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ROYAL PRLS i (ACAD EM |

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M.D CC.LXXXVII.

Re Be Tae eee

_PRINTED BY GEORGE BONHAM, GREAT GEORGE’s-STREET,
FOR THE ACADEMY.

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THE ACADEMY defre it to be underftood that,
as a body, they are not anfwerable for any opinion, repre-
fentation of falls, or train of reafening, which may
appear in the following papers. The authors of the
feveral effays are alone refponfible for their contents.

-E R R A T A.

ScriENncr.
Page 29, Line 11, for Pythagorus, read Pythagoras.
Page 30, Lines 3, 5, for para/eline, read parafelene.
Page 38, Line 3 from the bottom, for 7*, read y*.

Pouire Lirerarure.
Page 22, Line 3, read ‘Od & gov.
Page 52, Line 17, for ¢riods, read triads.
Page 86, Line 21, for cymbol, read cymbal.

ANTIQUITIES.
Page 34, Line 5, read acerrima.
Page 143, Line 13, read are frequently.
Page 149, Line 12, for Tuetonic, read Teutonic.
Page 159, Line 2, for fome, read fuch.

ra a

<r? The quotation from Euripides, page 62, Polite Literature, having been
overlooked in the correction, is here printed more accurately.

OU tatcomse Tes xepilog
Mecass cvlearapryyus,
‘Hiker culoyiay.
Ei Cun wer ivpacios,
Ale Oo ey seDavarcw inv.
* * * *
Tage te Begrcy civodslary
Taps re xfAvos Exlarave
. MoAmiy, %) AiGuy evAadv.
Oinrw natomavooney
Mécas, cs me exogeutare

7

*Ayrise2On €.
Tasaive uty Anarades
“Yurio apo) midas, Tov
Aas Worasde yévov,
Eidicoucas xadarinogor.

Bi Be Beek ACG,

To the feveral advantages which Europe has within
thefe latter centuries experienced from the cultivation
of {cience and polite literature, this kingdom unfortu-
nately has remained in a great meafure a ftranger. As
no: Irifhman’s partiality will deny this, fo no man’s.
prejudice fhould be fuffered to make it an occafion of
illiberal imputation on the capacity of Irifhmen, while
in the ftate of the country fo many local peculiarities
may be found fully fufficient to account for it. The
important changes which took place in the government
upon the invafion by Henry the Second were not carried
on with fo little difturbance, as to permit the nation to
apply itfelf immediately to the peaceful employments of
literary enquiry: nor could it reafonably be prefumed,
that two clafles of inhabitants entirely diffimilar in their
inclinations and habits, and afterwards more widely
feparated by a difference in religion, fhould be readily
B prevailed

Lind

prevailed on to lay afide their mutual enmity, and unite
in the purfuit of fpeculative fcience. The connection
of this kingdom with England, inftead of teaching
Ireland the many valuable acquifitions of Englifh in-
duftry, tended rather to entice away its men of genius
to a country in which, as learning was more fafhionable,
its profeffors might be certain of enjoying more at eafe
the advantages of rational communication, and of re-
ceiving more ample encouragement. Its natural fitua-
tion, remote from the line of immediate intercourfe be-
tween any two more civilized nations, removed it alfo
from all acquaintance with foreign improvement : and
its want of political importance banifhed from it all
thofe whofe wealth and ambition might have introduced
practical {cience, afforded a liberal patronage to ingenuity,
and raifed their country to dignity, to opulence and to
reputation.

Sucn are the feveral caufes which fatally confpired
to detain this kingdom for a feries of years in a ftate of
comparative ignorance and inferiority, to counteract its
natural advantages, and to derogate from its national
character: and to thefe it is owing, that while its fons
became illuftrious abroad for enterprize and for ability,
their country fhould yet have remained neglected, and
its inhabitants poor, inactive and unenlightened. But
the influence of many of thefe caufes time has in a

confiderable

pix |

confiderable degree weakened, and peculiar circumftances
have now given to Ireland an importance in the political
{eale, which habits of well-directed induftry alone can
eftablifh and maintain. Whatever therefore tends, by
the cultivation of ufeful arts and fciences, to improve
and facilitate its manufactures ; whatever tends, by the
elegance of polite literature, to civilize the manners and
refine the tafte of its people; whatever tends to awaken
a fpirit of literary ambition, by keeping alive the me-
mory of its antient reputation for learning, cannot but:
prove of the greateft national advantage. To a with to
promote in thefe important refpects the advancement of
knowledge in this kingdom, the Royal Irifh Academy
for Science, Polite Literature, and Antiquities, owes its
-eftablifhment; and though the members who compofe
it are not entirely without hopes that their efforts may
hereafter become perhaps extenfively ufeful and refpected,
yet the original intent of their inftitution muft be con-
fidered as confining their views for the prefent more
immediately to Ireland. If their endeavours fhall but
ferve to excite in their countrymen fome fenfe of the dig-
nity of mental exertion, if their exhortation and example
fhall be fo far fuccefsful as to become the means of turn-
ing vacant thoughts to fcienceand to utility, their labours
are abundantly recompented.

Ip it. be, faid that. in focieties of this fort too much
attention is frequently beftowed on fubje@ts barren and
By {peculative,

Ae diel |

fpeculative, it may be anfwered, that no one {fcience is
fo little conneéted with the reft as not to afford many
principles whofe ufe may extend confiderably beyond
the fcience to which they primarily belong, and that no
propofition is fo purely theoretical as to be totally inca-
pable of being applied to praétical purpofes. There is
no apparent connection between duration and the cycloi-
dal arch, the properties of which duly attended to
have furnifhed us with our beft regulated methods of
meafuring time: and he who has made himfelf mafter
of the nature and affections of the logarithmic curve, is
not aware that he has advanced confiderably towards
afcertaining the proportionable denfity of the air at its
various diftances from the furface of the earth. The
refearches of the mathematician are the only fure ground
on which we can reafon from experiments; and how far
experimental {cience may aflift the commercial interefts
of a ftate, is clearly evinced by the fuccefs of thofe fe-
veral manufactures in the neighbouring countries of
England and France, where the hand of the artificer
has taken its direétion from the philofopher. Every
manufacture is in reality but a chemical procefs, and
the machinery requifite for carrying it on but the right
application of certain propofitions in rational mechanics.
If chemiftry and natural hiftory then have never yet
employed themfelves in enquiring into the ftate of this
country, if its minerals have never yet been explored,

nor

ff. ak J
nor the extent of its botanical productions afcertained,
we need not wonder that Ireland, abounding in the firft
materials of many manufactures, fhould yet have confi-
dered them no otherwife valuable than as articles of
export.

To attain purpofes of fo great national utility as
this Academy propofes to itfelf, the patriotifm of the
inhabitants of this kingdom has made many efforts,
which though not entirely effectual have yet given a -
well-founded hope, that when circumftances more fa-
vourable fhould arife fuch endeavours might be atten-
ded with fuccefs. The foundation of our Univerfity has
diffufed the advantages of a liberal education to a num-
ber which, when the poverty and ftate of population of
this country are taken into account, appears far from
inconfiderable ; and feveral private literary focieties have
been at different times paft formed, tending to keep alive
the claims of Ireland on their pofterity, and perhaps to
facilitate the fuccefs of future labours. In the year
1683 William Molyneaux was inftrumental in forming
a Society in Dublin fimilar to the Royal Society in
London, of which he was an illuftrious member: much
might be expected from an inftitution of which Sir
William Petty was prefident, and Molyneaux fecretary,
had not the diftracted ftate of the kingdom difperfed
them fo foon as 1688. Their plan feems to have been

refumed

[RE

refumed without fuccefs about the beginning of the
prefent century, when the Earl of Pembroke, then Lord
Lieutenant, prefided over a Philofophical Society efta-
blifhed in Dublin College. In the year 1740 the
Phyfico-hiftorical Society, two volumes of whofe minutes
are ftill extant, was inftituted: under their patronage
Smith publifhed his Hiftory of Waterford. And in the
year 1772 the antient ftate of Ireland attracted the
attention of the Dublin Society, who appointed a
committee for the exprefs purpofe of enquiring into its
antiquities. The favourable reception their propofals
of correfpondence met with abroad evinced a difpo-
fition in foreign nations to affift the cultivation
of this branch of literature, of which the Royal
Trifh Academy acknowledge with gratitude they have
already received valuable proofs. “The meetings of the
Antiquarian Committee after about two years ceafed ;
but the zeal of a very few of their members ftill conti-
nuing has given to the public feveral effays, fince com-
prized into four volumes entitled Collectanea de Rebus
Hibernicis. About the year 1782 the Society from
which this Academy afterwards arofe was eftablithed : it
confifted of an indefinite number of members, moft of
them belonging to the Univerfity, who at weekly meet-
ings read eflays in turn. Anxious to make their labours ~
redound to the honour and advantage of their country

they

[Mav i
they formed a plan more extenfive, and admitting fuch
additional names only as might add dignity to their new
inftitution, or by their publications had given fure
ground to hope advantage from their labours, became

the founders of the Royal Irith Academy.

Let it not be imputed to arrogance when we fay
. that, however former Societies in this kingdom may have
failed, the members of this Academy fhould not be dif-
heartened. From its peculiar nature, and feveral fa~
vourable circumftances attending the time of its infti-.
tution, it has many profpe&ts of continuance. Uniting
in one plan the three compartments of Science, Polite
Literature, and Antiquities, it unites whatever is pleafing
with whatever is ufeful, the advancement of {peculative
knowledge with the hiftory of mankind: it makes pro-
vifion for the capricious variations of literary purfuit,
- and embracing all the objeéts of rational enquiry, it
fecures the co-operation of the learned of every de-
{cription.

Ir has been inftituted too at a time when it can enjoy
the protetion of a monarch, whofe patronage of the
liberal arts has made his reign an illuftrious era in the
annals of literature; at a time when two of the {ciences
have had advantages hitherto unknown in this country

held

[ eve 2]

held out to them, in the eftablifhment of a medical
{chool, and the foundation of an obfervatory for aftro-
nomical purpofes; and at a time when every qualifi-
cation natural and acquired concurred in pointing out a
prefident, whofe zeal for the interefts of Ireland could
only be equalled by his zeal for the interefts of learn—

ing.

AnimaTeD by fuch encouragements, the Irifh nation
are called on to exert themfelves. The Academy, in
this volume, with moft refpectful deference prefents

the firft fruits of its labours to the public: whether
the beginning now made fhall be relinquifhed with
difgrace, or this Society be taught to afpire to hopes of
vigor and continuance, is a queftion, which thofe who
have abilities to promote the advancement of literature
fhould be informed is left, with all its important confe~ —
quences, for their exertions to determine. To embolden
their diffidence, the nature of thefe publications holds out
all the advantages of mutual example, while the great
national benefits to be derived from this inftitution muft
ftamp their indolence a crime of no lefs magnitude than
treafon againft the welfare of Ireland. They are called
on by every tie which can have a laudable influence on
the heart of man: by the hopes of fuccefs, and the in-
famy of defeat, by the folicitations of a natural inftin&
which

Faceeyir: |]

which will not fuffer their faculties to reft without
exertion, and by the authoritative voice of reafon and
experience which pronounce fuch exertions falutary,
by emulation, by philanthropy, by honeft pride, by a
glorious fenfe of the dignity of their country, and the
dignity of human nature. To fuch a call Irifhmen
cannot be inattentive: the God of Truth will look
propitious on their labours, and a Ray from Heaven
fhall light them to fuccefs.

‘ae hi shi ty. 5 fail ecaRe t

ay “aie rot pe ereit ieanattiue ri opal hea diss His ee!

ak he ety wok ‘ete eae eli txa orclonte
pak Beatin eFoih iantarle: tote Bln che an weet: Jeitt

hie ell oo ibe pes got phy: eke aon ERS

Be aa ae sate Beant cae each aides $i igre #

ates eH it gy awe b He oggass ila 56 shed heat: sia |
hate! eit ta ogi uls ‘ge sehen at hihiennine teat OF isles ditt Ke
i Hd. shite About. Bat amg sit ty fie an bball ified iia "
spaebi i, hipk! Tea iste sitet Hie no
‘Tale te Atak A athe WaRea ae i lieh| i
atk The acter 5 Malt 5 ie oo oe ‘itl

jalan eae Shee, te Beret Al aviv putt
Peper, Witmer on cea ala i ae ang atacae! sess
Ania ania, tie ore srt saul ah Nay ste :
on be tive ry tink abielciey bibs 4 1 thats Sait id

De hehe Gi terelones a $, A iron Bhat
nt be duthas ei 7 es aig Tet

Mier

a — ——E————E

ay OF PNY iby eet ANT th as.

rs —————

PREFACE. By the Revs Robert Burrowes, A. M. Fellow of
Trinity College, Dublin, and M.R. I. A.

cnn

S pGr dighin she Nae Be

1 AWN Account of the Objfervatory belonging to Trintty-
College, Dublin. By the Rev. H. Ussher, D. D. Sentor
Fellow of Trinity-College, Dublin, F.R.S.and M.R.I.A. Page 3

Il. 4x Account of Parhelia, seen September 24, 1783,
at Cookffown. By the Rev. F. A. Hamilton, D. D.
M.R. I. A. = - = 23

Ill. Od/ervations of the Lunar Eclipfe, March 18, 1783 - 25,

IV. A fnthetical Demonftration of the Rule for the
“Quadrature of fimple Curves, per aquationes terminorum
numero infinitas. By the Rev. M. Young, DD.) Ds

Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin, M. R. I. A. - 31
V. Defeription of a new portable Barometer. By the Rev.

A. M‘Guire - - > = 41
VI. Odjervations on Pemphigus. By Stephen Dick/on,

M.D. M.R.L A. - - - 47

VII. On the Extrattion of Cubic and other Roots. Commu-
nicated by the Rev. M. Young, D. D. Fellow of Trinity
College, Dublin, M.R.I. A. - - - 59

VIIL. Hiffory of an Ovarium, wherein were found Teeth,
Hair and Bones. By James Cleghorn, M, B. - 13

he - i us a ae ¢
a Vet ne a
toe astra nt
| geen dD

Labee §

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POLITE LITERATURE

Gi as Re a RE ee

LAN Effy on Sublimity of Writing. By the Rev.
Richard Stack, D. D. Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin,
and M.R.I.A. - - - -

Il. Effay on the Stile of Doctor Samuel Fohnfon, No. 1.
By the Rev. Robert Burrowes, A. M. Fellow of Trinity
College, Dublin, and M. R. I. A. - -

JII. Ditto, No. Il. By the Jame - = &

IV. Thoughts on Lyric Poetry. By William Prefton,
MRI. A. - Ae _- -

To which ts fubjotned
V. Irregular Ode to the Moon, By the Jame -

Page 3

27
At

57

75

Ae rock ag aid was Who i
exit oye) Gane Wg orl GG. AA bai

ri fily e sre HA pe HE ia fies: op Pp tate: LAA Sin 4
a ie ee AOL, sain whe Yo" a2 ah ino aa we “ii
GE os MS AseierGA MAGA Josh
Naibate 1 ae a san

Hcp

lark

IN Dy. ie Or A Bs es 8,

ONE TR ING an |S.

I. ACCOUNT of an ancient Infeription in Ogham Cha-
rater on the fepulchral Monument of an Irifh Chief,
difcovered by Mr. Theophilus O’Flanagan, Student of
Trinity College, Dublin - - -

II. The Antiquity of the Woollen Manfuacture in Ireland,
proved from a Paffage of an ancient Florentine Poet.
By the Earl of Charlemont, Prefident R. I. A. -

Ill. 4x Enguiry concerning the Original of the Scots in
Britain. By the Lord Bifhop of Killaloe, M. R. I. A. and
Bike 8 - - s 2 2

IV. Ancient Gaelic Poems refpecting the Race of the Fians,
collected in the Highlands of Scotland in the Year 1784.
By the Rev. Matthew Young, D. D. Fellow of Trinity
College, Dublin, and M.R.I. A. - -

V. Account of a Greek Manufcript of Saint Matthew's Gofpel
in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin. By the Rev.
John Barret, B.D. Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin =

VI. An Account of ancient Coins found at Ballylinam, in
the Queen’s County, Ireland; with Congectures thereon.
By Witham Beauford, A. M. - - -

VII. Account of an anctent Urn found in the Parifh of
Kilranelagh, in the County of Wicklow. From a Letter
written by Thomas Green, Lfy; © - -

Page 3

I]

25

43

121

159

161

¢ *

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Account of the OBSERVATORY Jelonging to TRINITY
COLLEGE, DUBLIN... By the Rev. H. USSHER,
D.D. MRL. A. and F.R.S.

Tus delicacy of practical. Aftronomy, in’ its prefent improved
ftate, has laid open to us new fources of ‘error, and additional
difficulties, which the lefs perfe@ inftruments of our predeceffors
could not have taught them to fufpe&. One peculiar advantage
of Aftronomy, above other fciences, was formerly thought to arife
from the nature of its fubje@, viz. the motions of bodies fo
remote as to free the inquirer from the complicated confideration
of local effefts, corpufcular attraction, and chemical folution. But
it is not fo at prefent; the fubtle element of fire, the different
f{pecies of air, and their various combinations, have rendered the
theory of refraétions, even as coming from the hands of Bradley,
ftill liable to fufpicion; and whilft we juftly admire the induftry
of that great man in making obfervations, his fagacity in feleGting

A 2 them,

Read June
13, 1785.

L 4]

them, and the elegance of his deduction, ftill the truly phyfical
inquirer muft lament the circumftances of the obfervations them-
felves, which, it is not eafy to fuppofe, could afford him indifput-
able elements, when we confider that they were made in a con-
fined room, in which the temperature was in general widely
different from that of the external air, and by the help of inftru-
ments clofely attached to a mafs of ftone of nine or ten feet
fuperficial {quare by three or four feet in thicknefs. We have
good reafon to fuppofe that fuch a bulk of cold ftone decom-
pofes the furrounding air to fome diftance. In fome particular
circumftances of the atmofphere, the moifture refting on the
furface, and in others, the tremulous motion of the adjacent air,
feem to indicate either a decompofition or furcharge in that por-
tion of the air, by means of which the theory of refractions has
hitherto been experimentally determined ; and therefore leave the’
fabje& fill liable to objeGions apparently well founded. :

Tue, prefent Aftronomer Royal, Do@or Nevil Mafkelyne,
whofe, fagacity lefs important matters could not efcape, aware
of this defe@, has opened his Obfervatory more to the air, and,
as far as the conftruction of the building would) admit, has
removed part of the evil; the quadrants, however, ftill remain
attached to the great mafs of ftone.

Ever fince that important period, at which aftronomy appears
to have affumed a new face, by the introduion of metallic
inftruments of more accurate frame and divifion, and the adoption
of telefcopic fights, the groffer difficulties of the fcience have been
gradually removed : fome, which before that time were confidered of

little

f %. 4]

little importance, ) and./others; till then ‘totally, unfufpeéted, are
now ‘become{,of ferious .confequence, and - require, the moft
accurate, theoretical, inveftigation, ,and the, , utmoft! |refinement
of practice. Amongft thefe may be ranked the minute. varia-
tions of refraction ; which may, perhaps, juftly be confidered as
the greateft bar! at prefent to the perfection of Aftronomy.

I mucu fufpee that the trué conftitution of our atmofphere is,
even now, but little known ; but I am not without hopes of inte-
refting difcoveries in this important branch of feience, from the novel
means of exploring’ its qualities in citeumftances very different
from thofe’ of ‘all former expetiments. We are, however, certain
that it is fubject to decompofition’ and change; and obfervation
and theory prove to us that refractions are thereby affeGed.

Ir we propofe by ‘obfervation to procure elements fora law
of refraction, whether we adopt the conftitution of the atmo-
{phere fuppofed by, our predeceffors or not, it is manifeft that
obfervations. made in the open air promife the greateft degree
of confiftency with each other, and. the beft elements, for a
theory and law of refractions; but as this method, particularly
in our northern climates, cannot be purfued. with fafety cither
to the Aftronomer or his apparatus, we can only endeavour to
approximate to this perfe@ion, by making our buildings as open
to the air as may be confiftent with their particular ftru@ure,
and the health and convenience of the obferver.. This fubjec
had for a long time-engaged my attention, and I had digefted
what'occutred'to’me'tpon it” into fome form, when, by 'a happy

concurrence

[ 6. J

concurrence of circumftances I was enabled to reduce part of
my fyftem*to practice, and té give a fair trial to what I
confidered likely, I do not fay to remove, - but. at leaft to dimi-
nifh the-evil.

Our late learned and munificent Provoft, Door Francis
Andrews, had bequeathed to the College a confiderable fum of
money towards the building of an Obfervatory, and furnithing
it with proper inftruments, which fum was to arife from an
accumulation of a part of his property, to commence upon a
particular contingency happening in his family. As, foon as this
had taken place, the College, with a diftinguifhed liberality, and
a true zeal for the promotion of fcience, determined not to lofe
time by waiting for the accumulation ; but, to haften the exe-
cution of the plan, advanced from their own funds a fum con-
fiderably exceeding the original bequeft; although at that time
not well qualified for fo great and fudden a call, on account of
the large fums that had been by them already expended upon
other public buildings. They did me the honor to ele&@ me
Profeffor, and fent me to England to order from Mr. Ramfden
the beft inflruments, without limitation of price. His abilities
are fufficiently known to all Europe. As foon as the choice of
the inftruments had been determined *, the next point to be con-

fidered

* The inftruments ordered were a tranfit inftrument of four feet axis and fix
feet focal length, bearing four inches and a quarter aperture, with three different
magnifying powers up to near 600, which great power it bears with a moft furprizing
degree of diftinétnefs.—An intire circle of ten feet diameter, on a vertical axis,

for

ie ae

fidered was the arrangement of the building, and the moft
commodious difpofition of the inftruments, fo as to give to
each a_fituation juftly fuited to the particular obfervations
to be made. Accordingly, I devifed the annexed plan, which
the College was pleafed to adopt, and they committed the
fuperintendence to me in the arrangement and execution of
fuch parts as demanded particular nicety and. attention.

THE defcription of this Obfervatory, accompanied with a
ground plan and elevation, I now lay before the Academy.

Aurnovcn I have {pared neither ftudy nor affiduous atten-
tion on this building and apparatus, I am_ not fo vain as to
fuppofe it. perfe&t ; it may hereafter betray to me imperfections
which perhaps even now are anticipated by better judges. This
time alone can determine: and. the public at large, and this Aca-
demy in particular, may depend upon the moft faithful detail of
the advantages or imperfections of every thing which is original
either in the pit or apparatus.

Wire ‘refpea to the. aries I need. not, to. dat icidibualsh
apologize for want of ornament and, architectural. elegance in a
building which, to anfwer its defign fully, muft probably reject
both ; perfe@ ftability and convenient difpofition of the inftru-
ments form here the archite@’s great object; and a vain affec-
tation of tafte may militate againft thefe effential qualities.

for meafuring meridian altitudes.—An equatorial inftrument, the circles being five
feet diameter.—And an achromatic telefcope, mounted on a polar aus and carried
by’ an helioltatic movement, for “occafional obfervations.

In

Le,

Iv the erecting of an Obfervatory the three principal points
are the fituation, foundation ‘and’ foil. “As the ‘building’ muft
neceffarily be tow, the fituation. Aine . ‘be ie mee command-
ing a clear horizon all around, but particularly to “the North
and South. .

tHTI ihJ SOLLDi

TuHatT ‘an see RB. fiduid” = low, muit appear an odd
affertion to fuch as are acquainted with thofe only | of the laft
century, and not converfant with modérn practice : ‘the prefent
refinement of ‘aftronomical -inftruments, fince the application
of telefcopic fights, demands the utmoft ftability. This was a
point not to be obtained whilft’ refracting ‘ telefeopes, ‘of the
original frame and conftrudtion, were in ufe. “The unmanage-
able length of tube demanded by - the fimple “objeat glafs,
where any tolerable magnifying: power was defired, rendered
lofty and extenfive piles of building © indifpenfable , but the
great invention of refle@ing’ ‘telefcopes by Sir Tfaac Newton,
and the difcovery of the ‘achromatic object glafs by Mr. Dollond,
ftill more ufeful when applied to aftronomical inftruments, have
freed us from the neceffity of ens thofe lofty piles, by
which’ the courfe of obfervation with’ fome of the moft valu-
able inftruments is interrupted, and an Obfervatory injured in
many and important refpedcts.

Is confequence of ‘the imperfection of iclefeopes’ in ‘the times
which I’ have mentioned, we find thofe gréat and unflable
ftru€tures forming an effential part of every Obfervatory built
at that period, all which are now unneceffary ; and if through
a weak attachment to old euftoms they, are, introduced into
Obfervatories at prefent, they may add to the magnificence, at

the expence of the value of the work.
THE

fie}

THe next important article is the foundation, which fhould
be of the moft folid kind: For this reafon a rock, and that
of great extent*, or a hard gravel, fhould be made choice of;
if neither of thefe can be found in the place where other
circumftances require the Obfervatory to be built, it will be
neceflary to give all adventitious ftability in our power, by deep
arches or piles driven by an engine; for fuch is the confum-
mate execution of modern inftruments, that they immediately
betray the imperfe@tions of a building, whether from unftable
foundation, or inartificial fuperftruCure.

Tue foil fhould be naturally dry, as will generally be the
cafe when the next ftratum is gravel. The advantage of fuch
a’ foil I have frequently remarked at the Royal Obferyatory at
Greenwich, during my refidence near it, where the. fecond
ftratum, and indeed almoft the firft, being a flinty gravel, I
have fometimes feen the air ferene, whilft the country around
has been covered with a thick ‘fog; which poffibly may be
accounted for from the gravelly ftratum, which fuffers the rain
and moift dews to percolate, and leave the furface dry; or, to
indulge another conjecture, perhaps the polifhed furface of the
cold flints, with which the foil and furface abound, may tend
to decompofe the air, and make it depofit any fuperabundant
moifture.

THE Obfervatory belonging to Trinity College, Dublin, is
built on a high ground N. W. of the city, and diftant about
B four

* T have heard of an Obfervatory built upon a rock, but one of fhort extent,
that betrayed moft fingular irregularities in the pofition of the inftruments.

[ ae. ]

four Englifh miles. The mercury in the barometer ftands there
In

0,254 lower than at high water mark at the Liffey in fpring
tides, the thermometer being in Dublin 62°, and at the Obfer-
vatory 59°*. It is founded on a folid rock of limeftone of
fome miles extent, which, near the Obfervatory, rifes to within
fix inches of the furface, and is fo hard as to require to be
blafted with gunpowder for the ordinary ufes of the farmer.
The foil around is compofed of loam and a fpecies of calcareous
fubftance, called in Ireland limeftone-gravel, which is very
abforbent. ‘The horizon is remarkably extenfive, without
the {fmalleft interruption on any fide, except that on the
South the Wicklow mountains, diftant about fifteen Englifh
miles, rife about a degree and a half. Their diftance feems to
remove all apprehenfion on account of their attraction exerted
on the plumb-line ; and the gradual and equal acclivity of the
hill, on which the building is ere€ted, feems to fecure us from
any more near and dangerous local effect in that refpedt.
Confidered in another point of view, thefe mountains afford a.
ftriking advantage, of which I have been frequently an eye wit-
nefs: When clouds are coming from the South, I have often feen
them arrefted by the mountains, leaving the fpace from thence
to my zenith ferene, whilft to the Eaft and Weft, where no
fuch obftacles intervene, all has been obfcured with flying feud.
From E. to S. E. the fea is vifible, diftant about ten or. twelve
miles, a circumftance which in fome particular cafes is not
without its ufe: But what I confider particularly happy, is the
opportunity afforded by the Light-houfe for obfervations on
terreftrial refraGtions both by night and day. This is near five

miles

* This the refult of one obfervation only.

[ etr_ 4

miles diftant from the land, and about fifty feet above the
water. In particular ftates of the atmofphere, and more efpecially
on the approach of fevere weather, the Welfh mountains are
diftin@ly vifible, particularly that ridge of hills which runs
S. W. to point Braich-y-pwll, and bounds Caernarvon bay in
that direCtion.

I sHauy proceed to the particulars of the plan of this Ob-
fervatory.

Puate I. is the elevation of the Eaft front.

Puate II. is the ground plan. E is the bafe of a folid
pillar of fixteen feet {quare, which is of the moft fubftan-
tial mafonry, and is raifed from the folid rock to fuch height,
that the centre of the equatorial inftrument, which it is to fup-
port, may overlook every part of the building. This inftrument
demands the entire range of the horizon, fince, as it is now
conftruted, it may be applied to the moft valuable purpofes in
Aftronomy. It was a long time deliberated whether it would
not be better to fubftitute for this inftrument a vertical and
azimuth circle of the fame diameter, which has undoubtedly
peculiar and unrivalled advantages; but many circumftances of
fingular convenience in the equatorial, as alfo fome peculiarities
in its application, at length determined the choice in its fa-
vour.

Tuts fubftantial pillar is furrounded by a circular wall at a
foot diftance, which is to fupport the turning dome, and the
floor of the room, which muft not be fuffered to touch the

B 2 pillar

[ 2 |

pillar itfelf, or the piers which are to arife from it, for the
fupport of the axis of the inftrument; and for this purpofe
the floor is framed fo as to let the piers pafs through un-
touched ; whence no motion of the floor or furrounding, wall
can be communicated to the inftrument, and the temperature
of the pillar is in fome meafure preferved by the furrounding
wall. The turning dome is framed of wood, each rib confifts
of three equal and parallel pieces, the grain of the wood in
thefe being fo difpofed as to counteract each other’s inclination
to caft or warp. The frame is covered with canvas foaked
with drying oil, tar, and white paint, and coated afterwards
with white paint, wrought to fuch confiftence as to be laid on
with a trowel. ‘The infide is to be covered with another thinner
fheeting, and between the two, wood-mofs, if neceffary, will be
infroduced, to prevent the tranfmiffion of heat. The aperture
for obfervation is two feet fix inches wide, and opens to fix
inches beyond the zenith. As the dome is an hemifphere, the
flide which fhuts this aperture is made to move vertically through
the zenith, with a movement fimilar to that of fome modern
writing-tables: The flide paffing through the zenith defcends
through the oppofite quadrant of the hemifphere within the
dome; but as this flide exceeds ninety degrees of the hemi-
{phere by fix inches, it would be impoflible in opening the aper-
ture to make the flide defcend through its whole length on the
oppofite fide, as* the wall-plate muft ftop it before its afcending
extremity could reach the zenith : Therefore, to remedy this, a
tranfverfe hinge is crontrived in the flide about eight inches
from that extremity, which thus defcends, or that end which is
next the zenith when the aperture is fhut ; this hinge lets thefe
eight hinges hang perpendicular to the horizon, when the flide

has

L 73]

has rifen fo much on the other fide, and the whole is thus
allowed to defcend until the zenith is laid open to obfervation.
Around this dome there is a platform, commanding one of the
moft extenfive and varied profpects that can be imagined *.

Tue room for making obfervations on the meridian requires
an uninterrupted view to the North and South. ‘This room is
here placed to the Weft of the building. It is manifeft to any
one who compares the prefent plan with the indifpenfable requi-
fites of an Obfervatory, that the front might have been pre-
fented either to the Eaft or Weft with equal advantage, fo far as
regards the neceffary difpofition of the rooms for obfervation ;
the beauty of the eaftern profpect, and the elegance of the
approach on that fide from the city, would have been fufficient
of themfelves to have given the preference to the prefent difpo-
fition; but thefe inferior confiderations happily coincided with
one much more important. In this part of the ifland the

* The Obfervatory commands on the South fide a view of the grounds of Lord
Beétive, with a gentle declivity to the river, and from thence a varied piCture
of the rich fcenery of the woods of the Phoenix Park, terminated in the back
ground by the majeflic grandeur of the Wicklow mountains. To the S. E. we
have the city of Dublin, diftant four miles, the femicircular bay with the fhipping,
and the great South Wall extending five miles into the fea, and terminated by
the Light-houfe; the ridge of rocky hills called The Three Brothers forming the
head of Dalkey, and bearing Malpas’s Obelifk on the higheft point. On the E.
and N. E. Clontarf and its environs, the Hill of Howth, Ireland’s Eye and
Lambay. From thence to the N. W. the profpe& is fo uncommonly level and
extenfive as to gratify the aftronomer much more than the painter; but even
this variety is not without its beauty. To the S. W. we have the pidurefque
ruins at Caftleknock, and to the Weft the extended and rich view of Kildare,
in which Mr. Conolly’s Obelifk forms a grand and central Object.

wefterly

[a4 ]

‘wefterly winds prevail, I believe, moderately fpeaking, two-thirds
of the year; and as this circumftance fecures us in that proportion
from any éfie@ of the fmoke of the city, fo this difpofition of the
meridian room frees us in the fame proportion from fmoke or other
vapours from the houfe or building.

As this is the moft effential part of the work, it willrequire a
more particular detail.

Tue meridian room is thirty-feven feet two inches long, and
twenty-three feet broad in the infide clear, and twenty-one feet
high. It is defigned for the ufual obfervations of the paflages of
the heavenly bodies over the meridian, and of their meridian
altitudes ; thefe effential obje@s require the moft minute attention
in every particular.

Bur as I do not mean in this paper to enter into a detail of
the particular inftruments, I fhall confine myfelf to an account
of the methods adopted to procure convenience of obfervation,
ftability and temperature.

Tue broad crofs in figure 2d, plate II. reprefents a piece of
the moft folid mafonry, rifing from the rock to within a few
inches. of the joifts of the floor, and totally unconne@ed with
the walls. At X,X is laid down a folid block of Portland ftone
of nine feet two inches in length, by three feet in breadth, and
one foot four inches thick. ‘This block fupports the pillars of
the tranfit inftrument, whofe bafes are marked by X,X,; thefe
pillars are feven feet fix inches high, their bafes three feet

from North to South, and two feet fix inches from Eaft to
Weft.

[ii a J

Weft. Thefe were chofen as they lay befide each other in the
quarry; and though each be a heterogeneous mafs, yet their
relative parts at given altitudes are perfectly fimilar; and this
appears abfolutely neceffary to prevent any effects of diffimilar
expanfion or contraction from heat, cold, moifture, &c. at
given heights. If Portland {tone were perfelly homogeneous this
would be an unneceffary caution, but the flighteft attention will
prove that it is not fo; and thefe pillars particularly fhew it.
Further, experiment proves to us that the temperature of the
pillars is different at different altitudes ; if now the two pillars
at a given altitude have a given temperature, and happen to be
diffimilar at that altitude, it is natural to expe that their ex-
panfions will be different, and the adjuftment of the inftrument
fupported by them deftroyed.

Eacu of the fupporting pillars confifting of one folid piece,
all effets of mortar and cement are avoided, and what is of
more importance, all iron cramps are unneceffary.

Tue temperature of the pillars at different heights is fhewn
by thermometers, the tubes of which are bent at right angles,
and their bulbs are inferted into the ftone, and furrounded with
duft of the fame ftone.

Near the weftern end of the crofs arife four pillars, marked
M, M, M,M, for the fupport of the frame of the vertical meridian
circle *. Beneath, from North to South, is laid another block of

Portland

* Inftead of quadrants attached to a ftone pillar, it is propofed here to have
an entire circle of ten feet diameter, fupported on a vertical axis: This alteration
feems

fe

Portland ftone, fo placed as not to touch the pillars or floor ;
this is to fupport the vertical axis. C reprefents the clock
pillar, being five feet fquare at the bafe, decreafing as it rifes
to two feet above, in order to afford all proper ftability. This
may appear to fome perhaps rather whimfical than neceffary ,
but it would not be difficult to fhew, both from theory and
experiment, the neceffity of the moft folid fupport for a clock,
on which, according to the modern practice, fo much juftly
depends. Befides, there is a proper degree of attention due on our
part to the work of Mr. Arnold, whofe reputation in fome degree
lies at the mercy of every one who may or may not be induced
to give to his fuperior work every minute attention which it
requires and deferves. Our clocks, executed by him, are finifhed
in a mafterly manner, the pallets of ruby, all the holes of the
laft movement jewelled, the fufpenfion f{prings of gold, with
his own five-barred pendulum, with cheeks capable of experi-
mental adjuftment, fo as to prove all vibrations ifochronal, what-
ever be the throw out of the clock.

TuE floor of the room is framed fo as to let all thefe pillars
rife totally detached from it. A few inches above the floor,
around each pillar, is a wooden fkirting, terminated by pliable
leather, which reaches to the floor, and overhangs a moulding
raifed about each pillar. This is done to prevent the admiffion

of

feems to promife many advantages in temperature both of air and inftrument,
facility and accuracy of adjuftment, not to mention the certainty of being enabled
to prove the centre of the inftrument; but on this I fhall not at prefent

enlarge

ih a7: 3

of duft, which, might in time form a communication between the
mafonry and the floor.

Ir has not been ufual in Obfervatories to place the tranfit
inftrument and thofe adopted for meafuring altitudes in the fame
room, and yet fome advantages arife from it. In the firft
place, one clock fuffices, which is a circumftance of fome ceco-
nomy, where the price is eighty guineas. But the follow-
ing is a fingular convenience: it not unfrequently happens
that one perfon is obliged to take both the meridian tranfit and
the altitude of a celeftial obje@, in which cafe thefe inftruments
being placed near each other afford a ftriking advantage. The
obferver may take the paffage of the fun’s limb (for inftance) over
the two firft wires of the tranfit inftrument, omit the middle
wire, haften to the circle, take the altitude of one limb, and
write it down, then take the altitude of the other, and leave it
to be read off at leifure, return to the tranfit inftrument, and
take the paffage over the two laft wires, whence the right afcen-
fion can be determined with as much accuracy as if the paffage
over the meridian wire itfelf had been obferved.

So far we have confulted ftability and convenient difpofition ;
the provifion for equability of temperature is next to be con-
fidered.

Ir is manifeft that obfervations with fuch large inftruments
cannot be made abfolutely in the open air; all we have left
therefore is to admit as free a paflage to the external air as is
confiftent with the fafety of the inftruments and the obferver.

Cid For

Plate II.
Fig. 3.

[ 38 ]

For this purpofe the meridian apertures for the tranfit inftrument
and circle are fix feet wide; which is a breadth confider-
ably greater than I have yet heard of in any Obfervatory.
Thefe, or a part of them, fhould be left open until the tem-
perature within and that abroad are found to agree entirely,
or as nearly as can be effected: through thefe and the win-
dows there is a free admiffion of air; but to break the force
of the wind, which might agitate the plumb-lines, and at times
difplace the inftrument, there are fkreens of the thinneft canvas
pervious to the air, which are contrived, occafionally to cover the
aperture, except a fpace of two feet in the middle ; but this only
ufed in windy weather. And that the temperature within may
at all times be more nearly equal to that of the external air,
there are femicircular air-holes in the walls grated and covered
with the fame kind of wide canvas, which are defigned
to be left always open to the air, except in wet or damp
weather, at which times they may be clofed with fhutters within.
The fame provifion is made here as in the equatorial dome to pre-
vent the tranfmiffion of heat.

Tue South and North wings now only remain to be explained.

Tur South wing is defigned for occafional obfervations, fuch
as eclipfes, occultations, &c. which being confined to the planets,
require only the range of that part of the hemifphere in which
thefe can at any time be vifible. On this account the centre
of the fouthern dome is fo far removed towards the South, that

a line drawn from thence to the extremity of the meridian room
fhall

[ 19 J
{hall clear the greateft amplitude of any of the planets in this lati-
tude; for as to comets, they are always moft conveniently obferved
by the equatorial inftrument, and that has the entire horizon at
command in this Obfervatory.

In this fouthern wing P, P reprefent the bafes of two pillars
which are to rife into the dome ; and, refting on folid mafonry,
unconnected with the floor and furrounding walls, are to fupport
a polar axis, carrying an achromatic telefcope, to which it is pro-
pofed to apply an helioftatic movement, which will carry it round
with an equable motion in a fidereal day. This is not a matter
of fimple amufement, many advantages arife from fuch an appa-
ratus. Every practifed obferver is aware of the errors that muft
neceffarily arife from the permanency of the effect of light upon
the organ of fight; this makes it probable that we do not always
fee a far in its true place in the field of a fixed telefcope. In
the tranfit inftrument, for inftance, the image of the wire does
not change its place in the eye, but is permanent; as that of a
flar approaches this wire, the laft impreffion remains until the
ftar has paffed the wire, and before the new impreffion is fenfible.
As to the diftin@nefs of vifion to be expected from it, the follow-
ing experiment will be fufficient for any one who doubts. Let a
line be drawn horizontally upon a wall, at fuch diftance from a
telefcope as that the obferver {hall be able to read through it tole-
rably fmall print; let the telefcope be dire@ed to a certain point
in this line; let a man move a printed paper, having both large
and {mall charaéters along this line as equably as he can ; when
the paper comes oppofite the telefcope, the obferver will find that
the greater characters alone are diftin@, but let him follow the
paper with the telefcope and he will find the fmall characters

C2 —— diftinet

[ime 4

diftin@ likewife. This inftrument promifes alfo the faireft trial
to the wire micrometer, which has, I fear, too haftily been laid ©
afide. ‘The prifmatic, the Caffegrain, the divided obje@ glafs,
the divided eye-glafs micrometers, have all their particular difad-
vantages, deriving error from metaphyfical as well as phyfical
fources ; not that I mean to infer that the wire micrometer is
unobjectionable. .

Tue dome of the upper room here is to be fimilar to that
of the equatorial room, and is defigned for this one inftrument.
Two obfervers in the fame room are too many for fuch obfer-
vations as are to be made here: He muft be a fteady practifed
obferver, whofe imagination will not be affe@ted when another,
with a more perfect inftrument, gives evident figns of his obfer-
vation being compleated, whilft to the former it has not yet
taken place. Thus let us fuppofe two telefcopes of different
powers applied to an emerfion of one of Jupiter’s fatellites, the
better telefcope may perhaps fhew it fourteen or fifteen feconds
fooner than the other; now if the obferver with the better telef-
cope rife to write down his obfervation, he will not only
difturb the other with the noife, but the imagination of the
latter may even perfuade him that the emerfion has taken place
to his eye, when with fuch a telefcope it was impoffible. To
avoid this inconvenience, the lower room is defigned to permit
occafional obfervers to practice, and mafonry is contrived to
fupport other telefcopes with proper ftability. ‘The northern wing
may be applied to the ufe of a zenith feGor if required *, and an

apparatus

* Or of a pillar quadrant, if that fhould by any one hereafter be confidered
as an expedient method for determining refractions.

Lett
apparatus of mafonry fimilar to that in the fouthern wine is

propofed for occafional obfervers.

I Have now gone through the particulars of the conftru€tion
of this Obfervatory, which I hope and truft will be a lafting monu-
ment to the honor of its founder, Doctor Francis Andrews, and
a memorial to ages of the liberality and zeal of Trinity College,
Dublin. May the fpirit of true and genuine fcience, for which
this College has ever been diftinguifhed, continue unabated to
remoteft ages, fupplying the world with men of genius and learn-

ing worthy of fuch a patronage.

pen

Am | ul

Cade Ve

we ig tte
3 i P io
Hehe ve,
é Niet

ae : i ee Y edongingte Trinity College DUBLIN.
ELUEVATIONY Crastfoond of Whe OBSERVATORY belonging a be O 5 we

[Plate II

|
|

Tin 8 Bleratron OF Selewall of

;
"

HU sher Tru’ el Del?

——
Plate II

3B tlevalion of Sulewall of

the Meridian. Reem.

~£e

Fxg. 2. The Work beneath the Floor
SF the Mervtian Room.

Scale of Feet
E 5 00 H% £0 2% S30 $5 40 45

| 2 , ee Ua
| Wher Ins! Delt GROUND PLAN rE the OBSERVATORY belonging lo Lrinily Oollge PDUBLIN .
= / ; BAe ay AZ i

Lb ord Scudp!

ALETTER @o th Rev. HENRY USSHER, D. D. from
"the Rev. JAMES A. HAMILTON, D.D. MRILA
giving an Account off PARHELIA feen at Cook/iown

September 24, 1783.

Carirr, JANUARY 20, 1786.
Dear Sir,

I BEG leave, through you, to communicate to the Royal Irifh Read Fe-

Academy, the following very curious optical phenomena which I ae 6,

obferved September 24, 1783, at Cookftown, where I then

refided, and paid a pretty regular attention to aftronomical and
meteorological obfervations.

Wepnespay, September 24th, 1783, as I was preparing to
obferve the fun pafling the meridian, before the 1ft limb touched
the centre wire, it was obfcured by a dark well-defined cloud,
about ro° in diameter. Upon going to the door of the tranfit
room, to fee if it was likely foon to pafs off the difk of the fun,
I obferved the following phenomena :
FRoM

Plate III.

Fig. 1.

[ seh]

From the weftern edge of the cloud iffued a luminous are
parallel to the horizon, perfectly well defined, extending exatly
to the northern meridian; it was about 30’ broad, white, and
ended in a blunted termination. On it were two parhelia; the
neareft to the fun difplaying the prifmatic colours ; the remote
one white, and both ill defined. In a fhort time the cloud had
paffed off, and fhewed the luminous almicantar, reaching perfe@
to the true fun. While things were thus fituated, I meafured
with an accurate fextant the diftances of the parhelia; I found
the coloured one 260, the remoter one go°, from the true fun.
Juft as I had done this, a new and prifmatic circle furrounded
the fun, immediately within the prifmatic parhelion. And now
another coloured parhelion appeared on the eaftern board. The
fextant with its face up and down, exactly meafured this and the
former at the original diftance of 26°; the luminous almicantar
ftill remaining perfe@. In about ten or twelve minutes, whitifh
hazy clouds came on, and obfcured all thefe uncommon appear-
ances. I did not obferve that the atmofpherical: phenomena
before or after were at all uncommon.- The wind a light breeze
at S.S. W. Bar. 29,6 rifing. ‘Thermometer 55°.

S M. reprefents the fouth meridian.

N. M. north meridian.

P.P. the prifmatic circle, with two prifmatic funs or parhelia,
at 26° diftance on each fide the true fun.

W. the white parhelion, at go° diftance from the true fun.

L. A. the luminous almicantar.

And HO. the horizon.

OBSERVATIONS of the LUNAR ECLIPSE, March 18th,
1783. Communicated by the Rev. H. USSHER, D. D.

Iwas accompanied and affifted in the following obfervations Read De-

by the Rev. W. Hamilton, Member of this Academy, and by
Mr. Arthur M‘Guire.

Tue latter gentleman obferved, with an Hadley’s fextant, equal
verfed fines of the uneclipfed part, being anxious to fee how
nearly the middle of the eclipfe might be deduced from that
kind of obfervation, which at fea snight be of ufe, when the
weather happens to be too hazy to fhew the fpots diftinly.

Mr. Hamilton made his obfervations with a telefcope of two feet
focus double obje& glafs. I obferved the beginning and end of the
eclipfe, and the beginning and end of total darknefs, with
a night telefcope, the aperture being diminifhed about one third,
and the other phenomena with a telefcope of feventeen inches

D ; focus

cember 5,
1785.

focus triple obje& glafs.

Phenomena.

Beginning of the Eclipfe

Grimaldi covered
Galileo
Ariftarchus touches

covered
Kepler touches
bifeed
covered
Copernicus touches
bifected
covered
Tycho touches
bife&ed
Plato touches
covered
Manilius touches
covered
Menelaus touches
covered
Proclus bife@ted
Mare crifium touches
bifeGted
covered

Beginning of total dark.

[. 26 7

The obfervations are reduced to mean
time, on the meridian of the College of Dublin.

BU

mean time.

1s ee
7 14
15
19
24

26

avy

Ne)

W. H.

mean time.

H ‘ v

Phenomena. H. U. W. H.

End of total darknefs 9 27 28 9 57 33
Grimaldi bife&ted IO 00 I5
Galileo bifefted 3 58

Ariftarchus touches —— | 10 913
bifected 9 35
Kepler bifected 12 17
emerged 3. «8

Tycho touches Ig 13 19 13

emerged 20 18 high te:
Copernicus bifected QI 13
Plato touches 26 58
bifected ay 29

emerged 28-3 28 8
Manilius bifefted 36 23
Menelaus bifected 39 13
Proclus emerged 5I 43
Mare crifium touches 52 43
bifeGied $4 23

End of the eclipfe 10 56 28 | 10 57 33

Tue middle of the eclipfe, deduced from a mean of feveral
obferved equal verfed fines, differed but eleven feconds from that
deduced from the beginning and end of total darknefs.

Tue Aftronomer Royal was fo obliging as to fend me the
correfpondent obfervations at Greenwich ; and as the longi-
tude of Dublin is not yet accurately determined, the diffe-
rence of longitude deduced from the mean of thefe may be

D2 of

[ 28 ]
of fome ufe-for the prefent; thefe make it 6 24:s7,9 Weft of
Greenwich. In July, 1783, Mr. Arnold came here from England,
and had with him one of his large pocket time-keepers, the rate
and error of which had been fettled before he left Greenwich. [
determined the difference of times by equal altitudes the day of his
arrival and the day before his departure; and by comparifon on
his return to Greenwich, made at my requeft, and communi-
cated to me by Dodétor a ee the difference of the lon-

H
gitude by the mae was © 24 <8, 2, differing only fix tenths.
of a fecond from what I had made it by obfervation on his

arrival.

Tue following obfervations of the fame eclipfe have been

commuicated to me:

H ‘ “
At the Hague Beginning 7 58 7 mean time.

Begin. ‘of total dark. — — —
End of total dark. 10 37 52
End of eclipfe Il 40 7

At Paris, Cabinet
du Roi, 14° W. of ef Beginning 47 41 15 ap. time.
Royal Obfervatory,
Total darknefs 841 8
End of total dark- i oe ips

nefs fuppofed fs

D°. certain TO 22 34
End fuppofed II 22 30
D°. certain II 24 10

At

[ 2 |

At Thouloufe Beginning 4 37 40 ap. time,
Total darknefs 8 38 25
End of ditto 10 20 20
End of eclipfe II 20 30

Tue following obfervations of the lunar eclipfe, September
toth, 1783. were communicated to me by the Rev. Doctor

J. A. Hamilton, made by him at Cookftown, in longitude

H 4 “ a
© 26 48,9 weft of Greenwich:

Clock flow 1,5.

Beginning of eclipfe — _ 20 35
Pythagorus covered —_ — 41
Copernicus touches — — 50

covered — —— 52

Plato touches —_-_ — Py
covered — — 58
Tycho touches — — aI 4
covered — — 6
Ariftotle covered — _ 4
Manilius covered — — 10
Mare crifium touches — — 28
Plinius and bright {pot in mare crifium covered 24
Mare crifium bifected —_ 26
D°. covered and Langrenus touches 28
Total darknefs —_-_ — 34

oo fider. time.
47
16
14.
18
22
40
46
45
35
15

Tue emerfions were not obferved by Dr. Hamilton. The
ftate of the weather prevented me from obferving this eclipfe.
Juft before the penumbra was expected, there was a tolerably

bright

Te 4,4

bright halo around the moon, at 245 degrees from her; and in this
on the weftern fide, in the moon’s almacantar, was formed an
imperfe& parafeline, the tail extending weftward, and ill de-
fined. The wind had been at N. W. all the evening, with
light breezes, but fuddenly died away when the parafeline
appeared ; prefently the moon was covered with clouds, and
the wind came to S. W. Barom. 29, 61, therm. 59.

A SYNTHETICAL DEMONSTRATION of the RULE
for the QUADRATURE of SIMPLE CURVES,
in the Analfis per Equationes terminorum numero rnfinitas.

By th Rev. Mc. YOUNG, D.D.

Docror Wallis, about the year 1651, having met with Read March
: ay ; : . 6, 1786.

the mathematical writings of Torricelli, in which, amongft

other things, he explains Cavalerius’s attempt to render the

ancient method of Exhauftions more concife by his Geometry

of indivifibles, conceived that an <Arzthmetic of infinites might

be applied to the contemplation of curve lines with fuccefs;

and that perhaps the quadrature of the circle, were it at all pof-

fible, might finally be attained in this manner. What led him

to thefe expectations, as he tells us in his dedication to Ough-

tred, was this: the ratio of the infinite circles of a cone to

as many of a cylinder on the fame bafe and of the fame
altitude,

[432 44]

altitude, was known, viz. as 1 to 3; but all their diameters in
the triangle through the axis of the cone, to as many in the pa-
rallelogram through the axis of the cylinder, as t to 2. In like
manner it was known, that all the circles in the parabolic conoid
were to as many circles in a cylinder as 1 to 2; but all the dia-
meters of the former to thofe of the latter as 2 to 3. It was
alfo manifeft, that the right-lines of the triangle were arithmeti-
cally proportional, or as the numbers 1, 2, 3, &c. therefore, the
circles of the cone (being in a duplicate ratio of their, diameters)
as 1, 4, 9, &c. Alfo the circles of the parabolic conoid (being
in the duplicate ratio of the ordinates, that is, in the ratio of
the diameters) were as 1, 2, 3, &c. therefore their diameters as
V1, V2, 73, &c. He therefore hoped, that from knowing the
ratio of a feries of circles or fquares (which is the fame thing)
to as many equals, he fhould be able to difcover what was the
ratio of their diameters or fides to as many equals; and that if
this were once proved univerfally, the quadrature of the circle
would follow of, confequence. For as it was already known,
that all the parallel circles in a fphere were to as many in a
cylinder as 2 to 3; if it could be from thence difcovered what
was the ratio of the fum of all the diameters of the one to
che fum of all the diameters of the other, the quadrature of
the circle would be attained ; as the former fum conftitutes the
area of the circle, and the latter the area of the circumfcribed
fquare: the geometrical problem being thus reduced to one
purely ‘arithmetical. Obferving then the analogy between the
terms of certain infinite feries, and the ordinates of certain
curves, he difcovered rules for finding the fums of thefe feries,
and confequently attained the quadrature of thofe curves whofe
ardimates were proportional tothe terms of thefe feries. In

this

[ od

this enquiry he began with the more fimple feries, firft confidering
arithmetical progreffions ; then he proceeded to thofe whofe
terms were as the fquares, cubes, biquadrates, &c. or as the
fquare roots, cube roots, &c. of the terms of thofe arithmetical
progreffions. He afterwards confidered thofe progreflions whofe
terms were as any dimenfion whatfoever of the terms of thé
arithmetical progreffions; that is, the indices or exponents of
whofe dimenfions were as any numbers, integral, fra@tional, or
furd, whether pofitive or negative. He confidered thefe pro-
sreffions as confifting of an infinite number of terms, the laft
term, which reprefented the laft ordinate of the curve, being
ftill finité; and the intermediate terms from o to the laff, being
infinite in number, repréfented ordinates applied to the axis,
at infinitely fmall and equal diftances, between the vertex and
laft ordinate. Or perhaps thefe terms reprefented any other lines
right or curve; or any plain or curve furfaces, in the cafe
of folids, which were proportional to them. At length, by an
induction of particulars, he came to this general theorem, which
is the 64th of his Arithmetica Infinitorum, “ In any infinite
feries of quantities beginning from o, and continually increaf-
ing according to any power whatfoever, whether fimple or
** compounded of fuch as are fimple, the ratio of all the terms
of fuch a feries is to as many times the ereaselt, as unity to the
‘« index of that power increafed by unity.” And this is the fame
in fubftance with Sir I. Newton’s firft rule for the quadrature
of fimple curves, in his Anal. pet Equat. t. n. infin. which was
inveftigated, in the manner juft now mentioned, by an induc-
tion of particulars by Wallis, but which Newton demonftrated
univerfally by an indefinite index, as was his manner, compre-
hending, in one general propofition, all thofe particular cafes which

E - others

Plate III.
Fig. 2.

[4.9

others had demonftrated with limitations. In the analytical de-
monftration however which he_ has given of this thorem,
certain quantities are omitted as being indefinitely little ; and
therefore it is not delivered with that expigac, which is required in
fubjeGs of this nature. Fermat has given us a fynthetic de-
monttration of this theorem, which Do€tor Horfely has infert-
ed in his notes.on this tra& of Newton, but it is fo tedious and
prolix, that even the analytical is preferable to it. I fhall here
give a fynthetical demonftration alfo of the fame general pro-
pofition on the principles of prime.and ultimate ratios, a method of
reafoning which Newton feems to have had fome idea of even at
the time of his writing this Analyfis, in the year 1669, though
probably he did not bring it to perfeCtion until eighteen years after,
when he firft publithed the Principia.

RULE I. QUAD. of SIMPLE CURVES.

Let the bafe AB of any curve AD have BD for its per-
pendicular ordinate ; and let AB=X, BD=Y; alfo let a be a given

quantity, and m, n, whole numbers. Then if ViraXie; it. fhall
‘6 m--n
be, area ABD=——X =...
; m+n

Let DC, AC, drawn through D and A parallel to AB and DB,
meet in C; draw the ordinate db indefinitely near to DB,
meeting CD ins; and through d draw rp parallel to AB. Since

Y=aX", the moment of Y will be equal to the moment
of

[ 3s. J

m—n

of ii that is, y=——X * x, by Cas. 5. Lem. 2. B. 2.

:

Principia. Now the rectangle sDBb is the rectangle under
the ordinate and moment of the abfciffe, that 1s, Yous ue
the rectangle CDpr is the re€tangle under the abfcifle and mo- |
ment of the ordinate, that is, Xy; therefore bD: Cp: Yx : Xy;
that is, fubftituting its value for y,

am as
AS) p NGM soe x
n 3
am eat
or as Y, aa xa

or as aX™ ss = Xe, that is, as 1 to =
By a like procefs it may be fhewn, that if AB be divided
into an indefinite number of parts, and upon each there be
conftruéted a reCtangle ob in the fame manner as on bB,
and through g there be drawn tq parallel to the bafe; the rect-
angle ob will be to the correfponding relangle rq ultimately

in the, given fad of 1 to =, Therefore the fum of all

the indefinitely little rectangles sB will be to the fum of the
correfponding reCtangles Cp, in the fame ratio; therefore the

curve ADB is to the curve ACD as 1 to =, Cor. Lem. 4.
B.\ 1. Prin. and the curve ADB to the rectangle ACDB, as
1 to a but the rectangle ACDB = YX = aX"; there-

° E 2 fore

Lae

m-—-n m+n
fore the curve ADB is to aX", as 1 to7—~~, and _ therefore
say mn =
equal to PGR aoe Sea
m+n

Ir the ordinate BD be oblique to the bafe, the area, found
as above, muft be diminifhed in the ratio of radius to the
fine of the angle made by the ordinate and bafe.

Tuts demonftration being admitted, the whole do@rine of
quadratures becomes a branch of prime and ultimate ratios,
and confequently of pure geometry.

