, /8/10, /8/11. Epunda nigra, common at sugar, C.; took 67 between /11/0og and 22/10/97; one on window at Allticry, 10/9/06. Epunda lichenca, var. viridicincta, a specimen taken at the Mull of Galloway Lighthouse, /og; another, same place, /10 (Miss D. Jackson). Miselia oxyacanthe, common at sugar, C.; e.d., 21/9/97, 23/9/05 17/9/10. Dichonia Aprilina, sometimes common at sugar, C., 13/9/97, 17/9/98, 18/9/10. Phlogophora meticulosa, common and gen. dist. Euplexia lucipara, common and gen. dist. ; common at sugar in woods, C.; at rhododendron blosson; one at sugar, 9/10/97; one at light, C., 16/2/99; e.d., 5/6/11, 12/6/97, 14/6/99. Aplecta herbida, common at sugar, woods, C.; one at rhododendron blossom, 25/6/05; a fine series bred from larve obtained on alder after dark, C., in April; e.d., 26/6/97, 23/6/99, 22/6/06. 186 Macro-LEPIDOPTERA OF WIGTOWNSHIRE. 118. Aplecta occulta, seems rare; one taken at sugar in wood, TO) 120. I21. IAB 130. C., 14/8/97; two taken at sugar, Park Place, Glen- luce, by Mr W. S. Brocklehurst, 12/8/10. Aplecta nebulosa, common some years at sugar in woods, C.; the larvae not uncommon crawling up elm trunks after dark, C.; several, 24/5/06; e.d., 26/6/96, 27/6/98, 27/6/06; latest, 1/10/97. Hadena adusta, common at sugar in woods, C.; at honeydew, Alticry, 3/7/05; a few at light; e.d., 12/6/97, 5/6/06, 29/5/11. Hadena proteas, seems very rare; two at light in house, C., 15 and 17/8/95. . Hadena glauca, not uncommon on moor sallows in May ; a few on sugared posts on the moor, C.; one on sea pinks, Garheugh, Luce Bay, 11/6/06; one at light, Con AAR TER CeClos Yl EVKOS, Oy Sitits, TS) Sift. Hadena dentina, common and gen. dist.; at sugar, also at rhododendron blossom, C.; e.d., 9/6/01, 10/6/06, 6/6/11. Hadena chenopodi, several taken by Mr J. Garraway at sugar in wood, Loch Elrig, Mochrum, /7/04. Hadena obracea, very common and gen. dist.; e.d., 12/6/97, 13/6/99, 20/6/06. Hadena pisi, common and gen. dist., especially on the moors; larva abundant on bog myrtle in September ; exd., 1/2//6)/(G7,,804)/0)/ G9,.6) Gyr . Hadena thalassina, very common and gen. dist.; e.d., 6/6/98, 17/5/11, 27/5/11. Hadena genista, one taken by Mr J. Garraway on road leading to Drumblair Farm at dusk, /oo. . Xylocampa lithorhiza, one on sallow blossom, C., 2/4/96; one at rest on rock, roadside, Alticry Glen, 9/4/06; and one at light, C., 1/5/11. Lithorma solidaginis, not uncommon at sugar and heather blossom, C.; a number at sugar, Park Place, Das Po2. £33. 134. 135. 139. 140. 143. Macro-LEPIDOPTERA OF WIGTOWNSHIRE. 187 Glenluce (Mr W. S. Brocklehurst); e.d., 14/8/97, 22/8/10. Calocampa vetusta, occasionally at sugar, commoner at ivy blossom, Dounan, C., 1/10/97, 9/10/97. I have never seen hyb. specimens in spring. Calocampa exoleta, common at sugar and ivy blossom, C.; frequent hyb. in spring; e.d., 27/9/97, 26/9/99, 24/9/06; latest, 8/5/11. Cucullia chamomillee, two taken by Mr Hugh M‘Dowall at Portpatrick, /86. Cucullia umbratica, common and gen. dist. on honey- suckle, valerian, &c. ; e.d., 12/6/97, 10/6/98, 10/6/06. Chariclea marginata, taken by Mr K. J. Morton near Monreith Village, Portwilliam, /7/99. . Anarta myrtilli, common on all moors; one taken at rhododendron flowers at dusk, C., 16/6/99; e.d., 18/5/97, 8/5/99, 26/5/11. . Heliodes arbuti, took a single specimen flying on moor near Kennel Wood, C., about mid-day, /95. . Hydrelia uncula, one taken flying at dusk up side of Kennel Wood, C., 6/6/04. Habrostola urtice, common on various garden flowers at dusk, C.; e.d., 1/6/99, 10/6/06, 10/6/11. Habrostola triplasia, scarce; at dusk on various flowers in garden, C.; several in garden, Alticry, 4/7/05. . Plusia chrysitis, common and gen. dist.; abundant at dusk at valerian, garden, C.; e.d., 28/6/99, 25/6/05, me (O/ EU. _ Plusia bractea, some years common; seems gen. dist., particularly at flowers of honeysuckle and valerian ; commonest in /g95, when large numbers were seen; e.d., 25/6/95, 28/6/01, 29/6/06; latest, 5/8/97. Plusia festuce, not uncommon locally ; occasionally at flowers in garden and in damp places near Malzie 188 Macro-LEPIDOPTERA OF WIGTOWNSHIRE. 144. 145. 146. DAT. 148. 149. 150. Ee 154. Burn, C.; common round loch side, Park Place, Glen- luce (Mr W. S. Brocklehurst); e.d., 27/6/96, 1/7/97, Tei frp Mite. Plusia iota, not uncommon on honeysuckle, in damp places near Malzie Burn, and in garden, C., at dusk; e.d., 30/6/97, 3/7/99, 2/7/06. Plusia pulchrina, very common, and gen. dist. on flowers in gardens and on honeysuckle; e.d., 23/6/97. 23/6/06, 11/6/11. Plusia gamma, abundant everywhere, especially in autumn; three taken at sugar, 2/10/97, 12/9/99; abundant in garden, 9/6/97; latest seen, 10/12/97. Plusia interrogationis, the larve has been taken on heather, Darsnag House, C., 5/6/07. Gonophera libatrix, common at sugar in woods, C.; e.d., 12/9/97, 1/9/10; hyb., 14/5/06, 4/6/06. Amphipyra tragopogonis, common at sugar in woods and on the moors, C., 5/7/06, 10/9/07. Mania typica, common at sugar some years, C.; none in /97 or /98; e.d., 5/7/96, 14/7/99, 1/7/05. . Mania maura, common, and gen. dist. on sugared rag- wort and at light; specimens richly marked; e.d., 25/7/96, 13/7/05, 17/7/11. . Stilbia anomala, local, not uncommon; on Whitedyke Low Moor, C., 6 to 9/8/06; several taken at light, Park Place, Glenluce, by Mr W. S. Brocklehurst, /8/ to. Euchidia mi, common, and gen. dist. on rough pastures and grassy slopes by the sea; e.d., 12/5/98, 10/5/o1, 26/5/11. Phytometra anea, common, and gen. dist. on moors, rough pastures, and grassy slopes by the sea; e.d., 23/5/98, 15/5/99, 1/5/01. (To be continued.) - NORWEGIAN, CUMBERLAND, AND SCOTTISH WorDs. 189) Cumberland, Scottish, and Norwegian Words. By Mr J. J. ARmisTeEaD, Norway. The following words occurring in Cumberland and Scots dialects are so similar to the Norse as to suggest a mutuai origin :— Scots OR CUMBERLAND. Hagworm (C) Stee (C), Stee or Stéy (Sc), (Steep) Lyle or laal (C) Spook (C) Barn (C), Bairn (Sc) Lister or Leister (Sc) Fou (Sc) Moudiwarp (C, Sc) Seive (C) Lig (C, Se) Moss (C, Sc) Loup (Sc) Gowl (C, Sc) Mark or march (Sc) Skrechin (C, Sc) Gowk (Sc) Searf (Sc) Clout (Sc) Eh man (Sc) ENGLISH. Adder Ladder Little Ghost Child Fish spear Drunk Mole A rush To lie Bog Jump Cry Field Shriek Cuckoo Cormorant Rag NORSE. Hugorm Stige (pronounced steega) Lille Spogelse Barn Lyster Fuld pronounced full or fu’) Muldvarp Scev (pronounced save) Ligge Mose Lope Gale (past tense gol, to crow) Mark Skroekke and skrige Gowk Skarv Klud Exclamation Mon (wonder) of surprise A Stone at Allonby called the Great Maston, apparently derives its name from Maasten (pronounced Mawstane), the Gull Stane. It was a common thing to see a gull on it as it was being left bare by the tide. 190 INSECTS AND DISEASE. 14th February, 1913. Chairman—Dr J. Maxwe tt Ross, Hon. V.P. The Part Played by Insects in the Propagation of Disease. By J. C. THomson, M.A., M.D., D.P.H., Dip. in Tropical Medicine and Hygiene (Cantab.). [Dr Thomson, in a lucid and interesting manner, illus- trated the importance of the part played by insects in the transmission of disease by many examples. In some detail he dealt with the transmitting insects of Malaria (the Anopheles Mosquito), Elephantiasis (the Culex Mosquito), Yellow Fever (Stegomyia fasciata), Sleeping Sickness (Tse- tse Fly), Kala-azur, the black sickness (the Common Bed- Bug), Relapsing Fever (Ticks, Body Louse, and possibly Bed-Bug), Typhus Fever (lice), and the Bubonic Plague (Pulex cheopsis), and dwelt on the remarkable success attending the efforts to abolish Malaria and Yellow Fever by the destruction of the transmitting agents. Special emphasis was laid upon certain facts relating to the common house fly (Musca domestica), the lesser house fly (Fannia canicularis), and the blue-black blow fly (Calliphora erythrocephala), which have recently come to light, and afforded conclusive evidence that the house fly in all its species is a factor to be reckoned with in the transmission of such diseases as infantile diarrhoea, typhoid fever, tuberculosis, diphtheria, cholera, anthrax, and the parasitic worms that infest the intestine. Most directly im- portant was the relationship of the insect to infantile diarrhoea and enteric fever. Epidemics of the former occur in this country in late summer and early autumn, and the maximum mortality coincides usually in the week in which the tempera- ture recorded by the 4 feet earth thermometer attains its mean weekly maximum, just when the warmth of the soil favours free hatching-out and increased prevalence of flies. Dr Thomson recommended the improving of the sani- tary condition of stables, the abolition of middens and open Morrat AND Uprer ANNANDALE. 191 privies near houses, the use of gauze covers for food, and the destruction of flies by traps and by formaldehyde. The lecture was illustrated by lime-light pictures and by pinned and mounted specimens. | 2ist February, 1913. Mr W. A. MACKINNELL. Chairman Moffat and Upper Annandale in the Middle of the Eighteenth Century. By Mr Joun T. JoHNstone, Millbank, Moffat. The whole of this district in the middle decades of the eighteenth century was in a very backward state: the houses, with few exceptions, were poor, mean, and very dilapidated, while agricultural pursuits, which were the mainstay of the majority of the people, were also at a low ebb, the ground naturally being of an unfertile nature. A large proportion, even of the low-lying ground in some of the parishes, was peat moss and marsh, and the whole was neither fenced nor drained, and therefore incapable of producing an adequate return for the labour expended. But it is from this time that the improvement in the dis- trict began which has gradually increased as the years rolled on, till it can bear comparison in every respect with any district in the country. These improvements were initiated by John, Earl of Hopetoun, a nephew of William, Marquis of Annan- dale, who, owing to the ill-health of the latter, was appointed his curator, and took over the management of the estate. The Earl was a most progressive nobleman, with views in regard to the welfare of the people well in advance of his time. During his curatory a minute book of his transactions in regard to the Annandale estate was kept, from 1758 to 1767, and it is from it that I am mainly indebted for the information in this paper. Among the first of his doings was to employ Messrs James 192 MoFFAT AND UPPER ANNANDALE. & George Tait, surveyors, Lockerbie, for an agreed on sum of one hundred guineas to survey the whole estate of Annan- dale, exclusive of the town of Moffat and the 410 land of Annan, for which they were to be paid separately. The survey was to be completed in two years, and money paid to account as the work proceeded in proportion to the amount done. ‘“ Being sensible that the amount agreed on was very low, the Earl resolves, if they execute ene work well, that he will give them some gratuity.’ He aheenwands made a tour over the whole estate, taking in his Company | some of good judgment in these matters,’ so that ‘“‘ he acquired a much clearer and better notion and idea, not only of the position, nature, and quality of each farm, but also of its value, than he could otherwise have done.’’ The spirit of the old Border reivers still survived with some force in the district, for the Earl, on examination of the woods, found them ‘‘ greatly neglected, and left at the mercy not only of the Marquis’s own tenants, but even of the whole countryside, who cut and stole from them at pleasure.’’ Some of the worst offenders were, when their tack expired, excluded from offering for a new tack, as the practice had prevailed to such an extent as made it necessary to make some severe examples on that account. For instance, Robert and Samuel French, who were tenants in Kinnel Hall, were parties who were excluded from offering, not because they had cut timber themselves, but because they had failed to detect ‘‘ their neighbour, John Mitchell, who had cutt some timber for which he was turned out.’’ Fortunately in Messrs French’s case the punishment did not last long, for the same year James Thornburn (Thorburn), a brother of my great-grandfather, who was tenant in Panlands, found it necessary to apply to have the farm taken off his hands. The Frenches applied, offering the same rent. Mr Hoggan, the factor, ‘‘ recom- mended them as proper tenants.’’ James Thorburn was released and the Frenches reinstated on the estate. In 1759 in the arrangements made for the new tacks, it was a condition that all the present tenants who were not in arrears, or who had cleared their arrears, were to have the first offer and be MorFraT AND UPPER ANNANDALE. 193 preferred on agreeing to the terms demanded, otherwise the lands would be set to the best advantage. An interesting feature of the re-letting was the amount the farmer had to pay as entry money. Thus, Thomas Gillespie, tenant in Correferran and Capplegill, renewed his tenancy of both these farms on a nine years’ lease at a yearly rent of £150 and £100 stg. of entry money for Correferran, and 473 rent and £120 entry money for Capplegill and Auld house hill to John Greive, 427 rent and #50 entry money, “‘ lease shortly after trans- ferred to David Tweedie.’’ Holehouse and Gardenholm were each let at £17 rent and £25 entry money, the former to John Murray and the latter to James Geddes, Hugh Martine, and John Dunwoody. Bughtknowes and Barns, Giddeshaw, Quaecleugh, Hillhouse, and Chapel were let for one year only at rents from £12 for Quaecleugh to £40 for Hillhouse and Chapel; but all the tenants of these small farms were to be allowed any damage done by quarrying, carting, or building dykes at the sight of neutral men. At this time there were no regular quarries for stones for building purposes, either of house or dry stone dyke, the stones used for these purposes being nearly all gathered from the fields or hillsides. On March 30th, 1759, the Earl “‘ signed a precept on Mr Hoggan for payment of one pound four shillings sterling to be stated as expenses of trials for quarries near the town of Moffat.’’ The majority of these trial quarries were all on the ground of the farms mentioned. Gardenholm quarry, on the Chapel farm, is in use to this day, and a number of the others are still visible on the Chapel Hill. The other trial places were the Common Craig and Well Hill, Moffat House and the Annandale Arms being built from the Common Craig quarry. Bughtknowes, Barns, Giddeshaw, Quaecleugh, Hill- house, and Chapel continued as separate farms till about the year 1828, when they were combined as one farm, ‘“‘ The Chapel,’’ under the tenancy of Mr Hamilton, the father of the late Mr James Hamilton, draper, Moffat. In February, 1759, Kinnelhead was set to Robert Welsh in Nunnerie for nine years, at A100 yearly and £200 entry money, ‘‘ the £200 to be payable on the 15th June per bill granted by him at this date.” 194 MoFFAT AND UPPER ANNANDALE. At this time there were very few fences dividing marches or fields. What fences there was were either fail dykes, made of sods of turf piled up, or merely a ditch; but more often the division was by a pit dug at the angles of the march; and when Bearholm, Miltonhead, Miltonfoot, and Murthat were let the marches are all described by lines of pits. For in- stance, part of Miltonhead is described as ‘* bounded on the north by a new march betwixt this farm and that of Bearholm, beginning at a pitt made at the west side of the River Annan, running westwards by a line of pitts pointing to the north end of an elm bush, on the east side by an old watergate, and thence the same line continued forward to another pitt,’’ and so on. The same applies to nearly all the farms where the marches are described. This scarcity of fences in Upper Annandole continued into the beginning of the nineteenth century, as I have heard my grandmother say repeatedly that when she was a lassie (in the last decades of the eighteenth century) there was not a fence between St. Ann’s Brig (Rae- hills) and Moffat. In the lease of Murthat mentioned above there was a clause ‘* reserving to Thomas Farish and his wife a house and yard with a cow’s grass and an acre of land, for which the tenants are to have no allowance,’’ and in connection with a house and yard on Kirkpatrick common, in the occupation of Betty Graham and her son-in-law, there is this curious entry :—‘* This house and yard to be given to James Waugh, late tenant in Murthat, but Bessy Graham to be allowed a bed in the house, and recommended it to the tenants to give him a cow’s grass and bitt of land gratis, at least at an easy rate.”’ In 1758 Dr James Hunter, a physician practising in Moffat, along with his brother, took a lease of the farms of Archbank and Clairfoot. The name Clairfoot as a farm has entirely dropped out of recollection, as it is all known now as Archbank. Clairfoot was the part of the present Archbank farm extending from the present bridge at Archbank, and all the ground from there on the east of Hindsgill burn, right up to the top of Swattefell and Birnock cloves. Archbank proper was a very small piece of ground extending from the Heatheryhaugh march on the south, on the east by the Well Morrat AND UPPER ANNANDALE. 195 Burn and Hindsgill, on the west and north by part of Moffat Common, the north boundary ending opposite the north end of Gallowhill. At this time the Gallowhill was not in exist- ence, and formed part of the Common. Dr Hunter in his day had a good share in the develop- ment of Moffat. At the farm, and also in the town, he kept a flock of goats. The drinking of goats’ milk was a recog- nised part of the duty of an invalid visiting Moffat to drink its healing waters, the combination being more effective. He also was responsible for the building of the Long Room at the Well, in which balls and other entertainments for the amusement of visitors were held. The estate immediately afterwards allowed the Doctor £125 sterling as full payment for building and fitting up this room; but he became bound to pay an annual sum of 4,7 tos during the time it was in his possession, ‘‘ and obliged to keep and maintain the said Long Room in constant good order and repair, fit for the reception of the company drinking the waters of the Well during his possession thereof (which is during the Marquis’s pleasure allenarly), and to leave the same at his removal in a good and sufficient condition for the purposes foresaid.’’ During all the years the Well had been open visitors had to scramble down and up the steep banks of the Hindsgill at Archbank before they could reach it. The inconvenience and danger of the access having been pointed out to the Curator, he found the only remedy was to build a stone bridge, which was done that summer (1760), at a cost of £72 9s 6d, which was paid ‘* out of the vacant stipends of the parish of Moffat, preceding Mr Edward Johnstone’s settlement of 1747, of which there is yet some balance which ought to be applied for such uses.”’ The new road to the Well was not made till 1769. The old road was then ‘ places dangerous for machines.’’ The new road was made, and the ground round the Long Room and the Well dressed, and everything made safe and convenient for the company, at a cost of £152 11s 4d sterling.’’ John Finlayson, who executed the road, was afterwards agreed with for upholding in a great state of disrepair, and in many and keeping it in repair, ‘‘ for which he was to be allowed 4.1 158 sterling yearly, commencing at Martinmas, 1769.”’ 196 MoFFAT AND UPPER ANNANDALE. In connection with Moffat Well, it is interesting to note that it was repaired in 1657 by Cromwell, the Lord Protector, whose order reads :—‘‘ By his Highness Council in Scotland for the government thereof, whereas James, Earle of Hartfell, hath petitioned the Councill for some allowance out of the vacant stipends of the Parishes of Moffett and Kirkpatrick- juxta remaining in his hands for making the Well of Moffett convenient and secure by raising a font and walls about the said Well, upon consideration of the premisses the councill doe order, and it is heereby ordered that the said Earle bee allowed Twenty-five pounds sterling out of the remainder of the vacant stipends of the Parishes aforesaid in the hand of the said Earle to bee employed by advice and concurrence of William Rosse, Esquire, Commissary of Dumfrieze,. for put- ting the said Well of Moffett in such a condicion that people may securely make use of the said Well, which twenty-five pounds aforesaid Mr Dalglish, Collector of the Vacant stipends, is to allow accordingly. And Mr Rosse is hereby appointed to see it done according to the intent of this ordour by the first of May next, and give an accompt of the issues of the said five and twenty pounds to the Council about that time. Given at Edinburgh the twenteth day of August, 1657. ‘* GEORGE MONCK. ““ J. SWINTOUNE. ‘“ Ap. SCROPE. ‘* NaTH. WHETHAM.”’ Archbank Mill, with the multures thereto belonging, together with those acres called the Millclose lying contiguous to the said mill, and formerly possessed with her, were set to James Johnstone, late miller in Moffat, and James Beatty, baker in Moffat, jointly, for three years, at £30 sterling of yearly rent. Moffat Mill was set at the same time to the sitting tenants, Samuel Cowan and his son Robert, at £27 pounds sterling of yearly rent, who were to be bound to repair, uphold, and maintain the said mill, both in going and lying gear, at their own expense during the currency of the tack, as also to repair, uphold, and maintain the houses thereto belonging Morratr AND Upper ANNANDALE. 197 during the tack, and to leave the said mill and houses in a good and sufficient habitable condition at the expiry thereof. The tenants on the Thirl were to furnish thatch for the mill, and all other services, use and wont, the miller on his part being obliged to give due, punctual, and faithful service to the Thirl. The same regulations applied also to the letting of Archbank Mill. But two years afterwards both mills had become so ruinous that the factor reported ‘‘ that the ordinary repairs which the tenants were bound to make by the tacks were no longer sufficient to preserve them;’’ and the mills were rebuilt in a substantial manner with slate roofs. Dr Hunter succeeded a Mr William Murray in the tenancy of Archbank and Clairfoot. The latter was one of the Murrays belonging to the Granton family, and in the churchyard there are three stones, lying flat on the ground, commemorating the family. His one reads :—*‘ William Murray, formerly of Clairfoot, and Catherine, his spouse, both died ANNO DOM 1759; she, Nov. 6; he, Dec. 4. ‘* Here lies the man, The woman here Their mutual love so passing dear, When down she in the grave did lie Here he reclines of sympathy.”’ When the town of Moffat had been originally laid out about one-third was feued to a few individuals, the ground allotted to each being a considerable quantity. In the plan of the town prepared by Messrs Tait in 1758 these feus are shown and described as :—Bernard Dickson’s (2 feus), Wamphrays, Kate Boyd’s, Rob o’ Corheads, Bells (3 feus), Craiglands, Moffats (3 feus), Provosts Merkland, Frenches, Aitchison, Blacklocks, Martins, Townfoot feu and Townhead feu. All the ground not comprised in these feus was in the hands of the Marquis. The lands feued had a certain number of houses belonging to them, and the principal feuars ‘‘ subsett some of the land and most or ail of the houses (they having better of their own) to the meaner or poorer people, and it was found they drew sometimes as much rent for the houses alone as they paid for both house and lands, and yet they were at no expense in repair, which they burdened the possessors with.”’ 198 Morrat AND Upper ANNANDALE. In 1760 a private Bill was brought before Parliament for liberty to feu roo acres of the Ten pound land of Moffat and 50 acres of the said land at Annan. Part of the Bill reads :— ‘* And whereas the town of Moffat, part of the said Tenpound land of Moffat is greatly resorted to by persons of all ranks and conditions for the benefit of using the mineral water in the neighbourhood of the said town, but the said company have hitherto been very ill accommodated by reason of the badness and poorness of the houses and other buildings in the said town and by the want of many other necessary con- veniences. And whereas many of the houses inthe said towns of Moffat and Annan belong in property to the said Marquis, which are all of them very poor and mean and fallen into such disrepair and decay that many of them are already ruinous, and most of them must soon be so, if not rebuilt, which would occasion a very great charge and expense.”’ The old houses which are described as ruinous were mostly built of fail and stone, and to repair them in the same manner was not going to improve matters, and notices were issued to the following effect :—‘‘ That such of the Marquis of Annandale’s tenants who have got tacks and are willing upon their own expense to improve their houses by rebuilding them with stone and mortar, and the door cheeks with stone and lime, may give in notes of the quantity and kind of timber the same would require to the factors, who are desired to view and consider the same; it being intended for their encouragement to give them such assistance of timber as can be spared from the Marquis’s woods. But to prevent em- bezzlements or impositions, every tenant at receiving what timber may be ordered for him is to give his bill for the full value thereof, which will not be given up till the reparations are finished and inspected. To see that the timber has been properly applied, and if any misapplication shall be discovered. the value of the whole shall be exacted. If any of the tenants shall propose to build their houses with mortar, and all the’ doors and windows with lime, and to cast the whole walls with lime, they will be preferred to the best timber, and no timber would be given out of the woods after the first day of May till winter again.”’ MorrFat AND Upper ANNANDALE. 199 The term mortar in the above description refers to clay. The old stone houses were built with clay for the mortar, and some of them with a mixture of straw and clay, and not with iime mortar. In subsequent feu charters, after the passing of the Act, the houses were specified to be built all with stone or brick and lime, and to cover the roofs with blue slates or scallie. Among the first houses to be built thus were Moffat House and the King’s Arms (now Annandale Arms). The Earl of Hopetoun on his many visits to Moffat in connection with the management of the estate found it very inconvenient to live in lodgings, where there was no enclosed ground or park neces- sary for a family. He therefore commissioned Mr John Adam, architect, Edinburgh, to build the house now known as Moffat House. The date of the charter was the 16th March, 1762, and within five years thereafter he had to “‘ build a new dwelling-house of at least fifty-five feet of length and twenty- eight feet of breadth over the walls, with two pavilions, all with stone or brick and lime, to cover the roofs with blue slate cr scallie, and which house and offices shall front to the street and extend at least one hundred feet over all.’’ There was also a clause by which the Marquis and his foresaids, on giving a year and a day’s notice before any term of Whitsun- day, could redeem the property by paying the value of the *? as the same should be esti- mated and appreciated by mutually chosen arbiters, or, failing which, by the Sheriff-Depute of Dumfriesshire. ‘* And the said John Adam and all persons inhabiting and dwelling in house and ‘‘ other meliorations, the houses or upon the lands now disposed to him are to be subject and liable in thirlage to the said Marquis’s mills, and payment of multure, knaveship, and other duties to the same, and all other mill services to the said mills according to use and wont. And to answer all diets of Court of the said Marquis, his Burgh of Barony of Moffat, when thereunto lawfully summoned, and to obey all the lawful acts and orders of the Baron or his bailies to be given therein.”’ The feu charter to James Duncan for the King’s Arms was dated four days earlier than Moffat House, viz., rath March, 1762, and would be the first of the two built, as there 200 Morrat AND Upper ANNANDALE. is a well-known tradition in the town that the wages of the masons working on it were 8d per day, and that they left it to begin at Moffat House at 9d per day. It will be noted that the charters stipulate that the houses are to be built with stone or brick and lime. There is no clay about Moffat suitable, either in quantity or quality, for making bricks. Yet in the rough boulder till which is spread over the whole district some finer portions have been washed into pockets here and there about the town, notably about the Whins and Frenchland Burn; and the builders here made bricks from this poor sandy and gravelly clay, which were built principally into the internal partitions of the King’s Arms, Spur Inn, and other contemporary buildings, but the industry of brick-making here had ceased long before the memory of the oldest inhabitant. These bricks were very crude and rough : some of the stones in them are as large as hens’ eggs, as can be seen from the specimen on view,* which is from the King’s Arms. Where bricks were not used for the partitions, they were made with clay and ‘straw. The method of erecting these partitions was to fix up wood stan- dards about 2 feet or 24 feet apart from floor to ceiling, fix temporary boards on one side of the standards, and fill in the mixed-up clay and straw between the standards from the open side and left flush therewith, allowed to dry for a few days, and temporary boards removed. After the clay par- titions were done away with, a system came into vogue of doing them with whinstone shivers in much the same way as the clay. The wood standards were fixed up as formerly and lathed on the one side with laths spaced two inches apart, and the stone shivers built with lime from the open side pressed hard against the laths to support them. This form of par- tition lasted, especially in estate work in Upper Annandale, till about forty-five years ago; but in ordinary buildings brick partitions became pretty general with the making and opening of the Caledonian Railway. The plaster laths used were made from home-grown wood, sawn into the laths required in the * This specimen with the exhibits of clay and wall partition, gypsum floor, and stone window weight, are in the Society’s Museum by the favour of Mr J. T. Johnstone. Morrat AND Upper ANNANDALE. 201 sawpit, and nailed on the walls and ceilings with cast-metal nails. These sawn laths were also used on estate work up to forty-six years ago, when they gave place to split laths made from memel from the Baltic; at the same time the cast-metal lath nails were giving place to cut ones. The first job ever I worked on as an apprentice the ceilings were lathed with cut nails and the walls with the cast ones; now wire nails are nearly universal. Some of the rooms in Moffat House and the Spur Inn (Proudfoot House now) and Hopetoun House are finished in panelled wainscot, and are still in good _ preser- vation. Windows which were hung had stone weights in- stead of iron. In the Spur Inn the attic floors are laid with gypsum, which was quarried in the neighbourhood of French- land Burn, the bed of which has long been lost sight of. The following extract from a search for minerals here, made in 1800, is interesting. In 1776 a Mr Burrel made a survey of Annandale in search of coal and other minerals, but his results were not published. But in the year 1800, at a meeting of the County (Committee) of Dumfries, held on the 30th April, Messrs Busby were appointed to make a mineralo- gical survey of the county, which they did. Their journal of the survey is given as Appendix No. 22 in Dr Singer’s View of the Agriculture, State of Property, and Improvements in the County of Dumfries, published in 1812. Among the places they examined here was the Frenchland Burn, which they describe as consisting ‘‘ of a kind of primitive rock, not un- friendly to ore.’’ Ata part of the Burn, near an ash tree, are appearances of slate; and a quarter of a mile below there is a considerable body of gypsum, ‘‘ as we particularly instructed the farmer how it was to be obtained.’’ They also examined ee oe the farm of Selcoth for slate, ‘‘ where it is promising of advan- tage, if a proper trial was made.’’ However, it has been long known that there are no minerals of any kind in merchantable quantities in the district. The slates used came principally from the Glenochar quarry in Crawford parish; but they were not of good quality, the weather sooner or later breaking them up in foliations not much thicker than notepaper. A few slates were also obtained from some of the hardest of the black shale rocks in Correferran and Selcoth, but these slates 202 MoFFraT AND UPPER ANNANDALE. were very thick and rough, although better weather slates than those from Glenochar; where expense was no object slates were imported from Lancashire. In Jamieson’s Scots Dictionary the meaning of scallie (skallie) is given as blue slate, but here the term, I believe, refers to the very thin sandstone slabs which were formerly used for a roof covering instead of thatch or slates, and were quarried at the Templand Quarries. The cottage on Moffat Mill green is still covered with them. Both slates and scallie were hung over wood straps on the roof with wooden pins, the making of which kept the slaters in employment the greater part of the winter. Dr James Hunter, whom I have already mentioned in con- nection with Moffat Well, in 1762 took off ground for and built three houses on the east side of the High Street, the side being now known as Bath Place. And in 1764 Archibald Blacklock, merchant, feued a piece of ground, which is described in the charter as “‘ of that part of the ten pound land of Moffat lying on the east side of the town of Moffat with the houses presently thereon, bounded on the south by the north gavel of the Brickhouse on the west side of the Kirkyard be- longing to James Beaty, Baxter in Moffat, and presently pos- sessed by Adam Johnstone, saddler there; on the west by the street of Moffat leading from the Market Place to the Millburn ; on the north by the new entry into the Kirkyard at forty feet distance from the said north gavel of the foresaid Brickhouse ; and on the east by the Kirkyard in the line of the back of the east side of the said Brickhouse, extending on the front to they street) forty feet or thereby...) ))) Dhe) yeterence ims this charter to the new entrance to the Kirkyard is interesting, as on the plan of 1758 the entrance is shewn in Holm Street, Mr Anderson’s ironmongery warehouse now occupying the site. The reason for changing the entrance was that the bury- ing ground in the Kirkyard was completely filled up, and to make room the whole area was made up with new earth fully four feet. I was told may a year ago by one who was assist- ing the gravedigger to dig a grave that they came on the old gravel walk fully four feet down, and the ground in the Churchyard is about that height above all the ground sur- rounding it. This alteration also accounts for the scarcity of MoFFat AND Upper ANNANDALE. 203 any very old monuments in the Kirkyard, as monuments which had no one interested in them would be removed and broken up, as has been done in similar circumstances many a time previously and since. In fact, I have in my own time lifted a hearthstone, which, when turned up, showed the inscription on it. Blacklock’s house is also interesting from the fact that in later years it probably was the howff in which the famous splore was held that resulted in ‘‘ Willie brewed a peck o’ maut.”’ The population of Moffat in the middle of the eighteenth century was somewhere between 1500 and 1600. The majo- rity of the householders, besides their ordinary occupations as merchants, fleshers, horsekeepers, tanners, weavers, shoe- makers, wrights, saddlers, well-water carriers, barbers, gar- deners, millers, drovers, and other indwellers, and feuars, were all in occupation of land sufficient for a cow’s grass or more, and were all interested, jointly or singly, in some of the sixty-two lots into which the grass parks about the town had been divided. For instance, lots 12, 13, 14, along with lot 40, about 31 acres in all, ‘‘ being all that part of the Viccarlands which lies on the south side of Annan Water, viz., the Bernal park, the Middle park, and the East park, with the Crooks that lie between them and the water, of which whole grounds not to plough above one-half and to pasture the remainder, together with 24 soums on the Common, as also that part of the Bankland called the Capts. Faulds’ of which no-part to be broke up that is not presently in tillage, except for potato beds, all set to Thomas Spence, shoemaker, and John Short, wright, jointly, at 21 stg. of rent.”’ Lot 5, 34 acres, with 3 soums on the Common, was set to James Wilson, Doctor of the School of Moffat, at £3 15s ste. of rent. A few years after, in 1766, this James Wilson was accused of theft and fled the country. ‘‘ Application was made to the magistrates and ministers of Edinburgh, the elec- tors upon Dr Johnstone’s mortification, the office of Doctor to said school was thereupon declared vacant, and James Telfer was appointed to that office by the curators’ recom- ’ mendation,’ 204 MoFFAT AND UPPER ANNANDALE. One of the lots with 20 soums on the Common had seven persons as joint-tenants, at a rent of £22. The Cow Gang, containing about 4o acres, consisted of several different numbers or part of numbers on the plan, viz., 46, 47, 54a, 55a, 56, 57, 60, 61, and 62. The boundaries were :—‘‘ From the timber bridge on the Mill Burn, along the west end of John Graham’s park and of the Horse park, and the foot of the Hammerlands Parks to Dawn’s Dargs, then up the north side of it to the Thatch Holes, along the dyke at the foot of the Middle meadow park, and up the south side of it to the runner, and down that runner by the east side of Wamphray’s Dargs till it joins the Frenchland march, and down it to Annan Water, then up Annan Water to the east march of the Glebe, and along it and the east end of Hammer- lands and Vicarlands yards to the high road leading to the timber bridge, where these boundaries began. Not to plough above eight acres of the whole, and that of such ground only as was broke out of the lea this crop, 1759; and to pasture all the remainder, and to mow no part of it, except that part of Dawn’s Dargs which cannot be pastured and the Goose meadow. All set at a rental of £32 10s stg. jointly to John Graham, James Duncan, James Johnstone, and James Tod, feuars in Moffat; John Johnstone, sen., merchant; Adam Little (horsekeeper), Nicol Moffat (well-water carrier), and Robert Corrie, tenant.’’ From the boundaries given it will be observed that the Cow Gang embraced all the ground from and including the Lady Knowe, the ground outside the present nursery parks extending on each side of the River Annan down to Nethermill march. John Graham’s park is Warri- ston cricket field; the Horse park, the first of the nursery fields on the Millburn. The Goose park is the ground now occupied by Altrive and Solway Places and part of the Gas- works. Dawn’s Dargs must have been some very marshy place near where the Moffat Sewage Works are; while the Thatch holes were further down, and owe their name to the fact that they produced so strong and coarse a grass that it was of no use for making hay, but made first-class thatch, for which purpose it was used. Nearly opposite the Thatch holes, but on the other side of Annan Water, was the Lint Morrat AND Upper ANNANDALE. 205 pool, where the flax was steeped. It is still known by that name, but Dawn’s Dargs and the Thatch Holes are unknown. Lot 25 was the Vicarland Holms east of Millburn (except the mill lands), containing fully 31 acres, and which at present consists of six fields, was sub-divided into 14 small lots called Dales, containing from 2 roods to 5 acres, all the Dales carrying a right of pasturage on the Common of from one to three soums. The names given te these dales are of interest, although the exact position the majority of them occupied on the Vicarlands cannot be located. They are:—(1) The Rood rigs, 2 soums on Common; (2) Lady Waterhead’s dale, 34 acres, 2 soums on Common, “ set to Mrs Johnstone, Lady Waterhead at £3 5s stg. of rent, and allowed to take in a neighbour. N.B.—The bargain was made by James Duncan.”’ Lady Waterhead was the mother of John Loudon MacAdam of road-making fame. Her second husband was Dr Robert Johnston, who is described on his tombstone as the upright, discreet, and judicious Mr Robert Johnston, Chirurgeon in Moffat, who died 17th Sept., 1756, aged 47 years. His widow is described as Margaret Reid, wife of the above Robert Johnston, who was widow of James MacAdam of Waterhead, who lies buried at Carsphairn. (3) Dickson’s dale, 3 soums on Common ; (4) Nicol Moffat’s Water dale, 3 soums on Common; (5) Watergate dale, 1 soum con Common; (6) Robert Murray’s dale, 1 soum on Common ; (7) The Black dale, with one soum on Common, set to John Moffat, indweller in Moffat, Nicol’s son, at 16s stg. of rent; (8) Black’s dale, with 1 soum on Common; (9) Grassie dale, with 1 soum on Common (these last two dales were also set to John Moffat at 18s and £1 1s of rent); (10) The Freestone dale, with 1 soum on Common (this dale contained only 3 roods 6 poles, set to Adam Thomson, horsekeeper, at £1 Is stg.) ; (11) The Pea dale, with 1 soum on Common; (12) John Graham’s Water dale, with 2 soums, set to Nicol Moffat, well carrier, and Adam Little, horsekeeper, at £2 stg. ; (13) ‘‘ That dale which lies north of the road leading into Margt. Tod’s Moat, up to the foot of the Burnbraes and crooks, with 2 soums on the Common, set to John Johnstone, miller, at one 206 Morrar AND UppeER ANNANDALE. pound stg. of rent.’’ (14) Margt. Tod’s Moat, containing 5% acres, with one soum on the Common, set to John Moffat, indweller in Moffat, Nicol’s son, at one pound stg. of rent. Meg Tod’s moat, which is the field east of the Ballplay Road at Vicarlands, is not now part of the Annandale estate. Some time after the division of the Common in 1772, when the occupiers of all these town lots lost their right of pasturage on the Common, which was’ of considerable value to them—a soum representing the right to pasture one cow or five sheep —the Cow Gang was made a common pasture ground for the inhabitants who cared to put one or more cows to graze on it, for which privilege they paid the estate two pounds per cow for the season, extending from the 12th of May to November. The graziers also maintained a herd, who was generally a person unfit for ordinary work, to drive the cows back and forwards to the pastures and look after them when there, for which he was paid two shillings per cow for the season, the amount to be made up to five pounds if the number of cows on the ground did not make up that sum. The Cow Gang was continued as such down to some time in the 70’s, when it was added to the Holmfields, and is now part of the Nursery farm. But before this time—greatly owing to the restrictions of the Burgh Police Act, 1862—the keeping of cows within the burgh by ordinary householders became more difficult, and the number of cows dwindled to such a small number that they were removed altogether to a single field on the west side of Annan Water at the Bridge, Dumfries road, which is now also given up. Latterly the herd’s remuneration was 2s 6d per month per cow, and the charge for grazing in the Bridge-end field raised to £3 10s per cow. The Common of Moffat, which extended from its march with Granton at the end of Archbank Moor down to the head of the town (at St. Mary’s Church), contained ro11 acres, and was valued at £223 8s 6d, and was proportioned among the parties having interest as under :— Morrat AND Upper ANNANDALE. 207 The Marquis of Annandale, 5874 acres, valued at £100 13 — Jed 2010 ae ee 1402 ,, oF a2. 32) .O Angus MacDonald ......... AOI? 55 me fOr 12.6 Johnis Blackie. ..e0c0625 66 258s; 3 Fe t@y, -O Mhomas WMotlat.<...6:....0.08 2 re a 7k GG Pees NVESOM %o.. 5. i 666005% WON, 55 6 (tal shows Mrs Anne Graham ......... iy omen Pe EG so David Krench® ...6): Acc: Bao i a Are ae Bees! BHEATEY 52. sic to. GARE heli vA Pog 31.0 Wetnes DUNCAN 5.) eescax nse ss OM iss 5 27a) 0 William Gillespie .......:0.:. i mre .3 file) ears) ames? Exttle: 2.23. S20 Gee. ener <5 1 .1G) 9 James Johnstone ............ ih aro - ie 1G) <9 Peter Cleland’s heirs ...... Ba, 55 e Toa 7 Mr Johnstone, writer ...... 404 ,, = Te ea | Mrs Johnstone of Granton 141 ,, a gop h74 ESECE MOOG Fick vol siesis ses ox 45+ ,, + PM ays All these individuals who shared in the Common, with the exception of the Marquis, either held their land of him or were his feuars. A small strip of ground alongside the Old Edinburgh Road, from Laurencefield up, was divided among the owners of the smaller feus, the extent of which can be judged by the size of The Hope, which was one of these shares. The inhabitants of Moffat who were merely house- holders had no proprietary rights of pasturage on the Com- mon as such, and when the division took place the rights conveyed by the amount of land rented lapsed, and I suppose the ground would be just that much less value in the future. In the plan of division a field between the Gallow Hill and the Whins and Forester’s Cottage is marked, ‘‘ Ground alloted for a market place.’’ This field for many years was where the fair and cattle shows were held, but it was found to be very inconvenient, and I was informed a good few years ago by one of our then old inhabitants that everyone grumbled about it, and Mr Charles Stewart, the factor, asked them— ‘How would the Ladyknowe do?’’ It was then removed there, and it is within my own recollection that the estate workmen erected the pens there for the annual tup show and 208 Morrar AND Upper ANNANDALE. sales held on the September Fair day, usually known as the )5)E “Tup Fair ’” till the amalgamation of the Agricultural and Horticultural Societies in the year 1872, when Mr Hope- Johnstone again met their wishes by giving them the use of one of the Vicarland holms, the lessee of which is bound by his lease to allow the Societies the use of the field for ten days every year. So that the Moffat folks have still the use of a show field as the result of the division of the Common in 1772. I have already mentioned that the Curator complained greatly about the inhabitants of Upper Annandale cutting wood, etc., without leave. The trouble did not abate, and the Earl laid part of the blame on the fact that there was no resident factor in this district. There were two factors on the estate, one of whom, Mr Blair, resided at Annan, and looked after the estates in Lower Annandale, and the other, Mr Hoggan, who factored‘the Upper portion, resided at Hillside in Dryfe, whose ‘‘ absence and distance upon many emergencies occasioned great inconvenience, and there was great advantage taken of it, especially by the inhabitants of the town of Moffat, who are constantly upon the catch in everything, and require a very constant and watchful eye kept over them to prevent abuses, encroachments, and dis- - orders of many kinds. Besides that, in his absence, which naturally from his growing years must be more and more frequent, there was nobody to administer justice, grant war- rants, or to keep the least authority of any kind, which is as necessary there as in most places whatever.’’ Afterwards Mr Hoggan was trasferred to the Lower division factorship, and Mr Storey, a writer in Dumfries, was appointed to the Upper division, to reside at Moffat. His salary was fixed at #100. Sir Robert Laurie of Maxwelton and Richard Lowthian, Esq. of Mayfield, were the cautioners. The house Mr Storey lived in when resident here was the one in High Street occupied by the late Dr Munro, and now possessed by Dr Park. Before Mr Storey’s time the house belonged to and had been partly built by Mr Boe, schoolmaster, and was possessed by his widow during her life at 100 merks yearly, ‘“ but she having lived to a very great age, and being very poor, not only fell in arrears with the rent, but left the house Morrat AND Upper ANNANDALE. 209 b) in great disrepair,’’ and it required a considerable outlay on the house and the erection of new offices to make it suitable for Mr Storey, “‘ the total cost amounting to more than was expected from the dearness of material and workmanship, but its believed was done very sufficiently.’’ Mr Storey’s settlement in Moffat evidently had the effect the Earl desired in toning down the destructive spirit of the inhabitants, because long before the end of the century the Moffat folks were relieved from the daily presence of the factor, as he was relegated back to Dryfe again, where the factor for the time being has resided ever since. After Mr Storey left Moffat the north wing of Moffat House was reserved for the factor’s office here, and had accommodation for him staying over night if he required to do so, the house being in charge of a housekeeper, whose sole duty was to attend to the wants of the factor when here, and on rent days prepare and attend the refreshments usually given to the tenants after paying their rent. Latterly the whole of Moffat House has been in the occupation of the tenant, and the office removed to a couple of rooms in the Market, the factor usually attending there once a week on Fridays. There has been a tradition here, and the Moffat Guide Books repeat it, that Dr Park’s house was originally the Moffat Manse, but the minute quoted with reference to the Boes disposes of that contention. The Rev. Alex. Brown, who wrote the Statistical Account for 1792, refers to the Manse as being built where it now is, on the west side of the town, in 1770, and as the Boes, as shewn above, had been in occupa- tion of that house for many a year previous to that time, it is evident that the Manse must have been a different building. In the plan of 1758 there were three buildings shewn between this house and the Kirkyard, these houses projecting the full depth of the house in front of Boe’s; and it is probable that one of these was the Old Manse. They were cleared away, and the ground now in the possession of the Union Bank was shewn on a later plan as Mr Storey’s garden. Dr Park’s house has been known as Vicarlands beyond the memory of the oldest inhabitant; but from here right over to the Ball- play Road all the fields are described and known as Vicar- land holms. 210 Morrat AND UppER ANNANDALE. The original Market Place of the town was opposite the Kirkyard gate. The market stance on the street was marked by small paved circles with a cross line of stones through the diameters, some of them still can be seen in front of Mr Anderson’s shop. The meal house was the site of the present Bank of Scotland. The market place was removed further up the street, and a similar cross formed there when the Old Tolbooth was removed, and the Market and building contain- ing the Town Clock were erected in 1772, the original clock having these figures on the four angles of the front dial. In 1771 and 1772 two blocks of buildings were removed from the centre of the High Street, and in the rebuilding of the west side of the High Street the buildings were all set back. The original building line would be out as far as the line of the present gutter, but it was only in 1826 that the Bowling Green was removed from the front of Ivy House and the adjoining property further up, and it is to these improvements that Moffat can boast of its wide and open High Street. I have mentioned the great want of fences in the district, and with a view to improve these matters a surveyor, named Joseph Udney, an Aberdonian I believe, was brought in. He surveyed and made a plan of the town and district, set out and planted a great many of the woods. The fields also were divided, hedges planted, and trees planted on the line of the fences, as we now see them, all under his directions. Udney, in addition to his other work, undertook the setting up of sun-dials. One at Heatheryhaugh has inscribed within an oval border “‘ Joseph Udney, Moffat,’’ and under ‘‘ De- signed and engraved by Joseph Pearson Pearson, diallist, Dumfries, 1804.’’ John, Earl of Hopetoun, bought the estate of Wamphray in 1747, so that that parish came also under his improving hand. He died in 1781, and his son James succeeded him; and, on the death of the Marquis in 1792, succeeded to the whole of the Annandale estates. He continued the good work begun by his father, and as the other contemporary proprie- tors emulated the Earl in his efforts to improve the district and bring their estates up to an equal state of efficiency, which WEATHER AND OTHER NOTES. Al bal has been continued by the successive lairds. Upper Annan- dale and Moffat to-day can bear comparison with any similar places in broad Scotland. Weather and other Notes taken at Jardington during 1912. By Mr JoHN RUTHERFORD. JANUARY. The year came in with a sample of weather which was very encouraging, but was too good to last. The first five days were delightful ; fine and mild, with a maximum temperature of about 50 degrees, being 6 or 7 degrees higher than the first week of 1911. There was beautiful sunshine, with a south-west wind. The fields were fresh and green. The morning song of the birds was charming, which made one feel that the Spring had come before the Winter was away. The wind then changed to S.E., N.E., and N., and continued principally in those directions till the end of the month. The change of wind was followed by changeable, cold, wintry weather. On the 7th Queensberry and the Moffat hills were covered with snow. We had two inches of snow on the gth, and about the same on the 18th. It was much heavier in the surrounding districts. There were several days when frost was recorded, but none when it was severe, except that which came on the last four days. Although there were violent storms round our coast, doing a lot of damage, there were none of any consequence here. Snowdrops came into bloom on the 14th. There were a few daisies on the lawn near the end of the month. Highest maximum temperature in the shade, 50 deg. on the 1st; lowest maximum, 30 deg. on the 30th ; highest minimum reading, 45 deg. on the 1st and 13th; lowest, 18 deg. on the 28th; lowest on grass, 15 deg. on the 7th and 28th. Temperature in the screen 4 feet above the ground, at or below 32 deg. on 18 days; on the grass, 22 days. Range of barometer between 29.3 and 30.3 inches. FEBRUARY. During the first week there was a keen hard frost, with 212 WEATHER AND OTHER NOTES. a cold, piercing wind from North and North-East, when pumps, waterpipes, etc., suffered to a large extent. I think that a lower temperature has been experienced and the frost not so hard and penetrating. In this instance the wind seemed to drive the cold air into matter. The Nith and Cluden were frozen over in a number of places, and curling was in full swing all over the county on several days. The 2nd (Candlemas day) was ‘‘ fair and clear,’’ which brought to mind the old proverb—‘‘ If Candlemas day be fair and clear, there will be two winters in that year.’’ On the 5th there © was a trace of snow, with a slight thaw. From this date onwards till the 25th there was very mild weather. On a number of days the birds were singing all round, and the fields had a green, Spring appearance. The last four days were rather squally and wet, with a mean maximum tem- perature of 42 degrees and wind from the South-West. The hazel came into bloom on the 13th, 19 days later than 1911. Heard the Song Thrush on the 16th, 21 days later than 1911. Heard the Water Ousel singing cheerily on the 16th; I often hear its cheery song. Highest maximum temperature, 54 deg. on the 28th; lowest, 33 deg. on the 5th; highest mini- mum, 46 deg. on the 22nd and 28th; lowest, 11 deg. on the 3rd; lowest on grass, 11 deg. on the 3rd and 4th. Tempera- ture in the screen, at or below 32 deg. on 10 days; on the grass on 15 days. Range of barometer between 29.1 and 30 inches. MARCH. This was, indeed, a month of Spring. The prevailing wind was from the South-West and North-West. There was a little from the North-East and South-East for a few days; but an entire absence of the cold, biting, barren East wind we so often have in March. Rain fell on nearly every day, less or more, and there was a little above the average for the month. Consequently there was no March dust, which is said to be ‘ worth a guinea a peck ’’ to the farmer. Yet although there was a good deal of rain, there were no floods of any conse- quence in our local rivers. Fields put on a fresh, green appearance, and by the end of the month (where winter WEATHER AND OTHER NOTES. WAiNB) hained) there was a bite for stock. Tussilago farfara came into bloom on the 8th, a little later than 1911 ; Dandelion on the 16th; Lesser Celandine on the 16th, 14 days later; Wood Anemone on the 22nd, 12 days later; Primrose on the 28th, to days earlier; Flowering Currant on the 2gth, one day earlier. The temperature of the month was above the aver- age. Highest maximum temperature, 56 deg. on several days ; lowest, 43 deg. on the 2oth; highest minimum, 49 deg. on the rst; lowest, 26 deg. on the 14th and 22nd; lowest on grass, 22 deg. on the 14th and 22nd. At or below 32 deg. in the screen on 7 days; on the grass, on 13 days. Range of barometer between 29.1 and 30.2 inches. APRIL. During the first ten days the weather was cold and windy, the wind being principally from the West and South-West. On the 8th there was quite a heavy gale—in force quite ex- ceptional at this season of the year. A little rain fell during the first week, but from the roth till the end of the month there was none except a trace on the 30th. On the t1oth the distant Wamphray and Moffat hills had quite a covering of snow. After this date there set in a period of clear, sunny, warm weather (more like mid-summer than April), which con- tinued till the end of the month. We experienced a remark- able heat wave, which gradually rose to its maximum on the 22nd, when for three consecutive days the thermometer registered 72 degrees in the shade. This warm weather fcl- lowing the wet weather of March was favourable to vegetable growth. About the middle of the month many store cattle were turned out to the grass, fields which had been winter hained having a fair bite. This early grass was a great boon to many farmers, whose fodder was in many cases nearly finished. Through the drought of the summer of 1911 many stackyards were not so full. The wind from the 1oth till the end was from an Easterly direction. There was no cold East wind. Corn sowing began on the 2nd, having been kept back by the wet at the end of March. Flowers came into bloom about the same dates as in 1911—Cinquefoil on the 6th; Dog Violet on the roth; Sloe on the 12th; Jargonelle 214 WEATHER AND OTHER NOTES. Pear on the 13th; Cuckoo-flower on the 23rd; Blenheim Apple on the 24th. Saw first Wasp flying outside on the 17th; Sandpiper on the 19th; Swallows came on the 25th. I did not see the Sandmartin till the 2nd of May, but they must have been here some days before that date. First saw Small White Butterfly on the 21st ; heard Cuckoo on the 27th. Highest maximum temperature, 72 deg. on the 22nd, 23rd, and 24th; lowest maximum, 48 deg. on the 1st and 11th; highest minimum, 50 deg. on 5th; lowest, 24 deg. on the 11th; highest on grass, 48 deg. on 5th; lowest, 19 deg. on the 11th. Temperature in the shade, at or below 32 deg. on 8 days; on the grass, on 18 days. Range of the barometer between 29.4 and 30.6 inches. Rainfall, .56 inches, is the lowest for this month in my record of twenty years. May. Came in with a fine growing mild morning. A trace of rain helped with a trace of wind to make plenty of May dew.- This fine Spring growing weather continued till the roth. With a change of wind from the West to the East and North- East there came also a change in regard to vegetation. The fields began to lose their healthy green. The genial showers, with wind from the South-West, which gives freshness and growth in May, were wanting till the end of the month, when everything was going back for the want of moisture and genial heat ; pastures were looking bleached and corn and hay were suffering. The temperature, when compared with 1911, was very much the same till the roth. From that date on till the end of the month it was much lower. Wood Sorrel came into bloom on the 1st; Garden Strawberry on the 6th; Chestnut on the 6th, both 9 days earlier than 1911; Wild Hyacinth on the 4th; Hawthorn on the 11th. Highest maximum tem- perature in the shade, 71 deg. ; lowest, 55 deg.; highest mini- mum, 52 deg.; lowest, 34 deg.; lowest on grass, 31 deg. There was no frost. Range of barometer between 29.6 and 30.4 inches. JUNE. The dry, barren conditions of the end of May came to an end on the 1st, when after a sharp thunderstorm a good WEATHER AND OTHER NOTES. 215 supply of rain fell during the night and the three following days. With the exception of five days, rain fell on every day during the month. An old proverb of the farmer is—‘‘ A drapping June pits a’ things in tune.’’ It was verified in this instance. The only drawback was the want of sunshine and heat. The average maximum temperature of the first eight days of June, 1911, was 82 deg. in the shade. The average maximum temperature for the first eight days of 1912 was 64.5 deg. This is a very low record for the first week of June. From the toth till the end of the month the temperature was very similar to that of t911._ By the end of the month it was quite apparent that the hay and corn crops would be above the average. Thunder was noted on 11 days. During the first 10 days there was a good deal of Easterly wind. From that date till the end it was principally from the West and South-West. Wild Rose came into bloom on the 6th; Honeysuckle came into bloom on the 18th; Harebell on the 21st. Saw the first Cleg on the 24th. Corn ragging on the 28th. Highest maximum temperature in shade, 71 deg. ; lowest, 55 deg.; highest minimum, 56 deg.; lowest, 40 deg.; lowest on grass, 35 deg. Range of barometer between 29.6 and 30 inches. . JuLy. The first ten days were similar to June in regard to tem- perature, but, fortunately, the rains of June were not con- tinued in July. There was thunder on the morning of the Ist, and heavy thunder rain on the afternoon. With the exception of the 11th and 12th, there was comparatively little rain till the 23rd, after which rain fell every day. The general temperature was low for July, except on the r4th, 15th, and 16th, when the mean of those three days was 85.5 deg. The wind was various; there was a good deal from an Easterly direction, which is rather unusual. Thunder was heard on a number of days. Ryegrass hay began cutting on the 4th and 5th——-a heavy crop, which was secured in fine condition with- out getting rain. Meadow hay, cut during the first fortnight, was also well got with the minimum of labour. There was a want of sunshine all the time, but there was a breezy, drying 216 - WEATHER AND OTHER NOTES. wind, which made fine green hay. This spell of dry weather came to an end on the 23rd, when a continuance of rain brought the haymaking of July toanend. Saw first Meadow Brown Butterfly on the 8th, 19 days later than 1911. Knap- weed came into bloom on the 18th, 7 days later. Wasps were very scarce, hardly one to be seen; but there was an unusual number of Bats flying in all directions in the evening. Highest maximum temperature in shade, 87 deg. on the 14th; lowest, 58 deg. on the 2nd; highest minimum, 59 deg. on 14th; lowest, 45 deg. on the 30th; lowest on grass, 43 deg. No frost. AUGUST. The wet and stormy conditions which began on the 22nd of July continued till the end of this month. The contrast between the weather of August this year and that of the same month last year was very striking. In r911 the maximum thermometer registered 70 deg. and over on 18 days, over 80 deg. on 4 days, and 2 days as high as 87 deg. The highest reading in 1912 was 69 deg. on two days. The average maximum temperature of the month was 62.4 deg. There was mostly a cloudy sky, rain frequent, and little sunshine. In 1911 there were 21 days when the barometer stood at 30 inches and over. In 1912 it only reached 30 inches on 5 days. There was thunder on several days. Meadow hay that was cut during the last week of July and the beginning of August was very much spoiled. The corn crop (which was heavy in this locality) was bady twisted and laid, which made lifting a very tedious process. Corn cutting began on the a2ist, 13 days later than 1911. On low-lying ground on the 2nd some potatoes got a touch of frost, which blackened some of the leaves. Highest maximum temperature in the shade, 69 deg. on the 8th and 12th; lowest, 55 deg. on the 23rd; highest minimum, 55 deg. on the 27th; lowest, 34 deg. on the 2nd; lowest on grass, 33 deg. on the 2nd. SEPTEMBER. During the first week there was a continuance of the wet, disagreeable weather which prevailed in August. On the 3rd 1.07 inches of rain fell, when there was a considerable flood Tue Prtiars, Dumrriss. ¥, i Se ie i e ee WEATHER AND OTHER NOTES. 217 on the Nith and Cluden. On the 8th there was a change for the better. From that date onward till the end it was all that could be desired for harvest operations. There was an entire absence of rain with a good drying wind, which made ideal harvest weather; and the crops in this locality (which were above the average) were secured in fine condition. From the beginning of the month till the 17th the wind was mostly from West; from that date till the end mostly from the South- East. The temperature of the month was below the average. The last swallow was seen on the 12th, being three weeks earlier than last year. Highest maximum temperature in the shade, 70 deg. on the 17th and 18th; lowest, 54 deg. on the 26th; highest minimum, 52 deg. on the 7th; lowest, 31 deg. on the 26th; lowest on grass, 28 deg. on 26th. At 32 deg. and under in the screen on two days; on the grass, on six days. Range of barometer between 29.55 and 30.45 inches. OCTOBER. Fine dry weather with a good deal of sunshine continued for 13 days, with West, North-West, and North-East wind. From that date till the end of the month the weather was showery, mixed up with a mild temperature and a good deal of sunshine. There were one or two rather stormy, blowy days, but no remarkably high wind. A large proportion of the days were warmer than the average for this time of the year. The fields were quite green. The turnip crop, which did not do well in September, began to grow roots very rapidly, and gave promise of being a fair average crop. Thunder was noted on several days. There was great scar- city of Acorns, Haws, and Holly Berries. Highest maximum temperature in the shade, 63 deg. on 3 days; lowest, 47 deg. on the 31st; highest minimum, 57 deg. on the 13th; lowest, 25 deg. on the 3rd; lowest on grass, 22 deg. on the 3rd. At and below 32 deg. in the screen on 12 days; on the grass on 14 days. Range of barometer between 29.2 and 30.6 inches. NOVEMBER. During the first three weeks the weather was all that could be desired for November. There was little of the dark, 218 WEATHER AND OTHER NOTES. dull, foggy weather so often experienced in this month. The temperature was above the average, and there was very little night frost. When looking a little further afield on the roth we were reminded of the approach of Winter on seeing Criffel, Queensberry, and the Moffat hills covered with snow. During the last week there was a good deal of unsettled, showery weather. There was a heavy gale of wind on the 26th, which caused a good deal of damage. On the 28th about two inches of snow fell. This was followed by an exceptionally hard frost on the nights of the 29th and 30th, when the thermo- meter registered 5 and 7 deg. respectively in the screen and 4 and 6 deg. on the grass. Heard the Water Ousel’s cheery song on the 5th and several other days. Highest maximum temperature in screen, 57 deg. on 4th and 5th; lowest, 31 deg. on 28th; lowest minimum, 5 deg. on the 29th; lowest on grass, 4 deg. on 29th. At 32 deg. and under in the screen on to days; on the grass, on 16 days. Range of barometer between 29 and 30.3 inches. DECEMBER. On the morning of the 1st the ground was covered with snow, with a bitterly cold North-East wind. The maximum reading of the thermometer in the screen for the preceding 24 hours at nine o’clock was 25 deg. There had been 25 deg. of frost on the grass during the night. A little more snow fell on the 2nd. On the 4th the wind changed from the North- West to the South-West. Some rain followed, when the snow all disappeared in a short time, leaving the grass (which had been covered up with the snow during the hard frost) fresh and green. This brief sharp, cold snap was peculiar in its coming, in its continuance, and in its going. It came with a sudden fall of the barometer after a heavy gale and rain- storm, lasted only five days, and was followed by several fine mild days. From the 7th till the end of the month the weather was very changeable, wet and stormy, with high winds on several occasions, and very little sunshine. Rain fell on every day during December except on the 2nd. There was a specially heavy wind on the 24th, when a good deal of damage was done on land and a number of wrecks, with loss WEATHER AND OTHER NOTES. 219 of life, at sea. There was comparatively little frost after the 3rd. The wind was mostly from the West and South-West. The temperature was several degrees above the average. Highest maximum temperature, 53 deg. on the 12th and 13th; lowest, 25 deg. on the 1st; highest minimum, 49 deg. on the 13th; lowest, 7 deg. on the rst; lowest on grass, 6 deg. on the 1st. At 32 deg. and under in the screen on 11 days; on the grass, on 18 days. Range of barometer between 29.3 and 30.4 inches. RAINFALL IN IQ12. At Jardington, in the County of Kirkcudbright. Rain Gauge—Diameter of funnel, 5 inches; height of top above ground, 1 foot ; height of top above sea level, 70 to 8o feet. Month. Total Depth. | Greatest Fall in 24 hours. Neh on he more recorded. ea ae Inches. Inches. Date. are January... 4°63 “41 16 18 February ... 3°19 “42 6 and 22 17 March ... | 4-64 3 |2and29| 23 April .. a 56 22 3 a May ... ee 1:79 "30 20 16 June.. aa 5°44 7} 3 24 July ... es 4°66 1:13 28 16 August En 4°32 55 28 23 September ... 1°30 1-07 3 8 October... 3°63 “64 26 18 November ... 3°14 ‘62 28 15 December ... 6°43 ‘75 30 30 Total, | 44-20 i ore SS The total fall is 4.76 inches above the average of the last 19 years. 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GP.G 61-8 o8.F £16 aie 3 22 a WoqjUAYIOT 18-79 | 88-8 | 96-6 | 69.7 | GZ. | 90.9 | 89-6 | SFL | OL | $9. $9.G | 88-6 | 08-F | 08 se ss a ee “ wes1e9 68-FF | 45-9 | 48-8 | 94.8 | 06-1 | FFF | 89.F | 19-9 | G8... | 49. €8-F | PLE | 91-% | 09 as He “g asnoy uepnpury €2.PP | SFY FL-& 9-8 08-1 GSP 99-7 FPG 62-1 9g. $9.F 61 & 69.F OL ¥ “7 ae a u0JSUIPIE EF “1eeX | “09q | “AON | 990 | ‘adag | “Sny | ‘Aine |‘oung | hep | ady | wey | “qaq | ‘uve ‘LHYINAGNONYIN 222 CHAPELS OF KNAPDALE. 7th March, 1913. Chairman—Mr G. MAcLEop STEWART. Chapels of Knapdale and the Land of Lorne. By Mr W. A. MackINNELL. [Mr Mackinnell described a cruise through the Western Islands in 1912, in the course’of which several ecclesiastical remains were visited. The lecture was illustrated with a series of excellent lime-light views. | 25th March, 1913. Chairman—Dr W. SEMPLE. The Royal Castle of Kirkcudbright. By Mr J. Rosison, Kirkcudbright. By whom, or in whose reign, the royal castle of Kirk- cudbright was built may never be known. It may be ascribed to the reign of David I. (1124-1153), but it may, I think, with a greater degree of accuracy, be ascribed to the reign of his grandson, Malcolm IV. (1153-1165). In both reigns Fergus, the first of the line of the Lords of Galloway, headed rebellions against the Crown, and that occurring in the reign of Malcolm was So serious that it was only at the third attempt that the King succeeded in stamping it out. The Scottish nation had but recently been consolidated, and it is very unlikely indeed that he. after the experience of three strenuous campaigns, would leave the Galwegians in a position to be a menace to the Crown, but would seek to bridle their power by the erec- tion of a castle, which not only was in the immediate vicinity of Lochfergus Castle, the island home of Fergus, but com- manded the river, then the principal, indeed almost the only, entrance into the interior of the country. There is no need here to enter into all the circumstances which led up to the KIRKCUDBRIGHT CASTLE. 223 bestowal of the Crown on John Balliol by Edward I., except to state that the last hearing of the cause took place in Berwick Castle on 17th November, 1292. Here Edward made the decision of conferring the Crown on John Balliol, the ‘‘Toom Tabard’’ of the Scottish chroniclers. The Regents were commanded to give him possession of the king- dom, and the governors of the national fortresses, which had previously been surrendered to Edward, were directed to hand them over to his custody. Among the number were those of Kirkcudbright, Dumfries, and Wigtown. The first time the castle of Kirkcudbright is mentioned, so far as the public records are concerned, was in the year 1288, when John Comyn was the guardian of “‘ the castle and lands which belonged to the King in Kirkcudbright.’’ It is worthy of note that King Edward placed the castles of Kirk- cudbright, Dumfries, and Wigtown for a number of years under the custody of a single governor. All three castles have disappeared, and it was only in 1911 that excavations, continued in 1912, revealed the foundations and parts of the walls of Kirkcudbright Castle, showing clearly that it was a fortress of great importance. Dumfries Castle became the base for King Edward’s operations in his great invasion of 1300, his first operation being the siege and reduction of Caerlaverock Castle. The siege took place in the early days of July, and the King ~ remained at Dumfries for ten days giving orders and superin- tending operations for the strengthening of the fortress, interesting items of which appear in the Wardrobe Accounts. On the 17th Edward entered Galloway, and on the roth he reached Kirkcudbright, and we are justified in believing that the soldier king at this period gave orders to have the castle put into a proper state of defence, and planned accord- ing to the ideas of the day. He could not fail to be struck with the importance of the site from a military point of view, covering, as it did, an important town, and a fertile belt of land in which to subsist his soldiers. With Kirkcudbright, Dumfries, and Wigtown castles in his hands, he was master of a wide province. While at Kirkcudbright, Edward on 27th July issued a 224 KIRKCUDBRIGHT CASTLE. proclamation for levies of Yorkshire and Lancashire foot soldiers to march against the Scots. The musters were to take place at Carlisle on the morrow of St. Lawrence, 11th August, and the morrow of the Assumption, 16th August, and writs were issued accordingly. During the ten days the king remained at Kirkcudbright he made his usual oblations in the church of the Greyfriars. On the death of Edward I. the cause of Bruce made headway all over the country. Before the end of the summer of 1308 Edward Bruce was in the field in Galloway, and carrying everything before him. He inflicted a severe defeat on Sir Ingelram de Umfraville and Sir John de St. John, gaining a brilliant victory on the Cree, near Kirroughtrie, and compelling them to retreat to Buittle. To this period also belongs a mysterious encounter narrated by Fordun. ‘“ The same year, at the Feast of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, Donald of the Isles gathered an imposing host of foot and marched up the river Dee. He was met by Edward of Bruce, who overcame the said Donald and all the Galwegians. In this struggle Edward slew a certain knight named Roland, with many of the nobles of Galloway; and arrested their leader, the said Donald, who had taken to flight. After this he burnt up the island.”’ This is obviously a different battle from that fought by Edward on the banks of the Cree. The invaders must have come by sea, and it is just possible that the battle was fought in the neighbourhood of Kirkcudbright. Indeed, one writer states the opinion that it was fought there.* The expression, ‘“ burnt up the island,’’ is rather puzzling, and is said to refer to Lochfergus ; but may it not equally well have applied to the island on which undoubtedly Kirkcudbright stood at that period? At the period to which I refer St. Mary’s Isle was in reality an island. Indeed, Captain Hope informed me that the last contract for the upkeep of the embankment to prevent the inrush of the sea from Great Cross to Sandside is dated 1804. A sketch of the town in 1566 shows the tidal way a * M. E. Cumming Bruce, Family Records of the Bruces and the Cumyns, Edinburgh, 1870. KIRKCUDBRIGHT CASTLE. 