WE are to obferve, that the reafon why the curves treated
of above are perfectly quadrable is, becaufe the re€tangles in-
fcribed. in the curve are to the refpedtive rectangles infcribed
in the exterior fpace, ultimately, in a given ratio, whence the
curve will be to that fpace (Cor. Lem. 4. Prin.) and confe-
quently to the circumfcribed reCtangle, in a given ratio. But
this is not the cafe in the circle, which therefore is not quad-
rable by this method, at leaft in its prefent ftate. But though
the ratio of the re@tangles infcribed in a quadrant to their
correfponding reCtangles in the exterior fpace of a circumfcribed
fquare. perpetually varies from the beginning of the quadrant
to the end, yet this variation is regular, beginning from the
finite ratio of 2 to 1, and conftantly approaching the infinite

ratio of 1 to nothing. The law of which approach may. be
thus determined :

6 If

[se]

Tp a fquare APCO be circumfcribed about a quadrant ACO,
and the radius AO be divided into any number of equal parts
whatfoever, and on thefe parts re€tangles as moBD de erected,
and infcribed in the quadrant, and through the extremities of the
ordinates nm, BD, right lines tp. rB be drawn parallel to
the radius AO, and thus as many correfponding reétangles, as
rBtp, be infcribed in the exterior fpace: then the breadth of
thefe reGtangles being diminifhed indefinitely, each reCtangle in
the quadrant will be to its correfponding reflangle in the ex~-
terior fpace as DR to DO, that is, as the fum of the radius
AO and the fegment DO between the centre and ordinate to
that fegment.

Ler the abfciffe AD=X; the ordinate BD=Y,; the dia-~
meter AR=a.
Y*=aX_X’, from the nature of the circle.

; —2Xx
Therefore 2Yy=ax-2Yx (Lem. 2. B. 2. Prin.), Ph ciclbatesRae

i ( yy 2aX— X75
but; moBD is to Brpt as Yx to Xy.

aXx-2X’x
2ax— Xs
ax—2X*

that is, as Y to —————
j 2aX —~ X75

that is, as Yx to

that is,as@X-X* to ==

that is, as 2aX-2X? to aX_2X”
or, as a-X to 4a-X, or as DR to DO.

Iv

Plate IIT.
Fig. 3.

Plate III.
Fig. 4.

[ 38) 7

In A, the extremity of the diameter, DR is to DO as 2 to1;
as D approaches O, this ratio continually encreafes, and in O this

‘ratio becomes 1 to nothing.

Hence if the radius AO be divided into any number of
equal parts, and there be conftituted a feries of fractions, whofe

numerators are the natural numbers increafing from unity to

‘that number of parts, and whofe denominators are the continua-

tion of that feries ; then the rectangles infcribed in the circle
will be to the refpeflive rectangles in the exterior fpace, ulti-
mately as 1 to the fucceflive terms of this feries beginning with
the leaft. Thus, fuppofe the radius divided into 8 equal parts,
then the ultimate ratio of the correfponding re€tangles from
the beginning of the quadrant will be the ratio of 1 to the

terms of the following feries :

8 Vall yy Ons eave Ws MRS Ae

I
16 1G 44 T3822) Jeo 10 -. 97
On fimilar principles we may demonftrate the following theo-

rem in the Analyfis Equationum, &c. in a much more fimple and

elegant manner than by the method of fluxions.

Let ALE be an ellipfe, whofe 4 tranfverfe axis is CL,
2 conjugate AC; let CB=x, BD=y, AC=c, and CL=t. The
ultimate ratio of DG:GH, is the ratio of DB:BT,.. ulti-
mately, DG* : GH’: Yox BL.
y= xo" from the nature of the figure;

Sy a SS 2s pees See
x Sa

+ DG"

bet fone

2

t* x

2

«+ DG?=GH* x ——:—
c*-c* x".
2 ta x” 2 ct —c” x2
DH =HG? + DG? = GH’? + GH*x——=; =GH’ x_+t
. Cre C ct —c? x”

Hip ae pa
\ct—c? x

; that is, fuppofing c=1, (eee eles

and c* =b.
Nr +.ax* ;
DH = GH x Sead or, the moment of the arch is equal
I — bx

to the moment of the abfciffe multiplied into SL al

Nr - bx’
Wherefore a curve, whofe ordinate is this latter quantity, in-
creafes in the fame manner as the elliptical arch ; and confe-
quently the area defcribed by that ordinate is analogous to
the length of the elliptical arch ; fo that both may be denoted

by the fame algebraical expreffion.

i oe ha fee
Fy ~ *
ie a rea ere
' Meal peas
i Aine

a
ae
s
vr Ye

re rina aieor et

MAST bbs ab te
ron yal tae

ho PT

SYNTHET

PLATE OL

Fig.3

RY
RO NN i

N a hy

It

M
Le the dees wg ie tet page aren Ws M

NM ier North Mlerutin, PP poresrraliclitele
Crue dan: Ww hile flarhelun AMO thst for

Syx7neT ioe DEMONSTRATION Ne.

PLATE OL

Fig. 2.

Sei.
T¥icePage 10

tt

M | ™M

NMA. North We rutin, PP feresrralte lirde ple tren preatnttec SUIS OF fuartidtea al 2 ests One wh stile the

a If the dani VEDLOD wwards Ws MM. VEE a eae epl SM 1 reser Mr Sith LDP

trie Wun. while flarteleen a 00 thes Ufrom the pre Iuntiitaminous Umuarntar and WO the Horvsor,

QO)

7

—— Thord prnlp

{

4

a

4r J

_

DESCRIPTION of a new portale BAROMETER,
by the Rev. ARTHUR M‘GUIRE. Communicated by
the Rev. H. USSHER, D.D. MR. LA. and F.R.S.

Tue art of meafuring abfolute and relative acceflible deateins Read May

86.
by the barometer has, within a few years, been brought to a very at

confiderable degtee of perfection, by ingenious theory, critical
experiments, and improved inftruments.

Tuis mode of meafurement is, in practice, of fingular fim-
plicity, and the labour of calculation, originally not very great,

is almoft annihilated by the induftry of the ingenious.

As all accuracy in thefe meafures depends’ upon’ ‘the inftru-
ment, every attempt to difcover any fource of error, even
without its remedy, may be of ufe, by exciting ingenious
artifts to exert their induftry in Spine this valle inftru-

ment more unexceptionable.
F It

Led

Ir is univerfally allowed that mercury readily imbibes air
when in conta& with it, particularly when they are agitated
together: but as from the nature of the inftrament the con-
tact cannot be intirely avoided, our attention fhould be dire@-
ed to leffen the agitation as far as poflible; and to diminith
the quantity of air in contact when fuch agitation cannot be
intirely removed.

Most portable barometers which I have feen have the refer-
voir made of foft leather: From the pliable texture of this
material, and the great elafticity of mercury, a confiderable
degree of agitation takes place in carriage, even when the ad-
jufting fcrew at bottom is forced up as far as poflible—Now
even allowing the leather to be impervious to air, ftill the
{mall quantity of air which remains in the cafes covering the
floating gages muft, when the inftrument is inverted, pafs
through the body of mercury im the refervoir, and be de-
tained by the leather in conta and perpetual agitation with
the mercury.

Upon confidering this matter, it occurred to me that it
might perhaps be of ufe to make one that fhould have the
refervoir of wood: The followimg conftruétion has fucceeded
beyond my €expedtation :

Puare rift, is a ‘drawing of the inftrument, or rather of what
is different in this from other portable barometers.

THE upper -part, which is here omitted, is contrived, as is
ufual in all good inftruments of this kind, to fhew the column

Ci ge

of mercury with its convex furface againft the light, through

_a groove cut intirely through the brafs tube; within this latter,

and furrounding the glafs tube, flides a fmall one, carrying

the vernier, and moved by tooth and pinion; the lower edge

of this fhews an accurate conta@t with the convex furface of
the mercury at the time of obferyation.

Puare 2d, is a fection of the refervoir and other particulars.

In fig. rt, RRRR is the referyoir formed in the turning lathe,
by means of an hollowing tool introduced through the hole
made for the piece L, which contains the glafs tube I.

A is a cylindrical plug of wood, which is made to afcend or
defcend in a hollowed cylindrical fpace, which it very nearly
fills when down; this afcent and defcent is effefted by turning
the piece M, on which is cut a fwift ferew working in the
piece B, which piece B is ferewed firmly into the box ; after
that the plug A is introduced and fitted into its place. G is an
ivory floating gage of the ufual form.

Ler us now fuppofe the mercury introduced into the refer-
voir, with the floating gage refting upon it, its furface being -
reprefented by the dotted line. If now the fcrew M be turned
fo as to raife the plug A; the mercury will defcend into the
deferted fpace, and the furface and the floating gage refting
upon it will defcend: ‘Thus it appears that the piece A, as
raifed or depreffed by the fcrew M, is the regulator of the’
gage at the time of making an obfervation.

id F 2 Now

Eva
Now to fill the tube up to the top, and thereby render the
inftrument portable, you muft proceed as follows :

By means of the crank, Fig. 2d, turn the ftop-cocks C and F,
(Pl. 1ft and 2d) until the communication be open through them
to the air, as marked in Pl. 2d, Fig. rft, in which you muft
conceive the feparated pieces lowered down, and firmly ferewed
into their places, as reprefented in Pl. 1ft. ‘Then the piece H,
which is alfo tubular, being fcrewed down into its place in
the piece F, pour in mercury at the top T until the refervoir
be intirely filled, and continue pouring in until the mercury
(having afcended through longitudinal grooves cut for this pur-
pofe through the threads of the ferew M, parallel to its axis)’
appears in the piece C at S; then turn the ftop-cock C, and
all communication with the external air is cut off.

Tue mercury now ftands in the tube H at the level of S ;
continue to pour in at T as before, and the mercury will rife
in the tube of the barometer by the preflure of the column
in H, and at length compleatly fill it ; when this is effe@ed,
turn the ftop-cock F, and, inverting the barometer, pour back
what little remains in the tube*H, which piece you may then,
if you think proper, unfcrew.

Tue inftrument thus. filled, if carried in an’ inverted fitua-
tion, is fo freevfrom agitation, that a fmart trot on horfeback
will not caufe it to play fo as to be heard or felt’ againft the end
of the tube, 1D

Every

L aes)

Every part of the inftrument is now fuppofed intirely fil-
led for carriage; but when an obfervation is to be made, fome
of the mercury muft be let out, that the remainder may def-
cend to the ftandard altitude; and for this purpofe there is
a hole at D, Pl. 1ft, fhut by the ftop-cock E; turn this cock
with the crank, and the mercury will run out until it comes
to the original level; then, having turned the cock E back
again, take out the pieces C and F, and regulate the gage by
the plug A, as before,” and the obfervation is compleated.

Tuts barometer, like all others, fhould be truly vertical at
the time of obfervation, and as this inftrument ftands upright
on a table refting on its bafe, if to this three adjufling {crews
are attached, and a circular level on its upper furface, or crofs
levels, the horizontal ftate of the box is eafily afcertained ;
but if any fufpicion arife that the tube may not be at right-
angles to the top of the box, then the inftrument may be hung
in the ufual manner in gimmals.

Tue ftrongeft objections that occur to me againft the ufe of ©
this barometer, are the trouble of carrying a fimall phial of
mercury, and the poffibility of air mixing with the mercury
each time it is poured out at the hole D, but the trouble is
not worth mentioning ; and as to the air, it may and ought to
be expelled at every obfervation, by heating the mercury in a
ladle or crucible, and the accuracy refulting in very nice ex-
periments will repay the trouble.

Ir

[ 46 ]
Ir is, perhaps, fuperfluous to add, that thefe, like all

good barometers, fhould have the mercury boiled in the
tubes,

TT +e

To face Page 46

. we

. ET N
ah re Rs

SOT RY
Fs Feige.

oe pal a Nn pil eo

tie hg im ae ee

6

es ‘
we

+ eek tes eet

meensant bare roat
dda eh:

[ eee

OBSERVATIONS on PEMPHIGUS, &Y STEPHEN
DICKSON, M. D. Fellow of the College of Phyficians,
and one of the King’s Prapfars of Plyfic in the City of
Dublin, MR. I A &e.

Vera Experientia nafcitur e compluribus obferyationibus, magna diligentia, attentione &
cura notatis, que integram morbi hiftoriam, cum omnibus ad rem pertinentibus circum-

ftantiis compleétuntur.
Hoffman.

Pempuicus is a difeafe of very rare occurrence, and many Read May
phyficians in extenfive pra@tice have never met with an inftance 772%
of it. However, fix have fallen within my obfervation, three in
Scotland, one in England, and two in this kingdom. I men-
tion this circumftance as an apology for writing on this fubje@:
Had the fame opportunities occurred to men of more enlarged
experience, I fhould have been filent. I am alfo aware that

uncommon

[ ag

uncommon cafes are not the beft fubje&s for medical inquiry ;
but they often ferve to refle@ light on thofe which are more
ufual; and befides, whatever affe@ts human nature muft natu-
rally conciliate our attention.

Our beft Nofologift, Dr. Cullen, (to whom, by the by, no in-
ftance of this difeafe ever occurred) has claffed Pemphigus in
the order of Exanthemata. This claffification will certainly
appear fufficiently proper to thofe who grant this Nofologift
the latitude he allows himfelf in the arrangement of his ge-
nera. When the plague and petechial fever are allowed to be
claffed under different heads, and the thrufh and fcarlet fever
under the fame head, we need not contend about the place of
Pemphigus, even though we fhould find it not to be contagious,
fometimes commencing and continuing without fever, and af-
feQing perfons more than once in the courfe of their lives.
Dr. Cullen defcribes this diforder as follows: ‘“ A contagious
“© fever, veficles about the fize of an almond appearing on the
“ firft, fecond, or third day of the difeafe, remaining for many
« days, and at length pouring out a thin ichor.” I propofe to
amend his defcription in the following manner: 4 fever, accom-
panied with the fucceffive eruption from different parts of the body,
internal as well as external, of veficles about the fize of an almond,
which become turgid with a faintly yellowi/h ferum, and in three or
four days fubfide. 1 thall only obferve at prefent, that I am
by no means convinced of this diforder being contagious ; that
new veficles arife, not only on the firft, fecond, or third, but
on every day of the difeafe ; that I have never known them
remain for many days; that the fluid they contain does not
appear in general to be an ichor or fanies, but a bland, ino-

dorous,

[ee al

dorous, infipid ferum ; and that inftead of being poured out, it is
moft commonly abforbed into the fyftem.

No traces of this difeafe are difcoverable in the writings either
of the Greeks, Romans or Arabians.

Bonrivs, in his account of the medicine of the Egyptians,
mentions the cafe of his friend Cavallerius, who was feized with
the epidemic dyfentery that prevailed during the fiege in Java,
by Tommagon Bauraxa, in 1628. His diforder was accompanied
with the eruption of cuticular veficles, which were filled with
a greenifh pus, that eroded the {kin underneath, even to the flefh.
The patient died. It is evident that little can be concluded from
this brief account.

Caro.wvs Piso, in his 149th obfervation, accurately depi@s the
genuine pemphigus, as it appeared in the cafe of Egmont de
Rinach, about 150 years ago at Nantz. He terms it hydatids,.
and fays it occurred to him frequently. But I have reafon to
fufpe& that he confounds under the fame name the chicken pox,
a flight diforder, in which the fkin is affected, not with fpreading
veficles, but with fmall puftules. He feems alfo to confound
with pemphigus fome other erythematous affections ; for he fays
that thefe watery puftules frequently precede the eruption of the
itch; that they fometimes occur without fever, fometimes accom-
pany continued fever, and fometimes appear in the beginning of
intermittents. The truth is that Pifo, though an induftrious ob-
ferver and a candid man, was by no means an acute nofologift.
His account, however, of the cafe of Egmont de Rinach deferves
attention, not only as being the firft accurate and authentic de-

G ; fcription

pee

{cription of this difeafe on record, but as pointing out a diverfity
in the habit of body then accompanying this difeafe from what
has been fince met with ; for though Pifo declares that the veficles
in this cafe fupervened on a putrid fynochus, yet he fays that
he let blood in the beginning with great advantage, and earneftly
recommends the fame practice in fimilar cafes. In every inftance,
however, that I have feen of this diforder, fuch a pra€tice would
‘have been plainly improper, if not pernicious.

Tue next author who mentions pemphigus is Morton. Speak-
‘ing of the difeafes which prevailed in London between 1682
and 1692, he mentions, among other fevers of a malignant type,
fome in which watery veficles were fcattered over the head and
cheft. Thefe fevers however, he fays, were merely fporadic,
and not propagated by contagion, asin the peftilential confti-
tution.

For the next authentic * account of pemphigus we are indebt-
ed to the obfervations of Sauvages. He firft obferved it in the
hofpital at Montpellier in 1725, in a foldier who fell a victim
to it. Afterwards he faw five other cafes, chiefly of beggars, or
other poor people, in all of which acute febrile fymptoms were
prefent. ‘Twice, however, he faw it unattended with fever.

Lastuy, Dr. Stewart, of Aberdeen (in a letter to Dr. Duncan,
which is inferted in the Medical Commentaries for 1778) men-
tions a cafe of pemphigus, which occurred to him in the hofpital
in that town. A foldier had been ordered to march foon after he

* See Culleni Nofol. tom. ii. c. xxxiv.

had

Lee od
had been feized with the meafles ; the eruption was driven in by
the cold, and in ten days afterwards the pemphigus appeared.
The veficles (the largeft of which were fnipped) poured out, at
firft, a femipellucid ferum, but in the courfe of the difeafe dif-
charged a bloody ichor. In this cafe the tendency to putrefaGion
was very flrong, but the patient recovered by the liberal admi+
_niftration of bark and wine. From this cafe I think we are
juftified in inferring that the nature of the fluid contained in
the veficles (however accurately it may be afcertained to. be
a pure ferum in the beginning) may be fo altered in the courfe
of the difeafe, by its own fermentation, or by admixture with
other fluids of the body, from their veffels being broken down,
that it may at length ceafe to be a diagnoftic fymptom of this
diforder.

Bur no author who has written on the fubject of pemphigus
has mentioned an extraordinary peculiarity of this diforder, which
I have obferved in two inftances; namely, that the veficles
have taken poffeffion of the internal parts of the body, and
proceeded in fucceffion (fome rifing while others decayed) from
the mouth downwards through the whole furface of the alimen-
tary canal.

Tue firft cafe in which I had the opportunity of obferving
this fingular and diftrefling fymptom, was that of a woman
under the care of Dr. Gregory, at the infirmary of Edinburgh,
in 1783. This woman’s menfes had been obftruGled for two
‘years and an half. During that period fhe had been thrice before
attacked with the fame diforder, which had each time fupervened
upon a vomiting of blood. Her fkin was generally cool; and her
G 2 pulfe

[ 52 J

pulfe (though weak) never much increafed in frequency. Pe-
ruvian bark: and wine were adminiftered to her liberally. By
thefe and other occafional remedies fhe recovered.

Tue other cafe, in which veficles appeared to have been form-
ed internally, occurred to me lately in this town. JI fhall re-
late the particulars of it, as I think it worthy of obfervation.

, aged twenty-three, of a delicate form and fanguine
temperament, the wife of a man in tolerably good circumftan-
ces, and who had been about a fortnight ill of a low fever,
was feized (after having fuffered much fatigue in attending her
hufband) with pains in her back, head ach, and tendency to vo-
mit.—As I was attending her hufband I faw the firft approaches
of her diforder, and on the evening of the day fhe was firft at-
tacked direéted her to take an emetic, and to bathe her feet in
Warm water.

Tue next morning her fkin was very hot; pulfe frequent ,
head-ach not better ; the had not flept, and complained of a fore
throat ; on infpeétion the uvula and tonfils appeared inflamed,
and fome mucus was collected in the back of the fauces; fhe
had had no ftool for two days. I ordered a clyfter immediately ;
afterwards a gentle purgative; tinéture of rofes for a gargle.—
In the evening all the fymptoms were milder. The phyfic had
operated twice. I ordered the pediluvium to be repeated.

Trirp day. She complained of a fmarting, itching, and (as
fhe expreffed herfelf) tingling pain in her tongue, and through
the whole infide of her mouth. Her tongue was of a bright red

colour

L $a]

colour and dry, but clean. She was thirfty, but complained that
her drink was unpalatable, though acidulated with lemon juice.
She had no moifture on her fkin. Had gone to ftool once. Slept
tolerably well the night before. The febrile fymptoms were miti-
gated, but the cynanche unabated. I ordered nothing but the
faline julep.

Fourru Day. There appeared on her tongue a pellucid veficle
of about an inch long, and near half an inch broad, turgid with
a faintly yellowith ferous fluid. A fmaller one of the fame kind
appeared on the infide of the left cheek. The fenfation which
they occafioned fhe defcribed as being fimilar to that which fhe
had experienced before their eruption, but greater in degree, and
fomewhat as if they were full of fcalding water. This day her
fkin was cooler, but her pulfe very weak, irregular and about
ninety in a minute. She had had two loofeé ftools. I pre-
fcribed half a drachm of the red Peruvian bark, very finely pow=
dered, to be taken every two hours in a goblet of wine and water.
Imperial for common drink. The tin@ure of rofes to be changed
for an emollient gargle.

Firruday. ‘Three veficles fimilar to the former appeared on her
cheft and right arm. Other fymptoms nearly as before. Pulfe
not fo feeble. Medicines were continued.

SixtH day. Her ftomach rejeGted the bark. ‘Two new veficles
appeared on her neck and cheek. Her breath was foetid. She had
had fome low delirium in the night. Pulfe eighty-eight, and very
weak. No fenfe of tafte. I prefcribed a decoftion of bark, one
ounce, in which fhould be diffolved half a drachm of vegetable

alkali,

Eo aa

alkali, to be taken every two hours; and immediately after each
dofe half an ounce of the fame deco&ion mixed with fix drachms
of lemon juice. Cyder or porter for common drink.

SevENTH Day. - There was little change. The medicines were

continued.

Ercuru day. The veficles on the infide of the mouth and on
the tongue difappeared, and the cuticle which had been ele-
vated was fhrivelled and of a brownifh colour. Deglutition was
difficult, and, as fhe faid, painful through the whole infide of
her throat. Pulfe eighty, and rather ftronger. Bowels regular,
Medicines. were continued.

Nrntu Day. ‘The cuticle on the parts formerly occupied by ve-
ficles in the infide of the cheek and on the tongue had cracked,
and was peeling off: the parts underneath appeared raw and
fore. Deglutition had now become fo painful, that fhe refufed
medicine, food and even drink. She could not bear the flight-
eft preffure on the neck. A new veficle appeared under her right
ear. Some purulent matter appeared on the back of the pharynx,
the origin of which however was not difcernible. Pulfe eighty-
fix, and of nearly the fame ftrength. I prefcribed a clyfter
of warm water: After its operation another of new milk and
decoétion of bark, equal parts: the fame to be repeated four
hours afterwards. At night an anodyne clyfter, with fifty drops
of thebaic tin@Qure. White liniment for the fores.

Tentu day. The veficles on the cheft and right arm had difap-

peared. The fores of the tongue and cheek were of a darker
colour,

i

colour, and feemed to be healing. Some new veficles appeared
on the abdomen. Pulfe not fo weak. She refted well the former
part of the preceding night, but was difturbed by an accident,
and afterwards was much inclined to rove in her difcourfe ’till
morning. Medicines were continued.

EveventH day. The fymptoms were nearly the fame as the
day before. ‘The veficles on the neck and cheek had difappeared,
and the cuticle in thofe parts was fhrivelled and cracked. The
epigaftric region was extremely fore, and this forenefs much in-
creafed by preffure. The laft clyfter of decoction of bark and
milk adminiftered the day before was not retained. I or-
dered falep to be fubftituted for milk: other medicines to be
continued.

Twetrty day. She could fwallow, though ftill not with-
out pain. I directed the medicines which had been pre-
fcribed the fourth day to be repeated : the others to be
omitted.

‘THIRTEENTH day. She vomitted fome blood along with the
firft dofe of the bark. Pulfe eighty, and ftronger. The veficles
under the ear and on the abdomen had difappeared. Several
fmall wveficles (not above the fize of a pea) arofe on the hypo-
gaftric region of the abdomen, one on the labia pudendorum,
and two on the left thigh. As fhe had taken fome bark which -
remained on her ftomach, I dire&ed this medicine to be conti-
nued, and an anodyne draught to be adminiftered at night.

FourRTEENTH

Caveeurt

FourTEENTH day. She had two loofe ftools, much inter-
mixed with blood, and complained of great forenefs of her belly,
increafed by preffure. I prefcribed a little caftor oil. Other
medicines as before, except the draught.

Firteentu day. She had had two ftools fomewhat bloody the
night before, and one almoft natural in the morning. Pulfe fe-
venty-feven, and of pretty good ftrength. Skin quite cool.
Spirits better. And fome little appetite. Menfes had appeared
in the morning. I dire€ted the medicines to be continued as
before.

From this time fhe recovered apace, and in about a week had
no complaint but weaknefs. Exercife, however, and the country
air, foon completely re-eftablifhed her health.

Arrer this full ftatement of a cafe very diftindly marked, it
would be fuperfluous to add any thing by way of comment. I
have only to obferve, that whether this diforder be contagious or
not is a queftion which may poffibly ftill admit of fome doubt ;
though from what I have feen, or been able to colle@, I am
inclined to think that it is not. Almoft all the inftan-
ces of this diforder which are precife or well attefted I have
enumerated ; and they are all folitary examples, no two of them
having happened at the fame time or place. I fufpect, there-
fore, that fome other diforders have been oftentimes miftaken
for pemphigus ; and that from thence, or from fome preconceived
theory, the notion has arifen. When I was affiftant to Dr. Home,
in the clinical ward of the infirmary at Edinburgh, a patient was

fent

Be: ioe

fent to us by Dr. Gregory, whofe cafe he “‘ fuppofed * to be a be-
“ sinning pemphigus,” and which he faid “ was plainly contagious.”
In a note which he fent with this woman, he fays, “ I faw a boy
“« five months ago in the fame clofe, very ill of the fame difeafe ;
“« and I am told by the people that feveral others, chiefly children,
“ have had the fame difeafe fince in the fame clofe.” ‘This ap-
peared extremely forcible, and accordingly had its due weight with
the ftudents. But in a day or two it appeared very evidently,
that the difeafe of the woman whom Dr. Gregory had fent us,
was merely topical. She had no fever. The veficles (which
were fituated under the eye and upon the eye-lid) were of a
pale red colour ; fome puftules filled with yellow matter ap-
peared upon the brow at the fame time; and both of thefe
vanifhed almoft immediately after fhe came into the infirmary ;
fo that fhe left it in three or four days perfectly well, having
~ taken no medicine but the faline julep. This woman denied
to us that fhe had ever feen any one affected with veficles:
and upon enquiring more particularly among different people
in the fame clofe, I found that they were in general. very
unqualified to give a diftin€&t account of the epidemic difeafe
(whatever it was) with which the children had been affected :
they feemed, however, to think it neither novel nor alarm-
ing; and by their defcription I fhould rather take it to have
been the chicken-pox, or fome fuch flight complaint, than the
pemphigus. I can have no doubt that the boy Dr. Gregory

* Though the diforder of this patient appeared eventually to be of a different
nature, yet it muft be remembered that the approaches of moft difeafes are am-
biguous, and that this fuppofition by no means tends to impeach the judgment of
a gentleman who is equally diftinguifhed for his fkill and veracity.

Hi mentioned

be
mentioned he had feen was really affected with pemphigus; but
I think that the vague teftimony of the ignorant, indifcrimi-
nating people of the clofe is to be allowed no weight in dee
ciding this nice queftion.

Tue nature of this diforder, as to its mildnefs or malignity,
appears to vary confiderably. In fome inftances it is extremely
mild, as in three of the cafes I have feen, one of them in this
town with Dr. Fleury. In other inftances life is in the greateft
danger ; thus in feveral of the cafes | have enumerated ftrong
fymptoms of putrefcency were manifefted.

Wiru refpeét to the method of cure of this diforder, the ge-
neral fymptoms of weaknefs and tendency to putrefaction obvi-
oufly point out the proper treatment. When the veficles feize
on the internal parts, irritation muft be guarded againft by
opiates, demulcents and gentle laxatives ; nourifhment muft be
fupplied ; and the grand remedies, bark and wine (efpecially the
latter) muft be feduloufly adminiftered.

[ s9 ]

On the EXTRACTION of the CUBIC aad othr ROOTS.
By

Communicated by the Rev. M. YOUNG, D. D.

Wu EN the cubi¢ root of any number is required true tO Read Ja-
many places of decimals, let the given number be refolved into ie oie
a binomial, making the firft term a cubic number, and the

fum or difference of the terms equal to the given number.

Let both terms be then divided by the firft, which makes the

firft term 1, and the fecond a fraction; and let the cubic root

of this refulting binomial be refolved into an infinite feries by

the binomial theorem; and let as many terms of it be calcu-

_lated, as give it true to two or three more than the required
number of places; and laftly, let this root be multiplied into

the cubic root of the term which was made the divifor above,

and this gives the number required.

H 2 THUS:

[ 60 |

Tuus:—Let it be required to find the cubic root of 28, true
to ten places of decimals. Firft make 28=27+1, and then divi-
ding by 27, a new binomial 1 = is had, whofe cubic root is to

be refolved into an infinite feries. Now any power of it what-
ever may be found by the following feries,

1 A ML ek ORR 4 MS Be.

Se
.

1.27 2.27 3.27 "4109 8. 27° * 6.29

where m is the index of the power. In the'prefent cafe Mas and

then the above feries reduced into numbers will ftand thus:

1, +1 = y —5 —2 coerbae Ss. ae S1Oce:

3-27 3.27 9.27 3-27 15.27 9.29 21.27
And it is plain that of the terms of the infinite feries, the firft
and fecond will be affirmative, the third negative, and the fol-
lowing ones alternately affirmative and negative: and the work
of calculating the terms will ftand thus:

-+1,000 000 1ft term.

This multiplied by +, gives -+0,012 345 679 0123. 2dterm.
Which multiplied by aoe gives —,000 152 415 7902. 3d term.
And 3d term multiplied by — gives - +3 136 1273. 4th term.
And 4th term multiplied by = gives - - —77 4362. sthterm.

sth term multiplied — by oe gives - - +42 1031. 6thterm,
15-
6th term multiplied by sea gives - - - —605. 7th term.

And 7th term multiplied by gives- - - +418. 8thterm.

Havine

[

Havine calculated the above eight terms, and feeing that
the whole value of a ninth term would not amount to unity
in the laft place of decimals, that and all the following terms
may be neglected; and the fum of thefe eight, added together
according to their figns, as follows, is the cubic root of the

binomial 14":
27

1ft term = - - - -+-1,000 000 000 0000
ad term - - - - $0,012 345 679 0123
4th term - - - - ~ - +3 136.1273
6th term - - - - - - - +2 1031
8th term - - - - - - - +18

Sum of affirmative terms - 41,012 348 817 2445

gd term - - - - - —152 415 7902
sth term- - . > = Ti Say ia
4th term - - - - - - - —6o05

Sum of negative terms - - —=I52 493 2859

Cubic root of ee - > T,012 196 323 9586

Anv fince 2741 (=28): oe Mey te: He ae
27

2: 3:1. If therefore the cubic root of +7 be multiplied
. into-

[ 62 ]
into 3, the product will be the cubic root of 28, which is
therefore 3,0365889718758.

But fince each of thefe eight terms calculated above is
imperfe@t, being lefs than the truth, the fum of them may
be different from the truth. Two or three of the laft
figures muft be omitted, and then we can be fure that the

reft are true*.

Ie

* What figures are to be omitted, in order that the remaining decimal may be
true, is to be determined by finding out the greater and lefs limits of the decimal,
and as far as théefe agree, fo far we may be certain that the decimal is accu-
rate. Now as a decimal firft arifes, it is lefs than the truth, becaufe certain
figures are omitted; this therefore we may confider as the lefs limit; and if
to the laft figure we add an unit, we fhall have the greater limit. But in the
addition, multiplication, fubtra€tion and divifion of decimals, the limits of the
fum, produét, difference, and quotient may be determined by the following
rules :

1. In addition, the limits of the fum are had by adding together the greater
limits of thé quantities to be added, for the greater limit of the fum; and the
lefs limits together for the lefs limit of the fum.

Thus, if the greater and lefs limits of one of the quantities be 123,5 and
123,23; and the greater and lefs limits of the other be 43,2 and 43,13; then
will 166,7 and 166,3 be the greater and lefs limits of the fum.

2. In multiplication, the limits of the produét are had by multiplying toge-
ther the greater limits of the factors, for the greater limit of the product; and
the Iefs limits together, for the lefs limit of the product.

Thus, if the limits of one quantity be 10,502 and 10,5, and the limits of
the other be 3,216 and 3,215; then the limits of the produ will be 33,774432
and 3357575-

3. In fubtra@tion, the greater limit of the lefs quantity is to be fubtracted
from the lefs limit of the greater, fer the lefs limit of the differences and the
lefs limit of the lefs from the greater limit of the greater, for the greater limit

of the difference.

Thus,

[ 63 ]

Ir the given number had been 26, it muft then have been
refolved into 27—1, and dividing by 27, the new binomial

would have been aaa and the terms of the feries pees
sare é&c. when reduced to numbers would have been

Sas eae eats reaps te Bi i eh et lt | Mesa pha BS. ng a5
3.27 3-27 9-27. 3-27 15.27 9.27 21:27

of the terms of the infinite feries refulting, the firft would

have been affirmative, and all the reft negative, which is always

the cafe when the fecond term of the binomial is negative,

as in the following example :

Thus, if the limits of the greater quantity be 166,7 and 166,3, and the li-
mits of the lefs quantity be 43,2 and 43,1, then will 123,6 and 123,1 be the
limits of their difference.

4. In divifion, the greater limit of the dividend is to be divided by the lefs
limit of the divifor, for the greater limit of the quotient; and the lefs limit of
the dividend by the greater limit of the divifor, for the lefs limit of the quotient.

Thus, if the limits of the dividend be 33,774432 and 33,7575, and the limits
of the divifor be 3,216 and 3,215, then will 10,506 and 10,496 be the limits
of the quotient. 3

Vide Mirifici Logarith. Canonis Conftruétio. Edinburg 1619 ; vel Lugduni 1620..

In the example given above 1,0123488172445 is the lefs limit of the. fum of
the affirmative terms, and -1,0123488172449 the greater limit. In like manner,
30001524932859 is the lefs limit of the fum of the negative terms, and
300015 24932862 the greater limit ; therefore according to rule 3. 1,0121963239583,
and 1,0121953239590, are the lefs and greater limits of the fum of all thefe
terms added together according to their figns. And confequently 3,0365889718749
and 3,0365889718770 are the lIefs and greater limits of the cubic root of the
number 28.

of

[ 64 ]

Ler it be required to find the cubic root of 210, true to
twelve places of decimals. The neareft cube number to 210
is 216, the cube of 6. Therefore making the binomial 216—6,

and dividing by 216, the new binomial is I— Saat, and the
feries which yields any power of it, is 1. “7%, % 71!
I s.36 2.36

TE AN Ee Sol ee On himeetrcdaced? tO" ctumberse ys
3.36 4.36

gaa 0 dl at Sap tye Ay SOUR ee 7 os ee in hed
3236. 3:36 9.36 9.6 15.36) 9.36 21.36 .6.36°

and the calculation ftands thus:

I,000 000 000 000 OOO. 1ft term.

rft term multiplied by =5: - —9 259 259 259 259. 2d term.

ad term multiplied by =a - - —85 733 882 030. 3d term.
3d term multiplied by oe - - —I 323 053 735. 4th term.
4th term multiplied by - - —24 500 995. sth term.
sth term multiplied by an - - - —499 094. 6th term.
6th term multiplied by re - - - re 782. 7th term.
4th term multiplied by + a 38 - - - —242. 8th term.
8th term multiplied by = $5 - - - - —5. 9th term.

Sum of the negative terms - —o,009 346 341 206 142

Sum of all the terms, added “unite
aécording to their figns ‘ +0,990 653 658 793 858

f all the t
oe Yetepicd by 6 cad. 52943 921 952 763 148

HavING

[ es 0
Havine found thefe nine terms, and negleting all the reft

for the reafon given above, let them be added according to their
figns, and their fum is the cubic root of the binomial ie

And fince 216—6 { — 210) ; Ean 5.22 ROS cigs it will. be

°/210: 3fI——::6:1. Therefore let the cubic root of 1—2,
210: 76" | Ade 36

found above, be multiplied into 6, and the number refulting, which
(neglecting the three laft figures*) is 5,943921952763, is the
cubic root of 210, true to twelve places of decimals, as was

required.

Tue given numbers in thefe two examples, were purpofely
chofen fuch as fhould make the operation eafy. But im
other examples, the difference between the given number and
the cube number next greater or next lefs, may be fo great
in proportion to that cube, as to make the fraction, (the fe-
cond member of the binomial,) too large: In thefe cafes
the feries will converge fo flowly, that the labour will be almoft.
intolerable. Thus, if the given number were 13,10 muft be
made equal either to 845, or to 27—14, and the binomial will

be either 14%, or ree If the given number be 3, the bino-
mial will be ongre and if the given number be 2, the binomial

will be irae In all thefe cafes, and fuch like, the feries.

* As before, the numbers. 0,009346341206142 and 0;0093463412061¢50 are the
lefs and greater limits of the fum of the negative terms; and the numbers
©,990653658793858 and 0,990653658793850 are the greater and lefs limits of
the fum of all the terms added together according to their figns. Confequently
5943921952763148 and *5,943921952763100 are the greater and lefs limits of
the cubic root of the number 210, which agree even. to thirteen places of deci-
mals; and therefore the root itfelf is fo far accurately calculated.

I will

[ 66 ]

will converge fo flowly, that a very great number of terms muft
be calculated, and therefore the labour will be immenfe. ‘This,
however, is an inconvenience that may be remedied; for in-
ftead of refolving the given number into a binomial, let it be
multiplied into fome cube number, fo as that the product may
be nearly equal to fome other cube number; and let this pro-
du@ be refolved into a binomial, and its root found; which
being multiplied into the cubic root of the divifor, as above,
and divided by the cubic root of the number into which the
given number was multiplied, the quotient is the root re-

quired.

Tuus if the cubic root of 2 be required, it might be refolved
into 8—6, and dividing by 8 it would become isa But this
is to be rejected for the reafon given above. Multiplying there-
fore 2 into 8, the produ& 16 gives the binomial 1—~. But
here alfo the fraction om (though lefs than the former,) is too
great. Multiplying then 2 into 27, the next cube number, the
produ& 54 gives the binomial IF? where the fra€tion is
ftill lefs, and might be ufed, only that on multiplying 2 into
64, the next cube number, the product 128 gives the binomial

ce which is as convenient as can be defired.

Finp therefore its cubic root, by the method above, and
multiply it into 5, (the cubic root of the denominator of the
fraction,) and the produ is the root of 128: And this root be-
ing divided by 4, (the cubic root of the multiplier 64,) the quo-
tient is the cubic root of 2, as was defired.

THAT

[a J
Tuat this method may always be ufed when there is occa-
fion, it is neceflary to folve the following

PURO) Bed. «BM.

A NuMBER, not a cube number, being given, it is required
to find a cube number, which multiplied into the given num-
ber, fhall give a produ@ nearly equal to fome other cube

number.

SupposE # a given number, not a cube, it is required to find
two other numbers, @ the greater, and 4 the lefs, fo as that a’ fhall

; 3__ 53 lies
be nearly equal to 24%, or that the fra@tion ——7—, or —>

fhall be very {mall.

Wuen the given number is fmall, the numbers @ and 6
may be found by a few and eafy trials; but if it be
great, the folution by trials is very difficult, But a general
and dire&t folution of it was fuggefted by the folution of a
problem, nearly of the fame nature, by Doctor Wallis, and pub-
lithed by him in the Commercium Epiftolicum, at the end of the
fecond volume of his works. An example will fufficiently fhew
the method ufed in the folution.

Ler the given number be 13; and a will be nearly
equal to 136%. Call the difference y, and we fhall have this
equation, a=136°+y. We are next to find the limits of 2
with refpe@ to 4; that is, to find the multiples of 6 which are
next lefs and next greater than 2. And fince the cubic root of

12 13

[ 68 ]

13 is between 2 and 3, 26 and 34 are the limits, of which 26
is nearer to a; and being lefs than a, make a=264c, and by
fubftituting we have this equation:
8h+12b¢+6bc4+0°=13b'+ 9;
which by reduction becomes
5b =12 bc+6 bc*+c° +. Firft anfwer.

In this equation alfo we are to determine the limits of 4
the greater quantity with refpe€ to ¢ the lefs ; which may be
done by fubftituting fome multiple of ¢ for 6: and according as
the left fide of the refulting equation is lefs or greater than the
right fide, that multiple is lefs or greater than the truth. And
to avoid unneceffary trials, let the coefficient of the firft term
on the right fide of the equation, be divided by the coefficient of
the term that ftands on the left fide; and the quotient, (ne-
gleting the fraétion,) multiplied into the lefs quantity, will be
one of the limits, or near it. And when all the terms on the right
fide have affirmative figns, the limit thus found will be lefs than the
truth; but when fome of them have negative figns, it will probably
be greater than the truth. Thus, in the laft equation above,
divide 12 by 5, and the quotient being 2, make é=2c, and
upon trying it will be found, that 2c is lefs than the truth;
therefore make 4=3c, and upon trial 3c will be found
greater than the truth. Therefore 2¢ and 3c are the limits of
6, of which 3c feems nearer to the truth; therefore make
b=3c—d, and by fubftituting, this equation refults,

235c3—135 07d 4-45 cd*—5 P=108 0 —72.0d+12¢d*+1803— 67d 7y 5
and by reduction,
83=5707d—43¢d*+5d?+y. Second anfwer.

HERE

L 6 |

Here alfo, as before, we are to find the limits of ¢ the
greater quantity with refpe& to d the lefs; and they appear to
be 6d and 7d; of which 6d feems the more convenient.
Making therefore c=6 dt+e, there refults this equation,

1728 034-864 d*e4+144de*4+8 32052434684 d%e4-57de*—198a°—33d7e+ 5a fy 5

which by redu€tion becomes
131d0°=213d7e487de418e-+y. Third anfwer.

Here alfo the limits of d being found to be e and 2e;
and 2e being nearer the truth, make d=2e—/, and this equa-
tion refults,

1048¢3—15726f4-786ef*—131 f3=852 3-85 2e*f L213 6f*+174e3—87 e°f- erty ¢

which by reduction becomes
14. 3=633 e*f—573 ef*-+131 fey. Fourth anfwer.

Here the limits of ¢ are 44f-and 45f Therefore making
e=44ftg, this equation refults,
1192576 f3 +81 312f'g-+1848 fg*+14 g3= 1225488 f3-155704 fig +633 fx* ty
25212 fi— $73 fs
ape rgn fi
which by redu€tion becomes
7831 f2= 26181 feg+i2isfg*+1423 Fy. Fifth anfwer.

Anp the limits of f being 3g and 42, make f=32+4/, and
this equation refults,
211437 g9-+211437 g7h-+-70479 g A*4-7831 1?=235629 g3-+157086 g*h--26181 g hify
+ 3645 g3 + 1215 gh
se) aghek
and by reduétion
27851 g3=5 3136 g*h-+44298 g h*-+7831 Aety, Sixth anfwer.

a i
In the fame manner, may be found as many anfwers as any

one fhall pleafe, and in every fucceeding anfwer the deno-
minator ‘of the fraétion, (the fecond member of the binomial,)
becomes greater; but the fraction itfelf, (which is ultimately
fought by this inveftigation,) becomes lefs. Now by the help
of any of the above equations marked jirft, fecond, third, &c.
anfwers, may the values of a and be found. Thus, in any of
thofe equations make the lefs quantity =o and the greater =1,
and from thefe, by going backward, may fucceflively be found
the values of all the letters that had been thrown off by the
feveral fubftitutions, until we come to 4 and a; and the value
of y will be the coefficient of the term on the left fide of that
equation, where the greater and lefs quantities were made
=r and o. Thus, in the fourth anfwer, if we make /=o and
e=1, then will

d=(2 e—f=) 2

c=(6d+4e=) 13

b=(3 ¢—d=) 37

a=(2b64c=) 87

Now the cube of 37 is 50653, which multiplied by 13 gives
658489, and the cube of 87 is 658503; and the difference is
14, the coefficient of the term on the left fide of that equation:
and when the fign of y is +, as in the firft equation, a’ will
be greater than the multiple of 8, and therefore in the bino-
mial, the fign of the fradional part will be negative: But when
the fign of y is }, @ will be lefs, and the fraGtional part of
the binomial will have a pofitive fign.

In

L wd
In the following table are put down the values of 4, a, and
y, according to each of the fix anfwers inveftigated above; and
annexed are the binomials refulting from thefe anfwers: any
one of whofe roots, being refolved inte an infinite feries, will
ferve for finding the cubic root of 13.

tg CEM GPR RL hea 8) ApoE eS
Value | Value | Value The refulting binomial, whofe
root is to be refolved into an

Obse.. | OF a2..[) Ob 9. Garnse Teice

— es er SE

By rft anfwer I ae: 5 is
if Be lhl 8 “eri tet rth YF LD.
2d 3 4 8 hia
31

3d 7] 40 as I—Z500
4th 37 87 14 aa

7831
sth | 1611 3788} 7831} 1 ER era

. 27851
6th 4870 11451} 27851), IT 501516966851

Ir any one fhall ever ufe this method of extradting the cubic
root, it muft be left to his judgment, to determine how far this
inveftigation is to be continued. On the one hand the fra¢tion,
(the fecond member of the binomial to be evolved,) becomes lefs,
and therefore the feries will converge the fafter.. But, on the
other hand, the trouble of continuing the inveftigation, when

the numbers become large, and of dividing by a large divifor
afterwards,

{ 92-9

afterwards, is much increafed. Indeed when the given number
confifts of many places of figures, the labour of dividing by a
large divifor cannot be avoided. But the trouble of inveftigation
may be faved, as the cube number next greater or next lefs
than the given number, may be made the firft member of the
binomial, into which the given number is refolved.

Ir the given number be a decimal fraction, or an integer
with a decimal annexed, it will be convenient to reduce it to
an integral number, by removing the nota Jeparatrix to the
right hand over a number of places which muft always be di-
vifible by 3: (one or two cyphers being added after the figni-
cant figures, when neceffary, to make the number of decimal
places a multiple of 3:) And when the root of the integral num-
ber is found, as many of its integral figures are now to be added
to the decimals, as there were ternaries of decimal figures, before

added to the integers.

Ip the given number be a vulgar fraction, (either proper or im-
‘proper,) let the fquare of the denominator be multiplied by the
numerator, and the cubic root of the product be found as
above; and let the given denominator be fubfcribed under this
root, if a vulgar fraction be fufficient: Or let this root be divided
by it, if a decimal fraction be neceffary.

By a like procefs (mutatis mutandis) any root may be extracted
out of a given number: but when the index of the root is any
term of the duple progreflion, beginning from unity, the operation,
as is well known, may be otherwife performed in a more fimple

manner.

f 73~]

ann SE a a

The Hiftory of an OVARIUM, wherein were found TEETH,

HAIR’ and BONES. By JAMES CLEGHORN, / B.
Communicated by ROBERT PERCEVAL, JZ D.

(GENERATION is a fubject fo myfterious in itfelf, and from Read May

the nature of things fo wrapt up in obfcurity, that any fad
which may ferve to throw light on this operation, by which the
creation is continued, becomes invaluable to fcience. ‘The
greateft philofophers, of antient and of modern days, have fpent
much labour, and much induftry, in order to difcover the means
by which nature has ordained the various tribes of animals to
continue their fpecies. But it is to be lamented that their obfer-
vations have tended rather to fhew the brilliancy of their imagi-
nation, than to elucidate the fubje& which they treated; and
inftead of leffening the number of difficulties which we had to
encounter, they have only drawn off the attention of the world
from fads, and mifled mankind by the fplendour of their fan-
ciful hypothefes. It is by a careful colleétion of faéts only, and a
fair indu@tion from thofe faéts when eftablifhed, that we can
ever arrive at knowledge on this fubje@. At prefent it is my
obje&t to fubmit a cafe to the confideration of the Academy, which

K as

28, 1787.

L. #74 9

as it may ferve to eftablifh a fa@ of much importance in the

fubje& of generation, may be well worthy the attention of the
Royal Irifh Academy.

THERE is no appearance which has hitherto thrown fo much
light upon the fubje@ of generation as the formation and
growth of foetufes without the womb. Of extrauterine foetufes
none are fo deferving of particular notice as thefe which have
been formed in the ovarium, both on account of their rarity,
and becaufe a celebrated naturalift (who may be juftly ftiled the
modern Pliny) confeffes, that it is difficult, and I believe he might
have added smpoffible, according to his theory, to account for
their formation in the female tefticle.

His words are as follow: “ On concoit tres-aisément par
* ce que nous venons de dire, comment il fe peut quil sen
“« forme quelque fois dans les trompes; mais a l’egard des tefti-
“« cules, operation me paroit beaucoup plus difficile,” &c. &c.

Acain, Monfieur le Comte de Buffon, finding it fo difficult to
account for the formation of a foetus in the ovarium, like a true
theorift, feems to reje@ the fa&t altogether, and thinks his coun-
tryman, Monfieur Littre, ought not to be credited, when he
afferts that an embryo was found in the ovarium of a woman
he opened. The expreffion ufed by our author is, “ l’obferva-
“ tion de Monfieur Littre a paru fort fufpecte.” Why Monfieur
de Buffon has not taken notice of many other inftances where
it would appear from bones, teeth and hair being found in the
ovarium, that conception had taken place there, I cannot fay,

unlefs

iL
unlefs that he could not explain how they grew, according to
his own theory, and therefore he reje@ts the fact altogether,

thinking it of more confequence to eftablifh his: own theory
than to propagate the knowledge of truth.

Notwitustanpine the high authority of the Count de
Buffon, I hope, by the inftances I fhall adduce from the obfer-
vations of others, and by a particular cafe which I fhall relate,
to eftablifh this fa@ beyond the poffibility of doubt, and at the
fame time to vindicate the teftimony of fo celebrated an anato-
mift as Mr. Littre, by wiping off the afperfion thrown on his
veracity, from an injudicious zeal to fupport a particular theory.
Inftances of foetufes growing in different parts of the cavity of
the abdomen are almoft innumerable, but it is by no means fo
common an occurrence to meet with an embryo in the ova-
‘rium, although, from many cafes on record, it appears highly
probable that they may, have been formed there; fince we
find bones, teeth, hair, and other appearances, which would
feem to point out the pre-exiftence of a foetus in that organ.

Tue cafe of which I mean to give fome account is a very
ftriking example of this kind, and affords feveral particulars equal-
ly curious and interefting ; but previous to any hiftory of this
cafe, which has come under my own infpeion, I fhall take the
liberty of ftating, in as few words as poffible, the moft remarkable
inftances of the fame fort’ which have been related by fuch authors
as I have had an opportunity of examining.

Tue firft which I have found on record is one related in the
Hiftory of the ancient Academy of Sciences, (Tom. ii. page 91)
K 2 by

J

fay f

. by Monfieur Theroude, a furgeon in Paris. This gentleman

fhewed to the academy an irregular mafs, which he took from the
right ovarium of a young woman aged eighteen years; in this
were found fubftances refembling the eye-lids, with hairs in them
fimilar to thofe of the eye-lafhes and brows. He demonftrated
alfo two bundles of hair, of which one was feven, the other three
inches in length ; near this were two dentes molares, hard, large
and white, inclofed in an alveolar procefs, with a flefhy fubftance
like the gums furrounding them ; they were not above three lines
in length. Befides thefe there were alfo found, in this inftance,
two other teeth, which we are told refembled the caninix

Monsieur Mery difcovered in an ovarium a’bone refembling
the os maxillare fuperius, with feveral teeth in it, fo perfedly
formed that they appeared to have belonged to a child ten years
old. Of this cafe, we read in the fame volume of the old aca-
demy, as has been cited in the laft.

In the Journal de Medicine (for January 1683) the Abbé de la
Rocque tells us of a woman who had brought forth eight children,
but died great of the ninth, which had grown in the ovarium.

Monsreur ve St. Mavrice has related the hiftory of a fetus,
which he fays was found in an ovarium; it was about the thick-
nefs of a thumb, and its fex was deftinguifhable.

Monsieur Litrtre, in the Royal Academy of Sciences for the
year 1701, has given the hiftory, already alluded to, of an ova-

rium which contained an embryo.
Ruyscu#,

[) gee]

Ruyscu, in the third decade of Adverfaria Anatomica, mentions
his having found hair, bones, &c. in the ovarium; and in the
fecond table annexed to that decade he has delineated (figure 4
and 5) a tooth which is a molaris that had grown in it.

Tue fame celebrated anatomift (Thefaurus Anatomicus primus,
No. 17) gives the following fhort hiftory of a woman’s cafe, in
which it afterwards appeared that there were teeth contained in the
Jeft ovarium, ‘* Quatuor quinqueve abhine annis, (fays Ruyfch)
“¢ mulier queedam viginti et quatuor circiter annos nata, tempe-
“ ramenti phlegmatici, morbo graviore implicita, fepiflime con-
** quefta erat, de dolore in Hypogaftrio, non fine praecordiorum
‘* anxietate, et febri continua; tandem fato conceflit, unde nobis
** cadaver aperiendi nata occafio.’ He afterwards proceeds to tell’
us that his fon opened the body, and that they difcovered a c/u/ffer
of teeth which lay in the ovarium, inclofed in a membrane.
[Thefe teeth are delineated in Tab. 3, fig. 1, of the Thefaurus
above quoted.]

One-of the moft extraordinary inftances of this kind is that
related by Monfieur le Riche, in the French Memoirs for the
year 1743. In this cafe there appeared upon diffe@ion a large
fac occupying the left hypochondrium, and attached to the uterus,
bladder and colon. This fac contained a yellowifh ferum like
thickened or congealed oil, and a lump of hair the fize of a
lemon; the hairs were matted together by the oil, and about the
length of a finger. About the bottom of the tumour there were
feveral cells filled with a kind of tallow, and in the middle a
bone of a very irregular figure, at the-end of which were three

teeth

Lee

teeth incafed in an alveolar procefs: having diffefted the whole of
this fac with care, le Riche found it to be the left ovarium; the
right one alfo contained fimilar oily matter, and a bone in its
middle.

In the memoirs of the French Academy (1756) an hiftory is
given of a foetus found in an ovarium. A young woman died after
having had very violent pains in the left flank; fhe was opened,
and little was at firft taken notice of but a flight z/lammation of_
the vifcera. But what afterwards drew particular attention was
the left ovarium : It was about the fize and fhape of an egg, and
the tube of that fide made a flight turn from below upwards, and
from without inwards. Its fimbrize were ftretched and applied to
’ the external furface of the ovarium,- with which it had contracted
an adhefion: When it was opened there came out about one
ounce of a ferous fluid refembling whey. In this they found a
foetus-a little fhrivelled, with a placenta and an umbilical chord dif-
tinGly formed, being one inch and a half in length. The foetus
was two inches in length from the top of the head to the knees.
The reft of the inferior extremities was withered, and only three
lines in length. The membrane which formed the tumour was
about one line and a half in thicknefs. The uterus was in the
natural ftate, as well as the ovarium of the oppofite fide. .

Turs obfervation was made by a Monfieur Varocquier, demon-
ftrator. in anatomy at Lifle, and is quoted by Sabatier traité d’ana-
tomie, vol. ii. page 414. It is a remark made by Varocquier, and
well worthy of attention, that this woman had an entire hymen.

A VERY

fetal

A very interefting and particular account is given of bones,
&c, being feen in an ovarium by Dr. George Young, in the Edin-
burgh Effays, vol. ii. page 273. A woman aged fifty, who never
had had a child, being obftructed for four months, thought fhe had.
conceived, but her menfes returned, and fhe was troubled witha
flooding more or lefs copious for above a year and a half. This
complaint was at laft put a ftop to by the powers. of medicine,
but it gave rife toa number of other fymptoms which occafioned
her death. On opening her abdomen after death, a quantity of
bloody water flowed out, the cavity being filled with a fluid
of this defcription, and all its veffels very turgid. No bowel was
at firft view to be feen, all that appeared being a great number
of irregular flefhy lumps full of a red watery liquor, fome as
large as apples, others about the bignefs of pigeons’ eggs, and
of all intermediate fizes. Upon examination they found all thefe
veficles were contained in one fac, of which the forepart had
been cut with the integuments of the abdomen. It was not ’till
after they had raifed this large cyft that the other vifcera came:
into view. The left fallopian tube was very large, and no ova-
rium was difcoverable on that fide, unlefs this great tumour was
the ovarium enlarged to fo great a fize, The right one was
about the bignefs of a new-born child’s head. It contained vifcid
white matter like mafhed brains, which ran together as fuet does
when put into water. In this were found three grinders, incafed
in their alveolar procefs, and an incifor, which may be feen de-
lineated in the Medical Effays. :

Monsieur BavpeLocgve, an Accoucheur at Paris, who has
not long fince publifhed a Treatife on Midwifery, likewife relates a

cafe

iy a]

cafe where there were teeth, bones and hair found in the ovary.
The tumour formed by it in this inftance was fix or feven fingers’
breadth in length, and in thicknefs fomething about an inch and
a half. There was in the middle, fays our author, a bony rock
(roche offeufe) in which were fet nine folid teeth, which could be
eafily diftinguifhed into the different fpecies, viz. incifivi, canini,
and molares. The reft of the tumour was of a fteatomatous na-
ture, and contained a great deal of hair matted together by the
matter which formed the contents of the fac.

One of the moft extraordinary cafes of bones, teeth and fuch
like fubftances having grown in the ovarium, is that of which I
am now to give fome account. I am forry that any thing I can
fay with regard to the ftate of the woman who is,the fubjeé of
this cafe muft be imperfect, as it is given from report, and is not
immediately within my own knowledge. _ Neverthelefs, as the par-
ticulars which we do know are very well authenticated, and from
their nature interefling, I flatter myfelf, therefore, that a detail of
thofe, and a defcription of the parts concerned, now in my pof-

feffion, will be deemed not altogether unworthy of the public
attention,

Asout three years ago a woman, aged $0, died ten days after
fhe had been tappéd for a tumour, which had appeared to’ be ‘a
dropfical colleGtion in fome part of the abdomen. This had been
a tall well-made woman, and fhe had borne a child about twenty-
five years previous to this period. She continued in good health
for feveral months after delivery, and nurfed a child, which was

feized

[ 8 ]
feized after fome time with very violent and frequent convulfion
fits; neverthelefs, after a while it recovered perfeQly, fo as to be
quite healthy. The nurfe, however, was obferved to decline in
her health from this period, and fhe continued weak and fickly
for a year or more, but at laft regained her ufual good ftate of
health in every circumftance, but that her menfes never after ap-
peared, and her belly encreafed in its fize as if fhe was great
with child. Notwithftanding this appearance of pregnancy fhe
was known to walk lightly, to labour hard, and her legs were
never obferved to be oedematous. She appeared in perfect health,
and never once complained of any uneafinefs, except the inconve-
nience of carrying fo large a belly. She remained in this ftate for
upwards of twenty-three years, to the time of her being tapped, as
above-mentioned. Upon withdrawing the canula a confiderable
quantity of vifcid matter flowed out, mixed with hair and bits of
fat. Ten days after having undergone the operation the woman
died, and upon opening the abdomen the firft thing prefented to
view, under the peritoneum, was a large feemingly mufcular fac,
which extended acrofs the abdomen, upon opening which it was
found to contain balls of a fatty fubftance mixed with hair, and

likewife feveral bones.

Tuus far goes the information J have received of fuch obfer-
vations as were made at the time of opening this woman’s
body ; but what follows is a defcription of the parts of genera-
tion, in the ftate they are in at prefent, in my pofleffion, and as
they were diffeGted by thofe who opened the body.

L To

Plate I.

Plate IH.

[ 82 J

To render the defcription more intelligible I have caufed

three drawings to be made from the preparation, which are
fufficiently accurate.

Tue bladder, retum, and uterus, with its appendages, have
been cut out entire, and along with them fome portion of the
labia pudendi, and of the podex. The bladder was laid open,
to examine its ftate, and feems to be of the natural fize. The
vagina, os tince, and uterus are in a perfeAly natural ftate; but
to obferve the thicknefs of its coats a niche was made into
the fundus uteri. At the left fide the fallopian tube (g) is
evident, and alfo the ovarium (7) of that fide: Upon
the whole, the appendages of the uterus on the left fide are
in a natural flate. At the right fide the fallopian tube (4)
and round ligament are very evident at the part next the uterus,
but at the other extremity they are attached to the large bag or
cyft (/), which we may reafonably conclude is the ovarium en-
larged to this immenfe fize. In order to have fome notion of the
capacity of the bag, I endeavoured to fill it with water, and
from my obfervation I conclude that it would hold from ten to
twelve quarts. The firft drawing I had made was intended to
give an idea of the fize and appearance of the parts; and to
fhew the fize of the cyft-better I filled it with horfe hair, as I
alfo did with the vagina and reQum. The bladder (4) was laid to
one fide, refting on a piece of ftick(c). Upon laying open
the cyft we have a view of its internal parts, which are
chiefly deferving of notice: I make no doubt that the vifcid
matter which flowed out at the time the woman was tapped
made up the greateft fhare of the contents of the cyft, and

what

[ 34
what remains now within it is only whatever was attached to
its internal coat. A great part of the cyft is even and fmooth
internally, but at that part of it which I conceive to have been
the lowermoft it is made very irregular and rough, by a great
number of fimall pouches of different fizes, and feveral piles of
bone: The contents of thefe fmall. pouches are as various as
their fizes are different; fome contain a gelatinous kind of
mucus, whilft others contain cretaceous matter. In fome I found
a brownith black ftuff like bone which had been melted down
and corrupted by putrefaction, and in others the contents refem-
bled fat, and felt like it when rubbed between the fingers. In
fome there were hairs, and in others {mall fragments of bones.
Some were attached by fmall peduncles, others adhered by their
coats. The bones were very irregular, nor can I fay that they
refembled in every refpect any one bone of the fkeleton, although
fome of them had a good deal the appearance of being portions
of the jaws: In particular, the pile, marked (4), refembled the os
maxillare fuperius, having fomething like a palate plate, an
alveolar procefs, and having teeth incafed in it, as will be
more particularly mentioned hereafter. There were alfo feveral
other bones, fome round, as (c), and fome flat, as (2), but neither of
thofe could be likened to any of the bones of the fkeleton: They
were all covered with a tough, tenfe, white membrane, which
adhered very firmly to them, and refembled much the common
periofteum: This was again covered by a produétion of the
internal coat of the cyft; and feeling the bones through this
thick coat, I once imagined that the flat ones were ribs,

and that the round one was the fkeleton of a foetufe’s

leg and foot, more efpecially as there was a joint; but

Ly 21h upon

Plate II.
and III.

Plate IT.
and III.

Plate IT.

[ 84 ]

upon baring them I could not fay that they refembled any of
thofe bones. As to the teeth, they were perfetly regular in all
their parts, having bafes and fangs, and almoft all being incafed
in an alveolar procefs and fockets, in the fame way as teeth
regularly are. They were forty-four in number, and the greater
part was diftinguifhable into fome of the fpecies: Some were
fo unformed as that they could not be ranged into particular
claffes. There were eight incifors, three canini, four bicufpides,
and fixteen molares. Thefe could be reduced to their orders une-
quivocally, the remainder I doubted about. Several of them were
of the firft crop of teeth, whilft the greater number were evi-
dently fuch as we fhould find in the jaws of perfons of fourteen
or fifteen years of age. I am convinced that fome of the teeth
may have been loft, and that there are others ftill covered in the
cyfts; for I have here given an account of more than were dif-
coverable at the time the drawings were made. Sixteen of
the teeth were incafed in the pile of bone, marked (4);
the others were feattered without order, except that in general
it did not happen that teeth of different fpecies were clofe to
one another, but that incifors, for example, would grow in the
neighbourhood of each other, and even in contact, fo as that their
fangs grew together. There was alfo in one part of this fac a
difting cell, in which was contained a quantity of hair, which
feemed like the hair of the head, and which was matted into a
cake by fome matter, probably fuch as filled the cavity of the fac.
Some of thofe little tubercles, (marked a, a, &c.) or fmall veficles,
which lay in the fac, were alfo befet with fmall hairs.

Tuvus

[as J

Tuus I have endeavoured, with as much accuracy as poffible,
and in as few words as | could, to ftate the particulars of this
extraordinary cafe, and at the fame time I have {tated the obferva~
tions made by others on fimilar occafions, fo as to bring the whole
under one point of view. Perhaps it may be expected that I
fhall alfo hazard fome opinion with refpect to the growth of thofe
bones, and how they came to arrive at fuch maturity. This isa
queftion which involves with it too much matter for an effay of
this nature, and it is a fubject of fuch intricacy, and admitting of
fo much doubt, that it is dangerous to attempt to explain it.
I fhall by no means pretend to decide the contefts held on this
fubje@, but I will lay before the reader two opinions relative
to this fubje&t, which appear to be the moft deferving of notice,
leaving it to his own judgment to which he fhould give his
affent.

Ruyscu, in his Adverfaria Anatomica, Decade the third, de Athe-
romate, decidedly delivers it as his opinion that tumours of this
nature, whether found in the ovarium or not, will give rife to the
growth of hair, teeth and bones. In proof of this he relates a very
uncommon. cafe indeed of a young man whofe body was ex-
amined after death, and in his ftomach there was an atheroma,
within which was found a bundle of hair like the hair of one’s
head, and likewife a piece of bone of an irregular fhape, about
the fize of an almond. There were alfo four real dentes molares,
fuch as are to be found ina human jaw: ‘Two of thefe teeth
grew together, whereas two others had grown feparately: But
what would aftonifh an obferver moft, fays he, is that the thigh
of a {mall African deer was found in the fame fac, and this thigh

was

[ 86 ]

was as like the thigh of the deer as one egg is like to another (ut
vix ovo fimilius ovum) except that its hoof was not cloven as in the
deer, but covered with a nail at its end like a human finger ; and
this thigh was moreover befet with-a few hairs like thofe on a
hand. What degree of credit is due to this ftory it refts not with
me to determine: But to doubt the truth of it is not to call in
queftion the veracity of this great» anatomift, fince he gives the
following hiftury of the relation: The preparation of this athe-
roma was given to him by CafperCommelinus, his Collegue and
Profeffor of Botany, together with an account of the cafe in the
hand-writing of Cornelius Smit, from whom Commelinus had
received it as a prefent. From this it would appear that the truth
of this ftory refts with Cornelius Smit, who had travelled with it all
the way from the Eaft Indies. But granting that hairs and bones
were really found in atheromas of the ftomach, is it not more
probable that thefe fubftances may have been fwallowed acci-
dentally, and generated the atheroma, than that they -were gene-
rated in this tumour?

Iy oppofition to Ruy{ch’s opinion there is another, which is fup-
ported by no lefs authority than that of the fagacious Aftruc. In
the fecond book of the Treatife on the difeafes of Women, chapter
xii. article firft, § ii, he fays, befides the common encyfted tu-
mours found in the ovaria, as well as in other parts, there is one
peculiar fpecies. formed there by the putrefaction of embryos
which have been there conceived and have perifhed. We find in
the ovaria, he adds, fteatomata and atheromata with bundles of
hair in them, which have puzzled anatomifis much to account
for, but I conjeQure, faith Aftruc, (not without the appearance

of

Lm) J
of reafon) that thefe are the hairs of the foetus which has died
here, and the hairs have continued to grow after its death, as
they are known to do in dead bodies. If it be true, as Ruyfch
fays, that teeth are fometimes found here alfo, it is incumbent
on us to account for them in the fame way that they have
grown after the death of the foetus, as Bianchi is inclined to
believe they did in a dead child which remained in its mother’s
belly for fifteen months after the natural period of geftation
was ended: So far Aftruc. But it is not neceffary to give the
teeth and bones a kind of vegetable growth, fuch as hair is
fuppofed to have, in order that they fhould grow even to the
maturity of adult bones. For we can fuppofe an inofculation
of blood-veffels to have taken place between the membrane
which covers the bones and the coats of the fac, and in this
manner the bone will be fupplied with blood and will grow;
and as the teeth and jaws are fupplied from the fame trunks,
it is reafonable to fuppofe if the jaw grows the teeth {hall
grow alfo, and as the ftamina of the two fets of teeth exift
long before they make their way through the alveolar procefs,
we may even conceive in this way a fecond crop of teeth to
be formed. This conje@ture is founded on numerous obfervations,
which prove that parts of animals, which have been feparated
from each other, and afterwards brought into contact, do fre-
quently unite, and, by their veffels inofculating, have a free circu-
lation of fluids through them. From what has been faid of this
woman’s cafe it would appear that fhe had borne this tumour and
its contents for the fpace of twenty-four years previous to her death ;
and it is wonderful that fhe could live under it without com-
plaint for fuch a length of time. But our wonder will ceafe

when

[ 886]
when we recolle@t that nature is infinite in her refources, which

are admirable even in her moft excentric deviations from her

common paths.

Ir is a curious fubject to enquire into how long nature will
preferve a foetus in its mother’s belly, without creating any other

incorivenience than what arifes from carrying about the burthen.

“Tue celebrated Bayle, profeffor at Touloufe in 1678, has
handed down to us the hiftory of a woman who carried her
child for twenty-fix years; and Thuanus, the great hiftorian,
(Hiftoriarum, lib. lxxvi. cap. x.) relates the cafe of the wife
of one Lewis Carita, a taylor, whofe child remained in her
belly twenty-eight years; and Monfieur Morand, in French
Memoirs for the year 1748, page 118, gives us an account of a
child which remained in its mother’s belly for thirty-one years.
But there is a cafe quoted by Morand which happened at Leinzell
in Suabia, where the child was in the mother’s belly for forty-
fix years, the mother having lived to the age of ninety-fix, and
having borne two children in the mean time. Dr. Middleton .
laid before the Royal Society the cafe of a woman who carried
her child in her belly for fixteen years, and during that time
bore four children, all alive.

[, 890. ]

fn EXPLICATION of the three following PLATES.
Bi Ager Bin

(a) The orifice of the vagina.

(2) The bladder, half filled with water *.

(d) The anus.

(f) The body of the uterus.

( g) The fallopian tube.

(hk) The fimbriated edges of the fallopian tube.

(7) The ovarium of the left fide.

(&) The fallopian tube and ligaments of the right fide, by
which the great tumor (/) is connected with the uterus.

(7) The tumor.

PoMt A VR SES Hand. Tie

(2) (2) (2) A number of pouches contained in, and adhering to
the internal furface of the tumor.

(4) A pile of bone, with teeth incafed.

(¢) A fmall round bone.

(ad) A flat bone.

N.B. The circumftances here referred to are much more
diftin@ in the original drawings than in the plates, the former being
of the natural fize. In the third plate fome of the parts repre-
fented in the fecond are again offered to view, but the bones having
been laid bare, are more diftinGly feen.

* Since thefe fheets were printed, new drawings were made, from whence the
plates were engraven, which makes fome difference in this explication from the
defcription contained in the hiftory of the cafe,

M

ai <e

‘3 $e
Beh

ae an

Hil

I

==

Bullard Pine? .

Ballard) Pinx?

Pagego. Jr - PLATE I

Ballard Pinx*

PageGo jer LLATZM .

POLITE LITERATURE.

penal a
lr

os fan

4n ESSAY on SUBLIMITY of WRITING. By the
Rev. RICHARD STACK, D.D. and M.R.1. A.

Ey, ONGINUS, in his juftly-admired treatife on the fublime, Read 13th

has laid open to our view its five principal fources: Boldnefs or ae

vigour in the thoughts, vehement and_ enthufiaftic paffion,
invention of figures, fplendid di@ion, and compofition with
dignity and elevation. Some critics before him having con-
founded the two firft conftituents, he fhews the neceflity of
keeping them diftin@, becaufe there are fome paffions, as pity,
grief and. fear, which are rather contrary to the fublime: And
again, there are numberlefs inftances of fublimity without any
paffion. Had he treated as copioufly of the pathetic as of the
reft, he had probably given us equally interefting and beautiful
matter: But we are told he referved this curious fubje&t for a
feparate work. It has not, however, been left unnoticed. A
great critic of our own age and country hath touched the fubject

[A 2] with

ruary,

Lah.

with a mafterly hand. In a work of fine imagination and phi-
lofophic enquiry he has endeavoured to prove that terror is in
all cafes whatfoever, either more openly or latently, the ruling
principle of the fublime; and he inveftigates the different qua-
lities of objects which are moft apt to excite terror. His theory
feems in moft refpe€ts perfe@ly juft, in all its parts beautifully
ingenious: But befide its being queftioned, whether terror be
the only principle of the fublime, he has not explained any
further connection between the fublime and the pathetic, nor
fhewn how far or in what circumftances the expreflions of the
paffions, with their feveral energies, can excite’ this principle,
whatfoever it be.

Tuts part of the fubje@ then being left open to conje@ure, I
prefume to offer fome reflections to the academy, not fo much in
the hope of their proving ftri@ly juft and true, as to engage
men of more critical judgment and tafte in the enquiry. If
there fhould be any truth in ,thefe refleGtions, they will ferve as
general principles to direct us in particular-cafes.

ALTHovGH it may be impoffible to give a proper definition of
the term fublime as it relates to writing and compofition, yet
every body feems fufficiently to underftand its meaning. Whatever
infpires the mind with grand and lofty conceptions, as it were
enlarges its dimenfions, and at the fame time fills it with a fort
of delightful aftonifhment, is what we generally call fublime.
Let us fee then how far fome of the paffions have in their

natural expreffion a tendency this way. It feems to me that ;

ail emotions of the foul, which tend to fink its native dignity
and impair its ftrength, and which at the fame time prefent it
to

i Seal

to view as eafily yielding to their influence, without any
difplay of that vigour which might naturally be looked for,
are incapable of fublime expreffion. When the foul languithes
without any ftruggle or exertion, it canrot be a fubje@ of -
admiration or even refpect, and is therefore unfit by any defcrip-
tion to excite in us grand ideas. On the other hand, if no fuch
defects are betrayed; if the paflion predominates not through any
weaknefs of reafon or want of courage, and if it be above the
controul of all natural means and refources, its language might
not be inconfiftent with the forms of fublimity. To apply
thefe principles to the paffion of fear: When the power that
caufes this emotion is of fuch a nature as ought to be oppofed |
and might be refifted with effe&, the fufferer is little better
than an object of pity or contempt. In fuch a cafe the paffion
betrays a weak and pufillanimous mind, eafily terrified by ordi-
nary obje&s and on trifling occafions; but when it is caufed
by fome fuperior, refiftlefs, or invifible power, the expreflion of
the paffion is naturally connected with an idea of that power,
and fo might become a fertile fource of the fublime. Of this
latter we have innumerable inftances in. the fublime writings of
the prophets, and one very grand and ftriking example in the
book of Job ;—“ In thoughts from the vifions of the night,
“when deep fleep falleth upon men, fear came upon me and
“* trembling, which made all my bones to fhake. Then a fpirit
“ paffed before me; the hair of my fleth ftood up: It ftood
“ ftill, but I could not difcern the form thereof.” But to illut-
trate our theory fomewhat further:. This paffion appears dif-
ferently modified, and therefore fuited to different forms of
expreffion, according to the nature of its moving principle or
caufe, its object and its degrees. If it be excited by an ordi-

nary

Ey)
nary or trifling caufe, if its objeét be mean or unworthy, or if
its exceffes be fo great as to betray a want of all natural re-
fources in the mind, the paffion is in all fuch cafes what we
ufually call fear, and is the property of a weak and abject
mind. But where the caufe that inflicts it lies above our reach,
and exceeds every natural effort of the mind to cope withal, and
efpecially when under its fcourge the mind exhibits figns of its
native dignity and courage, fuch a fubject is fitted to produce
our admiration, and of courfe to raife exalted and fublime
ideas. When, for inftance, in the field of battle two combatants
meet on equal terms, fhould one of them fuddenly refign him-
felf to his fears, and betake himfelf to flight, I believe the
ftrongeft defcription of fuch terrors could excite no great idea,
and we fhould only feel that he was a mean and daftardly
coward: But when Macbeth fhrinks from the fight of Macduff,
penetrated with a lively fenfe of the wrongs which he had done
him, and overwhelmed by his own guilt, it is a bold and fublime
defcription of the power of confcience, which can fometimes
caufe the ftouteft heart to tremble. Upon the fame account I
efteem another expreflion of his terror to be truly fublime,
‘© How is’t with me when every noife appals me.” A third
example I think may be taken from that celebrated paffage of
Homer, where Minerva appears flafhing terror from her egis
upon the eyes of the Trojan warriors. I acknowledge the fub-
limity of this paffage is in a high degree owing to the grandeur
of the image which it prefents; but yet the effea produced does
not in the leaft impair that fublimity ; however funk and bewil-
dered and loft to all powers of refiftance the objects appear, this
defcription of them rather heightens than diminifhes the fublime

effet. I cannot fay that I am fo well fatisfied with the con-
duc

ee a

duct of Homer in bringing about the death of He@or; in this
he feems to facrifice charater and probability to national vanity.
The flight of this warrior degrades his chara@er too far, and
much of that glory which would be refle@ed on his own hero is
loft by the contrivance.

Wuire I am engaged in this part of the fubje&@ I mutt
take the liberty of queftioning one criticifm of Longinus—It is
upon that paffage of Homer, where Neptune is reprefented as
fhaking all the powers of nature, and which clofes with the
image of Pluto ftarting from his throne, and fhouting with
terror, left the general fhock might difclofe his infernal realms
to mortal fight. Longinus beftows full praife upon every thought
of the paflage except the laft; but involves this in a general
eenfure, that Homer’s Gods are Men, and his Men Gods. The
general obfervation is frequently too juft, and in my opinion is
partly exemplified in the inftance which I have juft now men-
tioned ; Achilles there appears arrayed in terrors more than human.
Yet I think the cafe now before us deferves no cenfure. There
is fomething fo inconceivably fublime in the thought, that, even
were it not ftri€tly confiftent with the laws of criticifm, it fhould
be pronounced above the reach of art. But I think it can be
vindicated. - It was the genius of the Heathen Mythology to afcribe
paffions to their Gods; fo that great latitude was given the
poet in the condu@ of this machinery. Homer has certainly
often violated all decorum and probability, yet the prefent occa-
fion does not feem to be one of thefe. The fabulous account
of Jupiter, Neptune and Pluto having portioned out among them
the univerfe according to the rank of each, prepares the mind
for the watchful and jealous attention of each to his own pro-

; vince ;

Led

vince ; fo that any fudden event (like the commotion excited by
Neptune) which might feem to portend an invafion, muft natu-
rally have excited an alarm, efpecially if it arofe from the more
powerful being. The mixed emotions of terror and aftonifh-
ment, fo fudden and momentary as they are here defcribed,
betray no defe& of magnanimity or vigour, and therefore have
nothing in them unfavourable to a fublime defcription. It
appears then from the inftances now adduced that this paffion
may affume the form of fublimity or meannefs, according to its
moving principle or caufe.

Tue object upon which the paflion is employed is alfo of
confiderable influence, according as it is great and worthy and
exalted, or low and mean and contracted. Suppofe our country
were invaded by a powerful enemy, againft whom there was
little hope of making a fuccefsful ftand ; and that in this feafon
of public calamity, we fhould hear a man expreffing his fears left
he might be involved in the general ruin which threatened :
The moft vehement pathos could excite no ideas but thofe of
contempt and difguft. But the noble and difinterefted patriot,
who at fuch a crifis fhould be feen alarmed and terrified, not
for his own perfonal fafety, but the falvation of his country, is
one of the moft glorious objects that can be prefented to our
view ; and the paflion excited in fuch a fubject, and by fuch an
occafion, might be uttered in language truly fublime. ‘The
general, to whofe good condu@ the welfare of an army or a
ftate is committed, will fear to hazard an engagement, unlefs
upon moft favourable grounds, and will patiently endure to be
reproached with backwardnefs and cowardice ; yet the cautious

conduét of fuch a charater derives dignity from its obje@, and
might

ae ee!

Oa

~

Be

might be exhibited in expreffions of fober grandeur. When
Macbeth declines the murder of Duncan, and is charged with
pufillanimity by his wife, his reply, which admits the charge, is
one of the fublimeft thoughts any where to be found :—* I dare
«© do all that may become a man, who dares do more is none.”
Thus we fee this paffion derives a chara€ter from its objet or
the matter which gives it employment.

Tue third circumftance which I mentioned, as giving the
paffion different modifications, was ‘its degrees; the object may be
great and becoming, yet fuch an exquifite fenfibility to this, as
might betray the fuccours of reafon, and prevent the applica-
tion of all proper refources, ceafes to deferve our admiration,
and by overleaping its proper bounds, falls on the other fide.
The paffion lofes all dignity of character if it ufurp the
place of reafon where reafon ought to govern. All extravagance
and excefs ought as far as poflible to be avoided. The paffion
fhould rather excite the ation, than rebate the vigour of the
mind. Upon the whole then it appears that this paffion, as it
may fometimes be inconfiftent with the fublime, may at others
be highly favourable to it, and therefore that we muft under-
ftand the term geéos ufed by Lenginus in a reftrained fenfe.
Perhaps we may in general affert, that the paffion ufually
called fear feldom can be employed in the fublime, while ano-
ther modification of the fame paffion, terror, might open a very
copious fource, and thus may the great antient and modern cri-
tics be reconciled.

Tue fame principles, I imagine, might apply to the paffion
of revenge. Lord Kaims concludes from indu@ion, that dignit
[B] is

[ . to]

is not a property of any difagreeable paffion, and declares him-
felf willing to put this to the teft in the moft fpirited picture of
revenge ever drawn—lIt is the fpeech of Anthony wailing over the
body of Céfar :

Woe to the hand that fhed this coftly blood !
Over thy wounds now do I prophefy,

Which, like dumb mouths, do ope their ruby lips,
To beg the voice and utt’rance of my tongue ;
A curfe fhall light upon the limbs of men,
Domeftic fury and fierce civil ftrife

Shall cumber all the parts of Italy:

Blood and deftruction fhall be fo in ufe,
And dreadful objects fo familiar,

That mothers fhall but fmile when they behold
Their infants quarter’d with the hands of war:
All pity choak’d with cuftom of fell deeds;
And Cefar’s fpirit, raging for revenge,

With Até by his fide, come hot from Hell,
Shall in thefe confines, with a monarch’s voice,
Cry havoc, and let flip the dogs of war.

I esteem moft parts of this pafflage truly fublime; but this
being a matter of tafte and feeling, it may be difficult to deter-
mine the queftion. However, I cannot admit his general pofition.
The paffion of revenge (if we abftract from the rules of our
meek and holy religion) feems capable on many occafions of
rifing into dignity. Among fome nations it is efteemed the moft
exalted virtue—Zanga calls his countrymen children of the fun,
with whom revenge is virtue. I am of opinion that wherever
the paffion is held neceffary for the vindication of honour, or
for the fupport of any other admired virtue, it might very fuc~

cefsfully

aes

' cefsfully be employed in fublime compofition. Difdain feems

another of thofe difagreeable paffions which may fometimes lay
claim to dignity. I afk whether the filent expreffion of this
paffion from Ajax toward Ulyffes, upon his defcent into Hell,
be not truly great and fublime? If it be not, Iam at a lofs to
know what is. Envy and malice indeed feem to be under
every modification unfuitable to the fublime. A mind addicted
to thefe malignant paffions is incapable of all true dignity.
There is fomething fo vile and abje@ in them, that however
forcible and pointed their natural expreffion might be, we can-
not conceive it to approach in any degree to a fublime form.
The chara@er of Shylock is drawn with admirable force, but
no where affects fublimity.

Let us apply our principles to fome other paffions. Grief
and pity’have for their objeés the calamities of ourfelves and
others. Thefe paffions feem to have a natural tendency to
weaken and deprefs the mind. It is their difpofition to gratify
themfelves, and to dwell with a melancholy pleafure on their
obje&; and thus by at once relaxing the vigour of the mind,
and confining its views and affeCtions, they are apt to prevent
all elevation and expanfion. The fubje& matter which employs
them being moft commonly the ordinary incidents of human
life, are therefore unfit to raife aftonifhment, or any emotions
kindred to the fublime, Every day’s acquaintance with the
world difcovers them to be the common lot of humanity, and
therefore the mind ought to meet them in fome degree pre-
pared. The full extent of the eyil being known, the agitation
of the mind is of courfe lefs than when it is under the impref-
fion of terror, which is apt to magnify its obje@, and in fo

) TS 2] doing

[ mm ]

doing has a turn to the fublime. Thefe paffions alfo might be
faid in fome fort to magnify their obje@; but they do fo in a
manner very unfavourable to the fublime, by throwing round it
all the tender and minute circumftances which formerly accom-
panied and endeared the obje&. I am for thefe reafons inclined
to think thefe paffions to be for the moft part unfit for fublime
expreflion. The funeral oration of Anthony over Cefar’s dead
body, fo wonderfully calculated to raife emotions of grief and
pity, in the following lines, I confefs appears to me fublime:

For when the noble Czfar faw him ftab,
Ingratitude, more ftrong than traitor’s arms,

Quite vanquifh’d him.—Then burft his mighty heart ;
And in his mantle muffling up his face,

Even at the bafe of Pompey’s ftatue,

Which all the while ran blood, great Czfar fell.

Bur the fublimity of this paffage does not, perhaps, fo much
depend upon the pathetic emotions of the fpeaker, as upon the
noble charaéter of Czfar, fo finely drawn, fighting againft an
hoft of traitors, yet finking at the fight of his beloved friend;
and above all, upon the great and affecting image conveyed in
the two laft lines, by which this eloquent fpeaker hath con-
trived moft forcibly to mark the horrid deed, and to rele a
faperior luftre on the departed hero, in thus making the inani-
mate ftatue of his rival fhed drops of blood for his fall.

Tuere is another very fine picture of grief, where Satan is
introduced by Milton, after having efcaped from Hell, addreffing
the fun, and recalling to mind the circumftances of his own loft

glory and happinefs. ‘The pafflage is too long for quotation,
but

Pees

but may be found in the fourth book of Paradife Loft. Several
paffions are moved in that pathetic addrefs ; yet if we attend
carefully to fuch parts of it as are the pure and unmixed
expreffions of grief, I think the emotions excited have very.
little analogy to the fublime. However grand and terrible the
Being, and of courfe well adapted to raife awful and fublime
ideas, we naturally foften into pity ; his grief degrades him from
the loftinefs of his pride, and places him in fome fort upon our
own level; and we fo far fympathize with him, as for fome
moments to. forget his infernal charaéter.

THE compaffion of our Lord over Jerufalem muft be acknow-
ledged to be truly fublime :—« O Jerufalem, Jerufalem, which
“« killeft the prophets, and ftoneft them that are fent unto thee,

“how often would I have gathered thy children together, as a

“hen doth gather her brood under her wings, and ye would
“not!” And in another place the expreffion of his pity is no
lefs fublime :—* And when he was come near, he beheld the
“ city, and wept over it, faying, If thou hadft known, even
“‘ thou, at leaft in this thy day, the things which belong unto
“‘ thy peace! but now they are hid from thine eyes.” Such.
exceptions, however, being entirely out of the ordinary courfe
of events, and inapplicable to any general principles, by no
means invalidate, but feem rather to confirm the theory.

I must beg leave to recur here to an obfervation which I
had occafion to make fome time ago, re{pe@ting the exceffes of
the paffion of fear. I would there be underftood to mean
fuch. excefles as the mind falls into without difplaying any
reafonable confli@, and which betray rather imbecillity than

[B 3} violent

ae se

violent emotion ; for there are excefles I believe of almoft every
paflion, which are fometimes occafions of the fublime. Such a
degree of pathos as exhibits vehement, uncommon and aftonifh-
ing agitations, and almoft runs out into madnefs, whatever be
the efficient caufe, however refined or tender it might be thought,
when abftracted from fuch effets, appears fometimes in a fublime
form. The mind thus agitated often ftrikes out great and forci-
ble images, or pours itfelf forth in ftrong and glowing language.
Almoft all the paffions, if carried to excefs, naturally fall into
the ufe of the profopopeia, one of the boldeft figures of
{peech, and fublimeft expreffions of paffion. In cafes like thefe
nothing feems attended to but the effects themfelves. The
imagination is too ftrongly impreffed and too deeply interefted
to trace them up to their caufes. So that if they be of fuch
a nature as to excite emotions of terror, or if they be figns of
fome great exertion of force and power, or have a ftriking
analogy to any other form or fource of the fublime, they do
not lofe their chara@er by a relation to their efficient caufe.
Perhaps we fhould for the moft part except pity on fuch occa-
fions, which feems not well fuited to vehement expreflion. ‘This
paffion may be confidered as the handmaid of grief, attending
it through all its fofter movements, but unable to follow in any
extravagant exceffes, and under thefe circumftances generally
loft in filent contemplation. Even grief itfelf feems lefs liable
to thefe violent agitations than moft other paffions, and feldom
appears in fo difturbed a form, except in minds naturally weak
and tender; and it fhould be obferved, that in cafes of this
nature the character of the fufferer gives a foft and delicate
fhade to the paffion, however vehement, and fo in a great mea-

fure defeats the fublime effect. The grief of Belvidera could
: not

i

i L 74
not well be defcribed in fo fublime charafters as that of
Othello. The grief of Conftance has a ftronger claim to fub-
limity: In her we contemplate not the character of the woman
diffolved in all the tendernefs of paffion, but the glowing aftec-
tion of the mother, exalted by the dignity of the queen.

~ Dr. Blair, in his Leétures on this fubject, acknowledges the
pathetic in fome inftances to be a proper fource of the fublime.
It were to be wifhed that he had in fome manner defined
thofe inftances; but this matter he has left entirely at large,
and contents himfelf with pronouncing againft the judgment of
Longinus, that Sappho’s Ode contains nothing of the fublime,
although it will generally be allowed highly pathetic. Had
he thought fit to take this part of the fubje@ in hand, the
reflections with which I have troubled the Academy I fhould
probably have deemed unneceffary. Upon Sappho’s Ode I will
not venture to give any decided opinion—I fhall only endea-
vour to apply the principles already advanced to this queftion,
as far as they feem either to fupport or oppofe the opinion of

Longinus.

THE great critic introduces the ode with this critical obfer-
vation, ‘“ that of neceflity it muft be a great caufe of the
** fublime to felec&t the principal circumftances which rife out
““ of the fubje@, and by their compofition to form’ one entire °
“ body ; both which excellencies are found in this Ode.” And
he fubjoins to them a more particular account of the nature
of thofe circumftances:—‘* Do you not wonder,” fays he,
“ how at the fame inftant her foul, her body, her voice, her
“* ears, her eyes, her colour, all feem utterly loft to her! How

by.

[| 16 2]
“ by contraries fhe freezes and burns, fhe raves and is fober,

« fhe trembles and almoft expires; fo that not a fingle paffion,
“ but a combination of them, feems to overwhelm her.”

Dr. Blair admits that ftrength of defcription, a neceffary requifite
to the fublime, depends upon a proper choice of circumftances.
The only queftion then in the prefent cafe is, whether the cir-
cumftances are capable by any management of caufing fublime
emotions; for if they be, it will hardly be doubted that they
are well chofen and happily combined. We have here a moft
pathetic defcription of certain violent affe€tions, the effects of a
paffion as arbitrary and defpotic in fwaying the human heart,
as it is univerfal in its influence: The moft exalted hero bows
to its fovereign dominion. There being, therefore, no mean-
nefs nor weaknefs of mind in becoming its fubje€t, fo far there
feems to be nothing unfavourable to the fublime, particularly
when its effets are vehement and aftonifhing, full of pain and
terror. We fhould alfo confider thefe emotions to be wrought
in a great degree by jealoufy, a paffion which by its extreme
agitation is likely to ftrike out bold and forcible expreffions.
The human frame, agitated and convulfed almoft to diffolution
by the mixed paffions of love and jealoufy and defpair, is an
obje@ well adapted to excite ftrong fympathetic emotions, and
to fill the mind with alarming ideas of the defolating fury of
thefe paffions. For the moft part, indeed, love is confidered as
a tender and refined paffion, and as bearing a clofer analogy
to beauty, its natural foundation, than to fublimity. The fenti-
ment is generally true; yet as there is nothing in the nature
of the paffion humiliating or unworthy of true magnanimity, as
it frequently gives the mind a generous and exalted turn, and

is

[

is at the fame time capable of producing the moft vehement
emotions, it feems to me in many inftances capable of fublime
defcription. Should Sappho’s Ode notwithftanding be thought
deficient in fublimity, fome reafons might be affigned for this,
confiftent with the principles already laid down. The opening
of this Ode feems too beautiful to convey any idea of a foul
violently agitated ; it defcribes the charms of the beloved objet,
and makes thefe the ground of thofe vehement emotions which
break out in the following part. ‘The tranfition is not ftrongly
marked, nor of courfe are the former impreffions entirely done
away. But what I take to be leaft congenial to the fublime is
the charaGer of the fubje&, who is of fo tender and delicate a
nature, that we do not look for any vigorous effort of refift-
ance, but on the contrary are led to fuppofe that the foul
hath been fondly furrendered to the influence of the paffion.
The fame fentiments, I believe, coming from a firm and refo-
lute heart, which had long ftruggled in vain againit the uncon-
troulable ftrength of paffion, might perhaps excite emotions
kindred to the fublime. No paiflion can be confidered as
wholly abftraéted from the fabje& in which it is found, and
the fubje@ muft confequently have a powerful effe@ in de-
ciding the ‘chara@er of the paffion. In the charaGter of Othello,
which is that of a generous warrior, the paffion is defcribed in
its various ftages and progrefs, from the moft abfolute content
to the laft fatal exceffes of jealoufy and defpair. Some of thofe
paffages may I think be called fublime:

[C] fe

[ 18 ]
It gives me wonder great as my content
To fee you here before me. Oh, my foul’s joy!
If after ev’ry tempeft come fuch calms,
May the winds blow ’till they have waken’d death: -
And let the labouring bark climb hills of feas
» Olympus high, and duck again as low
As Hell’s from Heaven.

In this fine fpeech the tranfport of his paffion fwells his
foul, and pours itfelf forth in fplendid and glowing expreffions.

Wuen his jealoufy feems to have gained the afcendant over
his love, nothing can be more fublime as well as pathetic than
the fentiments which it draws forth:

Oh, now for ever
Farewell the tranquil mind, farewell content,
Farewell the plumed troops, and the big war
That makes ambition virtue. Oh, farewell!

In the fcene where he murders Defdemona we may difcover
how clofe an affinity there is between the pathetic and the

fublime :

Yes, ’tis Aimilia——By and by.—She’s dead.

*Tis like fhe comes to fpeak of Caflio’s death.—
The noife was nigh——Ha! no more moving! :
Still as the grave !—Shall fhe come in? Wer’t good?
I think fhe ftirs again—No.—What’s beft ?

If fhe come in, fhe’ll fure fpeak to my wife!

My wife! My wife! I have no wife!

Oh infupportable! Oh heavy hour!

Methinks it fhould be now a huge eclipfe

Of fun and moon; ’and that th’ affrighted globe

Should yawn at alteration.

THE

ee
Tur principles hitherto laid down may ferve in fome degree
to. thew the conne@ion between the pathetic and fublime,
fo far as the defcription and expreffion of the feveral paffions
are concerned. Another copious fource of the fublime may be
laid open in the government and controul of the paffions,
which may poffibly be the fubje@ of a future effay.

I was induced to give attention to the fubje@& before us
from having read fome ftrictures made upon Longinus by Dr.
Blair, in my opinion without fufficient foundation. To vindicate
the great critic was my firft defign, but yet finding no principles
to which we might refort for determining the connedion in any
cafe whatfoever between the pathetic and fublime, I have offered
you fuch reflections on this matter as arofe in my Own mind.
Having done fo, I will now briefly examine thofe firiQures by
Dr. Blair.

He afferts that Longinus has made a falfe divifion of his
fubje@; for that of the five fources of the fublime which he
has laid open, the three laft have perhaps lefs relation to the
fublime than to any other fpecies of good writing, becaufe it
requires lefs the affiftance of ornament; and he calls this plan
rather a treatife of rhetoric than of the fublime. This feems to
me too fummary a way of deciding upon the merit of a work
which has received the fan@ion of learning and tafte in all ages.
Such a criticifm ought to have been fupported by fome argu-
ment, and not advanced in its prefent undigefted form. To
me it appears materially defective, both becaufe Dr. Blair has
mifconceived, or at leaft improperly expreffed, the great author's

[C 2] meaning ,

[ 20 ]

meaning ; and alfo becaufe, even admitting the three laft fources
to have no peculiar relation to the fublime, yet if they be
capital conftituents of this as well as other fpecies of writing
(which I hope prefently to fhew) they have certainly an effential
part in a complete treatife on the fubjed.

I say then that Dr. Blair has mifconceived, or at leaft impro-
perly exprefied, the great critic’s meaning. ‘The fifth fource of
the fublime mentioned by Longinus is in thefe words, ¢
alramors 00h Diceoores cuvbecig, OF compofition with fuitable
dignity and elevation. Longinus, indeed, treating of this part
of his fubjeét, fometimes appears to explain it by the terms
evtuos and ‘uguaua; by which we are to underftand fuch a
collocation of the feveral parts, both words and fentences, as may
ferve to give the fublime matter its fulleft effect. And this
idea, even if nothing further were intended, is furely very dif-
ferent from’ Dr. Blair's tranflation of the paflage, ‘ mufical ftruc-
“ ture and arrangement,” which in my opinion fuggefts to every
reader nothing more than the meafured cadence of elaborate
periods and well-tuned fentences. The tranflation indeed is
not peculiarly related to the fublime, perhaps lefs than to any
other fpecies of good writing ; for the fublime difdains fuch
tinfel ornament. But the great critic himfelf meant not fuch
an arragement as pleafes the ear, but fupports the thought.
And hence we find him beftowing the higheft commendation
on this fource, as comprifimg and giving completion to every
other excellence. \ He prefuppofes a proper feleCion of words
proportioned to the thoughts, and then requires that the found
may in fome fort be an echo to the fenfe. And has not this

been

[ ar ]

been a law rather of nature than of artificial criticifm to the
fublimeft writers in the world? Can there be a doubt that the
fame conception fhall have different effeGs, according as the
language in which it is clothed is mean or grand, and as
the arrangement is weak, vague and fpiritlefs, or clofe,
firong and animated? An idea naturally fublime might not
perhaps lofe its whole fublimity under the moft wretched dif-
guife, yet it cannot be denied that fuch a difguife would con-
fiderably impair its grandeur; and therefore the precepts given
under the heads of diétion and arrangement are of material
import. Nor do they feem lefs neceffary to fublime compofition
than to any other f{pecies of good writing: It is the perfeCtion
of human genius; and every circumftance which can heighten
or obfcure its glory becomes of interefting moment. - Where
Majefty appears, we expe& to find a fuitable pomp and dignity
furround the throne. A fingle example may ferve to illuftrate
what has been advanced: Let it be taken from that fublime
paffage in the 6th book of Milton, where the Son of God is
defcribed coming forth in his chariot againft the rebel angels :

Under his burning wheels
The ftedfaft Empyrean fhook throughout,
All but the throne itfelf of God.

See now how the great fublime of this paffage will fink,
though we fhould preferve the thought, and make little sie
change befide in the arrangement:

Except the throne of God,
All the firm Heav’n beneath his heated wheels
Did fhake throughout. :

Ir

ey |

Ir further proof were neceffary, I would only defire any man
to attempt fome other form of expreffion for that divine paflage
of Homer refpeCting Pluto’s terror, 0 ex Oeove arto nos seve. He
will then perhaps be fenfible that there is a fecret virtue and
powerful charm in language and arrangement.

Tue ufe of figures is perhaps of more importance than either
of the precepts which we have been juft confidering, for they
affect rather the matter than the form of compofition.

Notutne feems more finely calculated to produce fublime
effeAs than the invention and application of bold and ftriking
figures. Dr. Blair tells us that “ it is not by hunting after
** tropes and figures we can expect to produce the fublime.”
The laboured and affected ufe of fuch ornaments I admit to be
improper ; but then we fhould confider that figurative language
is the natural language of the paffions, and of courfe might be
neceffarily required and happily employed in cafes where the
pathetic rifes into the fublime. And for this caufe the mind
fhould be ftored with a copious variety of images and figures ,
for when the imagination or the paffions are once heated, they
will naturally ftrike out fuch as are moft appropriate to the fub-
je@t. Longinus, I think, demonftrates that figures and fublimity
impart a reciprocal aid ; or in other words, the fublime matter
is heightened by the invention of bold figures, and figures in
their turn acquire force and grandeur from their connection
with the fublime. I am the more furprized at Dr. Blair’s re-
jeQing this fource, as Longinus has exemplified its noble ef-

fe&s in more inftances than one. For this purpofe he has in-
troduced

[ a4

troduced the celebrated apoftrophe of Demofthenes in his oration
for the crown. The obvious ufe, fays the critic, to be made
of the battle of Marathon, to his countrymen, was this:
You have not erred, for thofe who fought at Marathon were
an example to you. Inftead of this cold and lifelefS reafon-
ing, he fwears “ by the manes of thofe who died at Marathon ;”
thus deifying the heroes of his country, roufing in them a
fenfe of national glory, and carrying his hearers along with him
from the prefent gloomy fcene, in a ftrain of bold and pathetic
eloquence. Longinus himfelf too illuftrates the fame point by
his own great example. Speaking of Homer’s genius in the
Odyffey, he compares him to the fetting fun, whofe grandeur
remains without his fire. And again he fays, that like the
ocean retiring within itfelf, fo do the ebbings of fublime genius
appear even in his fabulous and incredible wanderings. I am
fo far from fubfcribing to Dr. Blair’s affertion, that figures have
no relation to the fublime, that I think fome of them pecu-
liarly adapted to this mode of compofition. Of thefe I fhali
mention two, the climax and profopopzia. It feems to me that
if the feveral cireumftances of a climax be well chofen and
judicioufly difpofed, it has a dire@ tendency this way. The
thought itfelf fhould certainly be grand, and the parts of propor-
tionable ftrength and greatnefs; yet if their order be not natural,
but expofe the mind to alternate fits of contraétion and expan-
fion, the whole effe&t will be greatly impaired: Whereas by a
regular fwell and majeftic afcent, new matter of wonder and
delight is continually fupplied, and the mind becomes at laft
fo filled with the thought, as not to have room for the admiffion
of more. The following awful paflage of Shakefpeare is perfe@ly
of this kind:

The

[ 24 ]
Vhe cloud-capt towers, the gorgeous palaces,
The folemn temples, the great globe itfelf,
Yea all which it inherit, fhall diffolve, _
And like this infubftantial pageant faded,
Leave not a wreck behind.

Tue whole of this grand thought may be thus fhortly and
profaically expreffed:—‘* The earth, with every work of art and
“ nature which it contains, fhall in time be annihilated.” Yet
who can be dull enough to maintain this fundamental thought
to be of equal fublimity with the figure. Dr. Blair will per-
haps call this a proper felection of circumftances ; but this is
not its entire excellence, and if it were, his criticifm would be
merely a play upon words, for it is univerfally accounted among
the figures of fpeech.

To prove the fublime effe&t of the profopopzia I fhall fele&
two inftances. The firft may be found in Bifhop Sherlock’s Ser-
mons :—‘* How defpitefully do we treat the Gofpel of Chrift,
“ to which we owe that clear light which we now enjoy,
“‘ when we endeavour to fet up reafon and nature in oppofition
“ toit. Ought the withered hand, which Chrift has reftored and
“« made whole, to be lifted up againft him? Or ought the’ dumb
“ man’s tongue, juft loofened from the bonds of filence, to blaf-
‘““ pheme the power that fet it free ?’*The ground of this moft
eloquent paffage is the ingratitude of modern infidelity, in em-~
ploying thofe advantages of light and knowledge which reafon
has derived from revelation againft the interefts of the Gofpel.
But is there any man of feeling upon earth who thinks the
abftra& fentiment approaches in any degree to the fublimity of
the figurative form? Perhaps it may not be thought refining

' too

La

too much here to obferve, that of the two fine figures juft men-
tioned, the withered hand has the fuperior excellence. Two
reafons I think can be affigned for this ; firft, becaufe it is fur-
ther removed from the literal fentiment ; and fecondly, it im-
plies more ation, which the mind ever delights in contemplating
If this criticifm be in any degree juft, it will furnifh an addi-
tional proof in favour of bold and ftriking figures.

Tue fecond example of the profopopzia fhall be taken from
the Prophet Ifaiah, {peaking of the fall of Babylon: “* Hell from
beneath is moved for thee to meet thee at thy coming. All
they fhall fpeak and fay unto thee, Art thou alfo become
“© weak as we? Art thou become like unto us? Thy pomp is

.
.

ra
.

a
.

brought down to the grave—The worm is fpread under thee,
“ and the worms cover thee. How art thou fallen from Hea-
“ ven, O Lucifer, fon of the morn!” Nothing can exceed this
in fublimity; yet what is the thought ftripped of the figure?
It is only the deftruGtion of Babylon, and the joy of all nations
at feeing that proud and infolent tyrant brought low as them-
felves.

Ir it fhould be thought that I have taken up too much time

' in my vindication of the great ancient critic, whofe fame is al-

ready eftablifhed, let it be confidered that Dr. Blair’s works are
held in very general efteem: His Lectures upon Rhetoric contain
much ufeful information ; at the fame time there are to be found
in them fome inftances of negligence, which we fhould not ex-
pea in a work profeffing fo much critical accuracy. I think the
prefent is one of thofe; and I am the more confirmed in my

une ges opinion,

[ 26 ]

_ opinion, when I confider the vague manner in which he has ex-
prefled himfelf on this fubje&:—* If it be afked,” fays he,
‘* what are the proper fources of the fublime? I anfwer, they are
“* to be found every where in nature.” Here, when we look for
fome definite rules for our guidance, our thoughts are thrown
loofe upon the world. In truth I cannot fo far fee the virtue of
this univerfal rule, as to adopt it haftily, to the exclufion of a
great and important part of that admirable work of Longinus ,
in which, although he fometimes departs from his original defign,
and adduces inftances rather of good compofition at large, yet
the principles are for the moft part in my opinion perfe@ly juft,
and his illuftrations of them truly fublime.

‘

ESSAY on the STILE of Doctor SAMUEL JOHNSON.
No. I.

By the Rev. ROBERT BURROWES, 4. MM. and MR. A.

As the primary and immediate defire of every reader muft Read
March 13,

neceffarily be to underftand the meaning of his author, of all the 1786.

faults of ftile ob{fcurity muft be the moft obvious and offenfive.,
Equally unpleafing to him who ftudies for inftruGtion, and to him
who reads for entertainment ; to the indolent as demanding, and
to the active as not rewarding his exertions, all claffes unite to
reprobate it. Different from all other faults in this, that no critical
fagacity, no erudition is required to perceive it, in the fame mo-
ment it is perceived and condemned: the author is tried by judges
whofe only qualification is, that they do not pnderftand ; and as
ignorance is always fevere, the awful fentence “ fi non vis in-
** telligi, debes negligi,” dooms him without farther enquiry to
that punifhment, which the Republic of Letters has always efteemed
the moft mortifying.

[D 2] Bur

[ 28 |

Bur this fentence is too general to be always juft: there is
fometimes an embarraffment in the fubje@-matter which caufes
an inevitable obfcurity in treating of it; and there is often an
inability in the judge which felf-love fcreens from obfervation.
“ ‘The critic,” fays Dr. Johnfon, in a paper of his Idler, which
he feems to have defigned as a defence of his own ftile againft
this obje@tion, “* ought always to enquire whether he is incom-
“ moded by the author’s fault or his own.” How far this paper
juftifies Johnfon’s ftile fhall be confidered in the fubfequent part
of this effay: it is fufficient at prefent to obferve, that as all
obfcurity is relative, its caufe may refide either in the reader or in
the writer, and even where the reader muft be acquitted, the
writer is not always to be condemned.

Tuat Johnfon’s ftile is obfcure, the teftimony of all unlearned
readers abundantly confirms; and from the fame authority the
caufe may be ftated to be his perpetual affetation of expreffing
his thoughts by the ufe of polyfyllables of Latin derivation:
a fault, which confines to men of erudition the moft animating en-
forcements to virtue and the moft falutary rules of condué, by
difqualifying all who have not been made acquainted by a liberal
education with the Latin appellations for things, or thofe, from
whofe memories the common ufe of the Englifh names has in courfe
of time effaced them. And let it not be faid that fuch a clafs is
beneath the attention of an author, when it is confidered that
almoft the whole female world, from the circumftances of their
education are neceffarily included in it. They learn the words
of their language from converfation or familiar books; but with
whom are they to converfe, or what volumes of mufty pedantry

are

\

*
¥
eg
,
)

[ 29 ]

are they to ranfack, to be enabled to perufe the writings of
Johnfon without frequent recourfe to his di€tionary? Nor has
this wilful exclufion of the unlearned readers ferved as a means
of conciliating the favour of the learned, who, though they
-underfiand Latin, in an Englifh work expe@ to find Englith;
and whatever may be the peculiarities of their own flile, are
forward enough to difcover and reprobate thofe of others.

Tuus Dr. Johnfon obferves, that Milton formed his ftile on
a perverfe and pedantic principle: he was defirous “ to ufe Englifh
“words with a foreign idiom.” But Milton’s poetry, if indeed
a defence be neceffary, is fufficiently defended by eftablithed
poetic licenfe: and for his profe, let it be ‘obferved, that his
fubjecis were learned, and I may fay technical, and his readers
of fuch defcription as left it matter of indifference whether they
fhould be addrefled in Englith or in Latin: that he was en-
gaged in repeated controverfies with foreigners, and his works
defigned to perfecute the fortunes of the exiled monarch over
the continent, and written, in fome fort officially, by the Latin
fecretary toCromwell. But furely that principle, which has led
Johnfon to feek for remote words, though with the Englith idiom,
is no lef{s pedantic than Milton’s, and much more injurious by its
obfcurity. The reader who knows the fingle words may perhaps
be able to overcome the difficulties of the arrangement, but for
ignorance of the fingle words no remedy can with efficacy be
applied. Johnfon has befides no peculiarity of fituation to plead
in excufe, but has on the contrary adopted his pedantic principle
againft the diffuafive influence of circumftances. From the
writer of an Englifh dictionary, there might reafonably be ex-

' pected

ee |

pected a nice felection of words, purely and radically Englifh, or
at leaft the ufe of fuch only as had been indifputably admitted
into the language: and the complexion of his readers, as well as
the popular fubjects he treated of, were fuch as might be thought
to furnifh little temptation to learned and antiquated phrafeology.
Indeed, if rules for periodical effays are to be drawn from the
practice of their great Englifh original, Mr. Addifon, as the
rules of epic poetry from Homer's, nothing can be more
oppofite to their true charater ; for as their profeffed intent is
the improvement of general manners, their ftile, as well as their
fubjects, fhould be levelled to underftandings of every def-
cription.

Ir may be faid, however, in favour of Johnfon, that the great
law-givers of criticifm have indulged writers of eminence in a
licenfe for calling in the aid of foreign words. But this in-
dulgence, which of right belongs only to poetry, and the more
dignified kinds of profe, is even granted to them with but a
{paring hand; “ dabitur licentia fumpta pudenter.” Our Author,
who in his poems has made but little ufe of this privilege, has
in his profe, extended a limited fufferance to the moft un-
qualified permiffion and encouragement,: he has preferred, on
all occafions where a choice was to be made, the remote word of
Latin derivation to the received Englifh one, and has brought in
the whole vocabulary of natural philofophy, to perplex and. en-
cumber familiar Englifh writing. F do not fpeak of a few
words fcattered rarely through his works, but of the general
chara@tér of his ftile appearing in every page; not of fingle ads,
but of confirmed and prevailing habits; of new-raifed colonies,

difdaining

;
:
;
q
4
'
,

C 3a]

difdaining an affociation with the natives, and threatening the
final deftruGion of our language. The reader, at his firft
perufal of the Rambler, finds himfelf bewildered in a labyrinth
of long and learned words, diftra@ted with foreign founds, and
exiled from his native fpeech, in perpetual want of an inter-
preter: difgufted at the intrufion of fo many phrafes to which
he has been hitherto a ftranger, he labours out a pafflage through
the palpable obfcure, and, when he has at laft gained the golden
prize, laments that fo much time fhould have been watted, in
over-coming the unneceflary obftacles to its approach.

Tuovex this reprefentation may appear fomewhat extravagant,
yet a few fentences fele@ed from this author may fhew that it
does not mifreprefent the feelings of ordinary readers, or exag-
gerate the difficulties of his ftile. ‘* What then can enfue but
** a continual exacerbation of hatred, an unextinguifhable feud,
“and an inceffant reciprocation. of mifchief?? “ When the
“ radical idea fhoots out into parallel ramifications, how can a
“ confecutive feries be formed of fenfes in their nature collateral.”
* Thefe burfts of light and involutions of darknefs, thefe
** tranfient and involuntary excurfions and retroceffions of inven-
“ tion.” “ Experience quickly fhews the tortuofities of imaginary
““ rectitude, the complications of fimplicity, and the afperities
“ef fmoothnefs.” Who could underftand the meaning of the
word NET-work, by reading its definition in a dictionary as “ a
“‘ thing reticulated, or decuffated, with interftices between the
** interfeftions ?’?. Or who could know, that ‘ the practice of
“« appending to the narratives of public tranfaGions, more minute

“and domeftic intelligence,” meant “ filling the néws-papers:
* with

| saat

“ with advertifements,” if Johnfon himfelf had not kindly
affited us with the tranflation. Such paffages are inconfiftent
with the cenfure paffed in his Idler on .a ridiculous citizen, who
by affociating with ftage players had learned a new language;
and when a cuftomer has talked longer than he is willing to
hear, is made to complain that ‘ he has been excruciated with
“ unmeaning verbofity.”. The author of the Rambler, though
not a citizen, has as little claim to the privilege of fpeaking un-
intelligibly.

THERE are however two occafions on which this. fault appears
yet more extravagant and ridiculous. The firft-of thefe is, where
perfonages of different defcriptions are introduced as writing in
their own chara€ters; for what can be more abfurd than to
fuppofe a fimilarity of ftile, and particularly where that ftile is
fo far from a fimple one, in the writings of perfons fuppofed
to be of different ages, tempers, fexes and occupations. Yet all the
correfpondents of the Rambler feem infefed with the fame literary
contagion, and the Johnfonian diftemper to have been equally
communicated to all. Thus Papilius talks of “ garrulity, erratic
“ indufilry, and heterogenous notions dazzling the attention
“ with fudden fcintillations of conceit.” “ Victoria paffes through
“ the cofmetic difcipline, covered with emollients, and punifhed
with artificial excoriations.” Mifocapelus tells of his “ officinal
“ ftate, adhefions of trade, and ambulatory projets ;’ and Hy-
pertatus defcribes the ‘“ flaccid fides of a foot-ball {welling out
“ into ftiffmefs and extenfion,” and talks of “ concentration of
** underftanding, barometrical pneumatology,” and “ tenuity. of
“a defecated air.” In fuch writings the hand of the mafter
muft be immediately perceived; the exiftence of the imaginary

correfpondents

L 33-1

correfpondents cannot even for a moment be believed, and the
Rambler ftands convicted of an ineffetual and unneceffary

attempt to raife his own confequence by forging letters to
himéfelf.

Tue fecond occafion on which this fault is equally glaring,
is [where ordinary or perhaps mean fubje€ts become neceffary
to be treated of; and a few inftances from our author may well
warrant my aflertimg that on fuch occafions, as he himfelf fays lefs
defervedly of Dr. Young,—* burlefque cannot go beyond him.”
Thus a calamity which will not admit being complained of, is
in Johnfon’s language, fuch as “ will not juftify the acerbity
* of exclamation, or fupport the folemnity of vocal grief:” to
deny and to profefs, are to “ pronounce the monofyllables of
“ coldnefs and the fonorous periods of refpeéful profeffion :”
when the fkillet is watched on the fire, we fee it “ fimmer with
* the due degree of heat, and fnatch it off at the moment of
“projection :” for fun-fet, we read “ the gentle corufcations
and for wafhing the face with exaénefs,
we have, ‘ wafhing with oriental {fcrupulofity.”. Mean and

>

“ of declining day ;’

vulgar expreffions cannot have a more powerful recommendation
than that one of the ableft writers in the Englifh language could
only thus avoid them.

Jounson was a writer of too attentive and critical obfervation
to be ignorant of this remarkable peculiarity of his own ftile.
In the laft paper of his Rambler, where he treats of his work
as a claffical Englifh compofition, he takes notice of, and by
a defence, which if admitted would juftify and recom-
mend it, fhews himfelf not a little prejudiced in its favour.

[E] After

ee

After declaring, with fome oftentation, that “ he has laboured
* to refine our language to grammatical purity, and to clear it
“« from colloquial barbarifms, licentious idioms, and irregular

?

** combinations;” that ‘“ fomething perhaps he has added to
*¢ the elegance of its conftru@ion, and fomething to the harmony
“* of its cadence ;” he proceeds to fubjoin the following paffage:
“* When common words were lefs pleafing to the ear, or lefs
*¢ diftin@ in their fignification, I have familiarized the terms of
“ philofophy by applying them to known objeéts and popular
“¢ ideas; but have rarely admitted any word not authorized by
“ former writers: for I believe that whoever knows the Englith
* tongue in its prefent extent, will be able to exprefs his thoughts,
“* without farther help from other nations.” The firft of thefe
reafons for fubftituting, in place of a received familiar Englith
word, a remote philofophical one, fuch as are moft of Johnfon’s
Latin abftra@ fubftantives, is its being more pleafing to the ear.
But this can only be deemed fufficient by thofe who would
fubmit fenfe to found, and for the fake of being admired by
fome, would be content not to be underftood by others. And
though, in fome inftances, for the fake of tempering the con-
ftitutional roughnefs of the Englifh language, this might be
admitted, yet it never can be contended for in fuch latitude,
as would juftify the practice of our author. This he well knew,
and accordingly defending hard words in an effay in his Idler, he
infifts largely on the fecond plea, the greater diftin@nefs of
fignification. ‘ Difference of thoughts,” he fays, ‘+ will produce
* difference of language: he that thinks with more extent than
* another, will want words of larger meaning; he that thinks
“ with more fubtilty, will feek for terms of more nice difcrimi-
“ nation.” In this argument there is certainly fome degree of

weight,

F 2 J

weight, and the exact appropriation and perfpicuity of Johnfon’s

words in fome meafure confirms it. But that language, which
he does not admit to have funk beneath Milton, would furely
have been fufficient to have fupported him; and, as he himfelf
obferves, “* though an art cannot be taught without its proper
“ terms, yet it is not always necefiary to teach the art: in
“© morality it is one thing to difcufs the niceties of the cafuift,
“ and another to dire@ the practice of common life.” Let the
nature of periodical publications determine, which fhould be
more properly the obje& of the author. But he is not re-
duced to the alternative: if the teftimony of many Englith
authors of eminence, confirmed experimentally by their own
practice, is to be relied on, exactnefs of thought is not neceffarily
at variance with familiar exprefflion: and if this union was not
impofflible, would not fome endeavour to effe& it have deferved
the attention of Johnfon? Of Johnfon who, while his ditionary
proves fuch accurate and copious knowledge of the powers of
our received words, as could not have failed of accomplifhing
the patriotic tafk, however arduous, gives in his other works
the ftronger reafon to lament, that his prejudices in favour of
a vicious and affected ftile fhould have prevented his under-
taking it.