225 considerable distance beyond Townend. Three years later a most remarkable fact emerges in a charter by James VI. to Sir Thomas M‘Lellan of the site and ruins of the place and church of the Greyfriars of Kirkcudbright. In the descrip- tion of the lands, the expression is used, ‘‘ lying within our burgh of Kirkcudbright between the river and the sea on the north.’’ The present northern and north-western boundary is the river Dee, and the only possible explanation is that tradition is again correct, that the Dee at that period flowed along what is now St. Mary Street on to Sandside, and that the present river front was then a deep inlet of the sea, or that the river here referred to is the old harbour creek. It is an established fact that the old harbour was the sole reminder of a large creek which ran across St. Cuthbert Street, by the back of Castle Street, on to the Meikle Yett, almost exactly to the spot where the English officer depicted the tide adjoin- ing the burgh fosse in 1566. Even up to 1793 we have repre- sentations of this creek. If this did not constitute Kirkcud- bright an island, as well as St. Mary’s Isle, then I do not know what constitutes such a physical feature. The castle is often mentioned as having been visited by various important personages in after days, but one is in- clined to the opinion that it was dismantled in pursuance of King Robert’s wise policy when he had not the means of garrisoning fortresses. It is recorded that, within six years of the death of Edward I., he had dismantled one hundred and thirty-seven strong places of various descriptions. We know, too, that the town lay waste from October, 1335, to September, 1336, and was granted by Edward III. to John Mareschal till he had twenty merks lands elsewhere. There is no mention of the castle in the grant, and the assumption is strengthened that it was then, if not destroyed, in a dis- mantled state. We do not know if Scotland’s warrior King was ever at Kirkcudbright, but in his reign (1327) it was a ‘‘ King’s Burgh,’’ and paid rent to the Crown along with Dumfries and Wigtown. The title of ‘‘ King’s Burgh ’’ was equiva- lent to the modern title of Royal Burgh, and the charter by 226 KIRKCUDBRIGHT CASTLE. James II. shows that he was only confirming the rights and privileges that the town possessed in the reign of the Bruce. Passing over the centuries, nothing whatever is, so far as can be gleaned, related of the castle, the charter by James IV., of date 1509, mentioning the lands by the name of Castlemains. In 1482 several burgesses of Kirkcudbright were prosecuted for having taken forcible possession of the castleward of Kirkcudbright. In a report by an English officer of the year 1566 it is mentioned that the inhabitants stood greatly in fear of the Dukes of Somerset and Northum- berland. In an interesting extract sent to me by a London friend, it is stated that, among others, the lairds of Bombie and Lochinvar were, with their retainers, ordered to pass to Kirkcudbright to defend the town against the English, and, if necessary, to build a fort, which proves that the castle, even if it had not already completely disappeared, was useless for defensive purposes. THE EXCAVATIONS. During all this period an impenetrable silence surrounds the castle, and all that remained were the mounds and names Castledykes and Castlemains. An examination of the ground showed the vast strength of the site. The castle was sur- rounded by a deep moat, and on three sides of the castle field were deep ditches or dykes—hence the name Castledykes. On the remaining side it was protected by the sea. To the south and east were numerous ditches, which can be traced to the present day, and at the turnstile near the cricket field was a strong outwork, there being traces of similar mounds at the river corner and near the entrance to the foot- ball field. Whether the town fosse was in existence during the time of the War of Independence cannot be known, but in all probability it was, with the further defence of a rude wall of turf and stones. That fosse is still traceable, and is very distinctly marked from the corner of the Academy play- ground on towards the river. A few yards from the point mentioned at the Academy is Castlemains Cottage, in front of which is a large artificial mound, which is conjectured to have formed one of the outworks of the castle. The situation KIRKCUDBRIGHT CASTLE. 227 was strong by nature, and was rendered more so by art. The only approach from the town would be by way of a road very near the present St. Mary’s Wynd, and thence along the gravel ridge to Castlemains. The original entrance to the castle, for a reason that will be afterwards shown, I con- jecture to have been from the river front. Towards the end of September, 1911, permission was obtained from Captain Hope, R.N., of St. Mary’s Isle, to make excavations on the castle mound. The first day remains were found which effectually disposed of any idea that no castle ever stood there. Careful drawings were made, and the sites marked off. In September of last year Captain Hope again generously gave permission to make ex- cavations on an extended scale, and supplied the workmen for a week. A start was made at the sites of the previous excavations, and by the end of the first day one of the but- tresses and a portion of wall, which afterwards turned out to be the entrance to the east tower (A), were uncovered. On the following day a third workman struck another but- tress, which was in an excellent state of preservation, and a little later a part of the circular wall was laid bare. The excavation of this tower was proceeded with, and in the course of the work two buttresses, almost complete, and a third one with few stones remaining, were brought to light. Meantime a deep trench was dug from the point of wall originally found, when, to the delight of all engaged in the work, the portcullis stone (F), in a beautiful state of preser- vation, was laid bare, along with a piece of wall of Netherlaw freestone. Undoubtedly the entrance to the castle had been found, but, on careful examination, it was ascertained to be of much later date than the masonry of the tower, over the foundations of which it appeared to have been built. A cross trench was made, but unfortunately the corresponding grooved stone was amissing. A further search, however, revealed the spring of another tower to the north (B). This also was laid bare, and revealed the interesting fact that it was provided with one buttress, which had originally been of the same dimensions as those of the first tower, and further strengthened in the centre with a double wall, forming a huge * 228 KIRKCUDBRIGHT CASTLE. buttress about twenty feet long. Further on a piece of straight wall succeeded the circle, and after being lost for about two yards, a third tower (C), of much smaller dimen- sions, but beautifully constructed, was discovered. It has _ been suggested, with much plausibility, that this tower con- tained a staircase giving access to the upper storeys of the towers and to the battlements. This tower had originally been connected with the north tower, and later on it was found that it also connected with the curtain wall leading to what is conjectured to have been the largest of the five towers, that facing the river front. Tihs curtain wall (D) has been laid bare for thirty-five feet, and has, in all probability, been about fifty feet in extent before it connected with the river front tower. Turning now to the extent of the foundations discovered, it was found that the external walls gave an average height of about two and a half feet, and all were in an excellent state of preservation. .It was resolved to excavate the inside of the towers, so as to determine the actual dimensions, and the result was to prove conclusively that the castle had been a fortress of first-rate importance. The wall of the east tower was found to be ten feet thick, with a diameter of thirty-six feet, the diameter of the interior being sixteen feet. To the rear was found a portion of the curtain wall, ten and a half feet thick, and here a most interesting discovery was made. This was a secret passage in the thickness of the wall (E), the passage being paved with stones set in lime, and it may have been used for some dungeon, or have led to a staircase in order to reach the battlements. A peculiarity of this curtain wall is that it is provided with a strong buttress, and, with the exception of Castle Swin in Argyllshire, this is the only known example in Scotland. The buttresses to the round towers, already described, are unique. Dr Ross, Edinburgh, who has an unrivalled experience in such matters, stated: that he never came across such an example. The wall of the north tower is in parts twelve feet thick, due to the huge buttress in the centre, and the curtain wall con- necting with the small tower is seven and a half feet thick. All that now remains to be excavated are portions of the “kemoyey pue ouogg siy[nowlog JF *IaMOT, F4NOG O ‘ if Oe OO MYYYyy-— 2 eS ee AO 230 KIRKCUDBRIGHT CASTLE. curtain walls on both sides of the buildings connecting with the two remaining towers, and these towers themselves, and when this has been accomplished it will be interesting to find out whether the original entrance has been by the river front. The two large towers, with the portcullis gateway, present a frontage of about eighty-two feet, increased to over ninety-seven feet if the third and smaller tower is taken into consideration. From the gateway the buildings have ex- tended back about one hundred and fifty-eight feet, and from the drawbridge to the extreme river front the extent is two hundred and seventeen feet. From these figures it will be readily gathered that the castle was one of the largest. Indeed, it is much larger than a fortress like Caerlaverock, which is the best example of a Norman castle in Scotland, and the two large towers are equal to those of Bothwell Castle, which, till the excavations at Kirkcudbright, were recognised as the largest in Scotland. When further excavations are carried out it will not be surprising if it is found that the dimensions of the tower facing the river are even larger. During the excavations many interesting finds were made. These included a large amount of pottery, an ancient comb, a pick axe, and a large number of bones, some of which are undoubtedly human. Two marbles, of much the same make as those of the present day, but heavier, were found at the depth of about four feet, and one could hardly help casting the mind back over the centuries and picturing a little lad playing at the immemorial game against the castle wall. The discovery of the pottery was of the utmost import- ance in determining the period at which the castle was in occupation, and it was sent to Edinburgh. An interim report has now been received, but until a full report is to hand it will be unsafe to give details. What has already been examined is ascribed to the thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries, and it may well turn out that some of it belongs to a still earlier period. One small piece is painted, and is somewhat similar to a piece in the Guildhall Museum, London. Another piece shows part of a design of a circular brooch. Regarding the age of the castle, nothing can be definitely Farry Beviers In GALLOWAY. 231 said till the excavations are completed. The walls are un- doubtedly Norman, and several stones were found which, in the opinion of the chief archeologist to the Ancient Monu- ments Commission, showed the tooling of the twelfth cen- tury, and this agrees with the reigns of David I., Malcolm IV., and William the Lion. The portcullis groove and the surrounding work, however, belong to a much later period, and may, without doubt, be ascribed to the period of Edward I. It doubtless belongs to an addition like that made between the gateway towers at Caerlaverock. Regarding the English wardens of the castle, there is not space in a paper like this to give any notice of them, more especially as they are spoken of at length in the paper on the ‘‘ King’s Castle of Dumfries,’’ by the late Mr Barbour. 4th April, 1912. Chairman—Mr W. A. MAcKINNELL. Fairy Beliefs in Galloway. By Mrs Nona Lesour, Corbridge-on-Tyne. In writing of some fairy beliefs in Galloway I should like to call attention to the great similarity of such beliefs wherever the Goidelic race mingled with the Aborigines and adopted many of their superstitions and customs in other parts of Scotland, England, Wales, and the Isle of Man. Except in the more isolated parts of the country, our old favourite nursery tales and popular traditions are fast dying out and gradually being forgotten, and there are many people who think that what is still left is of no interest or value, and not worth the trouble of studying. But folk-lore has now become a science, and throws light of the most reliable kind upon the earliest history of our remote ancestors. After twenty-five years of ever-increasing study, it has now reached a pitch of entrancing interest, and in the hands of such a number of experts as we now have, every day brings fresh material by means of which we can weave together a portion 232 Fairy BELIEFS IN GALLOWAY. of the history of races, of whose life, manners and customs we have up till now been in almost complete ignorance. So that, as Sir John Rhys says, ‘“‘ folk-lore cannot justly be called trivial, seeing that it has to do with the history of the race—in a wider sense, | may say, with the history of the human mind, and the record of its development, and it is a mark of an uncultured people not to care or know about the history of the race.’? We must not forget the reality their superstitions were to those who believed in them, and the late eminent folk-lorist, Alfred Nutt, tells us ‘“‘ that to the peasant fairydom is part of the necessary machinery by which the scheme of things, as known to him, is ordered and governed ; he may wish for less uncanny deities, but he could not conceive the world without them; their absence is no cause of rejoicing, rather of anxiety as due to his own neglect of the observances which they expect, and which are the price of their favour.”’ Earlier writers even than Shakespeare insist on the rustic element of the fairy creed, which was the oldest remains of Celtic mythology common to the Aryan-speaking people of Europe—its origin is not certain, but the Aryans may have taken over and developed the ruder faith of the soil-tilling races they conquered, and upon whom they imposed their speech. If in Galloway what is left of fairy beliefs can be gathered up and preserved, a link in the chain of history may be rivetted, and I heartily wish that someone in every village would try to collect at least one story each year, so that we might annually have a substantial addition to the folk-lore of the old province. An old distich gives the following warning :— ‘Who bringeth hawthorne into ye hall Evil to him shall aye befall.’’ This belief is prevalent in many parts of Wigtownshire, and lately a friend told me of it in Glenluce. It is also widespread in the southern counties of England. In the late Rev. Walter Gregor’s preliminary Report on Folk-lore of Scotland to the British Association in 1897, he speaks, among other subjects, Farry. BELIEFS IN GALLOWayY. 233 of the superstition surrounding the blackthorn bushes, called by the natives in many parts of Galloway ‘‘ Fairy-thorns ”’ or ““ Fairy-trees.”? In Claish Glen, Portlogan, a neighbour- hood strongly tinged with fairy and witch beliefs, he says ‘* no one will cut these blackthorn bushes, and some will not even touch them.’’ It is the same thing at Whithorn, where the people believe that the trees are a protection against witches, and they will not allow them to be cut down, and so on throughout Galloway. What can have been the origin of this belief in the power of the blackthorn? How can we trace the mysterious veneration paid to it? It would appear that all over the world special trees are regarded as sacred and inhabited by a spirit, and to cut down any of them would not only involve the offending of the tree-spirits, but in many parts of the world certain tribes believe the tree actually bleeds, while others think that the souls of the dead pass into the tree, and Mr Frazer tells us that in South Australia ““ the Dieyerie tribe regard as very sacred certain trees which are supposed to be their fathers transformed ; hence they will not cut the trees down, and protest against settlers doing so.’’ When we come nearer home we are told by Sir John Rhys that until quite lately, in England and Scotland, people refused to cut down some trees (elder and others) for fear of offending the tree-mother, and if forced to do so first sought forgiveness of the elf or tree-spirit—other phases are met with in Scottish and Irish superstitions. We must remember that in Ireland we have a race which from the remotest times peopled it, corresponding almost exactly with the Pictish race in Galloway and the Highlands, and that in consequence their beliefs and superstitions are very similar, with perhaps even more of the latter persisting to the present time than in Galloway. The black and white thorn trees have been said to be the representatives of the Mimosa-Catechu, the sacred thorn of India, which was sprung from the lightning, and therefore endowed with miraculous powers and rendered immune in storms. The divining or wishing rods of the Germans are said to have been made from both the black and the white thorn, and the Greeks used the wood of the blackthorn for ° 234 Farry BELIEFS IN GALLOWAY. the drilling-stick of their fire-producing chark or churn, and it was held by them to be proof against magic, as the white- thorn was by the Romans, who used it as a torch at their marriage ceremonies. In the Quarterly Review of July, 1863, speaking of sacred trees and flowers, a writer says :—‘‘ The whitethorn is one of the trees most in favour with the ‘small people’ (the fairies), and both in Brittany and some parts of Ireland it is unsafe to gather even a leaf from certain old ‘and solitary thorns which grow in sheltered hollows of the woodland and the fairies’ trysting places.’’ The Crown of Thorns was in the Middle Ages thought to have been formed of whitethorn branches, and was reverenced accordingly. Sir John Mande- ville, the old traveller, said of the whitethorn :—‘‘ He that beareth a braunch on him thereof, no thondere none manner of tempest may hurt him, ne in the hous that yt is ynne may now evil ghoste entre.’’* Sir Norman Lockyer says that the hawthorn is associated with the temple worship of the ancients in May, when it flowers, and when also its berries or haws are conspicuous in November. Like the rowan, which also flowers in May, the old Norsemen treated the hawthorn as holy and sacred to Thor.+ I would here like to mention a curious tradition that the common whitethorn was brought from Palestine by the Crusaders. A short time ago a friend in Glenluce in- formed me she had been told that the monks of Glenluce Abbey brought the thorn from the Holy Land and planted it in their fields and gardens. Though, strictly speaking, not directly belonging to the subject, I might remind readers of the well-known flowering- thorn of Glastonbury to which so many interesting legends attach. In Cornwall they used to gather the hawthorn and make whistles for the May music and merry-making. Among the many virtues attributed to the May-thorn was that of preserving the complexion of those maidens who at daybreak on May morning each year would wash themselves in haw- thorn dew. * Kelly's Indo-European Traditions. + Stonehenge, Sir Norman Lockyer, chap. xx, Farry BELIEFS IN GALLOWAY. 235 The tree to expect by the side of a sacred well is doubtless some kind of thorn, says Sir John Rhys, and he adds that in Ireland, where primitive pilgrimages took place, a haw- thorn almost invariably stands by the brink of a typical Irish ‘“ holy well’’ as a necessary companion of the well, as well- offerings (rags) were hung on the branches. { In Wigtownshire, where for many years past I have frequently stayed in various parts, and moved much about among the country people, I have heard from their own lips some very interesting superstitions relating to the blackthorn, or ‘‘ fairy-thorn,’’ as they invariably call it; and perhaps it will be best to write some of these stories down exactly as they told them to me in their own words. The events men- tioned all took place within twenty-five miles from Newton- Stewart, and members of the families involved, in many cases, still survive, though mostly of great age. The first story is of Handling’s Thorn, and my informant thus communicated the following statement last December :— ‘“ The fairy-thorn tree, or Handling’s Thorn, as it is now commonly called, stands on the side of the public highway road, half-way between Glenluce and Newton-Stewart, on the Newton-Stewart side of the Half-way House, opposite the farm of Kildarroch, in the parish of Kirkcowan. This Half- way House used to be an inn in the coaching days, and they changed the horses there, and, according to tradition, one Douglas Handling or Hanlon, a roadmaker, had the contract for making or widening this part of the public road, and this thorn tree being in the way, he was ordered to cut it down by the powers that were in authority, but Hanlon being a superstitious man, stubbornly refused in case some ill would befail him. And this thorn still remains to this day, as far as I know. It stands so far out on the road that the road is metalled close up to the trunk, and there is a footpath on the other side of it, between the thorn and the fence. There used to be a footpath right round the trunk of this thorn on the ground, and it was said that the pead or path was formed by the fairies running round it at night when all was quiet. t Celtic Folk-lore, Rhys, p. 382. 236 FAIRY BELIEFS IN GALLOWAY. I could not tell you the exact time that this part of the road was made or widened by Hanlon, but the youngest of Hanlon’s family is now sixty-five years of age, of a family of fourteen children, and Hanlon was married during the time that he was on this part of the road.”’ This story illustrates the fear of offending the fairies by interfering with their tree; in the next one, communicated to me by the same person, the dread of the fairies’ revenge for disturbing their tree is again dwelt upon. ‘* Another fairy tale which my mother remembers in her time (she is now in her 87th year) is one in which the actors were punished for interfering with a so-called fairy-thorn. My mother’s father, Robert Coupland, became tenant of the farm of Orchard about the year 1836, in the parish of Old Luce, on Dunragit estate. The Orchard farm in those days was pretty much covered over with whins and thorns, and he being an enterprising man, resolved to clear them off the ground, and he, having an Irishman in his employ, sent him to cut them down, which he did, all but a reputed fairy-thorn, which he refused to interfere with in case some ill-luck might befall him. My grandfather laughed at his employee’s fears, and ordered him back to complete his job, which he did, but ill- luck was soon on this man’s track, for the very next morning after this event as coming down the stairs from his bedroom he broke one of his arms and was otherwise injured, and had to lie in bed for six weeks after, and my grandfather’s punishment was that he had to doctor and keep this man all the above time, and out of his own pocket; and he being a man not too well off, caused him to feel it all the more, and his neighbours believed that it was nothing else but a just punishment by the fairies for interfering with this particular tree. This is a true tale about the cutting of the thorn and the breaking of the leg, but personally I am a little sceptical about the fairies having anything to do with it.’’ The next story illustrates the belief in the curative virtues of the fairy-thorn, and the same informant as before goes on to say :—‘‘ To give you further proof of the superstitions in those days and the belief that the afore-mentioned tree was really a fairy-thorn, my mother remembers when she was a Fairy BELIEFS IN GALLOWAY. 237 girl a woman calling at the Orchard farm for the loan of a gimlet to bore a hole in this same tree, and she had a wooden pin ready made to drive into the hole which she was going to bore in the thorn, after she had probed the hole in her tooth (this woman had long been troubled with toothache), and, of course, the fairies were expected to work the cure. One other fairy tale, which I have a shady recollection of myself. I had had warts on my hands about fifty years ago, and my mother rubbed my warts over with a black snail (the snail had to be found without looking for it); the warts were then rubbed with it, and the snail was then hung up on a fairy- thorn that used to stand on Dunragit Moor, and as the snail wasted away the warts were expected to decay also; and as far as I can remember, my warts all disappeared except one. Of course, I had great belief in the fairies in those days, and even in our more enlightened times I am in the opinion that faith in a particular doctor or remedy is half the cure of our present-day troubles.”’ Before passing on to more stories of the fairies in Galloway I should like to point out an almost similar custom many years ago in Northumberland. It was this :—‘‘ Take a large snail, rub the wart well with it, then throw the snail against a thorn hedge till it is impaled—then let it die.’’* We must remember that in far-away times the same race as that occupying the whole of Galloway and the Highlands, as well as Ireland, had numerous settlements in what is now Northumberland, which abounds in fairy-lore. The cele- brated fairies of Fawdon Hill, Northumberland, described by James Service in his poems in 1842, had their ‘‘ Queen Mab’s”’ residence there—the diminutive, delicate featured creatures of fair complexion decked in pea-green costumes, legends of whom existed in his days, and where ‘‘The little green hunter winds his horn, And dew-drops start from the snow-spangled thorn, For within each cup of its blossom lay Nestled from daylight a minnikin fay.” In Ireland the blackthorn, to which the Irishman is still * Henderson’s Folk-lore of the Northern Counties. 238 Farry BELIEFS IN GALLOWAY. devoted, was a sacred tree, and fairies danced beneath it. In Antrim, at Ardclinis, there are strong prejudices against removing old thorn trees, and one man declared solemnly he had seen hundreds of the “‘ wee folk’’ dancing round their trees, who told him he should suffer for meddling with them. In numerous places in Ireland the misfortunes of a family are traced to the cutting down of trees. In Scotland this idea finds a place, and a branch even falling from an oak (the Edgewell tree) near Dalhousie Castle portended mortality to , the family. t But to return to the curative powers of the thorn tree, | should like to call attention to another remedy for warts in Wales, which was once occupied by the Goidelic race, who had already amalgamated with the Aborigines, and were only partly driven out when the Brythonic Celts arrived, and whose superstitious beliefs still survive in a great many parts. To get rid of warts, on your way to the sacred well look for wool which sheep have lost. When you have found enough wool, you should prick each wart with a pin, and then rub the wart well with the wool, then bend the pin and throw it into the well. Then place the wool on the first whitethorn you can find, and as the wind scattered the wool the warts would disappear. The communication of this story was made by a competitor for a prize on the folk-lore of North Wales in 1887, and he said near his home there was a sacred well, and he, with three or four other boys, went from school one day to the well to charm their warts away, for he had twenty- three on one of his hands, so that he always tried to hide it, as it was the belief that if one counted one’s warts they would double their number. He forgets what became of the other boys’ warts, but his own disappeared soon afterwards, and his grandfather used to maintain that it was owing to the remedy he had used. We must not forget to mention that the crooked pins which had pricked the warts and thrown into the well nobody would touch, lest he might get from them the warts supposed to attach to them. In 1892 Mr Davies made notes respecting a well called Finnon coed Moch t Archeological Review, Vol. III., p 230. Farry BELIEFS IN GALLOWAY. 239 between Coychurch and Bridgend, near Tremains. It is twelve or fifteen yards off the high road, just where the pathway begins. People suffering from rheumatism go there. They bathe the part affected with water, and afterwards tie a piece Of rag to the tree, a very old thorn, which overhangs the well. Sir John Rhys visited this well in 1893, and found the thorn tree overhanging it, also another thorn, not so decayed, standing a little further back with about fourteen rags suspended on it; some had been only recently placed there, and among them were portions of a woman’s clothing. Another method for curing a wound was that the patient would go and stand in the well within the wall, and there he would untie the rag that had been used to tie up the wound, and would wash the wound with it; then he would tie up the wound with a fresh rag, and hang the old one on the tree. The wife of Sir John Rhys, when a very small child, remembers going with a servant girl to her parents’ home, and among the things the little girl saw was one of the ser- vant’s sisters having a bad leg dressed: when the rag which had been on the wound was removed the mother made one of her other children take it out and fix it on the thorn grow- ing near the door. The little girl, being inquisitive, asked why it was done, and she was told that it was in order that the wound might heal all the faster. She was not satisfied with this answer, but she afterwards noticed the same sort of thing done in her own neighbourhood (that of the Lllan- berris side of Snowdon).* To leave something on the tree or bush near by the well was an essential : this bound one’s offering to the habitation of the deity ; it took the tree-spirit to witness. Primitive man was arboreal. prisoners each week. In all there were about twenty prisoners in Lochmaben, all in private lodgings. They were quiet, peaceable, well-behaved men generally, though once or twice one or two had stiff battles with the fist. They did not mix with the local people. They occupied themselves much with line-fishing in the Loch, and Hume remembered seeing them on one occasion at least catching a fish so large that it had to be dragged up the street. They were also clever at handi- craft work, and made spoons and little knick-knacks from bones. The Town Bell tolled at 6 a.m. to get them out of bed, and at 6 p.m. for dinner, and ro to turnin. This is given as the origin of the bell toll in Lochmaben. Some of the prisoners took Scots wives with them when they left in 1814. Astronomical Notes, 1912. By Mr J. RuTHERFORD, Jardington. CoMETS. ‘“Gale’s Comet,’’ Comet (a), 1912, was discovered by Mr Walter Gale, ‘‘ Amateur Astronomer,’’? Waratah, Sydney, on September oth, near “‘ Theta,’’ Centauri. It was about the 7th mag.; became visible in Britain in the beginning of October. On the 11th of October it was about 4th mag. in the constellation Serpentis. In the beginning of September, though fading fast, was fairly easy in the telescope. Comet (b), 1912—‘‘ Tuttle’s Comet.’’ This Comet was picked up by Schaumassé of the Nice Observatory on the 18th of October, and turned out to be ‘‘ Tuttle’s ’’ periodic Comet, which had returned to perihelion about two months too soon. It has a period of about 13% years. Its too early return is accounted for by the Comet in rgo1 passing within 7o millions of miles of Jupiter. Comet (c), 1912.—The third Comet of the year was dis- covered by M. Borelly on the 2nd of November. It was about 9 degrees west of ‘‘ Vega,’’ in Lyre, of the 1oth mag., and moving in a southward direction. All these comets might be called telescopic. Gale’s could be picked up with a ASTRONOMICAL NOTES. 279 field-glass in the beginning of November, and seen with the naked eye after being found. Comparatively few of the comets discovered ever become visible to the naked eye. It is impossible to have our mind directed to this family of ethereal bodies without the desire being awakened to know more about them, to penetrate further into the hidden mysteries concerning them which still remain unsolved. In trying to do this we are under the obligation of considering other men’s work which appear in scientific publications, or build up our theories on personal observation, or perhaps a little of both. The enquiring mind naturally tries to solve the problem of—What they are? From whence do they come; and whither do they go? First we will notice their specific gravity. We are told that they are the lightest ponderable bodies known to exist in space. That they are transparent is proved by the fact ‘‘ that on November oth, 1795, Sir Wm. Herschel ’’ saw “‘ the comet of that year pass centrally over a small double star of the 11th and 12th mag- nitudes, and the fainter of the two components remained dis- tinctly visible during the comet’s transit over the star.’’— From Gore’s Astronomical Curiosities. Donati’s Comet of 1858 (which I quite well remember) passed over Arcturus, at a point near to the comet’s neck, which was thousands of miles in diameter, when the star shone through quite bright, as if there had been nothing intervening, whereas this star would be quite hidden by a moderately thin stratum of mist or cloud passing over it. Those facts naturally lead to the conclusion that they are of a gaseous nature. A perfectly typical comet in its form is made up of nucleus, head, neck, and tail. Quite a number of theories have been advanced to account for the tail. On looking at a comet with a tail approaching the sun, we would naturally suppose that the tail was the effect of the lighter cometry matter being blown behind the head by its great velocity through a resisting medium; but when we find that when it reaches perihelion the tail is still turned away from the sun, and when receding it precedes the head, when this is so we must try to find some other way of solving the problem. It has been suggested that the position of the tail, before, at, and after perihelion, 280 ASTRONOMICAL NOTES. may be accounted for by the repellent force of light. After a great many observations on that magnificent comet of recent years, which was first observed in South Africa in 1911, and the comets Borelly, and Morehouse (1908, c), we felt that the following conclusions were to our mind the most reason- able to account for the tail in its various aspects :—That the rays of the sun in passing through the head of the comet are changed, or refracted in such a way as to render the ether of space luminous and visible to the eye, on the same prin- ciple that a ray or beam of light is refracted when passing through a lens. Suppose this to be admitted. There are certain phenomena «vhich require to be explained, such as a curved tail, a forked tail, and sometimes several tails. A curved tail would be accounted for by both sides of the head of the comet not being of equal density, when the refractive index would be different on each, and we know that if the glass forming a lens is wavy, or not homogeneous, that the refracted rays do not all follow one course. The same effect would follow in the case of the comet. If some portions of the head were more susceptible to the influence of the sun’s rays than others, oblique, direct, or refracted rays would produce different effects as seen from our point of view. When we consider the extreme tenuity of comets, almost imponderable, light as thistle-down, we find it impossible to understand how any amount of initial impetus given to a comet when first launched on its voyage through space could continue to keep it moving amid so many interrupting influences, which act on it from time to time (I refer to the great attraction of the more ponderable spheres) to which they often come so comparatively near. We are therefore led to the inevitable conclusion that when a comet is at peri- helion that it (in some mysterious way) receives from the sun accelerative force sufficient to continue it in its orbit, and to overcome the gravitational force of other bodies it may pass on its journey. A New STar. On the evening of the r2th of March a new star was discovered by M. S. Enebo, of Dombas, Norway, in R. A. saTMaWaAd “sno S§.d0HSIg aH, pases ae re Wh; agg nuor mi ih ; E (s i ie i ss tiie Pea Ae a Puli Neale “ox aes fu recite 0 ee SITE ate mana 0) nN 7 = AED ; Ly ame ‘vans @ mR PT “a ) Ree Rg Si: ia : , ee Hipage Mey thy i ASTRONOMICAL NorTEs. 281 6 h. 49 min. 15 s., Dec. 32 deg., 15 min., which is near to the star ‘‘ Theta,’’ Gemimorum, of the 4th mag., of a yellowish white colour. The spectrum taken at Greenwich on the 15th was similar to that of other new stars which have previously appeared. It began to fade very quickly, as is usual with this class of objects. On May the 2oth its light had gone down to the 8th mag. We consider that it is very probable that new stars which flash suddenly out from time to time are the result of a chemical union of nebulous or gaseous matter. Were the incandescence that we see the result of a collision. between solid bodies, it would not cool so quickly, and would retain its brightness for a longer period. ECLIPSE OF THE Moon. On the evening of the 1st of April there was a partial eclipse of the moon, when a little less than a fifth of the moon’s diameter was in the shadow. This eclipse was seen under favourable conditions. Nothing unusual was noted. There is one point in regard to the moon about which I would like to say a few words, that is in regard to its revolution on its axis. Nearly, if not all, writers on the subject tell us that the moon revolves on its axis in exactly the same time that it takes to complete one revolution round the Earth, and that this is the reason why the same side is always turned towards us. It seems to our mind if this were - really so that it would be a phenomenon of inconceivable accuracy. We maintain that the moon does not revolve on its own axis, in the common acceptation of the language; that it has no axis or axle of its own; but being bound to the Earth by a bond of gravitation the same as a filly of a wheel is bound to the nave by a spoke; and that the axis of the moon is really the axis of the Earth. Let us suppose that the centre of gravity in the moon is not in the centre of the mass, and that the invisible bond of gravitation (which holds the moon in its orbit) has one end at the centre of gravity in the moon, and its other end at the centre of the Earth, it will then be clear that the axis of 282 AsTRONOMICAL NOTES. the Earth is the axis round which the moon revolves. A perfect illustration of this may be seen by fastening a piece of string to a small ball, make a loop in the other end of the string for, say, a pencil to go through, hold the pencil in the hand and twirl the ball round with sufficient velocity to keep the string tight. It would be inaccurate in those circum- stances to say that the ball is revolving on its own axis; but that the axis on which it is revolving is undoubtedly the pencil through the loop at the end of the string. The conditions in this experiment are exactly similar to those which exist betwixt the Earth and the moon. PartiaL ECLIPSE OF THE SUN. This took place on the 17th of April under most favour- able conditions, there being a cloudless sky. The time of the first contact at Edinburgh was stated to be 10.55 a.m. The latitude of Edinburgh being nearly the same as that of Dumfries, I therefore took this as our time, and had the telescope directed to the sun a few minutes in advance. The sun being at his minimum spot period, there was not a mark on his disc, saw the limb of the moon touch the south-west limb of the sun at the predicted time, as far as we could judge (none of our clocks showing Greenwich mean time). Know- ine the very spot on the sun’s limb where the moon would first touch, we carefully watched, trying to see the edge of the dark moon, but could not discover a trace of it a moment before contact. Watching carefully, we suddenly saw the first touch. At 11.11 a large range of mountains on the moon’s periphery were silhouetted on the sun’s disc. At 11.20 another single mountain appeared, standing out quite prominent; round the edge of the moon on the sun’s disc there was a flickering light wave; but at the angles of the junctions the edges of both sun and moon were perfectly sharp. As the eclipse proceeded there was a gradual diminu- tion of light and heat, with a kind of gloomy appearance and feeling, which seemed to settle down on everything. The eclipse reached its maximum at 12.11, when about three- quarters of the sun’s disc was covered. The end was at 1.27. p.m. Our mind was so taken up with the actual eclipse that ASTRONOMICAL NOTES. 283 we entirely overlooked the exact fall in temperature on the thermometer until it was too late. We are frequently reminded by astronomers, and other philosophers that the sun is gradually cooling down, and that the time is coming at some inconceivable distant date when it will literally be burned out, when the Earth and other planets of the Solar system will be without any life, light, or heat—dead worlds. We remember the late Dr Grierson, at one of the meetings of this Society, telling us that ‘‘ the time is coming when the last thatched snow-clad cottage will be DI standing empty on the Equator.’’ The same reasoning would apply to every star and every system in the universe: that every star is cooling down through constant radiation of energy into space. After giving some considerable amount of thought to this matter, I think that it is just possible that after the evolution of the Solar system from Spiral Nebula, that the immense heat developed would bring the whole into an incan- descent condition (perhaps appearing as a ‘‘ new star’? in other parts of the universe), when after another inconceivable length of time, the constituents of the Solar system would cool down by radiation to the temperature they now have. We speak of the balance of Nature being upheld through natural agencies. Is it not possible that a balance in the Stellar uni- verse may be kept up on the same principle? We know that the sun is constantly radiating into space energy in the form of light, heat, etc., and perhaps other emanations that we do not understand; and the portion of that emanation which is received by the Earth and planets is quite infinitesimal in proportion to the whale amount radiated. Then the question arises—What becomes of that which is thrown into space? When we think of the millions of stars which are doing exactly the same thing, another question is suggested. Is it not possible that while all the stars of the universe are constantly radiating energy, they may at the same time be constantly receiving emitted energy from other stars sufh- cient to compensate for their individual emission, and for their maintenance at a constant temperature? There are many other questions suggested to the mind in connection 284 ASTRONOMICAL NOTES. with this theory. We may say this is a theory which had its origin in our own mind, but on looking up astronomical literature we find that it is not new. SATURN. This planet revolves round the sun in a little less than 29} years, and being high in altitude in the constellation Taurus, also in the most favourable position for studying its rings, which are quite unique in the Solar system, I may explain that during each revolution of the planet in its orbit the rings, which are comparatively thin, are turned twice edgeways towards the Earth, and twice during each revolu- tion they are turned with the flat sides towards the Earth in a slanting or oblique position. This latter position, which occurs periodically in a little less than fifteen years, is the position in which the rings have been in during the past winter. I have observed them on a number of occasions during that time with the 6-inch refractor, but there has not been many evenings when atmospheric conditions were the most favourable for fine seeing. On the 9th of February, 1913, seeing was exceptionally fine, being free from wind and atmospheric disturbance. The system of rings was very fine. The cassini division easily seen at the ansea, and the line traced all the way round the front of the Ball, also the shadow of the ball on the rings, and two belts round the globe near the equator. On the same evening I had an exception- ally fine view of that grand nebula in Orion, the field of the telescope being flooded with light. This is an object that I have observed many times, but I thought when looking at it that I had never seen it so brilliant and beautiful before, with the ‘* Trapezium ’’ shining out crisp and clear. | THE BUCHANITES AND CROCKETFORD. 285 25th April, 1913. Chairman—Dr J. W. Martin, Hon. V.-P. The Buchanites and Crocketford.* By Dr ARCHIBALD CHALMERS. ‘“This wicked ane frae Glasgow came In April. eighty-three, An’ lodged her spawn among the sawn An’ now her fry we see.”’ —Attributed to Burns. It was almost noon on the May Fair day, 1784, and the little town of Irvine was quite out of itself with excitement. Nine months previously the rabble had taken the law into its own hands, and had contumeliously dragged Mrs Buchan out of the town. But after a time she had ventured to return, and not alone, but with a considerable and almost destitute following from Muthill. This effrontery had roused the passions of the Irvine people to a white heat; and at ten o’clock on this fine morning the magistrates had assembled in solemn council to dispose once and for all of the vexed case of Mrs Buchan. Should they have her tried as a dan- gerous exponent of the black art, or simply turn her out as a disturber of the peace? The more enlightened alternative prevailed, and Mother Buchan was ordered “‘ forth of the * In the first week of July, 1908, the bulk of the present paper appeared in the Dumfries Standard, under the title ‘‘ Luckie Buchan and the Nine-Mile Bar.’’ When I was asked to deliver it before this Society, I thought it advisable that I should revise the whole paper. Scarcely any alterations have been found possible in the portion which deals with the Buchanites; for, Train’s contem- porary history being our only authoritative narrative of the sect, the redaction of that somewhat higgledy-piggledy work when once carefully done hardly admits of correction. The Crocketford portion, however, for which I am almost solely indebted to viva-voce examinations of old residenters, has been brought fairly well up to date. But I regret extremely that as yet I have been unable to complete my plan of including details of the songs and games of the children, and of the traces of superstition which are still lingering in the district. 286 Tue BuUCHANITES AND CROCKETFORD. royalty within two hours.’? The news was wafted over the town like a welcome breeze. The many were in ecstasies, and betook themselves forthwith in the direction of the banished woman’s lodging with the proud-glancing eye of gratified malignity. At last, at long last, the town would be finally delivered from this vile witch-woman with her cantrips; and the spells which she had cast over the Relief minister—to say nothing of that Muthill crowd and some of their own kinsfolk—would be broken. But a few there were to whom the news was most unwelcome. Was their ‘* Friend Mother ’’ to be driven forth? Then of a surety they could not remain behind. Let her but lead them forth to the New Jerusalem, and neither home nor friends should keep them from her side. The die was cast: it was decided that they all would go. Haste, therefore, haste, was the call. And so, as Burns writes, they assembled ‘‘ with such precipitation that many of them never shut their doors behind them; one left a washing on the green, another a cow bellowing at the crib without food or anybody to mind her.”’ Accordingly, when the magistrates and constables at length appeared to conduct Luckie Buchan in safety outside the burgh, they were very much surprised to find that they had not merely one woman but a whole company of men, women, and children to take charge of. They were, of course, by no means abie to offer adequate protection to so large and unexpected a company, but they did the best they could. At the head of the little procession cheerfully walked ‘‘ Friend Mother in the Lord ”’ herself, dolefully sup- ported on the one hand by her ministerial henchman, the Rev. Hugh White, and on the other by her future treasurer, John Gibson. The eviction was a veritable trial by ordeal. Tongue and hand were freely used against the exiles as they moved with difhculty through the crowded streets. But what were jeers and violence to folk who were leaving a City of Destruction in the sure hope of an early ascent into the heavens? So they patiently bore all, with singings and shoutings that they were on the way to the New Jerusalem. And in due time they painfully emerged from the persecuting crowds into the open country, where the magistrates took THE BUCHANITES AND CROCKETFORD. 287 leave of them. It was just then that a noteworthy little incident occurred. The crowds had thinned to a tail of stragglers and children, when a sharp-eyed mother discovered to her horror that her own little five-year-old son was march- ing bravely along with the Buchanites, and shouting with the best of them that he was going to the New Jerusalem! A moment afterwards the young Buchanite, John Galt, was seized and ignominiously dragged homewards ‘‘ by the lug and the horn,’’ no doubt with a touching reminder of the unwisdom of following after strange women. Little did the Buchanites ever guess how important an addition they had had to their numbers, albeit but for one short hour. Now, why was Irvine so very much perturbed on this fair summer day, and why so extremely urgent for this second removal of poor Mrs Buchan? Till eighteen months before the town had never heard her name, and the Relief congre- gation had been worshipping quietly and contentedly enough under the guidance of their young and popular minister, the’ Rev. Hugh White. But in an evil day for White, his elo- quence at a communion service near Glasgow so captivated the heart of Mrs Buchan, who was one of his hearers, that nothing less would serve her than to become acquainted with the preacher. This acquaintance proved his swift undoing ; for in six months it was to cost him his church, and in another twelvemonth his home. Mrs Buchan was an illiterate woman ing appearance. Her manner of speaking was not only dis- agreeable but even contemptible.’’ She was “‘ averse to self-denial.’ She was strongly inclined to licentiousness. She totally neglected her husband and children; domestic ‘* duties ’? she, as a woman with a mission, simply failed to recognise. But withal she had a genuine bent towards religion. Fellowship meetings, ministerial discussions, Scripture readings (the more cryptic the better), the writing of letters of a semi-Rutherford flavour, which were much ‘“ esteemed,’’ were her continual delight. In time she came to believe that she was the chosen instrument of a most exalted mission in the world: she was no less than the Sun- clad woman of Revelation xii. (White being her Man-Child) ‘ ‘ of unprepossess- 288 THE BUCHANITES AND CROCKETFORD. and the incarnate Holy Ghost. The rest of the world would perish, but she would never taste of death. Marriage was a ‘“bondage from which the world shall be delivered by the people of God.’’ All family bonds were loosed; and each Buchanite—both body and effects—was equally accessible to all. Around these preposterous assertions there gradually clustered a few other distinctive points of practice which are thus described and vouched for by the poet Burns :— ‘“‘Their tenets are a strange jumble of enthusiastic jargon. Among others she pretends to give the Holy Ghost by breathing on them, which she does with postures and practices which are scan- dalously indecent. They have likewise disposed of all their effects and hold a community of goods and live nearly an idle life, carrying on a great farce of pretended devotion in barns and woods where they lodge and le all together, and kold likewise a community of women, as it is another of their tenets that they can commit no moral sin.’’ And this was the woman who prevailed with the Rey. Hugh White! With such beliefs and practices one doesn’t wonder that the common-sense and decency of Irvine were outraged. One rather wonders that anybody at all, much less a young and talented minister of the Gospel and an ex- professor of logic, could be deluded into believing such a horrible farrago. But ‘‘ facts are chiels that winna ding.’’ ‘“ Friend Mother in the Lord ’’ was clever and masterful, and she had a fine gift of flattery. Besides, had she not promised to all her followers a speedy translation from this wicked world? And so we now find Luckie Buchan in the open country an outcast from the world, but attended by a devoted little band of forty-six, one for every year of her age, who looked to her alone for their salvation. They made a picturesque group as they halted to consider the situation, ‘‘ each man with a staff in the one hand and a small bundle in the other, each woman with her coats kilted and a small bundle in a handkerchief tied round her waist.’’ The question was pressing :—Whither, now that they had no home? True; their goal was heaven, and they might be summoned thither at any moment. But they might not be called for many days, and until they were called there was nothing for them but THE BUCHANITES AND CROCKETFORD. 289 to plod along the weary ways of earth and provide for them- selves both food and shelter as best they could. Well, then, in which direction ought they to travel? What did the Scrip- ture say? ‘‘ As the lightning cometh out of the East, and shineth towards the West, so shall the coming of the Son of Man be.’’ That surely meant that if they wished to meet the Son of Man when He appeared they must travel East- wards. And so they bent their steps to the East through the level lands of Ayrshire, lodging where they could and living on oatcake and spring water—the ‘‘ Friend Mother ”’ alone allowing herself after meals the luxury of a smoke! ‘‘ They went by Logan House on their way heavenward, and Mr Logan seeing a crowd approaching his house, sent a servant to meet them and learn what they wanted. The servant soon returned, and told his master that the people said they had come from Irvine and were going to heaven, and wanted nothing with any one. The laird then remarked to his servant that he was happy to find that Logan House stood on the road to that happy country, a thing he had never known before.’’ As they fared on they beguiled the way by singing hymns of their own composition, mostly to the popular tune, ‘‘ Beds But their pilgrimage was rudely broken | of Sweet Roses. in upon, when one of their wealthiest members was arrested by his Irvine friends on the plea that he was wanted at home for the disentanglement of his business affairs. Others fearing a like fate returned with him to put their own house- holds in order. The rest of the company halted at New Cample farm, in the parish of Closeburn, to await the return of their friends. But here they were destined to remain for nearly three years ; for the farmer when he found them ready to work to him for nothing, and at the same time needful of much farm produce, which they always paid for, very natur- ally found it much to his interest to induce them to stay with him. He therefore accommodated them in his barn, and afterwards gave them ground, on. which they built Buchan Ha’. Here, while they awaited their uM ‘* translation,’’ many ”’ of their ‘‘ hymns ’’ were written, and also their Confession of Faith, The Divine Dictionary, which, however, found 290 Tue BUCHANITES AND CROCKETFORD. no sale at all.* Several accessions to their original number brought the total membership of the society at New Cample to over sixty. As time wore on and funds gave out—the heavens being still as brass—the faith of some began to falter, and a sign was felt to be necessary as a stimulus to waning hope. Accordingly it befell one evening when all was still that a great voice suddenly electrified the whole society! The chil- dren, who were with Luckie Buchan in the kitchen at the time, at once joined with her in singing—with astonishing readiness and unanimity— ‘‘Oh, hasten translation and come resurrection ; Oh, hasten the coming of Christ in the air.’ Those who happened to be in the garret came tumbling down the ladder in break-neck haste; shouts, handclappings, and a universal noise disturbed the whole neighbourhood, and brought into this modern Ark the farmer himself and a few others, for safety from the impending Judgment! The translationists flung from them all encumbering weights, their watches, rings, and jewellery, that nothing might impede their aerial flight. But at length another voice was heard, a quiet, disappointing voice, which addressed itself to the farmer-landlord :—‘‘ Be of good cheer; neither you nor any of your friends will suffer damage this night, for my people are not sufficiently prepared for the great change I intend them to undergo.’’ This broke the spell, and Luckie Buchan * The Divine Dictionary: A Treatise indicted (sic) by Holy Inspiration, Containing The Faith and Practice of that People (by this world) called Buchanites . . . was published in pamphlet form at Dumfries in 1785 at ninepence. It is ‘‘ dedicated and devoted to the patronization of DivinE PRovIDENCE and next to this Hicuest OnE to the protection of Mighty Angels,’’ for ‘‘ none in the family of Adam either will or can patronize it’’! It is signed by Hugh White, and revised and approved of by Exespat Simson alias BucHan, at New Campel, Oct. 18, 1785. This rather acutely written Treatise is in no mundane sense a Dictionary, nor does it substantiate its own claim to have set forth the Faith and Practice of the Buchanites. It is, however, a some- what curious revelation of the obliquity cf moral vision developed in a professed logician by contact with Mrs Buchan. THE BUCHANITES AND CROCKETFORD. 291 calmly proceeded to take a smoke! The significant corollary to this anti-climax must be added; that in the morning the collection of watches, rings, and jewellery fell into the hands of the watchful treasurer, who speedily converted them into coin of the realm in the town of Dumfries ! It was now alleged that nothing less than a fast of forty days could properly prepare the Buchanites for the long- wished-for ascension! A fast was therefore proclaimed and begun. Many fainted and failed, but a few wrestled through. And so it befell one fine morning at early dawn after forty weary days that the passing stranger was enabled to hear weird music on the summit of the Templand Hill and to see the crowning struggle of the poor wretches who thus sought to wrest victory from the common enemy of Death. There they stood, a wan-looking company outlined against the sky, with arms outstretched to the Rising Sun, and singing and shouting for the Great Uplifting that somehow failed to come. There also stood their leaders :—White, ‘‘ with gloves on and in full canonicals,’’ studying the unheeding sky with growing doubt upon his brow; Mrs Buchan, high above the others, but plump and rosy, “‘ for she partook of earthly sustenance during the fast merely to prevent her tabernacle becoming too transparent for human eyes to behold!’’ But the sun rose, and the sky was as brazen and heedless as ever. Sorrow and doubt now filled the famished band, and many disbelieved in Mother Buchan from that hour. It was inevitable that sooner or later funds should fail so long as the Buchanites had no wealthy recruits, and lived up to their principle of either not working at all or working for nothing. Their downward course towards starvation was much hastened by the fast—(naturally !)—for it led the moneyed members of the sect to abandon the cause altogether. In January, 1787, therefore, the county magistrates sum- moned White to a meeting at Brownhill, near Closeburn, and asked him to satisfy them that none of his sect would become chargeable to the parish at the end of their three years of residence. On his confession of inability to satisfy them, the magistrates informed him that he and his entire following must quit the parish within two months. Lucky was it for 292 THE BUCHANITES AND CROCKETFORD. the Buchanites that their period of grace wasn’t only two hours as at Irvine. Their landlord, Mr Davidson, was both able and willing—as indeed he had a good right—to be of service to the poor outcasts at this crisis. He made up his mind to put them into a farm. Nearly a mile from where the little Galloway village of Crocketford now stands lay the farm of Auchengibbert Mains, in the parish of Urr. It was badly fenced and had no outhouses; the dwelling-house was low-roofed and dark, and hopelessly inadequate for the lodg- ment of forty-four human beings. But it would be empty at Whitsunday, and Davidson took it readily on lease in the joint names of himself, Hugh White, and Mrs Buchan. As, however, the Buchanites would have to leave Closeburn on the roth of March at the latest, Davidson succeeded in getting put at their disposal for the intervening time the old mansion- house of Tarbreoch, which was situated about five miles to the south-west of Auchengibbert. For this old house they all set out on foot at one o’clock in the morning of the 1oth March, with carts and horses lent them by their well-disposed landlord. _A new era began for the Buchanites when at Whitsunday they entered Auchengibbert. The failure of the fast had rudely shaken their faith. They were not now so sanguine of personal translation as they had been, and it therefore behoved them to take a more worldly, a more business-like view of their position. They accordingly decided that they would charge for their services in the ordinary way. Other- wise it would speedily have been their fate to tramp the country as beggars, like some of their former associates ; for when they arrived at Auchengibbert their destitution was alarming. Among the forty-four of them there were only four shillings and sixpence in money (which bought for them 3 stones of oatmeal), a cow, a calf, and two stirks on credit, and two gift horses. If—on principle—they were to a large extent idlers in Dumfriesshire, they—again on principle—became models of industry in Galloway. Most of them were skilled in some trade or other, as spinner, carpenter, tinsmith, or wheel- wright ; and they set to work at once to turn their wilderness THe BuCHANITES AND CROCKETFORD. 293 into a garden. They fenced the ground, let the grass for stock, built a stable and byre, made spinning-wheels and bartered the tinsmith’s wares for wool, which they speedily spun into yarn for the celebrated light green clothes which all the Buchanites were soon to wear. And so well did they thrive that at the time of Luckie’s death, in March, 1791, after four full and diligent years they had paid their rent up to date, ‘‘ they had 13 stacks of corn, 7 horses in a newly- built stable, 7 cows, a large stock of black cattle, and a stock of sheep and swine. The people had two suits of clothes each, newly made, with several webs of linen and woollen cloth in store.’’ But, then, there were over two score of workers in this busy hive ! Towards the close of* March, 1791, it began to be plainly seen that Luckie Buchan was failing fast. Quarrels and grave differences of opinion between her and the overbearing mini- ster White had become increasingly frequent during the last four years; and these had seriously interfered with her sere- nity of mind. At last, on the morning of the 29th March, she succumbed rather unexpectedly. | Andrew Innes, her most enthusiastic devotee and “‘ errand boy,’’ a carpenter to trade, and so far as we know Mrs Buchan’s only Glasgow convert, was flailing in the barn at the time; and he was hurriedly summoned to her bedside. He was in time to hear her dying declaration that she would return in six days; if not, in ten years; if not then, most certainly in fifty years. The old delusion was as strong at death as it had been in life. Her fifty-three years of chequered pilgrimage were over; yet by an irony of fate her poor inanimate body was doomed to suffer for another five-and-fifty years the penalty of her own bizarre pretensions. For it was only in 1846 that the corpse, which had lain in Kirkgunzeon kirkyard, and then under the kitchen hearthstone at Auchengibbert, and latterly in an open chest first at Larghill and then at Newhouse, was finally laid to rest. What a contrast between her example and fate and that of another woman who died in the same year in the adjacent parish of Irongray a few months later. God’s acre reverently yet proudly bears aloft the name of ‘“‘ Jeanie Deans ’’ for the loving admiration of the world, while her 294 Tue BuCHANITES AND CROCKETFORD. « ashes lie deep in honoured peace within the “‘ garden of the unforgotten.’’ But no monument can ever rise to commemo- rate the constancy or hallow the name of Elspeth Buchan. Whatever bounds had been set to the changing views of White by the presence of Mother Buchan were now removed by her death. It was not long before he openly recanted his former faith, and made himself offensively tyrannical towards the more orthodox of the sect. In another year the position had become intolerable. ‘‘ If you don’t obey me willingly, I’ll make you obey by compulsion. If not, the disobedient will have to go.’’ This was serious, so Andrew Innes, the leader of the orthodox, consulted his friends, and they decided among them that they would lease a farm for themselves. They did so, and then informed White, stating however at the same time, that they were willing to work on at Auchen- gibbert on conditions. But White would listen to no con- ditions, and said he would go off at once to America with all who cared to throw in their lot with him—but they must be able to pay their way! No more was to be said. The stock and crop were sold and a division made; and on the tith June, 1792, thirty of the forty-four set off on foot for Portpatrick, en route for America, with two carts of clothes and provisions, and are of no further account in this narra- tive. The remaining fourteen thereupon betook themselves —the precious body of Luckie Buchan being carried away secretly by night from under the hearthstone of Auchen- gibbert—to their new farm of Larghill, to begin the world anew on a united capital of less than £60. Larghill was a large sheep farm of over 400 Scotch acres, with nothing on its heathery surface but hill sheep and ewe- buchts ; and its rental was twenty guineas—five being allowed off the first year for building. It occupies the hill country behind Crocketford, and stretches to the verge of the wild and lonely Lochenkit moor—the Galagate through which the old Edinburgh road gave entrance into Galloway ; and it forms the extreme north border of the parish of Urr. Ai silent, desolate expanse, ringed in with hills and undisfigured by the hand of man, it was first cruelly made known to fame by a cold-blooded series of martyrdoms in the spring of 1685, ‘THe BUCHANITES AND, CROCKETFORD. 295 when friends of the then laird of Larg (the odious Lag) shot down four Covenanters in a little natural hollow, so shut in that the pious pilgrim can see naught from it but the distant top of Criffel and the over-arching sky. ~ On the site of the ewe-buchts in this remote solitude the Buchanites built for themselves the first house the farm had ever seen; and from their kitchen window they could see in the plain below their old Auchengibbert home ‘with a silver glint of the Milton Loch on the left, and the dark hill range of Criffel in the background. The sheep they took at valua- tion and on credit. And now began a repetition, but on a much smaller scale of course, of the activity and diligence of . Auchengibbert. The trammels of their religious system gradually ceased to be obtrusive, and in time were lost in the general fame of their kindness and of their skill in spinning and in doctoring. While the Buchanites were thus laying for themselves both far and near in the Stewartry the foundations of a reputation which drew the unaccustomed feet of rich and poor to their thriving settlement, other and wider forces were beginning to operate in their neighbourhood towards a general opening up, of the district. During the last two decades of the eighteenth century there was throughout Galloway a remarkable movement towards general improve- ment. Wealthy landlords sought to encourage the better cultivation of land and the improvement of breeds of cattle; and they were anxious to improve farm building also. But for the attainment of these objects the first and the most urgent desideratum was a better service of roads. The old bridle-tracks and drove roads were no longer suitable for the growing demands of the district ; and it was decided that new roads should be begun at once with better surface, easier gradients, and in many places altered route. The present splendid through road or coach road between Dumfries and Portpatrick was not opened in its entirety till September, 1807 ; but that part of it which connects Dumfries with Castle- Douglas was opened in 1800, and a tollbar was erected about midway between the two towns (at the point where the New- Galloway road joins the trunk road). By reason of the fact 296 Tue BuCHANITES AND CROCKETFORD. that this tollbar was nine miles out from Dumfries, the village of Crocketford, which has grown up around it, is known throughout the whole of Galloway as the Nine-Mile Bar.* ® The Buchanites, from their eyrie on Larghill, were not slow to perceive the advantages of the Nine-Mile Bar as a site for houses. It was almost equi-distant from Dalbeattie, Castle-Douglas, and Dumfries; it was on a fine healthy heathery plateau from which peat was still being dug, and nearly 400 feet above the sea; it was the point to which must converge all the newly-diverted traffic of Galloway that was intended for Dumfries or farther. Accordingly they led the way in building. No time was lost, for in the very year of the opening of the road they bought five acres of ground off Little (?) Crocketford for houses and gardens. In 1806 they began to build for themselves the dwelling still known as Newhouse, and in 1808 they flitted into it, their envious land- lord having turned them out in hope of achieving for himself a like prosperity to theirs. As it was in the year 1806 that the great linguist, the Rev. Alex. Murray, came to Urr as assistant to the Rev. Dr Muirhead, one wonders how the young and scholarly minister fared when first he visited his churchless, Sabbath-breaking parishioners in their hill-solitude, and whether, when he assumed full charge in 1808, and the Buchanites were safely flitted into their new house, he ever ventured to call on them to wish them a continuance there of their Larghill success, — although now within the bounds of another parish. From 1808 till 1846, when the grave closed over them all for ever, the little group of Buchanites lived quietly, dili- gently, and unobtrusively, but with steady, pathetic shrink- age as the years rolled by. Three had died at Larghill, and were laid in a quiet spot where the sacrilegious hand of man * With regard to the other roads at Crocketford, it may be noted (1) that in the minutes of the Road Trustees for 1810 (in Kirkcudbright County Records) it was ‘‘agreed to make a road between Crocketford and Creebridge by New-Galloway’’; and (2) that in the minutes of April, 1808, the making of a road to connect the Milton road from Stenhouse to Crocketford Tollbar was approved. TuHeE BuCHANITES AND CROCKETFORD. 297 might never reach them. And one by one now quietly slipped out of the dwindling circle at Newhouse into the little grave- yard in the garden at the back of the house, until in 1828 only Andrew Innes and Katie, his wife, remained... Still the years passed, and still Andrew ploughed his field with cow and pony in double harness, or built roofs, or sauntered with reminiscent pride in his heart into the village he had done so much to found and foster, to have a crack with the joiner or the smith ; or mayhap he read the Dumfries newspaper. And still ‘‘ Friend Mother ’”’ tarried! Then when Joseph Train began to come about him the old man’s fanciful nature flamed up as in the old, old days of his early intercourse with Luckie Buchan, and he lived again his life with her. He became Train’s ‘‘ errand boy,’’ getting fresh news for him every morning from the spirit of his old mistress (in the to-fall where he was wont to survey her gruesome remains twice daily till his death), and telling them over again for his kind friend’s enlightenment—and (incidentally) for ours. But at last old Katie died ; and a few weeks later—in January, 1846—Andrew himself followed her. Still faithful to his creed apparently, although he outlived by nearly five years Mrs Buchan’s solemnly promised but apparently forgotten year of final and unfailing return, he left instructions (which were obeyed) that his coffin should be laid above that of Mrs Buchan, so that if she did arise she could not fail to raise him too! The little graveyard has thus received the dust of twelve of these ‘mis- guided people; and for aught that is known to the contrary their dust remains there still—and will! While age and death were thus drying up the springs of Buchanite activity, the young village of Crocketford was thriving and fast growing to maturity. About 1820 it had, with one or two minor exceptions, practically reached its present stature with its characteristic predominance of two- storey houses. All the trades a village finds necessary, all the shops its appetites demand, were fully represented; so that it seemed almost independent of the larger world. Within its confined limits were wheelwright, spinner, weaver, tailor, shoemaker, grocer, innkeeper, schoolmaster, sheriff officer, each in the numbers proportionate to his importance. 298 THe BUCHANITES AND CROCKETFORD. There were thus early in the career of the Bar no less than four innkeepers and four shoemakers—a striking evidence surely of the prevalence of foot and mouth disorder in the dis- trict. In the immediate neighbourhood lint was grown annu- ally. I have myself seen two hanks of linen made from lint grown on Bogfoot; and all the processes of its manufacture into linen were carried through in the district. The farmer pulled up his lint, bound it into sheaves, steeped it and sent it to the neighbouring lint-mill to come back as “ heids ” for the spinner, who in turn prepared it for the weaver. In like manner the wool of the district was made by the neigh- ? and brought bouring wool-and-waulk mill into “‘ rowin’s home to be spun into yarn and thereafter passed on to the weaver. The villagers were not, however, so independent of the outer world as they might at first sight appear to be. Each was in his own degree dependent on that larger world whose treasures passed the very door in daily, in weekly, or in ampler cycles. And who can estimate the profit in money, in information, in stimulus which accrued to the village from the ceaseless ebb and flow before its doors of t e multifarious and growing business of the county? The yellow mail coach passed daily back and forth between Dumfries and Portpatrick, bringing its whiff of town bustle to blend with the quiet airs of the Nine-Mile Bar. The produce of a large part of the county, packed into its score and more of carriers’ carts halted over every Tuesday night in the Tollbar close, en route for the Wednesday market in Dumfries. Long trains of carts filled with the carcases of Galloway- reared pigs filed past in their season bound for the same in- satiable market. Great droves of cattle periodically found their way into the Nine-Mile Bar on their long journey to Hempton Green or Brough Hill. By reason of its proximity to Dumfries, its fine open close, and its public-houses, it was a very convenient and welcome halting place for tired and thirsty drovers and weary footsore cattle. And often the village boys would watch the tapsman as he inspected the cracked and worn hoofs of those cattle which had gone lame THe BUCHANITES AND CROCKETFORD. 