Bur this fault is furely committed without excufe, in every
caie where the language furnifhes a received word adequate to the
diftiné communication of the idea: and that many fuch have
innocently incurred Doétor Johnfon’s difpleafure muft be abun-
dantly evident, to every reader. A page of his writings, com-
pared with one of any of our eminent Englith authors on the fame
fubjea, will furnith many inftances, which cannot be accounted for

[E 2] by

i saat

by attention to harmony of found, or diftinGtnefs of fignification :
inftances, to be afcribed merely to that wantonnefs of habit
which after quoting Congreve’s declaration, that “* he wrote the
*¢ Old Batchelor to amufe himfelf in his recovery from a fit of
“ ficknefs,” thinks proper, a few lines after, to explain it ia
Johnfon’s words, by faying, ‘* the Old Batchelor was written in
‘¢ the languor of convalefcence.” It would feem that the aunt
of Bellaria*, who gives the writings of the Rambler to her niece
for her perufal, and promifes to tell her the meaning of any word
fhe fhould not underftand, has undertaken a taflk, which the
author himfelf fufpeats to be not unneceflary, and the reader has
reafon to apprehend fhe will fcarcely be able to accomplith.

Jounson fays indeed, he has rarely admitted any word, not
authorized by former writers: but where are we to feek authorities
for “ refufcitation, orbity, volant, fatuity, divaricate, afinine,
“© narcotic, vulnerary, empireumatic, papilionaceous,” and innu-
merable others of the fame ftamp, which abound in and difgrace
his pages? For “ obtund, difruption, fenfory or panoply,” all
occuring in the fhort compafs of a fingle effay in the Rambler?
Or for “‘ cremation, horticulture, germination and decuffation,”
within a few pages in his Life of Browne? They may be found,
perhaps, in the works of former writers, but they make no part
of the Englifh language. They are the illegitimate offspring of
learning by vanity; adopted indeed, but not naturalized, and
though ufed, yet not authorized: For if ufe can fufficiently
authorize, there is no defcription of improper words, which can
be condemned. ‘Technical words may be defended from Dryden
and Milton, obfolete from Shakefpeare, vulgar from Swift and
Butler. Johnfon’s fault lies in this, that he has made fuch fre-

quent
* Rambler, No. 191.

[rg

quent ufe of remote and abftrufe words of Latin original, that
his meaning often becomes unintelligible to readers not poffeifed
of a confiderable degree of learning; and whether thefe words
were now firft made by him, or having been made by others,
had been hitherto denied admittance into the current language,
is a matter of perfe@ indifference.

Ir muft be allowed that thefe terms are reftrained by our
author to fuch precifion, that they cannot often refign
their places to others more familiar, without fome injury to
the fenfe. But fuch is the copioufnels of our language, that
there are few ideas on ordinary fubje€is, which an attentive
examination will find incommunicable in its ordinary words.
Though we may not have a term to denote the exiftence of a
quality in the abftra@, we may perhaps find one to denote it
in the concrete ; and even though there may be none to exprefs
any mode of its exiftence, there may readily occur one to exprefs
its dire& negation. It is the bufinefs of the writer who wifhes
to be underftood, to try all poffible variations of the grammatical
ftruCture of his fentence, to fee if there be not fome which may
poffibly make known his thought in familiar words. But that
this was not the pradice of Johnfon, his compofitions and _ his
celebrated fluency afford the ftrongeft evidence. He feems to
have followed the firft impulfe of his mind in the ftruQure of
his fentence, and when he found in his progrefs no Englith word
at hand to occupy the predetermined place, it was eafy to fupply
the deficiency by calling in a Latin one.

Or this overbearing prejudice, which thus fubdued a ftrongly
rational underftanding, and mifled a judgment eminently critical,
it

[ 38) ]

it may not be ufelefs to enquire the reafons. To the firft and
principal of thefe, no man can be a ftranger who has fo read
the works of Johnfon as to have formed a juft notion of the
peculiar genius of the author. Poffeffed of the moft penetrating
acutenefs and refolute precifion of thought, he delights to em-

ploy himfelf in difcriminating what common inaccuracy had °

confounded, and of feparating what the grofinefs of vulgar con~
ception had united. A judgment, thus employed (as he would
perhaps himfelf defcribe it) in fubtilizing diftinGions, and diffo-
ciating concrete qualities to the ftate of individual exiftence,
naturally called for language the moft determinate, for words of
the moft abftra@ fignifications. Of thefe common fpeech could
furnifh him with but a feanty fupply. Familiar words are
ufually either the names of things actually fubfifting, or of qua-
lities denoted adjeCtively, by reference to thofe fubftantives to
which they belong: befides, common ufe gives to familiar words
fuch a latitude of meaning, that there are few which it does not
admit in a variety of acceptations. Johnfon, unwilling to fubmit
to this inconvenience, which, in every country, to avoid a mul-
tiplicity of terms, had been acquiefced in, fought out thofe
remote and abftrufe Latin derivatives, which as they had for
the moft part hitherto been ufed but once, were as yet appro-
priated to one fignification exclufively. What the natural bent
of his genius thus gave birth to, his fuccefive employments
ftrengthened to maturity. The fchoolmafter may plead prefcrip-
tion for pedantry; the writer of a dictionary, if attached to
words of any defcription, has peculiar advantages towards
ftoring them in his memory; and if they be terms which occur
but rarely, the difficulty of fearching out their authorities imprints
them more ftrongly. The writings of Sir Thomas Browne were

to

wes ita

t sang

to Johnfon the copious vocabularies of the Anglo-Latin ftile ;
and the numberlefs quotations from them in his Ditionary, as
well as the Life of Browne, which he wrote, are proofs of the
attention with which he perufed them, and of the eftimation in
which he held their author. ‘ Finding,” as he fays, “ that our
“ language had been for near a century deviating towards a
“ Gallic ftrugture and phrafeology,” he entered into a confe-
deracy with the Latins to prevent it, without confidering that
many nations had fallen beneath their own auxiliaries. As fome
moralifts would recommend the overcoming of one paflion by
raifing up enother to oppofe it, he feems to have thought the
tendency of our language towards the French would be beft
correGed by an equal impulfe towards the Latin. That he was
well verfed in all the Latin learning, and minutely critical in
the power of its words, is clearly manifefted in his writings.
His earlieft work was a tranflation of Mr, Pope’s Meffiah into
Latin, and the firft eftablifhment' of his fame was_ his
imitation of a Latin fatirift. We find too, from Mr. Bofwell
that he continued his ftudies in that language to a very late

>

period, and thought it not too learned even for a female ear.
Not confined folely to the claffics, he quotes the obfeure re-
mains of monkifh learning, and has delivered precife decifions on
the performances of our Englifh poets in. that language. His
Life of Milton more particularly, whom he might have con-
fidered as a rival in learning, abounds in proof that Johnfon
piqued himfelf not a little on his knowledge of Latin. He
oppofes in form the fyftem of fchoo!-education recommended and
adopted by Milton: He is happy in communicating a new autho-
rity for a particular acceptation of the word “ perfona ;” fuggefts in-
cidentally whether “ vir gloriofiffimus” be not an impure expreffion ;

and

[sone

and takes efpecial care to inform us that “ vapulandus” is a fole-
cifm. Thus his accurate knowledge of the Latin tongue fur-
nifhed him with materials to engraft into ours; and his often-
tatious defire to difplay that knowledge concurred with the other
caufes above enumerated to vitiate his ftile. Determined to
deviate from the Englifh language, while his antipathy to the
French reftrained him on the one fide, his predile@tion for the
Latin as naturally enticed him to the other.

Yer let me not conclude this part of my fubject with too

unfavourable an impreffion of our author. As I have ftated:

fully the faults of his words, it is but candid to declare their
merits. ‘They are formed according to the exa@ analogy of the
Englifh language; they are forcible and harmonious ; but, above
all, they are determinate. Difcriminated from each other, and
appropriated each to one idea, they convey, to fuch as underftand
the author’s language, his genuine fenfe, without fuperfluity and
without mutilation. The diftinG@ions of words efteemed fynoni-
mous, might from his writings be accurately colleed. For thoughts
the moft definite, he has language the moft precife; and though
his meaning may fometimes be obfcure, it can never be mif-
underftood.

ae

S—— a

ESSAY on the STILE of Door SAMUEL JOHNSON.
No. II.

By the Rev. ROBERT BURROWES, 4. Mand M.R.I. A.

Ir is hardly poffible for an author who writes much to avoid ay
a peculiarity of manner. The recurrence of thoughts, fimilar in ee
their reftri@ions and mutual dependance, introduces to the mind,
by a natural affociation, the fame arrangement and conftrudtion;
and the mind, difdaining to beftow upon words that attention
which is due only to things, will be too apt, through hafte to
execute its tafk, to admit the firft expreffions as the beft. It
defpifes the humble as well as tedious labour of turning back to
re-examine fentences already marked with approbation, and will
not eafily be perfuaded to vary, what confidered fimply in itfelf
appears to have no fault. Thus from the peculiar turn of each
author’s thoughts, even though there fhould be no other caufe
concurring, there will naturally arife a correfponding peculiarity
of ftile: a peculiarity which the powerful. influence of habit
makes fo predominant, that there are very few pages, even of

[F] : our

[ 42 ]

our beft writers, which to thofe who are at all acquainted with
their ftile, do not readily betray their author. Such favourite
forms or ornaments of expreffion, fuch peculiar modes of ar-
ranging, combining and connecting, lie within the eafy reach of
imitation; and as every writer of eminence will have many
who rely on their fuccefs in copying him for the foundation of
their fame, and many who from admiration of his general
excellence are led at laft involuntarily to refemble him, criticifm
can never be more ufefully employed than in examining thefe
peculiarities of authors of acknowledged merit, and determining
how far they are deferving of praife or cenfure, how far they are
to be imitated or avoided.

As there are no modern writings higher in public eftimation
than Doétor Johnfon’s, and as there are none which abound more
in appropriate marks of ftile, there are none which can with
more advantage be made the fubje& of critical enquiry. On
their obvious and diftinguifhing charaGeriftic, the too frequent
ufe of Latin derivatives, I have already difcourfed at large. I
fhall in this effay confider fuch other peculiarities of Johnfon’s
ftile, as, though lefs apt to be taken notice of, will it is pre-
fumed when noticed be readily recognized.

Anp of all thefe the merit or demerit muft reft with full force
on Johnfon: for, however the ftile of his compofitions may
correfpond with his ftile of converfation, and however extra-
ordinary and perhaps authentic the ftories his biographers tell of
his fluency may be, yet nothing in his works can fairly be
afcribed to careleffnefs. His ftile in writing, which he had
formed early, became familiar by abundant practice, and in the

courfe

it

[ 443° J]

courfe of a long continued life of differtation became alfo his
ftile of fpeaking. His authoritative decifions on the merit of
all our Englifh authors demand, and his conftant employment
in critical difquifition fhould have enabled him to grant it without
injury to his literary charaCter, that his own ftile fhould be fairly
fubjeGted to animadverfion: nor fhould negligence, which will
never be infifted on in diminution of his merit, be admitted as a
fufficient plea in extenuating his faults.

As his peculiarities cannot be afcribed to careleffnefs, fo neither
are they the effect of neceffity. Few of them would have appeared,
had Johnfon, intent only on communicating his ideas, defpifed all.
aids of embellifhment. But that this did not fuit his ideas of lite-
rary perfection, we are fufficiently informed in his remarks on the
ftile of Swift ; an author who has at leaft this merit, that he has
efcaped all thofe faults which the critic has fallen into. The
eafy and fafe conveyance of meaning Johnfon there declares to
be “ not the higheft praife: againft that inattention with which:
“ known truths are received, it makes,” he fays, “ no pro-
* vifion; it inftruéts, but it does not perfuade.” Our author
feems therefore to have thought it neceffary, in conformity with
his own principle, to introduce into his ftile certain orna-
ments, which, in his opinion, would prove the effeCtual means
of captivating attention ; and thefe ornaments, too laborioufly
fought for, and ufed without fufficient variety, have become the
peculiarities of his ftile. I thall comprize the principal of them
under two heads, as arifing either from his endeavours after
fplendor and magnificence, or from his endeavours after harmony ;
for to thefe two heads they may almoft all be referred.

[F 2] Nor

oe |

Nort that it is denied, that magnificence and harmony are
objects worthy an authors regard; but the means made ufe of
to attain thefe, if not fkilfully fele@ed, may fail of their intended
effect ; may fubftitute meafurement for harmony, and make that
only pompous which was defigned to be magnificent. On
dignified fubje@ts they are no doubt to be attended to, for the
ftile fhould always be proportioned to the fubje&; but on fa-
‘miliar and meaner topics they fhould, by a parity of reafoning,
be avoided : and however well adapted to excite attention, it may
be remarked, that in general they rather fix it on the expreffion,
than on the fentiment, and too often cloy that appetite they
were intended but to ftimulate.

Jounson’s ftudy of fplendor and magnificence, by inducing
him as much as poffible to rejet the weaker words of language,
and to difplay only the important, has filled his pages with
many peculiarities. His fentences, deprived of thofe feeble ties
which reftrained them to individual cafes and circumftances, feem
fo many detached aphorifms, applicable to many other parti-
culars, and certainly more dignified as more univerfal. But
though he may have employed this art with fome advantage, it
is yet hardly to be recommended. Johnfon’s thoughts were fo
precife, and hif*expreffions fo minutely difcriminated, that he
was able to keep the leading circumftances of the particular
cafe diftin@ly in view, and in the form of an univerfal fentence
implicitly to infinuate them to the reader: an injudicious imitator,
by generalizing his exprefflions, might in fome inftances make
that falfe which under reftri@ions might have been true; and
in almoft all, make that obfcure which otherwife would have
been perfpicuous.

As

Geo

As every fubftantive prefents a determinate image to the
mind, and is of courfe a word of importance, Johnfon \takes
care to crowd his fentences with fubftantives, and to give them
on all occafions the moft diftinguifhed place. The inftrument,
the motive, or the quality therefore, which ordinary writers
would have in the oblique cafe, ufually takes the lead in
Johnfon’s fentences; while the perfon, which in conneéed
writing is often exprefled by fome weak pronoun, is either in-
tirely omitted, or thrown into a lefs confpicuous part. Thus,
“ fruition left them nothing to afk, and innocence left them
“ nothing to fear,’—* trifles written by idlenefs and publifhed
“ by vanity,’—‘* wealth may, by hiring flattery or laying dili-
“ gence afleep, confirm error and harden ftupidity.” This
practice, doubtlefs gives activity and importance, but caution
muft be ufed to prevent its exceeding the bounds of moderation.
When the perfon is to be dethroned from its natural pre-
eminence, it is not every quality which has fufficient dignity to
affume its place: befides, in narration, or continued writing of
any fort, the too frequent change of leading objects in fentences
contributes to diffipate the attention, and withdraw it from the
great and primary one: and even in Johnfon’s hands this orna-
ment has become too luxuriant, when affections, inftead of being
perfonified, are abfolutely humanized, and wevare teized with
the repeated mention of “ ear of greatnefs,’— the bofom of
“ fufpicion,’—and ‘ the eye of wealth, of hope, and of

“ beauty.”

Tuts attachment to fubftantives has led him, wherever it was
poffible by a change of conftruction, to fubftitute them in place
of the other parts of fpeech; inftead therefore of the ufual

conftruction,

ed

conftruction, where the adjetive agrees with the fubftantive, he
forms a new {fubftantive from the adjeftive, which governs the
other in the poffeffive cafe. Thus, inftead of “* with as eafy an
‘“‘ approach,” he always writes, “ with the fame facility of
‘“* approach :” inftead of “ with fuch lively turns, fuch elegant
*« irony, and fuch fevere farcafms,’— he fays, “* with fuch viva-
“ city of turn, fuch elegance of irony, and fuch afperity of
* farcafm.” When the effect produced no otherwife arifes from
the fubftantive, than as poffeffed of the quality which the adjective
denotes, this change of conftruction is an happy one: it ex-
preffes that which is neceffary in the thought, by a neceflary
member of the fentence; whereas the ufual form lays the whole
ftrefs of the idea on a word, which, without the fmalleft injury
to the conftruction, may be fafely removed. An inftance how-
ever may fhew, that Johnfon fometimes ufes it where the fame
reafoning would fhew it to be abfolutely improper. “ Steele’s
imprudence of generofity, or vanity of profufion,’ he fays,
** kept him always incurably neceffitous.’—Here, fince Steele’s
generofity could not have kept him neceffitous if it had not
been exceflive or imprudent, “ imprudence of generofity” is
proper: but as his being vain of profufion, if he had not actually
been profufe, never could have produced this effect; fince his
vanity is but the very remote caufe of that which his profufion
would have effeG@ed, whether he had been vain of it or not,
“ vanity of profufion” is an improper expreflion.

Tis ambition of denoting every thing by fubftantives has
done confiderable violence to Johnfon’s conftruions :—* places
of little frequentation,’—‘ circumftances of no elegant recital,”
— with emulation of price,”’—‘* the library which is of late

* ereGtion,”

ee

= a» ~.
Bata eS
ae

[ . 247

* ereQion,’—* too much temerity of conclufion,’— Phillips’s
“* addi€tion to tobacco,” are expreffions of affeted and ungrace-
ful harfhnefs. This, however, is not the worft fault fuch con-
{tructions may have, for they often become unneceffarily ob{cure:
as “ he will continue the road by annual elongation ;” that is,
by compleating fome additional part of it each year :—* Swift
“ now loft diftin@ion ;” that is, he could not now diftinguifh his
acquaintances. Many of the fubftantives too which are thus in-
troduced, are words abfolutely foreign to the language: as
“* ebriety of amufement,’—“ perpetual perflation,”—“ to obtain
“an obftruction of the profits, though not an inhibition of the
** performance,’—* Community of poffeffion muft always in-
** clude fpontaneity of production.” One of our moft ufual forms
of fubftantives, the participle of the verb ufed fubftantively, to
give room for fuch introduced words he has on all occafions
ftudioufly avoided: Yet Dr. Louth would fcarcely have given the
rule for a conftruction repugnant to the genius of our language ;
and fome arguments will be neceffary to prove that the words,
‘* renewing, vanifhing, fhadowing and recalling,” fhould give place
to “ renovation, evanefcence, adumbration and revocation,” when
it is confidered, that all who wunderftand Englifh know the
meaning of the former, while the latter are intelligible to fuch
only of them as underftand Latin ; but of this I have elfewhere
treated fully.

Jounson’s licentious conftruGions however are not to be con-
ceived as flowing entirely from his ‘paffion for fubftantives. His
endeavours to attain magnificence, by removing his ftile from
the vulgarity, removed it alfo from the fimplicity of common

diction,

[ 48 ]

dition, and taught him the abundant ufe of inverfions and li-
centious conftru€tions of every fort. Almoft all his fentences
begin with an oblique cafe, and words ufed in uncommon figni-
fications, with Latin and Greek idioms, are ftrewed too plenti-
fully in his pages. Of this fort are the following: “ I was only
“ not a boy’—* Part they did”— Shakefpeare approximates the
“ remote”—** Cowley was ejected from Cambridge” —* Brogues
“ are a kind of artlefs fhoes’—‘* Milk liberal of curd.” Such ex-
pteffions it is unneceffary to mark with cenfure; they bear in
themfelves an harfhnefs fo repulfive, that eafy writing muft be
held in more than ordinary contempt, when they are confidered
as patterns worthy of imitation.

MerapnoricaL expreffion is one of thofe arts of fplendor
which Johnfon has moft frequently employed ; and while he has
availed himfelf of all its advantages, he has efcaped moft of its
concomitant faults. Here is no mufe, which in one line is a
horfe and in the next a boat*; nor is there any pains requifite
to keep the horfe and boat from finging. Johnfon prefents to
your view no chaos of difcordant elements, no feeble interlining
of the literal with the figurative. In his metaphors and fimiles
the picture is always conipleat in itfelf, and fome particulars of
exa&t refemblance are diftinctly impreffed upon the reader. What
image can be more beautiful than that which reprefents the
beginnings of madnefs as “* the variable weather of the mind,
“the flying vapours which from time to time cloud reafon
“© without eclipfing it?” Or what more appofite than that which
calls Congreve’s perfonages “a fort of intelleQual gladiators ?”

* Vide Johnfon’s Life of Addifon.
SoMETIMES,

Et ey

Sometimes, indeed, it muft be acknowledged, his metaphors
fucceed each other in too quick fucceffion, and are followed up too
elaborately : but to commit this fault he was folicited by temp-
‘tations fearcely to be refifted. Much of his life had been con-
fumed in enquiring into the various acceptations of each word,
all of which except the primary one are fo many metaphorical
ufes of it ; fo that every word fuggefted many metaphors to his
mind, prefenting alfo from his quotations a variety of other
terms of the fame clafs, with which it would wifh to be affo-
ciated. Thus ardour, which in his preface to his Didionary,
he obferves, is never ufed to denote material heat, yet to an
etymologift would naturally fuggeft it ; and Johnfon accordingly,
{peaking of the “ ardour of pofthumous fame,” fays that “ fome
‘« have confidered it as little better than /plendid madnefs; as a
«© flame kindled by pride and fanned by folly.” Thinking of a
deep ftratagem, he is naturally led from the depth to the fur-
face, and declares ‘* that Addifon knew the heart of man from
“ the depths of ftratagem to the /urface of affetation.” His
fubje&s too were fuch as fcarcely could be treated of without
figurative diction : the powers of the underftanding require the
aid of illuftration to become intelligible to common readers. But
to enquire how our author illuftrates them, is to deteét the
greateft and almoft the only fault in his metaphors. ‘“ The
“* mind ftagnates without external ventilation”—* An intelle@tual
“ digeftion, which concoéed the pulp of learning, but refufed
“ the hufks’—* An accumulation of knowledge impregnated his
“mind, fermented by ftudy, and fublimed by imagination.”
From fuch illuftrations common readers will, it is feared, receive
but little affiftance. The fources from which his allufions are
borrowed are fo abftrufe and fcientific, and his expreffions fo

[G] ftudioufly

L eer]

ftudioufly technical, that-even thofe who moft. commend his
fimiles as appofite, cannot pretend that many of them are ex-
planatory.

Or the peculiarities of Johnfon’s ftile, which I propofed to
treat of under my fecond head, as arifing from his ftudy of har-
mony, the principal I may call the parallelifm of his fentences ;
which admits no claufe, without one or two concomitants, ex-
adily fimilar in order and conftruGtion. ‘There is fcarcely a page
of the Rambler which does not produce abundant inftances of
this peculiarity: and what is the ornament, which, if intro-
duced fo often, can be always introduced happily? Or what is
the ornament, however happily introduced, which will not dif-
guft by fuch frequent repetitions? Johnfon’s mind was fo com-
prehenfive, that no circumftance occurred to him unaccompanied
by many others fimilar; no effet, without many others depend-
ing on the fame or fimilar caufes. So clofe an alliance in the
thought naturally demanded a correfponding fimilitude in the
expreflion: yet furely all fimilar circumftances, all the effets of
each caufe, are not equally neceffary to be communicated ; and
as it is acknowledged that even a continued poem of pure |
iambics would difguft, variety mutt appear an indifpenfably ne-
ceffary ingredient to harmony. Were we even to admit then,
that in any particular triod the conftruction of one of its claufes
could not be altered without injuring the harmony of the fen- -
tence, yet a regard to the harmony of the whole inate will
occafionally make fuch an alteration neceffary.

But thefe parallel fentences ate not always faultlefs in them-
felves. Seu, times, though indeed rarely, a word is ufed without
a definitive

[-. Ser

a definitive appropriation to that to which it is annexed; as in
this inftance, “ Omnipotence cannot be exalted, infinity can-
““ not be amplified, perfeClion cannot be improved:” where
the exact relation between amplitude and infinity, and between
improvement and perfection, is not at.all kept up by exaltation
being applied to Omnipotence. Sometimes too words are intro-
duced, which anfwer hardly any other purpofe than to make
the parallelifm more confpicuous, by adding a new member to
each claufe. ‘Thus, in the following paffage, ‘ grows too floth-
“« ful for the labour of conteft, too tender for the afperity of
“contradiction, and too delicate for the coarfenefs of truth ;”
where labour, afperity and coarfenefs are fufficiently implied in
flothful, tender and delicate. Sometimes too the parallelifm
itfelf is unneceffarily obtruded on the reader, as “* quicknefs of
“apprehenfion and celerity of reply,” where << celerity” having
precifely the fame meaning as “ quickneéf{s,” could only have
been introduced to make up the parallelifm: “ Nothing is far-
** fought or hard-laboured” where the firft adverb is effential to
the fenfe, and the laft only to the found. ‘ When two Englifh-
“* men meet, their firft talk is of the weather, they are in hafte
* to tell each other what each muft already know, that it is hot
“ or cold, bright or cloudy, windy or calm.” Such unintereft-
ing enumerations, fince they contribute nothing to the meaning,
we can only fuppofe introduced, as our author obferves of fome
of Milton’s Italian names, to anfwer the purpofes. of har-
_ mony.

Ir were unjuft however not to declare, that many of his
parallelifms are altogether happy. For antithefis indeed he was
moft eminently qualified; none has exceeded him in nicety of

[G 2] difcernment,

[ 52-]

difcernment, and no author’s vocabulary has ever equalled his
in a copious affortment of forcible and definite expreffions.
Thus, in his comparifon of Blackmore’s attack on the dramatic
writers with Collier’s, ‘* Blackmore’s cenfure,” he fays, “ was.
* cold and general, Collier’s was perfonal and ardent: Black-
** more taught his readers to diflike, what Collier incited them
“ to abhor.” But it is ufelefs to multiply inftances of that
which ali muft have perceived, fince all his contrafts and com-
parifons poffefs the fame high degree of accuracy and perfection.
From the fame caufe may be inferred the excellence of his pa-
rallel fentences, where praife-worthy qualities are feparated from
their concomitant faults, or kindred effe@s are difunited: as
where he calls Goldfmith ‘* a man who had the art of being
“ minute without tedioufnefs, and general without confufion ;
“ whofe language was copious without exuberance, exact with-
“ out conftraint, and eafy without weaknefs.” But Johnfon’s
triods occur fo’frequently, that I find myfelf always led afide to
wonder, that all the effects from the fame caufe fhould be fo
often ‘difcovered reducible to the myftical number three: I
torment myfelf to find a reafon for that particular order in
which the effeéts are recited, and I am involuntarily delayed
to confider, whether fome are not omitted which have a right
to be inferted, or fome enumerated which due difcretion would
have fuppreffed. Surely I muft be fingular in my turn of thought,
or this art of attention, which thus leads away from the main

fubje@t, cannot be an happy one.

His defire of harmony has led him to feek even for the mi-
nute ornament of alliteration. Thus, he fays, ‘“ they toil with-

“ out profpect of praife, and pillage without hope of profit.”—
Shakefpeare

en 3

“« Shakefpeare opens a mine, which contains gold and diamonds
* in inexhauftible plenty, though clouded by incruftations, de-
“© bafed by impurities, and mingled with a mafs of meaner
“ minerals.” Alliteration indeed is fo often cafual, and fo often
neceffary, that it is difficult to charge it on an author’s inten-
tions. But Johnfon employs it fo frequently, and continues it
through fo many words, as in the inftances given above, that
when we confider too how nearly allied it is as an ornament
to parallelifm, we have I think fufficient grounds to determine

it not involuntary.

Unver this head I fhall beg leave to mention one peculiarity
of Johnfon’s ftile, which though it may not have arifen, at leaft
not entirely, from his endeavours after harmony, yet difcovers it-
felf obvioufly to the reader by its effe@s upon the ear; I mean
the ftudied recurrence of the fame words in the latter part of
the fentence, which had appeared in the former; the favourite
ornament of his Idler, as parallelifms are of the Rambler, and
ufed not unfrequently in the Lives of the Poets. As the ufe of
it is attended with many advantages and many difadvantages,
the author who would adopt it fhould watch it with a fufpi-
cious eye. If reftrained within the bounds of moderation, it is
on many occafions the moft lively, concife, perfpicuous and for-
cible mode of expreffing the thought. Since the words too at
their return naturally recall to the mind the antecedent members
of the fentence, it may be confidered as a valuable affiftant in
imprinting the thought upon the memory. It has alfo this ad-
ditional advantage, that as unfairnefs in reafoning often. arifes
from change of terms, fo where the terms are not changed, we

are apt to prefume the reafoning to be fair. Thus, where
we

[ 54 |

we read in the Life of Savage the following fentence, “ As
“he always fpoke with refpe@t.of his mafter, it is probable the
* mean rank in which he then appeared did not hinder his
* genius from being diftinguifhed or his induftry from being
‘“‘ rewarded ;-and if in fo low a ftate he obtained diftin@ions
* and rewards, it is not likely they were gained but by genius and
“ induftry.” In this inftance the perfpicuity of the reafoning feems
to have been preferved through fuch achain of propofitions, merely
by the artifice of returning the fame words a fecond time to the
reader’s obfervation. But the unreftrained ufe of this art is per-
haps one of the greateft faults an author can adopt. A fault,
which burlefques grave fubjeéts by communicating impreffions of
levity, and on occafions lefs ferious, inftead of being fprightly
degenerates into quaintnefs: which for difquifition and reafoning
gives us nothing but point and epigram ; by a conftrained ¢on-
cifenefs often betrays to obfcurity, and where moft fuccefsful,
leads but to trite retorts and verbal oppofitions, which the rea~
der has already anticipated, and perhaps already rejected.

Were Johnfon however to be charged with negligence, it
might be moft fairly on the fubje&t of harmony. There are
many paffages in his works where founds almoft fimilar are
fuffered to approach too near each other ; and though fome of
thefe are too palpable to be paffed over unnoticed by the author,
yet I can never think any ear fo incorre& as to adopt fame-
nefs and monotony for harmony. Either way howeyer Johnfon
is culpable, and his alternative is either a faulty- principle, or a

negligence in his practice.

Yer

‘

—

[ eS 7

Yer his pages abound with memorials of clofe attention to
harmony ; unfortunately with memorials equally. deferving of -
cenfure ; with heroic lines and lyric fragments. |'Thus, he fays,
** Pope forefaw the future efflorefcence of imagery juft budding
“ in his mind, and refolved to {pare no art or induftry of
** cultivation; the foft luxuriance of his fancy was already
“ fhooting, and all the gay varieties of diction were ready at his
“‘ hand to colour and embellith it.” « J] will chafe the deer, I
“© will fubdue the whale, refiftlefS as the froft of darknefs, and
“‘ unwearied as the fummer fun.” Surely this is to revive the
Pindaric licentioufnefs, to confound the diftin@ion between profe
and poetry, to introduce numbers by ftudy while negligence ad-
mits rhymes, and to annihilate the harmony of profe, by giving
the reader an obvious opportunity to compare it with the har.
mony of verfification.

Inveep all the peculiarities of Johnfon’s ftile, purfued to their
excefs, tend to raife profaic compofition above itfelf: they give
the admirers of Gray a fit occafion of retorting “ the glittering
** accumulation of ungraceful ornaments, the double double toil
“ and trouble, the ftrutting dignity which is tall by walking on
“* tip-toe,” which have fo harfhly been objeGed to their favourite.
Simplicity is too often given up for fplendor, and the reader’s
mind is dazzled inftead of being enlightened.

I sHaLi now conclude this enquiry into the peculiarities of
Johnfon’s ftile with remarking, that if I have treated more of
blemifhes than beauties, I have done it, not fo much to pafs
cenfure on Johnfon, as to give warning to his imitators. I have
indeed fete€ted my inftances from his writings: but in writings

fo

[ 56 ]

fo numerous, who is there that would not fometimes have in-
dulged his peculiarities in licentioufnefs? I have fingled him out
from the whole body of Englifh writers, becaufe his univerfally
acknowledged beauties would be moft apt to induce imitation ;
and I have treated rather on his faults than his perfeCions,
becaufe an effay might comprize all the obfervations I could
make upon his faults, while volumes would not be fufficient for

a treatife on his perfections.

"ss

, 2

~~

"22 - ee

[ 7

LHOUGH TS of EY RIC” POE T'R ¥.

By WILLIAM PRESTON, AZRLA.

Ir is with fome diffidence that I venture to exprefs my diffent Read De-

from the opinion of a writer, whofe fuccefs as a poet muft add
weight and influence to his fentiments as a critic, I mean Mr.
Mafon ; but falfe criticifms falling from men of high character
have a moft pernicious effect, particularly with readers who fel-
dom venture to think for themfelves. Affertions may be ha-
zarded rafhly on the fpur of the occafion, even by the moft judi-
cious; and when we meet with amy thing paradoxical, we fhould
not be deterred from examining it, by the terrors of a great
name, left we fhould miftake unfounded affumptions, for good
arguments, and chimerical {peculations, for firft principles.

In the following paper I propofe to offer fome remarks, on an
opinion of Mr. Mafon’s refpeGting lyric poetry, which he has
[H] publifhed

cember 11,
1786.

[S80
publifhed in a note on Mr. Gray’s feventh ode, in his edition of
that author’s works.

Tue note to which I allude runs thus:—‘* This ode, to
** which in the title I have given the epithet of irregular, is the
“ only one of the kind which Mr. Gray ever wrote, and its
“* being written occa/ionally and intended for mufic is a fufficient
*“* apology for the defect. Exclufive of this, fora defe@ it certainly
“‘ is, it appears to me, in point of lyrical arrangement and ex-
“ preffion, to be equal to moft of his other odes. It is remark-
“ able that amongft the many irregular odes which have been
“ written in our language, Dryden and Pope’s on St. Cecilia’s
“* day are the only ones that may properly be faid to have lived.
“ The reafon is, as I have hinted, that this mode of compofition
*¢ is fo extremely eafy, that it gives the reins to every kind of
* poetical licentioufnefs ; whereas the regular fucceffion of
“ ftrophe, antiftrophe, and epode, put fo ftrong a curb on the
“© wayward imagination, that when fhe has once paced in it, fhe
“ feldom choofes to fubmit to it a fecond time; ‘tis therefore
“ greatly to be wifhed, that in order to ftifle in their birth a
“ quantity of compofitions which are ai the fame time wild and
“ jejune, regular odes, and thofe only, fhould be efteemed legi-
“‘ timate amongft us.”

I am not furprized that fuch a remark fhould fall from one
who has written fo many regular odes; the moft candid poet
may feel his judgment in fome degree warped by his poetical
ftudies; we find Dryden, at one time, a champion for rhyming
tragedies, at another recommending alternate rhymes, as the moft

. eligible

_ ~~
oo Tenet

EF 35. J

eligible heroic meafure: from the fame caufe, and perhaps with
as much juftice in both inftances, as Mr. Mafon ftickles for the
regular ode. I muft own I was furprized to find the odes of
Pope and Dryden on St. Cecilia’s day claffed together, as if the
two produdtions were of equal merit ; indeed, I was furprized to
hear Pope’s ode mentioned, as a poem which may ftill be faid to

live.

I am fomewhat at a lofs to determine whether Mr. Mafon, in
the note in queftion, means by the term regular ode a poem
which exhibits the regular fucceflion of /frophe, antifirophe and
epode, or that merely which is confined to an uniform and regu-
larly repeated ftanza. If we are to apply this denomination to
poems of the firft clafs only, the number of odes is but {mall,
comparatively fpeaking, and of that number many are faint and
weak, and many fleep; certainly, fuch of them as have ftood
their ground are far inferior in number and merit to their irre-
gular brethren. If we are to underftand the term regular ode
in the latter and more extenfive fenfe, then it follows, that a
trifling ballad or fong will be a regular ode, and pafs for /lerling,
becaufe of the uniform returning ftanza, while no regularity of
plan, no lyrical arrangement, or propriety of fentiment, will ex-
empt from the charge of irregularity an ode, which unluckily ad-
mits a variety of ftanza. t

THE mere regular return of an uniform ftanza, if that ftanza
does not afford a copious interchange of melodious founds, is
not a work of much difficulty in the execution, or merit in the

[H 2] perufal ;

[ 60 ]

perufal; neither can it be faid to impofe any very ftrong, at
leaft it does not impofe any very ufeful curb, on the wayward
imagination ; nor will it, I prefume, be found a very effeCtual
means of excluding compofitions wi/d and jeyune: In truth, I am
inclined to doubt whether this defirable end can be obtained
by the adoption of /frophe, antiftrophe and epode. It would be
invidious to quote particular inftances, but any one who will
take the’ trouble of turning over fome of our mifcellaneous
colletions, and other books of modern poetry, “will find
things called odes, which are at once wild and jejune, though
trimmed and laced up in the ftraight waiftcoat of /frophe, anti-
FJfrophe and epode, according to all the feverities of the Greek
mafters.

Mr. Mafon infifts on the fmall number of fleets odes,
which, as he fays, deferve to be ranked with the /umg, as an
argument againft this fpecies of compofition. He confines the
catalogue to narrow limits, Dryden’s and Pope’s odes on St. Ce-
cilia’s day. Suppofe this for a moment to be juft, is not Dryden’s
ode of fufficient excellence and dignity, to give a new form of
compofition, and become the archetype, and as I may fay, the
founder of a diftint poetical family? Is not the Complaint of
Cowley to all intents and purpofes lyrical? Do his prndarze odes,
which are profeffedly irregular, deferve to be involved in the
indifcriminate doom of death? Even the fevere Hurd, in his
Caftrations of Cowley, has reprieved and admitted fome of them

into his colle@ion. I know not to what*clafs we fhall refer ~

Milton’s Lycidas; to me it feems to belong to the genus of irre-
gular

i
erst...

[ Grd

gular odes. “Mr. William Browne, an excellent poet of the lait
century, has left a beautiful irregular ode, written on a like af-
feting occafion with the Lycidas, and not much inferior to it
in poetical merit: and here, by the by, I muft mention, though
fomewhat out of place, that there is a very early fpecimen, in-
deed, of the irregular ode in the Englith language, I mean a
poem on the death of Henry the Firft, which bears marks of
the higheft antiquity, and may be found in a colle@ion, called
The Mufe’s Library. Perhaps Dryden’s fecular ode does not de-
ferve to be mentioned on this occafion, though furely it ranks
higher than Pope’s ode on St. Cecilia’s day. But it would
be unpardonable to omit the admirable, and I muft add, much
injured Collins, who has left feveral beautiful fpecimens of the
trregular lyric, which do not deferve to be numbered with the
dead, nay, which cannot die while any regard for harmonious
verfification and claffical compofition fubfifts among us.

Ir the irregular ode is a fpecies of compofition fo extremely
eafy, is it not wonderful that it has not been more generally
adopted? If it is fuch a temptation to rafh meddlers in poetry,
one might be led to fuppofe that the Englith language muft be
overflowed with irregular odes; but we find, on the contrary,
that this mode of compofition is far from being frequent among
us. I believe there are in Englifh more regu/ar than there are
wregular odes. The reafon of this may be eafily explained:
The fevere form of the antient regular lyric has in it fomething
elaborate, uncommon, and fit to impofe on the minds of vulgar
readers, who are apt to admire what they do not underftand,
and enables a heavy mediocrity of talents, by the ufe of a
little pains and ftudy, not only to impofe on the world, and

acquire

[ 62 ] :

acquire at leaft a tranfient popularity, but even to impofe on
the writer himfelf. If the irregular ode has introduced compo-
fitions wild and jejune, the pedantry of the Anglo-Grecian
lyric has contributed to the propagation of verfes that are tame
and infipid, made up of epithets and unmeaning verbiage, and
difguifed with foreign idioms. :

‘Tue introdution of /frophe, antifirophe and epode into Englifh
poetry is not only unneceffary, but unaccountable. There is not
a fingle inftance of it in Malherbe, that great mafter of French
lyric poetry, who was a very correct and claffical writer. Ben
Johnfon, a fervile imitator of the antients, was, I believe, the
firft who introduced it in Englifh, under the denomination of
turn, return, and counter-turn. Among the Greeks themfelves
the ufe of the /frophe, antiftrophe and epode was not adopted
univerfally and indifcriminately in every fpecies of the ode. If
we are to believe the antient grammarians, the models of the
Greek lyric, in which this divifion is adopted, were all compofed
to be fung by achorus*, and accompanied with dancing ; and

* This union of poetry, mufic and dancing, is inexplicable enough to us, whofe
manners are fo different from thofe of the antients; however, there cannot be any
doubt of the -faét ; to prove it, I need only adduce part of a chorus in the Her-
cules furens of Euripides, which manifeftly alludes to it:

Ov mravecpee las xeeilas antis B.

peras ouyndlepsrywo Tevcevee puey Onaiadss

HOrceey TuCuyscty, vues “cps TAGS

"es Camy pel evpaoiees Adles ‘evmaide ‘yovov

ae Oo” ev stDavorcey env EMCETA RAAAIogor.
* * *

mage Te Beopiov dsvodolay

mage le yenve- iqtldlove

podmray Kew AiBuy avarav

Guru xnTaT acoA

peonr ca po Exod rte -

the

SRE
:

[ies a

the /rrophe, antifirophe and epode, as the etymology of their names
feems to import, had a_ reference to the fong and dance. ‘The
firft ftanza, called /frophe, they fung, dancing at the fame time,
the fecond, called the antz/frophe, was fung while the dance was”
inverted ; the epode they fung ftanding ftill. In corroboration of
this. opinion, we find that the odes which purfue this form were
either in honour of the victors in fome of the Grecian games,
and intended to be fung by a chorus at the entertainments
given by the conquerors, to whom they were infcribed, or by
their friends, on account of their viCtories, or at the folemn fa-
crifices made to the Gods on thofe occafions, as the odes of
Pindar which have reached our time; or elfe make part of fome
dramatic poem, and were intended to be performed on the ftage
by a chorus, in like manner, and accompanied with dancing.
Thus we fee in what odes, and why, this complicated regu-
larity, this threefold correfpondence of uniform and regularly
repeated ftanzas, was adopted. We find it was not employed in
the Greek poetry intended for other purpofes, and not compofed
with a view to mufic. Horace, who ftudied the Greeks with
great care, admired them exceedingly, and was a very corre&t
writer, has not thought proper to introduce the /frophe, antiftrophe’
and efode into Latin poetry; and why? doubtlefs becaufe he
well knew that they were appropriated to poetry intended to be
fet to mufic, and performed bya chorus. Is it not then a pe-
dantic and idle affectation to adopt in Englifh poetry a regulation
which was rejeGted by the Latins, and not univerfally employed

even by the Greeks themfelves, but only when the fubje& made

it neceffary that the ode fhould be fet to mufic, and performed

with an accompaniment of dancing? It feems to me that it

would

[ 64 ]

would be more rational to fuppofe that all our Englifh odes
were to be fet to mufic, and to divide them into recétative, air

- and chorus.

Mr. Mafon feems to rely on another principle as certain and
incontrovertible, in which, notwithftanding, I cannot readily
bring myfelf to acquiefce: that by encreafing the difficulty of
writing poetry, we promote its excellence ; and, in particular,
that by rendering a fubordinate and merely mechanical part of
poetry (for inftance, the meafure) more operofe and inconve-
nient to the compofer, we fhall fucceed.in checking the growth
of bad poetry ; I fay this, fuppofing for the prefent, but by no
means admitting, the irregular ode to be, as Mr. Mafon fup-
pofes, a fpecies of compofition of the utmoft facility. On this
principle of exalting the beauties of poetry, by encreafing its
difficulties, which, by the by, feems to be juft fuch an experi-
ment as if we fhould attempt to add grace and agility to a
dancer by encumbering his legs with fetters, or fpeed a courfer
by loading him with a heavy burthen; on this principle where
fhall we ftop? What bounds of difficulty and confequent per-
fection fhall we appoint? If, in order to deter rafh meddlers,
the compofition of an ode is to be rendered more difficult, by
wantonly dividing it into /frophe, antiflrophe and epode, why reft
there? Let the fanctuary of good writing be ftill more effectually
fecured from prophane intruders, by ordaining that lyric poems
fhould be always written in the fhape of a flute, a pair of wings,
an egg, an ax, or an altar? Some Greek writers have attempted
all thefe fantaftic forms of compofition; but is the merit of the

. . . . s
poems of this kind, which have reached us, in any degree pro-
portioned

ee

portioned to the difficulty? Has the difficulty of compofing ron-
deaus, acrofties and charades delivered the French language from
a mob of writers at once wild and jejune? To purfue this rea-
foning a little farther: It is acknowledged on all hands that
French verfification is fubje@ to a very fevere and tyrannical
code of rules; it is much more difficult to write poetry in that
language, than it is in the Latin, Greek, Italian or Englith.
Now, have meaner {pirits been deterred by this difficulty ? Is the
number of minor poets lefs in the French than in other lan-
guages? Or is the comparative excellence of the French poetry
great, in proportion to the difcouragements which are thrown in
the way of their writers, by the fevere laws of verfification?
The French writers complain of this tyrannical code as an heavy
grievance, and fo intolerable is the burthen, that fome of their
beft poets, particularly Corneille, the firft of French bards, vio-
late the laws of verfification without fcruple. Indeed I had al-
ways been taught to hold an opinion dire@ly contrary to this
pofition, and to believe, that in Proportion as the execution of
the mechanical part in the fine arts is eafy, there is a greater
profpect of attaining to general excellence; and to common
underftandings this opinion would feem to be well-founded.
The: pains, ftudy and time which will be exhaufted in adjufting
the mere mechanical part, when it is of a more difficult form,
may, when that difficulty is removed, be employed on a nobler
care, that of confidering the plan, removing defects, and height-
ening the beauties, by correcting, retouching and polifhing the
whole. I have often heard blank verfe preferred to thyme, on
this very ground, that it impofed. lefs troublefome reftraints on
the poet; and I had obferved that in thofe languages which are

[J ] called,

[eo

called, by way of diftinGtion, poetical (as the Italian) the mecha-
nical of poetry is moft eafy, which could not be the cafe if the
difficulty of compofition were a pledge and guarantee for its ex-
cellence. I fuppofe it is on this principle of attaining excellence,
by inducing difficulty, that Mr. Hayley has produced his come-
dies in rhyme; and on the fame fyftem it would follow, that
tragedies alfo ought to be written in rhyme, as being a more diffi-
cult mode of verfification; in fhort, if by enhancing the difh-
culty of poetical compofition you fhould leffen the number of
bad poets, will you not leffen the number of good ones? There
is greater merit, certainly, in the attainment of excellence in
fomething very difficult ; but in fuch a cafe the number of ex-
cellent productions will be fmall in proportion.

Tue more I confider the introdution of /frophe, antiftrophe
and epode into the Englifh language, the more am I ftruck with
the impropriety of it; on what principle of reafon are we re-
quired to adopt the regulations of compofition, which prevailed
in a dead language, of a ftructure wholly different from our
own, and with the true pronunciation of which. we are not
fully acquainted? It feems to be very unjuft, to impofe on
Englith poets the fame ftri€tnefs, with regard to the ftanza, and
ftruure of the ode, which prevails in Pindar, and the chorus
of the Greek tragedy. The genius of their language does not
furnifh the Englifh writers with the fame inftruments and
means of facilitating their compliance with the law. 1, Both the
Greek and Latin languages have a great advantage in the bold
and frequent inverfions of words, which they not only permit,
but require ; this muft have affifted the poet amazingly in attain-

ing

[ Gays]

ing an harmonious arrangement of words, and a rich and eafy
verfification. 2, The Greek language admitted a variety of
diale&s, which the poet might intermix, as fuited his conve-
nience ; this gave a greater choice and variety of fynonimous
founds, and greatly facilitated the tafk of compofition. 3, The
Latin poet found the fame convenience in poetical licenfe ; but
the Greek language allowed it in a ftill higher degree, more freely
indeed than any language I know, except the Italian. Now this
privilege is very fparingly, if at all, indulged to an Englith
writer, whofe tafk in verfifying is therefore fo much the more
difficult. 4, Both the Greek and. Latin lyric poets took the li-
berty of ending the line in the midft of a word, if the verfifi-

cation happened to require it, as you may fee in every page of

Horace and Pindar; indeed, there are in Virgil inftances of fuch
a licenfe, even in heroic verfe. A liberty of this fort would not
be endured in Englifh; I queftion whether even the charms of
the frrophe, antiftrophe and epode could reconcile it to thofe who
want the true antiquated claffic ear. Ss The antients went
ftill greater lengths; there are inftances of a flanza or /frophe
ending in the middle of a word, and the remainder carried over
to the next ftanza; as for example, in the fecond anti/frophe of
the third Olympic of Pindar, which ends in the middle of a
word, and the fecond epode, which begins with the remaining
fyllable :

Oy rel ies yecscny mrogeve DuuG- “wemcct
rTrWdG 8
y Tcescey vive eva Adles, &c.

Havine hazarded thefe curfory remarks on the critical opi-
nions contained in the note above-mentioned, permit me to add a

[I 2] few

‘

[ 68 ]

few arguments in favour of the irregular ode. In the firft place,
it has the fan@tion of claffic authority to recommend it; the
antients, our great, and indeed inimitable mafters in poetry,
they, who impofed every neceffary curb on the wayward imagi-
nation, and were not often guilty of wild or jejune writing, the
illuftrious antients loved and practifed this fpecies of compo-
fition. ‘The moft celebrated and fublime of Pindar’s works were
irregular odes, I mean his Dithyrambics ; on thefe, though they
have unfortunately perifhed in the wreck of time, his reputation
as a poet was moft effentially founded. We have the fuffrage
of as good a critic as he was a poet, both as to their merit and
their bold irregularity :

Seu per audaces nova Dithyrambos
Verba devolvit, Numerifque fertur
Lege folutis.
Horace.

Tue antient grammarians and critics recognize the polymetra
and pammetra of the antients, in which verfes of all different
meafures were employed, without any uniform order or con-
nexion. Claudian, Terentianus Maurus, and Martianus Ca-
pellus, have all written lyric poems, each of which takes in a
variety of different ftanzas ; that of Claudian was written on the
marriage of the Emperor Honorius. If we are to believe an
ingenious French critic*, the fecular ode of Horace was an ir-
regular one, or to fpeak more correCtly, a multiform lytic, em-
bracing a free variety of different ftanzas. Whether the con-

* Sanadon.
jeQure

|
;
;
|

[ '@g: J

je@ure of Mr. Sanadon, as to the jun@ion of the feveral parts
which he brings together, be well or ill founded, it ferves to fup-
port my argument, as it fhews that in the opinion of a learned
man and a good critic the irregular ode was by no means alien
from the corre& genius of claffic poetry. |

We may alfo alledge the example of the Italian lyric poets
in favour of the irregular ode; there are a great number of
beautiful compofitions of that fpecies in their language, parti-
cularly by Chiabrera and Metaftafio, a writer to whom the epi-
thets of wild and jejune can hardly be applied with any pro-
priety. Fontaine, among the French, may be confidered as a
great mafter in the irregular lyric. Among us, the correct and
laborious Ben Johnfon, as he was the firft importer of the
Jtrophe, antiftrophe and epode, has given us alfo the firft Englith
precedent of an irregular ode, if I miftake not, in the poem on
the burning of his works.

Bur why refort to precedent for a juftification of the irregular
ode? Y may entrench myfelf in ftronger ground, the internal
evidence of its merit, and the obvious advantages which refult
from this fpecies of compofition. Firft, it leaves the poet at
liberty to follow the order and connexion of his ideas, and to
exprefs them in the moft apt and forcible manner. He is not
obliged to facrifice ftrength and energy to ftanza, to become a
literary Procruftes, and torture out fome thoughts through a
nervele{s extent of prolix tenuity, while others are proportionably
cut and cramped, to make them fit the ftanza. He is not

ftopt fhort, in the very heat and acme, of compofition, as it were
by

[ 76 ]

by a great gulf, or obliged to introduce alicn or unneceflary
ideas, in order to fquare his matter with his meafure, and pre-
ferve the preconceived divifion of his poem into partitions of a
certain’ unvarying length. The ftanza is commenfurate to the
fenfe, and. exhibits nothing redundant, nothing incoherent | or
disjointed ; the thought occupies juft as much room as it de-
ferves, and no more, while the poet has it in his power, to ex-
prefs:it, as fully, or as concifely as he thinks proper.

Seconpuy. Add to this, that the irregular ode requires no.
fapernumerary or expletive epithets to eke out lines,, none of
thofe unmeaning fubfervient lines, that are introduced merely to
eke out ftanzas, and of which fome of our modern regular odes
exhibit fuch melancholy inftances ; in fhost, the irregular ode is
not obliged to facrifice a juft arrangement, clear expreflion, or
harmonious verfification, to a chimerical and pedantic regularity,
which has no foundation in true harmony, and is wholly foreign
from the genius of our language.

TutrpLty. You will pleafe to confider, that if the author,
of a regular ode has a bad ear, and is unfortunate in the choice
of the ftanza, his readers muft take it, for better for worfe,
through the whole poem, a grievance, to which the irregular
ode is not liable; for there, if one ftanza fhould be unhappily
fancied, or inharmonious, we have a profpect of being relieved,
and changing! for the better in the next; perhaps too, the ear,
in an ode of any length, may feel itfelf cloyed with the unifor-
mity of a ftanza fo frequently repeated, and be relieved and gra-
tified by the various melody of the irregular ode.

FourTHLY.

a |

Fourtuty. I muft further obferve, that although we fhould
allow the compofition of the irregular ode, to be, as Mr. Mafon
is pleafed to affert, more eafy, it impofes on the poet a neceffity
of verfifying with greater care, and fatisfying the ear with a
melody more full and compleatly rounded. The harmony of
verfification cannot fo eafily make itfelf to be felt by the rea-
der, when the ftanza comes in a new and unforefeen form, as
when the ear is habituated, and broken, as I may fay, to the
expected. march of an uniformly repeated ftanza. When the
hearer is prepared for the return of the paufe at regular inter-
vals, he learns to miftake the mere technical arrangement of
the lines for harmonious verfification, and ‘hardly allows him-
felf to enquire, whether the ftop is judicioufly placed, or the
period duly filled, fo as to leave the ear perfectly fatisfied. In
the irregular ode there is no fuch deception, the ear is not im-
pofed on, and any fault in the verfification will be immediately

perceived.

Firruty. A correfpondence of the found with the fentiment
is certainly a very great beauty, and the poet fhould endeavour
to obtain Jit, whenever it may be had, without facrificing more
important things. ‘This beauty may fometimes refult from the
happy force of a fingle word, fometimes it is produced by the
firu@ure and cadence of a fingle line, but is effeG@ed moft
forcibly and moft generally by the arrangement and fymmetry of
a whole period *. Now, I believe it cannot be denied, and there-

; fore

* Example of the firt:
Procumbit humi bos.

Of the fecond:
Monftrum

fae]

fore I fhall not wafte words to prove, that a free ftanza, which
may be varied at will,and made light and airy, flow and plaintive,
or {welling and fonorous, according to the fubject matter, will
give the poet a much better chance of attaining this excellence,
whatever may be its value. The judicious break, the happy paufe,
the apt change of cadence, the long majeftic march and energy
divine, may all in their turns be excluded by a fervile adherence
to the uniformity of ftanza; and I cannot think of a fingle ad-
vantage, which attends this uniformity exclufively, except that of
enhancing the difficulty of compofition.

Sucu being the advantages which attend the irregular ode, it
feems to be rather immaterial to enquire into the comparative
difficulty of writing it; I fhall only obferve, that being fimple
and unaffected in its form, and difclaiming every thing elaborate
and artificial, it is f{uppofed to be much eafier than in truth it
is, and lefs credit is given to the author of an irregular ode for
the pains and ftudy he employs, than to thofe, who deal in more
operofe forms of poetry.

Monftrum horrendum informe ingens cui Lumen ademptum.
Sola in ficca fecum fpatiatur Arena.

Of the third:
She bids you,

All on the wanton rufhes lay you down,

And reft your gentle head upon her lap,

And fhe will fing the fong that pleafeth you,

And on your eye-lids crown the God of Sleep,

Charming your blood with pleafing heavinefs.
SHAKESPEARE.

Ir

= -

Pe ike

Ir cannot be denied, that a {pecies of compofition which adopts
the conftru@ion of the zythmus, and even the found of particular
words to the fubje@t, muft have its foundation in the genuine
undepraved feelings of human nature. I have not a doubt
within my mind of the irregular ode being the firft form of
compofition adopted by mankind, in their firft wild attempts at
literature. Poetry has ever been the delight of men in the firft
ftages of fociety: the earlieft recitals of events among them have
been in verfe ; this arifes from the connexion between certain
founds and the feelings of the mind, as well as the memory.
The firft literary production, in an unpolifhed nation, where the
pure dictates of nature prevailed, was a poem, and that poem an
irregular ode. Whether the fubje&t of the rude minftrelfy was the
feather-cin@ured chiefs, or dufky loves, the untutored feelings of
the heart teaching expreffions, and fuggefting founds attempered
and attuned to that fubje@, the ftanza varied with the fenfe,
and the fpontaneous defcant became an irregular ode. I am
very confident, that the death fong and the war fong, which
have fuch an influence on the fpirits of American warriors, are
irregular odes; and I am confirmed in my opinion, by finding
that feveral fpecimens of the antient poetry of uncivilized na-
tions bear this form. In Scheffer’s Hiftory of Lapland you will
find two inftances of the irregular ode, which have great poctical
merit, and are well known by the Englifh tranflations of them.

I satu conclude with expreffing a wifh, that thefe hafty
refleQions may be the means of exciting fome poetical genius
to make trial of a fpecies of compofition, which, in my mind,
is peculiarly fufceptible of true fublimity.

[K] : POST-

Ce J

BO ea Pe LL MBE Te

I have ventured, by way of note, to fubjoin an irregular ode,
in which I have endeavoured to reduce into praCice fome of the
principles laid down in the foregoing effay; how I have fuc-
‘ceeded in the attempt to illuftrate my doé@trine, the candid
reader muft determine ; perhaps, the example, inftead of ftrength-
ening my theory, will be quoted as a ftrong juftification of
Mr. Mafon’s affertions.

IRREGULAR

(75) J

| Say Sen ein mee TS ee ns se SEAR ITE SOIT SS

IRREGULAR ODE w the MOON.