299 upon the road, and admire the skill with which he nailed to the damaged hoofs the little iron plates or shoes without which he never travelled, and which helped the footsore cattle so much upon their way. Last but not least in importance was the weekly advent among its multiple subscribers of the sevenpenny Dumfries Courier. Such recurring and suggestive hints of a wide and stir- ring world beyond, and of quiet Galloway farms and moor- land stretches up country, gave colour and variety to the sedentary village life, besides stirring up the dubious passions of discontent and ambition. The pig trade stimulated the introduction of bacon-curing establishments in the village. The cattle trade tempted some to droving ; the coach traffic begat a love of ostlery; and all gave ample temptation to drink. Such local travelling as there was was done on foot or occasionally on horseback or in heavy carts. For those who could afford the luxury there were a few so-called dandy carts, light springed vehicles with a seat slung across the body, and painted green. These were the precursors of the farmer’s gig. In the fifties, when the prosperity of the village was at the turn, a considerable drainage scheme was inaugurated in the neighbourhood with great benefit to the surrounding lands. It brought many Irishmen into the district, and pro- vided much grist for the village mills, but it was the last flicker of the old prosperity. A man had to be smart indeed in those days if he wanted a house in the Nine-Mile Bar. It had fully two hundred inhabitants in its two score of houses, nearly every room having its own tenant. When the Irishmen sought lodgings the problem of their accommodation might well have been deemed insoluble. But where there is a will there is a way. One of the original Buchanite houses lodged a good few ‘“heids and thraws ’’—the only way possible. And it may be surmised that the inhabitants did not get their money for nothing, for blows—and noise of furniture smashing—were as common as snores. Some of the drainers who lodged in the Buchanite house 800 Tue BUCHANITES AND CROCKETFORD. were Clare men; others hailed from Connaught. There was the usual rivalry, which the Saturday drinking bouts often fused to heat of battle. One evening the fighting was trans- ferred from the legitimate fighting ground of the public-house to the lodging-house, with the result that the Connaught men were ejected. ‘‘ I’ll never loight a poipe in the Clare lodge agin,’’ wrathfully exclaimed a Connaught man; and the name Clare Lodge, or Castle Clare, has stuck to the house ever since. Thus simply do places often get their names. Castle Hardships got its name as simply and at a much earlier date. It lay just outside the village proper, and con- sisted of an irregular little cluster of two-storey houses, once busy and thriving enough, but doomed to fall in time into perfect keeping with its name. It was a ‘‘ wet castle’ in those days. The very children got a five-gill bottle of penny wheep or treacle yill for their penny from under the red flash- ing sign—‘‘ Strong Ale and Porter.’’ As for their elders : on one occasion the messenger had so many bottles of whisky to bring from the inn for the thirsty ones that for very shame she brought them in the watering-can in order to deceive the villagers as to her real errand! No wonder the weaver there resident received a newspaper one morning from a frolicsome friend, addressed to ‘‘ The Orphans’ Home, The Drunkard’s Den, Castle Hardships, near Starvation Point, Crocketford.”’ Shuttlehill, now Burnside, explains itself. So does the Kiln planting, where a malt kiln once stood. Crocketford may be Crockeit’s ford, or possibly, as MacTaggart suggests, the Crooked Ford. All that one can safely assert at present is that there certainly was a ford in the neighbourhood. No evidence is forthcoming which can clear up the ‘‘ Crocket ”’ part of the name. But the magic wand of change had been waved over the brisk old village. Inevitable forces were at work, distant but far-reaching ; and they were even in those busy days of the fifties eating at the very roots of the prosperity of our remote Tollbar. Machinery had for years been gathering within its octopus grasp the many crumbs that were wont to fall to the spinner and the handloom weaver ; and the railroad was ‘now in like manner threatening the existence of the old THE BUCHANITES AND CROCKETFORD. 301 drover and the long-distance carrier, and the picturesque mail coach. The opening of the coach road in 1800 was the breath of life to the Nine-Mile Bar; the opening of the railway between Castle-Douglas and Dumfries in 1859 was a blight. The old trades faded away; the shoemakers all disappeared, the inns dwindled down to one. At the present day grass is only kept from the doors by the diligent picking of the village wives. The population has shrunk to less than a hundred, and only labouring work is to be had, and even that has shrunk to almost vanishing point. Draining and dyking may still provide a scanty livelihood. But the days of the agricultural day-labourer are now few and evil. No youth or maiden will stay in the village if work can be had elsewhere. What, then, is to become of the village entity? Is it to survive chiefly as a Home for the Retired, a place of seclusion, and of withdrawal from the active business of life? If this is to be its fate the village has certainly some claim to consideration, for it is phenomenally healthy. Old age is its principal as it is its commonest complaint. The only practitioners—and they were irregulars—who ever dabbled in the therapeutic art in the early days of the village were two Buchanites, whose lancet and whose diet, drink, and ointment respectively wrought cures where the most skilful physicians were baffled. But they are both dead. The only ‘“regular ’’ doctor, ‘‘ as jappin-looking a fellow as ever ye saw,’’ who ever practised in Crocketford until recent years, is also dead. The moral seems to be: Don’t practise medi- cine or you'll kill yourself. The terrible cholera of 1832, which made some jobbers in Dumfries desirous on the 1oth October—a day when not a bullock was to be seen upon the Sands—of removing the market for the time being to the Nine-Mile Tollbar, claimed only one victim in the village, and he was a stranger. At that time the scare was so great that painted boards were put up at all the entrances to Kirkpatrick-Durham parish—‘‘ No Tramps or Hawkers allowed within the Parish of Kirkpatrick-Durham.’’ Before the closing of the Crocketford lodging-house in 1891 there occurred in it a smart little epidemic of typhus imported by a 302 THE BUCHANITES AND CROCKETFORD. tramp, and there were three deaths. But the ordinary forms of sickness or disease are decidedly rare. The one unhealthy or rather the least healthy spot, in the village is the old school, with a ditch on the one hand and the burn on the other. You still remember the old school In which we sat with eye discerning And head of solemn wisdom full, Two infant Solomons of learning. The old, dark, humble schoolhouse, ,, That stood by the little stream, That babbled and splashed in the sunshine, Or slipped into pools to dream. In Alexander Anderson’s school days, however, instead of a fireplace as at present, the school had a stove in its centre, where the scholars could warm themselves at the heat radiated from their own peats, or where against its red-hot cheeks they could toast their cheese. His schoolmaster attended in clogs and black cap and black moleskins. Preachings are held in the school on an average Aho: twice a month; but to all outward seeming there is no marked enthusiasm for religious observances. But now—at long last—the days of the old school as such are numbered. A new school has arisen on the site of the Maiden Row, and will soon take over all the old and several new duties of a modern village school. While the conditions of iife in Crocketford have altered so grievously, while the population has so much decreased, there are nevertheless indications of partial recovery and of revival on modern lines. The villagers succeeded in getting Crocketford made into a special water supply district in 1898, whereby a much-needed improvement was effected on the old and unsatisfactory pump system. A telegraph office was introduced under local guarantee in 1902. In 1906 a solitary public lamp was erected from the proceeds of a local “‘ social ”’ to give occasional light to the belated wayfarer. In 1907, again under local guarantee, a money order office and post office savings bank were added to the telegraphic facilities of the village. In 1912 the Police Station of Shawhead was removed to Crocketford. Now in 1913 there is high pro- THE BUCHANITES AND CROCKETFORD. 303 bability of the early installation of a public telephone call office; and the new school is approaching completion. At the same time the general appearance of the village has recently shown a marked improvement. The gloomy old Castle Hardships has been demolished ; several of the houses have had their fronts rough-cast; the Buchanite buildings have been improved almost beyond recognition; Newhouse itself is now an up-to-date poultry farm; and the handsome new school takes the place of the old and unworthy Maiden Row. Nearly all of these changes and improvements are due, as was only to be expected, to the comparatively recent infusion of new blood. But there is still considerable scope for advancing enterprise. No hires are at present to be had in Crocketford; and the only way of getting to town, apart from cycles or private traps, is by means of the bi-weekly public conveyances from Kirkpatrick-Durham, Corsock, and New-Galloway. The last of the horse ’buses was withdrawn from the road this very month (5th April, 1913), and motor char-a-bancs now hold the field. One wonders if a daily service may yet be practicable, possibly in association with a motor postal service. Even a village cannot stand still— and live. This is the age of change, of speeding up. The old order has indeed passed away. ‘‘ The little hamlet where our sweet Swift boyhood sped knows not our faces; Strange footsteps pace its little street, And other forms fill up our places.”’ -—SURFACEMAN. The End of the Greyfriars’ Convent of Dumfries and the Last of the Friars. ' By Mr G. W. SHIRLEY. Three years ago when Mr James Barbour was preparing his paper on the ‘“‘ Greyfriars’ Convent of Dumfries and its Environs,’’! I had the privilege of giving him a number of extracts from the Records of the Burgh Court of Dumfries which proved of value in constructing the plan of the Friary 304 GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. Lands. Since then I have completed an extract of all the entries in the records regarding the Friary and the Friars, and have also found a number of separate documents bearing on the same subject. On these the following paper is based. All who work on the Greyfriars of Scotland must be indebted to the researches of Mr W. Moir Bryce, and I have used his book, The Scottish Grey Friars, freely for my present purpose. There is nothing in the new matter before us to disturb the general conclusions arrived at by Mr Barbour, though some doubt as to the exact position of the Friary east and west must always exist from the removal of the two boun- daries by the construction of Castle Street and St. David Street, but at the most the dubiety is limited to a few yards. There are a few minor points of interest on which we are able to throw some fresh light, and before passing to my subject I may deal with these. It has never been understood why the Friars at the time of the Reformation had rights to half of the bridge custom only, for there is no such limitation in the confirmation charters granted by the Douglases in 1425-6 and 1452-3. Following Mr Bryce, we may assume that the Earls of Douglas, as owners of the bridge, provided for its upkeep prior to their fall in 1458, though it is clear from the Papal Relaxation of 1431-2,!2 which marks what was probably the commencement of the building of the stone bridge, that the total cost was not borne by the Douglases. That some change took place about the time that family fell seems clear, for James II., when visiting Dumfries in 1455, appointed a master of works—‘‘ magister fabricae pontis de Nith’’—the Vicar of Kirkbean, Master John Oliver,? at a salary of £6 13s 4d, ““to be known as the alms of the King to continue during his pleasure.’’ Payments to him of £3 6s 8d, £11 5s 1od, and £6 138 4d were made for bridge repairs until the year 1465 as alms in memory of the late King. ‘‘ Thereafter,’’ says Mr Bryce, “‘ the Exchequer appears to have discontinued the grant; and it was this question of upkeep that indirectly com- pelled the Chapter to lease or feu the right of toll.’’ | At what time the Friars leased the bridge custom is not known, for it is not until roth July, 1557, that the lease of half GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. 305 the bridge custom was converted into a feu to their tacksman, John Johnston in Nunholm. As the Friars at this time were feuing out all their properties and rights, in view of the immi- nent changes in religion, and as the burgh only received half of the bridge custom by its charter from the Crown in 1569, it seems quite clear that in 1557 only the half custom remained in the possession of the Friars. To complete the story of this half, we may add that John Johnston’s son had his title to the half toll confirmed by the Crown in 1591, and it was only in 1623 that his grand- daughter, Marion Johnston or Kirkpatrick, sold her rights to the burgh. In the earliest of the existing Burgh Court Records it appears that the burgh of Dumfries was already in possession of a bridge custom, and also that the burgh was responsible for the upkeep of the bridge. 22 October, 1522.-—‘‘ The quhilk day matho layng is maid burgess and suorn therto payand therfor x sh to the brigwerk and fourty d to sanct mychaell werk bort [cautioner ] Edwd Jonstoun to pay betwix this and candelmess. The quhilk daye the Inqueist admittis herbert kellock to ane akyr of the commone lands liand in the waitsloks® the quhilk was wmquhile Shir Walter m‘geis of the quhilk the said Shir Walter left the said herbert his kyndness** the said herbert payand to the brigwerk twa merks for entress and the quhilk be this present act he is rentallit. The quhilk daye the Inqueist admittis Cristane m‘gee the spovse of wmquhile adam edgar to the kyndness of half ane akyr of the commone lands in the waitslaks the quhilk was wmquhile Shir Walter m‘geis of the quhilk the said wmquhile Shir Walter left hyr his kyndness and hyr bairns scho payand to the brigwerk ane merk of entress and the quhilk be this present act the said Cristaine is rentallit.”’ The first of these entries shows to what funds the fees payable on admission of a burgess were usually assigned ; to the upkeep of the bridge and to St. Michael’s Church. The other two entries show the conditions under which the legatees of an ecclesiastic who held some of the burgh lands were admitted to their holdings by the Burgh. 306 GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. 20th July, 1524.—‘‘ The samine day the alderman baillies and hale commonete of the burgh of Drumfress hais statuit and ordanit that giff John ranying or thome ranying his sone maks ony prouocation or failze till gilbert huchonsone or purchesses ony maner of man till failze till hym qlk of tham that is the deid doar or causer to content and paye to the Kyrk werk five merks, to the brig werk five merks and to the party ammends wtout favors and to be dischargit of thar fredovm for euer . . [similar penalties on Gilbert Hut- chonson| . . and this statuit and act to be keepit for all burgesses and inhabitors of this burghe wtout ony fawors.’’ The above imposes penalties on three men who had quar- relled if they should attack one another or cause others to attack any of them, and the following act imposes penalties on anyone borrowing money for the purpose of extending his purchasing capacities to the injury of the other burgesses by, we imagine, raising prices : 3 October, 1527.—‘‘ The same day it is statuit and ordaint be the alderman baillies and hale commonite of the burghe of Drumfress that gif it happyins ony nychbor of the burghe of Drumfres to tak money of ony uthers men to waur and by merchandice in prejudice of the gude toun that beand sperit and provit it is ordaint that thar be taine appon the said nychtbors quha so ever he be five lib for the first falt, x lib for the second falt but fawors to the brigwerk, the thrid falt to be deprevit of his freedoum for euer and expellit owt of the said toun.”’ The following is an early admission to the burgh of a stallanger, one who while not a burgess was granted permis- sion to trade within the town :— 3 October, 1527.—‘‘ The samine day Andro Bell pottar is maid stallangar for ane zer payand to brigwerk ij sh.”’ In March, 1533/4, six burgesses were admitted on similar conditions to the following, indicating that repairs were then being carried out on the bridge :— ““ Quo die Dauid Stoddart the sone of Rob Stoddart is maid fre burgess and sworn therto payan to the brig maister 40 sh ane stane of Irn in hand and 4o d to Sanct Michael werk GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. 307 and to leid stains to the brig for the rest of the said 5 merks at the sicht of the brigmaister.’’ There is also an interesting and definite entry of date 2nd December, 1534. ‘* Quo die the Inquest deliuers and ordains John briss to be fre of brig custom swa lang as the said John kepis scott and lott vach vard siklik as wtheris fre burgesses in the burgh and fallzeand that the said John brice keip not the foirsaids to paye as ane vnfreman of all dewties.”’ Earlier than any of these entries occurs the appointment of a brigmaister. On the 3rd of October, 1520, Cuthbert m’byrne is appointed to that office, and continued to hold it for some years. On 21st January, 1521-2, is the entry :— ‘* The quhilk daye Cuthbert m‘byrne hais maid his compt of the zeir that he buyr office, with David Cunygham before the alderman and balleis and commonite of Drumfress of the males and annuels pertenand to the burg of Drumfress and the saids alderman balleis and commonite quitclamis and dis- charges the said Cuthbert tharoff his ayrs and assignais and is in awand to the said Cuthbert m‘byrne—xix ss iiij d of siluer.’’ These appointments of ‘* brigmaister ’’ continue through- out the sixteenth century. We have now gathered sufficient evidence to show that the duties of the brigmaister were to oversee the repairs of the bridge and that he had control of the fund for that purpose. The burgh, then, was in possession of a right to col- lect a bridge toll long prior to its acquirement of the half in 1623, and this leads us to suggest that some time about the middle of the fifteenth century an arrangement was made by which half of the custom was conveyed to the town by the Friars, and that the former then became responsible for the fabric of the bridge. The divided imposition may also serve to explain the existence of the two ports on this route to Galloway, the © brig port”? andthe “‘frier port.’?>> A.\faint echo of the enthusiasm with which the burgesses of the town welcomed their young Queen in 1563 is preserved in the record that the town spent a considerable sum ‘‘ upon the Brig Port and the 308 GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. Frier Port and cawssa making for resawing of or Souerane Lady in July and August.’” Before leaving the subject of the bridge one may be par- doned for introducing the two following entries, which appear to fix the date of the erection of the Sandbed Mill :— 28th May, 1522.—‘‘ The samyn day the alderman bailzeas and communite of Drumfress haiss set to thom cunygham in heretage ane mylsted wyt wattirgang descendand frae the moit to the barnis butts® of the Sandbeddis payand therfore yeirlie xxti s of annuell rent and geif the myll sted dois ony skayt eder to the sandbedds or to the willis the said myll salbe destroyit and dischargit and at the samin will discend to the said thomas ayres and assignais.”’ 4th July, 1526.—‘‘ The samyn day It is wardit be the console and commonte of the burghe of [Drumfress] befor the alderman and ballies of the samin that thomas cunygham burges [of the said] burghe sall haif the common sele of the said burgh affixt to [the charter] of ffew of the walkmyll sted and wattergang of the samin in form as it was grantit him of efter the tenor of ane act maid of before and that alss sone 2s he begynnis to mak cost and reperatioun tharvpon.”’ On Mr Barbour’s plan the land occupied by houses on the north side of Friars’ Vennel, or the Newton, from St. David Street downwards, is shown as not belonging to the Friars. The tenements upon it were not erected, we know, until after the departure of the English in 1549,6 and Mr Bryce comments :—‘‘ It is now impossible to offer any satis- factory explanation why this narrow strip of land, so long unoccupied, did not pass into the possession of the Friars along with the Frierhauch, of which it was the southern boundary.’’ From the extracts now before us I think we are able to say that this portion of ground had actually formed a portion of the Frierhauch, and was feued out by the Friars themselves from 1557 onwards. There are records of titles to ‘‘ ane tenement lyand in the newton betuix a tenement of wmquhile riche mcKinnellis on the west part and the freyr wall on the est part,”’ which seems to be “ Richert Maxwell’s sometyme land newlie Jon GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DuMERIES. 309 ” Scotts at Freir port,’’ a ‘‘ foir part ’’ of which Maxwell, who was a brother of George Maxwell, Provost of Dumfries, had sold to John Kirkpatrick. The latter stated that Scott’s pro- perty extended ‘“‘ bot to the Frier Vale and not without the samin’’?; to a “‘ little stone houss at the end of the frier greiss ’’8; to “‘ ane foirland and tenement in newton betuix petir amulgans on the vest and the entre to the yard at the bak therof on the est ’’8; to ‘‘ ane yard in newton betuix the lands of vmqle petir amilgane on the vest part and zard and land in the hands of Jon carrutheris on the est part ’’!; and to various other properties which are less definitely described, but were seemingly also in Friars’ Vennel.! That the approach to the bridge should not be in a straight line with the structure is entirely in accordance with medieval usage. The approaches and even the bridges them- selves were intentionally constructed with sharp curves for purposes of defence.!2 I turn now to the obscure question of the sites and extent of the possessions of the Friars on the west side of the Nith in Troqueer parish. Mr Bryce says that “‘ after the Reforma- tion no further trace of these lands can be discovered,’’ but himself supplies a record of roth March, 1652, of “‘ five roods of land lying at the Corbellie Hill within the Parish of Tro- queer of auld perteining to the Freir Minors of Dumfries.’’ While it may be “‘ impossible to ascertain the total extent of these disjoined lands,’’ yet the interesting fact emerges that the lands of the Friars in Troqueer were of greater extent than those they held in Dumfries. Fourteen acres would be a moderate estimate of their extent. They did not, however, all lie together as the Dumfries lands lay, and are thus much more difficult to define. The earliest mention of them is that given by Mr Bryce, who shews that in 1513 the Friars were in litigation with William Maxwell of Cruvestanes [Curriestanes ], who for nine years had withheld payment of thirteen shillings ‘‘ perteining to the friars be reason of ald gift of almons.’’ In 1542 we find the Wardane, Herbert Stewart, giving a tack of “‘ vil ruddis of the landis of Corbre hill’’ to Richard Maxwell, burgess of Dumfries, for six firlots of meal measure of Nith ce 810 GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. ‘* quhilks landis John Maxwell elder haud in tak of the said place befoir.’" In endeavouring to define the position of the lands thus held we are aided by the Burgh Register of Sasines at Dumfries, wherein the titles of many of them are recorded. The interesting point about these lands to us to-day is that on the Crown gift of the Friars’ properties to the Burgh of Dumfries in 1569 they came under the superiority of the latter, and they are still held from the burgh in feu or in burgage. While this claim of superiority has little mone- tary value to-day, yet I do not think that it should be for- gotten either by those who hold it or by those who are thus relieved from payment of casualties to other adjacent superiors. The superiority was for a century or so jealously guarded by the burgh. On 19th October, 1673 [the town council of Dumfries], ‘‘ being informed that severall of the inhabitants of this brugh ar cited to the heid court of the regality of brigend, And seeing these lands qrof the inhabi- tants ar heritors are holdin of this brugh burgadge, therefore the counsall appoints bailie Kennan, bailie Craik and Jon Schortrig to goe to the sd court at brigend the morrow and protest by way of instrument that the sds heritors and inhabi- tants of this brugh ar not lyable to appear.’’!* This incident seemingly made the owners more careful in the registration of their titles, for several appear with definite statements that the subjects were friary lands. In endeavouring to define the position of these properties, let us take, first, a piece of land, a portion of the Friars’ Pro- perties, which is not described, but in 1571 was held by David Tod, for which he paid annually thirty-four shillings.1 It seems probable that it was subsequently known as “‘ Toddies- land.’’ It is thus described in a sasine of 7th September, 1678 :17 ‘* These four ackers of lands in noltmercat commonly callit Toddiesland lyand near the brigend of the said burgh [of Dumfries] in the parochine of Troqueer with ane barn and dwelling-house constructed thervpon. Bounded betwixt the loaning and passage from the brigend to Cairgenbrig on the eist and north, the lands callit Baxters!8 close on the west, and the lands perteining to Mareon Thomson on the south.”’ The bailies and some of the council of Dumfries attended GREYERIARS’ CONVENT OF DuMFRIES. 311 at the conveyance of the property. Ina later sasine of 13th February, 1702, it is described as ‘‘ bounded betwixt the loaning and passage from the Bridge-end to Cairgenbridge on the east and north, the lands called Baxter’s close per- taining to John Brown of Nunland on the west and the lands of Thomas Avair on the south.’”!8 Again on 30th November, the four acres of land called the nolt mercat with the houses and yeards on the east thereof ce 1754, it is described as sometime called Toddies land, on the left hand from the Brig- end towards Terregles on the one hand, and the Galloway loaning on the other.’’”° It is now sufficiently clearly defined, for it is the four acres encircled by Howgate Street and Laurieknowe, the lands of Baxter’s Close, which abut on the Newabbey Road, and Maxwell Street or the Galloway loaning. In the last sasine quoted it is stated that the land is held by the Magistrates and Council of the Burgh of Dumfries ‘‘ in vice and place of our Sovereign lord the King’s Majesty and his successors, imme- diate superiors thereof, Burgage, and paying yearly to the said magistrates and Council and their successors in office as superiors of the Lands . . two pounds three shillings and two pence Scots at Whitsunday yearly and doubling of the same the first year of entry of each heir or singular successor.”’ It is more difficult to identify the other portions of land. We lack definite descriptions and a complete list. Their general position is clear enough. They lay on the east side of Corberry Hill, and extended to seven or eight acres.2!_ They included a tenement or two at the bridgend,” some acres just above these* and others extending on the west side of Church Street up the hill. Devorgilla Terrace and Primrose Street are upon them. This portion of their property probably ex- tended from Maxwell Street to Rotchell Road. There were also twc pieces of ground of three roods each which lay be- twixt the Nith and Church Street,24 and there was a small piece of ground at Greenhead or at the southern juncture of Rotchell Road and Church Street, while more distant than any was an acre in Troqueer Town.” The fact of these pieces of ground being small and dis- joined would seem to indicate that they were the gifts of a Bul) GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. number of gratefully pious persons. This impression is deepened when it is seen that in addition to these lands in Troqueer the Friars held the annual rents of at least six tene- ments in the Burgh.2’ References to these tenements are made between 1521 and 1536. Of what became of them we have no trace. They also had been given the lease of three roods of Burgh Common at the Dowcat Closs (which may have been the Pumpfield Lane), and which they had disposed at some date prior to 1526.8 One of the interesting things with which Mr Bryce credits the Friars at Dumfries is their initiation of the custom gener- ally followed by. all the Scottish Conventuals of feuing out their lands prior to the Reformation. Power to thus realise their properties had been granted by the Bulls of Leo X. in 1515 and of Clement VII. in 1526. The Friars either accepted a payment on entrance and a yearly feu-duty or they secured an increased sum in feu-duty instead of rent. Mr Bryce credits the Friars of Dumfries with leading the way in this matter on the sale of a portion of their yards to Lord Maxwell in 1551. But there exists an instrument of sasine which shews that the Friars of Dumfries had adopted this method as early as 1536. On July 6th of that year Robert Litill, the Wardan, with the consent of certain of the Chapter, conveyed a tene- ment or waste land to Thomas Heris, a physician. John Perro and John M‘Cur, friars, were present, and the notary was Thomas Connelsonne.* The process thus early begun was pursued until almost all the properties were disposed of, as the following list shows :— Subject. Feu Duty. 15386 Tenement at’ Townhead (Note 29)... ... scots £0 5 O 1551 Halfacre and halfrood of the yards (Bryce II., 104) 213 4 1555 Three roods and moorland on Corberryhill (App. 15) 2 8 1555 Nine roods called Newzards (Bryce II., 104; App. 16) 2 0 O 1556 Two acres on Corberryhill (App, 5, 24) ... ral aoe) 1556 Part of Andro Lawson’s tenement (App. 38)... 3 6 1557 Little Stone house (App. 6) ... aE as 3.4 1557 Half of Bridge Custom (Bryce II. , 106) we i) AO GEES 1557 Tenement in Newton (App. 10) AE ie 3 0 1558 Acre in Frierhauch (App. 28) ae heh ee TS0 1558 Fishings (Bryce II., 107; App.1)_... ao soo 8 OM) 1558 Acre in Croft at Brigend (App. 14, 19)... ve 17 O GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES, 313 1558. Half acre in Troqueer (App. 8) - 8 6 1558 Western portion of Friary Garden (Bryce i, 109; Conf. Charter, App. 2) ... ie a, Gos 1558 Ten roods in Frierhauch (Bryce TL, “109; Appa 2) ee 1559 Acre in Troqueer and Hastern portion of Friary Garden (Bryce II., 114; App. 21) ae PAS all Lee O ests: 1559 Half acre on West of Brigend (App. 17) 8 6 1560 Tenement in Newton (App. 13, 22) . 3.6 1568 Tenement in Townhead (App. 9, 20, w fiich auton 3.2 1568 Tenements in Brigend (App. 12, 18) ase 3. (0 1569 Acre in Troqueer (Footnote 129; App. 4) 4 0 Undated Tenement in Newton (App. 7) ... 6 8 Os Yard in Newton (App. 11) sae Los a ifs Stonework of the Friars (App. 15)... ree Oe (0 ae Toad’s land (four acres in Troqueer, App. 25) 114 O The Friary itself was in use as a place of meeting, if not of worship, until at least the middle of 1564,°° but the domestic portions of the buildings had been disposed to James Rig, a bailie, who in 1571 produced before the Burgh Court “‘ ane charter of the ae verk of the freirs contenand ane kichin, sellar thervnder, tua chalmers and the sellars with ane pert of the zerd liand on the vest part of the biggin,’’ for which he paid annually a feu-duty of twenty shillings.*! In April, 1569, the Crown made a gift of the whole of the Friary lands and properties to the burgh of Dumfries. As we have noted, the bulk of these had already been disposed of, though we find the burgh selling the last portions as late as May, 1578.2 The burgh, however, took the place of the Friars as superiors of the lands. On the goth of November, 1571, and again on 20th December, the magistrates called on all the holders of the lands to produce their titles, and this most of them did.5? The list is our principal source of infor- mation about the lands, but, as afterwards incidentally appears, it is not complete. We are now able to account for £29 6s 2d of the total of 433 11s 10d, which is the amount entered by the Collector-General as the proceeds of the Friary properties in 1571. The principal property that actually fell to the burgh was the Friary itself, and we are now able to ‘say what became of the last remaining portion, the choir, which would be more than a third of the whole kirk. Of the other two-thirds we have no trace. 314 GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. The first cryptic entry, of date 3rd November, 1570, is as follows :— ‘“ Pertenaris of freir quheir. The qlk day it is ordainit that the frer Kirk quier be roppit and sett therefter the valeu therof to be applyit to the common verk and detts payit sa far as it streaks pertiners therof John Johnston Jon m‘cleir James Wallace archd. velshe James rig baie.” What these gentlemen were going to do with the Kirk Choir is not condescended upon, and it would hardly be wise to speculate. They were left in possession for a year when, on the penultimate day of October, 1571, the following trans- action took place :— ‘“ Commondville. The qlk Day tuixand the vsing of the frer Kirk and takin done therof compereat in Jugement the provost William cunyngham fon sone James vallace thomas Johnson Jon richertson Jon rig litster Dauid rawling herbert ranying younger pertinars and offerit to the commondvell ten scoir merks vsuale money of Scotland for slaett tymmer staines and the balleis and consale aduisit wt the bond and offir hes sauld the samin to the saids pertiners that is to the provest Jon richartson Wm. cunyngham Dauid rawlyng, Jon cunyng- ham Wm. bruder James Wallace herbert ranying younger thomas Johnstoun James Wallace [szc] John rig litster andro cunyngham qlkis perteners hes acit thirsuelffs ilk ane of tham for thair awn pertt to content pay and deliuer to the rist of tone consall and commonete the said sowm of ten scoir merks vsual mony of this realm and deliuer the said sowm in redy monye to tham betuix this Day and the xxv. Day of December anno Ixxj zeris and therto hes bund and acit ther selffs ther aris executors and assignes to the tone of Drumfries consale and commonete and this all contradiction away putt heirvpon the balleis interponit ther decreet wt force and effect wt execution and poinding to follow thervpon, for mair securate the saids persones hes subscriuit this act and thairto hes affixit ther merchand merk, GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. 315 (Signed) Archibald mabrayr William Cunyghame tua partts. Jhone Cunyghame ane pertt. James Wallace ane pert. Jhone rig litstare ane pert. Jhone Ricsoun ane pert. Herbert ranyng younger ane pert. Andro cunnyghame for ane pert. Dauid rawlyng and thomas Jonson wt or hands vpon. Ita est Herbartus cunyngham notarius et scriba propria ex mandatum dicti personis.’’ Well might the partners speak of the “‘ rest of the Council,’’ for M‘Brair, Rig, the Cunninghams, Rayning, Johnston, Wallace, and Rawling were either themselves mem- bers of Council or were immediate relatives of councillors. From the definition of the parts taken it would seem that the company, to use modern parlance, had twelve shares, of which M‘Brair and William Cunningham took two each and the others one each. ¥ Be eabi/meGiy$ peep Signature of ‘ Archibald Mabrayr, prowest.” Born Christmas, 1547; Executed January, 1588. Provost of Dumfries, 1568-1583. Before the rest of the Council separated they took a bond :—‘‘ The qlk day the bailleis rist of counsale for thair awn pertts and also berand burding of the haill commonete hes band and oblist tham to raleif keip hermless and skaythles the forsaids personis and ilk ane of tham for ther pert at the hands of all and sundry havand and to haif enteres in and to the saids quer in thawk, stane and tymmer and sall defend thaim and ilk ane of tham in done takin vsing and disponyng therof quhitsomevir all fraud and gile away putt heirvpon the saids balleis ordain act.’’ Was it that there was still such a considerable amount 316 GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. of feeling for the old faith that the magistrates feared violent interference with their little deal? However that may be, the provost and council to legiti- matise their action convened a meeting of the burghers on the 1st of November. Besides the provost and bailies there were eighty-four persons present, the ” appearing in full force. ‘‘ Quhilks persones and ilk ane of thaim for thair pairt hes consentit and be this consentts and assentts that the quer of the frer kirk be sett and sauld for the commonvele for the ralevyng of the dett of this burt and radeimyng_ of the tolbuyth qlk vas sett for the expenses of the samyn wt addition that it war roppit and the persones that vald geif maist therfor to haif the samin vtherwais the persounis that is acit therfor to haif the samin and geif ony persones qlk vald geif mair therfor to haif it and thai dischargeit of the act heir- ee pairtners vpon.’’ The result of the rouping may be justly conceived, although it is not recorded. No one could oppose a com- bination of the wealthiest men in the burgh. The debt for which the Tolbooth was in wadset, which has been dealt with elsewhere,*> was at least a respectable reason for destroying the ancient sanctuary. But why did purchase it? The explanation may be ”” the ‘* pairtners arrived at by reasonable conjecture. Lord Maxwell’s house was to be rebuilt on an extended scale after its destruction by Sussex in 1570, and as confirmatory evidence that this was the destination of the Friary it is well known that when the New Church, the successor of the Maxwell’s Castle, was taken down in 1866, stones were found from an ecclesiastical build- _ ing of the middle of the thirteenth century. The “ pairtners ”’ bought for £133 6s 8d Scots or £11 2s 22d sterling that they might sell to Lord Maxwell under the usual conditions—a profit. ‘“ When half-gods go The gods arrive.”’ After the Friary Kirk had disappeared, the ground on which it had stood was feued by the Burgh. We have no record of the sale, but gather from an account of unpaid feu duties* the names of the individuals who bought it. | Lord GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. 