T

CHANGEFUL orb, myfterious pow’r,
Look from the meridian tow’r,
Where, with thy lov’d Endimion biding,
Morpheus keeps
The fount of dewy fleeps,
The boy’s foft eyes in downy trances hiding,
And wreaths around his head
No common flow’rs, that bright and gay
© Court Aurora’s wanton ray,
Or bold and obvious o’er the field
To vagrant gales their flaunting bofoms yield ;
But flow’rs, a facred birth, that chaftly bloom,
Drink the moifture of the gloom,
And in the morn expire, within their virgin bed ;
Or bands of vapour light
As Goffamer, and white
As drifted fnow,
And lucid as the dawn,
Or gaily-tin@ur’d fillets drawn
From Heav'n’s affuring bow.

[K 2] II. Change-

ee aa

If.

ee

Changeful orb, the fong infpire,
Defcant bold, unwonted fire ;
Let the numbers range, like thee
In harmoniz’d variety ;

Let me feel thy potent fpell,
Let thy magic influence dwell
On my brain,

And vibrate thoughts, and kindle words,
And teach the full-refounding chords,
To {peak the wonders of thy proud domain.
When feated, like a youthful queen,

By meaner beauties circled round,
*Midft heav’nly choirs in {tate majeftic feen,
Thou com’ft with light imperial crown’d,
The fpirits, that with guiding hand
Planets roll, and ftars command,

Pour the choral warblings wide, ©
Bid the deep melodious tide
From orb to orb, from fphere to {phere,
The floating waves of mufic bear ;
The liquid notes thro’ {pace unbounded thrill,
And fun and earth and ftars the diapafon fill.

Til.

From the golden fount of morn,
Rifing with replenifh’d horn
To pour the floods of undulating light,

O’er the level plains of night ;
Thou

Leg

Thou doft, with divided care,
Thrid the mazy path in air;
And now thy fifter earth with fond affeion tend,
Now to the fun with humble rev’rence bend,
And oft return, with kind delay,
And often feek, as lovers ufe,
Some amorous excufe,

Near the kindred orb to ftay..
IV.

Hark! thy pied courfers beat.
The ftarry-pav’d retreat,
With founding hoof; and roll’d thro’ many a cloud:
That the filver axles fhroud,
Half reveal’d,
Half conceal’d,
Thy glitt’ring chariot moves from far ;
While, beneath, in frolick maze,
' Glancing quick the meteor plays,
And elemental fquadrons rufh to war.
It moves, it dafhes round the treafures
Of future mift, and hail, and ftorm, and rain
Heap’d along th’ etherial plain.
Lightly o’er the fky
Difperft they fly,
Or feeking earth in gentleft. fhow’rs,
Bathe, but bruife not vernal flow’rs,
And feed Pomona’s hope, and fhepherd’s lufty pleafures.

V. Oft:

Oft in thy path thou meet’ft the wain of night;
At firft, with wild affright,
‘She ftays her dufky team,
Fearful, left the God of Day,
With rude ufurping beam,
Had rufh’d, to feize her old legitimate fway ;
But foon difcerns, in thee,
Th’ affociate of her reign,
O’er th’ illimitable wafte domain ;
And now, from terror free,
In gratulation bland, |
Her dewy gifts fhe pours, with bounteous hand.
Diftill’d from baneful flow’rs,
The tribute falls in chilly fhow’rs.
From fteaming mine, or putrid fen,
From noifome cells of dying men,
The city’s croud, the reeking forge,
The cavern’d vent, where inward flames difgorge,
Empoifon’d elements arife,
Night, along th’ expanfive fkies,
In urns of lead colle&ts them all,
Concenter’d bane, on earth to fall ;
The cold folanum, deadly yew
Circled round with vapours blue,
And ev'ry plant that Colchos knew,

The

[ 6. ]

The copious feeds of evil drain
By thee fublim’d ;—each verdant vein
Labours with juice malign and dark,
That taints the vital flood, and kills the genial fpark,

VI.

Many a fubtle fprite
Floats in thy magic light,
Sailing wanton here and there,
Touching wide at ev’ry {phere ;

And, as the bee, with chemic pow’r,
Some virtue draws from ev’ry flow’r,
Each, in his voyage, thro’ the deeps on high,
From ev’ry lucid orb that rolls along the fky,
Myfterious charms, and ftellar things
Of high pervading influence brings,
Then. ftoops for good or ill to men,
And thro’ their pores
Inftils the wonder-working -ftores ,

They nimbly courfe, they throb, they beat,
Thro’ ev'ry vital feat ;
Swifter than glancing thought
Some ftrange effec is wrought,
T hat calculation fhames, and ftudy’s vauntive ken.

VIL.

When thou would’ft thy poifons blend,
And on earth infection fend,

[ 8 ].
By the halo round
In a magic circle bound,
Thy beams retire ;
And, mix’d and temper’d there
With exhalations breath’d from Saturn’s fphere,
Contagious blaft and livid death tranfpire.
But now, on milder purpofe bent,
Thou bid’ft the noxious damps recede,
And forth thy gracious meffengers are fent,
With filver light to clothe the mead ;
Along the dewy green,
Where fairy prints are feen,

Along the mountain’s hoary fide,
Along the ftreams that fmoothly glide,
O’er the hamlet, o’er the lea,

O’er the gently {welling fea,

Where they tremble, where they play,
O’er the fpire, and caftle grey,

The waving trees, the fullen wafte,
Thy beams, a gorgeous robe, their floating tiffue caft.

VIII.

To thee the fcreech-ow] cries,
The wolf to thee, and all the tribes of prey,
That fhun the honeft day,
And fhrink from human eyes.
They call thee not to gild the midnight hour ;
‘They deprecate thy pow’r ;

They

T 8r J
They call thee, with a dufky cloud,
Thy beauteous face to fhroud ;
*Till the nightly fpoil is won,
Till the feaft of blood is done,
"Till the hand of fleep is fpread
O’er the eye-ball glaring red,
And deep within his den the glutted favage lies.
Nor beafts alone that prowl for food,
More favage men thine influence feel :
Thy virgin prefence daunts
The robber, in his haunts ;
Th’ affaffin ftays th’ uplifted fteel,
And, when he fees the viG@im nigh,
And when the poniard thirfts for blood,
Smote by thy facred eye,
He feels an icy dart
Transfix his coward heart,
And flies.

IX.

At thine awful call,
From their wat’ry hall,
Where pillar’d waves fuftain the dome,
And fretted vaults of {culptur’d foam ;
The rifing Tritons pipe around,
Their fifter Nereids at the found advance,
They join in myftic dance,

And roll the treafures of the vat profound,

[L] An

LB

An off’ring due to thee,
Whate’er thine influence be,
Apparent queen,
_OF fpells, and myftic works, and witchery unfeen.

x

Ha !—it flafhes on my brain—
Give me—give fome horrid ftrain.—
Th’ incumbent air confeffes
The baneful freight,
Of lunar beams,
Shot forth in viewlefs ftreams ;
And, with unwonted weight,
The brain to chaos preffes.
* A€ther falls—it crufhes
Thought—the blood with tide unequal rufhes,
Hurried, hurried thro’ the veins,
Throbs, and wild tumultuous pains,
Fiercely thrilling, keenly beating,
With infernal ardours heating ;
And now—fubfiding to a leaden flow
Still and languid, cold and low,
The black infected fluids feebly creep,
Like thofe Lethean ftreams, where ghofts for ever weep.

XI.

Madnefs, with her moody band,

Owns thy pleni-lunar hand ;
Her

[ 83 ]

Her matted locks in wild amazement ftare ;
With fiery red her eye-balls glare ;
Her mouth fuffus’d with bloody foam,
In airy voids her glances roam
To feek the forms of pain ;

And ah! no voids to madnefs—fhe
Peoples them all with dire variety ;
_ Demons circle round her head,
Harpies tend her thorny bed,
And lakes of fire expand, and feas of blood,
And fury paffions jar,
With wild tempeftuous war,

And fhapelefs horrors rife, and fhades that kill,
And ever-varying clouds of namelefs ill,
Along the dire horizon brood :

A thoufand forms of guilt, remorfe and pain,
All hideous hateful things compofe her fullen reign.
Stranger to repofe,

A deadly pale her hollow cheek o’erflows ;
Smote by the fummer’s fun and winter’s wind,
The reftlefs corfe with eager famine pin’d ;

And now, with rending hand her hair fhe grafps, 4

Now to her naked breaft the galling chain fhe clafps.
Madnefs, I know thee by thy yell,
Eldeft born of hell.

XI.

Oft, at midnight hour,
Madnefs, I’ve mus’d befide thy bow’r. ,
[L 2]

The

[ 84 ]

The walls preclude the human fight,
The roof alone receives the light ;
From the living tomb,
Thro’ the filent gloom,
Faintly darts a fickly gleam ;
The nightly taper fends a beam;
To mark the chamber of difmay,
Where, remov’d from light,of day,
The tortur’d wretch is bound,
No parent, friend, or confort nigh,
No foothing hand, no pitying eye,
The clanging whips refound,
The horrid keeper’s frown is there,
The fhrieks of rage, and pain, and fear; «
O piteous was that moan!
And now, a deeper groan
Succeeds—the ftruggle of imprifon’d breath,
The long-drawn note of agonizing death.

XIII.

Paufe, oh! paufe, thou din of fear ;
Thro’ the darknefs gliding mild,
Far other ftrains I hear,

Sweet as woodland notes and wild ;
Strange melody—they fink—and now they fwell ;
Tales of unconfcious mifery they tell ;
Burfts of fairy mufic flow,

Softly foothing founds impart

Pangs, that harrow up the heart, « -

More than fhrieks of woe,
More,

[ #4
More, than confli€ting nature’s ery,
When direft forms of death are nigh;
When torments fearch the quiv’ring vein,
And weary life contends with pain ;
They tell, how very foon,
In happy being’s noon,
In vernal beauty’s rofeat pride,
When hope with promife warm,
And pleafure’s halcyon charm,

In fmiling profpe@t, fhow’d the level tide ;
A fultry blight, a livid flame,
Devouring madnefs came,

And challeng’d for her own the bud of youth,
And teeming gems of piety and truth,
And bade her ruthlefs demons rove,
With hurried ravage, thro’ the gentle mind,
And tear-that breaft, by Heav’n affign’d,
The fair unfullied fhrine of innocent love.

XIV.

But frenzy chief, with fierce controul,
Goads, goads the tuneful foul ,
Lo! by her hand, in fhiver’d fragments hurl’d,
The facred mirror, that expreft
The maker’s image, full confeft,
In faireft forms of this fublunar world ;
The feelings all in outrage borne;

The wond’rous net perplex’d and torn, -
: Where

[ 86 ]
Where mem’ry erft, by genius taught,
Immortal vifions caught ;

A viewlefs train, the furies fpread
Their mantle o’er the poet’s head ;
Hell-painted texture, warping round

A curtain clofe, a gloom profound ;

With horrid ftrains all holy things they chace,

And pour th’ expanfive veil o’er nature’s goodly face.

No more, the mind, with grateful change,
Th’ ideal train arrays ;
Fancy no more, in ample range,
With young creation plays;
One dread unvaried form is nigh,
And fills, for ever fills the fafcinated eye.

XV.

_Oh! dim eclipfe of reafon’s light!
Difaftrous night!
Without all hope of day!

When o’er the moon terreftrial fhades prevail,
And plunge in blood her vifage pale,
With pious hand a votive croud
Clafh the pealing cymbol loud,

To free the ftruggling ray ,

And folemn ftrains, and mutter’d fpells refound,
To chace the fpirits of the vaft profound,
That rife, with impious pow’r,

To feize her hallow’d bow’r,

And give the realms of night to Stygian fhades a prey.

But

:
;

tee

But fay, what ftrain thall wifdom find,
What fpell, to free th’ eclipfing mind?
That Hebrew minftrel’s hand of yore,
‘The troubled fpirit could reftore,
The virtuous numbers flow’d like precious balm,
And o’er the wounded foul diffus’d an holy calm;
They flow no more.

XVI.

O moon! thy radiant ftreams I drink,
Awake to feel, and calm to think,
I fee thine orb of filver wane,
I fee thee fill thy crefcent horn,
I fee thee chafe the ftarry. train,
Slowly melting into morn,
Enjoy thy charms, and hail thy ray,
Free from the terrors of thy fway:
But fhould’ft thou, in thy future path,
Behold me mark’d by heav’nly wrath,
A fpe@tacle, to fhow mankind
The melancholy wafte of ruin’d mind :
Should madnefs come, with horrid phantafms fraught
To taint the fource of thought ;
And blear illufions fenfe invade,
And notions vain the mind o’erfhade,
Soon may thy filken luftre wave
O’er my new-made grave.

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Do Brae

An Account of an antient INSCRIPTION m OGAM
CHARACTER on the Sepulchral Monument of an IRISH
CHIEF, difcovered by THEOPHILUS O’FLANAGAN,
Student of T.C.D. Communicated by the Rev. WILLIAM
HAMILTON, F-.27.C.D. Secretary to the Committee of
Antiquities.

Pursuant to the requeft and direCtions of your academy, in Read De-

the beginning of laft autumn I went to the county of Clare, in
order to condu€&t Edward William Burton, Efq; of Cliffden in
that county, to a monument of antiquity which I had the good
fortune to difcover five or fix years before on a mountain, named
Mount Callan: of this I had the honour to prefent a memorial
to Colonel Vallancey in the year 1784 ; but as indeed I had not then
a fufficient knowledge of the Ogam charater to enable me to
- give a critical interpretation of the infcription, I beg leave now
to offer to the Royal Academy the refult of an attentive ex-
amination of it fince that time.

Havine from my earlieft days been pretty well acquainted
with the feveral diale@s of the Irifh language, I took - great
(A 2) _ pleafure

cember 19,
1785.

ft #7

pleafure in reading many of the legends, written on the exploits
of the Irifh Fenii in profe, as well as thofe in verfe afcribed to
Offian. In one of the latter I met the following paffage,
viz. ‘“* The fierce and mighty Conan was not in the defperate
“battle of Gabhra ; for in May, the preceding year, the daunt-
“« lefs hero was treacheroufly flain by the Fenii of Fin, at an
** affembly met to worfhip the fun:—His fepulchral monument
‘* was raifed on the North Weft!—His wailing dirge was fung!
* —And his name is infcribed in Ogam charaéters on a flat

1?

** ftone on the very black mountain of Callan *

Berne, at this time, pretty well acquainted with the alpha-
betical fcale of the Ogam chara@ter, as it is given in Mc. Curtin’s
grammar, but not having feen any thing written in it, I very
much longed for an opportunity to try my fkill in decyphering :
To fatisfy this defire, as well as to gratify my curiofity, I fet off
with a companion from Ennis to vifit the monument fo parti-
cularly fpecified by the poem ,; Mount-Callan being only from
eight to ten miles diftant, North Weft, from the place of our
departure.

WueEn we came within fight of the mountain my expectations
were exceedingly raifed, imagining I could foon feaft my eyes

* Ni raib an Laoch fraochda Conan, an Gabhra ’fan trean dail ;
Am Bealtaine an Bliadhain roimhe, aig Coine adhartha na Greine ;
Ro torchar an Curadh nar tim, a Fiongail le Fianaibh Fin !|—
Ro cloidh a Feart thiar bo thuaigh;—a Cluitne Caointe bo diol truaigh !—
*Sta Ainim Ogam air lic blaith, i fliabh comh-dubh Callain.
See the Poem, entitled The Battle of Gabhra.

with

Miah ae

with the infcription. For, at the diftance of about a mile
North Eaft. from the high road leading from Ennis to Ibrican, I
perceived (as I thought).2 fquare rock, which bore the awful
appearance of a monument, on the Leitirmoylan (that is, the South
Eaft) fide of the mountain. I haftened my pace; but, on com-
ing up to it, how much was I difappointed, finding it to be a
large Druid altar, without the fmalleft traces of any charafers
appearing thereon!

‘NotwitustTanbinG this difappointment, ftill I was deter-
mined to perfevere, and traverfed a long range of the mountain
to no purpofe. At length applying to a cottager hard by, I
afked him whether he knew of any other ftone on the moun-
tain befides the altar, which bore any refemblance to a monu-
ment, or that appeared to have an infcription on it? He told
me that he obferved one not unlike a tomb-ftone, having ftrokes
engraved thereon very unlike letters, at the fide of a fmall
lake, about a mile North Eaft of the altar. To this, at my
requeft, he direéted me; and on my arrival there, all my anxiety
was done away by a fuccefsful difcovery of the wifhed-for mo-
nument.

I Hap taken no grammar with me, and having the rules of
decyphering but imperfectly in memory, I was not thoroughly
well-prepared to collect the entire fenfe of the infcription. However,
I made fome attempt even then towards an interpretation, which
did not materially differ from the firft reading given in this pa-
per, for the infcription admits of five, as I fhall have occafion
to fhew hereafter. . My explication was then, ‘ Beneath this

* ftone

baie

“© ftone is Conan the fierce the long-legeed*;” and the true
reading is, ‘* Beneath this ftone is laid Conan the fierce the
‘“¢ nimble-footed +.”

Havine thus fully gratified my curiofity, which alone was the
purpofed end of my journey at that time ; I returned home, well
pleafed with my fuccefs, and communicated it to my friends, to
whom it afforded a few days converfation concerning antiquities,
to my no fmall credit as the difcoverer.

Tus credit, however, was foon after in much danger of be-
ing ruined, in confequence of the fuperftition and folly of the
neighbouring peafants, who had very extraordinary traditions
of Conan’s interment. For they held it as fa@, that, on open-
ing his grave, this wild inhofpitable mountain would at once
become a fertile plain—That a beautiful city, which they ima-
gined lay inchanted in the lake, would be opened by a key
which they faid was buried with him—and that a great mafs of
golden treafure was alfo to be acquired. Thefe enormous ex-
pectations were exceedingly raifed on feeing ftrangers make fuch
diligent fearch after this monument.

I wap an alarming proof of the effets of thefe idle opinions
in the late journey which I made to the mountain of Callan, at
the inftance of your Academy, in the beginning of Autumn 1785.
For when Mr. Burton and I arrived at the {pot where I had feen

* Fan licfi ta Conan Colgac cos-fada.

+ Fan li da fica Conan Colgac cos-obmda.

is da

it before, [ was thrown into the utmoft confternation for fome
time, my obje€@ not appearing in view, when I was confident it
fhould. This was occafioned by a contrivance of fuch of the
peafants as had difcovered it themfelves, and by fome means
came to be apprifed of my vifit. For (in expectation of an op-
portunity to enrich themfelves, or of being rewarded for fhewing
it) they had covered the ftone all over with heath, the better to
conceal it, and difappoint my fearch: However, as I well knew
the particular fpot, I was fortunate enough to baffle their con-
certed plan, and execute the purpofe of my deputation, by fhew-
ing it to Mr. Burton, who made an accurate drawing of the
ftone, and tranfmitted the fame to Colonel Vallancey.

As I imagined myfelf the firft perfon led by curiofity to vifit
this monument, 1 congratulated myfelf much in the good fortune
of the difcovery ; but Mr. Burton has informed me that a Mr.
Barclay, who lived fome time ago in that county, vifited it from
the fame motive, being dire@ed thereto by the papers of the late
Michael Comyn, Efq; who lived in the neighbourhood of Mount
Callan, and had made the difcovery a good while before. I
make no doubt but this is fact; for Mr. Comyn was celebrated
for his knowledge of Irifh antiquities. He made a tranflation of
Keating, which he intended to publifh, but death prevented the
execution of his defign, and the manufcript has been fince fa-
tally loft*.

* I have read an elegant romance of his compofition in Irifh, wherein he gives
an account of moft of the antiquities of the weftern part of the county of Clare;
and in {peaking of the before-mentioned altar, he fays it was dedicated to the fun,
and that the natives in heathen times affembled there on every ift of. May, which
they kept a feftival, to offer facrifice to that deity.

THERE

a al

Tuere was indeed another gentleman in the county of Clare,
a Mr. Lloyd, who publifhed an account of that country, in
which he made mention of Conan’s monument on Mount-
Callan; but as his explication of the infcription is exa@ly in the
words of my firft effort to that putpofe, I am apt to believe it
was from hearing what account I had given of it, rather than
from any fearch or difcovery of his own ; for his publication ap-
peared juft about the time of my firft vifit to the monument.

Arter Mr. Burton and I had returned from the mountain,
having taken off the infcription very exatly, we endeavoured
to decypher it according to the rules given in Colonel Vallan-
cey’s grammar for reading the Ogam charafter; and after we
had gone through the entire procefs, I was not a little furprized
to find it differed, in fome meafure, from what I held in memory
fince I formerly faw it. While I was ftill mufing over it, Mr.
Burton, calling to mind that the Phceenicians, from whom the
Irifh derived their origin, generally wrote from the right hand to
the left, took the letters backward, that is, in a contrary diretion
from that in which we decyphered them; and after he had ar-
ranged them from left to right, not being converfant in the Jrifh
language himfelf, afked me what fenfe would they make? I
found no difficulty in anfwering his queftion, and by this means
a fecond reading was found, which proved to be a continuation
of the former fenfe. And thus it lay determined until my ar-
rival in Dublin, where I had an opportunity of ftudying it ftill
more, and foon found the advantage of fo doing; for upon
confulting the book of Ballimote, in the hands of Colonel Val-

veey, I found there were different fcales of the Ogam cha-

in each of which the number of fimilar lines, on what-
ever

—s. a

5

‘
,
I

y

[og

ever fide drawn, did not exceed five. Wherefore making myfelf
as well acquainted with the feale as I poffibly could, and again
applying myfelf to the ftudy of the infcription, I found it read
the five different ways following, viz. 1ft, ** Beneath this fepul-
« chral monument is laid Conan the fierce, the nimble-footed ;”
ad, “* Obfcure not the remains of Conan the fierce, the nimble-
-* footed!” 3d, “ Long let him lie at eafe on the brink of this
*« lake, beneath this hieroglyphic, darling of the Sacred!” 4th,
“ Long let him lie at eafe on the brink of this lake, who never
“ faw his faithful clan depreffed!” th, “ Hail, with reverential
** forrow, the drooping heath around his lamentable tomb *!”
When all thefe various readings are united, there appears a
rational beginning, continuation and conclufion of the fame
fenfe. But what is ftill farther remarkable, the number of
readings is the limit of the number of lines in the Ogam {feale.
The whole is in the ftile and manner of the antients, defcriptive
both of the man and the place; and though the language be very
antient, yet it is equally familiar and eafy to fuch as are well
verfed in the feveral idioms and diale&s of the Irith language.

Tue firft and fecond readings are found by twice decypher-
ing the Ogam line in the infcription, from the broad to the
narrow end of ‘the ftone (and here the procefs is from left
to right) commuting the letters F and N, wherever they occur,
as the fenfe fhall dire&; and the third and fourth readings are
found by taking the two former backwards (and here the pro-

:

* Firft, <«« Fan li da fica Conan Colgac, cos-obmda!” 2d, “ Na flida ni ca
« Conan Colgac, cos-obmda!” 3d, Adm bo foce ag Loe fan oca cifa dil Naf!”
4th, «« Adm bo foce ag Loc na foc'a cina dil fan!” sth, « Almho Coffag dos ta

© cu os afit a lid cuat !”

(B) | cefs

erate SE , ee

Fig. 1 and 2.

Fig. 2.

[ wed
cefs is from right to left) commuting the letters F and N, as be-
fore. This commutability of the letters F and N depends on a
circumftance peculiar to the Irifh alphabet, it having two diffe-
rent arrangements; one of which begins with B, L, N, and is
called Beithluifnuin, ‘and the other with B, L, F, and called
Beithluisfearn ; the latter is peculiar to the Ogam fyftem, but,
when itis neceflary for the conftruction, it does not totally reject
the former, which was the alphabet in common ufe until Greek
and Roman literature vifited this country, and made the Irith
arrange their alphabet, as far as it extended, conformable to their
own. But the fifth and laft reading is found by decyphering the
Ogam line from the fmall to the broad end of the ftone, chang-
ing its pofition, that the procefs may be from left to right. In
this neither of the letters F or N occurs, and therefore it ad-
mits of no farther readings. ‘The whole procefs is laid before
the reader’s eyes in the annexed drawing of the ftones ; but for
the rules of decyphering he is referred to Colonel Vallancey’s Irifh

grammar.

By reading the decyphering marked thus ©), twice forward, (commuting the
letters F and N) and as often backward, (commuting the letters F and N as be-
fore,) the four firft readings are found.

And by reading the decyphering forward, which is thus marked *, the fifth and
laft reading may be alfo difcovered; but as in this neither of the letters F or N
occurs, it admits of no further readings; for in fuch cafe there would be three
other poffibilities, as in the former decyphering. Where, Note, that the letters
F and N are marked with (x x x) crofles, that the reader may obferve thofe to be

the commutables.

*Let any other befides thefe five ways be tried, and it will turn to no effect,
which affords a proof that thofe found by this mode of decyphering are the only
true readings, for not a word of common fenfe or perfect language can be other-

wile collected.
By

Se 8!

By the word facred, in the tranflation of this antient epitaph,
is fuppofed to be meant the order of the Druids: in the original
it is uaf, of which the uaemh and uaoimh of the moderns are
but various writings, all fignifying the fame thing, viz. facred,
heavenly, bleffed, &c. And from this circumftance we are led
to underftand that the Druids paid the laft honours to the re-
- mains of the warlike Conan, by celebrating his funeral obfequies
according to the ufual folemnity with which the heroes of anti-
quity were always interred, fuch as is fet forth in the fragment
of the poem before recited ; and this they were not denied even
by thofe who in their life-time might have been their profeffed
mortal enemies.

Tue word which I tranflate hieroglyphic is in the original
Oca, of which the Ogam of the moderns too is but a various
writing. This is a convincing proof that this occult charaéter
was different from that which was ufed in common; for to
what other purpofe would it be thus fo particularly {pecified? I
tranflate it hieroglyphic, only becaufe it was the peculiar charaGer
of the Druids, in which they concealed all their myfteries. This
is verified by the concurrent teftimonies both of the traditions of
the antients, and of the fimple and undifguifed narratives of our
authentic records, which bear not the moft diftant appearance
of deception, but mention it as a plain matter of fact. Many
forms of this character are ftill preferved in a manufcript of very
high antiquity yet extant, called the book of Ballymote ; and
Sir’ James Ware, a gentleman whofe candour cannot be eafily
fufpeced, tells us, in his colleG@ions of the antiquities of this
country, that he had in his poffeffion an entire volume written
in it; which monument I am very apprehenfive has « fuffered

(B 2) _ the

re ne
the fame fate with many more of our anticnt authentic docu-
ments.

Wuen all Druidical rites were abolifhed by the intro-
duction of Chriftianity into this kingdom, the chief bards and
feanachies made the Ogam chara@er a private property of their
own ; but to what ufe they applied it is not eafy to determine.

Wherever this character is to be met with in fepulchral infcrip- _

tions, it may be inferred, that fuch are the tombs of kings,
princes or chieftains, who fignalized themfelves by their valour and
warlike deeds, and were therefore thus honoured. In all other
refpedts, obf{curity, and to contain much within a narrow compafs,
was the purpofed end and object of the Ogam ; for, from the con-
ftruGtion, it contains much within a fmall fpace, and is ultimately
founded on an alphabet of different characters, which is evident
even from the explication of the infcription before us, wherein
the letters F and N, (which are feverally reprefented by the
charaGters 7jj or ||| |[,) are commutable, a property which
they have not in any other part of our language; and it is given
them here’ probably to render the whole fcheme more obfcure,

this commutation depending, as has been already obferved, on-

the two different arrangements of the Irifh alphabet: And
thus it is left to the reader's choice to which of the two
letters, F or N, he will apply either of the aforefaid marks;
but the fenfe will always dire&@ him to the proper mode of

application.

TueEReE are three fpecies of the Ogam handed down to us in
the writings of the antients: the firft is called Ogam Craebh, or

the Ogam of Branches, from the fimilarity it bears to the branches
of

a ee

of a tree, the one long line being confidered as the ftem; of this
there are many forms, all of which however depend upon. the
fame fcale of decyphering, and of this fpecies is the Mount-Callan

in{cription. -

Tue fecond fpecies of the Ogam is called Ogam Coll, or the
Ogam of C’s; and the third is called Ogam Confain, or the Ogam
of Confonants.. Thofe two laft were only temporary in their
ufe, and their obfcurity confifted in making ufe of C’s in the one,
and certain different confonants in the other, inftead of the
vowels, diphthongs and triphthongs of the language: but the firft,
that is, the Ogam of Branches, was the moft permanent ftandard
of this occult fyftem, and probably by much the moft antient.
This word is fpelt Ogam or Ogham, and is derived of Oc, Ogh,
or Ogha, a circle; becaufe its fundamental rules are given on
five circles drawn at certain intervals within each other, of which
the following is a diagram taken from the book of Ballymote.

Anp as the lines of which it is compofed evidently refer to
an alphabet already exifting, by this word (Ogam) in our language

is underftood an obfcure charaéter or an occult manner of !

writing.

TueseE circumftances are fufficient to prove that we had letters
independent of the Ogam ; for it is after confiderable advances in
the cultivation of literature that thofe occult fyftems are con-
trived, in order to ferve fome private end which requires con-

cealment.

WueEN

Fig. 3.

Eth]

Wuen I fpeak of occult fyftems of writing, I hope I fhall not
be fo far mifunderftood as to have it imagined that I confound
them with primitive hieroglyphics, which I look upon to be the
firft fteps made towards the invention of letters. I have already
given my reafon for calling the Irifh Ogam by this name, and
have alfo endeavoured to prove that it was not the primitive
charaCter ufed in this country, but an obfcure one depending on
a more commodious common alphabet. I humbly prefume. then,
that this confirms the cultivation of literature in Ireland before
the introduGion of Chriftianity; for as the infcription on
the Mount-Callan monument correfponds with the third century
of our era*, I think no fair objection can be raifed againft
our acquaintance with letters in this country at that period;
but this is a fubje@t which prejudice has fo mifreprefented,
that I fear it would argue prefumption in me to advance

* The poem, intitled Cath Gabhra, is that which dire€ts us in fearch of the
Mount-Callan monument. It concludes with mentioning the death of Conan, in
the manner before related (page 4) by the Fenii of Fin, meaning the Clan of
Baifgin. The poem is brought in by way of epifode in that called The Conver-
fation of St. Patrick and Oifin, to fhew the ill effects of civil contentions.
But fhould it be afked why a poem of the eighth century fhould fo particularly
relate a fa&t fo far back? I anfwer, that a poet may relate a matter of fact when
it ferves his purpofe as well asa fiction; and many a fadt of this kind was then known
which is now buried in obfcurity. Our poems point out many other monuments
befides that on Mount-Callan, which might ftill be difcovered, if proper fearch was
made after them. ‘This poem enables us to deterrnine the date of the monument,
which would otherwife be very difficult, as nothing to that end is found in the
infcription.. The death of Conan is exprefsly faid to have happened the year be-
fore the battle of Gabhra was fought, and therefore in the year 295, confequently
the ftone muft have been infcribed 1490 years ago, though from its hard texture
the infeription is ftill perfectly legible.

any

Eg a

any thing more concerning it; it requires the exertion of far
greater abilities than I can pretend to: however, I beg leave
to add here what Mr. O’Connor, an antiquarian of credit, and
a member of your academy, has been pleafed to communicate to
me, in a letter he was good enough to honour me with on that

head.

“ Tuat the Milefian Family,” fays he, “ imported letters
“ into Ireland, and that their anceftors learned them from the
“© Phoenicians, I am certain; and Mr. Burton judged well in
“ averring, that our earlieft f{cribes wrote from the right hand to
“ the left; but they changed to the more commodious manner
*“« of writing from the left to the right, and laid afide the uncouth
** crooked charaters of the Phoenicians, when the beautiful Greek
** and Roman chara€ters were made known here in the fourth
* and fifth centuries.”

InpEED the very alphabet of the Irifh, from the number of
letters it confifts of (being only feventeen) would be fufficient to
prove that it did not derive its origin from the Romans, or any
other of our neighbouring nations; and although all their letters
have been fince well known to us, yet fuch is the texture of the
Irith language, that we have found no occafion to make ufe
of them, our antient alphabet ftill continuing to ferve every
purpofe, fo that we have adopted nothing of theirs but the
arrangement: confequently, (as Mr. O’Connor fays in another
part of his letter to me,) “ Our firft miffionaries of the gofpel
“« were faved the flavifh tafk of alphabet-teachers, for they met
* with a lettered people, whofe philofophy and manners prepared

“ then

Ly oo
*¢ them for a more rapid progrefs of the gofpel in this remote part
‘** of Europe than in any other that we read of.”

Or the exiftence of the Ogam then, I hope all doubts are
done away; and as to my explication of the infcription on the
Mount-Callan monument, I have adhered with all the ftri€inefs
I poffibly could to the true rules of decyphering, with which I
have laboured to be pretty well acquainted, and therefore my
explication will appear plain to fuch as will chufe to take the
fame trouble. ’Till this is done, all the objeGtion I can meet
with muft appear as the production of conjecture in oppofition
to matter of fa@; indeed the difcovery of the true fenfe of this
infcription is principally owing to the ingenious thought of Mr.
Burton, with refpedt to the reading backward; which, whether it
affects the antient literary fyftem of this country in general, or not,
at leaft was inftrumental in exciting me to the fearch, which I
fhould otherwife have been apt to negle&; for, finding one fen-
fible reading, it is probable I fhould not have thought of tracing
it farther than the rules in our grammars might dire, and thofe

I find are totally infufficient.

e 2 tar ae
The SEPULCHRAL STONK or CONAN,

Thickness 1 Foot, Least 9 Inches . Bade W" Burton Efgldel £
Il Feet 6 Inches . yy

THE INSCRIPTION DECYPHERED.

| a2.

LOPlanagan cup *

I Ford. Seedp e

a rg oF « “ “ ay ‘
ee re: ee eee ee ee

The ANTIQUITY of th WOOLLEN MANUFACTURE
iz IRELAND, proved from a Paffage of an antient Florentine
Poet. By the Earl of CHARLEMONT, PRLA

Tue following lines are taken from an old Italian poem,
entitled Dittamondi*, and written by Fazio Delli Uberti, a noble-
man of Florence, who, though certainly not, as fome fuppofe, con-
temporary with Dante, flourifhed not long after the death of that
poet; but, as the value of the information contained in thefe lines
principally depends upon the antiquity of the work, it may not
be fuperfluous, as far as I am able, to afcertain its date.

In the nineteenth chapter of the fourth book, the author con-
cludes a genealogical account of the kings of France with thefe
lines :

Philippo di Valifo Signor poi

Et Giovan el Figliol, del qual conchiudo
Che con gran’ guerra tiene el Regno ancoi +.

From hence it appears certain, that, as John the fon of
Philip of Valois is mentioned as the monarch then reigning,
the poem muft have been compofed before the year 1364, in

* We are told by Quadrio, della Storia e della Ragione d’ogni Poefia, vol. iv.
p- 47, that the true title of this poem was Didta Mundi, which was afterwards, by
corruption, written Dittamondi, and Dittamondo.

+ Philip of Valois afterward was Lord,
And Fobn his fon, with whom I now conclude,
Who with a mighty war fill holds the realm.

(C) which

.

Read Feb.
20, 1786.

[1 4
which year that Prince died; and fince we are farther informed
that he ftill holds the Kingdom wrth a mighty war, we may thence
fairly conclude that the publication was previous to the treaty

of Bretigny in the year 1360*.

Tuts whimfical poem, which in point of language is of fuch
authority as to be cited by the authors of the DiCionary della
Crufca, and is written in Terza Rima, a fpecies of verfification
which Dante had then made fafhionable, contains an _hiftorical
and geographical account of all the nations of the world. The
author, having travelled through England and Scotland, paffes
into Ireland, a defcription of which country, and of its inhabi-
tants, he begins as follows:

Cap. xxvi. lib. iv,
Similimente paffamo en Irlanda,
La qual fra noi e degna de Fama
Per le nobile Sait che ci manda +.

Tuese lines appear to me to contain a full proof of a moft
extraordinary fa@—That Ireland fhould have been already fa-
mous for her woollen manufaétures fo early as in the middle of
the fourteenth century, and fhould at that period have imported
them into Italy, where the vent of thefe commodities was
even then fo fully eftablifhed, and the fuperiority of their fabric
fo univerfally acknowledged, as to render the country from

* From a paffage in the beginning of the 13th chap. of the 2d book, the date of
the poem feems to be afcertained to the year 1357. ‘The pafflage, however, with a
flight and warrantable alteration, may receive an eafier conftruction, fo as to bring
the date down to 1363, in which cafe the war alluded to by the poet may poflibly
mean thofe civil commotions in which John was involved even after the conclufion
of the peace with England.

+ In like manner we pafs into Ireland, which among us is worthy of renown for the

excellent ferges that fbe fends ws.
whence

——

i i

[ 19 ]

whence they came degna de Fama, and to entitle them to the
epithet zodi/e, is a faét which, without a proof fo incontroverti-
ble as the teftimony of our author, would never have been
credited; efpecially when we reflect that England was not then
in poffeffion of any fuch commerce, fince we know, to a cer-
tainty, that Edward III. during whofe reign, many years before
his death, the poem was undoubtedly written, was the firft of
our kings who effe@ually encouraged the Englifh to apply them-
felves to the woollen manufa@ure. For, though there is no
doubt that wool was wrought in England fo early as in the
time of Richard I. and even earlier, yet is it more than proba-
ble that fuch manufacture was principally, if not wholly, for
home confumption, as raw wool was at that time, and long
after, the principal article of Englith export, and all our hiftorians
agree in fixing the date of the woollen manufa@ture in England,
as an object of importance, to the year 1331, fifth of Edward III.
in which year that wife monarch brought over from Flanders
John Kemp, and feveral other Flemifh woollen weavers. Yet
ig it clear, from the above lines, that at this very period Ireland
was already in poffeffion of this branch of commerce, and famous
for her woollens, which fhe exported to diftant regions, and fent
even into Italy, at that time the moft polifhed of all European
countries, and the moft eminent for trade and manufactures *.

(C 2) SAIA

* The city of Florence, to which probably our Florentine author more particularly
afcribes the confumption of Irifh ferges, was not only eminent for her manufactures,
but in an high degree remarkable for her luxury in drefs, as may be feen by confulting
the Hiftory of Giovanni Villani, lib. x. cap. 152, where that good old chronicler,
in his account of a fumptuary law enacted in the year 1330, circumftantially details
the enormous profufion of his countrymen, and more efpecially of his countrywomen,
in that article. Villani farther informs us, that this fumptuary ordinance was not only

applauded,

[ 20 ]

Sara* is, in the Didtionary della Crufca, explained to be
Spezte dt Panno sano fotttle e leggieri—A defcription which an-
fwers to our ferge. And the epithet nobile ftrongly expreffes the
excellence of the commodity, and the high repute in which it
was held. It is remarkable that Irifh wool is ftill found to be
better adapted to the conftru@tion of ferges, and the other articles
of what is called mew drapery, than to broad cloth.

Tue following quotation from a very antient Florentine ac-
count book, in the Di@ionary della Crufca, Article Sara, isa further
proof of the above-mentioned extraordinary fa@—* Per un Pezza
‘© di Saia d’Irlanda per veftir della Moglie d’Andrea+.” From
hence alfo it appears, that Irifh ferge was among the Italians an
article of female drefs, a circumftance which might induce us to
fuppofe that the fabric was then of a finert and more delicate
texture than what is now made under that denomination.

applauded, but adopted by many other ftates of Italy; and that the ladies, whom this
law had extremely offended, when forbidden the exorbitant ufe of Italian finery,

revenged themfelves by the importation of foreign wares.

* Saia, which, as the commodity was foreign, is probably.a word not originally
Italian, may perhaps have been altered and italianized from ferge, which, according
to Skinner, is derived from the German /erge, a mat. ‘The French and the Spaniards
have adopted the fame appellation—/erge, French —werga, Spanifh. But as this kind
of ftuff is alfo called in Englifh fay—Shakefpeare, Henry VI. fecond part—* Ah,
« thou /ay, thou ferge, thou buckram Lord!” which Skinner derives from /agum,
“ tunica militaris, quoniam ifte pannus fagis conficiendis valde commodus eft,” it is
{till more probable that the Italian word /aia was formed from this.

+ For a piece of ferge of Treland for clothing the wife of Andrew.

+ From a line in the Fairy Queen, book iii. cant. 12, ftanza 8, we might perhaps
be induced to fuppofe that in England alfo ferge was formerly of a finer texture, or
at leaft more fafhionable, than it now is—

«< His garment neither was of filk nor /ay.”
Here the Poet feems to put ferge upon a level with filk, at that time a very coftly
article of drefs.

THE

q
:
;

[ ar ]

Tue remarkable information conveyed in the lines above
cited having induced me to examine into the ftate of the fad,
I find that in times, very early indeed, Ireland was noted for
her woollens, which were freely imported into England.

In the reign of Henry III. who reigned from 1216 to 1241,
a duel was awarded and fought between Walter Blowberme,
an approver, and Hamon le Stare; the former having accufed
the latter of having been partner with him in ftealing clothes
and other goods at Winchefter, whereof Hamon had for his
fhare two coats, to wit, one of Jr cloth, and the other a
party coat cloth of Abendon and Burrel of London.—/7d:
Madox’ Hiftory of the Exchequer, vol. i. page 550.

Tuat in the time of Edward III. Irith frizes were freely im- ~
ported into England, and even encouraged there, we learn from the
eighth and laft ftatute of his reign, whereby it is enacted that no
fubfidy nor aulnage duty fhall be paid on cloths called frize
ware, which be made in Ireland, or in England of Irith wool ;
becaufe thofe cloths did not contain the length nor breadth ordained
by the ftatute-—Anderfon’s Commerce, vol. i. page 204.

In a licenfe granted to the Pope’s agent, A. D. 1482, An. s.
Ric. Il. for exporting into Italy certain commodities cuftom-free,
we find the following articles of Irifh woollen, viz. five mantles
of Irifh cloth, one lined with green—one ruffet garment lined
with Iri/h clth—Rim. Federa, vol. vil. page 136.

By an act of parliament, fourth of Edward IV. it is enaéted
that no cloth of any other region but Wales and Ireland {hall
be imported into England, excepting cloth taken at fea—_
Anderfon, vol. i. page 280.

From

[ 22 ]

From all thefe feveral fats, and particularly from the paf-
fage of our author, we may fairly conclude that Ireland was
poflefled of an extenfive trade in woollens at a very early
period, and long before that commodity was an article of
Englifh export. ManufaQures are flow in being brought to
that degree of perfe€tion which may render them an object
coveted by diftant countries, efpecially where the people of
thofe countries have arrived at a high degree of polifh; and if
in the middle of the fourteenth century the ferges of Ireland
were eagerly fought after*, and worn with a preference by
the polithed Italians, there can be no doubt that the fabric had
been eftablifhed for a very long time before that period. Nay,
we may perhaps be allowed to hazard a conje@ture, which, how-
ever whimfical it may appear, is by no means impoflible, that
the wife Edward might have laboured to eftablifh the woollen
manufacture among his Englifh fubjects, in imitation of the

* If the ferges of Ireland were eagerly fought after by the Italians, and particu-
larly by the Florentines, it muft have been for the peculiar excellence of their
quality, and not by any means from the want of home-made woollens, fince we
may clearly infer from a paffage in Machiavel’s Florentine Hiftory, that about the year
1380 the woollen manufa€ture was, and had long been, eftablifhed at Florence. The
hiftorian, fpeaking of the trades or guilds of that city, has thefe words—« E di
“« tutte V’arti che haveva, e ha, pit di quefti fottopofti, era, ed é, quella della Lana,
«« Jaquale per eflere potentiflima, e la prima per autorita de tutte, con l’induftria fua
“ Ja maggior parte della plebe e popolo minuto pafceva e pafce.”— And of all the
“ guilds that had, and have, the moft of thefe (fubordinate trades) under their jurifdition,
“ qwas, and is, that of the WOOLLEN WEAVERS, which, as being the mof? powerful,
“ and the firft of all in authority, by its induftry fed, and frill feeds, the greater part of the
« populace, and lowe? clafs of the people.” Now, if in the year 1380 the corporation
ef woollen weavers was the greateft and moft powerful in Florence, containing in it,
and prefiding over roany fubordinate and ancillary trades, fuch as carders, dyers, &c.
we may faitly conclude that the manufaéture muft have been eftablithed in that city
long before 1360, about which time the Dittamondi was written.

Trith,

Egg? J

Irith, and in competition with the trade extenfively carried on
by a people, who, however erroneoufly, we are taught to be-
lieve were at that period little removed from a ftate of abfolute
barbarity.. For the native Irifh, upon whom the afperfion prin-
cipally falls, muft have had a fhare in this traffic, the Englith
fettlers being too few, and too much occupied by, perpetual
broils, to be alone equal to an extenfive manufacture. Our
author indeed himfelf in a great meafure contradicts this ca-
lumny, and the chara€ter which he gives of the Irith in his
time tends greatly to diminifh that idea of barbarity which is
ufually objeGted to them:

Quefta Gente, benche moftra felvagia,

E per gli Monti la Contrada accierba,

Nondimeno I’e dolcie ad cui Vafaggia *.

Fazio, or Bonifazio, delli Uberti, grandfon to the celebrated
Farinata}, is fuppofed to have vifited in perfon moft of the
countries he defcribes. His family t, one of the moft illuftrious
of Florence, and head of the Ghibellines; having been driven
into banifhment by the oppofite faGtion, he is faid to have
taken advantage of this opportunity to indulge ‘his tafte for
travelling, and the Dittamondi is in effet no other than an

* This race of men, tho’ favage they may feem,
The country too with many a mountain rough,
Yet are they fweet to him who tries and taftes them.

+ For fome account of this Tufcan hero, vid. Iftorie di Giovanni Villani, lib.
vi. cap, 82—Machiavelli, Iftorie Florentine, lib. ii. page 45.—Alfo, Dante, Inferno.
canto x.

¢ Vid. Crefcimboni, Hiftoria della volgar Poefia, vol. iv. part ii. page 160.—
Quadrio, della Storia e della Ragione d’ogni Poefia, vol. iv. page 47. Both thefe
authors exprefsly mention the travels of Fazio.

account

[ 24 ]

account of his extenfive travels, together with a fketch of the
hiftory of the countries through which he paffed. Neither is
there any reafon to doubt that the author was actually in Ire-
land; his perfonal acquaintance with that ifland appears not
only from the accurate manner of his defcription, but more
efpecially from his exprefsly telling us that he had himfelf feen
there certain lakes, the peculiar qualities of which he minutely
details—Qui vza’ zo di pid natura Laghi*. This laft circumftance
I mention, as it ferves to fhew that Ireland was then of fuffi-
cient note to induce a learned and illuftrious Italian, notwith-
ftanding the dangers of the navigation, which he feelingly de-
{cribest, to vifit its remote fhores.

Tue book from which thefe quotations are taken is extremely
fearce, being the firft printed edition of the Dittamondi, printed
at Vicenza in the year 1474.

* Here \ {aw lakes of various natures.

+ Diverfi Venti con mugli et con fifcio
Sofiavan per quel Mare andando a piagia,.
El qual de Scogli e de gran Safh e mifchio.

Still varying winds with hifs and hideous roar
Blow thro’ that fea, coafting the dangerous fooal,
Of ifles and monfirous rocks a mafy confufed.

[ 25 ]

An ENQUIRY concerning the ORIGINAL Of the
SCOTS zw BRITAIN.

By Dr. BARNARD, Bifop off KILL ALOE, MRILA.
and F.R.S.

Tue original of that portion of the inhabitants of Britain Read March
properly called Scots, has been a point of hiftory fo eftablifhed et
by the concurrence of all writers on that fubje@, both native
and foreign, from venerable Bede down to Sir George Mc.
Kenzie, that, for a period of at leaft nine hundred years, it was
never efteemed matter of queftion, until fome late Scottifh anti-
quarians, anxious to fupport an hypothefis, inconfiftent with their
own annals and tradition, have thought proper wholly to reject
H * the received opinion of their anceftors on this head, and to offer

ET

mh. to the public in its place an entire new fyftem of their own,
: founded on arguments of probability, fufficiently plaufible and
ingenious, but unfupported by written teftimonies, or any au-
thentic documents whatfoever.

(D) Havine

oie AN 9

saa ee
ee

ra

Havine read with fome degree of attention what has been
produced in this controverfy on both fides of the queftion, and
compared it as well with the antient hiftories of the Scots and
Trifh, as with the evidence of fuch foreign writers as make men-
tion of them, I am of opinion that a fyitem may be formed
from thefe materials equally confiftent with probability and
written authority, which rather tends to reconcile than to fubvert
the arguments of both parties, and is at the fame time fupported
by as convincing evidence as truth at this diftance of time is
capable of receiving.

Ir appears to be highly probable that the North of Ireland
might have been originally peopled from the adjacent parts of
Caledonia, as the Scottifh antiquarians affert, and that the
Southern inhabitants of the ifland might have derived their origin
from their neighbours in South Britain (perhaps from the Belgz
and Danonii, whofe pofterity in Ireland were called Firbolgs and
Tuatha de Danan): Iam, therefore, ready to admit that the Irifh
might have been the children, rather than the parents of the
antient Caledonians.

Bur this conceffion, as to the firft population of Ireland, has no
tendency to invalidate the hiftory of a certain Milefian Dynafty
having in procefs of time invaded and obtained the dominion of
the country without extirpating the antient natives; for have not
the Romans, Saxons, Danes and Normans in Britain, and the
Englifh in Ireland, fince done the fame? But no one I believe
has been fo abfurd as to infer that either of thefe kingdoms was
peopled as well as fubdued by the invaders.
Ir

i Aa
Ir is equally an error to fuppofe that the Irifh chronicles de-
rive the blood of their whole nation from thofe Milefians; for
none but their princes and the fpreading branches of their
pofterity pretend to trace their families from this honourable
fource.

Ir genealogies had been preferved in England with the fame
attention as they were in Ireland, we fhould probably be afto-
nifhed to find as many of our fellow-fubje€ts, now in poverty
and obfcurity, with royal blood flowing in their veins, in one
country as in the other. Whoever has read the fhort hiftory of
the line of Plantagenet, publifhed towards the beginning of this
century, will be fenfible of the truth of this obfervation. But
the Irifh genealogical tables which are ftill extant carry intrinfic
proofs of their being genuine and authentic, by their chrono-
logical accuracy,. and confiftency with each other through all the
lines collateral as well as dire&t, a confiftency not to be accounted
for on the fuppofition of their being fabricated in a fubfequent age
of darknefs and ignorance, but eafily explained if we admit them
to have been drawn from the fource of real family records and
truth. So much of the Irifh hiftory as relates to the names and
fucceffion of their princes will certainly ftand againft every rea-
fonable objeGtion to its credibility, whatever fufpicion of error,
or even fiction, may lie againft other circumftances contained
in it.

As to the high antiquity and long duration of the Milefian
Dynafty in Ireland, I can difcern nothing incredible in the
account of it. It is natural to fuppofe that at what time foever

(D 2) this

[ 28 J

this Spanifh or Celtiberian colony took poffeffion of Ireland its
leader became king; and when we confider the remotenefs of
this ifland from foreign invafion, we fhall think it lefs wonder-
ful that its fucceffion fhould have continued unchanged through
fuch a long line of Milefian princes. The fame circumftance in
the annals of China does not fhock our belief, and we account
for it from the fame caufe, viz. its being feparated from all con-
nexion with the reft of the world, which preferved it until the
Tartar invafion from thofe revolutions which have fo frequently
changed the government of other countries. And, to come
nearer home for an example, the Scottifh line, ftill happily
reigning in Great Britain, tracing it no higher than to its un-
queftioned anceftor Fergus the Second, is at this day not lefs
antient than the line of the Milefians in Ireland was, at the
period down to which the written antiquities of that country,
ftill extant, are carried.

I suaxLu not here enter into a difcuffion concerning the moft
antient and authentic annals of Ireland, faid to have been
framed under the fantion of public authority from time to time,
till the invafion of the Danes: thofe valuable monuments have
perifhed long fince; but, as I before obferved, even in, thofe
more recent compilations which now remain, we find none of
thofe palpable contraditions in different hiftorians, none of thofe
uncertainties and variations in the names and order of their kings,
which appear in the hiftories of the darker ages of other nations,
where fiction or tradition has fupplied the want of authentic
materials. A general agreement appears in the names and lineage

of that long feries of princes that fucceeded and defcended from
the

[ 29 ]

the firft conqueror down to the fifth century; and the defcent
of the collateral branches is traced up to the royal ftem with fuch
precifion and confiftency, as fhews it to have been once a matter
of public concern. The later bards and fennachies could not
have fabricated tables that fhould have ftood the teft of critical
examination as thefe will do; from whence I infer that they
have been a true tranfcript from antient records then extant,
but fince deftroyed. I am ready, however, to admit that the
hiftory of the tranfactions of thofe times is mixed with the
fictions of later ages, and lefs to be depended on, as we have
at this day no fixed criterion to diftinguith falfhood from truth ;
it is therefore neither to be received nor rejected in the grofs,
but to be read with a fceptical caution, and to be admitted only
fo far as it is confiftent with probability, with the teftimony
of cotemporary hiftorians, and with itfelf. So far, and no far-
ther, I fhall therefore have recourfe to: its authority on the prefent
queftion. Granting therefore, as I have before obferved, that
the antient inhabitants of Ireland might have come from the
adjacent coafts of Britain, and were not extirpated, but only
fubdued by the Milefian invaders, it is very probable that the
intercourfe between the natives of Caledonia, and thofe of the |
province of Ulfter (which took its rife from their original con-
nexion and vicinity) might have continued to fubfift, notwith-
ftanding their having afterwards become abfolutely diftin@ na-
tions in a political fenfe. This intercourfe would have much
increafed, and the alliance been farther cemented, when it be-
came their mutual intereft to join their forces againft the Ro-
mans: The Caledonians to preferve their liberty, and the Irith
to keep the enemy from attacking their's; which they were in

no

[goat

no danger of ’till after Britain was totally fubdued. ‘There is 4
paffage in Tacitus which ftrongly confirms this conjeure ; where
{peaking of the utility of an expedition againft Ireland, with
refpe& to the fecurity of the Roman conquefts in Britain, he
adds, among other motives, “ Ut Libertas tanguam e Con/pecfu tol-
featur.” “To take away that hankering after freedom which the
“« fight of a free ally fo near at hand would naturally excite.”
This hint gives the reader to underftand that Agricola had
already fuffered fome inconvenience from this connexion of
interefts, and was defirous of putting an end ‘to it, if poffible,
for ever. This expedition never took place, becaufe that gene-
ral had work enough cut out for him by the valour of the
Caledonians under Galgacus, without crofling the fea in fearch
of a new enemy; and his return to Italy a fhort time after,
and the fame caufe continuing, prevented the defign from
being ever refumed. But the increafing intercourfe and alliance
between the two nations at that period, for the above reafons,
in all probability opened the way to that fettlement under
Carbic Riada, which, according to the Irifh accounts, was ef-
fected in the Weft of Scotland about the middle of the ée-
cond century: When the antient pofterity of the Caledonians,
under a Milefian leader, returned to their original country, with
the new appellation of Dalriadans, where the devaftations of a
long war that had lafted near a century had made ample room
for their reception, without inconvenience to the remaining
natives, and where they, moft probably, were received with
open arms,

‘Tuis

Pe ee

Cs

Tus migration of an Irifh colony under the command of
Riada appears to have been effected about the year 150; and
whatever private families might have fettled there before (which
is not denied) this is the firft colony of which we have any
diftin@ account in the Irifh hiftorians; and here they have
been fo particular as to name fome of the other chiefs who
accompanied him, and got the principal poffeflions in the coun-
try. This Riada is faid to have been the fon of Conaire the
Second, monarch of Ireland; and that he is the fame with the
Rheuda of venerable Bede, appears from the Irifh writers, who
conftantly give the colony the name of Dalriadans, whom Bede
calls Dalrheudini, until the time of Niall Niagallach, who fent
frefh colonies of Irifh Scots into Caledonia after their difperfion
_ by Maximus; and from thenceforth we hear no more of them
in the Irifh accounts by their old name, but they are by com-
mon confent called Scots. ‘This alteration is obfervable from
about the year 390, which anfwers nearly to the firft accounts
we have of them under the name of Scots, in the writers of

other nations.

Tuis I take to be a probable and defenfible account of the
rife of this third nation (as Bede calls it) and its admittance into
Caledonia; which at the fame time that it is confiftent with the
fuppofition of Ireland’s being originally peopled from the adja-
cent parts of Britain (which the later Scottifh antiquarians fo
ftiffy contend for) is alfo agreeable to the hypothefis of the
Milefian fettlement in Ireland and the fucceffion of their kings
according to Irifh hiftory ; and conformable to the account given

~ by

; [ 42 4]

by cotemporary writers, as well as all the Scottifh hiftorians ‘till
the prefent century. The firft paffage that I thall quote in fupport
of this fyftem is from Buchanan ; not that the antiquity of this
elegant writer, gives him any right to priority, but chiefly be-
caufe the paffage I refer to reaches ftill farther back than the
prefent queftion, and expreffes his opinion of the veracity of the
Irifh accounts of their own origin in better terms than I can
fubftitute in their place.

Arter declaring his belief of a colony from Spain having
fought and eftablifhed a fettlement in Ireland, as being the
only country near them where they could effect it, and the
moft favourable to their idle difpofition from the richnefs of
its foil, where they might indulge a paftoral life without the
toils of agriculture, he proceeds “‘ Sed nec gentis cujufque de
“ fais majoribus opinionem que verifimilibus conjecturis inni-
“ titur, & teftimonio vetufto confirmatur, repudiandum ex-
« jftimo. Nam C. Tacitus occidentale latus Britanniz, Sive
« Albii, a pofteris Hifpanorum coli, certa, ut ipfi videtur,
“ conjectura affirmat: Verifimile autem non eft, Hifpanos, re-
“ lida a Tergo Hibernia, Terra propiore, et Celi & Soli mitio-
« xis, in Albium primum defcendiffe,; fed in Hiberniam ap-
“ puliffe, atque Inde, in Britanniam colonos miffos; guod et
“ Scotis contigifje, omnes eorum annales affirmant, et Beda Libro
“ primo teftatur. Scoti enim, omnes Hibernie habitatores initio
“ yocabantur ; ut indicat Orofius ; nec Seme/ Scotorum ex Hi-
“ bernid tranfitum in Albium faGtum No/fr? Annales referunt,
“ fed primum duce Fergufio Ferchardi filio, deinde, poft

aliquot

a a ae

ec

“ce

ie Sawy

aliquot tates in Hiberniam rediiffle, atque‘denuo duce

‘ Rheutharo in Britanniam reverfos. Poft, etiam, regnante

Fergufio Secundo, magna auxilia Scotorum Hibernicorum

* miffa quibus fedes in Gallovidia funt date.” Buch. Lib. 2.