317 Maxwell purchased the yard and kirkstead and Amer Fergus- son the cloisters, with whose representatives this property remains to this date. A controversy between the adjacent proprietors took place for the possession of the passage which ran from the Friars’ Vennel to the door of the Quier.%° Owing to a hiatus in the records, we do not know to whom this piece of ground associated with the crisis of Bruce’s career was finally disposed. So much for the Friary. What of the Friars? In 1560 the Chapter consisted of five persons, the Warden, Home, and the Friars Herbert Stewart, a former Warden; George Law, Christopher Walker, and Richard Harlaw, also formerly a Warden. These last two apparently did not accept the new régime instituted on the 24th of August, 1560, for we hear no more of them. The history of the others can best be told in recounting what we know of the Warden. Friar Charles Home was, says Mr Bryce, ‘‘ the last survivor of the Francis- ’ and the few details of his career are interesting, not only on the foregoing account, but for the sidelight they throw upon the Reforma- tion. While that purification of religion meant to some ‘* praising God in the Grassmarket,’’ to others it meant richer purses and broader acres. The fervid enthusiasm mingled with worldly wisdom which mark the period are peculiarly Scottish. Home is known to us first in 1551 as Warden of the Dumfries Convent, his predecessor, Richard Harlaw, having become a simple friar. The Warden next appears in connec- tion with the payment of an annuity of 20 merks out of the Castlewards of Roxburgh. This had been granted by the remorseful Bruce to the Friars of Dumfries, and had, in more recent times, been but ill paid. Sir James Douglas of Cavers, the Sheriff of Roxburgh, had offended in this respect as often as he could, and in 1554 had not paid anything for twelve cans in Scotland of whom any record survives,’ years. Home that year ‘‘ for certaine gud caussis moving the saidis Freris ’’ agreed to accept half of the sum due on con- dition that payments were made in a definite series of instal- ments—literally half a loaf was better than no bread.*" It was during Home’s Wardenship, as we have seen, that 318 GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. most of the Friary properties were feued out. In 1556 Home obtained skilled advice by feuing out to Hew Cunning- ham two acres of land on Corberryhill for ‘‘ xxiiij shillings of male [rent] and assistand to the place with his gud consale allanerly,’’58 and it was after that date that most of the land was alienated. Notwithstanding the demands of the poverty-stricken Protestant clergy ‘‘ for the haill rentis of the Kirk abusit in Papistrie,’’ the Privy Council in 1561 limited immediate con- fiscation to the thirds of benefices. Half of the thirds went to the Queen, half to the ministers. “IT see,’ said Joba Knox, ‘‘ two parts freely given to the Devil and the third must be divided betwixt God and the Devil.’’ Crown grants, such as that founded by the Bruce previously noted, were re- absorbed to the Crown. The two-thirds retained were, how- ever, in the case of the Friars, insufficient for their support, for they possessed little land and no vicarage or parsonage tithes.°° The Privy Council therefor annexed the two-thirds, and instead gave each recanting mendicant a pension of £16. Stewart, Home, and Law were in receipt of these pensions for several years.40 After 1563 we have no record of Stewart, who, an elderly man, may have died about this time. Home occasionally appears before the Burgh Court of Dumfries.*! In 1562 he is named in connection with a standing jest at the expense of the Friars. In this case, however, it is the lady, Kathern Scott, the spouse of Robert Velche, who complains of being slandered by Jon Lyndesay, who had said, among other Py) things, that ‘‘ she had brokin matermony. Lyndesay was fined six and tenpence, and warned that ‘‘in caise he dois some vyther falt to be expellit the burt for day and zeir.’"42 On ‘ another occasion Home is charged to “‘ pay ix merks mony and xv s. for ane bonet ’’ to Adam Walkcar within a year.® On November 16th, 1563, the Council “‘ decernis and ordanis charles hwym minister of the freir kirk situate in the samin burt to keip the knok and bell being therintill wt the mornin preweris (prayers) dailie and he to be pait and dewlie anserit of ten merks mony at the feists of Vitsonday and saint mertin in vinter be evin portionis of the common purss and ordanis the knok to be mendit and sett in ordor on the touns coist GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. 319 be george moffett smyt wt expedition.’’ He appears also as exhorter in the Parish Kirk of Troqueer during the years 1508-70.44 After 1570 Home signs documents in Edinburgh and Leith. Home had either attracted the attention of Queen Mary when she was in Dumfries or he was able to bring influence to bear upon her, for on November oth, 1566, when Mary was at Kelso he obtained a document, of which the following is from a copy. It is endorsed :— ‘* The queins g. admissione. Comptrollar oure Will is that Charlis home sumtyme Wardane of the freris of Drumfreiss vplift the sowm of threttie tua pundis vsuale money of or realm and als we charge you That ye causs him to be ansserit obeyit and thankfullie payit of the forsaid sowm of the reddiest maillis and annualis of the said freris place zeirly and Ilk zeir Induring the said charlis lyiftyme and the same salbe weill and thankfullie allowit to zou in zor chekker comptis The said charlis payand to zou zeirlie the remanent conforme to the rentale gevin vp thervpon Ze kepand the copy of this or precept To gidder wt the said charlis acquittance for zour warrand. | Subscriuit wt owre hand at Kelso the nynt day of nouember the zeir of god Jajvc threscoir sex zeris. Sic subscribitur Maria regina fiat.’’6 This document was of much importance to Home, and led to a series of transactions from which neither he, the Provost of Dumfries, nor the Town Council emerge with un- tarnished honour. The whole affair centres round the pension of £16-payable to friar George Law. ye In the sub-collector’s account of the Thirds of Benefices the proceeds from the Dumfries Friary are entered as amount- ing to 433 11s 10d. In the accounts for 1567 is the following entry :—‘‘In the hands of Frier Charlis Home sumtyme Wardan of the freris of Dunfreis, and Archibald M‘Brair allegeit fewarris of the annewallis and fischeings of the same, for a part of the same the zeir comptit £17 11s 10d.” A similar entry appears for 1568, the total in hand now reach- ing £35 3s 8d.47 M/‘Brair’s title to the fishings was unim- peachable, and the £17 11s 10d is the surplus after deducting 320 GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. Home’s pension of £16. It thus appears that Home paid no pension during these years to George Law. In April, 1569, the Crown issued a charter of the Friary revenues to the burgh of Dumfries that a hospital might be erected for the poor. That was never done, the revenues being quietly included among the other revenues from burgh lands.48 The conjunction of Home’s name with that of the Provost, Archibald M‘Brair, is indicative of collusion, and evidence becomes positive within a month of the Crown gift to Dumfries, when the Provost made an effort to forestall the burgh in its rights. On the 23rd of May, 1569, Home en- tered into a private contract with the Provost, by which he agreed to accept £43 12s tod annually for allowing the Provost to “‘ ressaif, craif, intromet, uplift, collect and gadder all and sindre the proffettis, emolumentis and dewteis thairof . _and the said Archebauld to apply all and sindre the foresaid . . . annualis and utheris dewities perteining thairto to his awin use.’’49 The revenues of the Friary had apparently risen in value, but no doubt M‘Brair saw how to make a profit out of the deal. There were still unfeued pieces of ground—some of which the Council discovered James Rig, a bailie, to be sell- ing on his own behalf>'—and the Friary Kirk and Quier was a profitable quarry. The Town Council soon became aware of M‘Brair’s deal, and Home, perhaps afraid that if the matter went to the Courts he might lose all power to bargain by having his grant from Queen Mary annulled, concluded an agreement with the Town Council, and gave them a “‘ tack ”’ of a similar nature to the Provost’s on the 22nd of November. For this they agreed to pay him £20 annuity, a sad fall from’ £43, but still better than the pension of £16 to which, as a friar, he was entitled. The Council rescinded M‘Brair’s ° agreement at its own risk.®2 fp Bey Signature of ‘“‘ James Rig.” Born about 1528. Provost of Dumfries, 1567-8. GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. 321 Geordie Law during all this time was strangely silent. In 1573, however, he secured the support of John, 7th or 8th Lord Maxwell, and made a “ protestation’’ to the Privy Council. In this it is stated that Law received his pension of £16 from the Comptroller *‘ five or sex zers as the comptis of the saids collectors for the tyme will testifie . . . Alswa nochtheles Charlis Hume . . ._ hes intrometit wt the haill frutis therof and maid compaction wt the provest bailzeis and consale of or burght of Drumfreis and sett to tham the frutis therof the ane half and mair wtin the availl [under value] as the said george is Informit and swa meinis to debar hym fra ony proffeit therof [he] being ane puir man and hes na vther thing to leif vpon bot wald perrishe for falt of fude wer not of cousing Johne Lord Maxwell gevis hym his sustentatione in meit for goddes saik.’’°> The Privy Council summoned the various parties before them. It would appear that Home failed to answer the summons, for on the 24th of February, 1572-3, a letter under the Privy Seal signed by the Regent Morton was sent to the provost and bailies of Dumfries, pre- senting to them “‘ the gift of the escheit of all gudis movabill and vnmovabill . . qlkis perteint to Charlis home wardane of the cordelors freiris of Dumfreis And now perteining to oure souerane lord and fallin and becum in his hienes handis be ressoun of escheit Throw being of the said charlis vpon the nyntene day of februar instant ordourlie denonceit Rebell and put to the horne Be vertew of oure souerane Lordis lettres raisit and imprecat at the instance of his hienes advocattis ffor non finding sourtie that he suld compeir . ._ befoir oure soueranes Justice or his deputtis in the tolbuit of Edinburt and vnderlye the law ffor certane crymes of tressoun and lese- maiestie.’’>4 The Regent ‘‘ ordaines this gift of escheit to be employed to the grammer Scoule off Drumfreis.”’ The Town Council on the roth of June was alarmed by word received from their agent in Edinburgh, Mr Edward Henderson, and another “‘ gude freynd,’’ George Welsh, who wrote that Robert Charteris of Kelwood had given “ sinister information ’’ to the Privy Council, and that the day of the ‘* circumvened,’’ by which Law had ob- tained a decreet from the Privy Council ‘‘ in grete hurt to the summons had been 392 GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. common weill and contrarie to the assedatione vertuale and gift gevin to the burgh,”’ and ‘‘ having respect gif it beis not deffendit wtin short tyme it wil be hurtfull and evacuate the richt maid to thame,’’ they commissioned the provost “‘ wt ane gude honest substantious man and ane rynnar wt thame to pas furth with all diligence to Edr. or quhair it sall happin the lords of secrete counsell to be for the tyme . . and quhat beis debursit in defence therof they admit and ordaines to be tane of the rediest money that is now in hand wtout ony farther delay.’’ Five pounds was paid subsequently ** to andro cunyngham quhen he rade to Edr. for to keip the day of horning,’’®> and the Council ‘* havand consideration of the grit trawell and expensis maid be ard makbrair provest of this oe burt hes remyt to hym all his annell rents of all termes and zeris bypast.’’6 We do not know what the outcome of the Provost’s efforts were, but the next move on the part of the Council was an agreement among themselves to pay to Law £12 for his stipend.®” Be it noted that the income from the Friary lands now stood at £46 tos 8d. Lord Maxwell, however, still stood a friend to Law, and on the 25th of January, 1574-5, the Council ‘‘ beand convenit in the tolbut of Drumfreis at the desyr of ane nobill lord Jhone lord Maxwell anents ane ansser to be gevin to the petition of George law his servand . . . for payment to hym of xvj pundis zeirlie acclamit to pertene to him as ane portion furt of the lands and annell rents of the said freiris of certane zers bygane restand avand be thame to him sen they obteinit the geift of the saids freiris lands and annell rents and siclyk zeirlie In tyme to cum Induring his lyfetyme. . . Thairfor the saids proveist, balleis and counsell decernis and is content for thame and thair successors to content and pay to the said george the sowme of xxti merkis money foirsaid in haill and compleit payment of his said portioun of all zers and termes bygane to the Daite heirof.’’ In other words, George Law being legally entitled to a pension of 416 annually, unpaid for five years (and now amounting to £80), the Council agreed to pay him in the future for all his claims the sum of £13 6s 8d annually. GREYFRIARS’ ConvENT OF DuMFRIES. 3238 Law lived to receive this “‘ insult ’’ at least once, for such a payment is entered by the Treasurer in his accounts on 22nd December, 1575.5 After that we hear no more of “‘ puir Geordie Law.”’ The Council might have treated Home in a similar manner had it dared. Home resorted to letters of horning, however, and his receipts shew that he was always paid his £20.°9 In 1574 the Council drove a bargain with Home. In June he agreed to take £110 in composition for his liferent of 4,20. On the last day of November, 1574, the money was paid, and Home discharged the town.®! It was an unfortunate bargain for him, for he lived for fourteen years after its completion. He seems to have sunk into poverty in his old age, for in 1582 some action was taken on his behalf, and ‘* our Soverane Lord having consideration of the said Charles being of grit aige and willing to support him in his miserabill and aigit dayis,’’ revived for him the grant of 20 merks out of the Castle Wards of Roxburgh.® Thus the gift of Bruce was associated to their end with the Friars of Dumfries. | The payments from this source cease in 1588, and we may take it that the last of those who had worn the grey cowl and hempen girdle had passed furth of Scotland. Anil f deme Wry oS Signature, ‘‘ Charles Howme wt my hand.” The last of the Scottish Greyfriars. Notes. 1 Transactions, Dumfriesshire and Galloway Natural History and Antiquarian Society, 1910-11, Vol. xxiii., p. 18. la Cal. of Papal Registers, Letters VIII., p. 347. Quoted also T'rans., D. and G. N. H. and A. Soc., N.S. xxiii., p. 19. 2 Master John Oliver was one of the Witnesses to the Charter of Confirmation of the Bridge Custom granted by James 9th Earl of Douglas to the Friars, 4th Jan., 1452/3 (Bryce, II., p. 103). 3 The Watslaks was a considerable extent of low lying burgh common. It extended from Milldamhead on the east to the Alder- man hill, where stands St. Joseph’s College, on the west, and ran southwards almost to the Craigs. 324 GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. 3a The term ‘‘ kyndness ’’ shows a similarity of tenure of these burghal lands to those of the kindly tenants of Lochmaben under the Crown. Evidences of it have come under my notice in Dalton and Caerlaverock parishes, showing that it occurred in burghal, crown, and barony lands. 4 Burgh Court Books, 18, ix., 1563. 5 Shooting butts for children. 6 As shown in note (27) there were at least two tenements on this side of Friars’ Vennel, the upper abutting on the western friary wall, in existence in 15383. 6a George Maxwell was Provost of Dumfries from 1561 to 1565, succeeding John M‘Brair on his death, and preceding James Rig. 7 Scott’s property afterwards passed to David M‘Gee, who built upon it :— 17 May, 1562.—‘‘The glk day William Maxvell bruder to george maxwell provest of his awn proper grant and confession is condampnit in the releif of all and sundry annuell rents auch of richert maxvells place now Jon Scotts auch to the friers of Drum- fres of sourance lady her graces ch[ekker and] chamerland in her name and vthers havand Interest and to keip hermless and skaytless the sd Jon Scott heretable possessor therof be resignation of the said rychert at this present dait at the hands forsaid present and to cum of all byrin annuell pertenand at this act and to the feist of vitsonday nixt to cum efter the dait heirof qlk is the 17t1 of may instant vnder perell and proceis of pundying therfor as order of burt requeris qrvpon Jon Scott in presence of James rig requirit nott and act. Kirkpatrik. The qlk day Jon Kirkpatrik present befoir Dauid Cunygham and James rig balleis of Drumfreis beand vpon the ground of richert maxvells sometyme land newlie Jon Scotts at freir port of the said burt protestit that the seising gevin to the said Jon Scott of that land hurt not his titill of resignation maid to hym be the said richert of ane foir part of the land and pertinents therof and that his charter purports bot to the freir vall and not without the samin and insafar the said Jonis charter turnyt not his titill to preiudice with intimation public to the said Jon and vthers havand interest thervpon the said Jon requirit noitt and act in form of Instruments present george maxvell mungo son in thre merklands archd heres of madinpawp robert heris archd welsche andro edzar william cunygham martin Edzar officeris wt vytheris diuerss.”’ 16 May, 1562.—‘‘ The qlk day Dauid m‘gee clerk band and oblist hym his aris guds geris and lands to releiff and keip hermless ard velsche his aris assignais guds geris and lands at the hands of Jon Scott in barquhrangane his aris assignis and placeholders of four scoir punds payment vsual money of Scotland for the tahalf payment of the foirsaids lands at the term of vitsonday in txtua zeris vnder perell of law forsaid. GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. 325 The qlk day Jon Scott foirmenyt obliget hym his aris to bring wt hym on the xviij of this Instant his sone and wt ane consent and assent in dew resignation of his land at freir port vmqll richert maxvell in the hands of ane of the balleis of Drumfress pure and simpliciter in fauers of ard velsche and Dauid m‘gee and ther aris vnder the pane of fiwe hundret merks ther vpon the said ard his college requirit noitt and act.”’ The house is described as standing on the west side of a passage, on the east of which was John Richardson’s property (Bryce II., p. 111), occupying the western portion of the Friary garden. This passage, which is perhaps Greyfriars’ Street, was within the Friary wall, not without as shewn on Mr Barbour’s plan. 8 wide Appendix (6). 9 vide Appendix (7). 10 vide Appendix (11). 11 vide Appendix (3, 9, 10, 13, and 22). 12 Ancient Bridges in Scotland, by H. R. G. Inglis. Trans. Soc. Antiq. of Scot., 1911-12, Vol. xlvi- 13 From the Protocal Book of Herbert Anderson. Burgh Record Room, Dumfries. Maxwell in Drumfres No 7. Memorandum vito die mensis maii anno domini millesimo quingentessimo xlii® freir Herbert Stewart wardane of the freirs of Drumfres admittit Richert Maxwell burgess of Drumfres tennent to vii ruddis of the landis of Corbre Hill lyand wtin the prochin of Trequeir quhilks landis Johne Maxwell elder in Drumfres haud in tak of the said place quod befoir ut dictus guardianus asseruit And that for the payment of vi fr meill of the mesor of Nyt annuatim or ellis the price as the place and he can agree super quibus omnibus et singulis premissis omnibus et singulis quilibet eorum ete petiit instrumentum ut infra, acta erant hec apud por- tum dicte ecclesie fratrum minorum de Drumfres hora nona ante meridiem coram hiis testibus Jone Nelson in Suthik Jone thomeson Nicelmus Rob cum diversis aliis. 14 Town Council Minutes. 15 Burgh Register of Sasines at Dumfries, 8 Jan., 1678 (fol. 273), ete. 16 vide Appendix (25). 17 Burgh Register of Sasines at Dumfries (fol. 264). 18 The area and position of the Lands of Baxter’s Close is given in a document of 16 July, 1835. They comprised a field opposite the Chapel [of Ease] in acreage 3: 1:11.64 and a triangle on the west side of the Newabbey Road adjoining the Tollhouse of 2 falls, 36. On the Galloway Road (Laurieknowe) the former measured 671 links, on the Newabbey Road 135 links, and on the Old Road (Maxwell Street) 605 links. The triangle measured on the Newabbey Road 72 links and on the Galloway Road 58. 326 GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. 19 Burgh Register of Sasines at Dumfries. 20 op. cit. 21 vide Appendix (4), (5), (8), (14), (15), (24). 22 wide Appendix (12). 25 yide Appendix (17), (19), (21). 24 From the Protocal Book of Herbert Cunningham. Burgh Record Room, Dumiries. Vilson. Memd4 viio Aprilis anno dom. Ixix in mei notari publici, et testium subscriptorum presentia personaliter _ constitutus Johannes riche, ballivus in hac parte venerabilis viri Caroli hwym gardiani fratrum minorum de Drumfres ad mandatum predicti Caroli [ . . . ] ad infra subscriptum personaliter accessit ad sex rudas terrarum jacentes infra teretorium de troquer tres ilarum jacentes inter terram W™i maxwell longe ex parte boreali, et terram ipsius Joannis riche ex parte australi aquam de nyt ex orientali et viam communem extendentem ad ecclesiam parochialem de Troquer ex occidentali partibus una et alia et alias tres rudas dictarum terrarum jacentes inter viam communem et aquam de Nyt ex orientali et occidentali terras Joannis riche ex boreali; et australi partibus una et alia; et ibidem exinde Joannes riche ballivus ad mandatum dicti caroli hwym tradidit sasinam hereditariam pari- terque possessionem corporalem realem et actualem dictarum sex rudarum terrarum cum libero introitu et exitu et suis pertinentibus Wmo Vilson filio et heredi quondam herberti Vilson eius patrui conburgensis de Drumfres per deliberationem terre et lapidis fundi tradidit concedit et deliberavit in feodo et hereditate inperpetuum salvo jure cujuslibet: Et in medio tempore dictus Wmus Vilson resignavit illas terras cum pertinentibus in manibus dicti Caroli sui superioris rudarum terrarum in favorem et utilitatem herbert Vilson filii quondam Joannis Vilson in Dulsci corde per vigorem sui contractus simpliciter reddidit per terre et lapidis deliberationem pureque simpliciter resignavit: qua resignatione sic facta et recepta exinde vero Carolus tradidit sasinam dicto Herberto per delibera- tionem terre et lapidis fundi et hereditate inperpetuum. Reddendo inde annuatim summam quattuor decem solidorum annualis red- ditus quattuor eorum dicto Carole et decem aliorum Gilberto Asloan et ete. Super quibus omnibus dicti W™us et Herbertus Vilson, a me, notario publico subscripto sibi fieri petit publicum instrumen- tum acta erant super solum dicte terre hora 3 post meridiem pre- sentibus ibidem [—-—] skail burgentem de Drumfres Jacobo riche Wmo Hdyare [——] Ewart, testibus ad premissa vocatis pariterque rogatis. Vide Appendix (4). 25 Last day of Apryl 1578 Edzer. The qlk day the provest bailzeis and cunsell abonewryttin hes set in few +o Wilhum Edzer in grenhede of traquere ane rude of the freiris landis lyand in the cloiss sumtyme occupyit be vmqle John GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DumMFRIES. 327 Dun vpon the west syde of the sade Williamis tenement in grenehede he payand therfore fortie ss of entress silver in hand and zerelie to the comone purss of Drumfreis fowre ss thre d annuell rent sourtie for the zerelie payment ef the sade annuell rent at witsunday and mertenemess be equale portiones Dauid rawlyng. And the sade William byndis and obleisses hym and his airis exers and assignayis to releve and kepe harmeles the sade Dauid and his airis of the pay- ment of the sade annuell rent zerelie at the townes handis And ordainis sesyng to be gevin to the sade William and his airis of the sade rude of land with the pertinentis in deu form as offeris qrvpon the sade William requyrit act note and Instrument of me serybe of cort. 26 Last day of April, 1578. Commonweill. The qlk Day ane aiker of land lyand in the towne of traquere sumtyme pertenand to the freiris of Drumfreis and now to the provest ballzeis and communitie occupyit be vmqle Johne M‘Gowne and now be amer maxwell elder burgess of Drumfreis is to be set in few for helping of the biggyng of the plege chalmor and to be ropit. And becauss the sade amer nor wane vther will bid for the samyn. Tharefore James ryg ane of the procurators for the com- mone weill of this burgh protestis it may cum in the townes handis. 14 May, 1578. Commoneweill. The qlk day provest bailzeis and cunsell hes assignit this day xv dayis as cort peremptor for ropyng of ane aiker of land lyand in the toune of traquere sumtyme of the freiris landis of Drumfreis and now pertenand to the communitie of the sade towne presentlie occupyit be Amer Maxwell elder and hes warnit the sade Amer personalie in Jugement and all vtheris havand entress therto be oppin proclamatione at the tolbuyt stair To compere the sade day in the tolbuyth of Drumfreis before the Jugeis and cunsell to here and sie the samyn ropit and to bid therfore as accordis wt certificatione and Intimatione gyf na man will compere and do for the samyn the sadis Jugeis and cunsell will decerne the samyn to pertene to the said towne of Drumfreis and thare successors in propertie forever. 27 The following are descriptions of these properties. The ex- tended entries are typical examples of the process of distraint for non-payment of annual rent. The case had to be brought before the court three times ; on the third, public intimation at the Market Cross was ordered, and if payment was not forthcoming within forty days a ‘‘ court of property ’’ was held and the subject disponed to the feu holder. 15 January, 1521/2. The quhilk daye the ballie Eduerd John- stoun hais reconquest ane tenement of wmqll William craik lyand in the burgh of Drumfress in the tounheid on the est part of the samin lyand be tuix ane tenement in the quhilk duellis Janot Duran on the southt part on the ta part and ane tenement of Shr William ° 328 GREYFRIARS” CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. ferlainis on the northt part on the tothir part in defalt off payment of five sh[illings] of annuell to be pait to freyr robert litill werden of the freir minors of Drumfress and to the conuent of the samin be gift of ord and stane as it that was vnstrenzeable this cort as the first cort. (Also 2-x-1522 ; 29-i-1522/3; and 15-iv-1528.) The quhilk daye the ballie Eduerd Johnstoun hais reconquest ane west tenement of wmquhill John wattrecs als deid lyand wytin the burght of Drumfress in the tounheid on the est part of the samin lyand be tuix ane tenement of Shr William fferlean on the southt part on the ta part and ane tenement west of wmquhill Dauid Welcheis on the northt part on the tothir part in Defalt of payment off ix sh[illings] of annuell zerly to be paitt till freyir robt litill werden of the freir minors of Drumfress and to the conuent of the samin be gift of ord and stane as it that wais vnstrenzeable this cort as the thrid court and than the forsaid balle Edwerd Johnstoun commandit and chargit James m‘gee officher to pass to the merkett corss of Drumfress and proclaim be oppin proclamation at the said merkett corss that the ayrs and doars of that place and tenement suld cum and do fir it siclik as thai ocht to do wyt in xl dayis failzeand tharoff the said werden and conuent of the frers of Drum- fress will dispon vpon the said west tenement and place wyt the pertinents as properte and dovm to be gevin yarvpon and ane court of properte to be holdin threfter. (See also 26-11-1521 /2.) The other properties are described in the following manner : — ils) Vein, Iseal / 2. ““Ane west tenement wyt the pertinents off vmquhill Dauid Welsche lyand in the burgh of Drumfress in the tounheid on the est part of the samin lyand be tuix ane tenement of wmquhile John Deids on the south part on the ta part and the Kings streit extendand to the mott on the northt part on the tothir part in defalt of payment of vilj sh. of annuell.’’ 2 Oct., 1522. “‘Ane west tenement lyand in the burghe of Drumfress of wmquhill Cuth- bert of Maxwell lyand be tuix ane tenement of Johne Schortrig on the est part on the ta part and ane tenement of vmquhill herbert of cunygham on the west part on the tother part in defalt of payment of [vj sh.] of annuel.’’ (See also 22-1-1522/3; and 15-iv-1523.) 15 April, 1534. ‘‘ Ane west tenement lyand in the burghe of Drum- fress wt the pertinents in the myd raw off the samin be tuix ane tenement of wmqll John Durains vpon the northt part vpon the ta part and ane tenement of wmall [ | vpon the southt part . . in defalt of payment of ane stane of tallow lyt of annuell.’’ ‘‘Quo die . . ane west tenement lyand in the said burghe of Drumfress in the freyr wennell vpon the southt part of the samin be tuix ane tenement of wmqhile John lawderis vpon the est part vpon the ta part and ane tenement off John litillis vpon the west part vpon the tothir part and ane zaird of wmqll John lorymeris vpon the southt part vpon the ta part and the Kings streit extending to the brig of Drumfress vpon the northt part vpon the tothir part . . in defalt of payment of xuj sh 1ij d of annuell.”’ & GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMERIES. $29 19 Jan., 1535/6. ‘‘ Ane west tenement wt the pertinents of wmqll [ | stevin sone lyand in the [ | burgh of Drumfress in the mydraw of the samin be tuix ane tenement of [ J on the southt part on the ta part and ane tenement of [ | on the northt part on the tothir part . . . in defalt of payment of [ ] zerlie.”’ On the 12th November, 1533, Patrik Welsche son and heir of wmquhile David Welsche smith was served heir to his father, in, among other properties, ‘‘ ane tenement in the newton be tuix a tenement of wmquhile riche m‘Kinnellis on the west part and the freyr wall on the est part,’’ and ‘‘ ane tenement lyand in the tounhede be tuix ane tenement of wmquhile John deids on the southt part and the Kings streit extending to the lordburn on the northt part,’’ showing that the latter property had not been for- faulted. From these entries it appears that the Convent held annual rents from four or five tenements in Midraw, one in Friars’ Vennel, and one ‘‘west’’ tenement, amounting altogether to £2 Os 4d and a ‘‘stone of tallow light.’’ As the properties appear in the Burgh Court Books only in exceptional circumstances, there is no saying how many other rents were similarly held by the Friars. That other properties were held appears from App. (6) and (12) and Note (29); while they also held an annual rent of five merks from a tenement at Vennel heid by the charter of mortification of John Logan, Vicar of Colvend. (Bryce II., 1038.) 28 xvii October, 1526. The samin day James nelesone procura- tor for James Walkar protestit in Jugement that ane breiff rasit be Johnot Walkar and ane breif be Cristian Walkar airs to wmqll Shr Johne Walkar person of Dalton off iij ruds of land qlk halds of the freyrs of Drumfress and of ane orchard lyand in the zard heids betuix ane orchard of thomas Kirkpatrik and the Kings streit ex- tending to the port turn the saids James walkers ryt to na pre- iudice. 17 October, 1526. The samin day James Nelesone in the hills prfocurator] for James Walkar presentit ane charter of seising vnder four wardentis selys of iij ruds of land callit the Dowcot closs perteinyng to wmqll Sir Johne Walkar persone of Daltoun till his airs and assignais as the said charter purports of the qlk presentit and sycht Shir Adam gladstanys chaplane pr[ocurator] for Janot Walkar and Cristian Walkar airs to vmqll Sir John Walkar person of Dalton forsaid requirit in Jugement ane act to be maid therof and requirit vitness of the samin in the meyntym. 29 Instrument of Sasine, 6 July, 1536. Original, wanting the seal, in Record Room, Burgh of Dumfries. In Dei Nomini Amen per hoc presens publicum instrumentum cunctis pateat evidenter et sit notum quod anno incarnationis Dominis millesimo quingentesimo xxxvj® mensis vero Julii die sexto ‘indictione nona pontificatusque sanctissimi in Christo patris et domini nostri domini Pauli divina providentia pape tertii anno secundo In mei notarii publici et testium subscriptorum presentia personaliter constitutaus venerabilis religiosus vir frater Robertus 330 GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DuMERIES. Litill gardianus fratrum minorum de Drumfress cum consensu quorundam sui conventus accessit ad unum certum suum tenemen- tum sive vastam terram jacentem in dicto burgo inter tenementum Roberti Edgar ex parte occidentali et tenementum Johannis Smyt ex parte orientali et ibidem totum jus suum et juris clameum quod habuit vel habere potuit in futurum in et ad predictum tenementum sive vastam terram in capite dict: burgi cum pertinentiis in manibus providi viri Harberti Cunynghame ballivi tune temporis dicti burgi in favorem et utilitatem providi viri Thome Heris medici et bur- gensis dicti burgi et suorum heredum et assignatorum per dona- tionem terre et lapidis pure et simpliciter resignavit reddendo inde annuatim dictus Thomas Heris heredes sui et assignati dicto domino gardiano et suo conventui et suis successoribus quinque solidos usualis monete Scotie annui redditus ad duos anni-terminos festa_ sancti martini in hieme et Penthecostes per equales portiones: quaquidem resignatione sic exinde facta et recepta exinde [ ?] pre- fatus ballivus statum hereditarium possessionem corporalem et sasinam predicti tenementi sive vaste terre cum pertinentiis predicto Thome et heredibus suis et assignatis per traditionem terre et lapidis ut moris est in burgo tradidit contulit et deliberavit in feodo et hereditate imperpetuum solvens ut supra dictum annuum redditum quinque solidorum ad terminos prescriptos et medio tempore pre- dictus gardianus obligavit se et suos successores ad varantizandum dictum tenementum sive vastam terram cum pertinentiis dicto Thome heredibus suis et assignatis pro solutione dicti annui redditus quinque solidorum annuatim ; super quibus omnibus et singulis pre- missis prefatus Thomas a me notario publico subscripto sibi fieri petiit publicum instrumentum: acta erant hec super fundum dicte terre hora tertia post meridiem presentibus ibidem Valtero Gurlaw Willelmo M‘Kittrik Jacobo Kirkpatrick Archibaido Welch domino Willelmo Connelsonne fratribus Johanne Perro et Johanne M‘Cur testibus ad premissa vocatis et specialiter rogatis: Kt ego Thomas Connelsonne presbiter Glasguensis diocesis publicus auctoritatibus apostolica et imperiali notarius premissis omnibus et singulis dum sic ut premittitur fierent dicerentur et agerentur unacum prenomi- natis testibus presens personaliter interfui eaque omnia et singula premissa sic fieri scivi vidi et audivi ac in notam cepi Unde hoc presens publicum instrumentum manu mea scriptum confeci et publicavi signoque et nomine meis solitis et consuetis signavi rogatus et requisitus et dictus dominus gardianus huic instrumento suum sigillum appendit ad roborandum dictum instrumentum. 30 The following is the last entry recording the use of the Friary as a place of business. After it. there is an unfortunate hiatus in the records until November, 1569. 19 July, 1564. The qlk day Jon merchell elder present in Juge- ment varnyt Jon Stott to compeir in the freir Kirk of Drumfres the day of ther to resave the sovm of ten punds for the lauchfull redemption of the land and tenement vmqll Jon M‘quhans in toneheid efter the tenor of reversioun therof and to heir and se GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF Dumrries. 331 the reversioun fulfillit for his pert as assignay to the lawtfull redemption ther as his evidents maid to him thervpon mair fullely is conteint. 31 vide Appendix (15). 32 vide Appendix. The rent roll does not include the feu duty payable by John Marshall on the eastern portion of the Friary Garden, 3s 8d; on Lord Maxwell’s property, £2 138s 4d; or on the Bridge Custom, £6 16s 8d. Taking these into consideration, the total receipts rise to £38 19s 10d. In the rental there are several repetitions, and the descriptions of the properties are frequently indefinite. The dates of charters, etc., vary in repeated entries, and also from the dates of charters as given by Bryce. 33 Transactions, D. and G. N. H. and A. Soc., N.S., xxiii., p. 205. 34 22 December, 1575. vide Footnote 50, 35 John Primrose, Esq. 56 29 October, 1572. Rychartson merchell elder and Kirkpatrik. The qlk day in the caus movit be Johne Rychartsone John merchell elder and Johne Kirkpatrik anentis the waist passage extendand fra the foirgate callit the freir vennell on the sowth pert to the queir dur of the freir kirk on the north pert It is anserrit be the provest ballies and counsell to the saids pairteis sall bring wt thame siklyke evidenteis and documentis as thay will vse for ther profate and defenceis in the tollbuyt of Drumfreis this day xl dayis gif it be lauchfull and faland therof the nixt lauchful day nixt thereftir to be considerit and sene thereftir to be advisuit qlk of the perteis hes maist tytill therto as accords of the law wt intimation to tham quthir thay compeir or not the said day and place the Jugeis will proceid and minister Justice sa far as thay may of law. 37 Bryce, I., p. 206. 38 vide Appendix (5). 39 Bryce, I., p. 153. 40 Collector’s and Sub-Collector’s Accounts, Bryce, II., pp. 341, 345, 359-60. 41 20 October, 1562. The qlk day Issobell Ewart the spous of William fruid burgess of Drumfres present in Jugement of hir awn proper grantt and con- fession is condampnit in the sovm of fourtie schillings ij d vsual mony of scotland and chargeit to pay that sovm to charles hwym betuix this and the xv day of nouember nixt to cum vnder perell of law. 7 August, 1563. The qlk day pawill heslope present in Juge- ment of his awin proper grant and confession is acit in the sovm of four punds gud and vsual of Scotland and chargeit to pay the said sovm to charles hwym betuix this dayit and the xiiij day of Sep- tember nixt to cum vnder perell of law wt intimation publict as offers thervpon Jugeis decernit act with perteis as offers. $32 GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. 42 22 August, 1562. The qlk day Jon lyndesay present in Jugement is condampnit in the sovm of vj s vj d and chargeit to pay that sovm to Kathern Scott the spous of robert velche wt iiij d for this present wtin xx] dayis nixt to cum vnder perell of law qrvpon Judes decernit act. And for: it is fundin that he hes failzeit to the said Kathern callerand hir huyr and that she had lying wt the vardane of the freirs and gevin hym the glengot and he hir siclik and had broken matermony and in caise he dois some vyther falt to be expellet the burt for day and zeir. (Deleitit be consenti dicti Katherne.) 43 26 October, 1562. The qlk day charles hwym present of his awn proper grant and confession is acit in the sovm of ix merks mony and xv s for ane bonet and chargeit to pay that scvm to adam valkcar burgess of Drumfress wtin day and zeir nixt efter the day heirof that is betuix this dait and the first of nouember anno [15]63 zeris vnder perell of law. 44 Scott’s Fast Ecclesie Scoticane. : 45 His appearance in the latter town might indicate relationship with George Hume, indweller there, who, with others, had to find surety to underly the law for selling French wines above the statu- tory price, May 4, 1555. Pitcairn’s Criminal Trials, I., 377. 46 Document in Burgh Charter Room attested ‘‘ This is a trew and iust copy of the fornemmit precept writtin and collationat be me notare vnder writtin. Ita est Jacobus Williamsoun notarius publicus per Dominos consilii admissus manu propria.”’ 47 Bryce, IIL., p. 360. 48 We have elsewhere noted that six merks annuity out of the Friary rents was granted by the Burgh on 8th July, 1570, to Thomas Herp, who had ‘‘ susteinit mutillation in his neiss at the raid and birnying of blaikshaw the xxvj of Aprile last bypast.’’ 49 Bryce, II., p. 117. 50 It is difficult to estimate the total of the Friary revenues. As the properties were gradually feued the receipts rose in amount from £33 11s 10d in 1568 to £46 10s 8d in 1573. In 1590-1 ‘‘ the freiris annuellis’’ are entered at £52 (Document, ‘‘Compt of Common guid of the burgh of Drumfreis,’’ in G.R.H.); but it is doubtful if this last did not include rental from the lands of the Chapels in the Burgh, which were also granted by the Charter of 1569 to the Burgh. - 28 October, 1572. richartson. The qlk Day comperit be foir provest ballies and the consalle Jon richartson James rig and patrik newill maid thair compts of tua zeris rentts lyftit be tham of the freirs lands of Drumfres viz vitsonday and mertymes in lxx and the haill zeir of Ixxj zeris ex- tendand in the haill to fourti thre punds ix d vsuale mony of Scot- GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMERIES. 333 land lyftit be tham therof xl lib payit to charles Hwym as his atquitance beris of thai zeris subscriuit wt his hand. ‘Ita est Herbert cunyngham notarius ut supra manu propria. 20 November, 1573. The freris haill rentall of auld and new safar as is knavin at this day extendis to xlvj lis x s and viij d. The qlk day Herbert ranying zounger producit the freiris rentell forsaid of it resauit be hym Ixiij lis ix s and x d and maid his compt therof debursit be hym and admyttit extending to xlij lis xviij s swa rists of the haill vant in the tennentes hands he exonerit therof be this present subscriuit as followis in Jugement in presens of provest ballies and consale [signed] Archibald Mabrayt P. William cunynghame baillze Jhone Richartsoun James Wallace, Andro cunynghame. 22 December, 1575. The Compt of harbert Ranyng zounger collector of the maleis and annellis of the freiris landis of all zers risland awand befoir the terme of witsonday In the yeir of god, etc., xxv zers sen the townis entres therto. Charge. Item the said harbert chargeis him wt— ii1jXXiij libs xviij ss i d les. Resawit be him befoir the said last terme of witsonday In anno, etc., xxv zeris. The said harbert exoners him of —iiijX* lib thairof as his acquit- tance beiris. Vint The xxij day of December / 1575/ The qlk day the provest balleis and counsell present vpon the comptis hes admittit this acquittance And farther allowit to the said herbert v li xix ss iiij d as his bill of compt beiris and swa the said harbert is Dischargit of his Intromission of the freiris landis and annells preceiding Witsonday in the zeir of god Jaj Ixxv zers and the town ristis awand him — xlii ss iiij d of this v lib xix ssid Reseruand the ristis befoir the said Witsonday to the toun as his Roll beris. The compt of the ristis of the freris lands gewin vpe be the said harbert ristand vnpayit befoir the terme of witsonday in Ixxv zers followis Stewin palmer at brigend for v or vj zers. ij ss ik zer, Summa xviij ss Robene Maxwell land ristis vnpayit v zers or mair iij ss ilk zer xv ss Jhone caruthers land ristis v or vi zers xx ss ilk zeir vi li quhairof Roger hereis hes payit at the townis will 1 ss Janet Kirkpatrik ristis v zers payit vi ss ilk zeir is in the haill xxx ss Jhone reid ristis bygains xxij d Harbert skalls wyf ristis Amer fergussone for the closter ristis y termes y 8s 334 GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. my lord maxwell for the zard and kirksted vi zeir ane terme liiij ss iij d James lauders place ristis vi zer ane terme vil} ss 111) d zerlie 51 21 May, 1572. The Comondvelth. The glk Day the consall convenit in the ovirtolbuyt and thair finds tham and the comondvelth greatly hurt be James rig quha analys and sells the lands of the freirs zards qlk thai ar infeft of be charter and sesing be gift of of souerane lord havand respect for remeid therof hes assignit to the said James ane cort xl dayis viz the sicond Day of July nixt to cum to the said James to produce his evadent ryt.therof geif ony he hes of the saids lands to be con- siderit and sene geif he hes just titill therto. . . [28 leaves from 2nd July to 23rd September, 1572, torn out. ] 14 January, 1575/6. Comone weill. The qlk day the Jugeis and counsell assignis this day xv dayis to James Rig to produce his evidents of the zard occupyit be him lyand betuix syme Jonstoun and sandi m‘gown together wt his evident of an aikir of land of the freiris lands lyand on corbrayhill to be seine and consydderit how he haldis the samyn and heirvpon Jugeis decernit act. 52 Bryce, II., p. 119. 53 Copy of Protestation, 9th May, 1573, Burgh Charter Room, Dumfries. 54 Document endorsed ‘‘ Gift of the Warden of the freirs escheitt,’?’ Burgh Record Room, Dumfries. 55 17th November, 1573. Discharge be Herbert Ranying zounger. item deliuerit to the ridding to Ed? in August last was x li and xl sh to herbert ranying elder to kep parliament, item to andro cunyngham quhen he rade to Kd? v lis for to keip the day of horning 56 Burgh Court Books, 17th November, 1573. 57 17 August, 1574. The qlk day conveint in the tolbuyt of Drumfres the xvi day of august and ther decernit tham and ilk ane of thame to pay to George law freir for this Instant zeir the sowme of xij punds for his stipend Qlk names ar as followis viz Johne richartsone Johne Thomsone herbert ranying elder Wm paterson herbert skaills thomas Johnston michaell baty thomas baty andro morison thomas m‘mynnes thomas newall And this to stand for ther decreet ther- vpon ordaint act. 58 22 December, 1575. Ranyngis Compt of the frie menis Silver. Discharge. Item to geordie lawe In composition of his byrin pencion of the GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. 559 freiris lands and annells befoir the terme of witsonday In the zeir of god, ete. ‘ xxti merks 59 17 June, 1570. Commonvell, The qlk day it is decernit and ordainit be provest ballies and counsile that the males fewfermes and annell rentts qlks some- tyme perteint to the vardane and convent of the freris of Drumfres to be gaderit be the ballies and ther collectors wt expedition and the vardans pert to be payit wt deligence and the rist to be maid compt of as offeris thervpon Judges ordaint act. 16 Day of Janury, 1571/2. M‘Brair. The qlk Day ard m‘brair provest present in Jugement producit ane letter of ratification subscruit be Jon Dunbar in lythqo xj of Januari] anno Ixxj zeris berand in effect that the said ard payit to hym as cationer for hym to charles hwym xxiij li mony for the mertymess term of lxix zeris of the payment of the tak maid be frer charles hwym to the said provest and his pertinaris And quhat nar- ation vas maid of chargeing of the said provest to the tolbuyth of edinburt that vas not of verite as at mair lentht is conteint in the said testimoniale subscriuit be Johan Kene notar publict at the request of John Dunbar burgess of Edinburt of the dait forsaid Quhairvpon the said Ard requiret nott and act. Ita est Herbertus Cunnygham notarius publicus supra manibus propria. 16 June, 1574. Commonveill. The qlk day the counsell abone writtin wtout discrepence all in ane voce humblie requirit ard m‘brair prouist to pas in the name of the haill counsell and communite of the said burt to the burt of Edger to the dyetts of the xx day of this instant moneth of Junii twicheand the actione movit be Charlis hwme agains his sourteis specifeit in the Ires for the none payment of xx lib of rents wt all proceis followand thervpon Providand quhat expenses to be maid fialls of men of law in the causses forsaids In keping of thir actions and all vythers followand thervpon thai in name of the haill com- munite hes oblist to releve the said prouest of all dammage cost and skaithes be this present subscriuit as followis togidder wt of mer- cheand marks becaus thai culd not subscrive. In addition to the receipt given by Bryce, II., p. 121, dated 4th April, 1571, is another dated at Leith, 5th January, 1571/2, in which he acknowledges receipt of £20 from David Rawling, burgess of Dumfries, on behalf of James Ryg, Patrik Newall, John Rycheart- son, and John Maxwell, ‘‘ my taxmen of the said place.’’ Witnesses David Horn, burgess of Edinburgh, Thomas Bet [ ], and William Gledstanis, burgess of Drumfress. Burgh Record Room, Dumfries. 60 Holograph Document, dated at Edinburgh, 6th August, 1574, renewing contract, although £10 due to be paid at date was not 336 (GREVFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. forthcoming. | Witnesses—‘‘ George Oliuer, vicar pensioner of suthik, James Harlaw, writer, Maister Petir Watsoun, minister of Drumfreis, and Wm. Cunningham bailze therof.”” Burgh Record Room, Dumfries. 61 ‘‘ Discharge Charles home.’’ Dated last of November, 1574. Burgh Record Room, Dumfries. Be it kend till all men be this present letter me charles home wardane of the cordeleir freris of Dumfreiss fforsamekle as be ane contract and appownttnameous maid betuix me on that ane part James rig patrik newale baillies of the said burt of Dumfreiss John richartsoun and Johne maxwell burgesses of the said burt for thameselffis and taking burding vpoun thame for the commonitie of the said burt of Dumfreiss on that vther part, The forsaidis personis war bundin and obleist coniuntlie and seueralie for thaim selffis and remanent of the commonitie of the said burgh thair aris executors assignis and successors to content pay and thankfullie deliuer to me the sowme of twenty pundis money of this realm zearlie at twa termes in the zeir Witsounday and Mertymes in Wynter be equale portionis zeirlie to be payit within the burt of Hdinburt within xl dayis nixt efter ilk term induring all the dayis of my lyiftyme to be payit to me be the forsaidis personis and that for ane tak anu assidation sett be me to thame and ther successors of all and haill the annual rents zardis housses and ther pertinents wt the half customes of the burt of Dumfreiss wt all mailles fermes gains proffetts and dewteis quhatsomevir perteining to me the said charles as Warden forsaid for all the space of thre zeris and fra thre zeris in thre zeris induring my lyiftyme as at mair lenth is conteiuit in the said appounttment maid betuix ws perties thervpon. Quhilk is insert and registrat in the bukis of counsale and decernit to haif the strenth of ane act and decreit of the cords therof of the dait at Edinburgh the xxvij day of Nouember the zeir of god Jmve Ixix zeris and now becauss Ard m‘brair of Balmagill [sic] prouest of the said burt of Dumfreiss in name and behalf of the consale and com- munite therof hes realie and wt effect contentit and payit to me instantlie the sowme of ane hundret and ten pundis money of this realm in full and compleit payment of all sowmes of money restand awand to me of all zeris bigane sen the dait of the said contract and als in compleit payment and satisfactioun of all zeris and termes to cum during my lyiftyme of the said xx li zerlie contenit in the said lettre of tak. Theirfore I be thir presents exoneris quitclaimes and dischargeis the said Alex? [sic] m‘brair prouest forsaid in name and behalf of the bailleis consale and commontre of the said burt of the forsaid sowm of ane hundred ten punds money forsaid in compleit payment of all zeris and termes bigane and siclyke of ali zeris and termes in tyme cuming induring all the dayis of my lyiftyme and haldis ws weill content satisfeit and payit therof for now and euir and is content and consentis that the forsaid contract contenand the forsaid tak be deleit and excuitt (?) furt of the saidis GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. 337 buiks and haif na forther strenth nor effect in tyme cuming and is content that this acquittance be insert and registrat in the buikis of consale their to remaine ad per petuam rei memoriam. Be this my acquittance subscriuit wt my hand at Edinburt the last day of nouember the zeir of god Jmve lxxiiij zeris Befoir thir witnesses Robert greirson brother germane to the lard of lag George blyt burges of Edt and petir broun burges therof and James Williamson notar wt vytheris diuerss. Charles home wt my hand. James Williamson as witness. George Blyt as witness. Ultimo Nouembris 1574 62 Bryce, II., p. 122. Appendix. The rent of the lands and tenements qlks vmall pertenit to the freir cordelers minors of Drumfreis be ard makbrair provost robert makkynnell baillies of Drumfreis the ix day of november the zeir of god Jmye lxxy zeirs the qlk Day sutts callit cort afirmyt absents amercit as vse is. makbrair. (1) The qlk Day ard makbrair provost producit ane charter of confirmation of the half of the fisching vmqll frer minors berand in effect that the said half fysching vas sett and conferyt to Jon mak- brar and his aris for vj li of mony zeirle to the freir minors and ther successors as in the said charter of confirmation of the dait apd Edin- burt xo die mensis Januari anno dom. millesimo quingentesimo [ quinquagesimo]| septimo. richartson. (2) The qlk day Jon richartson producit ane charter of confir- mation berand in effect that he and his spous vas infeft reale of x ruds of land for xl tua s. vj d in hawt and for his houss and zard in frer vennell vj s viij the aris dowbill and the few at ther entreis therto as in the said charter of the dait ap4 edinburt xxjo die mensis autii anno dom. millesimo quingentesimo sexagesimo quinto. mertin. (3) The qlk Day herbert mertin producit his Infeftment of ane pert of ane tenement vmqll andro lawson berand in effect that he and his sall pay to the frer minors and ther successors thre s. vj d zeris as is in the said evident of the Dait at Drumfres 3° menssis -Maij anno dom. millesimo quingen™° sexagesimo vnder signe and subscription of herbert cunyngham notar publict mair fullely is conteint. vilson. (4) The qlk Day herbert vilson producit ane instrument of sesing berand in effect that cherlis hwym infeft wm vilson in ane akir of 338 GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. land liand in troqueir for four s. of annellrentt zeirlie at termes vsit and vontt as the evident beris under the signe and subscrip- tion of herbert cunyngham notar publict and ete. cunyngham. (5) The qlk day hew cunyngham producit ane rentall subscriuit wt cherlis hwym and freir herbert stewart berand in effect that the said cherles admittit hym tenent to tua akiris of land liand on the est pert of corberry hill for xxiiij s of male and assistand to the place wt his gud consale allanerly as in the said rentall of the dait the xvij day of merche anno lvj zeris beris. m‘ge. (6) The qlk Day Dauid m‘gee in name of Helene m‘gee pro- ducit ane charter maid be cherlis hwym of the litill stane houss at the end of the frers greiss berand in effect that the said Dauid and his airis and assigneis payand zeirly therfor thre s. iiij d as the charter therof mair fullely is conteint of the Dait apd Drumfres xj die menssis Junij anno dom. etc., ]mo yij°. makgee. (7) The qlk Day the said Dauid producit ane Instrument cf sesing berand that cherlis hwym verdane of the freir minors of Drumfres be his balle gaif to the said Dauid heretable staitt and seising of ane foir land and tenement in newton betuix petir amul- gane on the vest pert and the entre to the zard at the bak therof on the est pert for vj s and viijj d of annell rente zeirly at tua vsuale termes allanerly as in the evident maid thervpon mair fullely is conteint. makquhirk. (8) The qlk Day James m‘quhirk producit ane charter berand in effect that cherles Hwym and vtheris vardans of frer minors of Drumfres maid ane charter to hym and his of half akir of land on the vest pert of the valter of nyt for payment of viij s vj d zerlie at tua termes in the zer as the said charter subscriuit be the said cherles of the Dait x© Junij lviij° mair fullely is contenit. blaik. (9) The qlk Day alexr blaik producit ane charter to him be Jon maxwell thomas sone berand in effect that his new tenement payis thre s. ij d to the tone of Drumfres and ther successors. lawson. (10) The qlk day Jon lawson alias sawryt producit ane Instru- ment of sesing q? he and his Infeft of ane tenement and land liand in newton occupiyt be hym for the payment of thre s. of annuell rent allanerly as in the said evadent of the dait anno dom. millesimo and etc. quinquagesimo vij® mair fullely is contenit. anderson. (11) The qlk Day James anderson present in Jugement pro- testit that he myt haif termes assignit to hym to produce his titill and evadent ryt of ane zard in newton betuix the lands of vmqle petir amiligane on the vest pert and zard and land in the hands GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. 339 of Jon carrutheris on the est pert and geif the provest ballies and consale procedit ony ferder in the causs suld not be hurtfull to hym heirvpon requirit noitt and act. gorlaw. (12) The qlk day John gorlaw present in Jugement protestit for ane vyther terme and termes sufficient to produce his titill of bigit lands at brig-end perteiyng to hym be infeftment of the frer minors of Drumfres and in cais the Jugeis or consale proceids wyther wayis protestis for remeid of law. HAN: gorlaw. (13) The qlk Day James gorlaw spous to mergret makkonkeis producit in Jugement ane Instrument of sesing berand in effect that amer maxwell balle gaif the said James and mergret seissing of the houss and zeard vmqll Jon makkonkeis for payment of 11] s vj d to the frers and ui d for annuell to the comonete of Drumfreis zerlie as in the said evident of the dait the xxj of maii anno lxe mair fullilie is content. thomson. (14) The glk day wilham thomson producitt ane charter of ane akar of land on the vest pert of the tone of brigend berand in effect that charles hwym vardan and his convent wt consent and assent of Jon fergusson provectuale of that ordor sett to hym his aris ane akir of land for xvij s be zeir of fewferm and annell rent as in the said charter of the Dait the Day of Junii anno lviij zers mair fullelie purports. [ | xx0 decembris anno etc. Ixxj® production of evadents that Day. xx° decembris anno etc. Ixxj°. production of evadents that Day. rig. (15) The qlk Day James rig producit his evadentis that is of thre ruds of land wt the muir land on the est end of corberry hill payand therfor and ther successors the sowm of xxxij d zerlie to the freris and ther successors as in the charter maid thervpon of the dait xxiiij of august anno lvto mair fullely is conteint alss producit ane charter of the stane verk of the freris contanand ane kichin sellar thervnder tua chalmers and the sellars wt ane pert of the zerd liand on the vest pert of the bigin for xx s be zer as the evadents beris. makkynnell. ‘(16) The qlk Day rot makkynnell producit in Jugement ane cherter of nyne ruds of land callit new zards for xl s of fewferm of that land as the said charter of the dait the xv day of September the zeir of god etc. mair fully is contentit thervpon the Judes ordaint. quinga™mo quinto. haliday. (17) The qlk Day adam haliday producit in Jugement ane charter of half akir of land liand be zong liand on the vest pert of the tone of brigend for the payment of viij s vj d vsuale mony of 340 GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. scotland zerlie to be peyit to the frers of Drumfres and ther suc- cessors as in the said charter maid thervpon of the day the xij day of Jully anno etc. millesmo quingen™° quinqua™®° nono subscriuit be charles Hwym freir herbert Stewart freir cristall walkar. gorlaw. (18) The qlk day Jon gorlaw producit in Jugement ane Instru- ment of seising berand in effect that amer maxwell balle to charles hwym gaif Jon gorlaw seising of certane tenements wt fre ishe and entre therto liand in tone end of brigend wt pertinents for payment of thre s. at vitsonday and mertymes in vintter be equale portionis as in the Instrument of the daitt the first of September lx octavo mair fullely is conteint. thomson. (19) The qlk Day William thomson producit in Jugement ane charter of ane akir of land liand in the croft be zong the brig of Drumfreis maid to hym be cherles hwym for the payment of xvij s be zeir to the frers and his successors as in the charter of the dayit the ferd of Junij anno etc. | octavo thervpon the said w™ requirit act. blaik. (20) The qlk Day alexr blaik producit in Jugement ane Instru- ment of sesing of ane tenement in toneheid qlk he heritable pos- sesses for the payment of thre s. be zeir to the burt and commonete of Drumfres successors to the frer minors of Drumfres as in the said Instrument of the Daitt the vij of merch anno Ix octavo vnder the signe and subscription of herbert cunyngham notar public. merchell. (21) The qlk Day Jon merchell producit in Jugement ane charter of ane akir of land liand in the croft on the vest pert of the tone end of Drumfres for the payment of xvij s of fewferm zeirly to be payit to the frers and ther successors of Drumfres zeirly at vitsonday and sanct mertyin in vintter as in the said charter of the date of the ix° of Junij anno quingen™® quinqua™° octavo mair fullely is conteint thervpon the Juge ordaint act. gorlaw. (22) The qlk Day James gorlaw producit ane Instrument of ane tenement in newton sumtyme Jon makkonkeis berand in the selff that the said tenement sall pay to the frers of Drumfres and ther successors thre s. and yj d in the zer as in the said evadent of the dayt the xxj of maij anno sexagesmo ynder the sign and subsciption of herbert cunningham notar public mair fullely is contenit. cunyngham. (23) The qlk Day William cunyngham Jon son producit ane charter of ane akir of land in freir haucht maid and sett furth be charles hwym vardane of freir minors of Drumfreis berand in effect — that the said akir of land sett in fewferm for xvij s of annell and feuferm zeirlie as the said charter of the dait the anno etc. |] octavo mair fulle purports, day of maij GREYFRIARS’ CONVENT OF DUMFRIES. 341 cunyngham. (24) The quhilk Day hew cunyngham producit ane rentall con- tenand tua akirs of land liand on est end of corberry hill. (25) The qlk Day Dauid toads lands be rentell XXXIilj SS be zeir. 9th May, 1913. Chairman—Mr James Davipson, V.P. The Royalty of the Burgh of Dumfries: A Prevalent Misconception Explained. By Mr J. C. R. MacponaLp, W.S. The painstaking researches of Mr Shirley throw a flood of light on a matter that has often puzzled the local convey- ancer—the fact that a certain number of tenements in Max- welltown, in the parish of Troqueer and Stewartry of Kirkcudbright, bear, according to their title deeds, to be held by burgage tenure as if they were situate, which of course they are not, and never could have been, within the royalty of the burgh of Dumfries. To make the matter clear to the lay mind, it is necessary to explain at the outset that under the feudal system as acknowledged in Scotland all heritable property in the country _ with a few trifling exceptions (the patrimonial possessions of the Sovereign, the manses and glebes of the clergy, and the udal lands in Orkney and Shetland) is deemed to flow from the Crown as ultimate over superior. In subjects outwith those embraced in the Charter of Erection of a Royal Burgh, the vassals in possession hold either of the Sovereign direct or, if the property has been sub- feued, of a mid superior who in turn holds of his Majesty. In burghal subjects, on the other hand, the body corporate, of which every individual freeholder is a member, is the vassal in possession, and it holds direct of the Crown. Originally homage, fealty, and military service made up the return that the vassal was bound to give in acknowledgment of the superior’s grant, the military duty of burgesses in Royal 342 RoyaLTy OF THE BURGH OF DUMFRIES. 6 b) Burghs being limited to ‘‘ watching and warding ”’ on behalf of the community the territory embraced in the Charter of Erection. With the progress of time, however, land became a subject of commerce, and in subjects outwith the royalty of a Burgh services of a civil or religious nature and payments in money or in kind came on the renewal of the investiture to be substituted for military service, while now for nearly 200 years the only forms of feudal tenure that the law has recog- nised have been (1) feu farm holding where the return is a substantial payment in money or grain, called a feu duty ; (2) blench holding, where the return is illusory and is merely stipulated for as an acknowledgment of the superiority ; and (3) burgage holding applicable only to subjects situate within the territory embraced in the Charter of Erection of a Royal Burgh. In the case of Dumfries, the area covered by the original Charter, what is known as the royalty, embraced in addition to the subjects lying within a perimeter joining the original customs ports a considerable extent of ground outside, but none of it across the river. Evidence exists that the location of these ports was shifted from time to time as the population increased and the town proper extended its limits by encroach- ing on the common property outside. At the date of its erection the population of the Burgh was in all probability segregated in that portion of the present High Street extending from its junction with Bank Street to the Millburn Bridge and onwards as far as the Kirkgate Port, which was situated at or near the pent house end of Mill Street (now called Burns Street). The original perimeter of the inhabited area was therefore very limited in extent, and all the tenements that it enclosed were necessarily held on burgage tenure. Outside of it, as far as the limits of the royalty, there extended what then constituted the common good, lands over which the inhabitants had rights in common, known as the territory of the Burgh, which when ultimately divided up and disposed of to individual owners were spoken of as the burgh roods or the burgh acres. The gradual growth of the town towards the Moat, near which a customs port was placed known as the Townhead Royatty oF THE BurGH oF DuMmFrRIEs. 343 Port, and along English Street towards its junction with what is now known as Shakespeare Street, where was placed the Lochmabengate Port, led of necessity to a large extension of the perimeter enclosing tenements held exclusively on burgage tenure. This extended area, bounded by the Nith, by a line joining the Townhead Port to the Lochmabengate Port, by the course of the Loreburn from the point where it crossed English Street to its junction with the Millburn, and by a line from that junction to the Kirkgate, represents the limits of the town proper as it was known till comparatively recent times. Outside of this area was the remainder of the royalty, which embraced a large tract of territory, extending from Moatbrae up the left-hand bank of the river as far as the Poindfield Burn at Crindau, from which point it marched with that part of Nunholm now called Nunfield and with Parkfoot (also origin- ally a part of Nunholm) as far as the boundary with Carn- salloch (then including, as parts of Dalscone, Marchfield, Summerfield, and Clumpton), the march with which it fol- lowed till it reached in succession the marches with Dargavel, the Barony of Craigs, the Netherwood property at Reid’s Dub (now part of Ellangowan), and the royal demesne of Castle- dykes, with which it marched as far as Dockfoot, and thence up the river to the vicinity of the Kirk Port. According to the strict view of feudal custom, each and every part of the royalty when it passed into the possession of individual proprietors ought to have been held burgage, and the investiture of the owner ought to have been carried through by Instrument of Sasine, expede by the Town Clerk, and recorded for publication in the Burgh Register. This should have been the recognised rule not only in the case of tenements within the perimeter of the town proper, but also in the case of every separate part of the burgh roods, as the original Charter of Erection made the Burgh itself in its corporate capacity the King’s vassal in the whole territory. One finds, however, that this rule was departed from at a very early period in the Burgh’s history as regards a compact area of 260 Scots acres, known subsequently as the £5 Land of Moat in the territory of the Burgh of Dumfries. This area embraced that part of the royalty lying between the river from 344 RoyALty OF THE BURGH OF DUMFRIES. Moatbrae to Crindau and the Annan Road, its northern boun- dary being a line drawn roughly from St. Cuthbert’s to March- hill, and thence along the march with Parkfoot to the Poind- field Burn. The reason for the departure from the strict feudal rule in the case of this substantial part of the royalty can only be a matter of conjecture. But there is historical ground for saying that the Maxwells of Nithsdale were territorial mag- nates in the immediate vicinity of Dumfries, who exercised from the outset a predominating influence in burghal politics, and it may possibly have been from this cause that the Magistrates were induced, with the approval of the Crown, as signified by a subsequent Charter of Confirmation,* to alienate to this friendly neighbour the stronghold of the Moat with a slice of the territory adjacent to it, on the footing of his being bound, not to watch and ward the royalty as if he were an ordinary burgess, but to do more and by himself and his retainers to make excursions further afield to circumvent the enemy before he approached the Burgh bounds. Be this as it may, the fact remains that the £5 Land of Moat, within the territory of the Burgh of Dumfries, has for many centuries been in the possession of a subject superior under the Crown * Confirmation Charter, 28 July, 1534, to Robert, Lord Max- well, ‘‘considerando cartas ab antiquo confectas per progenitores suos predecessoribus . . . superioritatem 5 libratarum terrarum antiqui extentus infra territorium burgi de Drumfres.’’ (Reg. Mag. Sig.) There are two references to the original grant of the £5 lands of Moat, and these agree as to date. In an “ ancient genealogy compiled at an early date in a monastery in Flanders,” and now ““in the muniments of the Kirkconnel family ’’ (Dumfries and Gallo- way Standard, 25th December, 1889), is the following: ‘‘xi. Lord Harbert Maxwell of Carlaverock and Mairnes is recorded to have been at the mariage of King John 1299. He was att the castell of Stirling with Earle Thomas Randell. He did suit and gott the mort [? printer’s error] of Dumfreis . . and finally was slain at Banok- burn feild the 7 year of King Robert Bruce 28 Febry in anno 1314.” This manuscript could not have been compiled prior to 1593. The Rev. William Burnside, in his MS. History of Dumfries (1791), writes: ‘‘So far back as 1299 (as the late Commissary Goldie’s papers bear) the Moat of Dumfries . . had been granted by the Crown to Lord Herbert Maxwell of Carlavroe.’’ RoyaLty OF THE BurRGH oF DUMFRIES. 345 and was feued out by the Maxwells and their successors in small lots, originally to retainers resident in the Burgh with liability for payment of a composition (or a year’s rent subject to certain deductions) on the entry of each singular successor. The feu rights thus granted and all subsequent infeftments and renewals of investiture were appropriately published, not in the Burgh Register of Sasines (which was the record of writs relating to subjects held burgage), but in the Particular Register of feudal holdings, which was kept for Dumfriesshire and the Stewartries of Kirkcudbright and Annandale, or in the General Register of such holdings, which was kept at Edinburgh. Attempts, many of them successful, to evade liability for a composition by completing an ex facie burgage title on which prescriptive possession followed without chal- lenge by the superior has brought about the result that the Moat Superiority, instead of extending, as it originally did, over a compact area of 260 Scots acres, now affects only 523 acres imperial, several of the units of possession of to-day (e.g., Huntingdon Lodge) being composite—part held in feu and part burgage. The whole of the remainder of the royalty, other than the 524 acres just referred to, and with the excep- tion of any feu rights that may have been granted since 1874, when subinfeudation in subjects within the royalty of a burgh first received statutory sanction, is held burgage, and tge writs affecting it are recorded in the Burgh Register of Sasines. It is necessary to explain further that prior to 1860 the Town Clerk of a Royal Burgh had a monopoly in all conveyanc- ing work relating to investiture in burgage rights. Not only was he the Keeper of the Burgh Register, but he alone, of all the legal practitioners in the town, could expede infeftment in burgage subjects. This undoubtedly arose from the fact that, according to the theory of burgage tenure, the Magistrates were the King’s bailies and were necessarily present in their official capacity at the ceremony of giving sasine by symbolical delivery of hasp and staple. And the Town Clerk was of course the Notary whom the Magistrates invariably employed to record the details of the ceremony in his Protocol Book, and who framed and expede the necessary instrument that required to be engrossed in the Burgh Register. 346 RoyaLty oF THE BURGH OF DuMFRIES. One is doing no injustice to the Town Clerks of former days, who, though enjoying this valuable monopoly, were free to practise, and as a matter of fact did practise as convey- ancers in feudal as well as in burgage subjects, to assume that the temptation must sometimes have beset them to com- plete the investiture of a client more burgi to a subject which had hitherto been held by feudal tenure. They ran the risk, of course, of such a title being objected to as inept if challenged within the prescriptive period ; but it was a risk that was worth running, if, as in the case of the 45 land of Moat, the result was to enfranchise a tenement within the royalty, and, after the lapse of 40 years, to render‘it immune from the com- position that the proper feudal superior might have exacted on the death of each last entered vassal. A misconception, which it is one of the objects of this paper to explain, is the idea hitherto prevalent amongst local conveyancers that the existence of burgage titles in Maxwell- town had its origin in the successful scheming of Town Clerks of bygone times to extend the sphere within which they exer- cised their privileged monopoly. |The idea is possibly not unwarrantable, but it may be suggested with some confidence that it is mistaken or, at all events, only partially true. The researches of Mr Shirley, following on those of Mr Moir Bryce, have clearly established that the Friars Minor at one time owned several disjoined pieces of land on the east side of Corbelly Hill, within a tract of territory which was part of the temporality of Lincluden Abbey, and which was ulti- mately formed into the Barony of Drumsleet. They were doubtless mortifications or gifts to the Friary made at different times from motives of pious bounty in consideration of masses to be said for the souls of the benefactors; and in the period of uncertainty that immediately preceded the great ecclesias- tical upheaval the majority of them had been feued by the Friars for a substantial grassum with an illusory feu duty. In such cases, however, the right of superiority still remained a part of the benefice, and so also, of course, did the dominium utile or fee simple in possession of such of the mortified lands as remained in the hands of the Friars or their yearly tenants. At the time of the Reformation, therefore, the temporality of RoyaLty OF THE BuRGH oF DUMFRIES. 347 the Friary included, in addition to possessions within the royalty of the Burgh itself, certain rights of superiority and property in the parish of Troqueer, which lay entirely outside its bounds. All of these were appropriated by the Crown, on the ground that the purpose for which they were originally gifted to the Friars was a superstitious one, and one that was no longer recognised by the law of the land as lawful, and by a Charter dated 23rd April, 1569, confirmed after he attained majority by a later writ dated 4th January, 1592, King James VI. gifted them to the Burgh, under reservation of existing life interests, for the purpose of enabling the burgesses to support an Hospital and to maintain Devorgilla’s Bridge. It must be clearly kept in view that this gift in nowise extended the limits of the royalty as defined in the original Charter of Erection—it was a special benefaction for a special purpose; and, as already explained, burgage holding, accord- ing to the strict view of feudal law, was the appropriate tenure only for tenements within the royalty, and was inapplicable to subjects outwith its limits. Yet here in the case of these Friary subjects in Troqueer we find investiture more burg, and the writs recorded in the Burgh Register. The explana- tion is probably to be found not, as is popularly supposed, in the selfish desire of the Town Clerk of the time to extend the sphere of his exclusive conveyancing monopoly, but in the wish of the vassals themselves to possess the privileges, immunities, and liberties of freemen of the Burgh, and in the desire of the Magistrates to keep a watchful eye upon all transactions affecting the rights embraced in the royal gift, of the possession of which they were naturally jealous. Any title deeds of tenements in Maxwelltown that bear to be held by burgage tenure relate to these Friary subjects, which, as explained, were entirely outwith the limits of the original Charter of Erection. This paper will have served its object if it has made clear the proper marches of the royalty, the original limit of the £5 Land of Moat within its bounds— portions of which are still held by feudal tenure, and the reason how in all probability it came about that the infeftments of the subsequent owners of the Friars lands in Maxwelltown were erroneously completed more burgi, and have since been con- sistently recorded in the Burgh Register of Sasines. 