Joun Major, a more antient writer than Buchanan, admits

the firft fettlement of the Scots in Britain to have been under

Rheuda, but is guilty of fo many anachronifms in his account as

not to deferve a quotation from him ’till he comes to their

difperfion by Maximus, which he thus relates: “* Anno ab Orbe

ac

ce

66

“c

6c

“ec

cc

redempto 396, tempore Honorii & Arcadii Imperatorum, in
Britanniam Scoti difperfi redierunt, poftquam quadraginta
tribus Annis exularant: & hoc partim PiQorum invocatione,
qui Britonum tributis attediati fuas terras pro magna parte
Pictorum opere receperunt & feedus novum omni odio depofito
Scoti cum- Pictis renovarunt; verbi Salluftiani memores, con-
cordia parye res crefcunt, difcordid maximz dilabuntur.”

Georrry of Monmouth, a writer of the eleventh century,

thus fpeaks of the return of the Scots after Maximus left Britain
- (whom he calls Maximianus): “ nefandi Pi@orum & Hunno-

74

ce

rum duces Guanius et Melga qui partibus Gratiani & Valenti-
niani favebant, cum didiciffent Infulam Britannie ab omni
armato milite vacuatam, iter feftinatum verfus Illam duxe-
runt, affociatifque fibi co//ateralibus Infulis, in Albaniam appli-
cuerunt: agmine igitur fato invaferunt regnum quod rec-
tore et defenfore carebat, vulgus irrationabile caedentes; ad-

duxerat enim fecum Maximianus omnes bellicofos juvenes

(E) qui

[Ege]

“ qui reperiri potuerunt, inermefque colonos, atque inconfultos
* reliquerat. Cum igitur tanta calamitas Maximiano nun-
“ tiata fuilfet, mifit Gratianum municipem cum duobus Legionibus,
“ gui ut in infulam venerunt preeliati funt cum predictis hof-
Ke tibus, et acerrimo nece affeQlos ipfos in Hiberniam fugaverunt,
* Interea Maximianus Rome interfeCus eft, & Gratianus czpit
** Regni Diadema, exin tantam tyrannidem in Populum exer-
“ cuit, ut catervis faCtis irruerunt in illum plebani, & interfe-
“ cerunt. Qnod cum per cetera regna divulgatum fuiffet,
“ reverfi funt predi@i hoftes ex Hibernia, & fecum Scofos,
“* Norwegenfes, & Dacos conducentes, regnum a mari ufque ad
“© mare, ferro & Flamma affecerunt. rat autem Albania pent-
“ tus, frequentatione barbarorum, vaftata. 8 Quicunque hoftes fu-
“ perventebant, opportunum intra ipfam habebant receptaculum.”

Geoff. Mon. Hift. Brit. Lib. 5th, Cap. ult.

I sHovLp not quote Geoffry of Monmouth as a writer of
much authority, if the hiftory he refers to was then a matter
of very high antiquity ; but as the event he relates was at a
period not very diftant from his own times, I think he deferves
attention. We do not rejedt the teftimony of the Roman hifto-
rians for the expulfion of the Tarquins and the eftablifhment of
the commonwealth, though we may give little credit to the tale
of Aineas, which yet, for any thing that now appears to the
contrary, is as well fupported by antient records as the other.
But, as they lived nearer the latter period than the former, we
fuppofe them better fupported in the matter of fact. The ac-

count however of Geoffry is partly confirmed by Fabius Athel-
werdus,

bags) 4

werdus, a Saxon writer who flourifhed two centuries before.
I have not had an opportunity of confulting him, but he is
thus quoted by Uther, Lecle/: Brit. Primord. “ Habitante plebe
“‘ britannica incuriofé, caufa firmitatis intra foffam quz a Severo
«¢ Cafare condita erat, infurrexerunt gentes due Pidti Scilicet ab
“¢ aguilonali plaga, Scoti, ab occidental contra eos, vaftantes eo-
“ rum poffeffiones.” Now no nation of Scots could come upon
the Britons from the weft of Severus’s wall except thofe from
Ireland, and the firft colony of Scots had fled back thither after
their defeat by the Romans. This brings our accounts of the
Irifh invafion of Britain ftill nearer the time when it is faid to
have happened. But to put the truth of this piece of hiftory
beyond all exception, we have the teftimony of a writer ftill
more antient, and that is Gildas the Briton, who may be efteemed
almoft a cotemporary with the calamity that he relates. Thefe
are his words. ‘* Exin Britannia omni armato milite, militari-
“* bus copiis, re€toribus (licet immanibus) ingenti iuventute
“ fpoliata, que comitata veftigia fupradicti tyranni (Maximr

“ Scificet) domum nufquam rediit ultra, et omnis belli ufus

“‘ penitus ignara, duabus gentibus tranfmarinis, Scotorum a
“ Circo, PiGtorum ab Aguzlone calcabilis, multos ftrepet gemitque
* annos.” ‘Thefe appear to have been the commotions to which
Claudian refers in his poem in Laudem Stilichonis, as they
lafted for a confiderable time, and were not concluded ’till the
total defeat and diffipation of the Scots by Gratianus Municeps.
Which Fordun, the moft antient of the Scottifh hiftorians, places -
about the year 360, in the reign of Eugenius. “ His diebus
‘in bello rex Scotorum Eugenius cecidit cum filio, multique

(E 2) “ cum

Lingo]

* cum illis Principes & Reguli. Reliqui, relidtis praediis, Hofti-
** bus Servire nolentes, eligerunt potius in terram alienam velut
“ advene degentes, quam propria fubditi fervire continua fer-
“ yitute: Ethac quoque Regis frater cum Filio Suo Erth, aliis
“* que pluribus Hiberniam petiit. Infulas itaque quidam petentes
** per omne tempus excidii latebant, preter quas omne regnum
“ circa annum 360 amiferunt.”

Here then we fee the Scottifh Dynafty completely expelled
from Britain, and difperfed, fome into Ireland from whence they
came, and fome to other nations. ‘Their return into Britain
was about forty years after. John Major places it thirty-fix
years, though he is too inaccurate to be depended on. “ Anno
“ab orbe redempto 396 tempore Arcadii et Honorii Impera-
** torum Scotos difperfos in Britanniam rediiffe conftat,” &c.

From a comparifon of all thefe accounts, however they may
differ in leffer circumftances, thefe facts are to be collected :—
That a colony of Scots from Ireland had fettled in Caledonia ;
that they had given umbrage to the Romans in Britain, by their
hoftilities againft the province in conjunction with the Irifh, the
Picts, and other nations. That they were attacked by the Ro-
mans, defeated, and forced to abandon Britain. That on Maxi-
mus leaving Britain without defence they took advantage of his
abfence, and made frefh attempts to reinftate themfelves. That
they were again chaftifed by Gratianus Municeps ; but on his
being affaffinated, they returned in full force, with the affiftance
of the Irifh and Pits, laid wafte and occupied the country from

fea

ct Spa

fea to fea (which poffibly was no more than from the Clyde to
the Forth). And laftly, that they eftablifhed themfelves in Scot-
land about the year 390.

Ler us now fee how all this agrees with the Irith hiftories
of thofe times. — It appears by the Irith chronicles, now extant, that
Niall Niagallach, monarch of all Ireland, began his reign in 373,
and reigned twenty-feven years. This prince is one of the
greateft heroes of the Irifh, and his exploits in Britain are parti-
cularly extolled ; in one of which expeditions the celebrated St.
Patrick is faid to have been carried prifoner into Ireland. He
was the firft (as they aflert) that gave the name of Scotia to the
country poffeffed by the Irifh colonies in Britain. They name
alfo a general of the Dalriads who affifted him with his forces
at the latter endof his reign, but no king of that country is
mentioned ’till Fergus the fon of Earca; who, according to
them, firft eftablifhed the independent kingdom of the Scots.
Now the return of the Scots into Britain is placed by their own
writers anno 396, which was about four years before the death

of this monarch. So that thefe relations agree fufficiently with the

Irifh accounts to render both very admiffible ; and to mitigate the
ridicule which a late Scottifh antiquarian is pleafed to throw upon
the imaginary exploits of the redoubtable Niall: Since almoft the
whole of that period, wherein we read that the Romans, Britons,
Huns, Picts, Scots and Irifh were engaged in a bloody war, was during
the reign of this prince; during which, in the alliance of thefe bar-
barous nations againft the Romans and Britons, the Irifh feem to
have taken the lead, not only by affording an afylum to a diftreffed
people after their defeat, but by affifting afterwards to reftore

. them

E> a4

them by an offenfive war with an enemy who had never at-
tacked their country; fo that we muft confider them as ag-
greffors in the quarrel.

Tue author of the IntroduCtion to the Hiftory of the antient
Scots and Irifh, challenges the abettors of the old fyftem to fhew
a period at which the Irifh could poffibly have fettled themfel ves
in fuch numbers as to have formed an independent ftate among
the brave Caledonians, who would foon have fent them back
to their own country with difgrace if they had made fuch an
attempt. If his reading had been equal to his invention and
ingenuity he might eafily have difcovered it: It was, “* Cum A/-
“© bania penitus frequentatione barbarorum vaftata erat, et quicunque
“ hoftes Superventebant, opportunum intra ipfam habebant receptaculum.”

Towarps the middle of the enfuing century we have an ac-
count of another migration of Scots into Britain, and more fettle-
ments obtained there by the Irifh natives. This was at the
time when Britain was totally abdicated by the Romans, and
of courfe a fair opportunity offered to a needy enemy to in-
vade, plunder and conquer with little refiftance. Gildas defcribes
this invafion and the caufe of it in the following words: ‘ Ro-
“ manis ad fuos remeantibus, emergunt certatim de curucis qui-
“ bus funt trans feythicam vallem evedti, tetri Scotorum Picto-
“ rumque greges, moribus ex parte diffidentes, et una eademque
“« Sanguinis fundendi aviditate concordes.—Cognitaque conde-
*“ bitorum reverfione et reditus denegatione, folito confi-
“« dentiores, omnem aquilonalem extremamque terre partem
“ Pro Indigen’s muro tenus capefiunt.” Bede fpeaks of the fame
event in terms not very different: | Anno Theodofii o€tavo

** recedente

Lt so J

* recedente a Britannia romano exercitu, cognita, Scoti & Pidti
* reditus denegatione, redeunt ipfi, et totam ab aquilone infu-
* lam Pro Indigenzs muro tenus capeffunt.”

Here then is a full confutation of the new Scottifh Archze-
ologia, that the Scots are’ the pofterity of the true Caledonians,
Gildas writes of his own times, and confequently his authority
is irrefragable. Who were the Indigene of the Pars Aquilonalis
of Britain Muro Tenus,* but the Caledonians? If the Scots and
Pidis feized on the poffeffion of that part Pro Indigenis, they
could not have been Indigene themfelves, but a foreign nation
or nations; confequently neither of them of Caledonian extrac-
tion.

We now fee the whole portion of Britain, at this day called
Scotland, in full poffeffion of the Scots and Pits for the firft
time ; for though both thefe nations had got footing there fome
ages before, and been very troublefome neighbours to the natives
as well as to the Romans, it does not appear that they poffeffed
a fufficient portion of this country to deferve the name of a king-
dom ’till ‘this period ; but all Caledonia being now divided be-

-tween them, we may from hence date the eommencement of

their refpective Dynafties, which fubfifted independent of each
other, ’till the Scots fwallowed up all in the reign of Kenneth
the Second.

- From this time the Scots appear to have continued not long
without an eftablifhed mdnarch, but to have invited from Ire-
land Fergus, the fon of Arcath, or Erk according to the Scottifh

writers,

[ 4a]

writers, or Earca according to the Irifh.. Upon this head there
is a confiderable difference between the hiftorians of the two na-
tions ; the firft fay that Arcath or Erk was the father of Fergus;
the fecond affert that Earca was his mother, and the daughter of
a Scottifh chieftain. In this point I am rather inclined to be
guided by the opinion of the Irifh; becaufe. the Scots have no
hiftorians extant, of any thing near the like antiquity. with the
Irifh; befides its carrying a great probability with it from. other
circumftances that attend it. This Earca, the daughter of the
aforefaid Scot, is faid by the Irifh to have been married to
Muirdeach, king of Ireland. The eldeft fon fucceeded his father,
and ftands in the lift of kings by the name of Murtogh Adc.
Earca. Now it is highly probable that, if the Scots thought
proper to fend for a king, as their own hiftorians affert, they
would prefer a prince, the fon of a king who was alfo defcended
in a right line from one of their own chiefs, to any other perfon
not fo highly born. But fince the elder brother was already heir
apparent to a more valuable and antient kingdom, it is natural
that their choice fhould fall upon the fecond fon if the eldeft
declined it. The Irifh hiftorians farther affert, that his father
made him on that occafion a prefent of the famous Liah Fail
or Stone of Deftiny, on which the pagan Irifh kings were ufed
to be crowned ; which continued to be appropriated to that ufe
in Scotland ’till it was carried to Weftminfter by Edward the
Firft, where it now remains. This account is alfo more con-
fiftent with probability than the Scottifh legend, of its having been
brought from Ireland by one Fergus the Firft, a monarch of their
own country, and more antient by near eight centuries than the
other. In the days of Paganifin no Irifh king would have parted

with

[ 42. ]

with fuch a myfterious relique ; but as Ireland was then juft be-
come Chriftian, we may fuppofe that it was little efteemed ;
though Fergus the Second might think it would be of ufe to
him to give his new fubje@s a fuperftitious veneration for his
perfon and family, and prevent them from attempting to fhake
a throne thus eftablifhed by fate itfelf,

’ ®)

sat g iiiee
Chad ftuj Lawaafherait ‘asta ba 4 ee svoudiyae ‘8, sloth, i. "
3 bouressite oni enw Mt. dad “Sauget NRRL, 2H, tnBind, Jom
2 sie to od Sliow i ‘dain Siig bangae pil 18032 % 7.)
wich wen” holRonav dyottieegay 5 ae Ret ni sig ot, ‘cote tin .
sane a} Acieheqcamte mictt e989 LS pong bitte: sylicont fan noted
ihemceynts 4 sates ed ib At! aan ot nd “hei ae aaiils a
aii basil, its 2h ary FARA | PO 2 ah pe Ee ut "
ig ptar irri bal aH anda ie Sith AL KOE yey she hevesthenoaghattat gh et
eye ibnth 4 AL Ma fiy:, EDaRRsrabas cL rieet ees APU LATA
Hii Sone nse el (ae SY

rat spalegel til tir vith, L. ee

- +

Siar panei i i 43) |
Smeets Paridis, i a ieike Rants may ithe gysigs: th, J¥R yee
spinal danas TE egy iii het rik et ‘tat charg i
Ghbekefoeitiahdd. stshusk Seok aes SPR) dliety | dude: Wee ain HEE he

arte atin te Wee %

(at Pati Wan tit} of i} ' bese

is oc if oa cay. me EE tenths ANP ashiep sks iy ih) Histsh t Hediv

ately parm... Brah Syen sie where! rath berbac beta AY Aba
eet het. a. treed! wai ii? shy ie, pret et Tebangeoeanyeatt sie yids gi

ide bit a Lda a
moray 2 a ziht ehieshoad. Lilo Aub keull Usnid). » fiscal ij te) Lat

Pr Bali clssig 1s Mibbres LEED: a SRN DUE Matar Witceeten rte (it iba

V4, ath ea , ; hh &
: cperiatinosn ak,oregt|38) tel Mt Apsiceaee Ly i

sieht atthe: om gaat
pf Betas Ge. Picks tbat Aye! Yip heal 3 Weeeeey

TOTES ie? / i
whi oe PEs FEY yeni aah We agit ; eer > PRE de es t

, ba) ah ty ns ae , |
fi ats at ray tine Ax an a aril we vi

.

r ;
; wale f ~ Vereiat hs

ae he i by, > oo ¥% SI s Te
piieale) ae Bye aps see: WATE) ta er (3 tite #RtO aif ast
hiotaies ch verte) ete PPRRPR EU TEE begrene, COL NES owvis

{pie ig Meee eee: +5 eh
aight Bie ewe t hy 4 sanpnngiry b <a

\

Pad byte! Sian aye Wests bath Py ee
| i cacy ole sta! ee

a eS Let epdontowh F4ty Hie ee wits
Bits th gt tht bidta, kicng Ae ph ann

Bi vi Me eset ks

if

Cg

Antient GAELIC POEMS refeéting the Race of the FIANS,
collected in the HIGHLANDS of SCOTLAND i the
Year 1784. By M. YOUNG, D.D. MRL A.

eI ROD Ue pep Ow,

‘Tue great intereft' which has for fome years been taken in Read April
the controverfy concerning the authenticity of Mc. Pherfon’s 17> 1786

Offian made me defirous of collecting all the information in my
power, during an_excurfion through the Scottith Highlands in
the fummer of 1784. The following poems are part of the
collection which I made at that time; and notwithftanding Mr.
Hill has done fo much towards bringing this warmly contefted
queftion to a decided iffue, I imagined they might throw fome
new and additional light on the fubje@. I have therefore ven-
tured to lay them before the Academy, with tranflations, and a
few explanatory notes.

Mr. Mc. Pherfon is by many fuppofed to be the fole and
original author of the compofitions which he has publithed as
(F 2) tranflations

[ be) J.

tranflations of the works of Offian; this charge I am enabled
to refute, at leaft in part, having fortunately met with the
originals of fome of them. Mr. Me. Pherfon, I acknowledge, has
taken very great liberties with them, retrenching, adding, and
altering as he judged proper: But we muft admit that he has
difcovered great ingenuity in thefe variations.

Mr. Hill, in his letters on this fubje@, having taken notice of
the manner in which thefe tranflations were made, according to
Mr. Smith’s own confeffion (a gentleman who has likewife pub-
lifhed a very elegant and beautiful colleCtion of poems attributed
to Offian: and other Highland bards) namely, “ that Mr. Mc,
«© Pherfon compiled his publications from thofe parts of the
“ Highland fongs which he moft approved, combining them into
“ fuch forms as, according to his ideas, were moft excellent,
“ retaining the old names and leading events,”
until the originals are produced, no man can tell what is Offian’s

and what is Mc. Pherfon’s.

complains, that

Tuis charge feems indeed to be an unan{werable objection
to the form in which thefe tranflations have been given to the
public. The manners, cuftoms, laws, the ftate of arts and fciences
amongtt the antient tribes of thefe countries ; the order, imagery,
and conneétion of their poetical remains, are the great objects of
enquiry to the curious. They have therefore long been anxious
to fee, either the very poems themfelves in their primitive form,
or fuch tranflations as have adhered faithfully to them. Until
this be done, it will certainly be impoffible to diftinguifh the
ancient from the modern, the real from the fititious; and there-

fore,

een ay ne eee a

[fl

fore, however we may admire them as beautiful compofitions,
we can never rely on their authority, in any queftion of hiftory,
antiquity or criticifm. Mr. Mc. Pherfon, I muft alfo allow, is
liable to cenfure for having altered the date of his originals, as
well as their matter and form, having given them a much higher
antiquity than they are really entitled to, On this ground it is
that he ftudioufly fuppreffes all mention of St. Patrick, whofe
name frequently occurs in thefe poems, and only occafionally
alludes to him under the character of a Culdee, or one of the firft
Chriftian miffionaries into this country ; for any mention of St.
Patrick would have induced us to fufpect, that perhaps thefe
poems were not in truth the compofitions of Offian, but of thofe
Fileas who in later times’ committed to verfe the traditional
relations of his exploits. We cannot adopt the opinion of fome
of the advocates for Mr. Mc. Pherfon, that he has only omitted
fuch paffages:as are of modern: fabrication, and retained the
genuine lines of Offian alone: and even granting that he had
the faculty of diftinguifhing, by fome unerring criterion, the ge-
nuine compofition of Offian, he can never affure us, that he has
fo thoroughly attained the fpirit of the bard, as that we may
juftly place his own infertions and additions on the fame level
with them. He ought to have permitted the world to judge
‘in thefe cafes for themfelves; and when he profeffed himfelf
to be merely a tranflator, it fhould feem he tranfgreffed the li-
mits of his province, when he prefumed either to add to or
mutilate the originals. Of the degree of this ftretch of his pre-
rogative we may form fome conjeture from the following. cir-
cumftance: One of the profeffors of the Univerfity of Glafgow,

having

[ 46 ]

having entertained fome doubts of the authenticity of the tran-
flation, wrote to Mr. Mc. Arthur, minifter of Mull, whofe
name has been mentioned in the courfe of this controverfy, re-
quefting that he would fend him) fome of the originals from
which the tranflation had been made. Mr. Me. Arthur, in his
anfwer, told the profeffor ‘¢ that there were many of the fpu-
“rious Irith fongs wandering through the country; but to fatisfy
«his feruples he fent him» the four following fragments, as ex-
“ traéts from the genuine poems of Offian :” :

FR A GiM:E Ni T. &:

Gum be fin an tuirlean teann
Mar dhean a bheireadh da chiad ord
Cath fuileach an da ri
Gum bu guineach bri an:colg,
Air brifteadh don fgiathaibh deirg
Air eirigh dam feirg ’s dam fraoch
Hilg iad airm fios gu lar
’S thug iad fpairn an do laoch
Cath fuileach fin an da ri

» Sann linne burchian an clofs
Bha clachan is talamh trom
Am ofgladh fuidh bhonn an cos,

See Fingal, B. 5, defeription of the fight between

Fingal and Swaran,

FRAGMENT

[ 4 J
FRAGMENT IL

Seachd altruin Lochlain lain
Diongaidh mife fath gun fgeilg,

Se thuirt an ‘Tofcar bu mhor pris
Luigear chugamfa Ri Innfe Tore,

E fein ’fa dha chomhairleach dheug
’S leigear eidir mi fein s’an cofg.
Tarla Mugha ga mora ghlonn,

Se thuirt Diarmaid donn gun ghuin,
Coifgidh mife fin gar fein

Air mo tuitidh mi fein air a fhon:
Se feumachas ghabhas fein

Ge ’ta mi mar chi tu mi nochd,

Ri Tearmain na’n comhrag teann
’S gu’n fgarain a cheann ra chorp.
Beiridh beannachd, beiridh buaidh

Thuirt Mac Cumhail nan gruaidh dearg,

Mac fin ri Lochlain nan ftuadh
Diongaidh mife ga mhor fhearg.

See BL 5, Fingal son the fame fubject. .

~F- RAG ME N:T IIL.

Cha choineadh bean a mac fein,
Cha mho choineadh fear a bhrathair,
Na bha fin gu ler mun teach

Bha fuin uile caocineadh Ofcair.

THEN,

C 48 ]
“Tren,” fays Mr. Mc. Arthur, “ follows Ofcar’s own fpeech :”

Donnalich na’n con re’m thaobh,
Agus burich nan fean laoch,

Is gul a bhannail mu’n feach

Gur e fud a chradh mi’m chriodh ;
Cha do fhidir duine riamh
Criodha feola bhi am chliabh

Ach criodhe do chuibhne cuir.

“ THE cuibhne cuir is the caft horn of a deer,” fays he, “ and is
* reckoned extremely hard.”
See the death of Ofcar, B. 1, Temora.

FRAGMENT TV.

Guibeadh tu fin is ceud each

Is fear ris an deachaidh frian,

Is ceud marcadh air am muin
Len earra fhroil on laffadh grian :
Gheibeadh tu fin is ceud corn .
Ni don vifge ghorm an fion, :
Ge be afda dh’ olas deach

Cha d’ theid a dhochartas am mead.
Mur gabh tu fin —

Thoir leat do bhean, ’s dean ruinne fithe.

See the battle of Lora.

Tue firft and fecond fragments are extracted from the poem

entitled Off agus an Clerich, which is in Mr, Hills collection,
and

[ 49 ]

and is current in Ireland*. ‘The third is taken from the Mard/-
rann Ofcair, and the fourth from the poem entitled Oran eadar
Alte agus do Maronnan, a copy of which is amongft the Irifh
manufcripts in the library of the college of Dublin. It appears,
therefore, that thefe fpurious Irifh ballads, as they are called by
Mr. Mc. Pherfon and Mr. Me. Arthur, are the very Brig out
of which the former compiled his Offian.

I was much furprized to find, that out of fo large a work
as the Temora, Fingal, and all the other fhorter poems,
Mr. Mc. Arthur fhould happen to fele& only fuch paffages as
occurred in the Erfe fongs which fell into Mr. Hill’s hands or
mine. ‘This feems to indicate that the foundation of Mr. Mc.
Pherfon’s Offian is much narrower than, perhaps, we might
otherwife have fufpeed.

In fragment the firft, Mr. Mc. Arthur has multiplied two
hammers into an hundred, by inferting the word chiad: Though
this be not fo juft as the original, yet it is a grander image,
and more agreeable to Mr. Mc. Pherfon’s tranflation.

In fragment the fecond, for Manus Mac Gharra nan Sloigh, he
fubftitutes Mac fin ri Lochlain nan ftuagh, becaufe Manus, a
name of later times, does not occur in Mc. Pherfon.

Tue following poems are tranfcribed letter for letter from
the copies now current in the Highlands, except fo far as they

* A beautiful copy of this poem is preferved in the library of the univerfity of
- Dublin; it is entitled Laci Mhanuis Mhoir. A mutilated copy of it is printed in
the Perth edition, p. 18, under the title of Combrag Fheinn agus Mbanuis.

(G) have

[sed
have been corrected by the edition lately publifhed at Perth, of
which I fhall have cccafion to make further mention hereafter.
In other places, therefore, they will be found very incorre@:
But this cannot be an object of furprize ; for as the Erfe was
not a written language ’till within thefe few years, there were
no means of forming any ftandard for the writer; the ortho-
graphy, therefore, depended on his own fancy. But after the
Irifh Bible wag printed in the Roman letter by Mr. Kirke, in the
year 1690, for the ufe of the Highlands, where the Irifh cha-
racter was unknown *, and other religious tra€ts had been pub-
lifhed, there was then formed a kind of ftandard; and if we

may reafon from the remarkable improvement which has fince +
taken

* The ,title-page runs in the following words: * Tiomna nuadh, &c. noch
*¢ ata anios ar mhaithe choitchinn Gasidhealtacht Albann, athruighte go haireach
** as an litir Eireandha, go mion-litre fhoi-leighidh Romhanta, &c. le R. Kirke,
« M.A. bli. 16903” that is, “ The New Teftament, &c. which now, for the
‘« public good of the Gaels of Scotland, is carefully altered from the Irifh letter
‘¢ to the neater Roman letter, which is more eafily read, &c. by R. Kirke, in the
“year 1690.” On this title-page we may obferve, that the Irifh letter in the
year 1690 was unknown, at leaft generally, in the Highlands; and that the High-
landers have the epithet Alban attributed to them in direét contradi€tion to the
affertion of Mr. Mc. Pherfon, who tells us, that they are called Gael emphatically,
but that the Irifh have the epithet of Eirinnach added to diftinguifh them from the
original {tock ; whereas we here find that the diftinguifhing epithet is applied to
the Highlanders, and therefore, as far as this argument goes, it proves Ireland to

be the mother country.

+ Mr. Mc. Pherfon once was of opinion, that the beauty of Erfe writing confifted
in its “ not being briftled over with unneceflary, quiefcent confonants, like the Irith,”
as he has expreffed himfelf in his notes on the 7th B. of Temora. But the

learned Colonel Vallancey, to whom the Celtic literature of this country owes fo
much,

Ll es
taken place, we may foon expect to fee the Erfe reftored to that
original purity which it pofleffes in the mother country.

In the annexed tranflations, elegance of expreffion has not
been fought after, my only with being to give a clear and faith-
ful idea of thefe antient fongs. In many places I fear they may
be incorrect: This is partly to be attributed to the corrupt and
uncertain orthography of the originals; and partly to my im-
perfect knowledge of the language, in which I by no means
pretend to be fkilful. However, upon the whole, I believe no
errors of material confequence have efcaped me; but if there be
fuch, the originals are at hand by which they may be cor=
rected.

much, fhewed him how thoroughly he was miftaken in this matter: and the
beauty of Erfe orthography, as may be feen. in the late publications at Perth, is
now rightly thought to confift in its conformity with Irifh, and to its being briftled
with thofe very confonants which to Mr. Mc. Pherfon appeared to be fo great a
deformity.

(G 2) SUIREADH

[ae

ee eee ————EEQeGoOoUoEoeEeEeEeEeEeEeEGEeE—e

OSSIANs COURTSHIP of EVIRALLIN?#.

(ee PS

He is a dog* who is not compliant—But I tell you, wanton
girl, I once was valiant in battle, though now I am worn out
with years. When we went to the lovely Evir of the fhining hair,
the maid of the white hand, the difdainful favourite of Cormac,
we went to Loch Lego, twelve men the moft valiant beneath
the fun*. Would you know our determined refolution? It was
to make cowards fly before us. Bran, the fon of Leacan,
mildly but firmly faluted the noble and valiant band, that
never was ftained by any difgrace. He then enquired of us, in
friendly terms, the occafion of our coming? Caoilte anfwered
for us, “ to afk your daughter.”

* The original of this poem is given very correctly in the collection of Gaelic
poems, publifhed in Perth in 1786, by Mr. Gillies, an active and fpirited printer,
to whom the Erfe language is, on many accounts, much indebted.

2 The opening of this poem is very obfcure; however, the tradition, handed
down together with it, clears up the difficulty. Offian, when advanced in years,
being oppreffed with extreme hunger, had recourfe to a young woman who had
often‘ fupplied him with milk.’ She made him fome propofal which did not fuit
the delicacy of his feelings ;' and, on his refufal, fhe called him an old dog. This
fong was his reply to her on that occafion.—We cannot too much admire the in-

genious

Cs

SUIREADH OISEIN ar EAMHAIR-ALUINN.

a a TEES

i S Cuth-duine far nach ionmhuin
Deirimfe riutfa nighean iunnfai,

Gu’n raibh mi ’m dhea laoch air bheirt eile,
Ge ta mi ’m fheann laoch fan latha-fo’.
Latha gu’n deachaidh leinn

Eamhair aluinn fholt-ghrinn,

Nighean bu gheal-lamhach glac,

Leannan coigrich Chormaig.

Ghluais finn gu foith Locha Leige

An da fhear-dheug a’ b’ fhear foi ’n ghrein,
Ge b’e dh’ fhidireadh ar run,

Romhain bu theichmheach droch cuth.
Bheannuich an fin Bran Mac Leacan
D’an-t’ fluagh aluinn, ard, gheal-ghlacach
Gu narach, treoireach, neo-mheata,

Nach do phill fcannal no afcal.

Dh’ fharaid e dh’ inn, an gloir bhinn,

Ciod e an taife mu’n d’ thainig finn ?
Caoilte fhreagair air ar ceann,

A dh’ iarraidh do nighin ortfa.

genious and poetical manner in which Mr. Mc. Pherfon has introduced this little
poem, as an epifode, in the 4th Book of Fingal.

Mr. Mc. Pherfon infifts, without any authority from the original (fee the edi-
tion of Perth) that thefe were jons of frreamy Morven, in order to confirm his erro-
neous opinion, that Offian was alfo of that country.

[ 4 J

Bran. For whom do you afk her?
Caortts. For the noble Offian, fon of Fin.

Bran. And you fhall not be denied, O valiant chief, re-

nowned in battle.

Tuen Bran faid, and he did not fpeak a falfehood, “ if I
“ had twelve daughters, fuch is his fame amongift the Fians,
«© Offian fhould have the firft.’” ‘The bright apartment, con-
ftructed of polifhed brown ftone, was opened to us, ~ Amaze filled
us all when we beheld the lovely Evir, of the golden curled hair.
When the noble Evir faw Offian, fon of Fin, chief of the
Fians, the maid of the beauteous countenance gave the love of
her foul to the valiant fon. We then went to Drum-da-horc,
where Cormac waited boldly for us with feven well-armed com-

panies.

Tue army of Cormac, confident of fuccefs, appeared on
the mountain like a bright flame of fire. The warlike Cormac
led on eight champions, equal in deeds of fame, of the race
of the Firbolgs; Macolla, and Durra of wounds, the fon of
the valiant. Tofcair, and Taog, flout Freafdal, the fon of a
king ; Daire of great courage in action ; Daol, greatly perfe-
verant in the combat, and the ftandard of the warlike Cormac in
his hand. ‘The noble Offian led on eight heroes, all equal in the
rough battle, however defperate. Mulla, Mac-Scein, and Fial ;

Ci 5g J

Co dha ta fibh ga h’ iarraidh ?

Do dh’ Oifein uafal mac Fheinn ;

*Si mo nearac a gheabh thu,

A Loich laidir long-phortaich. —
Labhair Bran ’s ni dubhairt breug,

Ge do bhiodh agam da nighin deug,
Aig feabhas do chluith fan Feinn,
Bhiodh a ceud nighean aig Oifein.

Dh’ fhofgladh dhuinn an Grianan corr,
Air a thuthadh do chloth dhuinn,

Lion meanmna finn uile,

*G amharc Eamhair chas-fholt bhuidhe.
*Nuair a chunnairc Eamhair fhial
Oifein Mac Fhinn flath na ’m Fiann,
Thug an ribhinn a b’ aille dreach
Gaol a h anma d’ an dea’ mhac.

Gu’n ghluais finn gu Druim-da-thorc,
*S bha Cormac romhain na Long-phort
*Se dar feitheamh gu dana

Le feachd catha d’an dea’ mhalaidh.

Sluagh Chormaig gu’n do-chas

Aig na ghabh an fliabh bla-lafair.
Ochd-fhear do bhi aig Cormag cruinn
Ionnan ann gniomh, dh’ Fhearaibh-Bolg,
Mac Colla is Daire nan creuchd,

Mac Tofcair treun agus Taog :
Freafdal baghach mac an Righ,

Daire na’n gniomh bu mhor agh,
Daol bu mhaith fulang ’fa chuing,

*S meirge Chormaig cruinn na laimh.
Ochd fhear bhi aig Oifein ard,
Jonnan fa chath gharg gu dhian

Mulla mac Scein agus Fial,

[56°]

the honeft Scelacha, a chief of the Fians; Fillan, and bearded
Cairioll ; Dumarivan, whofe fword was not gentle; and
Ogar‘, leading on his band, advanced againft the Firbolgs.
Tofcar fought, Daol fought, face to face, in the prefence of
the armies: The conteft of thefe two valiant chiefs was as the
waves that are poured out by the wind upon a rocky fhore—
It was the confli@ of two lions‘. TTofcar did not draw his
dagger to wound; and though the {kill of the combatants was
great, the warm blood gufhed from their wounds in rapid ftreams.
Tofcar remembered his dagger, a weapon prized by the valiant
hero; he plunged it nine times in the fide of Daol. For a little
time Daol continued the fight. This conteft ftunned the armies,
like the found of a fledge upon the anvil; but Offian gained
every moment fome advantage in the fevere confli@. Offian
cleft fifty fhields upon. the mountain ; and Cormac, fon of Art,
broke fifty blue fwords upon the hill. I cut off the head of
Cormac there upon the mountain, before the fall of night. I
then returned to the prince‘ of Ireland, the hero’s head in my
hand by the hair.

¢ Mr. MPherfon infifts, as before, without ‘any authority from the original (fee
the edition of Perth) that Ogar was from the hills of Ardven.

4 This does not very well accord with the criticifms of Dr. Blair: « Every
country,” fays he, has a fcenery peculiar to itfelf, and the images of a good
poet will exhibit it. The introduction of foreign images betrays a poet copying,
« not from nature, but from other writers. Hence fo many lions, tigers, eagles
and ferpents which we meet with in the fimiles of modern poets. Ofhan is
“ yery correct in this particular. His imagery is without exception copied from that
« face of nature which he faw before his eyes.” On this occafion we muft obferve,
that Dr. Blair’s criticifms are fitted to Mr. Mc. Pherfon’s Offian, not to the origi-
nals, with which he had no acquaintance.

¢

-

ry

¢

ry

© By

{ sp J

Sgeulaiche fior flath na feinn.
Faolan agus Cairioll cas,
Dubh mac Ribhinn nior thais colg ;
Tofcar an tus, fiar a chlann,
Chaidh foi ’n chrann an ceann na ’m Fearbolg.
Thachair Tofcar thachair Daol,
Taobh re taobh an lath’r an t’ fluagh,
Bha comhrag an da churaidh chaoimh,
Mar gu’n doirteadh gaoth a cuan :
Bu chomrag dha leomhain fin,
’S cha ’n iarradh e fcian d an guin,
Ge bu mhaith faoirfinneachd na’m fear,
Bu cheo na taofgaibh amfuil.
Chuimnich Tofcar air an fcein,
Arm bu mhian leis an fhear mhaith,
Chuir e naoi guine an taobh Dhaoil,
Sealan beag mu’n chlaon an cath.
Bha comhraig ag borbadh an t’ fluaigh,
Mar fhuaim uird le dearnaibh lamh
| Ag earraidh gu Oifein gach uair
°§ an cath cruaidh do bheir e dhoibh.
Do fcoilt Oifein air an t’ fliabh,
Caogad fciath gu Cormag cruinn,
*S gu ’n bhris Cormag mac Art,
Caogad lann ghlas air an druim.
Thugas an ceann do Chormag cruinn
Air an t’ fliabhfa gus a nochd,
>S gu ’n do ghluais gu Flaith Fail,
°S an ceann fin am lamh air fholt.

|
}
7
_

© By Flaith Fail in the original, the prince of Ireland, is probably meant Fion-
Mac-Cumhal, who is often, in thefe ancient poems, called Fionn Fail, and Flaith na
Bhfian; that is, Fionn of Ireland, and prince of the Fians.

(H)

E 58 J

Th LAMENTATION of the WIFE f DARGO',

TAM the wile of Darenyideanes Gallathivas died gate lenew
no fault. Every hero muft at length be ftretched out in death—
forrowful am I to-night !

Daroco, fon of Collath, branch of the Clouds; beautiful amidft
a thoufand; anger never fat upon his countenance: Dargo, that

fell by a boar!

Wrru his hawk and two dogs he collected the game in the
fields: Dargo, who took pleafure in them, to-night is buried in
the grave!

Preasant and lovely was thy cheek ; it did not betray fear
in battle ; thy heart was generous and open, and thy complexion
brighter-than the fun! ‘

Never didft thou refufe thy affiftance to the diftreffed, nor
proteé the unjuft; wert guilty of no falfhood, nor ever didft thou
decline the combat of arms with any man.

4 See the notes on the poem called Calthon and Colmal, by M‘Pherfon. The
original of this poem is very correctly printed in the Perth edition of Gaelic
pocms.

MARBH RAN DEIRG.

Ay Dearg Mac Collath, gur mife a bhean,
Sud am fear nach diddir lochd ;

*Sni bhuil faoidh nach dfhuair a leireadh,—
*Struagh ata me fein a nochd !

Dearg Mac Collath craobh na neol,

An ti le theinte gu caoin cruth ;

B’ ionmhuin an aoigh nach luigh fearg air ;
Chlaoidheadh an Dearg leis a mhuic.

Sud a Sheabhac ’fa dha choin

Leis an goirt cron na fealg ;

An ti leis am b’ionmhuin an triuir

Cuirthi a nochd fan uir an Dearg !

B’ ionmhuin taghaid mhin Dearg mhor

B’ deacor an clo ’fan chath ;

Marri criodhe farfing faoligh

Bu ghealach no grian do dhath!

Nior dhiult thu duine mad chuid,

Nior roinn breug ’f ni dhidean lochd ;

Ni mo a dhuilt thu comhrag arm
_O neach do bhi anam na chorp!

(H 2)

[ 60 }
Never didft thou refufe, nor never afk a favour: I never faw a
form more fair and lovely than Dargo’s.

I am the daughter of Laoman, fon of Ruo, for whom gold
was wrought with much art: Though many valiant men courted
me, I chofe to be the wife of Dargo.

Tue fon of wealthy Saine was my fuitor; he was rich in
goods and poffeflions ; but the fword of Dargo, in the time of
fpoil,, cared not whether horfes or oxen were his plunder.

I anp my hero were contented on the mountain of Noc-Lartho :
I will be laid in the grave to-night, and my body fhall not be
feparated from Dargo’s.

i
}

[ er ]
Nor dhiult e daoine mu ni,
*Sni n’ diar ni air neach fui n’ ghrein ;
An tibu mho ’f bu mhaith dealbh dhin
*§ ni’n faiceas an ach Dearg fein !
’S mi ninghean Laoman mhic Ruaidh
Don ti na freantigh oir le ceard ;
Ge bu lionmhor ga m’ iarruidh faoi,
Bear leam thi m’ mhnaoi aig an Dearg
Mac Saoigne na iognadh dho bhi,
B’ ionmhuin ri air fonn ’f air fealoh 5
Guilla gun ghaol bo na eachaibh
Re am criachach cloidheamh Dheirg?!
Cha bi me s’an laoch a riarach
Air an tfliabh fin cnoc an Leirg 5
Sgu m’ bith me fan uaigh a nochd,
*§ cha fgathrar mo chorp re Deirg | nee

[

The COMBAT of CON# Son of DARGO, and GAUL

Ny

Son of MORNE.

Tue tale of Con, fon of Dargo, who, filled with heavy
wrath, went to revenge his innocent father® on the Chiefs of
Treland «.

Sr. Parricx‘’. Relate, oh! thou of pleafant tales, the ftory
of the valiant Con, the brave and beautiful hero. Who was greater
in action, oh! Offian of fweet words, or who more beautiful in
countenance, than the fon of Dargo!

Osstan. ‘The valiant champion fat upon a hill before us; he
approached us in wrath, like an eagle piercing through the clouds.

4 He is called Cuthon by Mr. Smith. See Gaelic antiquities, p. 293. This entire
ftory has been fo altered by Mr. Smith, that nothing remains in common with the
original but the names. See the edition of Perth, p. 39.

b His father had been flain in fingle combat by Gaul, fon of Morné.

© Mr. Smith has perverted this paflage, in order to deprive Ireland of the honor,
fi qua oft ea gloria, of being the refidence of Fingal’s heroes. ‘The line, which in the
original runs thus :

Air

[ 63 ]

SGEULACHD air CHONN MAC aa DEIRG,

S GEUL air Chonn Mac an Deirg
Air a lionadh le trom fhearg,

Dol a dhioladh athar gun fheall,

Air mor mhaithaibh na Eirion.

Aithris thufa, Shuairce, Shog’radhach,
Sgeul air Chonn fear fearrail,

An fonn calma, ’s é caomh, ceannail,

Co ’s mo glonn na ’n Dearg mor

Offian nam briathra binn bheoil ;

Ri mbionnan dealbh dho na dreach

*S do n’? Chonn mhor, mhear, mheanmnach ?
Shuidh é€ air an tulaich gar coir

Am fui curanta ro mhor,

*S ghabhadh e le chleafaibh garg P
Am bailraibh nan iarmailte.

Chuaith e m” frithlannaibh na neul,

Air mor maithibh na Eirion,
He alters to the following:
Air uaiflibh’s air maithibh na Feine.
* And the like change is made in the edition of Perth.

* This introduétion of St. Patrick is omitted in the Perth edition. —

[ 64 |]

Difmay feized us at his appearance. He exceeded every one in
beauty, Con of the fharp-edged weapons; his purple cheek like po-
lifhed yew ; his eye quick moving under his narrow eye-brows ; his
hair like wrought gold falling in ringlets down the back of the va-
liant chief ; the envenomed dagger to wound his adverfary, the caufe
of great woe; and the fword hanging by the fide of his fhield.
He obtained the victory in every conteft by his valour and great
deeds. He took his ftrong armour with fpeed, and {poke of taxes
and great tribute. I tell you truly, oh! Patrick’, though it be
difgraceful to confefs it, that greater fear never feized the Fians
than when they beheld Con in his wrath rufhing on like a rapid
flood .: fo great was his rage again{t us to revenge the death of

his father.

By the counfel of the valiant fon of Fin, of the clear voice,
we fent the fweet-tongued Fergus to inquire of the finewy fon
of Dargo. Fergus faluted, and Con, in due order, anfwered.
Then Fergus, the fweet-tongued bard, the meffenger of Fin,

faid “ for what caufe have you come to Treland* ?”

*
© This addrefs of Offian to St. Patrick is omitted in the Perth edition.

f Fingal and his heroes are here exprefsly attributed to Ireland; but the line is
altered into the following, in the Perth edition:
Ciod é fath do thuruis do’n tir ?

i.e. For what caufe have you come to this country?

nee

[Sai J
B’ uamhas dhuinne bhi fui mhein ;
Nin aile neach ata fui n’ ghrein
No Conn nan arm faobhar gheur.
Gruaidh chorcair mar iubhar caoin,
Rofg chorrach ghorm na malla chaoil,
Folt or-cheard nan amlaibh grinn,
Gu mor, meanmneach, aithneach, aoibhin.
Lanna nimhe re leadairt chorp,
Le colg teagmhail na mor ole ;
Bhiodh a chloidheam re fga fgeith
Aig an laoch gun aimh-reite.
Buaidh gach ball an raibh e riamh,
Air gaifge, ’s air mhor ghniomh
Gabhail a choimhlion, neart gun fgios ;
’Se labhairt geal ’s mor chis.
Bheirinfin dhuit briathra cinnteach,
A Phadruic, ga nar re innfeadh,
Gun do ghabh an Fhiann eagal uill,
Nach do ghabhas riamh roimh aon duine,
Ri faicfin dhoibh conbhach Chuin,
Mar ro tuill thuighean fui thuinn
Meud fhallachd an fhir dhuinn
An eiric athar a dhioladh.
Se comhairle a chinn doibh,
Deagh mhac fhinn on gloine gloir
Chuir ghabhail fgeul an fhir-dhochdur,
Fearghus beul dearg binn-fhoclach.
Do mhac an Deirg bu gharg gleac ©
Bheannuigh Fearghus gu fior-ghlic :
Fhreagair Conn e mar bu choir,
Fheargus fhileanta, deagh bheoil,
** A ghabhail fgeul a thainig on Fhionn,
“< Ciod e fath do thuruis do dh’ Eirion??’

(1)

[ 66 ]

Con. “I will tell you, O Fergus, and then firdlvell to
“ revenge my father on the noble Fians of Irelands. I demand
“ the head of Fin and his two valiant fons, of Gaul and
“ Criomthan, and the noble Art, and of all the tribe of Morné;
* the head of Cormac, fon of Art, and of Fin; and all the
“ men in Ireland" from fea to fea fhall with one accord obey
“* me, or early in the morning five hundred muft contend with

“me in the fharp and bufy combat.”

** What is thy meffage, Fergus,” (faid Fin, prince of the
hoft,) “* from the great champion; tell us quickly, and do not

* conceal from us the evil?”

Tuts, (fays Fergus) is the anfwer of the great champion ;—he
demands the combat of five hundred of your army in the morning
in the fharp and bufy conteft. “ Then,” replied five hundred of the
Fians, “ to-morrow he fhall not boaft of his vigour ;” but thofe
who engaged in the battle did not do as they had promifed. Five
hundred fell round the fon of Dargo, of the well-tempered fword,

and five hundred more, had they been there, would have been

* The Perth edition changes 4 ‘biithibh Fiann -Eirion, “ the noble Fians of

«Treland,” into O’r maithibh is or mor uaiflibh, the nobles'and great chieftains.”

»Inftead

[ ‘ey 9

Con. Bheirinfe mo fgeul dhuit,
Fheargus, agus b’annfa leat
Eiric m’ athar b’aill leam uaibhfe,

A mhaithibh Fiann Eirion.
Ceann Fhin ’sa dha mhic mhoir,
Ceann Ghuil, ’s Criomthan, ’s Artair,
S cinn chloinneadh Morne uille,
Gun feachnadh aon duine.
Ceann Cormaic mhic Art ’s Fhinn,
*S bfuill fibh an Eirion, o thuin gu tuinn,
A gheileach duin don aon chuim,
No comhrag cuig ceud uaibhfe,
Moch air maidin a maireach,
Gu comhrag meara didhalach.
Fin. Cia do fgeul on fhear mhor,
(Se labhair Fionn flath an t’ floigh,)
Innis Fearghus e gu grud,
’§ na ceil oirne a dhion-olc.
Fercus. Se mo fgeulfa on fhear mhor,

Gur ’aill leis comhrag cuig ceud d’ar floigh,
A muigh air maidin a maireach,

Gu comhrag meara, didhalach.

*Se labhair cuig ceud d’ar Feine,

‘* Caifgear leinne a luathmhire.”’

Ach cha raibh mar a radh,

Do’n droing a chuaidh fan iomairt.

Le mac an Deirg bu chruaidhe lann,

Thuit air cuig ceud mu thiomchioll,

Cuig ceud eile, ged’ bhi ann,

» Inftead of irion, “Ireland,” the Perth edition fubftitutes An tir uiley « the
« whole land.”

(1 2)

[ 68 ]
flain together. Con ftruck his fhield and oppofed his fin-
gle hand to all. We chofe feven fcore valiant men of
the chiefs of our army to cut off the head of the fon of
Dargo. Then might you fee Fion in heavy rage. Con
rufhed upon our men like a hawk upon a flight of fmall birds.
Many were the groans and fhouts; many were the difmembered
hands and legs; many were the heads and bodies lying in heaps
without diftin@ion. Seven fcore valiant tal by Con, which
was the caufe of great woe and forrow. Then faid bald Conan,
fon of Morné, ‘ Let me encounter. this champion, and I will
* bring off the head of the furious and infulting Con.” « Ill
“ fortune attend you, bald Conan (faid Ofcar of great deeds)
« will you never lay afide your infolence? Never will you
‘¢ bring off the head of Con from the battle.” The rath
Conan, againft the wifhes of the Hid advanced to meet
the viétorious Con; but his attempt was unfortunate.
When Con of gtaceful form faw Conan feize his arms,
he made but an half effort againft the coward, who fled

haftily from him. Often did he fcream, and often fhriek,

[ @9 ?]]

Gum bithead marbh air aon bhall ;

-?§ Conn a cailceadh a fgiath,

*S ire comhrag gu aon-riar.

Thagh finn feachd fichead fear mor,

Do mhaithibh teaghluich air floigh,

Thoirt a chinn do mhac an Deirg,

Gum faiceas Fion fui throm fhearg.

Thug e roimh ar fir an grain,

Mar feabhag roimh mhin ealt eun.

Iomadh och is gaire bhos,

Tomadh lamh agus le chos,

Iomadh cloiggion, iomadh ceann,

Cuirp gan coighleadh air aon bhall.

Thuit ar feachd fichead fear mor,

B’ adhbhar tuirfe ’s dobhron.

’N fin labhair Connan maol mac Morni,

' Conan. ‘ Leigthear mife thuig an ceudna,

«© *S gu m’ buinnin an ceann deth,

*¢ Do Chonn dimheafach ainteadh.”’
Oscar. “* Marbhaife ort a Chonnan maoil

“¢ Nir fguireas tu dod lonan a chaoidh,

‘* Ni thugain tu an ceann do Chonn,”’

(Se labhair Ofcar na mor g’lonn.)

Ghluaife Connan mu mhicheil

A dhaindeoin na Feine gu leir,

An codhial Chuinn bhuaghaich bhrais

Mar char tuadhail ga aimhleas.

*Nuair chunnairc Chonn bu chain dealbh,

Connan a dol an feilbh arm,

Thug e le-fic air an daor

*Se teicheadh da thigh gu falbh uaith.

*S iomadh fcread, is iolach cruaidh,

[apg
and many were the blows that fell thick upon his cowardly

head, when he was bound neck, hands and heels. “ Thanks to
“ the hand that did this deed (faid Fionn of majeftic form)

“‘ ynprofperous has been your journey, O rafh bald-headed ~

“ Conan.” We then went, the chiefs of the Fianns, together

in council to the houfe of my father.

Fin. ‘ O Gaul, fon of Morné, of great deeds and excellent

2
°

underftanding, who are accuftomed to give reafon for reafon

°
.

in all difcourfe, I pray you bring us boldly the head of that

©
o.

champion who thus infults you and the nobles of the Fianns,

im

as you formerly brought us the head of his father‘.

cal
.

Gavut. “ I will obey you in this, O Fin of foothing words ;

cal
.

let us leave our enmity and hatred“ behind us, and reunite
in friendfhip. Skilful art thou in healing the wounds of the
hoftile mind. I and my warriors of ftrength fhall ferve you,

°
°

.
°

.
5

O noble prince of the Fians.”
Gavt went like a firm bulwark in the prefence of the army ;
the red countenance of the hero in the beginning of the com-

bat was like a fpreading fail.

i The combat in which Gaul performed this exploit is related in an Irifh poem
called Lasidh an Deirg; and the mufic to which it was antiently fung is ftill preferved
in the Highlands of Scotland, and has been lately. publifhed in Mc. Donald’s collection
of Highland airs.
k There

eS

et ae oe

ee

* There had been violent difputes between the families of Fin and Gaul, fon of

Morné.

[fs ]

*S ioma cnap is maile is meall,

A dha fuas air a dhroch ceann ;

Ar maol Chonnan gu reamhar,

Sa chuig caol fan aon cheangal.

** Beannachd aig an laimh rinn fud,”’

(Se labhair Fionn a chro-fhnuagh)

** Gu ma turus gun eirigh dhuit,

“« A Chonan é-ceilidh gun fholt.”

Sheall fin an fin air a cheil,

Moran do mhaithaibh na Feine

Retir theaghlaich m’ athair fein,

B’ fhear meoghair is deagh mhein. |

Fin. ‘* Gholl mhic Mhorné na mor ghniomh

*¢ O’s tu a chleachd comhradh air comhradh riabh,
*¢ On ti ata bagradh ort,

‘¢ *Sair moran do mhaithaibh na Feine ;

“ Gun tugadh an ‘ceann gu fearrail dheth,

‘<¢ Mar thug thu do athair roimhe.”

Gauut. “ Gud deanainfa fin duit Fhinn,

‘¢ Phir nam briathra bla binn,

“¢ Cuirreamaid fuarachd ’s folachd air cul,

s¢ *§ bimaid uill a dh’ aon run:

** Gud mharbhadh tu m’ fhionn

** Gun di feachadh aon duine ;

*¢ Bhithin fein ’s mo treine leat,

“* A righ na Feinne, ’gad chabhair.”

Ghluais Gholl, na chulaidh chruaidh,

Ann an lathair na mor fhluaigh ;

Sgu ’m bu geall dearg gnuis an fhir
Le feol gairge an tus iargail.

Lee
Fierce was the encounter of the two champions. The ground
fhook with the violence of their blows. The Fians ftood liftening.
Many fparks of red fire flew over their well-helmed heads, they re-
membering their antient enmity—ftreams of fire from their naked
arms—ftreams of blood from their wounded bodies—fhowers of
fplinters from their fhields of valour. Nine days they fought—
mothers and fons were weary of the combat. At length the great
Con fell by Gaul of wounds. Fin and the Fians of his train
raifed a fhout of joy when they beheld Gaul the fon of Morné
ftanding over the valiant Con, and Conan’s foul difgrace revenged.
Nine nights was the valiant Gaul curing of his wounds, liften-
ing to the fong by day and night, and diftributing rich prefents
to the fkilful bards. Seven fcore and five hundred of the Fians

fell by the great fon of Dargo. Fin bewailed the lofs.

[- 73) J

Ghluais iad an ceann a cheile

Nan do churraidh bu ghairge cith:

A chuireadh an fhaich air bhall chrith,
Le beumaibh buille na ’m fear mor,
*Sa n Fhionn uile ga ’n eifteachd ;

*S iomadh caoir theine ruagh,

O bheul nan arm fhaobhar cruaidh,

Os cionn nan ceann bheartach corrach,
’S iad a cuimhneachadh na mor fholachd :
Cith teine on armaibh nocht,

Cith foladh do chneafaibh an cuirp,
Cith cailce do fgiathaibh an aigh,

Dol uatha *fna h iormailte.

Naoi laethe ’s aon tra deug

Bu tuirfeach mic agus mnal,

Gus an do thuit le Goll nam beum
Conn mor air lom eigin,

Gair aoibhnis thug an Fhionn,

Agus an Fiann a bhi gan reir,

Re faicfin dhoibh Ghuill mhic Mhorn,
An uachdar air Chonn treun togha,

S Conan ga thoirt a fas

An deigh lonnan a mhi ghrais.

Naoi naidhin do Gholl an aigh

Ga leigheas mun raibh e flan,

Ag eifteachd ceoil a dhoich fa la,

*Sa pronnadh or fa throm dhaimh.

Air feachd fichead ’s air cuig ceud
Thuit dar feinne adhmhor dhearg,

. *$ bu grain air Fionn da reir.

(K)

[ 74°]

te COMBAT of OSGAR and ILLAN, Son of
the King of Spain.

Sr. Patrick. On: noble Offian, fon of Fin, that fitteft
upon the pleafant hill ; valiant chief, I behold forrow dwel-

ling on thy brow.

Osstan. Is there not caufe for my forrow, *O Patrick!
when I think upon the Fians who once ufed to meet toge-
ther on this hill? One day, as we were all together, holy
Patrick, of excellent judgment, the heroes of Fin were joy-
ful. On that day, I fay, when we were all together on this hill,
where we ufed to affemble, we faw a folitary damfel coming
toward us on the plain. Her countenance was lovely, her
cheeks were red and white, and her neck above her fine gar-

ments “was brighter than the fun-beams.

4 This prefatory dialogue of Offian with St. Patrick is omitted in the Perth

edition, page 35.

ee

ri 7-7

DAN wah INGHIN.

PATRICK. Orissrin uafal a mhic Finn

OssIAN.

*S tu ad fhuidhe air an tulaich eibhin,

A laoich mhili nach meat

Gum faic mife bron air tinntin.

Tha aobhar aig mo bron fein,

A Phadruic ’s ni canam breug,

A bhi cuimhneach air Fiannaibh Fhinn,

Abhair an tulaich fa dhaon riar

Ladha bha finn uille araon,

Padruic naomha nam breath faor,

Chunnaic mife teaghlach Fhinn,

Gu mor meadhrach, mear, eibhin.

Ladha bha finn uile ’n Fhiann

Air an tulaich fa dfhann riar,

Chunnic finn aon bhean fa mhagh,

*S i tochd chugainne na haonar.

Bi a ’ninghean ab ailde fnuagh,

Bu geal is bu dearg a gruaidh ;

Bu ghile na gach gath greine,

A brag’ad fhuas fuidh caomh leine.
(K 2)

E; 76.4

A golden neck-lace furrounded her foft neck, and polifhed brace-
lets of gold bound her arms, and her fair and lovely fkin was
covered with the fofteft fattin. Greater love feized all the heroes
of Fin of Almhuin® for this damfel than ever they had felt
before. The white-handed fair put herfelf under the protection of
Fin, and of Gaul, that intrepid warrior, and of Ofgar, the fon
of Offian, and of valiant Chaol, the fon of Rugar.

Tue Damsev. “I put myfelf under your proteGion, Oh!

“ nobles of the Fians, princes and chieftains.”
Fin. “ Who purfues you, Oh! maid of the beautiful form ?”

Tue Damseu. “ Nobles and princes of the Fians, the great and
“© warlike Illan purfues me, eldeft fon of the king of Spain‘; and
“ much do I fear, Oh! Fians of Ireland’, the wounds and
“ deftruGtion which this fierce warrior will bring upon you.
“*« Wherever he goes, to the eaft or weft, or to the four quar-
“« ters of the world, his fharp-edged weapon makes every foe

* yield the victory.”

> The palace of Fin-mac-Cumhal in Leinfter, feated on. the fummit of the hill
of Allen, or rather, as the natives of that country pronounce it, Allowin: The
village and bog of Allen have thence derived their name. There are ftill the re-
mains of fome trenches on the top of the hill, where Fin-mac-Cumhal and his
Fians were wont to celebrate their feafts. ‘The country hereabouts abounds in won-
derful tales of the exploits of thefe antient heroes. Thefe two lines are omitted in

the Perth edition. :
© Inftead

|

Se Se

Le eh

Bha dun don or ’ma hur bhrag’ad,

Bha flabhruidh oir caoin araidh,

Bha leine don ’tfrol a buire,

Leath ri cneas caoin, gradhach, cubhraidh,

Thug finne air trom ghaol uile

An teaghlach Fhinn fin a h Albhuin

Gun aon duine don Fheinn

Ga mhnaoi fein ach don ionbhuin.

Chuir i comraiche air Fiann

An ribhin is i gu bofgheal binn,

Chuir i comraiche eile air Goll,

Le fud laoch aluin nan fonn,

’S air Ofgar mac Oiffain eile,

’S air a Chaol chrodhach mac Ruighair.
An Incuin. ‘ Mo chomraich oirbh Fhiannaibh matha,

*¢ Fidir chlannaibh righ is fhlathan.”
Fion. “ Co tha torachd air do lorg

‘* A ninghean ur is ailde colg.”
An Incuin. ‘“ Tha fin a torachd orm fein

‘¢ Fhir uafal is rioghail Feinn,

“ Tollan mor mileanta mear

** Mac oidhre riogh na h Eafpainde ;

“* °S eagal leamfa, Fhiannaibh Fhail,

“¢ Egar leadairt is gar doghrainn

** Am fear mor, mileanta, treun,

“ Tha airm gu fiudhrannda rann gheur,

“* Cait an dimthigh e niar na noir,

“* Na o ceithir armdanaibh an domhain,

*¢ Aon duine nach faiceadh eanchin a chinn.’?

© Inftead of Eajfpainde, © Spain,” the Perth edition fubftitutes Larfmiile.

4 Inftead of Fbiannaibh Fhail, “the Fians of Ireland,” the Perth edition fubftitutes
Fhianna matha, “ the noble Fians.”

Eoaeaid
Fin. “ Oh! fair damfel, we will not let him carry you away ;
“ fit down, and be of good courage, though your words are
“ terrible. This great man fhall not carry you away, high as

‘** your opinion is of his valour.”

We faw the hero entering the harbour, and drawing his veftel
to the fhore. He approached us with fury ; he approached us
with rage, like a fheet of unufual fparkling fire. He had on his
well-made coat of mail ; his helmet was ftrong and variegated. His
vizor, polifhed and fet with precious ftones, covered his fair
countenance. His garments were of rich fattin, tied with
filken ftrings. Two fharp-headed fpears with barbs appeared
over his fhoulder. His polifhed and impenetrable fhield was in
his left hand. He rufhed on with fury, and faluted not Fin
or the Fians. He flew an hundred of the heroes of Fin, and
flew the damfel. He bound Fellan, the fon of Fin, and thrice
nine of his valiant train. Tllan was light and ative, though
covered over with heavy armour. Ofgar turned toward him on
the plain ; my fon fwelled with heavy wrath, and demanded
the combat of this refiftlefs and beautiful champion. Ilan

turned toward my fon, and fierce and furious was their encounter.

Lo iy

Fion. ‘ Mun leigeadh mide leis thu ionbhuin,
** Dean fa fuidhe air mo feathfa,
** A ninghean ga granda do chomhradh ;
«© Man tabhair am fear mor thu leis,
** Ga mor leat do dhoigh as fheabhas.”’
Chunnaic finne fada uain,
Fear mor is aig caitheamh a chuain,
A tarruing a luing gu traigh,
*Sa tochd chugainne le hanmein.
Gum be fud am fear mor malda,
Na ftuagh theinigh, alluidh, allmarra,
Le fraoch feirge gu Fiannaibh Fhinn,
Se tochd mar chaoir theinne chugain.
Bha luireach ard, irfeach, uaibhreach,
Bha threin fgabal gu breac buailteach,
Bha cheannbheart chlochara, fheimhidh,
Os cinn aghaidh fhocruidhe mhin.
Bha eitidh don tfrol mun fhear
Ceamhfaiche fide ga cheangal.
A dha fhleagh om bun bu cruaidh roinn
Is iad nan cuilg fheafamh fuas ri ghualuinn.
Bha fgiath chruaidh neam-brifteadh, bladh,
Ann an dorn toifgeil a mhili.
Thug e ruadhar fir gun cheill,
Is cha do bheannuigh fe d’ Fhionn na’n Fheinn.
Marbh e ceud do Fhiannaibh Fhinn,
Agus mhairbhte leis an ionbhuinn.
Cheangail e Faodhlan mac Fhinn
Agus tri naodhnar ga luchd leanmhuin,
Ga chinneach mor, meanmneach, mear.
*S bha Iollan gu harmach, eatrom.
Thiundaidh Ofgar air an leirg,
Mo mhac, is ¢ lan do throm fheirg,
Sann an fin a dfhuabair e comhrag
On laoch bhofgeal, mhio-narach.
Thiundaidh Jollan ri mac fein,
Sgu ndeanta leo comhrag treun.

Ri |

As torrents in the bottom. of the vallies, fo rapid were
the ftreams of their blood. As fparks.of fire from the fur-
nace, fo were the fparks from the fwords of the contending
heroes. Ofgar gave a deadly wound to armed Illan of the
white teeth. So violent was the blow, it ftruck off the head
of the king of Spain’s fon. His grave-ftone is on this hill, O
Mac-Alpin®. My words are true, O good Mac-Alpin of Alm-
huin. Noble were the antient heroes, nor are they equalled by
thofe who fucceeded them. Bleffings on the fouls of the two,
and bleflings on the fouls of the antient heroes.

© St: Patrick is here called Mac-Alpin, as he is frequently in thefe antient poems.
Mr. Mc. Pherfon has retained this title, though he has fupprefled the name of
St. Patrick, in order to give his poems an air of higher antiquity. See Berrathon.
« Tradition,” fays he, * has not handed down the name of this fon of Alpin.”
But this addrefs of Offian to St. Patrick is entirely omitted in the Perth edition.

[ 8 ]

Be fud am fear mor, creamhach, cean-riabhach,
Beumnach, cofluath, ceimenach,

Ard, leimneach, ain-meafach.

Mar a fhruthadh a bhunn le gleann,

Bha fgrios:am fola co-teann,

Na mar chaoir theinne teachd a teallach,
Toradh nan laoch namhadach.

Thug Ofgar beum fear ghlan, fear,

Do Iollan armach, deud ghlan,

Se mhaoidh e leis, a bheum granda,
Cean mic a righ na h Eafpainde.

Is air ’n tullich fo ta leachd,

A mhic Alpin ha fo fior,

Ha leachd a mhna air ’n taobh eile,

A dheagh Mhic-Alpin a t Almhuin.
Air linne gum bu mhaith iad,

*S nach raibh aon fhear dhiug ach fiad,
Beannachd air a nanam araon,

Is t’ugabh beannachd oile dhoibhfan.

(L)

The INVASION of IRELAND & ERRAGON:.

On a day when Patrick® had no pfalms to fing, and had
leifure for banqueting and difcourfe, he went to the houfe of
Offian, the fon of Fin, whofe words were fweet to his

ears.

Patricx. We falute you, O chearful old man; and have
come to vifit your dwelling, O valiant hero of the ruddy coun-
tenance, who never refufed a requeft. We with to hear related
by you, O grandfon of Cumhal of the ftrong fword, the greateft
danger that befel the Fians fince firft you began to walk in
their footfteps.

Osstan.- I will freely relate to you, O Patrick of fweet
pfalms, the greateft danger that ever befel the Fians fince the
firft origin of the heroes of Fin.

2 Compare Mc. Pherfon’s Battle of Lora with this poem, and the Perth edition
of it, page 305. ”
> Me. Pherfon, as ufual, has here tranfmuted St. Patrick into a Culdee, and

pretends that this poem is called, in’ the original, Duan a Chuldich, or the Culdee’s
Poem,

[ 83 ]

Se TE EE ESN PEE EE EEE LS CE DSS AE SBEE ESE

Oran eadar AILTE agus MAC-RONAIN air dhoibh
fearg a ghabhal ri FIONN.

L ATH gun rabh Padric no mhur
Gun failm air uigh, ach bhi ag ol,
Ghluais e a thigh Oifein mhic Fhinn,
O fan leis bu bhinn a ghloir.
Patrick. Umblachd dhuitfe a fhean-fhir fhuoirce,
Ad iunnfaid air chuairt thainig fuinn,
A laodhich mhilent as deirg dreach,
Cha d’ ear u riobh neach mu’d ne.
Fios a bail luinn fhaotin uait
Ogha Chuthaill is cruoigh colg,
N teanntachd as moghadh ’n rabh ’n Fhionn
O na ghin u riobh nan lorg.
Osstan. _Dhinnfin fin duitfe gun tamh,
Ghiulle-Phadric na ’n falm binn,
°N teanntachd as moghadh ’nrabh ’n Fhionn —
O na ghineadh fiantachd Finn.

Poem, becaufe it was addreffed to one of thefe firft Chriftian miffionaries. We here fee
that this Culdee, whofe name he was fo fearful of difclofing, was no other than St.

Patrick. This prefatory dialogue is omitted in the Perth edition.
(L 2) i

[ 84 |

Fin, at a feaft at Almhuin‘, in the age of heroes, forgot fome
of the Fians on the red hill, which excited their anger and refent-
ment. ‘ Since you did not admit us to the honor of the feaft,”
faid Maronnan of the fweet voice, “ I and the noble Aldo with-
“ draw ourfelves for a year from the fervice of Fin.” They
filently at their departure put their fhields and fwords on board
their fhips. The two noble chiefs went to the kingdom of
Lochlin, of polifhed reins. The fair champions were for a year
the friends of the king, the fon of royal Connchar of. fharp wea-
pons, and Aldo who never refufed a requeft. ‘The queen of Lochlin
of brown fhields conceived a ftrong paflion, which fhe could not
conceal, for long-hair’'d Aldo of arms. With him fhe carried
her deceit into execution, and ftole from the bed of the king.

Turis was a deed for which blood was fpill’d. To Almhuin¢ of
heroes, refidence of the Fians, they took their voyage ‘acrofs the fea.

© This line is thus written in the copy of this poem preferved in the library of
the univerfity of Dublin,
And Almbuin le lin na laoch.
See alfo the Perth edition, where it is written in the fame manner. Almhuin, as we
already have had occafion to obferve, was the refidence of Fin-mac-Cumhal in Leinfter,
where this feaft was given, which excited the refentment of Aldo and Maronnan.

4 This paffage is thus written in the above-mentioned copy in the library of
Dublin College:
Aig fo an gniom far doirteadh fuil.
Go 2? Almbuin Laigion na b Fian,
That is, “¢ This was the deed for which blood was fpill’d. To Almhuin in Leinfter, refi-
« dence of the Fians,” &c. The corrupt orthography of the word A/mhuin (fee the Perth
edition, p. 305) and alfo the fimilitude in found between it and A/fin, perhaps contri-
buted to miflead Mr. Mc. Pherfon, and induced him to conclude that by Almhuin, or
Alb’ein, as it is fometimes written, was meant Albion, or Scotland, and not Fin’s

lac
- palace

Ve ee sta
Dearmad fleagha ga ’n d’roinn Fionn,
’Sa ’n Albin ri linn non laodhach,
Air cuid do ’n Fheinn fhuos druim-dearg,
Gus ’n d’eirich fearg is fraoch.
Mu dhibhir fibh finne mu ’n ol,
Se dubhairt Macronain nan gloir binn,
Bheirramfa agus Ailde ur
Breiteach bliadhna ri mur Finn.
Thog iad gu fibulte ’n triall
’N cloidheamh agus ’nfgiath air luing,
G’Juais’n dithift iarloch ur
Gu riochd Lochlunn na ’n friann fleom.
Muintearas bliadhna don riogh
Thug ’n dithift bu ghille cneas ;
Mac riogh Connchar no,’n arm geur,
Agus Ailte nach d’ ear neach.
Ghabh bannriogh Lochlunn no ’n fgiath donn
Trom-ghaol trom nach @’ fheud i chleath
Air Ailte greanach no ’n arm
Gus n’ d’ eirich a chealg leis.
D’ eirich i o leaba ’n riogh
Sud ’n gniomh mu’n. dhoirte fuil.
Gu h Albin laodhach no ’n Fiann,
Thogadar ’n triall thair muir.

palace in Leinfter. This feems to be a common miftake amongft the Highland
fongflers. But in the poems before us the error of Mr. Mc. Pherfon is lefs ex-
cufeable, as the king of Lochlin is reprefented fteering his fleet boldly to the coafts
of Ireland, and challenging the heroes of Innisfail. The infidelity, therefore, of
the queen of Lochlin could not be faid to have been the caufe of fpilling Scottifh
blood, fince the feene of the whole tranfa€tion is laid in Ireland, and they are the
heroes of Innisfail who fell in battle. The two lines above quoted are altered as
follows in the Perth edition ; ’

Sud an gniomh mun doirtear fuil,

’S a db’ ionnfuidh Flaitheas na’m Fionn, &c.
That is, « This was the deed which occafioned the effufion of blood, and endangered
«¢ the government of the Fians.”

Wh abi
The king of Lochlin at that time was a man that obtained the

victory in every conteft—Erragon, the fon of Annir of fhips, a

king well fkilled in deeds of arms. ‘The king collected his

army, and a firm fleet, well furnifhed with ftores. Nine princes
joined their forces, a martial, band of the men of Lochlin.
They took an oath on their voyage that they would not re-
turn, and leave Fin behind them: But every fword is good ’till

tried in combat.

*Tuey fteered their fleet boldly to the coaft of Ireland, and
clofely encamped their forces near to where Fin was fur-
rounded with his warriors. A meflage came to Fin, a dreadful
tale, that was.the caufe of forrow to many—A challenge‘ to
the chiefs of Innisfail upon the northern fhore. - We fent

them the king’s daughter of the blue eyes and white teeth,

€ This ftanza is thus otherwife written in the edition of Perth, p. 306:

Thogadar an Albaift ard,
‘Seach criocha Eirion nan colg teann,
°S ann Albain leathann na’m Fiann,

Thugadar an Triath air traidh.

That is, « They raifed up the lofty ftandard towards the coafts of Ircland of the

« ftrong fwords, and brought the Prince (Exragon) on fhore towards {pacious Alm-
sc huin

®S

[ 8 J

Bu riogh air Lochlunn fa ’n uair

Fear a bhuidhne buoigh gach blair,
Airgin mac Ainnir no’n long,

A riogh bu mhaith lamh fa lann.
Chruinnich riogh Lochlunn a fhluagh,
Caubhlauch cruoigh a bhi gu deafs,
Gur he d’heirich, fa ’n aon uair,
Naogh righrigh fan fluogh leis.
Lochlannich a bhuidhean bhorb

(’S ro mhaith ’n colg gu dol ’n feum)
Thug iad a mionnan an ’nan triall
Nach pilleadh iad is Fionn no ni ndeigh.
Stiuradar n caubhlach gu h’ard

Gu crich Eirin no n arm nochd,

Is leg iad am puibleach gu tiugh,
Gairid 0 ’n reutha ’n rabh Fionn.
Teachdaireachd thainig gu Fionn,
Sgeul tium a chuir ruinn go truogh,
Comhruag no ’n laodhach Innfeadhphail
Fhaotin air *ntraigh fa thuath.

Thug finne dhoibh inghin riogh,

*S guirme fiul fa s’ gille deud, é

« huin of the Fians.” Almhuin is generally in the Irifh romances called Almbuin
Jeathan mor Laigion, that is, ‘¢ The great and fpacious Almhuin in Leinfter.”
f This line is thus written in the edition of Perth, p. 307, the word Innisfail

being omitted :
Combhrag dluth d’ Fhiannaibh hin.
That is, ** A challenge of the clofe combat to the Fians of Fin.”

[ 88 ]
and fent with her an hundred horfes, the beft that ever were guided
by a rein, mounted by an hundred horfemen clothed in fattin,
fhining like the fun. When fhe went down to the fhore, fhe
left the horfes behind, and ftepped forward to meet the men of
Lochlins. Two golden apples were in her right hand, and orna-

ments on the fhoulder of her gown, and the form of a tree

inwoven.

Erracon. ‘“ What tidings from the people of Fin, O maid

“ of the curled locks?”

Marp. “Ir thy wife has broken her marriage vow, and been

ra

‘guilty of any difgracefuliaGion, you are offered the friendfhip
‘of Fin. Thou fhalt get me as an hoftage for the performance ;
“‘ and if thou accept the offer, then fhalt thou obtain that friend-
“ fhip, and an hundred horfes, the beft that ever were guided
“ by a rein, mounted by-an hundred horfemen clothed in fattin,
“ fhining like the fun.’ Thou fhalt obtain thefe, and an hundred
“ girdles"; ficknefs cannot affe€l thofe whom they bind, they

“ ftop pain and torture—a grateful prefent to pregnant women.

z Mr. Mc. Pherfon tranfmutes “ the tao golden apples” into an arrow of gold, and
a fearkling foell; and then adds, in conformity to his fyftem, without any authority
from the original, that thefe were the fens of Morven’s peace.

> Mr,

—_— =

cue et ee

=

Epson]
Chuir finn, ’ga coimhdeachd, ceud each
As fearr ris n’ deachadh frian,
Is ceud marcach air a muin,
Le ’n earradh froil o ’n laifte grian.
Nuair theirrin ’n fin air ’ntfraid,
Sa dfhag i no deigh na heich.
Thug i ceum ’n fin no ’n coir.
Is da ubhall oir air a laimh dheis,
Coinnlairean air ghuoilneabh a guin,
Is dealbh a chruinn o chill no ’m port.
q Erracon. “ Gu de do nuaidheachd o phobull Fhinn,
«¢ Innis duin a chiagh no n cleuchd.”
Ciopu. “ Mu roinn do bhean ort beirt chlith,
S gu d’ immir i n’ gniomh gu cear,
Cairdeas is commun ri Fionn,
Is gu ’n faighe tu mi na geall.
“* Gheibheadh tu fud is ceud. each
‘¢ As fearr ris ’n deachidh frian ;
Is ceud marcach air a muin
Le ’n earradh froil 0 ’n laifte grian.
2 *¢ Gheibheadh tu fud is ceud crios,
“*¢ Cha theid flios mu ’n ’d theid eug ; °
Chaifge iad leotrom is fgios,
** Deud riobhach no ’m bufchala bean.

h Mr. Mc. Pherfon, in his note on this pafflage, tells us, that fanctified girdles,
till very lately, were kept in many families in the north of Scotland, which were
bound about women in labour, and were fu ppofed to alleviate their pains, and to

accelerate the birth.

(M)

“ce

“c

ce

“c

“

n
.

-
os

o
o

.
a

ac

o

[ 9° ]

You fhall obtain thefe, and an hundred difhes which were laid
before the kings: of the world; he whofe food is ferved upon
them fhall enjoy perpetual youth. You fhall obtain thefe, and
an hundred fhips that cleave the waves in the {welling tide,
with an hardy crew victorious in every battle. You fhall obtain
thefe, and an hundred princes that acquire tribute in the fe-
vere confli@. You" fhall obtain thefe, and an hundred fleet
hawks, victorious in the air. You fhall obtain thefe, and an.
hundred breeding mares, and as many white cattle as will fill
a valley. After obtaining thefe prefents, take your wife, and
make peace with us.”

Erracon. “I will not make peace with Aldo nor the nobles
of the Fians, until I make Fin my captive, and drive away his
cattle to the fhore.”

Marv. “JI tell you, O Erragon, according to my judgment in
this matter, that whatever may be your ftrength, you will never
make Fin your captive, nor drive away his cattle to the fhore.
But fince my offers have been unwifely {corned, I return, and fo
farewell.”

Erracon. ‘Odo not return, maid of the curled hair, gentle
princefs of the fweet voice; precious jewels fhalt thou receive,
and I will bind“ myfelf to thy fide for ever.”

Matp. ‘I will return, O leader of thefe bands, fince J cannot
affuage the fury of your revenge—fince I cannot obtain the

pardon of the rafh pair.”

i Mr. Mc. Pherfon, in his note on this line, tells us, that by the kings of the

qvorid are meant the Roman emperors.

Lt ore:

‘ Gheibheadh tu fud is ceud mios,

* O churfadh riogh n domhain aigh ;

“Is ge be gheibheadh iad ri bheo

* Dhianadh iad duin’ og a ghnath.

‘

* Gheibheadh tu fud is ceud long,

‘ Sgoilte tonn air bhuinne borb ;

‘ Air ’n luchdacha gu teann

* Do gach aon ni sfearr buoigh.

* Gheibheadh tu fud is ceud mac riogh,
‘ Bhuidhne cios air chluicheadh bhuirb ;
* Gheabheadh tu ceud feodhag fhuairce
‘ Air mbigha buoidh ’n iar.

* Gheibheadh tu fin is ceud graoigh,

* Is laon glinne do chroth baon. ~

* Tar faoghin fin beannachd leat,

‘Tog do bheann is dean ruinn fith.’’
Erracon. ‘ Cha d’ thugaimfe fith do dh’ Ailte,

* No mhaitheabh air Feinne gu leir,
* Gun Fionn fein a chuir fuidh ’m bhreath,
* Is a chreich a thabhairt gu traigh.”

Ciopu. “ Cha d thug hufa leat do-neart,

* Dhinnfin duit a bhrioth mo bheachd,
* Na chuirre Fionn fein fuidh ad bhreath

* No na bheir a chreich gu traigh.

* Ach falbhaidh mife is beannachd leat
© O chuaithe t’fhaineachadh bundream.”

Erracon. “ Chan fhalbh thufa chiagh no ’n cleuchd,
* A Riobhin fharafta bheoil bhinn,

* Gheibheadh tu no feuda faor,

“¢ Ts cheamhluin mi fein ri d’ thaobh deafs.”?

Ciopu. ‘ Fhalbhaidh mife, cheann no ’n cliar,
‘ O nach traogh mi t’fhioch no t’fhearg,

“¢ O nach faighinn faor gu mbhreith
** Ceann no deife bu gann ciall.

(M 2)

[ 92 ]

Tne king’s daughter returned back, and rode .to the palace

of her father. Many were the filken ftandards that were lifted «

up, and foon were the Fians arrayed in order of battle.

Seven {core of our chief warriors, and Aldo himfelf among the
foremoft, fell by the hand of the great Erragon, againft whom
the troops had armed.

*Wuen Fin, who had long kept filence, faw the flaughter
of his army, he was enraged.. Much did he encourage the
Fians. ‘ Who will engage Erragon in battle, or fhall we
“ let him thus triumph over us unrevenged?”’ ‘Then replied
Gaul, the hardeft warrior to fubdue, “* Let me oppofe Erragon
‘© in the combat, and try the prowefs of the hero.”

Fin. ‘ Take, O Gaul, Macanluth, and brown-haired Der-
*¢ mod, fair Ciaran, and Macanlo, to protect you from the wounds
“‘ of the warrior—take two as a fhield on either fide.”

E:cut days, without ceffation, the flaughter of our armies
continued. Gaul, upon the ninth day, gained the head of the
king of Lochlin of the brown fhield. Not one efcaped the edge
of the fword, or returned exulting from the combat. Not one of
the forces of the king of Lochlin returned home to his own land.

« This ftanza is. thus written in the edition of Perth, p, 308:
Se labhair Fionn flath na ’m buadh,
Se ’g ambare ‘air fluagh Innfe-fail,
Co dheangas Earragon fa ghreis,
Mun leigeamaid leis ar tair ?

That

f- 93 J

Theandain i ’n fin riutha a cul,

Marcich ea chuirt gu dian:

Bu hinar frol ga ’n togail fuas,

A nordabh gu luath chuaithe ’n Fhiann,.
Seachd ficheud gar maitheabh gu leir,

Is Ailte fein air ’n tus,

Thuit fud le laimh Airgin mhoir

Mu ’n deacha no floigh ’n dlus.

D’ fhuirich Fion fada na thofd,

Luidh fprog mor air ’n Fheinn. i

Fion. ‘* Co dheangas Airgin fa ghreis,

“ No ’n leigemid leis air tair,’’

*Sann bha fhreagradh fud aig Goll,

?N fonn bha dochdoir ra chlaoidh.

« Leigeior mi is Airgin fa ghreis,

“¢ Gus ’n feachamid cleas-laoidh.”’

Fron. £* Maccan Luthichi, Diarmad donn,

** Ciaran caom, is Mac-an-Leigh,

*© Gad dhianadh o bhuilleabh ’n Jaodhich,

“ Tog dithift air gach taobh mar fgeith.”’

_ Ochd laithean duine gun tamh, 4

Sior dheanabh ar air no floigh ;

Cean in riogh Lochlunn no ’n fgiath donn

Se buidhin Goll air a naothaobh lath.

Mar duine chuaith as o bheal airm,

No chuaithe le maoim don ghreis ;
Do riogh Lochlunn no da fluogh

Cha deach duine ga thir fein.

That is, «¢ And thus fpoke Fin, the prince of victory, when he faw the flaughter
“ of the army of Innisfail, Who will engage Erragon in the fight, or fhall we
«¢ fuffer him to bear away with him our difgrace ?” The hoft of Fin is here faid
exprefsly to be the hoft of Innisfail.

[ 94 J
Four fcore and five thoufand men of renown fell by the hand of
Gara and of Gaul, and two by the hand of Ofcar of valiant
deeds, and Carioll of the fair fkin. But by the name you gave
me, Patrick of fweet pfalms, there fell by Fin and me as
many as by the other four. There was {lain in this battle
near half the Fians upon the fouth-weft fhore ; but at the going
down of the fun there was not more than a third of them

that remained.

fo J

Ceithir fichead is coig mile fonn
Thuit le Garadh is le Goll;

A dha urradh le Ofcar an aigh

Is le Cairioll cneas bhan ;

Air a nainm a thugas orm,

G’ ille Phadric no ’n falm binn,
Gun tuit leom fein is le Fionn,
A choimhlion ceann ris a cheathrann,
Thuit finne cor is leth air Fhiann,
Air ’n traigh tha fiar o dheas,

Ach no ’n luigeagh a ghrian

Cha mho no air trian a chuaith as,

fe 9h

Th PRAYER of OSSIAN

1 Osstan. IR ELA'TE the tale, O Patrick | T'be(eedh you, by
the books that you read, tell me truly is Heaven in the pof-
feffion of the noble Fians of Ireland*?

2. Patricx. I affure you, O Offian of great deeds, that Hea-
ven is not in the poffeffion of your father, nor of Ofcar, nor

of Gaul.

3. Osstan. This is a pitiful tale, O Patrick, that thou telleft
me of my anceftors ; why fhould I be religious if Heaven be not
in poffeffion of the Fians of Ireland?

2 The copy of the Urnigh Offan which fell into my hands differs from that publifhed
by Mr. Hill in the order of the ftanzas (as I have fignified by the prefixed numbers,
which denote the order in Mr. Hill’s copy) and fome other circumftances, on which I
fhall make occafional obfervations in the notes. A very correét copygof this poem
is preferved in the library of the univerfity of Dublin, entitled Agallamh Oifin
«© agus Phadruig ;” that is, The Converfation of Offian and St. Patrick.”

> The Highland Sgeulaiches have been very bufy in corrupting this poem, partly
of neceffity, from their want of a written ftandard. Hence alfo the order and con-
nection

[oy

URNIGH OSSIAN.

t. Ossian. I NNIS fgeul a Phadruic,
An n’ onair do leibh,
Bheil neamh gu aridh
Aig maithibh Fianibh Eirin ?
2. Patrick. Bheirimfa dhuit briartha,
Offain na’n glonn,
Nach bheil neimh ag t’aithar,
Aig Ofcar na ag Gobhul.
3. Ossian. 5S olc an fgeul, a Phadruic,
A thagad dhamh ri leibhibh,
Com an bithimfe re crabha,
Mar bheil neimh aig Fionnibh Eirin.

nection of the poem, both in this copy and Mr. Hill’s, have been much injured, as
may be feen by comparing the Erfe with the Irifh. And from their vain defire of
attributing Fin-ma-Cual and his heroes to Scotland, they feem to have intentionally cor=
rupted it in fome paffages, as may be feen by comparing the Erfe copies with each
other. hus, in the verfe before us, the word Ireland is omitted in Mr. Hill’s
copy-

© In this verfe alfo the mention of Jre/and is omitted in Mr. Hill’s copy.

(N)

[ 98 ]
8. Patrick, O Offian*! long fleep has taken hold of thee,

tife to hear the pfalms. ‘Thy ftrength and thy valour are gone,
nor art thou longer able to ftand the fury of the day of battle.

9. Osstan. If I] have loft my flrength and my valour, and
none of Fingal’s heroes furvive, I will pay little refpe@ to thy
clerkfhip, nor care J to liften to thy finging.

10. Parricx. Such {weet fongs as mine thou never heardft ’till
this night fince the beginning of the world; thou aged and un-
wife old man, who often haft arranged thy valiant troops upon
the mountain.

11. Osstan. Often have I arranged the valiant troops upon
the mountain, O Patrick of evil defigns; but it is wrong in you
to difpraife my appearance, which once was not defpifed.

15. Fin had twelve hounds‘; we let them loofe in the vallies
of Smail; and fweeter to my ears was the cry of the hounds,
than the ringing of thy bells, O clerk.

17. Patrick. Since it was the height of thy happinefs to
liften to the hounds, and to marfhal thy troops every day, and
not to offer up thy prayers to God, Fin and his heroes are for
this bound in captivity.

18. Osstan. It is hard to believe thy tale, O clerk of the
white book, that Fin, or one fo generous, fhould be in captivity
with God or man.

4 Here the order and conneétion is difturbed. This is the firft ftanza in the Irith
copies.
¢ This

[oo J

_ 8. Parricx. Offain gur fadda do fhuain,
Erich fuas as eifd na failm ;
Chail u nife do lu as do rath,
~ As cha chuir u cath ri la garbh.
g. Osstan. Mu chail mife mo lu ’fmo rath,
*S nach marthain aon cath bh’ aig Fion,
Dod chlerfenachd ’s beag mo {peis,
’S do cheol eifdeachd cha neach liom.
to. Patrick. Cha chualadh u co-maith mo cheol
O thus an domhuin mhoir gus anochd,
Tha u aofda anna-glic liath,
Fir a dhioladh cleor ar chnochd.
11. Ossian. ’S trigh a dhiol mi cliar air chnochd,
Gh’ ille Phadruic ab’ olc run,
Be-coir dhuit achain mo chruth,
O nach dfhuair me guth air thus.
15. Bha da gaothair dheug aig Fionn,
*S leighadhmid ad re gleann Smail,
q *Sbu bhinneadh luinn profnadh air con
i Na do chluigfe chlerich chai. °
17. Parrick. Se mead ar meothair ri profnadh chonn,
’S ri dhiobhail fgoll goch aon la,
*S nach lugadh fibh oraindo Dhia,
Tha Fionn na Fiann annife an laimh.
18. Ossian. ’S olc a chreidas mi do fgeul,
A chleirich, le ’d leobhar bann,
Gu bithad Fionn, na co-fial,
Aig duine na aig Dia an laimh.

* This verfe is abruptly introduced, and is not connected with the preceding part
of the poem. We muft look to the Irith copies for the remedy of the corruption.

(N 2)

[f xep0- DT

19. Parricx. He is now in captivity in Hell, who ufed to diftri-
bute gold; fince he did not give honour to God, he is in forrow
in the houfe of torture.

20. Ossian. If the clan of Boifgné were alive, and the defcendants
of Morné of valiant deeds, we would force Fin out of Hell, or
the houfe would be our own.

21. Parricx. Although the five’ provinces of Ireland, which
you fo highly efteem, were to affift you, you would not force Fin
out of Hell, nor would the houfe ever be your own.

21. Osstan. What kind of a place is this Hell, O Patrick of
deep learning? Is it not as good as Heaven; and fhall we not
there find deer and hounds?

6. Parricx. Little as is the humming® fly, or the mote in
the fun, it cannot get under the cover of his fhield without the
knowledge of the king of glory.

4. Osstan. ‘Then he is not like Fin-ma-Cual, our king of the
Fians; every man upon the face of the earth might enter his
court without afking permiffion.

30. Patrick. Compare not any man to God, O grey-haired
old man, who knoweft not what he is. Long is it fince his go-
vernment began, and his right will live for ever.

The Highland Sgeulaiches have taken the liberty of totally perverting this ftanza,
and changing it into another, which might make Fin-ma-Cual their own countryman,

See Mr. Hill’s copy.
& This

f gez i

19. Patrick, Tha en’ ithuirne an laimh,
Fear le mo gnath bhi pronnadh oir,
O nach tugadh e onair do Dia
Chuir e an tigh pian fuidh ’bhron,
20. Ossian. Na bithad clanna Baofga afteach,
*S clanna Moran na feachd treun,
Bherrmuid Fionn amach ar,
No bhith an teach aguin fein.
a1. Parrick. Cuig do chuigibh na h Eirin maifeach,
Air leatfa gu ba mhoir ann luchd,,
Cha dugadh fibh Fionn amach,
’S cha bhith an teach aguibh fein.
22. Osstan. Gu de an tait ithuirne fein,
A Phadruic leibhas an fgoll, |
Nach comaith e ri flaitheas De ?
Na faithmid ann feidh agus conn ?
6. Parrickx. Ga beag a chuil chronanach,
As monaran na greine, -
Gun fhios don righ mhoralach,
Cha theid finn fuidh bhla a fgeith’.
7. Osstan. Cha bennin e ’f Fionnmacuil,
An righ bha igin air na Fianibh,
Ghaothaon neach ar talamh
Dol na thalla fin gu iarridh.
30. Patrick. Na comhaid ’ufa duine ri Dia,
A fhean fhior liath, na breinneach e,
*S fada bhun a thainig a reachd,
*S marfhidh e cheart gu brath.

® This paffage feems to have been corrupted. In the Irifh copies Offian fays that
he would force his way into Heaven; St. Patrick, in reply, fhews him his miftake,
for that the fmalleft atom could not get there without God’s knowledge and per-

mifhion,

Lh. zea. 9

31. Osstan. I would compare Fin-ma-Cual to God him-
felf.

33. Parricx. This it is that has occafioned thy ruin; thy
not having believed in the God of the elements. For this, not
one of thy race has furvived except thyfelf, the noble Offian.

34. Osstan. "This was not the caufe of our misfortunes, but
the two voyages of Fin to Rome; we were obliged, by our-
felves, to engage in the battle of Gabhra, and great was the
flaughter of the Fians.

23. One day, as we were on the mountain Fuad, Caolt of the
fteel {word was there, and Ofgar, and the hofpitable Fin. Loud
was the cry of the hounds in the plain, and furious were they in
the vallies.

24. Fin-ma-Cual of great ftrength was king over us at that
time ; and, O clerk of the crooked ftaff, we would not fuffer
God to rule over us.

4. Patrick. "How wicked is that, O Offian, thou man of
blafphemous words! God is for ever greater than all the heroes
of Ireland.

5. Osstan. I would prefer one great battle fought by Fin
and his heroes to the Lord of thy worfhip, and to thyfelf,
O clerk.

35. Parricx. Liflen to the advice of the humble, and
feek Heaven for thyfelf to-night; thou art now finking under
years, therefore at length lay afide thy folly, O grey haired
old man.

» The Scottifh Sgeulaich has in this inftance tranfmuted. Jre/and into Scotland, in
conformity to his corruptions in other paflages. See Mr. Hill’s copy.

[ cree yl

31. Osstan. Chomaidinfe Fionmacuil
ce Oa ne Pe ,

33. Patrick. Se finn a chuiras duibh riamh,
Nach do chreid fuibh Dia non dul;
Cha mharin duine ar air fliochd,
*S cha bheo ach rioghachd Offain air.
34. Osstan. Cha be fin bu ceoireach rinn,
Ach turas Fhionn a dha an Roimh,
Bho cumail cath arridh lein fein,
Bha cluidh ar Feinne gu ro mhor.
23. La dhuinne air fliabh bhoid,
Bha Caoilte ann bu cruaidh lann,
Bha Ofgar ann as Fionn na fleadh,
Domhnal bhon mheadh fraoch bhonn gleann.
24. Fionmacuil bu mor prios,
Bha e na righ orn fan am,
’*S chlerich na bachall fiar,
Cha leigmid Dia os air ceann.
4. Patrick. ’S borb leann fin uait, Offain,
Fhior na briathra boille,
Gum b’ fear Dia air uair
Na Fianuibh Eirin uile.
5- Osstan. B fhear liomfa aon cath laidir
A churri Fiann na Feinne,
Na tighearna a chrabhidh
Agus ’ufa a chlerich.
35. Patrick. LEifdh ufa raidh na bochd,
As iar neimh anochd dhuit fein,
Tha u nife air dol an aois,

Tog ad bhaos a fhean fhir liath.

(TL Behe a
36. Osstan. I afk the protection of the twelve apoftles for

myfelf to-night ; and if I have committed any heavy fins, let
them be thrown into my grave upon the hilli.

i It is of this poem that Mr. Mc. Pherfon, having ingenioufly metamorphofed St.
Patrick Mac Alpin into Mac Alpin a Culdee, feems to {peak in the following man-
ner, in his differtation on Offian’s poems: ‘¢ It was with one.of the Culdees,”
fays he, *¢ that Offian, in his extreme old age, is faid to have difputed concerning
“the Chriftian religion. This difpute is ftill extant, and is couched in verfe, ac-
€ cording to the cuftom of the times. The extreme ignorance on the part of Offian
“* of the Chriftian tenets fhews that that religion had only been lately introduced, as

“it

[ 205 J

36. Osstan. Comrich an da abftoil deug ~
Jarruidh mi dhamh fein anochd
7S ma rinn mi peacadh trom,
Bighadh e n’ luigh fan tom ’n cnochd.

* it is not eafy to conceive how one of the firft rank could be totally unacquainted
¢ with a religion that had been known for any time in the country.” Mr. Ewing
Cameron, in his elegant verfion of Mc. Pherfon, obferves that the obfolete phrafes
and expreflions peculiar to the age prove this poem to be no forgery. And if fo,
a confiderable part at leaft of Mc, Pherfon’s Offian muft have a contrary judgment
pailed on it.

(0)

[ yo6) J

The WD E/ACTGH faa OS) Cine:

SSS

Ossian. I WILL? not refufe the fong, though it be forrowful
to-night to Offian.

Oscar and the valiant Cairbre both fell in the battle of
Gabhra*. The poifoned fpear is in the hand of Cairbre, which
he fhakes in the hour of his wrath. The raven fays with
anguifh that the hour of Ofcar’s death is come. “ J,” cries he

- to himfelf, ‘* am the black ill-boding raven. 'Thofe five men at
“ the table are joyful, without the fear of battle. Early in the
“ morning will the raven prey upon thy cheek in the field of

“¢ battle.

Oscar. “ Let not the Fians hear you to-night, left we fhould
all be difpirited.”

a The death of Ofcar, in the firft book of Temora, is grounded on this poem 3
and many paflages of it are indeed literally tranflated: But great liberties, as
ufual, have been taken with the original. See the edition of Perth, page 313.

b We are to fuppofe that Offian had been folicited to give an account of the
death of his fon, and that the poem opens with his reluctant confent. This appears
evident from the copy of the Cath Gabhra, preferyed in the library of Dublin college,

which begins in this manner :

Mor

: | [rer]

MARBH-RANN OSCATR.

C H An abir mi athriath ri m’ cheol,

Ga holc le Oiffein e a nochd:

Ofcar agus Cairbre calma,

Thraoghte iad uille ’n cath Ghabhruidh.

’N tfleagh nimhe is i ’n laimh Chairbre,

Gu ’n craite i ri uair feirge.

Theirre ’n fiach ri ghoimh

Gur h ann leatha mhairbhte Ofcar.

*S miofa, theirre e ris fein,

N fiach duth na mi-cheil; __

A chuigear a ta fibh mu ’n chlar

Ach fuil fir a bhi ga thacadh.

Gairridh ’n fiach moch a maireach

Air do ghruoighfe ann fan ar-fhaich.
Oscar. “ Na cluinneadh ’n Fhein u nochd

** Mu ’m bi fuinn uille gu mearfneach.”

Mor anocht mo chumbadh fein;
A Padraic, gidh taim ded reir,
A fmuaineadh an chatha chruaidh
Tuglam is Cairbre caomh-chruaidb.
That is, “ Great, to-night, is my forrow, Oh! Patrick, though I yield to your
« requeft, when I think on the fevere battle which we and the valiant Cairbre -

«© fought.”

© Gabhra, in Meath, about half a mile from the hill of Tara. This battle was
fought A. C. 296. | See annals of Innisfallen PRIN

(O 2)

[> xem 7

Cairsre. ‘ Exchange? the head of the fpear, but keep the

”

¢¢ {tem.

Oscar. “ It is unjuft to'make this demand. But you afk
‘“* it becaufe the Fians and my father are not here.”

Carrere. “ Although the Fians and your father were here,
“as they were the beft day of their lives, I would infift by my
“ authority on obtaining whatever I fhould demand.”

Oscar. “ If the Fians and my father were here in half their
‘“‘ prime, we would by force prevent you from poffeffing the
“© breadth of one foot of Ireland.”

Tuen red-haired Cairbre uttered furious words, that he would
hunt and drive cattle from Almhuin* the following day. The
valiant, the noble Ofcar replied, in words equally furious, that
he would hunt and drive cattle to Almhuin the following day.
All that night ’till day, while the chiefs of the Fians banqueted,
angry words on either fide paffed between Cairbre and Ofcar.
We and our valiant hoft arofe the next day, and carried off the
cattle of Ireland, twelve from every province.

4 Mr. Mc. Pherfon fays it was ufual at their feafts for the hoft and his gueft to
exchange fpears. He here makes Cairbre call Ofcar “ fon of woody Morven,” with-
out any authority from the original, in order to fupport his indefenfible fiction, that
Offian was of that country. This, however, is but the flight addition of an epithet, as
Door Blair terms it, in his elegant diflertation on the authenticity of thefe poems.

© In the original it is fpell’d Albin, and fometimes in Erfe poetry it is written
Albhein and Almhun. In the edition of Perth, page 316, it is written A/bain, and
in page 305, Albhainn and Almhain. Almbuin, now the hill of Allen, was the pa-
lace of Fin and Offian in Leinfter, as we have already obferved, and is not many
miles diftance from Tara; fo that Cairbre could eafily put his threat in execution, of
making an incurfion, the next day, into the territories of Fin. It was the corrupt
orthography

—se oo

-[ 109 J

Carrere. * Tumlaid cin gun uimlaid croinn,”
Oscar. * B’ ea-corach fud iarruidh oirn ;
6 Se fath mu n’ iarradh tu fin,
*¢ Mife bhi gun Fhiann gun athair,”
Cairspre. ‘* Gad bhigh an Fhiann agus t’ athair,,
s¢ ?N lath is fear a bha iad nam beatha,
«¢ Cha bfuillear Jeomfa, ri m’ linn,
** Gach feoid ad iarruin gu ’n faighe.’”
Oscar. “ Nam bigh ’n Fhiann agus m’ athair
¢¢ Mar a bha iad no ’n leath bheatha,
*¢ *Steann as nach faigheadh tu fin,
¢¢ Aon lead do throighe do m’ Eirinn.”
Briarthadh buon fin, briarthadh buon,
Se bheirre ’n Cairbre ruogh,
Gun tugadh e fealg agus creach
A Albin ’n lath na mhaireach.
Briartha oille ’n aghaidh fin,
Bheirre ’n t Ofcar gle calma,
Gun tugadh e fealg agus creach
Do dh Albin ’n lath na mhaireach.
N oidche fin duinne gu lo
Maithean air Feinne ag ol,
Briartha garga leath ar leath
Eadar Cairbre is an t Ofcar.
Dh’eirich fuinn ’n lath na mhaireach,
Ar fluagh uill ann fin na bha dh’ inn
Thogadh linn a h Eirin creach,
A dha dheug as gach cogabh.

orthography of the word, as one might fuppofe, which mifled Mr. Mc. Pherfon;
when he faid, that “the author of thefe poems reprefents Ofcar to have been of
« Scotland.” And in order ftill farther to countenance this opinion, if indeed he
really adopted it, he forged the following Jine :
Albin nan ioma fluagh.

That is, “ Almhain of .many waves;” which never yet was feen in any copy of this
poem found either in Scotland or Ireland. Compare this copy with thofe printed in-
Perth, page 167 and page 3133 and-alfo with that given in Mr. Gillies’s fpecimen,
printed at Perth 1786. :

fi sae J).

Oscar. “ Owoman‘, that wafheft-thofe garments, foretell
“ us truly what is to happen; fhall any of our foes fall by us,

‘¢ or fhall we all fall unrevenged?

Marv. “ You fhall flay aye hundred, and wound the king

a

‘ himfelf, together with him who is next to him in dignity: but

a
5

all your lives* have.come.”

Oscar. ‘ Let not’ Rofg-Mac-Ruo hear you, nor any of our
“ enemy; let not the Fians hear you to-night, left we fhould be

« all difpirited.”

WHEN we came to a narrow pafs in a narrow vale, there was
the valiant Cairbre with his hoft coming to oppofe us. Five fcore
brave Scots", that came over the rocky rough fea,-fell on the
oppofite fide by Ofcar, as he rufhed on toward the king of Ireland.

‘Five fcore heroes with blue fwords, who never before moved one
ftep backward, fell on the oppofite fide by Ofcar, as he rufhed
on toward the king of Ireland. Five {core heroes armed with
bows, who came to the affiftance of Cairbre, fell on the oppofite

fide by Ofcar, as he rufhed on toward the king of Ireland.

f Ofcar is here fuppofed, whilft marching off with his booty, to meet a young
woman early in the morning, whom he conceives endued with the gift of prophefy.
It is an opinion {till prevailing in Ireland, that the firfk woman you meet, with in the

morning is a witch.

& Al

L* €fF
Oscar. A bhaobhi a nigheas ’n teadach,
«¢ Dian dhuin ’n fhaisneachd cheudna ;
s¢* °N tuit aon duinne aca leinn?_
“ No ’n d theit finn uille do neomh-ni ?”
Baosu. ‘¢ Mairbhear leatfa a cuig ceud,,

‘6

s

Is gunthar leat ’n riogh fein,

«¢ Maraon fann fear lagha dheth,,

*¢ Ts air faoghal uille gun a thainic.”’
Oscar. “ Nacluinneeu Rofg Mac Ruoigh,

<¢ Na aon duinne uaith ga fhluogh,

*¢ Na cluinne ’n Fhein u nochd,

“ Ma ’m bi fin uille gu mearfneach.”

Nuair thanic finne ann, © tw

Bealach cuthinn no ’n caol ghleann,.

Sann a bhigh ’n Cairbre glan,

Le lonmaireachd a teachd n’ar co-thail.

Cuig fichead Albanach ard

Thanic thair muir choiriaganda chairbh,

Thuit fud le laimh Ofcair thall,

Is e mofgladh gu riogh no h Eirinn.

Cuig fichead fear cloidheamh glais,

Nach deach aon'cheum riomh air ais,,

Thuit fud le laimh Ofcair thall,

Is e mofgladh gu riogh no h Eirinn.

Cuig fichead fear, bogha,

Thanic air Cairbre ga cabhair,

Thuit fud le laimh Ofcair thall,

Is e mofgladh gu riogh no h Eirinn..

& All your lives have come. The Fians never recovered their defeat at Gabhra.

h This paflage thews that Ofcar could not have been of Scotland; and confirms our
former obfervation, that 4/bin is a corruption of Albhein, Almbain, or Almhuin ; for it
is abfurd to fuppofe that Ofcar would have thus flaughtered his own countrymen..

[ ) ex3 87
Five {core men well acquainted with danger, who came againft us
from the fhowy country, fell on the oppofite fide by the hand of
Ofcar, as he rufhed on toward the king of Ireland, ‘Five fcore of
the chiefs of the army of red-haired Cairbre fell by the hand of
Ofcar, as he rufhed on againft the king of Ireland. When dark-
red Cairbre faw the flaughter of his armies by Ofear, he hurled
the poifoned fpear that was in his hand againft him. Ofcar fell
upon his right knee—the poifoned fpear paffed through his body,
but he pierced Cairbre with a nine-barbed {pear where the hair

and forehead unite.

Cairpre. “ Rife, Art, and take thy fword, and ftand up in
“« the place of thy father; if thou furviveft the battle, may you

“ reign a fortunate king over Treland.”

Oscar hurled another fpear on high (as we thought it was
high enough); fo great was the force with which it was caft,
that it ftruck Art’ to the ground as he was aiming his fpear at
Ofcar. They placed the king’s crown upon the ftump of a tree,

to fhew that the viGory was theits.

i According to the prophefy of the witch, that he thould wound. the perfon next
to the king in dignity;

aaa.)
Cuig fichead fear feachd,
Thanic oirn a tir ’n t’ fhneachdi,
Thuit fud le laimh Ofcair thall,
Is e mofgladh gu riogh no h Eirinn.
Cuig fichead Cairbirre ruogh,
Thanic do mhaitheabh ’n ’t fluoigh
Thuit fud le laimh Ofcair thall,
Is e mofgladh gu riogh no h Eirinn.
A chuig fhear a b’ aifge do ’n riogh,
Air linne gu mo mhor ’m pris,
Thuit fud le laimh Ofcair thall,
Is e mofgladh gu riogh no _h Eirinn.
Nuair chunnig ’n Cairbre ruogh,
Nt’ Ofgar a fgathagh a fhluoigh,
*N tfleagh nimhe bha no laimh,
Gu’n do leig e fud na cho-thail.
Thuit Ofcar air a ghlun deas,
’San ’n tfleagh nimhe treamh a chneas,
Gun do chuir e fleagh no naoidh feannadh,
Mu chummadh fhuilt agus eadin.

Carrsre. “ Eirich Art is glac do chloidheamh,

‘* Seafabh fuas an aite t’ athair,
*¢ Mu thig u beo o na cathabh
** Gu mu riogh rath u air Eirinn.”
Thug e urchair eille ’nairde,
(Air linn fein bu leoir a h airde)
Leagadh leis aig mead a chuimfe
Art mac Cairbre air an agh urchair.
Chuir iad crun ’n riogh mu ’n cheap,
Chum {gu mbuinnte leogh an arach.

(P)

[ 14 |

He reared a firm ‘and even mound on the red fide of the hill,

and broke the king’s crown upon the ftump of a tree, the laft

action of my valiant fon,

”
-

.
.

a“
~

oe
.

Oscar. “ Lift me up now, ye’ Fians, never did you lift me
up before; carry me to the funny hills, and take off my gar-

ments.”

** Ou! fon of victory, death has come upon you—the fecond
wound has not told a falfehood. The fhips* of your grand-
father are at hand ; they come to our affiftance.”

Aut the Fians faluted Fin, though he did not falute us. He

came to the hill of tears, where lay Ofcar of the fharp fword.

2
°

5
°

Fin. “ Oh! my fon, you were in greater danger on the day
of the battle of Dundalgin'; when the healing herbs were
applied to your wounds, it was my hand that effected your

cure.”

Oscar. ‘ My cure is now paft your fkill, nor will it ever be
accomplifhed. Cairbre has wounded me with his feven-barbed
fpear between the navel and kidney ; and J pierced him with
my nine-barbed fpear where the hair joins the forehead—the
phyfician will never heal the wound that my hand inflicted.”

« At the time of the battle of Gabhra, Fin is faid to have been on a voyage to

Rome (fee the Urnigh Offian, ftanza 34); he is here reprefented by the poet as juft

returning from thence.

' Now

es ee

Thog e leachdag chomhnart chruoigh,

Bhar no talmhuin taobh ruoigh,

Bhrift e crun riogh mu ’n cheap,

Gniomh mu dheirre ma dheagh mhic.
Oscar. ‘ Togabh libh mi a niofe Fhiann,

** Cha do thog fibh mi roimh riomh,

** Togaibh mi gu tullich ghloin,

“* Ts thugabh dhiom ’n t’ eadach.”
‘* Marbhaifg ort a mhic a buoth

** Ni u breug ’n darra h uair.

** Luingeas do fheanathar at’ an

** Is i thighin le cabhair chuginn.’”’

Bheannuich fuinn uille do Fhionn,

Ga ta cha do bheannuich dhuinn,

Ach gun d’tainig fuinn tullich nan deur,

Far ’n rabh Ofcar na ’n arm gheur. |
Fin. “ °S miofa mhic a bhith tu dheth,

‘* Lath catha Duna-dealgun,

** Shnamhagh no curran triomh d’chneas,

** *Si mo lamh a roinn do leigheas.”
Oscar. “ Mo leighas cha nbheil e ’n fath,

** Ni mo dhianar e gu brath,

“ Chuir Cairbre fleagh no ’n feachd feanadh

“* Eadar m’ airnean agus m’ iumleag.

“* Chuir mife fleagh na naodh feannadh

‘* Mu chummagh fhuilt agus eaduin

** Nan ruige mo dhuirn.a chneas,

‘© Cha deanadh no leigh a leigheas.”

1 Now Dundalk.
(P 2)

fo EI")

Fix. ‘“ Oh! my fon, you were in greater danger on the day
‘‘ of the battle of Benedin™ ; when the healing herb was applied
“as the falve to your wounds, it was my hand that effeed

“© your cure.”

Oscar. ‘ My cure is now paft your fkill, nor will it ever be
“* accomplifhed ; I am wounded in my right fide, and my wound
“« is incurable by the phyfician.”

We lifted the noble Ofcar high upon our fhields, and carried
him away with care, until we came to the houfe" of Fin. The
howling of the dogs by our fide, the groans of the aged chiefs, the
lamentation of all the Fians. It was this that afflicted my
heart. No mother lamented her fon, nor one brother for another,

but each of us that was prefent wept for Ofcar®.

™ Now Howth.

. Almhuin, the palace of Fin, is not many miles diftance from Gabhra.

© The fubfequent ftanza follows here in the edition of Perth, page 321, which I
infert, as it adds one more to the many arguments already adduced from poems {till
current in the Highlands, that Ireland was the country of Ofcar :

Bas Ofcair a chradh mo chridh !

Triath fear Eirinn’s mor d’ ar di;

Cait am facas riamh, re d’ linn,

Fear co cruaidh ruit air chul lainn ?
That is, «© The death of Ofcar grieved my heart; our lofs is great in the prince of
“ the chiefs of Ireland. When in my time have I ever feen a man fo valiant as
© you behind a fword :”

And in another very beautiful and pathetic, but mutilated, poem on this fubject,
publifhed as a fpecimen by Mr. Gillies of Perth, he is alfo called « the prince of

« Treland :”
Bas

[eee a

Fin. ‘ ’S miofa mhic a bhi tu dheth,
¢¢ Lath catha Bein-eudin,
«¢ Shnamhagh na geoidh troimh do chneas,
*¢ ?Si mo lamh a roinn do leigheas.”’
Oscar. “ Mo leigheas cha ’n bheil e’n fath,
*¢ Ni mo dhianar e gu brath,
s¢ Gaimh ’n donach ’m thaobh deas
<< ’S dorrite do leigh mo leigheas.”
Thog fuinne air ’n Ofcar aluin,
Air bharradh air fgiath an airde,
Thug finn as iomchara grinn,
Gus an e’ thainig finn tigh Fheinn.
Donnalich na ’n con rir taobh,
Mar ri buireadh no ’n fean laoch, ;
Is gul an Fhian uile mu ’n feach,
Gur be fud a chruigh mi nchriodhe.
Cha choineadh bean a mac fein,
Ni mo chaoineadh a bhraithear e,
A mhiad fha bha finne ’n fin,
Bha fuinn uille caoinedh Ofcar.

Bas Ofcair ’s e chradh mo chridh’,
Triath fir Eirinn ur-bhuidh’ :
That is, «* The death of Ofcar grieved my heart; the prince of the heroes of fertile
« Treland.”
And, in the fame fpecimen, the Fians of Ireland are introduced bewailing his lofs :
Mo thruagihe finn, Ofcair fheil,
Ma fcar thufa*nochd rium fein,
Guilidh mi am feafd gu tiom,
Is caoinidh uile Fhian Eirinn.

That is, “* Woe is me, O generous Ofcar; if thou departeft from me this night, I

«© fhall lament as long as I am in being, and all the Fians of Ireland will be
* mournful.”

A very correét copy of this poem is preferved in the library of the univerfity of
Dublin. (

[i -eeeee

Fin. “ Ofcar, my beloved, beloved by my beloved, fon of
« my fon, mild and valiant, my heart pants over thee like a
“ black-bird! Never more fhall Ofcar arife!”

Frw did not banifh this. great forrow from his foul from that
day to the hour of his death; nor would he take, were it offered
to him, the third part of the whole World in comparifon of his

lofs ».

P The caufe of this battle, in which Ofcar was flain, affigned in the copy of the
Cath Gabbra preferved in the library of Dublin College, was not a private quarrel
between Cairbre and Ofcar, as reprefented in this poem and the firft book of ‘Temora,
but the refentment of Cairbre aid the Ivifh princes in general for the improper con-
duG of the Fians. And this latter account of the matter is confirmed by an extrac
from the Book of Howth, preferved in the library of Dublin College, which I here
fubjoin, as it throws fome light on the nature of the order of thefe Fians, and
their duty: ;

« In Ireland there were foldiers, called Fyn Erin, appointed to keep the fea coafts,
«« fearing foreign invafion or foreign princes to enter the realme. The names of
« thefe foldiers were Fin M*Cuil, Coloilon, Keilte, Ofcar Mac Offeyn, Dermot
« O Doyn, Collemagh Morne, and diverfe others. Thefe foldiers waxed bold, as
«« {hall appear hereafter at length, and fo ftrong, that they did contrary to the orders
«« and inftitutions taken by the kings of Ireland, their chiefs and governors, and be-
“ came very {trong and ftout, and at length would do more things than themfelves
« without licence of the kings of the land. Part of their mifdeameanors was, they
«¢ charged all the commons of Ireland that they fhould not hunt without their
« fpecial licenfe ; and if they did, they fhould pay after this value, for a hare’s kill-
« ing xx‘, for a water-dog killing double as much, and fo after that rate, doubling

« ftill

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[ 119 ]

“© Mo laogh fein u, laogh mo laoigh,

*¢ Leanabh mo leinabh, ghil chaomh,

6° Mo chroidhe liumnich mar lon,

«¢ Gu lath bhrath cha n’ eirich Ofcar.”’