348 “Oxtp Dumrries Houses. Old Dumfries Houses. So little remains of old Dumfries that we are sure our members will appreciate the inclusion in this volume of three reproductions of drawings of old houses in the burgh. We are enabled to do so by the favour of the Editor of the Dumfries and Galloway Standard, in whose columns they appeared twenty years ago. The drawings were executed while the buildings were in existence by John M‘Cormick, shoemaker, father-in-law of Robert Gilles, the engraver, prior to the demolition of the properties in the beginning of last century. The Old Turnpike House. This stood on the Plainstones immediately north of the Commercial Hotel. It belonged to the Sharpes of Hoddom, and was known variously as Hoddom’s Stane House or the Old Turnpike House, the latter from its turnpike stair. Sir Robert Grierson of Lag, the persecutor, rented it during his later years (? from 1720), and in it he died. According to C. K. Sharpe, his body was so large that it could not be got down the stair. The stonework between the two northmost - windows was removed, and the coffin lowered by ropes. The other extraordinary incidents of the funeral are well known. It was demolished in 1826, shops being erected in its stead by John Sinclair, the bookseller, whose name appears in the drawing, and Mr Howat, draper. The Turnpike House was roofed with freestone flags. Charles Kirkpatrick Sharpe has a drawing of it, which is inaccurate in several details. Article in the Dumfries and Galloway Standard, January gth, 1889. See illustration opposite page 152. The Pillars. This noted tavern stood at the north corner of Bank Street and High Street. The arcaded portion, from which it derived its name, faced the High Street, and is now occupied by the shop (No. 109 High Street) of Mr J. S. Montgomery, OLp DumrFries HousEs. 319 and partly by that of Mr D. Constantine (No. 107 High Street). , In the days of James Grieve, wine and spirit merchant, it was a favourite resort on Hogmanay evenings. The Pillars was taken down about the year 1825. Article in the Dumfries and Galloway Standard, March 27th, 1889. See illustration opposite page 216. . The Bishop’s House. This house stood in the early years of last century on the west side of St. Michael Street, a few yards nearer to Nith Place than St. Michael’s House. Littie is known of it, not even why it was popularly called The Bishop’s House, for no such ecclesiastic is known to have resided for any length of time in the town. Article in the Dumfries and Galloway Standard, January 21st, 1893. See illustration opposite page 280. Ep. 350 FIELD. Wien N Goa 15th June, 1912. Parish of Eskdalemuir. The first field meeting of the Session was arranged in conjunction with the Eskdale and Liddesdale Archeological Society, to visit the outstanding antiquities of the Parish of Eskdalemuir. The Dumfries contingent of thirty-six mem- bers motored by Paddockholm Bridge and Bailiehill in two tourist and several private cars, this being the first occasion the Society adopted this means of conveyance, and met the Langholm contingent at the Girdlestanes and Loupin’ Stanes on the Farm of Cote. Mr R. Hyslop of Sunderland there pro- ‘ pounded the conclusions arrived at by Mr G. R. Goldbrough, science lecturer in Durham University, by following the methods of Sir Norman Lockyer in his calculations on Stone- henge. The subject is fully dealt with by Messrs J. and R. Hyslop in their Langholm as it was, 1912 (pp. 17-54). According to Sir Norman Lockyer’s principles, Mr Gold- brough arrived at the conclusion that the Girdlestanes circle was constructed in 1290 or 1310 B.c. An avenue of stones which connects the Girdlestanes and Loupin’ Stanes was re- garded as the original stone monument in that part of the country, and was probably older than the Girdlestanes by 1300 years and preceded the Loupin’ Stanes by 600 years. The date assigned to it was 2600 B.c., making it one of the oldest historical monuments either in the British Isles or any part of Europe. The Rev. J. L. Dinwiddie of Ruthwell voiced the thanks of the visitors to Mr Hyslop for his admirably lucid disquisition. The visitors then proceeded to Raeburnfoot Roman Camp, where Mr Thomas Beattie of Davington outlined the Earthworks. Driving next to Castle O’er, the members had the opportunity of visiting the large oval camp on the top of FIELD MEETINGS. 351 the hill, which is now believed to be of prior date to the Roman incursion. At the mansion-house of Castle O’er the members were entertained to tea ‘by Mrs Bell and her daughters, and were shown the museum formed by the late Mr Richard Bell. Professor Robert Wallace of Edinburgh University conveyed the thanks of the visitors to Mrs Bell. The company then drove to Langholm, and after a sub- stantial meal Mr William Dickie, Hon. Vice-President of the Dumfries Society, presided over a business meeting. He remarked that it was the first occasion on which the Society had met since the lamented death of Mr James Barbour ; and he moved that they should request Mr Shirley to enter in the minutes a record of their sense of the great loss which the south of Scotland in general and their Society in particular had sustained, and to send an excerpt to his daughter. Mr Barbour, he said, had been a member of the Society for forty- six years, and during all that period he had been one of the most frequent and most valued contributors to its Trans- actions. He was a distinguished authority on archeology ; noted for the painstaking and accurate nature of his inquiries. He had done much original work for the Society, and he was ever ready to place his extensive knowledge at the service of others. The motion was unanimously adopted. The Chairman further expressed the pleasure which it had afforded them to make the acquaintance that day of the young and vigorous Eskdale and Liddesdale Society, members of which were devoting themselves to original work, and which was giving promise of a very useful career. He specially mentioned their indebtedness to Mr Clement Armstrong, the Secretary, for having carried through the arrangements at that end, and to Mr Hyslop. Mr R. L. Copland and Mr Arthur Bell of Hillside recipro- cated the expressions of good feeling, and voiced the hope that there would be more joint meetings in the future. Leaving Langholm shortly before eight o’clock, the Dum- tries contingent motored home by way of Canonbie, Long- town, Gretna, and Annan. For fuller report vide The Dum- fries and Galloway Standard, July 13, 1912. 352 FIELD MEETINGS. 6th July, 1912. Eliock and Sanquhar. Nearly fifty members paid a visit to Sanquhar and to Eliock House, where they were the guests of Mr and Mrs _M‘Connel. At Sanquhar they were joined by Mr T. G. Salmon and Provost Forbes R. Tweddel, who acted as guides to Sanquhar Castle and Ryehill Moat. At Eliock House they were received with great kindness by Mr and Mrs M‘Connel, and after lunch, and votes of thanks moved and seconded by Mr S. Arnott and Provost Tweddel and replied to by Mr M‘Connel, who gave a short history of the house, the company were shown over the house, visiting the Admirable Crichton’s room ; the second library of Lord Eliock, which is covered with a carpet said to have been woven in Sanquhar two hundred years ago, and in which the colours are still fresh and the pile good ; a drawing-room, in which is a beautiful example of an Adam’s mantelpiece, which Mr M‘Connel has rescued from neglect ; and seeing in the various apartments many fine pieces of antique furniture. Dividing into groups, the visitors dispersed to view various spots of interest. Most enjoyed a ramble through the beautiful and picturesque Garpel Glen, others walked through the wood to the north of the house, in which is the burial ground of the Veitches. The gardens were an attrac- tion to most; and a visit to the tree nursery was a source of general interest. Mr M‘Connel has already planted exten- sively, and here some forty thousand tiny trees are being nurtured for the purpose of further afforestation. The prin- cipal trees included are Douglasii, Menziesii, Thuja Gigantea, and Japanese Larch. The latter is in favour as being less liable to the disease which is the bane of the forester, although observations at Murraythwaite have shown that it is not en- tirely immune. It is also of more rapid growth. The effect of late frosts on companion plots of Aberdeenshire and Dum- friesshire plants showed in a marked manner the superior hardiness of those reared in a more rigorous climate. Besides the spruce silver fir—one of the latter species with peculiarly FIELD MEETINGS. 353 vivid blue needles—Douglas and Menzies pines, and other more familiar trees, there is a plot of seedlings of the hardy and graceful North American Conifer Thuja, of the variety Gigantea, which attains to great dimensions, and to which those interested in British forestry are looking as a great timber tree of the future. A number of the trees on the estate were measured in 1898 (Transactions, N.S. 14, pp. 104-5), and Mr G. Gray, the forester on the estate, has supplied us with fresh measure- ments.. The largest silver fir, which in 1898 had a girth of 183 inches, was blown down eight or ten years ago. The largest silver fir now standing is 148 inches at five feet from the ground. A large limb was blown off this tree on 5th November, 1911; it measured 60 feet 5 inches in length and girth at 30 feet, 93 inches in circumference. The larch brought from Blair Athol shows the following development :— 1872. Girth of 14 feet at ground and g feet at height of 8 feet. 1898. Girth of 16.9 in. at ground and to ft. 6 in. at height of 8 feet. 1912. Girth of 17.2 in. at ground and rr ft. at height of 8 feet. Two fine old Scots firs at Entrance Gate, standing only three feet apart, measure, at five feet from ground, 116 inches in girth. To the antiquary the chief interest of the day centred in the small burial cairns, about forty in number, on the hill of Craigdarroch Farm. These were recently brought to notice by Mr Dalziel, shepherd in the employment of Mr Paterson, and Mr M‘Connel had them marked with upstanding sticks so that they might be more readily observed by his visitors. They occur in groups; and sitting on one part of the moor as many as fifteen could be counted scattered in a roughly circular formation. Just before noting the first of the tumuli, which occur at an altitude of roughly eleven hundred feet, the attention of the visitors was drawn to the remnant of the Deil’s Dyke, or Celtic Dyke, a low earthen bank of which traces are found throughout Galloway, from Lochryan in the extreme west, and in Dumfriesshire, from the Ayrshire boundary on the farm of Cairn, in the parish of Kirkconnel, down the Nith valley 304 FIELD MEETINGS. to Closeburn, where it disappears on Auchencairn hill, at an altitude of about eleven hundred feet. In Upper Nithsdale it crosses the hillside along the west side of the valley, passing through the farms of Cairn, Barr, Drumbuie, Southmains, Craigdarroch, and Burnfoot. Disappearing at the latter point, it comes into view again in the parish of Durisdeer, mid- way up the hills that form the two sides of the Wall Pass just above the village ; and it is traced down the valley through the farms of Burn, Townhead, and Auchencairn. The gener- ally accepted theory is that it was a long fence marking a tribal boundary ; and colour is given to that view by the fact that a small stream, the Eliock Burn, has apparently been utilised to indicate the boundary line for part of the way. On the farm of Southmains attention was directed to earth- works, forming an ancient camp, one of 250 that have been noted in the county. The central space in this one has a diameter of roughly 80 feet. The enclosing fosse is still strongly in evidence on two sides. A smaller camp, in the Wall Pass at Durisdeer, is also in close proximity to the Deil’s Dyke. The party was reunited on the road at Southmains Farm, and drove into Sanquhar. After tea in the Town Hall, at which Provost Tweddel presided, and who was thanked by Mr William Dickie, Hen. Vice-President, for his welcome, the company spent a short time visiting the churchyard and other places in the town. The excursion was one of the most pleasant ever enjoyed by the Society. For fuller reports vide Dumfries and Galloway Standard, July 13, 1912, and Dumfries and Galloway Courier and Herald, July 10, 1912. Craigdarroch (Sanquhar) Tumuli and others. By Mr Witttam Dickie, Hon. V.-P. The groups of burial cairns on the Eliock estate, which members of the Antiquarian Society visited on Saturday, 6th July, are of a type which are found scattered on the hills in many parts both of Scotland and England. Attention has been called on former occasions to their existence in the Nith FIELD MEETINGS. 355 valley, particularly on the farm of Townhead of Closeburn, where hundreds have been noted; and on the adjoining farm of Auchencairn, where also are several cairns of much larger dimensions. In the upper part of the parish of Dunscore over twenty of the small cairns are scattered over the face of Bogrie Hill ; and separated {rom it by a ravine are ten or a dozen more, on a hill known as Knockoure, on the farm of Sundaywell. On the Glencairn side of the same hill, on the farm of Castle- hill, five such small cairns occur in a group, and a solitary one is to be seen among the remains of a series of stone dykes and small dry-stone dwellings that indicate the existence of a colony of small landholders at a period much nearer to our own. On the neighbouring farm of Girharrow, also in Glen- cairn parish, are something like a hundred, and over the Stewartry border large numbers are found on Monybuie and on Glaisters, Mr M‘Connel’s property in Corsock. In the district are several camps. Bogrie hill shews examples both of the rectilinear and the round; there is another at Craigmuie ; and Loch Urr, with its crannog as a fortified place of retreat in times of stress, is in the heart of the region.’ These cairns are as a rule very inconspicuous objects. Turf has formed about them—excavations at Townhead showed an accumula- tion of a foot and a half of turf—hiding the lower courses, and they are rarely so much as three feet above the surface of the ground. One on Castlehill we noted as upstanding three feet and a half; but more commonly the height is not more than two feet; and they are generally obscured by an overgrowth of heather or grass. In some cases where they are low and comparatively bare a resemblance is suggested to stone bottoming for a corn rick. As a rule they are roughly circular and about twenty feet in diameter ; but both in shape and size there are considerable variations. The largest one observed in Craigdarroch has a diameter of 32 feet. A num- ber are of irregular oval shape, several of these measuring fifteen feet in length and nine feet across the broadest part. Forty have been counted on the part of the farm visited, and others exist further to the south. The sepulchral nature of these cairns has been sufficiently established, A number on Townhead were opened a good 396 FIELD MEETINGS. many years ago, and the late Mr Robert Service reported to the Antiquarian Society in substance as follows :—In the whole of those opened, even small ones, composed of only about a dozen cartloads of stones, there were found distinct evidences of structure in the centre. The larger stones were placed together, and these enclosed a cavity, in which were found remains of charcoal and invariably very small pieces of bone. In one were found also a small flat stone disc and a chip off an arrow head. The body had undoubtedly been burned and the ashes placed in the little cavity in the centre of the cairn, and the stones heaped over it. One of the large cairns on Auchencairn was opened about the same time, and in it was found a stone-built cist, 34 feet in length and very narrow, containing remains of the skeleton of a small person, who could not have been more than four or four and a half feet in length. The body had been doubled up, as was usual in early methods of inhumation. There were also urns, which had probably contained food when placed in the rude stone coffin, and a stone arrow head. Systematic excavations were carried out by the late Lord Armstrong on his Northumberland estate of Great Tosson, among the Cheviot hills, under the superintendence of a local antiquary and author, Mr D. D. Dixon, who has minutely Upper Coquetdale.”’ Various forms of cairn were brought under observation there, each of which has its counterpart on Craigdarroch; and the ce chronicled the results in his volume on identity in structure and similarity of location—on a moor between the 800 and tooo feet contour lines—leads us to reproduc? the salient facts of the Northumberland inquiry. The first cairn to be opened ‘‘ was 20 feet in diameter, 3 feet high, formed of earth and stones overgrown with heather, and devoid of any method in the arrangement of the stones. At or near the centre, in a cavity a little below the natural surface of the ground, a small cinerary urn was discovered standing upright, protected by a circle of stones set on edge around it, with a larger slab placed on the top. A considerable quantity of calcined bones and charcoal were found in the cairn on the same level as the interment. The urn contained burnt bones ; but it was so much broken that it was scarcely possible to FieLp MEETINGS. Sat piece the fragments together. There was only one burial in the cairn.’’ The next to be opened was ‘‘ a large mound of irregular form,’’ and this was found to be the burial place of a body which had not been subjected to fire. ‘* On its south- western margin, at a depth of 3 feet from the surface of the mound, the excavators struck upon a large slab of freestone, 4 feet 8 inches by 1 foot 10 inches. Beneath this slab was a perfect well-shaped cist, formed of four clean level side-stones, placed nearly due east and west, 3 feet 4 inches long, 1 foot 10 inches wide at the west end, 2 feet 1 inch at the east end, and 20 inches deep. The cist was clear of any intrusive soil, and on a level bed of the native peat earth lay the remains of a body on its left side, in a contracted position; that is, with the knees drawn up towards the head, the head slightly bent forward, in the north-west corner of the cist. Neither food vessel nor flint implement was found in the cist. After care- ful examination, Dr Barrow of Rothbury reported the remains to be those of a male adult, probably between thirty and forty years of age, from 5 feet 2 inches to 5 feet 4 inches in height. The skull is distinctly brachy-cephalic, or round-headed, be- longing to a race who are generally supposed to have sup- planted the older dolicho-cephalic, or long-headed, race of people in Britain.’’ In another cairn, which measured 26 feet in diameter and six feet in height, were found three burials. In one cist, two feet below the natural surface of the ground, and covered with three slabs, no remains were dis- cernible. A second cist contained ‘‘a large deposit of cal- cined bones and ashes, evidently the remains of several burnt bodies in a fragmentary condition, placed in the cist after cremation. Judging from the reddened appearance of the closely surrounding stones and soil, it is probable that the bodies were burned on the site of the burial.’’ In the same ae mound was a cinerary urn, of rough pottery, standing in an inverted position on a flat stone on the natural surface of the ground ; and near it two smaller urns, of the ‘* food vessel ”’ type. The cinerary urn contained burned bones and part of a flint implement. Excavation of the Craigdarroch tumuli or others in the district would probably yield similar results; but definite 358 FreLtp MEETINGS. ‘‘ finds ’’ of burials are by no means a certainty. Mr George Tate, F.S.A., reporting to the Berwickshire Naturalists’ Club on ‘‘ the old Celtic Town at Greaves Ash,’’ near Linhope, Northumberland, states that in many of these tumuli, scat- tered over the lower hills of Northumberland, burned wood was found, but ‘‘ no traces of human inhumation, nor even any bones;’’ and he conjectures that the ashes have dis- appeared in the course of ages. These upland burial places point to a considerable popu- lation of hill-dwellers in the stone age, prior to the Christian era and the advent of the Romans. Few traces of the dwell- ings of that primitive race have as yet been reported in our own district, but well directed observation might probably be fruitful in results. In many parts of Great Britain, and also on the Continent, there exist foundation remains of hut-circle villages, which there is reason to think are of an age contem- porary with the burial cairns. A large collection of such circular huts exists at Glenderby, in Kirkmichael district of Perthshire. ‘‘ Greaves Ash,’ in Northumberland, to which we have just referred—and which was explored at the cost of the Duke of Northumberland, under direction of the Berwick- shire Naturalists’ Club—consists of a collection of huts, forti- fied by enclosing walls, both dwellings and walls being built of dry stone. Mr Tate, from whom we have quoted, says :— ‘“ The walls, it is conjectured, would rise to a height of five or six feet. On these strong walls the conical roof would rest, made of wood and wattles, and covered with reeds, straw, or sods. Some of the small chambers might be roofed with stones.’’ 66 DPR Vite tcts s)e osc cee sce alosinjsted cote eines 65 Dalrymple, Hugh, farmer, Ryehill .. 118 Dalscairth Hill, Troqueer, Conventicle at PY AISCONE palrericisie cralslots srateie vital ctblejes sere’ ster 343 Dalton Churchyard, 103, 106, 114, 115, 127; Lands of, 133; Parish, Kindly Tenancy, 324. Dalziel (Dalzell), —., shepherd ...... 353 VTC Ie aesaaicte state orale eiarele Siciote aero oe 118 Jean, wife of Bernard Sanderson, minister of Irongray .......... 66 SEA OMM pacer sa carse aiejaciale cleb wrote srevoece 78 Robert, of Budhouse ............ 93 Sir Thomas, of Binns, General 67-8, 69, 140 Dan ave lite ecn aces sic supe nisiaetiisie ceare 343 Darwin yCharlesiv. As. uhedee veeee 45-46, 56 Daubine, Captain J. M. D., French DPLISONCT joes vaaciea edvieatel cence 270, 273 TD AIG dha ret acateleom ets crcteetaciale civta atevin eta 222 BV EUyicd selene sa ceietantal teiaisele olbicts clethe leans 94 David, son of Ralf the Lardener .... 87 386 Davidson (Davedson), Thomas, New Cample, Closeburn ........ 289, 290, 292 Gorg, in Whytshaus .............. 118 James, public analyst, Dumfries 25 Davis, Deborah Duff, Ring .......... 365 Davison ys Walliamieeeeerereriicliisee st 118 Deans, Robert, in Todholewood .... 119 D Ge), RAV ED) vcs writes ieteiecios enietern 224, 225 Deil?s: Dyke ish sve heescrasess 353-4 Demay, Pierre, French prisoner ...... 273 Dempsterton, Lands of .............. 133 Denovan, —., superintendent of police 255 Derivet, French prisoner ........ 255, 257 Desgatines, F., French prisoner .... 273 “Desired Peace,’’ Masonic Lodge, San- Quan ai siete eee aes eyes 269 Deslandre, F., French prisoner ...... 262 Diarrhea ines. sees shies veers re 190 Dice BOXES eel ene asco crateteeels 366 DICKIE, WILLIAM, Dumfries, 32, 33, 351, 54; Craigdarroch (Sanquhar) Tumuli and others, 354-359. Dickson, Dicksone, Diksoune (List) ,. 119 Miss E. B., Dumfries ............ 364 Miss A. M., Greenbank, Perth 37, 360 Bernard, Moffat ..............--+. 197 Dr J., Dumfries, 16, 17, 41; Photo- graph of, 364. F1j(3) 00s eee errata ores teeter ects 361 John, minister of Rutherglen 78, 79 IEHOMAS! (aves esis heitctosteeale eter ea 361 Wiilliiamaes crcsissiciciha tee takes steuson 361 William) Hed garanleniceinecees cen: 361 Williame; of Zet eerie ences 361 Dieyerie Tribe, South Australia .... 233 Digby, Lord. See Bristol, Sir John Digby, ist Earl of. Dinwiddie (Dunwoodie), Rev. J. L., of Ruthiwell iG. aecicroeieen waren ae isioaices 350 James, in Newbigging ............ 119 John, in Gardenholm ............ 193 Robert, New York ................ 29 W. A., manufacturer, Dumfries .. 25 Hamnihiy: One aectanierto ae olor eorerele 87 Diphtheria yeas eer tonreaieleiotie cree 190 Disease, The Part Played by Insects in the Propagation of (J. ©. Thomson) 190-191 Distraint, Process of ................ 327 “The Divine Dictionery”’ ........ 289-90 IDDALINE? IRONS Gocsoasasoccucccaaaneads 233 Dixon, D. D., “‘ Upper Coquetdale’”’ .. 356 IDO) (GHIA! Gooo cudeaoadoudaddosoeobad 119 Dodero, J. B., French prisoner ...... 269 Dods, J. W., Dumfries, Bust of Dr James GLCHIS bi aera vaiesye moetetalereo tate ate 363 Dompilholm, Lands of .............. 93 Donald of the Isles .................- 224 Doone Hill, Whithorn ................ 241 Dormont) whandsmoteseeeeee eee cee 133 INDEX. Dornock (Drounock): Churchyard, 108, 109, 111, 113, 114, 116, 117, 118, 124; Five pound Lands of, 91. Douglas, Dowglas, Doueglas (List) 119-121 Archibald, ‘‘ the Grim,’’ 3rd Earl of 91, 133 J., Mouswall (1638) .............. 361 Sir James (1484) ................ 92 James, 9th Earl of .............. 525 James (638)) sees eee eee eee 361 Sir James, of Cavers, Sheriff of Rox- UPgh | ssc ess ane eS 317 James, of Dalkeith .............. 91 Sir James, of Roberton .......... 91 John, of Stanehouse ............ 136 Margaret, wife of James Johnstone, Earl of Hartfell .............. 135 Margaret, wife of William Grierson of (Barquhar-eeeee cee eeeenee 148 Mr, Thomas), 3.34... accent 82 William, of Dalkeith ............ 91 W. D. Robinson, of Orchardton .. 14 Earls of, 504; Rebellion, 92. Douglas, Lanarkshire ................ 67 Dowling) Johny seas eee 121 Drumbuie) Harm! eeeeaccscceeeceeeeeee 354 Drumclog, Battle of ................. 82 Drummond, Major John .............. 121 Lieut.-General William. See Mad- derty, William Drummond, 4th Lord. Drumsleet, Barony of ................ 346 Dryfesdale Churchyard .............. 119 Dudgeon, Miss E. C., ............ 46-7, 60 Patrick, of Cargen, 20, 22, 23, 26, 29, 30; Portrait, 363. Colonel Robert Francis, of Cargen 14 Dumbarton Castle ...............-.0-- 249 Dumfries, William, Lord Crichton, Earl (0) Ma Ae MRE IR MAR oad ooo 140 Dumfries, 58, 66; Academy, 257; Alder- man hill, 323; Annan Road, 344; Bank Street, 342, 348; Bell, Town, 255; The Bishop’s House, 349; Blue Bell Inn, Old, 366. , Dumfries Bridge, Old, 27, 36, 347; Con- structed, 304; Upkeep, 305, 306, 307. Dumfries Bridge Custom, 304-7, 312, 331; Charter to Burgh (1569), 305. Dumfries Brigmaister, 304, 307; Brig Port, 307; Burgess admissions (1522, 1534), 305, 306-7. Dumfries Burgh, Charter of Greyfriars’ Properties, 305, 310, 313, 320, 347; Court Records, 303-4, 305, 318; Ferms, 225; Lands, Kindly Tenancy, 305, 324; Register of Sasines, 310, 345, 347; Supe- riority of Lands in Troqueer parish, 310-11. Dumfries: Castledykes, 343; Castle Street, 304; Catholic Cemetery, 111, 116, 121; Dumfries: Chapel Street, 254; Commercial Hotel, 348; Craigs, 323; Crindau, 343, 344; Crispin Procession, 254; Dockfoot, 343; Dowcat closs, 312, 329; Edward I. at, 223; English Street, 343; Fire, 1812, 254; Flesh Market Street, 252; Freemasons’ Hall, Black Horse Close, 27; French Prisoners on Parole at (List) (J. M. Forbes), 247-278; Friars’ grass, 309, 338; Friars’ Vennel (built) 308-9, 317, 324, 327-9; hauch, 308, 312, 313, 337, 340. Dumfries: Greyfriars’ Convent, Annual rents in Dumfries, 312, 327-9; Bell, 318; Bridge Custom, 304-5; Charters of Bridge Custom, 304, 323; Convent choir, 313-6; Clock, 318; Cloisters, 317, 333; Domestic buildings, 313, 339; End of, and the Last of the Friars (G. W. Shirley), 303-341; Fishings, 312, 319, 337; Garden, 313, 325, 331, 337; Kirkstead, 317, 534; Lands feued, 305, 312-13, 317-18, 346; Lands in Troqueer, 309-11, 312-13, 338, 339, 341, 346-7; Passage to Quier, $17, 331; Plan, 303, 308, 325; Position, 304; Rental, 313, 331, 333-4, 337-41; Revenues, 313, 319-20, 322, 332-4; Used as meeting place, 313, 330-7; Wall, 309, 324-5; Yard, 317, 334. Dumfries Greyfriars’ Hall, 27; Greyfriars’ Street, 3525; High Street, 342, 348; Houses, Old, 348; Huntingdon Lodge, 345; James II. at, 304; Kirkgate Port, 342, 343; Lochmabengate Port, 343; Loreburn (Lordburn), 329, 343; March- hill, 344; Market Cross, 132, 139, 328; Maxwell’s House (Castle), 316; Mechanics’ Institute, Committee Room, 18, Hall, 17, 25, 28; Millburn, 343; Mid- steeple Sculptured Stones, 122; Midrow, 328, 329; Millburn Bridge, 342; Mill- damhead, 323. Dumfries Moat (Mott), 328, 342; Five pound land of, 343-6, 347; Moatbrae, 343, 344; New Church, 316; Carved Stones, 363; Newton, 308, 309, 312-13, 338; New Wark, Carved Stones, 363; Newzards, 312, 339; Nith Place, 349; Nunfield, 343; Nunholm, 343; Old Buck Inn, 253, 262; Old Turnpike House, 348; Parkfoot, 343, 344; The Pillars, 348; Plainstones, 348; Poindfield Burn, 343, 344; Poor, Hospital for, 320, 347; Port of the Vennel (frier port), 307-8; Presby- tery, 137, 138, 361; Preshytery House, 28; Prison (plege chalmor), 149, 150, 255, 327; Pumpfield Lane, 312; Re- joicings on downfall of Paris (1814), 261; Royalty of the Burgh of: A Pre- Frier- INDEX. (Long Vennel), 252, 387 Dumfries: valent Misconception Explained (J. C. R. Macdonald), 541-347; St. Cuthbert’s, 344; St. David Street, 304; St. Joseph’s College, 323; St. Mary’s Churchyard, 110. Dumfries: St. Michael’s Church, 305, 506; Clock hands, 360; Communion Token, 360. Dumfries: St. Michael’s Churchyard, 100, 109, 111, 116, 118, 119, 120, 121, 124, 126, 127, 128, 260; St. Michael’s House, 349; St. Michael’s Street, 349; Sandbed Mill, 308; Sandbeds, 308; Sands, 139; School, 321; Shakespeare Street, 343; Shooting butts, 308, 324; Stallanger admission (1527), 306; Theatre, 252-3; Tolbooth, 316, 322, 327, 331, 334; Town Council, 319-23; Town Hall, 17; Townhead, 312-3, 327, 328, 330; Townhead Port, 342, 343; Trade Regulations (1527), 306; Union Street, No. 1, 23; Dumfries Volunteers, Royal, Uniform, 366; Watslacks, 305, 323; Willies (Willis), 308; Yard-heads, 329. Dumfries and Annandale, Committee of N/E. Sage ar Tone ote dU BS OE eC CET 135 Dumfries and Castle-Douglas Railway, 301; Road, 295. “Dumfries and Galloway Courier and Ler al heaters cet leoveons oraecte iste taies ettere tiialt 354 Dumfries and Galloway Club Rooms 20 “Dumfries and Galloway Herald’’.. 22 “Dumfries and Galloway Standard ”’ 348-9, 351, 354, 359 Dumfries and Kirkeudbright, Committee OUMANULATA ott otis. oy ccaietcrasasn’atat ncrere aratratarorate 137 Dumfries and Maxwelltown Ewart Public CAV oercis on eee amietiealaeliieae 32 Dumfries and Maxwelltown Observatory Museum, 50, 53; Committee, 26. Dumfries and Portpatrick Road .... 295 eM PPLE Sir C-OULLET y ©. alelere eas aleyeiatevelote le 299 Dumfriesshire Bible Society .......... 256 Dumfriesshire and Galloway Natural History and Antiquarian Society: Accounts, 19, 20, 21, 24, 25, 27, 37-38, (1911-12) 369; Annual Meeting, p. 9; “At Home,” 30; Bequests, 28, 29, 33, 34, 37; Conversaziones, 27, 28; Conver- sazione and Exhibition (1886), 360; Exchanges (1912-13), 367-8; Exhibitions, 27, 28; Exhibits (1912-13), 365-6; Field Meetings, 18, 30, (1912), 350-59; Her- barium, 29, 37, 364; History since its In- stitution on Noy. 20th, 1862, to Nov. 20th, 1912 (H. S. Gladstone), 16-39; In- stitution, 16-18; Jubilee Celebration, p. 9, 13-65; Jubilee Exhibits, 13, 365-6; Lec- tures, 27, 28, 29; Library, 19, 25, 26, 388 Dumfriesshire and Galloway Natural History and Antiquarian Society: 29, 33, 34, 36-37; Meeting Places, 18, 20, 23, 24, 25, 28, 32; Members, Founda- tion, 17; Members, List of (1913), 370; Membership, 19, 20, 21, 25, 26-27, 28, 32, 36; Minute Book, 25; Museum, 19, 25, 26, 37; Name, 17, 24, 27; Office-bearers, 40-42; Office-bearers (1862), 17; Presen- tations (1912-13), 360-4; Presidents, 35-6, 40; Portraits, 37; Presidents, Portraits, 363; Presidential Address (H. S. Glad- stone), 15-39; Publications, Extra, 27, 31, 34; Purchases (1912-13), 364; Recep- tion to Mr G. F. Scott Elliot, 30; Rules, p. 9, 18, 24, 32-33; Secretaries, 41; Secre- tary’s Report, p. 9, 36-7; Subscriptions, Annual, 18, 24, 33; Transactions, 18-38, 362; Editors, 24-25, 26; Index, 33, 38; Treasurers, 42; Treasurer’s Report, p. 9, 37-8. Dumfriesshire and Stewartry of Kirkcud- bright Agricultural Society Minute IBOOK re Set Se eae atte ta evetelorabersas 360 Dumfriesshire, Mineralogical Survey BOO) ae eee eta afarattaterorscere 201 Dun, John, Troqueer ................ 327 DuUNaAQuier!). sksacascsonet sees eee 73 Dunbar, John, burgess of Edinburgh 335 VON, sr WTAE 3 doscnocccodane 335 Patrick Hanlmonueaaeeerieeeen Cees 87 Dunbarws atvlevotweeeee eee cere eee 89 Duncan, James, King’s Arms, Moffat, 199, 204, 205, 207 Dundas, Henry. See Melville, Henry, ist Viscount. Dundeugh, Presbytery Meeting at .. 81 Dundonald, Sir W. Cochrane, ist Earl OD rere ee eh RIES tee St alo larew alate ner 75 Dundrennan Churchyard ............. 112 DUNLOP, Rev. SAMUEL, Irongray, 14, 33, 363; John Welsh, the Irongray Covenanter, 65-86. Dunscore (Dunscoir) Church, IBY/ Churchyard, Old, 156; Lands of, 133; Parish, 135. Dunragit Estate, 236; Moor, 237. Duran, Janot, Dumfries ............ 327 Durain, John, Dumfries ............ 328 Durham, Alexander ................. 73 ID MAIN, BALE OG} oobdsdocosoosucoss 94 Durisdeer Church, Queensberry Mauso- leum, 120; Communion Token, 360; Parish, 354. Earth Movements ...........ee.e00 56-7 East Nisbet, Communions at .. 75, 78, 79 Ecclefechan Churchyard ............. 113 Eckford, Teviotdale, Communion at .. 75 Edgar, Affrica, daughter of Edgar, Edyare, Edzar (List) INDEX. Edgar, Adam, burgess of Dumfries .... 305 Andro, burgess of Dumfries .... 324 Charles, merchant ..:........... 361 James; in) Canmuck see e eeepc 361 Martin, burgh officer, Dumfries .. 324 Robert, burgess of Dumfries .... 330 William, in Grenhede of Traquere 326 Edgarston, Lands of ................ 133 Edinburgh, 319, 322, 334, 335, 336; Castle, 249. Edinburgh Geological Society ........ 13 Edinburgh, Royal Scottish Museum 19 Hducation™ e essc ncn on eeeeeine 43, 49-50 Edward De Si .ten eae ves sonnets 223 Hdward (why 27 Sansui yo eecneenee 225 Blephantiasiss seen neces eee eee 190 Eliock, James Veitch, Lord .......... 352 Bliock:) Burn.” i. sacecccaee cee 354 House, 352; Adam’s mantelpiece, 352; ‘Carpet, 352; Tree Nursery, 352. Blisland] Rent ote. seco eeeeec eerie 136 Hllangowant))2 sees coeeeerin eee eee 343 Hit) GLIst)) Veaisvlekle cen ceoste eer 122-3 ELLIOT, G. F. SCOTT, 29, 30, 36, 40, 360, 364; Natural History—Some Advance in Fifty Years, 56-65. Enebo, M. S., of Dombas, Norway .. 280 ““Engagement,’”’ The .............. 137 Bnterkin ...ticsecns -eceees onisinerententoe 76 Ese ands) Ofseaga-nesaetiee aes 93 Ersock Burn Corn’ Mill .............. 240 Eskdale and Liddesdale Archeological Society: \ a tetoeeoateces eee 350, 351 Eskdalemuir Churchyard, 111; Parish, 350; Stone Circles, 350, 359. Eskmills Paper Factory, Depot for Hench) prisOnerse eee seer eee eee 250 yelyn;) Sohn’ lose aaana cesses 249 wart: CList))) sok. Spee ase epee 123-4 mele ahcietane ¢ & bieie ei clatoveleinls aye eka cea 326 Issobell, spous of William Fruid 331 Ewes Churchyard .......... 102, 103, 106 Fairies, 247; Fairy Beliefs in Galloway (N. Lebour), 231-245. Fairy-thorns, Fairy-trees (Blackthorn), 233, 235 Falkland Palace, 250; Parish, 73; Wood, Conyenticle at, 72. Farrer, Henry, of Scaleby Hall .... 124 Barries, \Hareis, \—.. Ua. ssa oso 124 Harbert, minister of Tinwald 138, 361 Farish, Thomas, in Murthat ........ 194 Farlam Churchyard .................. 108 Harms; enancyOneereneoeseteeee 193-4 Fawdon Hill, Northumberland ...... 237 Fences, Annandale .............. 194, 210 Ferdynnowel, Lands of ............ 133 Fergus, Lord of Galloway ............ 222 Ferguson, Fergusson (List) ........ 124-5 = ETOVOSt Oly Cupane rnicectier 255 Ferguson, Miss, Dumfries ............. 13 Amer, burgess of Dumfries 317, 333 John, Provectual of the Greyfriars 339 Robert, of Craigdarroch .... 149, 157 William, of Caitloch ........ 83, 138 William, of Craigdarroch (1638).. 360 Ferlain, Sir William, priest ........ 328 THEE GAVSUEI | Geconetonsonngoosas soor 341 Fidler, of Waltown Rigg ..........+- 125 Findaly, A., in Wodside ............ 125 Fingass, William, Bailie, Dumfries .. 260 Fingland, James, Thornhill .......... 30 Finlayson, John, roadmaker, Moffat 195 Finnon coed Moch, Tremains, holy well 238 PURE Gi eis ar asic icles atets.cvere tears 162, 166 Pleuronectes platessa (Plaice) .. 162 Raia clavata (Skate, Rays) ...... 162 Salmoiifario (CLroub)) . 52 scice neces ne 161 Salmo salar (Salmon).... 162-3, 165-6 Scomber scrombrus (Mackerel) .. 162 Solea vulgaris (Soles) .......... 162 FRINGE VR EOATE Uiete (sine sieicisrs.s 168 Morville, Joan de, wife of Richard de Gernome ssc ron asinoniioerielonerye 87 Motin, L., French prisoner .......... 268 Moudiwarp (Mole) Muir, William, Rowallan, Newton-Stewart, 359 Muirhead, Rev. Dr James, of Urr .. 296 iota oh SSS a apnn open SOO SRO COOROOOOD 67 Mulygaston, Lands of ...............- 133 Munro, Dr Moffat ............--sse00. 208 Vil ala! cocdoer Sade sdoericooDcnoeEoed 115 Murphie, Miss Annie, of Cresswell, 165, 566 Murray, A. D., editor, ‘‘ Dumfries and Galloway Herald” ...... 21 Oe. 30s. 41 Rey. Alexander, 296; MS. Autobio- graphy, 365. Catherine, wife of William Murray Lite OLAITTOOb mr onteeicisiecals sieie:cieiaecorele 197 Cuthbert, of Cockpool ............ 97 Esote, wife of Herbert Corry of INC WERY s apeieinrcininlsidistsielojofals ss) stes;s\efe)s 97 WOU) IM) HOLGHOUSE. <.\ - ; _ ia x [ \ 1 q - =~ ae i on “" a8 - Leet : (7a i ae i. = " i > Lap i ‘ - >. 5 F See ' saa = 1} Ly. iy G -* ; -w . ae weg pewtp wnt ha She es: ee . . eas we aa eee Oe ee to, of a ee re a se 6 : ahs Bap Ia Mey bes P 4 BAAR IN Ra veengele AGUIAR lah BR MOM I SG BT lh ll SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION LIBRARIES wh Nesfaheie ves wks eutak Ai tie ne 3 thr NAS - i S eee ee eden yu #4. eked Sis ose Pedr Techie ow bret . Bites wee eh ge b Date 0 = 1A wie veh sueairamigeoteats S04 3 ‘ > : i 2 So A oie ad Seatbelt % : z s : : : a par icbehe ee pe ee