Cha do chuir Fionn deth chriogh mor-ghrain,

O’n latha fin gu lath a bhais ;

Cha ghabhadh e, cha bu d thigeadh leis, : .
Trian d’an bheatha ge d’ abruinn.

ftill as the game was, as the fox, the wolfe, the deer, and all other paftimes. Such
diforders they kept, that the kings did affemble together, that they would banith
them the kingdom, and fo fent them word; who made anfwer that they would
not, unlefs they were put out by battle. And fo thefe foldiers fent te Denmark
for their king’s fon, with a thoufand tall worthy foldiers as ever crofled the feas
before that time to Ireland. And fo the day of battle was appointed. At which
time all the kings of Ireland did prepare againft that day of battle to the number
of ....M and five. The number of foldiers and ftrangers was xxviii M, and
vii C-Danes of Norway. The place of the battle was at Burne-vegein in Mauga-
then, in Meath appointed. But thefe ftrangers thought themfelves fo {trong and
apt for battle, they made hafte to come to fight, and came to Ardrath againft
the kings; who made hafte alfo, and came to Garefton, and they, perceiving their
enemies fo nigh, embattail themfelves there ; and after kiffed the ground, and gave
a great cry, as their manner was, of which cry that name was given Balli-garva.
The order of the battle was this: Thofe foldiers placed themfelves by the S. W.
the hill of Ardrath in one great battail, &c. The ifflue was, all the foreigners
were flain, faving one called Offein, who was alive ’till St. Patrick’s coming, who.
told that holy man of all their doings,” &c.

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‘OTST SATII UO °-MAH.LILVW 35S

[. rar. ]

Account of a GREEK MANUSCRIPT of SAINT
MATTHEW’s GOSPEL, ¢ the Library of TRINITY
COLLEGE, DUBLIN. By the Rev. Mr. BARRETT,

F.T.C.D. Communicated by the Rev. WILLIAM HAMIL-

TON, F. 7.C. D. Secretary to the Committee of Antiquities.

A MONG the manufcripts in the colle@tion of Trinity College
there are fome which have been hitherto undefcribed, and which
in. general contain extraéts from the writings of the Greek
fathers. One of thefe is written over three other more ancient
manuicripts; the charaéters of which, though much effaced by
art or time, are ftill fufficiently vifible to be read in moft places.
One of thefe ancient manufcripts is found to contain a confider-
able part of St. Matthew's Gofpel, and in a great meafure to
fupply the deficient places in the Alexandrian, Ephrem and manu-
feript of Cambridge, and alfo in feveral manufcripts of the fecond
. clafs, or middle antiquity.

- In the following memoir I propofe to defcribe the above-men-
tioned manufcript ; and to offer fome reafons refpeCting its pro-
bable date.

(Q) THE

Read No-
vember 20,
1786.

Lee

Tue modern manufcript, which is of quarto fize, and is I am
of opinion of the thirteenth century, is divided into quaternions,
of which the firft eleven, containing eighty-eight leaves, are
wanting, and have been loft for at leaft one hundred and twenty
years. The work of St. Fohn Chryfoftom, on the priefthood, feems
to have been written on them. On the twelfth quaternion, the
modern manufcript is written over two fragments of J/azah, the
charaers of which are of the firft kind of uncials. On_ the
thirteenth, and alfo fome others, it is written over fome orations
_ of St. Gregory Naztanzen, the charaGters of which refemble thofe
of the copy of the fame work, made in the ninth century for
the ufe of the Emperor Bafiius Macedo. Both thefe manufcripts
are written in two columns upon each page, and.the laft of them
is every where marked with accents and fpirits: In the firft of
them I have been able to difcover only one word marked with an
accent and fpirit. On the fourteenth quaternion, and fome
others, it is written over the gofpel of St. Matthew; and the
part of it which remains takes up fixty-four pages, of which
fifty nine contain parts entirely wanting in the Alexandrian. Its
charaéters are equal in fize to thofe in Montfaucon’s fpecimen of
the Ca/arean Genefis, and bear a great fimilitude to the charaéters
of the Alexandrian. A fingle column occupies each page, in
which it refembles the manufcript of Ephrem and feveral other
ancient manufcripts. I fhall compare this manufcript with the
moft ancient extant, in the following particulars, the divifion
of the text, orthography, interpunCton and contraCtions.

Tue moft early divifion of the facred text was made by the
xe¢ohase majora, with titles annexed ; of thefe there are fixty-
eight

| mae |

eight in St. Matthew, and the firft of them commences at ch. ii.
ver. 1. By whom this divifion was introduced is unknown;
but Dr. 14// fuppofes (Proleg. 354) with great probability, that
it was made by Tatzan in the fecond century, for the purpofe of
compofing his harmony. For that it was made for the purpofe
of an harmony Dr. M4// proves ; and the filence of Ew/ebsus con-
cerning this, when he mentions the other divifion introduced by ‘.
Ammons in the third century for the fame purpofe, is a fuffi-
cient proof that it was not made by Ammonius. The next divi-
fion was into the Ammonian fe&tions, made by Ammonius in the
third century ; of thefe there are three hundred and fifty-five in
St. Matthew. In the fourth century Zu/ebius accommodated the
numbers of his canons to thefe feGtions. The M/ewandrian and
Ephrem have all thefe numbers: the Teftament of Beza, or
manufcript of Cambridge, has the fections of Ammonius, but not
the numbers of Zufebius (Millii Proleg. 1271) which are alfo
wanting in this manufcript, which has all the reft. But Dr.
Mills reafon for the omiffion of thefe numbers in Beza’s manu-
feript, “ that the tranferiber had not the vermillion ready in
“* which it was ufual to write them, and therefore poftponed it,”
cannot have a place here; as we have an inftance in this manu-
fcript of an Ammonzan feGtion that is written in vermillion. ‘The
xegarasm are put both in the margin and at the top of the page,
which is done alfo in one part of the Alexandrian.

Wr refpec& to orthography, we may obferve in it the moft
perfect agreement with the above mentioned manufcripts, which
are the moft ancient extant ; as will appear in the following par-
ticulars :

(O 2) FIrsT.

[ 124 |

First. It has the fame permutations of the vowels and
diphthongs, e and a, + and a, which they have. Thefe are
very frequent in the book of the As, which belonged to vene-
rable Bede: and we may obferve a written for ¢, in one of the
Corcyrean inf{criptions. Vide Diarium Ital. p. 424.

SeconpLy. It changes fome letters as they do. Thus it
“writes ¢ for «3 thus diecpezpéry for diespappérn, as in the Aexan-
drian and Ephrem ; "exaSepicSy for ‘exaSapicdy : The fame change is
frequent in the manufcript of Beza. It alfo writes & for «;
thus eZnadare for e&qabere, Matt. xi. 7. which is done in the fame
place in Ephrem and Beza’s manufcript, and occurs in thefe
manufcripts and the Alexandrian in Matt. xxvi. 39. We may
obferve a fimilar change of thefe letters in the infcriptions copied
by Pocock from the ftatue of Memunon, where eZepbiyyaro is written
for eZepbeyyero. And Pirynichus, a grammarian of the fecond
century, mentions and condemns (p. 31) a like confufion of
thefe letters. It writes alfo d for 6, in the following inftance,
Bydoayy ; as in the Alexandrian, Bydcaidx. The fame confufion
of thefe letters is mentioned by Phrynichus, in the place to
which I have referred above; by Euflathius, in his notes upon the
twenty-firft book of the Ziad, page 1338, 1. 40; and by the author
of the Etymologicon magnum of Sylburgius, p. 317, fub voce
zeadwp. An inftance of a fimilar change may be found in the
infcriptions of Palmyra, which write Zavdixes for Zavbxds. It is
alfo believed that it writes gupéow for ev wécw ; which is done both
in the Alexandrian, and Bede's manufcript of the Aas. The
Coreyraan \nfcription (Vide Diar. Ital". p. 415) writes, in the
fame manner, éuuqy for év wy; and the Oxford Marbles. Vide
Marmor.

[ 125 ]

Marmor. 3%. |. 62. Both» thefe infcriptions are written in) the
Dorie diale&.

Tuirpiy. It adds and omits a letter as they do. Thus
Anprpowas for Aypowos, Which is done, according to Smzti, in the
Cottonian Gofpels; and occurs very frequently in the Alewandrzan,
Teftament of Beza,.and Bede's manufeript of the Ads.,, It
occurs in the Codex Coz/lintanus, No. 202. , Vide Montfaucon’s
Specimen, Bibl. Coiilin. p. 262; and in the Codex Boernerzanus,
vide Ku/frer’s Preface. And the Jom diale& retains » in like
manner. Thus, in Herodotus, eet re d2.é5 TO ovousdecepov etpamreo, THD
eev akinv ov Ae wens: Polymnia, ch. xxxix. See alfo Thaha, ch:
cxxvii. It writes | exyurvonevov and eoatrriray, as the Wexandrian,
‘Ephrem, and Teftament of Beza do, in the very fame place ;
another inftance of which orthography occurs in Acts xxi, 31.

f i B e9ifL 0 eal i >t ‘ t
Four THLY.,. It puts the augment. before the. prepofition ; thus,
empopyrevtav; Matt, xi..14; whichis, done) im the fame :place; in
Ephrem and Beza’s manu{cript. -It,always adds »,eperxusimav.;. it
expreffes numbers) by words ;,dnd always writes cvras, and not
éurw, even though‘a confonant begins the following, word.

Tue fame agreement fubfifts between them in. the, inter-
punétion. The moft ancient method of interpundtion is by a
fingle point, which being placed either at the top, the middlevor
the bottom of the! line, denotes a period, colon - or femicolon.
This method is ufed here alfo._ And the marks of interrogation,
which Montfaucon found only in manufcripts from the ninth cen-
tury, are wanting. It agrees with them in having. no- accents

or

| aa. J]:

or fpirits, neither from a firft or fecond hand; and in being
written without any diftinG@tion of the words from each other.
It marks. and v with double points, when they are not joined
to another letter, and do not make a diphthong. In the dfex-
andriana {mall mark may be obferved, refembling the modern
figure of the fpiritus lenis, and which frequently is put over the
word at the end of a fyllable; thus, By? caidu: I have obferved
here one inftance perfectly fimilar to the above; thus; Byrd’ pay.

Wir refpect to contraétions, no manufcript extant has fo
few, as will appear from the following enumeration of its con-
tractions. It has no word’ contracted which is not alfo con-
tracted in the Alexandrian, and of thefe it wants the fol-
lowing.

First. "Ovpavés and its cafes are in almoft every inftance uncon-
tracted.’ This word is contrated in the Ca/arean Genefis, Paleog.
p. 194! and in the Cos/imran manufcript, No. 1, of the fixth or
feventh century ; Bibl. Coiflin. p..3. It is almoft always con-
tra€ted in Bede’s manufctipt of the Aas. In the Teftament of
Beza it is uncontraéted, as appears from Mr. 4/7e’s fpecimen ; and
in the Cottontan Genefis. Vide Vetufta Monumenta fumptibus
Sociétatis Antiquariorum, Tab. 1. Spec. 1.

OSECONDLY. ‘“Yws and its cafes are almoft always uncontracted.
This is done alfo in the Cottontan Genefis, Tab. 2. Speci. 5, and
ino Bexa’s manufeript, vide Mr. Affke's fpecimen. And in the
book ‘of ‘the: A@ts, which belonged to Bede. And according to
Smith; in ‘the Cottonian Gofpels (Smith's Catalogue, p. 128.) And

im

So A a Ae ee = ae

{ tay J

in the Colbertine, No. 3084. Palezog. Gr. p. 188. And in the
manufcript, Sangermanen/is. Palzog. p. 2tg. In the Mexan-
darian, ‘vies is fometimes uncontrafed,

THIRDLY. Myrpos is uncontraéted: alfo PNTEpe, xUvpios, and
avipamres, are fometimes uncontraded. But according to Smuzth
(vide Smith's Cat. p. 128) the Cottonian Gofpels and Teftament
of Beza contra Kupios. In, the Cottonzan Genefis, Tab. 1. Spec. 7.
avipemrov is uncontracted.

FourTuLy. Kas is never contracted ; which is contraGed in
both the Ce/arean Genefis and Diofcorides. _ Paleog. p. 194 & 208.
Nor is there any mark fubftituted foro: at the end of a verb,
which is frequently done in. the manulcript of Bede.

_ I sHauyu now. proceed to mention other confiderations, from
which we may be able to draw fome conclufions ref{pecting. its
probable date; and, to this purpofe, muft obferve that all writing
in Greek manufcripts may be reduced to three claffes. The
firft comprehends the manufcripts written in round and {quare
uncials; in the fecond are contained thofe written in oval,
oblong and. inclined uncials ; in the third thofe written in {mall
letters. -The firft clafs is referred to the fixth century, the fecond
to the ninth, and the third has univerfally prevailed from the
eleventh century. ;

Tue following reafens will prove the manu({cript in queftion
to belong to the firft clafs :

First.

fee er

First. It is written, as. will appear from the fpecimen an-
PLATE. nexed, in round and fquare uncials. And this with fo much
exactnefs, that no variation from the round and fquare figure is
to be perceived any where. Now, as antiquarians agree that the
change in the capitals commenced in the eighth century, and all
the fpecimens I have feen prove the‘fame, and as this argument’
is built on that which conftitutes the effential diftinGion between
the two fpecies of writing, and which affe€ts not a few but. all
the letters, it appears to me to put it beyond doubt that it pre-
cedes the eighth century.

Seconviy.. What has been proved before, from the form of
all the letters in general, will alfo be confirmed from the figures
of particular letters. AZontfaucon lays it down as a mark of dif-
tin€tion between the two kinds of manufcripts, that in the latter
A'and-©;°to which we’ might alfo add feveral other letters, have ,
altered their figute in the more ancient manufcripts, confiderably.

No jinftdnee of this change is here perceivable. The letters in
the fecond clafs of manufcripts are loaded with a variety of
Gothi¢e ornaments ; and, to ufe Wet/fein’s words, ** funt pinguiores
“et habent apices, et bafibus infiftunt.” Vide Specimina i in Palzog.
p¥ 219;''229, 232 & 234. Nothing fimilar is here perceivable.
The larger capitals in thefe manufcripts are made, even from the
eighth’ century (Paleog. p. 254) in the form of piCtures of
remarkable events, and loaded with a variety of fuperfluous
lines. Paleog. p. 229 & 234. And the figure of the crofs is to
be met with at the ends of fentences. ‘Vide Paleog. p. 229,
234 & 514. et Catal. Bibl. Laurentio Medicez, Tom. ii. Tab. iil.
Specimina vi. et viii. And Mr. Affe, Tab. ii. Spec. x. and xi.

; In

[-129 |]

In this, although it is written with greater care than any other
of which I have feen a fpecimen, nothing fimilar can be ob-
ferved: The capitals here are always unornamented, and put
without the line. Nothing can be more fimple, and at the
fame time more beautiful, than the forms of the letters,
which are-deftitute of every ornament, although the greateft care
and pains are every where vifible in the making of them.
Wherefore, what I before inferred from its having all the figns
of antiquity, I now conclude from its wanting all the figns of
modernnefs.

A THIRD argument is drawn from the want of fpirits and
accents; which having been before confined to the books of the
grammarians, were, according to Movtfaucon (Paleog. p. 223)
fir introduccd into the manufcripts in the feventh century.
And as I cannot upon a very diligent enquiry find them in this
manufcript, it forms a very ftrong argument that it precedes the
feventh century. The Ce/arean Diofcorides of the fixth, and Claro-
montane of the feventh century (vide Paleog. p. 217, and Lambe-
cius’s Comment. de Bibl. Czefarea, Tom. ii. p. 521) are written with
accents and fpirits: alfo the Coi/imian manufcripts, No 1 and
No. 202 (vide Bibl. Coiflinian. p. 1 and 252) which are of the
fixth century. But in thefe manufcripts the accents are fup-
pofed to have been put by a fecond hand.

I sHaLL now proceed to confider fome objections which may
be made to this conclufion, ‘ that it precedes the feventh cen-
“tury,” and which might lead us to fuppofe it pofterior in point

(R) of

[ x30, J
of time to the celebrated manufcripts of the Gofpels of the firft
clafs ; and they may be reduced to thefe two:

First. That the letters of this manufcript are in general
more curved than thofe of the aforefaid, in which the ftrokes
are for the moft part reCtilineal; and therefore that this manu-
fcript is lefs ancient.

SeconpLy. That there are fome letters in it which have
forms that may be obferved in certain fpecimens of the feventh
century.

I reapILyY allow that the moft ancient forms of the Greek
letters were compofed of right lines, for this conclufion will
force itfelf upon us, whether we confult our reafon or our expe-
rience. ‘The firft writing was upon hard fubftances, and on fuch
the right line is moft eafily formed: The firft writing then muft
have confifted of letters that were reétilineal, and confequently
muft be angular and not curved. And on the moft ancient
monuments.of Greece, for example, the Amyc/ean infcription,
every letter is compofed of right lines (fee Mr. 4/ff/e, Tab. II.)
and no letter occurs that is curved. And this cannot be con-
fidered merely as a neceflary effeét from the nature of the fub-
ftance on which this infcription is written; becaufe in after
times, on the fame fubftances, the very fame letters are formed
of curve lines. We muft therefore confider it as arifing
from this circumftance; that in that early period the Greek
alphabet was entirely compofed of rectilineal letters; and this

again

eeeEeEeE——E—Eeeeeeee

Ege]

again is ultimately refolved into the nature of the fubftances on
which they wrote. And among moft or all barbarous nations
we fhall find their alphabets to confift chiefly of re@ilineal let-
ters ; for example, the Rumic, and the Englyh black letter. But
then I affert on the other hand,

First. ‘That curvature in the letters of the Greek alphabet
is alfo exceeding ancient. In a Lacedemonian infcription (Mr.
Afjtle on the Origin and Progrefs of Writing, Tab. II.) bearing
the names of A/camenes and Theopompus, the letters B, E, © and
O are curved. In the Sigean infcription, dated 594 years before
Chrift, ©, O and © are round, and the & is fometimes redtilineal
and fometimes curved, ‘The fame forms may be obferved on the
Delian infcription of Tournefort. And in the Jonze infcriptions
of Montfaucon, Paleog. p. 135, dated 450 years before Chrift,
the fame may be obferved.

SeconpLy. The fame argument which proves re@ilineal letters,
when the queftion is concerning hard fubftances to precede curved,
will prove in the cafe of foft fubftances curved letters to precede
angular ; becaufe curved letters are more eafily formed upon foft
fubftances. I do not however mean to affert that this is the cafe,
for I think the contrary moft probable; but I only deny that it
is a neceflary confequence, that becaufe the firft writing on hard
fubftances was rectiljneal, that therefore the firft writing on foft
fubftances fhould be fo: Becaufe this argument concludes that to
hold true of foft fubftances which is true of hard fubftances,
although the reafon why it holds true in the latter kind is, be-

(R 2) caufe

[ 332 J

caufe they are hard. ‘Thus it concludes equally of both fub-
ftances, although it is founded upon the effential diftinétion that
fubfifts between them. I own it feems not improbable that the
firft writing upon foft fubftances was reGtilineal, in imitation of
that which preceded it; but then, from the reafon above affigned,
the curve line muft have almoft immediately fucceeded ; and then
the infcriptions that are pofterior in date, would, in imitation
hereof, exhibit curved letters. And therefore I conclude, from
confidering the Amyc/ean and Sigean infcriptions, that writing on
foft fubftances was probably introduced between the dates of
thofe two infcriptions.

Turrpuy. The conclufion of the learned editor of the Alex-
andrian is the fame with what I have before admitted, “ that
“ in writing upon foft fubftances angular letters precede curved :”
But the principle on which he founds this conclufion, “ be-
“ caufe they are more difficult to be formed, and whatever is mare
“ difficult is alfo more ancient,” being admitted, would entirely
remove the firft objeétion. For, according to this reafoning,
curved muft precede angular letters in writing upon hard: fub-
ftances.

Fourtuiy. When I admit this conclufion, does it not thence
follow that J admit the point in queftion, that this manufcript
is lefs ancient than the celebrated manufcripts of the firft clafs?
To this I anfwer, Not, for the following reafons:

Firsr.

Ei aaa J

First. At the very time thefe manufcripts were written the
fame letters were differently formed; and fometimes they con-
fifted of right lines and were angular, and fometimes were curved.
To prove this we muft have recourfe to the manufcripts them-
felves. In the Alexandrian, I inflance in the letters B and ,
and alfoin M. In the Cottonzan Genefis, in Mand ®. In Fphrem,
in the letters = and X, Paleog. p. 214. In the Ce/erean Dio/=
corides, in the letters & (as appears from comparing Dr. Worde’s
Specimen with that of Lambecrus) and ¥ (as appears from com-
paring Lambecius’s Specimen, Paleog. p. 202, with that of JNe/e-
fius, Tom. 1, Tab. K.L.M). In this manufcript, in the letters
A.B. Y.®.X.=. Wherefore the fame letters having been formed
varioufly by the fame hand and at the fame time, with refpeét
to the number and nature of the lines that compofe them, I am
led to believe that no conclufive argument can be founded on
this for determining the relative ages of the. manufcripts.

SeconpLy. Manufcripts of the middle antiquity or ninth
century abound with letters which are not lefs redtilineal and
angular than thofe in manufcripts of the firft clafs. Thus the
létters = and B, in the Codex Har/eranus, No. 5598, Paleog. p. 514.
And the letter ¥ in manufcripts of the ninth century (Palaog.
p- 232 & 234) is compofed of right lines, and thofe as few in
number as poffible, both which are marks of the form being
ancient. And in fa& fuch form of ¥ occurs on the Ba/fiidian
Gems (Palzog. p. 180, 338). Wherefore this argument can have
place only in comparing manufcripts of the fame clafs together,
in which cafe it will produce contradi€tory conclufions ; and if
carried

[- pye J
carried to its whole extent, will lead us to abfurd conclu-
fions.

On the whole I fee nothing abfurd or impoffible in the cafe
of ancient forms occurring in manufcripts lefs ancient than them-
felves ; and the only cafe from which we can fafely conclude,
feems to be from that of forms confeffedly modern occurring in
manufcripts whofe dates are fuppofed antecedent to the intro-
du€tion of thofe forms; and this brings me to confider the fe-
cond objection. Which is, that the forms of A. A. A. M. T. ob-
ferved in this manufcript occur alfo-in Twuronenfis, a manufcript
referred upon conjecture to the feventh century, and in fome
other fpecimens of the feventh or eighth century, Palzog. p. 214,
224. But thefe forms can be proved both from the infcriptions
and manufcripts to precede the feventh century. For with ref-
pect to this form of M, we have the exprefs affertion of J4oat-
faucon (Paleog. p. 130, 171, 142, 180) and we may obferve it
to occur on the Pa/myrenzan infcriptions, and thofe which Pocock
copied from the ftatue of Memuon, and which are dated in the
reign of Adrian. On thefe laft we may obferve alfo the fame
forms of A and A which occur here; and we have in the Marmora
Owon. Lond. 1732, p. 594, an infcription where the A is made as
here. In the appendix of the preface to Gudrus’s inf{criptions,
we may find fome inftances of a fimilar form of A. Similar |
forms of thefe letters occur alfo in infcriptions of uncertain date,
in a book entitled Sicilize et objacentium Infularum infcriptionum
ColleGio. Panormi 1769. See Proleg. p. 39, 42 & 43. The form
of Y which occurs here may be obferved in infcriptions of every

age.

a a

[was

age. And with refpect to the manufcripts, the Cottomsan Genefis
fupplies us with an inftance of fuch a form of M, when it is
at the end of a line (fee Mr. 4///e’s Specimen, Tab. IH). Alfo
the A and A in the Specimen of Beza’s Tefiament, and a A in
the Specimen- of the Cos/imian manufcript, No. 202, feem to
refemble the fame letters here. With refpeé&t to the letter A, it
has in this manufcript two forms; in both the principal ftroke is
a perpendicular right line; but in one the letter is compofed of
two other right lines, forming angles with each other and the
perpendicular ; in the other, one round line feems to have been
fubftituted for thefe two. The firft form I have not met with
any where elfe ; the fecond form is found in. Turonenfis, and
alfo is very fimilar to an A in the Specimen of Bede’s manufcript.
But hence we cannot deduce that it is of the fame date with
Turonenfis, inafmuch as this laft manufcript is not written in
round and fquare uncials, and muft be therefore lefs ancient. It
is alfo not unlike the A of Grv/’s alphabet, as reprefented in the
Encyclopedie, Tom. 2, des Planches, Tab. XI. Paris 1763, where
the principal ftroke is made a perpendicular ; which ftroke in
other copies of the fame alphabet is reprefented as inclined.
And we mutt obferve that all the manufcripts give this letter a
form very different from what may be obferved in the inferip-
tions (Palzog. p. 142) except only a few infcriptions in which
the fame form occurs, vide Marm. Oxon. Pp- 572, & Sicilize Infcrip-
tionum ColleGio, p. 241. The greateft difference between this
manufcript and thofe of the firft clafs is in this letter; but hence
we cannot infer it lefs ancient than them, as we have no autho-
rity for afferting that the A in Greek manufcripts never had this.

figure

[ 136 ]

figure prior to the feventh century. It feems to have it in the
manufcript of Bede, which is referred by Mr. 4/e to the fifth

century.

From thefe arguments, compared with the defcription above
given, we may I think fafely. conclude that this manufcript is
not pofterior to the fixth century. A greater antiquity than this
cannot be inferred from merely confidering the letters, in any
manufcript, according to Montfaucon. There are neverthelefs
not wanting arguments for a higher antiquity, of which the
principal is a moft ftriking agreement between its various readings
and thofe of the moft ancient fathers and verfions, and a total
difagreement from the manufcripts of the fecond clafs. It has
alfo a wonderful agreement in its readings in many places with
Beza’s Teftament, and like it omits the doxology ; from which it
would feem to follow that it precedes the end of the fourth
century. To this conclufion only two objeAions can be made ;
one is, that it has been interpolated from the Latin Vulgate,
but this argument feems to be a petstio principit, for it cannot
have been interpolated from that verfion, unlefs we fuppofe it
pofterior to the end of the fourth century, when that verfion was
‘made, which is the point in queftion. Another and more fpe-
cious objection is, that it omits it becaufe its original omitted it,
and that this original preceded that time. This would be a
fufficient reafon if the manufcript wanted the figns of antiquity,
and if it appeared from every other confideration that this manu-
{cript belonged to the middle ages. But as there appears nothing

to limit its age, and it may have all that antiquity, it will be
more

Se

ies og Se

i" Bae, |

more reafonable to fuppofe it that original itfelf. We muft add
to this the great refemblance between it and the Alexandrian in
many of its letters; thus we have in an Ammonzan feCion, a
figure of the Epifemon Bau, perfectly like to that which Mont-
Jaucon obferved in a Greek coin of Gallienus and of his fuc-
ceffor Claudius, and on other monuments of the fame age, the
third century, Paleog. p. 128, which figure alfo nearly occurs in
the Alexandrian. In the letter ¥ it perfe@lly refembles the Cozfo-
nian Genefis, whereas both Beza’s Teftament and the manufcript
of Bede give a very different form to this letter. We fhould add
to this, that it has a form of A which probably has not yet been
met with in any manufcript. That moft like it may be found
in the Cottonian Genefis, which is different from the A of all the
manuf{cripts, and differs from this chiefly in the inclination of
the principal line, which is here perpendicular. It has alfo the
reQtilineal 3 of the Colbertine, No. 3084, and of Ephrem. The want
of the Eu/ebran numbers, when it has the Ammonian feCtions, will
be another great argument, and the more efpecially when we con-
fider that both Ephrem and the Alexandrian have them, and Beza’s
Teftament only wants them. I cannot alfo pafs over my fufpicion
that this manufcript has been originally written on purple parch-
ment, a practice of the higheft antiquity; for St. Ferom, in the fourth
century, defcribes the ancient manufcripts as written on purple
parchment; and many of the ancient authors mention the cuftom
of {taining the parchment on which they wrote. The fame fubftance
which was ufed to difcharge the writing has in a great meafure dif-
charged the colour of the parchment ; notwithftanding which it
in many places appears plainly ftained with a colour, and this

(S) colour

Cogent

colour in the judgment of many perfons who have feen it was
originally a purple ; for it now appears a faint purple. Another
argument of the greateft weight is the paucity of its contrac-
tions ; as I apprehend it will be found that no manufcript known

has fewer.

f asg J

An Account of ANTIENT COINS, found at BALLYLINAM
im the QUEEN’s COUNTY, IRELAND; with Conjetures
thereon. Ina Letter to JOSEPH COOPER WALKER,
M. R. I. A. and Honorary Member of the Etrufcan Academy
of Cortona. From WILLIAM BEAUFORD, &« ™/

Soc. Antiq. Scot.

Atuy, Fesruary 16, 1787.
SIR,

In June, 1786, fome peafants dug up in a field in the
Queen’s County, near Ballylinam (about four miles from Athy)
an earthen urn, containing a great number of fmall filver
coins, which they immediately diftributed among themfelves, and
fold to different people. Several of thefe coins were purchafed
_ by the Rev. Mr. Afhe of this town, and by him prefented to the
Mufeum of Trinity College, Dublin ; they were afterwards fub-
mitted to the infpection of the Royal Irifh Academy.

As thefe coins fhew evident marks of high antiquity, and in
feveral particulars differ from thofe difcovered in Britain and on
the continent, I have endeavoured to explain twelve of them,

(S 2) and

Read Feb.
19, 1787.

L 140 |

and muft requeft you will do me the honor to lay my effay
before the Academy, for their infpe@tion.

THERE is perhaps no part of antiquities which throws greater
light on the hiftory of a country than the coins and medals of
different periods, when properly illuftrated ; as thereby feveral
articles relative to the manners and cuftoms of former times
receive an illuftration, which probably otherwife would be buried
in eternal oblivion. To whom mankind are indebted for fo ufe-
ful a difcovery as coins in the tranfaGions of civil life, is not only
unneceffary, but at this period impoffible to afcertain.

CoMMERCE, as it was the principal means of drawing the
human race from a vagrant and unfettled life, and thereby
conftituting civil fociety, gave rife, undoubtedly, to the invention
of money, as a convenient medium, in order to render the
tranfaCtions between individuals much more eafy and expeditious
than otherwife could be effected by the exchange of one com-
‘modity for another.

Man, leading a favage and unfettled life, fubfifting on the
precarious acquirements of the chace, and the fpontaneous pro-
ductions of the earth, has little regard to any other property than
a fcanty fubfiftence from day to day ; he has therefore no occafion
for an article which, in every department of civil fociety, has be-
come fo beneficial and yet fo deftru@ive to mankind. But no fooner
are the arts of civil life introduced, and private property in fome
meafure eftablifhed, than he finds himfelf furrounded by a thoufand
wants to which before he was an utter ftranger. Habitations,

clothes,

[ 141 ]

clothes, and numerous leffer important articles, become necef-
fary appendages to his exiftence. To obtain thefe, recourfe muft be
had to the labours and inventions of his neighbours, whence
rife the feveral {pecies of commerce, and the ufe of a ftandard
commodity, which might ferve as an univerfal medium for every
article of domeftic and focial utility. Accordingly we find,
from the remoteft antiquity, all nations, which had in any de-
gree emerged from a ftate of barbarifm, ufing fome fubftance or
other as a ftandard article of commerce. Polifhed bits of wood,
fhells, beads, rings and bars of iron, appear to have been the
firft attempts in this way. ‘Thefe, on the advancement of
civilization, and the improvement of arts, gave place to pieces
of brafs, filver or gold, of different forms and dimenfions,
and which in fubfequent ages became ornamented with various
devices and legends, according to the learning and genius of
the feveral nations among{t whom they originated.

Tue various Celtic tribes, who in the early ages inhabited the
weftern wilds of ancient Europe, being in a great meafure defti-
tute of commerce, were moft probably ignorant of money before
the introdudtion of agriculture and the different branches of
trade, by foreign merchants on their fouthern and weftern
coafts.

Tue Phoenician and Carthaginian merchants were probably
the firft adventurers who reached the Britifh ifles; but of the
improvements they introduced, and the fpecies of commerce
they cultivated with the then barbarous natives, except
in that of tin, we are entirely ignorant: No coins, or other

monuments.

L 142 ]

monuments of antiquity belonging to thofe people, have ever
been difcovered either in Great Britain or Ireland; and from
the relation of Strabo", we find thefe ancient traders took
every method to keep their commercial difcoveries fecret from
the world; fo that thefe iflands muft have been imperfedtly

known for many ages.

Tue Punic commerce, whatever were its objects, was by the
frequent diffentions of the rival ftates of Rome and Carthage
often interrupted, and finally ruined at the deftruGion of
Carthage, on the conclufion of the third Punic war. Though we
may rather confider it to have expired, like a phoenix, to rife
more glorious from its afhes. For the Phoenicians and Carthar
ginians, by paffing the Streights of Gibraltar, and navigating the

extenfive Atlantic Ocean, had fo effe@ually raifed the fpirit of.

commerce on the weftern coafts of Europe, as not eafily to be ex-
tinguifhed ; for the Greek colonies, efiablifhed on the fouthern coaft
of Gaul at Marfeilles, became rivals to the Carthaginians about
two hundred years before the Chriftian zra°, and in the reign of
Auguftus the Maffylian commerce with thefe iflands was become
very confiderable*. Whence there is fome probability that thefe
merchants firft introduced the knowledge of money to the
ancient Britons; for at Marfeilles, and Croton in Italy, have
been difcovered a number of very ancient golden coins, infcribed
with Greek letters, and of that fpecies denominated Jncu/i, being

4 Strabo, lib. 3.
> Polyb. p. 290, 291. Strabo, p. 265.

© Strabo. p. 305. Diod. 347.
cOonvexo-

a

[peg]

convexo-concave, that is, convex on one fide, and concave on the
other’; fuch golden coins have alfo been found in Britain, but
none in Ireland. The Britith coins indeed differ in fome refpects
from thofe of Croton, having no Greek letters, nor bearing the
figures of various animals, &c. fo frequently obferved on the
Greek and Roman money ; but ornamented with various uncouth
’ figures, and were probably coined by the Britifh chiefs, in imita-
tion of the foreign money introduced by merchants; though foon
after the arrival of Czfar, and perhaps fome years earlier, we
find the Britons employing Roman artifts in the manufaCture of
their money, efpecially Boadicra, Cunobeline and Caffibelanus ;
thefe coins bear the grotefque figures of various animals, and
frequently infcribed with Roman letters. In fubfequent periods
we difcover Britifh coins, probably by British artifts, bearing the
rude refemblance of heads and other figures, exprefflive of the
drefs and cuftoms of the people, and, when bearing legends,
infcribed with Roman letters*. Such coins are frequently found
in various parts of Britain, but hitherto none have been difcovered
in Ireland; from whence we may reafonably conclude, that from
the earlieft periods to the clofe of the fifth century, no money.
was coined in this ifland, and little imported.

Tue barbarous Scythic nations who fubverted the empire of
Rome, that is, the Goths, Vandals and Teutons, before their
acquaintance with the Romans were ignorant of money, when

4 Swinburne’s Travels.

¢ See the Britifh coins given by Borlafe, &c.
fome

[ 144 ]

fome pieces, chiefly filver, were introduced among the tribes on
the borders of the Rhine and Danube’. Whence, on their taking
poffeffion of that government, we find them imitating the Ro-
man filver coins, and a new fpecies of money is difcovered arifing
in the weft of Europe, confifting of fmall thin filver pieces, not
known to more ancient times, infcribed with rude figures and
barbarous charafters. Such was the money of France, Gerinany,
Sweden, Denmark and England, from the fixth to the twelfth
century. And the coins of the Anglo Saxons from the beginning
of the eighth to the clofe of the tenth centurys, bear a ftrong
refemblance, in their figure, legends and coinage, to the
moft ancient coins difcovered in Ireland", and to thofe under
confideration ; fo that we may infer they cannot be produdtions
of very different periods.

Inppep Cambrenfis informs us, at leaft it was the opinion of
his time, that gold and filver, and confequently money, was
introduced into this kingdom by the Danes’. A circumftance,
moft probably, not far from the truth ; for it appears from the
Chronicon Manniz and Antiquitates Celto Scandica, that the
Danes were acquainted with the ufe of money before their arrival
in Ireland in the ninth century. As to the affertions of Keat-
ing, that money was coined in this ifland by Teghernus and

f Tacit. Germ. 26. Czfar, 1. 6, 22.
® See Gibfon’s Camden.
» See the coins reprefented by Simon.

i} Topogra. Hib. Dift. 3, c. 10
Eadhna

ES Bagi]

Eadhna Dearg above two hundred and fixty years before Chrift,
little dependance is to be had on them. If any fuch perfons
actually introduced the ufe and knowledge of money among the
ancient Irifh, the period -muft have been thrown too far back by
feveral centuries. Nor can we have any greater dependance on
the affertions of other Irifh hiftorians, that mints were ereGted at
Ardmagh and Cafhel in the time of Laogaire, about the year
436 or 460. :

Tue Irith chiefs becoming acquainted with the filver money of
the Danes and Anglo Saxons, foon thought of ftriking coins for
themfelves; and accordingly either procured their own people to
be inftru€ted in the art, or hired Danith artificers for that purpofe.
Indeed no great abilities were required, the art of coinage during
the middle ages being extremely fimple, and well adapted to the
convenience of men leading a vagrant and unfettled life; a {mall
portable anvil, with the face of the coin funk en creux on the
top, and a hammer, on. the face of which was funk the reverfe,
with a pair of pincers, compofed nearly the whole of the appa-
ratus, as appears from feveral Britifh coins on which’ the procefs
of coining is reprefented. The knowledge of coinage and the
ufe of money once introduced into the kingdom, not only every
king and chief or governor of a principality, but every dunaft
or chief of a canthred, procured money to be: ftruck in his name;
even fo late as the fifteenth century the O’Niels coined money in
their feveral diftricts, until: prohibited by the Englifh.

From thefe circumftances there is the greateft probability that
no coins hitherto difcovered in Ireland, and of Irith origin, are
a older

[ 146 ]

older than the beginning of the eighth century, nor of a later date
than the clofe of the fifteenth, except thofe made by order of
the Englifh government in this ifland.

From the rude manner in which the coins before us are exe-_
cuted, they are probably of the earlieft periods, that is, from the
eighth to the twelfth century ; but being all without dates, their
true age will not be eafily afcertained. The rude refemblance
of heads on them are all armed with the clofe helmet of the
northern nations, fo prevalent through Europe from the tenth to
the fifteenth century; and the univerfal figure of a crofs on the
reverfe fully evinces their origin within the Chriftian era.

Tue legends are compofed of mixed letters, found in the
Latin and Roman alphabets during the middle ages, as given by
Bernard. The different Runic charaéters of Wormius are of
the fame fpecies as thofe found on Runic coins and Runic infcrip-
tions in Sweden and the Ifle of Man: And alfo thofe fpecies of
characters denominated by the Irifh Ogham Croabh. All which
charaCters fo mixed are found in the. Irifh monumental infcrip-
tions and ftone croffes from the tenth to the fixteenth century.

Tue legends on thefe coins, which are all in the Irifh lan-
guage, generally begin at the crofs near the head, and run from
the left to the right; thofe on the reverfe begin at a fmall crofs
adjoining the larger, in one of the quarters on the left.

THE

as

and in the more early, indifcriminately throughout the kingdom ;

[ 3147 ]

Tue ornaments or figures, befides the heads on the obverfe, and
the large crofles on the reverfe, are fuch as reprefent the dignity
and enfigns of the prince for whom they were ftruck. The
moft general ornament in thofe under confideration is a rude
figure in the oppofite quarters of the croffes, which feveral have
taken for a harp, and others for a crown: However, from other
coins, where the charaCter-is more perfectly delineated, it proves
to be the reprefentation of a hand, the curved line reprefenting
the thumb and wrift, and the four lines proceeding from it the
fingers, whofe nails are noted by little balls or circles at the extre-
mities. ‘The hand was the fymbol, among the northern nations,
of power and ftrength; and we are informed by Aldrovandus *
that it was the ancient arms of Ireland, and was principally
borne by the Northern or Ulfter tribes during the latter ages,
3
even at this day it is borne by our baronets, that order being
inftituted by James the Firft of England to ferve in the wars
of Ireland, and in confequence bore in their efcutcheon the
ancient enfigns of the nation againft whom they were fent to

fight.

Oruers of thefe coins bear in the quarters of the croffes the
reprefentation of a fword: The fword was the fymbol of martial
prowefs, and Aldrovandus, before quoted, afferts that this wea-
pon was alfo borne by the Irifh chiefs in their arms.

* Uliffes Aldrovandus Ornitholog. L. r.
(T 2) In

PLATE I.

[ 148 |

In fome are the reprefentations of various kinds of crofles;
and in others again three balls or fmall circles placed triangularly,
probably in honour of the Trinity.

On a few is a charadter or figure compofed of a fingle circle,
or a double concentric one. This figure is alfo found on feveral
Britifh coins; by fome it is taken for a chariot wheel, by others
for a wreath or crown, and generally fuppofed to be the fymbol
of royal dignity. i

Havine thus attempted a general explanation of thefe curious
remnants of Irith antiquities, I fhall proceed to a more particular
inveftigation, in endeavouring to afcertain the princes or chiefs
by whom, and, if poffible, the periods in which they were
coined.

Tue figures of thefe coins in the annexed plate are all drawn
at one and a half the original diameter, the real fize being repre-
fented in No. XIII. at the bottom of the plate.

No. |.

[ 149 ]

No. I.

On the obverfe is the reprefentation of a head armed with a clofe
helmet, ornamented witha creft, and round it the following in-
{cription, in Runic and Ogham Croabh characters :

Iadh-mo laghasro
Viz.
Tadh mo: Laghas ro, for O Magh Laoghaors re, or O Laoghis King.

It is fomewhat remarkable, that the Gothic W fhould in this,
and all thofe coins, exprefs the power of the Irifh Gh. The W
at this day, at the end of the words in the Ruffian language, has
nearly the power of the Irifh Gh, and we may reafonably con-
clude, among all the Tuetonic nations, the power was the fame,
and is very properly introduced here to exprefs that found.

On the reverfe is a large crofs dividing the coin into four quar-
ters, in two of which is the refemblance of a hand, before fpoken.
of; and in the two other quarters fymbolic chara@ers, found on
feveral Britifh and Danifh coins, with the following legend :

du naghmagrad
Vizs
Dunagh mag rad, for Dunagh magh riada,

this coin belonging to one of the O’Mores of Laoghis or
Leix in the Queen’s County, whofe place of refidence was
Dunagh

PLATE I.
No. 1.

PLATE I.
No. 1.

PLATE I.
No. 2.

PLATE I.
No. 2..

[ 150 ]
Dunagh or Dunnamaife, fituated in the ancient canthred of.

Magh Riada', comprehending the prefent heath and barony of
Maryborough. i

INOS Pie

On the obverfe, a head in armour, as in the laft, with a crofs
oppofite to the nofe, probably to denote his faith in the Chriftian
religion ; and round it the following words, in Runic and Ogham

Croabh chara€ters :
b, oi, Il,a, oi, f o oi ll agh roa gh
Viz.
Botllaot Foillagh roagh, for Beallagh Farllagh Re,
iGe

Bally Falle King.

On the reverfe, a crofs, in the oppofite quarters of which is
the rude refemblance of a hand, and round thefe words:
o mu calaghooidt hoil
Or,
O Muc Cala Ghotdthoil, for O Mac Cala Ghoidtho/,
Viz.
Of Magh Coillcan in Ghadhal or Caéllan,
which diftri@ comprehended the prefent baronies of Bally Cowen
and Gary Caftle, or at leaft a part of them, in the King’s County,
whofe hereditary chief in latter ages was denominated Mc. Callan.

) Keating.

But

[ 5r ]

But Beallagh Fallagh was prince or king of the principality of
ly Fallia, comprehending the prefent King’s County, and in that
divifion of ancient Ireland called Gaoidthal or Caéllan, compre-
hending the prefent counties of Kildare and King’s County, if
not alfo the county of Dublin. There is no poflibility of deter-
mining the date of this coin, as Bally Fa/li was the territorial
title of the chiefs.

No. III.

On the obverfe, a head in armour, with thefe words in the Latin,
Runic and Ogham Croabh charaéters :
o, h, t, r, 0, ea,moalachla

Or,
Oht Roeamoalachla, for O Raghallaigh, i.e. O Re Magh Lachlagh.

On the reverfe, a crofs, with a hand in one of the quarters,
with thefe words:

Mac, Ghoavanmo ra
Or,
Mac Ghoabhan mora, for Magh Cavan more.

THIS coin was probably ftruck for fome of the O Raghallaigh
or O Reillies, kings of Cavan.

No. IV.

PLATE I.
No. 3.

PLATE I.
No. 3.

On the obverfe, a head with four balls behind it, with the fol-
PLATE I. lowing legend in Runic and Ogham Croabh charaters :
No. 4. mealanac maglaog oi g
Or,
Mealanac mag Jaogoig, for Morlana magh Laoghorgh.

On the reverfe are two hands in oppofite quarters of the crofs,
but the infcription being in fome places effaced, cannot be
tranflated. The coin appears to have been ftruck for one of
the chiefs of Moileana or Magh Leana, in the King’s County,
whofe family in the latter ages was diftinguifhed by the name of
Malone.

No. V.

On the face, a head, round which is the following legend in
PLATE I. Runic and Ogham Croabh characters :
No. 4. Athoih Mah laghaoiln
Or,
Athoth mah Laghaotin, for O Maghlochhin.

As the reverfe of this coin is not legible, it, is not certain to
what chief it relates, as feveral families bore that name in the
counties of Clare, Meath and Carlow.

No. VI.

t. nag: J
No. VI.

Rowunp the head, on the obverfe, part of the charadters ‘are
defaced ; thofe that remain are, PLATE I.

magh cannell None
Or,
Magh Cannell, for Mc. Connell,

On the reverfe, in one of the quarters of the crofs, is a hand,
with the following infcription in Runic and Ogham Croabh
characters : PLATE I.

U ugh feaagha Nove
Or,”
U ugh Feaagha, for U Fracca,
Ir is probable this coin was. ftruck for fome of the chiefs of

U Fiacca, or Hy Feacre, in the county of Galway, and princes of
the ancient diftri@ of Conmachtne Cinnel Dubhain.

No.” VII.

Rounp the head, on the obverfe, is the following infcription

in Latin, Runic and Ogham Croabh chara@ters : PLATE I.
umearc readon No. 7.
Or,

U meare re a don, for O More Re I dun.

(U) Ow:

PLATE I.

No. 7.

PLATE I.
No. 8.

PLATE I.
No. 8.

[Laat iy

On the reverfe, in one of the quarters of the crofs, is a hand,
with the following infcription in Latin, Runic and Ogham Croabh
characters :

mac ghealach ofut la
Or,
Mac Ghealach O Futla, for Magh Ghealach O Fodhla.

I suspect that this coin belonged to fome of the Conor
Fallia family; for by fome genealogies I find that a perfon of

* the name of Ceallach Fodhla, or Ceallach Feidhla, of this family, lived

about the year goo. If this fhould be the perfon, the dates of
thefe coins are afcertained.

No. VIII.

On the obverfe, round the head, is the following infcription
in Runic and Ogham chara@ters :

he o ghallo gholad
Or,
Heo Ghallo Gholad, for O Giolla Ghaladh.

On the reverfe, in one of the quarters, a hand, with the fol-
lowing infcription :
ao nghallagh fon
Or,
Aon Ghallagh fon, for Angalla fion.

TuIs

i aes |

Tuts coin feems to have belonged to one of the chiefs of
Angalla; but I am not certain whether the chara@er refembling
a Latin J and an Ogham cf, belong to the former or latter,
though an Z can only make fenfe of the line.

No. IX.

On the obverfe, a head with the hand oppofite, the thumb
refting on the tip of the nofe, with the following infcription in
Runic and Ogham charadters :

bl o ghodf i n lah
Or,
Blogh od Finlah, for Balogh aodha Fionnliath.

On the reverfe, two hands in the oppofite quarter of the crofs,
and two fmall balls in the others, with the following infcrip-
tion :

ghonn aeghs lu on
Or,
Ghonnaeghflun, for Ghonea/glun.

Ir the Oghams on this coin are truly defined, it evidently
belonged to Aodha Fronnliath, or Hugh Fionniiath, fon of Niall
Caille, and monarch of Ireland, who commenced his reign about
the year 862", and died in the year 870 at Druim Ghonafglan, or

m Warai Antiquitates, cap. 24. pag. 129.

(U 2) Druim

PLATE I.

PLATE I.
No. 9.

PLATE I.

No to.

PLATE I.

No. to.

Lege ad

Druim ‘Fonafglan, the place of his refidence. ‘Thus we have
probably obtained the period in which all thefe coins were ftruck,
that is, between the years 862 and 870, for they are all evidently
not only the work of one age, but of the fame perfon, and
may have been coined by Ezurus Rubher at Argiodrofs, if we fup-
pofe the period mentioned for that tranfaCtion to be by Keating
and. other Irifh hiftorians thrown too far back, as anachronifms
are but too frequent in remote matters. Amtus Rubher or Aongus
Rufer is evidently a Danifh name ; and Fionnliath being for fome
time in friendfhip with the Danes, might have obtained an
artificer to inftru@ his people in the art of coinage. But be this
as it may, the infcriptions, from their orthography, were evidently
compofed by fome foreigner, and the Runic letters found in them
are of the middle alphabets, that is, thofe found on the Teutonic
monuments of the ninth and tenth centuries, fuch as thofe in the

Tle of Man, &c.
No. (0X.

On the obverfe, round the head, is the following infcription
in Runic and Ogham characters :

meal oc! ooincaol moa gh
Or,
Mealocloin Caolmoagh, for Melochlin Caélmen.

On the reverfe, two hands in the oppofite quarters of the crofs,
with the following words:

. al olreaghllal alae
Or,

pear
Or,
Alol reagh Llalalae, for Oliol re Llalalae.
Viz.
Melochlin of Caélmen, the chief king of Llalalae,

this coin moft probably belonging to fome of the Mc. Laugh-
lins, chiefs of Caelmen in Meath.

No. XI.

On the obverfe, a head, with the reprefentation of a hand
behind, accompanied with the following inf{cription in Runic and
Ogham charaCters : PLATE I.

odhdonoghmea rf No. 11.
Or,
Odh Donogh mear, for O Donogh more.

On the reverfe, two hands in the oppofite quarter, with the
following infcription : PLATE t.

ao doemaghalo no
Or,
Adve magh Alon, for Aodha mae Allain.

No. 11.

Tuts moft probably was a branch of the O Connor Failie fa-
mily, and chieftains of Hy Allain, in the counties of Kildare and
King’s County.

No. XII,

egies]
No. XII.

On the obverfe, round the head, is the following infcription
PLATE I. in Latin, Runic and Ogham chara@ters :

No. 12. onataf moaghmoeo

Or,
Ona Taf Moaghmoeo, for Eana dubh Maghmoe.

On the reverfe, two hands in oppofite quarters, with the fol-
PLATE I. lowing infcription :

No. 12. daonloaghn i ea
Or,
Daon Loaghniea, for Doin Loch nea.
Whence the entire infcription is,
Eana dubh Maghmoedhoin Loch nea,

this coin belonging to fome of the Mc. Mahons, chiefs of a
diftri& near Loch Neagh.

TuoveH all poffible care has been taken in decyphering thefe
coins, yet I am not certain of having always difcovered the true
name, as the power of the Ogham Croabh charaéters can only
be found by making them accord in fenfe with the Latin and
Runic charaéters; and. where the entire infcription confifts of
Croabh letters, there is no certainty of their fignification. Several
charaéters alfo have different powers in different alphabets, which
renders it difficult to find from what alphabet they were taken,
and confequently their local powers ; the only method that can be

followed.

PB.

AFord Secu

Antig-T'o Face Page 160

Se ee ee ee

——— a ee

Becca

followed is to fix upon fome well-known charadters, and then to
determine the variable by fome of their powers, as fhall agree in
fenfe with the others. Care muft likewife be had to the imper-
fection of feveral of the letters; for as thefe coins were evidently
firuck by the hand, fome of the impreffions have not taken, and
were afterwards mended, which make them feem at firft fight
different chara€ters from what they were intended. From thefe
confiderations, I could wifh, on a future day, fome of the Royal
Irifh Academicians would turn their thoughts towards an expla-
nation of thofe ancient remains, either by the method I have
taken or any other; as by that means the dark periods of paft
ages may be fully illuftrated, which the endeavours of a fingle
perfon would be unable to effect.

To conduce as much as poffible in my power to fo defirable an
end, I fend herewith a table of the feveral alphabets which I
made ufe of in the above explanation.

EXPLICATION of the ALPHABETS in the TABLE.

No.1. Irifh Ogham Croabh chara@ers*, found on coins, ftone-
crofles and other monuments from the ninth to the feventeenth
century. I fufpe@ that this alphabet originally contained only
four lines; as on fome of the coins, and the oldeft infcriptions
I have feen, four anfwer much better than five.

* Thefe characters feem to have been derived from No. 4.

No. 2.

PLATE Il.

PLATE II.

[ (gee. ]

No. 2. Irifh Oghams and contradiions found in manufcripts
and infcriptions.

No. 3. An Jrifh Ogham, from the book of Ballymote. I have
as yet found no infcription in thefe charaéters.

No. 4. The Irifh Ogham Croabh, as given by Harris, in his
edition of Ware’s works,

No. 5. Gothic and Runic letters from Wormius, and Magnus
Celfus on his explanation of the Runic infcriptions at Helfingland
in Sweden, which characters are in the greater part derived from
the Latin from the third to the tenth centuries.

No. 6. The Latin letters of the middle ages, that is, from the
firft to the eleventh century, taken from Bernard’s Tables, and a
number of ancient infcriptions difcovered in Britain ; which cha-
racters are evidently derived from the Coptic, Greek and Etrufcan,
and ufed indifcriminately by the Chriftian clergy during the above

periods.

Turse alphabets will, I believe, with care, decypher the oldeft
infcriptions found in Great Britain and Ireland, compound letters
and contractions excepted,

Tam, Sit,
Your’s, &c.
To Fofeph C. Walker, Efq; W. BEAUFORD.

Treafury Chambers, Dublin.

eA TABLE fx AL PLLA BIE T'S TOEC
RUNTIC and T.:ATIN O ee

e V3 |

Deh ben teae 7 2
Sapte ATU hf allay
£2 YP 6. &. ot
a LD, PG...
fc ee ee eee
DW? 2

i Liphthon PR Bs. Sesame
LM”, 26 Ob Be ee ae esses lane Ie ibs” Oo

Pp tO eee

so FOtIk

FTX KA YL

Wh Benford Med ©

-ATABLE of ALPHABETS nevpary le DECYPHER the several | OGILTAM,
. Gi om = : z
RUNIC and Tr ALTN OSMNIHYMEONS, descovered in YRELAND

Pag te Antieg]

= i eee = =
Pei | va N44 IVES WG 4
BIA A. x + oe NAR Eeee el A ie om HAN SL
LED GO We || ee Bb || 2 |lp.b.©.6.6.3.a.2.
ACT AGL ban 4 APD MATTE troll C WAG E.0.0.9.68 COCR
PE eee ALPE FR. S.VA AAS D Hh A.4.0.d.5.0.5- 5.04
LD AG... “osx || * YetX BEE AEL | LU Er ee
“ - + |: ENV Fee a Ne F WM AN REY AF oA.
IW! 2 APY bo ¥ oll @ 14.5.9:9.9.66.4.¢c529
— + Y Fb OK | 7 | 5CR BHAT hO
Dyphthong nm © x | 4 ett WY Z |lxde¥- 9.1, J. J. 0-4.
Dein CO Bi, vA BoP. BR \\AIKAK KKK.
Din O- Oo bd scpalieay! IS PAA Ne || fae |S BEN AEE DV 5
Din lb ai Ye eM. @ YOM || ae |lweee fim. Mc
Din dS at F SPV ENE |] ve [Neg hw N He.
EO. wo) he AN. FYA9.A-#. SR] 0 4.00.20 0
MEAL Te nA .p.v.B || 2 i44.7-4-7. 0. ppp
(Geena! ) PO bay ne, Q 4.9.€.§.@.€.9.9.Q.
bd : B + CCARRRYEY || x lean 4-4.8-R.U
a) oe a PrN My PY i Ss WAA.2.€.G5.f SC
] MM |s Ciara 7 len DUTY. TC.
VMs 3 a np he). .M.v.21 |] v lv. &.8.u.v. ¥.2.9.
Pe etc? pViw.?-70ll w
COW 3 4 All x
yh ¢ TN y lye
i or eee > VAN) |S
gh ort PE lve POA lies
‘he : . Ye Mas fan
t
‘ us om Me Zuni 0.0 |X YX |] men|| U
ge Vids n Wh ys eas elle Y
1s os

4

- :
ce

Sy

x

To Face Page 162

Scale of Inches.

[cr 363°]

Account of an ANCIENT URN found im the Parifh of
KILRANELAGH, iz the County of WICKLOW. From
a Letier written by THOMAS GREEN, £f. Commu-
nicated by the Rev. WILLIAM HAMILTON, F. TZ. C. D.
Sec. Gom. Antig. ; :

In the year 1785 Mr. Green had occafion to open a piece
of ground near his houfe of Greenville, in the county of
Wicklow. At the depth of fix feet beneath the furface, the
workmen difcovered a fmall-enclofure of eight flags; fix of
thefe formed its fides, and two clofed in the top and bottom.
Within this was placed an earthen vafe, containing a confi-
derable quantity of afhes and calcined human bones, which was
prefented to the Mufeum of Trinity College, Dublin, by Mr.
Green.

THE capacity of this urn is equal to fixteen quarts, and the
form of it fomewhat refembles the fegment of an inverted cone.
The diameter of its bafe is very fmall in proportion to its
height, and breadth above,. as appears by the drawing and
annexed {feale.

(X) Irs

fi 163". j]

Irs only ornaments confift in a number of indented jagged
lines round its rim, and a rude zig-zag frette on the outfide
furface.

Ir has been tolerably well burnt in the fire, in confequence
of which the clay has affumed a reddifh colour.

“As the diameter of its rim is not every where precifely equal,
nor the edge accurately fituated in one and the fame plane
throughout, there is reafon to fuppofe that it has been moulded
by the hands of the artift, and not regularly turned on a potter’s
wheel.

A GENERAL tradition prevails, though without any precife
authority for it, that the ground wherein this urn was found
had formerly been a place of interment.

END oF THE TRANSACTIONS FOR THE YEAR 1787.

ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY.

His Sacred Majefty King GEORGE III. Patron.
Tur LORD LIEUTENANT or IRELAND, Vifitor.

THE) PRE SEN T- COUNCIL.

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COMMITTEE or SCIENCE.

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QUITIES.

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(X 2)

Bian. i

HOME ME

A

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B

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Cc

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EMBERS.
D

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E

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F

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Rev.

.
y

[ 365 ]

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I
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Kk
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Ei! F664

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E

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a
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U

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Ad
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Y

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Thus marked * were original members. This marked + fince dead.

HONORARY

Pera

HONORARY MEMBERS.

Abbe Amaduzzi, Cortona.

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and A. S.

Abbe Hervas, Rome.

Signior John Maria Lampredi, Pi/a,

M. dela Lande, Paris.

Abbe Lanzi, Florence.

M. de Luc, Geneva.

Mr. Merlier, Paris.

M. de Morveau, Dijon.

Chevalier O’Gorman.

Prince Abondio Rezzonico, Rome.

Signior J. Bernard de Rofl, Parma.

M. de St. Fond, Montlimar.

M. Peter Frederick Suhm, Copenhagen.

M. Grim Johnfon Thorkelin, Copen-
hagen.

Marquis Venuti, Cortona.

M. le Prefident de Virley, Dijon.

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